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 UJ^ITED STATES' TEhEGRAim.... Extra. 
 
 -h— — — 
 
 This paper will be devoted exclusively to the Presidential Election, and be published, weekly, 
 until the 15th of October next, for One Dollar; subject to newspaper postage, and no more 
 
 BY GREEN c^- JAR VIS. 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 A¥ASHINGTON, MARCH 1, 1S2S. 
 
 No. 1. 
 
 [From the Kentucky Argus.] 
 TO THE PEOPLE OF ICEJSTUCKY. 
 
 FHA^"KFORT, February 12, 1828. 
 
 Fellow Citizens: 
 
 An address of Hein-y Clay to the public has 
 been lately disseminated, in which he endea- 
 vors to prove that no proposition was made by 
 him or his friends, to General .Jackson, previous 
 to the late Presidential election, and that there 
 was no understanding between him and Mr. 
 Adams. 
 
 Almost every member of the Legislature re- 
 ceived a copy of this pvoduct'ion, franked by Mr. 
 Clay hiniselfl As soon as they had time to read 
 it, Mr. Beatty, of the Senate, offered, in Com- 
 mittee of the Whole, a number of resolutions as 
 a substitute for others reported bj' the Commit- 
 tee on Internal Improvements, and then under 
 consideration, wliich embraced not only the 
 subject of the original resohiiions, but also an 
 eulogy on the present administration and a cen- 
 sure upon its opponents. These resolutions, it 
 was well understood, were drawn by >L". Ben. 
 Hardin. The fifth reads as follows: 
 
 " This Legislature viewy, with deep concern, 
 and feelings of just indij, nation, the efforts that 
 are now making throughout the United States, 
 to blast the reputation of the distinguished mem- 
 bers of Congress from this State, who voted for 
 .Tohn Q. Adams, to be President of the United 
 States. They liave no hesitation in saymg, that 
 it is their confirmed opinion, from great deliber- 
 ation and a full examination of all the facts and 
 evidence atlduced, tliat the charges of bargain, 
 sale, and corruption, in tlie election of John Q. 
 Adams, are utterly false and mnLcious; that tliey 
 ai'C brougtit forward, and endeavored to be sus- 
 tained, for party purposes, and to elevate Gen. 
 .fackson to the office of President of the United 
 States." 
 
 Tiie friends of Gen. Jackson objected to this 
 resolution, because it embiaced subjects not 
 within the scope of the legitimate powers of 
 the people, and, under certain restrictions, is 
 the sovereign power of the State. When Ken- 
 tucky speaks as a government, she speaks 
 tlu-ough her Legislature. All the acts of that 
 body, which come within the scope of its leg-iti- 
 rnate i>owcrs, bind the people. If the Senate 
 or House of Representatives, ^attempt an act 
 v.-hich dots not bind their constituents, tliat act 
 is not within the hmits of their povvers, and is 
 either v/hoily nugatory, or an usurpation. Test 
 this resolution by that principle. Does the opin- 
 ion of the Legislature, as to the motives is 
 those members of Congress, who voted for John 
 Quincy Adams, bind the people? Or, when 
 the Legislature declare that the friends of Gen- 
 eral Jackson are slanderers, actunted by party 
 ::urposes, are the people bound by the declara- 
 tion ' Have they de legated their rigiit to tliink, 
 «nd form opinions reJatiye to public Of private 
 
 men, to tlieir Senators and Representatives of 
 the General Assembly ? Are they bound to 
 take the opinions of their subordinate servants 
 as conclusive of the character and acts of the 
 general administranon, and vote for him as Pre- 
 sident, or member of Congress, whom they may 
 designate in their resolutions i* Such assertions 
 would be repelled with indignation by every 
 freeman of K, ntucky. 
 
 If, thcref.H-e, the Senate assumed to speak in 
 the name of the peo})le, tliey were guilty of 
 gross usiupation. The people have not yet giv- 
 en up their right to think for themselves, and 
 resolve in their own minds, upon the character 
 and pretension of men in office, and candidates 
 for pi'omotion, without receivingthe mandate of 
 the honorable Senate or General Assembly in 
 the tov^'n of Frankfort. But if the Senator Who 
 introduced this resolution and those who voted 
 for it, were acting for themselves, tiiey mistook 
 tite time and place, as well as the proper stjde 
 of tlieir acts. They were sitting in a house pro- 
 vided by the people, were paid with the peo- 
 ple's money, and assumed to resolve in the name 
 of the General Assembly of the Commonwealtli 
 of Kentucky. Had they been honest, would 
 they not have first adjourned, found their own 
 house, lived on their own money, met in open 
 and avowed Caucus, and resolved in the name 
 of " this Assembly." The people might then 
 have laughed them to scorn; but they could not 
 have complained, as they do now, that these 
 m.en used their house, w.nst<'d their time and 
 sqiandered their money, in discussing, for days 
 and weeks, resolutions, wliich, if usiiered forth 
 in the name of tiie people, are a gross usurpa- 
 tion, as ridicidoas as it is exti-avagant. 
 
 These resolutions are net in principle, like 
 those of 1824, requesting our members in Con- 
 gress, to vote f(U- General Jackson. A sove- 
 reign act was then about to be performed; the 
 vote of this great State was about to be given 
 for President. The Legislature, the only re- 
 presentative of that sovereignly, requested the 
 vote to be given for General Jackson, assuring 
 the instruments who were to speak Kentucky's 
 voice, that such was the will of the people. 
 That ought to have been received as a mandate, 
 and implicitly obeyed. But it was disregarded; 
 and now what do we see? The same men, one 
 of whom said after the election, that we were 
 sold, as a Virginian transfers his plantation and 
 negroes, bow iii humble submission to their new, 
 master, turnrour.il and tell the people ulfs ladU 
 and endeavor even to usurp thcii- power of 
 thought! 
 
 Ttie friends of the right of instruction and 
 of Jackson, warmly protested against tlte right 
 of the Senate, to give opinions'for the people; 
 but finding llic majority defei'mined to march 
 forward, they insisted, that an fipinion ought not 
 to be expressed, without the adoption of efficient 
 means to test its correctness. The resolution 
 spoke of " a full examination of all the facts 
 and evidence add.icedj" and if they would go 
 
on, t was ihfcir liuty to procure and examine all 
 the evidence within their reach. On the next 
 morning', Genci-al Allen accordingly oiTered llie 
 following resolii'.ion: 
 
 ♦' Whereas, in a renoliition now before the 
 Committee of the Whole House, to which was 
 referred the report and resohitions of the Com- 
 mittee on Inteniul impn vcments, the following' 
 subjects are brought before the Committee, up- 
 on which they are required to decide, to wit: 
 • This Legislature view with deep conct-rn and 
 feelings of just indignation, the efforts wliich 
 are now making throi'ghout the United Stales, 
 to blast the reputation of the distinguished 
 members of Congress from this State who voted 
 for John Q. Adams, to be Presi lent of the 
 United States. They have no hesitation in 
 saying, that it is their cop.firmed opinion, from 
 
 The examination of witnesses ccmmenced, 
 and the friend i of truth and the people wiU 
 find nmch cause to rejoice that the violation of 
 principle and rigiit in the Senate, has led to 
 disclosures which have covered the perpetra- 
 tors with confusion, and will hasten the downfal 
 of the reign of intrigue and corruption. 
 
 In relation to Mr. Francis Johnson, it was 
 proved tlut before the Prciidentinl election he 
 had spoken against Mr. Adams; that after Mi-. 
 Clay was excluded from the ilousc, he receiv- 
 ed a pnrccl of letters from homo, which in- 
 structed him to "stick to Old Hickory — give 
 us a western President, wi>;itever you do/' that 
 after voting for Mr. Adams, in defiance of alt 
 this, as well as the instnctions of '.he Leg'isla- 
 turr, Iv came hr^mcandgaveas hisrf.iso'i, that 
 it was " to get Mr. Clay mads Scardarij of 'flcfr." 
 
 great deliberation, and a full examination of ail See the evidence of >ir. Hitt and James M'ALl 
 the facts and evidence adduced, thatthe charges Ian, Esq. 
 
 of bargain, sale, and corruption, in the election 
 of John Q. Adams, are utterly false and mali- 
 cious: that they are brouglit forwf-rd, and en- 
 deavored to be sustained for party purposes, 
 and to elevate Gen. Jackson to the office of 
 President of the United States." Ther-e^>re, 
 to enable t)ie Committee t.> examine into, ana 
 investigate the transactions embraced in the 
 foregoing resolution, llcaolvcd That said Com 
 
 In rtlr.tion to Genera! Metcalfe, it v.-as prov- 
 ed, that e.M-ly lU January, 182.^, in speaking of 
 the election and the Kentucky delegation, he 
 said: " ] k low little more than jd.'-zi I came here 
 — loe tt"nd uiitoniiniiicd — W6 must /now sorne- 
 f-h^sr abiytit f"^w ih" ""kinetis to be filed." Af- 
 ter the election, when told by Col. Johnson, 
 that votuifj for Jlr. Adams would be an uphiil 
 business in Kentucky, he replied, " I fear wt 
 
 mittee be authorized and instructed, to send for have ume loo mvxh fvr nurji icnd.'" To remove 
 persons and papers." 
 
 The Adams men aflected to consider this 
 proposition as a mere joke, and laid it on the 
 'table. Though their resolution, in its very 
 terms, spoke of the examination of evidence 
 adduced, nothing was further from their 
 thoughts, than to adduce any evidence at all. 
 But nothing was more plain, tiian that if they 
 
 ail doi.bt who this friend wa^^, he stated, after 
 Lis return liomc, '!>iit *' tw could not pois'Mij 
 get Mr. Clay c»to flir cabinet, wHltout voting for 
 and ekct'ng Mr. Adani"." See the evidence of 
 Mr. llii^ J. T. Jcnnbon, Esq. and the state- 
 ment ol Mr. Jchn Uesha. 
 
 In relation to Mr. David Trimble, it is proved 
 that in IS'Jl', he abused Jolm CJ. Adamc, as a 
 
 had a right to pass tiieir resolution, they had a luorsc politician than his father, an ..■posiatcj'ed.- 
 
 right to bring before them all the evidence rallst.mtenemijtotbe wed, ivho offered at Ghent 
 
 which might conduce to a coirect opinion, to bart'^ away the navigation of ihi. Mississippi 
 
 It became cuirent that they intended to act to the Briti.'<h for a mrb'i of codji-'h; .ni siiiJi *' if 
 
 without evide^ice, because they dared not to he ever voted for imn heivould ag'CHobe C'dkda 
 
 introduce it, .and they became alarmecS Not federalist as long its he li red." Yet in the face 
 
 knowing what to do, dre.iding to go forward, 
 and afraid to go back, finally, Mr. Beatty pre- 
 sented his resolution m the Senate; Mr. Lock- 
 elt, one of tlicir own party, called up Geiu^ral 
 Allen's, whicli thev so amended as to bring the 
 evidence before the bar of the Senate, and ge- 
 nerally voted for its adoption. The time al- 
 lowed to procure witr>esses from all parts of the 
 State, was but six days. 
 
 The day set for the inquiry arrived, and 
 scarcely a man of those who h-id been summon- 
 ed out of Fi-ankfort, made his appiarance. The 
 friends of General Jackson, still anxious to get 
 lid of the whole subjeC, the rcsokition of Mr. 
 
 ' Heattyj sjIb well as tl>e examination of witnesses, 
 proposed to postjjone tlie whole matter to a day 
 
 ' })cyondtl\e session. The Adams men, relying, 
 we presume, upon the absence of witnesses, 
 
 \ appeared now to have become bold, and deter- 
 mined to go immediately into the inquiry. Hut 
 they never contemphted any thing like a full 
 and complete in\>sugation. They had gone 
 into it, because they dared not refuse, and rely- 
 
 ol his own declared opmions, as well as the 
 will of tiie people and the request of the Le- 
 gislature, did lie vote for this raan, wh.om he 
 \\m\ so \iol^iitly denouTiccd. M !iac "'.ms his 
 apoloirv? Ho gave it himself: — " WE DIS- 
 riNCTLY ASCERTAINED, that Mr. Mvms 
 uould'niaJx: Mr. Chy S-eitiary (f S:ute, end 
 ill It in oil pyjoablity Gn>trul Juckswi would 
 not." See tiie evidence of Mr .lohn M j.'jn, Jr. 
 the btatcments of M. Ilanison, E<q. and i;ieven 
 citizens of Pierrng county, the letter of Je-se 
 Sumnici"s, E^q. and the affidavit of Messrs. Hen- 
 ry Halb ;rt and Jesse Hamrick. 
 
 Is it pcbsiblc tliat a barg.iin could Kc more 
 clearlv jiioved, witliout ihc piod'.iclir.n cf a wii- 
 tuig signed nnd sealed by tJie contracting pi-.r- 
 ties? Here wa an art done t»y -me pjrty'; in con- 
 stderalion of an act to be done by another. A 
 pro-t « f the Kentucky dclegatio.iavovcdly sto.id 
 uncommitted, for the purpose of cscr.taining 
 hoiotlii cal'imt una fo be filled; they d<d ascer- 
 tain thj;t Ml. Adams would ti.ake Mr. Clay Scc- 
 retfl'-y of Slate; Ihoi wa« the amcideratinn ^\\ zn 
 
 ing on their majority, they intended to exclude for their votos, and t'ley came home and said so 
 
 rhatcvebthey thougutit dangerous to admit, and 
 under some pretext, put a stop to it, if its pro- 
 gress waslikelyto prove fatal to their parly views. 
 Vou will see full evidence of all this in the inci- 
 dents which occurred during the investigation^ 
 
 Mr. Adams t/'r' pay ih. con%^ deration by making 
 Mr. Cl;ij Scr^tary it State, and tiiCConti-aci'A'-as 
 thu.f Jlilled by both of the high cor.t'r.cting 
 parties! "We are sure that no honcsl jury would 
 require stronger evideticc to prove 9 contract. 
 
o 
 
 'i'he triends ot' General Jackson offered to 
 prove bfore the Senate, the confessions of D. 
 White, Esq. one of the members of Congress 
 implicated in voting- for Mr. Adams. It would 
 have been an insult to Mr. White, as well as a 
 violation of the Constitution, to inti-oduce him 
 to purge himself, on oath, or to testify against 
 liiniself; yet did the Adams majority, under pre- 
 teiicethat Mr. White should be himself made a 
 witness, vote to exclude all evidence of his con- 
 fessions, wheLher made before or since the 
 Presidential election ! This step was without 
 right or precedent; it was an act of arbitrary 
 po^-er for the purpose of shutting out unwelcome 
 truths. Had Mr. White's confessions been ad- 
 mitted, we are authorized to say, It would have 
 been proved, that while in Washington, and 
 eycr since his return, he has uniformly said that 
 he voted for Mr. Clay, and not for Mr. Adams; 
 that Mr. Adams would never have been Presi- 
 dent, had not Mr. Clay been Secretary of State; 
 that altiioug'fi he knew of no direct and positive 
 bargain, a part of the Kentucky delegation held 
 a c lucus, in vvhich, after consulting Mr. Clay 
 himself, ti.e}' determined to support Mr. Adams, 
 being perfectly satisfied that he would make 
 Mr. Clay Secretary of State; and that this, and 
 nothing else, was his motive in voting for Mr. 
 Adams. It was these damning facts v/hich the 
 nia.j';/ity did not v.'ish to hear, and therefore ex- 
 ciucl^d all evidence of Mr. WHiite's declarations! 
 This inquiry, connected with facts already 
 before the public, has placed Mr. Clay in a 
 m.ost awkward attitude. He has publicly de- 
 nied that there was ever any serious differ- 
 ence between him and Mr. Adams, relative to 
 the negotiations at Ghent, and iiis friend, Mr. 
 Wickhffe, ventured to assert the same thing 
 in the most positive terms, on the floor of the 
 Senate. 
 
 A series of letters was written and publish- 
 ed in the Argus, in 1822 and 1823, revievv-ing 
 Mr. Adams' book on the Ghent neg'otiation, in 
 which he was charged with violating instruc- 
 tion.s, with deadly hostility to the Western 
 country, with injustice to Mr. Clay, with at- 
 tempting to sell the blood of the West for the 
 privilege of fishing in British watei-s, with dis- 
 ingenuousness, falsehood, and ignorance. It 
 v\fas proved, that after the publication of these 
 letters, Mr. Clay promoted their republication 
 in pamphlet form, and actually paid llOQ of his 
 own money for that purpose ! See the evidence 
 of Messrs. Tanner and Kendall. Capt. Daveiss 
 asserted in debate, anri declared the pi'ooi' was 
 at hand, that Mr. Claj^ bad himself received in 
 manuscript, and sent to Ohio, for publication, 
 articles containing the same serious charges 
 against Mr. Adams; and the friends of Mr. Clay 
 neither denied it nor called for the proof. If 
 the charges made against Mr. Adatris were un- 
 true, Mr. Clay stands convicted as his slanderer 
 and libeller,- If they were true, then he has allied 
 himself with a man wliom he knew to be cajm- 
 ble of aelling the blood of the West. In either 
 alternative, what must the world think of Mr. 
 Clay.' 
 
 The attitude in which Mr. Clay has placed 
 himself and his friends, was fully exposed in 
 the Sen.ate. Mr. Pope offered an amendment 
 to the white-washing resolution, declaring 
 all these charges against Mr. Adams pub- 
 ii'shed in 1832-5, to be 'utterly false.' The 
 
 friends of Mr. Cl.iy v^ ere placed ma sad dilem- 
 ma. If they voted for this amendment, with 
 the evidence before them that Mr. Clay had 
 himself circulated these charges, and paid for 
 their cumulation, they would vote that he was 
 a slanderer and a libeller; if they voted against 
 it, they would vote that Adams was an enemy 
 of the West, ready to sell its blood! In thi.s 
 predicament, they divide.3; some voted that 
 Clay was a Kbellei-, and others that Adams wa.s 
 a knave; but tlie amendment was rejected b\f 
 the casting vote of the Lieut. Governor. Tins 
 showsthatthe party care notliing for Mr. Adams; 
 they will vote him a knave when he stands alone, 
 but an honest man, when connected with Mr- 
 Ciay! His making Mr. Clay Secretary of 
 State, is the cons'deration of their support, as it 
 was of the votes of Jlr. Clay and his friends in 
 Congress. 
 
 Notwithstanding the tremendous charges 
 which Mr. Clay had circulated against Mi\ Ad- 
 ams, he endeavors to prove that he had made up 
 his m-nd to vote for him as early as the fall ot* 
 1824, and never wavered in his determination. It 
 is proved by the statement of Maj. Carneal, that 
 at the very time Mr. Clay was saying to J. J. 
 Crittenden and others, that he should vote for 
 Mr. Adams, he told him that he was wholly 
 uncommUied. To Major Carneal, to aiiother 
 disting'uished member of the Legislature, and 
 to C. A. Wickliffe, Esq. ho did, about the same 
 tiine, convey the impression, that there v/as no 
 obstacle to his voting for General Jackson, and 
 that he had not made up his mind! To Major 
 T . P . Moore he used the same language after 
 his arrival at AVasihington City. 
 
 What shall we think of this'' Had he not 
 made up his mind to vote for Mr. Adams? 
 Then he stated falsehoods to Mr. Crittenden 
 and others. Had he made up his mind, as he 
 now a.ssertsi' Then he was playing the hypo- 
 crite with the friends of Gen. Jackson in our 
 Legislature, and a portion of our members of 
 Congress. Which. position will he take? He 
 cannot escape from both. 
 
 It is easier to perceive Mr. Clay's motives 
 than to vindicate his cause. VVhilehe wastelling 
 one set of individuals that he shoulii vote for 
 Mr. Adams, he was assuring the friends of Gen. 
 Jackson in the Legislature, that he was uncom- 
 mitted, and felt no repugnance to voting for 
 their favorite, with the object o? preventing the 
 passage of resolutions of instruction, keeping, him- 
 self free to make the best bargain he coulo, and es- 
 cape frora future embarrassment. With the same 
 view, he urged the members of Congress to re- 
 main uncommitted, and conveyed the impres- 
 sion that he stood in tiiat attitude himself. His 
 languag'e was, do not instruct me; I andmyfriends 
 in Coyigress remain uncommitted; I hope you have 
 confidence in, me that I will do my duty, there is 
 no obstacle to my voting for Gen. Jackson. Now, 
 why all thi.s fear of instructions and committals .' 
 Mr. Clay told Maj Carneal; '* Island uncommit- 
 ted;" he advised Messrs. Wickliffe and Moore 
 to remain uncommitted; Gen. Metcalfe told Mr. 
 Hitt "we stand uncommitted." Now, what was 
 the object of all this? Gen. Metcalfe has told 
 us — "-we/nust know something about how the 
 cabinet is- to be filled." The object of Mr. Clay 
 and his friends is here distinctly avowed. Well, 
 did they find out /<ou> the cabinet was to he filled^ 
 Let Mr. Trimble answer — '• wk distinctly as- 
 
'.IfcatAifTED ihat Afr. Adams would make Mr. Clay 
 Secretary of Slate." We thus have, in the con- 
 fessions of Mr. Clay's own friends, a full expla- 
 nation of his movements; he wished to avoid in- 
 structions and prevent committals until he could 
 '* knou! how the cabinet was to be filled-" but as 
 soon as it v,'SLS*'distinclli/ascerlaifted" tliat Mr. 
 Adams would make him Secretary of State, and 
 arrangements were made to transfer to him the 
 votes of the West for that consideration, then, 
 snd not till then, did Mr. Clay come out openly 
 for Mr. Adams. 
 
 Whether Mr. Clay made up his mind to vote 
 for Mr . Adams as early as the fall of 1 824, or not, 
 is wholly immaterial. If he had, he was re 
 solved not to let Mr Adams know it, until he 
 " knew somethinp about how the cabinet was 
 to be filled." In plain laiig'uage, he was deter- 
 mined to get the best price he could; and for his 
 vote and influtncc he did get the office of Secretary 
 of State. ,» His declarations to Muj. Carneal and 
 others, and ills Iciter to Gen. Jackson, in the 
 fall of 1824, induce the belief t'lat he would 
 just as soon have voted for General Jackson, 
 could he have secured his price. 
 
 It is proved by the evidence of Mr. Kendall 
 and the statement of J. Dudley, Esq. that in 
 January, 1825, several weeks before the Presi- 
 dential election, F. P. Blair, Esq. an intimate 
 and confidential friend of Mr. Clay, told them 
 that Mr. Clay would be Secretary of Siate, if 
 Mr. Adams was made President, and requested 
 them to write to tlie representative from this 
 district to vote for Mr. Adams, for the purpose 
 of securing that office to Mr. Clay. Me predi- 
 cated his assurance to Mr. Dudley upon letters 
 from Wasbintjton City. During the late inquiry, 
 Mr. Blair v/^as called before the Senate for the 
 purpose of proving from whom he got this ih- 
 tormation. lie refused to be sworn, on the 
 gp'ound, among other things, that he received it 
 in "private communications and a confidential 
 correspondence," which the Senate had no rigiit 
 to extort from him. It was believed that the 
 correspondence alluded to, was with Mr. Clay 
 himself, and now the Senate seemed to be ap- 
 proaching to direct and positive proof. This 
 the Adams-men were as little desirous to see as 
 they were to hearthe confessions of Mr. White. 
 They immediately took the ground, that they 
 would force nobody to swear, declaring in posi- 
 tive terms, that they wanted to hi ar none but 
 willing witnesses. Thus, after going into the 
 inquiry because tlicy dared not refuse it, .so 
 alarmed were they lest the whole truth should 
 come out, that they openly countenanced and ap- 
 plauded a contempt of their authority, and en- 
 deavored to induce every witness to refuse his 
 testimony, lest he sliould he denounced as a 
 vicre volunteer\ Yet, these arc the men wlio 
 undertake to denounce the h'iends of Jackson 
 as slanderers, because we assert that which they 
 know is already proved, and would have been 
 proved m a manner to silence even knavery it- 
 iicljy had they maintained the dignity of the Se- 
 nate, and extorted the testimony which was 
 already before them. 
 
 The country will judge what chance tlie 
 friends of Jackson h.ad to bring out the proof 
 before a tribunal so partial in its decisions and 
 so wanting in respect ioY itself. In some in- 
 stances, testimony which was obviously legal 
 And proper, was JU-bitrarily excluded, and in 
 
 others, the majority not only encouraged coi;- 
 tempts of the Senate, but to make themselves 
 completely ridiculous, in one case entered them 
 upon tlieir jouinnls. Posterity will with won- 
 der find on their records the protest of ^L•. 
 Bh)ir-, a perpetual witness that tiiey were con- 
 scious of the error of their proceedings, or were 
 a partial tribunal, submitting, with the utmost 
 tsmencss, to contcn^.pt &nd indignity, rather 
 than bring out important evidence which they 
 knew to exist. Tiiat sucli was tlicir real char- 
 acter, all their proceedings evmce Perceiving 
 that the proof of a bargain was comi. g in by 
 piece-mc al as the evid' nee arr ved, they has- 
 tened t'ie iiquliy toaclos' before witnef^ses sum- 
 moned by themselves had time to uni^'e, and then 
 attempted to turn the whole into ridicule Mr. 
 Ben. Hardin, instead of acting the part of a 
 grave Senator, engMged in important public 
 concerns, converted the Senate Cliaraber into 
 a Tht-atre, and played th' buflTo-jn witli great 
 applause, by attv.mptuigto imitate and ruucule 
 each witn^ ss wlio eitlif r testified or refused to 
 testify, against Messrs Adams aii'! Clay. The 
 evidence is now before the world, •.-.nd the peo- 
 ple will decide the grt-at cause, regardless of 
 iiis raillery 
 
 Important as the evidence is wlilch this in- 
 quiry Jias tlici cd, it has pointed to tliat which 
 is still more impoilant. Although Mr. Blaiv 
 refused to b(. sworn, it wms distinctly ascertain- 
 ed, from his apologie. and other circumstances, 
 that he procure d the int'ormaiion wliich he 
 communicated to Messrs. Keuda'i and Dudley, 
 in confidential letters from Mr. Clay himself. 
 Indeed, we are informed through a channel on 
 which we confidenily rel;, , that Mr. Clay's 
 friends in Frankfort now hare a copy of such a 
 letter. This may account for their readiness in 
 excusing Mr. Blair. They may have preferred 
 to submit to any contemjit of 'hrir authority, 
 and even enter it our' onrd, latlii r liian see tliis 
 damning documeni. But how will they excuse 
 themseive t<> tiie'r constituents or tlieir con- 
 sciences, for adopting a resolution, when they 
 had the most postive evitlence of its falsehood 
 in thi.ir posses i"n? H >w could they say 'lye, 
 upon a re.iolutu-n declaring the charges ( f bar- 
 gain t.) he " w terly tulse, and dicul'ted for 
 party purp:«v.," when th. y knew Umtthe orig- 
 inal Idocumeni proving them true, was in sigtit 
 of llie capilol' 
 
 Their cfl'rontrr} is < qual to all emergencies. 
 Thry now uaj t' at Mr. Bhi.r refused to swear 
 beciusL- he liad noth ng to lell! They chaige 
 him with acting a pitrt, and pretending Vo have 
 important secre»s which he has not. How weak 
 an attempt to deceive! Cannot tlus put this 
 matter to the test? Could the} not have forced 
 Mr Blair to tell a'l he knew? Cannot they now 
 get Mr. Clay to release h.m from all confidence, 
 and call on hm to come out with 'the truth, 
 tile whole truth, and nothing but the truth'"' 
 This is what the people w ill demand of Mr. 
 Clay. If lie make this call, antl Mr. Blair do 
 not disclose any thing of impoita, ci-, fhcn may 
 they, with some pr'priety, hold him up to the 
 scorn and derision of the country. For our- 
 selves, we do not doubt tha full proof of a di- 
 rect bargain is in die hands ot Mr Blair. 
 
 How changed is Henry Clay from what he 
 once was! Oj^ce, he was the open and frank ser- 
 vant of the people, ready to do their will, no 
 
ruattei" by what means it came to his knowledge. 
 
 one not embraced by i:, and that its success 
 would not rid tlie Senate of the inquiry. He 
 also contended tliat the hearlnsc of testiraonv 
 
 Since his return from Europe, he ha? been a 
 
 changed man. Hesouglit to destroy Mr. Adams 
 
 bv secreth' stimulating 'ittacks up^n him while was the order of the day, and not the considera- 
 
 he bore towards him an t- xter.or of civdity, if tion of these resolutions. 
 
 not of friendship. He taugiit us and the peo- 
 ple of the west to hate Mi-. Adams as >ur great- 
 est eneiny, yet to secui'e an office to hhnself, 
 he ruslies into his bisom. T:k' voice of the 
 people which it was once his pride to obey, he 
 has attempted to stifle, and then treated it with 
 contempt. He sought to prevent an t-xpression 
 of the voice of Kentuclcy thi0ut,'h her legisla- 
 ture, lest it should embarrass iiim in his selnsh 
 desig-ns. After that l>Oily had spoken with a 
 voice aliiiObt unanimous, he sought to defeat 
 the public w. 11 thus expressed, bj' procuring 
 private letters to be wr.ttcn to members of 
 Congress, advising them to disregard it. if he 
 had desired ioo'jey the public \*i!l, why did he 
 not get his friends to c;dl meetings of the peo- 
 ple and take their voice? This would have 
 defeated his object. He was deter.nined to 
 pursue his own will, regardless ol' that of the 
 people, for t've purpose of placing himself in 
 the line of ' safe pr. cede -its.' and tiu n, by in- 
 trigue and management, power and patronage, 
 bend the public will to his own selfish pur- 
 poses. 
 
 We thought this Address due to the people 
 of Kentucky on this interest ng occasion. A 
 lull reply to v».r. Clay's Address is shortly ex- 
 pected from Washington, die circulation of 
 which we sliall promote to the extent of our 
 power. The people need buia true^kuowiedge 
 of facts, to bring to a speedy close, the reign of 
 bargain, intrigue and falsehocd. 
 
 By order of the Centra! Jackson Committee 
 of Kentucky. 
 
 "SAMUEL SOUTH, Chairman. 
 
 Lewis Sanders, Jr. ticcretu7-y. 
 
 KENTUCKY LEGISLATURE. 
 
 From the Western Kentucky Argus. 
 
 THE INVESTIGATION. 
 
 TauusDAY, Jan. 31. 
 
 The Senate took up the resolutions on the 
 subject of Internal Improvement?, together widi 
 the amendment offered by Mr. Beatty declaring 
 the distingtiishcd members of Congress from 
 this State v.- ho had voterl for ?»ir. A lams, iimo- 
 centof bargain, &.c. and tlint all ilte c'sargesto 
 that off. ct, ma' e against them, were false and 
 malicious. After -ovnc dps dtory d scussion, 
 which we did not hear, Mj-. Mtiupin calletl for 
 the previous question, witich it was supposed, 
 wou'-'i iiavr; tlic eflTe.ci of ridding the Senate of 
 the whole subjeot except the original resolu- 
 tions relative o Totcrnal I:nprovemen<s. This 
 motion was seconded by Mr M'ConiuH. 
 
 Mr. Beatty eppoicd t i; previ'^is question, 
 which was idvocate ' by Mr. M'Conneil. 
 
 Mr. Davr'iss m >ve.l a recess for an sour and a 
 half, that the members might consult together 
 and come to so'ne understanding, &c. which 
 motion prevailed. 
 
 After the recess, Mr. Wkldijfe opposed the 
 previous question, an t maintained that the pro- 
 position for an investigation was an independent 
 
 Mr Pope concurred in the suggestion that 
 the Senate were wrong m taking up the reso- 
 lutions, and that the proper business of the day 
 was the hearing of evidence. 
 
 Mr Muupin withdrew the call for tlie pre- 
 vious question. 
 
 Mr. Pope then moved that all the resolutions 
 before th-- Senate embracin : the subject of the 
 proposed uivestigation, be laid on the table un- 
 til the last day of July next, and said he would 
 then concur in striking from the Journals the 
 resolution providing for an investigation. 
 
 Mr. M'Connell- stated that he was now for 
 going into it. 
 
 Mr. Wlchl'iffe moved to lay down t!ie resolvi- 
 tlons for the purpose of going into the investi- 
 gation. This motion prevailed. 
 
 The resolution ordering an investigation was 
 then taken up, and the following evidence of- 
 fered: 
 
 James M'MUlan, of the Rouse of Represen- 
 tatives, state<l in reply to inteirogatories, that 
 Mr. Francis Johnson was at Tompkinsville, in 
 Monroe county, after his return home stibse- 
 quent to the Presidential election, where he 
 was asked how he came to vote for Mr. Adams ^ 
 Mr. Johnson answered, that he voted for Mr. 
 Adams to get Mr. Clay made Secretary of State. 
 He made this declaration repeatedly in conver- 
 sation, and witness believed in a public speech. 
 He said, tiiat Mr. Adams for President, and Mr. 
 Clay his Secretary, would conduce more to tl»e 
 interests of the West than General Jackson Pre- 
 sident, with we know not whom for his Secre- 
 tary, and that Mr. Clay might perhaps succeed 
 him. He did not iiear Mr. Johnson say, that 
 Mr. Adams made any promises to appoint Mr. 
 Clay Secretary of State if he would supj)ort 
 him. Previous to his going on to Congress, 
 Mr. Johnson spoke against Mr. Adams, and in 
 fitvor of Mr. Clay, but witness never heard him 
 say for whom he intended vote, if Mr. Clay 
 WHS excluded from Congress, nor did he, pre- 
 vious to tlut time, ever hear him say a word 
 
 Witness was a Jack- 
 
 aarainst General Jackson. 
 son mnn . 
 
 Henry Grider, of the House of Representa- 
 tives, said, Mr. F. Johnson, in all conversations 
 and speeches in his presence, had denied all 
 corruption, bargain and sale in the Presidential 
 election, and said he ncithe; knew nor believed 
 any such thing. He had disclaimed all know- 
 ledge that he would appoint Mr. Clay Secretary 
 of Stale, or who was to compose his cabinet. 
 He said he supported Mr. Adams, because he 
 believed him devoted to Intevnal Improvements 
 arid Domestic Ma;mfactnres, and that his doc- 
 trines and policy were sucli as would suit the 
 west. He said tiiat Gener.^I Jackson would not 
 su t us, because he wa3 a southern man, and 
 wo'.dd pursue a southern policy. Mr. Johnson 
 said th-sse things after he was charged with bar- 
 gain, sale and corruption; but witness supposed 
 the papers containing those charges got to JCen- 
 tucky as soon as Mr.' Johnson did after the elec- 
 tion. He lives in the same town with Mr. John- 
 son, and has conversed with him frequently 
 from the time he came home, and he has uni- 
 
6 
 
 ibrmly made the same declaration. Witness 
 never heard him say lie preferred General Jack- 
 son. Witness said he was an administration 
 man, or a friend of Internal Improvements and 
 Domestic Manufactures. 
 
 Witness said he knew not why he was called, 
 unless it was from a remark he made in Frank- 
 fort, that they need not send to Bo-vlinj^-gi-een 
 for testimony, for he knew as mucli about it as 
 any body there, meaning that there was nobody 
 there who knew any thing about it. It was in 
 the presence of Mr. B. Johnson, and Mr. Ken- 
 dall. [The latter recollects the remark, bat 
 did not procure hira to be summoned.] 
 
 JViUiam Tannn- was called and sworn. A 
 pamjohlet was shown to him, entitled «* Letters 
 to John Quincy Adams, relative to the Fisheries 
 and the Mississippi, first published in the Arg^s 
 of We.'tern America, revised and enlarged, by 
 Amos Kendall," and he was asked whether he 
 printed it. He replied that he did. He was 
 asked whether Mr. Clay paid any part of the 
 expense. He replied that he did pay $100, 
 that he. Tanner, undertook to print the p.iniph- 
 let by subscription; that Mr. Kendall told him 
 Mr. Clay had proposed to him to print it and of- 
 fered to pay part of the expense; that he had 
 taken a letter from Mr. Kendall to Mr Clay; 
 that Mr. Clay conversed with him as to the ex- 
 pense of printing the pamphlet, and the sub- 
 scription for it; that he told him to go to Mr. 
 Thomas Smith, who would hand him"$ 75, and 
 that if he should not be remunerated by the 
 subscriptions, to call on him and he would pay 
 him the balance of ihe expense; that lie called 
 on Mr Smith, who paid hmi the money; that 
 the subscriptions falling short, he again called 
 on Mr. Clay, who sent him to Mr Smith for 
 $ 25 more. The pamphlet was printed in the 
 latter part of 1823. 
 
 Jtmos Kendall staled in reply to interrogato- 
 ries, that after tlie charges against Mr. Adams 
 relative to the negotiation at Ghent had come 
 befor.j the public, he wrote and published an 
 article in the Argus upon that subject, contain- 
 ing a view of it which Mr. Clay deemed erro- 
 neous. Mr. Adams seized upon the article, co- 
 pied it into his book on the Fisheries and the 
 Mississippi, and made a commentary upon it in 
 whiclihe insinuated that it came from Mr. Cla}'. 
 The latter afterwards called upon witness, en- 
 tered into a narrative of the transactions at 
 Ghent, including an explanation of the princi- 
 ples involved, and satisfied witness that the 
 view he had taken was erroneous. Witness 
 then took up Mr. Adams' Book upon the Fishe- 
 ries, &c. and reviewed it in a series of Letters 
 published in the Argus,addressedto John Quin- 
 cy Adams. After most of the series had been 
 published, Mr. Clay conversed with witness 
 about pubUshing them in pamphlet, and offered 
 to pay y^SO of the expense. Witness dcchned 
 pablishing them, but told him, that if he or 
 his friends thought proper to publish them else- 
 where, he would revise and prepare them for 
 the press. Learning from Mr. Tanner, that he 
 had determined to print them, witness gave 
 liira a letter to Mr. Clay, soliciting him to pay 
 Mr. Tanner what he had promised to witness. 
 Witness did revise the Letters, and they were 
 published by Mr. Tanner. 
 
 Mr. Pope told witness to stand aside, and that 
 
 he would again be called to another point, and 
 witness retired to his seat. 
 
 It was insisted that the examinatij)n of the 
 witness should be completed, before he was 
 permitted to retire. Some remarks were made 
 whicli seemed to reflrt* on witness as net hav- 
 ing told all he was bound to tell, when he ob- 
 served that lie was ready to answer questions 
 if there were any to be asked. Mr. John Green 
 inquired whether he had told all he knew about 
 bargain, sale and corruption, and if so, he had 
 notfiing further to ask . The witness returned 
 no answer, and sat down. 
 
 31): Pope again called the witness, and asked 
 him what he had heard Mr. David Whiie say 
 as to nis motives for voting for Mr. Adams? 
 
 Mr. Hardin objected to this question being 
 answered. A discussion arose in which Messrs. 
 Hardin, M'Connell and WicklifTe contended 
 that the question ought not to be answered, and 
 Messrs. I'ope, Daviess and Allen maintained 
 that it ought. The former insisted that Mr. 
 White himself was a competent witness, and 
 that he ought to be sent for; that his character 
 was not under investigation, and that if he knew 
 any thing in relation to a bargain between 
 Adams and Clay, he ought to be brought into 
 state it himself, as he is not more than twelve 
 miles off, instead of proving his declarations 
 wiien not on oath; that they were willing the 
 dechu-ations of those members of Congress who 
 were not here, and could not be got liere, should 
 be proved. On the other side it was maintain- 
 ed, that the conduct of Mr. White was brought 
 under investigation as much .'^sthat of any other 
 member of Congi-ess from Kentucky who vot 
 ed for Mr. Adams; that his declarations were 
 good evidence again.st himself, and to that 
 pi>lnt only were they offered to be proved; 
 that he could not consistenth", with any rule of 
 law or propriety he introduced to purge him- 
 self upon oath; that the principles assumed 
 here would exclude the declarations of every 
 member of Congress who voted for Mr. Adams, 
 and put an end to the inquiry; that it could be. 
 considered as urged only for the purpose of e:^- 
 cluding evidence which gentlemen knew would 
 prove the truth of the charges made by the 
 friends of Jackson, and Mr. Pope, in em])hatic 
 terms, told the Senate, tliat he viewed it as an 
 effort of the majority to exclude the trutli in an 
 investigation wliich themselves had sought and 
 urged, and so he would tell the people . 
 
 The vote was taken upon the question ' shall 
 the question be answered" and decided in the 
 negative. The Senate then adjourned. 
 
 FniDAT, Febniary 1 . 
 
 Sickness prevented our attending the Senate 
 on th;.s day, and consequently w e can only give 
 the evidence as we have written it out from the 
 novcs of others. 
 
 Thomas D. Corneal, a Senator, at the request 
 of Mr. Pope, stated, that he knew nothing of 
 any bargain, sale or corruption in the Presiden- 
 ti.d election, nor did he believe in it, but he be- 
 lieved there wasman.agementin Congress, such 
 as is common in all such bodies for the purj)ose 
 of carrying a point. Had be been there, he 
 would not have voted for Mr. Adams, unless be 
 had first agreed to appoint Mr. Clay Secretary 
 of State: tor he considered it the duty of our 
 
■r. embers so to manage as to secure the interests 
 of their State. 
 
 lie had a conversation witli Mr. Clay at his 
 room a few days before he started for Washing'- 
 ton City, in tlie fall of 1324. Mr. Clay said, he 
 did not like to be instructed by the l.eg-islatiire 
 as to liis vote, shonUl he iict be re.turiicd to the 
 Hcuso as one of tlic thr.;c li ghf st which he 
 thoug-hl donbtfu!, but wisiied \<) be left entirely 
 free. Mr Carneal told him, he had intended to 
 introduce resolutions of instruction into the Sen- 
 ate himself requesting- the Kentucky delegation 
 to vote for G<^neral ,1ack-:on. but promised, on 
 account of the objections of Mr. Ciay, not to 
 do it, althoug-h he" said he must vote for them 
 should they be introduced by others. Mr. Clay 
 said, in case he were excluded from the, House, 
 he was wholly uncommitted as to his vote, and 
 wished to be left free. This conversation took 
 place while the Legislature was in session in 
 the fall of 1824. 
 
 Oliver Kfene stated, tliat in the fall of 1824, 
 eight or te!i days before Mr. Clay started for 
 WashingtOi', City, he ask^.d Mr. Clay in conver- 
 sation, v.'hether lie had written to General Jack- 
 son to come to his house and go on to Washin;^- 
 ton with liim? Mr. Clay said iie had. Witness 
 was a warm supporter of Mr. Clay, but prefers 
 Jackson to Adams. 
 
 Francis McMear stated, that on the morning 
 Mr. Clay suirted foi' Washington, in the full of 
 1824, in the presf^nce of st-vcrai genllvrnen, lie 
 heard Mr. Clay say he h>.d written to Gentrsl 
 Jackson to come through I exirglon and go on 
 to Washington with him, but had received no 
 answer, and had given him out. Witness was a 
 wai-m advocate of Mr. Clay, ur.til he voted for 
 John Quincy Adams. 
 
 31r Shackkford sriid, he was present v.hen 
 Ml". David Trimble made a speech after his re- 
 turn from Ccngi-ess in 1825, and heard him say 
 that he voted against General Jackson, and for 
 Mr. Adams, because the policy of the former 
 Mas not favorai)le to the interests of the west- 
 ern coimtry, and the policy of the latter was. 
 Hc; also said, he thought tlie j)eop!e would be 
 pkased with Mr. Clay for Secretaiy of State. 
 Witness is an Adams man. 
 
 John T. Johnson stated, tliat Ive was at Wash- 
 i'.igt;/n City i-i 1824, and at the time of the Pre- 
 sidertial el'-ction in ^'ebr'.iaiy 1825. After tlie 
 election, he and his broUier (Col. Johnrion,) 
 were ir company vi'-th General .Metcalfe, who 
 toldth'imhe h.id a letter from Kentucky wh.ich 
 state<'., that trie people would i>e dissatisfied 
 with tlie result. His brotiier told the General, 
 that this voting for Mr. Adams v/ould be an up- 
 hill business in Kentucky. The General re- 
 plied, I fear we have done too much for our 
 iritnd. 
 
 He knew of no direct bargain, nor of an)' cor- 
 ruption, ntn- had lie ever believed there was 
 any. He had very little intercourse vviili the 
 memhers of Congress who voted for Mr Ad- 
 ams, it being well known that he intended to 
 vote ibr General Jackson 
 
 He wa.s asked to <tate, whether he did not 
 hear Mr. Wiiite, oae of the members of Con- 
 gress who voted fur Mr. Adams, say, a few days 
 after the election, that he considered when vot- 
 ing for Mr. Adams that he was voting for Mr. 
 CJav. 
 
 This question was objected to and overrules. 
 14 to 19. 
 
 Witness was further asked, whether lie did 
 not hear Mr. White say, either on his way to 
 Congress or any time before the Presidential 
 election, that he would vote for General Jack- 
 son in preference to Adams or Crawford. 
 
 Tli^s ivas also overrided, 14 to 19. 
 
 Witness was further asked, did or did you not 
 hear Mr. White say, tiiat if Mr. Adams were 
 elected, Mr. Clay would be made Secretary of 
 State' 
 
 This was also overruled, 18 to 19. 
 
 Mr. Clay was in his room a few days before 
 the election, and said, he thought the Kentucky 
 delegation might vote either waj-, and Kentucky 
 would be satisfied. 
 
 In December, at a public dinner, he saw Mr. 
 Adams and Mr. Clay sitting together, and ob- 
 served that the}' were very social and friendly. 
 From this circumstance he said to his brothei', 
 that he M'as persuaded Mr. Clay intended to 
 vote for Mr. Adams. Mr. Clay told witness he 
 had been instructed by a few of Jiis constituents 
 in a part cf his District above Lexington, to do 
 as he pleased. After Mr. Clay was appointed 
 Secretary of State, he a,sked witness whether 
 he ougiit to accept, and witness told him, he 
 thouglit he ought. 
 
 Joseph Secresf, a member of the House of 
 Representatives, stated, that he heard Mr. Da- 
 vid Trimble say in a speech or speeches made 
 in 1824, that John Q. Adams was a noted fede- 
 ralist; that he was Inimical to the west and want- 
 ed to sell to the British the navigation of the 
 Mississippi. After his return from Congress in 
 1825, he heard I^Ir. Trimble give as an apology 
 for voting for Adams, that if Mr. Adams had not 
 beep elected, Mr. Clay would not have been 
 Secretary of State, andtiiat if General Jackson 
 had been elected, Mr. Adams would have been 
 Secretary. Witness did not like his apology, 
 and did njot wait to hear all he said about it. 
 Trimble since explained to him, .alleging that 
 he said Mr. Adams was a reputed federalist, and 
 not a noted federalist. Gen. Jackson is not wit- 
 ness' first clioice for President, by several: but 
 Adams is his last. 
 
 Saturdat, FEEEUAnr 2. 
 
 Amos Kendall being again called, was asked, 
 whether he was not informed, three or four 
 weeks before the Presidential election, that Mr. 
 Clay v.ould be Secretary of State, if Mr. AdamS 
 were made President? 
 
 Mr. Hardin objected to the question being- 
 answered, unless it were first stated from M'hom 
 the Information came. 
 
 Witness said he was embarrassed, because to 
 state from whom the information came, was to 
 say he had the inform.ation; and on the supposi- 
 tion he had not the information, it could have 
 com* from nobody. 
 
 He was told to answer, and accordingly an- 
 swered, that he had such information from Fran- 
 cis P. Ulalr, Esq. of Frankfort. 
 
 Mr. John Green asked, if it was the same V. 
 P. Blair who was Clerk of the New Court? 
 
 Witness answered, that it was the same who, 
 in the days of the New Court, was the Clerk of 
 the Court of Appeals. 
 
 Mr. Daviess asked, whether Mr. Blair had 
 
Jiot been, for many years, the intimate and con- 
 iidential friend of Mr. Clay? 
 
 This question, as well as the fjuestlon and an- 
 swer first above given, were objected to, and 
 voted to be improper and inadmissable, by a 
 voteof 10 to20. 
 
 Witness said, he felt bound to state a circum- 
 stance which he could not help believing- had 
 some bearing- upon the subject of this inquiry, 
 upon wiiich the Senate might draw their own 
 inferences. 
 
 After Mr. Clay was excluded from the House, 
 and previous to the Presidential eleclion, he 
 received a letter from Mr. Clay, communicat- 
 ing his intention to offer witness some situation 
 at Washington, contmgont, as he understood it, 
 upon the result of the Presidential e]."ction. 
 The expressions of the letter, so far as he could 
 recollect, were, tha< lie, Mr. Clay, had hoped 
 to have it in his power to off' r him, witness, a 
 situation at Witshinj^ton more agi-L-cabh- 'o him 
 than tlie one he occupied in Frankfort, but that 
 there was then some doi'bt as to the result of 
 affairs there. Witness thinks it was written 
 and received in January, 182.5. The letter con- 
 tained no other subject, and witness, not per- 
 ceiving any other object in it, took it merely as 
 an indication of Mr. Clay's friendly designs in 
 relation to hwnsclf. 
 
 After the presidential election, and after Mr. 
 Clay was made Secretary of State witness re- 
 ceived another letter trom him, stating that he 
 intended to offer him a situation at Wasliington 
 City; but it was wholly indefinite as to the na- 
 ture of the situation intended to be offervd. 
 "Witness imagined Mr. Clay wanted him to 
 write in support of Mr. Adams and himself, and 
 to ascertain whether he was authorized from 
 the letter and cn-cumstiuices, to take up such 
 an impression, he siiowe ' this letter to two of 
 Air. Clay's and his own friends, sep;.i-;\tety, and 
 asked each of them to read it, and say wiiat 
 situation Mr. Clay intended. Thvy read it, 
 and each gave his"opinion, tliat Mr. Clav desir- 
 ed to place witness in a situation to write" in sup- 
 port of Mr. Admasand himself. Witness t!ien 
 •wrote to hjm, communicating the imprt ssion he 
 had taken up, stating tiiat lie had been for some 
 years writing agaiiist Mr. Adams, and wished it 
 to be understood, before any offer was made, 
 that he could accept no situation in whiciv it 
 would be expected of him to take up iiis pen 
 in support of Mr. Adams; but that in relation 
 to him, .Mr. Clay, tlie feelings of witness were 
 wholly different, and it would give iiim plea- 
 sure to vindicate him against the'slanders which 
 were afloat against him; for he then believed 
 much that was said ngamst him, to be slan- 
 ders. 
 
 Witness heard nothing more from Mr. Clay, 
 in relation to this subject, until he came out to 
 Kentucky, he thinks, in tiie following June.' 
 Calling upon Mr. Clay at his room at Wei,:ger's, 
 one of the first remarks maue to h:m by that 
 gentleman was, that witness liad totally mis- 
 conceived his object; that lie did not wlsli liim 
 to go to Wastiinglon for the pm^iose of engag- 
 ing in politics, but to secure his services in 
 tlie Department of State. He then offered wit- 
 ness a clerkship with a salary of >1000, with the 
 express injunction, that he should say notiiing 
 on the subject, and not leave Kentucky until af- 
 ter the elections in the succeeding Aug-ust. Af- 
 
 ter a little conversation upon the expense of liv- 
 ing at Washington, witness declined Mr. Clay'.s 
 offer, stating that he had several children for 
 whose support and education he must provide, 
 and could not accept a place which would afford 
 linn but a bare subsistence. Mr. Clay said, 
 there was none more valuable then within his 
 gift, unless he were to make a vacancy; bus that 
 probably an opportunity might offer to give wit- 
 ness a place wliicli would be acceptable to him. 
 Witness to'd him then and informed him at 
 other limes, that he would accept such a place, 
 always with the understanding that he should 
 take no part in the politics of the day. 
 
 Some time after this, witness met Squire 
 Turner, of .Madison county, in the streets of 
 Frankfort, who accosted him and said, I under- 
 stand you are going to W.asluiigton City «o write 
 for Ada ns and Cl.iy. Wituessasked liim where 
 he g t Ins inf/rmation? Mr. Turner said, such 
 was the talk up in Uis seclioi; of the country. 
 Witness told him, it was not true. A few days 
 aft<r, he understood that Gvorge Robertson liad 
 said, at the .Mercer Court, that they, the Old 
 Com-t party, would not have witness to contend 
 with much longer, saying or implying that lie 
 was bought up to go to V/ashington City. Know- 
 ing that no information of Mr. Clay's offer liad 
 gone fioin him on which this rumour could be 
 predicated, witness supposed it must have come 
 from Mr. Clay. He therefore wrote to Mr. 
 City, informing him of the rumor then in cir- 
 culation, and stating that he presumed it must 
 have come from some person to whom he had 
 com.municated his intentions towards witness, 
 and under those circumstances, witness must 
 feel himself" at libertv to detail the whole trans 
 action v/hcnevcr he thouglit proper, which he 
 had done. Mr. (Jlay answered, tliat he was to- 
 tallj' indifferent to wliat was said on the svibject, 
 as his mntivesin relation to him had been pure, 
 and he l.'ad only wanted to engage his services 
 in the Department of State. 
 
 After tiie elections in 1825, when the party to 
 which witness belonged, were so effectually de- 
 feate ', he informed Mr. Clay of the result, and 
 that genthman in his reply, again olfered h-in 
 the same cU-rks'iip. Witness declined a.ccpt- 
 ing it, and informed Mr. Clay th.it so mucn in- 
 justice had been done him in that year's canvass, 
 that he was determined to have another cam- 
 paign with the Old Coiu-t parly, and that no of- 
 fice he could offer, would take him from Ken- 
 tucky until tliat was over. 
 
 Mr. Clay never made any other specific offer, 
 although he still expressed a disposition to be- 
 friend witness in that way. 
 
 Mr. Hardin asked, if witness had the letters 
 alluded to? 
 
 Witness said, lie had burnt them all except 
 the last. 
 
 Mr. H. asked, if he was in the habit of burn- 
 ing letters? 
 
 He said he was, such as he did not wish to 
 fall into the hands of friends or foes. 
 
 .Mr. U. said, you burn letters and then tell 
 their contents' 
 
 Witness said, he had been reminded of his 
 duty by the gentleman from Lincoln; that he 
 should not have mentioned this affair if he had 
 not now believed the fii-st letter had some con- 
 nexion with the application made to him by Mr. 
 Blair before the Presidential election, in rela- 
 
9 
 
 tion to which the Senate might draw their own this investigation is founded, does not fui'nisn n. 
 
 subject constitutionally cognizable by this Sen- 
 ate, either as a branch of the L'.;gislatiire or as 
 a judicial tribunal. But while I deny tlie right, 
 I submit tothe power of the Senate, and will 
 abide its ultimate decision. 
 
 I also object, because the information I have, 
 touching- tills inquiry. wasobtainrJ lu the course 
 of friendi) communications and a private corres- 
 
 piied to .Mr. Ckv, before his fir.st letter, to get pondence, which I deem coniidential— -such at 
 
 inferences 
 
 Mr. a . asked, whether witness had not toast- 
 ted Mr. Clay since the Presidential election. 
 
 Witness answered, it was very likely, al- 
 though he did not recollect it; for his feelings 
 were friendly towards Mr. Clay for some time 
 after that event. 
 
 Mr. H. asked, whether witness had not ap- 
 
 him an office.' 
 
 Witness answered, never, althoug-li he iiad 
 afterwards frequently expressed his readiness 
 to accept one, if it were such as he could ac- 
 cept. 
 
 Mr. H. asked, if Mr. C'Liy's taking the print- 
 ing of the acts of C^mgress froin witness, had 
 not niitde him hostile to iiini. 
 
 Wiiness sa-d, it was impbs.sihle for h!iT> to tell 
 
 least as was never designed for publication. 
 
 I asvire the Senate, that I arn not actuated to 
 vvithhoid my testimony by any consideration of 
 the effect it might have on the reputations of 
 the per.'Jons alluded to in the resolution, or on 
 those inculpated as liaving made false charges 
 against them. 1 oppose mystlf to a precedent 
 which goes to violate conhdential correspon- 
 dence, and to render unsafe ail friemlly, social. 
 
 hew far hiafeehngs l.ad been influenced by that and intimate intcrcnurie umo ig men. T'uis ob- 
 
 act. 
 
 Mr H. asked, if it had made witness more 
 friendly to Mr. Clay? 
 
 Witness presumed not, although he was very 
 glad ?4r. CI- y iiad d<>ne it. 
 
 Mr. Pope asked, what made witness glad that j7ce. 
 
 stacle it is not in tlie power of the Senate to re- 
 move, and I trust it will not exert it:; power to 
 puuisli that good f:\ith which would preserve a 
 principle that should be held inviolable, unless 
 where the laivi- of t fie coi'.ntry demanded the sacri- 
 
 Mr. Clay took tlie printing from him? 
 
 WitnerS replied, tiiat he carne to Kentucky 
 early in the year 1814, while Mr. Clay vvas in 
 Europe; that it so happened, that Mrs. Clay em-^ 
 ploy«:d hirn to live in !um- A*mily one ye;:r and 
 teach her children; tliat he remained there 
 about a year, and then settled in (ieorgetown; 
 that shortly aftcrvva^ids, he went to Lexington 
 on business, and was tiiken sick in a boarding 
 house; that Mrs. Clay hearing of it, sent her car- 
 riage for h.m, and as soon as he could br remov- 
 ed, iiad iiim carried to her liouse where sh-' nurs- 
 ed h'm with the utmost kindn-ss until he was 
 able to return to Georgetown; thajt Mr. Clay had 
 <iot yec come hoine, and witness had never .seen 
 hiih, that this iiindr.ess of ^Irs. Clay laid him 
 under a weiglu of oh ig.vtion to her which he 
 always felt and ackuowkdged; that when Mr. 
 Clay came home, he received a very cordial 
 letter from him, tl;anking him forliis seiwice 
 in his f.^.mlly, Stc; th-it an acquaintance was 
 formed shortly after, which was kept up witii 
 the most friendly feehngs until since the lale 
 presidential election; that he had been stimida- 
 ted in his exertions to promote Mr. Clay's views 
 by his obligat'.ons to Mr..;. Ci'V; that to Mr. Clay 
 himielf he owes n" obligations, and never did; 
 that he had labored greatly, and spent much of 
 his. time and some of his money in cfTorrs to ail- 
 
 Some conversation took place among the 
 members, when Mr. Hurdin offered to tlie Sen- 
 ate A paper declaring that the Senate would 
 hear whatever evidence might be oSered, but 
 wou'd use no compulsory means to extort it. 
 
 Mr. Daveiss called on llie majority to take the 
 necessary steps to bi\ng out the evidence. The 
 fi-iendsof Mr. Adams have the majority in the 
 Senate; they enter into an investigation to as- 
 certain the truth; the minority oifer a witness 
 to prove a most important fact, he refuses to 
 swear, and the majority pat him on the back 
 and say, yes, my good fellow, keep it back, and 
 we will pVotectyou in it. Is this the way gen- 
 tlemen intend to arri-eatthe truth and procure 
 the means of forming a correct opinion i" Is it 
 by encouraging the witness not to swear, and 
 refusing to ccmpel them, when they know, from 
 the very objections offered, that the testimony 
 is of the utmost importance? U was turning 
 the whole subject into mockery, and would 
 make the Senate tlie laug-hing stock of the 
 world. 'Hie majority have refused to let the 
 declarations of one of the members of Congiess 
 who voted for Mr. Adams be proved, and they 
 now say to this witness, for God's sake, keep 
 back what you know. D(v;.s not lids look it? if 
 they were afraid of ti'.e truth? He called on 
 the m;ijonty, and especially the gi.-ntkman from 
 
 var.cc Mr. Clav, with.-.ut asking for recompense Fayette, who had yesterday said if ttiey brought 
 
 or remuneration umd the advances ma<le by 
 Mr. Clay huns. If; that in taking the printing 
 from witness, Mr Clay 'm his part e.\liib'.teu a 
 personal Mostihty tovai-fls him, which relieved 
 liim f'-om the rest; aint his feelings were imdcr, 
 and lef; him totake thai course which bethought 
 dUsV poiat.'-d oui, perfectly unrestrained. 
 
 a witness there who refused to swear, he would 
 tike the means to compel him now to adopt 
 the measures vvh ch are neces.sary to bring the 
 truth out of tliisuitness. 
 
 Mr- John Oree« observed, that he had expect- 
 ed a hlow-ovit v/hen he saw Mr. Blau- introduc- 
 ed He remembered a tune when a body, call'-d 
 
 F. /-". Blair was then called. He refused to by the gentleman from Fayettt, tlie Fungus 
 
 he s V orn, and offf-red the foilowng protest in 
 writing: 
 
 I object to he sworn to give evidence in this 
 inquiry. I hold that the 5lh resolution of the 
 Senate, dcclaiing certain chnrg'-s " to be utterly 
 
 Courr, sat in this very bouse, and l>y their ofti- 
 cers broke open the "house of poor old Sneed, 
 and seized ids papers, and perhaps took him 
 into custody. The witness, he believed, \vas 
 Clerk of that Court; hut he was glad to see him 
 
 constitution. He did 
 
 false and mahcions, and made throughmt the now on the side ot the 
 
 Unitfd States to Most the rfputatims of the dis- not enter into this thing for the purpose oi hear- 
 
 tinguished members of Congre.sH from this State ing any other than t6v7//n^'- witnesses, "was 
 
 v^ho voted forJolm Qiiina/ .Mami-.," upon which to give an opportunity for those who bad been 
 
10 
 
 Immpetinft- to die world tlic charg-es of bargain, 
 sale, and corruption, to CuiTie in and si)ow on 
 wliat jjro'uxl tiiose charges Iiad been founded. 
 He was glad there was some faith left in the 
 world, and m^untained that the Senate ha«1 no 
 Tigh- to extort from the witness communications 
 made to him in confidence. Foi himself, he 
 had had no conversation w.th Mr. HIair; bm he 
 presumed h? niiist have spojcsn of letters from 
 Mr. Clay, or made communications of some kind 
 to somebody, or he would not have been called 
 he:e as a witness, and s<ircly he mic^ht disclose 
 to the Senate wiiatever lie had said relative to 
 his confidential correspondence to any otivr 
 person. Sec. 
 
 ]^Jr. Blair begged leave to explain. He said 
 in substance, in reply to Mr. Green's »emarks, 
 that Mr. Kendall's letter to Mr. Cla}- had 
 poinded ovit him to the public as one who knew 
 something in relation to the subject now before 
 the Senate. These letters referred to a con- 
 versation which he had with Mr. Kendal! in 
 January 1825, in which he stated that Mr. Clay 
 w ould be Secretary, if Mr. Adams were made 
 President. Mr. Kendall supposed tliat the in- 
 formation was received in letters fi-om Mr. Clay 
 to Mr. Crittenden or myself, and as Mr. Critten- 
 den "had declared he received no such letters, it 
 bad pointed inquiry directly to !iim. Mr Blair 
 sail!, that Mr Kendall had made his pubhcations 
 w ithout consultition or amhority from hun, and 
 that his inferences were not founded on any in- 
 formation; or warranted by any communication 
 he liad trade to iiim, other tiian that before 
 TTiemioned. He had not communicated to any 
 one the grounds on wliicli he had made his 
 staiemcnc to Mr. Kendall, nor had he shown the 
 letters to which the gentleman alluded to any 
 person towiioni they were not addressed. 
 
 A few i-eTiarks were made by other members; 
 but esti-eme ill healtli compelled us to leave th^ 
 Senate before the matter was decided, and not 
 lielng in an attitude to take notes, we may not 
 have reported what passed while we were there, 
 ■with entire accvu-acy. 
 
 The question was futally put — s'lall Mr. Blair 
 be sworn ? aitd decided in the affirmative. 
 
 Mr. Blair then refiised to be sworn peremp- 
 torily, and said he would sooner go to jail. 
 
 rinally, on motion of Mr. Pope, lie was dis- 
 charged. 
 
 Micajali IiarrrifOti was then called, and iic also 
 refused to be sworn, on the gi our.d tliat wlut he 
 knew was communicated in confider.ce. 
 
 It was moved to commit him in. til he would 
 submit 10 give evidence before the Senate, which 
 was decided in tlie negative, only six voting for 
 it. He was then discharged. 
 
 John Maionjr. was then called, and stated as 
 
 follows: 
 
 John 3in«ort of Montgomerj' states, that before 
 David TrimMe went to Congress in 1824, say 
 Sept. Comt 1324, he was contending with wit- 
 ness that Mr. Kowan ought not to be elected 
 Senjto;- to Congress, because itc wasan apostite 
 federalist, and that iie would bo surprised if 
 Avitn«is voted for him. Vvnness saul, that the 
 Presidential election was coming on, and from 
 the mmtoer »,f candidates he expected that the 
 election woidd come before Congres.s, and said 
 to Trimble, suppose that you vote for Mr. Ad- 
 nms who is also an apostate federalist. Trimble 
 i-pl'ied, he knew Adams to he an apostate fed- 
 
 eralist, and that if ke ever voted ibr him, wit- 
 ness might ca!,' him a federalist ;'s I'^ng as he 
 lived. He also said, that Ad^ms had ajjreed to 
 give up the navigal.on of the Mississippi river 
 for whales and n.Hckercl, an*l that he, AJams, 
 had always been an eiiemy to the West. 'Vhen 
 witness lieard that Tvimbleliai voted f-r Adams 
 he was snrpris<.d; aJid soon iSw-v his retani, he 
 had a coriVtisaUon with 'lim about his vote. In 
 which he gave as his icasons. that we ascertained 
 ifMr. Adams was made Presiiltnt Sir. Claywoukl 
 be made Secretary of State, and that if General 
 Jackscn wa;. made I'rcsidcat, Mr. Ciay would 
 not be made Secretary, xnd that it woi'id be 
 better for is to have Adams, with ^L•. Clay Sec- 
 retary, than General Jackson, witnouthim. He 
 also sai<I al that tim ', or ir. some conversation 
 after, that General Jackson was opposed to the 
 tarifion hemp, bag;<'ing, &c. and Lhereft)re op- 
 posed to the Kentucky I'-iercsi; and he also 
 gave as a reason, tnai jj^d- Jackson liad dis- 
 graced the Kentucklans at >'ew Orleans, in his 
 report. He thinks he heard Maj. I'rmible ex- 
 press soma of the same opinions in his public 
 speeches. Wituess is a Jackson man, and as 
 wann on any side he espous".s as he tiiinks is 
 rigiit and justifiable; tlvat he has had divers con- 
 ver8at;ons a-ui arguments with Major Trimble, 
 and what lie sa d as lo the tariff' uxn\ .lie other 
 objections, excepttlie ont in wiiich he s.aid that 
 they had a3cert".incd or discovered tiiat if Ad- 
 ams were elected, Clay would be luude Secre- 
 tary, and if Gen. Jackson were electe !, that he 
 would not be Secretary, were made in those 
 after conversations. 
 
 !M oVDAT, FEBnrAiiT 4. 
 Some discussion took place tipon a motion to 
 take up the resolution from the Committee on 
 Inieriiai Iniprovtn.ents, with the amendments 
 ottered by S\y. Beafly, in favor of tiie adminis-. 
 tration, which wits objected ta on th'; ground 
 that further evidence was expected in relation 
 to the subject of the 5th resolution. The re- 
 solutions were, however, taken up; but the 
 hour of twehc o'clock having arrived, the 
 Speaker called for the orders of the day. A 
 motion was maile to dispense with tiie orders 
 fo. tlie pi.rpose of going on wi'ii the resolutions; 
 but it Was r.egttived, although a majority voted 
 font; the rule of '.he Senate requiring two-thirds 
 to dispense witli the orders. 
 
 TCESDAT, FkBUVAUT 5. 
 
 "uj. » f 7o/'7//?e olTered a resolution icicinding 
 the rule of the Senate requiring two-thirds to 
 concur in dispensing with the orders of the day. 
 This motion was opposed by Jlessrs. Daviess, 
 J'ojje, and Dudley, on the ground that it was in- 
 tended to operate on the special case before 
 the Senate, and that all such legislation is im- 
 proper. 
 
 The hour of 12 o'clock having arrived, the 
 Speaker called up tlic orders of the day. I'hc 
 resolutions inrelationto internal Iraprjvements, 
 andtlie Administi-ation, were first in the oiflers, 
 and were conseqoently laken up. 
 
 -Mr. Daviess moved to admit and examine cer- 
 tain witnesses now in attendance. Some dis- 
 cussion took place on the subject, in which it 
 was insisted, that the inquiry ought to be 
 brought to an end, because the session is ap- 
 proaching to its close, and it is proper that the 
 
11 
 
 Legislature should express Us opinion upon tli 
 subjects involved, before Its adjoiiruTwent. It 
 was generally acceded, tliat the examination of 
 witnesses should close on this da}', unless testi- 
 mony should be introduced on the Administra- 
 tion side, '.vhen rebutting evidence might be 
 intiodiiced. 
 
 John S. Hit', of Bourbon, stated, tiiat in 1825, 
 on the 4th or 5th of January, he went into 
 Wash'ngton City in the evening, and was ui 
 company with Gen. Metcalfe, and asked liim for 
 information relative to the FresidentirJ eisction? 
 He said he knev/ little more than when he first 
 arrived, or il.an witness; that the friends of 
 Jackson would come to iis and say, we hear ycu 
 are going to vote for Mr. Adams; and the 
 friends of Adams would come to us and say, we 
 tmderstand you are going to vote for Jackson, 
 and so of tlie friends of Crawford; that we stand 
 uncommitted, and we must know sometliing 
 about how the cabii^t is to be filletl. He left 
 the City o;i the 8th in the evening, and had not 
 ascertained before he left there, how the Ken- 
 tucky delegation v.-oidd vote. While at the 
 City, Fr. Johnson said, in his presence, he had 
 received a parcel of letters from home; he v.'as 
 asked what was the ue ws ^ lie replied, they say, 
 stick to Old Hickory — give us a V/estern Presi- 
 dent whatever you do. 
 
 Dod. A. TV. Bills, of Bourbon county, stat- 
 ed, that at Shumate's Tavern, m ]^Idlcr5burg, 
 in the spring of 1S25, in company with several 
 persons, Gen. Metcalfe, upon being asked by 
 wltnessjdenied and declaimed that there was any 
 bargain, sale, or corruption, in the Presidential 
 election, but did not doubt that there v.-asa great 
 deal of logrolling amongst the friends of all the 
 candidates. Propositions he .said, might have 
 been made in a jocular manner, by the friends 
 of ttie respective candidates f(,r the Presidency, 
 but that he knew notliing which v.as seriously 
 intended- Vv'itiiess then related the substance 
 of the testimony of Mr. Hitt, as what had taken 
 place between some person and a member of 
 Congress from Kentucky. This seemed to at- 
 tract tlie attention of the Genei-al very much, 
 and he pressed witness to know which of the 
 members had been said to have made such re- 
 marks, stating-, thit he felt solicitous to know to 
 ■whom the allusion was, as he was vmwilling to 
 divide the responsibility. If attributed to him, 
 he did not wisli others to share it v.-ith him; if 
 jiot, he wished to stand clear of the imputarion. 
 Through motives of delicacy, witness declined 
 any definite explanation on account of the com- 
 pany present, with the intention, at a future 
 time, to exphun his allusions. Witness was, 
 before the last Presidential election and still is, 
 in favor of Gen. Jackson for the Presidency. 
 
 Joseph Miller was present at the convei-sation 
 stated by Dr. Bills and confirmed his statement. 
 
 JOHN DESHA'S STATEMENT. 
 
 A statement of tlie conversation which took 
 place between Gen. Metcalfe and John Desha, 
 in the spring of 1S25, in Carlisle, shortly af- 
 ter tlie General returned from Congress. 
 After the common salutation took place, I 
 said: Well, Genei-al, you have made us a Pre- 
 sident. 
 He answpred, ves 
 
 i o you think the people of Kentucky will be 
 pleased with your vote? 
 
 I think the}' will when they Iiear my reasons. 
 
 Vv'hat are your reasons. Sir? 
 
 Why, we could not possibly get Mr. Clay in 
 tie cabittet vvdthout voting for" and electingMr. 
 Adams, and we could not do without Mr. Clav's 
 >talent3. 
 
 f told him I thougiit-very highly of Mr. Clay, 
 but I supposed there were a good many equally 
 quaLfied in the United States, and y/e could do 
 without him if he v.-ere dead. But, Genera?, 
 (hd i.ot General Jackson go into Congress with 
 fifteen more votes than any other candidate? 
 
 Yes. 
 
 And besides, did not the Kentucky Legisla- 
 ture inform you that a majority of • he'peopl* of 
 the State %vistiedycu, if they cou' 1 not c-et Mr. 
 Clay elected, to certainly vote for General Jack- 
 son ? 
 
 He answered, he tbcught he knew as well as 
 the Legislature, as he I-ft Kentucky some days 
 after the Legislature ha J convened. 
 
 But, General, you could not know as v.'ell as 
 they, as they were immediately from everv 
 county in the State. 
 
 Let it be as It may, I did as I pleased.- and f 
 have anotixer reason. 
 
 What is that General? 
 
 We might have been all the time engaged 
 and have risen without making a President a': 
 all, without y.e elected Jlr. Adams. 
 
 So much the better, 1 said, for then we would 
 have Mr. Calhoun to administer tlie govern- 
 ment, and I would mucn rather, and Ibelieve 
 the people of Kentucky would rather have him 
 at the heim o" government than Mr. Adams. 
 
 I roftr you to Mr. John Mii'er, of Nicholas 
 country, as he told me he (Mctcahe) gave him 
 the vcr)' same reasons he gave me. 
 
 JOHN DESHA. 
 
 Nov. irth, 182- 
 
 Mr. Bkstxixg: 
 
 Sir — I am, and have been a long time, 
 in a bad state of health. I write this before my 
 departure down to Natchez, as I think it maV 
 be good tor my liealth to travel . You may pub- 
 lish this if you tliink proper. 
 
 1 am yours. Sec. 
 
 JOHxN DESHA. 
 
 STATEMENT. 
 
 I do certify, that some time previous to the 
 last Presidential election, I heard David Trim- 
 ble say, in a speech on the Court-house steps in 
 rlemingsbui-g, that the elder John Adams was 
 the most dangerous man in government in his 
 day, and tJiat young John Q. Adams was a chio 
 of the old block, if any odds, wo!-se; that in the 
 treaty at Ghent, he M'anted to barter away the 
 navigation of the Mississippi, the key stone of 
 the Western country, for a mess of Codfish; that 
 he was always considered an apostate federalist; 
 that he alwaj s had been hostile to the ^Vest,' 
 and that we never will have an equal cl.ance 
 with the eastern people, until we get a western 
 Presidem; that we now have a cliance in the 
 West; for we have two candidates for the Pre- 
 sidency; and that be thought Henry Clay was 
 the strongest; and if we could not get him, we 
 have another chance in the West, to wit: Gen, 
 Jackson. 
 
V2 
 
 1 believe tlie ubove to be the sum and sub- 
 '.r-acc of his speech, if not the precise words. 
 
 Richard R. Lee, Willi am Shockky, 
 
 Turplcy Taylor, .OquiUt Sampson, 
 
 Charles Spencer, Jease Summers, 
 
 Morciecai IViUiams, Col. John Taylor, 
 
 T. W. Jo7irf, James Alexander, 
 E. B. Early. 
 September 21, 1827. 
 
 MR. HARRISON'S STATEMENT. 
 
 After the most iliibcrul course pursued in the 
 Senate by Mr. Hardn towards Mr. Harrison, 
 we deemed it nee. ss try to Ui-j own vindicxlion 
 before the world, thi<t he shouM disclose M-hit 
 he knew. We accordiDj^ly addressed him a 
 nctCjto which wereceivedthe following answer: 
 
 FHiKKFOHT, 7th Feb. 1828. 
 .?. Kendall, Esq. 
 
 Dear Sir — Your letter of this date is re- 
 ceived. You state, that it is due to myself, as 
 \v«^Il as to my country , to say what I know upon 
 the subject of the resolution which has been 
 acted upon by the Senate, in regard to tlie late 
 Pns dent.al election. 
 
 I had refused to give evidence before the 
 Sen.^tc, undt v t!ie presumption of tlie communi- 
 cation beinf:m:ulctonK-//*e /y and in confidence. 
 I observed under this impression, the most scru- 
 pulous silence, during thi last election, although 
 opposed to the gen' leman's election from whom 
 I received it. Had a respectful politeness been 
 observed towards me by an Jwuorubk Senator 
 fro.p Nilson, which a man des( rv.ng such an 
 honor would have observed, I should not now 
 disclose to you, and no doubt through you to 
 the public, what I refused to disclose before the 
 Senate. Without entering into «//ihe minutx 
 of conversation wliicli tonk place, 1 w'l! state 
 that tlic Hon. D.ivld Trimble observed to me, 
 " that we, (meairng- 1 scpposed the Kentucky 
 Delegation) had diF.tinctly ascertaiiied, that if 
 Mr. Adams were elected President, Mr. Clay 
 would be appointed his Stcrdary of State; and 
 that, if Gen. Jackson were elected President, 
 Mr. Clay would not." 
 
 That in anothor conversation, not long pre- 
 viovis to the last election, upon my observing to 
 Mr. Trimble, th:a if Mr (jl.iy cnild have dis- 
 missed his prejudicesagainst Gen. Jackson, and 
 had him elected instead '>f Mr. .Adams, General 
 Jack--on would no" h-.ve been a Candidate for 
 re-» lection, in my opinion, and Mr. Cla would 
 liave been his successor. MnTrimbh replied, 
 '♦you are mi.stakt-n; that, aUhoug'i Ge ;, Jack- 
 son might T)of V ish to se ve a second term, yet 
 liis fiiends would have Imprcssesl the necessity 
 of his election; that th* good of his G(>imti-\ re- 
 quired it; [\>T it i^ neci-saiy iIkiI O'c Pr-f'"ient 
 shi i;M be elected a second term to fill otSces 
 with lis friends, "rto place his friend in office.'* 
 T! <» foogoing )s siibstjniiilly whit I shmild 
 have depo.-ed to, had I been bworn befof) tlie 
 Senate; and I regre', Ihatthi- rxlrrunhf lllibeBal 
 observations made use of by honn-'ihlf members 
 of the Senate, have imposed the painful task 
 of saying any thing upon t s subject which 
 may go to the public. 
 
 I am respectfaUv, vour ob't. scrv't. 
 
 M. HAUHISON. 
 
 J. DUDLEY'S STAMEMENT. 
 
 J Dudley, Esq. a Senator from Franklin and 
 Owencounties, beingcjlled upon, made the fol- 
 lowing statem-nt on the floor of the Senate. 
 One day in January, 1825, V. P. Blair came into 
 the Senate Chamber, seyted himself near me, 
 and inquired my opinion on the resolutions pass- 
 ed requesting our members 'jfCi ingress to vote 
 for General Jackson as President of the United 
 States. Mr. B. desired tiiat 1 would write let- 
 ters requesting the members and partxularly 
 D. WInte, from this district, to consult with Mr. 
 Clay and vote as he might desire. To this I 
 objected, and gave my reasons therefor Mr.B. 
 appeared surprised that I sliqald raise any ob- 
 jections, particularly as I was opposed to the 
 resolutions. He said, thata numberof members 
 of both houses, who voted for the resolution, 
 had written such letters and that I could do it 
 with more propriety. He said, if Mr. White 
 could be Ind iC' d to votd fur Mr. Adams, he 
 would obtain the vote of Kentucky, and with 
 it tlie votes of most of tiie western btates, wliich 
 would elect liim, in which case Mr. Clay would 
 obtain the appointment of Secretary of State. 
 I then inqu red liow that f.ict had been ascer- 
 tained ' His answer was, that letters had been 
 received from gentlemen of undoubted veracity, 
 at M'adiington City, conta.ning such informa- 
 tion, that 1 might rely wltii confidence on that 
 statement. I replied that, although 1 was op- 
 posed to the resolutions, I had no doubt they 
 contained the tiutli, and therfore I could not 
 saj' one word to indnce our members of Con- 
 gress to believe ot!ierwise. I further protested 
 against Mr. Clay's accepting any office cnder 
 Mr. .\danis, whom 1 consiileved a fed>.i-alist of 
 the Boston stamp, in 1798, and 1800, and tnence 
 forward an enemy of tlie west, and gave it as 
 mj opinion, that if they were united, tliey would 
 sink logetiier. I preferred that Mi-. Clay should 
 maintam the high attitude in which he then 
 stoid, by which means he would be the most 
 prominent cand.date at Use next election. 
 
 E\THACT ofa letter from Jefse Summers Esq. to 
 G'neral jil/tn, giving his reasons for not at- 
 tending at the b:'.r of the Senate, dated 
 Fleming county, KentuCiLV, Februarv 5th, 
 1S28. 
 
 I liave heard Mr. D.ivid Trimble say, it was 
 asccrluined that if John Q. Adams was elected 
 President, he would appoint Henry Clay Secre- 
 tary ol S*.c.te; and he also stated, in all proba- 
 bility, if General Jackson was elected, he would 
 not. At the same time, Mr. Trimble stated, 
 that the representitives from this State, or a 
 maj(;rit>- of them, ti. ought tliat it would be bet-* 
 ter for us to h.ve John Q.. Adams President and 
 Henrj- Clay S-cretary of Slate, than to have 
 ticn^ral Ja-'KSon President and some other per- 
 s.>n Secretaiy. Tiiis may i.ot bj verba' cnf ;vhat 
 Mr. Trimble saiil; but in s.ibstancc it is cor- 
 rectly w hat I understood him to say, according 
 to the best of my recollection. 
 
 Mr. Trimble iiadmade it necessary for him to 
 give some explanation for his vote on the presi- 
 dential election, on account of his ha\ing pre- 
 viously represented John Q. Adams to be a 
 dangerous man, and an enemy to the western 
 counir}'. He said, that Adams bad voted, at 
 the treaty of Ghent, tto give up the navigation 
 
.o 
 
 ofthe iVlissisBippi to the Briiish for a mess of 
 codfish. Mr. Trimble having- thus spoken of 
 Mr. Adams, previous to his voting- for liim, is 
 what made me somewhat astonished at him for 
 voting' for the man he had so denounced, and I 
 felt Very anxious to hear his apolog} , and wiieu 
 it canse it was in part as above stated. 
 
 N. B. The sbove statements can be proved, 
 if necessary, by many witnesses in this congres- 
 sional district. 
 
 Mr. Trimble stated, in his speecli at Lewis 
 court-house, in October, 1825, that we, (the 
 members of Congress, as was understood, 1 as- 
 certained that if General Jackson was made 
 President he would not make our iViend, Henry 
 Clay, his becretary of State; but that if Mr. 
 Adams was made President, he wouLl make 
 Mr. Clay his Secretary; and then said, if tiie 
 people expected him to vote for Gen. Jackson 
 under sucii circumstances, they expected IVora 
 him what he could not and wo-ald not do. He 
 said that ti. ere was no otlicr man .n Kentucky 
 who would do for a Secretai 3^ oi' State but Mi-. 
 Clay, and if Jackson were elected, Kentucky 
 would have no voice in the cabniet. 
 
 HENRY HALBKRT, 
 JESSE HAM HICK. 
 Feb. 9th, 1823. 
 
 Sworn to before me, a Justice of the Peace 
 for Franklin county, this 9th dav of Feb. 1828. 
 H. WINGATE, J. P. 
 
 From the Kentucky Central Watch Tower. 
 TotheEdiiar: 
 
 Washington Citt, Jan:25tk, 1828. 
 
 Sib: In pursuance of your request, 1 have 
 taken pains to inform myself, so far as it can be 
 done from public docuuienis, of the accuracy 
 of the statements contained m the newspapers 
 last summer, relative to Mr. Adams's accounts. 
 To satisfy you, and t;.at portion of my constitu- 
 ents wtio are leaders of your paper, on tlie 
 subject, I shall give l.teral exti-acts from the do- 
 cument now before me, iiCCompani.-d with 
 sucii explanatory remarks as the subject may 
 seem to require. You will vecollect tliat when 
 Mr. Adains wasappo nicd to ai<l m nej^ot.ating- 
 the ircaty ofpeacc, ne was Mimstero' tne Um- 
 ted States al the Court of St. Peteisourg, where 
 he iiad been ever since 18U9. It appears by the 
 public d'.cume;us, mat his duties as Mm.stcr to 
 negotiate the peace, con^menccd 29Lh April, 
 IblJ, anu ended the ^7th February, Iclo; Hav- 
 ing continued one year and ten montns. 
 
 In ihe contingent account o! Alt. Adams, laid 
 before tiie House, February 21st, 18:^5, and 
 prinied in document 79, page lUJ, 2d volume 
 puolic documents, 1B24-5, are the following 
 items: 
 
 1814, June 50th, Expensesof a journey from 
 
 ht. Petersburg toGaent, ti,86 86 
 " Sept. Expenses at Ghent, 1037 36 
 «* Dec. 31, do. 1384 65 
 
 1815, January, do. 640 00 
 Here we have $3,062 01 for Mr. Adams' ex- 
 penses at Giient, for only three months. What 
 •was the nature of these expenses lias never 
 been disclosed. An eflbrt will be made at tliis 
 session of Cong-i-ess, to obtain an explanation cf 
 this most extraoniinary expenditure. B-at ict 
 ".s return, to the document 
 
 " This sum allowed for bis expenses back to 
 St. Petersburg, e^ual to the sum allowed on his 
 journey from St.PeieisburgtoGhent, $886 86.'" 
 This journey i«cA-/o S( Pctersbiti-g, Mr. Adams 
 ?2f i-?r travelled. He went from Ghent to Paris, 
 and thence -o London, where he remained about 
 two years as Minister, and then retui-ned to the 
 United States. This statement in tne document, 
 taken, I presume, from the books ofthe Treasu- 
 ry, is wholly deceptive — not as to the payment 
 ofthe money; for Mr. Adams took care to se- 
 cure thit, but asto the services for wi.ich it was 
 paid So far as I can learn, the true history of 
 thisitem is as follows; When Mr. Adams went to 
 Ghent, he left hisfanfiily in Russia, and after the 
 close of that negotiation, tliey joined him at 
 Ghent, and travelled to Paris. The travelling 
 expenses of his family fiom St. Petersburg to 
 Paris, he charged to the United States; but the 
 accounting officers of the Treasury could find 
 no law which woidd justify or palliate the pay- 
 ment of tuis item. Whether tlie idea first oc- 
 curred to them or Mr. Adams, I know not; b-at 
 so it was, that inasmuch as Mr Adams migt\t 
 have gone buck to St Petersburg, although in 
 fact he did not, it was considered, that the tra- 
 velling expenses of his family from St Peters- 
 burg t Pai'is might be paid under cover of this 
 pretended journey back, and neither Congress 
 nor the people would be the wiser for it! So 
 Mr. Adams received the money, under this 
 false pretence. Tlie accounting officers make u 
 false coiTcsponding entry upon the public books, 
 and the consideration for which the money was 
 paidj is Vyfliolh concealed in the report made to 
 Congress; and the people, as well as tiieir re» 
 presentatives, are' deceived in relation to the 
 real objects for which their mone) is paid. But 
 let us again return to the document. The nest 
 iteni is as follows: 
 
 " This sum paid him for his travelling cxoen- 
 "sesfromS'. Petersburg to Amsterdam; from 
 "thence to Giient, Paris, and Havre, seeking a 
 "pa-sage tothe United States; it being i.npos- 
 " sible to embark fr sm any port in the Baltic, 
 " in consequence cf the war, - g l,v/'00." 
 
 Here is another journey paid for by tiie good 
 people, wiiich req lires explanation. It has 
 been satl, and probably withtrutii, tiiat such a 
 journey \yas performed b) tlie Secretary of Le- 
 gation, Wm S. Smitii, Mr. Adams's nepiicw, 
 Tliere is no law authorizing th.- allowance (f tra- 
 velling expenses t > Secretaries of L-gation? 
 but Mr. Adams being Secretary of S ate, pro- 
 Ciu-ed this ex'rao;d.nary ail'Avanre, whicii is 
 • also disguised upon the books in the manner I 
 have stated. 
 
 The next item reads thus: "Tliis sum allov,- 
 " ed him far his expenses at Paris, waitingthe 
 *' answer of tlie British government to a propo- 
 "silion to treat on commerce, and the instruc- 
 " tions ofhis own government on this subject, 
 
 $ 830 '19." 
 
 These expenses were incurred at Paris, at the 
 verj'timc wiien Mr. Adams is supposed, in a pre- 
 vio-asand subsequent item ofthe account, to be 
 travelling back to St. Petersburg; but the dales 
 of these items are carefully omitted in the re- 
 port to Congress. Had tiiey been given, it 
 would have appeared on tlte face of the docu- 
 ment, that Mr. Adams was travelling back to St. 
 Petcrsburg,and rcsidingat Paris at the same time, 
 /and charging the government with botli the ex- 
 
i^J 
 
 >>en»es oi his journey, and llic expenses of his 
 residence in Paris! It would seem that the dates 
 could have been omitted only to conceal the 
 falsehood of tiie pretences under which some of 
 the items Were allowed! It should be here re- 
 marked that Mr. Adams was allowed an outfit 
 of S 9,000 on his appointment to England, and 
 that his salary for that mission commenced on 
 the 28th February, 1815, wiicrehy he was re- 
 ceiving' not only expense for travellirg back to 
 St. Petersburg', and expense for detention in> 
 Paris, but his salary as Minister to London, all 
 at the same time! The next iiem reads thus: 
 
 " 'i'his sun, beinj the an\ount heretofore sus- 
 •' pended from two contins^ont accounts, but 
 "which, onfiu'ther explanation and con^idera- 
 " tion, is admitted, - - $99 35" 
 
 Of this 1 know nothing. But now comes a 
 very extraordinary item: 
 
 •' This sum, allowed h.m as equivalent to his 
 " expenses from Ghent to St. Petei-sburg", after 
 •'the conclusion of the tveiity of peace with 
 " Great Britain, he being' accredited and cor.- 
 *' siuered Minister at the Kussia'i Court until 
 "thf rceeipt of his appointment to that of 
 " Gn at Brtain, - - ;i>l,566o5." 
 
 "Deduct tliis s^im, p.llowed hinn for 'his ob- 
 " ject, for report No. 282, uv.der an i:.:pr?s?Sion 
 "that the same sums diarged by liiin for the 
 " journey from St. Petersburg to Ghent, would 
 " be equal to the expenses of his return, but 
 *' which now apjiear . wo'dd n(>t hav •. been the 
 ♦' case, as that jo\ir;icy was ma<lt chiefiy by wa 
 " ter, but his return must lnue been by land, 
 "and by the same route as that taken by Mt-ssrs. 
 ♦* Galialiu and Bayard, and equally ex[)ensive, 
 "886 86, - - - i679 68." 
 
 Here is another allowance for the journey 
 bacK from Ghent to St. Petersburg', accompa- 
 nied by the most dispfusting and dis;^raceful 
 falsehoods. As far as I can Icai'ii, the grounds 
 of this second allowance were as follows: The 
 travelhiig exj)cnses of Mr. Adams' f-imily from 
 S' • Petersburg to Paris, were charged atthe sum 
 of 1,600 dollars, so.thut the first allowance of 
 886 dollars 86 events made to him under pretence 
 of a journey from Ghent to St. Petersnuvg, was 
 not sufficient to cover them. After the fir.«t al- 
 lowance was made, Mr. Adams diseovi-red that 
 Messrs. B'.iyard, and perhaps Gallatin, had 
 charged and received 1,566 dollars 54 cents 
 each, for the expenses of their journey from 
 St. Petersbur.Tfto Ghent, and he fortliwitii puts 
 in a ftirtner claim to an equal allowance for his 
 /jrc^enrft// journey, in order to cover hlsfainily's 
 travelling expenses! This aUo is allowed, de- 
 ducting the previous allowance! M;<rk the false 
 reasons given for this additional uliowance! It 
 is said Mr. Adams' journey finm St. Petersburg 
 to G.ient, was made chiefly by water, " hid his 
 returTi, mwit I'liive been Inj lanr/," wlien, iu fact, 
 lie never returned at all. It is Mdded, " atiJ ly 
 the same route as thai taken liij Messrs. Gallatin 
 and bciyiird, and cjualh/ expensive." A mere 
 pretext for obtaining 679 dollars 68 cents 
 more than it had cost him, by his own ac- 
 count, for travelling over the same ground! 
 From whic'a it ai»pears that the allowance 
 of 886 dolKirs 86 cents origmally made un- 
 der false prctc-.ices, was afterwards enlar- 
 ged to 1566 dollars 54 cents, under accumu- 
 lated fictions ! 1 If' finally gets, under ]>retencc 
 of R direct journey hack to St. Petersburg from 
 
 Ghent, which he neve:* performed, as rfiucli a« 
 Mr. Bayard got for a circuitous journey from St. 
 Petersburg, by Ghent to London. How Mr. 
 Adams could descend to procure from the pub- 
 lic treasury his family's travelling expenses, 
 which he knew could not be legally allowed by 
 filling the records of his country with gi'ossand 
 repeated misstatements, I leave to his support- 
 ers to explain! 
 
 When Mr. Adams WAsappciritedto aid in ne- 
 gotiating the treaty of peace in April, 1813, the 
 President sent out to him $ 13,500; 4,500 dollars 
 on account of his salary as Minister to llussia, 
 and 9,000 dollars as an outfit for the peace mis- 
 sion. Afterwards the President asked an appro- 
 prij'ticnby C-'ngressto cover this Ovitfit; but ?-s 
 the finances of the country were exh-tusjted and 
 emban\issed by the war, and 9,000 dollars outfit 
 v/as considered rather extra vagimt for a Minister 
 al'-cady in Europe, that body appropn;U( d only 
 4,500 for ?ilr. Adams's outfit, andhe was du'ect- 
 cd to ijntcr a credit on his account in fiivor of the 
 gover-.^mcnt, equal to the other 4.500 dollars, 
 the balance of the §3,000 sent him by the Presi- 
 dent. This he refused to do, complainhig bit- 
 terly of Congress for their penu'iousness, and 
 declaring that they had as much right ;o c^mfis- 
 cite his p.-ivate pvoperty hs to require him to re- 
 iVmd .-ip.y portion of ths money which had been 
 senttohlmby the government. He never did 
 refund the money, or enter a credit for it, and 
 he stood ch.irged -with it on the books of the 
 Treasury until 1S22. To compel defa.Jters to 
 settle up tlieir arrears with Gcveriiment, Con- 
 gress passed an act prohibiting the payment of 
 i\ny salary or comperisation to any officer of the 
 United States who was in arrears with the Go- 
 vernment. Mr. Adams was then Secret;uy of 
 State, and in obedience to law, t!ie Treasury of- 
 ficers refusevlto pay him his salary untd he ac- 
 countedfor this 4,500 dollars, which lie had re- 
 ceived in 1813. He now reiterated his com- 
 plainti, andai>rtaled to the President, who re- 
 ferred the subject to the Attorney General. 
 That officer gave un opinion that the President 
 had a right to give the money, and Mr. Adams 
 to keep it, in despite of the authority of Con- 
 gress, and witltout an appropriation, although 
 the Constitution says expressly, "no money shall 
 be drawn from the Treasury but in cnnscquence 
 of appropriations made by law," &c. 
 
 Mr. Adams retained the monc)' and received 
 the credit, although no appropriatioji has been 
 made 'o this day. Thus it was, that he realized 
 an outfit of 9,000 dollars, when sent upon the 
 jjt-ace mission. The peace mission commenced 
 the 29th of April, 1813, and ended the .rth of 
 Fcbruan, 1815, having continued one year and 
 ten months. Mr Adams was then appointed 
 Minlst. r to lireat Britain, and his m'ssion com- 
 menced 28th Fehruarv, 1815. Upon thi? ap- 
 pointment, he cl.timed another outfit of 9,000 
 ili>llars. The government hesitated at mnking 
 the allowance, because there w.is an act of Con- 
 gress which declared "that it shall not be h-.wful 
 in any case for the. President to a'low a Minister 
 PieiiipoteitiM-y or Charge d' Aflaircs, o?i ^ot/j^' 
 fom l/te United Slain to any other foreigr. coun- 
 try, an ou'fit whicli shall exceed one year's sala- 
 ry." It was doubted. whether any outfit could 
 be lawfully allowed tg a Minister who had been 
 actuidly filled oul, and was alrcadj" in a foreign 
 country, upon a transfer from one court to an- 
 
ia 
 
 iAiier. But it was finally decided that this law 
 did not bar an outfit in such a case, and Mr. 
 Adams received another 9,000 dollars on being- 
 transferred from Ghent to London. Thus did 
 he receive, within two 3'ears, two outfits of 
 9,000 dollars each, making- 18,000 dollars. 
 
 It has been said, that during- tlie Ghent mis- 
 siop, Mr. Adams cha)ged and received a double 
 salary; viz. 9,000 doiiai*s per year, as Minister 
 to Ghent, and 9,000 dollars per year as Minister 
 to Russia. Tlie document on which the charge 
 is predicated is now before me. It originated 
 as fjUcws: In April, 1822, the House of Hepre- 
 sentativos adopted a resolution, calling- on tiie 
 Secretary of State, who was none otlier than 
 Mr. Ad-4ras iiimself, for "astateir.entexhibiting- 
 the amount paid for outfit, return, salaries, and 
 contingent expense.s, to each Envoy Extraordi- 
 nai-y ;'-na Minister Plenipotentiary, and Charge 
 des Affaires, from the United States to tiie re- 
 spective foreig-n coui-ts, fiom 1st January, ISOl, 
 to 31st December, 1821." Mr. Adams called 
 on the Ksglitcr of the Treasury to make out 
 the docunient, v/hich he accord-ngly did, and 
 corain'J.r.icated it to Mr. Adams, by whom it was 
 sent to the House of Representatives. Ti;is 
 document contains the following account of the 
 amount; paid tb Mr. ^dams, as Minister to the 
 several courts therein mentioned, which I have 
 exactly copied: 
 
 
 
 
 
 «-t 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 '•* 
 
 
 e-i 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
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 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 3* 
 •P 
 
 75 
 
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 1^ 
 
 CO 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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 ■P 
 
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 CO 
 
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 3 
 
 
 
 
 ■^ 
 
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 ? 
 
 
 
 
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 11 
 
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 OS- 
 
 r -1 
 
 3 °ci^ 
 
 -5 
 
 3 
 
 '.13 
 
 
 a 
 
 C 
 
 M5 
 
 •1 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 ^ n 
 
 
 w 
 
 
 i?' 
 
 
 55 
 
 
 ?^ 
 
 5= 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 S 
 Sg8 
 
 " 
 
 •r 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 C^ 
 
 "3 
 
 ^^ 
 
 
 
 (-'■ ~ 
 
 s 
 
 3^'- 
 
 rics 
 
 
 CO 
 
 
 
 c 
 
 
 
 
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 3 
 
 
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 W 
 
 d. 
 5' 
 
 ■a 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 -3 
 
 § 
 
 
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 H 
 
 
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 CO 
 
 
 
 ■JO i" 
 
 C 
 
 c 
 
 
 Br 
 
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 6'" 
 
 cr 
 
 c 
 
 -1 
 
 •'•1 
 
 
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 •0 
 
 
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 1=> 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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 k-* 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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 I have copied all of this piper, just as it is 
 printed in Document N'>. 107, vol. 7, of pubhc 
 documents for 1821, '22. It will be perceived 
 thattlie missions toRu-ssiaand Ghentare repre- 
 sented as ending at th^ .>!ame time, viz. '27\.\\ of 
 February, 1815; th.at, intue column of sabry is 
 placed a full .salary as Mmister to Ghent. If 
 these statements be accurate, Mr. Adams did re- 
 ceive a double .salary. IJut trutli compels mo 
 to say, that this document, like others relating 
 
 to Mr. Adams's -accounts, is very inaccurate, if 
 not materially false. In the main document, 
 the totals do not correspond with the items, and 
 tiie recapitulation does not with cither the totals 
 or the aggregate of the items in that document. 
 I cannot therefore assert, positively, t^at Mr. 
 Adams did receive a double saiarv, or that he 
 did not; but when I reflect that liiis doci-iment, 
 which seems contrived rather to conceal than 
 develop the truth, came through his own 
 hands,aad must have passed his inspection, there 
 seems to me reason to infer, that the worst rep- 
 rtsentatloii it makes is the real truth of the 
 case. Take this document coming through 
 Mr, Adams himself, as ti-ue in its worst aspect; 
 and let us see how much money he contrived to 
 pocket in two years, commencing with his ap- 
 pointment upon ihe Ghent Mission in AnriJ, 
 181.3: ./ ' 
 
 Outfit on the Ghent Alission, ^9,000 00 
 
 Sdary do 20,299 30 
 
 Contingencies, do 6,^45 60 
 
 Outfit on Mission to Gieat C/itaIn, 9,00'^ 00 
 Salary of Russian and Brit, Misaion, 18, JGO 00 
 
 ..... ^ : . . §52,0.4 .^0 
 
 It this document oe correct m tlie amount of 
 salary set to each mission, Mr. Adams mu-st have 
 charged and received this su-n for services and 
 expenses between the 29th of April, 1813, and 
 the 29th of April, 1815, besides some co'ntin- 
 gencies at London, l^ indeed he did not re- 
 ceive any salary as ilinister to Gher.t, then the 
 a:nouni. paid him for the two years was 42,345 
 60. That he did actually receive this latter 
 sum, much of it under false pretences and con- 
 trcry to law, there is no rf)om to doubt. What 
 agency Mr. Adams had in s^jtrhng his cwn ac- 
 counts and directing i|ie aUowancestoiiimseif, i 
 know not. Certain it is, tiat the Secretary of 
 State is the chief agent iu making all excraordi- 
 nary allowances to iorejgn Minister.s. Mr. Ad-^ims 
 was Secretary of State: from 1817 to 1825, rmd 
 his accounts must have been settled after his re- 
 turn home, lie at least did not object to tlie ex- 
 tiavagant allowances made to him,' some of then^ 
 f'jr services and journeys not performed, for he 
 ])ockeiedthe money. 
 
 I have now given you all the Information I can 
 collectfi-cra the public documents upon the nub- 
 ject of your inq-airy. You may rely upon it as 
 accurate in the manner aad to the extent that I 
 have stated. 
 
 T cannot forbear to mention that in this inves- 
 tigation I have met witli a key to the fcollnes 
 v/hich dictated tlie letter of Mr. Adams to Le- 
 vitt Harris, in which he j)ronounces our govern- 
 ment feeble and penunous. Congress imd re- 
 fused to allow him a full outfit of 9,000 dollars. 
 In a iciter to liim from Mr. Monroe, then Sec- 
 retary of State, dated June 23d, 1814, he is in- 
 formed of this .'act in thi following word: 
 
 "It is necessary to apprize you, that,' altho' 
 " a full oulht was tvansmiited by tiie Neptune 
 " and int. nded to be allowed you by the Evec- 
 "utive as a member of the extra mission at St 
 "Petersburg, ytt the Legislature, on a refer"- 
 " encc of the subject to them for an .appropria- 
 " tion, decided tiie principle, by the amount ap- 
 "jn-opnated and the discussions whicii took 
 "place at the time, that an Oiitfit Oiily could be 
 "all-jwed to a minister undei circuniitanccs ap- 
 " plicable to yo-ar case. In your drafts on the 
 
16 
 
 '' bankers and in your future accounts, you will 
 *• be pleased to keep this de-iiiction in view." 
 
 But tile Minister had the money, and altho' 
 the .government was almost bankrupt, the army 
 naked and starving, and the enemy, relieved 
 from war in Europe, was preparing- to carry fire 
 and swoitl through our country, ' and did soon 
 after take this city,iM(nd burn the public build- 
 in.e^s, he had no conception of relinquishing his 
 hold upon the casli he had received. To Mr. 
 Monroe's letter he retui-ned an answer dated 
 Ghent, 23d August, 1814, characteri/i^d by a 
 tone and temper ill-becoimng a re])resentative 
 of his country in that day of iier grciiti. bt want 
 and peril. Among other things of a like char- 
 acter, he says: 
 
 " I allege, that, by an act of the Executive 
 " perfectly conformable to the con.stitution and 
 " the law, the sum which I am now required to 
 " deduct froni my accounts and my dwitn, was 
 " my ])ropcrty as mucli as the dwelling house 
 "of any member of the legislature was iiis, and 
 " that tlic principle which ( ongress would set- 
 '•' tie, by an ultimate refusal to allow tin appro- 
 "pi-iation, could be no other tlian a ])rinciple, 
 " to confiscate, without any alleged ott'ercc, 
 " not halCthe oxitfit of a Minister under circura- 
 " stances applicable to my case, but so much 
 " of my individual property." 
 
 If I had more time I would give the v.'hole 
 letter, from which you would not fail to per- 
 ceive, tliat Mr. Adams tlioiigbt more of filliiiij 
 Iiis own pockets at that period, than he did ot' 
 the wants of his bleeding country. 
 
 His famotis letter to Levitt Harris is dati-a 
 (ihent, 16th November, 1814. Amor.g other 
 things not very creditable to his patriotism, he 
 says: 
 
 •' Divided amon^ourselves, more in passions 
 "than interests, with half the nation .sold by 
 ' ' their prejudices ynd their igiic.ra7icc t« oiu- en- 
 " emy, with nfnl/k and penuriom govtrnrnfnf, 
 " witii five frigates fir a navy, and scarcely five 
 " efficient rtgimcnts for a army, how can it be 
 " expected that we should resist the mass of 
 " force which that gigantic power hi'.s collcct- 
 " td to crush us at ablow." You will recollect 
 sir, the events nf that peiiod. Our treasury was 
 empty and tlie caf)itol in ruins, while Mr. Adams 
 was grasping at outfit?, salaries, travelling eX- 
 pen.vts and contingcucii.s, without reason or 
 limit, and abusing the government as penuri- 
 ous, because it would not yield tv all hs extra- 
 vagant demands! Mr. Monroe at Wnshuigton 
 and General Jackson at New Orleans, were 
 bonvwJng on their own credit, and h;;zaiding 
 every dollar they possessed in the world, to 
 save their suH'ering country. In Novetnber 
 1814, when tin- lett^rr to Harris was written, 
 General Jackson was driviiig the Ilriti^li from 
 Florida, and opLning his way to New Orleans. 
 On the 1st December he ai'rived at that city, 
 and used to the people a lan;n,;ige which 1 beg 
 you tsi contrast with that of Mr Adams. He 
 dcclajcd " /hat ir/,o is not for vn la i:(;uinst uc," 
 he inuMmed those whom he commanded or was 
 to defend, " to remember that our wa/chmord is 
 ■vidori/ or death: our aiwi/ri/ tt,us/ mid x/ial/ be 
 defended. JVe wilt enjoy vur liberty or ntrish in 
 If.ckat ditch." ■> ^ J i 
 
 Your obedient .servant, 
 
 '^- y. MOOKR. 
 
 Our readers are Here presented with the first 
 number of the United States' Telegraph Extra, 
 which is dedicated to all those citizens of the 
 United States who, at the elevation of the Hero 
 of Nrw» Orleans to the mo.st responsive station 
 in their gift, expect a correction of the existing 
 abuses; and an honest administration of thcu- 
 public alFairs. More particularly is this paper 
 <lcdicated to the different corresponding com- 
 miitees throughout the Union v/ho have been 
 appointed for the purpose of disseminating po- 
 litical tni'li, and refuting die various slanders 
 by wiiich, a corrupt coalition are endeavoring 
 to [jivlou.'i, 'i'at P'>wer whlcli tiiey aiqinredby 
 violating the public will. The publishers be- 
 lieve that •'. paper like the one here offered, on 
 terms that shall render it accessii^le to every 
 citiz'ii, will Tii.d gready to promote the cause 
 of the PEOPLE The patroiiiige aheady giv- 
 en to it is extensive, and greatly encreasing; 
 and to meet this increasing demand, they in- 
 tend to print a large edition of the first nujiibers 
 to accommodate therewith those whose orders 
 may not arrive until after their publication. 
 
 All the corresponding committees, and all 
 those disposed to aid the cause of sound princi- 
 ples by the elevation of ANDUEW JACKSON, 
 are requested to excrlthemselvcs for procuring 
 subscriber.!, and trarsmlttiug their names to the 
 publishers without delay. They will perceive 
 that, no indemnifying the Editors for the ex- 
 pense of publication, all payments should be 
 made in advance, and that they can, in no case 
 ■pay postage. .' , 
 
 The editors would suggest to those who ob- 
 tain subscnbers, the propriety of retaining the 
 money paid to them, until it shall amount to 
 five dollars ut least; for, besides the saving of 
 postage to the subscribers, the ed.tors would 
 state tluit bills of a lesser detiomination than 
 five dollars are not current in Washington, 
 unless they be on district banks. 
 
 The er-itors improve the oppntimity afforded 
 by this publiiaiion, to inform the r pa;rous that 
 of the United Stages' lelegiaph, they publi.sli 
 four papers. I'he first is a Daily Paper, whicli 
 is offered for Ten Dollars per year. The sec- 
 ond Is publish .d tiirce tinvs per week during 
 the session of C 'Ugress, and twice per week 
 during the vrcess; ;;nd ofl'ered for Five Dollars 
 per yea!', and, Three Dollars for six months. 
 The third is published \Veet;!y, and is offered 
 foi Foil! Dollars per y I ar. If three .sub.scriber.'* 
 unite and remit ten dollars, each will receive a 
 Weekly Paper for one year. Tiie fourth will 
 be j)u!)ri>hed weekly, from the Isi of March un- 
 til the 15ih of October, for One Dollar. 
 
 Concerning. the political doctrines to the sup- 
 P' rt of which this paper wil! be devoted, the 
 editors need say notiilng. The course hitherto 
 pursued iu the United States' Telegidph, will 
 be strictly pursued, in this Extra; and how far 
 that eoursc has been approved by tiie gioat Ke- 
 publiean party of the Union, may be learned 
 from the extensive, if not linrxain^Ud piiU'on- 
 age which the editors have received from the 
 people and the subscribers, and the nia'ignant 
 abuse that lias been poured upon them by the 
 agents of the coahtion. GKEEN l^ JAFtVI?. 
 
IjNITED states telegraph— ivrfra. 
 
 This paper will be devoted exclusively to the Presidential Election, and be published weekl} 
 
 until the loth of October next, for One Dollar, 
 
 VOL. 1. 
 
 BY GREEN ^' JARVIS. 
 WASHINGTON, MARCH 21, 1828. 
 
 No. 2, 
 
 SIX MILITIAMEN. 
 
 The Editors of the United States' Telegraph 
 believing' that they could not render a more ac- 
 ceptable service to tlieir readers, than by phi- 
 cinjy v.ithin a compendious compass tiie facts 
 and principles of Law connected with the case 
 of the ''Six Tennessee Militia men," have pre- 
 pared, and now publish in a pamphlet, from the 
 report of the Committt-e on Military Ailairs, and 
 the debate which took place in the House of 
 liepresentativcs, on tlie 11th Eeliruary, relative 
 to the printing of that rejjortandthe documents 
 transmitted by the Department of War ni obe- 
 dience to the call of Mr. Sloane, of Ohio. 
 
 The annals of the world scai-cel}' disclose a 
 ■circumstance of g-reater baseness and injustice 
 than tlie conduct of the Coahtion, and its tooly, 
 throughout the whole of tins transaction. It 
 will be remembered by our readere th.at it was 
 immediately after the deckled revolution in p^:b- 
 lic sentiment, occ;isioned bv tiie moral disarust 
 and loathing- at the inturiate and infamous at- 
 tacks en the character of Mrs. Jacicson. that 
 this fiction of General J.ackson's illegal execu- 
 tion of the six militia men was g-ot up, and that 
 Jiihns, par excellence, tlie infamous Bums, forged 
 the memorable letter of John Hiirris. Although 
 the report of the Nashville Committee put down 
 this fabrication, and suspended this slander for 
 a ti.Tic, yet the Secretary of War. as the supple 
 instrument of a more designing man than him- 
 self, was too far committed ;n tiie dissemin.«- 
 tion of this cali-mny to recede, and leaving con- 
 sented to become the carrier of .lohn Binns, he 
 was obliged also to be liis endorser. 
 
 •The consequence hasbcn that t!ie archives 
 jnfthe War Department have be.n opened to 
 •everj- libeller of General Jackson, wlio might 
 <ie.sire to find materials to be tortured and per- 
 verted to tlie worst purposes of falsehood and 
 malice. But the chief inanctuvre in the tactical 
 operation of this movement, was to procure, du- 
 ring The present session, a call for the proceed- 
 ing's of the court by which the six militia men 
 were sentencjd- to death, and such parts of the 
 ■correspondence of the Department of Vv'ar vvitli 
 the Ciovemor of Tennessee, during- the late 
 N\ar, relating to the militja drafts of that State, 
 a.s might he must servicealile. 
 
 The object of tiiis call \v-as too olivious to 
 escape observation. In the first place it was 
 hoped, tl. at from the carelessness and want of 
 method which usually characterize the proceed- 
 ings of miiitia courts-martial, Chowevt-r ettectu- 
 aliy substantial justice may be done,) some ir- 
 regula.-ity of mere form might be seized upon 
 and made the most of; it all events, (whatever 
 might be the finding of the court, from the tes- 
 timony of the witnesses for tlie prisoners, enoug-h 
 might beprocuicd for the calumnious aliment 
 of "the I'rcss, by authority," during the ap- 
 proaching campaign. 
 
 This call was confided to tiie Honorable Mr. 
 Sloan.?, of Ohio. . it was impossible fo^ the 
 
 Coalition to have made a more judicious selec" 
 tion. This gentleman, with a happy insensi" 
 biUty both to shame and punishment," had just 
 that darkling malice which fitted him " foe a 
 mousing owl;" and in strict obedience to th'i 
 orders he had received, the call was so shaped 
 by himself, as to bring out merely what the Co- 
 alition wanted. The seasonable amendment, 
 however, of Mr. Wicklifte, extracted a llttie 
 more, and this enabled the Committee on Mili- 
 tary Affairs to develop the tme history of Ithe 
 transaction. When the call was answered! by 
 the transi.-.ission of the documents from the War 
 Department, it will be remembered with w)jai; 
 periinacity the friemlsofthe Administrationlre- 
 sisted their reference to the Committf c on Mili- 
 tary Afiiiirs, because they knew that that Com- 
 miitee would give a candid and fiilr expositlkir. 
 of the law and tiicts of the case; and that, astli'i 
 jjroceedingH of the court did not contain a A> 
 cital of the law under which it acted, the ptib- 
 hc would be sure to be misled if it wa.<fnot 
 pointed out. / 
 
 We need not refer to the dishonorable c/urse 
 pursued by the administration party whWi the; 
 Conunittee presented their report— die tfForts 
 made to separate this report from the' docu- 
 ments, and the still more reprehensililc at- 
 tempt to have them published as arravM, as- 
 sorted, and shuffled at the Department I>f War. 
 These facts the debate will emphatically dis- 
 close, j 
 
 We regret that the documents se/t by the 
 Dep.artment are so voluminous as tdpreclude; 
 our publication of them, for witli tie tabular 
 Statements of the muster-rolls they sre equiva^ 
 lent to about 200 printed pages; but what will 
 the public say, when We assure thdn, that but 
 one smgle letter, (that of the SecrJai-y of War, 
 General Armstrong, to Governor Uoiint, of the 
 11th of January, 1314,) has any Teference to 
 the subject, excepting tjiat from Gov. Blount 
 to the Secretary of vVar of the 19ti Oct. 1814, 
 that all the rest of the corresponlience serves 
 only to overwhelm in its unwieldr masses the 
 true point at issue which the admhistration ha.^ 
 been desirous of keeping out of view. 
 
 The muster-rolls, it is impractipablc to pul)- 
 lisii; they prove, however, uneqijivocally, that 
 the men who were executed. Were regularly 
 mustered for six months. For a perfect under- 
 .s'landiiig of the references in the report, w-. 
 here subjoin the letter of Gen. Arms^xcng to 
 Gov. Blount, of the 11th of Jaijuary, 1814.— 
 Gov. Blount's orJ' r of the 20th May, 1814, by 
 which the reg-iment of (;ol. Pipk n was muster- 
 ed into service for six months, frqm tiie 20th of 
 Juue, 1814. General Jackson'.-^ order of the 
 24th May, 1814, wliowas then i Militia Gene- 
 ral, the letter of the Secretary of AVar, Augiist 
 2Dth, 1814, (communicated to the House of Ke- 
 }m-;entatives, un;!er Mr. Sloane's sec. md call 
 of tlie 8th of Peiiruary,) togetlur with 'he let= 
 i&t ofHiQ ]Jon. Ml-. Blair, of T<|nnosst tn:.?- 
 
15? 
 
 ^ii.DJDij- u U;Ucr ot ihe Ifon. Mr. Alexander, in 
 . relation to the execution, of tiie six mutineers. 
 
 ^le Secretary of War to Governor Blount. 
 
 Wati Df.PiHTMEXT, Jan. 11, 1814. 
 Sin: You are autlioriztd to supply, by rrjilitia 
 • drafts, or by v()li:n!cers, any dchciency which 
 may arise in the railitia division, under the com- 
 .iTTiaiid of Major l:ieneral Jaeks./n, and without 
 referring', on this head, to tins Dcpailnnnu It 
 may he well tliat your H.vcell ncy slioi Id con- 
 sult General Pinckney on such occas)(.ns, its he 
 can best judge cf the whole number uecessaiy 
 ^0 the attainment o'' the pu!)i!C objecls. 
 I have the honor, &c. 
 
 •T. ARMSTRONG. 
 )lis Esc'y the Governor of Tennessee. 
 
 *And agaijn-, on the 51st of January, 1814, be 
 wrote; 
 
 " Sir: I had tlie honof to recoive your E?;cel- 
 ?ency's letier of the 5th in.-ot. My letter of the 
 JA\A will have anticipated yoiu^ inquiries r .la- 
 *!ve to fiu-tlur delitchinents of militia. The at- 
 tertion of the P.iymitste.r of the Army v/ili be 
 par'-icul.irly directed to the payment uf the 
 troops who have been in service fram Tennes- 
 ♦ice. 
 
 I have the honor to b., verj" respcctfu!l_v, 
 vour ^xcel!enc\ 's most cueoient s; ; vant, 
 
 (SiifMefl) J. ARMijTRONt^." 
 
 Tifs E:c-ellency W. Rlolnt, 
 
 Govemvr of 'Jhinessce. 
 
 •.PRt %'cvretarij of War to GaieralJadcson. 
 
 WaM DK.-AIir7<F..\ t, 
 
 Fclruanj A,IS1A'. 
 
 Si.1: Snce tlie receipt of your letter, c^ De- 
 • ember 3)th, the GoveiTior of Tennessee has 
 ?»een required to call out the mditia to reinforce 
 your comnand, and piovide fcr the exiijeiicit:s 
 of the service in that tpiarter, in wiiich iie is 
 nlso require! to cousuJi .he conunanding- dene- 
 nil. 
 
 J. \RMSTi:ONG. 
 
 Ocncral Aynnrw Jackson, 
 
 Fort Strcther. 
 
 Acting-, as we presume, under th -S'- instruc- 
 {i<nis, the (iovernor of Tehiusste, oi. tlie 2Jth 
 of N!ay, lbl4, issued t5ie fullov.ing' {general or- 
 der: 
 
 "X.vsHviLT.K, May 20, ldl4. 
 
 Sni: In crmpliance with the requisitirn of 
 Jl:ijor Cleneral Thomasf I'incknc,-, 'ha. Ihe po.-.ts 
 of Fort vv.lliaiAS, For' Strdtner.FoL-t .^-msironir, 
 Fort Ross, ar.d Forts Old and New Depo.sit, 
 should be kept up, the doin;^ of w.'iich he lias 
 confided to you, \intil the objects of tiic govern- 
 ment in relaticn to the war ajaiti-st the iiostile 
 Creek Indian^ shall have been fully cft'ected; 
 Mid fioui the liiobahle expiration of the time of 
 sctvn c of the t.oop.s, now occupying tliose im- 
 ])or!a".t posts, commanded by C'ol. Bunch, prior 
 to a hnai acco Lplislunent of tlie views of go- 
 vernment in re'ation t - the (."reek war, you, tt-v//, 
 ii'lthout (It lav, ircler ouJ one Huiu.uiiid nut:! in i>i' 
 i'dvtry of fnt 2d d'liruon, frr tke trrn p/* six 
 ^toNTii.'i, unless sooner iischurgx i b) order of 
 tlie Fresident "fthe United dtal'. .;,^r, you nay 
 accept a t'^ndcr of si /vice of tne aijo- • nunib. r 
 <^f votiirteer i^ti.ntr}' from the 2d division for 
 
 the aforesaid tDnn, for tlie piu-puse of i^'-ainso;, 
 ii'f^lhe said posts, at your option: which latitude, 
 in relation to culls for men to act as^idnst the 
 Creeks, in furtherance of the views of govimmeni 
 in thai behalf, is i^ivtn to me by instrudion.s from 
 the War Jjiportmenf. Those troops will be 
 com.manded by .ui officer of the rank of colontd, 
 and will be r. quired to rendezvous at F'ayette- 
 ville, on tlie 20th of June next: th'Mice they will 
 proceed to iLe above-mentioned posts, under 
 j-our order, in such numi)er to each, as you shall 
 assign It is important to the pubhc iiitwesl.'; 
 tliat they should be at thost. posts bolwe«n the 
 1st and lath of July next, as about that time 
 the terra of service of the troops, now theix% 
 under colonel launch, will expire, an;! at which 
 po';ts there is much public piopcrty committed 
 to t'.ieir cliar{:^e. 
 
 Yon will order the muster master to attend 
 and muster the troops into service — you wiH 
 call on tlie c<;nt;-actor for provi.sions, and on the 
 a.ssistant deputy quartenvia^ter likewise for sup- 
 plies in hif> iiep-vrtment. 
 
 (SigTied) WILLIE BLOUNT.*^ 
 
 To Maj. Gen. Axdbf.w Jackson, 
 
 Second division of Tennea««e .Militia." 
 
 General Jackson, then a Majrr General in the 
 Militia ot the State,- is.sued his order on the 24lh 
 day of May, 1814, as folhws: 
 
 "Bnre 7mne^:i-ceaiVi of the ^d Divi.noTi. The 
 Creek war, through tlie Divine aid of Provi- 
 dence, and the valor of tiiose engaged in the 
 caiiijjaign, in which you bore a conspicuous 
 share, has been l>ro\igliito a happy tenninatitm. 
 Good policy requires thxit tlie terriiory con- 
 ([uend should be giurisoned, and poss'-ssioi: 
 retained untd appropriated by the Government 
 of the United States In pursuance of this 
 pol'cy, and to relieve the troops now htiuioncd 
 at torts Wiiliaiii.s, Strother, a. id Armstrong, or. 
 the Coosa river, as well as Old and New D<;po- 
 sii, I am commanded by his excellency, Gover- 
 nor Blount, to call from my division one thou- 
 sand men in tiie seiT ce of ttic United States, 
 for the pei'icd of .six monihs, unles-i sooner dis- 
 charged by order of the President of the United 
 States. 
 
 The Brigadier Generals, or officers command- 
 ing the 4tl«, otli, fith, 7th, and 9th Brigades ol' 
 the 2d divi^.ion, will forlhwitb furni.^i fton. their 
 brigad.is re pcotively, by draft cr volun'dry en- 
 llstrucul, two iiundred men, wifh two rap'ains, 
 two first, two second, and two third lieutenants, 
 and t\^o ensigns, well armed and equipped for 
 acti\pj servici', to be rendezvoused at Fayette- 
 viUe, Lincoln county, in the State of Teni'cssec, 
 on the 2Gth of June next; and tlu-n be organiz- 
 ed into a regiment, at whicli place tne fiCid ofB- 
 cers, and muster-master will be ordered to meet 
 them. 
 
 Ofiicers commanding the bri^-adcs compos- 
 ing the 2d division of Teimesscc mihtiu, are 
 charged with the prompt and due execution of 
 this order. 
 
 ANDRKW JACKSON, Maj. Gen. 
 Commundin^ 2d division, M. T.' 
 
 JTie Secretary of War to General Jaclaon. 
 
 War Df.pajit.mest, 
 
 .^ugui^l 21}, 18U, 
 Sin: Yours ^f die 24th July, has been rec*iv- 
 cdv Fort.FaclCson should not br? atrancldned 
 
ly 
 
 Ijteaerai Pinckiiey reports, tiial he has main- 
 tained the g-arrisons ui his district, where he has 
 three companies posted, and he has been in- 
 structed to continue tliem so long- as he shall 
 deern the mei^sure advlsaSle. 
 
 If the report of your runner be true, a new 
 militaiy fore ' fro:n T.:nncisec should be called 
 out. Governor ")lount has orders to hold in 
 readines* twenty five hundred detached militia, 
 and will be prepared for sucli an event. 
 I have the h'mor, &c. 
 
 JOHfl ARMSTRONG. 
 
 Genepal Jackson. 
 
 Under this call, ilarris and his associates were 
 mustered into serv'ce for six montlis, o;i llie 
 20t'i r,f June, 1814., and dcsertt-1 on the 20th of 
 September following: Col. Pipkin says that, 
 "A short tune previo-is to tiiis ftke 20th, of 
 " September J t'le same party denolis'ied the 
 "bake housp-, destro^etl tlie oytn, and did ma 
 "ny )t!ier disorderly and -.nuti nous acts. Tiie 
 "day previous te 'heir desertion, a larg-e num-' 
 " b-:r nai-aded armed, and m.irc'^ed towtmis tlie 
 " coinmiss:ijy stor:s. I ordered them to dis- 
 " perse, but my order v.ms tlisrej-J^-arded, and 
 "they forced the guai-ds' stationed for tiie pro- 
 " tection ox' the stores. The Commissary anti- 
 " cipated the r desi ^n, clos-'-d and lock<;d the 
 "door; but I'liat did not resti-ain tiie.n; for one 
 *'of the m:.i, (who was ifterwards slioi by sen- 
 "tence of the court martial,) im nediately 
 "snatched up a pick-axe and cut the loor off 
 " its hing-fcs. They then ciiterrd ttle house, 
 " andtook outelev-n barrels of flour, and made 
 " pubLc proclamation !o all wno iniind>-d ^'o- 
 "ing honve, to c-im' forward ai)d drr.v ri'ions; 
 " wtiich 1 hey did- — They afterwards proceedf-d 
 "to the bullock pen, and shot down two 
 "bseves, and the balance taking fright, brok';- 
 " tne p^-n and ran some distance, wiiere they 
 ^ 'killed a third •' 
 
 Hall ot Rkpresestatttes, }. 
 Febniary 24ili, 1828. 5 
 Messrs. Gsr.EV Axn Jarvis: 
 
 Oenilemen — E:vlosed I send you for publica- 
 tion, an extract frrtm a letter, (partly on busi- 
 ness, ) addressed by D. Alexander, Esq. tome, in 
 .'•elation to t.ie subject of the six mdit amen. I 
 am .;erso'i;dly and inti.nately ac-iuaint-.-d witli 
 Mc Alexander, an^j know liim to be a man of 
 highly respectable character and unquestion- 
 able vrracity. He is a meitiber of t!ie Tennes- 
 see bar, and Cle"k ofthe Cliuncery Co.irV in the 
 district wii'chl nave the iionor to repr. si-nt — 
 Vrom the part w lich he tiok mthe ti-an.-,act ons 
 of whicli he speaks, I feel confident tliat his 
 statement will :)e calculated t^), arrest the cur. 
 rent of idsehood, which has been in lustriously 
 propagated on tii.at subject. 
 
 Y^Yy respcctfullv, j our ob't serv't. 
 
 JOHN BLAIfe. 
 Extract from I) . Mexumkr's htler. 
 
 "I have read with indignation the resolution 
 of Mr. Sloane of Ohio, with regard to the six 
 
 militia men, and his remarks thereon. 
 
 Ttie trutli is, Jackson vvoidd have been very 
 much to blame, had he disapproved of the sen- 
 tence of the Court Martial. At the time of the 
 f'xecution of these men, and ftn- some days be- 
 tbre and after, the liritish were just below iis, 
 at the Point, threatening an attack ; and the 
 
 militia under Gen. Winchester were threatening 
 to mutiny (at least to go home,) but when an 
 example was made of these mutineers, which 
 they acknowledg'ed to be just, not a murmur 
 was heard escape the lips either of the militia 
 or regulars; on the contrary, all said that they 
 wouhl remain even for a longer time than six 
 months, should their services be required. 1 
 know all about this matter. I was acting as 
 Adjutant in Forte Charlotte, at Mobile, com- 
 manded the guard which escorted t.'ie six mi- 
 litiamen, an I one regular, to the place where 
 tlie Army, consisting of ¥\e Tennessee suid 
 Georgia troops were assembled, for the pur- 
 pose of wltu'^ssing their >'xecution : and the 
 example had the most salutary efject, as it pre- 
 vented another matmy We were, at that time, 
 in grfiat want of provisions, our communication 
 with Orleans being cut off, and our supplies 
 having bailed from above. All the officers both 
 of the regular and militia,' .-pprobated the Con- 
 duct of Gen. Jackson, because they saw antj fek 
 tlie necessity of making- an example, as welhad 
 notiieard of the news of peace, nor did that in- 
 foruiation reach us for many days after the Exe- 
 cution of these men. As to t!ie celebrateduet- 
 ter of H.;rris, it is a base fabrication. iWs 
 quarter. ;d in fr»>nt, and w.thin ten or twelve i^tx. 
 of the Ciliihoose or Prison in which Harris and 
 his acc.)m;ilic,'s were conhn.-d, and he could 
 not have written any letter without the Know- 
 ledge and leave of "the officers : lie nevpr did 
 write such a letter, nor was he capable a" doing 
 SO: nor did he ever mention to any one in the 
 fort, that 1 oyer heard of, that he was fleslrous 
 of making an application to Gen. Jackion for a 
 pardon ; on the contrary, he idv.-ays/iicknow- 
 L^dgv-d thej'istice of the Court that cc/ndemned 
 him. T'lis miserable fabrication shoivs the dts- 
 posit'.nn of the enemies of Gen. Jacksin. iherc 
 never was a more unfounded, vile mbrlcation, 
 than this much talked of Harris letter. I never 
 heard an intimation mad'-, wiulst ikvasat Mo- 
 bile, c.v during n\v continuance in t/ie army, nor 
 u.itil B'nr.s -tarted H." 
 
 We think that, after a careful i^erusal of the 
 report, of t!ie Committee, tlie debate in the 
 Flouseof Representatives, and tne documents 
 v.-s have Iiere piiijlished, that e; en' candid mind 
 must, at least, settle dov.m in thepoliowing can- 
 elusions: — 
 
 1st. rhat Governor Blount ltd full powei 
 under the unr^vfiked discretioniry instructions 
 of thd War D partment of the lith of January 
 1814, to call out md-tia cfrafts for six months. 
 
 2d!y That Col. Pipkin's r.'g 
 
 t!io six militiunen bel.ingvd, w£> so called out 
 
 committed the 
 
 ment, to which 
 
 3dly. That these mut.rieers 
 ci-lmes for whicIi they wcr? eiecuttd, bef.jre 
 the expir-ition of thres n^on*' 
 ser\ice, and tiiat there; Is 
 
 .urj v; itteui-tu, uei..uf' 
 
 ,on»hsm their term of 
 
 !is litile doubt of i\\o 
 
 '' he rcgiihu'ity of 
 
 eir rate. 
 
 of.the Coalition 
 
 calumny whicii 
 
 enormity of their guilt, as of 
 their trial, and the justice of tl 
 And, lastly, that the conduct 
 in every stage, of the atrociou; 
 they have endeavored to superinduce on a 
 transaction which devolved a post painful res- 
 ponsibility on an cstimabh pi bhc servant, hap 
 been marked by a reckl-ssn^Sa fortiutliand 
 honor, and an unfaltering devotion to drplicity 
 and malice, that has entirely ichpsed all other 
 parrallelsof human depravi'tyjjind baseness. 
 
UU 
 
 TENNESSEE MILITIAMEN. 
 
 Mr. Hamilton-, from the Committee on 
 Military Affairs., to w'nicii tiie subject 
 had been referred, made the following 
 report: 
 
 The Committeo on ?.rilitary Aftairs, to whom 
 were referred ttie (ii'Cur.ieiUs comuiunicated 
 by the Secretary of War, in obcilience tothe 
 cull of this House, of the 16th of January, re- 
 l;itive to the prorecdin^-.s of a Court Maj'tial, 
 which commenctd its sitting- at or near Mo- 
 bile, on the 5th of December, 1814, for the 
 trial of certain Tennessee Militiamen, tofjeth- 
 er with the corresjjondence between the Go- 
 vernor of that State and the Secretary of War, 
 respectinpf the lengfth of service of militia 
 drafts, of that State, durin,^ t!ie late war, re- 
 port: 
 
 That, by the reference of these papers to 
 yi^ur Committee, they have be«u unable to 
 place any other construction on your order, 
 than, that it v.as the intention of the House, 
 tliat tl'.ey should exainin*; the san'p, and deter- 
 mine whether all the documents had been com- 
 immicated, or were on file in the Department, 
 necessary to a true understandings of the case 
 t.o whirli the call for these documents is appli- 
 cable; snd, if any were wantin<j, to ascertain in 
 'A Rat manner the deficient p:ipers could be sup- 
 plied; and, in reporting upon the nature of the 
 transactions, which these papers disclose, to 
 determine whether the kgislative interference 
 of Congress be necessary, as to any amendment, 
 either of ihe Rules and Articles of War, or the 
 i.iws gover ling the miiitiaofthe United States. 
 
 Tn the discharge of this dutj', your Commit- 
 •'-e will [Tocced Siuccinclly to state to the 
 House, i;he character of the documents ti-ans- 
 n.ittcd by the Dejiartment of War; the periods 
 iy.\d events to which they are applicable; the 
 law and pub ic exigency under whicli the Go- 
 vernor of Tennessee, during the last war, or- 
 dered out the uilitia drafts of that State, for the 
 t oinmon defence of our country; and, lastly, 
 the crimes iindoll'ences committed by a portion 
 of the militia drafts so ordered out, which pro- 
 duced a neces-sty for the examp!i:s which were 
 made, and whifh are disclos<'d in the proceed- 
 ings of the Cou-t Martial, couvened at or near 
 Mobile, on the Jth of December, 1814. 
 
 The fTrst cri;iclsm to which the correspon- 
 dence transmitt.'d, in obedience to the order of 
 this House, by he Department of War, is Ii:i- 
 hic, is the numerical classification, made by 
 that Department, of the letters composing this 
 c(5rrespondence. 
 
 The Secretary of War has transmitted twelve 
 letteis, which passed between the then Sccre- 
 ry, (ienejal Armstrong, and Ciovernor Hlount. 
 Instead of comn»cncing the series witli the htter 
 first in date, by vhich the inducement wouhl be 
 shown for the reply, this order is inverted, and 
 the series coinmfi-ices with a letter frnm the Scc- 
 ret.iry of War, of .iie 3d of .lanvian. , 1H14, mark- 
 ed No. 1 ; and his letters are continued to No. i. 
 It so liappens, tlut the Hrst K-tt( r in date, is as 
 lovv down as No. >, Gov. Hlount's of the 10th 
 of Uect;mbi.r, in "!; and t!i • second letter in 
 date, is No. 7 — Governor Bloimt's, of the 24th 
 of Dcceiiiber, ISl^ to both of whicli, the letter 
 
 of the 3d of January, ltjl4, of the becreury of 
 War, is an answer. 
 
 Your Committee believe that this arrange- 
 ment of the correspondence, is calculated to 
 lead to serious misapprehension; that a reader, 
 not very attentive to a comparison of dates, 
 would suppose that the letter ofthe3d of Janu- 
 ary, 1814, referred to such militia di-afts as were 
 to be made in that year, when it is exclusively 
 applicable to the drafts which had been made in 
 1813, for the prosecution of the Creek war.and 
 which were admitted to have been executed 
 but for three months. The injustice which, by 
 a confusion of dates, would be done, even by 
 possibiiity,tothe parties concerned in the trans- 
 actions of the militia drafts of Tennessee, which 
 were made for sis ironths in 1814, by applying 
 the letter of the Secretary of War, of the 3d of 
 January, 1814, to subsequent drafts for six 
 months, instead of those which were made in 
 1813, for three months, has induced your Com- 
 mittee so to aiTange ttie correspondence, that 
 tlie leading letter, in the series, should come 
 out first, and the subsequent letters follow in 
 the natural order of their respective dates. 
 This obviouslyjust classification being observed, 
 it will be perceived, that the letter of the 3d of 
 January, 1814, has no bearing upon the drafts 
 of mihtia, which were afterwards made for six 
 months, in the progress of that yea.-, by the 
 Governor of Tennessee, of which the regiment 
 under the pommand of Col. Pipkin composed a 
 part. 
 
 A perusal of the correspondence just recited, 
 of the muster rolls of the different companies of 
 C«l. Pipkin's regiment, and the proceeding? of 
 the Court Martial which was convened "at Mo- 
 bile, on the 5lh of December, 1814, for the 
 trial of certain Tennessee mil liamen," present 
 upon their face the following inquiries: 
 
 1st. Whether the Governor of TenneBsep, 
 had the power to onier out dctacliments of the 
 militia of that State for a six montlis' tour of 
 service ? 
 
 2(Hy. Whether Col. Pipkin's regiment wa? 
 so ordered out, and in conformity with such au- 
 thority? 
 
 3dly. Whether the soldiers of this regiment, 
 who were arraigned for certiun crimes and of- 
 fences before "a Court Martial, which convened 
 at Mobile on the olh December, 1814," were 
 legally tried; and whetherthe commanding Ge- 
 neral, approving th« proceedings of this Court, 
 properly exercised the power aud discretion 
 vested in him by law? 
 
 In relation to the first branch of the inquiry, 
 it Will be j^roper to premise, that, on the 10th 
 April, 1812, in :inticipat'.on of the war :ibout to 
 t:ike place. Congress passed an act, which will 
 be fotind in the 4th vol. of the Laws of the Uni- 
 ted St:ites, p:!ge 406, which autluirizes the 
 President "to require the different Executives 
 rf the Stiites, to organize their respective pro- 
 portions of ltX),000 militia, and to call into ser- 
 vice the whole, or a part, of these quotas; whicii 
 detachments were not compelled to serve long- 
 ("• than six months, after they arrived at th« 
 j)l:ico of reikiczvcms " ■l"iiis:ict was an enlarge- 
 ment of the act of 1795, which restricted the 
 St nice of the militia, when caJle<l out by the au- 
 thority of the United Suites, to three months. 
 
 The art of the 10th of April, ;812, e.xpirfd 
 hy its own limitation nn tlie lOth of April, 1814-. 
 
tli 
 
 On iiie Utli of .T-.inuary, 1814, whilst, however, 
 this law was in full force, the then Secfctaiy of 
 War, Lien. Arnisiron;^, wrote the letter, num- 
 bered 2 in tlic docunients, to Governor Blount, 
 wWcli authorizes him "to sunply, by militia 
 drafts, or by volunteere, any deficiency which 
 may arise in the militia div'sion under the com- 
 mand of M'ljor General Jackson, and wiiuout 
 referrhii^, on 'his head, to this jjeparf/iieni," and 
 further inrorms Governor Blount that "it may 
 be well that your Excellency consult General 
 riryckney an such occasions, as he oan best 
 iudge of the whole iiumber necessary to the 
 attainment of the public objects." 
 
 This letter, in the opinion of your Commit- 
 • tec, vestetl plenary power in Governor Blount, 
 until it was revoked, eitlier by express orders, 
 or by peace, to call out such militia drafts as, 
 in his discretion, he might think necessary "for 
 the attainment of the public objects," under 
 the existing laws. 
 
 On the IHth of April, 1814, 4th Vol. Laws of 
 the United States, pag'e 70r>, sec. 8, Congress 
 enacted " that the militia, when called into the 
 service of the U. States, by virtue of the before 
 recited act, may, if, in the opinion of the Presi- 
 dent of the U. Stales.the public interest require 
 it, be compelled to serve for at -rm not exceed- 
 ing' six months, after tbeir arrival at the place of 
 rendezvous, in any one year. This law was to 
 icontimie in force during tlie war. 
 
 After tlie passagi of this act, it does not ap- 
 pear tha'. tlie President revoked the power 
 which he had given to Gov. Blount, by virtue 
 ■of the letters of the Secretiiry of War, of tjie 
 11th and 31st January, 1814; but he seems to 
 have been willing, fiom his silence, coupled 
 with the notorious fact oi Gov. Blount's con- 
 tinuing to order out militia drafts, under the 
 discretional-}' authority of tliose letters, to con- 
 sider tlirt 6uch drafts as Gov. Blount should 
 order out, were, in his opinion, required " by 
 thepubtic interest." 
 
 And your Committee think, that this propo- 
 eition may be put more afHrmatively, to wit : 
 that it was the "opinion of tlic President, that 
 the public interest did require" that Governor 
 Blount should, underthe advisement, or by the 
 requisitions of Gen. Pinckney, have the power 
 to order out militia drafts, either for three or six 
 months, as the exigencies of the service should 
 render necessary, " without rtferring, on this 
 head," to the President for special directions. 
 " This deduction tliey consider irresistible and 
 conclusive, and tiiat there was nothing in tlie 
 act of April 18th, 1814, which prevented the 
 I'resident from exoressing his opinion, through 
 general instructions, to the P^xecutive of a Slate, 
 whose orders for militia drafts, under such dis- 
 cretion, should, de facto and dejure, be the opin- 
 ion of the President, "that such drafts were 
 required by the public interest." 
 
 This inference, your Committee moreover 
 believe, if the/ thought it necessary to go into 
 such an investigation, might be sustained by the 
 contemporary constructions wliich were given 
 to this clause in the act of April, 1814, in the 
 actual discretion which was vested in the KxtcU/- 
 tivesof several of the Stales. 
 
 2dly. Your Committee are now brought to 
 inquire, whether Colonel Pipkin's ngiment 
 was ordered out for six months, and in confor- 
 mity v.'ith the above fi^ed authority' V ^^• 
 
 pcar."^, b}"t he muster roils, tliat this rfgiinei.t 
 was regularly inspected, and mustered into 
 service for six months, lo wit: on the twentieth 
 of June, 1814; and that, consequently, their 
 term of service expired on the morning of the 
 twentiedi of Dcccinbcr, 1814. In the ab- 
 sence of all other proof, these recM-ds are to 
 be considered as the highest evuiencc, not only 
 of the fact, hut of the legal ))resumptlori, that 
 the muster and inspection were made with tlie 
 requisite authority. 
 
 But it is a clt'cumstance wf public and indis- 
 putable notoriety, and one wiiich belongs to' 
 the history of the cojintrv', that (!ol. Pipkinis 
 detachment was mustered into service ca:pT«.?(v 
 for six months, by virtue of an order of Gover- 
 nor Blount, dute'd the 20th of May, 1814; a^ 
 certlhed co])y of which, your Connnittefe- lia\e 
 taken steps to procure, that it may be placed 
 on the filers of this House, with the documents 
 from the War Uepartment. 
 
 Tills order recited that the draft was made in 
 com])llaiice " with the requisition of Major 
 General Pinckney, anil in furtherance of the 
 views of Government, by a latitude given to- 
 him (Gov. Blount) by the War Dcpartmeht, in 
 regard to calls fi)r men to act against the 
 Creeks." This draft was ordered to rendezvous 
 on the 20tli of .June, 1814, at Fayette villi Ten- 
 nessee ; and formed Uie identical detaphment 
 of one thousand men, who were afterwards 
 placed under the command of Col. Pipkin, and. 
 stationed in the summer and autuniu of that 
 year, at the posts in the Creek country. And, 
 by reference to (iov. Blount's letter of' the 19th 
 October, 1814, (No 11,) it will be sepi th:U he 
 specially reported this regiment of/ one thou- 
 sand men, to the Secretary of Wan, as in ser- 
 \ice far six montlis ,- freni which fact, the infer- 
 ence is insepaiaide, that the President consider- 
 ed it as legally in service, or it was ttu- boundcii 
 duty of tlie Secretary to have ordeycd their im- 
 mediate discharge : which, it no wnere appears 
 that ho ever dkl. If, therefore, any confirma- 
 tion was wanted for the original authority by 
 v/hlch the draft was made for six'months, your 
 Committee consider that (Iov. Mount's report, 
 of the 19th October, and the immie'l sanction of 
 the President, incoutestably furnish it. 
 
 odly. Whether the soldiers of Col. Piptin's 
 regiment, who were arralgijed for certain 
 crimes and ollences before a iCourt Martial, 
 w hich convened at Mobile, on jthe 5th of De- 
 cember, 1814, were legally triep ; and whether 
 the Cornmanding General, approving the pro- 
 
 ' cx'.vcised th?. 
 lim by law? 
 ngs of the Court 
 seen, that two 
 bout 200 of th- 
 
 ceedings of tills Court properly 
 power and discretion vested in 
 
 By reference to the jiroceed 
 Martial in question, it will bt 
 commissioned officers, and 
 non-commissioned olhcers aiidbrivates of (Jolo- 
 iiel Pipkin's regiment, were tr ed for the most 
 serious oifences which can be iiommittccl inthv 
 military service of the country! 
 
 That these offences, first, consisted in "ex- 
 citing and causing mutiny;" secondly, in tin; 
 commission of an actual inutijiy, accompanied 
 by circumstances of aggravatjed robbery and 
 s[:o!iation of the public stores^- and, thirdly, in 
 tlie crime of desertion. 
 
 Tlie two first of these oflences_j to wit: "ex- 
 citing and causing a mutiny," and actually 
 conunitting mutiny, "by forcing the gir.i.-;t 
 
22^ 
 
 nnd seizing tlie Commissaries' storehause and 
 .stores, at Fort Jackson, were committed, the 
 first, before the 19th of September, 1814 ; 
 and, second, en the 19th of September, 1814; 
 and before even three months' sem'cc of this de- 
 tachvient had exp'trid. That some of t!ie muti- 
 neers were deluded into a behef that the}' were 
 about to be wroniifuliy detained in service, be- 
 yond the term for wh'ch tliey were leij;:ll\ 
 (lruf\rf\your Committee think not impvobable; 
 and those who were thus hkcly to be deUidrd, 
 the Court recommended totlie clemenc} oftht 
 commanding (kntral, who, it appeals, f aidon- 
 ►•d them; and that all the rest of the mtitineei-s 
 and deserters were condemned to trivial punish- 
 .jpents, neither affecting life nor limb, except- 
 ing six of the ringleaders, to wit: David Mor- 
 row, a sergeant in Capt. Strother's company,' 
 .rucob Webb, John Harris, Henry Lewis, David 
 Hunt, and Edwanl Linsey, privates in Colonel 
 Pipkin's regiment, who were found guilty 
 either of causing, or exciting a mutiny, before 
 the lyth September, 1814, or committing a 
 mutiny, or deserting whist on post, before the 
 expiration of the 19th of September, 1314, and 
 suffered death in consequence. 
 
 By an examination of the trials of these six 
 ;inglea<lers, it will be seen, that they were 
 prominently g'nilty, either of " exciting and caus- 
 ing a mutiny," or of being the lead> rs of a mu- 
 tmy; the first before, and the last on, th'- 19»h.of 
 September, 1814: and th^t John Harris, to 
 whose name such remarkahU notoriety has been 
 attached, was engaged some tir.ie prior, " in 
 causing and txc.llng •:■ mutmv,'" by can-yirg' 
 even a muster roll oi miitii.} aim V • rt'or 
 thrt)ughout the camp, to procure llie names of 
 those wlo were willinK.and would pledge them- 
 selves to commit tficse crimes. 
 
 To these facts, your Committee will now ap- 
 ]dy the la\r The act of 1795, provides, " that 
 tue militk in the service of the I nit* d Stale* 
 shall be SDvtrned by the Rules and Articles of 
 War." By the 7tii article of the Hules and Ar 
 licles of Wjr, *' any offio-ror sohher, whc shall 
 " bejyin, excite, or join in any mutiny or sedi- 
 " tion, in any troop or company in tlie service 
 *•' of the United Statrs, or in any party, post, 
 '• detachmcit, or gu:ird, sliali sufur death, or 
 " such other punishmentg, as, jiy a iUwri Mar,- 
 '« tial, shall be inflicted." By tiie^tl. articlf, 
 a similar penilty is awarded, where any oflTicer 
 or soldier *' does not use Ids utmost < ndeavors 
 •■' to suppres' a mutiny, or, coming to the 
 •" knowledge of an intended mutinj', does nol, 
 '.' without de.iy, give information thereof to 
 '•• his commanding ofncer." And, by the 20th 
 article, the c-ime of desertion, is punishable 
 " by death, or such other pvinisliments, as, by 
 " sentence of , I Court Martiii! shall heinflictc d." 
 
 These fects, and these principles, furnish a 
 complete vindication of the Court, whose pain- 
 t'ul duty it was to condemn six of their fell'w- 
 citizens to asevere and ignominiotis punishment. 
 
 But if all thj reasoning of ^our Committee 
 \ds absurd ard valueless, as to the fact, that 
 tliese men were rightfully in setv'ce for six 
 months, and it were even admitted that they 
 were di':tfied but for three months, the prf>ceed- 
 ings of the CNiUrt wouhi stand without spot, 
 blame,' or legal impeachment. .\« the crimes for 
 which these unl'ortunate hun.an being.s siifler- 
 '»d dtr&th, were committed before three months 
 
 of theu'term of service had exiJired: and by 
 the 12th section of the act of the 18tb April, 
 1814, wh;ch was then in f.jll force, and which 
 provides, •' that any commissioned officer, non- 
 commissioned officer, musician, '-r private, of 
 the militia wftlie United State-, wh\/ shall have 
 coii'mi'.ted ail offeiic:, wliile 'nactii.d service of 
 the Untted States, niay be tried ai>.d pui.ished 
 for the same, although his term of service may 
 have expired, in like manner as if he had been 
 actually in the service of the United -states;" 
 it is, therefore, obvious thst th.ese men could 
 be legally (htained for trial and pimis! meiit, 
 even if they ci uld have been consl.tered as in 
 service but for thi-ee months. 
 
 That they had a fair and impartial trial, your 
 comniJtt'-e see no reason to doubt, and the 
 mere f:ict of their jui-ors bting their own offi- 
 cers, f. How cit'zens, and. probably, neighbs.Ts, 
 secvred the pi-esence of th;^t «> mp<.ihy which 
 leads to tlie mo.st merciful interpretat' ;n (where 
 it is just toapply it) of the conduct and motives 
 of others. 
 
 That Genci-al Jackson, commanding in cliief, 
 in the Military Division, in w'.ich these events 
 trai'spired. properly exerci.sed the power and 
 discreto" vested in !' m, by Lv.', iiy :>pt)foving 
 the procci'dings of th's Couvt, youi coniml*^tee, 
 likewise, perceive iio reaseii lo doubt. It is 
 tr.ie, that they were approved on the 22d of 
 Jaouary, fourteen di.}s after the victory of the 
 8t'i, by wi'ich the en^.-mv ha I been rep^ilsed 
 from the Mississippi. But the General wa.3, at 
 th's tim ', '^norant of the par: cation at Ghent; 
 and, moreover, m-..st have been ajiprlzed tp.at a 
 p.«'t of thi tneiry lia<! gon? round, and had 
 ccuceutrn'.: rl h's force: :n che ne f;hbcr'i- u ' of 
 Mobile, in tlrat vcr» \.cnity Wh'.T' th?ee ont- 
 rag^ousacts of insubordination, mutiny, and de- 
 sertion, iiad taken phicc. That sucli a concen- 
 tration of the enertiy's forces w as effected, is a 
 f.ict beyond ;dl dispute, as, on the lllh of Feb- 
 riiaiy. Fort Hi >er was attacked and c.tjitnred. 
 
 Tlie Commandipir (jeneral must, al.;o, have 
 known that it v.a;; On volunteer or in.litia 
 d'iifts die defence of ttie Souti-em coast would 
 rest; whlstihe flagrant mutinies an'I d'Ser'ions 
 111 tlic campa'gii of 1813, of tiu- m litia druft.s of 
 that year, n.ust t;a\'e ad.";:onished 'tmi of the ne- 
 cessity of striking a severe, yet salutiiry, exam- 
 ple in the minds of those who were liable to be 
 misled. 
 
 Although the clemency of the General was 
 not invoked by the (^our-t, it is ti-ne, he migiit 
 have p.irdoned these victims ot th'.'r own 
 crimes; hut.therc are occasions when mercy is 
 but another name for weakness: when even u 
 severe and iiiialterable firmness in the discharge 
 of our dutv, is the most perfect justice we can 
 render to onrdouniry 
 
 Thf ; xamplcs of this stern and enligl.tened 
 justice, are scattered thi'oughout th- phges of 
 Hlstoi-y . not for the abhorrence, but the respect 
 of mankind; thvy arc found, not or.h in the 
 most iiistimetive morals » hch the lessons of 
 anti(|nity :ifford, hut they illustrate the incom- 
 parable services of him, who was, and ever will 
 be venerated, as "the Father of om Country." 
 
 In conclusion, ) cur committee w'll barely re- 
 n.urk, that, as the act^ of 181i and 1814, ttx- 
 pircil, the one by its r.wn limitation, ai:d the 
 otlner by the termirali'm of the war, they see 
 nothintr in the trang:»ction, which \% has been 
 
2:i 
 
 • lidr (lu.iy Uj oxaimiw, Irom its ong'ui lo its 
 -.-•lose, wiiich calls for the Icfjisluth-e iiiterfer- 
 •iDce or" tills House, in tlie shape of any amend- 
 ?nctit lo the Rules and Articles of Wur, or to 
 the existli-g laws g-ovfi-nin;^ the militia whilst 
 ill the service of the United States. 
 
 Fpom the Doylestown Democrat. 
 
 DAYS OF YORE. 
 
 The administration prints are still busily en- 
 gaged in endeavoring' to mislead the pcbl'c 
 mind reapi-cting General Jackson's p;ist life, 
 and p^irticularly that part of it which reJAtos to 
 hts conduct during the late war. We have 
 therefore thouj;ht it but justice due the charac- 
 ■;er of Gen. Jackson, to lay before the public 
 5;0Tne sketches of the history of our country, in 
 order to show how far that g-re t patriot has 
 become the victim of malicious persecution- 
 It is 'i-ell known to those who are acquainted 
 with the history of the American Revolution, 
 that Gcnerd Washington and the officers under 
 fiis command, pursued the most high handdi 
 measures wh'ch, in the end, effectuated the in- 
 ctepenuiunce of tiie country, and finally gained 
 them the lasting gratitude of every friend to 
 American freedom. We now liave before us a 
 proclamation issued by txen. Washington, from 
 head-quarters, Morristuwn, New Jersey, m the 
 v.-mter of 1:'77, in which he orders " Tuat all 
 found g'ldty of desertion, shall b^ punished 
 witi" death;" and Marshall's Life of Washing- 
 ton states, that wi>ih the armv v/as quartered 
 Jier'^, .?xt-cutiojTS for desertion v.'ere frequent. 
 A mutiny brok out at Fort Schuy'er,* in the 
 State of New York, in the year ITS J, and thir- 
 ty-one of the men of that grirrls.)n ina.che i off 
 in a body. Bei;ig pursued by order of ^ien. 
 "Washington, 16 of them were overtaken, and 
 T3 of the sixteen were instantly killed. In 
 the ye.ir 1781. uiKt hundred aiul sixty of the 
 Jei*sey tro .ps iiiut.ned. The .^.uerioaii gen ral, 
 Howe, v.iiii a .:o.<slucrabIe force, <.v-i'- ord^""! 
 to take mctliods fo? reducing them to obedience. 
 Convinced tiiai there was no mcdiuHf between 
 dignity and servility but coercion; and that no 
 other remedy could be applied without the 
 deepest wound totiie service, he determined to 
 proceed against t- em with decision. General 
 Howe marched from Kingwoodaboutmidnig.it, 
 and by the dawning of duy had iiis men in four 
 diifcrent positions, to prevent the )-evolters 
 fi-om making their escape. Every avenue being 
 secured, Col. r.arbep was .sent to tliem,witlioriler.s 
 to parade itnmedlateiy withoutar.ns,and to marcii 
 to a particular spot of ground. Some hes tation 
 appearing among them, i;ol. Sprout was direct- 
 ed to advance, and only five minutes were giv- 
 en to tile mtitln'tei'S to comply with tne orde'-s 
 which ha.d been sent them. 'I'hishid its effect; 
 and rliey, to a man, m wched witiiout avms t.. the 
 appointed ground The officers gave a list of 
 tlus leaders of the revolt, upon which (ien Howe 
 de-sired th'j.m to ; elect tliree of the greatest of 
 fender's. A field court martial was immediately 
 hAld upon these three, and they were un.-'.ni- 
 mo-isly sentenced to death. Two (rfthem were 
 executed on the spot, and the executioners 
 were selected from among the most active in the 
 mutiny. It sliould be recollc ted, that at the 
 ;'*rrbrl?to whirh w have wf^ired. tlift Ameri- 
 
 can urmy was in the most disU'essed condilioii^ 
 many of the men were kept in service beyond 
 the periods for which they had engaged to sen'<: 
 — no pay, and scarcely any clothing, and this 
 too, in an inclement season. And wiiat render- 
 ed their condition still more wretched, they 
 were kept on scanty allowance of provision. 
 Tlie English were alsjusii.g every artifice in their 
 power to induce the Ame'jcan soldiers to desert; 
 promising them all the arrearages of pay due 
 them by the Amercan government, if they 
 would only join the P.iitish standard; and, If 
 tliey desired it, an exemption from military ser- 
 vice. It is not strange, tl^en, taking the misery 
 and sufferings of t'^.e army into consideration, 
 that both mutinies and desertions were frequent. 
 Piut, notwithstandu^.gall this, mark how prompt 
 the American ofirceis were in punishmg diso- 
 bedience of orders. In the year 1779, the 
 whigs and tories had a severe and bloody con- 
 flict Ml South Carohna: the former were com- 
 manded by Col Pickens, and the latter by Col- 
 Boyd. The tories were defeated v.-ith great 
 '..i.;g!iter, anda number cf them fell into the 
 hands of the victors. Seventy of tliern wer'-, 
 tried and condemned to death: the sentence, 
 however, was.notcariied into effect upon more 
 than eight or ten of them. The residue 
 v.'ere pardoned, on condition of their joining 
 the American standard. In t1ie year 1780, Co- 
 lonels Lacy, Campbell and Cleveland, witli a 
 body of A.merican volunteer-;, attacked a strong 
 fore.' of British and tories, commanded by Col. 
 Ferguson, on the top of Kmg's mountain, near 
 th'"; confines cf North and South Carolina. Coi. 
 F.'s force was d -feated, with the loss cf 225 in 
 killed and .voun led, and 800 prisoners. Ten 
 tor''"s who had surrendered, were immediately 
 hanged by th" conquerors. In the rear 1781. 
 a b'-'iy of American liglit troops, under thf- 
 comnanci of Gen. Pickens and Col, Lee, had 
 another most bh;ody engagement with about 
 3.5Q t'tries in North Carolina, commanded by 
 Col. pyies. In this action the toiies were com- 
 nletelv b-aten; an' nearly the whole of their 
 .force was 'nther killed or made prisoners. The 
 conquerors on this occasion hung a great num- 
 ber of tlie most obnoxious a:nbng the van- 
 (juished. 
 
 While Gen. Greene lay with his army in tUe 
 neighborhood of Camden, Sonfh Carolin.'J, in 
 1781, he ordered eight of his men hung in one 
 day for desertion. This had a vfery salutary ef- 
 fect, and in a great measure prei'ented the evil 
 pnictice for a length of t:me. In tlie same year, 
 tlic British and Americans liad an engagement 
 at Guilford Court-house: Gen. Stevens, tiie 
 command.='r of the Virginia mililtia, posted forty 
 riflemen at equal dis-.tances, about 20 j)aces iti 
 the rear of his militia brigade, with ordefs to 
 shoot down every man wiio siiould leave his 
 p.'j&t General (Jreene also pursued the same 
 course with tlie militia in his southern com- 
 ■laign:-]- md n obedience to these orders, se- 
 veral of the deserting militia were put to instant 
 death. A 9!io;t time after the battle, at Eutaw 
 Springs, General Greene detected a conspiracy 
 in his camp; and after making an investigation 
 into the affair, twelve of the ringloadeis were 
 put to death. He took this step in oi-der to 
 ensure that subrrdinat on which is so essential- 
 ly requisite for the government of an army. We 
 migbt ^vmierate many other similar rases, but 
 
f24 
 
 we do not conceive it necessary. Wha: wo 
 have already stated is amply sufficient t.. 'jive 
 £olorinj^ to the hig^li-haiided and maliciour. per- 
 secution which has been dealt out ag'ainst Oi'en. 
 Jackson, respectinjj the " six milit'anien." 
 
 Before we proceed further, let us inquire 
 who are they who have been so assiduously la- 
 boring- to sear the laurels of our Hickory ? Why, 
 it is a knot of political iiitrig-ucrs who aie daily 
 iappinj? in the treasury ])firridgc — fattening on 
 the *• wa.^-es of sin," and, Swiss-like, fig-hting 
 the batlk-s of those wiio pay them best. But 
 what has been i!k- result of the investig-ation 
 iustituted hv this pensioned corps ' VVi»y, 
 ih.atiu a military si-r\ iceof more than six years, 
 lien. Jackson h;is sanctioned tlie execution of 
 only six men ; and durintf this time he had un- 
 der hi3 commaud, at diflcrent periods, more 
 than thirty thousand men. We cannot but 
 ■wonder that the number of executions shoidd 
 have been su small, when we take into conside- 
 ration the numerous desertions and frequent 
 mutinies with which he had to contend. 15ut 
 wha.t were tliese «ix men executed for ? Was 
 it for desertion ] No, Gen. Jackson never sanc- 
 tioned the execution of a man for desertion only 
 — these six men suffered for mutiny — mutiny of 
 the most daring and outrageous nature 5 for 
 menacing the lives of their officers — encourag- 
 ing desertion — burning down the bake-iiouse — 
 shooting the beeves--breaking open the milita- 
 ry chests — pillaging the public stores, and fi- 
 nally jeopardising the whole mditary establisli- 
 .Tient at Fort Jackson. Such were the crimes 
 which tliese " wolves in sheep's cloihiiig" ex- 
 '-plated wi*'> their lives. One hundr.-d ami 
 eightv men « ho deserted at the same time, 
 Vere brought back and sentenced to liave their 
 wages stopped and heads shaved, as a punish- 
 raent for their bad conduct ; but ('.en. Jackson 
 promptly remitted the sentence. What a noble 
 example ! How l-r-nevolent and humane ! 
 Not will'ngto punisii liis fellow beings, (thougl> 
 richly n;erlted,) furtlier than the public good 
 p.bsQlutely demanded. Now, we ask tiie candid 
 to observe how prompt the officers of our re 
 volufl*)nary army were in pur.ishing every 
 bfCuch of duty : let them also b'ar m mind 
 vhe distress and poverty of that period, whicli 
 would natv.rally incline solhers to become res- 
 tive. Then let them view the militai^ life of 
 ilen. Jackson, and see how comyiletely all his 
 steps arc justitled by t.xami)ies which have 
 been set by the purest patriots, whose conduct 
 has never been called in question. We invite 
 inquiry into this man'a character — we chal- 
 I'ncye scrutiny — the more it is examined into, 
 the more heurt-rcnding will be the groans of tJie 
 pensioned " Kbony" corps, sjud the more sig- 
 nal our " Hickory" triumph. 
 
 SPHUT OF TG. 
 
 • For the truth of our statements, we refer 
 The reader to llamsay's History of the Ameri- 
 can He volution. 
 
 • Seethe life of General Greene. 
 
 TilE I'RIVATK INIKGKITV OF 
 xMU. ADA.MS. 
 
 If virtue be the vital principle of Republics — 
 2k pniposition that cannot be reasonably doubt- 
 i^dy-.w" ir.ns^ coptf nd fha^. h'^ who can be. ron- 
 
 vlcted of aiiiy breach of honesty in trans.iciing 
 the ordinary business of life, is unworthy of em- 
 p' "ment in a ijiihlic slaticn. M'e ;lo not admit 
 tha" .' :^ fci'r i. pclU'c ,- for we insist that pri- 
 vate and pub". : virtues have ti.e i^ame founda- 
 tion; and that he who is dishone.-it in nrinaging 
 ills own yfl'airs, would not be boneiT In maua- 
 giiig tliose of others. No prudent man would 
 confide his i)ccuniary affairs to one whose in- 
 tegrity he doubted. He would find objections 
 equally strong against confiding to th- same 
 man the trust of making or administtriiig laws 
 for his protection; for in point of imporianct, 
 nothing can equal— much less exceed— the trust 
 of making or administering the laws by whicti 
 a free people goverii themselves. Let the in- 
 telligent community apply these principles to. 
 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, and then approre or 
 condemn him, as they find he does or does not 
 endure the trial. 
 
 In the year 1804, John Quincy Adams sub- 
 scribed for ten shares ii .1 'rurnpike Corpora- 
 tion in Massacimsetts; and when required by 
 his associates in the undertaking to pay one 
 thousand dollars, the amount •>{ iiis subscrip- 
 tion, HK REFUSED, b'cause of a kf^nl defect 
 in the instrument which he signed, whereby paij- 
 ment could not be enforced.'.'.' 
 
 The following is a statement of the case, and 
 the opinion of the (^ourt thereon: 
 
 " This was an action of the case in a.f.'ninipt^lf. 
 brought against the defendant for not paying 
 the amount of certain assessments for the ex- 
 pense of making tlie said turnpike road. 
 
 " The declai:i'.ion contained .^ix counts. The 
 third was for 15'JO dollars !iad and received by 
 the defendant to the plaintiffs' r.sc. — The sixth 
 count V as, * for that the said J. Q. A. at Flu- 
 moulli on tlje 30th day of March 1834, by a 
 certain writing by him subscribed, conmionly 
 called a sul)St:rii)tlon jjaper, in consider.uion 
 that the said corporation had permitced liim ta 
 become associated with ihem, and interested in 
 the fund-s to be raised for building their said 
 turnpike road, and entitled to one-fiftieth part 
 of all the income, profit :i>»<l toll, that should 
 arise and accrue to said corporation from the 
 road, as well as from the corporate powers and 
 franchise to them gr.inted by said act of incor- 
 poration, promised said covporai.lon to pay them 
 ten shares or parts of five hundred of the whole 
 expense the\ should incur in buildir.g said turn- 
 jiike on deuund: which said ten shares, the 
 plalntiifs aver, amount to one-fiftieth part of the 
 five ♦lundred shares: and the plaintiffs further 
 aver that the wiiole expense of building said 
 read, and the bridges wliich make a part of 
 said road, ainovuUs to fifty thousand d.dlars, 
 wheitof the said ten shares or fiftieth part of 
 the said J. Q. J2. amounts to one thousand dol- 
 lars, of which he has had notice, ^iz: on, &.c. 
 Yet though requested,' 8v.c. 
 
 "The action was tried upon the general issue, 
 pleaded to all tiie counts, before >Sedi^uick, ,7. 
 at the sittings after the present term, and a ver- 
 dict was f lund for tlie plaintiffs upon t!ie two 
 counts above recited, and the damages assessed 
 at loll dolhirs: and upon the other counts for 
 the defenhmt. 
 
 " The verdict was taken by consent, subject 
 to tlif, opinion of the court upon the report of 
 the judge who s.at in tlie trial, it being agreeil 
 that the verdict .should be amended, or a gene- 
 
.} 
 
 iO 
 
 z-A verdict entered for tlie defendant, as the 
 opinion of the court should be. 
 
 *' Tile jtidg-e reports tlvat tlie general ques- 
 tion at tlie trial depended on the construction 
 of the paper uTiting above refeired to, whicli 
 was subscr''jed by the defendant and others, 
 and was of Ihe following- tenor, viz: 
 
 " < We t]-e subscr Ners. desirous to promote 
 
 • the biiilding- of a turnpiice an 1 br'd;res fmni 
 « New Bcfifordio JVtjpiwuth, comprehended in 
 ' a petition sii^ned by W. lioacJi, jun. and oth- 
 ' el's, granted by the honorable legislature in 
 
 • their present session, have divided the expense 
 ' of budding- suid turnpike and bridg-es from 
 
 • Thompsfm^s pond in Middklxjrotiirft, to coinmu- 
 ' n'C;tte with the Brainiree and Ifei/nioutk turn- 
 ' pike in die town of JVcymouth, into 500 shar.'s, 
 ' and fiif^ge to take the number of shares af- 
 ■• fixed to our names.— -January 30, 1804.' 
 
 " The material alleg-ations contained in the 
 sixth count were proved, and it was also proved 
 thac the defendant subscribed the said paper 
 after 'he passing- of the act of incorporation by 
 tlie iep;islatare, and before any meeting- of the 
 persons incorporated uid 'heir associates. 
 
 " The pi-incipal question arising- on the above- 
 rec'ted subscription paper was, whether the de- 
 lendant was rendered by it ii:ible to an action 
 for the asacssnienti made on the shiires sub- 
 scribed by him. 
 
 '• After the verdict the cause was continued 
 jiisi for the consideration of the court, and be- 
 ing' called ;ip for arg-unient at the following- 
 March term in Si^JolA:" 
 
 The court, after hearing- counsel on both 
 sides, gavi- their opinion as follows: 
 
 "The question in this case is, whether the 
 defendant is liable to an action of nssuinpsif for 
 neglc.ti'-.g- to pay the sums assessed on the 
 shares in the .stock of the corporation, for which 
 he became a subscriber. The answer to this 
 inquiry must depend upon tlie construct-on of 
 the vvi-iting wtiich the defendant subscribed. 
 Several cases of ti.is kind have alreach" been 
 decided in tuis court; and each of t'l.m on the 
 force and effect of the engagement entered 
 into. The g-eneral principle, upon which they 
 all rest is, that where the party makes an ex- 
 press promise to pay the assessments, he is an- 
 swerable to tiie corporation upon such promise, 
 and may be compelled to the performance of it 
 h\ action at law. Where on the other hand 
 one, by subscribing- the act of association, sim- 
 ply engages to become a proprietor of a certain 
 number of shares, without promising to pay 
 assessments, there the only remedy whicli tlie 
 corporation has, is by sale of tlie shares to raise 
 the sum assessed on them. 
 
 " In tlie subscription paper in this case, the 
 subscribers divide tlie expense into five hun- 
 dred shares, and each eng-ag-es to take the num- 
 ber of shares affixed to his name. In our opi- 
 nion, this cannot amount to any thinj^ more 
 than an agr-^emcnt into how many shares the 
 stock shall be divided, and to whom those 
 shares shall belong. There is no express pro- 
 mise to pay, nor is any lang-uag-e used, from 
 which the law can raise an implied promise. 
 It may be observed also, tliat tliis whole trans- 
 action passed before tiieie had been anv meet- 
 ing- of the corporation to authorize the' receiv- 
 ing- of subscriptions; and on this g-round also, 
 the paper ("anno^ furnish evidence of :i cnntnct. 
 
 '• On tlie whole it is our opinion that fi.p 
 plaintiffs have not maintained their action. The 
 verdict must therefore be set aside, 'ind pursu- 
 ant to the ag-reement of the parlies^ a g-ener.il 
 verdict entered for the defendant." 
 
 Tiic first que.stion here presented is, whether 
 John Quincy Adams, by subscribing tlie instru- 
 ment .-hovft recited, ens:Jged to take the num- 
 ber of shares therein affixed to his name? The 
 second is, whether, in this eng.igement to take 
 shares, lie was undcrsiood by hi.; ^ssociatei, as 
 further enp;;-.g-ing- to pay for them ^ The tJiird 
 is, whether, if tills engag-ement were t'efoctivc 
 in technical form, he acted with strict moriil 
 honesty in taking advantage of such defect t» 
 avoid the performance of it? Tlie fourth is, 
 whether, if he acted dishonestly in this, he ii^ 
 worthy of trust in any thing? 
 
 To tliem we answer, first; the engagement 
 speaks for itself, and with sufficient perspicuity 
 to shew the intent of tlie parties. They agreed 
 to associate for the purpose of constructing a 
 turnpike, and each one of them agreed to de- 
 fray a certain portion of the expense. "What, 
 from reading- this instrument, should we infer 
 to have been their mutual nnder.^land'ng? That 
 each one should p-ay a demand, without objec- 
 tion or cavil, such portion of the whole expense 
 as should be assessed upon the number of 
 shares f r which he subscribed. Any roan of 
 common understanding- would give it such con- 
 struction, and any man of common honesty 
 would feel bound to pay. 
 
 2d. Did Mr. Adams conduct with strict TToral 
 honesty, in availing himself of technical objec- 
 tions to avoid his engagements? The ^instru- 
 ment was not, probably, drawn by a lawyer; 
 for it wants that technical precision, whicli 
 would have been given to it by a correct and 
 experienced jurist. It wasprobab!y dra-vvn by 
 some member of tlie association, perliaps a 
 merchant, who understood his own vie-.vs and 
 those of his associates, and supposed,that such 
 views were expressed with sufficient per.spicui-' 
 ty. His objection for want of form wo.ild havii 
 been anticipaied; otherwise, tiu.-y wv^uld have 
 emploj^ed some careful and able conveyancer 
 amcng the legal fraternity. Tliey thought, and 
 very naturally, thi.t, among- r.n associatic i; who 
 were supposed to act in good faith, they could 
 express a simple agaeenient in pUiin english, 
 without requiring a lawyer to fill twenty skin^ 
 of parchment with tecliiiic-il nicities. But, it 
 seem.s, Mr. Adams disajipointcd their expecta- 
 tions; for he refused to lert'orm an obvious sti- 
 pulation; to do what he knew, when signing the 
 instrument, his associates expected of IiiiK; and 
 because the contract, however just and equita- 
 ble, could not be cnfoi-c^^d in a court of law, on 
 account of teclmical defects! ! ! Exemplary mor- 
 ality! ! If a man should cx(-cate a deed to con- 
 vey land, receive the purchast.; money, and then 
 refuse to give pos.session, because the deed was 
 not witnessed, he would be deemed a swindler. 
 Yet, in some of the St.ates, such defect would 
 be a bar to an action against tlie vendor for pos- 
 session of tlie land. If a iiir.n should promise 
 to pay the debt of another, and after'.vards re- 
 fuse, because, after making the promise, lie 
 should be told tliat it was invalid, be-ause not 
 in writing-, he would be accounted dishonest. 
 Yet, t!ic defence would be leg-.d. Wherein 
 does the mora! rnnd'iet of Mr. Adamt-. in. tl\'- 
 
>1 
 
 ■:Aoe oi tl'e tiii'iipikc, olfi'er IVom that of the 
 vender of the land or tho proniissor, iji the two 
 cises Inst supposed' Wc should he oi)lii,'cd to 
 Mr. Adams for fm-iiisl)in!,ra sound distinction. 
 
 If ti.cn, Mr. Adams will avail himself of an 
 inequitable pref^xt for rcfusiii;,'-io perfor-n his 
 eiijfag'e:!'.cnts. is liis luorality of a st:i;ida;d suf- 
 iieicntl, hijrh? And it he would act •.'ishoiieslly 
 in p'\".';ie i,f,-, is he wonhy of c-i.iSdence in 
 imbl'c, wi-u-re tf:o trusts are of iiig-i.er and more 
 UTiportaiit ciiaricter? 
 
 MH. ADAMS' POLITICAL TNTEGIJITY. 
 
 IVhfj didJoh,- Q. jiiinns turn Dcmucrul? 
 
 ■\Ve have ^Iven.'-n another place.son^ie remarks 
 on Mr. Adan.s' private intesrr;tN-, wnic^ we ,icw 
 accompany wi'h a Kt.er fro.-n (iovernoi Giles to 
 \.hz puh'ic m wh.ch, we ;.n !er.,ta'.d him, to 
 endorse thestute.iie.it ni-.de 1 v Mr. Ranaolph, 
 two years past, in the Senate, 'tha.. Mr. \dams 
 had asserted to Mr.G.ies tiifit he iiad, d.inn?t!>e 
 
 su. :rnerjDr.vi.>::.s|toh;s//rc/«irfc(Z desert: jr. Jitiie 
 ted^r^l pr.rty, .!;s( oveied h.t the lea<teis r.f tiiat 
 ]7:'rty vverc cwfciged in a plan to disir.cmber 
 the iur.,oii, .-cd were :n a trvusocabie corres- 
 pon-lcPce with the Governor of (•..nada, the 
 purpose of which was '.., nes-;.tiate ;. secession of 
 the New Enp.-ai.d slates. Mr. Gdes now says, 
 that i,e did lh:n jei-eve thai M.. Adams told 
 the truth, ,i.id was sincere in his o'-afessions of 
 <Iisl.ke tc- t'le federal pyrly ; hut, if we u.ulcr- 
 stand hi.ii, l.c d.clares that he now '--elieves 
 that Mr. Adams deserted his party •ir.der false 
 pretences. 
 
 Thi.-re are some strong- ad i'tional proofs which 
 conhr.n Mr Gil -s' opitilon. We sometime past 
 pt.fjirh.ed :.!. e. tr:ic^ from liie D- mocratic 
 Prc^s. which, if true, and die Demc.ratic 
 i'rrss ;s nov/ said by tae Adams mci. .j be 
 Kod authority, proves, beyond a doubt, the 
 motiveMuuh r whicli Mr. Ada. .s leserted his 
 jjaKy. 
 
 We are not h-ftlo wan.ier i!iro,:-h the mazes 
 OI coi.jecture to ascertain what were thr. iiiduce- 
 inents to Mr. John Acrt.ns to turi> Democrat. 
 Tn u L-ttcr to WMiiam Ca,m:nj,'l)am,datcd Quin- 
 o.y, l-ebruary 24 h, 1S24, the elder Adams 
 i-aid: 
 
 *• Spealcin^ofthe classification of scholars in 
 otir Coilee^e before tht Revolution, you con- 
 sukr r.ink and wealtii as ami repnbhcan 
 p-.rvc.plts of precedence. Is th s correct .' 
 Aho'.t forty yeai's a|^o I was in ecmpany with 
 XTii »;idest CoI'jik!, Joh'i ChandLr, of' Wor- 
 cester, when a newsp iper was brou^jht in 
 cor.tamir,^ an account rf ihe h'st elcctiMis in 
 Hh.ide Ish.nd All th. princ.pal Maj^^str-iirft 
 were ofaMcitut famdes. Ti:e old ,i;eiultinurs 
 coiiuiK-iit upo!'. it was t'lis : ' I ."tar okciyt 
 bicn of'tp 1,011 1' III hi popttf.ir gorir:imen(.i thr 
 ptoptt will alwiitis rkoo:-c ihtn officers from the 
 n:ost .ncfulancl res/u cluhh fuiuiie^. ' Tiiis ;)as 
 been the case jjfener Jly in (:jiin'.clicut,as well 
 •A.-, H!i:.dt l.-l.i;id, an.i ^n ever;- U.-pu'dican <;o- 
 verii litnt, in Greece and Konie, and modern 
 I*aly; ;n Swit/.crhnd und (ienoa. Tlie more 
 ckniocratical ihe K-ovcnuiicnt, the mrre uni- 
 versal has bcLMi the practice. If a famiiv, 
 \v'\i.-h h;*s ^.■cn hrcrti in n;liv» sml s'o!erTT]id 
 
 "m wealth, falls into decay, ipoiii p/oflig;^^,.., 
 " lo'ly, vice or misfortune, thev f enerally turn 
 " democrats, and court the lowest of the peo- 
 " pie with an ardor, an art, a skill, and conse- 
 " quently, with a success which no vtdgar de- 
 ' mociat can attain." 
 
 O.T the 15tii of March, 1804, he wrote to JL*-. 
 Cunningham as follows: 
 
 " You say the awful spirit of democracy is in 
 "great progress: 1 belikve it, anjd I know 
 
 •' Suy'tTHINO OP THB NATITHE OP IT. It is a 
 
 ♦young rake who thinks himself handsome and 
 "well mad .and who has lit'.le faith in virtue. 
 "Wr-enthL people once admit his courtship, 
 "and permit him the least familiarity, they 
 "Foon find tiiemselv.B in the- condition oftbe 
 " poor ?-ir! who told her own story in this at- 
 " fect.ng .s»yle " 
 
 " Le Lend^main il sa da vantage; 
 
 " li me prcTii' Le Foi de marriage. 
 
 " Le Lendeinain. .. il fut entrepant. 
 
 " Lt Lendemaiii il me fit un er.fant.' 
 " The ne.xt .'ay he giew a little bolder — but 
 "pro'iisf'd me marriage. The next day — he 
 " began to be enterprising: But tlie next day 
 " he got me with child. 
 
 " Democracy is Lovelace, and the people are 
 " Clarssa. Tiie artful villain will pursue tJi-e 
 " innocent lovely girl to her min and deatl>, 
 " We know that some gctitleman w.d anse at 
 " b.st, who W'll put th.- guilts wr'-tch to death 
 '• III a ducd But thin will be nofne^'dof the [a- 
 " '^y- Cf PsHUAPs A SOX, a ; upil, or a bosom 
 " (riend of Lm^ehce himself." 
 
 Such were the vi-wsof the elder Mr. Adams, 
 upon whicli the oltui .^or the e'evation of his 
 son Wire airangcd. In the same letter, lie says; 
 
 " Time would fail me to enumerate all tbc 
 " Lovelaces in the United States. It would be 
 ♦• an ainusin^- romaiice to coupare their :.c«ion» 
 " and chaiart^rs with i is. Tw fedtruhMa cp- 
 " peor to me to be very yiattenftvs to public tveaf.-* 
 " 0.1 well as characters." 
 
 TIiMt there was a correspondent feeling anU 
 inf)li\ e between tlie father and son appears by a 
 rom])arisoii <-;f dates and opinions.-- Governor 
 (jiles (httis thf pietended apos'acv of Mr. Acf- 
 ams ill 1«07. In another letter to Mr. Cunning- 
 ham, dated Sept. 27lh, 18U8, the elder Adan'is 
 saii.1; 
 
 " As you have mentioned my son, I shall take 
 " the libeily to say, tha tiiis coii.Juct, as far as 
 '• I ki'Ovv it, ha^ been able, upright, a\ndid, 
 " imparllal and indepLiulent. His letter to Mr. 
 " Oti.i I api)laud and admire. His resignation 
 " I approve. He would have been more poli- 
 " tic if hi.- had -Iccl-n- d his invitation to attend 
 " the c;!uc'.'s, though the que-slion w«s onlv 
 •• betwv^en Mr. .Vadison and .Mr. Monroe, and 
 " kn.-.wing botli, I ;.ho;ild certainly, as he did, 
 " prefer the former td tlie latter." 
 
 Pcrliaps tlu sag-acily of the old m.an .saw in 
 tlie election of Mr. .Ma!i;son Ihe "iufeprtaihni'' 
 which wa.s to clcvale Lis .sf)n; for in the same 
 pajjtr he .said : 
 
 " If I were only forty years old, I might bave 
 enthusiasm enough to hope that I would ride in 
 the whii-!w:M>!." 
 
 .\Tid apiiiT, "in anfTthrrp left(?r dat^rl Dprem'^f- 
 
^fotn, 180S, after Mr. Adams had played the 
 part of Lovelace, he said to Mr. Cunning-ham. 
 " Whatever friendship you may have retained 
 '' for John Quincy Adams or iii& father, I advise 
 "you to conceal it close within your breast. 
 " If it takes, air, it will ruin your prospects." 
 
 "I may 'nentio'i to you, in confidence, that 
 considerable pain? have beeutakiMi to pvrs'iade 
 your friend .i Q. Adams, to co-.isent to he nir. 
 (forGov (it 'Tassac'iUS'tts, I in- t!ic Hepublicans 
 IJiit lie is utterly avf^rse to it, and so am 5, f.r 
 many reason-, among" which are, 1st. I'he of 
 ftce, thi.'v!g-n a precous sto.ie is but a car- 
 buncle, shining in the daik 2d. !♦ ib a 
 state of perfect slavery. The Jr-.idg^try of 
 it is extremely oppress' ^'e. 3d. The cmpen- 
 satiop is not \ living for a comijion gentlei'Mn. 
 4th He mu.st resign h"s p'-ofcssorjh p. .^th 
 He most renounce his pracuce at tt-e bar 6th. 
 He mus«- stand in competition witli >lr Lui- 
 coin, -A'l'icli would divide tr.e r; publican int'.r- 
 es*, and cer'a'jdy prevent the eh ct-(in of r-ther. 
 7th. It wonLn pjiibuce a:: e-i-.'-.-snai szpara- 
 
 Tt-.->3« BE1WS>;V HIM ASP ') HB P'.-DtRA: ISTS, AT 
 I-EAST THA'J" PART 'IF THEM WflU NOW CON'S T' 
 rUTV. THE ABSO.-TTTE OL'RAHCHY." 
 
 That ti-.e purjiose f'f Mr. \darns, in tnrnmg 
 Democrat, v.'as to ''court the people," appears 
 from a further ietter of the eider Adams, dated 
 April 24t!!, 1809. lie says: 
 
 " A new paper iias been s^t up in Boston, 
 "' calted tlie Boston Patriot, edited by Kvere'^t 
 " and Munroe. Merely because the paper was 
 " a no"/elty and Lie edit''"s tntal strangers 'o 
 " rt.e, I have c:>i;sei: !t to c<Mivey so'-pf trioupbts 
 *♦ to <he ]Hiblic / will either tiirow ofl' that 
 *' intolerable load of obloquy and insolence' 
 " th.ey have thrown upon me, or 1 will perish 
 ""' in the s ruggle." 
 
 Again, .1une7!h, 1809: 
 
 •• I vvdl not <\\< for nothing. My pen shall go 
 •^'as long --s my fihge-s can hold it. 
 
 " 1 sh.iuld bt glad to kn )w if you read the 
 *"• Patnoi, &c." 
 
 Again, under date June 22d, 1809, he said: 
 
 " My d^ugiiter-in-law .said, «I know. Sir, 
 " that your two sons are very nuich df ligiiled 
 "t!iuc you have taken the subject up.' This 
 '■' I knew as well as siie did." 
 
 L( t the -rearler eorniiare the dates of these 
 fetters witb the substance, and he will find t!ie 
 key t(i unlock tlie seeret motivesthat regulated 
 al! of .Mr. Adams conduct 11,^ w-illfiiui ihe policy 
 winch induced him to bear false vv''.nes- agair,st 
 thf federal p'lrty, tn m.S!nu,i'i hiui'^elf into 
 the repiibi.can ranks, and he will also learn the 
 reason why Mr. A. has alwa\s b-uni unwilling to 
 do any act t'lat would, -s his fath( r s^id n Irs let- 
 ter 'f the V'jtii Dec, IHOS: -^ Pro'hicp, (m'eternat 
 separation bfiirceuJtim unrl •!>./' f^.il era I ntn." 
 
 Mr. Adyms, ho'.vevcr, wi'i give the best ex- 
 planation !;f his f)wn motives 
 
 It is well known that the Democratic Press is 
 iiow'resbried to as tlie organ of the Coalition 
 prints. The Na'ional IntL-l!>g<;jirer lias de- 
 scended to vouchsi'.fe for its crediljility, and the 
 National Journal is ready to < ertity to its state- 
 ments. That paper, during tilt; late cr^nvass, 
 was oppose.! to the •: lection of Mr. Adams, and 
 puWisbed the following : 
 
 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS' POUIICAl 
 INTEGRITY. 
 
 " During the pendency of the last Presiden- 
 tial electioR, whicii resulted in an infr.^ous in- 
 trigue and unprincipled Cool'tion, against the 
 will and rigiits '^f the ,>t-jple, a writer In 'ho 
 Amciican ,*!ta'e';m2r., printed in Mr. Adams' 
 nat've St;<te, Masis .ciir!S.'"tts, 'iiude, in an article 
 signed " Oi;" of the People," a <»io3t serious 
 cha.-ge against liiml This charge was in the 
 fo'l'wing terms : 
 
 "In t:.e Sprng- of 1S07 h': presided at the 
 Federal CumCus, wlj-.ci> nominate-i," [Caleb 
 Stuong, fti BuLWARE. ME:iOi'T,] for Go-»'ernor, 
 in (ipposition to the democryic candidate. 
 About K\\f: -iame time, a; the t^rde of an illus- 
 trious citizen, now i>o more, he hmcnttd the 
 fearful p- ogress ot the '.itnioiratic party, ar.doi' 
 •IS principles, a»id declared that ' He bad long 
 meditated *\\*t subject, and had become con- 
 vinced, th:it the oniy method by which the de- 
 riioc;atic pavty could be destroyed, -^vas by 
 joining with it, and urging it on will) tii-, ut- 
 most tnergy to the cor.ipleiion or it?, views, 
 whereby the '•esult would prove so I'idiculous 
 .1 1 so ruinous tf the countn*, tiiat the people 
 ' ii'! he led to despise the i)rificipleL- a.nd to 
 CO .'iemn the effects 'j? democratic ijo1ic>, and 
 th'-n,' said he, • we may hnvj a form (f gc\ern- 
 menl hdttr suited to iite gevius rmd disyosltioit 
 of our country, tfmnthe prespiii corisfitulion." 
 
 'Some of the guests \\ho ncitrd thw.'. di clar.'u- 
 tion, and lu;vf frequently repe ited i', ar- -till 
 Tvuig. Letthv- ^-s/zwe/ prcssi:s, thercfoic, take 
 care how tiny deny its authority' 
 
 This charge having been made, the N-^^ofnal 
 Journal, as it was generally understood, Edited 
 by Mr. Adams, at that time, and then j^st es- 
 tabi ■.hcfi to elect. >)i:eer for i im, ate .fited a 
 dt.-i':;l; I-'ut, in wliat manner was this attempt 
 made? It was not done v/itu the fra.iKi.ess of 
 honesty an'' the boldness of innocence. It 
 was not denied th ,t wit.-.csscs could be pro- 
 duc-d t.) prove tnis charge atti'iasl >lr; Ad^ims. 
 Rut a feeble, inip';t..Mt :ittempt, by W(iy of lay- 
 ing an c/'chor to windward, and denoting 
 the consciousness of guilt, was made 'to argue 
 agaitist its proI)ability. However, the States- 
 man and uie other papers wlio haci repeated 
 this charge, wire call- d unon for the|!. autiiori- 
 ty, uhout ihe tinie that the buttle was trv-er. ' Ho- 
 ratio Tov-nsend, E-q. a gentleman of'chararter, 
 the Clerk of the Judc'vl Court of the 5tatc, 
 for the county of Norfoll.-, and tht^ ntighbw aud 
 friend of 'I'r. Adarns, was named 3s one, who 
 hid hoardfthese decl-?ratisns, and jiad often rt' 
 hted. them. It was :dso stated byj the Editors 
 of the Statesman, lh:tt they had Mn informed, 
 that these der-li'.rations were n.id^ at the table 
 of the late Cliiff Jub'ice Parson'-, tiien tlie great 
 leader of til- Federal p<.iTy in MksBachui^etts. 
 What was tile next step to t'r\s bttejneis' Mr. 
 T').\rsend was a fVi<-nd of Mi-. Artams, dispos- 
 ed to do every diinu", which, in aoiutc, c-nce, ac 
 cinAd do, to h' Ip his fautk-, nud 1r- gives his 
 ceitihcate or afhda>it, wliich v/a.s publisiied in 
 vindication of Mr. Adams' innocence. Here it 
 is: 
 
 "NOurOLK, ss. 
 
 " Dedham, November 6th, 1824. 
 
 'H, Horatio Townscnd, Clerk of the Supreure 
 .nKfieiul C-ourt, and of the Conn? of Commou 
 
^» 
 
 Pleas, &c. for this county, having this clay heard what I have liere stated, is confirmed by ti.e 
 read to me, the article in the American'states- Hon. James Richardson, who yays, that on hear- 
 inan and City Register of thib date, headed "Kx- ing the extract from "One of the People" read 
 planatory," hereby make solemn or»th, that I to him, he immediately recollected having 
 }jave no recollection of ever havinf,' dined at the heard Mr. Townsend so express hinself in con- 
 table of the Honorable theophiJus Parsons, in versation, once at said To'.vnscnd's house, and 
 company with Mr. John Quincy Adams, nor do also at his office, and that it occurred to him 
 I believe that I ever did, nor do Ireolhct or be- before he [Mr. R. ] knew that he was designat- 
 lieve, that I es cr met Mr. Adams in company ed as one cf tliose to whom the above state- 
 
 with the late Chief Jnstice Parsoos at any time 
 subsequent to my leaving Mr. Pai-sons' office, 
 as a student, in the Spring of 1783. 
 
 HORATIO TOWNSEND." 
 
 Now, in tlie name of»<;ommon s^ns*', what 
 .does tliis testimony of Mr. Adams' o?/'« wifnens 
 amount to? Doe» he deny that he ever heard 
 ]iis friend, Mr. Adams, make these declarations? 
 3o. He makes no such denial; but contents 
 himself merely ^V'tn saying- tliat he does not re- 
 collect dining at .fudge Pardons' t^:le with Mr. 
 Adams, or^meeting Mr. Adams in company with 
 Judge Parsons for a long jeriod of time- This 
 is the head and front of uiis affidavit; and, make 
 the most of it, it only renders it a little laicerfc'n 
 Avhether these declarations^ were made at the ta- 
 ble of Judge Parsons, or that of some other Fed- 
 
 eral leadei^ wirh whom Mr Adams was at that substantially correct 
 fime inclose coininunion, conspiring the destruc- 
 tion of the Republican cause. If Mr. Townsend, 
 who was .so ready to give this affidavit, on the 
 very day that h ; first learned i.'\^i he was named 
 as a witness t(; these dcclaraiiois, could, consist- 
 
 ments cf Mr. Townsend weie addressetl. 
 
 JOHN B. DKRRY." 
 The pieces signed " One of ihc People," are 
 written with so much talent, it is hardly neces- 
 sary for me to add, I am not the author. 
 
 •' Norfolk, ss. Nov. 8, 1324. 
 "Then the above named John B. Derby de- 
 clared, on oath, that the above statement, sub- 
 scribed by him, was true. ' 
 EHASM,US WORTHINGTON, 
 
 Justice ofiht Peace,'' 
 
 On the back of the affidavit is the following ctr^ 
 tificate. 
 " Dedham, Nov. 8th, 1824. 
 " I have read the part of the within affidavit 
 which relates to myself, and declare it to be 
 
 ently with truth, have denied tliat he heard 
 Mr. Adams ;ii:;kc them, would ne not have done 
 so 
 
 JAMES RICHARDSON." , 
 
 This is the evidence, and in the court of coni- 
 mon s-nse, where the people are the judges,it3 
 eflect is irresistible. If it needed confirmation,it 
 may be found in John Quincy Adams' Inaugu- 
 ral Speech, where he covcitly denounced the 
 Democratic p-^rty, and its ties, and its badge. 
 
 Every man of common sense arswers this his anpointmcnt'of Rufus King, a minister of 
 question. John li. Derby, Esq., a Coursellor - -• 
 at Law of Norfolk, and snn-in-hr" of Mr. Town- 
 
 send, and the Hon. James Richardson, a Coun- 
 i^ellor at Law of that County, also giive tlie fbl- 
 lov.ing affidavit and certificate, which were 
 publi^ed : 
 
 AFFIDAVIT. 
 
 *'I, JohnB. Derby, of Dedham, late of Med- 
 field, in the coun'y of Norfolk, of lawful age, 
 testify and say, that one evening in tlie Sum 
 mer of 1820, being at tlie house ot Hcratio 
 
 his father in the reign of terror, to tlie Court of 
 St. James, in his hpeedy relapse to his enrl>/ 
 faith, the most dangerous doctrin.'s of the Fed- 
 eral party, in Josiah Quinr.y'sexidting toast, at 
 a feast in honorof liis 5Aanif/«/ elevation to the 
 Presiiiency, against the will of the people — 
 "Tub political iir.GT.sy:n\Tios, those who fell 
 U'ith the first ddains, rise with the second," anji 
 Mr. Adams' Speech .afewday.f since in Faneuil 
 Hal!, in I5o.-.ton. In that speech, Mr. Adams- 
 jjronounced 'his s.ime Josiah Quincy, who mov- 
 
 Townssnd, E'^q. of Dedham, conversing witli ed wiiinjut a s'ngle vote to support his own, the 
 
 said Townsend on the political character of 
 John Quincy Adams, and objecting to Mr. Ad- 
 ams on the ground of his dest rtijii oi Federal 
 prircip'es, said Townsend .asserted, that ^[r. 
 Jldams v;a^. in hecrt n Federali.'t, although acting 
 
 iinpeichmeiit ot Tlionvis Jefl'ersun ; who thj-ea- 
 tened on the floor of the House of Representa- 
 tives, that New Engl.nid must have lier way, 
 jieacexibly if she could, forcibly if she must ; who 
 Was the author of the infamunsieiolution ofthe 
 
 with the Democratic jjurty, an 1 for proof thereof Senate of Massachi.'setts, lately expunged from 
 
 stated, t!iat he, Mr. Townsend, being many 
 years beiore in company with Mr. Adams and 
 ■other disnnguished Federalists, previous to Mr. 
 Adams' pohticalconver.'ion, I tliink ut thi- late 
 Chief Justice Parsons, Mr. Adams, speaking 
 .of the increasing power of the Democratic 
 p.arly, used in substance, the expressions attri- 
 buted tj liim by the a ithor of "One of the 
 People," published in the Satesman of July 
 
 the records as a disgrace to the State, that ft 
 v:as uiibecomi?ig a moral and reltgioue people 
 to rejoice in our glorious victories during the late 
 war ; who, three years since, in the same place, 
 the cradle of liberty, at a public meeting, to 
 aid tlie election of the Hartford Convention can- 
 didate, for Governor, declared the Democratic 
 ])arty to be "tuk sccv of the put;" to^e 
 the wort'iy representative of the Josiah Quincy, 
 
 last. Afterwards, in the spring I think, of of the Revolution. SO MUCH FOR JOHN 
 1822, the said Townsend being at my house, in QUINCV ADAMS' POLITICAL INTEGRL 
 Medfiehl, on my again introducing the discus- TV. 
 
 „ the 
 sion of the same subject, repe ited to me tl\c 
 .sime declarations of Mr Adams, in similar lan- 
 i,»iiagr. That Joliii (iuincy Atlains made such 
 observations, I do not knoif, but 1 was con- 
 strained to hilitve that he made them, by the fre. 
 quent and confident assertions of Mr. Town- 
 send. That Mr. Townsend paid in substance 
 
 GOV. GILES TO THE PUBLIC. 
 
 fn rog.ir;l to Mr. Adams — 
 
 Ist. 1 believe .Mr. Adams not to be a republi- 
 can, either in principle or practice. I believe 
 he is not attached to tlie written constitution of 
 his country; but prefers a government founded 
 
;29 
 
 r.ponLiieunumiteawiliQt tiie governoi'S. I be- 
 lieve that he claims and exercises powers for 
 the General Government, derived from f^ources 
 paramount the Constitutioni and that, even m his 
 interpretation of the Constitution itself, he ren- 
 ders all its restraining provisions inoperative and 
 iiiiavailins-. These restraining provisions, 1 be- 
 lieve, afford tlie only security to the American 
 people against the usiirpations of the General 
 Government. Mr. Ada.ns having placed Inmself 
 above those constitutional restraints, I consider 
 him a tivil usurper; and that "in the present 
 party politics," these doctrines are "so fright- 
 ful on the part of the administration," as to jus- 
 tify a change imder any circumscances. The 
 gain may consist in the preservation of our pre- 
 sent written constitution, instead of the substi- 
 futiou of a gt>vernment of unlimited powers. Is 
 it possible that there could be a greater gain? 
 1*3 not this consideration of itself of sufficient 
 magnitude to outweigh all countervailing con- 
 sfderations? Acting under these convictions, 
 I presume that a majority of " the Anti-.Iackson 
 Convention," an 1 the ch-rrman amongst them, 
 would prefer a change, even in favor of Gen. 
 .Tackson, provided they also believed of him as 
 I do— that he would cause the government to be 
 administered, as far as he could, upon a fair, 
 candid, and correct interpretation of the writ 
 ten constitution. I cannot concur in tlic wis- 
 dom recommended by «'the Anti-Jackson Con- 
 vention," of taking sanctuary in the arms of a 
 ■<iool, deliberate, systematic civil usurper, as a 
 protection against the fears of a Military Chief- 
 tain—when, too, this terrific Military Chieftain 
 'turns out, upon examination, to be an ideal 
 vision — a miserable, delusive ignis fatuus — the 
 unsubstantial spectre of friglitened imagina- 
 tions — an unreal ghost, raw-head-:u;d-bloody 
 bones, conjured up by the friends of unlimited 
 government, to frighten timid and unthinking 
 republicans. 
 
 2d. I believe Mr. Adams docs not possess the 
 n'cessary useful practical talents for adminis- 
 tering any government whatever; and that Gen. 
 Jackson's talents for that object are incompara- 
 bly greater than Mr. Adams' — whilst I am will- 
 ing to admit, that Mr. Adams may be more than 
 General Jackson the poet born, and more the 
 ?cholar viad^. I believe Mr. Adams not to be a 
 wise man; that he possesses very few of the 
 attributes of wisdom. I must stick to my de- 
 finition of terms. I believe Mr. Adams is not 
 wise in conduct — not wise in actions. I bel'cve 
 he is not blessed with the happy talent of choos- 
 ■ iVig the best measures, nor the best means of 
 carrying his chosen measures into effect. 
 
 To be in the fashion, particularly with " the 
 Anti-Jackson convention," I must coin a word 
 to convey my ideas of Mr. Adams in this re- 
 spect, — 1 believe Mr. Adams to be an anti-wise 
 man. The whole history of his political life 
 will prove the correctness of these convictions: 
 but i will specify a few cases only in demon- 
 .stration. Ills letter to the committee before 
 ■quoted, grounded, I think, upon fallacious mis- 
 representations, extending even to a point of 
 incredibility — His various efforts in various 
 papers, but particularly in his first message to 
 Congres.s, to ilerive powers to the general gov- 
 ornment from sources param ;unt tlie constitu- 
 ■ i), or fl'omhis own peculiarly eccentricinter- 
 
 pretation oi' tiie uonstitution — His conduoc in 
 the whole of his intercourse with Great Britain, 
 by which w? have not only lost the West India 
 trade, but diminished the rest of our British 
 trade, and hazarded the whole — a trade amount- 
 ing to more than one half of our Foreign trade*, 
 and tiius introducing a state of impoverishment 
 in the United States, unknov/n heretofore. I 
 think Mr. Adams has been particularly anti-wis.e 
 in all his most important diplomatic negotia- 
 tions; particularly so in his treaties of limits, both 
 with Spam and Gieat Britain. — In the one, he 
 lost tht- Texas; in the other, he has reduced us 
 to the disgraceful arldlament of a foreign pow- 
 er, for a territory on our North-Eastern boun- 
 dary, equal,' perhaps greater, in extent, than 
 the wnolc State of New Hampshire. 1 conceive. 
 Mr. Adams particularly anti-wise, in his claims 
 to Executive powers, especially in relation to 
 his competency to originate foreign missions 
 without the consent of the Senate; particularly 
 .so, when that question was settled in hrs own 
 pei-son against such rights about the close of 
 Mr. Jefferson's a''ministration. Wittioiit im- 
 pugning, at this titne, the policy of his Panama 
 .Viib5!on', I think one of the reasons he assigned 
 for it, the most n.nti-wisf that couH have enter- 
 ed into the imagination of man — to liberahze the; 
 South Americsn Catholic, on the score of re- 
 ligion. This i.lost eccentric notion has pcv- 
 hiip.=!, tended, more than any thing else, to de- 
 prive us of the valuable favor of the Soutli 
 American Republics. This catalogue of anti^ 
 wise measures must suffice, although it is hnp 
 just begun. ' 
 
 .'hL I have no confidence in Mr. Adams' 
 political iiUegrity nor candor. I believe him t.n 
 be neillrer an honest nor incormpt'-ble politician . 
 Although many instances might be given of this 
 great and inexcusable defect in Mr. Adams' 
 political character, I will here mention only 
 two: Th.' first sliall be taken from his reply to 
 to the commiitce appointed to inform him of 
 his election to the i'residency. Accord'ng to 
 my invariable habit in stating facts, when prac- 
 ticable, in the words of the writer, I give them 
 here in Mr. Adams' o,»vn words: , 
 
 Extract from Mr. Adarrts' reply to the /Com- 
 mittee appointed to inform him of his elcCr 
 tion. 
 
 "it has been my fortune to be placed by the 
 divi.sion of sentiment preva'.Ung among our 
 countrymen, on this occasion, in competition 
 friendly and honorable with three of my fellow 
 citizens, all justly enjoying, in eminent drffre^Vi 
 the public favor, and of whose worth,' talents 
 and services, no one entertains a higher and 
 more respectfiil sense than myself. Tne names 
 of two of them were, in the fulfilment of the 
 provisions of the constitution, presented to the 
 selccticn of the House, in concurrence with my 
 own; names closely associated with tlie glory of 
 the nation; and one of them farther recommend- 
 ed by a larger minority of the primary electo- 
 ral sufl'ragcs than mine. 
 
 " In this state of thinirs, could my refus:il to 
 accept the trust thus delegated to me, give an 
 immediate opportunity to the people to form 
 and to express, with a nearer approach to una- 
 nimity, the fpbjcct of their preference, f should 
 not hc'iiiate to decline the acreptanre of t/ii.i einl- 
 nrjit chargr, and to submit the dcrlxion of titix 
 moinmtous (juentii/n again to their detctminatiun. 
 
3y 
 
 15ut. \lic CoiisttUitioa itself has aot so disposed 
 of the contiiig'cnuv, which wonl.l arise- in the 
 event of tlie Vffnsal; I slia'l, therefore, repair 
 to the post assijjn.'d me by the call of my coun 
 tjy, siprnified through her constitutional or- 
 gans," &c. 
 
 Here, Mr. Adams positively and unequivo- 
 cally asserts, in s'lbstance, ihat m romvfjuence 
 of »11 his predr ccssors in the !>ig!i station to 
 Mhich the (K-'lection of the house had called 'mm, 
 having had a majority of the votes of tlie prima- 
 ry electoral suffrages, wliilsl it ha 1 fallen to his 
 lot to have a minority of votes; and still 
 M'orse, one of his ci>iTipctitois for the office hav- 
 ing even a greater minority tnan himself — fie 
 .should not hn-iiate to dec'ine. ike ncceptance of the 
 ainintnt charge, and to .nihmit Ike decision of this 
 monentnus quesliun agn-'i fo the delerndndtion of 
 the people, j) ov'.dcd his refusal to accept the trust 
 delegated to him, would give an immexliaieoppor- 
 tunitif to the peupk toforih, and to express, with 
 a neartT approach to unnnimity, the object oj their 
 preference. 1 put it to the anti- Jackson Conven- 
 tion ii: candor and ui honor to say, vliether 
 thvs bolema declaration, taking i:\to coMsidt.ra- 
 tion, 'he circumstances under \v!iicl> it was 
 made, is not absolutely mere lihle? VVh.-^ther 
 they do b -lie ve it? If thc-y do not ixel eve it. 
 can any one of those h'ghm'uded honorable 
 gentlem. n, reconcile it to himself, to vote for 
 any human being for his President, v,-'io is capa- 
 ble of maki'iga cool, drdiberat.- misrepresenta- 
 tiDn of i'lb views to th.- whole A-icrican pcoph' 
 upon th. most solemn occasicn.' Suppose :dl 
 he American people w-.-re called ui)on to give 
 their votes for the next presideni upon the (on- 
 sideratioii of th,i question ^lune: D.i you cimsci- 
 cnt.ojsly believe t!iis solemn declarat'"', made 
 to you ijy Mr. Adanss't:) ^i-lt: Ti:it lie was de- 
 sirous of submitting his election again to the 
 people' How man> vi.tes wou'd he get in the 
 United Spates? Let every onr answer this ques- 
 tion for iiimsclf. It is not possible to conci ive, 
 that mm; c( aid be boM^hl to vofe for one Tor 
 their i'resi.lent, under the firm convi'^ion, liiat 
 .such one had deliberately raiarcpresented his 
 own v'cws to them on a n.Ost solenni occasion.' 
 r, for one, must beg to be incredulous upon 
 this octasion — and 1, for one, will not vote for 
 Mr. Adams. Under what circumstances, too, 
 was tli's solemn declaration made? At a mo- 
 ment w len Mr. Adams was making overtures, 
 as is a'iS'M ted, (>> the Federahsts for their \ot s, 
 lom.ikc him President. I say .lothing ab;.-.ii 
 5iis und.:r5tauding wiili Mr. Clay — iiolwitlsiand- 
 irg M? '/lay's uncontradicted deciaratioi., thai 
 he knew Mr. Adam^' opinions up.n the I'enn- 
 ?ylvania po'le\ , in tune to make it a reason witii 
 him for voting for Mr. Adams. Tliat point wdl 
 be undisturbed here, liecause it :S dis|>uted; — 
 whilst Mr.A.'s ovctureto theFedeialists, thro' 
 Mr. Webster, stands yet uncontradicted by Mr. 
 \Y. as far as 1 know. 1 tlicrefore take that fact 
 for granted, and it is impos.siblc to conceive, that 
 at the saJTiC moment Mr. Adams was stooping 
 to intrigue with tlie l-'ederalists for the Presi- 
 dential otlice, (perfasaut nefas,) lie would not 
 Jiesitatc to call for another election from the 
 people, especially wlen there was every rea- 
 son to believe, in that case, he would not be 
 elected. Now, let us see the relations in which 
 Mr. Adams stood to this same Federal party, 
 .i' tbo nirmpnt rf making this overture It -^ 
 
 kiiown, and universaViy admitted, that, darir*}, 
 the session ot Cong-v-.s or 1807, 1808, Mr. Ad- 
 ams, most unexpectedly, but avowedh, made a 
 coniplete political so r.erset from the Federal to 
 the Republican party. At that time, the can- 
 vas« for liic Presidential election was actually 
 cast ; and no federal candidate was offerfed. 
 The tontcst wa-j sett'eo wown betwftn Mr. 
 Madison and Governor Clinton. Mr Adams, 
 therefore found himself cut off from all hope 
 of personal aggrandizementfrom liisoid friends, 
 the federalists, tor eight years .1 least — and, in 
 all probability, for ever; leitainly under their 
 ol ( designation of Federal party. It was at 
 this moment, eventually, so auspicious to his 
 hopes of personal aggrand zement, thar this 
 soTiers'-t was inost adro-tly peifornied. How 
 Wis this doM'.? It was first d'>ne by a most so- 
 lemi'i roniiiiun'cation '.o myself, and afterwarAs 
 to Mr. JeHerson, as I am well informed. Pre- 
 vio isly to this time, Mr. A. 's conduct towards 
 Mr. Jcffrrsoii haii been suci". ae io prevent the 
 annunciation to him, in the first inst-.'.ce of his 
 intended dtserlion from the Federa' party: and 
 this is, probably the ti'ue cause' of his ■.evolving 
 the disclosure upon me. This disclosure was 
 first made, dur.ng tlie scs.sion of Con;;ress. 
 commencing 26ti> October, 1807 During the 
 next 9<Msion, it b. cam' my duty in consequence 
 th<reof, to defend Mr. Adams, agaul^t .everil 
 violent attacks made upon him, en account of 
 his wondeiful political somerset, by Mr. Pick- 
 ering, his forme • "ol'etigue in the Seua'e. In 
 18j8, Id.' closed us i.iucli <jf Mr. Adams' com- 
 munication to me as I liiought -viiS taen re- 
 quire'i to justify h.s c -iiduct ag-amst Mr. Pick- 
 ering's attacks. The following is an extract 
 taken fro.iia spcic:'' ddi.eied in the Senate on 
 the 2d J)t cemi.. f, 1818, which leaves n:- possi- 
 ble douot of ilie fi'C'.;, tiia', iluring llie pieced- 
 ing session, Mr. Adan-s dni mak-a most svilemn 
 c.jmmuncati »n to me, of his intended deser- 
 tion from tiie Federal piu-ty. 
 
 Extract Jrom Speech. 
 
 "I had hoped, Mr. Pres'.dtnt, that the gen- 
 tleman (Mr. Plck-jring) woidd have so far rC' 
 stra ned liis feelings as to have permitt..d, this 
 gentleman's rctiri nient, (Mr. Adam-." to have 
 sh.el.led him from these unmerited reproaches: 
 but it seems tl-.at no delicacy of situation can 
 procure an exemption from the inveteracy of 
 the geiuleman's passions. Tliis cr lel attack 
 has ;m;)OScd upon me an indispensable oldig-a- 
 tion to defend tiiis absent gentlt man; anil it has 
 oeen prncipaily this curumst mce, whiclt has 
 driven me igain, mosi reluctantly, into tnis de- 
 !)ate. Sir, I can attest, and now do attest with 
 gre.it ple;isure, the dismtei-esiedness and pui-ity 
 of the motives which dictated that gentleman's 
 (Mr. Adams') late political conduct. As to its 
 wisdom, that is a matter of opinion, and now in 
 a course of experiment; but as to his exemp- 
 tion from ;dl views of personal p/omotion, or 
 i)ggr;.n(hzemcnt, I htre assert that fact upon viy 
 own knowledge and xipnn nnj own rtspotisibility. 
 us far as can be warranJed bif the most explicit 
 and uijequivocul assurances from the gentleman 
 himself, ■ given, too, under circunistmices tvkich 
 render their slnreritf/ xniquextionahle." Every 
 impartial, intelligent man mu.si see at the fir:.t: 
 blusli, tiiat Mr. Athnis' communication must 
 h/^'-n 1 frt^ V If'** •'"' '• •• '" 'ti«» mo'>t-sol^'"' '•"' 
 
jl 
 
 liUj^etiUe iux!iin-r, to jushly tins positive 
 pledge on my part, in behalf of Mr. Adams, 
 grounded upon Wis own most explicit wnd une- 
 quivocal assurances; given, to..; under circum- 
 stances which render theij- sincerity unques- 
 tionable. 
 
 At the time Mr. Adams made the disclosure 
 to me, he imposed no injuncticm of secrecy 
 \rhatever. He spoke of the occasron, however, 
 H3 one of awful mag-ni'ude. Nothing less than 
 hazard'ng the severance of tl~.e Union. The 
 course of conduct which I !iave heretofore pur- 
 sued respectmj^ U, was dictated solely by my 
 Aiews of the r!»amcter of tiie comniunicntion. 
 In 1808. I disclosed as much as I thought the 
 then occasion called for. I aid not think pro- 
 per thfa to disclosL more; but I do not now, 
 nor did I ever think, that any obligation woat- 
 cver was imposed upon me, grow ug out of t'le 
 peculiar character of the d'sclosurc, not to make 
 it known, under extraordinary cjntuigehcics, 
 u'hich might occur. I think, too, that > onder- 
 Vill ev'Mts arising from that eventful tran'action, 
 ln.ve since occurred, whioli would jusciu sucii 
 disclosure; but I have at all times preferred, as 
 I now prcfei", that Mr. Adans should matie the 
 disclosure himself I i-.ave tlu'ee times, here- 
 tofoi-e, rublicly called on Mr. Ad.ims to make 
 the disclosure hiuisclr. T'fcese calls did p.pprar 
 in the Riciimond E'lquirej-, .7a;iaar}' 7ti!, FebiTi- 
 UFV 14l.h and March irth, 1616. 
 
 But since the publication o*" Mr. Jeffi.-rson's 
 better addressed to me, r^ate' 26t!i December, 
 i!825- — this subject is r<-diiced within a very 
 naiTow compass.- — By comparing the statement 
 made in my speecli just quoted, w ;h Mr. Jef- 
 ibrson's letter, and marking the pr; per deduc- 
 tions fi'om them, ^aken Ih context with each 
 other, very few points respecting th.it most 
 cveiitfurtransaction v/ill require to be disclosed, 
 so as to give tlie public a fair view of ' .le whole 
 ground, and tliu.s enable the ])eo])lf- to form a 
 ^Ust estimate of ?tlr. Adams' object .5or his pre- 
 tended political conversion; an;! j stamp tiie 
 tme character upon this wonderf;,! tivii;srcu< n. 
 It) my speech deViverea in the S -nate, 2^ De- 
 cember, 1808, 1 a-ssei-t, "but as to his (.Ii. 
 Adiins) exempt; or, from ali views of per.'jonal 
 
 promotion, or ag.,"'andizemrnt 1 here assert 
 
 tliat fact upon my ow.i knowlecl^e, and upon 
 my own re*ponsirjility- — iv; far vs can be war- 
 ranted by the. moftt cxpLcit and untf/iiivociil r'ssu- 
 rancci from t;ic gcnikmi^n Jumself; givcrT, too, 
 wider circumstances, ivltich render their binceritij 
 unquejtionjtle." Mr. Adams 'i.i ing approve d, 
 and, inceed, having .'^een ii'gh!y gi-atintM .\ itii 
 the lefenci made for him, at cue lime, as I have 
 beer, often nformed, cannot Jiow deny the fact 
 of his iiaving made tliit, c nimunication to me; 
 nor the solemn and imposing circumstances un- 
 der whicn it was made. Since tiiat time, in con- 
 , sequence of a call from me upon Mr. Jc«Tei-son, 
 j'or his recollection of the transaction, and for 
 llis views of the proj^riety of giving it jjubli- 
 gity xiadei" existing cirrcumstances, I received 
 fom Mr. Jefferson tlie following statement. 
 
 "You ask my opinions of tlie propriety of gi v- 
 ?!ig publicity to what is .stated in your lelte:", as 
 having passed between Mr. Jphn Q. Adanis,and 
 yourself. — Of tliis, no one can judge but your- 
 self. It is one of those questions which belong 
 t.o the forum of feeling. This alone can decide 
 '••1 <^!", fTeTrrf^ rrCcDntid^rrr'c. implied in tlje d'.^- 
 
 closure. \'V4)eti)ci' under tio clrcumslances, r.': 
 was U) be comniLfnicable to others. !t do.»!J not 
 seem to be of tliat character or at all to wear 
 that aspect. They are historical facts, whidi 
 belong to the present as well as future times, f 
 doubt, wliPtiierasi.iglcfactknown totlie world, 
 will carry a« clear a coivctio-i to it, of tl'o cor- 
 rectness-- of o«r knt»oled:^e nftke treabortahlc vi<:tJX'' 
 oj Hit federal party of iliat <\Ky a= that, disclosed 
 by this mo.st nefari.iuh and daring attempt to di^~ 
 sev:- ttie Uni>yn, )f which the Hartford Converr 
 tion was a subsequent chapter, anJ both oftheso 
 having failed, consolidation becomes ilie first 
 book of tlieir history." Mr. .Tefferson here- 
 states; — "I doubt whether a single tact knowrs 
 to the world, will carry as clear a convictiofi ttr 
 it, {>f the correctness of our knov/lecige o'.'fre.a- 
 sonable vkina of tlie fcderd party of fl^at (laij 
 (1807,) as that disclosed ijy this, i.discl.),ure 
 made by Mr. Adams of t -.at day — 1807,) most 
 refyrious and daring attempt to dissever iliC 
 Umon — of which tlie Hartford Convention. 
 il8l4,) was the subseq.Knt chapter." Hence 
 the following facts evidently appear: That 
 Mr. Adams made the disclosire to me, of hj? 
 .nteiiding to desert the ?.; :cral p:'rty the wi;!ter 
 of 1807, 1808 — to the best of r.iv recollection, 
 'twas a short time previimstotl^e first embai-go. 
 'I'iiat it was made under the most s ilemn assu- 
 rances of his [)atriotism and disinttrestcdness^ 
 anil ot an entire exemption from ali ^■^ews of 
 personal promotion by the party, to which he 
 tiad proselyted. Mr. Jefferson states thr grounds 
 oftliis cliarge, as communicated bv iSIr. Adams 
 himself to be the frcasnmljle views o*. tne fede- 
 ral pal ly, and tkat i, it.se treaf;onuhk views exlead- 
 edto ihfunion. AUthat now remains to be dis- 
 closed to the public, to give a full view of tlie 
 whole grotiPfl of tins eventful transactio; is, to 
 designate the ])articular conspiracy on the part 
 of tlie federalists of that d.\v, 1807, which did 
 induce Mr. Ada-iis to charge them, according to 
 Mr. Jeff rson's statcm-nt, with treasonable 
 views to dissever ♦he Union; the particular fo- 
 reign ag 'its witli whom it was carried on, the 
 particular c':"cunist;<nces, wh.ch gave rise to it, 
 and die particuLf portions of the federalists im- 
 plicated in ihfc treajo ,able negotiations tlicn on 
 foot- — Mr. Adams constate these facts to the 
 public if lie sh )uld 'hink proper to do so; or if, 
 whicii i : uppusc impossible, he siiould dem' 
 tliom; tiien ought he to t'll, what nther politi- 
 cal sins the federal party had committed in so 
 henious a cl.aracter as to just-fy his open, for- 
 mal ind sudden abaiulonment of diem 'n their 
 utn ost need; and 'i .* adhesion to t!eir op- 
 ponents — indeed, in tiie true siiirit of nrose- 
 lyte^sm, iiis goipg" to the uttermost extremes hi 
 supporting iiis newly chosen associaces, and his 
 fiilsOii'C flatteries o. Mr. .Jefferson, tlrrouirh hi^' 
 extravagant commendation ot this mea.surt, and 
 that too, not long after lie had heaped upon Mr. 
 Jefferson, all kinds of abuse, and even called 
 doggrcl verse, as is said, to his aid for the pur- 
 pose. Now, suppose it should turn out, tha'. 
 no such conspiracy did exist, and that no such 
 treasonable negotiations were carrying on, aor 
 8uc!i treasonable views were entertained by llit- 
 federalists at that time, 1807 — What must the 
 workl think of such treacherous cliarges .igainst 
 llis old friends for his own personal promotion 
 and aggrandizement,' as is now rendered evi- 
 dent, dirpctly again>:l h'.-i own cole'nTfi H>'f>\rfil?. u' 
 
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iJ4 
 
 In liie -lummer or fail ot this year, Capt. Ro- 
 Liaixlsbecaniejcalousof Gen. Jackson; upontliifs 
 p^ift of the subject we will quote tlie statement 
 of Judge Overton, as giving' the most authentic 
 accTJunt of the several facts whicli transpired 
 about that time. He says, "not many months 
 elapsed before Robards became jealous (»f Jack- 
 son, which I felt confident was without the least 
 ground. Some of his irritating coiivtrsation on 
 this subject with liis wife, I heard amidst tiie 
 tearo of herself and her mother, who were great- 
 ly distressed. 1 urged to Robard:^ the unman- 
 imess of his conduct, yfter the pains I hud taken 
 to produce harmony, as a mutual friend of both 
 famdies, and my honest conviction that his sus- 
 picions v/cre groundless. These remonrstrances 
 seemed not to have the desired effect; as much 
 commotion and unhappincss prevailed in the 
 family, as in tliat of Airs. Robards in Kentucky. 
 At length I communicated to Jackson the im- 
 pleasant situation of living in a flunily where 
 there was so much disturbance, and concluded 
 by telling him that wc would endeavor to get 
 some other place; to this he readily assented, 
 but where to go we did not know. Being con- 
 scious of his innocence, he said that he Avould 
 talk to Robards. What passed between Capt. 
 7{obards and Jackson I do p.ot know, as I was 
 absent somewhere, not now recollected, when 
 the conversation and results took place, but rc- 
 turnetl soon afterwards. The whole affair was 
 related to me by Mrs. Donclson, (the mother 
 of Mrs. Robards,) and as well as I recollect, by 
 .lackson himself. The substance of their ac- 
 count was, tliat Mr. Jackson met Captain Ro- 
 bards near the orchard-fence, and began mildly 
 to remonstrate with him respecting the injus- 
 tice he had done his wife asvv'ell as himself. In 
 a little time Robards became violently angry 
 and abusive, and threatened to whip Jackson, 
 made a show of doing so, &c. Jackson told him 
 he liad not bodily strength to fight him, nor 
 should he do so, feeling conscious of his inno- 
 cence, and returned to his cabin, telling him, at 
 the same time, that if he insisted on fighting, he 
 would give him gentlemanly satisfaction, or 
 ■words to that effect. Upon Jackson's return 
 out of the house, Capt. Robards said that he 
 4id not care fpr him nor his wife, abusing them 
 both — that he was determined not to live with 
 Mrs. Robards. Jackson retired from the fami- 
 ly, and went to live at JMansker's station. Capt. 
 itobards remained several mouths with his wite, 
 and then went to Kentucky, in company witli 
 Mr. Thomas l.'rutcher, and probably some other 
 persons." 
 
 So far as we have been able to ascertain by 
 inquiry, this is the only altercation that e\-er 
 took place between Gen. Jackson and Capt. 
 Robartls: Mr. Crutcher savs, "1 never heard of 
 «7en. Jackson and Capt. liobards having any 
 quarrel or misunderstanding but the one, nor 
 lo I believe they ever did." (cj 
 
 This difi'crence or quarrel was in assertion of 
 the injustice, (as declared by (icn. Jackson.) of 
 Capt. Robards' suspicions against him: Cen. 
 Jackson seems immediately to have left Mrs. 
 Ponelsou's. Capt. Robards and his wife lived 
 together several months afterwards in apparent 
 harmony, (m) 
 
 In the month of May or June, 1790, Captain 
 
 Robards let\ Mrs. Jionclson's to go to Kentucky 
 in cojnpany with Mr. Thomas Crutcher, with 
 the (ivowcd intention of returning and settling 
 in Mrs. Donelson'i? neighborhood, which had 
 been made one of the terms of reconcdiafion by 
 Mrs. R., thougli reullij his determination ap- 
 pears to have been never to return or live with 
 iiis wife ;igain, but to desf-rt licr fon-VLi; fnj 
 and in fact never did rctcrn or s;.e ht-r aga'n. 
 Y'.n- til s pajt 1 r the tcitiniunv, we refer you lo 
 Mr. Crutcher's statement 
 
 Mrs. Robards lived at her mether's during 
 the wl'ule of the summer and fall "f 1750, or 
 perhai..' ;)CCas'onaliy at Col Ha\s', wi'.o had 
 married hersistei. In Decemb.'.r, 1790, (while 
 Mrs. Robards was living at her mother's, where 
 Capt. R jbards left her <in his departure for Ken- 
 tucky,) Capt. Robards applied to the Legisla- 
 ture of Miginia for a divorce, upon the allega- 
 tions tiiat his wife had descrteJ him, &.c. ; upon 
 which the Legislature authoriztrl a judicial in- 
 quiry, and a divorce, if found true. 
 
 Whether the suspicions of Capt Robards at 
 this period were just, and whether Gen. Jack- 
 son liad injured Capt. Robards in the manner 
 which his jealousies suggested, are facts, as to 
 which, we w'.ll present j ou with such circum- 
 stances, testimony and conclusions, as we can 
 obtain or arrive at. 
 
 Here we will remark, that if true, it is a 
 charge which should be affirmativclv proven by 
 clear evidence of specific facts. Tliose who 
 make the charge, rely on the act of the Legls- 
 l.iture of Virginia, the legai proceedings in Ken- 
 tucky, with the subsequent acts of General and 
 Mrs. Jackson. The decree of Mercer county 
 court, and what occurred subsequent to the act 
 of the Legislature of Virginia, shall be consi- 
 dercd prcsentJy. 
 
 That Capt. Robards was jealous or suspi- 
 cious, would probabh we'gh but little, as he 
 was predisposed that way, and stems to have 
 entertained \hose feelings long before in a most 
 violent degree, most unjustly. That the Le- 
 gislature of Virginia passed the act, which has 
 been refcired to, Wili not probably be consi- 
 dered in any degree as tending to prove the 
 justice of the charge against Mi-s. R. b> her 
 husband, because the L.j^islature clearly was 
 not s.'itisfic.d of tne truth ( f an\ ch'ige made, 
 and referred it to further uiquiry by a court; 
 but of til s ^ou will be satisfit v by r-curie;ice 
 to General Breckenridge's letter, of whicii we 
 w'll hert quote a purl. "I was. member of 
 Vi.'ginia J^cgi.sla'ur" in the se.*i'.i.>n (if 1730, 
 when a p(t.tii'ii was ]u-' ser.tefl v.. b< half of a 
 Mr. Robards Icr a divorce. He w.is saiil to be 
 resident in one of the couniies oF the district 
 of Keiitucky, Uun a p.irt of Virginia It w.is, 
 I believe, the second mstance of .m applica- 
 tion for a divorce that had be^n n^ade t> the 
 Legislature; very certainly tho set ond, tliat I 
 had been called upon to vote. 1 w.is a youHg 
 man at that time, and tlie deep impression 
 made on my mind was, the novelty a':d import- 
 ance of the case, combined wiiii the interest 
 which I fell in beiialf of tje female concciucd — 
 remain with great i',istincj;rtess. Mr pob^rds 
 was represented to be a man of vie, v/ild ha- 
 bits, and harsh temper; his wife lovely and 
 bluiiickus in her disposition and deportment; so 
 
 Svpcndlx, no. 6» m no. f>, 1.' 
 
 n .Appendix, nos. *, K 
 
3d 
 
 crueiiy trenlca by uer husband as t» make a 
 separation necessary to I'.er happiness. It was 
 iinder impressions produced by a state of facts 
 like these, that I voted for a judicial inquiry on 
 the subject, wliich 1 always understood eventu- 
 ated in a divorce. 
 
 *' If Mr. Robards alleged incontinency in his 
 wife as a ground of divorce, and I ratl-.jr think 
 that he did, I am very sure that I thought her 
 innocent, and that my vote was intended to libe- 
 rate her, as the injured pai-ty." fo.J 
 
 In addition to which, we will now call your 
 H.ttention to such positive testimony as we have 
 collected, as to the injustice of Capt. Robards' 
 suspicions, and the cliarge made against Gen. 
 Jackson. 
 
 Judge Overton, who lived in the same room 
 with Gen. Jackson during all the period in 
 question, slept with him, held the strictest and 
 most confidential intimacy with him, states, as 
 his solemn, clear belief, that Mrs. R. was inno- 
 cent, and most unjustly suspected; that such 
 was the result of his own observations, and such 
 were, at all times, tlie solemn asseverations of 
 General Jackson during that period, and at all 
 times since. CP-J ^*''^- Craighead, Mrs. Smith, 
 and Mrs. Bowen had the best opportunities of 
 judging correctly: in speaking of Mrs. R.'s con- 
 duct during the period which elapsed from the 
 time she came from Kentucky, and of the in- 
 justice of R.'s suspicions, Mrs. C. says, "I have 
 no hesitation in stating it as my firm belief, that 
 iiis(Capt.K.'s) suspicions were entirely ground- 
 less; no lady ever conducted herself in a more 
 becoming manner, during the whole of that 
 period; I have lived within a few milus of Mrs. 
 Jackson's ever since that time, (with the ex- 
 ception of about two years,) and have been in- 
 timate with her, and can say, that no lady main- 
 tains a better character, or is more exeaiplary 
 in her deportment, or more beloved by her 
 friends and neighbors." fq-J 
 
 Mrs. Smith says, "all the circumstances at- 
 tending this rupture, i cannot attempt to state 
 with mucii particularity at this late day; but it 
 is hardly possible, considering tlie free and un- 
 reserved intercourse that prevailed amongst all 
 the respectable classes of people here at that 
 time, that an incident of this kind should oc- 
 cur without being fully and generally known ; 
 and that every person sliould concur in the 
 same views upon its character, without the best 
 reasons. In this transaction, Mr. Robards alone 
 was censured, and I never heard a respectable 
 man or woman intlmnte, tliat the conduct of 
 his wife differed from that of the most prudent 
 and virtuous female. Gen. J'>.cksin boarded at 
 the time in the house of Mrs. Uonelson, and it 
 was the commoii belief thai his cliiracter and 
 standuig, added to his engaging ;;'*! sp'-igr\(ly 
 manners, were enough to iniiame the mind of 
 poor Robards, addicted, as he was, to vicious 
 i.abils and the most ch'ldish suspicions. "(^r^ 
 
 Mrs. Bowen says, "in this transaction, (rcfer- 
 ;ag to the jealousy of Robards and his last sepa- 
 ration from his wife,) I can saf-ly say fronr; my 
 intimacy witJi both Mrs. Donelson and her 
 daugiiter, Mrs. Robards, as well as Gen. Jack- 
 son, that not the least censure ouglit to be 
 thrown upon any person but Mr. Robards. — 
 When the circumstances happened this was the 
 
 .Sppcndix, 110.1. p no. 1!J. qnv. 3. r no- '* 
 
 language of all the coiiutry, and I never hearc, 
 imtil now, th.atthere was any person living who 
 had, from a knoiuledge of the fads, entertained a 
 different opinion, except Mr. Robards hijnself, 
 in whose v/eak and childish disposition I think 
 the whole affair originated. "(^.vj) 
 
 From this testimony, concurring with the tes- 
 timony of all the other persons whose state- 
 ments are subjoined for your examination, therq 
 seems to be but one possible conclusion — that 
 tlie charare made on Gen. Jackson was unfound- 
 ed, and Mrs. Jackson perfectly innocent; but of 
 this, you and the public v.'ill judge; and perhaps 
 more satisfactory upon seeing the further pro- 
 gress of this affair, and the testimony connected 
 with it. 
 
 Some time in the month of January, 1791, 
 Mrs. Robards descf^nded the river, to Natchez, 
 under the protect! >.: of Col. Stark, an old and 
 respectable gentleiuan; Gen. Jackson accom- 
 panied Col. Stark and Mrs. Robards to Natchez, 
 and so soon as Gen. Jackson saw them safely 
 landed at Natciiez, he immediately returned to 
 Nashville — was at the May Superior Court, and 
 attended to business as Attorney General. Mrs. 
 Robards, during her residence in the neighbor- 
 hood, lived principally in the family of Co!. 
 Tho. Green, and Col. Bruen. families as highly 
 respectable as any in that country. The cause.-; 
 of this journey by Mrs. Robards, and the reasons 
 which induced Gen. Jackson to accompany 
 Col. Stark, we will give literally in the language 
 of the testimony of Judge Overton and Mr, 
 Crutcher. Judge Overton says, " some time 
 afterwards, during the winter of 1791, Mrs. 
 Donelson told me of her daughter's intention tu 
 go dowrt the river to Natchez, to some of her 
 friends, in order to keep out of the way of Capt. 
 Robards, as she said he had threatened to 
 "kannl" her. Knowing, as I did, Capt. Robards' 
 unhappy, jealous disposition, and his temper 
 growing out of it, I thouglit that she was right 
 to keep out of his v.'ay; though do not believe 
 that 1 so expressed myself to the old lady, or 
 any other person. 
 
 " The whole affair gave Jackson great unea- 
 siness — and this will not appear strange to one 
 as well acquainted with liis character as I was , 
 continually together daring our attendance on 
 wilderness courts, whilst other young men were 
 indulging in familiarities witli females of relaxed 
 morals, no suspicion of this kind of the world'.s 
 censure, ever fell to Jackson's share. — In this — 
 in his singul u-ly delicate sense of honor, and in 
 wliat I thouglit, his cliivalrous conceptions of 
 the female sex, it always occuiTed to me, that 
 he was distinguishal)le from every other person 
 with wtioni I was acquainted. 
 
 "About the time of Mrs. Donelson's commu- 
 nicition to me respecting her daughter's inten- 
 tioii ofgo.nglo Natchez, I perceived in Jackson 
 symptoms of more than usual ©fmcern. I de- 
 termined to ascertain the caus;^, v/lien he frank- 
 ly told me, that he was the mort unhappy of 
 men, in having innocently, and unintentionally, 
 been the cause of tiie loss of the peace and hap- 
 piness of Mrs. Robards, whom he believed to 
 l)e a fine woman. In this I concurred withhim, 
 but remonstrated upon the propriety of his no', 
 giving himstdf any uneasiness about it. It was 
 not long after this before he communicated t'> 
 
 Jppen'Jix, no 
 
iii)^ 
 
 me his iiiteniioa of goinj^ to JSaicliez with Col. 
 Stark, with whom Mrs . Robards was to descend 
 the river — saying that she had no friend or re- 
 lative that would go with hcv, or assist in pre- 
 venting Stark, his fiunily, and Mrs. Robards 
 from being massacred by the Indians, then in a 
 state of war, and exceedingly tiouhksome. — 
 Accordingly, Jackson in company with Mrs. 
 Kobards and Col. Stark, a venerable and highly 
 esteemed old man, and friend of Mrs. Kobards, 
 went down the fiver from Nashville to Natchez, 
 some time in the winter or spring of 1791. it 
 was not, however, without the urgent entrea- 
 ties of Col. Stark, who wanted proticlion from 
 the Indians, th;it Jackson consented to accom- 
 jiany them, of wiiich I had heard, before Jack- 
 son's conversation with me, already alluded to." 
 Mr. Cru^.cher says, " Capt. Robards, never, to 
 my knowledge, returned to West Tennessee, 
 or what was tl»en called Cumberland. It was 
 reported, however, that he threatened to come 
 and take his wife to Kentucky, and c<. tipel her 
 to live there. She, as well us all her friends, 
 vv'as vtry much opposed to thi-s and in order 
 to place herself beyond his reach, as 1 under- 
 stood at the time, determined to descend the 
 river under Col. Stark's protection to Natchez. 
 It was in December, or perhaps January, be- 
 fore Col. Stark could get orf with his family, 
 Gen. Jackson also went alor.g; but after they 
 landed at Natchez, the General returned to tliis 
 country, "f /J 
 
 In tl>e winter or spring of 1791, information 
 was received at Nashv'Ue that Captain Robards 
 had obtained a divorce flam the Legislature of 
 Virginia: This was the belief of all persons in 
 the'country. Mr. Crutchersays, "ldo*atknow 
 iiow the information readied the country, but 
 1* was generally, indeed, I believe, un.versally, 
 rehed on as being correct." Judge Overtjpn's 
 account is substantially the same, and furliier, 
 that in the summt-r of 1791 he wasin Kentucky, 
 remained part of his time at o.d Mi-s. P'^bards', 
 aitd never understood otherwise than tl.al 
 Capt. Robards' divorce wasiinal until the latter 
 part of the year 1793. ji). Of the strength 
 and universality of this opinion there can be no 
 doubt. Up«n tlie receipt and general behef of 
 this information. Gen. Jackson, in July or Au- 
 gust, 1791, returned to Natchez, in company 
 "with Mr. Uaviil Deadrick — married M'-s. Ro- 
 bards, and returned in September, 1791, to 
 Nashville with her. 
 
 These transaclioi^s would seem, under the 
 circumstances accompanying them, to r^vjuire 
 no comment, and could not fairly be subject to 
 misconstruction, when tiie character o! lien. 
 .Tackson an.4 the conduct and character o» Mrs. 
 Jackson are in the slightest degree understood 
 and apprwiated; but we will again call your 
 attentloji to such testimony, as wdl be enclh-d 
 to the greate^ and Uiost conclusU f weight in 
 {>ublic estimation. 
 
 We cannot do justice to Judge M'Nairy's 
 testimony, but bv using his own words — '-Gen. 
 Jaokson and myself have beeii acquainted more 
 "Lhan forty years; I think 4'l- .)r 45 year.s; part 
 of the time we lived together, and the Dalance 
 in thf iw\mediate neighborhood of each other. 
 We moved together from North Carolina to tliis 
 State, and arrived at Nasiifilie in October, 17i-HJ. 
 
 "Not long after we came here, I was inform- 
 ed that Mrs. Jackson and her then husband had 
 been separated in the state of Kentucky. 1 
 knew Gen. Jackson had never seen her until 
 this time, and \ do not th'nk for some time af- 
 terwards. About this time I was informed ':hat 
 Robards and nis wife w< re living very unhappi- 
 ly at ht •• V idowed motlier's. The i-ubho re- 
 port andimpres^'on, I know, was, tlia< Kobards 
 was treating her cruelly, by charges found in 
 his own jealous imaginations alone. 
 
 "As to the particular facts, which took 
 place, that produced the' second separation I 
 have no knowledge of my ov/n — I c:in only 
 speak of what was the prevailing opinion at 
 the time. Rut this much 1 can say, with as 
 mucn positiveness as any man can, when 
 speaking- of a!:oiher, that from my particulat- 
 acquaintanci? witii Lim, Ibelievi- Gei.eralJack- 
 son was, at ary period of liLs hfe, incapable of 
 seducing »ny n!an's wife from him. 
 
 " I have k;i..nvn Mrs. Jackson for nearly for- 
 ty years. No woman, for that time has sus- 
 tained, a more irr<.proaciiiibie characte. than 
 she has — hospitabL, kind, and chahtublo. Tiit- 
 evening of h>/r days was hastening to a close 
 in muc'i peace and comfort." ff'-J 
 
 We win also trouble you with quoting from 
 the tesdniony of Mrs. Smith, on acco.m. of its 
 own welgl.% and more particularly as giring 
 the sen'iment and opinions of tin. Rl'v. Thos. 
 B. Craighead, knovvn to most literary divines 
 as one of the ablest ami m' st enlightened cler- 
 gymen in iht-. United States; known to all his 
 acquaintances as a most pious and good man, 
 and one who had the best oppor'un ty '.o judge 
 correcily of tiie true character of those trans- 
 actions, and of G^n. Jackson an ! Mis. Jackson. 
 Mrs. Smith states, " Mr. Robards iii.d not 
 been long gone from Tennessoe when inioiTiia- 
 tioii was received here that ho had obtained a 
 divorce from las wife. WiiCther this n.forma- 
 tion came by letter, or by a newspaper from 
 \U;{)na, ad,>. essed to my husband, i cannot 
 now say with ceU;!int\ j bu* I T^iitl- by the lat- 
 ter It was :ifter this inforniado,i came, thac 
 Gen J.ickson married Mrs. Robards; and I re- 
 collect well the obstrvatioii of the Ktv. Mr. 
 Craightad in rel«tion to thi marriage; It wai, 
 that it was a niippy change for Mis. Robards, 
 and hij^hly cedilabk- to Gen. Jackson, who, by 
 this act of his lite, evinced his ow;. magnaniml- 
 tv, as well as the purity and innocence of Mrs. 
 liobards; and such M-as the sentiment of all my , 
 ae([uairiia ices. 
 
 "Sinci' liiis period, I have lived within a few- 
 miles oi' Mrs. Jaclc.HCin, and have never been 
 acq.iiiinted with » lady more exemplary in her 
 deportment, cr o.ic to wiiom a greater share of 
 tlie rtsp- ci anci vegtrd of friends and acquaint- 
 ances can be a^tarded." ("hj 
 
 'Ihe te.sniuji-.y of Judge Ovortcn, Mr. 
 Crulcher, Mr. Anthony Foster, and others, ac- 
 c nnpanying this letter, proves substaiuially the 
 same. 
 
 In the f;dl of !79;i. Gen. J:ickson, for the fir?t 
 thne, undeistocu that tlie act of tiie.Ltgi.s'atipe 
 of \ irglnla only au'hori/ed a judicial inquiry 
 and decree of divorce; and that such proceed- 
 In ^s had been taken in the Merger quarter 
 i^es'slon court, and that a divorce had beer 
 
 t Jfyfperdu; nos. V-. 16. 
 
 n re 
 
 i .Ujnc7td'.r, no. 2. b na,^. 
 
 J k ' K 
 
:M 
 
 f 
 
 jTranted in September, 1793. lie was then, 
 Jn January, 1784, married again to>MrSf Jack- 
 son, ("cj 
 
 Of this judicial proceeding' and decree, it will 
 only be necessary to remark, tli;jt we have g-lvtn 
 you S'lch evidence as will satisfy you of the time 
 state of the facts, and the innocence <»f Mrs. 
 Jackson; such as shows that this proceedintr 
 was entirely ex pai-te, and without any know- 
 lodg-e of it by Mrs. Jackson or Gea. JacksoJi; 
 that at the time when the oifence was charged 
 in the petition to have taken place, viz: July 1, 
 1790, Mrs. Kobai"ds was living at her mother's, 
 'vhere Hobards had left her, and where he liad 
 pronsiied to return to her. ^ Bui in addition to all 
 this, we have tlie strong-est reasons to boHeve 
 that Hug-ii M'Gary, tile only witness who seems 
 to have been inlroduced on that incpiiry, w.vev 
 saw Gen. and .Mrs. J.ickson t:)g-ethi..r until thQ 
 month of Sept. 1791, after their marriage at 
 Natchez, when tney were living together as 
 married pciscns, in the most f.iir, liunest, and 
 innocent relief that tiiey were lawfully joined 
 in \yedlock. H.igh .Vi'Gary came through the 
 Indian country froin Natchez to Nashvdle, at 
 tlie i-.ime time and ;n the same ompany in which 
 General and Mrs. Jackson came, in Sept. 1791, 
 and circumstances then occuircd calculated to 
 excite in M'Gary a .stronger feeling of dislike 
 towards Gen. Jackson, which it is unnecessary 
 to detail, as they i-.daicd sohdy to a meditated 
 attack by tlie Indians. 
 
 The petition for divorce .seerns not to have 
 been hied until the fall of 1792— tried at Sept. 
 1793; and there is much g.ca'.er probability 
 upon an ex parte hearing', tiial the testimony of 
 Hugh M'Gary was not very accuraiely applied 
 or confined to the allegations in tiie declaration, 
 than t'liat he swore that vvhich was untrue; 
 v;hich must have been the case tiad his evidence 
 agreed with llie declaration. 
 
 We have now, g.-ntiemen, laid before you 
 the facts camiecLeU with G:.-n. Jackson's mar- 
 riage — his. o.vn conduct, and the character of 
 his lady. Much more testimony coijld have 
 been produced, if nec^'ssary, proving- the .same 
 fac-s buustariially, but in our inquiries we have 
 met with none conflicting with tliis which we 
 presented. The necessity for this course, the 
 members of this Committee iiave telt with deep 
 regret. Those who reside here cannot be sur- 
 prised that this regret should exist in our bosoms, 
 since eome of us have associated with Genesal 
 ,)acksonand his family for more than thirty years 
 — no one of us for less than twelve. During 
 *hese periods we and our families have met our 
 distinguislied countryman, and liis piou?, chari- 
 table, and amiable lady, in the must elevated 
 ranks of society. In this protracted series of 
 years, we have seen him commanding the re- 
 spect of all men, and the enthusiastic attach- 
 ment of his friends; her, we havi- see;i, deserv- 
 ing and enjoying the kindest atvciUions of her 
 fi'ijiah- acquaintance.^, and Hie unquaiih d and 
 exalted r&gard of tlie iionorable, moral, and re. 
 ligious men of our country. 
 
 The resvdt of this inquiry must place Uie 
 character of Mrs. Jackson upon tliat basis 
 uhoi-e it has rested for nearly forty years, in tJie 
 society where r.he has lived and Icen best 
 known. It must show Gen. Jackson in tliis 
 
 part of his history, sustaining that high chara^.' 
 ter for honor and magnanimity, wliich has dis- 
 tinguished bis .-.curse through life. 
 
 To the honorable and high-minded politie:/. 
 opponents of Gen. Jackson, this result will be 
 received with great plc-vsure— such persons 
 must, at all times, have viewed tlris attack with 
 pain and diss.itisfaction. 
 
 n. C. FOSTEl?, 
 
 Chairman pro ttni. 
 G. W. C.WIPBELL, 
 IIOBEP.T W^YTE, 
 J. WHARTON, 
 T. H. CL.\IBOB^■I:. 
 •WILL. WHITE, 
 JO. PHILirS, 
 DANIEL G«ArL\>I, 
 WILL. L. BKOWN, 
 ALFRED BALCH, 
 EDWARD WARD, 
 WM. B. LEWIS, 
 FELIX ROBERTSON, 
 JNO. SHELBY, 
 JOSIAH NlCOIy 
 JN. C.\TRON. 
 Nelsok Pattersox, Secretary. 
 The undersigned has not signed or acted 
 this subject for the obvious reason that his testi' 
 mony has been given and used. 
 
 JOHN McNAIRY. 
 I have not signed it for the same reason. 
 
 JNO. O^^EKTON 
 
 Jipp^n-ff'T. r>n. r 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 fJS-o. l.J 
 FiscASTLE, .9pril 8, 1827. 
 
 Dear Sir — I have had the honor of receiving 
 ycur letter of the 28th ult. and hasten to say, ii\ 
 replj' to it, that it is utterly out of my power to 
 give yon, with accuracy, the particular facts 
 and circumstances in detail of the transactions 
 alluded to. Such trac&s of them, however, as 
 a lapfee of near forty years has left upon my me- 
 mory, I will state with great pleasiu'e. 
 ' 1 was a member of the V'irginia Legislature, 
 in the s3v-:sion of 1790, when a petition v.-as pre- 
 sented in behalf of a Mr. Robards, for a divorce. 
 He was said to be a resilient in one of the coun- 
 ties of the District of Kentucky, then a part of 
 Virgmia. It was, I believe, the second instance 
 of an application for a divorce that had been 
 madeto the Legislature; very certainly the se- 
 cond that I l:ad been called upon to vote.' I 
 was a young man at that time, and the deep im- 
 pression made on my mind was, the novelfj.' 
 and importance of the case, combined with the 
 interest wliich I fi-it in behalf of the female 
 concerned — remain with great distinctness. 
 
 Mr Robards was represented to be a man of 
 vile, wild habits and harsh temper, and his wife 
 lovely and blamidess in her disposition and de- 
 pr.rtnient; and so cruelly treated by her hus- 
 band as to make a sejiaiation necessary to her 
 happine.ss. It was under impressions produced 
 by a state of facts like these, tha II voted for a 
 ju licia! inquiry on the sul)ject, which I aUvay 
 understood eventuated in a divorce. 
 
 If M'^. Ilobards alleged incontinenyc in his 
 wile, as a grounil of ('ivorce, ' for I ra^ her think 
 that ii' did,) L ajn v( ry sure that 1 thought Iwr 
 iunocout, and that ray vote was inte? ded to lib. 
 .'v.-iri- h;-r as the ininr^d parJv 
 
38 
 
 Since Gtn. Jaclc^on has bccorr.e so dislliiguibli- 
 ed a military man, I have understood that liis 
 wife is the same Mrs. Robards, oF whom 1 have 
 been speaking-: and I very often, wlien that sub- 
 ject has been referred to in conversation, have 
 g^iven tl»e same account of it that you got from 
 Dr. Sim as coming from me. I now rejoice that 
 1 have had any agency in enabling Mrs. Jackson 
 to form a new alliance with a soldier, wlio pro- 
 perly appreciates her worth, and treats her 
 with that generous feeling, which is due to the 
 best portion of':yUr race. 
 
 With much esteem, &c., I am your obedient 
 Gervant, 
 
 JAMES BRECKENRIDGE. 
 
 [No. 2.] 
 
 Nasiivulk, May 7ih, 1827. 
 
 Deah Sfh — You desired me to state my 
 knowledge and opinion of the private charac- 
 ter of General Jackson, as it respects his con- 
 duct in his connexion and intermarriage with 
 Mrs. Jackson. 
 
 Gener.al Jackson and myself have been ac- 
 quainted more than forty years; I think 44 or 
 45 years; part of the time we lived together, 
 and the balance in the immediate neighborhood 
 of each other. We moved together from North 
 Carolina to this State, and aiTived at Nashville 
 jn October, 1788. 
 
 Not long after we came here, I was Informed 
 tliat Mrs. Jackson and her then husband had 
 been separated in the State of Kentucky. I 
 know Gen. Jackson had never seen her until 
 Tills time, and I do not think for some time af- 
 terwards. About this time I was informed that 
 Robards and his wife were living verj' unh.ippi- 
 ]y at her widowed mother's. The public re- 
 port and impression, 1 know, was, that Robards 
 was treating her cruelly, by charges founded in 
 his own jealous imagination alone. 
 
 As to the particular fiicts which took place, 
 that produced the second separation, 1 have no 
 knowledge of my own; I can only speak of 
 what was the prevailing opinion at the time. 
 But this much I can say, with as much posltive- 
 ness as any man can, when speaking ol another, 
 that, from my particular acquaintance with him, 
 f beheve General Jackson was, at any period of 
 his life, incapable of seducing any man's wife 
 from him 
 
 I have known Mrs. Jackson for nearly forty 
 vears. No woman ibrtliat time has sustained 
 a more irreproachable character than she iias ; 
 hospitable, kind, and charitable. The evening 
 of Irt days was hastening to a close in much 
 peace and comfort. 
 
 I do think it was cruel and unmanly to 
 drag her before the pxiblic gaze, in the public 
 yrints; it would take a very extreme case tojus- 
 cify It. 
 
 I am, very respectfully. Sir, your most obedi- 
 <.nt servant, 
 
 JOHN M'N.\TRY. 
 
 [No. 3.] 
 
 rhc following isthe .statement of Mrs. Craig- 
 head, widow of the Rev. Thomas R. Craighead, 
 Jate a member of the West Tennessee Trcsby- 
 tpry. 
 
 Mr. Craighead and myself came to this coun- 
 'V about forty,rtwo years ago; and Mrs. Don- 
 
 el.son, the mother of Mrs. Jackson, and lamiii .. 
 came and settled at the Clover Bottom, in Da- 
 vison county, Tennessee, the same year. Witl; 
 thefamlly of Mrs. DonelsonI was well acquaint- 
 ed ; indeed my family had a knowledge of the 
 Donelson connexion for about seventy years. 
 The whole family were respectable, and I liv- 
 ed in habits of intimacy with Mrs. Donelson, 
 during her life, and with Mrs. Jackson, nearl} 
 forty years. The character of Mrs. Donelson, 
 the mother of Mrs. Jackson, was without a 
 blemish; and her standing in society -was infe- 
 rior to that of no other lady in the country. 
 She respected religion while she lived, and di- 
 ed in the hope of a happy hereafter. 
 
 Mrs. Jackson, then Mrs. Robards, was brought 
 to this country from Kentucky by one of her 
 brothers, a few years after the family had set- 
 tled themselves here, in consequence, as I un- 
 derstood, of the cruel tieatment of her husband, 
 who was said to be a man of jealous disposition 
 and vicious habits. This was manifested by the 
 suspicions he entertained of the improper con- 
 duct of his wife. At the time she hved with 
 him, at the house of his mother, in Kentucky, 
 an attorney of the name of Short, also boarded 
 with the old lady. With regard to the unhap- 
 py difference which took place between Kob- 
 ards and his wife,it was believed that it arose from 
 the circumstance of Short's living in the same 
 family with Mrs. Robards, and showing her per- 
 haps a little more than ordinarj' politeness. Mr. 
 James Brown, my brotller, who is now at Paris 
 in France, came to this country .shortly after 
 Mrs. Robards arrived fiom Kentucky; and, 
 speaking of her, deeply regretted her misfor- 
 tunes. He said that he believed her to be a chaste 
 and virtuous woman, and gave as a reason for 
 thinking so,that he was in timate with Mr. Short, 
 and had conversed with him particularly witli 
 respect to Mrs. Robards; that he assured him 
 in the strongest and most solemn teniis, Mrs. 
 Robards was a worthy virtuous wo-nan, and that 
 the suspicionsof her husband were entirely un- 
 founded, cruel, and ungenerous. 
 
 Mrs. Robards, after haying been driven from 
 her mother-in-law's by tbe cruel treatment of 
 her husband, Capt. Robards, lived witli her 
 mother, Mrs. Donelson, several years, and con- 
 ducted herself with the greatest propriety, en- 
 tirely withdrawing herself from all places of 
 public amusement, such as balls, parties, &c. 
 About two yer.rs after his wife left Kentucky, 
 Robards came to this countrj' for the purpose of 
 being reconciled to her. He made every ar- 
 knowledgmcnt, and appeared to be quite peni- 
 tent for his past conduct, stating, as 1 under- 
 stood, .at the time, that lie did not blame his wife 
 for leaving him, and coming to live with her 
 mother. Shortly after his airival, by the inter- 
 ference of her friends and acquaintances, she 
 agreed to live with him, on condi'ion that he 
 would settle himself in her mother's ncighbcrr- 
 hood, to which he gave his consen', and actn 
 .illy purchased a tract of land. After they bt- 
 rame reconciled, Mrs. Donelson, for the first 
 time, took into her house, as boarder.^, sever!!! 
 j'oung gentlemen, there being then few, if any 
 regular boarding houses or taverns, among 
 whom were Judge Overton and Gen. Jackson. 
 Having agreed to live together, Robards went 
 back to Kentucky for the purpose of moving his 
 property to this country., TJpOn his return, 
 
;)M 
 
 'having found Gen. Jackson in the faniih', liis 
 jealousies appeared to vevive... This was more 
 particular!}' manitested towards Gen. Jackson, 
 in consequence, I suppose, of his £;;ay spriijhtly 
 disposition and courteous manners. From my 
 acquaintance with Mrs. Jackson, I have no he- 
 sitation in stating it as my firm belief, that his 
 suspi'-.ions were entirely groundless. No lady 
 ever conducted iierself in a more becom.ing 
 manner during the w!iote .,f that pwiod. I have 
 lived within a fe\v miles of Mrs. Jackson ever 
 since tijat tinie, (with tlie excepfien of about 
 tw;>yesrs,) and have been intimate with uer, 
 and can say, 'hat no lady miiiMtains a better 
 ch:,racter, or is rii<,,:-e ext^nplary in her d'port- 
 ment or more beloved by herfriends and neigli 
 bors. 
 
 ELIZABETH CRAIGHEAD. 
 Spring Kill, 2vl Doc. 1826. 
 
 P. S- In addition to what has been stated 
 above, it was my understand. ng, and the under- 
 atandiiig, I belte\e, of the settlers g.-i.-ral!}', 
 that, on the application if Cajjt. Tlobyrd^, the 
 Legislature of Vu'ginia divorced him from his 
 wife, an ; I never heard any thing to the con- 
 trary until lately. ' E. C. 
 
 [No. 4.") 
 
 The statement of Mrs. Smith, widow of Gen. 
 Daniel Smith, formerly the representative of 
 Tennessee in the Senate of the United States. 
 
 As well as I now recollect, Mr. Smith and 
 myself settled in this country in the year 1784. 
 At that period, or shortly after it, Mrs. Donel- 
 son and family were among the few fimilles 
 who catne and settled on tlie south .side of Cum- 
 berland river, where, though they were but a 
 few miles fiom me, yet, in consequence of the' 
 river running between us, and the da.iger of 
 visiting in tliose days, 1 dkl not becoine person- 
 alljf acquainted with them for two or three 
 years after. The family, however, was univer- 
 sally spoken of as one of the mostre,«pectab!e 
 and worthy in the whole countiy. i'he Cist 
 time tliat 1 ever saw Mrs. Jackson, then Mrs. 
 Robards, was at the statimi of' Col. Mansker. 
 One of her brothers ■ had, not long before, 
 brought hc! from Kentucky, where she and Mr. 
 Itobards had been married and settled. The 
 cause of lier return to Tennessee was then at- 
 .tributed to the cruel and unjust treatment of her 
 husband, who was spoken of every where as a 
 man of irregular habits, andnmcli given to jeal- 
 ous suspicion-!. 
 
 About two years after I first saw Mrs. Ro- 
 bards, 1 learned tliat Roi^ards had arrived in the 
 countiy, and, by the assistance of the family of 
 his wife, tiiat their differences had been recon- 
 ciled, and tliat they were again living togetiier 
 at Mi ,;. Donelson's. Tiicy were not long, iiow- 
 ever toj.-cther, before tlie same uniiappy ap- 
 prehensi.'^ns seized the mind of Robards, and 
 thecoiisequence of wli'ch was anotli-r separa. 
 tion, and, as it soon appeiued, a final one. All 
 the circumstances attending this ru[)"nrc, I can- 
 not attempt to state with muc'i particjlarity at 
 this late day ; but it is hardly possible, consi- 
 d'-ring the tree and unreserved intercourse that 
 prevailed amongst all the respectable class;;s of 
 people here at tlud time, that an incident of 
 this kind should occur without bei ^^ lully and 
 generally known, and that every peisonshould 
 
 concur in the same vieys ujvon its chyjacter 
 without the best reasons. In this transaction, 
 ]Mr. Ivobards alone was censured ; and I iicvcr 
 heard a respectable man or woman intimate tlsr-t 
 tlie conduct of iiis wife differed from that of the 
 most prudent and virtuous female. Gen. Jack- 
 son boarded at the time in the house of Mr?,, 
 Donelson, and it was the common belief that 
 his character and standing, added to his en- 
 gaging and sprightly manners, were enough to 
 inflame the mind of poor Robards, addicted, as 
 he v/^s, to vicious habits, and the most childish 
 suspicions. 
 
 Mr. Robards had not been long gone from 
 Tennessee wdien information was received l(ere, 
 that he had obtiined a divorce from his> wife. 
 Whetiieijtliis iniormation came by letter, or by 
 a newspaper from A'irginla addressed to my hus- 
 band, I cannot now say with certainty, but I 
 think by the latter. It was after this informa- 
 tion came, that Gen. Jackson married Mrs Ro- 
 bards — and 1 recollect well the obseiwation ot 
 the Rev. Mr. Craighead, in relatii)n to the mar- 
 riage ; it was — that it was a happy change fgr 
 Mrs. Robards, and highly creditable to General 
 Jackson, who, by this act of his life, evinced his 
 own magnanimity, as well as the purity and 
 innocence of Mrs. Robards, and such was the 
 sentiment of all my acquaintances. 
 
 Since this period, I have lived within a few 
 miles of Mrs. Jackson, and have never been 
 acquainted with a lady more exemplary in her 
 deportment, or one to whom a greater share pf 
 the respect and regard of friends and acquaint- 
 ances can be av/ai'ded. 
 
 . Given at my plantation, in Snmner count}". 
 State of Tennessee, on the 16th day of Decem- 
 ber, 1826. SALLY SMITH. 
 
 [No. 5.] 
 
 The following is the statement of Mrs. Bowcn, 
 widow of Col. William Bowen, deceased, and 
 sister of Gen. Russell, and the, late Col. Russell, 
 of F.ayette county, Ky.; also, mother of the 
 late Joiin II. Bowcn, ibr several years a Repre- 
 sentative in Congress) of the U. S. iVom Teji- 
 nessec. 
 
 My father married Mrs. Campbell, the si.ster 
 of Patrick Henry, of Virginia, and settled at 
 the Salt works, in Washington county, a few 
 miles from Abington, Virginia. After thi-? 
 event, about the year 1785, Mr. Bowen ami 
 myself moved from Washington, and settled 
 upon -the spot where f now live, in Sumner 
 county, Tenn. Soon after oar arrival, \ve be- 
 came acquainted with the family of Mrs. Donel- 
 son, the motl'.er of Mrs. .Tackson, who settled 
 the fall after our arrival within a mile of us, and 
 since that period have livedin the same neigh- 
 borhood. With Mrs. DoneLson's famil}', I have 
 ahvays lived inhabits of intimacy and friend' 
 ship. 
 
 At the time of mj^ first acquaintance with the 
 family of P.Trs. DoncLson, th.it h, in 1785, li^r 
 daughter, .Mrs. Robards, was then in Kentucky, 
 wliere slie was settled and married. In the year 
 after, r became acquainted, witii her, having- 
 beeu brought down to this country by her bro- 
 ther, Samuel Donelson, who, as I understooti 
 then, and have alw.ays since believed, went ii'- 
 ter her in conseijuence of the bad treatment 
 which she had received from her husb.and.— 
 Upon her i^rrival here I w.is introduced fo her. 
 
4{} 
 
 and from the intimacy and confidence which 
 poon prevailed between us, I was convinced 
 that the conduct of her hnsband had been illi- 
 beral and unjust. I can safely say, that the de- 
 portment of no lady ever seemed tome to be 
 more guarded or more free from those faults 
 which usually g'wc rise to jealotisy and ill-will. 
 Some time after this, Mr. Robards came tothe 
 country with the view of becominp;' reconciled 
 again to his wife, as I understood; '^heir differ 
 onces were made up by the inttrrfcrcnce of 
 some of the relations of Mrs. liobards, and they 
 agreed to live together again, and did occupy, 
 as I then heard, a separate house in the yard of 
 ."Mrs. Donelson. It was at this period that the 
 unhappy difference arose which caused another 
 ruptui'e between Mr. and Mrs. Robards, the cir- 
 ■••umstances of which are as follows, as I now 
 recollect them. — General Jackson and Judge 
 Overton, with some other >oung gentlemen, 
 were boarding in the f. mily of Mrs. Donelson. 
 
 Captain Robards and his wife lived there; Whii^ 
 they were all at Mrs. Donelson's together, I 
 understood that a quarrel, or misunderstand- 
 ing, took place between Gen. Jackson and 
 Captain Robards, in consequence of which 
 Messrs. Jackson and Overton immediately left 
 the house. Capt. Robards continued to live^ 
 however, with Mrs. Donel.son, without any iir- 
 terniption, as long as he remained in the coun- 
 try. I have seen Mr. and Mrs. Robards toge- 
 ther in Nashville, and have seen them together 
 at Col. Hays', where they have stayed days and 
 nights. 
 
 I never heard of Gen. Jackson and Captain 
 Robards having any quarrel, or misunderstand- 
 ing, but the once, nor do I believe they ever 
 did. 
 
 The latter part of May or some time in June, 
 about this time having some business in Ken- 
 tucky, it was known that I intended going to 
 that country; and as Capt. Robards intended 
 General Jackson soon became the object of going also, he requested me to let him knovr 
 Captain Robards'jealousy and ill-will,who.scem- when 1 would be ready to start. When I was 
 ed to indulge the .same cruel suspicions in re- ready to set out on my journey, I went by Mrs. 
 gard to the conduct of his wif*-, wiiich had led Donelson's for Captain Robards; on my arrival 
 to their separation in Kentucky. The effect of I found Mrs. Robards and her mother busitj' 
 which was, the voluntary withdrawal of tlie engaged in packing up his clothes and provi- 
 General from the family, whili- Mr. and \frs. sions. I suppose it was about an hour before 
 Kobards remained witli it. Captain Robards, C-.ptain Robards was ready to start. I inquired 
 however, did not long remain, before he set for Col. Donelson, and was told ihat he had just 
 out for Kentucky, whether Vifith the intention rode down the branch, to either Blackcmore'.s 
 of returning I do not know; but he was not or Davis' I'ort, on some business. AVhen we 
 long gor.e before it was understood that a di- were ready to start, Capt. Robards, with miicfi 
 vorce had been granted, upon his application, apparent friendship, took his leave of Mrs. 
 separating him from his wife. In this transac- Donelson, and his wife, walking to the gate 
 tion I can safely say, from my intimacy, with with him, and in a very tender and afFcctionate 
 both Mrs. Donelson and her daughter, Mrs. manner took her leave of him. There was not, 
 Robards, as well as General Jackson, tliat not when we mounted our horses, nor at any time 
 the least censure ought to be thrown upon any after I got there, a single white person on the 
 person but Mr. Robards — »vhen tiie circumstaiv plantation, e.^cept Captain Robards, his wife, 
 ces happened, this was the language of all the and Mrs. Donelson. I had three horses and 
 country; and I never heard until now, that Captain Robards two; but on the second night 
 there was any person living who had, from a we camped on the Barrens, his riding horse 
 knowledge of the facts, entertained a diflVrent strayed off, which we could not, after diligent 
 opinion, except Mr. Robards himself, in whose search, find. I then let him have the use of 
 weak and child sh disposition, I think the whole one of mine, to carry hi.9 pack, and ho rode his 
 affair originated. own pack-horse. -—In the course of that d:ty he 
 
 Done at my plantation, in Sumner county, appeared to lament ver,- much the loss of his 
 
 Tennessee, this 21st Deceml)er, 1826 
 
 MARY H. BOWEN. 
 
 [Xo. 6.] 
 
 T was living in Nashville when Gen. Jackson 
 first came to this country, and have lived here 
 ever since 
 
 riding horse: I remarked to him, that the horse 
 would perhaps make into Pitman's station; or 
 that some hunter would find him, and he would 
 get him again as he mo,-ed down. To this he 
 made a very harsh reply — he said he would be 
 dimmed if ever he would be seen in Cumber- 
 land again; with man}' other quite angry and 
 
 I recollect of its being reported ill-natured remarks. 1 observed to him that 
 
 that Capt. Lewis Robards had qu.irrelled with the friends of Mrs. Robards would not like, and 
 
 his w.fe, and refused to live with her. I also perhaps would not consent, for her to go back 
 
 recollect that one of the ^Mr. Donelson's went to Kentucky to live. He said he did not care 
 
 to Kentucky, and brouglit his sister, Mrs. Ro 
 bards, to her mother's. Some tint'' afterwards, 
 Captain Robards came to this country to s*e his 
 \rife; an<l it was said, not l)ng after he c.ime, 
 that a reconciliation had taken place between 
 
 what they liked or dishked; he should do as he 
 thought proper. As his conduct on this occa- 
 sion was so unexpected, and at the same time 
 so unaccountable to me, I thought it best to say 
 notiiii.g more to him ; but I was convinced, 
 
 them. Afior the\ had .igrc'-d to live together from many other circumstances and remarks of 
 
 again, I understood that Captain Robards had 
 previously consented to settle himself in this 
 country, and actually purchased a tract of laud 
 in the neighborhood of Mrs. Donelson, the mo- 
 tlier (>{' his wife. 
 
 ALout this period of time, General .Taclson 
 ^nd Judge Overton, botii young lawyers, com- 
 menred boarding with iHva. Donelson, and 
 
 his, th.at he never intended coming back to this 
 country to live. We tr.avelled on together to 
 Nelson county, Kentucky, and near Bardstown, 
 at a Mj-. Pottenger'.s, we parted. Capt. Robards 
 never, to my kno'.v ledge, returned to West Ten- 
 nessee, or what was then called Cumberland. 
 It was reported, however, that he threatened 
 to comp .and tal^p his w\\f. to K«»nti!'~}rv, and 
 
41 
 
 compel hev to liveliiere. She, as ^vell as all* 
 lier friends, was very much opposed to this; 
 and in order to place herself beyond hisreacii, 
 as I understood at the time, determined to de- 
 scend the river in company with Col. .Siark's 
 family, and under the Color.id's protection, to 
 Natchez. It was in December before Colonel 
 Stark could get off vvith his f.iaiily; perhaps 
 January before he could get along'. General 
 Jackson also went along-; but aFver they landed 
 at Natchez, the General returned to tlus coun- 
 try. About this time it was re:y.orted here that 
 the Legislature of Virginia had granted a di- 
 vorce CO Capt. Robai'ds I do not know how the 
 information reached this country, but it was 
 generally, indeed I believe universally relied 
 on as being correct. After this, the General 
 •".vent to the lower country again, where he 
 stayed but a little while; and on his return 
 brought Sirs. Jackson with him, vo who:"n it 
 was said he had been married in West Florida, 
 then a Spanish Province: this every person be- 
 lieved, and they were received with great cor- 
 diality by their friends. 
 
 When, however, it w»s discovered that the 
 Legislature of Virginia had not actually divorc- 
 ed Robards and h.is wife, and believing tiiat, 
 consequently, their first marriage was ill-'gal, 
 the General and Mrs. Jackson determined to 
 get married again, and sccoixiingly were mar- 
 ried in this county, on the 17th day of January, 
 1794, as will appear by examining the bond for 
 marriage license now on file in the Clerk's 
 OiHce for Davidsf>n county. They iiave lived 
 together, ever since, as happil\' and as much 
 respected a.s any people in the world. 1 was 
 acquainted with Mrs. Jacksoi while she v.-a« 
 3Irs. Robards — I have been well andmsimately 
 acquainted with her ever since, and can say, 
 that she always supported a fair and unblemish- 
 ed character, and is as mucli esteemed and be- 
 loved by her friends and neighbors, as any other 
 ladv whatever. 
 
 THO. CRUTCIIER. 
 
 The Honorable 
 
 Ji. C. Foster. May 4, 1827. 
 
 [No. 8 ] 
 
 Hauhodsburr, Mercer Co. Kt. } • 
 April 13th, 1827. 3 
 
 Dear Sir : In answer to yoiir request, in re- 
 lation to a publication in the last Spirit of Se- 
 venty-Six, involving the character of Mrs. Jack- 
 son, in which I am referred 'o as being one of 
 the Jury who found a verdict against her, I say 
 fhat it is utlerli/ imtrue. I was well acquainted 
 with Mrs. Jackson previous to iier first marr;age 
 •with Lewis Robards, and several years after- 
 wards, and can a.ssure you that she sustained an 
 unblemished cliaracter, and was considered one 
 among the first of our young ladies ; her father. 
 Col. Donelson, being a man of the most respect- 
 able standiHg. Afltr licr mari'iage witli Mr. 
 Robards, a disagreement took place between 
 her and her husband, on accoimt of charges of 
 immoral conduct en his part, and also becmning 
 jealo!;s of a certain indivi;!uni, (r.ot Gen. Jack- 
 son,) which eventuated ia her 'x-ing compelled 
 to return to her mt tiier, wiio iiad, in tiie m an 
 time, removed to the State of Termi^ssee, where 
 her father died or was killed by the Indians. I 
 x"a!» intimate v/ith Mr. Robards, .ind after the 
 
 sepavatioti, ia a conversation with him, he ad' 
 mitted to me that his suspicions were unjust, 
 and lie expressly acqtiitted her of any illicit in- 
 tercourse with the individual suspected. Asto 
 Gen. Jackson, I am of the opinion he never saw 
 her previous to her separation from Mr. Ro- 
 bards, and the divorce, I believe, was obtained 
 cnfh-dy avpia-fe ,- an act of the Virgiiiia Legisla- 
 ture was passed at the instance of the we51 
 known Cap. Jaclv Joiictt, then a member of that 
 body, and a nro'lier-in-law of Mr. Robards, 
 (iiaving married his si.iter,) and without any rvj- 
 tice, as I btli<=:ve, to Mrs. Robards; but of this, 
 I suppose, Maj. Tho.nas Allin, who was the 
 Clerk of the Court, can speak. For my part, 
 I consider Mrs. Jackson as most unjustly and 
 ungenerously slandered. I am well acquidnted 
 vvith most of '•.'le circumstances, and regret to 
 see the whole trans.-iction misrepresented. I 
 have always believed tha' Mr. Robardo had no 
 person to blame but '.lis own improper conduct 
 and jealousy. I know him well, but do ncli 
 wisii to enter into a detail of facts calculated to 
 v/oundthe feehngs of bis respectable relations 
 and friends. I am, m3'self, for General Jackson 
 as next President, and wish the Spirit of Se- 
 venty-Six not again to refer te me without au- 
 thority, as I considei- the attack on Mrs. Jackson 
 as ungxnerou.s, unmanly, and unjust. 
 Yours, v.'itli respect, 
 
 JAMES RAY. 
 
 [x\o. 9.] 
 
 Mr. Jolin ItlcGinnis states, th.at he lived, fo' 
 some considei able time, inthe immediate neigh-^ 
 borhood of Mrs. Betsey Robards, the mother of 
 Lewis Robar:'s, the former husband of the pre- 
 sent Mis. Jackson ; that Robards and his wife 
 then lived with old Mrs. Robards; th^.t Lewis 
 Robartls was generally considered a bad hus- 
 band ; that his mother acknowledged that Ra- 
 chael Roba!-,ls was an amiable woman, and de- 
 served better treatm-nt ; that she, in fact, loved 
 her as well .as any ch'ihl she ever raised ; that 
 old Mrs. RoLiJds tuhi this affiant, a short time 
 before Mrs. R. Rolian'sleft herliusband for the 
 purpose of returning to her mother's, in Ten- , 
 nessee, fliat her son had ordered his wife to clear 
 herself, and never again .show her face in his 
 house ; th.it she appe.red, for some time before 
 she returned to l<er mother's, to be an unhappy 
 and miserable woman ; that, finally, her brother 
 came to Kentucky, and carried her off to her 
 friends in Tennessee. He states, explicitly, 
 that he never heard of General Jackson being 
 in the neighborhood, and that he believes tliat 
 General Jackson never visited the house of 
 Lewis Robards <luring the time that they lived 
 together ; that Rol)ards's wife sustained a fair 
 and irreproachable character, as long as thi^ 
 affiant knew her. 
 
 This day personally appeared before me, & 
 Justice of the Peace "for the county of Mercer, 
 the within named John McGinnis, and made 
 o.ith to the truth of the within statement. Giver, 
 under mv hand this 13th April, 1827. 
 
 G. W. THOMPSON, J. F. 
 
 [No. 10.] 
 
 IlAnRonsBURfr, March 3l.if, 1825. 
 DEA.R M.i.Ton: Incpmpliance with your wish- 
 es, express ?J in yours &f yesterday, it may not 
 be improper to inform you, that in the fall of 
 
VI 
 
 ■ )io year irSl, f ^nade inv puce of vcbidence 
 in Lincoln cyiinty, (now Mercer) wljere 1 have 
 continued to live pver since. I think it was in 
 1782, not later than 178o, (but I think the far- 
 mer,) 1 became a Deputy Sherifr in Lincohi, 
 y/ and acquainted vitii Col. Dnnelson .-uid his la 
 
 miiy; the Colonel had then two daughters yonng' 
 ladies, viz: Jane and Kachei, the laUerof whom, 
 1 lUhlcrsiand, is the hidy pfGen. Anarew Jack- 
 son. Some time siiortfy after mv acqi...intance 
 in the fjimily, Miss Ruche) becanie liie wire of 
 C;iptain Lewis Rub:irds of the same county, 
 who then hved in the ilimily of his si.other, a 
 widow lady, near Harrodsburg-, where he 
 broug'lit hia wife, and continued to live wi'Ii lier 
 in tiie fa'i?i!y of 'his moUier, until some dis:i- 
 greenient ijok place between the Caplam and 
 his wife, which resulted in a -jpariaion, and 
 tlie Capta'Mi sent i.er to her fatii.n-, who, pre 
 vious t't that separation, had removed to the 
 neiglibori.ood of Nashville, Tenness-e, as 1 was 
 *ifornied; and where, I presume, she first saw 
 and became acquainted with Gen. Jackson. I 
 never ■aw General Jackson in my life to my 
 ];no'.vledg-e, no)' have I an} reason to believe, 
 nor do I believe that Mrs. Jackson ever was ac- 
 tiuainted with tiu- General until after hersepa- 
 ratioii witii Robards, and lier arrival at her fa- 
 thcr'.s, in Tennessee. Captain Ilobards obtain- 
 ed a- special act of the Virginia Legislature for 
 a divorce, I think in t'.iefall of the year 1787, 
 and prosecuted the same to judgriient in the 
 'Qu-'-rter Session Court of Mercer county, (of 
 uliich Court I svas the clerk,) at the September 
 Term of said court, 1793. About t.hat time, 
 Capt. Kobaj'ds marri<;d a Miss Winn, daug-hter 
 nf Mr. Thomas Winn, then 1 think of Louis 
 ville or l-^ardstown. 
 
 I was s,;i-pr;sed v.-hen t!ie separation took 
 place between Capt. Uobards and his first wife, 
 as pievious to tliat affair, 1 had ever considered 
 Mrs. Ro!)ards, now .Mr.s. Jackson, a fine ucman, 
 and of irreproachable character. Upon a>i ex- 
 amination of tlie papers of the suit for the di- 
 vorce afores;iid, I find nothing sliowing- that the 
 defendant had any kind of ntjtice of the exis*t- 
 ence or ])rogrcss of th^t suit. ShouUl you con- 
 sider any thing I have communicated worth no- 
 tice, you are at liberty to use it in any v>ay you 
 i.^ay tliink proper. 
 
 Your friend, kc. 
 
 TIIOS. ALLIN. 
 Major Thomas F. Moore. 
 
 [No. 11.] 
 
 To all whom it may concern, be it known, 
 that in the year 17S4 i hved at Col. Jolm I5ow- 
 man's .'■t.uion, in tlic then County of Lincoln, 
 now Mercer, -nd have continued lf> live in 
 Mercer county ever since. Whilst I lived at ' 
 Col. Rowman'.s, I became acquainted wtli Col. 
 Donelson and his familj', v. lio lived then near 
 Col. r.owinan's. Col. Donelson at tliat time, 
 had two single daiigliters, young women, to 
 wit: Jane^ and Racliel, the hitter (,f wliom, I 
 xmderstand, is tiie pre^c.it Mrs. Jackson, tlic 
 Jadv ..f Gen. .\tulrfw J.%cks:)n, of the State of 
 Tenii'.sst';. I continued to be intimately :\c- 
 quainted with Col. Don.clsmi and iiis daughters, 
 until the younger, U.iciicl, was married to Capt. 
 Lewis Robards, and for some lime afterwards, 
 wlien some uniiappy difTerence arrse between 
 t'apt. Kobards and his l.ulv, which terminated 
 
 in a .sejiara'.ion between them; and wiien V.: 
 Robards went to her father's, who had previou.^ 
 to that time removed to the State of Tennes- 
 see, near to Nashville. Previous to that sepa- 
 ration, I have ever considered that lady's cha- 
 racter as fair and irreproachable as tluitof any 
 other lady I ever knew in my life; nor have I 
 any reason to believe that Gen. Jackson ever 
 saw her until her sepiration from Robards. I 
 recollect be-ng one of tlie jury when Robards 
 obtained li s divorce, but !iave not the most 
 dista/ii reroilcction of wliat evidence was of- 
 fered on the trial. 
 
 JOHN I;1EAUX. 
 
 .-Jpn? 16//;, 1827. 
 
 [No. 12. J 
 
 Nashvii.1,1:, August 12, 1824. 
 Caleb Mwatcr, Esq. 
 
 Sin: Mr. Cur-y, the Postmaster of this place, 
 has showed me a letter you addressed to him, 
 stating tlie manner in which Gen. Jackson wa? 
 married, as rcj)orted in your country, in a man- 
 ner disgraceful and immoral i-n him. 
 
 Mr. Curry lias requested me to write to you on 
 that subject. I have to remark, that I hrive been 
 intimately accjuainted with Gen. Jackson, for 
 about 35 }ears pust — before his marriage and 
 since; during all which time, the General and 
 myself iiave lived in tliis place and tlie neigh- 
 borhood. Something like thirty years ago, or 
 more, Gen. Jackson was mamed to Mrs. Jack- 
 son, -Iiis lady. With whom he has ever since lived, 
 as I believe, in the utmost harmony, in the 
 higlwtst respect and credit amongst all who 
 knew them, but moa-e especially among their 
 immediate neighbors. 
 
 Mis. Jnckson has been once married to a Mr. 
 Robards, who, as I alw.avs understood, and be- 
 lieved, without any just cause, left her, and ob- 
 tained a divorce by an exparie proceeding out of 
 this State. 
 
 I am, most respectfully, youi" ob'tserv't, 
 
 A. FOSTER. 
 
 [No. 13.] 
 
 MuTj 8ih, 1827. 
 Dr-.vn Sih: In the fall of 1787, I became a 
 boarder in the family of Mrs. Robards, the mo- 
 ther of Lew'S Ifobards, of Mercer counly, Ky. 
 Captain Robards and his wife then lived with 
 old Mrs. Robards. I had not lived there man. 
 weeks before I understood tiiat Capt. Robards 
 and his wife lived very unliappily, on account of 
 Iiis being jealous of Mr. Short. My brothei-, 
 who was a b(;arder, informed me that great un- 
 easiness had existed in the family for sopie time 
 ijeforc my arrival; but as lie had tlie confidence, 
 andfi-oi.'d will of all parties, a portion of this 
 confirlcnce fell to my siiare, particularly the old 
 hidy's, than whom, pcriiaps, a more amiable 
 woman never lived. The uneasiness l)ctvvee!3 
 Capt, Robards and 1 idy continued to increase. 
 :ind with it, great distress of the mother, and 
 considerably with the family generally, until 
 e:ir!y in the )-ear 17''8, as we^ as now re- 
 collected I uiul.rstood from ihe old lidy, and 
 periiaps others of the family, that her son Lewis 
 iiatf written to fc'rs. Robards' mother, tlie widow 
 Donelson, roqiusti;.g that she would take her 
 home, as he did not intend to live with her any 
 longer. Certain it is, that Mrs. Robards' bro- 
 ther, Saraual Donelson, came up to carr\' her 
 
'1.-! 
 
 dowTi to her 
 the fail or 
 
 mothci-".s, and my inipression is, 311 
 summer of 1788. 1 was present 
 
 comhig- acquainted with him. 
 commenced boarding' then 
 
 fco : 
 
 about 
 
 t was, V e- 
 tiic same 
 
 Avhen Mr. Samuel Donelson arrived at Mrs. time, Jackson and myself, our friends and cli- 
 Hobards', and when he started away with his ents, &c. occupying: one cabni, and the {ami.}- 
 sister- my clear and distinct recollection is, another, a few steps from it. 
 that it was said to be a final separation, at the Soon after my arrival, 1 had frequent c.onver- 
 instanceof Capt. Itohards— for I well recollect sations with IMrs. Lewis Robards, on tlie suo- 
 the distress of old Mrs. liobards on account of ject of livinsj happily with her husband. She, 
 her daughter-in-law, Hachael, going away, on "with much sensibility, assured me ttmt no efioit 
 account of the separation that was about to to do so should be wanting on her part, and I 
 take place, together with the circumstance of communicated the result to Capt. Robavds and 
 the old la^'y's embracing her affectionately. In his motlier, from both of whom I received con- 
 unreserved conversations with rae, the old gr.atulation and thanks. Capt. Kobards had 
 lady always blamed her son Lewis, and took previously purchased a pre-emption in this 
 the part ot her daughter-m-law. 
 
 During my residence in Mrs. Robards' fami- 
 ly, I do'not recollect to huve heard any of tlie 
 family censure young Mrs. Robards, on account 
 of the difference between her husband and 
 
 countrv, on the south side of Cumberland river, 
 in Davklson county, aboutfive miles from where 
 m-s- Donelson then lived. In the arrangement 
 for a re-union between Capt. Robards and his 
 wife, I understood it was agreed that Captain 
 
 herself: ifth'-y thouglit otherwise, it was un- Robartls was to live in this country, instead ct 
 
 known to me— but recollect frequently to have Kentucky ; that, until it was safe to go on his 
 
 heard the old lady and Capt. Joiiett, who mar- own land, which was yearly expected, he and 
 
 ried the elder daughter of the nunily, at tliat his wife were to live at Mrs. Donelson's. Capt. 
 
 time express the most favorable sentiments of Kobards became re-united to his wife some time 
 
 i^g,.. ;,> ihc^ vear 1788 or 1789. Both Mr. Jackson 
 
 in the year 1788 or 1789. 
 and myself boarded in the family of Mrs.Don- 
 eigon-^lived in the cabin room, and slept in the 
 same bed. As young men of the same pursuits 
 and profession, witii but few* others in tlie coun- 
 try with whom to associate, beside sharing, ns 
 v/c frequently "did, common dangers, such an- 
 intimacy ensued as might reasonably be ex- 
 
 Having finished my studies in the winter of 
 ^88-9, it was determined to fix my residence in 
 the country now called West Tennessee. Pre- 
 vieus to my departure from Mrs. Kobards, the 
 old lady earnestly entreated me to use my 
 exertion, to get her son Lewis, and daughter- 
 in-law, Kachael, to live happily together agpin. 
 
 Their separation for a considerable time had pccted. 
 occasioned her great uneasiness, as she appear- Not m, 
 ed to be much attached to her daughter-in law became ^ 
 
 —and she to her. Captain Lewis Robards dent was without the least ground. Someot 
 appeared to be unhappy, and the old lady told h s i'l-itating conversation on this subject wit!; 
 me she regretted what had taken place, and his wife, I heard amidst the tears of herself anc- 
 wished to be reconciled to Tils wife. Before I her mother, who were greatly distressed. I 
 would agree to concern in the matter, I deter- urged to Robards the unmanhness ol his con- 
 
 duct, after the pains I had taken to produc- 
 
 nany^ months elapsed before L'obards 
 jealous of Jackson, which I feelconf- 
 
 mined to ascertain Capt. Robards' disposition 
 from himself, and tock an occasion to converse 
 with him on tlie subject, when he assured me 
 
 harmony, as a mutual friend of both families, 
 and my' honest conviction tliat his suspicions 
 
 of his regret respecting what had passed^ that were groundless These remonstrances seemed 
 he was convinced his suspicions were unfound- not to have the desired eiTect ; as much coin- 
 ed; that he wished to live with his wife, and re- motion and unhappiness prevailed in the family 
 quested tiiat I woul! use my exertions tore- as in that of Mr. Robards in Kentucky. At 
 store harmony .—1 told him I vrculd undertake it, length I communicated to Jackson the unplea- 
 provided he would throw aside all nonsensical sant situation of living in a family where there 
 notions about jealousy, for which I was con- was so much disturbance, and concluded by 
 vinced there was no ground, and treat his wife telling him that we would endeavor to get some 
 kindly as other men. He assured me it should otlier place; to this he readily assented, but 
 be SO; and it is my impression now, that I re- 
 ceived a mesL^age from old Mrs. Robards to Mrs. 
 Lewis Robards, which I delivered to her on my 
 arrival at her mother's, where I found her some 
 time in the month .K)f Febru uy or March, -1789. 
 The situation of the countiy induced me to so- 
 licit Mrs. Donelson to board me— good ac- 
 
 commodations and b-^ardiiig being rarely to be latcd to me by Mrs. Donelson, (tlic mother ot 
 
 met with— to which she readily assented'. Mrs. Robards,) and, as well as I recollect, by 
 
 Mr. A. Jackson !iad studied' the law at Salis- Jar.kson himself The substance of their ac- 
 
 bury, North Carolina, as I understood, and liad count was, that Mr. Jacksoo met Capt. Robards 
 
 arrived in this country in company witii Judge near the orchard fence, and began inildl) to rc- 
 
 McNairv, Bonnet, Searcy, and perhaps David monstrate with him respecting the_ injustice h'- 
 
 ' " had done his wife as well as himself. Inahttie 
 
 where to go we did not know. Being conscious 
 of his innocence, he suid that he v.-ould t.alk to 
 Robards. What iiassed between Capt. Robards 
 and Jackson I do not know, as I was absent, 
 some where, not now recollected, when the 
 conversation and results took place, but return- 
 ed soon afterwards. The whole affair Avas re- 
 
 AUison,'all lawyers, seeking their fortunes, not 
 more than a month or two before my arrival. 
 ■^Vhetlier Mr. Jackson was at Mrs. Donelson's, 
 when 1 first got there in March 1789, 1 cannot 
 say; if he was, it must have been but a little 
 
 time Roh.ards became violently ;ingry and abu- 
 sive, and threatened to whip Jackson, made a 
 show ofdoing so, &.c. Jackson told him he had 
 not bodily strength to fight him, nor should he 
 
 time. My impression now is, that he was not do so, feeling conscious of his innocence, and 
 living there, and h.aving just arrived, I introdu- retired to his cabin, telling him, at the same 
 Cf-d him into the familv as a boarder, after be- time, that if he insisted on fighting, he wnuld 
 
4A 
 
 give him geit'cieinanly satisfacUon, or words to 
 that effect. Upon .lackson's return out of the 
 liouse, Capt. Ilobanls said that he dkl not care 
 for him nor his wife — abusinji- them both — that 
 he was determined not to hve with Mrs. Ro- 
 bards Jackson retired from the fam ly, and 
 went to live at Man«iker's station. Capt. Rob- 
 :uds remained wveral months with lus w^fc, and 
 then went to Kentucky in company with ^Ir. 
 Thomas Cnitcher, and prohably some other 
 persons. 
 
 Soon af^er this affair, Mrs. Robards went to 
 Jive at Col. Hays', who married her sister. Af- 
 ter a .sj)f)rt aijscnce, I returned to hve at Mrs. 
 l>one!.-<on's, at her earnest entreaty, every f;,m- 
 i\y then desiring the as.«)ciaticn of male friends 
 a.s a protection a.arainst ti.e Indians. This afiair 
 took place, to the best of my recollection, in the 
 .sprint^- of I'/QU. Some time"in the fall following-, 
 there v.as a report afloat tliat Capt. liobards in- 
 tended to come down aod take !»is wife to Ken-- 
 tueky ; whence it orig-Inatcd I do not now re- 
 collect, but it created g-reat luuasines.i both 
 with Mrs. D--neIson a. "■ her daug-liter, Mrs. 
 Robards, tne latter of whom was mucii distress- 
 ed, as she was convinced .li'icr two fair trials, 
 as she said, that it would be impossible to live 
 with Capt. Robards, and of this opinion was I, 
 With all 'nose 1 conversed with, who M'ere 
 acquainted witii the circvimstanoes. Some time 
 nfterwards, dnrh)'^ th-.- winter of 1791, Mrs. 
 Dohelson toIJ me of her dauf^liter's intention to 
 K'-o down the river to Natchez, to some of their 
 friend.s, in order to keepout of the w;i_\ of Capt. 
 Robards, as she said he had threatened to 
 '^ haunt" h.i-T; knowing-, as I .lid, Capt. Robards' 
 unhappy jedous disposit-on, and his temper 
 growing- out of it, I ti;o<;g-!st ?\w v.-as ng-hi to 
 keep out of his way, thoiig-h do not beheve that 
 I so expressed myself to the old lady or any 
 o'.her person. 
 
 The whole ufTair g-ave Jackson g-rcat uneasi- 
 ness; and this will not appear strange to one as 
 ■^-ell acquaintid with his eliaracter :is I was. — 
 CoMtinu;illy togethe: during our attenihmce on 
 wilderness courts, whilst nther young men 
 were uululglng in fauilhirities with fenialcs of 
 relaxed morals, no suspicion of this k:nd </fthe 
 world's censure tVl! to Jarkoon's share. In 
 this — in his singularly dehcute sense of honor, 
 and in what I tJiouglit his chivalrous concep- 
 tions of thefemtde se.-?, it occurred to me, that 
 he was distinguishable from every other person 
 with whom 1 was acqitainted. 
 
 About the time of Mrs. Donclscn's communi- 
 cation to me respecting her daugliters inten- 
 'ion of going to Natchez, I perceived in Jack- 
 son symptoms of more than usual concern. I de- 
 termined to ascertain tlie cause, wlien he frank- 
 'y told nie, th.it he was the most un'iappy of 
 men in havin;;- innocently and unintentioually 
 been the cause of the loss of peace and happi- 
 r^ssof Mrs. Robards, whom he believed to be 
 a line woman; in this I concurred with him, 
 but remonstrated upon the propriety of his not 
 giving iiimsclf any uneasiness about ii. It was 
 not long ntU-r this, before he con;municated to 
 ii)e his iiiii-ntion of going to N.itch: z wiiii Col. 
 fHaik, with whom .Mi-s. Robards was to descend 
 the river — saying »hat she had no :iiend or rela- 
 tion taat wotdd go with her, or a.ss'st in prr- 
 ventiiig Stark, his f.uiwly, an.l X!rs. Robards 
 jWiTTi He-fi'^ mivvrid hv f'..- In !; of_ il^-n ii 
 
 a state of war and e.\ccodingiy troublesoine. — 
 Accoi-dingly, Jacksrn in company with Mrs-. 
 Robards and Col. Stark, a. venerable and highly 
 esteemed old man and fi-iend of Mrs. Robards, 
 wen: down the i-iver from Nashville to Natchez, 
 some time in the winter or spring of 1791. It 
 was not, however, without the urgent entrea- 
 ties of Col. Staik, who wanted protection from 
 the Indians, that Jackson consented to accom- 
 pany them, of wiiich 1 hu'I hcurd before Jack- 
 .son'.^ conversation with me already alluded to. 
 
 Previously to Jackson's starting, he commi*- 
 ted all his law business to me, at the same time 
 a.ssuring me that as .soon as he shovdd see Ool. 
 SUu-k and fajnily and Mrs. Robards situated with 
 their friends in the ncighhoHiood of Natchez, 
 he would return and resume iiis practice. He 
 descended the river; relumed from Natche?. to 
 Nasliv'lle, and was at the Superior Court in the 
 latter place in May 1791, anending to his bn.si- 
 ness as a Lawyer and Solicitor Gi-neral for the 
 Government About, or shortiv after this time, 
 we were informed that a di • ,rce had been gi-aiil- 
 ed by the Legislature of Virglr.ia through the 
 inf.uence principally of Capt. Robarda' bro- 
 ther-ln law. Major John Joiictt, w!u) was pro- 
 bably in the Legislature at that *mie.- 
 
 This applic-dtion had been anticipated by me. 
 — The divorce was understood b\ tue people 
 ot this country to have been granted by the 
 Letcislature of Virginia, in t!ie v/intcr of 1790, 
 1791. I was in Kentucky in the summer of 
 1791, remained at old Mrs. Robards', my for- 
 mer place of residence, part of my time, an<'i 
 never understood otherwise than tiiat Captain 
 Roiiards' ditorce was final, until the latter part, 
 of til e year 1793. In the sunuiif-rot' 1791 Gen. 
 Jackson went, to Natciiez: and, I undei'stood, 
 married Mrs. Robards, then believed to be freed 
 from Capt. Robards by the divorce: in the fall 
 of 1791 r.-iurned to Nasuville, settled in the 
 neig'.ihorhood of it, where <hey have lived ever 
 s!uce, beloved and esteemed by all classes. 
 
 About the montli o'>^ December, 1793, after 
 Gen. Jackson and myself h-.id started to Jones- 
 borough, in East Tennessee, where we prac- 
 tised law, I lesirnt for the first time that Capt. 
 Roh;i'-d-i had applied to Mercer C^ourt, in Ken- 
 tucky, for a divorce, wiiicii had then recently 
 been granted; and th.at the Legi.-^lature had not 
 absolutely gianted a divorce, but left it for the 
 Court to do. I need not express to you my sur- 
 prise, on learning that the act of the Virginia 
 I-egislafuJ-e had not divorced Capt, Robards. 
 1 informed Gen .fack.son of it, who was equally 
 surprisefl; and during our conversation, I sug- 
 gested tile propriety of his procuring a license 
 on hisieturn home, and having the marriage ce- 
 remony again performed, so as to prevent all 
 future cavilling on the subject. 
 
 'i'o this suggestion he replied— that he had 
 long since been married, on the belief that a 
 ilivsrce had been obtained; which was the un- 
 derstanding ef every pennon in the country; nor 
 was it without ilifficulty he could be induced to 
 believe otheru'ise. 
 
 On our return liome from Jone.=borougli, in 
 Jantiary, 1794, to N isliville, a rK:ei>se was ob- 
 tainei!, and the mai-nage ceremony performed. 
 
 The slownes^l and iiiaccur..cy with which in- 
 formation was receive<l in >Vesl Tennessee at 
 that time, wdl not be surprising, when we con- 
 ■^'■n."- \'i. insiilalfc.) niui dangerous situation, j'r* 
 
46 
 
 Touiide j on every side by a wilderness and by 
 hostile Indians, and thut there was no mail esta- 
 blishi.'d till about 179?', as well as I ivcollect. 
 
 Since the year 1791, Gen. Jackson and my- 
 self have never been much apart, except when 
 he was in the armj'. I have been intimate in 
 his family, and from the mutual and uninterrupt- 
 ed happiness of tiie General and Mrs. Jiickson, 
 which I have at all tiint-a witnessed with plea- 
 sure, as well as those delicate and polite I'.tttMi- 
 tions which have ever been mutually recipro- 
 cated between them, I have been long' con- 
 jirmed in the opinion that th^re never existed 
 any other than wtat was believed to be the most 
 honoi'ablc and virtuous inteicoui-se between 
 them. Ketbre t'neir going to Natchci:, I hi^d 
 daily opportunities of being' oonvnced t'rit 
 there was none other; before beings marned in 
 the Natchez country, after it was uti.len.tooJ 
 tliat a divorce had been s^rajited by the Legis- 
 lature of Vir2;'lnia. it is beiieve'l there wa*^^ none. 
 
 JOHN OVERTON. 
 The Hon.R. C. FO.STEK, 
 
 Chairman of the Select Committee. 
 
 The Editors of the United S'la'res' Teles^iaph, 
 feel. that tiiey almost owe ?.n apo'og'y to the pub- 
 lic for callinj^ its attention to the strong and ir- 
 resistible refutation v.'hich the fcreg-oitig- testi- 
 mony furnisi^es. atonceoftiie ianiKence of a 
 much injured and most amiable ivotpan, and the 
 inliur.ian and infamous Vji-.dalism by which lier 
 reputation has beena.-sailed. 
 
 Tiiese are subjects so sacred in their char- 
 acter, (and what can be more so than a woman's 
 l.onor.'')tl.a*^ uven the effort to deiend and sus- 
 t;iiu them i.ivolves, however success:'uily this ofj 
 fice may be performed; a seeming und revolting 
 delicacy. Nothirg, therefor*', would have in- 
 duG«'d U2 10 have invaded, even in the spirit 
 <jf f.icndship and a niilitant vindiciition, tiicse 
 doincstic recesses whicli are chosen sanc^nari -s, 
 b':t for a recent reprint in tills city, of Charles 
 Harimond's most infiinious and most meraora- 
 ble slander again.st Mrs. Jackson. 
 
 The.pu'.;!.^ will h"-<'Mn mind that this new 
 edition of a foul and refuted caiuiVi."y, mao.^ ils 
 appearance very shortly after the late visit of 
 this wretcii to this c;cy. Snail v.'e tipolcgize to 
 the second officer in the executive for the em- 
 ployment of ttus appropriate epidiet towards 
 his bosom, co;ifid<:ntial, and inestimable frie.idi' 
 No, Mr. Clay, if yoi take this miscrciiU to your 
 heart, j"ou must, with the benefits resultingfrom 
 his attacks vpoii a woman/ share a jjortion of 
 tile honor of such an association. It will noc do 
 for you, after degrading yourself by volunta- 
 r\- companionship wltii a coward, whose versa- 
 tility in infamy fits hirn .il once to t>e the scav- 
 enger of the fiith, and the hired assassin, of his 
 party, to repudiate his friendslujj. You niust 
 .be content to go down to posterity, (if the pOor 
 reptile can live beyond ^he Summer sun tliat 
 w.irms him irito existence,) as liie/idua Jlc.'uift:^ 
 of h-m who <vas publicly and ignominiously 
 cliastised for his treusonatile toryisin during our 
 recent war, andi'ias sine? added a higher claim 
 TO baseness by calumraating — widely, falsely 
 i.alumniating, ainrtuous and venerable woman I ! 
 And for what ? To make her husband odious, 
 by •aleringfc? your ambition txiid l'.:it of pow- 
 
 When we apprise tiie public tiiat ot ttiia 
 atrocious pamphlet at least twenty thousand co- 
 pies have prob:bly issued from the press in 
 this city,tlie expense of which has, in all Tike- 
 liho'jd. been defrayed f"om some one of the 
 contingent funds of the Departments, by un- 
 due orofits allowed on public prmtiiig, it will 
 be possible to estimate tiie indefatl-able malice 
 of the masterspirits of the Coalition and their 
 hu:nb!e tools. 
 
 But what will the gallant, chivalrotis and 
 high-minded freemen of our connti-y think, 
 when tliey ai'e informed that the krges.^ portion 
 of this large impres.sion of this work has been 
 enveloped at the Capitol, by the in;-ssengerscf 
 Congress, in the public stationary, and distribut- 
 e<l under the frank of some of its members'! 
 VVe state and avouch this fact on the highest 
 autiiority, and challenge contradiction. The 
 member who IjSs been the most willing and 
 industrious slave in this loathsome drudgery, is 
 tl'C Ihnorabk Air. John Sioanr, of Ohio, whose 
 cliief occupation at this place, ;s to be tlie privi- 
 leged aniiuuensisof calunmy. This patriot in tlie 
 open^lon of fi-;;!iking is .i machme of vast 
 pnver and efiiciency, and it is beheved that the 
 dally falsehood Vvdiich "Messrs. Gales &. Seatou 
 sirdce off by steam, is not evolvbd with the 
 celeritv andr effect with wiiich tliis geniiemaii 
 writes "Free — JoJ/n Shane," on the cals:mnies 
 he distributes, not 'akiic- In Ohio, biotas it will 
 be Seen by, the subjoined letter, .to other parts 
 of the Union. 'I his poor hound, taken off of 
 the scent of the six ir.iTitiamen, by tiie lash of 
 public '-.pinion, is now 'opening on another 
 track, fov whicii the instincts of the aaimul am- 
 ply qualify him. In real life there has, per- 
 hans, never been exhibited an instawce of such 
 vulgar, indomitable malice. Sliakspeare has 
 given us but ■ glimpse .-f what Mr. i^loane must 
 be, in the mild :ind decent virtues pf Caliban. 
 
 From the fangs of sue!: monsters we have 
 done little else than to rescue Mrs. Jackson. 
 This is to be found in the triumphant vindica- 
 ti( n which v/e have just preser .ed io the reader- 
 Dcs,.er.ite, Indeed, mu.;: be tlie fort'jnes of that 
 facuo.i, which, having cxha-isted everv strata- 
 gem v/h,ich cunning or mtdicc could supplv. 
 against a Soldier of Vxo wars and a cherished 
 Pa'noi, defeated, co.-ivicttd, an;' punished as it 
 has been, j.ow turns upon an inoifttniive and 
 ui •fiend IIP, v/oman, the partner of his boiom, 
 t!ie vencnible companion of hisduclining j cars — 
 her whose influence is felt, in the circle where 
 he lives, by the practice of every virtue which 
 belongs to tlie tenderness, the dignity, the.sen- 
 sibiiity of her sex. Mk.n of Americi! will yo.: 
 endure this.^ No! Th.e impulse of public grati- 
 tude will be nerved by a sense of justice — ara 
 the vllifiers of their country's honor, the poor, 
 traflicking iracksters for her oiiicc', and tho 
 base calumniator-- of a Won.tN, deltnceless bv 
 the jjublic manacles by v/hicii her iursband i:; 
 bound, will be consigned to a cominon and un- 
 mitigated infamy, in wliich they will live in tlie 
 detestation, but be i^urvived by the scorn of 
 their coantr3'men 
 
 Dattletow.v, (Va.) Mai-ch 22, 18x3. 
 
 ' Gentlemen: This day's mui'i brought to this 
 oflice a pamphlet (addressed to George K.Nor- 
 ris, Esq. and franked byJ-Sloane,) called A 
 View of General Jackson's Dome.;*!? Relattc:'? 
 
4b 
 
 ill ixierci.co tu ii.-i' ulne.^s for the PrcaniciKv. 
 it woulil he well for you to take especial notice 
 ot this book — and of Mr. Sloaiie, who franks it. 
 Yours in haste, 
 
 GEO. 3. lANK. 
 Messrs. GiiEKN & Jauvis. 
 
 The Journal, a paper, once edited, and now 
 in the confidence of Mr. Adair, has railed us 
 to account for presuming' to dictate to tlic Se- 
 nate upon the (;x]<ectfd nomination of Mr. 
 Webster. These f^er.tlemen are very solicit- 
 ous about the dig/.ity of the Senate! But as the 
 paroxism is sudden, it will not, probably, con- 
 tinue lonj^. How long is it since t!iey abused 
 this body with the ulmoat internperance, for 
 the alleg'ed crime of permittiiig' its delibera- 
 tions to become scenes of disorder' But the 
 .Journal is on a wrong' scent. We never at- 
 tempted dictation to the Senate, or any other 
 body. We hare expres.^ed our opinions freely 
 and independently upon the purity of Mr. 
 ^Vebster; and shall continue to proiiovmce him 
 luiwortliy of all confidence, as a duty we own 
 to the people. If the Journal cannot speak 
 independently, it is not a proper ce^isor of 
 Those who can. 
 
 The .Tournal deems it very arrog'ant and dis- 
 respectful in the Printers to the Senate, to 
 express any opinions upon the official pro- 
 ccedincfs of that body. Silence, such as <^he 
 .Journal recommends, was not a cotidition upon 
 Y>!'.:ch we accepted the trust all id' d to, cr 
 
 Iroduccd lay sernici to considerable dist'a.ciiuii . 
 I tender my thanks, because their strictures, 
 whether just or unjust, will have a tenJiency to 
 promote the consiileration of the truth, and the 
 more extended influence of Christian principle 
 in oiu- future elections. 
 
 Some of the errors, however, into which 
 tlicse learned commentators have fallen, ought 
 to be corrected. 
 
 It is not /rue tliat I have ever advocated t/ie 
 union of Churd! and ISlute in any publication 
 from tilt pulpit or prcas: but Oii tlie contrary, in 
 my iliscourse on the 4th of July last, the very 
 discourse which is adduced as proof of a dispo- 
 sition friendly to such a union, it is distinctly 
 stated, 
 
 " I would guard, hoM'evcr, against misunder- 
 standing and misrepresent.ation, when I state, 
 tliat ;dl our rulers ought in their official stations 
 to serve die Lord Je.sus Christ. 1 do not wi.?h 
 any religious test to br jiresrr:bed by constitution, 
 and proposed to a man on /lis acceptance of any 
 public trust Neither can iiny intetlit^ent friend 
 of his country and of true religion desire the estub- 
 lishnienl of any one religious sect by civil law. Lei 
 the religion of the Bible rest on that everlasting 
 rock, and on those spiritual laws, on which Jeho- 
 vah hu" founded his kingdom: Id Christianity by 
 the Spirit of Christ in her members support her- 
 self. LKT Cuvrca AND State bk foii kveu dis- 
 tinct: but still, let the doctrines and precepts 
 of Ch/ist govern all men, in their relations and 
 employments." 
 
 It did not suit the convenience of the persons 
 
 would accept any; norwodd those to wiiose vvho furnished the Senate with extracts from 
 
 votes we arc indebted for it, hiive conf^'.rred it 
 v.pon any one v;hcm they thought capable of 
 being purchased. Wc can distinguish between 
 the independent repul)lic.ui and the venal syco- 
 phant. The one can accepta public trust with- 
 out relinquishing his right to criticise the polit- 
 cal movimen^s of those win) confer it. The 
 other thinks that such trust renders him a hum- 
 ble drudge, from whom the birth-rightof speak- 
 ing or thinking is taken away. When we at- 
 tempt to dictate, we will plead guilty to the 
 charge of the Journal AVhile we merely dis- 
 
 my sermon, to give them a sight of these lines, 
 which originally stood as they now stand, in im- 
 mediate connexion with some of the extracts 
 published. 
 
 l-'or twenty years past I have publicly return- 
 ed tiiank.<, on almost every Lord's Day, for our 
 civd and rel-gious liberties, and for ovu- freedom 
 in this happy cour.try from anunhall"' ed union 
 of Church m\d State; and I can coni-dently as- 
 sure my fellow-citizens, that then is, to the 
 be-st ef mv knowledge and belief, neither Minis- 
 ter nor Elder in the Presbyterian Churdi in the 
 charge our duty to the Senate as prmters, and unjtecl States who is an advoc.te for any estab- 
 to the people as editors, and without violating iisi,ment ofany religious .sect by any civ:! govern- 
 the courtesy due to an\ body, wo cai, only plead j^^^^^ q^^. ^vhole system of Pr'esbyterianChurch 
 
 guilty to the charge of being different from the 
 tacticians of that chaste, virtuous :in 1 able paper. 
 
 gcvi rnment coincides with the civd liberty and 
 tlie represent.at.ve gov<»rnmentsof our country. 
 All our pastors are chosen by their congrega- 
 tions, and all our ruling Elders in our Sessions 
 and Presbyteries are the representatives of the 
 pe.')plp. 
 
 It is not true tliat I ever «a.s the Jgent of the 
 American Snn'ay Sciioid Uiuon, or "in full 
 conji'knc- an</ /«4^«c" with that ln.--wtution, in 
 the .sense in which two .<f t le Senators would 
 convince their constituents that \ am. Last 
 Ma» acomm'tlee of die Managers of tiiat Union, 
 req;i' st.'d me to compile their annual nport 
 for ttiem, from documents which they furnished. 
 That labour I performed. i he Managers took 
 . - mv conipilation into thiirown ha:.ds; and alter-- 
 
 tains extracts from the speeches delivered in the ^^ j^ accordinir to their own pleasure. Subse 
 
 I'rom the Americaa Sentinel. 
 
 SUNDAY SCHOOL UNION. 
 
 rhc application for the incorporation of the 
 Amciican Sunday Scho(-l Union has been the 
 subject of mucii di.scus.s!Oii in the newspapers 
 f 5 v/c11 as in the legislat-ve hall. Thesci.ion 
 pre.iched Ijv i)r. Ely on the 4th ./f July last, 
 having been handled severely in debate, has in- 
 duced its republication in pampiilet form, to- 
 gether with an iipp-udix designed to vindicate 
 the liberty of Chnstiuns. Tiiis pamphlet con 
 
 Senate on the bill chartering the Suuday Sciiool 
 Union. This pamphlet is olfered for sale at A. 
 Tinley's Bookstcre, corner of Fourth and Chcs 
 nut Streets, from which we copy the concludinj] 
 observations of the author: 
 
 quentiy I read the report in jniblic. At another 
 tim.,', by p:U'tif ular request, I exr.mined a small 
 pnblic;ition, which they re-printc d. This is all 
 the connexion I ever had willi the Sunday- 
 School Unioi^ direct or indirect; if you except 
 To the Iionoriule gentlemen who have in- th-> purchase of a few of their books; the oh- 
 
4: 
 
 '.ai.'iUig'oi'oae liOiiatioa inoGoiiS trom tlicm for 
 (.'antonment Leaveinvorth, iu the Missouri 
 Territory; and the contribution, hitciy, of a 
 small sum to their funds. It is not more than 3 
 months since I first became a subscriber of any 
 thing to this truly philanthropic charity. I iiope, 
 however, in future to become, more efiectually 
 their fellow servant in their benevolent opera- 
 tions, as some compensation for tlie injury in- 
 tended them, and parti;'.liy done tiiem, by tiie 
 discharge of oroken fragruenls of my discourse 
 at their devoted liead. There ■•, reason to h«pe, 
 that the resistance which tiie Sciu/ol Union has 
 experienced in the Senate, wiU commend it to 
 the more ardent friendship of .ill who love the 
 progress of knowletlge, liberty, and piety in 
 our land. 
 
 It was an error In the honorable Mr. Duncan, 
 to speak of ray discourse as having- been deliv- 
 ered at Norristoxxm. tie was probably led into 
 this mistake by some representations in the 
 newspapers of a sermon which I preached in 
 that place on the second of September hist. 
 
 In illustration of the assertion, that we cm\ 
 form correct notions of the moral ciiaracter of a 
 being whom we have never seen, I remindud 
 niy hearers, tliat they had all formed some con- 
 ceptions of the moral character of Wabiiington 
 and latterly of General Jackson. My not ons 
 cf his character migiit be con-ect, or incorrect; 
 but I would tell them an anecdote, whicli 1 
 thought conveyed a just idea of him. I then 
 ?> stated what I now reiterate: 
 
 That between three and four years prior to 
 the General's being first nominated as a canrf- 
 diteforthe Presidency, Mr. So.iiervilie, then 
 an accomplished young officer in tjie Navy, but 
 since deceased, informed some of my f^imilv 
 connexions, that he had lately spent a week in 
 the General's company, at his own house; that 
 the General appeared to him to be gi-eatly 
 changed in several respects; and that the Gene- 
 ral had said to him, in a very senous and im- 
 pressive manner, " You M.iT DEPiiSD UPON IT, 
 S0MEnVILI.K, THAT, WITHOUT TKUE RELIGIOX, 
 THERE IS NO HAPPIZiESS IX THE PRESENT LIFE, 
 AND NONE TO BE EXPECTED IN THE NEXT." I 
 
 told my hearers, that this is a true saying; and I 
 was aware that, com- ng from a distinguisiied fel- 
 lov.'-citizen, it might have some iniiuence with 
 some men who more regard tlie word of their 
 deservedly favorite Hero, tnan ihe w...rd of God. 
 
 This statement has been shamefully distort- 
 ed; but 1 tliinfc tlie anecdote wortiiy of aiiy 
 pulpit, end calculated io do good. Would to 
 God that many admirers of Gencial .lackson 
 would re cor-' th''« among 'nany of his patnotc 
 and exceuent sentiments, r.n the tablets )^ their 
 hearts! They would then cease to think him 
 likely to prove a patron of their exterminating 
 party zeal, and licentious lives. 1 have re- 
 peated the same anecdote, years ago, in Kie- 
 mingtori, N J..;and"in August last m Hunting- 
 don, in this State. My numerous hearers will 
 recollect tlie anecdote. If ever the General 
 should be President, as I freeiy acknowledge it 
 is my hope that he may be, I ma) predict, from 
 my knowledge of him, witlumt the spirit of 
 ])ropiiecy, that he wili disaj; point many of iiis 
 friends and fo:^?, by being tiie iiii[.ari;ai, tem- 
 perate, prudent, and exemplary Cliief Magis- 
 trate of the wliole nation. 
 
 Mr. Duncan ha-* intlma'^d that mv dlscours^^ 
 
 on the -ilii of July, '• was preaciied in fiivor oi 
 the election of General Jackson." How far 
 tills is true, every person who will read, may 
 judge for himself. Tliose wiio represent Gen._ 
 Jrtckson as one of the wcust of men, must tiiink 
 my sermon a point blank shot into his heart. 
 
 Since, however, I have been called in que.=- 
 tioii about my poliucs before tiie Senate, 1 wiil 
 here state, for I fear ncthing-rroin caado;-, that 
 Mrs. Jackson, (for the politics of the day in- 
 clude her,) .s an ^mintntiv pious woman, and 
 has sustained this character for about a quarter 
 of a century. On the subject of bap ism; i be- 
 hi ve ;*he is a Bapiist, and ii:<s been immersed. 
 1 liave heard no evil said of l:er, by those who 
 know her, unless it be this, thai she prefas a 
 prayer meeting to a palace,- and tiiis will lu'. sink 
 her in the estimation of any who do not forget 
 theh' religion in their politics. 
 
 Of t'lc {.ieneral I shall say, that he is as fa^ 
 from hypocrisy as any man living ; and shall 
 give a few extracts from some of his letters, 
 wdiich I tliink w/il sho\v him in hi:^prrvate char- 
 acter, in a true liglit. I must beg his iiardou 
 for making, without the opportiiniiy of asking 
 his consent, the present use of his friendly com- 
 munications to me. 
 
 Under date of Nhshville, .\pril 21st, 182,]. he 
 thus writes me en the subject of a clergyman 
 who iiad been suspend' d for many ye.ai-s on ac- 
 count of some inrputcd errors in doctrine: 
 
 " Silt — Being inibiTned by my friend, tha 
 Rev. Mr. C. of this pl.'ice, that trie case of the 
 aged, pious, and re^erend 'f'homas B. Craig- 
 head, is to be discussed before tiie General As- 
 sembly at PJiiLa:lelphi:i, at its approaching ses- 
 sion, I feel it my duty to address you on that 
 subject. 
 
 Having known Mr. Craighead from my boy- 
 hood, — liavmg been raised in the neiglibour- 
 hood in whicM he commenced isis niin strv; — 
 having been wafted by fortune to this Western 
 Country, in which he had settled, himseif, and 
 presided over a congregation large and respect- 
 able; — and having for the last thirt^-fouv years 
 of my life lived witliin five miles i-f his hovise; I 
 am authorized in saying that 1 have a full 
 knowledge of him, both in his private walks 
 and })ublic ministry. And if we are justified in 
 judging t!»e tree by it.s fruits, I can with great 
 truto testify, that no man has laboured with 
 more zeal in ':he ministry, and tiiat none hai.-c 
 been .i:ore respected for p-ety, or more revered 
 as Christians, a;id as men. He has done m.uch 
 good, and wouhl have done s'ill more, but for 
 the unhappy difference vi^iuch arose betvvecu 
 him and some of the clergy in Kentucky on 
 some aoctr.ii ;' points. Thi.«, origitiating Wfir.iitli 
 of discus<;ion, w.is earned, perhaps, too far; and 
 enlisting advocates nearlv poised on oo'h sides, 
 limited the extent of his services, and has end- 
 ed in his suspensic.i for some years: — a circum- 
 .stance which has been mucn ngretted by a 
 great proportion of the good citizen.=, and 
 Christian profcs.sors here; and has injuriously 
 alfecied, as I believe, the Fi esbyterian cau:ic. 
 
 To see a venerable rr>r-.n, « iiose hairs have 
 grown gray in tlie service of his God ; a man 
 whose walks have been those of piety, morali- 
 ty, aixl the i)enevolence of true religion ; re- 
 spected by all — but deprived of the benefit oi' 
 communion, and for that which many, very ma- 
 rvofthe nio.-.t pio;K Pfr',;)vtf,v;;iiT=, f."vnT;r.*. V"- 
 
48 
 
 p-ATii as incunsisicot \*nth the Holy Scriptures, IVcely oa this suiiject astnoae numerous Editors 
 
 which are the gu'.de of all Christians ; has filled of papers, who for the sake of abusing the can- 
 
 us here with inuch retjret : and it may be truly didate for the Presidei cy whom they oppose, 
 
 said, that nothing would give more general sa- have been very abundant in their vituperations 
 
 tisfaction, or tend more to tiie prosperity of of myself. 
 
 this church, than his restorufon. No office, no worldly emolument do I seek. 
 
 Disunion is evil in both Chu'-ch and State ; 1 feel no conviction of having prostituted the 
 
 and the present is the period, when every pulpit, for the promotion of sinister, party pur- 
 
 raeans consistent wi'h the principles of true re- poses, il^- des"-re is, that correct religious prin 
 
 ligion, ought to be employed to restore harmo- 
 ny and union to the Christian cause. 'Tis reli- 
 gion to inculcate charity, and, if a brother err, to 
 forgive him. And in tlie sincere relian':-e upon 
 those principles, while 1 shall be acqinttc' of love Christ more. 
 
 i.ny view to dictate to the calm deliberation of . _^ 
 
 the Assembly, I hope that this address will be 
 excu:-d, from my desire to represent fairly 
 the character of thie aged and pious Mr. Craig- 
 head. This alone has been my motive ; and to 
 have done less, would have been injustice to 
 my own feeling, as well as to the interests of 
 the Church." 
 
 Under dae of Washington, Jan. 1st, 18^4, 
 on the same subject, the Ceiural writes to me: 
 ■ ' Before I close this letter, will vo'i again permit 
 jne to bring to vour rpcolh-otion the case of my 
 tiged and niousfricnd, t!u- Kev. Mr. Craighead, 
 -ruid request that yoii will endeavor to have his 
 case fi'uUy co..dii!ertd before your nc^t iienf- 
 ral Assembly. My prayer is, tha. :: : may he 
 
 ciples may govern myself, and all of iny fellow- 
 citizens in «// the transactions of private and pub - 
 lie life. I freely confess that I esteem Gen.Jack- 
 ion much; and I love my country much; but I 
 
 PROPOSALS 
 
 For pulliihi/ig rmce a week, from the l&t of 
 March to the 15th of October, 
 
 FOH ONE DOLLAR, 
 
 The United States' Telegraph — Extni. 
 
 ANDREW JACKSON is the candidate of the 
 People. But union and concert of action are ne- 
 cessary to success. The o;|^anized efforts of tht^ 
 administration are fitted for effect, and vigorous 
 exertions are required to counteract them. In 
 aid of sucii exertions, t!ie undersigned have 
 bee.i advised to issue a WEEKLY PAPER, on 
 
 J ... . . ; , term, ihat w.ll t.naL)1e them merely to defray 
 
 restored to his Ch-.rch, ana fellowship witn the ^j^^ exij*;se of publication. Located at the 
 Christian broti.ren. This, and tiiis alone, can ^^^^ ,,^. ^^q,. rnment, living r\cc.;hS to the pub- 
 bring his hoary head m p-^ace to the gr.'-ve. ^^ libraries, and the co -mand of official docu- 
 Suffice it here to say, that soon after this, the ^^^^^^^^ possessing' alread> a itxi'ge share of pub- 
 
 case of Mr. Craighead wjs llnaily reviewed, he 
 was restored to tiie mimsry and the Pn s-iy trry 
 within whose bounds he rcb'ded, with the ftill 
 approbation of the Asstmbly, and l\is since re-- 
 tired to his everlaslirg rest. 
 
 One short extract more, is from a letter dated 
 at his Hermitage, July i2th, lb2r, in which the 
 General says: 
 
 «« Havmg been educated and brongiit up un- 
 der the discipline otthe Pre'ibjt-.rian nd-, (^niy 
 
 lie confid'-nce, \\i\'\ ihe advantages of a cenirai 
 p^sit'on and extensive correspondence, they 
 may a-er thai, in .ssuing such publication, they 
 can aid, in some degree,' tae great cause of 
 trithaidthe PEOPLE. 
 
 If numerous 'ndin duals throughout the coun- 
 tiy, and tlie corresponding committees in the 
 several States, countie*-, and ic^ iish'ps of the 
 Uni'-.n, should unite in giving it circulation, the 
 undei-signed will be more tinn compensated 
 
 mother b-ing a member of tiiat Church) 1 have j.^^. ^j^^ j^^^^,,. ^^.^^ ^.j,, jg,.,,,^^ o„ ^^^.^^ by the 
 
 always had ri' preference for il. Amongst the 
 greatest biessings secured to us under our Cim- 
 Ftitution, IS the litierty of wo-sh ppiag God as 
 our conscience dictares. All true Chr>stians 
 lovr each oclier, and wmiehere below ougnt lo 
 harnionize; for all nms» unite in the realm's 
 :ibovc. I htve thought oiire evidence of true 
 religion is, when all those wiio believe in tiie 
 ample atonement of rur cruoified Saviour are 
 I'ound in harmony and fricnris'uip to'^ctber. 
 
 »' My enemies have rharaed me w th every 
 crime but hypocrisy. 1 believe t'ley hav.'ne\er 
 sUeged this against me: and 1 can iss'ire you 
 r.a change of c.rcu.ns'aices, no exalted office 
 can work a change upon me. I will remain 
 uniformly the same, wheth'.r in the e^'a'r of 
 utati, or' at tiie Hermitage. My habits are too 
 well fixed now to be altered." 
 
 Such as these extjacts from his letters, writ- 
 ten without any conception of their ever being 
 made puohc, indicate him to be, I beheve Gen- 
 ^;ral Jackson is. 1 have never ?(Brmed, that he 
 is a renewed man,by the power of Duine grace. 
 That question must be left with himself and 
 hii Maker. 
 
 I have declared my knowledj^e ofthe fact.th^t 
 he is the avowed friend of Christianity: audi 
 • ! .:m the liberty of thinking and speaki.'.'g as 
 
 fiicihty whi.' it will afford for disserainatinj, 
 truth among the pLO'de. 
 
 Tney th. refore propose to p\:"-l'..h Tun 
 UwiTBi) Sxi-^Ks' Tklkokai-i' EXTfiA, weekly, 
 until the 15tl of October next, for ONE DOL- 
 LAR, pax able, in all cases, in advance. TTii.i 
 jiapcr Will be devoted exclusive ty tn the Presiden- 
 liaJ election, a- d will tonVain ;lHcialdocuments> 
 and sucJi esssis, original and selected, as, i;i 
 die judgment of tlic Editors will most pro- 
 mote the election of the Demo'ratic Republi- 
 can Candidates, ANDRtiW JACKSON and 
 JOHN C. CALHOUN. 
 
 DUFF GREEN, 
 LU "^EEL JAitVIS. 
 
 Thpy a'so improve this ■ pportuni'v to inform the public 
 thattl>e> publis}»thfUNi;ED ST.vlWi' lELGHAPH, 
 duilv, lor .... ;g J per annum. 
 
 Do. do. thrf e tiraes per 
 
 week during thi- sission cJ Ccnf russ, and 
 twii-ep'-i WLtk during the rtost, for 5 per annum. 
 
 Do. d». do f r 3 per 6 moiitlii. 
 
 Uiuttd States' Telegraph, wet-kiy, for 4 per unnurav 
 1 bret Siili»crib«-« uniting, and r'-niittiii-^ Teii Dollars 
 in ••urrnnt biMv, wil' ceceirca numbf-rof ilie weekly papt: 
 e;u-b, for oiic year. * 
 
 KMra w-ckly, from tie l5t of March tr> tb*- ISth Octr- 
 bt.T, containing siB snpcr-ioyal octavo pajjes, in pamphlet, 
 stiched, ONE DOLL'\R. 
 
 cy The til* number will bi^ farcished to these who 
 hetoiftvr become Subscribers. 
 
UNITED STATES'^ TELEGRAPH— 7i 
 
 xtra. 
 
 'i'bis paper will be devoted exclusively to tiie Fresideiitial Election, and be publfshed \i-eek> 
 
 until tlie IJth of October next, for Otic Doiiur. 
 
 BY GREEN ^> JAR VIS. 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 WASHINGTON, APRIL 5, 1828. 
 
 No. 
 
 From the Nashville Republican. 
 
 7o the EcHl-ors of the Richinond Enquirer. 
 
 Gentlemen: Sii>ce my last communication, I 
 !iave read the address rejiorted by Mi'. Johnson 
 to the Adams convention in HJchmond, ;uul I 
 fi"r>d it lo be a fabric of stmulated fears r.iit)Cd 
 on a foundation of antiquated slanders — void 
 <ji" facts, destitute of truth, and patched up 
 with theological zeal and forensic stratagem. It 
 remintls me of the men of straw, dressed in 
 oast ofl' hats and coats, and stationed as scare- 
 crows in ti)e corn-fields of Virgmia. Decked 
 in the pap-stained garments of Bmns, (.Jales 
 and Hammond, it is calculated to deter very 
 c'ose examination; but as it is avowedly the 
 work, of Mr. Johnson, and looked on by him 
 with the eyes of Pygmahoii, I risk the displea- 
 sure of fastidious readers, and undertake to ex- 
 pose it. 
 
 But do not tlie proceeding's of this ccnven- 
 t/uMi give birth to a redeotion too solemn to be 
 Vinuttered — tliat in tiie rtding state of tnis con- 
 federacy, a commonwealth teeming with pa- 
 '^riotism, and rich in renown, which, " whi;n 
 asked for her jewels, st.il/ points to her sons" — 
 men ot hig» station and repute should be fotmd, 
 conceiting by an organi/.t-d effort the rcnova- 
 tron of exploded falsehoods, in order to tarnish 
 tlt^ fi'.meof a piivate citizen, whose great ex- 
 ^iJoits and popular virtues a»:il:e him formidable 
 to a weak and corrupt administration? And 
 does it not add to the gloom of this reflection, 
 that ttie holy places of prayer and the exalted 
 tvibunals of justice, should furnish recruits to 
 this conspiracy against the ciiaracter of a ve- 
 nerable p.-itriot, and the liberty of a youthful 
 r'.'pubiic' But let not the lover of freedom — 
 iet not the votaries of truth despair — let not the 
 t'rrends of the country tremble. The P>:niT.r, 
 are not only the fountain of poliiical power, 
 but of political hope. Guarded by the press, 
 wiiich, m spite ot the expensive erf'jrts of Mr. 
 <^I:*y t'. seduce or intimidate it, is yet free, the 
 JTistitutions of our coui'.'ry will lind strength 
 und perpetuity against the machinations of the 
 few, in the pure love of freedom wtuch ani- 
 mates the great body of the nation. To their 
 sure and sagacK in patriotism, it \f, periiaps for- 
 tun;»te th-it freqiu rrt a;)pe:ils are necessary. 
 J-'Vtn tJiC labors of tlic Riciimond conventKm 
 may sn<his way prwc useful, sis the serpents 
 v.iiicii ilerc-.iles strangled m his cradle, may 
 be supposed to h.ave mvii:^orated him for tlie 
 greater task i;'' cleansiiiir the A.ugean st.-.ble. 
 There is rerlainly mucii to .idmire in the rlitto- 
 "i'c andtiie reason of Mr. Johns<ni, in foundrngu 
 ■l.iiiii for tiitt C'.mveiition to pecuh.ir sincerity 
 Htid particular attention, upon t!ie reiuark:ible 
 fact of the ntoiilli oi'.Jamiaiy ('wlisn they chose 
 rb assemble) being aii " inclement sea;;:)n!''' 
 Kut he miglit have mentioned a much more ex- 
 '.raordm.iry circuiiistiuc'.:, ;ii-l M;unted on Lie 
 
 attraction of more general notice. He miglit 
 have told the people of Viipnia that he ana 
 his compatriots were civreful to .select the d.nv 
 Vi-hicli Jiad beeii consecrated by more than half 
 the nation to the honor of Genend Jackson and 
 to public gratitude — the day on which the al- 
 tars of freemen burn with incense and their 
 hearts v/ithjoy, for tlie more .signal and em- 
 bittered epportumty of pouring out upon hfm 
 a collected toirent of abmc. That while the 
 people of Louisiana were hailing him as their 
 saviour, the legidature .as their deliverer, the 
 ladies as their protector, the children as their 
 guardian, and the patriarch* as his friend, they 
 had predetermined to be employed in denotrnc- 
 ing him in tlie name of that verj- legislature 
 and that vciy pi-ople, as the slave of ignoble 
 passions, the tyrant of Louisiana, the enemy of 
 the people he saved, and the foe of tliat liber- 
 ty which he defended. This would have con- 
 stituted as eh"ecilvc an appeal to public notice 
 astiie .shivering alhisionto a January journey. 
 
 This frigid exo/dium gives place to a scale 
 of their opinions respecting Mr. Adams, ten- 
 derly graduated from a shade of modest obj^t- ' 
 tioii, to the tlond glow of courtly adulation, 
 where the maiii}' tone for which Cliapmai; 
 Johnson once i;ad credit tiinjugh Virginia, is 
 artftdly lost in the patiiic and pensioned 
 phrases ofuieWhig; and f f a harsh and iin- 
 qLtaiifie<l avowid of their hostaity to Gen. J.ick 
 son. '« .Most of us," soy they, " approve the 
 gene.-al course of the administration, have ccii- 
 hdencc in its virtue, its patriotism, its wisdom, 
 and see nothing to condenn in the President'.s 
 interpretation of the federal constitution." 
 *• The measures which some disapprove in tiie 
 present administration, none could hape to sec: 
 amended under that of General Jackson." 
 " The Constitution which we would preserve 
 frOm the !oo liberal interpretation of Jlr. Adams, 
 we would yet more zeidously defend againsv 
 the destroying hand of his lival." 
 
 With tliese fair and well digested sentiments. 
 Mr. Johnson proceed.s to controvert the accu- 
 racy of the genc;-al belief that Jackson is the 
 favorite of the people; in doing which, he falls 
 into what logicians call a v.ciou-'! circle, forget- 
 ting eviileii'ly. tliat the best jios.sible proof of 
 that i'act, us the general belief of it. Audit 
 Happens 'accordingly that the only reasonable 
 pai-t('f ills argument on this point, i? what he 
 doubtk;;s thought no argument at all — vi.-^. a 
 positive denial of it. lie next endeavors to re- 
 but tlie olijections v>hich have so widely prc- 
 vaikfi and liwn so comjiletely established, to 
 the last election, by misrepresenting them, as 
 f./t'j:k /•^.tgjve themselves a comiriaiid over t> e 
 cards Ijv stocking them. — «'Tiie Iriends of ge 
 i)eral.,'ack?oii," lie asserts, " inslsitiiat hs plu 
 rality uf votes at tlie last elcctioi;, 'v. vcd •ihn 
 to li> tile choice of the nation." 'J^Qif ti.'e fact, 
 
 i'ather AntoiiiCi 
 
jU 
 
 .> ihe frie.'iLli ut Lieaeral J.-.ckbOii Lave ijone 
 no such tiling. They contended, and do now 
 contend, that his plurality of votes, placing liim 
 nearer to the point of popular preference, made 
 ilecisive by tlie constitution, than eitlier of his 
 cpmpetitori, it was the duty of the representa- 
 tives of the people, when they came to estimate 
 the comparative claims of the candidates, to al- 
 low this circumstance great weight, and make 
 it, overbalance strong preferences for Itis rivals, 
 or strong pre po;sessiens against himself. — They 
 further maintained that when tl^e right of choice 
 was tpansferred from electors appoin'.ed by the 
 jieople, to electors delegated by the States, a 
 net which had not arisen in the fii-st process, 
 should have had a foir operation in the second 
 — viz. that in several of the westtrn States, 
 where Jackson was second to Clay before the 
 people, he became iirst as soon as Clay was 
 withdrawn. Mr. Johnson describes the prima- 
 i*;^ election as popular and the secondary as fe- 
 deral; and lie must admit that the momer.t wliich 
 advanced tlie process from the primary to the 
 secondary st?.ge,expimged the name of his. Clay 
 from the list of candidates, and left the popular 
 ■will of those States to operate in favor of Jack- 
 son, Adams or Crawford. Their delegations 
 were bound to give a genuine expression of that 
 will, and to gather it from such facts as were 
 then before them. They had to determine 
 who was tlie most popular in their respective 
 ?tdtes, Jackson, Adams or Cnrwford. If the 
 Kentucky delegation lookerl to their polls, they 
 found tliat tlie same evidence which proved 
 Mr. Clay to stand before Gener:ii Jackson in 
 the popularity of Kentucky, proved General 
 Jackson to stand before Mr. Adams or Mr. 
 Crawford. They knew that some of their own 
 body preferred him even to Mr. Clay; that a 
 large majority of the Legislature cf Kentucky 
 were in favor nf his election: r.nd tbat a gcncrJ 
 Impression, resung on a mass of undoubted 
 facts, existed, that he was next to Mr. Clay in 
 the estimation of tiie western people. 
 
 These were the only facts upon which they 
 i-'puld found a faitiiful course cf action at ttie 
 time, and they could leave no doubt that k' they 
 made the will of the people the rule of their 
 conduct, ihey should vote for Genen*! Jackson. 
 The course of events has evolved odiers which 
 confirm tliat conclusion. Tiic elections in Ken- 
 tucky, Missouri and Illinois, have proved in- 
 rontdstably what Mr. Johnson earnestly denies, 
 tljat in the last Presidential election, " the will 
 of the people was improperlv disappointed Ly 
 ihe'u" representatives.'" That is, if tlie people 
 who elected .Messrs. Daniel, Yancey, Chilton, 
 Lyon, Duncan and Bates, to the present Con- 
 gress, know their own will as well as Mr. John- 
 son does. 
 
 The charge of corruption, which Mr. Clay 
 fixed upon himself and his flexible friends at 
 the last election — under which son.e of them 
 pine in painiul obscurity, and he himself 
 writhes in splendid disgrace — Mr. Johnson af- 
 tinns, was met by Mr. Clay as soon as it was 
 preferred, and abandoned by Its supporters 
 when lliey were challenged for proof. — 
 This the reader will at once recognise as the 
 empty and incautious langiiape of Mr. Clay 
 himself, on those occasions upon v;hicli he has 
 been permitted to exchange his cheap and 
 ?nce, for the vlnf and ir.;itton rf 
 
 his entcrtaineri. Its Lavi>ig been adopted .:/ 
 a set of Virginia politicians, removes those ob- 
 jections which occur to giving it even briei 
 consideration. 
 
 It is to be observed tliat the charge of Mr. 
 Kreiijtr v.asprospective;importedthat Mr. Clay 
 and his friends uould vote for Mr. Adams; and 
 that in consideration thrreof, Mr. Clay was to 
 be appointed Secrctarj of State. As soon as 
 this charge was avowed by Mr. Kreir-er, Mr 
 Clay appealed to the House of Representatives 
 for a solemn invostigation of it, before the elec- 
 tion — before either of the overt acts prospec- 
 tively charged by Kremerouldhave occurred. 
 Mr. Clay could not vote for Mr. Adams, nor Mr. 
 Adams appoint Mr. Clay, before the election. 
 Did it argue any thing like innocence in ]klr. 
 Clay to defy >lr. Kremer to prove tiie charge;, 
 at a time when its consummation, its only sub- 
 stantial proof, had not been efTccted; and when 
 it was in the pov/er of Mr. Clay himself to dis- 
 appoi7\t the most conclusive evidence of interi 
 lion that could be exhibited,by declining to give 
 the venal vote, and to receive the mercenary 
 appointment. The fact that he did challenge 
 an investigation at a time when it was impossi- 
 ble to convict him, and has declined one siHce 
 it was possible, isproof sufficient, if other proof 
 did not abound, that the motive of venahty a!, 
 leged against him by Mr. Kremer really exist- 
 ed.* Let those who may be so far beguil. 
 
 •In a case like Mr. Clay's, where thejuilpment n toop*-- 
 ratt on the conctaicd motlvfs of the mind, i'. nould ajipeai" 
 that the b< « evidence is to be derived t'r«m the justiSealjry 
 deolaritions of the accused jfinan. Atl other circuniitsiicej 
 hare but :;probab« connexion wiih h!smeuvfs,the»ehavea 
 n:-*:esi'V; on ■. 1 he fo; .itr ar"- dirfcteu at thein, the alter 
 pio?ccd from thrni; a..d wherever they cimijcti*!;!. truth, 
 they sh'.'T to demonstration, x ccniciou<r..v3of guiii, aiid au 
 effort to coccta'. J' ? o 3y)p;v •hi» raIe-=-in hu circular to 
 hi» eoDStituc t^. ■ ' , iS25, his firtt rral •itempt at 
 
 justific-;irn. h* i\unu mrse f transformed from a 
 
 '^I'.UiditL bei. - ;' .,'orfor the peop r I 
 
 delilje.-3tciy tx icjit t.i ihis ; t-vr atti- 
 
 tude, and weigh :Le, ujKJD vrbich ray 
 
 judifinent wai to oc lorraeu or renewed. If the esK'mess 
 of an; ofthe hcatfd par'isans of the respective ca: didat«s 
 sugjj^ited a tarJinosin the dec.inition ol irij iDtenliozu, I 
 bt ieveo ihat the new relsaon in which 1 was placed to the 
 sulij<-ct,inipo5<Ai on mean cblipitiou to piiy.>'>:iie mpecC 
 to driitacy and dccomra." Here hede-larei to l.iseonstitu- 
 enls th.ki hewiis tirdy in the de,.':aration cf his intenuons, 
 after he became trj^r^orined into an eicctor for ihe people, 
 both b^-rause he «as je^et by heaxd par;isans, and because 
 bis new relation lo theeieciio. ii..i>04ed on him obiig-atiunt 
 of delit-acy and decorum. Eui in his par.phltt, his las:, or 
 rather, hUUtrsi attempt at jos' ficai:on, ht sa\i, (p. 1?.; 
 '• Mr. Booli^ny, Senator Jro.n Lochianu, bore to me the 
 firs' autheniip ■nt../rniati n whi' h I rect ived of the vote of 
 I-nuisia. J, and c> ns. ^<»en;:y ofmyi xclusjon f.cm the house. 
 And yet in our f.rst inter\->ew, iti aniwer to an inq .iry 
 which heiiuaOc, ■ •.o'dhim wiih'jut heMtation. that I should 
 vote for Mr. Adaniiin prefcr>nce to G<n. Jick>oii." Was 
 this tar^ioes), delicacy, or liecorum? In lut- vpry "first in- 
 tervie%s" »«'d o^i the Very firit inqairy,a(ter he "found 
 himself, placoN m 'be new »ttitud'-uf cicrtoi' lor the |>e«- 
 ple," jofarfroir bfi: u tardj, lielicale, or d« .'oroos, on the 
 subjwt, he avows his inlentioos " to vot>- for Mr. Adams in 
 preJerenie to t.-" V-jn." Now suppose a luan tiicome 
 
 to his ilf-k Ji bs . net! with . "seiiie; and lh.it a si.i - 
 
 pr-iitd person, :,-ntd fur the mo.'Ur. should, up- 
 
 on hi! first exai>>.ii.>ic>n .iiBrm^ th.'xc the arstnir Mhich he 
 bought w:is all J>' d in poi'oniiig rits, and uc hixesondlhat 
 he hh ' ' ■ ifiit at all. would not h's routradicTiou 
 
 rue: : tlie jury a conviction of his guilt." 
 
 Ai.i! j ... . .jgranl ai th t ut Mi. Ciay— for one 
 
 branch of bis is carried uufinto a vomplant againrf "hoct- 
 eipartHs'.is," and into a elaji.; to the refinentnl of " deh- 
 cacy :. .'. urn," Again.— Hw inii>is (p. 18.) that on the 
 Ifih the vote rt Loc isi.-i oa and Lis i-cnsequenr 
 
 eiciu>.i<i. ;. j..i tlie House, were onl; eoiijei-turrd from re- 
 port, U'rt auibentieaiiy known, ami cf courtewhtn he was 
 but ha'f '^ transformed into an eleeto'. f-.r the people, hi.: 
 told Mr. James Bartuur, *lioha<l himself ju;t been lrBii<- 
 forined from an " ca?er purtban"" of .Mr. Crawford, to .in 
 

 ed by the sophistry of Mr. Clay and his pa- 
 rasites as to hope for any relief to his re- 
 puta^IoIl from Mr. Krenier's failure to con- 
 vict him, suppose for a moment that Paul 
 ding-, Vvillianis and Van Wart, who captured 
 Andre and led to the detection of Arnold's 
 treason, had only charged him with inlend'mg 
 to deliver up West Point for 3 lucrative appoint- 
 ment in the British Army. Suppose Arnold 
 had then demanded an inve.stig-ation of this 
 charge before a military ti-ibunaL : iidkad chal- 
 lenged its s'.ippi rters to the proof Suppose 
 ikese patriots had failed, aslhey nin.sthave done, 
 to convict him— that he had then held the trea- 
 sonable correspondence with Sir H. Clinton 
 and received the lucrative appointment — would 
 it be possible to extract any proof of his inno- 
 cence from the result of the investigaUon? 
 Could any fii'-^nd of his attempt such an im- 
 positian on the common sense of mankind; or 
 would the most sceptical liistorian consider this 
 circumstance as diminishing by a grain of doubt, 
 the mass of evidence against him? The par- 
 rallelism of these cases cannot be denied; and 
 the only historical variation between them is, 
 that Arnold's emissary was apprehended, and 
 that Clay's has not been. Elow cruelly absurd 
 then is it, for the adherents of the Secretary of 
 State to recur to this mock investigation in 
 chanting his praise; and how desperate mrst be 
 the condition of that man's c!;aracter, which, 
 when criminated by the circumstances of his 
 ovvn conduct, can be vir.dicated only by a mode 
 of justification which leads directly to the de- 
 monstration of iiis guilt? The author of the 
 address adds to *hls absurdity, another, whicii, 
 as he IS an expert and approved attorney, is 
 as remarkable as it is obvious. He assets 
 that General Jackson has given the sanction 
 of his name to the charge of corruption un- 
 der which the EecretaiT labours. It will be re- 
 membered that Mr. Clay himself has eagerly 
 assumed this position. But it is in direct op- 
 sition totrutii. Gf=n. Jackson ha.s aever adapt- 
 ed the charge or given it the sanction of his 
 name. He has only testified to a fact ^laving 
 connexion with il.j ar,d instead of being a pro- 
 secutor, he i.s a witness — a distinction, *^o which 
 jio ordinary intemperance of zeal coiiid have 
 blinded Mr. Jf^hnson. 
 
 These abortive attempts to justify the last 
 election, and to crin^.inate all who we: ;- ofTcndcd 
 by its impurity, are preliminary to a formal vin- 
 dication of the conduct and doctrines of the 
 President, and to a studied and detailed misre- 
 liresenUitlon of every feature in Gen. Jackson's 
 i-iiaracter, and every act of his life. In confor- 
 init)' with this division of Vxls subject, Mr. John- 
 bcn imputec tliC general di.ssatisfacticn v.liich 
 Miccctrded the first message of Mr. Adan.;s "to 
 uiiwa3"ranlahle inferences" drawn from some of 
 li-.se.Kprcsslonj by tlie "fiictinus opposition:" — 
 thus, notwitiist'-mdinghls loyal hatred of military 
 chieftains, adopting ihe old military maxim of 
 •carrying the v.'ar into *hr, enemy's country. 
 The' phrase "palsied by the will of our con- 
 
 thei- his "tardiness," '■ de'iicacy aii.I decorum," he Rvtrs 
 (p. 19,20,; that immediately sker the 20th uf l)tc. wh-n 
 Mr. BouUgnv gavt him the tUst iuiihfiuic infnrmaiioii of 
 hjjexciusiou from tUc Hoiistr, anil '.orisMqii -nt traHsibrnia- 
 tifuinto " an elector for the pcoplo," he told Gtii. J.;it'ay- 
 <tte "ihat he had concluded to vote <br Mr. Adams."' 
 i he»o contradictions carry the evidence atralnst h'.i;i: as far 
 a' xh". tore- uf moral proof can e:i. 
 
 slituents,'' lie declares, "has been torn iru;;,- 
 its context, misinterpreted, and used as the au 
 thority upon which the President is charged 
 with the heresy, that the representative owe- 
 no obligation to the will of his constituents." 
 The spirit of a recent convert seems here to 
 animate the languid formality ^of Mr. Johnson';-- 
 style, and there is something soft if hot tender, 
 in his lament over the fate of this exquisite 
 figui-eof Mr Adams! — 
 
 "Oh.hadst thou, cruel! been content to^eize 
 Hairs less in sight, or any hairs but these." 
 
 But Mr. Johnson has evidently nothhig of poetry 
 in his soul, but the fiction, and his sorrow will 
 accordingly be found to be more causeless than 
 that of Belinda. In that parag^'aph of the mes- 
 sag-e which begins, "The spirit of improve- 
 ment is abroad upon the earth," the represen- 
 t.atives of tlie nation are told that "Liberty is 
 power; that the nation blessed with the largest 
 porticM of liberty," (intimating his inbred 
 opinion that even the freest nation ought to be 
 under a wholesome reservation of liberty by 
 their rulers,) "must, in proportion to its num- 
 bers, be the most powerful nation upon earth; 
 and that the tenure of power by man, is, in the 
 moral purposes of the Creator, upon condition 
 thatit shall be exercised to ends of beneficence, 
 to improve the condition of himself and his fel- 
 low men. Willie foreign nations, less blesseil 
 with that freedom which is power, than our- 
 selves, are advancing with gigantic strides in 
 the career of public improvement, were we to 
 slumber in indolence, fold up oar arms, and 
 proclaim to the world, that we are palsied by 
 the will of our constituents, would it not be to 
 cast away 'the bounties of Providence, and doon. 
 ourselves to perpetual inferiority ?" It must be 
 confessed iliat tins passage, which would be as 
 well placed on a page of Newton's Principiaas 
 in a President's message, is sufaciently tumid 
 and obscure, and cannot be charged witii any 
 very direct s-gnification. 15utits imi)ort, when 
 caref'.i'..y iiuerprcted, certainly amounts to tliis. 
 7%fre are two rules of political action for our 
 government— OJie, derived from that condition, 
 fjure divirioj which in the execution of his mor- 
 a! purpoie& the Creator attaches to the tenure of 
 power and the possession of liberty, which is power, 
 hy man. The other, that to/iich emanates from the 
 will of the people. Under the operation of ike first 
 mlc; foreign nations, enjoying less of that liberty 
 tohich is power, ihmi ourueives, and consequently 
 less energe/ically impressed by the conditioti at- 
 tached by the Creator, to its tenure, are advancing 
 with gigantic stri.^es, in the career of public im- 
 provement, and exerting thoir power "to ends p,." 
 beneficence," in conformity with thz moral p/w- 
 posesofour Creator. If we do nut aho advance 
 "with gigantic strides in the career of public im- 
 provement'" — if we forbear !o exert our power 'Ho 
 ends of beneficence," we shall "cast away the 
 bounties of Frovidence and doom ourselves to per- 
 pelual inferiority to foreign nations." Shall re- 
 volt from the great rule which is imposed by //.-. 
 Creator upon free nations, and shall in fad pro ■ 
 claim lo the world that we are reduced by the will 
 of ou'- consiituents, to a political impotence as fee- 
 ble and uncouth as the muscular action of a pal- 
 sied frame. 
 
 It must be admitted that not only are tbe two 
 rules here proposed, but that the power of con- 
 +v:',*^. nnd ')•'- r"^--' r- compariso'^ are e'-'?-'^c ' 
 
5.^i 
 
 ;'> i)ip. hegt 'sjf Mr. Adams' aLility f o induce 
 CAnt^r-rs-i tc> prefer the first and to despise the 
 e.'ic^vd- IJut in case ifr. Johnson should be 
 disposed *o dispute this point, it may be well 
 to add a little more of t!ie precious context 
 from v.'h:ch t'.iis "morfsel for a King" lias been 
 torn by the ruthless rcpviblicans. Mr. Adams 
 proceeds — "In the course ofthe year now draw- 
 ing to its close, we have belield, under the au- 
 epicES and at the expense of one State of this 
 Union, a. new UnHcrsit}- unfolding its portals to 
 the sons of scicncL', and luiliir.g up tiie torch of 
 human iniprcvemciit U; eyes that seek, the hg'ht. 
 "We have seen under the persevering and en- 
 lightened enterprise of anotlier State, the wa- 
 ters of our western lakes mingled with those of 
 the ocean. If undertakings hke these have been 
 accomplished, in the compass of a few years, 
 by the authority of single members of our con- 
 li'deration, can we, the representative authori- 
 lies ofthe whole Union, fall behind our fellow 
 servants in the exercise of the trust conimitted 
 to us for the benefit of our common sovereign, 
 by the accomplishment of works important to 
 tlie whole, and to which neither the autliority 
 nor the resources of any one State can be ade- 
 <|uate." Here evidently another standard of 
 jiowcr is recommended to the Congress, hardly 
 /ess indefinite and alarming than the former, 
 it is urged tliat inasmuch as the authority and 
 I'csourccs of Virginia and A'ew York, liave been 
 adcq'iatc to the erection of a new Univereity, 
 and the compleiion ofthe Grand Canal, it is the 
 jriuty ofthe representative authorities of the 
 v»l>oIe Union to exercise power and resources 
 sufTicicnt for the construction of works and the 
 <-xpaniion of improvement, as much beyond 
 these partT.tdar enterprises as the resources of 
 the whole Union exceed those of either of these 
 fctatcs. And the authority of the general gov- 
 f-rnment, instead of being measured by the 
 j;rants and reservations of the constitution, is to 
 f;e regahitcd by the inverse proportion wliich 
 the whole confederacy bears to a particular 
 Statp. Tlius, according to Mr. Adams, tlie mural 
 condition of our existence, and the pliysical 
 circumstances of our Union, conspire toabsoh-e 
 rlie representative from obedience to tlie will of 
 liisco.istituenls. And it cannot fail to be per- 
 ceived, tl)at under his Horid and unibrageoits 
 <ijction, lurks the ofT'ensive idea of patronizing 
 the people and improving the vStates, whicli all 
 men wiiii a spark of freedom in their souls must 
 abhor, j's Ktrcnu()U.«ly as nature docs a iv/cku^/j. 
 "Witli equalizeal and success it is attempted to 
 justify t:»e terms of infinite assumption and im- 
 perious menace with wl)ich .Mr. Adams repre- 
 hended certain proceedings of tlie State of Geor- 
 gia. I liavc not before me that remarkable com- 
 m mication,i)utlam wiUingtot.'.ke Mr.Johnson's 
 cstt;nuated statement of its substance, in order 
 to pr.)ve hosy rich!;- belli iti smthor and its ad- 
 vocate deserve the ^^probation of anenlighti-n 
 ^J peoplfi. The latter says, " lie m.ide an ob- 
 vious tlioiigh not an avov.'etl reference to his 
 oath of oflirc, as imposini; s'l obli;^atlon a!>ove 
 :*ll human 1 uv." Now lb?-. i» f;:!!ier an inte!- 
 lertu:4 :ihMrdav-oi- a poiil;c:d si.i. Ttic Con- 
 .'Uitiitioi'. o: the United Staiis, dvnomlnated hy 
 Mr. JrjJmsun himself, " the supn me lav/ ofthe 
 Jand," pre'-.rribes cort.Vm duties for the i*r« <ii- 
 rlent, among which is that of taking the owth 
 of ofHfc. To say that the; performanec of this 
 or" dn'v impoHo^onth" I'fesidentan obligation 
 
 above the supreme law of the land, and the- 
 very law which prescribes it, is to say that the 
 creature Is above the creator; and that the s:inc- 
 tion of a religious ceremony to the obligation 
 of the President to preserve, protect and defend 
 the constitution, endows him with a right to 
 violate his oath and to destroy the constitution. 
 Again — to say that his oath of ofHce imposes 
 an obligation above the supreme law, or re- 
 quires at nis hand th-^ performance of othe? 
 duties, than those p; -. Siribed by the constitu- 
 tion, is avowing a1 once that this is not a gov- 
 ernment of la^vs, a;id that tue executive branch 
 is above the control of the constitution. In the 
 fir,:,t sense, the expression is absurd; in the se- 
 cond, criminal; in both sufficiently offensive^ 
 and 'o be fair with Mi . Johnson, he is welcome 
 to ascribe it i*s he pleases, either to want of 
 sense or want of principle, in his hero. 
 
 In palliating the more questionable demerits 
 of the president in regard to his equivocal sup- 
 port of that policy w'lich inclines to an exorbi- 
 tant tarifl' of duties on iinports, for the purpose 
 of encouraging domestic manufactures, Mr. 
 Johnson shines m<.re as a panegyrist than as an 
 economist or civilian. All liberal son agree 
 that error of opinion on this subject involves 
 no radical defect of principle. Large divisions 
 of our territory and population, are the seats of 
 adverse doctrines on this momentous and yet. 
 experimental matter, and as they are all anima- 
 ted by undoubted patriotism, there i.s every 
 reason to hope that the tnie point beyond which 
 the right of taxation vested in the federal gov- 
 ernment ought not to be carried, will be season- 
 ably determined by the luminous collision of 
 their respective systems. Already important 
 light has been shed on the matter by the author 
 of Brutus, in the Charleston Mercury. Ho 
 maintains that the exercise ofthe taxing power 
 was intended by the fraraersof the constitution 
 to be confined to the purpose of revenue, an<l 
 that whenever it might become expedient for 
 the industry of any quarter of the Union, to 
 encourage the pi-oduction of a particular com- 
 modity, it was designed that the State or States 
 interestsd therein, should assume the qualified 
 exercise of the taxing power, *♦ with tfie con- 
 sent of Congress, and on condition that the 
 duties so rais^id should be paid into the Treas- 
 ury ofthe United States." Whoever reads his 
 essays will feel persuaded that his f:xplJcation 
 of many inipoiiaiit questions involving the pow- 
 ers of the (j.tieral Government, is both origi* 
 nal and profound, and promis-s the establish- 
 ment of a fiscal policy consonant t.) the spirit 
 of the constitution and coa'hicivc to the pre- 
 servation of 'he Union. I wish it could besaid 
 that either of these great objects was likely to 
 be advanced by the liisstrtation of Mr. Jolinson, 
 the polarity of whose mind seems insensible to 
 their high attraction, and to tiu'n with trembling 
 constancy to the foot of the throne. The right 
 of tiie government, accordingly, he deduce** 
 from its practice, as an attorney establishes 
 p'-liiit])lc by |)recedent, and as if the govtn;- 
 rn-.M'.t of the United States were to improve 
 every thing but its own practices. He msl.sts 
 that tlu- doctrine of i;id>c;ct taxation was prac- 
 tistd u;ion by the Achninistratif)n of Washing, 
 ton, and by that tii'all his successors — giving into 
 K fallacy, which, though it makes his argument 
 plausible, renders it unsound. 
 
 The power of taxation, like other pov,*"-i 
 
oi3 
 
 vested in the gcnc/ai gfovevnnient, has an ob- 
 ject direct and objects resuUing. Its direct ob- 
 j«?ct is the raising of revenue; among its result- 
 ing objects is ^ne encouragement of domestic 
 manuiactures. Tliis is cJeai'ly secondary in in- 
 tention, and subordinate in importance to the 
 first object It Hiust accordingly be increased 
 or diminished, as the scale of taxation is en- 
 larged or contracted. But it is an inversion of 
 the order of things, as well as a perver&ion of 
 the meaning of the constitution, to say that the 
 scale of revenue is to be enlarged, not to supply 
 the necessary expenses, or to pay tiie debts of 
 the nation, but to increase the resulting action 
 cf the taxing power — a power which plainly 
 would never have been intrusted to the gen- 
 eral government but for the necessity wliich 
 exists in all governments for its direct object, 
 revenue. Hence it does not follow, as Mr. 
 Johnson laboj-s to show, because Gen. Wash- 
 ington established a tiu-ifl" of duties, and suc- 
 ceeding adniinistrations increased it, that his 
 policy and the policy of his successors was, in 
 this respect, thesante. Gen. Washington's poli- 
 cy went no further than the direct object of the 
 taxing power required. The lightest duty on 
 the unportation of English b jots communicalts 
 some degree of encoui ■igen'ient to American 
 boot makers and tanners; and as th.'.t no similur 
 duties must be imposed in order to provide in 
 the most convenient way for the expenses of 
 govcTBUient, it is certal ily a mitigation o." ihe 
 n-icessary evil of taxatir;!, that a useVui branch 
 of domestic industi-y should be promoted by it. 
 But the mitig:ition of an evil Joes not make it a 
 good. And the ol)jecuon which hes against 
 the policy of Mr. Adams, and in a less degree 
 agauist that of Mr. Monroe, is, that it propo- 
 ses to exercise the ta:ving power not for its di- 
 rect object, and no doubt constitutional end, 
 but for its resultiv.'i objects — not for a sufficient 
 revenue, but for a multitude of manufactures; 
 thus transcending' the particular design and 
 violating the general spirit of the constitution, 
 by taxing one part of the commun-ty fi^r the 
 benefit of another, making the relative condi- 
 tion of the soutliern States worse tlian ii was 
 before the Union, giving the manufacturing 
 States greater privileges than tliey would have 
 enjoyed without it; and burthenii;,; a great, 
 salutary and venerable branch of human indus- 
 tr3", for one less extensive and less favorable to 
 the physical wants and moral condition of man- 
 kind. — Let the report of Mr. Secretary Rush, 
 in which he proposes the artihcial and oppres- 
 sive system of England as a model for the finan- 
 tiul policy of this country, and talks about r^u- 
 lating every fibre of labor, and every species of 
 property in this vast confederacy of free States, 
 by a nicely balanced machinery of en'-.ouraging 
 taxation, be examin-ed, and the inordnmte and 
 um-onstituiionaj excess of Mr. Avknis' policy 
 in the emjdnymont of the taxing power, will at 
 once be jjercclved. 
 
 Nor will tlie force of this contrast be at 
 all weakened by t'lp fact which Mr. Johnscn 
 relies on — viz. tliat the law of '89, lav'ng ih.e 
 first duties imposed under the con.stitution, and 
 advocated by Mr. Madison, then a member cf 
 Congress, recites in its preamble, that tiie laying 
 of duties " was necessary for the support of go- 
 vernment, fcr the discharge of tlie debts of the 
 Vii'ted S'atea^ urtd the ennouragemeni and pro- 
 
 tection ofdmusiic ntfiuiffacluses." Tne go\itttu 
 mentwas then new, and just getting into openl" 
 tion. The important and searching power cJt" 
 taxation was then first to be applied to the in- 
 habitants and property of a number of free State? 
 V/ho had confiiled it reluctantly, with many mis- 
 givings and hesitations, to the federal head. 
 Under these circumstances, it was the duty of 
 Congress, and no doubt their aim, to niake'the 
 first act of taxation as palatable as possible, td 
 recommend it a.s strongly as they could to tin.-; 
 people, upon whose opinion they knew the; 
 whole fabric of g-overnmenl rested. They there- 
 fore recited in the preamble, the two great cir- 
 cumstances which rendered taxation necessary^ 
 and tlie one which was most likely to render it , 
 acceptable. The first was addressed to their 
 patriotism, the second to their honur, the third 
 to their interest — powerful appeals to paramount 
 motives. This was the object of the preamble, 
 as the least insight into the circumstances of th.; 
 period would have taught Mi-. Johnson, and fii 
 is apparent from the fact, that subsequent bill:? 
 of revenue contain no such recltatlonH. It i-: 
 hard to foihear a smile at reflecting on the deri ' 
 sion and surprise with which the sages of '89 
 would look on this attempt to legalize a broad 
 ar.d encroaching system or" policy, not by ex- 
 pounding the terms or analysing '.he spirit of tjie 
 constitution, but b\' italicising a phi-asc "torn 
 from its context" iu the corner cf a preamble tw 
 dr. .ict. 
 
 Sut he contends that whether Mr. Adams be 
 right or wrong in respect to the tariff, or his 
 •* inefl'ably gigantic" schemes of internal im- 
 provement, his friends may applaud and the na- 
 tion trust him, because his opinions are at least 
 as right as those of General .iackson. This, al- 
 though it will turn out to be an improveme!!' 
 upon 'the old absurdity of igno/um par ignotiut\, 
 is probably the most fair and formidable infer- 
 ence in the address: for, as Hooker has said, 
 that change even from tfui wursc^ is soriietimts iii- 
 cnnvenientf there might be some colour of reason 
 in advising the Americr.n people to rest satis- 
 fied with Adams, seeing- that .Jackson's opinioua 
 coincided with his. But unfortunately for Mi-. 
 Johnson, even this slender argument is denied 
 him by tlie asseition of the liiclimond meeting, 
 by which his convention stands publicly afhliu- 
 ted, and to which he sent n bis menior;\!>i-; rid- 
 hesion. That assertion is not disavowal •;•■ ■','. • 
 puted, and is of course adopted hy li;-. ' ;' 
 son's address, and it declares that '• i'.cn. J,i,k 
 son shrouds his opinions of the tariff in imj)cnc- 
 trable mystery. " While these opinions are thus 
 concealed in "impenetrable mystery," how 
 does Mr. Johnson discKver that they coincide 
 exactly with those of Mr. Adams? The detec- 
 tion of sv;rh an insidious inconsistency as this, in 
 tlic grave, earnest and public aflii-mations of a 
 mano, Mr Joh!i^]oit's standing, must affect even 
 his adversaries with more regret t!ian {)leasure; 
 and excite a feeling of tender abhorrence, like 
 that which Indi'.ces t'.i to pity and approve the 
 execution of a criminal. 
 
 Havltig witii thes'' n felicitous errors, both of 
 argument and assertion, cn<leavorcd to justify 
 the tloctnnes of Mi • Adams, (avoiding careful- 
 ly all mention- of " -.he constitutional compe- 
 tency,") and havii-.g enjo'ncd upon the Amtsrl- 
 can people (what wasnodoubtmodestli- meun:' 
 tbs li-:* ■ .•;pp1jing ♦'~' '• . ■ ' ' -,'■-- r' 
 
■ ) J 
 
 .le President's conJtict, that indulgent nile of 
 consti-uctirin which ensures impunity to guilt 
 rather than security to innocence, Xlr. John- 
 son proceeds with a sudden change of tempe- 
 rature, to make a portentous reference to the 
 ■. ast and delicate duties of the chief magistrate, 
 and fierce aUnsions to the temper and ac- 
 tions of General Jackson. No part of the ad- 
 dress discovers a colder prejudice or a more fer- 
 vent loyalty than this. The Richmond, is like 
 the Roman courtier, in odio xxvuf, blanduoquen- 
 lia cumis. It is really surprising to see the 
 same pen running with tlio lightnsss of Camil- 
 la's step over the faults of tlit man in pcn'er, 
 and falling with the demolishing tread of an 
 elephant on the virtues of a private citizen. 
 T/ike the "lithe proboscis" of that shrewd 
 anunal, however, it hamUes tenderlj' what i? 
 frail, and what is sound rudely; and the quick- 
 sighted people of Virginia will neither be in- 
 flamed into injustice by Mr. John.^ou's violence 
 nor deceived into submission by his gentleness. 
 As if emphasis were not ridiculou/in stale mis- 
 representations, and a tone of deep-mouihed 
 vituperation nattiral to those whose accusations 
 are unsupported by fact, he tells them, with an 
 air of amazing confidence, that General Jack- 
 son has " trampled on the laws and constitu- 
 tion of his country, has sacrificed the lives and 
 liberties of men, and made his own arbitrary 
 will, the nde of hisconduct." Buthisfundamen- 
 ■ tal position is this — " Capacit}"^ for cAvil affairs, 
 in a country like oavs, where the road to pre- 
 *Vrment is open to merit in every class of so- 
 iety, is never long concealed, and seldom left 
 :wetu'ement." It is then added, that '• Ge- 
 eral Jackson has lived beyond tbe age of sixty 
 years, and was bred to the profession best cal- 
 •^ iilated to improve and display the faculties 
 v.hich civil employments require: but the his- 
 tory of his public life in those employments is 
 <61d in a few brief lines in a single page of his 
 biograpiier. He filled successively and for ve- 
 ry short periods, the oflice of member of the 
 Tennessee Convention, which formed- their 
 State Constitution, Representative and Senator 
 in Congress, Judge of the Supreme Court of 
 Tennessee, and again Senator in Congress of 
 the United States." Where a man is so verj/ 
 didactic as Mr. Johnson is, accuracy of know- 
 ledge and precision of detail might be expect- 
 ed. But these humble constituents of truth 
 lie far beneath the range of his romantic fancy, 
 as the reader who chooses to consult Eaton'.s 
 V. ork will find.* The account of Jackson's 
 " civil employments" is not contained on a 
 " single page" of that work, and Mr. Johnson's 
 summan,' of it is defective as to the very im- 
 portant ofiice of Attorney General, which 
 AVxshington, no mean judge of merit, himself 
 'inferred. But if wc admire the fidelity uf his 
 'atements, we shall be amazed at the accur.icy 
 if his rf asoning. He concludes, tliut as capa 
 ity for civil offices is in this countiy "never 
 'ong concealed and seldom left in retii-ement," 
 the frequent appointment and repeated clec- 
 
 • See paf;e 17, 18. 
 
 General Juckjton, thoufjli tin set-fast in oflicr, wan tight 
 ;-eais Atlorne-}- Gritcral of the TtTritorj-, siiid six y pars 
 .luOgeof tlie hiRliest court of Uiv Stit*-. His re%ii;i»Btionuf 
 ihii Uiit station was acpt-pted on the 24lh .luly. IHO*, thir- 
 teen <1<i)S aitr-r }Iaiiiiiiun M-ai sliot Ijv Korr.and a yearat 
 leau b«-fore ihr appeiirance of Hiirr'in the Western Mnin- 
 trr, with whom, at a Jodi^, tht secret slanderers under the 
 mitnagement of Mr. Johnson, atte mpt to associate him. 
 
 tion of Cen. Jackson Is proof positive of hl^. 
 notoriousincapacity to fill them. Thereis some- 
 thing transcendental in this syllo^sm. And if 
 wc reflect that in addition to Mr. Johnson's cor- 
 rected list of civil ohices, Gen. Jacks*on has fill- 
 ed the important ones of commiscioner for re- 
 ceiving the cession of I lorida, of Governor of 
 that Temtory under the Spanish laws, and ne- 
 gotiator of several cS our most important Indian 
 treaties; liit-.t 'le never solicited an oiTice in his 
 hfo, or abuse-'l tl e confi.ience vhich his^con- 
 stiv.ients reposed in l.irr.— that Kir- Adams never 
 filled one which connected him iiwtiediately 
 With the peonie, the great; centrai fire which 
 distributes v^ arr«th and lift lo our whole sys- 
 tr.T,, and that his ssrvicts were recommended 
 to one p>> ty by descent, and to the other by 
 pureiiase, its val e as apolitical a:rgument may 
 b-i correctly estiiiiated. The evident distortion 
 of Mr. Johnson's judgment seems lo be chroni- 
 cally conhr.med by the fact, that Gen. Jackson 
 resigned several "< tVesc offices, >Tianlfestiiig a 
 preference for private life, in unison with the 
 taste of Cincinnatus, of Washington, and of all 
 the greatest patriots of tii-- world, and in oppo- 
 siti<;u to t'iiat low arribit'on waich c;-.niiot exist 
 out of the purLeus of the treasury. The clas- 
 sical reader will remember how the Roman 
 writers celebrtUe the reluctance with which the 
 Dictator ab Aratro left his farm, snd the satis- 
 faction with which, crowned with laurels, be 
 retired to it. The same disposition was seen 
 and admired in our beloved Washington. In a 
 letter to a member of Congress, who was per- 
 suading hira to accept the office of Preadent, 
 then just created, he thus expressed himself: 
 " Y'.ni are among the small number of those who 
 know my invincible attachment to domestic life, 
 and t'iiat my sincere vvi.sh is to continue in the 
 enjoyment of it solely, to xay final hour. M3' 
 increasing fundNCss for ogriciiltural amuse- 
 meiit-s and my growing love of retirement, aug- 
 ment and confirm my decided prtdilecOon for 
 the character of a private citizen." And he 
 concludes — "You will perceive, my dear sir, 
 from what is here observed, thntmj' inclinations 
 will dispose and decide me to remain :is I ara,un- 
 less a cie;ir andinstu-inountabie conviction should 
 be impressed on my mind, that some very disa- 
 greeable con,sequonces must, in all human pro- 
 bability , vesult from the indulgence of my wish- 
 es." This letter was wTitten when Washing- 
 ton was in his 5rth year, and Jackson was 58 
 when he made his last and most splendid re- 
 signation. This is the temper and these are 
 the habits thai render "military chieftains" the 
 defenders of the republic in war, and its guar- 
 dians in peace; and it is not the least extrava- 
 gant of Mr. Johnson's paralogisms, that in the 
 same breath he should descant on the danger- 
 ous inrtu>^nce of military renown, and reproach 
 its pocs.'ssor with an •bstinate predilection for 
 private life. Mr. Clay and Mr. Adams, it is true, 
 iuv-? 'lever yet oflVrrtdto the world that l>est 
 and most lovely evidence of merit, wlich modes- 
 ty displays; t!iey have never resigned one office 
 w-,tl)out the prospect of another, and ai-e not 
 likely to impose on their eulogi.sis the task of 
 portraying the grand but quiet virtue of disin- 
 terestedness. Yet Washington, the military 
 chieftain, serve<l eiglityeare w ithout giving rea- 
 son to doubt his wisdom or integrity, while 
 Messrs. Adams and (5lay, the diplomatist and 
 
oo 
 
 lie ot.uor, have efiected in less than half that 
 ':ime, a general conviction that they are desti- 
 tute of both. 
 
 But, says Mr. Johnson, General Jackson not 
 only " re'sigJied three, but passed through all 
 these offices, acknowledging- his v:nfitness in 
 'wo instances, manifestly feeling it in all, and 
 leaving no single act, no trace behind, which 
 si amps his qualifications above mediocrity." 
 Such allegations us these arc enough (to use 
 Mr. Johnson's peculiar dialect) " to stamp 
 their author-below mediocrity" — as they abound 
 in misstatement and misconstruction, An indi- 
 vidual is appointed to one office, and succes- 
 sively premoted to two others, and because he 
 vacates the subordinate ones in order to reacli 
 the highest in the series, tliese acts of resigna- 
 tion are interpreted into a confession of his own 
 unfitness. Did Mr. Clay acknowledge his un- 
 fitness for the Speaker's chair, when he resign- 
 cd it and took office in the cabinet of Mr. 
 Adams ' Does a Colonel evince a conscious 
 incapacity when he accepts the commission of 
 ticneral ^ Gen. Jackson resigned his seat in 
 the House of Representatives to fill a place in 
 the Senate, and this station he resigned with a 
 patriotism and libeiality highly honorable to 
 him, to make room for Gen. Daniel Smith, his 
 neighbor and friend — a gentleman whose su- 
 perior age and scientific attainments g.ive him 
 peculiar claims to public confidence, and in- 
 spired a hope that he would prove a useful se- 
 cession to the party which was then opposed to 
 the administration of the elder Adams. This 
 disinterested act, which few of the many who 
 oan make long speeches would be capable of, 
 is urged in the address as furtiier proof of inca- 
 pacity, and the formidable array of evidence 
 to that point, is completed by the assertion that 
 " no trace," that is, no speech is left behind 
 him in his civil career, placing him above me- 
 diocrity. But before the conclusion here de- 
 signed can be admitted, it must be asce.tained 
 %vTiether a long speech in Congress, is not in 
 nine cases out of ten, at least, a proof of medi- 
 ocrity.* A member of Congress, who, without 
 the possession of ra'e oratorical pov/ers, makes 
 long speeches, is known to have giv'enful! ex- 
 ertion to his abilities, and lias no claim to a re- 
 putation higher tiian that which is acquired by 
 a large portion of his comrades. Whereas a si- 
 lent member is regarded as possessed of such 
 strength of mind and dignity of taste, as to dis- 
 dain tiie slender repute which one or more 
 speeches create, and is, for that very reason, 
 considered far above mediocrity. When 
 Patrick Henry was asked " who he tliought 
 the greatest man" in the famous Congi'ess of 
 '74, from which he was just returned, he re- 
 plied — " If you speak of eloquence, Mr. Rut- 
 ledge of South-Carolina, is by far the greatest 
 orator ; but if you speak of solid judgment and 
 sound information. Col, Washington is unques- 
 tionably tlie greatest man on that floor, ''| Yet 
 Washington "passed tlirough and resigned" 
 tliis and other civil offices, without leaving " a 
 trace" behind, which in the accurate style and 
 estimation of Mr. Johnson, "stamped his quali- 
 fications above mediocrity." It is rather unfor- 
 tunate for one v.'ho undertakes to instruct the 
 people of Virginia, that liis most oracular opi- 
 
 ' Frank Johnson made a speech five day^ lontif. 
 -^ V/irt'd lire of Henry, pa^e IH 
 
 nions should conflict with the dirUdcs ot i o;n- 
 mon sense, the judgment of Patrick Henry, 
 and tlie e.\ample of Wasliingtoii. 
 
 The temper of Gen. Jackson i< said to be a-; 
 unsuitable as his capacity, and "ths spirit of 
 domination displayed in his celebrated letter tf). 
 Gov. Rabun," is referred to as evidence that the 
 office of President sliould not be Intrusted 
 to his "impetuosity of temper"' and "fiery 
 misrule." In a deep prophetic tone it is addeci^ 
 a foreign war may come, may rage with vio- 
 lence, and may find General Jackson at the 
 head of the civil government, and commander 
 in chief of the land and naval forces. Dis.sen- 
 tient views among the statesmen may arise— 
 controversies grow up between the Stale and 
 Federal authorities — as discussions and contro- 
 versies have heretofore arisen — and who then, 
 we pray you, can answer for the consequences 
 of that spirit which said to Gov. Ilubun, "when 
 I am in the field you have no authority to issue 
 a military order." It may be thought siwgulai' 
 that Mr. Johnson, after having so bitterly revil- 
 ed and lamented the unfairness of tearing "from 
 their coiitext" the expressions of the President, 
 should, when urging a charge so personal in its 
 nature as this against 'lis rival, and attaching 1o 
 it, .as a consequence, "the dissolution of the 
 Union, and death to the hopes of every free go- 
 vernment upon eartli," be guilty of this vcr)- 
 unfairness himself, with a violence too whicli 
 cannot be conceived without attending to tlic 
 following summary of facts : 
 
 When General Jackson assumed the direc- 
 tion of th*^ Seminole v/ar, he found General 
 Gaines near Hartford, in Georgia, at the heaci 
 of the contingent force of that State, which h'.- 
 speedily put into motion. Advancing with his 
 raw force of one thousand men, in the direc- 
 tion of Fort Scott, he passed on rude rafts an'd 
 scarce practicable routes, tlie fenny swamp-! 
 and flooded rivers of that region, impelled b")- 
 tlie eiieigy of liss character and the hope of 
 finding the supplies which had been ordere'd 
 there, at Fort Early, But when he reached 
 that place, tlie danger of famine was not 
 abated, there baing otdy a barrel and a half of 
 flour and a few bushels of corn in the Fort. In 
 tlie neighborhood lived a small triiie of Indian-s 
 tiie Chehaws, whose friendship, though doubt- 
 ed, now proved sincere. To these sons of the 
 forest, in his exiremity, he applied, desiring 
 them to bring in such supplies of corn, peas and 
 potatoes as they could spare, and promising 
 liberal pay for them- They immediately brought 
 a small supply, and on the Gencral'.s encamjv 
 ingnear their village, which lay directly in his 
 roiiteto Fort Scott^ tlieir aged Chief, Howard, 
 the survivor of many wars v.'iththc kings of tli'c 
 forest and the foes of his tribe, received him a^ 
 a brother, and the simple-hearted comniunit; 
 emptied almost to exhaustion, to relieve th'- 
 wants of their guests, the small stock of fooi! 
 which iiad been collected for tlieir subsistence 
 through tliC winter. Knthusiasm succeeding 
 their kindness— the few warriors of tlie village 
 joined tlie American standard, and it was only 
 in compliance witli Jackson's request, thatth'- 
 grandson of Howard, a }'outh of eighteen, was 
 left to assist tiiat patriarch of the woods, in at- 
 tending to th'; old men, women and cliiidrifii- 
 Thus, confiding in the honor of General Jstk- 
 wv., and in the fiiith of the ITuitod States, -th'^ 
 
56 
 
 Chehaw villagers were left in cqinplete expo- 
 sure. But what had they to apprehcfKl, or 
 A'hat had General Jackson to apprehend for 
 them' To the ccsmmanding officer of the 
 •small gaiTison left at Fort Early, he had given 
 instruction to consider the Chchaws as friends, 
 '.^nd there was na power behind him that could 
 be dangerous to the allies of the United States. 
 Having clasped the right iiand of Howard in 
 friendship, marshalled the waniors of ttie tribe, 
 and assured the women of peic-e-atul protection, 
 v,'i»o, with their " youni:^ barbarians," witness- 
 <.Nd his departure, he hastened onward to the 
 tli"atre of war. 
 
 Where* the lion wftlks harmless, the wolf 
 prowls ino.'^t ferociously. A Captain Wright, 
 of the Georgia militia, iipon some false informa- 
 tion, ctnictivcd and communicated to tiic Cio- 
 \trnor, tiic impression, that after the march of 
 (ierural Jac!;=^on from tVte vicinity of Hartford, 
 hostilities had been committed on that section 
 of the frontier by the iMiillimees and Oponees — 
 subordinate or rather incorporated septs of the 
 Chehaw tribe. The Governo]-, on this erroneous 
 reprotentatlon, issued a very inconsiderate or- 
 der, empowering the Captain to march at the 
 hejKl of two compauics of cavalry, and such in- 
 fantry as could be drawn from the garrison of 
 Fort liarly, against the suppose<l aggressors. 
 H wasiTi vain that the commanding iifiicerthere 
 arasured Captain Wright of the fricndsliip and 
 innocence of the Chchaws, and informed him of 
 rlieir recent aid and hospitality tt) Gen Jackson. 
 But why prolong the drcndnil recital! The 
 lioverncr's party had the power and the willio 
 destroy. They burst Uke a tempest on the de- 
 voted village. Helpless nge and unresisting 
 infancy they confounded in one torrent of de- 
 struction Tiic bayonet, red with the blood of 
 liie infant, was plunged into the breast of the 
 mother. The aged Hov.ard, supported by his 
 grand-son. sidvauced with a white flag, and was 
 shot with that emblem of faith and peace in his 
 feeble hand. The same ci-uel volley uosputch- 
 ed his grand-son— the village was given to the 
 flames — tlie women and children to the edge of 
 tlie sword, or they fied from instant slaughter, 
 in terror and e\ile, to famine. Wider scenes of 
 desolation have indeed been spreiul on the face 
 of thi; globe, when Hydcr descended like a 
 limuJercloud from the mountains of Mysore, 
 '.'pou the plains of the Carnatic— or when Tur- 
 reau left La Vendee slirouded in solitude and 
 ashes. But a deeper sta'.n of dishonor, or a more 
 intense visitation of wo. was never seen or in- 
 ilicted, than at the secluded village of the Che- 
 haws. The massacre of \Vyom\i\g was mercy 
 to it, and the revenge of IJranul far less cruel 
 than tins amity of the United .States. It violat- 
 ed at one blow, humanity, friendship, and the 
 t'aith of treaties— the obligations o!' just-c v, gra- 
 •tiJtudc an'l lionor — an<l involved in its coiise- 
 ipiences the disgrace of the nation, tiic uitirder 
 of our citizens, andil.f' prohibk' renewal of tlie 
 war, whirh was then almost concluded. Against 
 this shamd'ul outrage, the heart of J.acJison 
 arrisc, and he rese-nCcd it with indignation, but 
 not without dignity; compliining tu the e.xecu- 
 tive of the United States a'ulrernonsirating with 
 that of Georgia. To the former lie says, (7th 
 Mav IB 13,) "The outrage which has been 
 "oniiTuttcd on tlie superannuated warriors, wo- 
 ;i, T an4 chill-'-i of thn 'Jheliaws, whose sons 
 
 were then in the held, in the service of the V. 
 States, merits the severest chastisement. The: 
 interference, too, of tlie Governor of Georgia, 
 with the deities imposed on me, claims the early 
 attention of tlie President. All tjie effects (if 
 my campaign may by this one act be destroyed, 
 and tlie same scenes of massBcre and murder 
 with which our frontier settlements have been 
 visited.again repeated."* To the latter, (7 May) 
 after referring to the ma.vjacre as " base and 
 cowardly," and to an cnchjsed copy of General 
 Glascock's letter detailing it, bt» observes, "That 
 a Governor of a State .-hould make war against 
 an Indian tribe at perfect peace with and under 
 
 *Gencr.\l Jackson was informed of tliis cala- 
 mity by a letter from General Glascock, dated 
 thc'sm'h April 1318, wi-ittcn at Foit Early, on 
 his return to Georgia, wlili the contingent cf 
 that State. The following is an extract: "Gn 
 arriving within thirty miles of the Chehaw vil- 
 lage, I sent on Nkijor Robinson, with a, detach- 
 ment of twenty men, to procure beef. On his 
 arriving there, the Indians had fled in every di- 
 rection, the Chehavv town having been consum- 
 ed about four days before, by a parly of men, 
 consisting of 230, under Captain Wright, now 
 in command at Hartford. It appears that after 
 he assumed the command of tiiat place, he ob- 
 tained the certificates of several men on th(.r 
 frontier, that the Ciichaw Indians were engaged 
 in a skirmisli on the Big Bend. He immediate- 
 ly sent or went to the Governor, and obtained 
 orders to destroy the town • of Phillemee and 
 Oponee. Two compariei-' o*"cavaIry were imme- 
 diately ordered out and placed under his com- 
 mand, and on the 22d he reached thi& place. 
 He ordered Capt. Botliwell to furnish him with 
 twenty-five or thirty men to acccuipany him; 
 having Ijecn authorized to do so by the Go- 
 vernoi-, the order was complied with. Cap- 
 tain Botluvell told him that he could not 
 accompany him himseli"; disapproved the plan, 
 and informed Captain Wright that there 
 could be no doubt of the friendship of the In- 
 dians ill ths I quarter, and stated that Oponee 
 had, on that day, brouglit in a public horse that 
 had been lost. This availed nothing, mock pat- 
 riotism burned in their breasts; they crossed 
 the rivprthat night, and pushed for the town. 
 When arri\ing near there, an liidian was dis- 
 covered grazing some cattle; he was made -a 
 prisoner. I am informed, by Sergeant Jone.«, 
 that the Indian proposed to go with the inter- 
 preter and brini?. one of the Chiefs, for tlie 
 Captain '<n talk with. It was not attended lo- 
 an advance was ordered — the cavalry pushed 
 forward and commenced the massacre Even 
 after tlie firing and murder commenced, M.ajor 
 Howard, an old Chief, who furmshed you with 
 considerable corn, eume ou* f:om his i» -use 
 with a wlr.te flag. It was- not respe-ted; an or- 
 der for a general fire was given, and nearly four 
 hundred .'uns were discharged at iiiin bff.>rc it 
 toi;k etFcct. Ht feiland was bayoncttc.l. Hisson 
 (grand-son) was also killed." .\iter com nuing 
 siicii horrid details as above. General «i::iscnck 
 adds: •• S.ncc then, three of m\ command, 
 who were, ht't at Koj-t Scott, obtained a fur- 
 lough, and on ♦^heir way to this pl.icc one of^ 
 them w;ts sh<ii." So that the outrage produced 
 by the order of the Governor of (.eorgia, was 
 already being attal.ate*! "n his fellow citizens. 
 
57 
 
 the proteMion of the United States, is .issuminjf 
 a responsibility that I trust yot! will be able to 
 excuse to the United States, to which you will 
 have toansiverj" and he adds, "you, as Gover- 
 nor of a Stale within my rnilitury division, have 
 Tto T]ght to give a inditaiy order when I am in 
 the field." This las.! is the phra»c which Mr. 
 Joh-'isoTi has '•torn from "its context," and re- 
 J>eated vnth rui aggravating' abbrav'.at'on, and in 
 alarmuigf italics. " '4 ".en I am i,n fh.c field you 
 have no right to iSsue a militrtry order." Now, 
 although the neg'ation may at firs' appear too 
 gfeneraJ, yet the 'xmtext piuinly litnits it to the 
 jidd of command o\\ which Jackson was tiien 
 employ<-d. It obviously whs iKjt his intention 
 to say that the Gowrnor !iad no righf to regu- 
 late the militia concerns of his State, or to oi'dcr 
 out quotas in the service of the United States; 
 hut that he liad no rig-h% as Governor of Geor- 
 gia, to interl'ere with, tiis dirties, by operations 
 extraneous to the Koverei^nt)^ of the S*ate, and 
 hostile to the Indiaas at peace with and under 
 the protection of the United States. In this he 
 yras perfectly rig-ht, and evinced a d;spo5>itir)n 
 to pre«crr.e rather than to disturb the harmony 
 so desirable between the States and the general 
 t^vernment. The power of makin|^ war is 
 vested exclasivel}' by the constitution in the 
 foder.ii gtn-ernmeni, and the equivalent duty 
 imposed on it of guaranteeing- the integrity and 
 independence of the .'^-. eral States. T,hi3 duty, 
 tlie federal gx)vernment was then in tlic act of 
 dischan^iuj-' in favor of tiie State of Gcnrpfia; 
 and yet, accoi-ding ••> Mr Johiison, the Govci- 
 :ior of Georgia waa to interi-upl ics military ope- 
 rtl.ons, and to murder its friei.Js and allies, 
 without the voice of remonstrance or admoni- 
 riou. Let us suppose, for a moment, that ■.^f'cr 
 General Brown h\dc(include<l a friendiv ag vc- 
 meot v/ith the Bufialo Indians and with their 
 supplies of provisions and men, had invaded 
 Caivada, Governor Tompkins had come on his 
 track, burnt the friendly villuge, and destroyed . 
 or dispersed its inhabita»U.s. Would it have 
 been an unpardonable oftence In G^:ueral 
 Brown to remonstrate aj^ainst that outrage, and 
 Tjo inform Governor Tompkins that he iiad tran- 
 scended his authority ' Would it have display- 
 ed a " dangerous s]-)irit of domination," or an 
 honorable feeling- of justice and humanity? 
 And would it have exposed Gen. Brown to the 
 suspicion and execration of his f-^llow citizens, 
 or entitled him to tlieir approbatio-A and sup 
 port? Mr. Johnson's acquaintance Vv-ith history 
 will remind him tlist the taking- of Sag-ijntum", 
 while in alliance with the Romans, was t!,e im- 
 mediate cause of the second I'unic war, and 
 that the destruction of that city excited a dij^ni- 
 iied refjentmont in the Roman people, 'vhich 
 defeat after defeat, and slaughter Mfter s'auiyn- 
 ter, couki not *jbdi.e, a.id ytive a uioval interest 
 as well as a political fni-ce to the vciip^efal ex- 
 pression of the elder Cato, " deknda est Cardia- 
 ^o." Not to me;itl«n other examples of feel- 
 ing- repugnant to the fitntiments with whicit 
 Mr. Johnson contemplates the sensibility of 
 Genend Jackson for the fate of the Che- 
 haws, the pride wliich on a late occ:\sio.i 
 Eng-land took in stretching forth her power 
 as an cejfls over licr "aiicient ally," may be cited 
 — when Mr. Canning-, .as the organ of his coun- 
 try, declai-ed to the naUons in a tone of gene- 
 : J"-? defiance, tlujt v-h.^n (he mar^h. of f'rrti^n 
 
 conquest touched the jyanittrs of Foriuga!, \i 
 mwit stay if.s haughty step. Yet, while we ad- 
 mire the spint of the Roman people and of the 
 I'ng'lish statesman, we are persuaded to be. 
 lieve, by Mr. Johnson and hid star chamber 
 judges, that when our own patriot protested 
 against an outruge on humanity, a violation of 
 faith, and a usurpation of authority, acquie.s- 
 ccnce in which would have stained with di5#- 
 grace our common sense, our common nature, 
 and cur common countrj-, he dispkyed a "fiervi 
 misrule of temper," and "a dangerous spirit 
 of do'T.ination." 
 
 it may, perhaps, be within the extensive cir- 
 cle of his ii<)piiiM.ry to contend that the Gov- 
 ernor of GcGVgia, as the head of a sovereign 
 State, had a right to make war on the lnd:ans> 
 the right of war'beingan incident inseparable 
 from sovereignty. Waiving the constitutional 
 pact between the States and the fedenl govei-n- 
 ment, and thela>\'sof Congress placing the In-- 
 d:an tribes under the control an»i keeping of 
 the United States, which would at once def .-at 
 this course of argument, it v, ill be enough to 
 obst'rve, that ei'cn if the Governor luul the 
 right of waging this war, he was bound to pros- 
 ecute it according to the law of nations and the 
 usjges of war. These would have rendered it 
 his duty to ascertain first, v/hethe.- the injury 
 he complained -if was really co.iiniitted by the 
 Chehaws — and if it were, secondly, wl-.ether 
 the authorities of tiiat tribe w;juld make, or re- 
 fuse proper reparation. Tnis js the practice of 
 all civilized states — is that of the United States 
 — and was exemplified in the late disturbance 
 v,>h the Winnebagocs. So that, concedincj 
 the right of vvart>. ihe Governor, Iiis violation 
 of the laws and ti^ages of v/ar to tiie injury of 
 llie Chehau'3, justly exposed him to the remon- 
 strances of Gen. Jackson, who, as an ofiicer 
 oftue United States, the guest of the venerable 
 Howard, and the commander of liie Cheiiaw war- 
 riors, was in strict alliance with that tribe, and 
 bound to protect it. The fact is, that the Gov- 
 ernor of Georgia, was for a time, so infiituatcd, 
 as to consider his official dignity invaded, and 
 his power encroached upon by this remon- 
 strance of the General, and under that impres- 
 sion wn.te a letter to him, reminding him of 
 Georgia's " bleeding ffcntier," and taunimg- 
 him with afi'ecting "amlhtiry despotism." 
 The fact is too, that thi>, his letter, ma 'e i'-i 
 ga,sconading appearance in :-. Georgia Jo-ir/iJ, 
 before it was received by the General, and fell 
 intodisreputab'c obhv'on soon after. And the 
 probability is, that Mr. Joiiu.soii, who though 
 prodigal in chi'.rges, is peir.rnoua in proof:-, has 
 been guided 'o this buried rdander b^' as-iisefor 
 deuur.;'.tJon as kc.m ami creditable as that which 
 leads certain whv^ed gnorjioi fo the carcas.vjs of 
 the dead. But it has as little truth as fragrance. 
 Tor from die time th- Georgia Brigade encamp- 
 ed on the Oak'.nulgee, aud under the conductof 
 Gen. Jackion, iruirched by 'lie way of Fort Ear- 
 ly to Fort Scott, up to the close of thi- war, the 
 •southevn frontier of that Stite could neither 
 have bled nor been exposed. — A thousand men 
 either stationed on that frontier, cr penetrt-ting 
 from it into the Indian country, r.r.turally bore 
 (<fF any thing like hostility; and accordingly 
 General Jackson met with no opposition until 
 li(" reached the Mickasuky towns, at le.ast 150 
 
 m- 
 
 'if l'ir'P"-d. TV--w|^ 
 
)b 
 
 '••c tontiiigcnt, coi.iihiir.fjalso of 1000 men, had 
 rnarchcd on the 14th of Feb. from Fayettcvillc 
 in Tennessee, under the command of Colonel 
 llaync, of the United St;U<'s Army, and after 
 rca'chinjj Fort Mitchell, on their way <o join 
 (icneral .lackson at Fort Scott, had fnim infor- 
 mation that their rations which had given out 
 could not be replenished in the direction of 
 Fort Scott, filcrl off to the left, and by a route 
 nearly parallel to the advance of .lackson, had 
 passed into Ge<jrgia, at Hartford; where C;ol. 
 llayne with 400 men remained for the protec- 
 tion of thai frontier, until aficr the period .it 
 \» hich Governor Kal)un represented it to be 
 "bleeding."* There could t!/reforc have 
 been no real cause, as tlierc was no possible 
 justificiition, for the attack on the Chehaws; and 
 of thw the (iovcmcr himself was soon sensible, 
 lor in a letter of the lltii May, from Milledge- 
 ville, General Glascock says to Gei\ .Tackson — 
 " 1 had an interv:cw will', the agei t anil the 
 Governor, and they hd\e concluded tint a talk 
 \\i'l immediately be held witli the chiefs of that 
 place — ascertain the amount of property de- 
 stix)yed, aiui make ample icparstion for the 
 ^■ame. This is at once acki>ovledging"t!ic im- 
 popnety of the attack, and not in the least de- 
 gree throwing of!" the stigma that will Ijc at- 
 tached to the State." 
 
 The next charge is headed with the follow- 
 ing important dictum, " Militan,- men .should 
 never be allowed to forget that the obligation to 
 obey, being the sole foundation of the authori- 
 ty to command, they should inculcate subordi- 
 nation, not by precept only, but by example." 
 And it is alleged that in defiance of it, General 
 .fackson has committed a threefuld oflcnce. 
 *' He has ofl'crod indignity to the Secretary of 
 M'ar in the very letter assigning li;s reasons tor 
 disobeying the order to disband his troops — he 
 lias placed his own authoiity in opposition to 
 that of the War De^jartmenf, by a general or- 
 der forbidding the officers of his command to 
 obey the orders of the Dt];a'tiniiit, unlcKsthey 
 passed through the channel wbicii ho hail 
 rhosen 'o prescribe— and he disobeyed ilie or- 
 der of the GovL-nunent in his milil-jrv opera- 
 tions in tlic Sp.anish Territory." Swei-pii.g 
 charges are alrnov' always unfound.d, because, 
 in order to make them plauRiblo, it .s neccssprj- 
 to suppress the very circumstancs wliich quali- 
 fy the actions they inculcate. In the precise 
 tone of Mr Johnson, an Knglisli essayist niight 
 pay th.it the Congress of '/fi offa-cd imindipnihf 
 tnt/ie Kiti^nf Gnat lintaii}, in /h. dec! :r.rtio;i 
 cftndipfn(/(Tnr c.,.?/^^ «//)<; their msvn- for difo- 
 Ortjinii his rrut'ioriti,: Kvery case of the kind is 
 characterized only by its circumslancc; and 
 when an expert di.spuunt, trained to the tricks 
 «f the forum, ad\ances a charge .md omits the 
 circum«tai,ce.s expbnatorj- of its fjimdaiioii, it 
 is strong evidence that he is himself conscious 
 of Its injustice. Now it turns out that the al- 
 le^ed disobedience of Gen. Jackson w.is ius- 
 titied by the circumstances ».f the c:3e. was 
 approved by the govcrrment. and snictioncd bv 
 events. Under tljc acts authorizin;' the I'r; si 
 
 • Sec the despatch of Gen. Jack.son to Uic 
 War Department of ihc 25tli March, from Foit 
 Gxlsticn, three wer.k<« before the massacre of 
 the Chehaws, nml also his letter of th- 1 1th of 
 .^ujnst to Gov. Kabun 
 
 dent to accept the services of 50,008 volunleeri^ 
 Gcnci-al Jackson, then commanding' the 2d di- 
 vision of tliat militia which he .soon rendered so 
 famous — tendered to the Government of the 
 United States the services of himself and two 
 thousand five hundred men of his division, and 
 the tender was accepted. The det.acliment 
 having been embodied and organized, was or- 
 dered to jiroceed by water to New-Orleans. 
 Subsequently to i;is departure. General Jack- 
 son was advised to halt near Natchez, and in 
 compliance with it, lie took a position ;n the 
 neighborhood of that city. Here while attend- 
 ing to the health and iliscipline of the corps, 
 he received the laconic mandate from the War 
 Depur'ment, v.'ith disobedience to wliicli he is 
 so grievously reproached. It is first to be no- 
 ticed, that as all mon have some degree of falli- 
 bility and some degree of discretion, and as the 
 imperfections of liiuguage and the interposition 
 of distance, give ample scojie for the operation 
 of both, it may well happen that the non-execu- 
 tion of an order is the best possible mode of 
 obeying the Government. When an officer 
 receives an order, wiv.ch tlie exercise of a 
 sound discretion convinces him would not have 
 been i.owued had the condition of the eircun>- 
 stance'sin which it was to operate been known 
 to the authority from which it proceeded, the 
 spirit of his duty comes in direct opposition to 
 the letter of his order. Obedience in such a 
 case, consists not in a blind submission to the 
 words, but in a zealous fulfilment of the inten- 
 tions of the Government. The order of the 
 Fimpcror, it is true, authorized Grouchy to con- 
 tuiue his unprofitable contest with the Prus- 
 sians, but the spirit of bis duty required his 
 presence and exertions at Wat( rloo. By dis- 
 regarding the signal wh^ch recalled him from 
 fight, Lord Nelson fulfilled the wishes of his 
 Government, shook the throne of Denmark, 
 and .shattered the confederacy of northern 
 powers. So obvious is tlie distinction between 
 nominal ^id real obedience, that It could not 
 have escape.l the attention of .Mr. Johnson, but 
 for the loyal amazement with which lie is .ificct- 
 ed at the .rloa of indignity to the head of u de- 
 partment. This seems to overcome all his bet- 
 *,r faculties, aiul to i'r-.tv j Mm noth n^ but the 
 powers of genuflection and obloquy. Hefor- 
 geu' that an oixler may be obscure, and there- 
 fore liable to misconstruction, and that it mav 
 contain imperfections of date cr expression 
 which bring 4Hio doubt it>geiiu:ncnes9. Inthf 
 case now considered, :dl tliese causes operated 
 •against a strict execution of the order. Gen. 
 Jackson could not be easily convinced that it 
 WAS tl e iiitrntion of the President, after ac- 
 ceplmgthe services of his voIuiite<:rs, and re- 
 moving them six hundred miles from their 
 homes in an inclement season, pregnant with 
 disease, and beyond a v.ast vilderncss filled 
 with hostility, to deprive them )f food to 
 save them from hunger— to strip them of tents 
 to cover them from the weather, and of arms to 
 (lelVii'l fhcni from s:ivag( s. Yet, on the 15tl\ 
 March, he received the duplicate of an order 
 addressed to liim at New-Orleans, requiring 
 him, "on its receipt, to consider his coi-ps 
 dismissed fn>m p'.,>lic service," and to "de- 
 liver over to i;fii. Wilkinson all ar':iclts of pub- 
 lic proju^ly whicii may have been put into its 
 possesion" — not leaving the men a mouthful c f 
 
oM 
 
 -od— inthe hands offue detaclimcnta rausket 
 or cartridg'e — in the possession of the corps a sin- 
 gle tent or wagon, or the smallest accom- 
 modation for their sick, of whom there were 
 more than 150. lie received another copy of 
 the same order, which was dated near a month 
 earlier, (before General Armstrong', whose sig- 
 nature it bore, had come into the war depart- 
 ment,) and containing- variations of expression 
 which made it appear not to be an exact copy. 
 However, he determined to obey it with as much 
 exactness and as little delay as possible. He 
 saw, what Mr. Johnson does not perceive, that 
 its declaratory part effected itself. He and his 
 detachment were dismissed the service of the 
 United States. The order was not a direction 
 to disband, but a notification of dismissal, so far 
 effected itself, and required in no degree the 
 agency of Gen Jackson. This Mr. Johnson may 
 assure himself of by conceivmg thai Ger.. Jack- 
 son, or any other General, were direc'ed to con- 
 sider himself and his corps engaged with the ene- 
 my, and reflecting whet.herthat would be deem- 
 ed an order for attack. Its mandatory clause, 
 relating to public property, and admitting of 
 .some exceptions, he conceived it Iiisduty, b(-il) 
 t6 the governmen': and to liis men, not to carry 
 into full execution. Viewing ours as a just and 
 paternal government, he considered his detach- 
 ment pretty much as the law considers a pre- 
 termitted child, and determined to do that for 
 his men which the government had, it appear- 
 ed, forgotten to do. In a letter to the Govern- 
 or of Tennessee, under whose authority the 
 orderof the Secretary had replaced him, he 
 says, "I have, however, from the necessity ol" 
 the case, determined to keep some of the tents, 
 and to march the men back in as good order as 
 possible, and I will make every sacrifice to add 
 to their comfort. 1 have, required of the con- 
 tractor here twenty days rations, which will 
 take my men to Colbej>t's; and 1 must trust in 
 Providence and your exertions to furnish them 
 with supplies from there to Nashville." To 
 Gen. Wilkinson, who had enclosed the order, 
 he says: "I have had the honor of receiving 
 your letter of the 8th inst. with its enclosures, 
 containing directions for me to deliver over the 
 public property to you, which is in the posses- 
 sion of my detachment. The order will be 
 complied with, except a small reservation of 
 tents for the sick, and some other indispensable 
 articles. I acknowledge the order was unex- 
 pected; but I coincide with you in sentiment, 
 that those who are bound must obey." Let 
 the reader recollect that the law under which 
 the services of this corps had been accepted, 
 made the arms and accoutrements of the sol- 
 dier his private property at his discharge — 
 operating like a bounty on enlistments — that 
 of course Gen. Jackson had no right to apply 
 it to this species of military property, and that 
 he only suspended its execution so far as to re- 
 tain a fev/ tents and other articles indispensable 
 to the care of the sick, until he could get his 
 corps through the wilderness, which was al- 
 ready the scene of those Indian murders that 
 soon brought on the Creek War — tliat to 
 effect this patriotic and lionor.able purpose 
 he borrowed 5000 dollars on his own private 
 account* and that tiie government itself 
 
 * Of a merchant of Natchez. 
 
 sanclioned his proceedings, and then deter- 
 mine the degree of credit to which Mr. John- 
 son's charge is entitled. Let it be also remem- 
 bered that this chivalric corps contained the 
 Coffees and the Carrols, who fought wlier<>ver 
 they could find a foe, and the Lauderdales- 
 and the Donelsons, who fell with so much glor}-; 
 and that had Gen. Jackson, through fear of 
 "indignity," disbancfed b\s troops and left them 
 uncovered, luvfed, undefended victims to dis- 
 ease, to want, aiid to murder, tli'i patriots c" 
 Tennessee would have been justly disgusted 
 with a servic., w'lich, when inspired with gra- 
 titude r.nd '.iffection for their faithful leader, 
 tliey adhered to with such signal zeal and tri- 
 umphant efficiency. 
 
 It appears, then, that so far from deserving 
 censure for the modified execution of the order 
 in question, he merits the praise of prudence 
 and generosity; and is entitled to the gratitude 
 of liis country fir that seasonable and enlighten- 
 ed independence which had the effect of at- 
 taching to him and to her the materials of fu- 
 ture safety and lionor. As to the indignity of- 
 fered to the Secretary of War, at which our 
 modern J.Iacsycophant is so bustling and booing, 
 it is probable that the Secretary, who was bj 
 no means dull of aj^prehension, did not per- 
 ceive it. But if he did, he could only consider 
 it a private injury, as, by his own act. Genera! 
 Jackson v.as no longer under his auth.ority; and 
 was, therefore, out of the rule of obedience 
 upon which Mr. Johnson founds the right to 
 command. Ilis letter, after representing tlie: 
 discrepancy between the date of the order, 
 r5th .]an.) and the official notification of Gen 
 Armstrong's entrance into the War Depart- 
 ment, (3d Feb.) assures the Secretary of hi'J 
 detenrunation "to obey the order, and to de- 
 liver over to ,the quarter-master of tiie depart- 
 ment all public property in my hands, that can 
 be spared tVom the convenience and health of 
 m}' men, on their return to Nashville; it being 
 tlie place at which they were rendezvoused by 
 the orders of the President of the United States, 
 and to which place T shall march tliem as soon 
 as the neces.sarv supplies can be had for the 
 purpose." He then expatiates on the loss of 
 public spirit and of patriotic lives, and on the 
 great distress which would atten;l tiie immedi- 
 ate dispersion of his men — expresses his con- 
 vict'on that their arms belonged to tliem, and 
 his surprise that an order so neglectful of their 
 feelings and interests, should have been traced 
 by tiie hand "of an old revolutionary soldier, 
 who knows the privations of a soldier's life, 
 who exercised his talents (notata very prudenV. 
 moment) in their l)ehalf, at the close of the 
 last war." Now this, so far from offering an 
 indignity, really conveyed a delicate allusion 
 to the Newburg letters. Gen. Armstrong' had 
 not the folly to consider it an indignity, and:- 
 Gen. Jackson being out of service, not the 
 right to cohsid T it an offence. He was no 
 doubt gratified at his prudence in not putting 
 that int ,;rpretatian on his laconic order, whicli 
 might have been a natural one in situations so 
 safe, near, a»id jilentlful as Niagara and Norfolk, 
 but whicli would have been incalculably dis- 
 tressing tnjthe Tennesseeans at Natchez . When 
 it is taken into consideration too, tiiat the ten- 
 der of this corps iiad been accepted in August, 
 that they had been assembled in December, bac 
 
60 
 
 ^PibarJced on the Cumberland fn Janua?j- — that 
 after voyaging, often through floating ice and 
 stormy weather, more tlian 1000 miles, they 
 liad encamped near Natchez on the 21s Feb. 
 and had then been dismissed without ceremony 
 pr &cc(-mniodation, on the 15th March — -the 
 reader will be apt to concJude tliat more mo- 
 deration on the part of Jaclcson, would have 
 been mean spirited, would have betrayed a 
 want of that sens'bility to the claims of friend- 
 ship, and neighborhood, and fellowship, which 
 lie so heroically felt — wliicii did him so much 
 Iionor as a man, and were so fortunate In the 
 event to his country. 
 
 The winding course of Mr Johnson's defa- 
 mation, bri:!gd next ir'to view the churge of dis- 
 obedience to tiiL- W ir Department, In the shape 
 of "a general oider;" and if a man can lose re- 
 putation by making unjust att?cks upon the 
 fame of another, it will tend as little to liis honor 
 as tl'ose whici. have already bee!i refuted. Tlic 
 circumstances explaining this case are the fol- 
 lowing: while Gen. Jackson was in the service 
 of the Un;ted St'ites, it occurred several times, 
 aiid at seasons of the greatest pressure, that 
 officti* to whom he l»ad assigned important du- 
 ties, were s.lently withdrawn from tiioir posts 
 by orders froni st)me aubaltijirn in the line, sta- 
 tioned as a deputy in the :uljutantan^! inspector 
 general's cff.cc, at Waiiiington. On the 1st of 
 October, 1814, for example, just a fortnight 
 after tlicfii si attack onF;;rt Bowyer, and while 
 the wnole British armament wrs hovering be- 
 tween Mobile and New Orleans,* an order was 
 issued from the v-ar department sigm d Johi R 
 Bell, deputy inspector general, directing Col. 
 Spa.ks- and the i/ffie -is of tne 2d regiment, in- 
 cludmg the gallant Major Lawrence, to proceed 
 fbrthwith on the recruiting serv;ce! This order 
 vas received while Gen. J.^ckson was efi'ectl.ig 
 the timely expulsion of the British fit)iv Pensa- 
 oola, and had kft Mobile in charge of Col. 
 Sparks, and Fort Cowyer in that of M*jor Lavv- 
 teiice. With commendable prudence these 
 officers declined obedience, ani remained at 
 their posts. General JacksoTi con.plained of it 
 to the government, po nted out the serious 
 consequences that might have been produced 
 by it, and suggested the pr-opnety of communi- 
 cating in future all orders to his subrrdinates 
 througli hirr, inasmuch as his capacity to de- 
 fend the extensive and defeTiceless lin • of ter- 
 ritory committed to his charge, would be des- 
 troyedjif tiie officers on whose viglLnce and ex- 
 ert oiis he depended were removed from their 
 stations withrul his knowlcvige. 
 
 This representation received i;o effectual at- 
 tention from the goveniment — and the anoma- 
 lous pructicc it condeiiined continued at intei- 
 vals to prevail. A f irclble instance occurred 
 ill the person of Major L-'jiig, who, having re- 
 portctl lumsi Ir under a regular on'.er ti> Ge v 
 Jack.son for duty, was directed by turn '.o the 
 upper Mis.j.ssippi, for the pu pos-^* of sketching 
 the topograpiiy of a district in that (lua'-ter, 
 iiponwhit.il a contest with the Indiana was then 
 appreheuded. The i»ext th;i-.g the General 
 heard of his Engineer, was, while he wasanxi- 
 Oiisly expecting hb report, through a newspa- 
 
 • See de.^^patch from Mr. Moni-oe to Gen. J. 
 of the 27th Sept. and from Gen. J. to Mr. M. of 
 ^i-?4th ai!d.c7thAuc 
 
 per notice iu Nev York, t]ut the Major had 
 some time since established himself in that, city, 
 in obedience to an order from the War Depart- 
 ment. Gen. Jackson (4th March, 1817) again 
 appealed to Mr. Monioe (then President; on 
 the subject, reiterated his former reasons 
 against the irregularity, and deprecated with 
 much earnestness its prevalence in his division, 
 when no emergencies of war existed to requifs; 
 it, and vhen his head-quarters were at Nablj- 
 ville, a point of convenient distribution f<3r 
 orders directed by mail to the various military 
 stations in the south and west. Thi.t commu- 
 nication, like the former, proving insffeclua?, 
 determined no longer to have move respon^- 
 biliiy ti>aii power, he took measures to bring' 
 the Si.bject before the government in a way 
 that would admit of no furtl'.er negk-ct. On the 
 22d April he issued a general order forbidding 
 the officers of his division to cbey any ord6r 
 from the War Department which did not pa.ss 
 through the office of his Adjutant General. 
 About two months after this, the Presi- 
 dent still df'clining any decision on the mat/' 
 ter, and sulTering it to fester by delay, ali 
 order was issued from the War Department, 
 to General Ripley, then in command at New Of-) 
 leans, which incompliance with Jacksoiv's tieiT- 
 (ral Order, he did not obey. Finding one of 
 his officers involved in difficulty by an act of 
 milittry subordination and fidelity, Jackbon ioi- 
 mcdiaiely assumed an attitude which none but 
 a Martinet or an attorney can fi^:! to admire. If> 
 a letter t othe Fresit'.cnt, (12th Aug. 1817,) be 
 rcfrrred to his former communications on tliis 
 subject, and to th": cases which had produced 
 them — repeated the substance of his general or- 
 der, and stated the dilemma of General Ripley, 
 and with his characteristic spirit and honor thus 
 reheved him from all resjionsibility : " This has 
 given rise to the proper disobedience of Mat. 
 Gc-n. R.pley to the order of the Department of 
 War above alluded to, for which I hold myself 
 responsbl; .'' He adds-^"In th" view I took 
 (^f this subject on the 4th of Maich, I had flat- 
 tered mvself you would coincide, and had hoped 
 to receive your answer before a recurrence of a 
 similar infringement of military rule rendered it 
 n.'oessary for me to call your attention thereto. 
 None are infallible in their opinions; but it is ne- 
 verthelebs necessary, tlut all should act agree- 
 ably to their convictions of right My connc 
 tions ii. favor of the course I have pursued aif 
 strong, and should it become necessary, I wil 
 willingly meet a fair investigation before a mili- 
 tary tribunal. The good of the service, and the 
 dignity of the commission I hold, alone actuate 
 me. My wishes for retirement have already beei 
 made known to you, but under existing c.rcuno. 
 stances, my duty to the officers of mv divisior i 
 forbids 't, uiitdt'iis subject is fairly tindeistood.' 
 T!ie final decision, when it came, wa^ that orier 
 to inferiors should piss through the command 
 ing oificer of the division, always tnereat^er 
 anfrj.f t'n cnse of necesstJy. Admitting ty;e prln 
 cipie contemted for by Jacks'<n, and terminatnij 
 a practice, which, under ihc a.^^pect of legid at 
 thorify, was 3ub\criive of dlscipHne, irjuriou 
 to service, and repugnant to justice. It is tru 
 that by the constitution, tlie President is Corr 
 mandier in Chief of the aimy, and that by a cu. 
 torn almost equivalent to law, the orders of th 
 Secretary :ire considered the orders of the Pr" 
 
m 
 
 de.Vn arui tiiat among tlia ilkiTitimate descend- 
 ants of this custom, was the practice of confid- 
 JTij^ the power of the Department to Lieviten- 
 unts of the line, whose enormous deviations 
 Hnm propriety, as in the order to Col. Sparks, 
 bvoug+jt it into question and disrepute. But 
 the President is Commander in Chief, only in 
 the same sense in which the General is com- 
 mander of his division; has no stronger claim to 
 the obedience of the General tlian the latter has 
 to the obedience of the Colonel i and bis orders, 
 whether issued under his sigii manual, or 
 thrmig-h the Secretaiy of W;:r, or the imposing^ 
 instrumentality of a sul*altem, are to be v?strRin- 
 ed by the laws of Congress RnO the principles of 
 the constitution. No raan v/ill contend tiiat his 
 authority in the army is absolute — that he can 
 of his own accord inflict capital punisliment on 
 a soldier — can make a lieutenant command a 
 captain, a colonel a g'cneral, or exact duty from 
 either without allowing him his proper rank. 
 Now the essence of rank consists m the su- 
 p-sriority of command which it cor.fers; and 
 any order of the President making an infe- 
 rior disobey tlie orders of his superior, is a 
 derogation of the rank of th^t superior, and 
 produces a disorder, the removal of which ne- 
 cessarily exposes to disturbance in a similar and 
 erjnivalcnt degree, the authority of the Presi- 
 dent over the superior. The order to Col. 
 Pparks required a direct and violent disobedi- 
 ence to Gen. Jackson's command, as that to 
 Major Long- effected it. To have rendered 
 these orders entirely leg^l and expedient, they 
 should have been comm-nicated through ttie 
 commanding- General. They would then have 
 preserved the just equality between res])onsi- 
 bility and power, which the nature of delcg-at- 
 cd autliority require?. And instead of causing 
 one act of obedience, and one of disobedience, 
 they would have produced two acts of perfect 
 obedience, through agents related in due sub- 
 QTslination to each other. The course pui-sued 
 by tlie government, moreover, involved'the .nig- 
 ral iiijustice of fixing pu6'/c/(/ the propoition 
 between Gen. .Tuckson's pov.-er and responsi- 
 bility, upon Avliich proportion, it must be pre- 
 sumed, he consented to assume the latter, and 
 fhcn f rival cfi/, and without liis knowledge, re- 
 ducing the former below that proportion, by a 
 proceeding much in the nature of an expostfac- 
 ?olaw. The silence and hesitation persevered 
 in respecting his remonstrances, while they 
 tfmded to produce an impression that tlie rea- 
 sons he advanced were not disapproved, created 
 a strong demand for t!ie tlcci.sive measures he 
 adopted, and the fact wiiich is but too apparent 
 that the irregularity he complained of, was cal- 
 c^ihvted, if continued, to disappoint the depavt- 
 inent, as well as the <jeneral. as it might be re- 
 ported by the latter in various perplexing ways, 
 furnislies another strong objection to it. Its 
 only excuse is n complete justification of it, 
 where it can be shown, and a mark'-d coikL m- 
 iration of it, where it cannot be shown; vi;;: tit- 
 ccssity. To this fair adjvisuncnt and full re- 
 idress. Gen. Jackson brouglit this aonse in ib.e 
 service, and for the .spirit and judgment he dis 
 played on that occsision aloni , he deseiTes the 
 gratitude of the armj , and the respect of hirf 
 fellow citizens. 
 
 Having in a former ninnber shov.n to }'cjur 
 r'^.iders tiuit his mHitarv oneratio-us in ylovKia 
 
 were in direct obcdienco to ths orders of tiro 
 War Department, I shall not be d' tained bv 
 Mr. Johnson's repetition of that unfounde<l 
 cha'ge, further than to advert to tlie clum.sy 
 dexterity v/ith which he shifts his ground — 'it 
 one nioment inveigliing against the General, 
 fur disobedience to the orders of the Deparl- 
 ment, and at tht ne.rt reviling him for conduct 
 n direct obedience to them. From this dilem- 
 ma ha cannot escape, unless he can prove that 
 the orders vestmg Gen. Jackson " with fuH 
 powers to conduct the war in the manner he 
 might think best" —authorizing him •• toraard) 
 across the Florida line, and attack the Semi- 
 noles within its limits" — and requiring him to 
 collect a force sufficient *'to beat the enemy 
 and terminate the conflict," did not justify his 
 invasion of Florida, within the limifs of which 
 "theenemv" was situated; or his temporary 
 occup.'ition of the Spanish Posts, of which, in 
 dt fiance of the stipidations of a treaty and the 
 duties of a neutral, the Seminoles held eitlier 
 iiostile control or military possession. A dis- 
 position to avoid labor and repetition, suggests 
 the propriety of a similar reference for a refu- 
 tation of the charges grounded upon tlie ww- 
 cnlkd (feclarat'Wi of martial law — an act of vigor 
 and forecast, which in its origin and consequen- 
 ces WHS vindicited by urgent necessit}', justifi- 
 ed by powerful analogie.3, sanctioned by exam- 
 ples, and ratified by events; covering that city 
 with glory and protection, endearing its per- 
 former to all who were willing to fight in its 
 defence, and thrilling every patriotic heart in 
 this Union with emotions of joy and triumph. 
 
 These cflences against the law and the Con- 
 stitution being disposed of, we come to ihose 
 with which Mr. Johnson declares '• mercy 
 and humanitj' unite in accusmg General 
 Jackson." Tiiey stand in his catalogue in 
 the following order: — " The cold-blooded 
 massacre at the florse-Shoe" — " the decoyed 
 and slaughtered Indians at St. Marks" — "the 
 wanton and unexampled execution of Ambrls- 
 ter" — "and of the still more injured Arbuthnot, 
 a trader and an advocate for peace." With 
 respect to " the cold blooded massacre at the 
 Horse-Shoe," as no order for one was ever 
 given by Gen. Jackson, It is a calumny on thfj 
 courage and humanity of his (ifRceis and men^ 
 who have addod unfading laurels to those which 
 they gained on that desperate day — many of 
 whom, in their unrivalled campaigns, found 
 honoi-able wounds or glorious death — and some 
 of whom have filk-d and (;ccupy the highest 
 stations in tht- esteem and government of a 
 grateful country. My business is confined to 
 tiie correction of the more intentional mjustlce 
 of the address, and therefore, after a.suring 
 the reader that there Is nofound^ition wha*' ver 
 in t-uth or in history for such u charge, 1 shall 
 do no more ^hun submit tills uiexcusable misre- 
 presentation to tiiat sort of deKtrucliun which 
 the testimony of a v itness unilergocs, when it 
 is proved, tliat in order to est^r.hsli a cc-tain 
 point of Interest, he h.as made solen.u dc'liUM- 
 tion.s, which had no foundation m *iict, and 
 con! i have none in his own kiunvUdge. Geu. 
 Carroll, the late Governor of Tennessee, and a, 
 di.-^tinguished disciple of Gen. Jackson in war, 
 who-K- rank and presence in tills action gave, 
 him a minute acquaintance with Us fe;itures> 
 upon rcadlra' Mr. Johnson'-* address, furnisiied 
 
0^ 
 
 J .iteiiici.t : — •* J ii.ive aLcri liic au- 
 
 jj^, ; Jjickson Convention of Virginia, 
 
 in which •.••n. .hicksnn is cl)arj,'cd willi tiic col.l- 
 hTooil^a ni:issacre ot tlic Indians ul llic Horse 
 Shoe. l)uriiii,'lhcw»iokMjrthc Crock war, I serv- 
 ed as InspetN 1 General of the Arm>— wis pre- 
 sent uttJcL'^ttlo of the Ilorse-Shoc, andean say, 
 of my own pcrjonal knowledge, llut the ehari^e 
 is wholly destitute of" fouiulation. Towards 
 the cl.-^sc? of the action, afur the breast-work* 
 ^J bi en taken by as.aiilt, a ruimbf-r of Ind ai's 
 ro^k rrf- .gc under a quantity of brush aud logs. 
 (Jta Jackbon ailvanccd to within .i siiolt dis- 
 tance of the place of th.ir conccai.ncnc, and di- 
 rected Ins interpreter, (ieorpe .Ma) field, to as- 
 syre them, tiial if they would sunvnder, they 
 should be treated witli tho greatest humanity. 
 They answered the proposition by firing upon 
 and wounding- Mayficid severely in the shoul- 
 der. A simibr proposition was also made by 
 .lire I'ife, or old Chi.inebee, and the fire of the 
 Intlian* was the only reply it received. After a 
 number of our men werf killed and wounded 
 by those Indians, and after they had twice re- 
 tused to surrender ii|ion any terms, the brush 
 was set on fire, and but few of them escape<l 
 death. The prisoners taken on that day, in- 
 chidinp a large number of women anii children, 
 were humanely treated by Gen. Jackson. I 
 have n\ade the above statement iu justice to 
 t;en J;ickson, and the brsve men who fought 
 the b.ittle of the Horse Slice." ' 
 
 The testimony of nunte-ous eye-witnesses 
 
 mifjht be aflded to this statement, but no 
 
 niul.ijilication of ccrtHicatcs could render it 
 
 murv" respectable, or more co.npietely elFcct 
 
 -ioJtofthis •'coH-bloodcd" sliuider. 
 
 r imist be struck with the tmphat- 
 
 .c, yet forbearing tone in which it is ex- 
 
 „., ;, .. j^ pro.invj t!:it although tLe writer was 
 
 Me of Hic iiijoslice of Mr Johnson's rc- 
 
 •,;c(-.ion on hiiu-sclf, he was not at r!l moved 
 
 by it. 
 
 lilt perhaps it is intended to impress the 
 
 , j he minil with the belief, that disio:iging 
 
 ihojc *l«sp«'ratc Indians wiio rejected qsiarter 
 
 and prolonged the battle afcr resistance was 
 
 vaui. wa5 of it-self a "cold-biood«d massacre ." 
 
 ' of the U. States, when 
 
 -injr war, to requite with 
 
 - n* of hun^anity and 
 
 j...\. . . ■! from death or rctali- 
 
 An* oar commanders to begin an action 
 
 ' ■ ■' rts thr mam forec of 
 
 Ion the field ajul the 
 
 •es' Cieiicr.d Juck- 
 
 nd h>s goveiiunent, 
 
 ;, if in lji» power, to defeat the 
 
 ...l operation ncc(s<:;rily involves 
 
 '1 of every a<lvcisarv who refuncs 
 
 ■ I- Horsv.' 
 
 i Impi- 
 
 .ed battlc«, 
 
 ..... . :, vUey must 
 
 fate of tliQ Indians — as a gar- 
 r ns, may, by the 
 It: air But who 
 ai.d ui'liidcd ■- 
 I th'^ '.'.u'.J-n lio>. 
 
 1 ~ 
 
 i.l. H.. 
 hcetl .'■ 
 
 ri 'in \. 
 liw. of 
 
 III l> 
 
 war, 
 
 n,f 
 
 h: 
 
 -'-d in 
 •ril 
 
 their nciiicn rvi.'^c like an iimndation on the se; 
 tlcmcnts of Alabama, herding hundreds of wg 
 men and children into Fort Mimms, broke intf 
 that asylum with treachery, fire and murder 
 who followed to that feast of butchery, where 
 quarter was neither oiTcred nor allowed, the vol- 
 canic voice of Weathcrfui-d, uidasit rose above 
 thj- shouts of fur)' and the shrieks of despair, 
 brjatiiiiit; Inextinguishable rage and demanding 
 reletitles-s slaughter, obeyed its ferocious sum- 
 mons, until b'lt 17 out of 300 of our unarmed 
 citizens were left alive. They were the same 
 men who, under cover of a truce granted for 
 their benefit by Gen. Jackson, had entrapped 
 .and slaiiglitered the son of Cbinnibee— the 
 Maasaiiissa of the Creeks— the friend and ally 
 of the American people.* Tliesc are the be- 
 ings, whose, self-provoked destruction, m a fair 
 ajid hard -fought action,! tJie people of Virginia , 
 
 * Chinnibee was chief of the Natchez tribe. 
 A few days before the battle of the Horse Shoe, 
 a party of the hostile Creeks communicated to 
 him their wish to submit to General Jacksan, 
 and join the friendly Creeks. For this purpose 
 Chinnibee interceded, and pledged himself as a 
 hostage for their fidelity. They accordingly 
 ca.-ne into his fort,wlicre they were received a^^ 
 friends. In the coui-se of a few days, they men 
 tioiied that they had corn and some oti er pro- 
 visions secreted in the neighboring hills, and 
 asked for permission and assistance to convey 
 it to the fort. Chinnibee furnished them his 
 horses, and sent with them his \ouugcst son. 
 After getting about fif'een miles from the fort 
 they turned upon young Chinnibee, and mur- 
 dered him with tiic indecency and cruelty pe- 
 cur..u- to savages — r%rned ofl" the horses — ^join- 
 ed the ho'itile Creeks, and wero engatftd in the 
 battle. To the honor of the noble father of this 
 unfortunate son, it must be added, that after 
 the art^a had commenced, Capt. Cordon, who 
 commanded the spies, disccver;<I, juit as the 
 order for storming the Indian breast-work was 
 about to be given, that the women and chil- 
 dren who were within the works, might be 
 saved by the intervention of Chinnibee, and 
 wotild otherwise be destroyed in a successful 
 assault. He communicated tliis to Cicner.il 
 Jackson, Who suspended the order, although 
 his men were suficring from the fire of the li: 
 dians, botli those prepared to m.ike the assault, 
 and those who were swimming the rlvcr to sup- 
 port it, and desired old Chinnibee to endeavor 
 to get the womei\ and children to a place of 
 safety, .\lthough his son had been murdeicd 
 so cruelly, with a humanity truly cji^slian, this 
 old man mounted the breastwork at the iiazard 
 of his file, and calling to the women, told thef.i 
 he was rcvly to save them and their childre!,. 
 They hastened towards him, he sprang into tl 
 tort, and tl;e poor creatures cluiglng to- h 
 hunting shirt aiui chi'.tering around him like : 
 swarm of ices, were broughtout of thefort an.- 
 saved from destruction. The General then 
 pave the order to Rtorm, the works were car- 
 ried, the enemy d",stroyed, and the victory 
 ntd. Doe? this look liki a cold-blooded mas- 
 rc> .\n/l yet fifty witnesses will confirm it if 
 Mr. Johnson is incredulous. 
 
 f The loss of the Americans in this actioi:, 
 was 55 killed and 146 wounded. Among the 
 f'Tintr were Major .Montgoipery, of tlie regular 
 
OiS 
 
 are advised to consider, in ordei* to vilify a 
 faithful officer, a "oold-blooded massacre!" 
 
 The charge " of thff decoyed and slaughtered 
 Indians at St. Marks,",, is n«xt in order and 
 equal in truth. Its subject is indissolably con- 
 nected with the crimes and fate of Arbuthnot 
 and Arnbrister, ind blends itself intimately with 
 the operations of Juckson ui Florida. But the 
 scene of these transactions w&s so remote and 
 obscure — covered by unfravelled wildernct^ses, 
 unmeasured swanrips, and undefined jurisdic- 
 tions — the characters upon which they opeiat- 
 ed rio notorious and yet so unknown, their alie- 
 g'iance so diversified, and tiie'j motives so vari- 
 ous, that the attention even oi a fair inquirer is 
 often bedimmed and confounded in their study, 
 as the strongest eye is mocked in pursuing the 
 everclianging refiectiou from agitated water. 
 In their present state of intiigestion, they form 
 a mass of rubbish, behind which every scribbler 
 who chooses to revile Jackson and hopes to de- 
 lude tlie pubhc, entrenclies himself. 1 confess 
 it v\^as with astonishment, something like that 
 which the reader of Tom Jones experiences on 
 iinding the philosopher Square mcdiTatir.g on 
 the fitness of things behind Molly Seagrim's 
 blanket, I discovered C. Johnson e-iiscnnced 
 within it. And it is less to expose him, than to 
 pi'event the leader of any future conventiclers, 
 who may put their heads and their haunches 
 together for tlie purpose of hatching public mis- 
 representations, that I invoke the patience of 
 tiie reader's attention to the following detail: 
 
 The drttmatis persons^ engaged in the catas- 
 trophe which Jackson is accaaed of producing, 
 were — Lieut. Colonel Micliols, of tne British 
 .artillery — Vi'oodbine an English adventurer of 
 fiTie o,ddress and desperate morals, trainer of hos- 
 tile Indians, witli the title if not the rank of 
 Captain,* and In that respect, adjunct and suc- 
 cessor of Nichols — Arbuti.riot, a Scotchinan, 
 who had left his v.-ife in Europe^ married a co- 
 lored one in tiie Westlridies, and with a son by 
 the former one taken a triding position m Flo- 
 rida, got himself elected Chief of the Indians at 
 war v/ith the United Srutes, and as such bad 
 sanctiont;d tlie butchery ofLieut. Scott and his 
 party — Anibi ister, a half officer and iialf bucca- 
 neer, wlio, with the comn::usion of "iiuxiilai'y 
 lieutenant of colonial marines/' given by admi- 
 ral Cochrane during the war with his country, 
 was taken three years after the peace, leadnig 
 t'ue Indians and fugitive negroes in battle against 
 the troops of ihe United States. L'ambly and 
 Doyle, subjects of SDain, agents of a com:ner- 
 cialfirmin Fensaco'a, driving the Indian trade 
 in an estHblishment jn the Apd'ichicola, and fa- 
 vorers of peace — Co'jk, clerk to Arbuthnot, al- 
 moin favor of peac.; — Francis or Jliliis Hadgo, 
 Chief of t'aepj-ophctsjf the Creek Nation, ap- 
 poiri'.ed by Tecumseh in his insurreot'onal vi.sit 
 to the Southern tribes in the fall of 1K12, an in- 
 veterate en.jmy of tiie United States, had re- 
 fused to unite wit!) his c:;'.intry Tier, in tlie capi- 
 tulation of Fcrt Jackson,aba:!doned his country, 
 and at the head of the (jutlav.'(;d Kedsticks, had 
 
 taken refuge and protection with tlie ieminoles 
 in Florida, instigated them to rapine and mur- 
 der, and had witnessed and encouraged the 
 massacre of Lieutenant Scott and his party — 
 Hemithiimaco, a Redstick Chief, the princi- 
 pal ft-arrJor of the prophet, and principal per- 
 petrator of that massacre.* 
 
 The motives and liabilities of these men were 
 as various as their names and nations. The 
 motive of NichoUs was success in his profession 
 and service to his country, stained with the de- 
 s'-gH of debasing the chivalry of war, by the em- 
 ployment of savage associates. I'o this VVood- 
 bhic added, and in a predominating degree, the 
 infamous dcsiie of plunder and profit. Lucre 
 was the sole object of Arbutlinot, and his means 
 for procuring it were sagacious and unscrupu- 
 lous — proposing to acquire an influence over 
 all the surrounding Indian tribes, by means of 
 it to distuib their existing relations with their 
 civilized neighbors, both as to territory and 
 trade, and to engross the entire profits of the 
 latter. A mixed and unprincipled thirst for 
 gain and for f^me, seems to have actuated Am- 
 bi'ister. Interest, which incited Arbuthnot and 
 Ambrister to produce confusion, made Hambly 
 and Doyle anxious to preserve peace. Cook 
 was engaged to be married to a girl in New 
 Providence, felt therefore an inordinate attach- 
 ment to life, and little disposition to run the ha- 
 zards of his employer, Arbuthnot. The "sell 
 exiled" Prophet, loving his country less than he 
 hated her enemies, was filled with revenge foi' 
 the disasters of the Creek war, for the loss of in- 
 flueact. whicli they had occasioned him, for th'S 
 Sfverities which his refusal to submit to the ca- 
 pita l.itionf of Fort Jackson had occasioned him, 
 and for the " exemplary punishment" denounc- 
 ed against him by the order of the Secretary of 
 War, (16t!i Jan. Ibl8) wh'ch was coinmi'tted 
 for execution to Gen. Jackson. He was further 
 
 army, an officer of great promise, and Lieuten- 
 ants Moulton and Somrnerville. Among the 
 hitter, the present Generals Carroll a:ul Hous- 
 ton, the late and the present Gover;T";!i.of Ten- 
 aesseo. 
 
 *La'car. r.v,:- '. 
 
 * I'hc Rcdsticks were a powerful tribe of the 
 Creek Indians, whose national standard was a 
 red pole decorated with human scalps, 
 
 '^Benmeared with blood, 
 
 " Of human sacrjice, and paretic's tears." 
 Their possessions once reached from the Ala- 
 bama to the Mississippi, and one of their prin- 
 cipal villages was on the latter river, where Ba- 
 ton Kouge (Red Staff) now stands. The «*out- 
 lawfd Rftdsticivs" were that portoti of this tribe 
 who, refusing to abide by the capitulation of 
 Fort J< ckson, were outlawed by the Creeks. 
 
 I The agreement commonly called the treaty 
 of F(^rt Jack'-on, was, in reality, a military ca- 
 p'fuh/f'on, so designated and prescribed by the 
 government In a letter from the War Depart- 
 ment, of tiie 20tb March, 1814, first addressed 
 to Gen. Pinckney, and then communicated to 
 Gen. Jackson, it is said — "since the date of my 
 last letter, it has occ^irred to me that the pro- 
 pose'd treaty with ♦he Creeks shouid take a form 
 aliiig'lher i::i,htaryy and should be in the naturet 
 oi a.ca])uulutio!i." Undev this and similar or- 
 ders, tiie Ciipltujution was concluded. And yet 
 Mr.. Clay, in his speech (Jan. 18th, 1319,) on ' 
 the teinin;;le war, attaches blame to Gen. Jack- 
 son for "the dictatorial terms" of this treat;/, nv, 
 he c:dls it. So that then, ai now, if Gen. Jack- 
 son t xecuted the orders of the government he 
 was censured, and if he only appeared to tr;jr> 
 • ' ''•. TH, abused. 
 
&4 
 
 vmukted bvtbepndsof character, vh-ch a filr.ts nnl money, co.lected by lumself, with 
 l-rte vitit to Enrlan^l, and a Hatferint,^ reception ra^v.unf.ur.-.sbcd an'linlenor forces.ne vanqr.sh- 
 f^m ihv. Prince Ree'-nl h;id inspired, and by ed both in (.".iack and defence, the most formi- 
 t V- hope of reviving the hostile spirit of the dable veterans of I- r.rope. and surpassed in 
 Crcck5 "nd leiraininir his former inflHence and skill and courtesy, her i-enowned and accom- 
 Dos^cssions With a hatred to the Unit-d plishedGenenvls. Since the peace -.vith hn-iand 
 tTtMcs equ-ihy passionate and fierce, Himithh- these lawless disturoances had been continued 
 roaco w»s intdriuted by a natural thirst for car- b> forays of rapine and murder, prnnpally o.i 
 jTTuro Bupei-stitinus reverence for the propheti- the southern bonlers of Georgia, which, u^ter 
 f -d dirnity of Francis, and habitual cageinees to »ome movements of troops many tal/t^" w-tn 
 ikcrnio \L mn,t br-.tal purposes. the Indians, anl much d.ploniacv with Spain^ 
 
 The affonc" of these individuals, impelling, were persevered in untd the fall ot i»y — 
 moderating' Vr counterncting each other, and <le- murder and n.iliiary execution were corr.m.tte<l 
 rivifte more oriels encoiiragj mcnt and aid from on our anar,poctin^ soldie'-s and helpless wo- 
 the Spanish authonlio*, h»d kept up a state o; men and ct.ddren Pubhc opinion now appeal- 
 hesitating war, l)ut unreniittinc rohbery and edtothe {government, and the government tn 
 bloodshed on our southern frontier, tver •tince Oen. Ja.;ksr,n. He took the fiel 1, and with 
 the tcrmmatinn of tlie c;reek war, in Autfust, that u-.ieinno; aim of judgment ami courac^, 
 1814. In its least ofTcnsiv but most danger- which, like the noh'.e instinct of the mas'rff^ 
 ousfarm, it was repelled by Gen. Jucks-m, spring-^^ rip^nt at the hea't, he penetrated and 
 v,lM:n he dislodg^ed t!u- BritLsh arnumtnt from destroyed the sources of this cruel and infa- 
 yensacoli, in November ot ttiat year. It is the mons rvar, with the utmost possible expedition 
 tiisincHs of history to record h'>w, with more and the l.-as» practicable bloodshed. Without 
 tlian mothir's care, a patriot's fire, and a spates- provisions, and with a force of only 1000 raw 
 
 militia and Indians, to whom too fie wasastraiv- 
 ger, he entered Florida, buil' Fort Ciadsde?!, 
 routed the Indians at Mlcasuky, found in their 
 _ vili:i!fe near 5CK) old scalps, and on the pro- 
 
 '.espatches, the v:jiLaiice of the cabinet, just pt'of's red pole 50 fresh ones, most of them 
 composed af'er the capture o*" Washing-tun— he r- co^niFed oy the hair to have belonged to 
 roused the patriotism of the pi^oplc, .mci c&ll- the unfo:-tunatr party of Lieut. Scott. Here, 
 inff on Cofiee and hii^voionteerv with a voice in .-isccrtnining' fi'>in the prisoners that a part ot" 
 which they licard the' trump ot Fame.he forced tlie enemy had Hed to Ht. M.arks, and also as- 
 #ht British to abandon Pcnwicola, and d.e certaining^ tlie criminal complcity of the com- 
 Spaiiianlsto mauitain their neutrality. How, mand.-i»t, he forme<! a determination to prevent 
 i^cr securing tlic left fluik of his exiensi.c any turtlier ahiwic of Spa'iish neutrality and 
 line of defence, penetrable by rn ••rs, and a'. Anierican rights, .ind took possession of that 
 ctssible by bays, h« passed with inci-ediole ex- for'ress — where he found "the advocate for 
 pedition to the b»nks of t'le M.ssiss)j.,-ti, with peace," Avbuthnot, who, with the inTi'>'-ent 
 
 an<l vacant loo^c p-culiar to his countiymen 
 when tl;ey meditate shrewd and danp;erot:R 
 desires, • sat an nncon.eerned guest at thr^ 
 tnble of tile roinii!Hn«UHt. From St. ilarks, 
 discovering" that tlie remnant of the routed 
 Ind'ans and ne.^rocs had retrcntcd d<rtvn 
 the >vest roast of IIahI Florida, in tlie direction 
 of Woodiiine's c^and depot of Virginia aixi 
 licorfpa runaway slave?, lie pursued and over- 
 took them near the Econfiiitiah swumji, where 
 
 man's foresight, on tlie fii-st intcllipei-ce of its 
 nppenrance there, he fiew unordi re<'. to tlie pro- 
 Tt£tionof Mobile, and fortified and g;nrri.*-nf;d 
 Fort B"wyer. How, while he aivakened by 
 
 Jittlr other ad from the povfrnm.?nt luin etalc 
 iiitcUi^mce and diplomatic (Urectiorv, * with arms, 
 
 • 'I'hc first intcilipcnce which Gen. Jack.'^on 
 rrceivcd from the (Tovernmcatof the piMJtrcted 
 attuck on New Orleans, wa.s in a letter tVoin .Mr. 
 Monroe, (then Secretary of \\':n) of the 7'di 
 Srpt. 1814. • Hut as early as the icih Aup. he 
 !nd desp^t^lled by cxpi-css ihv- s.-vme intcUi- 
 Ifrnce in a corrobi>ratcd form to th- Uepart- 
 
 rnent, the receipt of whicli, and of four other some were killed, many taken, and tlie only 
 «i«"«palch«.i* of thit month, are acknowkdgvd Avoman who' escaped d;ath from the murderers 
 by Mr. Monroe on the :.'7th Sept. In thv letter of Lieut Scott, n-captured. The ent-my re- 
 ef ibc 7tli, G;rn. Jackson is fniph-ttirally toUl, tr^atinjj to the Snwaney were not allowed' tin>e 
 ••you stio'dd repair to New Orleans ;s soon as to remw thc-ir .streiit^th or couracje, but were 
 your uiTanffcments cin be completed in the agiln attacked and routed, with such loss • ud 
 other part* of th<- ilistrict, unlivs ifoiir fraxnce dispersion, that the victors hoped tiicy had fin- 
 thotiUi be rtqiiirrd nt olhrr I'Otnts.'" In a letter ishcd the war. 
 
 of the luth December, he is told in a ^plnt On this orcasion Amhrister was made pri- 
 quit<? nrophctwal, cortjii-rnj he had m, etri- soner. The army returned tn St. Mark.s, where 
 «••' ' I) pannK-ir, thnt Ay the General, h.-ivinp received Info-iration frim^ 
 f''- } Ihevie.r'r of ,\.w t'le (;()vcrnor of Alabama, Uiat a lariJi^e i^nlv < '' 
 OH'.ina, he xviU bi nuiLlrJ "to ot>rrt. lujni the ■ ■ 
 
 «K«j7 j)f-mnu hr pr^niU himnif," and this 
 wirU'Mit «n- SccrcUr>'s having any deftr.itc 
 
 !ri \\i;l)\ or ! V 
 
 - Hut >;■ 
 
 ;r. 
 
 CI 
 
 vclv a ', 
 
 a'> ' ■ 
 
 on III"- recniilinc;' service, [of a parrison at r-or: 
 
 Bowyei-,] prevented— their 1 KOOO men ir.;L;!it 
 
 havv. hi-tn p.isaed up the Tosnbcckbee, rekii>d- 
 
 li:in; tlv Indian w;ir all t!ic w.iy, and in fmi:- 
 
 mK', vvhicu the dajs m.irch from the highest n&vij^uiioti of that 
 
 ' :<p> MNnee, river, bavc readied the .M^sissipp'i at thc> Chick- 
 
 1 the Brit- a^^^w Bluffs, cntltn;r oif New < Irieans frum s-up- 
 
 11 <iiiii,;; but .J.ick- plies mid wippr^rt, i nsurinj; botii to fhemseh'e.<:, 
 
 fi-otn l',nHit>'r,. ,i:)d li.en New Oi Ic-aiw iTiu.;l havu fallen withnxr. 
 
 '-- :v blow. 
 
 y '-''I'liiisto Lord Mansfsrld, Scott, /?(W.;-. 
 |7c' .')' roricludc'i '.n our nej*?.l 
 
UNITED STAIES^ TFA.l^GliAFK—Extra. 
 
 This pat)er wiH be devoted exclusivt-ly to the Presidential Election, and be published v;eekly; 
 
 until the 15th of October r.cxt, lor One Bolliir, 
 
 BY GREEN fy JARVIS. 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 WASHINGTON, APRIL 12, 18.28. 
 
 No. 5. 
 
 liostlle Indians who liacibecn committing- fresh 
 murders on the Alab.TJiw, were assembling ner.r 
 Pensaoola, arid were there freely admitted ;'.nd 
 constantly furnished with means of subsistence 
 and war, he determined to cut of this last head of 
 the Hydra; — to supply any defect of will oi- 
 power that miglit exist on tJie pan of tlie Go- 
 vernor to observe liis neutrality, and to occupy 
 that place for a time also. Marching by the- 
 Ochcesec lUuH"::, lie was coutirmed in l-is inteti- 
 tion by finding the navigation of the Escambia 
 occluded to his supplies. He therefore pro- 
 ceedad, and entering'- Pensacola on the 24th of 
 ?43y, he took Fort Harraiica-^ on the 37th — hav- 
 ing-, in his short campaig-n of three months, and 
 with an iindi?cii)ilned force, varyiug- from one 
 ts> two thousand, overrun a country larrjerthan 
 Italy — forced a Parthian enemy tiu-ee times to 
 action, and thoug-h once inferior in numbers, 
 ihri'ce defeated him ; without any materiids for 
 a military bridtje, having- passed rivers as larj^e 
 a,nd as deep as the Po cr the Adig-e — without 
 other subsistence frequently tl'.au acorns, raw- 
 hides and water, having- marclied more than 
 800 miles ; widi scarce any artillery', havin^v 
 taken by force or intimidation three fortresses, 
 and with little more than the c:iei-i»ios of his 
 own g-reat mmd terminated forever this savajre, 
 r,erv;le and piratical war. It was a subject of 
 f^lory to Pontpey the Great, that after havinc^' 
 v/orated Sertorions, lie should aj,'rec to conduct 
 -the war against the Pirates. When Gen. .Jack- 
 son undertook the Seminole V/ar, lie had de- 
 t'cated t'je best troops, and among the finest 
 Generals of 1-kirope, and terminated the most 
 l='it)riou3 campaign of the age. Vet he is found 
 a3 ardent and pei-severing against these hordes 
 of savages and slaves, as sincerely devoted to 
 i,he country as any young asi.irant for fame, lit- 
 tle dreaming that in ihe bosom of that country, 
 ingi-atitude was to liatch a brood of Vampires ! 
 
 During these operations, ithappejicd that the 
 Prophet Francis and his i^istr.ument Kenhagee, 
 king of the Mississ-akian, in whose town tiie 
 ■o3'0 .scalps v.-cre found, had after tiie niurdor of 
 Lieut. Bcctt and fZ-s party seized ifambly and 
 l>oyle, at the instigtition of Arbutb.not, under 
 \v-hose authority hs chief, and that of Francis 
 tliey were tried in council and scnten<:cd to be 
 tortured to death, for t'heir £i-iendsliip to the; 
 United St-ates. From this wretched fate they 
 were rescued by ihc spirited interference of a 
 ncfjro, ?,'cTO, the commander of (50 other ne- 
 graes in the service of the hostile Chief Bow- 
 legs, and were !)y his agency conveyed, as pri- 
 soners of Arbuthnot, and his Indians to St. 
 >.?aik.s, for safe keeping. Here tliey were re- 
 ceived by th.c commandant -.vi prisoners, and 
 here they jaw numerous evidences of the par- 
 ticip.ation of the Sp.-mish authorities in the Sem- 
 liTol'e war, but t-scaping in a c.uioc, tliey were 
 taken up by Lieut. M'Keevcr, erf the United 
 States' Navy, in the adjacent P>ay. With a sort 
 of drarr.afic coincidence, U came to pass tliat the 
 
 thirst for blood b.aving risea in tlic breast of th*^ 
 prophet and his warrior Himithlimaco, they 
 soon repented the rescue of llambly and Boyle, 
 and came to St. Marks in quest cf them, jus", 
 .after they had made their escape, \yith the 
 f.roclous perseverance of wolves tliey pursued 
 their flight alor.g the coa^st, Jioping that we.alher 
 or wearine.'-s woull force tlieni asliore, and. sooi"; 
 descried a vessel atpjichor, with British colour-' 
 flying at the mast head. — After some recop.Jioi-- 
 tering they went al)oard, were conducted intf/ 
 the cabin where tliey found Hambly and Doyle, 
 who immediately identifying them .as the mur- 
 dtrers of Lieut. Scott and his party, and tlieir 
 ou n captors and tormentors, they were put in 
 ir-jns b}' Lieut. M'Kecver. These circumstan> 
 ces being all made known to Gen. Jackson, hy 
 a m.ass of proof and undisputed notoriet}', in 
 conformity with the order of the Secreta:-y ot" 
 War '• to inflict exemplary punialimcnt on the 
 authors of the atrocities" — com-mittcd on Lieat._ 
 Scott's party, and Mrs. Garrett's family, he had 
 them hung, in accordance with the principles 
 of the Law of Nv-liy^ns, and in obe.iieace to the 
 dictates of humanit;,-, which their atrocities ha^ 
 outraged, and to which the terror and example 
 of their fate was a just sacrifice^ and proved a 
 salutsxy propit-.-.'.tion. 
 
 The readei- will see th.at t!ic only decp,ying 
 was practiced by IJ.. M'Keevcr, and before ha 
 can -agree to censure tl-wt, it must be Ehov.'n thiiT 
 our naval ofllccrs iiad no right to use such strat- 
 agems as the ofilcers of other nations practice, 
 aithougli the colors of all nations are furnislieci 
 them for tliis ex-^M-ess puopose; and it must be 
 iarther shown that it was tlie duty ol' Genwal 
 Jackson to see that Lt. M'Keever should dre.ss 
 and manage his ship cxactij'to the taste of Mr. 
 Johnson. Tiie-se Indians were taken by straUx* 
 gem and surprise as Andre was, and like tha'." 
 unfortunate officer, who never violated a feeling; 
 of humanity, they -u'erc "slaughtered"— that is, 
 they were hung.' In this punishment, as jus- 
 tice, humanity, and the law of rations wcro 
 Kfiti.,fied, it is to bs observed that they being 
 cut of the United States, our ov.-n laws were no'n 
 concerned. 'Had they been brou^-ht within our 
 limits all their crimes must have gone unpun- 
 ished—for they h.ad not violated our muniapa'. 
 OT maritime, or martial laws. But the law of na- 
 tions vests liie right of retaliation in the co.n-1, 
 irianding gener.d,'and tlie imbeciJity or dshonor 
 of the Spanish autliorities having ju.stified the 
 a<^ertion of our btligerent rights, it wts the 
 duty of Geii. Jaclison t<) fulfil tlie instrur«i.-»nsoi" 
 his govermcnt and bring these murderers to 
 punishment.* 
 
 ♦Although (he feeling and ccmmoii Sense of 
 every irran'-i.-^iust convince !iim that the death of 
 tlie ly.-ophot and Himithlimaco w.as due to hu- 
 manity .and justice, yet it nvty be proper to for- 
 ti ■ " • ' ■ • ■ 1 • - 
 
 a! 
 
 iiailjiy ano.jubi:ev, )•-<- >'■ ^►•v "^ i>iv/^>v.. 
 
 iiy tlu't well founded decision by res^Tifctable 
 lUthovity. V^^tel srt\-5, 520. 3.4) *'\Vhcn wc 
 
hi} 
 
 I.et us ui^v cotac lo lUo cu»c of Arbutlmot. 
 From the rccsptitred Americun womiin, \rto 
 was the sole remaining' survivor ot Lieutenant 
 Si\ott's jiarly — from Cook lus Clerk — from 
 iMienix his acc^uuintancc — from Ictlcrs ami 
 papers fouiul in ;i vessel of his, captured in the 
 mouth of the Suawm y, and otlu-rs ohlaincd 
 trom Uic Indians by our apent, it was proved 
 mcDnleBtibiy that "this advocate for peace," by 
 misrepresenting the tcrmy of the treaty of 
 Ghent — tlie conducl of tlie American aii<l the 
 arcntions of the JJritish government, havl in- 
 ■itc^ in time of peace the Seminole Indians to 
 Iiostihtics ajjainsl the United States. That to 
 aid those hoslilities, he !iad ai)pli<'d in behalf 
 of the Indians, to vanrnis functionaries of Bri- 
 alnfor supplies, and to Uisijuise ihem for pro- 
 fcction. That he had furnished then* with in- 
 ttlligenceand ammunition, for military purpos- 
 '•s, antl ha<l Riven them advice and wr/er.f in tlie 
 iiianugemcnl of the war. That he had direct- 
 ed the seizure and presided at Ihc condemna- 
 tion of I lanihly and Doyle in consequence of 
 I heir being "the advocates for peace" with the 
 II. States. That he had instigated and counte- 
 nanced the massucre of I.t. Scott and his party, 
 consisting of about 40 Anicricun citizens. That 
 as ftH Indian f:hief, he had permiittd our gal- 
 lant otlicers to Ix* assussinated, our brave sol- 
 diers to be butchered and their lielpless wives 
 to be murdered, or with more horrible cruelty 
 .'pared to see their infants "taken by the heels 
 u.nd their brains dashed out against the sides of 
 the boat."* And that when one of the two 
 women whiT had been spared (the wife of an 
 American scrjeant) wasfrom pregnancy no long- 
 er able to keep up with the n\arch ol her cap- 
 tor'), this "advocate for peace" ordered luT to 
 be put to death, and that accordingly she was 
 bayoncte<l through the womb' From the same 
 and •thcr sources of proof it was demonstrated 
 that Amhrister !»ad not only instigated the In- 
 liians to war agiiiiist the \J. Slates, but had ac- 
 tually joined them with a party of runaway nc 
 grots and led tliem in battle — having used his 
 lommission as a British oHicer (a nation witl» 
 which wc were at peace) to promote his per- 
 nicious inlUicnce among them, aud having en- 
 •feavoredby t iree to convert a Spanihh fortress 
 mtoi place of savage hostility ngamst the I'nited 
 State*. 
 
 Tliese arc the meu whose crimes had de- 
 stroyed so many innocent lives, for the take 
 of Otter skins and runaway slaves, aiul whose 
 puniiJiment is Ininentt d wit^i such dignified 
 .sorrow by Mr. Johnson, for the sake of .Nlessrs. 
 Adams and Clay. The evidence against thenj 
 Hati>ficd a •ourl of gallant and intelligent ofti- 
 i;rr» of their guilt — satisfied the representatives 
 and the guverumcnt of the nation- ami con- 
 
 »r«" at war with a nation which observes no rules 
 Is no ijuarter, they m.»y be chastised in 
 
 " . "IIS of those oflluiii who may betaken. 
 Ihcy are of the mimberof the guilty, and by 
 
 »hi* rigor the aUcmpt may be nude of brin-^'ing 
 
 them to a sei.se of the lawsof hinnanity." The 
 atil Ulmitbliniaco weri; not only 
 the gmlty," but the leaders of tlie 
 
 i;uii(y. 
 
 • Vide ill the documents hereafter specified, 
 t_ook a letter, and the account obtained from 
 the rcc*pt«irrd wem-xn. 
 
 vinced ilic lJuui;.s of Spain aiiu of England ot 
 thejusticeoftheir punishment. And yet because 
 it is too voluminous and intricate to be readi- 
 ly e-xamincd,* Mr. Johnson found upon it impu- 
 tations which with tlie rancourous, have the re- 
 tributive i>roper»y of injustice, and though aim- 
 ed at the reputation of another, will only alVecl 
 his own. There is one tlung that oiiglit to be 
 mentioned as remarkable botli in his ireandhia 
 griif — nanuly, his solemn afiinmition that Ar- 
 bulhnot who was hung, was "more injured'^ 
 than Ambristcr who was only shot — being con- 
 vinced, fts if from experience, that death by 
 hanging is worse tlian death by sbontlng. 
 
 When a writer has ele.irly established hlstl- 
 tlCjto disbelief, it cannot be necessary lo op- 
 pose a formal refutation to each of his misstate- 
 ments especially if as in the case of Mr. John- 
 son, his errors have b-cn exposed before. It 
 appears that in tlie list of unfounded charges 
 contained in the address, are two which had es- 
 caped my notice. They relate to the six mili- 
 tia men, and to the alleged usurp.ition of pow- 
 er to appoint militiiia officers. The first of 
 these charges is now before the House of llep- 
 resentativ<!S, and :is its determination by tha* 
 body will not oidy have the authority of truth 
 but of the nation, I shall not enter on the easy 
 task of refuting it. Tlie second was long ago 
 demolished by the m- morial of Gen Jackson 
 which w as presented to the Sen.ite on the 6lh 
 of March, 1820, and which convinced Mr. Jcf- 
 fer.-.on of his •• .salutary energy" in the prosecu- 
 cution of the Seminole War. It will be enough 
 
 • J'or the evidence in these cases, see docii 
 menls {35) accompanying the President's Mes- 
 sage of the 2d December, 1818, and those {G5} 
 accompanjing th.at of the 2dth Dec following, 
 particularly the letter from (jcn. (jaines of the 
 2d Dec. 1817, with its enclosures, that from 
 Gen. Jackson, of the 8'.h April 1818, and the 
 report of Col. Hutkr of the Sd May, in the first. 
 set. In the second, Nos. 45, '16 and f)l, with 
 the deposition of Lieut. M'Keever and the tes- 
 timony ol IMicnix and Cook before the Court 
 are chlcHy apposite. In .iddition to the autho- 
 rity already produced for their execution and 
 in illustration of the jirlnciple that must have 
 satislied the foreign governments on the sub- 
 ject; the following reference is made to Vattel, 
 (5'J o. 'jy.) " We may refuse lo spare the litl: 
 of an enemy who has surrendered, when the 
 enemy has been guilty (a fortiori when he him'- 
 self h.-is) of some enorniousbreach of the laws 
 of nations, and particularly when he has vlola- 
 te<l the laws of war." Arbulhnot and Ambris- 
 tcr ha.l violated the laws of peace and war, of 
 (ioil and man — and to li.ive treated them like 
 ordinary prisoners of war would have been cn- 
 cour.igement. Vatlel (;>21) stys, ♦• retahation 
 may be cxercisi d even on tlie innocent," u 
 principle on which Gen. WasJiington acted in 
 the case of Sir t^hailes AsgilJ, ^ Marshall T.d 
 ">yi,) and that " when your army is out of vour 
 own territory the right of reiaiialion is iii the 
 conim.inding General, and he has the right of 
 .sacrificing the lives of the enemy to his own 
 safc'.y or that of his people, if he has to con- 
 v-v1 with an inhv.inan enemy, and to treat him 
 as his own peopie liaxe i>te:i trea'eti. sce.iiv) 
 the details in the Ilruise of lords, llih Mm- 
 1H19. 
 

 '•-o letcr tiie reader to that docuniiint, and pai*- 
 ticularly to the deposition of Col. Hayne and 
 to tlie letter of Colonels Dyer and Williamson, 
 in its appendiz for proof that the charge is ab- 
 solutely and totally fulse. Would it were in my 
 power also to convince him that Mr. Johnson 
 does not know it to be so. 
 
 Having thus completed the exposure of this 
 labored attempt to degrade a great citizen and 
 delade a g^eat state, it remains to look at the 
 character and condition of the body of which it 
 purports to be the offspring. In individual 
 character it is enviable, in numbers respectable, 
 but in popular influence and constitution; mea- 
 gre and scant. Like a dying peuch tree, it has 
 all leaves and no fruit. It appears to be more 
 immerous than the House of Delegates, the 
 tjroadest representation known in the State, 
 and yet, consisting as it does of detached and 
 discontented politicians, its constituents would 
 hardly form a brigade of militia — and they would 
 be all against any thing military. It is in truth 
 a "most forcible feeble," — and the address is 
 the most enterprising experiment on record for 
 propelling falsehood by the force of authority, 
 of this experiment, it is but justice to say, Mr. 
 Johnson appears to be the organ, the manager, 
 the Mix. But now that his torpid torpedo has 
 exploded, what will he do with his corps of en- 
 gineering judges, misguided by him into the de- 
 files of dilemma and discredit' Will he disband 
 them in the wilderness of fallacy and falsehood, 
 far from their sitting, and as it would seem, their 
 superior parts, bruising their delicate shijis or 
 bumping their tender rotundities against the 
 stubborn obstructions of fact, and the bold pro- 
 jections of argument,_straggling and scrambling 
 to make their way back to privacy and privilege 
 without steam boatsand without milage.* In op- 
 position to orders from Washington, he can never 
 dare to "divulge their draggletailed show" in 
 a regular retreat, as that might "offer an indig- 
 nity to the Secretary of War," and produce his 
 own dismission from service The chaplain of 
 the expedition too, the "oily man of God," 
 what will become of his reverence? But this is 
 a subject too serious for ridicule, too awful 
 even for pleasantry. The God of Moses, from 
 Sinar's fiery top, has said — "thou shalt not bare 
 false witness against thy neighbour;" and the 
 redeemer of mankind, the Lord of meekness 
 and compassion denounces punishment on "evil 
 speaking," and says for every malicious word a 
 man shall utter "he shall give an account at the 
 
 » Some few \ears ago, a brace of these ad- 
 minis'^^ration judges took a fancy to travel in 
 steamboats. 0ne of them embarked high up 
 on the Potomac and having coasted an immense 
 peninsula, landed in Richmond. The other 
 took water on some of the western rlyers and 
 made liis way to the treasury citlier by Wijeel 
 ing or New Orleans. In in>itation of Mr. Ad- 
 ams- they charged constructive mileage, when 
 their legal mileage was on the direct ordinary 
 route. The charge of one was t^iqe the 
 amount of his just claim, that of the other 
 about five times. The legislature made them 
 disgorge, although Mr. Clay !iad sanctioned 
 the doctrine, in allowances, when Speaker, to 
 his western friends. The matter occasioned 
 ' some anger and much fun in Virginia, all at 
 •'i? expense of the steamboat jtidges. 
 
 day of Judgment!" For that account let liis 
 reverend gentleman prepare. 
 
 In respect to Mr. Johnson, it can hardly be 
 said that modesty or eloquence is pre-eminent 
 among his political virtues, or that his profes' 
 sional ability is likely to be decreased by infu- 
 sions of talent into his general writings. Of 
 him it will never be said — 
 
 "How sweet an Ovid was in Murray lost.'* 
 Acknowledging in his letter of adhesion, strong 
 distrust and disapprobation of Mr. Adams, he 
 yet insists that it is " ineffably stupid" in the 
 people of VirgiHia, the most alert and spiritual 
 devotees of liberty in the civilized world, not to 
 postpone their decided favorite to the object of 
 his public disesteem. Nor is he entitled to the 
 praise of invention; for, after laboring lustily in 
 the field of fiction, he furnishes his party with 
 nothing original. Wliile all his charges are 
 false, not one of them is new; and though all 
 his inferences are fallacious, most of them are 
 trite. An indelicate memory furnishes his pre- 
 mises, and aaimmoderatepresumptionregulates 
 his conclusions. Insensible to the grandeur of 
 the character he traduces, he seems forgetful 
 of the intelligence of the people to whom he 
 appeals. But it is strange that an individual so 
 inconsiderate of others, should not have more, 
 respect for himself. He does not appear t» 
 consider that by repeating, he adopts these 
 stories — partakes of tlie disgraceful motion of 
 the scandal, and marked as "the tenth trans- 
 mitter" of falsehood, descends with the pro- 
 gress of an impenitent sinner, who sinks in in- 
 famy as he advances in age. 
 
 If these remarks should appear intolerant, 
 it must be remembered that the re-action of 
 injustice is proportioned to its violence; and if 
 long, that for the poison of concentrated slan- 
 der, the most effectual antidete is expanded 
 truth. JEFFERSON. 
 
 From the Ithaca Journal. 
 
 MR. ADAMS' DEFENCE OF GENERAL 
 JACKSON. 
 
 There is a misconception of the true charac 
 tcr of General Jackson, and an honest preju- 
 dice against him, existing in the minds of some 
 persons, which an impartial investigation can- 
 not fail to dissipate. Anxious that all such 
 doubts should be removed, and that all true A ■ 
 mericans should unite in the cause of principle 
 against intrigue and corruption, with a confi- 
 dence that they are at the same time yielding 
 their support to talents and integrity, we shall 
 occasionally notice those passing calumnies 
 which the enemies of General Jackson have 
 now revived, long after tliey have been tri- 
 umphantly refuted, with the base hope that 
 these refutations may have escaped the memo, 
 ry of some, and the observation of others. Of 
 this class are the charges relative to the Semi- 
 nole war, the invasion of Florida, the execu 
 tion of Arbuthnot and Ambrister, &c. he. Are 
 not the retailers of these calumnies aware, that 
 the charges were officially investigated by Con- 
 gress, through Mr. C'/a.v's instrumentality; and 
 that, notwithstanding Mr. Clay's influence and 
 exertions procured an unfavorable report oftha 
 Committee; yet that General Jackson was ho- 
 norablv acquitted by an almost unanimous vote 
 
1^ 
 
 01 dflij^jtis? "Do tj^ey r.'jt knour tliul General 
 ^Xacksfln '\va3 ably justified and defended bj- Mr. 
 i^dams', and that this justification stands upon 
 ■'•ficord a3 the most able and honorable act of 
 Jfp. Adams' public life? Admiitine tliat Gene- 
 ••til Jackson, in the emergencies of his t:ying 
 ;>ituation, surrounded by an insidious and savage 
 enemy, with the cries of the desolate, and the 
 Mood of tiieir murdered women and children, 
 appealing to him for vengeance — adsiit, we soy, 
 that under these circumstances he did overstep 
 -the bounds of propriety — can the American bo- 
 ^apm find for him no excuse, no palliation — 
 while the ou/ctifc/ing- politician, who sits down 
 '^e from danger or alarm, and cooll) and 
 ileliberately in his closet justifies all his acts, is 
 taken to it? confidercc? — The heated, over- 
 ■zealous partisans, who urge these charges 
 Olfruinst General Jackson, seem blind to the 
 dilemma in which th.cy place tlicir favorite. If 
 Genei-al Jackson is guilty, Mr. Adams cannot 
 i)0 inno-ent: but the crime of the one must be 
 ascribed to impulse, to necessity; while that of 
 the oihcr is the result of cool and deliberate 
 yiepravlty! The virtuous and enlightened A- 
 U^erican, however, who would rather sympa- 
 thise with tilt friends than with the enemies of 
 his countn,-, will find no grounds in these 
 ^ansactions, for the condemnation of either. 
 IFc will recognise in the conduct of Gen. Jack- 
 Son, the intrepid warrior, the brave and disin- 
 terested patriot; and in that of Mr. Adams, the 
 unprejuchced advocate of his country's rights, 
 the faithful organ of the government and peo- 
 jAe. We have before us the letter of Mr. 
 Adams, then Secretary of .State, dateilNov. 28. 
 1818, to Mr. Irving, " Minister Plenipotentiary 
 to Spain, containing his defence of General 
 Jackson's conduct. It comprises ai. interesting 
 history of the Seminole war, and the events 
 Avhich followed. Wc shall extract from it as 
 liberally fis our present limits will permit; and 
 Vc ask the rCvilers of General Jackson, and 
 those who are honestly prejudiced against him, 
 to read these extracts with attention. 
 
 •' Tn the month of August, 1814, while a 
 uMr C'iisted between the United States and 
 (Jreat Hi irain, to whicli Spain had formally de- 
 <;larcd lic;>;elf neutral, a British force, not in the 
 fresh pursuit of a defeated and flying enemy. 
 ,>ot overstepping an imaginary or equivocal 
 boundary between their own territories, and 
 tftose belonging in some sort, as much to th 'r 
 enemy as to Spain; l)ut .-tpproaching by sea, 
 apd by a broad and open inva^von of the Span- 
 ish province, at a thousand miler;, or an occui.'s 
 tjistancc from am/ British territory, landed in 
 Worida, took possession of PenSacola, in the 
 l5rt of Barancas, and invited by public procla- 
 -♦nations, (doc. 1.) all the runaway negroes, 
 ^1 the savage Indiana, all the pu-ates, and all 
 the tyaitors to their countrj-, whom tbey knew, 
 or imagin'-d lo exist wi'hin ve;u;li of their sum- 
 Tuons, to join their standard, and wage an ex. 
 T'^pminating wur figain.st the portion of tlu- Uni- 
 ted States immediately bordering upon this 
 aeytral and tlnvs viyluted tcmtoiy of Spain. 
 The land commander of this British force, was 
 Q c«rtain Col. Nicholls, who driven from Pcn- 
 eacola, bv the approach of Gen. Jackson, ac- 
 fiyJly Ict't to be blown up the Spanish fort 
 at Barranciis. when lu: found it couhl not afl'onl 
 ^'ttv j>To*'*rt%i; njy'l A-aeiwtrtrg th'it ra^t ni" 
 
 the province, landed at anotlicr, cstablisTrtci 
 himself on the Apalachicola rivtr, and thei^ 
 erected a fort, from wh'ch to sally forth witli 
 his motley tribe of black, white and red com- 
 batants, against the dcfencclesi borders of the 
 United States, in that vicinity. A part of thiS 
 force consisted of a corps of colonial marine.^ 
 levied in the British colon'es, in which George 
 Woodbine was^a Captain, and Robert Christie 
 Ambristie, was a Lieutenant. 
 
 For several montlis after the ratification of 
 the treaty of Ghent, this post was retained. 
 Remonstrances were made to the British Gov- 
 ernment; the conduct of Nicholls disi'.vowcd, 
 and the fort eventiially abandoned by liJm. This 
 fort, however, Mr. A. states, was retained by 
 tlie banditti to whom Nicholls had left jt, "as 
 a post from which to commit depredations, 
 outrages, murders, &;." notwithstanding Gen. 
 Jackson, in April. 1816, " wrote a letter to the 
 Governor of Florida, calling upon him to put 
 down this common nuismceto the peaceable 
 inhab'tanti of both countries." . 
 
 •«In the year 181", Alexander Arbuthno\ 
 of tiie island of New Providence, a British sub- 
 ject, first appeared as an Lnglish trader in Spa- 
 nish Florida, and as the successor of Colonel 
 Nicholls. in the employment of instigating the 
 Seminole and outlawed Red Stick Indians t<r 
 hostilities against the United States, by reviv- 
 ingthe pretence t'.iat they were entitled to all 
 the lands which hud been ceded by the Crecic 
 N.Uion to the United States, in August 1814. 
 * * * In his infernal instigations he was but 
 too successful. No sooner did he make this 
 appearance among the Indians, accompanied 
 by the prophet Hdlis Iladjo, returned from his 
 expedition to Enghnd, than the peaceful inhab- 
 itants ofthebordei-sof the United States, were 
 visited with all tlie horrors of savage war; the 
 robbery on their property, and the barbarous 
 and incliscriminatc murder of women, infancy 
 and age. 
 
 '•'After tlie repeated expo.stulations,waiTiing-», 
 and offers of peace, through the summer and 
 autumn of 1817, on the part of the United 
 States, had been answered only by renewed 
 outrages, and after a detachment of 40 men, un- 
 der Lieutenant Scott, accompanied by seven 
 women, had been waylaid and murdered 
 by tlie Indians, orders were given to General 
 Jackson, and an adequate force was j^Iaced aj 
 his disposal to terminate the vrar. It was as- 
 cerVaJned that the Spanish force in Florida was 
 inadi'quate for the protection evm of the Span- 
 ish territory ;ts(.lf, against tills mingled liordc of 
 lawless Indians and negrfies; and altliough their 
 dev:i3i.at'.on.i were committed within the limits 
 of the United States, they immediately sought 
 refuge within thcFloridafuie, & t!iere,only were 
 to be overtaken. Ti^e necessity of crossing the 
 line was indispensable; for it was from beyond 
 the I'.ne that the Indiajis made their murderous 
 incursions within that of the United States. It 
 Wiis there that they bad their .abode; and the 
 teiTitor}' belonged, in fact, to them, aUhough 
 within tlu- borders of the Spanish jurisdiction. 
 There it was thatthcAjncrican commander me: 
 the pricipal resistance from th?ni, there it was 
 that were found tlic still bleeding scalps of our 
 citizens, freshly butchered by them; there i* 
 Vva"' 'hat h'* r^^'*?t^'.l t!'*'^ ^nh' *vn^t"r> wNo hu(\ 
 
m 
 
 Ue^n sul'iej-ea to suwh-xs the tKTaasaci'e of the Jfer- etatKl juStrdta !« t^ Ijosajfts of. tiie- aja*£ii% 
 
 ty under lieutenant Scott. people. 
 
 'In the course of his purs'iit, as he approach- "But the President will neither infll'ct puHf 
 
 ed 6t. Marks, he was informed direct from the isfiment, nor pass a censure upon Gen. Jackson^ 
 
 Governor of Pensacola, that a party of the hos- for that conduct, the motives of which werC 
 
 tile Indians had threatened to seize that fort, founded"in the purest patriotismj of the necesp 
 
 and that he npprehended the Spanish garrison sity for which he had the most jmmediate an4 
 
 there was not in streng'th sufficient to d^^fend effectual means of formin|=;' a judgment; anfl 
 
 it against tliein. This information ^vas confirm- the vindication of which is writteii in every 
 
 cdtTom other sources; and, by the evi<k*nce page of the law of nations, as well as iu the firsl 
 
 produced upon the trial of Ambrister, is prov- law of nature, self defence," 
 
 ed to iir.vc been exactly true. By all the laws The above are extracts from Mr. Adams'-s 
 
 of neutrality, and oi wur, a.3 v/el! as of nrudence letter, which relates to what is termed General 
 
 and of aumanity, he was warranted in amicipa- Tackson's invasiox of Fhrlda — «' the motive55_ 
 
 ting his enemv by the amlcabie, and, that being- for which (to repeat the emphatic Lmguag-e o^ 
 
 refused, by tlie forcible occupation of the fort. Mr. Adams) were f<junded in the purest patrK 
 
 There will need no citations from printed trea- otism; of tlie necessiii/ of which he liaxl th<? raos!: 
 
 tises on international law, to prove the correct- immediate and cfTectual means of judging; an(J 
 
 ness of this nrinciple. It is engraved in ada- tJie vindication of which is written m every 
 
 mant on the com;r on sense of mankind. No page of the law ofnations, as well asmtJietirsc 
 
 writer up.«n the laws of nations, ever pretended law of nature, srlf-drfcnce." We shall now gwe 
 
 to contradict it. None, of any reputation or au- a few of Mr. Adams' s i-emarks. relative tojthsi 
 
 thority, ever omitted to assert it." true character and well merited fate of AroutlJ 
 
 Mr' Adams states, that in the Fort of St. not and Ambnster. 
 
 Marks, Arhuthnot was found ««an inmate of " The connexion between Arbuthuot and 
 
 the comniand-vnt's familv;" that here he held Nicholls, and between Ambnstcr, Woodbmc 
 
 biscouncils with the hostile Indians, supplied and M'Gregor, is estabhshed beyond all que::^ 
 
 them -.vith ammunition, provisions, &c. He tion, by the evidence produce<l at the trials be 
 
 states tJKit the conduct of the Governor of Pen- f«i*e the oourt-martial. From ma letter to I-.am> 
 
 fiacola was equally reprehensible, and that upon bly, dated 3d May, 1B17, [see tne documenl 
 
 the approach of Gen. .Tackson to Pensacola, marked G in the proceedings of the court-mar., 
 
 tlie Governor of Pensacola tlireatened to meet tial,] it appears that his trading was a pre,- 
 
 and expel him from tlie territory with force. tence; and that his prmcipal purpose was to aci. 
 
 " IL became, therefore, in the opinion of Gen. as tlie agent of the Indians of Florida, ana on. ^ 
 
 Jackson, indispensably n-.ccssary to take from laws from the Creeks, to obtain the aul ot tiie 
 the Governor ot Pensaq^Ia, the means or carry- 
 
 ing 
 
 his throat into execution. Before the forces 
 
 under his command, the savage enemies of his 
 cou!itry had J;s:.ppearcd. But he knew that 
 the moment those forces should be dishandod, 
 if sheltered by the Sppmish fortresses, if furnish- 
 ed with ammunitions and supplies by Spanish 
 officers, and, if aided and supported by the in- 
 stigation of Spanisii encouragement, as he had 
 even- reason to expect tlicy would be, they 
 would re-appear, awd fired, in addition to their 
 ordinary ferociousness, with revenge for the 
 chastisement they had so recently received, 
 would .again rush with tlic war-hatchet and the 
 Ecalping-knifc, into the borders of the U.nited 
 States, and mark every footstep with the 
 blood of their defencelesB citizens- So far as all 
 the native resources of the savages extended, 
 the war was at an end, and General Jackson v/as 
 about to restore to their families and their 
 home.s.tho brave volunteers who had followed 
 Ills st.andaid, and wh./ liad constituted the prin- 
 cipal part of his force. This could be done 
 
 British government iiv their hostilities agatns^i, 
 the United States. He expressly tells HamWy 
 there,\hat the chief of those outlaws was the 
 principal cause of his (Arbuthnot's) bein^ i|J 
 the countrv^; and that ho had come v/ith an an, 
 swer from' Earl Bathurst, delivered to him by 
 Gov. Cameron of New Providence, to ccstaih 
 Indian talks, in which this aid of the BiitjsU go> 
 vernment had been solicited. 
 
 ilamldy himself had been left by Nichcrtl^ n^ 
 the agent between the Indians and the Briti^i 
 government, but having found that Nicholls 
 had failed in his attempt to prevail upon the 
 British government to pursue this clandestma 
 war, in the mid»t of peace, and that they wei^ 
 not prepared to snnport his pretence, that halt 
 a dozen outlawed fugitives from the Creek na^ 
 tion; wher Arbuthnot, the inceiidian-, came, 
 and was instigating them by promises of sup 
 port from Great Britain, to commence theiv 
 murderous incursions ihto the Unrted Stale?. 
 Hamblv, at the request of the chiefs of th6 
 Creeks themselves, wrote to him, waramg nmj 
 
 «it„ ;.f..y, ,»V„„ ,hc „=,,„„ portion of hi, ^<^r^ f.- rSnlSd< ?S 
 
 doom 
 
 that awa'rted him from the hand of Ju3» 
 
 troops to gan-iiion his line of forts, and two small 
 
 dctachm.ems of volunteer cavahy to scour the uuu.n ..»-- - Z.a'\\\ tVr> i-^w^c tliathe du> 
 
 lurking remnants of savages, who had been sued. Arumnnoi 
 
 scattered and dispersed before him.' 
 
 Gen. Jackson, therefore, tDok p^^ssesslon .of 
 pensacola, "not in hostility to Spain, (sa}-s Mr. 
 Adams,) but as a necessary measure of self de- 
 fence," intending to restore it whenever the 
 ■Spanish authorities could occupy it witli a com- 
 plete force. 
 
 I\l.Lri:, now, th-j strong lyiiguage in which 
 Mr. Adam3Justifiesthe.se proceedings of Gen. 
 ..''ackson: ar''! i.n ^hc spirit of v.hich h'^ rxjust 
 
 while he was deluding the wi-ctched IudiTO3 
 with the promise of support fwtn l^gland, li^ 
 was writing letters for thnn to the Bntish m: 
 nister in the United States, to the Gcverncr 
 Cameron of New Providence-, to Col. Ntcholls, 
 to be laid before the British government, ana 
 even to the Spanish G(r.er4)or ot St. Augus- 
 tine, and the Governor Getieral of the Havan^, 
 solicitlp.g, in all quartei^^, aidaud sw'irp«}>t, ajrnj^ 
 an.l ammunitim., for the Indians a.,^^nst thrr 
 r-'-'vd SfV^, bc-.val!ing the tUi5tractiv:> Of tl3% 
 
7U 
 
 negro fort, and cliarging the British govern- 
 ment with having drawn the Indians into war 
 with the United States, and deserting them af- 
 ter the peace." • • » • 
 
 *• Let us come to thccasc of Ambrister. He 
 \va3 taken in arms, leading and commanding 
 the Indians in the war against the American 
 troops; and to that charge, upon his trial, plead- 
 ed guilty." • • • , • 
 
 Documents arc here quoted and facts relat- 
 ed, showing the connexion of Ambrister with 
 Woodwine, andtlie hostile savages. Rtr. Adams 
 then gives the following recital of inhuman 
 butcheries to which the savages were instigat- 
 ed by these wretches; and he ajks,if tliey are not 
 *• sufficient to cool the sympathies" excited by 
 their execution! 
 
 ♦' The Spanish government is not, at this 
 day, to be informed, that, cruel as war in its 
 mnJest forms must be, it is, and necessarily 
 must be, doubly cruel when waged with sa- 
 vages; that savages make no prisoners but to 
 torture them; that they give no quarters; that 
 they put to death, without discrimination of 
 age or sex. That these ordinary characteris- 
 tics of Indian warfare, have been applicable, in 
 their most heart-sickening horrors, to that war 
 left us by NichoU's, as his legacy, reinstigated 
 by Woodbine, Arbuthnot, and Ambrister, and 
 stimulated by the approbation, encouragement, 
 and aid of the Spanish commandant at St. 
 Marks, is proof required' Entreat the Spanish 
 Minister of State, for a moment, to overcome 
 the feelings, which details like these must ex- 
 cite, and to reflect, if possible, with compo- 
 sure upon the facts stated in the following ex- 
 tracts, from the documents enclosed: 
 
 Letter from sailing-master Jairus Loomis to 
 Commodore Daniel T. Patterson, ISth August, 
 1816, reporting the destruction of the negro 
 fort: 
 
 " On examining the prisoners, they stated 
 'liat I'dward Daniels, O. S. who was made 
 prisoner in the boat, on the 17th July, waj tar- 
 red and burnt alive." 
 
 J^etter from Archibald Clarke to General 
 Gaines, 2L6t]i February, 1817. (Mess.'tge, P. 
 U. S. to Con^-ess, 25th March, 1818, p. 9.) 
 
 " On the 24th Jnst. the house of Mr. Garret, 
 residing in the upper part of this county, near 
 the boundary of Wayne county, (Georgia,) 
 was attacked during his absence, near the mid- 
 dle of the day, by this party [of Indians,] consis- 
 ting of about fifteen, who shot Mrs. Garret in 
 two placee, and then dcsp.atched her by stab- 
 bing and scalping. Her two children, one 
 about three years, the other two months, were 
 also murdered, and the eldest scalped; and the 
 house was then plundered of every article of 
 value, and set on fir^." 
 
 Letter from Peter B. Cook, (Arbuthnot's 
 clerk,) to Eliza A. Carney, at Nassau, dated 
 Suwahnee, 19th January, 1818, giving a.i ac- 
 count of their operations with the Indians, 
 against the Americans, and the massacre of Lt. 
 Scott and his party. 
 
 "There was a h^oat that was taken by the In- 
 dians, that had in it thirty men, seven women, 
 foiir small children. There were six of the men 
 pot clear, and one woman saved, and all the 
 rest of them got killed. The children were 
 taken by the leg, and thptr brains dashed out 
 itrain'^t th<^ boat '" 
 
 If the bare recital of scones like these cannot 
 he perused without shuddering, what must be 
 the agonized feelings of those whose wives and 
 children are,|from day to day, and from night to 
 night, be exposed to the victims of the same bar- 
 barity : Has mercy a voice to plead for the per- 
 petrators and instigators of deeds like these ' 
 Should inquiry, hereafter, be made, why, 
 within three months after this event, the savage 
 Hamathli Milco, upon bt-i-ig taken bj- the A- 
 merican^roops, was, by order of their r.oinman- 
 der, iri-«Ti3diately hang, let it be told, that that 
 savage was the command; r of the party, by 
 which those women were butchered, a>id those 
 helpless infants were thus dashed against the 
 boat. Contending with such enemies, althotii^h 
 humanity revolts at entire retaliation upon 
 them, and spares the lives of theu: feeble and 
 defenceless woiuen and children, yet mercy, 
 herself, suiTemlers to retributive justice the 
 lives of their landing warriors taken in arms, 
 and still more the lives of the foreign, white 
 incendiaries, who, disowned by their own go- 
 vernments, and disowning their own natures, 
 degrade themselves beneath the savage charac- 
 ter, by voluntarily descending to its level. Is 
 not this the dictate ofco.iimon sense? Is it not 
 the usage of legitimate warfare? Is it not 
 consonant to the soundest authorities of nation- 
 al law' •' When at war (says Vattcl) with a 
 ferocious nation, which observes no rules, and 
 grants no quarter, they may be chastis&d in the 
 personsof those of them who may be taken; they 
 are of the number of the guilty, and by this ri 
 gor the attempt may be made of bringing them 
 toa sense of the laws of humanity." Andagain. 
 •• As a general has the right of sacrificing the 
 livesof his enemies to his ov^'n safety, or that 
 of his people, if he has to contend witii an inhu- 
 man enemy, often gtiilty of such excesses, he 
 may take the hves of some of his prisoners, and 
 treat them as his own people have been treat- 
 ed." The justification of these principles is 
 found in theu* salutary efficacy for tcn-or and for 
 example." 
 
 It appears that Arbuthnot and Ambrister 
 were executed — not as some of the revllers of 
 Gen. Jackson have asserted, without trial — but 
 conformably to the sentence of a regular court 
 martial, and Mr. Adams thus sums up in con- 
 clusion, his justification of the measure: - 
 
 "That the two Englishmen,execut(.d by order 
 of Gen. Jackson, were not only identified with 
 the savages, with whomtliey were carrying on 
 the war against the United States, but that one 
 of them was the mover and fomenter of the war, 
 which, without his interference and false pro- 
 mises to the Indians of support from the British 
 government, never would have happened; that 
 the other was the instrument of war against 
 Spain, as well as the United States, commis- 
 sioned by M'Gregor and expedited by Wood- 
 bine, upon their project of conquering Florida, 
 with these Indians and negroes; that as accom- 
 plices of the savages, and, sinning against their 
 better knowledge, worse than suvages, General 
 Jackson, possessed of tlieir persons and the 
 proofs of their guilt, might, by the lawful and 
 ordinary usages of war, have hung them both 
 without tlie formality of a trial; that, tu allow 
 them every possible opportunity of refuting the 
 proofs, or of showing any circumstance in ex- 
 tenuation of their crimes, he gave thorn ^hf" ^f- 
 
4 i 
 
 tietit of tviai by a court marllai of highly respec- 
 table officers: that the defence of one consist- 
 ed solely and exclusively of technical cavils at 
 flie nature of part of the evidence against him, 
 and the other confessed his guilt." 
 
 Thus Mr, Adams not only justifies General 
 .T-ackson, in the execution of Arbutlmot and Am- 
 brister, but he g-oes farther; lie would liave jus- 
 tified him, had he *^/ni?is them both without 
 •rnr, FonxALiTr of a TniAT,!" After this, let not 
 the supporters of Mr. Jldams arraign the con- 
 duct of General Jackson as coimected willi his 
 arduous and patriotic services in tiie puiilic de- 
 fence; but let tliem "cool their syinpatJdt^" for 
 the enemies of their country, and seek some 
 more honorable method of promoting the suc- 
 cess of their favorite. 
 
 THE TRICKS OF TIIE COALITION. 
 
 We have befure us a letter from a highly res- 
 pectable gentleman in New Haransliire, to his 
 friend in this city, who says; 
 
 '*Vou ask, what are the causes (of tlie elec- 
 tion of Bell &.c.) There is 110 doubt that the 
 coffin handbills, and the story of the Dickinson 
 iluel effected it. All you have seen in the pa- 
 pers, and heard, can give you but a very im- 
 perfect idea of the exertions which were made 
 to secure votes for the Administration ticket. 
 These handbills, spurious lives of Jackson, &.c. 
 &c. were carried tr> every house in every town, 
 as far as my knowle<lge extends. Thousands 
 of them were brought to and per- 
 sons v/ere hired to go and read them to the ig- 
 uorant " 
 
 A friend from Delaware has forwarded to us 
 
 a pamphlet which purports to be an impartial 
 
 account of Genera! Jackson, but which is in fact 
 
 a compilation of all the falsehoods which the 
 
 ruitful press of the coalition has invented. 
 
 The elections in Virgmia are now in progress, 
 and the last Intelligeacer, printed .it Lexington, 
 contains just so much of Mr. Baroour's shuffled 
 up documents, relative to the six militia men, 
 as was arranged by him to make an impression 
 hat they were called into service for three 
 months. 
 
 We have before said tliat the Legislature of 
 Tennessee passed an act authorizing the Gov- 
 ernor to call into service a portion of the mili- 
 tia, for the purpose of putting an end to the 
 Creek war. Under this act several regiments 
 were placed under the command of General 
 Jackson, in 1813. Ihey loere honorably dix- 
 ciiarged at the end of three months. Speaking 
 of these rnen, the Governor in his letter of the 
 lOth of December, 180, said: 
 
 JVillie Blomti io the Secretary of War. 
 
 NASiivii-LK, 10th Dec, 1813. 
 Sin: The force from this State, called iivto 
 service to act iigaiust the hostile Creeks, is 
 composed, in part, of United States' volun- 
 teers, enrolled under the acts of Congress; of 
 the militia, dctaclied under a requisition from 
 the Warl)ep.artmcnt; and, inpartof vohuitt'cri;, 
 v.'ho, being best armed, turned out, upon the 
 pressing emergency, to repel an approaching 
 invasion of this State ai>.d the Missis.si|5pi Ter- 
 ritory. The first named, think that their term 
 of service expires (as I have before advised 
 •.O'O on this dav. The seroi'.:!, f nnrlprstHud, 
 
 are of opinion, that their term of service wiii 
 expire at the end of three months from th*eic 
 entrance into service; tliat time being consider 
 ed, by the militia Liw of this State, passed 
 prior to the act of Congress under which the 
 detachment was made, as a tour of duty. The 
 third description, 1 have reason to believe, con- 
 sider that they ouglit [noi] to be expected to 
 serve longer tlian a three months' tour from 
 their entrance into service, if that long, Wheu 
 these troops were cajled into service, the term 
 they Were expected to serve was not mention- 
 ed in ihe instructions I received from the Wai' 
 Department, or in the act of the General As- 
 sembly of this State, under which a part of tire 
 force was called out; neither was it iTitntioned 
 in my order c:d]ing them out — I not having 
 been .advised of the most acceptable terra to 
 the Government, and knowing no other limita- 
 tion to their service than such a:s was provided 
 for by acts of Congress, unless sooner discharg- 
 ed by order of the President. 
 
 I believe tiie principal reason Why these 
 troops, in part, feel a desire to be discharged 
 on the lOtli inst. is, that the volunteers thinl; 
 that they should notbe compelled to serve loi.- 
 ger than one j'ear from the time the;/' wc',>e ca'll 
 ed into service, as tliey have held themselves 
 ready to act at the call of Government siirct 
 the 10th December, 1813. 'J'his has occasion- 
 ed much uneasiness and embarrassment a^ 
 camp. Tllie balance probably are influenced 
 by their recollection of a tour of duty under the 
 provisions of the militia law of this State, and 
 by their want of clothing, Sic. for a longei' 
 term of service; and another argument ma^ 
 be, that the circumstances under which theA 
 were called ('o repel an approaching invasion, 
 in part) did not aJciit of delay in. their making 
 the necessary preparation for a tour of six 
 months, as the act of Congress respecting detitch- 
 ed militia requires, unless sooner discharged by 
 order of the President; in other words, ther 
 had not time to prepare. Their promptitude 
 promoted the service; their prompt attention to 
 the call of Government, and the important ser- 
 vices they have rendered in the field, during 
 the short term they have been in service, leach- 
 es the belief, that they cannot be actuated, ii\. 
 their willingness to return, for any other res- 
 sons than the abovcmentioned. These facts 
 and opinions are stated for the information di 
 Government, v.^ith whom alone it rests to de- 
 termine how long they shall serve, to order 
 their discharge, and likewise to order, jn the 
 eve-nt of their discharge, how their places arc 
 to be suppled. It is presumed tliat the objec 
 of the campaign is not yet effected, and it ma^ 
 not be for some time to come. v,:!h best exe;-- 
 tlons. 
 
 Under these circumstance.?, and from a de- 
 sire, felt here, to promote the good of the .sei 
 vice, it v/ouldbc acceptable to the men in ser 
 vice to be uiformcd how long they are expect- 
 ed to serve, and, if they are to be discharged,, 
 bywhoje order, and how their places are to be 
 supplied. Information on these points is re-^ 
 spectfuUy solicited, believing tl;at the good of 
 the service, and the situation of ttiis frontier, re- 
 quire it. I am requested to make these in- 
 quiries. 1 li.ave the honor, &C. 
 
 WILLIE BLOUNT 
 
 Th*^ ITon "^vrnrTATir or \y .\r. 
 
'il 
 
 ^ii Pj.';^iy uj Uiis ietlcr, tl/e Setiiita?}" Q» War 
 vrate j3 Vollows: 
 
 The Secretary af War to Ginxmor Bimnit ; 
 Wah DErARTMF.jfT, Jan. 3, 1814. 
 
 Sin: Your KxccUcncy's letter of t!ie lOili 
 lilt, has been received. 
 
 Itis tliouglit most udvisable, uiulcr all. cir- 
 cumstances tVia^thc construction given to their 
 r-nj^agcments, by the organi/.ed vohniteers of 
 ySV2, be admitted. In no other case, Iiowcver, 
 have vohinteers of the same d^^sci'lptioi) refused 
 to make good tlircc hundred and sixty five 
 days' actual service. 
 
 The militl.i may be considered as having been 
 i;3(tled out under the hiw of 1795, wliic!) hmits 
 the service to three months. The President is 
 ihe more disponed to make tliit; decision, as tlic 
 ^tatc law provides tlrat a period of three montlis 
 ■■ball be d«emed a tour of duty, and as the epi- 
 jitaml patriotism of Tennessee leaves n.^ doulit 
 but tliat a s.acccssioa of corps, competent to 
 the objects of GovermTient, will be reg'ularly 
 provided. 
 
 Your excellency has been informed tliat YiV. 
 McGhee, the contractor, M'as supjjlicd with 
 i'unds to meet the requisitions for provisions, 
 rind his receipt for money, whicli you furnished 
 jbr his accnrmiviodation, is herewith relumed. 
 It was distinctly staled by him, that your Ex- 
 <-.ellcncy would bo paid out of 'he advance which 
 he received while at this place. 
 
 .J. ARMSTRONG. 
 
 tiov. Bj.ount, of Tennessee. 
 
 It will be sif^en that tliis c-orrespondenco re- 
 ported by the Secretary of War, proves tliat 
 the troops to w'nich it referred, were calleil i.ito 
 .service bj' the State of Tenr.cssee, and that the 
 eason assig'ncd is, that the troojM having been 
 calleti into .neTvice under the State authorit)', 
 i'onsidercd that thc^r term of service was 
 limited to threo months. That tliey were dis- 
 .;haFgcd at tlic end of three- rooi;ths, appears 
 irom the followinif addrtsss of General Jiick^.on 
 to the troops. (.->ce Eaton's life of Jaekson, 
 pa^C 121:; 
 
 '•Your General having reported that yo«r 
 tenn of service will expire on the 14tk, I as- 
 sume no claim on you beyond that period. But, 
 although I cannot demand as a ri^-ht, the con- 
 •huuuice of your .services, I do not despair of he- 
 i 111^ able toob ain thcmthrousjh your patrioti-m. 
 I'or what purpose v/as it that you (juitted your 
 homes, and pon'ftrated the heart of the ene- 
 jny's country Vv'as it to avenge llic biood of 
 ',^ur fellow citizens, inhumanly sh;in by that 
 ■ ncmy; — to give security in future to our ox- 
 tcndedand uuprotected frontier, and to sig-na!- 
 i/.e the valour by which you were animated? 
 Will any of tlicae objects be attaineU if you 
 abandon the c.amp.'u.'rn at the time you contcm- 
 Tibite' Notync! Yctin opj)ortunity sh.all be 
 drorded you, if you desire it. If you have been 
 -eally actuated by the feellnr;-.';, and {governed 
 by th'- motivf-'s, which yourcommandini^ &-'i-- 
 ral Ri;',)i.'jscs iirutltienoed you to ta!;e n[) arms, 
 urd enter the field in detenc-r of your ri};Uii, 
 none of you will resist the appeal he now make?', 
 or hcsiiate to embrace witli cajjcrness, the op- 
 portunity he is about to ali'urd you- 
 
 *' The enemy, more than half conquered, 
 ■^T* 'V'5^' i"? ''n^'niT^'erur'nt ari'l finnc f-urn th.i 
 
 tardincA; of our 04:)tli'aia.uis, aioi titeuislraciioii'. 
 which have unhappily prevailed in our camja, 
 are again assembling below us. Another lesson 
 of adinonition must be furnished them. They 
 must attain be made to fe^l the v.-eight of that 
 powf^r wiiich they have, without cause, pro- 
 vokid to w.ar; and to know, that although we 
 have bcin slow to take up arms, we will never 
 Jay them from our hands until we have secured 
 the objects that impclh'd us to the resort. In 
 lesstiiun cit^lit days I shall leave this encamp- 
 ment to meet and fi(^ht them. Will any of you 
 accompany me? Av^ there any anionpst you, 
 wh), at a moment like this, will net think it an 
 outrage upon houor, fur her feelings to be test- 
 ed by a computation of time? What rf the pc- 
 ri')d for which you tendered your services to 
 your countrj- has expired — rs that a considera- 
 tion with the valiant, the patriotic, and thci 
 bravo, who have ajjpeared to reitrcss tho in- 
 jured rights of that country, an-d to acquiro for 
 themselves the name of gloiy? Is it a consi- 
 deration w ith tliem, wiien those objects are still 
 unattained, and an ojiportunity of acquiriii^ 
 them is so neiir at liand? Did stich men enter 
 tho Held like hirelings — to serve for pay ' Does 
 all regard for their country, their families, and 
 themselves, expire with the time for which 
 tl.ie;r services were engaged? \\\\\ it be a suf- 
 ficient gratification to their feelings, that they 
 served out three months, u ithout seeing the en- 
 emy, aTid then abandon'jd the campaign, when 
 the enemy was in the neighboHiood, and could 
 be seen and conquered in ten d,a_\\s! Any rctro- 
 spc-ct they can make, of the sacnfices thej have 
 encountered, and the privations they have eil- 
 durcd, will ailbrd but little satisfaction un- 
 der Eucli circumstances; — the very mention of 
 the (J."eek war, must cover them with the bUish- 
 cs of shame, and self-abasement. Having en- 
 gaged for only three months, and that period 
 having expired, you are not bound to servo any 
 longer: — but are you bound by nothing else? 
 Surely, as honorable and high-minded men, 
 you must, at such a moment as the present, feel 
 other obligations than tlie law imposes. A fear 
 of the punishment of the law, did not bring you 
 into camp; — that its demands are satisfied, will 
 not take you from it. You had higher objects 
 in\iew, — sotne greater good to attain. This, 
 your General believes, — nor can he believe 
 otiierwisc, williout doing you great injustice. 
 
 "Your service.^ are m.-l asked for longer than 
 twenty days; and who will he.Vitate making 
 sucii a s/icnflce when the good of iiis countrj' 
 and hi.-i ()wn,f;»fxie arc at btake' Who under 
 the pres.-nt ;upee.t of alfairs', will even reckon 
 it a sacrifice' When we svt out to meet thi.- 
 cnemy, tliis post must be retained and defend- 
 ed; if any of you will remain, and render the 
 .service, it will he noless imporrnnt than if you 
 h:id marched to 'li.; butile; nor will your Gene- 
 ral le.ss tliankfuliy acknowledge it. Tuesday 
 next, the line of march will be l:ikcn up: and 
 in a fuw I'.iys t.i Tcai'it-r, tiie objects of tlie ^x- 
 cursinu will bo c'Vected . As patriotic men, then, 
 I ask you for your service.^; and thus long, I have; 
 no doubt you wiU cheerfidly render tiiem. I 
 am well aware, that you are all anxious to re- 
 turn to your faniilies tnu homes, and that joii 
 arc eniitled to do :;o; yet .-.tay a little longer, — 
 go with mc, and meet the enemy, and you can 
 th'^n t'e'iirn, nr '. o:iIv ••,'•'>. ♦'^•o '""iisrifiu5UC'3 '■•i 
 
73 
 
 having ptirioi'iiifa your duty, but vllh tlia glo- ble for j ou u) receive iu Uine j'or tfie danger 
 rjous exultation of having done even more ttiail that threatens'* How did the venerable Shelby 
 
 Ihey required." 
 
 Gov. Blount in bis letter to the Secretary of 
 War said: "Wben these troops v.ci'e called 
 into service, the term they were expected to 
 sene was not meatioiied in t'.ie instructions, I 
 received froin the M'ar Depar'mcnt, cr in the 
 act of the General AsseiMbly oftlie State, tinder 
 which a part of that force were cane<l out, 
 neither was it mcn'ior.ed in my or;ler cal!in|^ 
 them out, I not having been advised of the 
 most acceptable term to the provornment, and 
 know of no other limitation to the service, th.an 
 such as was provided by acts of Congi-ess, un- 
 less sooner dischargfed by order of t!ie presi- 
 dent." In Ids letter to Gen. Jackson, he said: 
 spoking of these troops, '* The niUilia are de- 
 tached for six months service." 
 
 Yet Gen. Jackaon who believed tliat these 
 men were legally called into the service for 
 six months, aitd that the Governor was under 
 the influence of fire-side politicians, whose 
 jiatrlotism was an a]5pendage, worn as a co- 
 quette (k>es a fine ribband merely for show, to 
 
 act, under similar circumstances, or rather, un- 
 der circumstances by no means so critical- 
 Did he v. ait for orders to do what every ma^ 
 of sense knew — what every patriot felt to be 
 right? He did not; and yet how highly and 
 justly did Gcveinment extol liis manly and ei;- 
 e'-gstic conflict ! and liow dear has his name 
 become to every friend tif h;s country ! 
 
 •» Vou sa)', that an order to bring the neces- 
 sary quota af men into the field !ias been given, 
 and that of course your power coasefi ; and, al- 
 tiioagh you arc made acnsiblc that the order has 
 l)een-vv'holly neglected, you can take no mea- 
 sure to remedy the omission.. Widely different, 
 indeed, is my opiiiion. I consider it your iiff- 
 pericusdaty, when the mencalkd for by your 
 authority, founded upon that of the government, 
 are knovrn Jiot to be in the field, to sec tha-; 
 they he brought tlicre; and to t;ike innnediate 
 measures w'lb the cfliccr, v.ho, charged with 
 the execution of your ordi'r, omits or neglects 
 to do it. As the execT..tive of the State, it is 
 your ditty to see that"tl)c full quota of t.f-oop.s be 
 constar.t'y kept in the field, for the time they 
 
 an honorable difcliarge 
 service, and the patriotic feelings which ac- 
 tuated Gen Jackson, will be better spoken in 
 his own language. A few days after this ad- 
 dress to his volnnteers, he wrote to Governor 
 Blount as follows: 
 
 belaul aside or applied as necessuy may re- ^,^^.^ been required. You are responsible to 
 qmre * when the appeal o the.r patriotism h:id ^^^^ -Government; your officer to yon. Of wha^. 
 faded to retam them )n the service, gave tnem ^^^^ .^ ,^ .^ .;^ ^^.^^^^.^ .^.-^ j;^ ,^^_^.^,. ^^^^^j^. 
 
 Iheer.igcnciesofthe ^^^ ^,^^ may be disobeyed with impunity. Is 
 it by empty mandates, that we can hope to 
 conquer onr enemies, and save our defencele.ss 
 frontiers from butchery and devastation? liC;, 
 lieve mc, my valued friend, there are times whtrL 
 it is highly criminid to shrink from responsibili- 
 "H»d your vv'isli, thati shovdd discharge a part ' ty, or scruple about the exercise of cur power:?, 
 •of my force, and retire with the residue into the There are limes wlica we must disregard punc.. 
 s^ettlemento. assumed the form of a positive or- tiiious etiquette, and tiiir.k only of #.;rving oxir 
 uer, it might have furnished me some apology country. \^'hat is really our present situation' 
 for pursuing such a course, but by no means a The enemy we have been sent to subdue, may 
 DOVifers? Do you wait for special insfnictions be said, if we stop at this, to be only exasperat- 
 i'rom the Secretary at War, which it is impossi- ed. The commander in chief. General Pinck- 
 
 ncj', vv'ho supposes mc by this time prepared for 
 
 * Gen .Tackson in a letter to Gen. V>'!Uiam renewed operations, has ordered me to advanc"--: 
 
 Cocke, dated Fort Stroiher, February 17th, and forma junction vvith the Georgia army; 
 
 181-3- said: " and, upon the expectation that I will do so, are 
 
 HEADQUARTERS, 1 all his a" rangement.s formed for the prosecution 
 
 roiiT Sthotiikh, Feb. ITth' 1814. 3 of the campaign. Will it do to defeat his plans. 
 
 Sir, Your two letters of the &th and 14th and jeopardise the .safety of the Georgia ariuy ' 
 
 instant, have been received, but from the con- The'Gcncnd Government, too, bel'-eve, nnd 
 
 tmued hurry of business with which I am sur- have a right to believe, that wc have now noUess 
 
 rounded, I have not had time to answer them than five thousand men in the heart -of the 
 
 until nov,-. ■ enemy's country: .and on this opir.'.on arc all 
 
 The importance of the service you have ren- their calcuhiticms bottomed; and must tliey ali 
 
 'and transporting- the supplies to this place: the known, such portion of the md:lia as have reu- 
 
 active exertions' of a patriot oWtxly-fM years of dcred three months' servic.;. Th:s adv.ce a?- 
 
 c'^e, will cc? tv.inly ffiTuuhic the youthful soid'cr tonlshes me, even n;ore thr.n the fcnner. I have 
 
 ^TAisi/ji/v. such examples have become necessa- no such discretionar\- povv. r; and if I had, it 
 
 rv I fivdiho^eivho idk raost of war and mnkcihi: would be impolitic i-wl rmneus to exercise )% 
 
 -'■rcahst Oiisflt about our wjdrul ri.s.li(s at home, I believed the militia who were not specially 
 
 "are the lat to step forward in rrdk-.tion of tho^a received for a shorter period, were engaged tur 
 
 ■r'ynts. Patriotism is an appendage which such six roonth.s unless the objects of the expedition 
 
 m<n wear as a coquette does a fine ribband, stiould be sooner atiaincd; :ind m tins opanen 
 
 M-'-reiv fi»r show, and to be laid aside or ar,plied I was greatly strengthened, by vuur letter of 
 
 js necessity may requ-re. tlie Ji-th, in which you say, wlicn answering 
 
 i have the honor to be, t:c. n;y inquiry upon this subject, _♦' the militia arr. 
 
 ANi>Ki:W JACKSON, detaclicd for six montiis' rcrvice;" nor cbd I 
 
 Mcror Gencrnl corn.'tw.ndinx. know, or suppose you ii.ad a different onhv':.'- 
 
 .,w -..-J y.-.-r-.Ti, r^'-l-'>. " iM\r.l ■h'i C' r'"id of vo-ir last !■:•.!?:•, 
 
This opinion must, 1 suppose, agreeably to 
 vour request, be made known to General Ro- 
 berts' brig-ade,a!Kl then the conscquc7iccs are not 
 diflicult to be foreseen. Every man belonging- to 
 it, will abandon me on the 4tti ot'ncxt moiitli; nor 
 shall I have the means of prcvcnlinij it, but by 
 full justification. As you would have no power 
 to give such an order, I could not be inculpable 
 in obeying, with my eyes opt-n to thr <"atal con- 
 sequences that woidd attend it. IVit <t Oare re- 
 commendation, founded, as I am sf'tianc 1 it 
 must be, on the artful suggestions of those lire- 
 side ijatriots, who seek m the failure of the ex- 
 pedition, an excuse for their o\vn supineness; 
 and upon the misrcprescntat;ons ci the discon- 
 tented from the army, vvho wish it to be believ- 
 ed, th-at the diihculties vbtcii overcame their 
 patriotism are wiwlly insurmountable, would 
 Gilford me but a feeble shield against the re- 
 proachssof my countiy or my conscience. Be- 
 lieve me, my respected friend, the reinarks L 
 make proceed from the purest personal regard, 
 ir you would preserve )our reputation, or that of 
 the State over which yyu preside, you must take 
 a straight-forv.-ard determined course, rcgoidless 
 •of the applause or censure of the populace, 
 and of the forebodings of that dastardly aiid de- 
 signing cicw, who at a time like this, may be 
 expected to clamour continuall_v in your ears. 
 The very wretclies who now beset you with evil 
 counsel, will be the first, should the measures 
 vhich they recommend, eventuate in disaster, 
 to call down imprecations on your head, and 
 load you with reproaches. Your couritiy is in 
 danger — apply its resources to its defei-.ce! Can 
 any course be more plain' Do you, my friend, 
 at such a moment as the present, sit with your 
 arms folded, and your hv^art at ease, waiting a 
 solution of your doubts, and a dcfinili-n of your 
 the application of force, which, u'luer such cir- 
 cumstances, 1 sliall not be at liberty to use. I 
 have labored hard to reconcile tliese men to a 
 continuance in service, until they could be hon- 
 orably discharged, and had hoped I had, ui a 
 great measure, succeeded. IJut your opinion, 
 operating with their own pi-ejudices, will give 
 a sanction to tiieir conduct, and render useless 
 any further attempts. They wdl go; but 1 can 
 neither discharge nor dismiss them. Shall I be 
 told, that as they will go, it may as well be jieace- 
 abl\' permitted, can that l)e any good rcasuii why 
 Ishoulddoan unauthorised act' Is it a good 
 reason why 1 should violate the order of my 
 superior oiVicer, and evince a willingness to de- 
 feat the purposes of my government.'' And 
 wherein does the "sound policy" of the mea- 
 sures that have been reconnncndi d consist' Or 
 in v/hat way are they "likely to promote the 
 public good"* Is it sound policy to ab.m- 
 don a conquest thus far nlade, and deliver 
 «ip to havoc, or add to the itumbcr of our 
 enemies, those friendly Creeks and Cherokees, 
 who, relying on our protecti<m, have es- 
 poused our cause, and aided us wiih their 
 arms? Is it good policy to turn loose upon our 
 defenceless frontiers, five thousand exasperated 
 savages, to reek their hands once more in the 
 blood of our citizens^ What! retrograde under 
 such circumstances! I will jjcrish first. No, I 
 will do my duty: I will iioldlhe posts I have es- 
 tablished, until ordered tu abandon them by the 
 commanding general, or die in the struggle; 
 Jong since have I determined not to seek the 
 
 preservation of life at tive sacrlhce ofrepuialjoj.. 
 "But our frontiers, it .seems, are to be de- 
 fended, and by wliom' By the very force that 
 is now recommended to be dismissed; for J 
 am first told to retire into the settlements, and 
 protect the frontiers; next, to discharge my 
 troops; and tiien, that no measures can be taken 
 for raising others. No, my friend, if troops be 
 given to me, it is not by loitering on the fron- 
 tiers, that I will seek to give protection; they 
 arc to be defended, if defended at all, in a very 
 different tnanner; — by carrying the war into the 
 heart of the enemy's country. All other hopes 
 of defence, are more visionary than dreams. 
 What then 's to be done' I'll tell you what, 
 you liAve only to act with the energ)' and deci- 
 sion the cri.sis demands, and all will be well. 
 .Sknk mk a Fdncr. engagku fou six months, A?fD 
 I wiLi, ANswKU ron tbe uesult — but withhold 
 it, and all is lost, — tlie reputation of the State^ 
 and your's and mine, along with it." 
 
 In reply to this letter. Governor BlountVrotc 
 to General Jackson as follows: 
 
 Governor Bhunl to General Jackson. 
 
 "Nashville, December 22, ISl-l. 
 
 ^ J)car Sir: Since writing you fully of this tlatc, 
 I have received, by Major David Smith, your 
 very interesting letter, replete with patriotic 
 sentiments, dated the 15th instant. You will 
 see, by my letter of the 10th, to the Secretary 
 of War, how I am placed with the respect to 
 instructions, which, as it relates to the good of 
 the service, and a most righteous cause, in sup- 
 port of which you are most laudaldy and zea- 
 lously engaged, I much regret T/te wifurlU' 
 nafe consimcfion ^'veii by the troops, to f^eneral- 
 ly, resptci'nig their term uf service, at this very 
 intereding cisis j/? pubic cffairf, in th.s section 
 of the Union, is to be Inmtnttd; but, since it is 
 the most (rcnerul, and likely to bccijine clmost the. 
 univen^al, construction in camp,- tmd .since there 
 is no authority rusted here, trot can be interposed, 
 to give a counter current of opinion, tcth the pros- 
 pect of effecting any j)cr?nonenf good, to the ser- 
 vice, or to the cause you arc engaged in, and as it 
 is likily that my litter of the U)t/i instant will 
 produce new orders for a term of .service y.i to 
 cornotenci; ivhirh under all airruinstancei/, uould 
 be moit judicious in Governmeit to give, tfie bet- 
 tor to tjfrct the otjects of the campaign, niore espe- 
 cially as there is reason to believe that u British 
 flat has arrived at Pensacola.- I cani'Ot doubt 
 but that the Govirnnient will shortly give new 
 instruciions to have a new force organi.7ed, to 
 efiVct the objects of the campaign, ic to oppose 
 the British; and that the Prcsideiit will be sat- 
 isfied to considtr that the three months' tour 
 peiformed by your, and by general Cockcs de- 
 tachments, with so much good to the service, 
 and so much credit to youi-selves, may termi- 
 nate the present c:impaign." 
 
 It will be seen hy this letter, a copy of wliich 
 was enclosed to the Secretary of War, on the 
 24th of December, that Gov' Blount in rejily 
 to Gen. J.ackson's earnest api)v.'a) to to send him 
 him nu-n for s;x monthu, lauu-nts tlie unfortu- 
 nate construction given to their term of service 
 by the troops, says — that he has no ]>ower to 
 interpose to give a counter current, and hopes 
 that Govenmicnt, meaning th.at of the Un.ted 
 States, will give new nrdTs. which it is hoped 
 
■ ileftect mare permaueiiig-ooil to the semes ing tlie said posts, a', jour option; iv/ac,i .air 
 
 tlie 11th of tude, in relation to calls for vitn to act aguimttkt 
 Creeks, in furtherance of the views of government 
 
 Armstrong 
 
 on 
 
 Accordingly Mr 
 January says; 
 
 7 he Secretary of War, to Governor Blount. 
 . Waii Devabtjiext, Jan. 11, 1814. 
 
 Sin : You are autliorized to supply, by militia 
 drafts, or by volunteers, any deficiency which 
 may arise in llie militia division, under the com- 
 mand of Major General Jackso.i, and without 
 referring, on this head, U> tliis Department. It 
 may be well tliat your Excellency should con- 
 sult General Pickney on sucli occasions, as he 
 can best judge of the whole number necessary 
 to the attainment of the pu>.i.c objects. 
 I have the honor, ?ic. 
 
 J. AUMSTRONG. 
 His Exc'y the Govarnor of Tcnnesssee. 
 
 And again, on the 31st of January, 1814, he 
 wrote : 
 
 "Sin: I had the honor to receive your Excel- 
 lency's letter of the 5th inst. My letter of the 
 11th will have anticipated your inquiries rela- 
 tive to further detachments of militia. 'The at- 
 tention of the Paymaster of the Army will be 
 particularly directed to the payment of the 
 
 in that behalf, is given to me by instructions from 
 the War Department. Those troops will be 
 commanded by an ofilcer of the rank of colo- 
 nel, and will be required to rendezvous .it Fa 
 yetteville, onthe 20th of June next: thence 
 they will proceed to the .above-mentioned posts, 
 under vour order, in such number to each.as you 
 shall ass" gn. It is important to the pubhc in- 
 terests, that tliey should he at tlie.r posts be- 
 tween tlie 1st and lOth of July next, :.s about 
 that time the term of service of the troops, 
 now there, under colonel Bunch will expire, 
 and at which posts there is much public proper- 
 ty committed to their charge. 
 
 You will order the muster master to attend 
 and mvistcr the troops into service — you will 
 call on the contractor for provisions, and on the 
 assistant deputy quartermaster Ukewise, fo" 
 Sipphesin his department. 
 
 (Signed) AVILLIE BLOUNT. " 
 
 ToMaj. Gen. Andhew Jackson, 
 
 Second division of Tennessee Mihtia.'". 
 
 Upon the receipt of this-order. Gen. Jackson, 
 then a Maior General in the mihtia of the Slate, 
 
 troops, who have been in service from Tennes- issued the follo\ying general order: 
 
 " Brave Tennetseeans of the 2d division. The 
 Creek war, through the Divine aid of I'rovl- 
 dence, and the valor of tiiose engaged in the 
 campaign, in which you bore a conspicuous 
 share, has been brouglit to a happy termination. 
 Good policy requires that the territory con- 
 quered should be garrisoned, a'-.d possession 
 retamed, until appropriated by ttie Government 
 of the United States. In pursuance of this po> 
 licy, and to relieve the troops now stationed at 
 foits^ Williams, Str;.theT, and Armstrong, on the 
 Coota river, as well as Old and New Dcpo.sit, I 
 am commanded by liis excellency, Governor 
 Blount, to call from my division one thousand 
 men in tlie service of the United States, for the 
 period of six months, unless sooner discharged 
 
 see. 
 
 I have tlie honor to be, very respectfully, 
 vour excellency's most obedient servant, 
 
 (Signed,) J. AUMSTRONG." 
 
 His Excellency W. Bloust, 
 
 Governor of Tennessee. 
 
 Again on the 4th of February, t^e Secretary 
 wrote to Gen. Jackson as follows: 
 
 ITie Secretary of War to General Jackson. 
 Wi.a Department, Feb. 4, 1814. 
 Sin: Since the receipt of your letter, of De- 
 cember oOth, the Governor of Tennessee has 
 been required to call out the militia to reinforce 
 your command, and provide for the exigencies 
 of the service in that quarter, in which he is also 
 
 required to consult the commanding General. by order of the President of the United State*. 
 
 J. ARMSTRONG. The Brigadier Generals, or officers command- 
 
 Gen. Andrew Jackson, Fort Strother. lug the 4th, 5th, 6th, Tth, and 9tli Brig.ades oi 
 
 , ^, , the 2d divisions will fortliwith furnish from their 
 
 Acting, as we presume,, under these orders ^^^ respectively, by draft or voluntary en- 
 
 the Governor of Tennessee, on the 20th of ;-2icn/, two hundred r^en. 'vith two captains, 
 
 May, 1814, issuecithc following general order: ^^^^^ ^^^^^ ,^^ ^^^^^^^^ ^^^ ^^^.^ ^,^i^j lleutcnant.s, 
 
 and two ensigns, well armed and equipped for 
 active service, to be rendezvoused at Fayette- 
 ville, Lincoln county, in the State of Tennessee, 
 on the 20th of June nex% and then be organiz- 
 ed into a regiment, at which place tiie field ofll- 
 cers, and the muster master will be ordered to 
 meet them. 
 
 Officers commanding the brigades composing 
 the 2d division of Tennessee militia, are charg- 
 ed with the prompt and due execution of this 
 order. 
 
 ANDREW JACKSON, My. Gen. 
 Commanding 2d dioisiori, M. T." 
 
 Under this oi'dcr the six militiamen were mus- 
 tered iv.to service on tlie 20tli of June, for a 
 tour of six months, in conformity with General 
 
 "Naskvilxe, May 20, 1814. 
 Sir: In compliance with the requisition of 
 
 Major General Thomas Pinckney,that the posts 
 
 of Fort William3,Fort Strother, Fort Arm.strong, 
 
 Fort Ross, and Forts Old and New Deposit, 
 
 should be kept up, the doing of v.-hich he has 
 
 confided to you, until the objects of the Govern* 
 
 ment in relation to the war against the hostile 
 
 Creek Indians shall have been fully effected; 
 
 and from the probable expiration of the time of 
 
 service of the troops, now occupying those im- 
 portant posts, commanded by Col. Bunch, prior 
 
 to a final accomplishment of the views of Go- 
 vernment in relation to the Creek war, ynu will, 
 without delay, order out one thousand miUtia in- 
 fantrxj of the 2d division, for the term of six 
 MONTHS, unless sooner disciiarged by order of Jackson's pres-^ing request to Gov. Blount, in 
 the President of tlie United States, or, you may his letter of the 15lli of December, saying — 
 accept a tender of service of t'le above number " send me a force engaged for six :«ovtiis, and 
 of volunteer infantry from the 2d division for / loillansivir for theresuff — htif fifhhn'd it fivii 
 *h'^ aforesaid ♦■'^rm, for thf purpo-;e of garrisnn- all la Insf " 
 
70 
 
 VVc iia.vc UiUd pi'iAc*! that ifii^e men were 
 legally mustered into service for six montha, 
 ^yh!ch more fully appears from an extract from 
 the letter of the Secretary of War, to the edi- 
 tor of this paper, dated 
 
 DEPAnTinEN'T OF Will, 
 
 'October 16, 1827. 
 
 "The motives wliich induced me to comply 
 with year fo/niGr request h;ive iniiuenctd me 
 again, thoug-h not without difficulty, to trans- 
 mit you tl;e inforn:ati'in requested, which is 
 crisclosed in tlie followi. g-extrac* from a report 
 made to me hy the third Auditor: 'It appears 
 Col. Philip Pipkm's rcg-lmiut was mustered 
 into strvice at Fuyettevijle, in June, 1814, for 
 six m-jnths, by Robert "[lays, Aasistaiit Inspector 
 General of the militia of said t?tate, and that 
 said regiment was mustered out of .'.crvicc by 
 the saiTie officer, at tlic sam- place, on the 27l!i 
 January, 1815; the services general!}- com- 
 menced on the 20th June, 1814, f;om which 
 time to the 27th Januaiy, 1S15, the troops were 
 generally paid, exclusive of travelling allow- 
 ances from rayettcville to theii- homes."* 
 
 From this certificate it appears that the six 
 militia men were mustered into service on the 
 20lh of June, 1811, and tl'.c inquiry naturally 
 arises — why did tlic Secre;« ry of War biing 
 into his report the correij^ dence with the 
 Governor of Tennessee, ubout militia who were 
 dismissed the service on the 14th of December, 
 1815'' ^Vc have met tiiis view of the ca^e, be- 
 cause we I'.ave had no desb'e to blink the ques- 
 tion in its worst shape. We micht well rest 
 onr defence of Gen. Jackson, so far as he is 
 involved in this inquir}-, upon the simple 
 fact that the (iorcrnor of Tennessee wiis tlie 
 bourcc througli whom he received the order of 
 the Secretary of War, relative to the term of 
 service — the order of the Governor exjirtssly 
 says that the requisition is made for a tenn oi'aix 
 months, under the imtriictions of the IVar Depart- 
 ment. Gen. Jackson -was bound to believe and 
 to execute the order oi" tlie Governor of the 
 
 So much for the term of service. Ilul tlic 
 tenn of service has nothing to do with the mer- 
 its of thecase. Harris and iiis associates were 
 condemned to die for nuiliny and dw.ruction 
 of public property, commi'.tcd before the expi- 
 ration of three mon'.!is. Col. Pipkin, their com- 
 manding officer j-aid of them: 
 
 «• A short time previous to this, fthe. 2Ctk of 
 " September J the s^ie party demolished the 
 *• bake house, dcstrwed the (;veii, and did ma- 
 " ny otutr disorderly and mutinous acts. The 
 " d.iy previous to their desertion, a large nimi- 
 •• ber purad-ed armed, and mu.'-ched towards 
 •• the comiTiissary stores. J ordered them to 
 ♦' ilispersc, but my order was disregarded, and 
 •' they forced the guards btatiom-d for the pro- 
 •' tcction of the stores. The Conmiissr.ry .au- 
 •' tici:'ated their design, closed ana locked thu 
 " dcor, but that did not rcsirain them; for one 
 ' ' of the men, (who wa.i afterwards shot by sen- 
 " tence of the court martial,) immediateiv 
 •• snatditd up a pick-axe, and cut the door olf 
 " its hinges. J'liey then entered the house, 
 "' and took out eleven bnncls of llour, and made 
 ■' public proclamation to all who intended going 
 "horp'^, to come f'"-\'r'irJ arvl draw rat:on>". 
 
 " which tiaey diJ. 'I iicy aUervi'ai'ds procee4eu 
 •• to the bullock pen, and shot down \vfo 
 " beeves, and the balance taking fright, broke 
 " the pen and ran some distanae, where they 
 "killed a third." 
 
 Colonel Russel who is appealed to in Binns' 
 Coffin Handbill, in reply to Col. Arthur L. 
 Campbell, of Kentucky, s.\vs: 
 
 7th. ?Tlutiny and desertion are the highest 
 crimes kn wn to the law for the government of 
 the army 
 
 8th. The evidence in support of the charges 
 against the militia was positive, and free from 3 
 shadow of doubt. They committed the offence 
 m broad di\y light, in the presence of the troops 
 that remained fai'hful, the agents of tlic coii- 
 tracU.r, and every body on ttie gi-ound. 
 
 Wi. They were without justification or ex- 
 cuse, though so long as they hoped for life, they 
 allcdged as an excuse, their pr'^tcnded belief 
 that no law existed to hold them to service mere 
 than t!>ree months, in which they had been sus- 
 tained by the opinions of some of their officers. 
 However, !)e.fore their execution they :ibandoi>- 
 ed this excuse, as tliey knew better — and said 
 tiiat those officers who had encouraged th.em to 
 thefatr.1 deed, ought to die as well as they. 
 
 Col. Kussel! is a friend of Mr. Adam?, and 
 having been referred to in t!ie "coffin han<l bdl," 
 as an eye witness, is entitled to be bei;e\ed by 
 the friends of the administration.. Uc ."om- 
 manded the regiment wiio executed the sen- 
 tence of the court, and in reply to the state- 
 ment that these men were executed after the 
 peace, he said: 
 
 "We had tia knowledge of a treaty of pean 
 having bcjn signed at Ghent, till more lh:ji a 
 month aftrr the app' oval of the sentence, and 
 15 or 20 days after its execution. At such a 
 ti no, the least relaxation in discipline might 
 have proved ruinous to the countr)'." 
 
 In reference to the State of the army at the 
 time of tile execution of these men. Col. Rus- 
 sell said: 
 
 14. "In the then state of things, thcuxecntion 
 of tiie whole posse, ahhougli painful to behold, 
 was nothing more than a tluc administratioii of 
 justice; nor did I ever hear it doubted or ques- 
 tion.-<l, till in the sunnner of 1834, when the 
 whole affair was so perverted and misrepresent- 
 ed, tliat a stranger, if he believed tlie talc, 
 must iiave thougiit that the Genera! and all his 
 i)ffice'-3 delighted in shedding innocent blood 
 lor amusement. I felt bound to correct the ab- 
 surd story, when and wherever I heard it, and 
 I have always continued to do so." 
 
 Having thus as we trust for the last time, 
 noticed this affair pf the six militnimen, we 
 beg leave to make a few comments. It is 
 painful to find ourselves constrained to speak 
 in such terms of tlie Secretary of War; bnt 
 A-e shrink not from duty. Wo are fortified with 
 truth, and upon him be the consequences of 
 his conduct. 
 
 Mr. Barbn;ir during the past sun-,mer, in tra- 
 vtning through the country, retailed Biims' in- 
 famoas pamphlet about Gen. Jackson. Ttiat 
 he has lent himself to the further circulation of 
 the 'i;argc, r'.ppear.i froTJ »hr; manir::' in 'vh;"',. 
 
V / 
 
 lie arranged liic tiocaniejVLs' under the call of 
 the House, on Mr. Slopj-.c-'s resolutimi. That 
 the documents were thus airangecl by him ap- 
 pears from the fact that Gen. Duncan, the meiii- 
 bcr of Congress from llHnois, called at liis of- 
 fice :iie.\v days before his report was marie, for 
 the purpose of transacting;' some official busi- 
 ness; Mr. Barbour be.^ged him to call on some 
 oilier da)', and said that he was then eng'a^'cd 
 in examining- \\ii documents relative to the six 
 militia men, and pointed to the papers wlTicli 
 wore gpreftd before lii'n on tlic table. Gen. 
 Duncan cft-^uall} nentioned tliis fact in convtr- 
 sation, and wc Siow state it witluuit ins know- 
 hidg-Ci but Mr. Barbour havin;^, in a subsequent 
 report, tudcavoVod to cliarge tlie arrangement 
 of tlie -japers to the ccyaa \n his Department, 
 we .lone.il <o iicn. Duncan, and to sundiv c^her 
 members of Coi^qress, v/ho havi". conversed 'vitb. 
 him on the subject, to confu-m what we say. — 
 Tlie documents thus cxammod by Mr. Barbour 
 v/ere submitted to a committee, who found tliat 
 he iiad so arrang'cd tliem as to make an injjpres- 
 Fion tliat Harris and his associates vere called 
 :nto service fortb.rec months, 'riiey exposed tlie 
 imposition .ittemntcd to bo practised upon the 
 House. The Secretary of War, thus convicted, 
 endeavored, by cha.-£^ing- it to his clerks, to es- 
 cape the odium of i!\e act. 
 
 In the moan tune, two title pag^es were inade 
 by the public pi-inter, for the purpose of ena- 
 bil)ig- the partisans of the coalition, to cii-cnlate 
 the documents separate from the repv,rt of tb.e 
 Committee, in violation of the order of the 
 Ifcuse. That trick wsts also detected, by the 
 vigilance of Col. Hamihon, lliechairmrn cf tiie 
 Committee, on Mii^uxry Alfairs, wiien tiie parti- 
 7ans of the adnnnistration ensployed .another 
 print to publish a new edition, vpurporting' to 
 be upon autliority of t.he Mouse, ulihoagii in <h- 
 rcct violati )n of its order. Ag-ain, die party 
 prints, acting upon t:;e example set them here, 
 print so much of the correrpondeuce as relates 
 to the mihtia, called into the service in 1813, by 
 order of the Governor of Tennessee, who were 
 discharged the service, on the 14th of Decem- 
 ber, 1813, and omit all that part of the corres- 
 pondence, wliich relates to the six militiamen. 
 To aidtliisfraiidulcnt publication, the Secretary 
 of War, procured from Mr. Charles J. Nourse, 
 tbe following- FAi.SR certificate, which in viola- 
 tion of the A'illof the House, he prefixed to liis 
 report. 
 
 Certificate of the Chief Clerk of the Diparlment 
 of IVar. 
 DErAiiTJiEST OF Wah, Jan. 24th, 1823. 
 I certify that 1 have, by direction ©f the Si'c- 
 retarj' of War, carefully exami.ied the records 
 of this Department, and that the accompanying 
 p2pers,nambered from 1 to 12,are true copies 
 of all the correspondence in tlie War Depart- 
 ment, between the President or Secretary of 
 ^Va:', and the Govenior of Tennessee, during 
 the late war, on the subject of tl-;C time fwr 
 which the drai'tcd militia of said State .should 
 sei-vc in the armies oi the United States; and I 
 further certify, that it docs not aiipear from the 
 records of this Department, tliat .any api>hca- 
 tion wa-s made by the Governor of Tennessee, 
 to the War Department, on the subject of the 
 length of service of the detachm-.'nt of the Ten- 
 nessee militiii; d. ; '-d under the o-ders oft!if^ 
 
 Governor of that State, issued on tiie 20tii uav 
 of May, 1814, and afteru'ards placed under tl*.^ 
 command of Lieutenant Colonel Philip Pipkin: 
 or that any orders, general or special, were 
 made or issued by the President oi the United 
 St.ates, or by the Secretary of War, concerning 
 or relating to the lenpth of service of *that de- 
 tachment. CllR. J . N0UR5C, Chief Uerk. 
 
 We say that this certificate was given in vio- 
 lation of the will of the House, because it was 
 expressly isiated by tiie members of the majori- 
 ty that they wanted no certificate cr opinion 
 from the Secretary of War. Vet he procure<l 
 this certificate from the ciiief Clerk, which he 
 substituted for nis own 
 
 We s.ay t^at the certificate is false, because 
 it asserts tiiat it does not appear from ihe re- 
 cords of the department, tiiat any application 
 vv-as made by the Governor of Tennessee, to tli'; 
 WarDepartiiient, on the subject of tiie length 
 of service of the detachment of Tennessee nii!.- 
 tiamen detailed under the orders of the Govcr- 
 noi- of that State, issued on tlie 20th. day of Ma\'. 
 1814, and afterwards placed under the con;- 
 mand of Lieut. Col. Pipkin.: or that any orders 
 general or special were made or issued by the 
 President of the United States, or by tlie Sec- 
 retaiy erf War, concerning or relating to the 
 length- of service of that detachment'" — when 
 from the letters of Governor Blount and tbe 
 Secretary of War, reported by Mr. Barbour, it 
 appears that the whole of that corrcspondenc-e 
 relat-xl to the term of service of the troops then 
 in the field, and those that were subsequently 
 called into the service; and it iurther app'':ars 
 that Gevernor Blount not only understood tlie 
 letters of the Secretary of War, to authoj-lze 
 him to cull the troojis under the command of 
 Colonel Pipkin, into service for six months, 
 but the Secretary of War, himself, so under- 
 stood them. Why else, when Governor Bloun'; 
 wrote to him tiiat he l^d construed the order, 
 to authorize him to call out these men for six 
 months, and that he had called them into ser- 
 vice for that period, did the Secretary not in- 
 form him, that t!;c orders had not been properly 
 understood.^ 
 
 Rut what is to be the result of .all this cant 
 about the six militiamen? Why this political 
 whining about men who had committed mutiny 
 and arson.' If Gen. Jackson has done wrong, 
 in rilafion to these men, he had comm.itte-l the; 
 offence befoi e Mr. Barbour defended his con 
 duct on another occasion; and Gen. Jackson i 
 the sume mannow, that he v.-as when Mr. Ad- 
 ams, in his reply to the Committee, notifying 
 him of his election, said that Gen. Jackson wa;; 
 cjual'fietl for the duties of President. But we 
 repeat the question — what is to be tile result of 
 this whining-, political caid, abjut l!ie six r.ii'i 
 tiamcn' 
 
 By the 7th article of the Rules and .Vrticlc.=i 
 of W.ar, " Any oflicer or soldier, who shall be- 
 gin, excite, or join in any mutiny or sedition, in 
 ariv troop or company in tiie service oi" the I'. 
 States, orjuany party, post, detachment, or 
 guard, shall suHcr de.ath. cr such other punisl.- 
 ments, as, by a Court Martial, shall be inflict- 
 ed." By t!ic Stli article, a similar penalty is 
 awarded^ wlicre any ofilcer or scidier <• docs 
 not use his utmost ende.wors to sitfjprcssa mu- 
 tiny, <^r. coming to lite knowledge nf^T. ;-.f,= n,i 
 
s 
 
 cJ iiiuliny, di>es ncil, without delay, j^'ive infer- 
 niatiou thereof to his commandliig oflicer." 
 And, by the 20th article, tlie crime of deser- 
 tion, 13 punishable by death, or such other pun- 
 ishments, as, by sentence of a Court Martial shall 
 be inflicted." 
 
 Tiiis law was enacted, on the principle that 
 the militia was the bulwark of the national lib- 
 erty, vhich can never be endangered, so 
 1-ong- as the people are intt I'igeni, and the mili- 
 tia are armed. The doctrine of our whininj^ 
 j)olitical hypocrites will load to tlie establish- 
 ment of large standing armies, and the sub- 
 version of liberty. Andrew Jackson is tlie 
 candidate of the militia. He has led tbeni 
 to battle, to victoiy, and to glory. He has 
 taught the militia to rely upon themselves 
 to quell domestic treason, or repel foreign 
 invasion. Let it once be said, that a militia 
 man is not subject to martial law, and it fol- 
 lows of course that regular troops must be em- 
 ployed to fight our battles. Such is the ten- 
 tlency of tire profligate expedients, to which 
 the desperate efforts to impair General Jack- 
 son's well earned popularity, have d.'-iven his 
 enemies. 
 
 For the United States' Telegraph. 
 
 TO THE HON. MH. EVERETT, 
 
 .1 member of the House of Iiepresc7itatives of the 
 United States, from Massachusetts. 
 
 Sm: — Since the translation of yourfriend and 
 coadjutor, Mr, Daniel Webster, to the United 
 States' Senate, you have been considered as the 
 leader of the administration party in the House 
 of Representatives; and, as such, I now humbly 
 take leave to address you. 
 
 The speech which you delivered in the 
 House, in February last, on the subject of Mr. 
 Chilton's resolution for retrenchment, will fur- 
 nish the theme on which I propose to make a 
 few remarks. I should certainly have abstain- 
 ed from doing this, had I found in the replies of 
 other gcntlenit^n to you on the same subject, 
 an)-, or a sufficient notice taken of some points 
 which yr : ..iAdc, and some matter* of fact 
 which yo.i 3.j»ted in the course of your argument 
 on that resolution. I do not here allude to the 
 obscene story which you und'^rtook to relate to 
 the House, (and of course to the females of the 
 gallery) about the alleged amour belwecn Mrs. 
 Adams' mrddsenant and '*the Emi)eror ol all 
 the Russias;" nor to your still more disgusting 
 allusion to the iliabolJcal charge of incest against 
 the late unforiunate Quoen of France. The 
 moral sense of tb.e community will, I liope, 
 judge correctly enough of this part of your per- 
 formance in your new voc.illon, and, 1 believe, 
 rnaiden speech, as the leader of your paity. So 
 far as I have yet heard it spoken ot", 1 can as- 
 sure yovi, that it is just as much ajiproved of, us 
 was the famous «♦ Ebony and Topaz" tuas! of our 
 very chaste and learned President, given on a 
 late occasion at Ballimorc. Hut let all that 
 pass. 
 
 I have much more weighty matters to dis- 
 course about to you and to the public at present . 
 
 The relation in w inch ;. ou stand to our princi- 
 pal executive servants, [not rulers— I choose to 
 rail men and things by their proper names — so 
 •hat Xho^t who avevcs'.cd wi'li a litt].; brief au- 
 
 thorlt}- may uci, ui iasl, forget what they realiv 
 are, and finally conceit themselves to be ndefs 
 or masters, sure enough, and act accordingly.] 
 The relation, I say, in which you stand to Uicse 
 jiersonagf-'S, justifies the belief that, in your 
 harangue, you spoke "iy authority ." I have, 
 myself, no doubt of the fact; though it may 
 verj' well be imagined that, in your zeal to 
 serve yourself idtimately, you acted rather in- 
 discreetly towards your rulers or masters. To 
 speak in homely plirascology, ym let the cat out 
 of the ba<;. If, by this indiscretion, you fail in 
 getting the next appointment of minister to 
 England, or some other country, you have no 
 body to blame but yourself". 
 
 Passing over ether parts of your speech 
 which, for the most part, have already been 
 sufficiently answered and exposed by members 
 of the House in their places, I will now advert 
 to that part in \vhicli you notice the compenwi- 
 tion allowed to our public mini.sters abroad. 
 ^n order that there may be no mistake about 
 this matter, I will take the trouble to transcribe 
 fro!# your revised speech, as published in the 
 National Intelligencer, so much as relates to the 
 subject now in hand. 
 
 "I have," lyou said) ''been induced to 
 make these statements, not merely for the sake 
 of a better understanding of the point, in the re- 
 solution on which it bears, but also in order to 
 prepare the way for a satisfactory answer to 
 some of the charges made against the President 
 of the United States, relative to the account of 
 his coiapensation and allowances as a foreign 
 minister. This is a subject on which I enter 
 with some reluctance:" (no wonder,) "it is not, 
 perhaps, of the class which I should select to 
 discuss on this floor." (You are right, Sir, you 
 ought not to have touched it.) •'It does not 
 belong strictly to the debate; but as it has been 
 introduced on the present occasion, with strong 
 emphasis, and with the effect, no doubt, of 
 giving sanction to what is said more at large on 
 the same tojiic elsewhere. This is an important 
 point; for the allegations have extended, not 
 merely to a charge of extravagance, but of ille- 
 gality and even fraud," (for which you might 
 liave added, the parties concerned ought, in 
 justice, to have been impeached.) " High 
 salaries" (you continue,) "are, I know, a popu- 
 lar subject of comment; and as those of tiie 
 foreign ministers are, with a single exception, 
 the highest paid under the government, \t is 
 n:»tiiral that they should be obnoxious to com- 
 plaint." (Not so. Sir, provided they be no 
 more *han ///c /«j« allows.) •' Hut, Sir," (\t)u • 
 add) "it is an undoubted truth, that, high as they 
 may be thought, great as the aggregate may 
 seem for a service of a long series of yeaus; tJiey 
 arc yet too small; and but for the extra alloti:- 
 atice by lohich they are eked out, would be wholl;/ 
 inadequate to their tbject." So then ! Say you so. 
 Reverend S>, that this is "an undoubted fact?" 
 Very well. We thank you for this open and 
 volunt.iry confession, that the administration is 
 in the practice of violating their oaths and the 
 law of the laud. Deny this who dare. I will 
 jjiocced to prove it. 
 
 The act of Congr.ss of the Lst May, 1810, 
 (Vol. 10, page i '.'!,) and now in force, declares. 
 " That tiie President of the United States shall 
 7Uit allow to any ministerplcnipotcntiary,a^T<'«/rr 
 sum than at tiie rate of nine thousand dollars 
 
79 
 
 'f)es anuuin, as a cainpensation for all his perso- 
 nal seiTices a7id expenses." Here, then, while 
 the law declares that a foreign minister shall 
 *• ?wt be allowed a greater sum than at the rate 
 of nine thousand dollars per annum, as a com 
 pensation for iM his personr.l services and ex- 
 penses, the President decides, and, what is 
 more daring-, if possible, proclaims to the na- 
 tion, throui^h you, tV.at these saUiries, thus 
 positively fixed, are "too ^mnll;" a\v1 but for 
 the txlra allowance by wiiich they are el:cd out, 
 would be wholly Inadequite to tlieir object!" 
 That is to say, in plain English, as follows: — 
 The President, wholly disregarding the law of 
 the land, which fixes the compensation of our 
 foreign ministers, thinks these salaries *' too 
 aniall;" and by way of increasing them accvvrd- 
 ing Xo his ou'« views of the subject, illegally 
 takes money from another fund for the purpose 
 of making to these ministers an '' extt-a allow- 
 ance," over and above that which the law has 
 expressly provided ? Now,^if the President can 
 thus increase the salaries fixed by law for one 
 set of offices of the Government, what is to hin- 
 der liim from making similar '•' extra allow- 
 ances," to such other salary officers as he may 
 think fit to reward for their services, or rather 
 for their subserviency to his views ? Sup- 
 pose, for example, lie should think that his own 
 salary, or tisat of one or two, or more of his 
 Secretaries, was '• too small/' in these times of 
 pressing emergency, when proselytes must be 
 gained at every hazard, could he not with equal 
 propriety, and' just as legally, make to himself 
 or to ihem "extra allowances," out of the con- 
 tingent fund, in order to eke out so much, as, in 
 his own opinion, would prevent the salaries 
 fixed by law, from being •' wholly inadequate to 
 their object?" In sober seriousness, Sir, you 
 have made a most precious confession, if what 
 you state in this regard be true, and you say it 
 is an imdoubted truth; then I, unhesitatingly 
 pronounce, that the Pi-esiJent has been guilty 
 of a "misdemeanor," for which he ought forth- 
 with to be IMPEACHED. AV'hat, Sir! Has he 
 not taken an oath to support the CoustituHon? 
 Does not ihat instiimient declare, among othfr 
 things, that he shall "take oore that the. latvs are 
 faithfully executed? Are not these '^ extra al 
 lowanceji" made by the Preaident to foreign 
 ministers for tlie express purpose, as you t^rll 
 ■ US, of increasing their compensations l»e3'ond 
 the salaries provided for them by law, most 
 barefaced, palpable violations of law? Surely, 
 there can be no man found in his senses, and 
 who has the least regard for his own character, 
 who will hesitate or doubt about a matter so 
 plain as this. I lay dov.n this principle, which 
 1 d-^re you or any other man, publicly to deny, 
 or to attempt to controvert. That, in every 
 case, where the law ha^ provided a specific 
 compensation to be allowed to a public function- 
 ary, for tlie performance of the duties attached 
 to liis station, no further, or ♦' extra alio A'ance" 
 can be lawfully male to him by any exec-.i- 
 live officer of t!ic Government, either outof tlie 
 r-Mtingent fund, or any otiier fund belonging to 
 the public. The fact whicli yo i have publicly 
 stated, is a highly important one. The practice, 
 of which you have. 'idvertiscd us, is directly in the 
 Uv"th r;*" ♦h'* 'aw of the land; and I do liope that, 
 before you, or any body els-, shall Ir.vve a cnance 
 '<f profiting bv it, the federal legislative wil' 
 
 adopt some measure to Qorrect tiie procedure*. 
 If, in a case so clear, justice is not done to th<j 
 community, by the punishment of the guilty, 
 I, for one, confess that I shall feel little hope in 
 the long contini-.ance of our present civil insti- 
 tuions, and alniost as little concern in their 
 downfall. I have no wish or desire to possess 
 the shadow withcut the substance. If we have 
 laws, let Ihem be obeyed. If tliey are violated, 
 no niitticr by whom; whether by the chief ma- 
 gistr;\tc of the country or a mail-robber, — let 
 the guilty be punished. On the faithful and 
 imparfwl execution of the laws, rest the main 
 pil'ars of every good government. Common 
 sense will teach every man of the correctness 
 of this doctrine; and common honesty, and a 
 real regard for the interest and happiness of the 
 country, ought to induce every citizen thereof, 
 to give his aid in enforcing it. 
 
 Some other facts which you disclosed, in the 
 course of your speech, may, perhaps, be here- 
 after noticed by me. I shall not touch the 
 presidential question.'": I am no part}' politician ; 
 neither am I a seeker or an expectant of any of- 
 fice under this, or any other administration. 
 Rut I am, for a single individual, a large con- 
 tributor, in the way of taxes, to the support of 
 the Federal Government; and, therefore, I the 
 more feel it to be my duty, as it uncpiestionabiV 
 is my right, to endeavor to expose fraud and, 
 prevent abuses on the people. 
 
 A FARMER. 
 
 P. S. I should h.avc made this communica- 
 lion sooner, had not my other vocations pre- 
 vented it. Persons in my situation have not 
 gencr.ally as much leisure as you wealthy capi' 
 t-jlisls, for whom, and a few other favored indi- 
 viduals, as it would seem, Congress almost ex- 
 clusivcly legislate ; and, what is worst of all 
 for us, — at our expense. This delay, however, 
 will not, it is to be hoped, prevent the Congress 
 from investigating this subject, .soon after the 
 tariff-bill sh.iU have been disposed of. 
 
 F. 
 
 GEN. JACKSON AND MR. CLAY'S BQOK. 
 
 The Illinois Gazette, which paper it wiM be; 
 recollected charged Gen. Jackson with profane 
 language at the inouth of Cumberl;ind, on hear, 
 ing of Mr. Clay's book, has published a letter 
 from a Mr. Jesse Patterson, and a certificate of 
 a Mr. Thomas Willis and the said Je.sse, de- 
 tailing certain declarations of a Doctor Miller, 
 as a justification of that slander. 
 
 We know nothing of either Mr. Pattersoji, 
 Mr. Willis, or Doctor Miller; the latter may or 
 may not have said wii:^t they charge. But the 
 fact admitted by the-certificate of Patterson and 
 Willis, that Miller refused to give a certificate, 
 is one evidence that he knew that the state- 
 ment which they say he made wa*! false, lliey 
 .admit that l\e is a partisan of Mr. Clay. If Ik; 
 had told the trutli, he would not have hesi- 
 tated, when called upon, to give this cer- 
 tificate, as an act of justice to the printej-, 
 whose jMiblication had been denied. But the 
 letter of Mr. Patterson bears internal evidence of 
 falsehood. The disgusting detail of election- 
 eering shang about the Presidential election, 
 which it is pretended passed between General 
 Jacl<.':on and this Doctor Miller, could not have 
 +-iV'Mi pluce, bcc.r:-'; G:n. '.'-' '•■^'^n '< rn- 'r -i.^ 
 
80 
 
 iUibitorcoiivcrsiiig' upon that siibjcdwi ill hiipar- 
 tjciilar friends, much less llieii wuiiM he do it 
 with a stranger in a iteam-hoat. Tlie bar-room 
 fxeiie too, is false, because so fir from m- 
 viting" a stransjcr to drir.k \viU\ Mm, so ab- 
 stemious is Gen. Jackson, that lu- drinks iv:iler 
 only, and liia acquainlanccs know this, and know 
 that even at public dinner parlies, he does not 
 even drink wine. 
 
 Another pavtoftlic tale discredits Mr. I'at- 
 tersi.-n asiU more. He cor.cli'.des l:is letter by 
 saying — "I ag.iin went on board tiie boat, think- 
 ing tnat I mijj'ht hear liini (_ General Jatkrion) 
 spe-.ik or. the subject, h'AK he w&s eng-sged in 
 playing' car/;?, and i left the bout without licnr- 
 ihg him say an/ thing aiioiit Clay or liis pampii- 
 kt." 
 
 Now who can believe tliis? TIi-"" steam boat 
 Pocahontas touched at the mouih of Cum- 
 berland for a few minutes only. Tlve popu- 
 Tacc on the .^aore wcro crovvding' in; the 
 ♦inxicty oF all to £;ce General Jackson was 
 natural, and his courtesy led him to treat 
 oveiy one of t'.iem with' politeness — tiiat he 
 should at such a, time, and under siioli cir- 
 '•nmstanccs, sit down to pUv cards, is not to be 
 • elicved. No one who has ever travelled in a 
 a csunboatcan believe it. But when it is known 
 that^cn. Jackson rfoea not, at nny time, piny 
 r.ards — tlie baseness of lliis whole afiair i:i more 
 inaniftst. ^ 
 
 Neither dees General Jackson swear. 
 
 So much of tlvis statemrnt ar, iv.];ites to Gen. 
 Jackson's usual liabitsof ten; pL-rancc, and the fvict 
 that he doe 3 no* swear or pla} cauls, is made upon 
 the authority of members of Congress from thc- 
 Statc of Tennessee, who particularly are ac- 
 quainted with Gen. Jackson, and whoknov,- liis 
 habits to be such as we iiave stated tiicm. — 
 "Wretched, indeed, ;u'e the shifts \\) which the 
 coalition are driven, to retain tlieir ill obtained 
 power. I{y them truth is trampled under fo<jt, 
 and many and various falsehoods asserted witJi 
 most unblushing effrontcrv. 
 
 not bo coniined, in practice, to objects reany of 
 national importance, as contemplated by the 
 act of iS2-l-; and if it must degenerate into those 
 merely local, havmg no i-efercncc to tiie pow- 
 ci-s and duties of ttie general governmesit, it 
 would, and ought, to fall into disi-cputc Such 
 l»ad always been hi.? opinion. When the first 
 act making appropriations for surveys jjassed, 
 he fllled the oflicc of Secretary of War; and 
 acting on the principle that no read or canal 
 which had >;ot a tlirect relation to soaie one or 
 all of the powers of the government, as 
 sia-^ed in the act, he deemed it his first 
 duty, in carrying its provisions into effect, 
 to des;g:>atc, on fixed principles, the ob- 
 jects which, on full deliberation appeared 
 to bo comprelicndcd within its provisions, which 
 were rppoited to Congress at the next scsvsion- 
 Tlie object in making the report, was to mako 
 fidly known to Congress the views of the Dt- 
 pai-tment, in tlK- execution of a trust of so high 
 and delicate a character, to the end, if ap- 
 proved by them, the svstem might assume some 
 defmite form, which might regulate future ope- 
 rations in its execution, and place the whole 
 Eubject more under the direct control of thf; 
 Legislative powers of the Government. 
 
 With such principles, I cannot hesitate to 
 give my casting vote in favor of the amendmcM 
 reported by the Committee of Finance. By 
 completing the surveys already commenced, 
 and laying the whole before Congress, with an 
 estimate; of the.exDense, it is hoped th^t some 
 principle may be lixcd in making appropria- 
 tions for surveys hereafter, and thereby, ifpoi- 
 sible, aiTest the liability to abuse from the na- 
 ture of the subjec:, which, if not guarded 
 against must end in the overthrow of tlic whole 
 svslem. 
 
 Mh'. CALHOUX 
 
 i'lie Vice I'rvSident yesterday, in conso- 
 .[ucnce of some n^markj wliich fell from the two 
 Senators from Indiana, took occasion to state 
 more explicitly and at large, his viev.-.^ in rela 
 lion to to the subject of Intc-nal I.mprovo- 
 ment. 1>() fully satis-fied was Mr. IJarton 
 of the propriety of Mr. Crdhoiin's vote up- 
 on this bubject, aud p.articularly on the 
 propriety and ctmsislency of his \ ole on tiie 
 Illinois Canal bill, thtU he, with candor de- 
 f larcd his opinion of tlie correctness of Mr. 
 Calhoun's conduct, on tliat occasion. 
 
 -We consider tliis decision of the Senate 
 upon this snijjcct of grc it importance, and in 
 justice to those who have participated in the 
 <lebate, w ill endeavour in a few days to give It 
 at length. In the mean t'inc as the letter 
 writers of tlie coali'i<m make a business of inis- 
 roprcsrntations, we give the rcniiirks of the 
 ^'ic».•-F^csident, addressed to the Senate on 
 Weduesrhr., when called to gl\c the casting 
 ■ ote, liniitliig the surveys: 
 
 The Vice President said, 
 
 " Tf the .«vst»in of rn+ern?.l Tmnrovcment can- 
 
 MR. SinilF.RL.WD'S AMENDMENT 
 THE TARIFF. 
 
 TO 
 
 In the Ho'.'se of Representatives, on Satur- 
 day lust, after many ]-iropositions for amerd.Ticn'. 
 had been been made ai;d rejected, the question 
 was fmully t3k^ nupon Mr. Sutherland's amend- 
 tncnt in connexion with Mr. Mallary's, and was 
 adopted as part of ilui bill, by a vote of 183 tf> 
 ir. It is proper to remaiii here, that some ot' 
 the amendments tendered for the co-tsidera- 
 lion of the House, v.ere looked at in a very 
 frieridly light, and if they had been judiciously 
 prepared, might have received the approba- 
 tion of a m.-ijoiily of tiie llcpresent.atives of tiu; 
 nation. Ihit their want of s\r.lem, and the Im- 
 portance of tlie changes contemplated in th..; 
 Custom Hou.se r. gulations, by the provfsions 
 presented for concunxnce, rendered it inex- 
 pedient, at so advanced a stage in the session, 
 to endanger the passage of the bill by their 
 adoption. Ihcie scims to be a prevailing 
 di.spositK)n on tlie p..rt of the House to urgo 
 the bill to its final reading with iis little delay 
 as pos-jjlile. fjy the adoption of Mr. Suther- 
 land's pro]josition, the iwo/and wcoHcris portion 
 of the tardf lias been arttltil. The duly upon 
 molasics v/ill doubtlcj^be deb.-^ited today. And 
 as there ore but few points of diiference upon 
 tlie otlicr branches of tlic bill, it is quite proba- 
 ble, it will not rer^uiro much time tn '>ut an '.n 1 
 to tli^ discussion. 
 
UNITED STATES' TELEGRAPH—iirtra. 
 
 This paper will be devoted exclusively to the Presidential Election, and be published v.-eekly, 
 
 until the 15th of October next, for Out Dollar ^ 
 
 BY GREEN Sr JAR VIS. 
 
 VOL. 1. 
 
 WASHINGTON, APRIL 19, 1828. 
 
 No. 6, 
 
 The subscribers to the Extra Telegraph, will 
 receive number six in anticipation of number 
 five. Number five will be put to press in antici- 
 pation of its regular time. We have had many 
 complaints, and some apprehensions have been 
 excited, because the second number did not 
 follow in regular time after the publication of 
 the first. We have already given one reason 
 for this, v/hich vi'e will repeat. The publication 
 of this paper was an experiment ; we knew that 
 it would necessarily interfere much with the 
 circulation of other weekly papers in the coun- 
 try, and alth-ragh we had received many acts of 
 kindness from the editors of such papers, 
 with whom we exchange, we had no right to an- 
 .ticipate their active and disinterested efforts to 
 make our project known to the public, and to 
 obtain subscribers for us. We knew that, if 
 the project met with the pubUc approbation, 
 v/e should receive large additional subscriptions, 
 and it was desirable to know public sentiment, 
 that we might strike off a sufficient niuiiber to 
 supply those who may hereafter subscribe. 
 The manufacturer who was to to have sup- 
 plied us with paper, failed to do so, and we 
 were under the neifessity of sending New 
 York for it. We received, in the mean 
 time, such encouragement, that we have work- 
 ed off an edition of t^venty thousand co- 
 pies, which enables us to supply, to that extent, 
 new subscribers with all the numbers from the 
 beginning. 
 
 When it is considered that this publication 
 will give upwards of five hundred pages of 
 closely printed matter, and that it is intended 
 to collect in it the most able and interesting do- 
 cuments and pubhcations which the present 
 contest shall bring forth, the Editors do not he- 
 sitate to say, that it will form one of the most 
 valuable and cheap books, that a friend of Ge- 
 neral Jackson can purchase. 
 
 To the editors of newspaper.^, it will furnish 
 an important book of reference, now and here- 
 after. Grateful for the aid which we have re- 
 ceived from oui' fellow-laborers, we intend to 
 send, without charge, a copy in addition to our 
 regular exchange, to each publisher of a news- 
 paper who will regularly acknowledge the re- 
 ceipt of each number, and publish a table of its 
 contents. 
 
 An esteemed correspondent writes to us, that 
 the failure, of the regular receipt of the second 
 number had given rise to much speculation to 
 o'ir prejudice, and that it wa-^ currently re- 
 ported, that we had failed, and unable to coii- 
 tinue the work. We have not failed. We 
 now publish regularly, each week, about for- 
 fij thousand newspapers. We have Jive news- 
 paper presses, and often run them with dou- 
 ble sets of hands, day and night. This ope- 
 ration is one of great expense. As yet, we 
 have executed but little printing from the 
 Senate, (not o:le-fourth part as much, we bc- 
 3ieve, as has been ordered bv the House.,) but 
 
 we have fixed our hopes upon the people — we 
 look to them to contribute the means to sustain 
 us and their press. We know that they are 
 double taxed — that whilst they contribute to 
 us directly, they contribute indirectly to our op- 
 ponents. But there is this difference: What 
 they give to us, is a voluntary contribution fof 
 the purpose of driving from office those who 
 have abused their trust, and used the public 
 money lo purchase venal presses to abuse the 
 people's candidate. 
 
 Desiring to give the following an extensive 
 circulation, we have inserted it in tlie extra, and 
 invite for it an attentive perusal. It is an am- 
 ple vindication of the Committee on Manufac- 
 tures from the Honorable slander to which it is r 
 reply, 
 
 THE REAL STATE OF THE CASE RE- 
 VIEWED. 
 
 The following publication appeared two dayr- 
 since in the folding rooms of the House of Re- 
 presentatives, and has been from thence issued, 
 by honorable Members of Congress, to the coun- 
 try in thousands. It niay be supposed, that even 
 a review of this sad attempt to deceive the pec- 
 pie in relation to the course of the Administra-> 
 tion, and its friends in the House of Represen- 
 tatives, as to the Tariff, is of itself a suspicion of 
 the intelligence of the enlightened agri-cultur- 
 ists of this country. But no such inference 
 should be drawn. The writer well knows the 
 ability of every free man to understand his own 
 rights, as well as his dispositimi to defend them; 
 and he has always /e// that the farmers of this 
 country are its safe-guai'ds against tyranny, 
 against aristocracy, and against MONOPOLY, 
 the great engine by which alone either aristo- 
 cracy or tyranny can be sustained among and 
 over a free people. But it is no impeachment 
 to the intelligence of our fiirmers to suppose 
 that they cannot know the conduct of their re- 
 presentatives at the seat of government, or the 
 events as they actually transpire, in relation to 
 any measure before Congress; unless there shall 
 be honesty enough in the land to give them the 
 informatitfn as it is. The publication now to be 
 reviewed, professes to be made with that inten- 
 tion, and the object of the writer shall be to 
 see if it is honest, and does, in truth, give "the 
 real state of the case," or if it has been made 
 from a lying spirit, and with the sole intention 
 to deceive and mislead the public. 
 The publication is as follows: 
 
 "TO THE PEOPLE. 
 
 THE UEAIi STATK Ol" THE CASE. 
 
 It seems to us to be high time that the Peo- 
 ple should understand the true situation of the 
 question, respecting an increased protection oa 
 Wool, and Woi>i.i,tw Goods, now pending in 
 the House of Ueprescntatives , , 
 
82 
 
 Argument is eshausted; and there is, after 
 all, very great reason to fear, that nothing but 
 an imperative expreaaion of public opinion will 
 cause any measure, whatever, on this subject, to 
 he passed at the present session. 
 
 The real and sober truth is — That a Jackson 
 member was eL'Cted SrtAKcn, at tlic com- 
 mencement of tlie session; 
 
 That the Speaker, by the rules of the House, 
 appoints all Oomirittees; 
 
 That on the CofiinuttcL- of Manufactures, he 
 appointed Mr. Mallary, Mr. Stevknkon, of 
 I'a., Mr. CosDicT, Mr. Moohk, of Ky., Mr. 
 STANnr.niiv, Mr. WnitiUT, of New York, and 
 Hr. Maiiti?'; 
 
 That rivE, out of these seven members of 
 the Committee, viz; Messrs. Stevenson, Moore, 
 "Wright, Stanberry, and Maitin, are open and 
 avowed friends of General Jackson; 
 
 That Mr. Mallary- and Mr. CoM<hct, and they 
 alone of tlie Committco, are fiicnds of the Al- 
 ininibtratiun; 
 
 That Mr. Mallary and ^Ir. Condict, wcro 
 members of tl^ie last Cung-ress, and both voted 
 for, and supported the ■\Vooi,le>-s Biil, of the 
 last session; 
 
 That Mr. Stevenson and Mi". Moore were al- 
 so of the last Contjix-ss, and both voted against 
 that bill; 
 
 That Mr. Wright, of XewYork, (notofOhlo,) 
 and Mr. Martin, and Mr. Stanbenv, are new 
 members, and are all three Jackson meH; ana 
 ♦ he two last named g-cijtlcmen are understood to 
 be decidcilly against a protecting tariff; 
 
 That the bill now before the House, was re- 
 ported by this Committee; and that of the Com- 
 mittee, i-TVK members, viz; xhe Jive friends of 
 <rcif:rul Juc/.-.^on, agreed to the hill; and Mr. 
 Mallary and Mr. Coiitlict, the two Administra- 
 tion mcnihcr.s, were against it; 
 
 That the hill thus reported, was tlicrefore the 
 produi-tifjn oi' one friend ol' tlie loovllen interest, 
 Mr. Wright, aided by /o»r rji/;/;07it/i/.<( of that in- 
 tei'est, vi/: Messrs. Sl.evcnson, Moore, Stanber- 
 r)', and Martin; 
 
 Tliat the ])ro\isiun.^ of this b'.ll are Buch, in 
 the opinion tA' tlie most intcl'igcnt farmers and 
 manufaclurcis, that no rational can be expect- 
 ed to vote for it; these manufacturers and wool 
 growers all agree, that this IjII! v.ould injure 
 i>oth. This is the language of those interc."!tcd, 
 from New Hampshire to ^Vashingtun, and from 
 the seu to the Mississippi; 
 
 That it imposes so lieavy a duty on cheap, 
 o(xii"se wool, such- as we do not raise in this 
 country, as must entirely break up all the ma- 
 luifactures of carpets, negro cloths, and other 
 coarse fabrics; 
 
 That this enonnous duty on imported coarse 
 wool, is ob^ iously designed to catch the sup- 
 purtofthe farming interest; while all well in- 
 fMnned wool growers know, that the mamifac- 
 t.uTei"3 abuse alluded to must use this cheap 
 imported wool, or stop llieir factories; and 
 that, if they stop, then, of course, there will 
 be no nun/at for their own w *.<\ at any price; 
 
 That the very high duties on molasses, and 
 tjme othci' artielcs, were obviously inserted for 
 the purpose of giving the bill such a character 
 as that the Northern and Eastern members could 
 :^>t vote for »♦; 
 
 Ihat tlie uhoSe proceeding is a|iparently de- 
 i'.fiici to produce t'^ra r^ults; iirst, to defeat 
 
 the measure altogether; second, to throw its 
 defeat on the friends of the Administration; 
 
 That Mr. Mallarj' has moved, and the motion 
 is now pending, to amend the bill by striking 
 out all that part of it wliich relates to wool and 
 woollens, and insei-ting, instead thereof, the 
 recommaidation of the Jfarrisburgh Convaition, 
 as to those articles; 
 
 'Jhat this motion has been under discussion 
 three weeks, and is strenuouijly opposed by the 
 Jackson members, both of the Committee and 
 the House; 
 
 Tliat there is very great danger that this mo- 
 tion will be defeated by a union of all those 
 Stnithc-rn memhets who are against ell protection 
 ivhatevcr, andthcJac/ison members, from Pennsyl- 
 vania, KcrJuchu, aid ^'ew York, who, although 
 they profess to be in favor of prvtecHng the farm- 
 ers and ma-7iufacturers, yet vote on <dl occasions 
 and with unuMrerimg steadiness, with tfieir 
 ^Southern Jackson friends. Tliat, tliereforc, it is 
 probable that the bill cannot be amended so as 
 to answer any good purpose, either to the wool 
 grower or the manufacturer, or be rendered 
 other than ruinous to botliT And that as neither 
 the friends of the wool grower nor of the ma» 
 nufacturer, can conscientiously vote for it, in 
 its present shape, little hope remains of getting' 
 any bill whatever through the House.'' 
 
 That a Speaker of the House of Represen- 
 tatives Was elected, at the commencement of 
 the present session of Congress, friendly to 
 GeneralJackson, is true; and that he was elect.- 
 ed by the unbiassed voice of the represeiUa- 
 tives of a free people, coming fresh from their 
 constituents, and feeling their direct respofisi- 
 bUity, over the prostituted candidate of a base 
 coahtion, and by a large majority, is equally 
 trae; 
 
 That that Speaker, by the rules of tlie House, 
 appoints the Standing Committees is true; and 
 that, hvHng hunsclf an anti-tariff man, because 
 his constituents are all ami-tarifT men, he did 
 appoint the Committee named- six, out of the 
 seven of whom are fiiendj> to the tariff' and 
 to the protecting system, is just as time; 
 
 I'iiat five memherH of the CoTTiintttee are the 
 friends of General Jackson as ag.imst John 
 Q,uiiicy Ad;ims, ii true; and tliat Mr. Mallary 
 rnd Ur. Condict, " and they alone of tlie Com- 
 mittee," are friends of the Adminlstraiion, and 
 tiiat in their cuui>c upon the tariff they act 
 as ihc fricnd-f of the .iJniinistration, and not as 
 the friends of the PEOPLE, will hcreaf\er be 
 seen. 
 
 The writer has not looked at the votes of the 
 members of the Committee upon the celebrated 
 IVuvllcns Bill of the last winter, because he 
 consitlers it perfectly immaterial how tiiosc 
 votes stood; yet he is willing to admit the truUi 
 to he as stated in tlvc publication, inasmuch as 
 that bill ha.s received the coiidenmtition of the 
 FarmtTS of tlie country, as well as the author- 
 itative condemnation, and by an almost una- 
 nimous vote, of tlie Leg".slaturcs of some of 
 the laigest ami most populous, as well 83 
 most wealthy and most agriatlturul States in 
 this I^iiion; ami within the last few days has re- 
 ceived the coudenmation of the Administration 
 members of tiic ilou.>;e of lieprescntatives 
 themselves. 
 
 That Mr. Staiib(?rry, of the committee, •• is 
 undei-stood to be d^cidcdJ^ against a protecMng 
 tavif]"," is nyt ♦.TU-- 
 
S3 
 
 '* That the Tarlft' bill now before the IIou?e 
 ".vas reported by this Committee" is true; but 
 that *' the Jive friends of General Jackson" upon 
 'he Committee aj^reed to the bill is not true. 
 Four of the ^'friends of General Jackson" and 
 of *' a protecting tariff," upon the Committee 
 did at^ree to it, and tl^e two friends of the Ad- 
 7riijustratiun, upon the Committee, tog-ether 
 with the member of the Committee knoivn to 
 t>e opposed to all protecting laws cf any Icind 
 whatsoever, *'wcrc against it.'" 
 
 " That the bill thus reported" was the pro- 
 duction of one friend and four opponents of the 
 "woollen interest" is not truf; but that it was 
 the production o? four friends of the interest of 
 WOOL and IVouikns, against the exertions of 
 one. anti-tariff and two Jldndnistration men, is 
 true. 
 
 Whether this bill, thus formed and thus re- 
 ported, is such, "in the opinion of the most 
 iuteiliijent fitrmers and manufacturers, that no 
 rational man can be expected to vote for it;" 
 whetlicr " these manufacturers and wool gTOw- 
 CTi all agree, that this bill wjulJ bijurc both," 
 the writer would respectfully sug-gest, are 
 questions yet to be determined by the grand in- 
 quest of Farmers and Manufacturers of the 
 countiy. That " this Is t'.ie lang-uage of those 
 interested, from New Hampshire to Washing- 
 ton, and from the sea to the Mississippi," is not 
 true. See the resolutions of the Legislature 
 _pf N. York, saying expressly that tlie woollens 
 bill of the last winter did ?wt furnish adequate 
 protection to WOOL: the resolutions of the 
 .Legislature of Pennsylvania, urging further 
 protection to domestic spirits, wool, iron, 
 hemp, flax, Sec. the resolutions of the Legis- 
 lature of Oiiio, urging substantially the same 
 thing: the proceedings of a numerous pubhc 
 meeting of Manufacturers and other citizens 
 held at Pittsburg, Pennsylvania, the greatest 
 manufacturing tov/n in the coumry, on the 22d 
 of M.ii'ch last, resohing unanimously, that the 
 provisions of this bill aie suited to their inte- 
 rests, and urging its passag'e: See also the 
 triousand Petitions and Memorials now before 
 Congress; and last, tliough nut least, see the 
 sworn testimony, notof the farmers (for no far- 
 mers were called to say v.'hat their interests 
 required) but of the MANUFACTURERS 
 THEMbELVKS, and wliich proves that the 
 bill is sufficient. 
 
 But what would these two Administration men 
 ;ipon the Committee have done far WOOL .and 
 woollens? Tiiis is answered by Mr. Mallarjfs 
 juotion to amend the bill, and which haj now 
 been rejected, by a vote of 102 to 78. 
 
 His motion, a^ made, and as rejected, and 
 t!)e same motion referred to in this publication 
 as then pendmg', and of the rejection of v/hich 
 tlie publication says, "there is very great dan- 
 ger," did v/iiat for v.col? 
 
 It did not propose to raise the duty at all upon 
 wool costing 6 cents per pound and under, in 
 a foreign market, aUhough more than 2,000,0J0 
 ibs. of that wool were imported /or the use of 
 i'it Woollen Manufacturers during the last yc.^l•. 
 
 It did propose to lay aduty of 20 cents per 
 pound upon svooi, costing morejhan 8 centa in 
 M foreign market. 
 
 What was th;.'' cVjinjj for the farnjcr aAd wool 
 
 T\\e present duly upon wool is 30 per cent 
 ad valorem; or, in the manner of valuing du- 
 ties, o3 cents upon every $1 worth of wool. 
 
 A pound of wool, then, costing in a foreign 
 market $1, would, by the present law, pay 
 a duty of 33 cents; if ?Jr. Mallary's proposi- 
 tion had been adopted, the same pound o^'wooi 
 would have paid 20 cents, or 13 cents less duty 
 than it now pays. 
 
 Tiiis, then, is what Mr .Mallary and Dr. Con- 
 diet, the two Administration Members of the 
 Committee would liave done for the farmer 
 ■wlio raises wool. Tiiis is ''the real and sober 
 truth." 
 
 But if they would diminish the duty oJi wool, 
 what would they do for tiie woollen manufaC' 
 turer ' 
 
 Again, Mr. Mallary'o proposition, which has 
 been rejected, answers the question. 
 
 It proposed to m;dcc, 
 
 A yard of cloth costing 20 cents, pay 22 eeni.:. 
 duty. 
 
 A yard of cloth cc-itiiig CO ce.-its, pay $1 V' 
 cents duty. 
 
 A yard of cloth costing $2 60 cents, pay 
 §1 76 cents duty. 
 
 A yard of tloth, costing $4 10 cents, pay 
 $2 64 cents duty. 
 
 Thus the lov/est yard of cloth which could 
 be bought, made of wool, was to pay a great- 
 er duty than the finest pound of wool, v/tisch 
 any foreign country could prrxluce, although 
 wool is now actually unported wJiich ecIIs in 
 our market at §1 65 per pound. Tliis coulti 
 only be effected by an actual reductio-n of the. 
 present duty upon wool, and that was resorted 
 to, notwithstanding these enormous duties up- 
 Oil cloths; notwithstanding the fact, that the 
 wool is worth but lialf the value of the cloth it 
 makes; and notwithstanding tlie lowest possi 
 ble duly, proposed by Mr. Mallary, upon wool- 
 len cloths, is 4-1- cents upon every dollar of va- 
 lue. 
 
 This too "is the real sober truth," and thi:^ 
 is the relative kindness and protection .offered by 
 these members of the Comm.ittee, aiid support- 
 ed by the administration members of Congres.95, 
 to the farmers and to the manufacturers of th" 
 country. 
 
 But what did the yo;<r " fricnJs of Gena-a2 
 Jackson" and of' ^' a protecting tariff," propose 
 to do by the bill which t!iey "agreed to! ?" 
 
 Let the friends of the administration answer, 
 in the foliov/ing recital of facts. 
 
 But a few d.\>s since, Mr. Buchanan of 
 Pennsylvania, offered a proposition in relation 
 to Vv'ool and woollens, the eil'ect of which wi^i. 
 to increase Lhe present duty upon wool fron- 
 3u per cent, (what it now is) to 50 per cent. ; 
 and to increase thcprescnt duty upon wooljer^ 
 cloths from 33j per cent, (v/hat it new i.s) t-.- 
 50 per cent., and placing the rales of dutVj 
 hoih. upon wool -^ixiduxiow woollen goods, at tli-:: 
 same standard. The effect of this would be t.- 
 make the duty upon v/ooUen gocd.s, just doxi* 
 ble what it would be upon wool, becaur.e tir:.' 
 wool entering into a yard of cloth is only hah 
 as valuable as the cloth when made. Tims SO 
 cents worth of wool v.-ould make a yard cf cloth 
 worth SI 00. The duty upon the' wool v/ould 
 , be 50 per cent, lipon .50 cents equal to T'- 
 rents. Tlia duty upon t])e cloth w ould !i'- •'' 
 
.■54 
 
 i jiiD pr.uiJusiL;oii was aivposed by J/r. Alalia' 
 ry; Mr. Dwight, of Massachusetts, Mr. Davis, 
 of Massachusetts, and others, in speeches, on 
 the ground that the duty on wool was too high, 
 and tliat the duty on cloths was not high enough 
 to correspond with the duty on wool; and by Mr. 
 Storrs, of?Tew York, expressly upon the ground 
 tkut it did not afford as much protection to the 
 7,wnufacturer as tiie bill reported by the Com- 
 mittee. The .Administration men voted against 
 it, and, united with the auti-tariff votea of the 
 tfouth, rejected it. 
 
 Here, therefore, is the official declaration of 
 iixesc political tariff 7nen, that the bill reported 
 by the Committee, so far as it relates to wool 
 and woolkns, had done more than to increase the 
 duty on wool directly, from 30 to 50 per cent., 
 and more fur woollen cloths than to Xicrease the 
 duty upon t'hem, from 33 1-3 to 50 per cent., 
 an increase of IG 2-3 cents upon every dollar of 
 t.alue, and therefore ivas to he prefen-ed to suoh a 
 proposed increase, as it was preferred by them in 
 ivting upon it. 
 
 Such then is the bill wliich '* no rational man 
 can^be expected to vote for!" Such is ,the bill, 
 which the *' manufacturers all agree" would in- 
 jure both, if this publication contains the truth. 
 
 But the bill reported by the Committee does 
 rpore. It proposes an increase of duty upon 
 ■ ro7i, an article of prime national importance; 
 and these Eastern tariff men are opposed to that. 
 
 It proposes an increase of duty upon hemp, 
 to enable our farmers to grow it without a loss; 
 and the Administration tariff men arc opposed to 
 that. It helps the farmer too much, they say. 
 
 It proposes a duty upon imported flax, to 
 enable our farmer to sell his flax in our markets; 
 and Uiey are opposed to that duty. 
 
 It proposes an increase of duty upon import- 
 ed spirits and molasses, to enable our, farmers, 
 and pailicularly of the Western and Middle 
 States, to find a market for their coarse grains, 
 by converting them into domestic spirits, with- 
 out having these spirits driven from our own 
 markets by the foreign spirits, or by the New 
 Enc;land rum made from imported molasses; 
 •4n<f this, tog-ether with the foregoing duties on 
 jroi2., hemp, flax, &c. is what this publication 
 says was "obviously inserted for the purpose 
 of giving the bill such a character, as that the 
 Northern and EASTEBN members could not 
 rote for it.'* 
 
 These Administraticm, tariff men are also op- 
 jS^ted to this duly. 
 
 But what arc they in favor of? Mr. Sprague, 
 of Maine, upon a motion made by himself, to 
 Jtrike out of the bill the proposed duty upon 
 h'^iip, upon sail duck, and upon molusscs, lias 
 answered the question, in a labored speed), 
 against any duty upon these articles, upon iron, 
 and virtually upon wool, and really avowing 
 that their tariff patriotism is only extended to 
 ^ woollen cloths. He has been seconded by Mr. 
 Ingersoll, of Massachusetts, and even by Mr. 
 Bl'yant, of North Caroliiia, an Administration 
 member from that State, and by Mr. Reed, of 
 fthiasachusctts. 
 
 Farmers of the country, is this the tariff you 
 want, without any protection to your interests? 
 
 But says this publication, " the whole pro- 
 reeiiiflg' '9 apparently designed to produce two 
 resjjlt^r^ftrst, to defeat the irca'siire altogether: 
 
 second, to throw ics defeat w the friends of tiu. 
 Administration. " 
 
 Honest, sincere tariff men.' Thus early to be 
 able to predict the loss of their own virtue; 
 thus early to be able to fortel their final oppo- 
 sition to the tariff! And why' Because there is 
 a duty on wool, as well as a duty on woollens; 
 because there is a duty on Iron, oa Hemp, on 
 Flax, &c.lnshoit because the bill, reported by 
 the Committee, was formed by the friends of 
 General Jackson against the consent of the 
 friends of Mr. Adams; because it offers protec- 
 tion to farmers and to other raanufacturers, as 
 well as to the manufacturers of wool. Be- 
 cause it will not, if passed, answer the politi- 
 ticul purposes of the present 'administration. 
 
 Let the people of the country, the farmers, 
 the iron masters and others, particularly, look 
 to it. Let them say who are, and who are not, 
 in practice, opposed to just and equal protection. 
 
 Who are the " MANY," by whom this pub- 
 lication is issued to the world? They are the 
 political leaders of this administration at the 
 seat of government. 
 
 Let the foregoing facts be denied, or let 
 these political friend;, of a political Tariff an- 
 swer to a member of the Committee on Manu- 
 factures, \k ho»e name is at tne service of any 
 gentleman. 
 
 ACCOUNTING OFFICEKS OF THE TREA- 
 SURY. 
 
 Mr. J. S. BARBOUR, of Va. moved the con- 
 sideration of the following resolution, offered 
 by him on the 12th ultimo. 
 
 "liesoh'cd. That provision ought to be made 
 for excluding the agency of the President in 
 appointing the principal disbursing and account- 
 ing officers of the Treasury Department, and 
 that the power of appointing them should be 
 vested In Congress." 
 
 The motion for consideration having prevail- 
 ed— 
 
 Mr. BARBOUR modified his resolution, so as 
 to read as follows: 
 
 1/^Resolvid, That provision ought to be made 
 for excluding the agency of the President in the 
 appointracn* of tl;e principal disbursing and ac- 
 counting officers of the Treasury Department, 
 and that . this end, the Constitution of the U. 
 States shi i.i be amended. 
 
 2. Resolved, That sa much of any existing law 
 as empowers the President to remove, at pleas- 
 ure, and without the concurrence of the Senate, 
 the principal disbursing and accounting officers 
 of tlic Treasury, ought to be repealed. 
 
 Mr. J. S. BARBOUR said: My purpose, 
 Mr. Speaker, in bnnging this subject to the 
 view of the House, is to invite its attention to 
 the propriety of breaking up the existing de- 
 pendency of the principal officers of the Trea- 
 sury , on the Chief Executive Magistrate. The 
 purity of those functionaries will be best pre- 
 served, by putting tliem as far apart as prac- 
 ticable. Placing them in contact, is, in itself, a 
 measure full of danger to the wholesome princi- 
 ple of official responsibility. But this absolute 
 dependence of the one on the other, is totally 
 subversive of those reciprocal checks and n;- 
 
^0 
 
 ttrainta, which constitute the surest pledges 
 for fidelity to duty. No error was of more pre- 
 vailing influence, at 1;he period when the Con- 
 stitution was adopted, than the imagined weak- 
 ness of the executive department. Time has 
 not only dispelled all apprehension of its feeble- 
 ness in action, but has also confirmed to us its na- 
 tive vigor, and its inherent tendency to draw 
 to itself the constitutional powers of co-ordi- 
 nate departments. In the outset of our new 
 plans of political institution, there was a per- 
 vading sentiment of jealousy in constituting ex- 
 ecutive power This was the natural effect of 
 causes in which our revolution and dismember- 
 ment from Great Britain originated. And these 
 operated with irresistible dominion, in those 
 forms of State government wiiich were estab- 
 lished soon after that event. In a very few 
 years, however, this distrust gave way to oppo- 
 site inclinations i and we ]iassed from the 
 one extreme to the other. And hence, in 
 our existing Constitution, the fruits of the 
 change are manifest and alarming. The ap- 
 pointing power is among the richest endow- 
 ments of executive prerogative. It brings with- 
 in the active and controlling sphere of its influ- 
 ence, the. best and the v/orst passions of human 
 nature. In its original grant, this prerogative 
 was sufficiently large and authoritative. Yet in 
 the practical operations of the system, it has 
 been greatly augmented. In the commence- 
 ment, the Senate was relied upon as a safeguard 
 against abuse — but the legislature having 
 granted to the executive head the sole power 
 of displacing all officers, such grant removes 
 , this safeguard, by conferring on the President, 
 singly, an authority of unlimited influence. If 
 the constitutional power to appoint be a rich 
 and most attractive prerogative, the legal power 
 of displacing at pleasure, must also be consi- 
 dered a most efficient and subduing agency. 
 The first will act upon the passions of pride, 
 avarice and ambition^ but in the operation of 
 the last, there will be superadded to these 
 powerful incitements, mortification, the fear 
 of shame and disgrace, and the dreaded penal- 
 ties, perhaps, of unmerited odium. The hand 
 that grasps these powers holds uncontrolled do- 
 minion over these dependents of Executive 
 will, by the moral sway of hope and fear, re- 
 ward and punishment. Is such depository safe? 
 Is it necessary to the great objects of constitu- 
 tional estabUshment? Tlie obHgations of Ex- 
 ecutive duty imposed upon the President, call 
 for large grants of power, appropriate to tlic 
 just ends of their fulfilment. The appointing 
 power is most extensive. It was necessary to 
 lodge it some where, and in its general exer- 
 cise I would not disturb it. Not because it is 
 an authority unassociated with great means of 
 doing great mischief, but because it is indisso- 
 lubly connected with the high responsibilities 
 of the Executive trust. And the power to do 
 wrong is an essential and integral part of the 
 abiUty to do right. But, Mr. SrKAKF.n, when 
 we contemplate this power to appoint and dis- 
 place at will, in association v/lth the peculiar 
 situation and duties of the principal accounting 
 and disbursing officers of the Treasury, new 
 questions press themselves into the inquiry, and 
 (more especially in estimating its relation to the 
 various allotments of constitutional power) 
 other considTrations rlniin o'lrser'ausattPTitinn. 
 
 Tiic public treasure 'a placed in tii.e keep^n^'' 
 and under the exclusive control of Congress. 
 It is intrusted, in an eminent degree, to the 
 providence and thrfit of this House: "No mo- 
 ney shall be drawn from the Treasury, but m 
 consequence of appiopriations made bv law." 
 Moreover, the power of Congress itself rs lim- 
 ited, in making appropriations for the army, to 
 the terra of tv/o years; and it is further provid- 
 ed, by our constitutional code, "that all bills 
 for raising revenue, shall originate in the House 
 of Representatives." More explicit enact- 
 ments, conferring and limiting authority, could 
 not have been invented. The power oi" raising 
 revenue and directing the expenditure of ra"p 
 nsy, is a high representative and legislative 
 trust. Among our correlative duties is tlie 
 stewardship of its disbursement. To ensure fi.*- 
 delity, and secure accountability, the agents ex- 
 ercising this derivative trust of expending the 
 public funds, should owe all responsibility to 
 that branch of the government constitutionally 
 clothed with the right of appropriation, and 
 the absolute power of taxation. If abuse or 
 corruption now exist, those who hold the purse 
 strings are without the means of detection or 
 punishment. The persons engaged in the 
 practical agency of disbursement, should not 
 be dependent on the abusing power. Fidelity 
 in office is most certain when the passion of 
 self-interest is made to coincide with iivtegrity 
 and rectitude. In what does virtue itself con- 
 sist, but a compromise of opposite motives an'd 
 inducements? I speak of no particular admin- 
 istration — of no particular man or class of men, 
 but of human nature comprehensively. Does 
 any man live, untainted by original sin? How 
 can we rationally expect to detect fraud iu 
 public disbursement, or malfeasance in any 
 part of the Treasury establishment, so long 
 as every disbursing and accounting officer (for 
 such from the nature of tilings are tlie only ef- 
 ficient witnesses of public delinquency) are 
 dependent for their official existence upc^n the 
 very power that is interested in concealing its 
 own coi-rupt conduct' Does the goneral and in- 
 tangible responsibility of the Chief Magis- 
 trate afford adequate security against this 
 mischief ? Supposing such dangers should im- 
 pend — I perceive under our existing system no 
 effectual remedy. On the contrary, I know o'f 
 no political error more prevalent in its influence, 
 or more detrimental to the pubhc welfare, than 
 this vague notion of responsibility. It consti 
 tutes neither the distinguishing nor the conserv 
 ative principle of our system. Responsibility 
 had been seen, felt and illustrated in all th« 
 forms of government which preceded ours. 
 Even in the sternest despotisms, it was the 
 sword of Damocles suspended over the head of 
 Tyranny. In our parent country, in the worst 
 age of the race of her worst princes, it brought 
 the head of one of the Stuarts to the block, anS 
 drove another from the throne. Sir, I will re- 
 peat, what I said upon another occasion, that 
 limitation of power, defined in express written 
 grant, is not only the great and saving princi- 
 ple of our Constitution, but it is the prominciTt 
 developement in the political discovery of the 
 age. If we have any sliet:t-anchor for the na- 
 tional ship, it is this. Responsibility, coramonl/ 
 inoperative and easily evaded, looks to the pun- 
 ishment of offences onlv. J.imitX^ion nf rfriwf" 
 
8(1 
 
 res .5 on •'.iC surtr basis of preventive jubllcc; 
 :;ont"rols the public functionary, arrests the mad 
 ■'.irecr ■■<{ ])rofli{^a*c ambitioit, and cliccks llic 
 oentripelal tendency of the system. 
 
 The aubdivJsioii and restrictions of granted 
 yo'.vc", first in being' parcelled out among our 
 Citiite and confederate governinciits, and next 
 'iistribtited into the three co-ordinate depart- 
 jjicnts of each, witli express limitations upon 
 all, constitute the improved and prominent in- 
 vention of this age. To these, responsibility 
 in the agency which administers our institutions 
 may he added. Yet its action is but sccondarj'. 
 Or if 1 may emjjloy a wcrii just used b}- my wor- 
 thy colleague, Mr. Randolph, it is ancillaiy to a 
 greater, primary restraint. It.is the handmaid 
 only of a more tfijcient conservative of po- 
 pidur liberty. In practice (upon a large p.'i.rt 
 of the expenditures of this gcvernmcn*,) ti»^ 
 restraining and supervising power of Cong?', ss 
 is lost. This is not a transient evil of the hour, 
 but one that has been constantly expanding, un- 
 til its shade is now cast over most of the objects 
 for which public treasure is disbursed. Enor- 
 ■^ou3 as the patronage of the Executive un- 
 doubtedly is, its prerogative is yet more serious 
 and alnnning. The practical operation of 
 Thing?, at present, is tos\ibstitute, to a vast es- 
 *cnt, tlie rrcsider.t's ]r,-erogative, as a supple- 
 ment to the legislative will. It puts aside the 
 excellent provision of the Constitution, which 
 ';xact3 appropriations by law for all money 
 drawn from the treasury, and substitutes cxeai- 
 . t?re d'lKretion c-s the oh"^ guide and trarrnnl of 
 '^pcndiiurc. Sir, the fii-st appropriation bill 
 'bat ever passed Congrc--;?, was for ?ri39,000; 
 'hat for the last year, exclusive of the public 
 detjt, \v.as somewhat less than thirteen miUions. 
 In the first three years of llie presentConstitution, 
 the consolidated revenues of the treasury were 
 not above four million and a half of dollars. Three 
 years of the receipts of llie present times would 
 equal seventy -five millions. Few Governments 
 Jiavc held po.'^scsslon of large amounts in trca- 
 i-ure, without finding adequate means and pur- 
 poses for disbursing it. And tiie suggestion is 
 as applicable to ours, as to any other Govern- 
 ment. But our greatest danger appears to re- 
 sult from the heavy 3])propriations for enntin- 
 f;encie<;, and other undefined objects of public 
 »5,,xpend'tv.re, wheiein the unrestricted discre- 
 tion of tiic Executive exerts an alisolute domi- 
 nion. These have been creeping upon us year 
 after year, till at lengih t!)o mind is startled :Jt 
 The enormity of tlie sum. Mr. Jefferson fore- 
 saw and warned Congress, tliat this miglit be- 
 come the matrix of unnumbered ills; entreat- 
 ing ti).at specific, appropriations miglit ahv:iys 
 be made. In the first year ofhls Administration, 
 reform was difiicult. There was a go\ernment 
 to re-organize, and an army to disband; foreign 
 Selations to adjiust upon new developments of 
 public opinion ; reform and economy to supe;- 
 scde existing prodigahty and abuse : Such and 
 so many objects recjuired a large investment of 
 'liscretionary authority. Vet, even in tliis em- 
 barrassed state of public aflairs, and environed 
 by requisitions that seemed to plead for en- 
 larged Executive discretion, the sum that year 
 fipprcrpriatod for contingencies, did not exceed 
 sixty thousand dollars, and the sum total that 
 could be reached by the gre.itest stretch of 
 ?hi)» 3'tthoritx', was about one htmdred and 
 
 twenty thousand dollars. In tlic io'nQ-A ing yea:, 
 vvlien sagacity, enlightened by experience, en- 
 abled him to bring into practice the de,sirc(i 
 virtues of economy and reform, this class of ap 
 propriations was reduced to about twenty thou- 
 sand dollars. And in'tiie year succeeding, pres.=;- 
 ing his principles still further intouseful service, 
 the amount of the contingent funds a little ex- 
 ceeded fifteen thousand dol'ars. I liav-e with 
 some care, Mr. Speaker, run througli the ap- 
 propriation bills for the service of the la.st year, 
 and collating these v. itlisuch infonnaiion as I 
 was .ible to extract from the Treasury Dep^irt- 
 ment, and having thereupon made an estimate 
 of the whole amount of money subject to 
 the untramm tiled will of the Prescient, I 
 greatly err if this amount be not fiuo mil- 
 lions of dollars. The alarming magnitude of 
 soct: I', tnist appears inimi.'ieritly hazanious to 
 the morality ard ,«\ifety of our institutions. It 
 i". in effect abrogating that wliolcsome check of 
 the Constitution which prohibits the drawing of 
 any mon'"y from the Treasury, except by virtue 
 of appropriation made by law. It invests the 
 executive will with a dangerous authority ever 
 that trust, which the Constitution for wise pur- 
 poses confided to Congress. It makes a mock- 
 ery of the strongest barrier against executive 
 influence, and the encroachment of a single 
 magistrate; and in so far removing the vigilant 
 guardianship of the representative bod}', dis- 
 penses witli a large portion of its appropriate 
 responsibility. Sir, in a country so extensive 
 and extending as ours, with great and growing 
 interests, continu.aliy becoming more diversin- 
 cd, an immense trust niaj- perhaps be unavoida- 
 ble. Legal specifications more precise may 
 be impracticable. But if this be so, surely 
 it offers an irrepressibl • motive with us for 
 ;;omc suitable m.easure of reform .md change . 
 If so great a trust be indispensable, in propor- 
 tion to its magnitude and necessity should be 
 the care and vigilance with which th<? Legisla- 
 ture ought to guard it from everj- abuse. Let 
 us put around our treasury, sentinels for its se- 
 curity, actuated by such inducements to fidelity 
 as may promise a proper result Let us connect - 
 the interest of the man we trust with his powers 
 and his duties. Is the case so at present } Arc 
 not vour accounting and disbursing agents so 
 dependent upon the good will ot the Chief 
 Magistrate, tJiat they .^re brought necessa- 
 rily to .stand in conflict with fidelity tr. 
 the people ? It is vain tlicory to hope that 
 written forms of duty will prevail against th'.; 
 impulses of self preservation. Money is the 
 great lever of amotion, and when did ambition 
 forbear, in operating upon the frailty of human 
 nature, io use the means best adapted to its 
 ends? Over such delicate trusts can we plant 
 too many guards' 
 
 The time for the discussion having expired, 
 on a subsequent day, Mr. UAUTLETT, of 
 New Hampshire, and Mr. STORRS, of New 
 York, addressed the House in reply to Mr. 
 E AKHOU R— .-.fter which, 
 
 .Mr. HARHOUR s.iid, the gentleman from 
 New York demands a moment's attention before 
 1 piocced to reply to the gentleman from New- 
 Mampshire. TJiis gentleman [Mr. SronRs] 
 seems to possess a creative faculty for -aising 
 shadoAvs, and to employ It, that he may combat 
 tiiem. The re'iohitionsnnw suhmit^'ed. indiea»° 
 
^7 
 
 aji existing evil, but lliey do not point out tlie 
 remedy. In tTiat task, alike difficult and impor- 
 tant, I hope for all the aid which the wisdom 
 of the House can g-ive me. And tliis fiction of 
 the gentleman's fancy is pressed upon us willi a 
 manner of apparent earnestness. He affects to 
 think that Uie action of our sj'stcin tends to 
 augment tlie power of this House. Such sug- 
 gestions arc at least .as old as our present form 
 of government. For it was contemporaneously 
 asserted that the tendency of Ropuhlics is to 
 augment the power of the popi'.'ar brancli of 
 the government, at the exponjC of the co-ordi- 
 nate dtpartments, but ot" Monarcl its to en- 
 large the executive allotments of power. If 
 such be the tendency and t.st of political in- 
 stitutions, 1 fear that the general principle of 
 monarchy, rather than of democracy, is implant- 
 ed in oui own. If tiiis test is to be found in 
 the rt suits, who can fail to remark the ample 
 and growing iniluence of the executive; while 
 that of its co-ordmate branches is pro- 
 gressively diminishing. Can any rational 
 observer deny that t'ic creation and action of 
 the executive are the pivc's upon winch our 
 general s}'stem is turning? Not only the divis- 
 ions of party in this Ho'jr.e, but our foreign and 
 domestic policy revolve upon them. Is there 
 any thing in the creation or in the action of the 
 representative depaitments of either the State 
 or Feiicra! Govenimeiits that is not touched in 
 .some point by popviiar prejudice, or partiality 
 for the executive magisti-ale of the Union .' 
 And why, Sir, is this so? Tlie answer is obvi- 
 ous; and we find it in the augmented powers, 
 patronage, and prerogatives of the President. 
 The gentleman from New Hampshire [Mr. 
 BAnxLETTJ has counselled me to correct my 
 errors, in stating as I have done, the public ex- 
 penditure by recurrence to Treasury reports. 
 I vvish, Su", that I had found cori'cct counsel in 
 the gentleman's example rather than his pre- 
 cept. In attempting to correct my imputed 
 mistakes, the gentleman himself has certainly 
 been betrayed into palpable error. He was 
 wrong in his commencement, and errora arc 
 difluscd throughout the whole financial view 
 that he has picst-nted. Wc arc informed by 
 him, that the power of tran.sferring without 
 limit, specific appropriations, was coeval with 
 the government; that prior to J 809, it never had 
 been restrained; andcoiiscquently, tlir.tthe dis- 
 cretion of tlie President ranged over the whole 
 expenditure of the Treasur}'. The gentleman 
 has confounded the gr.ant of this power with 
 what he has told us v^'as its first limitation. Can 
 it be possible, tliat v.ith common sense for his 
 guide, and the Constitution of the country 
 staring him in the face, that he can really have 
 arrived at this conclusion. The gentleman 
 cannot have looked into this subject, or he 
 .surely v/ould have seen that .srdutary check 
 upon the executive which tlie Constitution im- 
 poses, in the provision that "no money shall 
 be drawn from the Treasury, but in conse- 
 quence of appropriations made by law." 
 
 nis mind labors in its own delusion, by mls- 
 npprehending the first legislative grant for tlie 
 first legislative restriction: and this is an irre- 
 fragable answer to so much of t.lic gentleman's 
 estimates, as embraces thr >e millions of dollars. 
 Prior to Mr. Jefferson's ad riinistratioiis, tlie lan- 
 guage of our appronriatif ji acts v;a5 loose and 
 
 general. lie s.iw tiic om^:n.=; oi mlscbief tha^- 
 crowded around this practice, and in his fir.s' 
 message advised its change. Specific appro- 
 priations to definite objects followed, and his 
 model of economy and simplicity in administra 
 tion, is happily illustrated, in this rcppect, by 
 its strict coherence to the plain principles <y' 
 tlic constitution. In process of time, the.sc. 
 views gave way to a misguiding exigency, and 
 tiie spirit of tlie constitution was .subdued in the 
 act of March 3d, 1809. The right to transfer 
 appropriations, defeats that guard over tlie pub- 
 lic money which the constitution designed for 
 its security, and gives into the hand of the Pre- 
 sident tlic key that unlocks, at his will, tlie na- 
 tional treasures. This wa«, no doubt, atemjio- 
 rary oonvejiiencc; but it was fraught with se- 
 rious error in its inception, and still more 
 serious danger in the precedent. Tiic present. 
 Vice-President of the United States movc^l upon 
 this floor in December 1816, the following re- 
 solution: 
 
 ♦• Resolved, That the Committee of Ways and 
 " Means be instructed to inquire i.ito the cxpc- 
 " diency of repealing so much of an act entitled 
 "an act further to amend tlic several ac!s for 
 •' the establ.-^liment and r«^gulationof the Trca- 
 " surj', War and Navy Departments, passed 3d 
 *• March 1809, as authorizes the President of 
 " the United St.ates to transfer appropriations.' 
 
 Although poweifully resisted in debate, he 
 succeeded in this efFori to bring back the exe- 
 cutive action to its constitutional limits. Had 
 he no other claims to public gratitude but this 
 single act of replacing the constitution upon its 
 true and original basis, it would be of itself euf 
 ficient to give him a high and just rank among 
 the benefactors of his co-untry. The act rf 
 March 3d, ISIT, was tiie fruit of his esej-tions. 
 That of May 1820 next foUoA-ed.^ By this las- 
 act, the pov/er of tr.ansfer, which is equivalent 
 to the grant of absolute power over disburse-- 
 ment. was vested in the President, for the fo!- 
 lowing specified objects: — "For the subsir- 
 fence of the Army, for forage, for the Medical 
 and Hospital Depaitment;" also in the Navy 
 Department; "for provisions, for m.edicine?, 
 and ho.spital stores, for repairs of vesseb, for 
 clothing." And this act concludes by prohibit- 
 ing all other transfer of appropriation. As tlir 
 gentleman has called in question the accuracy 
 of my fii-st estimate of the sums subject to th," 
 will of the President, I have revised it upon hi? 
 own admitted basis of calculation. If I ana i-i 
 error, that error is incur;ible, for I have spared 
 no diligence in tlie scrutiny by v.-hicii I tested 
 the con'ectness of the original estiiiiiite. S-i' . 
 I must repeat that tlie contingent exjicnses fer 
 the first year of Mr. Jefferson's adnrinistrati< n, 
 tliough open to some cavil, slioidd be fairly set 
 down at $68,21J, 57 cent?, but embracing both 
 enumerated and unenuuier.itcd contingencies, 
 v.-ill not exceed S120,0(;0; for the second year 
 the amount was !f'20,5.50: and for the third year 
 was $15,001, 2 cents. Contrasted with these, 
 the appropriations for the last year, that ru*e un- 
 der the dominion of the executive, may be set 
 dov.-n at two mijhons and fifty-six thousand, 
 one hundred and fifi3'-t!iree dollars and forty. 
 eij3:ht cents. We may with propriety add to 
 this sum, the ajjpropriations for internal as WiH 
 as external commerce; comjirising the sums a, 
 'ottcd for light-houst!s. bucys, pier;?, fcc. ^;.:. 
 
Hb 
 
 which touch tiie latter subject, and roads, ca- 
 nals and surveys as connected with the for- 
 mer. Fop in tliese (hsbursements, the power 
 conferred is so general, and the application of 
 money in the legislative act, so loose and unde- 
 fined, as necessarily to confide the expenditure 
 to the executive judgment, as a supplement to 
 the expressed will of the Legislature. 
 
 For these purposes there was last year ex- 
 pended, eight hundred and fourteen thousand 
 two hundred and four dollars and fifty-two 
 cents, and which added to the above amount of 
 two millions fifty-six thousand one hundred and 
 fifty-three dollars, and forty-eight cents, make 
 a total of two millions eight hundred and seven- 
 ty thousand three hundred and fifty-eight dol- 
 lars. I am thoroughly persuaded that it will 
 in the aggregate exceed, rather than fall short 
 of, this computation. I have brought with me 
 to my seat, the treasury reports, and extracts 
 carefully taken from the acts of Congress 
 making apj^ropriation. [Here Mr. Barbour read 
 from manuscripts, and other documents, in de- 
 tail, each item of expenditure and appropria- 
 tion.] It will be to me a source of gratifica- 
 tion, if the gentleman from New Hampshire, or 
 any other member will take these papers, or 
 copies of them, and detect by the severest scru- 
 tiny, any error of estimate or calculation. Mr. 
 Steakek, is it not a theme for curious and 
 anxious speculation, that whenever any allu- 
 sion is here made to the expenses of govern- 
 ment, the friends of the Chief Magistrate rise 
 up with Iheir correlative estimates of the pre- 
 sent and past administrations? And yet, Sir, 
 this trcCTulous sensitiveness is by no means in- 
 explicalslc. It is a fact, capable of the plainest 
 demonstration, that the disbursements of public 
 money, under like circumstances, and for the 
 same objects of expenditure, by the present 
 administration, have exceeded all former exam- 
 ple. And it is not upon untenablt ground that 
 I make up this opinion. Arithmetical calcula- 
 tions, restiiig- upon responsible reports from the 
 Treasury Department, carry my mind to this 
 confident conclusion. "VViiutever causes may 
 arise for diversity of opinion upon other topics 
 of inquiry, none can here exist; for the esti- 
 mate of dollars and cents, by the plain use of 
 figures, cannot conduct us into error, without 
 The certainty of immediate and palpable detec- 
 tion. In the view that I took of this subject, 
 my attention was fixed to the comparative esti- 
 mate of appropriation and expenditure for the 
 tliree years of this administration, compared 
 with that cf the three years immediately pre- 
 ..-eding it. And it presents the following re- 
 rulls: 
 
 1822 Current expenditures 1825 Current cxpondituies 
 
 exclusive of military pen- exclusive of milita-y pt-ii- 
 
 sionJ, mid tli«; payments to sions, and the paymi-nls to 
 
 the public debt. the public debt. 
 
 7,879,444 U S 10,24y,S29 13 
 
 13^3 Satno 8,003,506 7 1820 Same 11,505,722 44 
 
 :S24 Same 8,')J0,4->9 56 1827 Same 11,752,515 bl 
 
 Total 824,622,459 7-i. 
 
 Total g33,5C7,767 18 
 
 Deduct three years amount of preceding 
 
 Adiiiinistratio'Tt 24,822,450 74 
 
 61io\«-in(;nn increase of disbursement in the 
 preitnt administration of 8,685,307 44 
 
 I have omitted any notice of the charges 
 
 upon the I'reasury, for the public debt, and 
 
 the military pensions, because the p.aymcnts 
 
 *o these oh'ect-; cannot, by :inv diRlcctic 
 
 ingenuity, be laaue the theme of euiogj, 
 to any administration. The extiiiguihmg 
 action of the sinking fund upon the public debt, 
 cannot be set down to the credit of the execu- 
 tive. It results from pre-existing law. The 
 excess of accumulation in t!»e surplus fund, by 
 operation of the same law, disgorges itself into 
 the sinking fund, and becomes, in likeman»er, 
 sacred to the public engagement. The appro- 
 priations for military pensions I have also exclu- 
 ded, because this is a disbursement likewise 
 resting upon definite and uncontrollable causes, 
 and is in no instance to be affected by adminis- 
 trative prodigality or economy. This channel 
 of expenditure has been gradually contracting 
 by the inflexible operation of the great law of 
 nature, upon the aged survivors of the revolu- 
 tionary army. I choose here to mention, that 
 a slight difference may be made to appe-ar in 
 these calculations, if resort be had to the latt 
 report on the public debt. But this will pre- 
 sent a stronger case, by five or six thousand 
 dollars, against the present administration. I 
 have made my deductions from the table accom- 
 panying the report of the Committee of VVajs 
 and Means, and sent to that Committee from 
 the Treasury Department. I have taken that 
 basis for calculation which presents the small- 
 est discrepant amount of expenditure in the two 
 periods embraced in the comparison. And 
 here, too, Mr. Speaker, I entreat the gentle- 
 man from New Hampshire, [Mr. Bahtlett,] 
 to take these estimates, with the materials from 
 which they have been made up, and give them 
 his closest examination. They challenge and 
 defy his scrutiny. The vaunted care and eco- 
 nomy of this administration is opposed with the 
 stubborn and melancholy fact, that c^t mil- 
 lions six hundred and eighty-five thousand three 
 hundred and seven dollars and forty-four cents 
 have already been thriftles.sly expended, instead 
 of having been apjilied to the extinction of the 
 public debt, since the present chief magistrate 
 came into office. Sir, the evil does not stop 
 here. It is said that we are enjoined by the 
 constitutional duties which the distribution of 
 power among the co-ordinate branches .of gov- 
 ernment impose on us, to grant supplies. And 
 the fact is unquestionable, that the executive 
 estimates for the service of the current year, 
 ai-'^ at least cqu.i!, and in the main, probably 
 greater, than for that wliich has closed. Push- 
 ing ahe.id for further results, in the suppositi- 
 tious economy of this care-takinp; administration, 
 and judging of what is to be done, by that 
 which has been done, I am warranted in saying 
 that this excess of expenditure, beyond its com- 
 parative proportion, will be increased to eleven 
 millions five hundred and eighty thousand four 
 hundred and ten dollars and twent^'-five cents. 
 Is this to be borne with in a temper of patient 
 forbearance' Can it l)e successfully controvert- 
 ed by any varying computation? Can it be pal- 
 liated by any further disclosures of a justifying 
 and imperative necessity? I- am firmly con- 
 vinced that it cairnot. 
 
 The Tre.isury report, from which I have taken 
 these expenditures, details for each and evcri/ 
 year, //it name Hems of disbursement, idcnticiUi/ 
 and succe-ssivcli/ extended. In the present con- 
 dition cf tilings, with a commerce suffering un- 
 der exaction, and agriculture languishing into 
 dccav.have not our constituents'' alrcadvburder.- 
 
>i'J 
 
 ed wifli excessive though indirect taxes) aright 
 to hold to us the chiding- language of divine in 
 ypiration, and say: "we have labored, and other 
 men have entered into the fruits of our labors." 
 The gentleman from New Hampshire thought 
 fit to claim credit to "the powers tiiat be," 
 because no appropriation had been asked at 
 this time for the contingent expens'^s of fo- 
 reign intercourse, — that is for the fund usually 
 called "secret service money!" This is true, 
 but it is accompanied by an odd development, 
 that is equally true. For this fund, there was 
 no appropriation asked or made during the 
 years 1822 and 1823. For the year 1827, the 
 unexpended balances of former appropriations 
 had swelled to fifty-three thousand, one hun- 
 <lred dollars, and seventy-one cents. And yet 
 a further appropriation of thirty thousand doU 
 lars was sohcited and granted. And now when 
 they have but forty-six thousand, eight hun- 
 dred and forty-two dollars,- placing under ex- 
 ecutive control between six and seven thousand 
 ■dollars less than was wanted for the service of 
 the last year; it is deemed sufficient, and no 
 further appropriation is now asked. How, Sir, 
 is this? As the gentleman has touched tliis ex- 
 penditure I may be pardoned-for doing so too. 
 No trust can be more delicate than this. In 
 comparing its disbursement with other proxi- 
 mate times, the following facts occur : From the 
 first of January 1816, to the 4th of March 1817, 
 when Mr. Madison retired from office, there 
 was paid upon vouchers indicating secret ser- 
 vice, but six hundred and fifty dollars During 
 the whole eight years of Mr. Monroe's Admin- 
 istration, there was paid in like manner, five 
 thousand six hundred thirty dollars: While during 
 two years and nine months of Mr. Adams's Ad- 
 ministration, there has been expended ten thou- 
 sand six hundred and twenty-four dollars and 
 sixty-eight cents. Moreover, the sum of eight 
 thousand nine hundred and fifty -eight dollars, 
 [part of the above] was vouched for upon five 
 different certificates, bearing dates the 8th and 
 21st November, 1827. This fund is legally 
 designated for the contingent expenses of for- 
 eign intercourse, and yet I perceive that the 
 sum of two thousand five hundred and forty- 
 eight dollars and eighty-three cents was paid 
 from this appropriation to cert-ain printars in the 
 United States, for advertising notice to Emi- 
 grants or Colonists of St. Domingo : a manifest 
 departure from the express object of the appro- 
 priation. In contrast wiU* this heavy, and 
 as I think, unlawful use of the public money, 
 I will mention the fiict, that in the appropria- 
 tion act of February 1802, is ^he item of eighty 
 four dollars, for defraying the expenses of ad- 
 vertising the sale of public lands in the Sciota 
 Gazette of Ohio. So cautious was Mr. Jeffer- 
 son, that he would not touch even this small 
 sum for an important service, without a_specific 
 grant: by appropriation. The multiphcation 
 of offices with high salaries, in employing 
 treaty bearing meissengers, I consider a serious 
 abuse. I find, that the aggregate sum including 
 ~ passage, expenses, pay, &c. of nineteen hun- 
 dred and forty dollars was paid to one messen- 
 ger in 1825, for one hundred and twenty-six 
 days, equalling $15 and39 cents per day. A 
 larger salary, for the time, than is given to the 
 Chief Justice of the United Sates, and as much 
 ?.9 is given to the h^ad of adeprirtm.ent. In the 
 
 yeai' ISiO, there was paid in like inaniier, i4<)5 
 dollars 9| cents, to another Messenger, for one 
 hundred and tliirty-two days, equal to 1 1 dollars 
 10 cents per day; and in 1827, to a tliird, 1250 
 dollars and -50 cents for one hundred and seven 
 days, equal to 11 dollars 26 cents per day. Se- 
 veral others within the time were also employ- 
 ed'. But I hnve taken these three cases to show, 
 in successive years, the heavy wages paid for a 
 service that calls for the exercise of no other 
 talent than is common to every mail carrier of 
 the country. 
 
 The suggestion, that these drains from the 
 Treasury have been correspondent with legal 
 appropriations, is no allevfUtion of this heavy 
 expenditure. Power is not to be abused, be- 
 cause it may have been too confidingly trusted. 
 In these delicate trusts, especially, over which 
 there is an expanded and irresistible delegation 
 of authority, we migb.t expect an honorable 
 sensitiveness, that instinctively recoils from all 
 temptation to abuse. Every vestige of confi- 
 dence, in the affairs of men, should be discard- 
 ed, if we are at liberty to confinind the distinc- 
 tions of right and wrong, by extending the ex- 
 ercise of authority to the farthest limits of con- 
 ceded power. If this be the case, we ought 
 to banish from among us, that morul stabil!t3\ 
 which holds society together, and which const! 
 tutesthe foundation of our political institutions. 
 With all the precautions and limitations infused 
 into the Constitution, it is manifest that the 
 vice of our system is the expanding power_ of 
 appropriating money, and its natural offspring 
 — the large discretion lodged with the execu- 
 tive. As this usurped power :•: continuall}^ 
 evading and surmounting its defined constitu- 
 tional limits, so too is its subordinate result 
 escaping from legal rest.;.uit. It is these incl- 
 dents from iiveidents; inmgined shadows of con- 
 structive shades, that have become more opera- 
 tive, and indeed more substantive too, thais 
 open and admitted powers. We can resist and 
 combat what is known and palpable. It 
 is secret and invisible agency, that is most to 
 be dreaded. This will always be found most 
 potent in action because it is neither tobe seeu 
 nor touched. Silent accretions of authority, 
 growing as it were, by stealth, are to be viewed 
 with greatest alarm. In these, the virus Oi' 
 corruption is generated, and from this sourct 
 dilfused through the system. 
 
 A judicious writer, (with the lamp of History 
 before him,) says: "It is very uncommon to see 
 " the laws and" constitution of a State openly 
 " and boldly opposed: it is against silent and 
 " gradual attacks that a nation ought to be par- 
 " ticularly on its guard — sudden revolutions; 
 " strike the imaginations of men: they are de- 
 " tailed in history; their secret springs are dc- 
 " veloped. But we overlook the changes that 
 " insensibly happen by a long train of steps 
 " that are but slightly marked. It would be 
 " rendering nations an important service to 
 " show from history how many States have thus 
 " entirely changed their nature, and lost their 
 " drlg-inul constitution. Ti»is would awaken 
 " tlie attention of mankind — impressed thence- 
 " forward with this excellent maxim, (no -less 
 " essential in politics than in Jmorals,) princl- 
 " piis obstn, they would no longer shut their 
 " eyes against innovations, wliich.though incon- 
 " siderable in thems'^lvcs, may serve -is steps Xq 
 
90 
 
 "' Hiount to higher and more pernicious enter- 
 *' prises." 
 
 ' The unhiTiilcd appropriations of money — the 
 consequent and hicvitable endowment of Exe- 
 cutive prerogative, witli its beguiling' ag"ency in 
 dispensing the public treasures — the inconsist- 
 ent power in the President of removing at plea- 
 sure the disbursing officei's whoso appoiot- 
 ments require the concuiring sanction of tbe 
 Stnatc — the extrusion of this advisingand check 
 ing boilv, in expelling from office — and the in- 
 separable venality and depc-ndonct of the trea- 
 sury guards upon a single man, are serious en- 
 croachments, that fill me with abrm. Sir, the 
 representatives of the people were very wisely 
 intended to exert an uncontrolled sorertigiitj' 
 over the money of the pcoi^le. 
 
 The coui-se orthings does indeed retain with us 
 the flattering and deceptive sliadow of thib pow- 
 er, while its efficient substance is gliding into 
 other hands. 
 
 The waniingvoice of my colleague, and as he 
 I? not present, I will say my distinguished col- 
 league, Mr. liiindolph, brought to n.y recollec- 
 tion yest-irday, lliat excellent clause in pur Vir- 
 ginb hill of rights, which declai-es "That no 
 *' free government, or the hlcssing of liberty, can 
 " be preserved to any people, but by a firm ad- 
 " herencc to justice, moderation, temperance, 
 " frngalitv, and virtue, and by a frequent re- 
 " currence to fundamental principles." 
 
 Speculation upon the practical conformity of 
 the Government, to the axioms of political jus- 
 tice, is more important than may at first s;g!it 
 be imagined. It strikes at the root of m'schicv- 
 ous profus'on^and cI'.ilLs its noisome and perni- 
 cious influence. It tends to familiarize us to 
 those strict and severe tests of trust and duty, 
 ■without which our energy, as wc^l as our use- 
 fulnesb, will be contracted to a very narrow 
 compass. 
 
 The money power of Congress, fcon^^p'ring 
 thro' the President's prerogative with the strong 
 passions and the yiekling weaknesses of ivu- 
 man iiature') is pbced in dangerous resistance to 
 the best and soundest principles of pubhc safety. 
 Itis theTroj:'.nhorje within the waU'i ofti.e Con- 
 stitation. Its powerful and irresistible operation 
 is first to enlarge the spliere :.'f ac'ion for the 
 v.hple government, but its resulting and inevita- 
 We tendency is to* concentrate accumulated 
 powers in the lixrcutive head. Sir, there are 
 three act've creating and created agents in our 
 confederation — tiie People, tlie States, and tliis 
 creature of both, th.: Federal Governimnt. — 
 By moving upon antngonist principles, tiiey 
 will mutually preserve, by reciproculh ci)eck 
 ing the inordinate action of each other. Great 
 occasions will sometimes arise, in wliich tliey 
 may become so bound together in action, as, in 
 producing temporary advuntagc, to engraft up- 
 on the system tliegerm of future destruction. 
 
 Our recurrence to original principles cannot 
 be too frequent. V»'ith all the necessities for 
 the last M ar, and amidst all the glories which 
 hardy valor achieved for us, upon the ocean 
 .'iiid in the field — one of its lingering evils casts 
 its .shadow witliin the view. The spirit of pa- 
 triotism, operating upon the antagonist princi- 
 ples to which I liave alluded, .associated them 
 in action, expanded the powers nf this govi-rii- 
 ment, infused into it addition:d vigor, and en- 
 dowe<l it anew lij- supple rules of construction. 
 
 An additional class of implied powers 1.-; one of 
 its fruits. The greatest difficulty will always be 
 found in disrobing government of its invest- 
 ments, after the exigency oftiie hour has passed 
 away. When did power ever make a volun- 
 tary relinquishment? Its march is In the orbit 
 of encroachment — and onward. Its footsteps 
 are not to be traced in retrogression, unless 
 down the precipice of revolution. 
 
 The dangers connected with the unrestricted 
 power of applying the public money was at one 
 time eloqu«?ntly denounced, by a prominent 
 member of the present administration. In the 
 fir.st effort of t!ie talent for debate of Mr Clay, 
 that I ever witnessed upon this floor, in con- 
 tending against its existence, he said: "What is 
 "to prevent the application of it to the pur- 
 " chase of the sovereignty of a State itself, if a 
 " State were mean enougii to sell its sovereign- 
 "ty: to tlie purchase of kingfloms, empires, tbe 
 ♦' globe itself '" It is the transcendent in^tni- 
 ment with which Cxsar and Bonaparte, both 
 declared that univer.«;al domitiion might be ob- 
 tnined. Ye' we look with calmness and indif- 
 ference upon the progressive enlargement and 
 consolidation (if this pov.er in the executive 
 With the flowers of prerogative that al ready- 
 adorn this dejiartment, this great lever is only 
 wanting to give it an absolute control. 
 
 It has become fashionable among a certain 
 class of politicians, to deride our fears of en- 
 croachment, atid to denominate the plain com- 
 mon sense rules of interpretation — Virginia 
 principles. Let me tell gentlemen, that these 
 princTplc", int.helrkgitlm.ite scope,willyet pre- 
 vail. Their feundatioa is in the broad basis of hu- 
 man I igiits. While they persuade to social order, 
 and a love of union, they Inculcate refclttance to 
 lawless oppressioti. They have always been 
 found upon tlie .side of liberty, combatting 
 sgainst power — foremost ii> tlie field of contest 
 for independence, that "lord of the lion heart 
 and eagle' eye." A momentary tnunph may 
 be won over them by deceptive allurements for 
 the sordid and selfish piissions of " low ambi» 
 tiun," and excited interests. Other iiopes, by 
 intensity of incitement may prevail for the 
 fleeting season of deception, but the victory is 
 i>mpor^ry, .md canies in its bosom t'-.c seeds 
 of certain disappointment. Amid the collisions of 
 nciv parties and new interest^, tliat iu-c da^ly de- 
 veloped, I have a cnfidcncc that Virginia has 
 the sagacity to discern the patli of her duty, and 
 the firmness to ire:^lt fearlessly. She has no 
 bonn to ask, no favor to supplicate. Seeking 
 neither emolument nor office, hers may 
 yet be the attitude of Arbitrcss in the coming 
 contests. If she cannot aiTcst, she may check; 
 ami by judiciously throwing her weight mto the 
 scale of controversy, make it preponderate upon 
 the side ot liberty and the constitution. 
 
 I ask, Mr. Srt.vKF.u, that my resolutions be 
 referred to the Committee en the Whole upon 
 the State of the Union. 
 
 fT'un motion Jiiial'i/ pnraiied. J 
 
 CHIEF JUSTICE MARSHALL. 
 
 Wcfind in the hst Richmond Whig the fol- 
 lowing letter: 
 
 March 29, ]§28. 
 
 Sin: I perceive in your paper of to-day fi 
 quotation from the Marvlander, of certain rx 
 
91 
 
 tircssidii:> ascribeu to n.e respecting the pending"' 
 election for the Presidency of the United States, 
 MMiich I think it my duty to disavow. Holding' 
 *he situation I do under the Covernrnent of t'le 
 United States, I hove thoii{yht it riglitto abstain 
 from anyjjublic declaration, on the e!cct:on ; 
 aiid were it otiserwise, I should abstain from 
 .1 conviction tliat my opinions would have no 
 ^veight. 
 
 I admit having- said in private, that, tliongh I 
 had not voted since the establishment of tiie ge- 
 neral ticket system, and had believed tl;at I ne- 
 ver sh.culd vote dari;ig its continuance, I mifiiit 
 probably depart from my resolutior in vhis in- 
 stance, from the strong sense I felt of 'iie isijiis- 
 tice of the cliarge of corru]2ti,i>n against die Pre- 
 sident and Secretary of Stale: 1 never did use 
 the other expressions ascribed to me. 
 
 I request you to say that you are authorized 
 to declai'e that €in Marylander has been misin- 
 formed. 
 
 Verv respectfully, your ob't. 
 
 J MARSHALL. 
 
 Jonx H. Pleasants, Esq. 
 
 Having in vain invoked to their aid tlie names 
 of Messrs. Jefferson, Mitdison, .Monroe and 
 Crawford, tlie Coahtion ha.ve at If^ngth hit up- 
 on that of thief Justice I^Iarshall. It is not our 
 \vish to deprive them of it. We hud long since 
 taken it for graTited, that Mr Marshal! v/as in 
 favor of the re-election of Mr. Adams. Before 
 his appointment as Chief justice, lie was tiie 
 zealous and able advocate of tlie elder Adams. 
 He was decided in his denunciation and 
 opposition to Mi*. Jefferson. And it is said 
 that although, as Chief Justice of the United 
 St.ates, he administered the oath of office to Mr. 
 Jefferson, so strong were his paitisHn feelings, 
 that lie turned his bp.ck aponthat distinguished 
 statcsmian upon that occas'on. It is well known 
 that under the reign ^.if terror, the Chief Jus- 
 tice was the leader of the administration party 
 in the House; and that he was to the elder Ad- 
 amj what Mr. Webster lias been lothc younger. 
 None have been more violent in their (Opposi- 
 tion to the Marshall family and federal infliu-nce 
 than Ml'. Clay; and so sensible was John Quin- 
 ry Adams that the Chief Justice was unpopular 
 with the republican party, that, r^er having, as 
 the first act of h's prefouled apos£acy, charged 
 t!ie federalists of the east witli a trtasmiable 
 negotiation with the Goveinor of Canada, he 
 sought to coniirm himself in the confidence of 
 Mr. Jefferson, of Mr. Giles, and his new asso- 
 ciates of the republican part}^, b} proci.iring 
 the impeachment of Mr. Marsliall, for favoring 
 the alleged treason of Aaron Burr.* 
 
 * Mr. EaiKlolph in his late speech upon Re- 
 trenchment, speaking of this subject said: 
 
 "Sir, who persecuted the name nf Hamilton 
 while living, and followed him beyond tlie 
 grave ' The father and the son . Wlm were the 
 persecutors of Fis'upr Ames, whose very grave 
 v/as haunted as if by van'ipyres' Both (atiier 
 and son. AVho attempted to libel tiie present 
 Chief Justice, and procure his impcacliment — 
 making the se.at of Jolm Smith, of Ohio, the 
 pe<^ to hang tlie impeachment on.' The son. 
 i, as one of the grand .iury, and my colleague, 
 Mr. GA.n>fKTT, were called tinon by the C hair- 
 man of the committee of the Senate, in Smith's 
 
 For our ur.-ii par.t n c arc gratiued to lind tiiai 
 Mr. Marshall has resolved to vote for Mr. Ad- 
 ams, and we confess our obligation to those par- 
 tisan.'', Vv^ho, by slandering Gen. Jackson, have 
 drawn forth this letter — especially as it enables 
 us to fix the reasons for his preferehce and char- 
 actevises the party with Vidiom he acts. 
 
 Mr. Mareliall s?.vs, I admit having said in pri- 
 vate "thoi'gh I had not voted since the estrJ^hsli- 
 ment of the genera- ticket system, and h«*d be- 
 lieved that I never should vote during is con- 
 ti'iurince, 1 might probably depart from my re- 
 solution in this instance, from ciie strong sense 
 I felt of tlie injustice of the ciiarge of con-up- 
 tlon ag-ainst ^the President and Secretary of 
 State." 
 
 We do not know at wliat time this declara- 
 tion vv'as made; we do not know whetiier Mr. 
 Marshall has examinea all die proofs of bai'gain. 
 (We ctnnot suppose ihat he can believe the 
 parties guiltv of the bargain and innocent of 
 cor:"uption .)"That isa question which it becomes 
 even' citizen to exam'me for himselt", snd the 
 late developemonts, and those yet to make, will 
 leave no peg to hang a doubt upon. We there- 
 fore cnme to the cause assigned by him for the 
 relinquishment of the most invaluable right as 
 a citizen. 
 
 We have been taught to venerate tlie charac- 
 ter of the Chief Justice as a man, and to respect 
 him as a Judge, and we must admit tliat wc 
 regret to find that age, experience and his in- 
 tercourse with tne republican part;,, have not 
 removed those deep seated prejudices and 
 sirong antipathies, whicli, although germinated 
 in the vigor of his youtiiful intt-UecS and nur- 
 tured by the passion of party violence, sbouhl 
 have been regulated by age, if not exterminat- 
 ed, by the exercise of his official duty as Chief 
 Justice of the United States. Josiah Quincy 
 exclaimed: " Those who fell vvith the first 
 Adam>> have i-isen with the sccomi;" and Jolm 
 Marshall declares that, although in the mortif;- 
 fication whicii followed the defeat of the elder 
 Adams, he had said that he would relinquish 
 his highest rignt as a citizen, yet when called 
 upon "to support the son he wdl resumiC it. 
 
 Upoii this' point we wish to be well under- 
 stood. It will be recollected that the elder 
 Adams was elected President by a vote, given, 
 by one of t'le Virginia Electors. To prevent a. 
 similar triumpli of federal principles, the Re- 
 publicans of Virginia united their strengtli. 
 
 case, (Mr. Adams,) to testify in tliat case. Sir, 
 do you remember a committee raised at tlie 
 sam"e«me in this House, to inquire whether th-: 
 fi\ilure of Burr's prosecution grew out of *'tho 
 evidence, the law, or ihc admlmalrntion of thf 
 law?" For my sin^;, I suppose. I u'as put uj>on 
 that committee. Thi; plain- oiukct wa^, Tiir. 
 i.irpii/vcn?i.'^..VT or TUE Jrnur. who pnr.snirii) ov 
 TUE TRIAL. This was one of theearly oblations 
 (the first was the writ of halicas corpus) of tlio 
 present incumbent on the altar of his new poli- 
 tical ch-arcii. Who accused his former federal 
 a.ssociates in New England of a traitorous con- 
 spiracy with the British autlioritior, in Canad.T, 
 to dismember the Union' The present incum- 
 bent. Yet all is forgiven him — Hamilton, .Vraes, 
 Mavshail, themselves accused of tret.st.n — idl 
 is forg-iven; and tlie.sc men, with one cxcepti'm 
 now .support him: and for what'" 
 

 Mr. Madison went into the Legislature of the 
 State, and his celebrated resolutions, which 
 rank next to the Declaration of Indepen 
 dence itself, and a change of the electoral law 
 from the district to the general ticket svstem 
 were adopted. In consequoncc, Mr. Jefferson 
 was elected President, and Judge Marshall, 
 then a zealous leader of the federal party, in 
 the mortification of defeat, declared that so 
 long as that system, by which hiS pp.rty lost its 
 power, prevailed, he would not vote at an elec- 
 tion. 
 
 Can any republican longer doubt, v/hich is 
 the republican candidati^ for the Presidency, 
 '\vhcn they see this same man coming forward 
 now, in support of the re-election of John Quin- 
 cy Adams > We tliink not. Who can believe 
 that Mr. Marshall is impelled to the support of 
 Mr. Adams, by the charge of corruption arainst 
 the President and Secretary of State? Admit 
 that he believes them to be innocent of the 
 <^hargc, can he pretend that there is not strong 
 presumption of guilt? and if it be a slander, 
 v.hat comparison is there between the abuse 
 which has been published against Mr. Adams, 
 and that with which the administration press 
 teems, against General Jackson? 
 
 Judge _Mar.^hall, having, as he says, withdrawn 
 from political strife, we are induced to believe, 
 has not examined the proofs of bargain which 
 have been published. Wlien John Quincy Adams 
 was before the public as a candidate of the Re- 
 publican party, he was indiflfei-ent to his elec- 
 tion; but no sooner does he find, by his inter- 
 course with Mr. Webster and the measures of 
 Mr. Adams' Administration, that Air. Adams is 
 the federal candidate, than all his youthful sym- 
 pathies for the old federal party are revived, 
 and he leaves the retirement into which he had 
 been driven by the success of the Rcpunlican 
 party, and again enterr. the list as partisan of the 
 federal candidate. The inducements which 
 .are to operate upon Mr. Marshall, are, if possi- 
 ble, more powerful than those which led him 
 xo support the elder Adams. Tt is certain that 
 no ordinary inducement could lead him to for- 
 get the apostacy»or to forgive the high injury 
 ^hich Mr. Adams meditated against himself. 
 
 Those inducements are assocLated with the 
 feelings ofliis youth, and the political aspir-ations 
 of a numerous and talented offspring, wjio be- 
 lieve that they have been kept in the back 
 ground, by the political association of the Chief 
 .fustice. 
 
 Hence, they have hailed the fulfdmcnt of the 
 declaration of Mr. Qnincj', as the certain remov- 
 al of the only bamer which, in their opinion, 
 has impeded their elevation to office and dis- 
 tinction. 
 
 We say, th.at we rejoice th.at this letter has 
 been drawn from Judge Marshall, it will explain 
 to the republican party, that as those who fell 
 with the first Adams, have risen with the sec- 
 ond, they, as a p.arty, must unite upon Andrew 
 Jackson, as their candidate, cr be torever fallen. 
 
 We lately noticed the manifesto of the 
 coalition, issued through the Journal, which 
 taken with the letters from Washington, that 
 appear in the coalition papers, proves that our 
 onininn formerlv expressed, to wit- that Messrs. 
 
 Adams and Clay have resolved to defeat any 
 Tariff, is correct. 
 
 The reason of this is obvious: What is the 
 great end and aim of Messrs. Adam.s, Clay and 
 Webster? 
 
 Answer. To re-elect Mr. Adams. 
 
 Q. llow do they expect to effect that object? 
 
 .3. By inducing the people to believe that 
 Mr. Adams is, and that Gen. Jarksoa is not, 
 the friend of Domestic Manufactures. 
 
 Q. Since Mr. Adams has made no dcclaratron 
 in favor of doniestic manufactures, by what 
 right does he claim to be their special patron? 
 
 .?. By virtue of a report made by the Secre- 
 tary of tiie Treasury, and the professions of his 
 partisans in Congress. 
 
 Q. If Mr. Adams desires to be considered 
 the patron of domestic industry, why did he 
 not recommend their protection in his Message 
 to Congress' 
 
 A. For the same cause thatiie refused to he 
 the democratic candidate for Governor of Mas- 
 sachusetts. His father in his letter to William 
 Cunningham, said: 
 
 "i may mention to you in confidence, that con- 
 siderable pains have been taken to persuade your 
 friend John Q. Adams to consent to be run by the 
 repulilicans. But he is utterly averse to it, and 
 so am I, for many reasons, among winch are, 
 1st, The office, though a precious stone, is but 
 a carbuncle shining in the dark. 2d, It is a 
 state of pej-feot slavery. The drudgery of it 
 is extremely oppressive. 3d, The Compensa- 
 tion is not a living for a common gentleman. 
 4th. He must resign his professorship. 5th, 
 He must renounce his practice at the Bar. 6th, 
 He must stand in competition with Mr Lincoln, 
 wh'ch would divide the republican interest and 
 certainly prevent tlie election of either. 7th, 
 
 It would PRODtrCE AK KTEHNAL SEPAnATIOX 
 BETWEEN HIM AND THE FEDERALISTS, at leaSt 
 
 that part- of them who now constitute the abso- 
 lute Oligarchy." 
 
 Now it is well knov/n that Mr. Adams has 
 been courting the mercantile as well as the 
 manufacturing interest; if Ac had taken the 
 same bold ground in favor of manufactures that 
 was assumed by Mr. Rush, it would have caused 
 an eternal separation between him and the 
 mercantile interest, which he could not afford 
 to lose, because it will reruire all the interest 
 which he can bring into the field to carry New 
 Kngland. 
 
 Q. How then can Mr. Adams expect to de- 
 ceive the peo])le into a belief that he is ths 
 friend of domestic manufactures ' r 
 
 A. It is known that a majority of both Houses 
 are favorable to the election of Gen. Jackson; 
 it is also known that the representatives from 
 the Southern States are unanimously opposed 
 to a tarifl", and the partisans of Mr. Adams say 
 that Gen Jackson's friends being opposed to a 
 tarifl", ergo — he is anti-tariff. 
 
 Q. But is not Mr. Adams indebted to anti-. 
 tarirt votes for his election? 
 
 A. Yes. Messrs. Brent .and Gurlcy gave the 
 casting vote in his favor; they represent an anti- 
 tar'.ff St.atc — and besides a hirge majority of 
 those who voted for Mr. Adams from New Eng- 
 land, particularly in Massachusetts, were op- 
 posed to th'i tariff r.f J H'?.i 
 
93 
 
 ^ How has this change of policy thus been 
 brought about? 
 
 -i. It was part of Mr. Clay's plan to unite the 
 east and the west ag-ainst the south. 
 
 Q. But has not Mr. Clay's plan, been to unite 
 the south and west against the east? 
 
 Ji. Yes. Until the west brought forward 
 General Jackson, and tlie south Mr. Calhoun, 
 Mr. Clay was desirous to be considered as the 
 representative of southern and western inter- 
 ests. Hence as late as 1824. he proposed a du- 
 ty of ten cents per gallon on molasses, and was 
 ready to sacrifice the tariff of 1824, for half a 
 cent per yard on cotton bugging. 
 
 Q. What has eaused Mr. Clay to change his 
 policy' 
 
 A. He sees that if Mr. A.dams is not elected, 
 the people will choose the successor of General 
 Jackson, without regard to the safe precedent, 
 which he is desirous to perpetuate; or in other 
 words, heseestnat if the people refuse to ratify 
 his contract with Mr. Adams, Mr. A. will not 
 have the power to appoint his successor,and that 
 he must retire into disgrace, witlioutthe means 
 to pay the Morrison legacy, which he has put in- 
 to Ikis own pocket, instead of paying it over to 
 the Transylvania University, 
 
 Q. But how does it appear that Mc srs. 
 Adams and Clay are desirous to defeat the pre- 
 sent t^^ifF bill? 
 
 A. It fully appears in the speeches of their 
 partizans, the letters v/ritten from Washington, 
 to be published in their distant presses, and t'ne 
 manifesto issued from the National .lournal. 
 
 Q. What benefit can the coalition expect 
 from such a policy ' 
 
 A. It is known as we have said, thaf a major- 
 ity in both Houses are in favor of the election of 
 General Jackson. Therefore no bill can pass, 
 without it is supported by a portion of his 
 friends, and it consequently follows, that the 
 administration cannot claim the entire credit of 
 the tariff. Whereas it is known that if all Gen- 
 eral Jackson's friends were to unite, tliey could 
 carry any bill, and it will be easy to charge, that 
 the defeat of the bill was caused by their oppo- 
 sition to it. 
 
 Q. And is not this correct? 
 
 A. No. It is well known that the Commit- 
 tee ^vho reported the tariff bill, were friendly 
 to Gen. Jackson's election, and it is also known, 
 that although many of the Southern memljers 
 are opposed to any tariff, yet, many of the mem- 
 bers who are from the Western and middle 
 States, who are in favor of the election of Gen. 
 Jackson, are also in favor of the tariff, and if the 
 administration party in the House, were to unite 
 with these, it would be easy to pass the bill. 
 
 Q. Why then do they not so unite? 
 
 A. Aye, there's the rub. If they were to 
 
 unite with the friends of Gen. Jackson, and 
 
 carry the bill, the partisans of the administration 
 
 would have no opportunity to use the tariff for 
 
 electioneering purposes, during tlie next sum- 
 
 imer. This iiobby of the coalition being put 
 
 aside, the people would have full lime to look 
 
 into the bargain, intrigue and management, by 
 
 Iwhich Mr. Adams was made President, and 
 
 IMr. Clay put in the line of safe precedent. 
 
 f Q. But how can the partisans of the coalition 
 
 vote against the tariff? 
 
 A. They will vote against it in detail. As for 
 
 ! 
 
 instance. They will oppose a auty on iroiJj 
 hemp, molasses, wool and foreign spirits? 
 
 Q- If the friends of Messrs. Adams. Clay and 
 Webster, oppose an additional duty upon iron, 
 hemp, molasses, wool and foreign spirits, haw 
 can they expect to deceive the people of the 
 middle and western States, into a belief, that 
 they .are in fivvor of a tariff? 
 
 A. Mr. Clay undertakes to answer for th6 
 west. In the mean time, Mr. Webster apolo- 
 gises to his federal friends upon the ground, 
 that a monopoly of manufacturing is neces^an/ 
 to keep the balance of political power in New 
 Eng'land in their hands- 
 
 Q. Is it true then, that the bill now pro- 
 posed by the Jackson Committee of Manufac- 
 tures, docs not afford a protection to the Man- 
 ufacturers? 
 
 A. No, it is not true. It has been clearly 
 demonstrated that tiie measure of protec- 
 tion is greater tii.in th.it given by the celebrat- 
 ed woollen's bill, of last session. The great 
 difference is, that the present bill protects 
 the grain grower, the wool grower, the hemp 
 gro« cr, the distiller of domestic spirits and the 
 Iron Mawufacturtr. The b. 11 of last year look- 
 ed to the manufiicturt of woollen goods alone. 
 
 Q. irthe present bill affords prott;ction to so 
 many interests, w]>y should not all parties unite 
 to effect its passjge ? 
 
 A. This question is already answered. Be- 
 cause a portion of the southern members are 
 opi'iosed to an}- tariff, and the partizans of the 
 Administration, who hold the " balance of pow- 
 er," are desirous to huve the larjft" as an elec- 
 tioneering hobby, during tlie next Summer. If 
 they succeed, well — if they fail they lose noth- 
 ing, because it will be nothmg more than a de- 
 feat, which they expect at any rate. 
 
 Q. But will not a vote against this bill, by 
 any tariff man, be a d^rsperate act? . 
 
 A. Yes, it will truly be a desperate act, but 
 desperate cases require desperate remedies. If 
 the bill is defeated and the people can be de- 
 ceived, a iew votes may, by possibility, be pick- 
 ed up. If this plan don't succeed, then will 
 John Q'lincy Adams, Heary Clay, and Daniel 
 Webster sing, farewc-il, a long farewell to all 
 their dreams of grca'ness. 
 
 But we reconunend to our readers, the fol- 
 lov/Hig from the Democratic Eagle: 
 
 PRESIDENT ADAMS. 
 
 Article //—Section I — Clause VITI. of the con- 
 stitution of the United States,declares that 
 the Presidciit shall sn.-ear or .7/^r7nthathe 
 will "faithfully execute the ofhce of Presi- 
 dent of the United States." 
 
 Article II — Section III — enjoins upon the Pre- 
 sident to "reconimend to the consideration 
 of Congress such meosures as he shall 
 judge necessary and expedient." 
 
 Mr Adams in his last me>>sage does not rcconi' 
 mcn*^/ a rev'sion of the TAniFp: — he does 
 not recommend any measure for the en- 
 couragement of DOMES riC MA-NCFACrOHES: 
 he does not recommend any measure for the 
 encouragement of wool t;n;»wF.Rs: he does 
 not recommend \.)\<2 Amj-;hican Svstem: he 
 does not say one word on the subject of the 
 Tariff — or, domestic manufactures — or, 
 wool- -or the American' Ststem. 
 
 TuE Case then stands thus: — Mr. Adams undo? 
 
94 
 
 the obiigatiou of aa oath, to " ?ecommend 
 to the consideration of Con^'css such mea- 
 sures as he shall judge necessary and ex- 
 pedient" — does not reconimcnd the Ame- 
 rican system — u taiiiT — the encouragement 
 of domestic manufactures, or the growth 
 uf wool. 
 
 Os BIS oATii, then, he does not consider the 
 encouragement of dcneslic manufactures 
 — wool — a tarifl— or the Amci'icim system 
 *' necessary and expedient. " 
 
 Tub Fuiexds of General Jackson, far from 
 charging Mr. Ad;>ms with ihe heinous crime 
 of violating his oiiik, are perfectly wdhng 
 that entire credit be given him, for the ut- 
 racst sincerity; and only complain, tl'at 
 certain dai^nin^ politician?, lia\'e cruflilij 
 impos-cd upon a number of patriotic and 
 honest citizens, and induced them to be- 
 lieve, that he is in fav<;r of what, on his 
 oath, he viitually disavows. 
 
 Doubt; on this subject can no longer ex:=t. 
 Every man can now, ividc awake, take his 
 side. 
 
 Gtnirul Jaclison lias repeatedly and publicly 
 — in Congress h;j his votes — and out (.-f Con- 
 ^Tcss as a citizen, maniftritcd his friendship 
 the American Sss*^em; Ah. Adams — 
 SEVta.: — but in the pviblic discharge of an 
 imperious and ul! important duty, 'Ir. 
 Adams, in cflcct, proclaims to the whole 
 nation that he does jjot consider the 
 American sv^ilem "necessary and expe- 
 dient." 
 
 S 
 
 The Administration are actively striving to 
 jiiC'.dcate the belief, that, lhe;j only are favorable 
 to the manufacturing interest, or to any system 
 of laws whereby the national industry, whether 
 employed in agriculturi-, commerce or rnanu- 
 t!ictures, shall be protected against fore-gn 
 competition. Tiiey are also endeavoring, witii 
 characteristic activity and disregard to means, 
 io produce the irrpresi-ion that, Geii«*ral Jack- 
 son and his supporters arc all opposed to any 
 5j-3tem of protection Ilencc, say they, these 
 supporters have reported a bill, which, they 
 knew, would be rejected; whereby they could 
 attain their secret object, and also retain the 
 reputation of bciTig favorable to the protecting 
 system. All this is a miserable delusion, 
 attempted to be circulated for political pur- 
 poses. The Administration are not . the ex- 
 clusive friends, nor the opposition the exclu- 
 sive opponents of the system. Gen^'^al Jark- 
 son is in favor of a tariff that shall promote the 
 prosperity of tlic whole nation^ and has so de- 
 clared by his votes in Congi'css. Mr. Adams 
 has ne".er commit.ftl himself on the subject, 
 Kr>d v/c defy any of his adherents to produce a 
 sin'^lc sentence from any public document of- 
 j'uredby him, wldch contains a distinct and spe- 
 fflfic declarution in favor of the manulacluring 
 i.iterest. 
 
 We nr.aintaJn that, the administr.Viion have 
 cinleavorcd to render the tariff question subser- 
 \lcnt to their re-election; and that tht y v/ill c,\- 
 deavor to dafeat the pass;!ge of c«y i(7/on thn 
 4Vil>ject at the presort session, in order to retain 
 itOv^-vn electipnecrinw tonic during the er.s':- 
 
 ing recess. Upon this subject, the peop^ 
 of this Union may be classed in the follo^^'ing 
 manner. The southern people are opposed to 
 all tariiTs for any other purpose than revenue, 
 under the impression that, any duties beyond 
 what are necessary to this object, would ope- 
 rate as a tax upon their necessaries and comforts, 
 to the exclusive benefit of the northern manu- 
 facturers. The people of the middle and Mest- 
 ern states are in favor of a tariff that shall pro- 
 tect tlieir agriculture and manufactures, and 
 are therefore opposed to the free trade system 
 of the south, ai'd the exclusive policy of the 
 manufacturers of the North. The people of the 
 N<:rth are divided into -three classes. One i.-? 
 mercantile, and opposed to all tariff's that shall 
 interfere with "heir shipping monopoly; the 
 other, owners of large mam-facturing establish- 
 ments, who wish a tariff that shall enable 
 them to buy raw materials cheap, and sell 
 manufactures dear ; the other, the agricultu- 
 rists, who are favorable to manufacturing, be- 
 cause it furnishes a iiome market^ for fheij' pro- 
 duce, and to such protection to wool, their 
 great staple^ as shall save it from the present, 
 ruinous foreign competition. Upon the bill 
 now bef'oie the House, the members cf (;on- 
 gress may be classed in the following manner : 
 Those from tiie South are decidedly opposed 
 to it, as they are to all legislation on this sub- 
 ject. They do not engage in the debate on 
 the details, because tiic-y intend to oppose the 
 general principles, aftt i the details shall have 
 been settled. Som.e of them entertain doubts 
 of the pov.cr of Congress to legislate on thc- 
 subject ; and all of them believe that it 
 will sacrifice tl'.cir agriculture to what they 
 consider a nortliern monopoly. Upon the 
 correctness of theee opinions we are silent ; 
 our object bciiigto state facts, and leave discus- 
 sion upon this subject to the people and their 
 representatives. Those from tlie Middle and 
 West arc m favor of it, because it protects their 
 three great agricultural staples, grain, hemp, 
 and wool; and also, because it affords, in their 
 estimation, a sufHcicnt protection to woollen 
 manufactures which they deem a great national 
 interest, who.se success is intim.ately connected 
 with their agricultuial prosperity. Those fi-om 
 the North represent various Interests, and dis- 
 agree accordingly. Those who represent mer- 
 cantile districts are opposed to all duties oa 
 hem]) and iron, because they deem such duties 
 injuri- us to navigation, the market for these 
 articles. They are also opposed to duties on 
 wool, because som^ of their constitucnt.s an: 
 concerned in large manuf.icturing corporation.; 
 who wish to obtain wool clicap, and ethers iu 
 shipping wb.ich is employed in importi'^g wool 
 Those frcn the interior arc willing to protec* 
 the wool growers who arc a great interest in N. 
 England, andthf manufacturers of iron, who are ' 
 numerous in N. Haini>ahireand Vermont; but an 
 opposed to the reported duties on cloths, as be- 
 ing Insufficicn*, and on molasses, as taxing an ar 
 ticlc ofextensiNc consumption, both raw and dis- 
 tilled. They also consider that a duty on mo- 
 las,scs would e.xclude them from the SVest In- 
 dies, the great market of their lumber, fish; 
 live stock and agricultural produce, and ruiri 
 their distilleries, from which rum is cxtcnsivci/ 
 exported. 
 
 -:. rh \< {h^ffi*^? of p.'irtjfs r^nthf; "ubjectof th- 
 
9; 
 
 tariff, in Congress and among' the people. Any 
 person of ordinary sagacfty must perceive that, 
 amid this variety of interests, a skillful politician 
 would find abundant materials for combinations 
 to operate upon the important election now 
 pending. This has not escaped the lynx eyed Ma- 
 chiavellian who lules the cabinet 'of curiosities 
 now in this city. This great political Juda^j Isca- 
 riot, whffl can cut, shuffle, trump, revoke, brag, 
 stand, throw up,misdeal,stock,and all with equal 
 facility for any purpo«e, knows every card in 
 this game of interests, and is working to loo 
 them all and take the pool of the next election. 
 Ills object is to prevent the passage of any 
 biil, and to ascnbc its defeat to the Jacksonians- 
 He is sure of opposition from the South to all 
 tariffs. He knows that the South and North 
 united, with such stragglers as can be picked up 
 ft;om the West and Middle, are sufficient for 
 his purpose, and thesefoi-e endeavors to com- 
 bine them. Accordingly, such tools as John 
 C. Wright mast have their cue. They are 
 instructed to oppose every thing on the sub- 
 ject, except the woolluvs bill of tlic last ses- 
 sion, though that bill offered less protection to 
 woollens than docs the bill now before the 
 House. They are instructed to oppose the re- 
 ported duty on hemp, iron, and molasses, as 
 dm qua J1071S with the New England States. 
 Hence we may infer that, if that part of the 
 biil relating to wool and wollens be amended 
 according to the wishes of the manufactiu-ers, 
 Uiost of the northern members, w'lxh ail tiie Ad- 
 ministration men from the Middle and West 
 will atill demur, on account of these sine qua 
 noRS. U the bill bo thereby defeated, the toc- 
 ticians will ascribe its defeat to the opposition, 
 by charging them with having designedly re- 
 ported a b;ll which, they kiiew,the Nortli would 
 oppose. Indeed, this charge has already been 
 made ; and to snow that u was part rf the plan 
 above stated, we would mention thnt, it was 
 made long before the bill v.as reported, and 
 consequently, befofe its provi-ions, could have 
 been known. This premature accusrttion was 
 unlucky, for it exposed t'le designs of the Ad- 
 ministration. 
 
 Under such a state of facts, we v/ould advise 
 all who are desirous of promoting the prosp.-rity 
 of the country, to be awake,and fall into no traps 
 baited by Mr. Clay. He no mors regards the man 
 ufacturing interest of this country than that of 
 China. All he says about the Am< rican System 
 Is miserable cant, intended to deceive the hon- 
 est and purchase tlie venal. To prove tJus, 
 at least to those who object against a certain 
 provision in the bill reported, we would state 
 that he is ttie very author of such provision. In 
 1824, Mr. Clay proposed, in Committee of the 
 Whole, a duty of 10 cents per gallon on mo- 
 lasses, as an amendment to the tarff bill then 
 before the House, and carried it by a vote of 
 100 to -«8. Let the Northern people who 
 praise, and the Northei-n members w!io con- 
 fide in Mr. Clay, look to this. It is mattor for 
 nrflection. And let all who seriously desire 
 the prosperity of their country, legislate upon 
 this subject without passion, prejudice, or re- 
 g;ard to local interests. Above all. let them 
 V'iew it as perfectly unconnected with any elec- 
 tion. A politician who would render it sub- 
 servient to sucli purpose, is a political prostitute 
 ^■Ai3 ^'cuH sell hi? country for an offK-^ 
 
 MINISTER TO ENGLAND. 
 
 Under this head we find the following article 
 in the Boston Patriot, credited to the Demc^ 
 cratic Press: 
 
 "THE MINISTER TO ENGLAND. 
 
 "An extraordinary, unprecedented, and in> 
 defensible course of conduct has been adopted 
 toward a distinguished citizen whose name has 
 been, by his political enemies, brought before 
 the public as that of the person whom the Pres- 
 ident had determmed to nominate, as Mmister 
 to the Court of St. James. Without taking the 
 trouble to ascertain v/hethcr this ass<;rtion" was 
 well founded, or without any fbUn*lation, the 
 opposition papers have poured upon the indivi- 
 dual named, a torrent of the foulest abuse. 
 They have called upon the friends cf Cxen£rai 
 Jackson in the Senate, to oppose and reject his 
 nomination, so soon as it should be mady. Sucji 
 was the eagerness and intemperance v.'ith vvhicli 
 this subject has been pursued, that the Printer 
 of the Senate, elected by that body to ''im- 
 prove' the pubHc press, has had the temeritj', 
 in hi:, newspaper, to dictate to the Senat-.-, tlic 
 course which it was bound to take. On the 
 other hand, grave essays have been written, 
 
 wifhamosfambidextrousambiguity/jndingfaQlt 
 with all that had been said by, andhoJdingfortli 
 the name of the individual, as one whi^h would 
 probably be sent by the President to llie Senate 
 for the honorable appointment, which it pnj- 
 sumed, was about to be made. 
 
 "In the unsettled state in wliich the ne\Vly 
 made up Ministry of Great Britain was left at 
 our last advices from that cou.ntry, it strikes us 
 that no probable good svould arise from the ap- 
 pointment at this time, of a Minister to the Court 
 of London, and that therefore no Ministei- will 
 now be appointed. By the late convention, the 
 dispute about the North Eastern Boundary, is 
 to be referred to an Arbitrator to be designated. 
 Our Government has ratified this <;on\° ntion. 
 The English Government may or may not r.itify 
 it, but probably will. Wlien mutually ratified, 
 a Mediator is to be agreed on. Our Govern- 
 ment, it is presumed, will nominate the Empe- 
 ror of Ru.ssia, and it is hardly to be presumed, ~ 
 that England will object against hirn. 
 
 " Until these questions, therefore, are finally 
 settled, it would be of no avail to send a Minis- 
 ter to England, inasmuch as he could not bs 
 furnished with full instructions. As it is not ex- 
 pected that ue shall get tiie ratification of the 
 C'iuventionfrom England during this session of 
 , Congress, and as tht President would not, with- 
 out pressi.ig reasons, make so important a nomi- 
 nation in the recess, our opinion is, that no Mlr^- 
 ister will be appointed until the next session. 
 
 '_' We have been incUiced to take Lhi.s briei' 
 notice of the subject, to show, with how little 
 cause, to how little purpose, and upon what 
 slender ground.s, public men, the most distin- 
 goiishoti, are brought before the public to bj 
 baited and abused, to subserve the views of fac- 
 tious and partisan politicians." 
 
 The subserviency of John Binns to the Secre- 
 tary of State, forbids the idea that such an arti- 
 cle would appear in the Press, without it was 
 fully authorized by him. WJiethcr it is the re- 
 sult of a cabinet conncil, or the effort of Mr 
 T^hyto postpone Mr- Webst°r'.s demand?- v 
 
i^U 
 
 till auer tue cast of th« Vresidcutial election, is 
 a question yet to be developed. 
 
 That Mr. Webster holds the bond of Mr. 
 Adams, and that he, like Shylock, demands its 
 performance, cai\not now be doubted. 
 
 When the editor of the National Palladium 
 Stated the fact, and inadvertently varied some 
 cf the details from the truth of the case, Mr. 
 Adams then on his way from Boston, aathorized 
 the Editor of the N- Y. American to contradict 
 the charge. Mr. Webster, however, placed 
 too high a value on the docu/nent. He would 
 not permit its obligation to be cancelled on such 
 terms. Had he like Mr. Adams denied that he 
 held the pledge upon which the federal mem- 
 bers of Congress voted for Mr. Ad;tms, and the 
 federal part> have since supported his a<lmims- 
 tration, such a denial wouUl have operated as 
 a release of its condition. But no! the precious 
 instrument, obtained with so much address, was 
 not so relinqtiishcd. Mr. Webster still demands 
 the pound of flesh. 
 
 The article before us was written with an art 
 which no vulgar writer could attain. It bears 
 the stamp official on its face. Itf)enctraies the 
 ficcret policy of the Cabinet. In the present 
 unsettled state of the ministry it is not suppos- 
 ed that any good would arise from the appoint- 
 ment, at this time, of a minister to the Court of 
 London!! 
 
 Now, ft cannot escape the notice of every 
 reader, that the very reason here given why 
 we should not be represented at tlie " court of 
 London," is the very reason why we should be 
 represented there, by a minister well acquaint- 
 ed with the important points in controversy, 
 who, being on the spot, could avail himself of 
 the earliest opportunity to urge the adjustment 
 of the serious difficulties which unliappily 
 Threaten to prejudice the existing relations be- 
 tween the two governments. ^When could 
 *bere be a more favorable rpoment for us to 
 ■nress the settlement of our difficulticb', than 
 ^hat which threatens to envelope the whole 
 t^ontinent in war, and when tlie new ministry 
 must be desirous to strengthen themselves with 
 the people, as a measure preparatoy to it? 
 
 It is manifest that the reason here given, why 
 Mr. Webster will not be nominated, is any other 
 than the true one. 
 
 Rumor says that Mr. Clay himself desires this 
 nilssion as a n-trcat. It niuy be that the nom- 
 ination is postponed until after tlio Pnsiden- 
 tial election that he may tlien determine wheth- 
 er it will be better foi hnn to remain m flie line 
 of safe precedent, or throw himself on ine mag- 
 nanimity of Gen Jackson. Thai he will ven- 
 ture upon the latter ma\ be doubed by some, 
 but by none who know him as we do. He 
 may hope that Gen. Jacksoi- wdl not i-ecall him; 
 if so, his forbearance will be used as an argu- 
 ment against tin charge of bargain; if he should 
 be recalled, he will have' pocketed, for a few 
 months services, about twenty thous.-xnd dol- 
 lars, a sum sufficient to pay the Moirison Le- 
 gacy to the Transylvania University, and will 
 charge the ne.\t President with vindictive per- 
 secution. 
 
 For ourselves, we believe that the true secret 
 of the article is to be found in the fact, that the 
 !ate election in New Hampshire exhibits an ef- 
 fort on the part of the democratic republicans, 
 ,*•} nJIy their whole strength for Gen. Jackson. 
 
 uhich has alarmed both Mr. Adams and "iii. 
 Clay. It is known that the democracy of New 
 England form the majority of electoi-8, and it 
 is feared that the nomination of Mr. Webster, 
 will be the signal for an union of the republican 
 party, that will leave Mr. Adams in a minority 
 in New England. 
 
 Hence, while on the one hand, Mr. Webster 
 v/ill not consent to the nomination of any other 
 person, and Mr. Clay will notconsentto endan- 
 gerthe vole of New England by the nomination 
 of Mr. Websier, the great interests of this na- 
 tion, like the colonial trade must be postponed, 
 sacrificed, that Daniel Webster may be reward- 
 ed for the part which he acted in the election cf 
 Mr. Adams. 
 
 As to the notice which is taken of tliis press, 
 and the manner in which we have expressed 
 our opinions upon this subject, we have only to 
 remark, that our opinions and our press are onr 
 own, which our relation to the pubUc requires 
 us te keep above any influence arising from 
 our appointment as Printer to the Senate. The 
 appointment is not, and never will be held as 
 the price of our independence. We shall cer- 
 taudy regiet to find our opinions in conflict 
 with a body, for whom we entertain so much re- 
 spect, and whose good opinion we so highly 
 value; but if a difference of opinion should 
 arise, it will be found that whilst we place a 
 proper eslim.ite upon the opinion of others we 
 have firmness to express our own. 
 
 We invite the attention of the " Professor of 
 Signs," to the following letter of the Hon. 
 Mr. Crockett. 
 
 WAsnixoTON CiTT, 7 April, 1828. 
 
 Messrs. GnEEN &. Jartis: — The "Banner 
 and Whig," pubhshed in Nashville, contains an 
 article upon the subject of the Presidential 
 election, which I am sure must have been de- 
 signed to misguide and influence public senti- 
 ment abroad. It is said that "a number of the 
 citizens of the western district of Tennessee, 
 have determined upon running a candidate for 
 the office of elector, fiivorable to the rc-eicction 
 of Mr. Adams." 
 
 I consider it a duty which I owe to truth, and 
 the people, to say, that it is a mere trick.'.'.' ' 
 A " number," may have determined upon the 
 course suggested. Uesiding, however, as I do, 
 in that district, and having the honor to repre- 
 sent it, I do not hesitate to say that, the "num- 
 ber" is vci-y sii.all indeed. So small that noth- 
 ing short of the vanity of the FROG, which 
 aspired to be an OX, could kinrlle the slightest 
 hope of success, in such a project. 
 
 The western district is too firm to be .shaken 
 by so <lelusive a breeze. Those who inhabit it, 
 know iiow to appreciate the benefits of liber- 
 ty; and while they enjoy it, they will fix a pro- 
 j)er estimate upon those who have fought to 
 defend it. Among that number Gen. Jaclcson 
 stands pre-eminent. 
 
 I have made these remarks, with a view to 
 remove any impression which might be made 
 by the statcTi.cnt alluded to. It is at best a 
 inisrepresmtatiun of facts. 
 
 lam, gentlemen, your obedient servant, 
 
 PAVID CROCKETT- 
 
UNFIVED Sl'^ATES"' TEL'EVAiAVil~-EMra.. 
 
 This Tianjsr 'i%Tll be de^tsied excliKiweiy to ttie Presulential EIectiar{, and be nu^ii^'.iod wttckty 
 
 until the loth' of <"icto!)er next, for One IMtar, 
 
 BY GREEN fy JAPriS. 
 
 VOL. 1. 
 
 WASHINGTON, APRIL 26, 1S28. 
 
 l.\0. i. 
 
 OEN. JACKSON'S LITEUATUnK. 
 
 Theteqlioiaus oi"the cocl.tion are at a (jrcat 
 JOSS lo know ho\Y to tack ship so as to eludo 
 liic pubHc vigilance, aud the' ex-po3ui-e of the 
 Iiaiw-aiu ami intrigue by whidi Mr. Adams canie 
 into office — an I tiie corrupt means by wl-.ichho 
 alteaipts to retain it. Biuivs cries out stick to 
 the six iTiilitrniuen. Tiuit, Si'.ys liie manufactarer 
 of the Harris letter, is the oiily plonk ki't upo.i 
 u-hich to ride the waves, of public in^bjjruition. 
 %Vhcrea3, Mciisrs. Adams, Clay, and Barbour, 
 jireccr to stick to the tile g-ot up hereabout 
 <.,t;o. Jackson's litfciMtui'c. 
 
 The Journal of \'eiitevday gives us a loii^ ar- 
 ticle, i" tho be<=t siyle of "ar.Ciay, on the subject 
 of tha note to the' Editors of the \Va3hin{;-ton 
 Journal— which that v. .ticiouspri'it attempts to 
 ])ahn oiTupoa the public as a .cjenuaie note from 
 Gen. Jacb.on. That our rea^d?;s may jadije of 
 the preci.'us morceau, wog'ivo it a?, pubii-saed in 
 the J ouraal : 
 
 ■',' To the editvrs ofth&-TVrsIungi-an Jpw nd. 
 
 «*\Vhen tho midnight assassins plung'os bis 
 dagger in the heart and riiHeayour goods, the 
 terpitudc of thiti scene looses all its horrors, whpn 
 tionip-ared Vv ith the secrete asi:.tuTsins poinaid lev- 
 elled ajjainst fenval charecter by the hired n:iu- 
 i.mis of power." 
 
 TheJomnral calls liistily for a compru'iion of 
 hand writing- — to this we reply that J»idg-e 
 ■tVliitc and Mr. Polk, have both examined the 
 iiretended note, and find it to fao written, on the 
 blank leaf of a pamphlet, in imitation of Gen- 
 eiail Jacksop's h-aud writing- ; ap.d tb.ey botii 
 concu- in saying tiiat they do not believe that 
 i't was wiiltcn by him. And we do not hesitate 
 to daciai'c, that it warits noibing but *he ir.une cf 
 (?t;n. Jackson, to make it as base u forgery,' as 
 that published by John llinns. 
 
 The Journal of jesterday, iiilly explain-3 the 
 reasDii v,iiy this atlcinpt at forg-ery uas tjotten 
 up. T'.iat origan cf the E.^ecutive Cabinet, p;ib- 
 ji Aed, on Munday, what it declares to be a iit- 
 c-ral copyof Gru. JackMn's htte; to Mi-. (-Jarap- 
 bell, a member of Congress, dated" lotb- of Oc- 
 'ol)er, 1812; and refers to the note to prove, 
 that that letter is correctly pubTwhed; aitd to 
 the ktter to -prove, that the note is g'cauine ! ! 
 ?.i<ist conclusive logic ! ! OuO v.'ou'ul have 
 ihouijht, that Peter and hisenii)Ioyers iuid ireen 
 hon-g c^iojij]; at their trade to kno'.v, tbat two iie,s 
 never yet mide one ti-«ith. 
 
 On the other huiui^ two iicflvtiryoliei; e.xposs 
 rach other. Tlius, for laitanee: I'etci- on one 
 day pubhshos a voie to prove, tli-it Geo. Jack- 
 son cannot «pclH'c-rnale, ?.nd new he publi^siia-; a 
 3r;tter in which tiic word i-s iutrodiicod, and 
 ,-j>':;flsd lilcr.iUy correct. I.iars shotrld have 
 j^^jffvi nieKiorics! ! Consistency b important 
 in inwe pnints than oi-,e. It is said of a eer- 
 rdil juu^e, in one of the- western territories, 
 that when Ik; was about to, ])r<Hi<;un':^ an n^j^i- 
 , : KW of thr? Oniu-t, hfi'wy^ r<nn5i.itie<1 b >■ ' 
 
 ci? the bar, tlsat tlia opinion which the Cour.'. 
 was about to give, was directly in opposition, to 
 an opinion delivered on a former occwsion, be 
 said: •' TliM is a malter we must cxafiihie in!o^, 
 far a w bciitr thai the Court, simild hz cossi?- 
 TSN-ri.Y ivrong, than ixcoKsisxESTtr right.'* 
 
 The Journa,! a. id its xjdre workers have tried 
 almost every artifice to destroy General Jacjcs^n^^ 
 except niiuder, and knowing: thc:m as we do, 
 we expect tlicin to attempt his burial before 
 Tiext October. Wo advise our friends to. ')e o'.\ 
 the alert, and to bear in miud that, about the 
 fir.*t of October, tliey may expect to see- the 
 Katioual inteliigcncer, tlie Journ.-^I, and even 
 Biuus in tnourning:, fox the pref ended dc-ath of 
 G-on. jack£.:-n'. 
 
 Tiiat omV ivaders may kuo-.v the ex'rcJnit. 
 to which the coalition i.s driven,' we insert an 
 extract from the letter of General Jacksoii, a.-; 
 fuvnishtid by the Seaetaiy of War, and pub- 
 ll>;-ied in the Journal, premi^ns.^ it, by saying; 
 that, like raanv other writers. General J;ickson 
 makes tiie e, the a and the o so much alike, tlial 
 tluy m4i.y be ofte^i mistaken for each othea-, es 
 pc'cialiv by one wlio desires so to mistake them. 
 iSut to "the esli'act. It is a.s follows : 
 
 "When i reed your letter of the lOtli of Aprik 
 last iuclosing- me an cxti-act of tlic Secratary oi 
 V/iu's,letter to Silas Diusmore agent to ti're Choc- 
 taw ivation, I, nor tlie citizens of West Tennes- 
 sfic, hesitated -not. to believe that Siks Dinsmoic. 
 wo'.i.ld ceiise to exercise ovci- our citiiieni. sucl; 
 lawless tyranny as he had been in the habit otj 
 and tirat'oiU' pcaeefuifar.d honest citizens wculfi 
 be left to enjoy the free and unmolested use, oi' 
 that road as Secu;'ed to them by ticaty-- you 
 ccu\ ca,^i!y Judg-e and so can the [Secrejtary of 
 War. our surpiiSCviad indignation, at tne v/^n.r 
 tohinjsu.U olferredto tlie wi'.ale citizens of VYesi. 
 Tciiwess'er. by the the pubhcation of I'.is cai'd in 
 tlie (Dla^rion— in which hs boasis — that he ha.s 
 set at deiiance tbe Solem tj^eaty that secuTCS to 
 our citizens and tl\ose oftije United States 
 tiie free and unmo*e»ted us;^ «f thai road as well 
 as tire express instructicHis ; of tiic Secratary of 
 War o.f'the 23d of March last, and bocist !ii.-3 de- 
 tention of a defenc'clees v.-omanand her proper- 
 (y — and for it/alf the waiit of a pas.sport — ?aii'.i 
 ■lii^ fj-on'; is it cc:ne to thi.s — are \v<ifrce tnin or 
 are wc -Stcve^-'is this reai or is ii a dn'ctii — i'vi- 
 what are we involved in a War v.ntli great Drl- 
 tail) — is it not for the Support of our rig-hts :is nn 
 independant people and anation, Setuircdto us 
 by Tuituve r.iur by natjircs god asweli a.> Solen; 
 treaties and the la -.v^of nations — and can the So. 
 crat;u-y.of war for one moaient retain the iiie;i, 
 that we will permit this petty Tyrant to S{;ur.'. 
 witli our r;;,''iit8 Secured to us by treaty anil 
 which by the law o<"^4itui-e we do ]Kj;;se6s — and 
 Sport with our ieeling-.s by puldishini,'- his Aa •- 
 l?n£ tijranni/ /■■■•*> 's-^/ OL^r a Lrljilms and ratpjc- 
 tei'tcd fr.'Ho- . doed hellfmlcs toft meanly 
 
 of om- l-'atrioa-.ui aiid g-alahtry--wero Wa bajf 
 
 anoui^h to SuTTcrder our indcpciKl-ant rl 
 
 •M 
 
.9-S 
 
 .:.«oi^-aad «■€ . . ^ , r 
 
 S<rfe«t«atj,und£? the Cc tT, 
 
 ji^kti Sec4ced to lis tr- * - * 
 aod vlncii ve tIU ne 
 
 : 313, aol loTSiJ liter the fiu'T:::ies of ifar.kv and 
 Cfawk 
 
 i of vi* Jidt^rs W2S a resident c^Keotnckr 
 i' ' ' - ' ell recc" 
 
 - as he was, bj 
 
 'ȣ u-as equrr-xaL ^J^ acts of 
 
 up 
 
 - 'T at • ;rt: no vteait^'Kits in tie 
 
 MiaK»i.(.j, . ; , ,iiy felt bj- everv citizen; 
 
 5"k1 Gca- Jackion rtrfcrs rr-ore to the feePag 
 '-.likli - ;a^e coDjincTutv, tijaa 
 
 " fehonki «■£ be de<:«ir€d in this, (the assur- 
 
 ;. :? f^jat Dinwacre 'vrcald be r'ntoved,) be 
 
 roiAf w/Ji tJve SecretiTv <-,f w,rr, th^t we are 
 
 rV'^e iDen, a:yi that *e •- -^on the Saprt- 
 
 -nacy of tjie ii-a's, uad ■ : .c wrath ami ir*- 
 
 ^iignatiOD of vir <&6ztr%i w:!! sweep from the 
 earditbe ittvader <■' an'! 
 
 •-/;Itc saa« Dsnwnc - 
 'T house:." 
 
 taid,a oriraie 
 raflino - 
 '>errtifici 
 War* 
 
 -n mj- way 
 
 ;Uer V 
 
 and in- 
 
 ajren- 
 
 of 
 
 
 ♦i* Agency hoa^e in t;»e Ctioctaw N»- 
 
 ' Ko ser.'znts. - - ■ 
 
 ■ more, a:i<l 
 ----- - - ; — , . : .; ...e- I then 
 
 y« iTiy jwxniey, met Mr. DinsniWf , 
 p ' ' ' vtr my 
 
 ' ' Jle ap- 
 
 liiiX I ; come 
 
 -: . ..:. I t- - : . -! been 
 
 -t it was not ncct-saar^-, as V,ft bad 
 ,-■ • ^ - - - f-.v ^ j^ 
 
 --•■- .". pru- 
 
 't. lit 
 
 .f« ' , ; - , - ., ;..-, U) 
 
 4-ave procurtd a pissport, had it bcco 'leemed 
 
 «ic©t»<-r- ." ■ ' ' : dwich 
 
 ;rHtruf 'Main 
 
 andsb' 
 
 as 
 
 he bad 
 acted, 
 n t'x»k 
 
 Nation, 
 
 , -is :- taTii troai z^iL^ liiti- 
 - -I ^ , ates* A^nt to the Choctaw 
 wa5 TTc-te by him. I bar© seea hb 
 
 confident that 
 
 i. en lor.^ .'Ji the arrogant as - 
 
 i:^ ■\' --.^ y. Mr. D.ii=.iivicj of povers that be 
 d^d njt, I believe, legallj posses?, I have often 
 
 "-apers, the ;- n 
 
 i in rcy iv... - . _e 
 
 -ons of lb? servants of g''rnt!e- 
 
 :-- ;. .... .- ...*;, trarelLng to and fro:Ti N«ch- 
 
 ez, compelltdtiie investig^i^or. of theauthontv. 
 Dinsroc- ctaw Ag-ent, had to detain 
 
 Jf^r^'rv. ^ ti.e highway, between 
 
 states and Natchez,- the revdt of 
 -:. -n order frtmi the War Department 
 (a copy transmitted to roe by G. W. Campbe'il, 
 '" . .; pubfi^ed by trie last spnng. Foi a while, 
 positive rnBtr-icrioTW of the War Depart- 
 nsent were not ''roni, that I have ever 
 
 heard, and travt.. -. ..^ontiKued applying for 
 passports. n»e s«imrr>er passed awav, and a* 
 the fail app.- 'he old - 
 
 rived- A y --.of Na^-. 
 
 rant taken :..m, btcaose he had no 
 
 paasfport, in t... rr. .-: aggravating^ manner. In- 
 censed at this wanton dereliction of duty, 1 lost 
 not a moment '; r'l up in the r "' 
 
 papers, to the j . .-.,n of the pi- 
 
 To si'.er.ce V.^ c . : '>ri of irje people, by 
 ing that he v g .li co as he pleased, I cor.j_. 
 fire was the motive for his writir.g the note 
 J>ove rJ' ^ -'J. Dat, be the n.ot;ve what it 
 rri^y, I •' it-nt that he not orJy wrote 
 
 icrte, b'jt djit J.e has taken tn-- ser\ar,ts of 
 ■ H'iiley frcia ntr, whether, as has hereto* 
 frwe been Ra.:d, to gather in liis crop, or not, I 
 pr**- - ' - -• to offer a conjecture. 
 
 I .n't Mr. Dir.sTr>ore justiftes his con 
 
 - -' " . say. GenerJ 
 
 ■jH- - _, , -"o ir;y ofBce, 
 
 asKi says he was informed by Mr. Dinsitiore, that 
 t. .1,. A rite the letter to me, and tlu.:. be would 
 .- to 2iCt as he had done. 
 Vcrjrs, with rcspeet, 
 
 T. C. BRADKORD 
 Gen. ixciLufn. 
 
 Card of Mr. Dint more to U,e Dejriccrali: Clarion. 
 
 Mr. I>xr«snM);e, United St:.»es' Ag'ent to tljft 
 Clioctaws. presentri hi, compliments to the Df- 
 
 ~orm% hi- 
 , i negroes _ , ' :' 
 
 color, in possession of Mrs. .Sibley, tlie panici- 
 b""- *' •-....- .'..^y haj no passport 
 
 It is ' 
 permit perisons, not of ' 
 
 Ih 
 
 •i^backt 
 
 tliid 
 
 -> ar, lo 
 
 character, to 
 
 • of 
 
 it 
 
 !)« Wild*: 
 
 perty, 
 Cer 
 
 I 'tr 
 
 .V*MV»t.i.e,Orr. 8, 1812. 
 
 ' 5, WiH 
 
 >; great ex''itement, which 
 - ' - • '- of Mr. Bnrlfarfl, 
 » /■Hn/i urtj/rolfrM 
 ■Ki» calf 
 
99 
 
 laled to increase. Surrounded, as Dinsmore was 
 by a body of Indians, his mandates were eaaly 
 enforced, and there are few who have been on 
 a frontier settlement, who cannot appreciate the 
 feeling', uhich, under siich circumstar.ces, 
 prompted General Jackson's letter. 
 
 He saw a storm gathering' over the agent. He 
 had seen that agent, in violation ofiiis instruc- 
 tions, *'£J:frft.«£^ij>/a?rfcs ix/ranny over c lulpless 
 and anpro'eded jcmjle" lie saw that, urJess 
 tlieagent was removed, the people would be ex- 
 cited to bum down tht; agency house. Did he 
 endeavor to excite the populace* No. He 
 wrote to his representative in Congress— en- 
 closed tiie evidence of the agent's misconduct, 
 and urged him to apprize the Secretan," of ihe 
 state of public feeling. Dinsmore was remov- 
 ed. Had Gen. Jackson stimulated the excited 
 populace, Dinsmore, instead of being no>v in the 
 ser^•ice of the coalition, would, in ail probabili- 
 ty, have expiated his oppressions by his life. 
 
 What argument was so weU calculated to 
 keep down the voluntary action of tiie people, 
 as an assurance that their gi-ievances had been 
 properly represented by Gen. Jackson to their 
 : epresentativc, whose duty it was to make tliem 
 known to the Secret:iry of War. 
 
 As well might a riot be charged to the indi- 
 vidual who points out to the incensed populace 
 the proper and legal redress of a gTie\"ance, as 
 to charge the excitement produced by the con- 
 viuct of Dinsmore to Gen. Jackson. 
 
 But to tlie letter. It will be seen that it was 
 a private letter, written to a confidenii:U friend 
 — and, as evidently appears from its face, a 
 letter written in the hast?, ami carelessness 
 of private confidence. It is true that Gene- 
 ral Jackson did not stop to dot every i, or 
 to cross ever^- t. It appears that where 
 the word began witli s, Uiat letter was so 
 written, that the Honorable Secietu-y^ under 
 v.-liose sanction, we are told, a literal copy was 
 made out, has pronounced it to be a capital, 
 instead of a small s. Whether the Iiononible 
 retailer of Binns' forgeries, held a council of 
 war, or took the ad\"ice of his clerks on tiiis oc- 
 casion, we are not informed; but the Earl must 
 liave been driven to the last ditch, when he cen- 
 scnted to resort to sucii an expedient. 
 
 We ask every reader to t.oke up the letters 
 of the first meu in the nation, aiid examine tliem 
 carefully, and see how few there are that cross 
 the t and dot the i. We well recollect that the 
 celebrated Mr. Nicholas, one of the first law- 
 yers of his day, could scarcely read his own 
 vrriting. Not because he could not read good 
 %\Titing — not because he was not a grammarir.n 
 — but because his hand writing was so much 
 1 ike hieroglyphics, as to require an intimate ac- 
 quaintance witii it, and to tiiose who knew it 
 well, a view of the wiiole sentence to decipher 
 his meaning. 
 
 ^Vriting is mechanical, and alwaj's acquired 
 before a knowledge of grammar or punctu;ition. 
 lience, niany good grammarians do not punctu- 
 ate. We have seen many of Gen. Jackson's 
 iettei-s, and venture to allirm Uiat few, among 
 cur most literary men, arc so accui-ate in their 
 punctuation, as he is, in liiS usual correspon- 
 dence. 
 
 We repeat that the coahtion are dri\en to 
 desperate shifts, when John Binns afhrms that, 
 ■'v*. only li'^pc of def.-atlnjr t!ie tlcrtinn '^f 
 
 Gen. Jackson, depeada upoui iiis torgcry ot 
 Harris', letter, and the official organ here at- 
 tempts to prove that Gen. Jackson does r.or 
 make all his letters of the same size.and that he 
 does not dot an i or cross a t- {^Drowning 
 nen will catch at straws! I 
 
 Accident, however, has thrown in our way a 
 complete answer to all this - Few imen have as- 
 pired to a litenuy fame with more avidity than 
 Mr. Wirt, the present Attorney General and 
 Law ofiicer of the Court. Mr. Wirt as well as 
 Mr. Adams and Mr. Southard, has been a school 
 master. It was his particidar business to study 
 Svi\t.ix. We have before us, a criticisnt 
 of his life of Patrick Henrj-, published in 
 the American Monthly Mag^azine and Critical 
 Kevievx, for April, I8i8. Tender mercy to the 
 feelings of that gendeman, heretofore prevent- 
 ed a criticism on his Eutogi/ of Messrs Jefferson 
 and Ad:ims, the profits of which were so gen;- 
 rcnisl}/ given to the daughter of Mr. JetTei^on- 
 But having brought out the whole of liis forces 
 in behalf of tlie existing adrnmistration, and 
 resting its claim to public favor upon its sune 
 rior litei'iry merits, we have resolved to repub 
 lish the crhicisni which some vniknovn writer 
 has prepared for us. It is as follows: 
 
 *'It now reniiains for lis to take notice of the 
 style of Mr. Wirt; for the greater pail of which 
 is such as is suited to the subject, tlie perspicu- 
 ous and correct style of nan-ation, though for 
 great refinement or great elegance we look 
 without being graufied. His attempts to da.^- 
 zle have generally tlie effect of confusing. The 
 limz labor ei t:wra ai'e frequently discoverable , 
 the ars cclare crtem seldom. He appears by nr. 
 means a veteran with tlie pen: and often mis 
 tak;s the toy -shop for the mint. To prove the 
 correcti'.ess of our suggestions, it will be nece.<- 
 sary to make many extracts from the work. — 
 This will not be done with a disposition to cavil; 
 but to exhibit blemishes, many of them the et- 
 fccts of carele«sne.«s,the exposure of wliichm.\v 
 liave a beneficial eftect on young writers, by 
 inducing tiiem to exercise more care in compo- 
 sition; the constant habit of which will ere long 
 enable them to write with equal facility anU 
 purity. 
 
 Of tiie want of a table of contents we have al- 
 ready complained. This omitted, on the ma - 
 gin of every page ought to have been given th - 
 year of our LonJ or the year of the man's life. 
 
 "VVc do not recollect ever to have read a work 
 so erroneous in punctuation as this life. Somt^ 
 have asserted tliat no ndes can be given in thi> 
 respect; and that every writer may make hi- 
 pauses ;\s best suits his own ear. I'uncti'ation, 
 however, is of great imjiortancc; .ind almost as 
 reducible to rules as grammar or rhetoric Let 
 us take a few t-xamples of Mr. Wirt's bad punc- 
 tuation, of which almost every page aJFords ma- 
 ny insUmces. 
 
 "It was produced by an irxident of feeling, 
 which however it aftoctcdthe autlioratthe time, 
 might now, be thought light and t!-ival by the 
 reader; and he shall not therefore, be detaincvl 
 by the recital of it." — "He had never seen him. 
 and w;is of course compelled to rely wholh" 
 on the information of others." — Page 1st of tl,r 
 Pi-efucc. 
 
 Here the comma aflt r irlu'cJi is omitted ; and 
 imprriperl)" ins.'vted r-frer v<!r. If Inser'ed afV" 
 
m* 
 
 i.iiai'efptt, it (3ught aiso to precede it. If insert- 
 ed after of course, it ouglit to precede these 
 woi'ds. 
 
 *' One cf these will probably, be pronounced 
 the most interesting' passag'e of tht- work. He 
 owes to the same g^eiitleman too, the fullest, 
 8tc. From .liulg'i? Koane, the author has re- 
 ceived, &:c. Thv- vigour and elegance with which 
 that genth^nnan wriies, has, &.c. Mr. JefTeraon 
 too, has exercised, ?sc. and were sometimes, 
 all contrad'Cted, he. The first, respects the 
 Indians — Relying' as the;,' did, upon human me- 
 mory merely, &c. — Other causes too, iiave con- 
 tributed -- — " 
 
 "And lived kJi>g' a life of intcgi-ity.'-'— 'i — 
 Perhaps a misprint foi- — !ived a long fife. 
 
 "In the mathetnalics." — 4 — Wiiy here use 
 the ? Is it not equally proper to saj' — la tire 
 ethics, in the stAtii,tics? 
 
 " Daring and intrepidity." — 6. 
 
 •< Such as very rarely appear— on ikis earth." 
 
 "No rcmr<rk.able beauty or [nor] strength of 
 expression." — 7. 
 
 " Marked h:s/«.'u'/-e [subsequent] character.'* 
 
 "Habits, wliose spell. " — Excepting in poetn,', 
 or personification, mhost shoidd never be ap- 
 The improper punctuation iu the above is plied to the neuter gander. Some of the bet;t 
 readily seen. Where grammar and the ear so writers, howevei , viulaie Ui'.s rule of grammar, 
 clearly show the path, it is surpn-sing a man '•Perhaps he flattered himseif that he would 
 can so deviate. Let it not be considered hypo- be able to profit, &c."— 12.— It is impossible 
 cr.tical to notice these errors. Let us not be to afford rules, at ail limes applicable, f-n- the 
 
 *oldj -•-'-'■ £■;...// 3 - -n -1 r ,. ■ 
 
 Commas and points he sets exactly right ^ 
 And 'tw^ere a sin to rob him of his mite. 
 
 vlght use of shall and vjill, and of ivmtld and 
 cnuld. The correct English scholar is never at 
 a loss which to employ; and his car immediate- 
 ly takes umbrage when cither of these words 
 •Gross dcGciencies in this respect are .always \^ improperh I'lscd. Li Maryland and farther 
 indicative of deSiclencitfrm tno higher (.qualities south, in many cases they aic by t!ie vulgar 
 (ji a good style. u^e^j indiscrlminatelv. — "I imtl be twenty vcars 
 
 Of .an erroneous collocation cftJie parts ofa old to-mon-ow."— " I tiioughi I tooufd'h^yc^ 
 sentence, of the dismemberment of what should testimony enough." This common error iii the 
 
 be united, and ofthe injudicious combination, of 
 what ought to be .sepaiatc sentences, into one ; 
 the instances are numerous, They will readily 
 occur to the critici^l reader : our limits will not 
 allow the introduction o&e.t^amplcs. 
 
 We shall now notice a few instances of tau- 
 tology, bad giamm.'J.r, the i!npro;)cr use of 
 words, colloquial barbarisms and provincialism-?, 
 inelegancics and impurities. 
 
 " I.igUt and frmtr/."— Page .5, Pref. 
 
 *• The author had hoped to have had." — 7. 
 Read — h:id hoped to iiavc ; or, lioned to have 
 had. 
 
 "Col. Meredith had been rffi'.';erf.*'ii-8. This 
 word may be applied to grain or cattle : no 
 English writer applies it to the ctlucation of 
 children. 
 
 soutliern Stales is the use of JCfV/and uvuld, fo;- 
 shall i'.nd should. 
 
 "Ruin was belrlhd him; poverty, debt, wan"^ 
 and famine, before." — p. 14. — Had he escaped 
 from ruin, or was ruin pursuing him? Was he 
 driving poverty, and famine belbre him, or wa.-s 
 he in pursuit of them? 
 
 "As ii' his cup of miseiy were not already 
 ia\] eno'.igh." — p. 14. — O.nit vnough. 
 
 " Thus suppor.ed, ^e v.as able to bear up un- 
 der the heaviest pressure." — p. 14. — Bfxi.' 
 onlv. 
 
 "Nature and grounds cf the dispute." — .p. ID. 
 " This war of words v.-as kept up." — p. 21.— 
 Continued. Kept up, bear up under, &c. such 
 verbs used with wliat .are called prcjiositions, 
 .are avoided, in almost all cases possible,, by 
 " The widow had intermarried with Judge writers ikiming at a dignity of style beyond the 
 Winston." — 8. The vvidow had mav-'ied Judt;c vuh^ar. 
 
 V'inston. ''^Utterly null and void."— p. 22. Th'is may 
 
 " Had been r.-u^c d in the mme neighboihcod, be the language of the law — If null, ii laust be 
 and finalhf marri€d."~8— Here there is no in- a'terh/ so; and of course void. 
 
 tCTinarry'mg with. 
 
 *' Vigor and 'Ifgancc h<j.% frequently." — 9. 
 
 " rretty ext/^ried sketch." — 10. 
 
 " Prom the vear 1765 dujjn to the close." — 
 
 " Kot only to the dates, but to the facts //t^m- 
 ■;c/ir«."— 10. 
 
 " Strange ml-stakes in facta.'* — 11 — There 
 may be mistakes in a .slalemcnl of facts; but 
 iiow could Vtv. W correct a mistake in a liict' 
 
 "The clergy had much the bogi ofthe argu 
 mcnt."— p. 22.— The better. 
 
 " Thus far the clergy sailed before the tcind." 
 ~^p. •.■., 
 
 " Bold and commanding." — p. 25. 
 
 " For he painted to the hcarl with a^yrcethTr 
 ■j.\moii\. pdrifiid it. "-—p. 26. 
 
 "Ail their «H.S(S listening and rivet ted u^ou 
 the speaker, as if to catch tut Lsl strain of suufc* 
 heavenly visitant."'— p. 26. How the sense of 
 
 The courts which iieattends keep \\\Ti\pcr- irnellivg could linien, or that oi' night be rivetfcd 
 
 cluaUi/ and e:;clu.sivt ly occupieo- 
 
 ugh fti 
 
 ■sonihs of the year " — 12, 
 
 "The ncces.sity he ilkk under.'' — iJ — This 
 >'.paration of the preposition from the noun is 
 .-.•oided by {ill writer.'^ :Lspirliig to elegance. In 
 ■ommoa conversation it is less objectionable, 
 iough here it ought to be avoided. In Uav 
 -medy it is justifiable. 
 
 ■'Fo'- some reason ar otiur." — 14. 
 ' In i5oinl of personal cliaraclcr were among 
 
 • most rcsptciable." — Page Isl of tlie v.r.rk. 
 ' v»'hat usp hfrr^ i<t Tjrwfnff/ ' 
 
 to c.ttch a e'.rain, it is d.flicult to ui.UM'sland. 
 
 ''ICelthcr with a feeble o/ [nor] hefiiLattiig 
 hand."— p. 28. 
 
 " His ut'rid \v.as disposed to speak forth his- 
 sentiments." — p. 29, 
 
 "Nor any acr./ iiisuperable horror." — p. £?. 
 He is so verii lAtincible. that nothing but a J•fi^y 
 moriul wt>and casi kill iiim. 
 
 B'.giiuiinji a scuicnre, as in page 29, wilii 
 the words, r.ot tlmt, is highly rrroneotis. 
 
 ** Tiic- ciiaracter of l.i.; :^'-'it;v,(i;t, ]5roves i:; 
 •>M. [such tihe puneti! ■'!•' 
 
lul 
 
 fnat ke uru a bald and r/i^r^pi'ttJ enquirer.*'— p. 
 
 " Rqually inconsistent hnlh with." — p. 30. 
 
 ** Exprcsoly for the 2';'?-^ purpose." — p. 84. 
 
 "The mont. entire vnd pr.rfrxt equality. — p. 
 ^5, Ptrjed and entire htvc means the same — 
 neither can he coiTipai-c<!. 
 
 "Nor did the people, on their part, desert 
 Iiivi."— p. 36. 
 
 •• A suit which had sufTerod ver)' consideva- 
 bly inthehrricc." — p. 39. 
 
 " Deep aid perfect siJencc." — p. 40. 
 
 "To the levying [oi"] areveivae," — p. 41. 
 
 " The prcsfefi — seem rather disposed to have 
 itooJicd ont. for topics." — p. 42. Disposed to 
 look orscirch, for topics. 
 
 " His ir.ind itxff, T.-as of a vciy fine order." — 
 t>. 47. 
 
 " CfiiitimKcI and wnremiifing." p. 47. 
 
 "Never vehenient, rapid «• abrupt." — p, 47. 
 
 " Manners and addrcs^^.^' — p. 47. The latter 
 j3 certainiy included in the former. 
 
 " He [CJrorg-e Wythe] \va'< ■p''7-ftct'-ij familiar 
 with the author-, of Greece aud Roir.e." — p. 47. 
 A much lonc^er lift' than evcrtliat of Mr. Wythe 
 v/oviid he uecesssry for acq liring* apcrfxt farai- 
 uarHy with .all of ti;em. Mr. Wythe was well 
 acquainted with many of them. 
 
 " Openfij, arowcdly, and above hoard. " — p. 
 18. 
 
 "No man was ever move entire!)} destitute of 
 art. "~p. 48. 
 
 *'The port and carriage of Iiis head." 
 
 •'Histjenius had that native c^^7.'?7y, which 
 ovuhincd them [the beauties of an author] with- 
 out an effort." — p. 40. 
 
 ** Viciciis 'j.\\di depraved prnnunciatlcn." — p 
 54. 
 
 " Work out its purposes," — p. 54. — Accora- 
 oJish, pain, efre<;t — aiivthinic, but work out- 
 
 " Bold &.V :' -' 'ng. "'— p . 60. 
 
 "A zool Hi . ,tear occnrnci^ of thinking., anfl, 
 an elabcrnie cxMl^ifes and ii''.-..:ty in t.'ie Jcaui'ion 
 of Ih-oui^/it." — p. 72. Cocl, clear, iccuratc, 
 elaborate, exact and r.ice ffiinking -And deduction 
 of tl^tfjug/d. 
 
 " i'owards whom every American /learl will 
 6ovj."—p. 105. 
 
 •'In which he merely echoed back the con- 
 sciousness of every other heart." — p. lOO. 
 
 "Swdi and crpand- ' '— p .106. 
 
 "Called down {vom the heig'ht." — p. 108. 
 
 "His perfcrnmnce will not he the worse fox 
 having bern taug-ht to fly," — p. 111. Perfor- 
 ruance taufjht to fly. 
 
 "The .?;5/?-!7 and J'z^^me of his genius. "~p. 11^. 
 
 "llesisted them with &W \.\ir\r infMencc ai\d 
 .ibilities." — p. 117. One of the above itali- 
 c'jsed wm'ds is sufficient. 
 
 "Purchaser ihsreof." — p. 123. Thereof, for 
 afii\ whereof, for of which; wfiereupon , tor on 
 loJdch; hereupon, for oa Ihin; are words that may 
 still be proper in the ioi^g' ^iclonce of the bar; 
 but have long since been excluded from elegant 
 coinp(ral'.ion. 
 
 "The iransndionx which were passing'ln the 
 m.e^.TO\>o\is, circulated tiu-ough the country." — 
 p. 135. 
 
 *'That habitual deference and swi/>c/tQ7i, should 
 be dissolved and diaipuled." — p. 137. 
 
 "To ma/ie of this circumstance all the adcdn- 
 
 'PC, 
 
 7h4'? all ♦'.:«» ud'-'un'a^'e. 
 
 - "Co!. S. Mered«H» \*■'ho'll£^dtrK;i'Ctftt^}J;e^£asii' 
 manded." — p. 140. 
 
 "He left behind hijn&mesBa^e."' — p. 151 •' 
 Biirely he could not leave it before him» unless 
 he went backwards. 
 
 "Subvert the rtgal g-overnment vehoU^ aftd 
 entirely." — p. 160. 
 
 "As is /woven. " — p. 164. At the appearance' 
 cf this hornble word, used by Scotch lawyei-Sj.- 
 and by a few in the middle States, but by iwj 
 tlnglish writer, and by no correct English schol-- 
 ar; we cannot forbear the expression of our aS"' 
 tonishment. To tote, for to ctirry, would not be 
 so barbaious. Mr. W. uses the word sevef.'il 
 times; and sometimes the Eng^lish word proved-.. 
 Why he should h:ive loveii this word or wha^ 
 has rnoven him to its adoption, wc know not. 
 
 "He possessed pretty nearly as much experi-. 
 ejice ss Washin,s;ton.*' — p. 177. The truth is 
 that ha pcsses.sed pretty neai'Iy, about not half a 
 quarter so mucli. Of wha,t use is jr/e//^ here'! 
 Mr. VV . frequently lias the v.'ord. 
 
 Pretty muddy walking to-day. She is a prtl ■ 
 ty usly woman —are expressions pretty nearly as 
 justifiable and elcg'ant. 
 
 Tn pa^-a 226 the wrong tens » is several titles 
 itsed. " His wife /jorf died;'' — "his uncle Ac(f 
 died," &,c. instead of his wife died, 8co. 
 
 " Seemed to have been pretty neca-ty^ para' 
 nzed."~p. 231 
 
 " All it'; faculties u-eak^ disordered anil eX- 
 haustcd." — p. 232. Exhausted \s.^nWic\cut. 
 
 "Humanity and civil'zation gradually su/)«-- 
 induced upon the Indiau chai-acter." — p. 240.- 
 
 " Eqiudly tfwsomc benefit." — p. 243. 
 
 " Som.e form of worship, or other."-— p. 244^. 
 
 " Such an one." — p. 253. 
 
 "The Koman energy and the attic wit of 
 George i^Lison w;as there."'' — p. 263. 
 
 " Parts of OMC entire whole." — p. 270. 
 
 " Uncoupled and Id loo^c to range the v/Jiolc 
 field-"— p. 270. 
 
 " I>5y after daj--, from morning till niglit tho 
 galleries vftXQ. conlinuaUy hlleu." — p. 2S3. 
 
 " iVunton profusion cuid prodigaHty of that 
 attic feast."— p. 294. 
 
 " Every mode — every species — wasaeen-'^ ■' 
 p. 294. 
 
 " Ingenuous and azndid." — p. 314. 
 
 " It were aa useless ivaste." — p. 2>ST. 
 
 » ' His temper unclouded and serene." — p. 37S.; 
 
 • « Ingenuous and unaffected." — p . 378 . 
 
 " Fafieni and tendsi forbearance and kinil hi" 
 dulgence."~p.3&J. 
 
 " A simple, pure, economicill anS cfmite act- 
 ministration." — p. 382. 
 
 " They contended that they were ftimplij thv: 
 friends of gootl or.'lcr and govenmient.^ — p 
 3 83. That ihcy oi>ly werfi, &c. 
 
 «' A form so faint and shadowy. "r— p. 383;- 
 
 " The rival parties observed every advanco 
 made by the other." — p. 389. Dy each other. 
 
 " So n.iany stratagems to gain him oyer." — 
 p. 389. 
 
 " Dffensive measures which was iutended.J' 
 —p. 392. 
 
 "That those scenes were, about to be acted 
 over again in his own country." — p. 392. 
 
 That similar scenes w( re about to be acted in 
 his own country. A man may eat two similar 
 dumplings, Imtnot one twice, 
 
 "A preaclier, asked the people aJniid,. "whv 
 ♦hey thus pjllmvcd Mr. U/^ury a'H-uti'"'— p, 39.-:. 
 
• I 
 
 .\skc<l tiie yeople why tUcy foUowed, &.c. — or, 
 asked the people, *'\vliy do you thus follow 
 Mr. Hejiry?" 
 
 "He never ;70sc55fflJ that patient dru'dger^" — 
 p. 405. 
 
 "Mr. Henry fl?^ his part, was so delighted." 
 p. 410. 
 
 "But for the bold spirit of Mr. Henry, the 
 people would, &;c" — p. 419. 
 
 "So far from it that he stemmed the current. " 
 P- 419. 
 
 "The beaten paiks and roads of tliought." — 
 p. 422. 
 
 While perusing the volume ■\ve noted some of 
 the errors, in which the work is far from being" 
 deficient, and some of these we have here ex- 
 tracted. To notice all the similar inaccuracies, 
 would swell this review to a pamphlet. 
 
 We shall now notice some of Mr. Wirt's rhet- 
 orical and frequently romaniic s rains — or rath 
 «r strainings. His labour to shine often occurs; 
 but in handling" his rhetorical tools he is some- 
 times as awkward as would be a blacksmith in 
 making a watch. 
 
 By turning to our extract relating to the Par- 
 son's cause, the reader may observe the sen- 
 tence beginning with — "For now were those 
 wonderful faculties, kc. Tlie Jlre of hjs elo- 
 t^uence worked in him a mysterious and almost 
 supernatural transform.ation of himself; and, as 
 his mmd rolled along, and began to glow from 
 its own action, all the exuvicc [exuvix] of the 
 clown seemed to shed themselves," he. The 
 mind by rolling, glowed. Exuvix means what 
 13 already shed. 
 
 Referring to the popularity of Mr. Henry 
 among ihc plebeian part of the Hous? of Bur- 
 gesses, Mr. Wirt says. "They regarded him as 
 a sturdy .ind wide-spreading oak, beneath [in] 
 ivhosc cool and refreshing' .shade tliey might take 
 refuge from those beams of aristocracy, that had 
 played upon them so long, with rather an un- 
 pleasant heat." 
 
 Instances of such hunting, for such inappro- 
 priate figures abound. 
 
 XIr. Henry was not apt to notice a provoca- 
 tion, unless gross, " but when he did notice it, 
 better were it for the man [wAo offered it, nx\- 
 dCrstood] never to have been born, tiian to fall 
 into the hands of such an adversary. One lash 
 of his scourge was infamy for life; his look of 
 anger or contempt, was almost death." 
 
 In p.^ge 85, Mr. W. compares the subsiding 
 of contention after tlie repeal of the stamp act, 
 to a volcano. This simile is not in sprained 
 terms, and is appropriate. We wish we could 
 say so of all. •• Ti\e rumbling of Ihe volca. 
 no was still audible, and the sm jke of the 
 creator continually ascended, mingled not un- 
 frequcntly with those flames and nvxiscs of igni- 
 ted matter, which announced a new and more 
 ■terrible explosion." 
 
 I'rom the dt ;c.-lption of Henry's first speech 
 in Congres.M, one might suppose that a god, or 
 at least a demi god, was addressing th.at illustri- 
 ous body. "Rising as he advanced with the 
 j^randcur of his subject, and glowing at length 
 with all the majesty and exptct.itlon of the oc- 
 casion, his speech seemed jnore than that of 
 mortal m^n."—*' Even those who had heard 
 iiim, in ail his glory, in the house of burgesses 
 «f Virginia, were astonished." — "His imagina- 
 •ion ror'r?ratinop with si magnificence and a va- 
 
 riety, which st.nick c\cn that assembly witli 
 amazement and awe.'' 
 
 We cannot forbear a smile in observing Mr. 
 Wirt's determination to prove tlie heroism of 
 Henry. With "five thousand men at L-ast in 
 arms," he marched against lord Dunmore, his 
 aids-de-camp, and perhaps fifty others, to re- 
 take a quantity of powdi-r, or obtain indemnifi- 
 cation. Some of the patriots wisiicd him to de- 
 sist. — "It was in vain. lie was mflexibly re- 
 solved to effect the purpose of his expedition, 
 or perish in the attempt." 
 
 If Lord Dunmore issues a proclamation, "the 
 Governor thunders his anathema." If .Mr.Hcnry 
 obtains great iiiflvience, " he rushes /i/ce u comet 
 to the head of affairs. " If T; rl. ton approaches 
 the temporary seat of government, he '■'rushes 
 like a thunder bolt iiitj the village." If Mr. Heiin,' 
 expresses indignation toward .in adversar}, at 
 the bar, it is "like a atrohe of lightning," and 
 his opponent "shrinks from his wthering look, 
 pale and hreathlec.i ." In such extr.a.igimce of 
 expression Mr. Wirt appears to take grea'. de- 
 light. Is he not aware tha', with such, grt)wn 
 people arc seldom gr-itified.' 
 
 Mr. Wirt's mode of describing persons, man 
 ners, or events, generally partakes of the 
 flowery; which is sometimes carried to such 
 excess as to claim close kindred with the lu- 
 dicrous. He abounds with adjectives. Des- 
 cribing the eloq'ience of Coi. Innis, he saj-s; 
 " It was a short but most bold and terrible as- 
 sault — a vehement, impetuous and overwhelming 
 burst — a magnificent meteor, which shot majes- 
 tically across the heavens, from pole to pole, and 
 straight was seen no more." 
 
 The long and repeated descriptions of Mr. 
 Henry's eloquence, his manners, and the qual- 
 ities of his mind, wh.cii occupy a very hirge part 
 '.f the volume, become tiresome. The dictiona- 
 ry appears to havt; been thoroughly ransacked 
 for all t!»e words that could be applied to elo- 
 quence. " In mild persuasion he was as soft 
 and gentle a.s the zcpliyr of spring; while, in 
 rou.sing liis countrymen to arms, the winter 
 storm tliat roars along the troubled Ilaltic, was 
 not more awfully sublime." " His eyes — al 
 one time piercing and terrible as those of Mars, 
 and then again as sofi and tender as those of prtv 
 herself" 
 
 Since Horace compared the eloquence of 
 Pindar to a river ; monte dccurrcns, he. the 
 comparison has beeu frequently used, as it is 
 by .Mr. \\irt. But, in page 295, we liave a si- 
 militude of studied extension, from the rivulet 
 to the ocean. " His eloquence was poured 
 from inexhaustible fountains, and assumed eve- 
 ry viiriety of lute and form and motion, wliich 
 coidd delight or persuade, instruct or astonish. 
 Sometimes it was the limjied rivulet, spiukling 
 down the mpuntain's side, and winding its 
 •/Jver course between margins of moss — then 
 gradually SAvelling to a bolder stream, it 
 roared in the headlong cataract, and spread its 
 rainbows to the sun — now, it flowed on in tran- 
 quil majesty, like a river of tlie west, reflecting 
 from its polished surface, forest and cliff and 
 sky — anon, it was the angry ocean, chafed by 
 the tempest, hanging its billows, with deafening 
 clamors, in the cracking shrouds, or hurling 
 them in subhme defiar'"*. i* 'h^ cn-n, •> .,r 
 frowned above " 
 
Ul> 
 
 s^rea'ilv increased tlie iiitcrcs.!, of vlie subject 
 rrinciples had been advanced; and eanitstly 
 supporled, against which he felt it to be K\- 
 duty, at least to protest. Nay, more: such 
 Ma-s his rcpug-iiance to the doctrines he hau 
 heai-d, so deep was his conviction of the eiTor 
 in whicli they were founded, that lie coidd no'., 
 without being- disloyal to the most sacred of h"i^ 
 official duties, refrain from resisting' them. 
 
 It could not, he was persu.aded, be necessary 
 to say, that tn expressing- himself thiis strong*- 
 ly, it was not his intention to question, much 
 less to assail, the motives of tliase with whom 
 he differed, lie was not in the habit of doing- 
 so; and, if he could ever so far forget wliat -was 
 due to his brethren, as well as to himself, the 
 In his anxiety to e.Kalt Henry, Mj-. W. would sincere personal respect which he felt for the 
 lead the reader to suppose thut the revolution Scn.itor from Louisiana, by whose remarks h*" 
 was begun, continued, and concluded princl- luid been induced to continue the debate, would 
 pally by the instrumentality of the orator of restrainhim. He hadnodoubtgcntlemenhonest- 
 Virginia, ly entertained the opinions they had advanced. 
 
 Cunda superdlio movr.nt'is, and it was , therefore, their right to sustai n then t 
 
 "who, by his powers of speech, roused the with tlie spirit and ?.eal which they had man!' 
 €/.-/(0& rVniencan people, from norlh to south; fested on the present occasion. It was the cor- 
 
 sjiakespcai-e speaks of the winds taking- 
 
 the rufSan billows by the top, 
 
 Curling their monstrous iieads, and hanglng- 
 
 them 
 "With deafning clamors la the slippery 
 
 slu'ouds : 
 
 but never dreamed o? cracking shrouds, nor of 
 havhng billows in subli-iie ds^fiance at a.f'Oum 
 in" storm. Methiiiks the storm must have more 
 thun frowned. 
 
 Tc support the laaguaffc of such labored at- 
 t«ini]>ts on the sublime, so freqnent with Mr. 
 Wire, tac4-e o-jght to besomeoriglnahty of sen- 
 timent or imaginary. Few sucJi are to be 
 found. 
 
 put the rei-olutlon in motion, and bare, it 
 upon his slioulders, as AtLs is said to do 
 [to have done] tiie h&^ivens — wh.o moved, 
 not merely the populace, the rocks and stoius 
 
 intL-grity, of those cpininn>> 
 
 rectne.ss, not tuc 
 
 that Mr. Van VV.iren meant to controvert. H 
 was to carry them out to thcr.- legitimate rr 
 suits, and present them in their tme and eic 
 
 of the field, but, "by the summit took the ceptlonable character, that he ha/d risen. Tc 
 
 mountain oak, and made Him sfvop to the do this the more effectually, be would endeu' 
 
 plain." " It was hs ALONK, who by his single vor to strip the subject of all irrelevant mattci_, 
 
 power moved the mighty mass of stagnant wa- to check tlie dbcursive character of the flc- 
 
 ter," [referring to the revolution] "and changed bate, and bring the questions before the Senate 
 
 the silent lake into a roaring i/)rrent." m their natural order and most simple form.. 
 
 Toconclude: — Notwithstanding the omissions The first of tliese questions, said he, is the 
 
 and imperfections of this work; it will have extent of the rights of the Vice President uti 
 
 great effect in making more generally known dcr the rules as they stand. It is one, compaia 
 
 tbe talents, services and charactei- of tlie great 
 orator of Virginia. It is nota work, however,that 
 •will enhance the literary reputation of its autlior. 
 Mr. Wirt, with most read&rs, had acquu-ed a 
 large share oi belki-lettres estimation by his Rrit 
 
 lively speaking, ofbut little importance. There 
 are but two views in whicli it can be regai'ded 
 t all material. Tiie one rehUcs to the pro 
 
 as 
 
 prlety of further leg-;.slationon our part; and tin.- 
 other gives it importance only from its bc-aring- 
 
 ish Spy; in wliich thf.rc us much less of the upon the correctness of an opinion long since 
 .swelling- and of the romantic than are here ex- - • ■■ , . ,. . ■ >• i 
 
 hibited. Having advanced so much farther in 
 life, it was reasonable to suppose that mo.st of 
 the triu'jtB of the sojihomore would,- long ere 
 this, have been shed: instead of which, hlsLwte 
 seems to be more vitiated; he still mistaking too 
 often the tawdry for the beautiful, and tlie bom- 
 bastic, for the sublime. 
 
 oi- 
 
 mh. van buren's observations 
 
 ofhclally expressed by the present presiding or 
 fleer. ' Mr. Van UrnEX said he bad beibrt-: 
 remarked upon so much of the subjrc.t as 
 relates to the eflect of the old rules, and 
 would not now detain the Sentitc by enlai-g 
 ing on that point. It appeared to him impos- 
 sible, considering tiie phraseology and obvious 
 sciuie of our rules, more e.speclally when taken 
 in connexion v.-lth those of the House of Kepre- 
 sentatives, that Intelligent and unprejudice'd 
 minds could differ in opinion. The language, 
 said he, is plain; the sense is phua; and from 
 the injurious con.sequence.s of a construction 
 imp.arting this power to tiie Vlce-Prc.slden+ 
 
 fin Mr. FOOT'S a mendmmt lo the Utiles of the without appeal, it Is also plain, that such could 
 
 Fenale, hy trhirk it iva-i proposed to girc the not have been their original intent. Indcc<l. 
 
 rice President the ri-ht tn mil to order for s^^'l ^e, I do not remember that, in the whole 
 
 . „ , debate, it has been distinctly contended that 
 
 tvordsfpof:cn i.n Debate. ^j^^ ^..-^j^^ ^.;^,p,j j^^ ^j,g j.jjl^.g ^o Senators to cail 
 
 Mr. VAN BUUEN said, that he had not been to order, extended also to the Vice-President, 
 
 disposed to partake hu-gely in the present dc- Some gentlemen have, it is true,_ (to use the 
 
 bate. He did not believe that any dilTicnlty language of the law,) by way of excluding- a 
 
 was liklely to anse from leaving the Rules a's coiichiaion, imagined that there miglit be room 
 
 they had stood from the commfnccmcnt of tlic for question upon tlie flice of the rules; but I 
 
 :70verninent, and was not at all apprehensive of am quite confident that It has not been distijicl- 
 
 the undue exerci.se of the restrictive jwwcr ly aflirmed that they confer the powr-r in dis- 
 
 now proposed to be conferred on the Vlce-Pi-*-- putc on the Vice-President. Upon the other 
 
 sident. He had, thercfovc, fidt almost Indif- view of the matter, said Mr. V. B., a single 
 
 ferent as to the fate of the amcndr.-.ent; but the word would suffice. Kntlrely;_frce, as he cotild 
 
 progress and rTiarariter of the di.scussion had not but bt^j fronl personal prejudice onthr^ nn<- 
 
Jlti4 
 
 'uUtl, uiiQ Viiuntlu<;MXiQil by inuhi'dtia:! partJal'tty 
 on the other, he Felt no interest in the s-abjcct, 
 save a desire which, he hoped \ras comtnon to 
 ;ill, to see that jirsttce was done to the conduct 
 of a public officer who had dischargf;d his of- 
 i:cial duties with fidelity and abillti . He ccnld 
 not but think that the warmth of perh^wnd 
 friendsliip and the influence of party excite-^ 
 meat, combined, had greatly ma,t,i;incd the im- 
 poitance of the mutt-sr in rel<-.tlcii to the incii- 
 vidua! concerned. Surely no publ'c man in 
 tlris country, or in any olh'.-r where re.ison and 
 iijstine sway the pnhlic mind, is required to be 
 iVfallible, cr wiil be hekl responsihic for more 
 <Lan the honesty of his opinions, and the fidel- 
 ity with whicli Lo sustains them. If he en; 
 occasioiK'.Ily, it is because he is human; and so 
 ^on-g 03 I'.is motivts, e,s in the present ca^e. are 
 ;tb()ve snspicion, he has notblntif to fear fi-om 
 pubKc ccTisiii-f>. But it appeared to him that 
 ;ho3e who wish a conlifmatjcn by the vSennte of 
 the opin'ron htrttofore expressed by ilie Tice- 
 Presi'^lcnt, so far as the rules. are concerned, 
 *-.oultl not desire A more (Katinct one tlian would 
 vcsvdt From the adoption oi' the amendtncnt 
 ".nder coiisideration: for where is the man, in 
 this jfrcat coTiiraunity, \v ho would ,^ f"":a nio- 
 tnent^ cuppcse that tiie Senate of the United 
 b'-tates cculd Si>end days, not to Say weeks, in 
 gsaveh' de^atisis; tlie propriety of confening- 
 rrpon the V>c-;-Prcy;dciit a power already {.pven 
 ":>y its Vult;;? No one could, he was persuaded, 
 h« ibuird e;ipublc of guch injustice To tijc body. 
 
 flu uowapproached andtber, and a more im- 
 -pi)Tt:uit \iGW of tlio subject., II was tiie one 
 'hat htid c;.ll(.'d hiiu up; ant!- for pRttrinjf upon 
 jt.H c.:jn5;i;lerr;ti(ia he would make no apolo- 
 i:^-. rjideed ho would rccpiiec an apolog-y for 
 lrr.Ti3eli', Vr*;re ho to omit it. 1'c^o rmicli time, 
 ?»e 5^.iid, could not bo crnploycd in probinj^ and 
 disenssifip- a |>ri7ioip!c, in his vittw so failacious 
 nn i oIjvu xiuitsus that which had been forced 
 apnn th.n- c:)r.:';dcratiou. His examination of 
 ;t irtiisx, '..t I'.i^tirnv, (if neciissity, he limited; 
 The f?r^at prljiclple so freoty 'comment d upon 
 b.V tha benatf.-r fVom Louisiana, ffrottinjf out 
 of the irriplisd powei-s cVjmcd for this gv^ycrn- 
 mvnt, Rud involving' the distinclion between. 
 idtch as are true and u'arranted by the text, and 
 *,he frau<tu!cnt inventions of alter times", is a 
 matter of intense interest. A particular dis- 
 cussion, however, of the arlM and a;Kumptlt)ns 
 Eeftn-ed to by the Senator from Lov;t.>iana, 
 would now be out of place. Rut the period 
 tvorild, ha hopc<l, pi>on arrive, when sn nppor- 
 Tunily wouldbv'affoiiicdto diixjussthcniai iRrg^c, 
 ...ninHuenCcd by immediato loc:J intcrcits or 
 party cousidf^rwipiis. "When that d:/r shaii av- 
 rWc — and he hoped it would not be more .dis- 
 tant than tiie nc:^t bcssiou of Congrtw — be 
 would if hii life were spHrcd, «-<.-lv'i>cca.slon to 
 S'ay at least; fearlessly and f;;'.nk!y, all lie knew, 
 ;tnd all he belitvcd, and all he fei'.red tip.",;-. tI:o 
 yabject. 
 
 Vailing", said Mr. Xav. Bi;-..;., ;.> .,,,.i t.. t.,. 
 "ulcs, tJieir wairant fc>r the pmvei' in question, 
 iho.sc wiio afllrm its existence claim It under the 
 cop.stitulinn. ^VitIl what jik;lice this ground 
 was taken, be^vouhl pvocaed briefly to r'i>us'd. 
 T. I'hfre rrc vtot, said he, j7re;.tfr cnemic? 
 ft) thf;? truth th:.n confused and erro^icn^s stato- 
 Tncr.ts of th.o cjucstion. Tln-ir :raTirii tnBucnca 
 h.rf^ !'?:Cji '".ti*.IRi77<:*y --.vcr'r d on t!»e. jir:'t-v;it cc- 
 
 >n. To it Ik; iUiibu-Leii dillJereii<.:t3 oi o^Ij>- 
 >clween himself .and sofne with whom \rf 
 
 r^-sion. 
 ion be 
 
 seldonvcliffered and always with rc4tic4.''.nce. 
 Wl^at, '.hen, s»id he, is the true question? Is 
 it v.htihcr >he Vice President bus any power t& 
 keep order in the .Senate' T\\ no mcars. No 
 one cculd contend fnr a proposition so mucl'i at 
 variance wiih what «.•.•, every day pnss;ng under 
 o'lT eyes. Those who arsis* i-d in the foi-nvilian 
 of this g-oTf>rr rtient, v.-eif p.ai ?c igr-or-ant or In- 
 experieiiced as rf^( to k-iow thai an « tllcienj 
 power to preserve oi-der was of v\\i.\ nec-ssity 
 to evLry le«-'sfa*ive body. It was, 1 here foie; 
 pr&video by the Constitution, th.at "^each Kou-sa 
 of Ccnsfress may determine the ndes of its pro- 
 ceed' i-gr, punisli its members for di^ci-derly fre- 
 lravlot'r,and, \n\h the concurrence (^ftwo-lhirda, 
 expel a member." In virto* of ilds power, the 
 Senate, upon its first or!ja:i'>5ation, adopt c-d a 
 a set of rules presrril/nr^ the mode of it:; pn> 
 Cecding;s, an.rt containintc d'vcrs provisions upon 
 the subjcc' c^ord'.'/.decl.tringwht.tits inejrben; 
 mig-bt do, and wHa' they should not hepcnni+- 
 tedlodo. The enforcement of tliese rtibnt is 
 made ti-.e duty of the prcildit g' officn, whctaeT 
 lie be the Mce-Presldent or l're-sid?nt pro ttr.iv 
 - jjore. Scaj-cf !y a day passes without iho ]>er. 
 ■formance of some act by the lirpsiding oIRcer 
 in fulhhncnt of that duty. It is to tl:cse act* 
 that gcntU-men refer, ino'/der '.osu.^ain.i ckaim 
 toa ]jovver aitctre.tlitr diirerent. Tl.ij do rot 
 perceive Ih.at thcite are acs cf a merely --w/ft-.'s/e^ 
 rial chatnclcr, in which the ch.dr acts as the or- 
 g".iin of the 9en.it<?. subjfcct to si.<ch ror.lro! and 
 supel"v•i.s^(■.n .^s ' , • nay, f om tmie tu 
 
 time, p"<-.srrije. e:u. - '^-3 nrn^Jded f-r, 
 
 lu) t'.;:T'Cvit;/ ha--, , ' 
 
 Ant.tbf, ques.io.. •■ . jc f;:ide, a. d it 
 
 is tl) scr-;itcnd«l ti.ac in addition to the 
 
 ronc<.< oil .iiwcrs <~f t!n». Clvair upin thes-sibject 
 of order, "/!i isxo/fif.deni for ihv F '-c-fr^fiJcnt 
 lo call a Stnator to wdcr fo- Htinl-^ r.polxn >;? de- 
 bute, ujion (he ground clt.'^n thul ihq/ do not n 
 late to ike suhjfct iitider-discufinion, or on ac- 
 cfi-.mt Ojiht'-r (.Uicrwh^. fxcep'.'.oiwhk charcttar." 
 That r'jflitis, by the ru'cs, given to every L'efi- 
 ,ator; but ha? not vet been cuiifcrixd <.n tb« 
 invsidinp ofiiccr. If^ thcr-fore, it cxi.st, it n.ust 
 be dt-rived Irom a source ether than the rules 
 of this Flouse Driven to this alternative, tbe 
 g-entlemcn contend that it vs dciivtd from the 
 conslituiion itj4.if; tliat it betorg'S to, and is 
 /n/ie'f?>/iii, tliecfiicc: and it is to tins vicAV of 
 the subject the q-icslion oave5 its great ifnport- 
 iince. Mr. V. B. said he v.-,ts at a losrs hov.' to 
 treat n pretcn-ion, in his C'>iicep)i(m so extrava- 
 flTir.t, in a m.miitr consistent with the r*tpect 
 lie tiittTtirtii- d for those who had - advanced it. 
 He had, at .'nearly puriodif the debate, wlicft 
 it h;id b< en Idhid-'d to— «but not>o forrrially raid 
 cani'.'sUv insisted onas;r.ovv- — made il his bii;:i- 
 uf^yn to discredit, ::nd, ns far its allowable, to 
 censure th" d-ictrine contended for. Since ibu': 
 perir.d, the ii>at!<r h:'.d been dihcu.ssed by his 
 ricnds— fi-om Dei.vv.-:re, ptr. McLane,) "Tcn- 
 jifite'"', (Mr. Wi^i'-e, ) Kcutuciv, (^fr. liow.'>n, ) 
 d Vir^-inJ.i, (Mes-Si-s. Ta/ewcil and Tyler,) 
 in axn.iuner which he c^iuhl not hopo to equal. 
 Tltey ]ud hicr:d'y left nothin,a: for Ihc advoea'es 
 of the iiijtcrail pcH'ir of ilic ClHiir to sl.arid tjp- 
 on. V\ha't, ^,iid he, .ire the provisicns of ti>'". 
 coni.tituti(Ui IhaLirar upon the (Ji>c«tion? Ity 
 t'ie llurl rccfron '•A :^'3 "iTrst avf^ele i" h ''^■xV.d- 
 
i¥J 
 
 •:a, ''lijiV two Vicc-i*reiiitie<it of ti-te t'nH^l 
 "States shall be President of the Senate; but 
 
 " SHALL HATE XO VOTE, UXLESS TnET DE LaVAL- 
 
 ** LT EiriDED." In the teetli of tlivs express 
 ^;)T0 vision, it fs gravely conteade<l, not only that 
 ho shali hane a tx)U where the Senate is nvt 
 c-qually divided, but that he shall have tlie 
 v>bole v^ic ; and that, upon a question involvinpf 
 tho freedotn of debate, and bj' consequence the 
 Jntciists ot our oonititTicivts. Again ; 13 v the 
 fifth section ef the eawne article, the nilps nj 
 order, and the meats of tlieir ei;foroenQent are, 
 in terms, siibjecletl 1o the h-^iiilalcov of the f^ 
 itait: but it is how as gravely con*:ende(t tiiat, 
 this provision to the contrary notwitlislandinq:, 
 the subject (and as ho n'ould he-re.'>.fter show, 
 the whole subject) rests, by tho true construc- 
 tion of tiie c^jEjtixution, in the dtscretica of the 
 Vice President, And what. Sir, sj'.id lie. is t!ie 
 ibundatioii tipon which this higii reucliing pre- 
 teiisio'i is founled? It is no other than tb.e '\oc- 
 trine of implied pollers. It is to rc|:;ist(.r this, 
 also, among' the coi.sliHictive powei-s of the g^> 
 veminert a/id its functionaries, that the gentle- 
 men ontiie otherside invoke to their aul a pi-i:i- 
 ciplc V, iuch has already done fiuch extensile 
 violence totheconstitu'ion — a^jrinciplc whicli, 
 as defined and practised tipon by many of tiie 
 pubSc men of tiie day, leaves no other restric- 
 tion upoi\ power than 'he discretion or cuprice 
 of its possessor — a principle which, in the sense 
 in which it is understood by many, is never so 
 true to \hjtl^ as w!ien it is fa}^^ to the constitu- 
 licn. Relaxed as th.e sentinjents of public 
 xnen had beccn.e in ropu"d to constitutio ml- 
 construction, still lie could not !;:;ve anticip-^icd 
 uhat ar)pe-.?.rcd to him to be so ilag-rant . j^er- 
 versionofthe doctiinc of implied py vers. Wha<: 
 more should he say in reply? The implied pt.*- 
 er o^cisied for the Vice P,-e:,ideiit is not ofily 
 incopsi&terit u-uJi one pruviiion of the coiisti- 
 tulion, but is expressly inhibited by another. 
 1 he consliUitlun not only denies to tiio Vice 
 President this righ.t, by one provision Mr- V. 
 B liad read, but expressly places it elsewhere 
 by another wliich he had also rc:'.d. 
 
 If, •^.■.id he, direct inconsistency and cxprc?': 
 inrilbition cannot stay the marcli of iinplicatcn, 
 then has implication become too rampant for 
 the words of sobenK'ss and truth. Let us, for 
 one xnoreeut, eaid M". Van Buren, consider the 
 co»S£qu&r;cest!iat must result iVom this d'>ct?in<s 
 if, in an evil hour, it should be ctitabhshed. 
 The Senator from Missotiri, (Mr. Uai-ton,) 
 was evidently distressed by the coireciousness ij£ 
 the a'j.rrnir,t;- character of those conscquenoes. 
 He liad riideavoit;d to relieve i-.lnTstlf l)y saying 
 that this pov/er would be subject to the ix-guia- 
 tion of the Senate, and, if abused, mij^ht bccor.- 
 trolled by if.s riilcs. IJut, said Mr. Van Buitn, 
 this attempt doe-s not exhibit the precision and 
 correctness by which the views u'l that gentle- 
 man arc fivquentiy reconnuended to our notice. 
 He raust either abandon liis position, or seek 
 other relief from the conscqutrcos of Ills own 
 •irgumcnt. If the powar in dispute belonj^s to 
 the ofilce — if, as gentlemen say, it be iulicrent 
 iP. the ofTice, an<l he made .so by the cnnslllu 
 Tion, it is wholly bt'jond our hgi-ikioin. We 
 have no riglit to touch it: to. do so wnuUi be a. 
 high-handed encroachn>cnt u]ton the coirstitu- 
 vional rights of tlie second officer of the govern- 
 ^?Trt, Thertowcr 'Tin'^rr^-d '.tp'in hini hy o'tr 
 
 i'mIcs, upon L'i\? ^jiibjeci of order, is unuei' oar 
 control. In the>»e, his iwniderial dtitics, he is 
 our servant, and subject to our kw. But ycii 
 now propose to crnccde to him a hig^i jtfi-ciul 
 ■poimr, and you trace hrs title to it to an au:h.iTi' 
 ty iilglier than yo'ir own; an autliorty para- 
 mount to all — <he coi^titution. 
 
 You might, said ?.Ir. V. B-, with as much p-it>- 
 proprictv undcrtalcc to explai;), rpod"-fr or cm>- 
 ttr.I liie cxfcutive ])0 .vei' o*" t he Fresideiit of the 
 Unite! vStates by your rules, a:; to cor.ro! this 
 power, if it springs directly fl'om t!:o crn^^tUii- 
 tion. ('.entlemcn, must excuse him, if lavir.r; 
 out of vicv,' tlie words in v/h;ch they see ht to 
 chnhe their propositions, he hehl them respon- 
 si ^le in argument k\- tluvir legitimate results'. 
 A course dift'-^rent from this wotild ne'-.th'nr com- 
 port with the dignity of tiio c<;ca'--»c-.i, ner the; 
 interest awakened by the s-ibjcct. Amon^' 
 th<J3e. results we m the fo-'hnvmg: — If tl>e Vice- 
 President ec made, by tiie c-cmstitution, tlie 
 judge of the pi-iprie'y of o v: debate, and lias 
 tiie righ.t to call us to order, '.\ hen, in h:s discre-' 
 ticn, he may thmlv we .violate f.uit propriety; 
 th.en r.re his rigats and dutie;-, \n th-..t respect, 
 not only notsulj-'Ct to our Icg'slation, hut h'-^ 
 would become the mie fnJ-;;-", o? the extent o"; 
 t]iis power, a;i I tlie mcuiis of enfrrctng i', with- 
 out any otJicr direct rcspc.^i'hiiity thu^-i tiiat 
 secu'-ed by the right fsf Imp-ac'-mcr.t. ThcTv 
 too, has he tlie rii^iit to chrorc-.- his decision by 
 punishing disolicdienct, ;ukI all the power o' 
 the Senate upon the subje ;t must be snboruhi- 
 ate to hi3. It wa*, in i-.-sjudginer.t, idle to talk. 
 aiioiit the por/ej; to keep order without th<.: 
 means of et'.fbvci;-g decisioira by punishmctitfo"' 
 diwirdcr. The framor-iof ihe cv!istitution hvi 
 ♦aiicn a better vie v.' of 'die matter, by gi^isfg to 
 thi Seiio.te l)ie right tt) pj,in.~sfi for dicorderl 
 ever. t-> emulsion, as a neeessr.ry part ot :ts 
 contioi over thi: .-AibJeHTt If ^similar power ht 
 the Tice-Pi-esident bo -mpli^ii by the ctr.vstri'u- 
 tion, the means to :;nfo;re it are als-o iniphei]. 
 If a power in the Vice-President to ca.il tooidc-r 
 for words Bpolien in debate be. implied, ho musf 
 decide upcn ail questions £;Towing out of its ex- 
 ercise, witlior.t being svajecte<l tothec'iitrol cl' 
 the Senate For, unlcfrs the posiii ■ e jjrOvi.-^ic.n ci 
 tlie Constitution i^ to be disregarded; lie ca-iv. 
 not vote v.itii us unless the Sinate be equally 
 divided. Tiics^ are, tlion, separate antioj"-- 
 tipot pov.-ci-vs traced to t.'^e same .sr.urcr, a.;<i 
 acling upoTi thiC .s-.imc sut\ie<'t inatter ; and on-o 
 or t!:o otlicr niust be sujjremc, or the. v>-lif'i-'i 
 v/ill lie vain aivl ;r.opcr;itive' Kuppiise tho 
 Senate, by its iitlos, allow tr. be in order v,h-.it 
 theVice-PreSHient,invi!tucorhisinhen".irigh?, 
 holds to be out of oi'dc-r, which is tr jVi--%-:u.l? 
 
 'J'he result, ilicn, .s-.ud .Mr. V. B., of th-euof- 
 trine contended for, ulien stripped of all unnt- 
 ocssary verbiage and extraneous considcraiion:-', 
 is no more ;ir.r l'"ss than tliis : tl'Jit it is within 
 tlie constitutional convpstcncy of Ihx; Vice Pixr- 
 sideut, if, in tiie exercise of liis beet di.'^re'.ion, 
 he thiiii;,Ha Senator i;rgefl exccjitionuble nwlle? 
 iji dtbatc, or' insist on raatler 'tbiit .is irrl- 
 U-vent, to phihiliit the plo.'^eoution of the de. 
 bale, e.vcept Upon ,a;ic!i terms and m .siur^; 
 form, it.s tiie Vice President sliuil prescribe, 
 and to excrcisQ tbc.iy.aairs necessary to cau-y 
 that powcT into eH'ect, •without autlioTity or fO- 
 spoBiiijiniy to this body, or to th<^ !■ -'' ■■'■• 
 i^'y'AT:?''-: sa'.'i; t!i:'»ji.''^!.>. .ini!r'fach;T'''nt 
 
I Ob 
 
 >Jc ;iskeu tiic indulgence oi ihe. Senate, 
 whilst he submitted a few observations upon 
 tlie chai-actev of the power proposed to be con- 
 ceded to the ■\'ice Vresident, as appertaining 
 to his office, and the nature and importance of 
 the rights of the Senate now proposed to be 
 surrendered. Wlicn I sjieak of llicir impor- 
 tance, I do not mean in reference to us, but to 
 our constituents. 
 
 For what must be the character of the colli- 
 sions which, in the course of events, can alone 
 be expected to produce any thing like a mark- 
 ed exercise of this great power to control de- 
 bate ? Is it at all likely that thty will ari.se 
 i'rom pei-sonal altercations among ourselves ' 
 S<irely not. For tiieir suppression the present 
 means are ample. The Cojisti'ution an.l the 
 rules of the Senate made under u, affonl of 
 ther.iselves an ample shield for Individuui pro- 
 tcciion, if any shield be uf-ctssary ; and he 
 liope<l no one would svTppose that so criiven a 
 ?.pirit existed withiu tliese -.vdls as to makt it 
 necess-iry or even desiiablo to place this 
 power in the hands of the Vice President, be- 
 cause wc miglit be unwilling to protect our- 
 selves. He was quite confident tliat no danger 
 M-U3 to be apprehended from that quarter. If 
 .v,Vnrt» g,-ound is ever taken upon this ml)jpcf, 
 ■^nid /(,:, it u-ill arise out of the ialircourfie ofthi^ 
 hody with the co-ordinufe, and in iomesenac rixa!, 
 department.^ if this g^ovcrnvient. It is from our 
 acts as they bear upon the Executive and its 
 inferior function.aries, and upon the Judiciaiy 
 and its suboiilinates, tliat such a proceeding 
 can alone be expected. From the present 
 condition of things, abuse in that respect might 
 not be likely to take place. But the present 
 is not the natural state of things. In general, 
 the President and Vice Pre^jident will belong 
 to the same poliiicd party. It is onlv when 
 " times are out of joint," that tliey will be 
 be taken from different sides. The present case 
 is an exception growing out of that cause. In 
 considtriiig the future, }ou must contemplate a 
 different condition of things, or you will not 
 act wisely. It i? only to guard' against the 
 abiises of political tiust that constitutional 
 restiictions are provided. Were it not for the 
 inherent and inextimjuishablc disposition of man 
 to abuse delegated power, they woulrl not be 
 ncces.sjry. Who, said he, can be blind to the 
 consequences, t))ut in the political agitations of 
 the times, m.ay be fairly apprehended from the 
 possession of this power by the Vice President-' 
 Who cannot sec wh.at a tremendous engine it 
 may become in the hands of an ambitious and 
 ■slitl aspiring Executive' That it m.Hy give him, 
 r'.nough the .ngency of his political friend and 
 coadjutor in tiiis body, a complete and irresist- 
 ablc control over the debates ef its menibei-s, 
 und consequently over the extent and cliai-acter 
 of the information on j;ublie affairs to be given 
 through us to the people' 
 
 The connexion of the Executive with the 
 Senate is much clo'-er than with the House of 
 Representatives. Upon the subject of treaties, 
 appointments, and the whole range of Execu- 
 tive busines's, the Senate is almost the only 
 check. It is, tJicrefore, of vital importance, 
 that it should be wholly exempt from Execu- 
 tive control. This body was looked to by tl;e 
 framers of the Constitution, as a sanctuary for 
 ^tic fird^ral .-jnd equal rights of the State?, anfl 
 
 so framed as to clierish tliat sentinjcint on tin: 
 pait of its members. It is here alone thst the 
 federal principle liad been preserved: a. princi- 
 ple valuable to all, but particularly to the small 
 States; for it is in tliis department .alone that 
 their perfect equ.ility is recognised. But where,. 
 Sir, will be its eiliciency, if the doctrine con- 
 tended for be cstabhshed' When, hereafter, a 
 Senator shall feel it to be his duty to attempt 
 in languag<' wliich he may think the occasion 
 requires, to arrest encroachment of the Execu- 
 tive, or to seek redress by exposing abuse* of 
 trust on its part, or that of any of its subordi- 
 nates, he may find hi.s lips closed, not indeed, 
 as of old, by a gag taw. but by a power fur more 
 effectual. lie ir>ay perhaps be tol.'j, th.Ttt al- 
 though it 's his r:g!it to canvass freely, the pub- 
 lic acts of the President ami his cab'net, it nuist 
 be done in a manner more decorous; that th(;ir 
 motives are not^ to be rudely scanned and dis- 
 cred'ted; that debates of that character, having 
 a tendency unjustly to alienate the confidciTce 
 of the people, are ont of order; that if be will 
 .siiape his periods according to the prescribed 
 form, and measure the extent and bitterness of 
 his denunciation by tiie administration standard, 
 he may go on — but if not, he must desist. 
 
 If, said he, it should hereafter become mani- 
 fest to a portion, or even a majority of this 
 House, that the third power of tlie Federal 
 Government, created and supported by the 
 other twc, is gradually, though to the great 
 mass of the people imjierceptibly, subverting 
 tlie reserved rights of the States, and under- 
 niining the Constitution of the United States^ 
 in some of its most essential points; and if, on 
 a subjest of such vital importance, the repre- 
 sentative of a sovereign State should express 
 himself on this floor in a manner calculated lu 
 suppress the mischief, but yet without ju.st of- 
 fence to propriety, he may expect to be told 
 from that Chair, tliat although the acts of a co- 
 ordiiiate branch of the government, when com- 
 ing properly before the Senate, ai-e liable to 
 free examination; yet the ermine of justice is 
 not to bethus rudely assailed within these walls. 
 Cordd there, he asked, be any principle which 
 wotdd mor<- eifoctually prostrate the indepen- 
 dence of this body? And was it to be cndured» 
 tlut the iii'^mhers of the Senate siiould hold 
 tiic invaluable I'ight of free del)ate by so frail and 
 humiliating a tenure? In his ojiinion the Senate 
 would be wantirig in what is owed to its consti- 
 tuents, toitself, to its true interests and dignity, 
 if it could for a niomcut lend its sanction to a 
 ])rinciple bo untenable and so dangerous. Tb.e 
 Senate, heretofore, he said, had not been insen- 
 .siblc to wliat belonged to its rights. It was hw. 
 the session nefore the last tiiat tlic Executive, 
 in a communicttion to us, ad\anced a pretension 
 incomp.T.tible with the constitutional riglits of 
 the Senate. And how was it received? It was 
 not the exercise, but merely the assertion of a 
 jioMor, on his part — an ajsertion, it is true, 
 wholly unsupportable; and he believed no one 
 would deny, most unwisely jiut forth. And 
 how, he asked again, iiad it been tieaied' He- 
 solutions were introduced denouncing the un- 
 founded assimiption as an F'xecutive encroach- 
 ment that ought to he resisted. A disposition 
 to do so, and to jireser.-e and rnaintnin the just 
 lights of the body, not on our own account, but 
 in b?hftlf of those who sent us here, was then 
 
 i 
 
 i 
 
10' 
 
 'MkiutestLvl, that ia Lis judgirient reftccted the 
 biggest honor on the body. The question then 
 ag-itatcd coulrl not be compared, in point cfim- 
 portancc, with that now under consideration. 
 At most, it was a threatened trespass upon the 
 cchistitutional rights of tliis House. What have 
 we here? A pnnciple which lays the a.x" at the 
 root of the iiulependence of the Senate, and the 
 personal and dearest privileges of Its meinbei*s. 
 
 In every point of view, said Mr. V. B., in 
 whicli this subject had presented itself to his 
 mind, it had produced but one sentiment, and 
 that was unqualified opposition \o the preroga- 
 tive chimed for the chair. Althouj^h this claim 
 of power is now for the first time made, the 
 principle in vvhich it originates is as old as the 
 government itself. I look upon it, Sir, w.s the 
 lej^tM-natc offspring of a scho>.l of politics, which 
 has, in times past, agitated and greatly disturb- 
 ed this country — of a school, the leadiiig prin- 
 ciple of v^-hich may betraced to that great source 
 of the political contentions wi ich have pervad- 
 ed every country where the rights of man were 
 in any degree respected. I allude, Sir, to that 
 collision which seems to be inseparable from 
 the nature of man, between the rights of the 
 few and the many — to those never-ceasing con- 
 flicts between the advocats of the enlaro-ement 
 and conce?2/'ra^ia« of power on the one hand, and 
 its llinitaiion and distribution on the other: Con- 
 flicts which, in England, created the distinction 
 between Whigs and Tories: the latter striving 
 by all the means within their reacli to increase 
 the dominion and influence of the throne, at 
 the expense of the commons and people; and 
 the former to counteract the exertions of their 
 adverearies, by abridging that dommion and in- 
 fluence for the advancement of tl'.e rights and 
 the consequent amelioration of thf condition of 
 the people. 
 
 Collisions of opinion and of action of a char- 
 acter similar in principle have existed, altliou'^h 
 under different denominations, with different 
 limits, and for different ends, in mostcouutrle-;, 
 and in an eminent degree in tliis. Indeed the 
 history of the struggles, the contests, the alter- 
 nating victories and defeats of these two rest- 
 leas and rival principles, is the history of all re- 
 publican governments — in fact, of all institu- 
 tions formed for the protection of the liberty of 
 conscience and opinion, and the freedom of the 
 citizen. No where can its operation be more 
 distinctly traced than in our own e.arly history 
 They were the primitive elements, and ani- 
 mating causes of those Whig and Tor}' par- 
 ties, which, from the first Congress of 1765, 
 down to the glorious peace of 1783, on the one 
 hand labored unceasingly to consolidate all le- 
 -g^slative autliority over these provinces in the 
 single British Parliament, and to place .ill pa- 
 tronage, power, and influence in the hands of 
 the executive and judicial rc]jrc8entatives of 
 the Crown; and on the other hand, as boldly 
 and perseveringly, but happily more success- 
 fully, vindicated by reason, clciquenee, and 
 finaJly by arms, the rights of the several Ame- 
 rican States, and the just powers of t!ie imme- 
 diate representatives of the people. The estab- 
 lishment of our independence put an end to 
 these conflicts, in the form in which they had 
 before been sustained; but what its eflect was 
 upon the spii-it that produced them, could be 
 'jf.i'fy iud""r"l from an ?*f /^^ti'-f ornic'rV'"itinr> r^f 
 
 our subscquenl liistorj'. Attuiufjt^', said Mi 
 Van Buren, have frequently been made in bte: 
 days, and recently b}^ the highest autliority its 
 tiie government,* to trace tlie origin of the two- 
 great political parties which- have divided tlie 
 country, from the adoption of the Constitution 
 to the present day. They have, for motives too 
 obvious to require explanation, been altnbuted 
 to causes which iva;l either become obsolete, or 
 been compromised bv mutual concession — such 
 as thft early difTicuUies glowing out of our rela- 
 tions with Great Britain and France, thfc expe- 
 diency of a navy, or similar questions. There 
 was one consideration, he said, that could not 
 fail to arrest the attention >^f the most superfi- 
 cial observer. It wus this. If thrse party di- 
 visions have sprung from no other cause than 
 the tempfivary circumstances to wh'ch they have 
 been attnhuted, why have they so lr,ng survived 
 the cai'ses thatprnduced them? That they still 
 exist, and e-sist in fall vigor in a great portion of 
 the Union, 't vvould be an insult to our obser- 
 vation and understanding to deny. The ex- 
 planation of the mystery was to be found, and 
 to be found only, in the falsity of the ascrip- 
 tion. They arose from other and very difFe- 
 rep.t causes. They are in truth, said he, mainly 
 to be ascribed to the struggle between the two 
 opposing principles that have been in active 
 operation in this country from the closing scenes 
 of the revolritlonan- war to the present day — 
 the one seeking to absorb, as far as practicable, 
 all power from its legitimate sources, and to 
 condense it in a single head: The other, an an- 
 tagonist principle, laboring as assiduously to 
 resist the encroachmeiits, andhmitthe extent of 
 executive authorltj'. The former has irrown out 
 of a deep and settled disirtist of the People and 
 of the Stotes. It consequently regards as gain, 
 every thing tliat can be drawn into the vortex 
 of federal power, and as making that power 
 still more safe in proportion as it is withdrawn 
 from the popular departments of the federal 
 government to those tli;>t are Uiith';r removed 
 fiom the control of public sentiment. The an- 
 tagonist principle has '■/■; origin in a jtalotisy of 
 power, justified hij all human experience. It is 
 founded on the assumjjtinn, tliat the disposi- 
 tion of man to abuse delegated authority is in 
 hcrent and Incorrigihh"; it therefore seeks it.s 
 only security in the limitation and distribution 
 of those trusts whicli the very existence of go- 
 vernment requires to be reposed somewhere 
 Hence, the aversion of its supporters to grant, 
 more power than is indispensibly necessary foe 
 the objects of society; and their desire, asm 
 additional safeguard, to place that which Is con- 
 ferred in as many hands as is consistent with 
 efiiclency. The former is essentially the mo- 
 nnrchic'jl, and the latter the democratical spirit 
 of society. lie wislied not to be misunderstood. 
 He used these terms as more cxprcssivi; of Ills 
 meaning, tiian any that occurred to him. He 
 had no idea ttiat all, or even the great body of 
 th'.ise who either now, or in times ]):ist, had 
 been subjec* to the influence of tlie first prin- 
 ciple, were in favor of the estaldishmenl of !l 
 monarchy in tliis country, any moie tl'.an he 
 believed that those who had shown their prefer- 
 ence for ('cmocratical principloB were in favor 
 of the establishment of an absolute d'rn'^crarv— ■ 
 
 ^ Inaucvrnl ^'hlv'^".'--. 
 
1(!^8 
 
 »it'.uit,r bide bt:d vieua vuu3 extenaive. The But itvsia rsU>Jred, Oikd Mr. V. H, am fra.: 
 
 ft>rms of both were repudiated, wiiile their re- the moment of its udopttm to the prevent d<:y, 
 
 r,pective fipirlts were, to no inconsJerable ex- the spirit he had de-^cribed, had been at tcork to 
 
 tcn-.t, retr.incd. The ear.icr Ijattles upon this obtain by c.onstntction'' what was not included or 
 
 cardinal point were foi:,?l;t upon tlie qiifstjon inlftxlfd to be included in the tyrant. It Wi»3 far 
 
 (3f the degree of mcr^'y; or in other words, /joic- from his intention to uv.t^re this as a reproach 
 
 er that oiig-ht to be g ven to ti'.e federal govern- aga ost the actors in those scenes. He was per- 
 
 me-it, at the expensve of the States and he peo- snadcd that the motives of many, if "Ot of aU, 
 
 ?le. They commenct-d in tlie Convention of 
 rS7, an<l soon spread thron^^'.i the great body 
 Of tlie people upon tlie quosticrs of ratincation. 
 The pr«c<edint^s of (iiat Co^vcn lion were for 
 a longtime uecfet, but are now before the pnhlic 
 
 were pure, and evf-n n^.trlotic. TI»ey belicv.-d 
 that tlir State GovernuK-.nts were not srjJin de- 
 positories of power: that the Slates would be 
 able to control, au-.' would Injuriously control 
 the Federal Government, unless it liad more 
 
 In them, when tnken in connexion with later power than the Convention of 1787 was willing- 
 
 «rveiU^',We read tlie grounds of our s-ibsequentpo- 
 ttical ciJSMjn.siijns in lai-g-viajje so pla.n, that none 
 but those who arewilftilly blind can be deceiv- 
 •l*d. Ti ere were of cotnT;p, difi"ercnt dej^rees, 
 3S to individuals; but the leadin^'division In the 
 Convention was between those who, clistriistful 
 tvf 'he Stites, sot!ght to abrldixe their powers, 
 that those of the new {^(^vemment rtn.^ht there- 
 by be enlnrcred, ardtho5-:cvvhn, on their part, 
 
 tr) li^ant. 
 
 Tt;eY thousfht, and one of them with 
 that in.c^'^eniousness of fueling- witich distinguish- 
 ed his noble nature, avowed ofiicially, that the 
 true qnegtion was, not wliat Ute franiers of the 
 Constitution intended, or what those by whom 
 it v.-as ratihed un^lerstood, but what was tlw 
 coiTcct construction of the terms in which it 
 was exprcs.-ed. This g^reat man knew well 
 that the no wet then clainif-d for the Govern- 
 
 dii.ruvluiK'peih-.ps jealous of the government ment, could be sustained on no other grounds, 
 abovit to he erca»cd,"'and posscssinff full confi- and he v/as always above clisg;uise. 
 dc:ice in those of the S'.ates, were as strenuous I am not, said Mr. V. E., condemnmg tlieir 
 to retain all powers not indisjpensibly nec-ssary motives, but controverting the.r opinions. The 
 ta en.u)lc the federal government to discharge test that was then appU'-d to Lhc Constitution 
 the si>cc;{ied and limited duties to be in;posed has been adjudged erroneous and unjust, by the 
 upon it. The contest; was animated, and, as* judges in the last resort— Me ^wo/j/e ^/ic/rj-e/rea. 
 5sw.il known, more than once threatened a Tlie belief (no doubt honesOy entertained bv 
 criHsolution of the Convention, without ajrreeing many) that its applicition was neces'^H'-y to t.,c 
 upon any thing-. Necessity, hov.'cver, ultimate- success of the scheme and to the_ weltare of the 
 ly compelled a comproiirse The terms were country, w.as founded in impressions as to. the 
 arranged as well as practicable. The then character of the = tale Government"?, which ex- 
 friends of State r-ghUs, (tlie true /■«/m///.s/.', but perience has demonsti-ated to have bien un- 
 who, by a S!n4>ular misnomer, were immediate-, fotmded. Many oi tlie most distmj^u.shed oi 
 3y after C'MKdun!i-fi:dcral,.sfs,\v\v\A those who tiio.se who then entrrtamed i;.osr; opimons, have 
 bad thrr.nghout opposed the federal principle, since abandoned them, convinced by tne rc- 
 a<tsumed tlie then more ponular name of suits of that f-xpenment which hasj since 
 lode-alists,) surccc'led, or thou7!!t- (hev sue- been made. Fif'y years experience of the 
 coedal, in saving- much of whutthcv iia.l so opcrarion ot the State Govenmt.-nls, i-..is made 
 earnos-tly contended for. The advocates of "assurance dquMv sure," that ttiey ncldy 
 wliat was in the languace of the day called descn-c the comideiice wmch the people 
 a itrf,r;<r Qcncral Govcrnmmt, certainly Aul- have ever been mchned to bestow on them, 
 ctl in bbtaimng- by e:;pves.s g.-ant, or ne- Under tne broad slnekl of State laws, pnvate 
 cessary Implicati-m, much of 'what thev had ri.^hts have been protcct.d, while pubhc pros- 
 so long and .so ably stru'j-.rk-d to acquire for the ptrity w as prD.noted. In the dirkeet houi-s of 
 l>ew tiovcrnment. Tie question efrjitifiGation war, -when the gen-ral Governir^nt was dis- 
 camco.'>, and wa&ft;lloi-cliHcuUy. The abuses heartened and enfeebled by debt and d'sas- 
 ro w hich iome of the more general provuions 
 •)f tlic Conslitution might be exposed, were 
 pointed out by its cppcmant'^. The concealed 
 powers of the Coni^titution, which are at this 
 uay put iiirtii wilii .so mrch coi.fiij^^nce, were 
 v:;s»cl<i.mcd and condenmed by tho.-ic whord\o- 
 fv:itr:i the ratification. No candid and wdl-in- 
 
 tt-r, its unnerved arm was strengthened, and 
 the national honor rescued, by the authori- 
 ty, the patrict'-sm, v.:k\ the credit of the 
 
 •An.-iiiecdo;. .^i^. -led of the Tate Govcrncur 
 Movr's, a conspiciions and efficient member ot 
 the Convention, r.n.l gre.it latitudinanoi'., which 
 
 fonTied mari, will for a moment, pretend that, is entitled to credit, from its be-rg so slnkptriv 
 if the powers now cluimcd for this Government charactenstie of the man. Being at 'he c; .y ot 
 'vad been avowed at the time, or evt n had not Kcw Ymk, a short time after the ratification by 
 Seen exprewlv disclaimed, there would have the reqmsite number of States was known, he 
 Twen the slightest chance for the adoption of was cm-gratulated upon the successtul termma- 
 :hc Ce^i.stitull-.m, by tlie rcqv.is:' ■: n-mbcr of the tion 6f their la 
 
 • .■Wthi:-tccn States. 
 
 •It is widiin the recollection of the Senate, 
 'hat one of the then .surviving nK-mbers of tlie 
 Convention of 1737, (the late Mr. King,) to 
 -J aid the ciosc of his long and useful public life, 
 declai-cd on the iiovr of the Senate, that the 
 
 ors in the establishment ofaC-on- 
 stitution th>it would realize ail' )r- great objects 
 of its franit-re. •• 7^hat dcpend/i upon how it is 
 cortsLrued," was, at that early day,when no ques- 
 tion of construction could by possibility ha-ve 
 aj!s(.n, his pregnant reply. 
 
 subject of Internal Improvements, and thatlrad 
 
 •^ATOCrs of the Constitution rievercontemphited it been suppose<l that such powers were con 
 '.'»? c-Ycrcis-e of such poweis by iUr Federal Go- ferrcd, the Oonst^jtitm trev^r cduld h.'4\T- bee:> 
 
 .*^-».Tp,.T>*, ;i'i--'e'--' :<t"''.":i!ur-t"l ♦'t:! cpiM llie ritiJietT. 
 
\m 
 
 c>utes. In peace they have not only fulfillea 
 Mvsi^ly and jv'.*;ily .dl the great purposes of si:lf- 
 nf.Ti-crnraent, but several it them huve establish- 
 ed iioblc sy.^tems of public In.sl"iiction, or have 
 cicco-.npliahed or are now accotnplisliinif great 
 \i-orks of internal improvement, as fn- surpass- 
 ing' in -.najnitude and utility any similar works 
 of Hie g'eneral ^overn)■>^^.nt, as tliey do in wis- 
 dom of plan and ecunou'} and judgment in ex- 
 ecution, d general yaiTender of such opinion!', 
 is, iln'.rt-fore, at Ikis lime, a l-^i'iu-ft ju>flly dnc in 
 ffie reckcme'-' .md esf-abllfJltd chLradcr ^f iht Hide. 
 governmenis. But they are not surrendered — 
 on the contrary, they hare become more a' id 
 more extra vagvait, until t'i.)?e jndcr vvhobe pro- 
 tection tliey now are, claim for this g'overnnient 
 pov/ers which were in express terms repudia- 
 ted juid denounced by the founders of this very 
 school. 
 
 Mr. V. B. said, he would not fee} himself at 
 liberty *o detain the Senate by foUovying the 
 traciv of the government in ita wliole extent, 
 and tiircugh all its sinuosities to establisii his 
 positions, but he could not avoid doing so in 
 part. The subject was one of deefv interest, 
 of which it bcliooved the American people to 
 be fully informed, but which it was lo be fear- 
 ed is more frequently spoken ot than unier- 
 .stoodi The inii.ss of our citizens are so much 
 i?ngr()ssed in the afFairs of their State govern- 
 nirr.ts, that this great matter is in no inconsider- 
 able liegfee ncgiected. 
 
 liunug tlie adminidtration of Genera^ Wash- 
 iDg'on, no acts of a strong character took pl.ice, 
 save the incorporation of the Bank of the Uni- 
 ted States, th.1t g-reat p'oneer of constitutionul 
 encroachments, together with the principles 
 avowed in relation to the treaty making" power. 
 Tlit attachment of G.f;ieral Washmgton to tjie 
 constLlutioii, his consciousness of the diffical 
 ties v.-ji'lch had atter^ded its establ'sh-nent, and 
 liie i^atur-al m.-'ideration of his charac1er,coming 
 in aid .if the firm countenaiice maintained by 
 the a:iti-fe<iera!ists of that day, kept the spirit of 
 encrouchrnent and constrUciifVn iS^vthin bounds, 
 that, compared with its present character, were 
 roasonahk. But in the ad'^iini'slration succeed- 
 ing tiiat of General Washington, crntinuijig- 
 through tiie years 1797, '98, ''99, it displiyed 
 itself !.nr its true and most odlou.? character. Its 
 fruits were so bitter, and are so well remember- 
 ed, that ajiy tiling like a miruite dcs'criptlon of 
 them would be an act of s'lpcrerogation. It 
 was then t'mt tiie monarchical ind aristocrati- 
 <-al chai-acter of the spirit he liad descrioed, 
 V/.'U dispiaye'd in uncea.singciTorts to wrest from 
 the States the pov.'ers that juatly belonged to 
 them, to exercise such as Ik.^d never been con- 
 ferred, niid to concentrate, ivs far as practicable, 
 all autljorlty in the hands of the Fresidt-nt. 
 
 Among tlie u.surpations of that day the .'ilicn 
 ;n!d sedition laws Btand in bold relief, not only 
 Jis furnislilng land marks of the extent to which 
 the presumption and uirogancc of povv-or dared 
 to go, bul also on acco\ir.t of thejr agency in 
 driving from public conHdence tiiose by whom 
 they were adoptcvl. The inclination to draw 
 the powers of the government to one common 
 focus, has i)een otherwise e::eni|)IirKd in vari- 
 ous wa}-9, and at ddfc-rent ]jeriods of our his- 
 tory. Time would only allow a b;icf not'cc of 
 <"ine or two of them- 
 
 ;i«- c'-'v 
 
 p r-»».r\i |.-^ 
 
 on the Britisli tre,aty, that the House of Kcp.>- 
 sentati>es were bound to nriake all app •opria> 
 tions necessary to carry into ■fleet the stipula- 
 tions of a treaty made b\ 'he President and Se- 
 nate, was a .•striking exem]>Iificntion of this 
 trutii. The extent to which this> doctrir.e in- 
 creases the Executive pov.-cr (in its most e:i- 
 larg^ed sense) overthb: funds i)f the n«ition, can- 
 not fail to strike the mind at the first blush. 
 He did not wish tobe understood as sayii.;g, oi- 
 i.isiiutating, t^-at all who rdvocitt d tlnit opi- 
 nion, were infiuenced by the .spirit of which he 
 had spoken. He did not believe that such was 
 the case. On the contrary, he was well sati-^- 
 tied that there we''e those, on that occtision, a? 
 well as on that of tlicir.corporationofthc Bank 
 of tlie United States, (and e.<;perially him who 
 was at tlie head of aflairs,j who were ein- 
 cere friends to the State governments, bu* 
 were led away by tlie pressure of the limes, 
 and g'ave their as-ent to measures which, under 
 more au-spicious ci."cumstari.ces, they could not 
 have approved. The principle then a\'ovved 
 was resisted by the republicans of that day, czi 
 the siiTiple-but intelligible grouiid.s, that, sofa? 
 jis the treaty stipulation could !i)e carried intc- 
 effeca vvit'aout the aidofthe Hous' of Represen- 
 tatives, its inteiference would be unauthorized, 
 because, by the constilutior., tlie tiVaty making 
 power had been conferred, on a different de- 
 partment of the government: but tliat, when- 
 ever tlte action of ilie House of UeprescMtativet?, 
 the more immechate agents of the people, was 
 necessury, it must be fi-ce to give or v.ithtiold 
 its asslentj iiccording to its bt«st judgment, and 
 upon its own responsibiiity : that tT'.c constitu- 
 tion neither declared nor intended, tl-.at, in 
 ciLses wliich might be of the greatest magn; 
 tucle, it sh iuld be a mere machine to be work- 
 ed by the otherdepartments of the government. 
 The'same dispos'tion tphrnifthe powers of the 
 popular brarch, was' forcibly dlU'^ti.i.U-d in the 
 (liscups'.ons on the " Fure'gfr InU-rrotcrse BHP 
 in 1793. It v--a.9uieontJiat occasion contended,! 
 and 5ucces.%ful!y; tod, that the House of Kcpre- 
 sentatiVes had ho djscretjOn apbii tlie question 
 of appropriation for the expensjs d' such in- 
 tercotu'se with foreign nati.;'_s as the Presiden'. 
 .saw fit to esitablish — ^^lliit they would be justly 
 obnoxious to the imputation of gross deliji- 
 quency, if they hesitated to make provision fa: 
 the salaj'ifs of stich foreign ministers as the Pre- 
 sident, with the avjent of the Ser.ate, slioulc? 
 a])noint. What would be t!ie feelings ofrt-.u 
 and unchanged republicans in relation to such 
 doctrines at this day i* ■' i.-n'-i.-ited w.tli them wara 
 the h old avowal, 1 1 , ■ i>g'ed to the Presi- 
 
 dent alooe to decidi li; -m liie propriety of th*.- 
 mission, and that .<!! tiTb constitutional agency 
 v/hich the Senate could cf right have, wa.s 1v 
 pa.sson the [jtncss of the individu.ildrelccted its 
 ministers. It was proteirtions like these, siud 
 Mr. Van Bureii, aided Ijy 'unceasing Indications, 
 both in the internal and external iHOvetntnls of 
 tlu: government^ that jjrodu'icd adecj) and sc;- 
 th'U conviction in the public mind t'nat a desigii 
 Jmdboen conccivetl to change tlic govcrnmcAt 
 from its simple and repiiblican Ibini, to one, if 
 no', monarchical, at IcusVioo aur^^ic for tiitt»:ii! 
 per of the .*. merican people-a con\ ictiou wliich, 
 i)ty'>ndal] d'.ubf, produced the civil icvolutjni 
 oi' 1800, andfor which no " oldlvious antidote" 
 
IIU 
 
 Victims. By liiat grcut events Uic piiblic sen- 
 timent was improved, our public councils puri- 
 fted, the spirit of encroachment severely re- 
 buked, and, it was then hoped, exting'uished 
 fbrever. During Mr. Jefferson's Administra- 
 tion, and with a single exception, that of Mr. 
 Madison, the government was administered 
 upon the principles which the framers of the 
 Constitution avowed, and wliich their consti- 
 tuents had ratified, and the people once and 
 agnin conhrmed. The charter of the Bank of 
 the United States, was, after a hard slrugglc, 
 suffered to expire ? and the conceded and 
 well-understood powers of the government 
 V ere found amply sufficient to enable it to per- 
 form tlie great function^ for wiiich it was insti- 
 tuted. During a great portion of the time the 
 country was blessed witli a degree of prosperi- 
 ty and happiness withoui a parcllel in the 
 world. At the close or Mr. Madison's Admin- 
 istrat'.oji, anew bank was incorporated, and re- 
 ceived liis reluctant assent. It would be shut- 
 ting our eyes to the truth to deny, or to at- 
 tempt to conceal the fact, that that assent, 
 comng from the quarter tliat it did, has had 
 •a most powerful and far from salutary influ- 
 ence on the subsequent course of the govern- 
 ment. Its author had himself, on a former oc- 
 vasion, dcmonstraied the want of jiower m the 
 i'ederal government to incorjiorate a bank, and 
 liis assent was now placed on the express 
 ground that the recognition of the authority of 
 the government in relation to the old Bank by 
 ihe State governments, and the Courts, as well 
 as the people, h.ad precluded the (question of 
 oofistitu'Jonalit} . Thus the power in question 
 must stand as a successful interpolation upon 
 tfi2 text of the Constitution. This great pre- 
 cursor was again followed by other attempts, 
 but of a restricted and qualified character, to 
 extend the same principle to other topics of 
 legislation. They were, however, promptly 
 defeated by Mr. Madison, who, upon all points, 
 save the Bank of the United States, preserved 
 inviolate tiie great principles upon wliich the 
 revolution of 1300 was founded, and of wliich 
 his own report upon the AUcn and Sedition 
 f.aws was the exposition. For liis departure, 
 in that particular, (if a departure it was,) his 
 reasons iiave been seen. It is not at this time 
 Tuy ofTicial duty to pass upon tlicir sufficiency ; 
 aixl 1 am wholly unv*illing to volunteer a de- 
 nimciationofany opinion, deliberatelj- formed, 
 and upon higii responsibility, by one of the 
 most, if not Ihe most, accomplished ststesman 
 t!iat our country has produced. However in- 
 dividuals miglit differ as to the correctness of 
 'lis conclusion, all m.mkind must acquiesce in 
 the purity of the motives which led to its adoji- 
 tion. riie political condition of the country 
 :it the close of the late war, in reference to old 
 [)arty distinctions, speculation as to the future, 
 and the aspirations of individu.al ambition, ac- 
 companied, in many Cjises, by a sinctrc desire 
 to promote the jmblic good, produced occa- 
 sional attomp'.s duiingtho adniinistration that 
 followed, to revive in a form less exception- 
 able tiie doctrine which had already been 
 -io emphatically condemned by the people. 
 Tliey were, liowcver, in a great degree, 
 resti-aincd, and kept down by ilie resistance 
 "f the r-^mnatir of thefa'thful, and the qualih'-'d 
 
 opposition of Mr. Mouioe.- 
 
 But if tliesc attempts, said Mr. V. B., to sc 
 vivo the condemned heresies of former times, 
 were not of tliemselves successful, they served 
 the purpose of giving countenance to preten- 
 sions on the part of men now in power, which 
 out-Herod Herod. The opening scenes of the 
 present Administration have not only been the 
 subjects of mtense interest in their day, but will 
 mark an interesting era in our future liistory. 
 They wiilsiand as a beacon to succeeding Ad- 
 ministrations, warning them of the point beyond 
 which the people will never tolerats encroach- 
 ment upon the gi-eat charter of their liberties. 
 The present Executive, in his exposition of the 
 constitutional po\\crsof this government, has 
 gone far beyond the utmost latitude ofconsuuc- 
 tion heretofore claimed,* as if to give point to 
 
 * Mr. Van Buren is by no means certain that, 
 in this respect, he himself, has been altogether 
 without fault. At the very first sei<sion he came 
 into the Senate, the knowledge of the perpet- 
 ual drain that the Cumberland Road was des- 
 tined to prove Mpon the public treasurj', unless 
 some means were taken to prevent it, and a sin- 
 cere desii'e to go at all times, as far as he could, 
 consistently with the Constitution, to aid in the 
 improvement, and promote the prosperity of 
 tile Western Country, had induced him, witli- 
 out full examination, to vote for a provision, 
 authorizing- the collection of toll on the road. 
 Thc affair of the Cumberland Road, in respect 
 to its reference to the constitutional powers of 
 this governm.ent, is a matter entirely sui generh: 
 It was authorized during the administration cf 
 Mr. Jefferson, grew out of the disfiosition of 
 the territory of the United States, and had the 
 consent of tiie States through which it passed. 
 He lias never heard an explanation of tiie sub- 
 ject, (although it has been a matter of constan'. 
 reference,) that has been satisfactory to his 
 minfh All he can say, is, that if tne question 
 were again presented to him, he would vote 
 against it; and that his regi'ct for iiaving done 
 otherwise would be the greater, h.ad not Mr. 
 Monroe, much to his credit, put his veto upon 
 the bill, and were it not, as far as he knows, 
 ihc only vote, in the course of a seven year's 
 s^ervice, which the most fastidious critic can 
 torture into an inconsistency with the princi- 
 I)les which Mr. Y. B. professed to maintain, and 
 in the justice of which he is every day more 
 and more confirmed. 
 " J/r. . Jdamn' Oh io letter, during the en n vass 0/ 1 8? 4 
 
 " Tne question of the power of Congress to 
 authorize the making of internal improvements, 
 is, in other words, a question whether the peo- 
 ple of this Union, in forming tlieir common social 
 compact, as avowedly for the purpose of promo- 
 tinglheir general welfare, have performed their 
 work in a manner so ineffably stupid, as to deny 
 themselves the moans of bettering the r own 
 condition. 1 liave too much respect for the in- 
 tellect of my countiy to believe it. The first 
 vbjtci oj'huiimn association is ihc improitment of 
 the condition of the cussocrattd. Roads and Ca- 
 rials arc among the most essential means of im- 
 proving the condition of .lations; and a people, 
 which should de.liherateli/, by the organization of 
 its artthoii:.ed power, deprive itself of thefaculti/ 
 'f multipljfing ifs o'rn fde^sings, rrould be cf iv'^' 
 
li 
 
 ius eva'avag-i.t. prcichti.ons— ic* demonstrate 
 that the result of the last election was not only 
 the restoration of the men of 1798, but of the 
 principles of that day, we have seen a great 
 portion of the obnoxious doctrine then con- 
 tended for again broadly advanced in the as- 
 sumption that it was within the "constitutional 
 competency" of the Executive to have sent 
 Ministers to the Congi-ess of Panama, without 
 the assent of the Senate: and, Sir, to give a high 
 iinish to the picture, it is now strenuously con- 
 tended, from a quarter in amity with the Exe- 
 cutive, that the control of the rights and privi- 
 leges of the Senators, onthisftooi, and tlitir 
 vioustituents, in a most essenlJal particular, is a 
 power inherent in the office of the Vice-Presi- 
 dent of the United States 1 have, Sir, been 
 broug'ht up in opposition to that school of poli- 
 tics from which such principles are legitimate 
 emanations. From my first acquaintance witli 
 public affairs to the present day, I have rcgai-d- 
 ed it as a sacred duty to resist them; and 1 con- 
 sider myself, on this occasion, as in the dis- 
 charge of that duty. The grave matters of which 
 I have spoken, with much more of what I might 
 have spoken as daily passing before our eyes, 
 
 as a Creator who should undertake to constitute 
 a human being ivithout a heart." 
 Inaugural Address. 
 
 '■ Whatsoever is of domestic concernment, 
 unconnected v.-ith tlie other members of the 
 Union, or with foreign lands, belongs exclu- 
 sively to the administration of the State govei'n- 
 inents. Whatsoever directly iiivolves the rights 
 and interest' of the federative fratei'iiity, or of 
 foreign powers, is of the resort of this general 
 government. The duties of both are obvious 
 in the general principle, though sometimes 
 perplexed with difficulties in the detail." 
 tresi(hnt' s first message, to Congress. 
 
 " Upon this tii-st occasion of addressing the 
 l^egisiature of the Union, with which I liave 
 been honored, in presenting to tl^^eir viev/ the 
 execution, so far as it has been eflVcted, of the 
 measures sanctioned by them for promoting the 
 Internal improvement of our countiy, I cannot 
 close the comunication without recommending 
 to their calm and persevering consideration, 
 the general principle in a more enlarged ex- 
 tent. The great object of the institution of civil 
 goverrwteut is the improvement of the condition of 
 those who are parties to the social compact. And 
 no government, in ivhatever form consiiluted, can 
 accomplish the lawful ends of its insfilulion, hut 
 in p-oportionas it improves tfcc condition of tltoce 
 over whom it is estahlished. Roads and canals, 
 l)y multiplying and facilitating t!ie communica- 
 tions and intercourse between distant regions 
 and ..multitudes of men, are among the most im- 
 portant means of improvejnent. But moral, po- 
 iiticul, intellecfuul im proven eni, are duties assign- 
 ed, by the Author of our ttcistcnce, to social, no less 
 thuji to individual man. For the fulfilment of 
 tha^e duties, governments are in jested with power,- 
 "ud, to ike attainment of the end, the progressive 
 improvement of the condition of the governed, the 
 exercise of delegated powers is a duty «.s sacred arid 
 indispeiisabk, as the usurpation of powers not 
 granteai is criminal uiul odious." 
 
 The principle of constitutional construction 
 confined in the Ohio letter is distinctly repeat- 
 ^'l m ll]\(^ first m'js^agc. In both, t!is po'versof 
 
 are, as has been before observed, identical i}\ 
 principle with those which were so emphatically 
 adjudged against by the people in 1800. * They 
 
 * Extract from the speech of James A. Bay- 
 ard, on the Judiciary Bill, in 1802 : 
 
 " We were next told of the parties which 
 "have existed, divided by the opposite views 
 " of promoting executive power, and guarding 
 *' the rights of the people. The gentleman 
 "did not tell us in plain language, but he 
 <' wished it to be understood that he and lus 
 ♦' friends were the guardians of the people's 
 *' rights, and that we were the advocates of 
 *' exccutiv e power. 
 
 " I know that this is the distinction of a party 
 " Avhich some gentlemen liave been anxious to 
 " establish ; but it is nottlie ground on which 
 •« we divide. I am satisfied with the constitu- 
 " tional powers of the executive, and never 
 " wished or attempted to increase them ; and I 
 " do not believe that gentlemen on the other 
 " side of the house ever had a serious appre- 
 '< hcnsion of danger from an increase of execu- 
 " tive authority. Ao, Sir, our views cs to the 
 " powers tvhich do and ought to belong to tfue 
 ' ' General and State Governments, arc the true 
 '• sources of our divisioiis. I co-operate vvitii 
 " the party to which 1 am attach?'.'., because I 
 * ' believe their true object and end is an honest 
 " and efficient support of the General Govern- 
 '• ment in the exercise of the ligitimate powers 
 " of the Constitution. 
 
 " I pray to God I may be mistaken in the 
 " opinion I entertain as to the designs of gentle- 
 " men to whom I am opposed. Those designs 
 " I believe hostile to the powers of this Go- 
 «< vernment. State pride extinguishes national 
 *' sentiment. Wiiatever is taken from this Go- 
 " vernment is given to the St&tes." 
 
 Better authority, as to the old lines of party- 
 division, could not on one side be referred to 
 than that of Mr. Bayard. Although a zealous 
 partizan, he did, not when his country was at 
 war, forget that he was an American citizen. 
 His noble bearing at that perilous crisis, broke 
 down the partition wall between him and his 
 old opponents; and there is every reason to be- 
 lieve, that if the coimclls of the country bad- 
 been favored with the continuance of his splen- 
 did talents to the present period, the cxempiu- 
 ry and efficient conduct of the States, the gra- 
 dual and permanent improvements of their sys- 
 tems, togetlier with tuc constantly accumulatinfj,- 
 evidence of the proneness of this Government, 
 to extend and abuse its powers, would have, 
 made the same impression on his mind, that 
 tliey have on the minds of many, who once 
 thought as he did. 
 
 the federal government are referred, not to tljt; 
 enumeration and s[)ecification of them made 
 with so mucli care by those who framed the 
 Constitution, but to the great purposes for ivhich 
 <rov rnments are instituted, and the duties assign- 
 ed by the Author of our existence, to social mmi: 
 subjecting, of course, the questions as to what 
 those "great purposes" and "duties," and 
 the consequent powers of the federal govern- 
 ment are, to no other restraints than the dis- 
 cretion of those who hold tlie reins. 
 
 li it not most preposterous, with such expo 
 sitioi'i?; of till- Constitution, to talk of thi's :i« i 
 
]J^ 
 
 iiic p»k;»eiuciJ m a dilKcivui and Uir nicro dan- 
 ^yyrw\.i form; but they are, nevertheless, the 
 same. , 'i'lio spirit of cncroadimciil hire, it is 
 true, b iOdrne more wary, but it is not a bit more 
 T»o!i''st. iJcrctofore thu'systiirn was coercion,- 
 jiow il is sfcfec/toM. Ilerct-.'forc (incoiisivutional 
 y^owt-rs were exercised iofirrce bubir.iasion, now 
 Thcv arc ai>suTric<i to purchase golden opini'ure 
 i'rom The people vith tl-,e;r o«-n me-ns. It iua 
 t^'i-at misuike. Sir, to attnoute. tlic radical 
 ciiange in government, efl'ected cotcmporane- 
 ously M-iththc election of Mr. Jelfaisoit, either 
 to excess oi taxation, or practical oppression un- 
 tler the Ali .n and Secl'hion hiws. Tliose doubt- 
 Teas produced grc?-t and just excitemen..; but 
 Jt did not belong to their nature to produce 
 Euch lasting consLquenoe.s. Acts of individual 
 oppression liad been connnitted before, and 
 liave, ii» dificicut decrees, been comniitlt;d 
 since. But, after havmi.; caiHod more or Icra 
 of public excitement at the time, they liuvo 
 j;assed away with the. &ocasion that produced 
 ihem. Such i's huWa'i ualDre now — ^^sucli has 
 it been in all a.ijes of the world. Tiic acts I 
 huve alluded to, hig-UIy exccptioi'.ublo .is tliey 
 \iijdouhtcdly were, could never have produced 
 an uny';'eldini;;'faK/(J670rt from the covfitk-ncc of a 
 !ii{!jwr'lhj of ii:(: ptople, for more then a quarter of 
 a anlu))/, (f large mr^scsof mm (Hitingu'tihui 
 for taknf uiij priviiie icorl/i. No, Sir, said he, 
 the cau.sc of tliat groat and glorious ,trugg-le 
 jie.s deeper— much deeper, It pn)ceedcd,_no. 
 iVom liie consequences of those act-s but fruiii 
 ;ui opposition 'o the principle upon wiiich the}' 
 were founded— ///.i/ pr.'ncipk loas an alca-min'; 
 /:xlcniiof} if the cun.sli-uclioc poioivi; of this gu- 
 rernmcai — it arose, as he bad brfore said, from 
 ;i settled conviction in the minda of the people, 
 tiiai a deliberate plan had been formed by live 
 juen then i;i pottXT, to cltangethc govxrr.iTient, 
 from its true ropuUiican form, to cue, if n(jt inc>- 
 jwrchical, at least tocj much iiicrmvd to tliat di- 
 rection, it was the apprehcnsi&n that ihey 
 Avcrc about to be dcspojKd of The promised 
 tVuits oi' the Uevolution, that arausedand called 
 iiilo vigorous action vliat same ^reat s-jirit'oy 
 which the Jl'-voltUion itself was aceonipli.siied. 
 V. is to that cause <<nly that results uaVuowa to 
 '!u; politics of aiiv (;t!!or Country are to be &%•' 
 ti-jiiuted. The c .rise was rtt least a. liquate, if 
 jy.Vthe coiyscqucnccs have not bct-n perniancnt. 
 j\jid what IS the Uue characur of the umos up- 
 on which, \\\ the course of events, and the pro- 
 A-i<lencc of Cod, we have fallen? Most unpi-o- 
 ][)itJous, truly. . 
 
 If tl-.c views in relation to the powers of thra 
 govcniment, avowtd b} tlie prcsci4t Executive, 
 :uid which lie at the fouiKblion of the pre- cut 
 administration, are the true dpcUviVs of the 
 Constitution, tl.cn tvan ' i/ic ^re,/! political lino- 
 Iiition of 1 ni)U foumled Ui ^y v.« rrmr; if uot ,,<il- 
 pubic fraud uj.on the ;3«o/)A:,'— Dr 4 liie the iivat- 
 teras you will, said he, "lo tins complexion 
 
 inovcrnmeut of fjKc'fK «nd tuitiial poweis ? 
 Sv'oulil Al'jxandt r Hamilton, w!ia was certainly 
 amoiii,' llie most high-tont d "advuoaicjj of the 
 ton.strivctivc powers of this p .'veriuneiit, not 
 have blus-lied to have i'ad surli doctrines attri- 
 buted to him? His disclaimer of the ^uithority 
 i>o\v cl:ui-.ied for the ledeual goveriiittcnl over 
 the s»ibj«. xt of internal improvements, ib upon 
 :v/:<)r.!, !>nd there is in cxisience other ami r^i^H 
 ' - • ■' ■ 1ieii:v of his tT^«^ ::* 
 
 mu.st we OJUio at last.'' U vjaa u.u4 iliatiilcb-. 
 he said, that wliat^ver efl'ect the events of 1797 
 -H-9 and 1800 had had upon the l-'ederal nu-ji. 
 of that day, their consequences upon the p^jv^ 
 cipks that then prevailed, have not bees as ef- 
 fectual as W.1S h^ed, and for a season believed. 
 «• We have scotched the snake, ivot kdled it; 
 She'll clo.5e and be herself again." 
 Bat he trusted tlie pred>ctioa would uot be 
 verified. She'll not close again. The people 
 will pre^-ent it. He must iixiecd be a misera- 
 ble judge of public sentiment, who cannot ste 
 in its daily indications that the same spirit which 
 once before rescued the Conetitution from 
 the bands of its enemies, is at this moment fuUy 
 roused. The excesses of the last three yeai-5 
 have produced in this country changes of pub- 
 lic oolnion, wholly witliout precedent. The 
 timci he uu-.ted, was not far distant, when the 
 irrterpo!ati:ns v.'hich had been attempted upon 
 tlie Conslitutiou, with the wretched sophisms 
 by whic!) they were supported, will bo subjects 
 of i.cvcre reprehension; nay, of derision witii 
 the people, and wlien a great portion of the ta- 
 lents that liRve been employed in weaving the 
 net, will need nil its own ingenuity to escape it.^ 
 meslies. He h(*rjed he had not been un- 
 d M-stood as .Kupposing that all who had here> 
 tofore b£eu ranked among the supportcta 
 of tb.e high-toned doctrines l>e lirKi coii- 
 demned, must of consequence occupy the 
 san-ic station r.ow. By no means. lie woul.i 
 be ashamed of himself to be four.d the autlior 
 of hentltnen'ts so contracted and illiberal. He 
 know too well that, allliough, to a certain e_N- 
 tcni, namefi are things, tluy arc not ahvap the 
 uncriingovidcnce of the tliings they signrP.-. 
 The full cxperimifit iti peace and in war ivkith 
 ^ve have 7WW hud of the rct>ptctive operation}, and 
 efficinicy of fhr Federal and nlaie gover^imcnf}'., 
 ought to fatlnf;,' cvcrf/ di.-pitfisionute inrjuircr vfier 
 truth iif thejaUvqj \>f opinions on.-c socvlcnsivdi; 
 aittriained. Those who thought so ougiit U> 
 abandon them, and all who are wrse enough tc 
 be honest, will do .so. It is of itself immalem: 
 by what poli'ical appellation raoi have bei-eto- 
 fore been called. The great question is — wha.r 
 aiv honestly tlu-ir present sentimoius \ipon thoi.2 
 great points, which have, from the beginning, 
 dii-ided t!ie American People, and would, he 
 feure<], contiime to do so to the ecKl.' 
 
 Mr. Van Burer. sr.id that, contrary to his lirsi 
 imprei:slon, be would vote in favor cf the whole 
 anvondment proposed by the Swiator from Cai; 
 lii^clicut. He would d(> s-o, because it would 
 be the must effectual lu.mnerin which he coulfl' 
 as'^ist in putting down what, with all re«pect 
 for l!i»: opiniuudof hisfillowSwators, hec-onld 
 not but legjud ns a mou.>.lrous construction of 
 the conttitution. The ameiulment propoa&d 
 :ai anpe^'d fiom the decision ol' the Vice Ti'es'^- 
 dciit" to the Senate. If he believed tli.it tbt 
 Vice Vrenilviv; pu--sessedthe power in qu.'bt;aii, 
 by virtue of 'ua. ofliee, ho could not vote for so 
 f^-'reat an enciiuc.hmcnt upon Uxs < oTr^Ututjonal 
 Tigiits ast-.>8ubioet their e.vjrci?uj to a super- 
 vision uot p\ovi'.!id frvr by the constitution. IF, 
 thercf.-Jji-, the auieiKliueuts were adupt;;d, he 
 hopwl we b^iouid bwr i>o more of an /vi7i«JwiJ 
 right, whWrb you, Blr, Ir.n-c, nmJi to yom- cre- 
 dit, tel'usird to t^•?.lrp. a^d wiuch we, as I crio- 
 not hut think to our flisctcdit, iiivi :f(V-iTf *'t .• 
 to fh)«-e '^ton '•<■!", ^J.V.".v.«»W(»v<"« 
 
tTNlTED i^l AlES^ Tm.Ei^ilA}^}{~Extra. 
 
 'VJiis paper will be devoted exclusively to the Presidential Election, and be piijilisbed weeVIy.r 
 ufitil tire 15th of October next, for One Dollctr, subject to newspaper ppstige and nomoW 
 
 BY GREEN <5' JARVIB-. 
 
 VOL. T. 
 
 WASHINGTON, APRIL 50, i82S. 
 
 No. a 
 
 r*fpin the Baltimore Republican. 
 •CUE " SIX MILITIA MEN." 
 
 "VVe are aware, that many persons are sick, 
 t'red, and disgusted with this subject — looking 
 'upon it as a disgraceful electioneering trick of 
 ti desperate party; but there are many also, 
 who have becH imposed upon with regard to it, 
 by the bold falsehoods of the Adams party, 
 ;.ad who on!}' want information, to make them 
 revolt at the infamous imposition, which has 
 been put upon them by that party. We ask 
 such to give an attentive perusal to the letter, 
 and documents acccmpanying it, which we 
 have received from the Hon. J. K. Polk, of the 
 Jlouse of Representatives, and whicli we pub- 
 lish to-day. The letter of Mr. Polk is a clear 
 exposition of this matter; and the documents 
 with which he h.as accompanied it, put some of 
 the points, which have been disputed, beyond 
 all doubt. 
 
 We nsk the reader's attention to the order of 
 tJovernor Blount, and the Address of General 
 Jackson to the "lirave Tenncsseans," and ask 
 him, if he has any longer doubts, that these 
 "^ Six militia men" were ordered out for the 
 term of .SIX months. We a-k him, if he any 
 longer doubts, that they /mczw they were called 
 out for SIX months, lloes not Gov. Blount's 
 order to Gen. Jackson expressly state \0 Does 
 not Gen. Jackson's Address to them apprise 
 Ihem of it' 
 
 We ask him to read the letter of the Hon. 
 EBWARn Livixrs^ton, and tell us, if the asser- 
 tion of the Adams party, that the " Six militia 
 men" were executed (fjter the news, or the ru- 
 tn-or of Ptact had reached New Orleans, is not 
 an infamous lie. Was not the first news, ^^f 
 first rumor of Peace, brought to New Or- 
 leans by Mr. Livingston' And at what time 
 does he fix it ' On tlie 18th or lOtli of Ftbruan/. 
 When did Gen. Jackson approve the seiumc" of 
 the Cf/urt Martial? Onih.Q twmty-arcond of Jmi- 
 uary^-^7 dajs bcf<>re even a rumen- of Pence. 
 
 We ask him to read the ktter of Major Arm- 
 strong, and tell us, if he does not feel convinc- 
 ed, that the execution of the ".six militiamen" 
 was necessary as an example to the army then 
 h'ing at Mobile? Were not our troops there 
 restless under their privations, and ready to 
 break out into acts of insubordination' And if 
 these outrageous mutineers and deserters had 
 been pardoned before their -yes, would not 
 they too, have been cnrountged to mutiny and 
 desert? Was there no danger fj-oin the enemy- 
 Does not Major Armstrong tell us, that they 
 \yT;re ia dmiy expectation of an attack from the 
 enemy? Had'nt they actually taken possession 
 t)f Dauphin Island? Major Armstrong tells us 
 fpo, that the rumor of Peace had not reached 
 >Tobile, when the execut;')n took place — that 
 ^jiere w^as but one sentiment prevailed in the 
 army witTi regard tp their execution — th.at of 
 approvaVof it— that !*''"ePet*-«( n'-ere fvldesr. ;r 
 
 the re.«toraQon of order, sflliordination and goouai 
 disciphne — tliat there was not a murmur of com' 
 plaint on the p.ai t either of the troops, ^f/^lo 
 were the neighbors of " six militia men," or 
 of the culprits themselves — that he conversed 
 with them, and they blamed nobody but those 
 engaged iviih them. 
 
 We ask him to read the letter of General 
 Gaines, and say whether he does not believe- 
 th.at Gen. HARRISON, Gen. PORTER, the 
 late Major General BROWN, and every other 
 officer in the army, would have acted exactly 
 as Gen. Jacksoii did' — That Gen. Gaines would 
 liave so acted, is evident. Gen. Gaines' letter 
 is important tc), as it shows some of the disa'S- 
 trous consequences of desertion. It sliows, 
 that in the first 2 years of the war, the deser- 
 tions were so numerous, that the armies of the 
 U. S. were seriously weakened by tliem, aad 
 the objects of the Governnient defeated by 
 them; "and, th.at Gen. HARRISON and Gen. 
 BROWN were compelled to resort to capital 
 punishments. 
 
 We ask him to read the cases of execution df 
 soldiers by Gen. GREENE, which we publisit 
 to-day, and mark how the conduct of JACKSON 
 is borne out by the example of that great and 
 good man — a man, who united with all the 
 bravery and resolution of the soldier, all the' 
 meekness of that peculiarly meek sectfconi 
 vvhich he sprang — the Society of Friends. 
 
 There are many <ither cases than those, wliicii 
 we publish to-dny. of the execution of soldier?,- 
 which took place under the command of him,. 
 who was " first in war, first in peace, and f^r.s;.. 
 in the hearts of hi.s countrymen," of the gpea^. 
 WASHINGTON, of the beloved and amfablj^ 
 LA FAYETTE, and of various other distitigUislr- 
 ed officers of the devolution. 
 
 BAtTiMORii, TTU April, l{^2Sr 
 Hon. J.K.POLK, Esq. 
 
 DE.iii Sir, — The untiring and unblu'shiug' 
 efforts of the partizans of Messrs. Adams and 
 Clay, to mislead the people on the subject of 
 the execution of the "Si.x Militia Men," make 
 it the duty of every friend of,Gen. Jackson, of 
 truth, of the character of the country, and cC 
 the fitttirc discipline of the militia, in the event 
 of its bei-ng neccssuiy to call them out, to applv 
 to every source fiii- information calcufated to" 
 place the conduct of Gen. Jackson, t:pon thai- 
 occasion, in its proper light. Believing on n^v 
 conscience, th.at the conduct of Gen. Jackson- 
 'm that matter was legal and proper, that the 
 crimes of the " Six Militia Men" merited the 
 punishment which was awarded to them, by the 
 Court Martial, and, that the good of the service 
 demanded their execution as an example,- 1 con- 
 fess th:it the course which the Administraticyi 
 prints arc pursui'ig with regard to them, fills !i]p 
 with awful forebt.)elings fot the future welface of 
 the country. 
 
 K Standing arwj'ls repugnant *vO thefsclir^ 
 
ii:h 
 
 ot our jA^iih, alid lioaiile (ii uur t^^ifali'can lu- 
 stitiitions. Tlic MUiiia therefore, inust be our 
 reliance for the defence of our liberties. Rut, 
 what arc tlic militia without discipline? And, 
 If mutineers and deserters are, f^ party pur- 
 goscs, to be represented as inarlyrs, an;l undei' 
 every perversion (;f existing- facts, and forg-ery 
 of othei-s, tlie sympathies of a virtuous people 
 are to be enlisted i:! their beliulf; — vvl.'al militia 
 man can be kept in wliolesome restraint' if 
 officers are to be held up, as murdtrerSf for a 
 }3ithful discharge of tlieir duties, and a firm but 
 judicious execution of tiie laws; — what officer 
 vill bo villin;.!;' to serve in our armies? These 
 arc qucstioi^s whicli the sober and reflecting' 
 dannot blink, — they must present themselves 
 fp the mind of every man v/hose principled and 
 judi^nieiit arc iiot perverted. 
 
 Gomin^ from the State of Tennessee, and 
 iumiiiar with all the transactions ia the south 
 (ind west during* tlie late war, I have thought, 
 that you misjlit be able to furniflli me yourself. 
 Or to put me in the way of beiftg furnished by 
 others, with all t!ie facts and circumstances, 
 with reg'ard to calling' out t!ie Tennessee Mili- 
 tia, and the trial and .execution of the *' Six 
 ■IMilitia Men," and have, therefore, taken tlie 
 liberty of appealing to you. The administra- 
 tion leaders in this State, are making the mo.-'t 
 desperate efforts to carry it for the Coalition, 
 perversions the mo;^t numerous and monstrous, 
 and forg'eries the most foul and daring', are cir- 
 culated in ev'cry corner of the State, in hand- 
 bills, pamphlets, and new.spapers. Falsehoods 
 are assorted with siich boklness, and repeated 
 ^Vith such pertinacity, that those v/ho are rir- 
 ruous, and even intelii^gent, but uninformed, 
 UL'e staggered. At the last election, tlie 
 strength of tiie (leneral in this State wasdimiii- 
 jshed by tiie circulation of an infamous pam- 
 phlet of yessc Benlon's. lie, notwithstanding, 
 !fad a inajov'.ty in the State. His strength lias 
 increased much ?;nce, and in spite of evci-y ef- 
 fort to mislead the people, the Old Soldier will 
 j^ct a large majorily of our votes. I'hat major- 
 ij[y may still be increased, by the circulation of 
 correct inforlnalion,^ — anrl there is no subji'ct 
 \ipou which they vanl it sd mucli as this of th.c 
 " " Six Militia Meiv"' If you can afford me any, 
 ?am sure you will, and J need not say, that my 
 best endeavors shall be used, to jdace that mat- 
 fer in its proper light, to tlie people of Mary- 
 JjUvd. Vouvs truly ar.d respvclfnUv, 
 
 D. S. CAKR. 
 
 \Vx9,i:f!fo\oy Cn-?, April 11th, 1828. 
 D. S. Curr, Ksq. 
 
 I have received your letter of the 7th instant, 
 requesting me to fnrr.isli you with "all the 
 facts and circumstances witJi regard to the call- 
 ing out of the Tensiessee inihtia; and the trial 
 and execution of tlie «• six militia men." I had 
 supposed it scr.rcely possible that any candid, 
 intelligent man, could for a moment doubt the 
 troiTectiiesg of Gen. Jackson's coriduct, in rela- 
 tion to thj.t subject, after the exp(;sltioti which 
 has already been given cf it to the public. Na 
 man has ever been more misrepr 'rented and 
 ;^laIlde^ed by his political adversaries than Gen. 
 . Jackson, ;^nd upon no subject more than that in 
 relation to tlic exccation of the *'six militia 
 ;nen." Coming from the Slate in which Genj 
 •■■?*:VTon T^'sl'l'l^'. b'Ptiip his TT*r5r'r:d. friiem.!. 
 
 ha\ tog Iwi.g ktiwiwi him intimaleiy, and teelinf; 
 as I do, tliat he has been unjustly assailed, I 
 cheerfully comply with your retjuest, in giving 
 5-ou a narrative of the facts connected with the 
 services and execution of these unfortunate 
 men, so far as I have been enabled to ascertain 
 them. 
 
 Onthe 11th of January, 1814, the Secretary 
 of War, wrote io the Governor of Tennessee, 
 authorizing him "to .lupply by militia draft.s, 
 or by volunteers, any deficiency which may 
 arise in the Riilifia divisions under the com- 
 mand of Mjijnr General .lackson, and withinit 
 referring on this head to this Dtpartment. It itkiV 
 be well that your Excellency should consult 
 Gen. Pinckney on such occasions, as lie cciU 
 best judge of the whole numlier necessary to 
 the attainrnefit of the public objects." Here 
 %tas a discretionary power given to the Go^■- 
 ernor of Tennessee, to call out sucLi portion oi 
 the Tennessee militia, without waiting for fur- 
 ther or specific orders from the Department of 
 War, as he miglit deem necessary to supply 
 r.liy deficiency of troops under Gen. .lackson'J 
 command. 'Fhis discretion vested in the Gov- 
 ernor was unlimited, with the exception of the 
 suggestion, that it might be well for him to 
 consult General Pinckney, who was at that time^ 
 the commander in chief of the army, in that 
 section of the tJiiion. Froni the great distance 
 of the seat of government from the sctno of 
 the war in the South, great delays and inc^T- 
 culable injury to the country, mu&t have been 
 the consequence of waiting orders from Wash- 
 ington, in erery instance when militia drafts 
 becams necessary. On the oLst January, 
 *1S14, the Secretary of W;xr, again wrote to the 
 Governor of Tennessee and referred liim to hio 
 letter of the 11th of the same month. On the 
 20th of May, i;>14, by virtue of the authority 
 vested in him by the Secretary of War, the 
 Governor of Tennessee issued his order to' 
 Gen. .lackson ; at that timo not in tlie .ser\ice 
 o itlie United States; but a Major General of 
 the ^liliiia of Tennessee, in which he says. 
 '• jyfii* ifill wlfhmit deiaji, order out one thous'ind 
 niililia infar.lry of the 2d di'^ision fur the. term 
 of SIX tiKmfl;!', unless .sooner disci irgcd lnj or 
 dcr of the Pre^iiicnt of t,'^ I'nitcd K,t:itev, or yoi; 
 may accept a tender of service of the abov5 
 number of volunteer infantry from the 2d divi- 
 sion for the nfnrcmid term, for the purpose of 
 garrisoning the said ]j0sts," (tliC ])Osts in tli.; 
 Creek nation) " a? your option, which. littitu Jr. 
 m rehjiion to c<dls for mm, to net agHuj'l thr 
 Crceh.i, in fart here nee oj the views of govern- 
 ment, in that bthilfis s^icm to mt by insirur- 
 lions fi'om the iKrr Dtpnrtmeiit." The (.lov- 
 ernor further ordcrt- d that tliese troops should 
 rendezvous at Fayeltcville, in tlie Stale of Ten- 
 nessee, on the'20th of June, 1814, .and shonlti 
 thenci' be marciu-d to the Posts in the Creek 
 nation, so as to arrive between the Ist and lOtli 
 of July, '■ as about tliat time the tcmi of ser- 
 vice of the troops" tbi^n in the field, would ex- 
 pire, (nrthc receipt of this order, what was 
 the duty of Gen. Jackson ■* He was not at that 
 time ah officer of the army of the United 
 Stater, lie w.as a Major General of the militia 
 ot'Tenne.<^ce, and \'.s bound to obey the man- 
 date of his superior office^,. The Governor ot 
 Tennessee, by the constitution of that ^tiitc, 
 Is '.!i^. cnirm^irl?*"}*' HiW of 1T5 rf'ilitia. II » 
 
l.i^ 
 
 i:v-;U\;i.i ui-s MijUc.' 1,^ .iav..vo,.^4i, and. Jiftihictly iii- 
 f'prmed liim in tlie order itself, liiathe was au- 
 thorized to issue it " by instruction:^ from the 
 ^Var Department." It was no part of Jackson's 
 right or duty, to question that autliority. It 
 was sufficient for him to know tliat it had been 
 ' issued by Jiis superior officer, and it was his 
 du'y to obey. He did obey. On the 24Lh of 
 Jlay, 1814, G.-'n. .Iac!L-oa issued his order to 
 the nnlitia of the division whicli he commaml- 
 ed, in which he says, •«! am commanded by 
 his Excellency, Governor Blount, to call from 
 my division, one thous-and m.en' in the service 
 of the United ytc.tes, for the period of A'J^ 
 inonfhs, unless Sooner discharjjed by o-der of. 
 the President of the United States." Here 
 then, in hlsorder to tlie militia of his division, 
 he distiMC'dy inffjrmed ihem that they were 
 called out for the term of SIX months. In 
 obedience to Uiese several orders, tlsese tvoops 
 constituting- a thousand in number, were ren- 
 dezvoused at Fayettevllle, Tennessee, on tbe 
 f.Qih of June, 1814, and were on'tliat day mus- 
 tered into the service of the United Stiites, for 
 the term of SIX months. They v/ere pl.iced 
 under the immediate command of Col. Pipkin, 
 And marchod to the posts in the Cieek nation, 
 bf these ti-oops, the six who were afterwards 
 tiied and executed at Mobile, for mutiny and 
 desertion, were a part. It was notorious to 
 the troops them.selves, and to the wiioie coun- 
 try, at the time tliey were mustered into ser- 
 vice, that it was for the term of six months. 
 The fact had been^ announced to ti'.e troops m 
 ".he g-cneral order calling" them into service. 
 The g-overnment of the United States, at the 
 Time they entered the service, and long subse- 
 quent to it. so understood it, for tliey r.ere ac- 
 tually 'paid fur SIX inontjis service. I-iideed we 
 Ilave no official evidence that it is not even )iow 
 no understood. The muster rolls were returned 
 to the Department of War at the time, and 
 show on their face tliat they were mustered in- 
 to service for BIX TT.onlhs. The pay rolls 
 ;;]iow that they were paid for SIX months, in , 
 a letter fiom (.Governor Blount to the Secretary 
 of War, coated Oct. 19t!i, 1814, and among the 
 documenls from the War Department, he says, 
 in reference to this very detacliment, there is 
 in service from this State 1000 men at the posts 
 in the Creek country. They were ordered 
 out for SIX months, and have nearly three 
 months \et to serve. Here tfie Department of 
 \'.'ar wore distinctly informed th:tt tliey were 
 in service for the term of SIX month?, andtiiat 
 tliey had nearly three months to serve. I take 
 it. for granted, with these incontrovertible facts 
 atarini;- iiim in tiie face, the most violent parti- 
 ;'an will no longer contend, tliat the " six mili- 
 tia men" v»'!io composed a part of Col. Pipkin's 
 l^egiment, were bound to serve only three in- 
 stead of slxmontlis. 
 
 There is a fact connected with this part of 
 'lie subject, which I shall here take the iibeity 
 'o state. The documents recently communi- 
 <:ated to Conijress, by the Secretary of Wat-, do 
 not contain two very important documents,, to 
 wiiich 1 have alluded above, in reference to the 
 'cng-th of t'.ie time of service of this dctach- 
 :vient of militia, viz. the order of the Governor 
 of Tennes.see to General Jackson of the 20th 
 of May, 1814; and tlie order of General J ack- 
 rf^'z *o his 'livislon of mll'tia of the 21th of M.av, 
 
 I 
 
 1814, c;uCa slajung- iLat tuc Uuic oj; sci-vi,cc'>.iir. 
 to be SIX months. I transmit to you copies fef 
 these documents which I have procured, an^. 
 Vvhich I vouch to be correct. Where are these 
 documents? Governor Tliount has recently sla- 
 ted on oath, that he transmitted to the Secre.< 
 tary of "War, a copy of his order of the f^Oth o.f," 
 May, 1814, shortly after it was issued, anS 
 doubtless the other was likewise forwarded to 
 the Department of War. But now neither of 
 them are communicated to Congress. Ai-e they' 
 in u rccfis in the Dejiiirtment'' I state the fact 
 tliat thev are net amoiiff the docviments commu 
 nicated to Congi-esa, and you will judg'e. 
 
 These troops were marched from Fayette-' 
 ville, Ten. the place of rendezvous, under the. 
 immediate command of Col. Pipkin to the posts 
 in the C'-eek nation. The corps to which the 
 " six nnlitia men" beloni^^ed, N^as stationed at>. 
 Fort Jackson. Between' tlie lOth and 20th of 
 September, 1814, before the period even of 
 three months, much less si.-? month'?, had ex- 
 pired, an alarioing- m-Litiiiy, such as v>'as seldom 
 ever v/itnessed in any anr.y, took place in the 
 camp, of which these •* six militia meir * w^cre 
 the ringleaders. Harris, who seems to have 
 been the pi-incipal, several days betare the mu 
 tiny broke out, carried about a subsciiptiori' 
 paj)er thrtiugh tli's camp, obtaining the signa- 
 tures of all who would agree to go home. In 
 defiance of their officers commanding the post, 
 they on the 19th of September, 1814, vlolentl};' 
 and tumultuously assembled together, to the 
 numijer of ne;ir two hundi'cd, broke open tho 
 public stores, took out provisions, demolishes! 
 the bake house, shot dov/n beeves, and in th?; 
 face of authority, lett the camp on the next 
 morning '*attlie &n(l of reviclle beat;" yelling^ 
 and ilring scattering guns as they departed, pro - 
 claiming to all who would, to I'ollow theni. 
 
 The troops wiio remained at tlie post, wcfa 
 subjected to much exposure apd fatigue, in con- 
 sequence of the reduction of their numbei-s- 
 Tiie consequence was that they were seizcfcL 
 witli disease and many of them dicii. Theii' 
 death may in a great degi'ee be attributed to the 
 abandonment of the post by the mutineers. 
 Tiiese mutineers and deserters we«-e suhse ■■ 
 quently arrested and brought back to the p^^t-; 
 Gen. Jackson, then at .Mobile, was informed ot 
 what had taken place, and was requested by- 
 their commandiiig officer to order a court mar^ 
 tial for their trial. On the 21st of November,. 
 1814, the General ordered a court martial, tc 
 be convened at Mobile, for their trial, and di- 
 rected that the prisoners and witnesses should 
 be sent thither; ancion the next day, the 22d.. 
 he left Mobile for Nev/ Orleans, where he anti^ 
 ciputed an attack would soon be made bj' the 
 enemy. This court martial convened at Mo- 
 bile on the oth of December, 1814, Genera'. 
 Jackson being at New Orleans. It was com- . 
 posed of officers, with the exception of one, of ~ 
 the 'I'ennessee militia — officers irom the same 
 section of country with the accused, who doubt- 
 less had all the .sympathy for them; and extend- 
 ed to thcim all the lenity whicli their duty a', 
 officers of the court would pKermit. They hail 
 a fair and full trial, according to the rules and 
 articles of war; and the six ringleaders. wen. 
 sentenced by the rourt martial to receive tUf- 
 punishment of death by shoq^^ng'. 
 
 Tbi; pr-'-c"ecdings of tii'*. ct^.n-:. mnr'Sl vv-/"-" 
 
ii6 
 
 tor warded to Gcn£ral.Jucksoii the a at "New 
 Orleans,- I'or his approval. " The six ringlead- 
 ers were not recommended to mercy by the 
 ■court martial. No palliiiting circumstance ex- 
 isted in their case, known to him. lie knew 
 they had been tned by a court martial com- 
 posed oCihc-iv ff'ilosi' C!ti?rv\3 and ncic^hbora at 
 l»b'n«'.' The r,'-'": i^f yy'ii.r- ■^^'^ not then ar- 
 tived. The ; tiemy'ri i •cis v. i>- s^till m our 
 \v'atei-s HPd on our border. When an attack 
 it»Jgfc)t be iHado was unknown, and the militia 
 under tieneral Winchester's counnaiid at Mo- 
 bile, were " threatening to mutiny." (See D. 
 A.lexinder's stitement.) General Jackson saw 
 thai the salvation of the country was still in 
 .feopardy, if subordination was not preserved 
 in the army. He approved the sentence, and 
 these six unfortunate, thougii guilty men, were 
 executed. This approval of the sentence of 
 the court martial was made .it New Orleans on 
 the 22d of January, ISl 5. 'I'he first intimation 
 which the General had of the news of peace 
 .evtn by rumour, was received on the 18th or 
 '1,9th of r^bvuary, 1315, from Mr. Livingston, 
 ji'ojiV a member of Congress, then one of his 
 ai'd-de-camps, who had been sent to the British 
 i\ett to eliect an exchange of prisoners, and 
 who on his return, brought information from 
 Admiral ('ochrane, that a vessel iuul arrived, 
 Jii'inging intelligence that peace had been con- 
 •cluded. (SceMr. l/ivingstou's note of this 
 date enclosed. ) This, a mere rumour, was re- 
 ceived by (Jen. Jackson near tlilrty days after 
 Hlie approval of the sentence of the court m.ar- 
 tiiOj and after the execution had taken place. 
 On the 8th of February, 1815, Fort Boyer, at 
 .Jlobilc Point, was attacked by tlie British 
 fiirces both by land and sea, and on the lltb, 
 the attack was renev.-cd and the fort surrender- 
 ed; so that on the 11th of February, 1815, not 
 <>Ven the- rumour of peace had reached Mobile. 
 'CqL C C. Kussell, who commanded on the 
 oay the sentence of the court martial w.as car- 
 ried into execution, states in a letter of the 29th 
 iH' July, l'o2T, that " we had no knowledge of 
 xtrca'ty of peace having been signed at Ghent, 
 till more than a month after the approwl of the 
 sentence, And fifteen or twenty days after its 
 execution." Tlic oflicial news of peace did 
 iiOl reach General Jackson until the 13th of 
 "March, 1815; and on the 19th of the same 
 month, the British commander received the 
 i/flicial intelligence from his govcniment. It 
 viS not until after tliis period that the British 
 Vorces left their position on that border of the 
 
 irnion. 
 
 ' The eflect^-hichthe execution of these men 
 jfroduccd in the army was most salutary. Not 
 a whisper was afterwards heard of the mutiny 
 which had threatened Gen. Winchester's com- 
 mand. Subordination w.as restored, and ah the 
 trpcps in tlie service were willing, and did 
 wtthfjiit amurmtir, perform their duty. Muti- 
 ny and desertion were no longer heard of in 
 t\pX part of the military service. 
 " I transmit to you the statement of Major 
 .>irms.trong, lately of the army, now the M:it- 
 slvil of Alabama, a highly respectable gentlr- 
 inan, who was present at tlit execution, and 
 who states the facts which came within his 
 Knowledge. 
 
 Xfom this fiSi-ratlve of faCtS, i^ i9 impossible 
 »»f roncei\V how cerpure <ran atfSrh u> (^tieral 
 
 JacJisyn. At li^e iiiue Ujp a4JJ>iwed tfie s(^.- 
 tence oi" the sLx ringleaders, he pardoned al^ 
 those who had been recommended to mei'CA^' 
 by the court martial that tried them. At tlie 
 tlrnc of the execution all acquiesced in its jus- 
 tice. Every oflicer in the army responded tw. 
 the importance of the example for the good of 
 the service. At that time the whole coun<^V 
 was satisfied. Net a whisper of ccasurc wasi 
 heard against the commanding General, or SjW 
 member of the coiut maitial in reference to it.« 
 One of these unfortunatij men went from tlie' 
 immediate neighborhood in which I reside^ and 
 no other sentiment prevailed on the arrival of 
 the news of the crime he had committed, and 
 the punishment he had suilcred, than regret 
 tli.at bs bad committed the crime, and a dee^) 
 conviction that he had met the fate his conduct, 
 merited. That sentiment in relation to all of 
 them, was universid in Tennessee, where they 
 resided at the time, and such it has continued 
 ever since. The people of Tennessee, oiany 
 of whom had been in the campaigns against (lie 
 hostile Creeks, knew too well how to appre- 
 ciate the crimes of mutiny and desertion in an 
 army, to think of censuring either the court 
 martial or the commanding General, forhavin,g 
 performed a duty, however unpleasant, yet ab- 
 solutely necessary for tiie defence of the conn-- 
 tiy. The people of Tennessee, claim to be as' 
 moral and as humane, as those of other sectk3m?r 
 of the Unio 1, and yet thejj, the neighbors aoQ 
 acquaintances of these six unfortunate men, 
 and the neighbors and accpiaintances of General 
 Jackson, have never thought of censuring hlna. 
 for the approval of their sentence. 
 
 As well might you censure tlie judge R'r 
 pronouncing the sentence of the law on the cul' 
 prit, fairly condemned by a jury of his country; 
 as well iiiight you censure the Executive of thv 
 Union, or of any of the States for withnolding'" 
 from tlie condemiietl criminal a pardon, when 
 he had not been recommended to mercy, and 
 when no circumstance in his case couki palliate 
 his crime, as censure Jacks<nn in this instance 
 for withholding from these six mutineers, a re- 
 mission of their punishment. And ve< it is as 
 
 abhorrent to our feelings, to see a man hangei^. 
 as to see him shot. The one case is as well 
 •calculated as the other to enlist the sympathies 
 of our nature; ai d yet, M-ho ever heani tlU; 
 judge or the Executive charged with the mur* 
 tier of a man, who was hanged under the rcgm 
 lar sentence of the law' \> hat has Jactsoit 
 done in this instance? He has omitted to par- 
 don six mutineers and deserters, the ringle.-iHers. 
 of a mutiny, the highest offence known in an 
 army, that left an niiport;int post in the cncnty'^ 
 country almost defenceless, a mutiny, the masV 
 alarming of any that took place during the war-, 
 and yet we now hear him unblushingly charged 
 with cold-blooded murder. If it be said that 'he 
 laws of tiie United States (under which ihfv 
 were tried and executed) were too sanguinary 
 and that the punishment was too severe, the an 
 swer is — neither Jackson Hor the court m:irtial 
 could alter it. It w.xs their duty to execute 
 and not to amenu it. 1 am jus-tifird in coming 
 to the conclusion, tha»t his conduct was appro* - 
 ed at the time by die Government itself. Hoiv- 
 does the matter st;i,idi' I undertake to state, 
 that the proceedings of this court martial, ami 
 iirt' rtpttrovid of tRe senttu'-e \^- ti1t..ctTtnmaJld- ; 
 
 i 
 
 •V 
 
 n-1 
 
i.i: 
 
 ;r.ij"Geiier;il, \V5;rf uV the time, tv;An5iBUted to 
 tiler War Depai'tmcnt. These identical loJig 
 yoPiy but now found documents, were returned 
 fo the War- Departrucnt, were received by that 
 IJepartment without objection, and have theje 
 remained v/ithout objection until recently for 
 political purposes, an attempt is made to mis- 
 lead the public. It did not occur to Mr. Madi- 
 son, or to any officer of the Government, that 
 the "sis nnhtiamen" had been wrong'fully 
 tried and executed, or that they did not deserve 
 tlieir fate. The conduct of General Jackson 
 was not then disapproved. At a subsequent 
 period, uhen his conduct in the Seminole cam- 
 paign was aiTai.^ned in Congi'css, when his 
 uiiole public life was scrutinized, no charge 
 was then made against him for the trial and ex- 
 ecution of the " six militiamen." Then when 
 the transaction was fresli in the recollection of 
 tl'e country, it was not heard of. The result 
 ■of the inyestig^tion is well remembered. His 
 ■conduct was then ably, and I will add justly 
 vindicated by the present chief magistrate; it 
 was approved by the solemn vote of Congress; 
 It was approved by his countiy, who tlien re- 
 membered v.'ith gratitude his saffering".s, his 
 privations, and his services. 
 
 If there was no other evidence of the utter 
 falsehood of the charge now so industriously 
 circulated by his enemies, for the purpose of 
 exciting public opinion to his prejudice, the 
 fact that it slept and was not heard of for thir- 
 teen years after the occurrence took place, is 
 if self conclusive. Why was it that during the 
 S'eitiinole discussion; why was it tliat during the 
 last presidential canvass it wa.s not heard of f 
 S'imply because it was not ti'ue; because when 
 tlie occurrence was fresh in the recollection of 
 the American people, all acquiesced in the cor- 
 rectness of his conduct. His bitterest enemy 
 did not then dream of censuring him. But now 
 Tie is a prominent candidate for the Presidency. 
 He stands in the way of the present rulers. — 
 His success is inevitable unless he can be brok- 
 en down by falsehood and slander. This is the 
 true secret. This is the true cause of the viru- 
 lent abuse we have seen heaped upon him by 
 the partizans of the administration. They have 
 linblusliingly charged him with cold-hloodcd mur- 
 der, rhey have represented this great bene- 
 ISctor of his country, as worse than a midnight 
 assassin. 
 
 I agree with you tJiat the efforts now m.iking 
 tb excite the sympathies of the public in be- 
 Jialfoftkeae mutineers and deserters, is well 
 iv-alculated to produce ruinous consequences if 
 the country should ever again be involved in 
 '.■.'ur. 
 
 That subordination must e.xist, and that ex- 
 amples must occasionally be made, to insure 
 safety in our army, all past experiei>ce has 
 proved. Many executions took place during 
 the revolutionary war, both under the com- 
 Tnaod of General Washington and Gen. Greene, 
 and yet neither of those distinguished officers 
 Jiave ever been censured by the American peo- 
 ple, who knew too well how to appreciate their 
 palriotic and valuable services. For the hon- 
 or of the country I trust they never will be. — 
 C>ne I will notice that is in point. It occurred 
 finder that great apd good man. General Wash- 
 ingiQsri. Ina letteii/rom G\;.neral Wa-shing^on 
 *n Rr^Srt Mhrris. •dated " Umd 'Qnn^Ur^, May 
 
 177//, irB2,'-' h^givQ.s an account ui'it in^ihese 
 words: "Minds .soured by distresses are easily 
 rankled; as a specimen of it the privates of the. 
 Connecticut line, were the other day upon the 
 eve of a general mutiny ; the vigilance of the 
 officers discovered it a few hours before they 
 were to parade ; all the rhigkaders have been tried 
 and executed. " This letter is published amoJi£J 
 the public documents of Congress, and its au- 
 thenticity will not be questioned.* Here iItcu 
 is an instance among many othei*s that might 
 be enumerated) under the immediate commaho 
 ofGenei-al Washington, of the rmgleaders i^i 
 mutiny, in an army suffering fatigue and waifit^ 
 and without their promised pay, having been, 
 tried and executed; a mutiny too, not actually 
 consummated, but only meditated. The hi.s- 
 toryof the last war is replete with examples of 
 the execution of soldiers for crimes, undef eve- 
 ry principal commander in the service, and yet 
 at the time all acquiesced in the importance 
 and absolute necessity of the ptmishment in- 
 flicted for the good of the service. Anijgig 
 others, I refer you t«o the statement of General 
 Gaines in answer to a note ach'rcsse<l to him "by 
 Judge White, of the Senate, and myself. 
 
 I have emitted to say many things which 
 might have been said in reference to the course 
 pursued by the administration presses, in re-, 
 gard to this idle story of the "six militia men," 
 the suppression for a season of the documents^ 
 their subsequent discovery in the War Depart- 
 ment, with all which you must be familiar. 
 
 In conclusion I have to say, that Genera^ 
 Jackson is the same man now, and equally de- 
 voted to his country's honor, that he was wlien 
 he met and conquered the enemies of that 
 country. He lives in retirement on his farm 
 in Tennessee, and I doubt not, that the coun- 
 try which he so nobly defended, will duly ap- 
 preciate the services of this much injured m^n, 
 and rescue him from tlie shafts of mahgnant eii- 
 v}^ and wicked calumny that arc levelled against 
 him. 
 
 I have the honor to be, very respectfully your 
 obedient servint, JAMES K. POiiv.". 
 
 Governor Blount's order to Gzn JacksQn. 
 Nashville May 20th, 18.14. 
 Sin: In compliance with the requisition ^of 
 M:ijor Gen. Thomas Pinckney, that the posfs.bf 
 Fort Williams, Fort Strother Fort AnnstronT^f 
 Fort Ross, and Forts Old and New Deposite,. 
 should be kept up, the doing of which he hris' 
 confided to }ou, until the objects of the Govern'., 
 ment in relation to the war against the hostjlr; 
 Creek Indians shall have been fully effected; 
 and from the probable expiration of the timegf 
 sendee of the troops now occupying those jrn- 
 portant posts commanded by Colonel fiuncjl, 
 prior to a final accompUshme?»t of the views rt* 
 Government in relation to tlit Creek war, jtiu 
 will, without delay, order out onetlujusand mi- 
 litia infantry, of the 2d division^ for the term t)f 
 SIX months, unless sooner discV.-irged by order 
 of the President ef the United t tales; or y(5u 
 may accept a tender of service of ttie above nam' 
 her of volunteer infantry, from the 2d division, 
 for the aforesaid tei^m, for the purpose of ^arri* 
 
 • S?nafeSf'&tP ffrfifr^. 1*? m^'(^, iWi f-^n 
 
iih 
 
 iiifiing- xhe said posts, ut ycsnr oplic 
 Lrtude in relulioji to calls for men 
 
 oriliou: wliich lat- 
 
 to rxt agMHst 
 
 •*he Creeks, in fiiithcraace of the views of Go- 
 vernment in that hchiilf, Ifi ijiven to mc, by in- 
 structions fi-oni th(! War Dcpartrricnt. 
 
 Tliose tv. .o;)3 will l)e cinniiv.uul'.vl by an offi- 
 •crr of the rank of <'.olonf.l, and will be required 
 to rendezvous at Fayetteville, on the 2Ctli of 
 June next; thence they will proceed to the 
 above-mentioned posts, under your order, in 
 \-.uch number to each as yo\i shall assig-n 
 
 forts Wiliia.MSi S.u-i)'l'iier, and ArmsHOiig', oij tii-, 
 CooKa river, as well as Old and New Deposite, 
 I am commanded by his Excellency Governor 
 Blount, to call from my division one thousand 
 men inthr service of the United States, for tlic 
 period of SIX monthr-, unless sooner dibCiiarj;ed 
 by orler of ihe President of tlie United States. 
 The IJrig.uli'-r Generals, or oilicers coru- 
 maiuling' the 4th, 5th, 6th, "th, and 9th, Bri- 
 gades of the 2d division will forthwith furnisli 
 from tlielr brii^ades respectively, by draft or 
 
 It is important to tlie public interests that voluntary enliatmtnf, two hundred men, with 
 Ihey should be at those posts between the 1st two captains, two iirst, two second, and two 
 
 ai\d 10th of July next, as about that time the 
 ■nerm of service of tiic troops now there, under 
 Colonel Buncli, will expire, and at wliich posts 
 tbcre is mucli public property committed to 
 Ibeiv charg!c. 
 
 You v.'ill order the Muster Master to attend, 
 "ind muster the troops into service. — You will 
 call on tlie Contractor for provisions, and on the 
 .Assistant Deputy Quartermaster, likewise, for 
 supplies in his department. 
 
 WILME BLOUNT. 
 To Major Genoral Asduew Jacksov, 
 
 2d Division of 'Jhincssee MJltie. 
 
 5tatk of t E>;?«r-3SET:, 
 j\Iorifgomer>/ ( \ntnly. 
 Be it remembered, that Willie Bloimt 
 
 late 
 
 'Governor of Tennessee, this 1st day of ^!;^rch, 
 1828, personally appeared before Hiram Bobo, 
 llsq. a justice of the Peace in and for the Coun- 
 ty of MontgoijK-ry, in the State aforesaid, ond 
 lie bein,^ first duly sworn on the Holy Evang'e- 
 "iists of Almitjhty God, deposeth and saith: tlvat 
 ^he feregoiui'' writing purporting to be a copy of 
 an order from him to \T:.jor Gen. Andrew Jack- 
 t;on, dated 20th May, 1814, is a coirect and 
 true copy of his orlg'inal order to Major Geiier- 
 al Andrew Jackson, of the 20th of .May, 1814, 
 ■on his files: that the ioreg'oinj? copy is taken by 
 himself, from the file now in his possession, of 
 )iis official papers of that date: that a copy of 
 ■said order was by him transmittetl, shortly after 
 'its date, by mail, to the War Department: that 
 lie has reason to believe, and does believe, thiit 
 the detachment required by said order to be cail- 
 •«»d out, was rer^idarly ukustered, agreeably to or- 
 der, into ser\ice, in the niontli of June, 1814, 
 rtnd that said detachment, to liis knowledg-e, v.-as 
 
 third lieutentMits, and two ensigns, well arm« d 
 and equipped for active service, to be rendez- 
 voused at Fayetteville, Lincoln county, in the 
 State of Tennessee, on the 20th June next ; 
 una then be organized into a regiment, ul 
 whicli place the field officers, and /aust/^r-mas-- 
 tcr will be ordered to meet tl\em. 
 
 OiMccrs commanding the brigades composing, 
 tlie 2d division of Teimessee miiitia, are charg- 
 ed with the prompt and due execution of th;.-^ 
 ordex-. 
 
 ANDREW JACKSON, Maj. Gen. 
 Commanding 2d Division, T. M.'' 
 
 House of l{KPr.F.sr.i^T.\Tivns, 7 
 April Uth,m2^. > 
 
 Deaii Sin — I desired to be informed at what 
 precise period, the rumour of peace first ret'.cli- 
 ed (ieneral J:ickson at New Orleans in 1815. 
 I have understood tliatyou, on your retijrn Irom 
 the British fleet to which you had gone to ef- 
 fect an exchange of prisoners, brought the first 
 intelligence which the Genend received wn thav. 
 subject. If from recollection or any memoran- 
 da in your possession you can give me the in- 
 formation, it will be esteemed a favor. 
 
 I have the honor to be very respectfully, yoiit 
 obedient servant, JAMES K. TOLK, 
 
 Hon. Edwaud LivixfJSTox. 
 
 Ma. LivixysTux's Axswr.n. 
 
 JiprilUthy 1828. 
 Df.ar Sin — My recollection of the date a'^ 
 which the English account of the signature ot 
 the treaty of Ghent, was brought to New Or- 
 leans, carries it to the eigliteenth or ninetoentii 
 of February, ISlo. 
 
 1 was sent to the British r.eet to treat for the 
 
 ,iout under the command of Col Pipkin of the exchange of prisoners, about the first of Feb 
 
 i-cnr.e.see Mdl..t,H. And further he sa.th not. ^^^^^.^.^ ^;^^j ^^.^^^ d^i^ni:A there until the fall o 
 
 WILLI h bMJUINl, Fort Bowycr; ju.st as i was leaving the Admi 
 
 Late Governor ,f Icnncssee. ^^y^ ^,,5^^^ ^,^^ ■'j3^.^„^„^ ^,„„p ^^ ^^,.^ ^^^^ -^^ 
 
 Si, lliram Bobo, Justice of the Peace in the sight, and I remained until she came up. She 
 
 bounty of Montgomery, State of Tennessee, brotiglit the fir:>t news of the treaty, :ind I av- 
 
 hereby certify that the foregoing deposition ,ived with it at N.Orleans on the 18th or 19th. 
 was made and subscribed bi,-forc- me this 1st day s^iy recollection of these dates is strcngthcn- 
 
 spf March, 1823. HIK.\M BOBO, J. P. ed by that of a gentleman, now a visiter ut thi< 
 
 place, who accompanied me on the missio;;. 
 
 Gsneral JacLson'j order to /,is Division 2ith of The account brought by the Brazen was a G.i- 
 
 Mui/, 1814. zelle, not :r.i oflicial account of the treaty, and 
 
 "Brave Tennei^srcam of the 2d Division. The I ought perhaps to add, that very soon after re- 
 Creek war, through the Divine aid of Provi- ceiving this account Gener.al Jackson wrote 
 dcnce, and the valor of those engaged in the either to General Lambert or to Admiral Coch- 
 '.-.ampaign, in whicii yon bore a conspicuous rane (I think the former) requesting to know 
 yh:u-e, has been brouglit to a happy term.ihution. whether he considered the accovuit sufficient- 
 Good policy requires that the territory con- ly authentic, to justify a cessation of hostilities, 
 quered should be gairisoned, and possession to whicli 1 think no answer was received untit 
 iet.iined until apjjropriated by the Government after the eigh'h of March, when ailviccs were rc- 
 dfthe United States. In pursu.ancc of this po- ceivcd to Hiducc the lU-neral to believe, that 
 i'^v, a;td to re.!ieve th«? trooDs nnw statton^d at tb- frt^atv Irad b^rn Mtificri r-x WsTslnntrtnn. nl 
 
IIV) 
 
 ■•hou'jiU ci'c.u vliCM he iiua receive li lio '.'Icsputch- 
 es from the Government announcing tliat event, 
 
 I hope tliis inuy be a satisfactory answer to 
 your note of this date, 
 
 And am with great respect, your most obe- 
 dient Kcrv.Mit, ED W . LIVINGSTON. 
 
 The Hon. Air. Polk. 
 
 WisiiixttToxGiTY, IVJi.SmU 1B23. 
 
 D£i.n Sir — 1 haie received ynurnote of th.is 
 flate, reqiiestiiig' me to state all I m;iy know, in 
 relation to tVie eveculioa of the "si.'c militiamen" 
 at M&oilc in 1815. 
 
 In aiiswer I have to state that I joined Ihe ar- 
 my at Mobile, in commaiul of a bataliion of tlie 
 i-ith Reg-iment United States mfantry, about tiie 
 26th of iJecember, I8I4, General Jackson be- 
 inj?at that time engagxil ir. the defence of New 
 Orle-.ins. The situation of the army at Moaile 
 was most critical. The troops, chiefiy militia, 
 suffered much from the scarcity and want of 
 regular supplies of provisions. The enemy, 
 some time after the battle of the 8th of Januaiy, 
 made his appeaf;in?e in the bay, and took pos- 
 session of DiPjphin Island. We expected an 
 attack daily. Subordination in our camp was 
 all important for our safety. We co\itd but take 
 a retrospective view of the desperate mutiny, 
 vhich had buta short time before t;iken plsce 
 at P"ort Jackson, and to dread its recurrence in 
 our camp. It was at this awfiil crisis that Gen. 
 Jackson's order reached us, approving the ex- 
 ecution of the "six militia men." The ofiicers 
 conversed freely of tiie example then about to 
 be made. But one sentiment pr- vailed. All 
 were deeply impressed with the belief that it 
 wfts of vital imp n-tancetothe subordination and 
 fliture safety of the army, and thoug-iit the time 
 propitious for the execution. For myself I have 
 always tliought the example a most fortuijate 
 one, both as regards the discipline of the army, 
 and the safety of the country. 
 
 I was looking en vhcn those unfortunate men 
 v/ere executed, conversed witli tiiem a i"ew min- 
 utes before tneir execution in company with 
 Col. Gilbert C. Itupelt. They spoke feelingly 
 of their a])proaching fate, but without blame to 
 any one bua those engaged in the mutiny. At 
 the time they were executed, we had no news 
 or expectation of peace. I remained niyseif in 
 camp until after the news of peace arrived, and 
 aever heard amurmur nf dissitist'action. There 
 ■wete present tAvo brigades of Tennessee militia, 
 many of them no douijt neigi^bors to those men^ 
 and yet not one word of compl.iint was licard, 
 either ag;;inst tlieCourt .Martial tltat tried them, 
 or the commanding General that approved tb.c 
 sentence. All agreed in Its necessity and im- 
 portance. The eff.-cts produced on tiie army 
 by this example was evident; the strictest sub- 
 ordination prevailed; every oflicer and soldier 
 did his duty, and we \yere relieved from any up- 
 preheiTSion of a mutiny in our camp. 
 I am very respectfully. 
 Your ob't servant, 
 
 F. W. ARMSTRONGS 
 To the Utrx. James K. Polk, W'ashington. 
 
 ]Jcs are suiueluiic^ in Ji»picii»j.bir, auu. k(i{\i>^r.;:" 
 that you were in the service of the U. State'* 
 during the late war, we are induced to ask 
 whether you know of any executions, b)- sen-^ 
 tence of courts martiai, during tlie war, eitlier of 
 regulars or militia, and, if so, under what cir- 
 cumstances, and under whose commatid. 
 
 Latterly, much I14S been said relative to si>\ 
 or S'-'ven soi^liers eiecuted under sentence of 
 courts martbl ui that division of the arrr.y com- 
 manded by Geu. Jackson, for the purpose of 
 exciting, u.ijiistly, ti:e p;-ciudice3 of hiscountn • 
 men ^gaiiist him. W'e are pcifectly satisfiecl 
 tiiat Gen. Jackson did nothing more titan his 
 duty required, and our oB^jectin making this i'n> 
 quiryofyou is not to iiniiute ceu-surc to any 
 ntherofHcer, under whose command executicm-; 
 m,ay have taken^ place, but to shew, if such bo 
 the fact, that others, as well as Gen. Jacksmij, 
 have been coiretrained, for the pul^lic'good, to 
 let the laws have their efTect agaitist those CvTTI,- 
 victed of crimes, which, if passed ovci" with im- 
 punity, must have rendered the army worSe 
 than useless. We will fee! obliged by as early 
 v,n answer as may suit your coiiveniciice. 
 
 Wo have the honor to be, 
 
 Very fsspegtfully vourob't servanlS, 
 "lIU. L. WfllTEv 
 JAMF.S K, FOLK 
 Ml J. Glix. E. P. Gaink?. 
 
 WASHiJfrrrox City, 24f/; March, 1823. 
 
 Dear Sir: — Believing that withotit .'^f.borii- 
 O^tiojj, ait army is inefficient, and dangerous on- 
 ?y to it<^ frfprtds. .inV that, to cnfrtr'*^ it. esAitv- 
 
 WASiiijraTO?? City, March 2o, 1828. 
 
 Gentlemen, — In reply to yotir inquiry whether 
 I know of any executions by sei>lence of court.s 
 martial, either of regulars or militia, and if so,, 
 under what circum.slances and imder whc"c« 
 comiT:and ; I think it due to the sersice , as well 
 as to the reputation of myiatc and present asso-^ 
 ciates iii arms, to say,tlia.t I have witnessed, dnr' 
 ing the war in 1813 attd 14, frpm teti to twelve 
 e::ecutions, and that every respectable and ef- 
 ficient commander with whom I liave h.ad th^^ 
 plea-ture to serve, both of the regular arn^.y and. 
 militia, however much opposed at the com- 
 menceir.ent of the wart© the .iiifiotion of capital 
 or ignominious punishment of every kind, was 
 impelled by experience to concur m the opiur 
 ion, that, without stich examples in cases of de- 
 sertion, mutiny, &.c. the country, would have 
 continued to sufi'er a succession of di.saster;^, 
 such as those which marked the character of the' 
 greater part of the first two years of the M^av. 
 
 The f»rsl execution which \ witnessc.'- w.fs 
 near J-'ratikliiiton, in the State of Ohio, in .May 
 or .Tune, 1313, while under the command oT 
 Major (iencral Harrison. Three 07 four desert -i 
 ers v.ere convicted, and one of them shot upon 
 that occasion; the others wei'c p.ardoned- In. 
 the course of tiie campaign, in the following 
 September, two or three other -deserters were 
 executed upon an' island, ' neav Put-in-Ba-y, on 
 Lake Kiie. 
 
 The next cxectitions witnessed by me were 
 at Sacketl's harbour, in February or March,, 
 1811, under the command of Major Genejftl 
 hrown. I am under the impression that, six or 
 seven deserters were shot at one time, and 
 two at another time, in the latter part 0^ 
 the winter or spring of 1814, at Sadcett's 
 harbour. The ex.>»ct number I miy not d;S' 
 tjnctly recollect, but I think therfe were se'Crn. 
 eight or nine. I w:u^ al;^ the tlni^ of the 
 exi^UTi.tfns T'WivP.fC.fn Rity,' s^ml at the fir^ 
 
isO 
 
 .n^ntioij^a ciequtionsat Sackett'sbarboLU'i Ail- 
 jiitantXiencial, prepared the orders, after a ve- 
 ry fall and deliberate consultation with the 
 -Vtajor Ge.nerul, and at Sackett's harbour I read 
 ;he orders to tlie troops, and the offenders at 
 the place of execivtion. 
 
 Tliese executions \vereprincipall_v, if not ex- 
 clusively, confined to deserters from the regu- 
 lar army. Much to the credit of the militia, 
 there were comparatively few desertions from 
 this description offeree in service with me on 
 the northern frontier. Had tt-.ere, however, 
 been many casesjof desertion among the militia, 
 I feel warranted by the opinions of many re- 
 spectable officers, sacli as Gemrral Porter, and 
 those under his command, in sup]>osing't!iatex- 
 •Amples would have been made oFtlie principal 
 offenders. 
 
 I had often in the year 181;", conversed with 
 "Mijor General Harrison, and in 1814, with Gen. 
 IJrown, upon the policy and ntjcessity of such 
 punishments, as I did afterwards, in the vcar 
 1S15, with General Jackson, and I am convinc- 
 ed that there was scarcely a shade of difference 
 "of opinion between them on the subject. They 
 each deplored the evil of desertion, as mostde- 
 ijioralising- and -disastrous in its consequences 
 to the character and physical power of the a'*. 
 my, and fraught with incalculable m.ischief to 
 the resources and reputation of tlie people of 
 theU. States. 1 am strongly under the impres- 
 sion that each of those general officers have at 
 difl"erent times expressed to me the opinion, 
 that they deemed it an act ofvierqf rather than 
 of TCruelty, to make examples of hardened of- 
 fenders, particularly at the commencement or 
 in the progress of an active campaign against 
 the enemy. Inasmuch as the principle of mei-- 
 ry enters into human efforts to preseve from 
 the ravages of war the innocent and helpless 
 ■women and children,' and the faithful citizens 
 ■ jind soldiers, wlio remain at their po.sts, true to 
 Iheir trust, but wlio, abandoned by their un- 
 worthy iresnciales, become an c asy pi^y to the 
 Opposnig foe: inasmuch as it is an act of mercy 
 to protect the innocent when thus situated, and 
 ^v^len that protection can be efiected only by 
 punisliing the deserters, traitors or their bre- 
 thren in arms, and worse than traitors to their 
 I'ountry, it cannot be denied tiiat it is an act of 
 mercy to shoot cowardly deserters. 
 
 Previous to the executions at Sackett's har- 
 hoxiy, in the year 1814, it was reported and be- 
 ifeved that nc:ir two thousand men. l:ad desert- 
 ed from the army in the preceding IS or 20 
 inonths. Now I tiiink it will not be questioned, 
 'that witli 2000 .veil instructed men, added tu 
 Gen. Brown's division when under my com- 
 mand at Krie in August, 18M, the crippled ar- 
 my under I.icut. General Drummoml would 
 ^lave been destroyed, captured or di-iven from 
 IJppcr Canada — with 2000 well instructed men 
 at BladenslMU-gh on the 24tli August, 1814, our 
 beautiful capitol would have been preserved; 
 .andthough last not least, with 20U0 wei! instruc- 
 .tcd men added to tlie force under Gen. Jack- 
 Spn at New-drlea.ns on the 8th .lanuary, 1815, 
 tliesliattefed remnant of the Britisij army, scek- 
 {I'fg the '•ITeauty and Bonty" of that noble city 
 Timst ha\'e been Jc'stroyed or captured. 
 
 EDMUND !'. GAINnS. 
 ThaJlorl. It X- JVhitr^f the. S>aaf(, 
 
 oLNEUAL GUEEN't. 
 
 A friend has put into our hands, ail origiiia. 
 letter of that great Captain and most amiable 
 man, Gen. NATHANIEL GREENE, so distin- 
 guished in the war of the Revolution. It is a 
 letter written from his camp in South Carolina, 
 dated 22d April 1782, and addressed to his 
 brother officer tlie gallant Col. Otho H. Wil- 
 liams. In this letter Gen Greene, after liavlnr 
 mentioned some symptoms ot nnitiny, whicli 
 had shown themselves in one of the hncs ot his 
 army, say.s: — 
 
 C^'j*" One of the Serjeants is to be this day 
 HUNG for cnronrnifing it. Some of that line 
 have been practising upon your line; but I am 
 in hopes without eflect. Tkia fdlow that is to 
 be. hung to-day was one of the most forward in 
 the former mutiny You hiiow I act imth ded- 
 f,iQ)i. They had hdiei'be quiet. It is true the 
 Troops have great reason to complain; but thift 
 disposition in that line, has a deeper root than, 
 suiferings. Desertion has prevailed with us for 
 a few nights before the faco of nuitinyappeared, 
 
 to a very alarming degree. Wc are. now in a 
 position near Dorchester. Head Quarters w at 
 Mr. AVaring's near where you visited — Colonel 
 Lee a littfe before you left the camp. The 
 Enemy threatened us dayly; and it-ffi our troops 
 in good temper, altho they out numher us 
 grcall.v, I should have little objection to a fight. 
 General Wayne remains at Ebenezer and great 
 desertion prevails with the enemy there, and 
 considerably here, a few days ago twenty four 
 refugees come off togetlier. Capt Ncal fell In 
 with the enemies horse a little below Dorclies- 
 ter vesterday and got the rubers, lie lost seven 
 or Eight men and Eight or ten horses. He 
 killed the Negro General known by the name 
 of ^Jao'ch. — 
 
 «' I am told Congress have again changed ibf^ 
 plan of promotion. If so, I fear you will met:?; 
 with difficulty in obtaining youV5. Uow cff/ 
 you must learn p.itience, justice moves sfoiv." 
 " Believe ine to be youi-s aifcctionatelv 
 
 N. GREENE.'" , 
 This letter shows that examples by military 
 execution have been made by other great meik 
 beside General Andrew Jackson. It shows too, 
 that other great men have been guilty of error*,- 
 in ortliography and syntax as well as GencVal 
 Jackson. 
 
 It is painful to be presenting a man whose 
 memory is embalmed in our affections, in the 
 light of a bad speller .and incorrtct grammarian^ 
 and we do it, not in disparagement of General 
 Greene, but in defence of General Jcchsoi. M'<'' 
 doubt not, that the errors of both, are to be at- 
 tributed to haste and inattention; and not to ig 
 norance. General Greene was the favorite o1 
 Wasiiingtox, and prized next to him, by the 
 old Congress and the people He was a man 
 of a high order of intellect and of the purcs: 
 character. Yet he huifr mutiiteer.o, and com 
 mitted eri-ors in syn;:..r .\•,^d D.t'us^raptn;. The. 
 fact is both General Greene and General JacV 
 son were men of act inns ^ud not of Jcorrf'^. They 
 were figlitingthe b.attlcsof their country, and 
 if thev could not describe them with as much 
 grajic beauty and as "strict a regard to rhetori- 
 cal propriety" as Mr. Adams, tiiey could tew,, 
 intelligibly, what they had done. C*an tjv. 
 Adams tell what//£ has dcme? Is his f^nTOfiB let- 
 •fftot'EiriT HAHRIS rel?er<**. jiT all. of 1+9 
 
Ijal 
 
 r.tJa.iaiiucowLirdiy Spu-it, l^y the goudness ot 
 lis grammar, or t^e correctness of its spelJuig'f 
 ■Editor of Baltimore Republican. 
 
 EXECUTION OF A MILITIA MAN. 
 
 Ih Gordon's "Hlstoryof tlie rise, progress, 
 and establishment of tlie Independence of the 
 United SV^tes," page 23 of the 4th vol. we find 
 the follovvingaccount of the execution of a sol- 
 dier under the command of Gener 1 GREENE. 
 It was after Gate's defeut and shortly after Gen- 
 eral Greene arrived at Head Quarters and.as- 
 sumed the command of tiie soutliern army. 
 
 " On his arrival in camp, he learned that the 
 troops had made a practice of going home with- 
 out permission, staying weeks, and then return- 
 Tng. Determined to stop such a dangerous 
 custom, the General gave out, that he would 
 make an example of the first deserter of the 
 kind he caught; and one was acco'rdingly shot 
 Cii the head of the army, drawn up to be spec- 
 tators of the punishment. At night he sent offi- 
 cers round tlie camp, to listen to the talk of the 
 soldiers, and was happy to find that the mea- 
 s.ure had taken its desired effect, and that the 
 language of the men'was ouh — " We must not 
 do as we have been used to, it is new lords, new 
 laws." 
 
 Now, this was the case of a soldier's doing 
 what they had all been in the habit of doing— 
 his home' being in the neighborhood of a camp, 
 he had gone there without leave. He had not 
 gone off with the intention of remaining alto- 
 gether — meant to return But an example v/as 
 necessary for the good of th- service and tiie 
 safety of the country, and, General Greene, 
 whose humanity no. one ever questioned or dare 
 question, did not hesitate to luavehim executed. 
 ('"bntrast this case with that of tlie '■'six militia- 
 mm," and tell us, if Jackson was a murderer, 
 wliat was Greene'? 
 
 INTERNAL OIPROVEMENT. 
 
 Ilemarks of Mr. McLANE, on the bill making 
 O'ppropriations for Internal Improvements; the 
 amendment limiting the sum appropriated for 
 surveys (§30,000) io those objects already com- 
 menced. 
 
 Mr. McLANE said, he regretted the necessi- 
 ty he felt to take any part in the present dis- 
 cussion. His own impression corresponded 
 with that of the Senator from Maine, (Mr. I'au- 
 niS,) that the amendment recommended by the 
 C6mmittee of Finance, had received the unani- 
 mous concurrence of the members of tliat Com- 
 mittee, and especially embracing the views of 
 the honorable Chairman. Mr. McL., himself, 
 approved tlie recommendation, though it had 
 been his wish to submit it to the judgment of 
 tii-e Senate, without particular explanation from 
 Ijim. Rut tlie course the subject had taken, 
 se-emed to"impose upon him the duty, from 
 which he would not shrink, of stating the 
 grounds whicli had led him to assent in Com- 
 mittee, to the araendment now under consider- 
 ation, 
 
 . Mr. McL. said, he did not concur with the 
 ,^ejitleman from .Massachusetts, (»Ir. WnBSTKu, ) 
 that tln"s (question might be discussed witli more 
 prbT^r^tv iiitmi a dir^rt pi'o'^lijsltrrfn to rf-'p-i-nl th" 
 
 act of 1824, authorizing tiie suVvovs. ifeuclx** 
 proposition would have no similarity to the 
 question now before the Senate. The amenil- 
 ment reported by the Committee of Finance, 
 docs not propose, nor would that Committee' 
 recommend the repeal of the act of 1824, and 
 he was unwilling to suffer such an ciioneous 
 impression to be made by any remark in this 
 debate . He was incapable of accomplishing by 
 indirection, that, whicli it miglit be injudicious 
 to attempt by direct means. The views of the 
 Committee of Finance, were in strict coni- 
 fcrmity, not onlv v/ith the spirit and policy 
 of the" law of 1824, hut with its plain liberal 
 import. So far from conflicting with th.e 
 objects of that Ijrtv, the amendment propos- 
 ed more effectually to accomplish them; to 
 recommend them to the favorable consideja- 
 tion of the country, and by preventinrr a wifle? 
 departure from the provisions of the act^ to eiij- 
 sure it a salutary operation. 
 
 Ml'. McL. said, he had been an advocate oV 
 the act of 1824, was a member of the House oj" 
 Representatives, when it was reported and dis- 
 cussed, and bore hisfull share, an hun^.ble onehe 
 admitted, in promoting its passage, when somis" 
 of those, now the professed advocates of this sys- 
 tem were in the ranks of its opponents. He lia&, 
 never doubted the expediency or constitutia'i- 
 ality of the law of 1824, and if h is opinion had utv- 
 dergone an)' change, it was only in regard to tlni 
 purposes to which, as he apprehended, the act 
 had been unwisely perverted. He yet stood 
 upon his original ground, while others have 
 taken a 'cw position, which he could not oc- 
 cupy. He well rr^iembered tlie discussion tu 
 which the act of 1824 gave rise, enlisting thu 
 best talents of both sides of the House ; tl«> 
 able constitutional views which were then pie- 
 scnted ; and that tiie measure was mainly rr- 
 commended to the sanction of Congress by its 
 exclusive relation to such objects only as avoid, 
 ingthc local concerns of the State.s,S; were clea*-^ 
 Ivcomprehended within the sevenil grants of 
 power committed by the Constitution to tlie. 
 government of tlie Union. Recognizing \ii^ 
 right and expediency of the General GoverD- 
 ment to lend its aid to objects of internal im- 
 provement exclu.sively confined to the sphere 
 of its own action, the law directed surveys to 
 ascertain the practicability of such objects, and 
 his aim now was to confine tlie execution ot 
 the law witiiin this limit. 
 
 The provisions of this law, he raid, sufli- 
 ciently bespoke its scope .and object. It enacts 
 "that the President of the United States iSi 
 hereby authorized to cause the necessary sur- 
 veys, plans and estimates, to be toude of t\n-. 
 routes of such roads and canals, as he may deem 
 of n.iticnal importance in a commercial or militi 
 ry point of view, or necessary for the transpor- 
 tation of the public mail; desi^r. :. ,;, '.r. the 
 case of each can.^l, what parts may be made ca- 
 pable of sloop navigation ; the sulve)-s, plans 
 and estimates tor each, when completed, to be^ 
 laid before Congress." 
 
 Thus the law itself distinguishes between al).^- 
 jects of a mere local character, aixl thase of 
 general concern, by confining the surveys to 
 the routes of "■nafional importance," as con* 
 nected with the commercial OluA military powc.r.^ 
 of thb general .g,overnmcnt, and the tranispm'ta- 
 fi'Wn of the mail'. He wa'* -n'f>l nhw) jnor evr— 
 
\^ 
 
 • U'.l U'-ij;;), fa Lu'VjL- vu'j ur.-.jc^t.-u UiCu'c v^ut no 
 iimit to the aathorily of the General Govern- 
 ment over thi.s subject. lie thought, o;i tlie 
 {•.onirary, it was confined to the attainmeivt 
 of the speeified grants m- the Constitution, 
 and could not concern itself with ohjects 
 l?>cal to the St?.!cs, without infring'ing tlieir 
 vigiiis, and I\v disU!r^':n.£: tlic nice adjustment 
 of powep, eniiang'cr ita myn security. 
 
 He denied t!iat a road or canal from one part 
 to the other ofthe snme StaW, -wliich mig'iv in- 
 iHrectly promote tlie commerce betsveen the 
 States, or be occasierudly used by the United 
 States for t)ie pass.ig-* of Troo]is, or the Irans- 
 jjortation of inunitioiis of war, or ofthe mail, 
 would for that reason fail v/itliin the power of 
 the General Govcpnment. Such a doctrine 
 "W'onld leave tliis Govei'nment without limit, 
 ami f^ive it the rijjht of constructing all tlie 
 couiity roatfc, and interior canaia in. the country. 
 All improvements of this kind, hovrever local in 
 thoircliaracter, niighJ occasionally subserve the 
 purposes of ilie f^overnment, as orindividuals; 
 and all the works in each tov.nship ofthe Union, 
 have some remote bearinf^ upon connnercial 
 <'nterpriv:e, and pay their tribute, however hurn- 
 bie, to tlie common mass cf improvement. But 
 r. work to fall wiUiin the scope ofthe Constitu- 
 tion, or the lav.' of 1824, must have an imme- 
 <fiate and necessary re!,'»tion to the express 
 .tyrants of power. Beyond tiiis he had never gone, 
 and could not now. -^^o. He unde.i-stood the ace 
 of r8'o4 as confined to this limit, and extending 
 to those objects oidy, to which, after the sur- 
 veys should be com])leted, the General Govern- 
 ment might -ipply its resotp"ces, as necessary to 
 the great purposes of its administration. For 
 this reason the act required estinuiin to be made 
 and submitted to Congress, wJiicli could not 
 have been required of works of a mere local 
 ■character, exclusively within the power ofthe 
 States, and beyond the pale of tiie Coiistitut 
 lion . 
 
 Nor could thp desi|5"n of ordering these sutt 
 veys and plans have been, as had been suggest- 
 ed, raert-ly to obtain accm-ale topograpiiical 
 knowledge of the country, to be locked up in 
 the archives ofthe Department for occasional 
 inspection, or asme:TiGi-ia!3 of our Military sci- 
 ence. That could hi' ve been efVectcd without 
 the law of l.'i24,-and in the ordinary discharge of 
 the duties upperlaining to the Mditury admiii'S- 
 tration. Tiie act in question had a more pre- 
 cise and practical end; to ascertain tlie practica- 
 bility in regard l)0th to position and expense, 
 of those works whiv-h were necessary to the 
 sound action of tlie general government, but 
 could not be accomplisiied by the St;ites. 
 
 Such he contended was tl»c true and obvious 
 import ofthe htw of 1824; illustrated aifd con- 
 firmed by the interpretation given to it at that 
 day by the Executive, to whom its excciitiou 
 Inul been confided, and by the proper officer 
 duly comrnunicited to Congres.«. 
 
 It would be observed, he suid, that the act 
 }i.-\d pHssed on the ."Utii April, 1824, directing 
 the President to designate and suiTey works of 
 a certain character, and report the result to Con- 
 givss. Tiie pnictical dischargtr of these duties 
 r>eing regularly referred to the Department 
 of War, the law was subjected to a« c!c;!e 
 scrutinv, and received a final, and as he thought, 
 ".snii-f.tctnrv int^rnretat'Dn. A*: "-irlv p.s HV 
 
 cember, iH^i, tlie IJresidcajit oi' tiic \j. aiu.i^i;, 
 in his message to Congress, at the commence- 
 ment ofthe session, communicated the able re- 
 port of the then Secretary of War, Mr. Cal- 
 Houj', in which the views ofthe Kxeculive, and 
 the principles hy which it was intended to exe- 
 cute the acl were fully and clearlj' '.'t fined. To 
 S'.u-h par>s of that report as more imnitd;attly 
 related to this subject, he asked 'cave to invite 
 the attention of the Senate. 
 
 [Here Mr. McLANC read from Mr. Cai.- 
 Hoo's Report of tne 3d December, 1S24, as 
 follows:] 
 
 " It became necessary in gi^nng orders to the 
 board under the act, to determine what routes 
 for roads and canafs were of ♦« national import- 
 ance" in the views contemplated by the act, as 
 such only as the President might deem to be of 
 tiiat description were authorised to be examin- 
 ed and surveyed. In deciding this point, it be- 
 came neceat>:;ry to advert to our political systcni 
 io its distribution of powers and duties betweeji 
 the General and State GovernmelUs. In thus re- 
 garding our system, it was conceived that all of 
 those routes of roads and canals wliich might be 
 fairly conridcred as falling within the province of 
 any particular State, however useful they might 
 be, in a commercial or political view, or, to th<; 
 transportation (jf the mail, were excluded from 
 tlie provisions cf the act. The States have im« 
 poitantduties to perform in facilitating by means 
 oi'roads& canals, political and commercial inter- 
 course among their citizens ; S: v.'iti)in the spheres 
 of tiicse duties, they are more competent to act 
 than the general government; and there can be 
 no rational doubt, but that, as the population 
 and capit;d of the several States increase, these 
 powerful means' cf developing* iheir resources^ 
 will receive from their res ective legislature^: 
 due attention. But, as numerous as this class 
 of improvement is, and as important as it mav 
 be to the (jenerai government in the discharge 
 of the various iluties confided by the Constitu- 
 tion to it, there are other improvements not 
 comprehended in it, of a more general charic 
 ter, which aie more essentially connecte<l with 
 tlie peiformance of its flutics, wliilc they aic 
 less imiiicdialely connected with those belong- 
 ing to tiie Sta'e govemments, mid less witiiin 
 their pou'er of execution. J/ is bcHtvedllml tldn 
 class, ur.dtliisonli/, mas iomvreJiendcd iuth: pre 
 vimnu of the ad. Jn projecting the suiTcys in 
 thisMew ofthe subject, tiie whole Union must 
 be considered as one, and tlie attention dirccteil 
 not to those roads and caiiftls which may facili- 
 tate intercoui"se brtween difiVrent parts of the 
 same State, butto those wliich may bind all of 
 the parts together, am' the whole with the ceti- 
 trc, thereby facilitating commerce and inter- 
 course among the States, and enabling W>e go- 
 vernment toilisscminate promptly, througfi the. 
 mad, information to eveiy part, and to extend, 
 protection to the wiiole. ijy extending those 
 jirinciples, the line of coinniunication by roads 
 and^can:ils through the Statc-s, tht, giueral go- 
 vernment, instead of interfering witii the State 
 governments within th^ir jiroper spheres of ac- 
 tion, will afford, (particuUrly to tiiose Slates 
 situated in the interior,) the; only means of per- 
 fecting impn)vcnient9 of sinnlar description, 
 wliich properly belong to them." 
 
 In conformity with these principles, the *a- 
 r>ti>i rmn?^ wh'rKh th*» Pre'Si'd-Mit df^rtTed it hi« 
 
i^'j 
 
 dgitylo cause t» be bu;ve\csj, ;.;e purticuliirly 
 designated mid explained; and the report cou- 
 cliuk's u-ith stating that, " Wiien the various 
 routes to which it referred and explained are 
 examined and surv; yed, and phms and i-sti- 
 raates formed in coniormity witli the directions 
 of the act, it will present as full a view of tl^c 
 whole subject," as will enable Coni^ress to com- 
 mence and cciirplete such a system of internal 
 improvement, as \i may deem proper witii the 
 cpi-eatest possible advantag'e." 
 
 Mi: M'L.. said he entuely concurred in tlie 
 principles laid down in this re.pon, and covdd 
 not be induced to transcend tliem. He v/oidd 
 not say that there inigdit not be other objects of 
 " national impqrunce," than those designated; 
 nor did he deem it necessary to insist, thou.o-h he 
 thought it miafht be contended with g-reat pro- 
 priety, that tlie act would be fully executed 
 \Vith the accomplishment of tliese objects. But 
 i% appeai-ed tc him that, tlie annual appropria- 
 Jjoii for this purpose, since 1824, must have 
 been primarily applicable to these objects ujitil 
 the surveys were completed, and the estimates 
 oiibmitted to Congress, that they miijht be en- 
 abled 1.0 judge of the expediency of going- on 
 with the works, or of diiecting new and fur- 
 ther examinations. Tliis seemed to \vm to be 
 the main design of the report itself, dictated 
 no less by the propriety of the subji ct, tb'ju 
 the obvious intension of the law. 
 
 lie asked if all tliis had been done? lie would 
 not say it had not, but he had recei-ved no in- 
 formation to satisfy hiin thai any of these sur- 
 v^'ys had been C'impleted accordin.;? to tlie 
 terms of the act of 1824, wiiile it was apparent 
 ttiat there had been a wide deviatior. froiH the 
 luminous chart marked out by the report to 
 which he had adverted. If any of these sur- 
 I'-^i/.t had been completed, It w^as, nevertheless, 
 certain that the plans and csiimrden had not all 
 been submitted to Congress, and t!»at down to 
 tiie present period, no opportunity iiad been 
 ■iffordcd us of determining upon the propriety 
 of the system contemi>lated by tlie act, and pro- 
 jected in the report, in pursuance of it. 
 
 Why, he inquired, liad tliis not been done' 
 Because a more enlarged construction had been 
 given to tlie act of 1824, and the labors of the 
 I.ngineer Corps had been directed to surveys 
 of routes not only beyond the report, i)ut of a 
 mere !ocal c/iaraclar, in, which it could scarcely 
 be prstended the G.civeral Goveriiment covild 
 rightfully hiterfcre.' The subsequent appro 
 priations had been considered as authorizing 
 the surveying of new objects, and as warrant- 
 ing- the employment of tiic; corps in tiie service 
 oi" the several States, of corporations, or of indi- 
 viduals, on mere local objects; in some instances 
 :;s he believed', authorizing speculative exami- 
 :\.itions of routes lor roads or c.anals, where 
 there could be little probability that any pi-acti- 
 cal work would be prosecuted, by any authority 
 whatsoever. Now the object of the amend- 
 ment, proposed by the Committee of Finance, 
 ;;aid Mr. McL., was to apply a remedy to wiiat 
 he deemed an evil, and to stofi useless and im- 
 proper surveys; to bring tlie Executive back to 
 tlie original and true objects of the law, that the 
 surveys and extremities of the routes contem- 
 plated by tile act, iniglit be submitted to (Con- 
 gress, and thus alVord an opportunity of incjnir- 
 ■.<t,y jn+o t]y^: rnf>^i'i-e»v of iMwlc-rtaVin!? thr: 
 
 M'Orkp, «• of cxtcuiii;; 
 
 I. a Li lb cr.. 11^: 
 
 lunvilllng to submit longer to the practice of 
 perpetually exploring and surveying-, witboi;- 
 the hope of practically accomplishing tlie woi-ks. 
 He desired to be undvrstood, as not imputing 
 tlie faiilt, which iie had adverted, to tlie Execu- 
 tive, wiioni he knew, was not alone responsible. 
 He was aware, that it was usual to order these 
 surveys, upon t!;c application of (he delegation 
 in Congress, of the particuVir State o;- Srates> 
 in wuich a work may be projected, and that 
 such applications could not be eas.ly put b_v 
 The Senator from Louisiana, liad compiaiiied 
 that the s!.nall States hud been neglected in thI^; 
 distribution of favors; if tiie complaint was well 
 founded, ii migiit be proper to consider, whe- 
 ther the mode of thus procuring the inteiferenc<- 
 of the Government, was not itself the cause of 
 tliat ncg-lect. Certain it w;is, iie said, thattiieec: 
 solicitations were n'>t ulw.-ys successful, bccausc 
 they related to worics of national importance, 
 "justifying the interposition of the Govern- 
 ment, but not unfr<quent!y on account of tha 
 weight of o[nc;al station and charactei-, and il 
 might be, in some instaiices of numerical force. 
 It was th:s practice, wiiich led to the ssurvcys ot" 
 local routes, not within tlic? comjK'tcncy of the 
 General Government, which created delusive 
 expectations tiirougho-at the country, never to 
 be realized, and whicii might be 'perverted to 
 political purposes, not only foreign from Hit- 
 law, but injurious to the service, and destruc- 
 tive, ultimately, of the system itself. 
 
 He said, he could not assent to tlie argu- 
 ment of tlie Senator from Louisiana, tliat a 
 survey could be necessary to test or as- 
 certain the naiiannl charui'ter of any of these 
 v.-'>vks. Th.at question, he said, depended 
 upon a sound interpretation of the Constitu- 
 tion, to v/.!iich a survey of the route could 
 throw no light. It was not to be decided 
 so much by a minute knowledge of the, topog- 
 raphy of the country, as by reference to oui' 
 political system in its distribution of powers 
 and duties between the Genera! a;ul State Go- 
 vei'iimciits. These surveys were to test tlie 
 practicability of a work ; they had nothing tu 
 do with the constitutionality of our interference^ 
 ihat, we snould decide tor ourselves before we 
 incur the expense of the s'urvcy, and he was 
 unwillin,-;- to employ the Engineep corps 
 throughout tiie year, exploring all parts of th."-. 
 Union, in se:irch of objects, which miglit or 
 might not be fit for our lejii.slative action. 
 
 Mr. McL.VNE said, he did not ieel the force ol" 
 the apprehen.SiOn which' had been expi-cs^^ed, 
 of injury to works of acknowledged utility, bv 
 limiting the appropriation. He felt quite sure, 
 that no usefiiLwork would be neglected, or i-C' . 
 tarded, by this amendment. It would be recoi- 
 lected that the operations of tiie government 
 in respect to one great class of inipioveinenr,, 
 were wlioliy independent of the appropriation 
 for surveys. Of this character, were tiie nu- 
 merous otiier item.5 in the bl'l now before tin- 
 Senate, all of which would receive his coi';ial 
 support. TIk! examinations of our coast and 
 rivers, clearing out and deepening- the waters 
 and channels, and the extensive class of harbor- 
 improvement in all parts of the Union, whethc- 
 in progress or to be commenced, arc providefl 
 for, by se])ar;ite ajipropriations. Some appll- 
 rfiti-o-ns fo:-the<e obierts have. ;dr^;idv h^-r-^, ,-,,.. 
 
I '14 
 
 siiiereiii and bills' have pasr^ed the Senate ; 
 others are yet before the appropriate Cpminit.- 
 tees, and will doubtless be provided for, when- 
 ever it may be expedient to do so. It is thus 
 that upon objects of acknowledged proprietj- 
 ami necessity, Coiipress "s constantly called up- 
 on to act ; and while actitig with a wise libe- 
 rality, upon these objects within our constitu- 
 tion;d sphere, thtre could be no propriety in 
 leaving' tlie annual appropriation for surveys to 
 the irresponsible discretion of the War Depart- 
 ment, at least before he can be informed of the 
 actual character of the works on which he must 
 hereafter act. 
 
 Mr McLANE said he concurred in the re- 
 mark that, the task of distinjfuisliing the works 
 witliin the power of the general government 
 xvas one of moral d fficvdty; and tiiat was a reason 
 in his opinion, why the discrimination should be 
 made by Congress, actmg under their constitu- 
 tional obligation. It v^'as one motive with him 
 for desiring to limit the action of the Executive 
 as now exercised, and to enlarge th.at of Con- 
 gress in the manner proposed by the amend- 
 ment. 
 
 But although there might be difficulty indis- 
 Jihgiiishing, in some cases, the works falling 
 within the power of the general governmerit, it 
 was easy in many to distintiulsh those beyond 
 our power, and in no case was the difn'-ulty in- 
 superable. 'I'Jie able report of the Secretary of 
 War, .Mr. Calhoun, to which he had had oc- 
 casion so often to advert, had drawn the dis- 
 tinction, so far as it went, with much accuracy 
 urul precision. If his own opinion could be sup- 
 posed entitled to weight in this respect, he 
 might admit that the contemplated post roads 
 .ihroughlheAtlanticStates,ancl the rail road from 
 Baltimore to Whcelint^, which had been men- 
 tluned, fell within tlie distinction, but he dcui- 
 ''d that a rail road from one part to another with-, 
 in the State of Maiylanii, fell within the class of 
 works entitled to the aid of the general govern- 
 ment. 
 
 Ml-. M'L. said, he could not admit that Con- 
 gress were less fit or competent than the other 
 departments of the government to deal witli this 
 subject. On the contrary, they were most fit 
 Jlom the peculiar composition of tlie two Hous- 
 es, and it was moreover their appropriate duly 
 by the constitution. The act of 1824, referred 
 ^ he ultimate decision of the whole subject to 
 Congress, and the amendment is in furtherance 
 of that end. It the system of surveys, or of inter- 
 nal improvement itself, be of such a cliaracter 
 as to dt-fv ihe interposition of tlongress.'t would 
 he in his opiitlon too dangen«is to be attempt- 
 ^Ml; and when convinced of this, he would be 
 pi-eparcd to abandon it altogether. He here re- 
 jreated that the m.iss of the surveys which had 
 been making under color of the law of 1324 
 had not even been considered by Congress, 
 much less had they received its sanction. 
 
 Mr M'L.VNE said he denied the power of 
 the general government to survey the routes of 
 \vor'ks which they could not constitutionally pro- 
 mots: and therefore he contended, that the ex- 
 penditure for all surveys of local objects had 
 been unconstitutional, and not authorized by 
 the act of 182 1. The riirht to survey the route 
 nf a road or canal, was auxiliary only to the 
 right of consti-ucting the work according to the 
 «ifrv*evt-andthis gDvernrrttn*, '-'o'lld not hr war- 
 
 ranted in entering the territory of a state, ano, 
 expending the public money in a topograplii ' 1 
 cal reconnoisance of works exclusively witKiii 
 the power of the State. , 
 
 Having no power ourselves to accomplisji. 
 such works, he deemed it inexpedient to per- 
 mit the annual expenditure of large sums of 
 the public money by the Executive, for similtir 
 objects. 
 
 ticntlemen had said that the surveys of locdj 
 objects were not so numerous as had been sup- 
 posed, and that most < f them might be shewn 
 to be within the power Of the general Govern- 
 ment. 
 
 Easily as he snp|;0sed this opinion might Ire 
 refuted, \lr. McLaxf. said he wovild not now 
 be drawn into a discussion of the character of 
 the numerous routes, mentioned in the list be- 
 fore the Senate. In might be invidious too, fijr 
 him to distinguish in this list, those particular 
 routes which had been improperly attended to. 
 He begged leave, however, to call the atieit- 
 tion of the Senate to the Rutland canal, which 
 appears by the report of the Engineers to be 
 exclusively for local objects; and also, to mast 
 of the surveys in ♦^he States vif Maine and New 
 Hampsliire, which he beheved, the Senators 
 from those .states would not pretend were ia 
 ai'.y respect of n.ational importance He did not 
 th nk the propriety of the 3mendment,deperid- 
 ed entirely upon the extent to which the prac- 
 tice of whicii he had been speaking, had beea 
 carried. It was enough that it was recognized 
 by the Executive as proper to be continued-; 
 that the act of Congress as explained by the re- 
 port of 1824 had been transcended, and that np 
 official exposition, had Deen made, either of the 
 groun<ls of tiiis practice, or of the result of the 
 original objects of the lav.'. It was enough, at 
 le;>st, to justify us in limiting the application <5f 
 the money until such exposition could be filc- 
 nished. • 
 
 It might be true, he said, as had been sil^/- 
 gested, that the amendment might not meet the 
 whole evil, as a part of the appropriation might 
 be expended on those works ot a local charactC? 
 already in progress. But he thought this ap- 
 prehension would depend very much upoiv 
 those charged with the application of the mu- 
 ney: and the amendment proposed the only re- 
 medy of which the case was susceptible, that of 
 stopping the surveys altogetbe.", v.'hich he wish- 
 ed to avoid. The Engineers being already in 
 the field, and having incurred expense, could 
 not be withdrawn without material loss and in^ 
 jury 'o the service; anda.sthe sum granted in tlie 
 biii is less by 52U,U00, than that d<manded by 
 the estimates it is not improbable that most (Tf 
 it may be requii-ed for those objects properiV 
 autliori/cd. If the amendment prevail, it may 
 be fairly presumed th;tt the Executive conforrh"- 
 ing himself to the expressed views of Congref^s 
 will so apply the money as to effectuate tho?'- 
 views, and a\oid the inconvenience now sng- 
 gested. At all events, the alternative was be- 
 tween a partial remedy, and an encouragement 
 of the mischief: for if the .appropriation be left 
 unhmited, the Department will be at liberty, \'i 
 it be not limited by the rejection of the amend^ 
 ment, to persevere in the present practice, and 
 by originating new surveys, not only augment 
 the cvd, but finally provoke an absolute repeat 
 of tho law f)f 1«24-. He fre'li>vPd n\h fftJiid^r 
 
1^5 
 
 Vj^UW tiuumxeiit w.iien ije reflected upon the prq- 
 gressive character of the evil, and the e!xcusable 
 p-ertinacity with which one State would press 
 its claims to indulgence which it had seen ex- 
 tended to others. 
 
 lie could not doubt, that the amendment 
 ^yoald relieve the Department itself of much of 
 the importunity to which it was at present ex- 
 pp3ed. For, as he undei-stood the present prac- 
 llhe, to be controlled only by Con.s^ress, the 
 Corps of Engineers nray not be unfrequently 
 employed in the service of a Slate, or private 
 Corporation, in making- surveys, plans and esti- 
 mates of local prpjects, and with the public 
 money appropriated for the purposes of the 
 1a\v of 1824. He did not object to their 
 being- thus employed because the woik was 
 tindertaken by a State or Corporation; for 
 he had ever entertained the opinion, that the 
 resources of tlie Government could be best 
 slpplied to these works, in aid of individual en- 
 terprfee; but his objection applied to the 
 (Jharacter of the work, and the employment of 
 the public money, for objects which the Con- 
 stitution forbade us to touch. 
 
 iS'or was he disposed, he said, ."s had been 
 jhtimAted by the Senator from Louisiana, to 
 \yithhold the science of the Government, from 
 the service of a State, even for local objects, 
 ivhen the public service would admit of such 
 employment. The Corps of Engineers, formed 
 a part of the military organization of the coun- 
 try, and were maintained by the general appro- 
 priation for the military service. It was compe- 
 tent far the Executive, by keeping them in 
 Constant practice and employment, to presence 
 and invigorate the science, as well as the physi- 
 cal energies of all parts of the army, to keep its 
 atmour bright in peacfe.that it might be efficient 
 on the first occurrence of war. As it employed 
 the rank and file of the army on the roads, 
 he saw no objection to the employment of its 
 scientific men on the application of a State, 
 requiring only that the State should pay the 
 extra expense. He had always understood this 
 to have been the usage under the former admin- 
 istration of the War Department, and he did 
 jiDt desire to change it. He repeated, that it 
 was not to such employment of the millUiy sci- 
 erice, but to the expenditure of the public mo- 
 ney, on objects local to a State, and to the de- 
 triment of the public .service, that his objection 
 was directed. 
 
 Mr. >TcL. i^id, he would not pursue tliese 
 (ppkrs further. lie felt that the whole .system 
 of internal improvement, was beset with serious 
 difficulties, and he believed the greatest danger 
 to which it stood exposed, was that of being 
 prematurely pushed so far, as to produce reac- 
 tion, and array the public sentiment again.st it. 
 The objects legitimately within the sphe'e of 
 the Goneral Government, were, he b'tieved, 
 free and of that acknowledged impo. lance, as 
 ■would, if wisely pursued, be susta'rud b\ a large 
 portion of the people. l?ut w! jti the Guvem- 
 raent neglected these, and 'utermeddlod with 
 local concerns, a countervailing spirit would 
 arise, tending t-o abridge its just action. 
 
 Constituted as this government is, said he, it 
 ^ impossible for us, in the execution of our va- 
 fiour. pou-ers and duties, to disregard the opin- 
 ion_s and feelings of a large portion of the Union. 
 I'ubliC-Ctirhffin nfinst fee cfealt with b v reaSOn and 
 
 argtmient, and in mo.st iustau.ces the rigUt to 
 exercise any particular power should be dt- 
 raonstrated before it is exerted. An attempt 
 to force our operations for internal improve- 
 ments, b}- a profuse and indiscriminate expcn'; 
 diture of the public money must act eventxiallv 
 against the system itself. He thought the pie- 
 sent state of public feeling in many parts of the 
 Union justified these remarks. The cause oi' 
 internal improvement had been gradually Mirf- 
 ning its way to the favor* of the people fot; 
 more than thirty years, and the- law of 1824, 
 placed it on safe ground, if tliat posilioTi had 
 been judiciously maintained. But it had been, 
 carried much beyond that, and no statesman 
 could cast his eye over the country at the pre- 
 sent day, without perceiving that new and more 
 formidable dangers were gathering before iT. 
 Why, he asked, was this ? It was, as he- be- 
 lieved, because the system had been pushed 
 too far — farther than its most sagacious friends" 
 had ever contemplated. The Executive had 
 taken part, not only in advance, but so far iu 
 advance of public opinion, and on ground so 
 untenable in the judgment of the most enlight- 
 ened advocates of the federal gnvernment, as 
 to create an apprehension that its powers are 
 without limit, and as extensive as was ever pre-, 
 dieted of it& wildest assumptions. In advociT:- 
 ing the amendment reported by the Commit* 
 tee, his design was to re occupy the ground he 
 had left, and by acknowledging a reasonaWe 
 limit to the powers of this government, save it 
 from the recod of its own extravag-ance. 
 
 For himself, he was not anxious to make 
 professions here of his constitutional opinion/. 
 He was content to refer to his past votes, to 
 those he had given at the present session, an^l 
 to those it might be his duty to give hei-eaf- 
 ter. He was satisfied in the belief that thev 
 were right now, and the humble hope tha.% 
 they would abide the test of time. He v.-.a^ 
 the advocate of the system of internal improve- 
 ment for its own merits, and their intimate con- 
 nection with the pulilic weal. He would not cori- 
 sent to use it as auxiliary to any other cause o;* 
 purpose whatever, than its own' great ends. He 
 professed to be no further the friend of any 
 measure than he faithfully labored to acconi- 
 plisli its real objects. liis aim was to keep hiiri - 
 self on the line of the Constitution, avoiding the 
 extremes of either side; and looking- to a wise 
 and judicious exe^-'ise of the reasonable paw^ 
 ers of the generiil government as essential toils 
 ownexisten- , and the safety of theLhiion, lie 
 would iv t consent to do too much, to escape the 
 suspic'-jii of not doing enough. 
 
 On motion of Mr. BENTOX, the bill was 
 dicn laid on tlic table. 
 
 On announcing the vote of llie Senate, on 
 the amendment made in Committee of 'the 
 Whole, to the Internal Improvement Bill, limi- 
 ting the appropriation of 1828, for the survey.^ 
 to the completion of tliose already commenced^ 
 the VICE PRESIDENT mado the following- 
 remarks: 
 
 He said, he solicited the indulgence of 
 the Senate, while he made a few remark.s 
 which he lioped would he granted, as a refer' 
 ence had been made m the debate, to hiscaurff. 
 both on this and former occasions, in relation 
 to the. subject of internal imprrtvcment. !♦ ,va- 
 
IrSlb 
 
 ■'igciareil by cue oPtlit; 5sn.il«r-.s tram Ind. (Mr. 
 Hendricks,) llint the vote iii cnnunittce on the 
 ainciulinent, just coucuiTcd in b}' the Senate, 
 was tantamount to an :vl>andonmet'itorilie system, 
 and thaKwilconUl only !)cdctond;Hl on that ground 
 'i'lie Chair j^avc the casting' vote in favor of the 
 iuncndnient in Coininilteo, aiid Ifthe a-'strtion of 
 tko Senator be cirrecl, he, who fills it, would, 
 ill a special maimer, be liable to i lie charge o? 
 inconsistency, attempted to behxed on that 
 portion of the fricn:ls of iuterr.al improvement 
 who su])port<'d tlie, ;.ttiendmep.t. It was his 
 WTsli, in every public act, to be d^sli^.ctly ur\- 
 ders.ood. Th? object of his \o*e was, not to 
 abandoi! his forirer principles. !t was in stri*;t 
 <-oiiformity to them. Had he voted otherwise, 
 he might then intleed have been charged v.'itli 
 incoiisistcncy. 
 
 l-'rom the beginning; he had seen that th.e sa's- 
 iem was exposed to great danger from itsiiabdi- 
 ty tfi abuse; to f>uard against whicii, required 
 inuch pi'udencc and firiunr.'ss. {ts t(*nuency to 
 ilegeni-rate from objects tndy )'iationai, such as 
 ■^vere coimccted v, itb the powers jtnd duties of 
 ihe genera! government, to those inerely local, 
 and also to become tKe means of exten:iive and 
 dangerous political combinations, could not be 
 doubted. If experience s'iiould prove, which 
 lie hopi-d it would not, that this tendency was 
 too stroi>g to be resisted, it ought and would 
 prove fatal to the system, for as Idgh i\s the peo- 
 p!e i3iigiit estimate the benefits of inuvnal ;m- 
 provertient, tlley stll! fwore highly value, as they 
 ought, the purity of our political institutions. Mo 
 did not intend to intimate, tliat abu.«es iiad oc-- 
 *iiiTcd. H'S object was simply to' slate, what 
 iiis opinion is, and always had been, in order 
 *hat his coniluci', whic'i h id been in CTact con- 
 Ibrin.'ty to it, miglit be ftdly understood. It was 
 '.'m- fortune of hiir, who now fills the Chair, to 
 iliscliargc th.e du'ies of Secretary of War, 
 s\heii the act of IKll-i wiiicli authorises tl»e 
 surveys, passed, and acting on the views, 
 ■.vliich he has stated, ids first step was to 
 submit to the Prc-sldent a report containing 
 'lis opinion of the construction, whiciij after 
 ■nature d'dlberat'on, he" thougiit ouglit to be 
 fjiven to it, with apian in (U-taii, for' carrying it 
 ^do cti'ect, cuuimi-rating tlie roads and canals 
 "tupposed to be comprehentted iii tiie provisions 
 •;irt!if; act, wdiich report was submit'.eil by th.j 
 Vresident 'o Gongres*-; at the ])ic:>fiit session. 
 ?..i pui-nuing 'liis course, it was liis int'-ntion to 
 place, the w^hole !?!'.bj-.'ct, in all of its t'spccls,be- 
 fore the Lxgislalive brar.ch of the government, 
 and thereby to brii\g tiie entire control of tiie 
 .system umlcr its immediate supervision. He 
 'hen, as now, thought the ];ovi'( T~too gi'eat to be 
 riaced at tiie discretion of any ofTlcff of the go- 
 •. erument ; nor in his opinion, ought ariy indivi<lu- 
 al to desire to be placed in a situation so exposed 
 ■to iinpo:turii*ies and iiiH'.u-nce, as he must ne 
 eosariiy be in the exercise of power so lugh 
 anfl unlimited. ('ongi\ ss was the oidy safe de- 
 pository of such ^ower; and as he consider<-d 
 the amendment, but ;ls a step towards giving to 
 'it the entire centrol over the 'iubject, he could 
 i!>i consistently with his luibiliial mode of 
 Tiiinking and acting, reject it by his vote. — 
 3 le tni.sted it would be follovvcd up tUl a system 
 of sjicciiic appropriations was introduced into 
 this, as well as all other branches of disburse- 
 nr-nts. In rrcne coukl it '^c mn-p. imprrtant. 
 
 than that unilt.'r citDsitlerat.iin, U'kich ii-s^Uk hr> 
 nature ,was so liable to abuse. There, ifthe com- 
 mon funds be i:nequully applied, as it probably 
 would, if not immediately controlled by Coii- 
 gres-s, it must create discontent in tlie portions 
 of the country neglecicd. It ouglit ncvt^r to be 
 forgotten, that it was only through specific ap- 
 propriations, that tiie l-.'gislative branch oftluj 
 government could maintain its proper ascendeq- 
 cy in our poliiical .system, and thereby restraiYi 
 wdhin safe limits the influence of tiie Kxecutive 
 Department, ah'cad}' so greatly anddangi.rouslj'' 
 extended. Witli him, ihi? opinion was not re- 
 cently adopted; He so thought in 1817, while a 
 member of tiic other Mouse. He then moved a 
 resolution to inquire into the expediency ofrc- 
 peuiiag the act, wli'cli vested in the President 
 tiie power to transfer at his pleasure, appropri- 
 ations from one head of disbursements to a!>- 
 othcr, a power, which virtually- abolished the 
 •tt"hole system of specific appropriations. He 
 met witii great resistance, and .'succeeded pal- 
 tially only; but what he then did laid the fomi- 
 dution of almost wliolly divesting the executive, 
 at a future session, of so dangerous a power. 
 
 He would, witii the indulgt uce of the Se- 
 nate, avail himself of tliis opportunity of ex- 
 pLiining briefly the vote which he gave two 
 sessions since, on the Illinois canal bill, and 
 Vt'hich had been alluded to in the debate. HVs 
 motive in giving the casting vote against that 
 measure, liacl been greath misl-epresented. it 
 \v;ls giveuj not from objection to the project- 
 ed canal, as had been misstated, bu* from objec- 
 tions to some of tl^e provisions of the bill. He 
 had recommendeil the canal in tiie re^iorJt, 
 which h«.' m;u'e in 1819, under the resolution of 
 llie ilou-^ie of Hepreser.talives, as highly impor- 
 tant, which opinion remains imchanged. It 
 •.« ould be the great channel of coamierce and 
 intercmrse between the Missouri and Misbi?- 
 sippi rivers, ;uitl the upper Lakes; butnotwith 
 standing hi.'i liigh estiuiate of :t.s importance to 
 so large a portion of our country, he could not 
 reconcile it to his sense of duty to vote for the 
 bill His objec'ions to a part of its prnvisionr 
 were insuperabV. He did not object to the 
 appropriation wiiich it proposed to make of the 
 j>uhiic lands through wliich the route of the 
 projected canal was laid down. On the conthi-. 
 ry, he tiiouglit they constituted the natiii-al 
 fund, a'ul ought to be applied to defr.iy the 
 expense of constructing the canal. Nor did he 
 believe, that a constitutional objection could be 
 fairly raised to such an application of a portion 
 of tlie public lands, fn Congress wasvestcdthe 
 power ofdisposmg of ihOse land.s and it (FkI 
 api)earto liim almost impossible to rai?e a con- 
 stitiiticmal objection to sue!: a disposition of ;i 
 portion of (hem, as would make the re^idu*! 
 more valuable, than the v.diole, without .sucli 
 improvement, whicli would be ihe fact, as war- 
 conceded in the ir.stance iindi-r consideratio.-j. 
 In such cases the General Government acted 
 in the new States not so much as a sovereign, as 
 a great land ))r.<prietor, wlio was bound to con- 
 tribute to such improverfTents, as would en- 
 hance the value of landed estates, by imprx)'*- 
 iirg the mer.n&.of intercourse. But while lie 
 assented to the proposed donation of land to 
 construct the projected canal, there was another 
 provision to which he could not he reconciled, 
 and which compelled hi:n t? vole agai".'-* \*. 
 
H7 
 
 liisieiJ of iTiikuig tlie c;iaal lail ii-ee t« all of 
 the citizeiis of the United States, the bill pro- 
 posed to give to the State of Illinois the 
 right of levying a toll for her ov7i\ use, not only 
 on her own citizens, but on, all others v.-ho 
 niip^ht i»se it, excepting oniy the United States 
 wheM transporting their troops and public 
 dtores. He did not think such a provis'on could 
 be reconciled either with pr'nciple, or policy. 
 The public hntib belong to all the people of the 
 Union, and Congress was but the trustee, hold- 
 ing- then; for tb.eir comvaon benefit, and could 
 not, in his opinion, consistently with the nature 
 of its trust, apply a portion of the comreon 
 fund to the construction of an important 
 work of the kind, to be, wlsen completed, not 
 the propeity of the whole, but tlis.t of a single 
 state, constituting a small portion of the whole 
 neople of the Union. It was coT.petent for 
 the State of Illinois to cut the c^inal at her own 
 '■x])ense, but surely, if, she should ask the peo- 
 ple of the Union to do it fo'- her, out of a 
 common fund, she ou|2fht not to object to its be- 
 ing free to the citizens of the other States, par- 
 ticularly those us much interested in the use of 
 ■ the work ad herself? This was substantially tnie 
 bf all of the Slates lying on the MiswisEippi, but 
 ttiorc strictly so, of the State of Missouri. It 
 Could not in fact be too much to assert, that 
 she would be more intereste-.! in the canal, tlian 
 Illinois herse f, as great as was her interest. A 
 large portion of the lattei' State would never use 
 it in their intercouree with the lakes, but it would 
 be tiie only channel tiiat would be used by all 
 of the people of ^lissouri, in their intercourse 
 with those inland seas, whose commerce in 
 time must be so great. Thus thinking, he 
 :.ouki not fjconcile it to his conception of 
 duty, regarding tlie interest of all, to give 
 his vote in its favor, containing as it did the 
 provision under consideration. But he deem- 
 ed it his duty at the time to apprise the Sena- 
 tors from Illinois of his objection. He antici- 
 pated the vote would be close, and that th.e 
 passige of tlie bill might depend on the decis- 
 ion of the (]]iair. He uiformed thern, tliat he 
 npproved of the object of the bill, and that he 
 ' .as desirous of recording l*s vote in its favor, 
 thouid the Senate be equally divided, as was 
 net improb;il)!e; but witli the provisions in it, 
 to which he objected, he could not give it his 
 canction, and requested tliem, if agreeable t.i 
 their conception of what was proper, to amend 
 the biil, in such a raannei", that he might vote 
 J^or it, sliould its passage depend on the Cliair. 
 On examining the resolution of the State of Il- 
 linois, undor which they acted, they did not 
 feel at liberty to propose an amendment of the 
 Jtind, and the Chair wa? accord.ingly compelled, 
 by an equal divrsion of the t^cndtc, to vote as 
 > did. 
 
 V... C said he had nothing to disguise. He 
 hid ne\'er concealed a political sentinitnt, and 
 would hold himself in contempt were he capa- 
 ble of .so cowardly a course. ■% 
 
 He conchidetl by asking pardon of the Se- 
 nate, for occupying any portion of its time, 
 b-ut expressed a hope that they would find a 
 justification in flie situation in which he was 
 placed, by the reference which had been made 
 *•:) hisxourse, on this subject, intbc cfcbafc, 
 
 THE ■Vi EBSIKR BAiiGACv. 
 
 It will be recollected that it has been char^^ed 
 that Mr. Webster held a ictter, which he unci 
 other federahsf>^i."-onsidcred as a pledge, on the 
 part of Mr. Adams, to Ijestow ofriC(.-s on the 
 federal party. It iias also been said, that this 
 letter contained certain alterations, or corrcc- 
 t"jns, made in the handwriting of .Mr. Adams 
 himself. During the last suinme.-, th.e Editor 
 of the NatloncJ Tilhid-um, ch.irgcd tiiat this 
 letter was obtained througli tie ag.Micy (T Mr. 
 John Baileyj who is known as the confidential 
 clerk of Mr. Adams. 
 
 Tiiis statement vrnr, made a short time berori': 
 the NcTv York Elections; and Mr. Adams, then 
 on his way from Boston, aiithorizod Mr. Gliarles 
 King, the Editor of tlie. New York A J'jrican, 
 to contradict the statement in the Palladium. 
 Wheth.er to the extent afterwards stated by 
 Air; King, which we undei-stand to have been 
 an unequivocal denial in nil !t^; pa:•^s, is uncer- 
 tain. The denial of tlie American was fo;Io\red 
 up by a certificate of Mr. Eajley. 
 
 In reply to this statement of Mr. Bailey, and 
 the denial in the American, it was .stated that 
 the Editor of the Palladium Tvas in error, in 
 supposing that Mr. Bailey liad Avy agency iit 
 obtaining the letter; that it was obtained by 
 Mr. Webster in person; tiiat Mr. \V. had spoken 
 of die lettrr lO several gentlemen; and Mr. Mc- 
 Lane, of Z;'e-aware, Mr. ilo'j^kii-.on and Mr. 
 Vv'alsh, of F!'.:Iadelphia, Mr. Wariield, of Mary • 
 laud, Mr. Stocktoji, of New Jersey, and Mr. 
 Van Rensselaer, of ATew York, have been named 
 as of that number. The Editor of the New 
 irork Eveaing Post, and the Editors of the 
 Richmond Enquirer,, have spoken in the most 
 unequivocal terms of the existence of the let- 
 ter; and Mr. Webstc? has 'been ohallen,ged to 
 deny the fact. The 'Post lias said that, one pf 
 the most highly respectable men, told the Edi- 
 tor that Mr. Webster, putting Iiis iiand upojt 
 his pocket and speaking of the pledge, said, 
 "I have it, here, in black and white." Yet 
 Mr. Webster, and all the other genllcmcr. 
 named, hnve remained silent. 
 
 A .Mr. Wood, v.'lio, it seems, has resided i;" 
 New Jersey, and has lately become the Edito:- 
 of a paper in Buffaloe New York, has pub •' 
 ILslied what he ciiarges to be an extract from ;;; 
 letter written by I\Ir. Stockton, who is since 
 dead, in v.-hich it is charged tluit Mr. Webste: 
 exhibited the letter to him, in the pr6sence. of 
 Mr. Hopkinson, at Bisjiham's, Trenton, N. j. 
 
 An Extract from tbi.s statement was repub- 
 lished in the New York Evening Post, in reply 
 to which,, tlic following note, .addressed to tlv- 
 editor, by the son of Jlr. Slocktoii, has bcc,-. 
 pubhshed: 
 
 (COPY.) 
 rr.TXor.To.v, .\prii IStii, ISJJ. 
 To the Editor of the N. Y- Exnln;; Vo-tt. 
 
 Siu — In your paper of the ItTth, thci-e is an 
 extract from the " Buffalo Ilepiiblican," con. 
 taining what is stated to be " an extract of .;>. 
 letter from Mr. Stockton, of Princeton." ) 
 take the libertj- to inform you that I believe nu-- 
 father never wrcte .such a letter, and that ti.e 
 extract in question must be an entire fabricatior;. 
 It is perhaps unnecessary for mc to say anv 
 thing more on that subject at ,'^re.s-elrt;. 
 T im. vDur ob't ;u)d luimble serv't, 
 
 R. 1\ STOCKfOV, 
 
l28 
 
 " Tn acldltirin to the I'tasnns already pvpu to 
 ;fiit\v thot the Icltcr allcj:;'e(jl to have been writ- 
 vcQ by Mr. Stockton is a mere fabrication, we 
 ^m^ antharifir for saying, that all that part of it, 
 iclich details an interview between Mr. Stockton 
 nml Mr-Hopkiivion, at Bispham's, in TVenton, at 
 wkitb a certain letter was shewv, has not f/i£ least 
 iHadaw of fbxcndation in truth. No such inter- 
 ^^Uv ever took place — no such letter was ever shewn 
 t.o Mr. Slochton in the presence of Mr. Ilopkin- 
 .ko)}-; f>r, to Ids f:noivledge, at any other time or 
 plac-e." 
 
 These statements arc now seized upon by the 
 Jidrnini^tration papers, as proof; of what? of the 
 i.nnoceiTce of Mr. Adams!! These statements 
 do not deny the existence of the letter, charg'ed 
 to have been in the possession of Mr. V^ ebstt- r. 
 Tiiey only deny the authenticit}' of the letter 
 said to have been written by Mr. Stockton. It 
 inay be trae, that Mr. Stockton did not write 
 tjie letter in question, and yet be equally true, 
 that Mr. Webster did obtain, and exhibit to 
 Mr. Walsh, Mr. Ilopkinson, Mr. Stockton, Mr. 
 MCLane, and others, tlie le/ier which pltdg-ed 
 Jfr. Adams to bestow office on the federal par- 
 "ly. The letter of Mr. Stockton, is inti-oduced 
 as a colLiteral matter, relating to the main fact, 
 and k will not do for Jlr. Hopkinson, Mr. 
 W^^sh and Mr. Webster, to remain long-er si- 
 lent upon that point. Is not the fact, that they 
 :ive all silent as to the main point, whilst Mr. 
 ilopkinson testiiies, and Mr. Walsh publishes 
 h'ls statement, contradicting' an immaterial issue, 
 the btrongTEst evidence of the truth of the main 
 i.hargc? Is it to be supposed, that witnesses so 
 j'eady to testify upon a collateral point, would 
 be silent upon the nr.dn pomt, if they could tes- 
 tify truly in l)ehalf of tht, same party? Mr. 
 Hopkinson, while he has asserted that no such 
 letter was .shou-n to Mr. Stockton in his pre- 
 Vionce or to his Aaowledge at any other time 
 and place, has taken special care not to say, 
 {hat no such letter was ever shown to himself. 
 It may be true, that Mr. Hopkinson was not 
 jjrescnt when the letter was shown to Mr. 
 SCorkton, and therefore it may be true, that 
 "siic'h a letter was shown to Mr. Stockton, and 
 ^ yet Untrue, that it was shown in the presence of 
 >|r. Ilopkinson; and the readiness of tliat gen- 
 tleman to create an impression, that the whole 
 sitatemcnt is false, by certifying,' as to the imma- 
 terial issue, while he is silent as to his own 
 knowledccc of the existence of the letter, is one 
 oPthc strong-est pointsin this case to prove tliat 
 t lie main point is true — and we assert, that it is 
 ^apable of proof belbrc any competent tribu- 
 nal, who have power to compel the attendance 
 of witnesses, that Mr. Webster has asserted, 
 that Ue held^such a letter. (Cj'I.et Mr. Webster 
 deny the charge, and let Mr. Adams nominate 
 Ifim to the Senate, so as to- raise the question, 
 and the fact will be proved.^PD 
 
 „\ letter from a respectable gentleman in Ken- 
 "itcky remarks, that " Jackson's cause prospers 
 'lu all directions; every base calumny adds to 
 the list of his friends." So be it. Kentuckj^ 
 Ititriotic in war, and democratic in peace, v.m 
 remonstrate to the world, that she is not trans- 
 ferable at the>''him and taplJCetifttnt t)f ftfr 
 
 VME SL\ MlLlITAMJiN. 
 
 •'Uhe policy of the present admhiistration tends 
 to encourage desertion, mutiny, and insubordi- 
 n.ation in the army of the United States. The 
 Richmond Enquirer, commenting on fhi3 sOb- 
 ject, says: 
 
 •♦ We have before as an extract from Colonel 
 Jones' Report of December 31st last, exhibititig 
 the ''magnitude of this growing evil" of deserv- 
 tion. In the years 1823, 4, 5, and 6, ther«i 
 wero 2123 desertions out of 8024 men wht) 
 were enlisted — and the loss in money by deseiv 
 tion, is estimated by the Adjutant General at 
 $250,953." 
 
 Can that policy be a safe and patriotic one; 
 which leads to such results' But some of the 
 friends of Messrs. Adams and Clay, insist that 
 there is a difference between reg'ular soldiers 
 and militia!! It is known, that the I.-.w hS^ 
 placed the militia, when called into service;, 
 under the same rules and regulations as regular 
 soldiers, with the single exception, that the 
 Courts Martial who pass stntence on them, are 
 composed of militia officei-s. It is known, that 
 we rely on a well regulated militia, as the main 
 bulwark of our national defence. Let it oncfe 
 be understood, that militia are not to be- pim- 
 ished for mutiny, desertion, or insubordinatiom 
 and reliatice can no longer be placed in them 
 for the purposes of defence. Let it once be 
 understood, that militia cannot be relied on for 
 the national defence, and the old federal dor- 
 trine, of a large standing army, will follow of 
 course. Let a large standing array be intro- 
 duced,and our liberties will take wings and fly. 
 Such is the policy of the federal pai'ty, who now 
 support Mr. Adams. Let them once get the 
 army, and all their fears of military c,hiGftains will 
 vanish. They will find some military chieftafn 
 of their own to subvert our liberties, and having 
 corrupted the Senate, the overthrow of our Re- 
 publican Institutions will follow as matter of 
 course. Such has been the history of all ages. 
 The objection to Gen. Jackson, is not that he Is 
 a 'jlilitaiy Chieftain," but tliat he is not a Mili- 
 tary Chieftain on their side. Mr. Adams and h'lS 
 ll-iends were willing, aye, more than willing, to 
 support him for Vite President. And Mr. Clay 
 had much stronger apprehensions that the elec- 
 tion of Mr. Adams would ruin the countiy, than 
 he now pretends to have relative to Gen. Jack- 
 son. Let him but once see, th.it it will aid Jus 
 elevation, and he will be as ready to unite with 
 "a Military Chief" as he was to come to an un- 
 derstanding with Mr. Adams. 
 
 But to our first object. A typograpl-.ical or- 
 ror in part of ouredilion, of the tifti) number of 
 our Rxtra,lias given us no small provocation, and 
 win be seized upon, no doubt, to produce an 
 impression, that Col. Pipkin, and the troops 
 under his command, were called out into .service 
 but for three months. 
 
 The letter of Gov. Blount to Gen. Jackson, 
 is dated, Dec-mber 22d, 1814, instead of De- 
 cember 2.V, 1813. The most careless reader, 
 by examining the article, will discover the error. 
 Yet the businessof the Editorsin the pay ofthi.i 
 Administration is to misrepresent. We expect 
 this error of a single figure to be seized upon, 
 for the purpose of charging Gen. JacksoR •with 
 murder, although the next letter inoi-deris 
 dated January llth, 1814. We wHl thank rrtir 
 ^T^?therKdTtoi"s to nt1t<?th!«>! 
 
UNllED STATES^ TELEGRAFH~i^a/> t/. 
 
 'i'lila paper will be devoted exclusively to the Presidential Election, and be published, weeklv. 
 until the lolh of October next, for One Dollar,- subject to uevrspapcr postsg-e, and iio morp: 
 
 BY GREEN fy .haRVIS: 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 WASHINGTON,, MAY 7,4828. 
 
 No. S'. 
 
 House op Hbvkbsbstatives, April S, 1828. 
 
 JSb^penditurts in the Department of Slate. 
 
 Mr. Blaiu, frura the Coinniittee on 
 so much of the Public Accounts and 
 Expeaditure^J as relates to the State 
 Department, made the following 
 
 REPORT . 
 
 3'Iie Commilke on so much of the Public jiccozwis 
 <mJ Expendlfures as rtlafts to the Slate Oc- 
 partmenf, ui-e requh-ed by the Tof/i sfandfiig 
 yuk of the House, to inqwre and rcpwl ^'wheth- 
 <!• the ex pendt hires of the Dcpartinnd are jus- 
 ilfiedby lau:,- whdh-er the claims, from time lo 
 iizne, satisfied and discharged by the Depart- 
 Client, aye supported by sufficient vouchers, es- 
 tablishing their jusineis, both as to character 
 tmd amount; whether any, and what, provi- 
 sions are necessary fo be adopted to provide more 
 jocrfeciiy fcr the proper appLcatlon of the pub- 
 lic moneys, and to secure the Government fivin 
 demands unjust in their 'character, or extrav- 
 agant in their amount,- tvhether any, and 
 U-hcif, retrenchment can be nja/ie in the Depart- 
 ment, wi'hout detriment tofhe public service,- 
 ichether any, and what, ubM-^es at any time 
 exist in the failure to enforce the paymfnt of 
 motleys wh ch may be due to the United States 
 from public dejitulUsrs, vr others,- and to report, 
 from- time to t- me, such proiisions as may be 
 neccssdry to addto economy •fthc Department, 
 and the accAjuntcbiity of its ojfctrt — in ouc- 
 dte-nceto which, they r,porl: 
 
 Tluit tliev proceeded to the <lischarge of the 
 duties iissijrned them, comiriencii.g their inves- 
 tifatioris witli f!ie ^e?r 1825, as, on the od of 
 Fehruary, ot tliat yeaj\ a ;,recrding- conmiittee 
 ha-;, intlieirrepovt totne House, embraced the 
 di.sbursemenis of the State Department, up to 
 the o 1st of December, 1824, and whicli is on 
 file in the office of the clerk of tiie Douse.— 
 i'rom reference to the appropriation laws, it will 
 be seen tliat the eicpenditures of the Depart- 
 ment are spc cificand contlnf,''ent. To tlie first 
 consistincrof the salaries of tl>e Secretary and 
 Clerks of trie Depaitnient,' and the patent of- 
 fice, the committee have oiily inquacd whether 
 ihey have been kept witiiin the appropriation 
 act«, which they find has been the case. The 
 second lias more especially claimed tiie atten- 
 tion of the conunittce, which must, from its ni- 
 ture, he (in its application) ijreatly at the dis- 
 creuonof the Head of the Department. It con- 
 sists of tae appropriation-s for the expenditures 
 of the Department; for th.- contingent expenses 
 ot toreigTi intercourse: and the cuntintr'-nt ^x- 
 pr?rft« <3f all fh/«. mission'; abroad. 
 
 For the expenditures of the De- 
 partment v.a< ;i]>propiated « 
 
 in t!ie year 1825, the sum gf $2o,550 00 
 For the year 1826, 28,095 OG 
 
 For Lhc year 1827, 28,050 00 
 
 . . ■■■ -..I. I. jft. 
 
 Making' an aggregate of 5:81,695 00 
 
 For tlic contingeni expenses of Foreign Jntercourse. 
 
 For 
 
 1825, 
 1826, 
 1827, 
 
 g4G,000 GO 
 40,003 00 
 30,000 00 
 
 Making an aggregate of $110,000 00 
 
 For the contingent expenses of all the Missiofy?' 
 abroad. 
 
 In 1325, 
 1826, 
 1827, 
 
 JIakingia the whok 
 
 ?20,000 0.U 
 30,000 00 
 20,000 00 
 
 570,000 00 
 
 The committee having ascertained the sums 
 appropriated under the several heads before 
 specified, addressed a letter to the Secretary of 
 state, requesting to be furnished witli a state- 
 ment of the disbursements made out of the first 
 mentioned appropriations, to whom paid, and 
 for what services, with the vouchers for such 
 payments; also, a statement of the disburse- 
 ments made out ofeitlier of the latter appro- 
 priations, so far ss they had been expend- 
 ed under his authority, and upon his vouch- 
 er. To which, on tiie 4th instant, he re^ 
 turned his answer, acompanicd by the stat<!.. 
 nients A and B, togetiier with the letters 
 of the Register of the Treasury, the Fifth Au- 
 ditor, and a letter adcb'essed'by Mr. Adam.s, 
 then Secretary of Slate, to the Committee on 
 tiie Expenditures of the State dopiu-tmenr, 
 dated April. the 18th, 1822, in explanation tff 
 the manner of tran.sacting the pecXuiiary coii- 
 cenis <>f the office, and which ai'e a.nncxed to 
 this report. Statement A contains the dis- 
 bursements of the State Department, except 
 for.the printing and distribution of the acts of 
 Congress, from the 31st December, 1824, to 
 the 1st of Jaiiuur\ , 1823. B, the disbursements 
 of the appropriations for the contingent ex- 
 penses of Foreign Intercourse, from the 4th Of 
 March, 1825, to tiie 31st December, 1827, dis- 
 tinguishing between those items which had 
 been allowed upon the certificate of the Sec- 
 retar}' of State, from those which had becji 
 otJierwise vouched. That no statement \ni\i 
 been funnshed of the disbursements of tJi<? 
 appropriation for defraying the contingent etx 
 ptnses of all the missions abroad; because ii 
 appeared, upon examination of the accounts 
 during the period particularized by tjie com- 
 mittee, that no item had b-een .illow.jti upon 
 
i34» 
 
 the special approval of the Secretary ©1' Stale. 
 In the letter of the Reg'ister of the Treasury, of 
 the 12th iiist., in answer to fartlier inqulriirs 
 made by the committee, it is stated that the ap- 
 propriations i'(ji' outfils, salai'ieSj and the con- 
 tUigent expenses of missions abroad, ha^■e been 
 Uniformly blended in one account, denominated 
 diplomatic Department, and that payment for 
 these various objects had been as umfornih' 
 rpade out of that yencm' fund, witl.out sperifi- 
 fi^rion of object. In the same h. Iter, it stated 
 that the paymont to Jolin A King-, Charge, &c. 
 ipr salary and outfit, was made out of that fund; 
 but that it had not been allowed opon the sole 
 And exclusive voucher of the Secr<.-tary of State, 
 but had been endorsed tluis: *' The President 
 Sjpproves the above cliarges, 22d December, 
 3826. H. Clay." That, upon re-exanunation 
 
 ff the accounts, it had been found that I^eaufort 
 '. Walts, Charge doe Affaires at Bogota, had 
 been allowed, by the Chief Clerk, in tJie name 
 ^fthc Secretary, the fuim of six hundred and 
 fifteen dollars for ne\Tsp-i])ers, postag-e, and let- 
 ter carrier; whicii coiumunication is also annex- 
 t-.d to this report. 
 
 The Committee v.-ill first notice the accounts 
 «jf tlie disbursements in statement A, which are 
 said to be all tiio disbursements made of the ap- 
 {>ropriatioiis for defraying' the contingent ex- 
 ^ense^ of the Department, from the Slst of 
 Secoinber, 1824, to the 1st of January, 1(327, 
 ^except for the printing and distribution of the 
 "itts of Congress) which, for the same period, 
 amounted to the sum of $38,243 35. The 
 rnanner in which those di8bui"sementsare ma.le, 
 will be seen from the statement itself, and the 
 letter of the Secretary cf State to the Commit 
 *ee> William Brown, a clerk in the office, is 
 allowed to rcc<?ive sums in gross fi-om the Trea- 
 ;^ury, upoa requisitions of the Secretary of 
 iState, wliich are de])0-;ited by him in the office 
 qf the Bank of the United States, within this 
 District, upon whicli, from time to time, he 
 dtaws i'rom tiie current expenses of the De- 
 jaartmeat. I'lie check upon him is, (it issaitl) 
 Inal, alter making- hts quarterly disbi'rsemehts, 
 •Jn account thereof is furnished tie Se£*etary of 
 State, who writes liis approval, \Whicli is itnder- 
 stood to be an approval of the obiects orrly, but 
 tU)tas dispen.sing with the exhibition of vouch- 
 <;rs, in any instanci', except where, from the 
 nature of the expenditure it is impracticable to 
 produce them ; in which case tiie propriety of 
 Uie cliarges is judged of, and decided by the 
 Head of the Department. As the l)cad of the 
 Department only approvca the object of ex- 
 pendiluj-e, without reference to the value of the 
 articles purchased, or services performed, the 
 committee were led to examine into the 
 means afforded the Auditor in deciding upon 
 the justness of the variety of claims discharged 
 by tlie agent. The voucJicis stibmitted to hiin 
 are nothing more, in the general, than an un- 
 iorroborated statement «f account, with the re- 
 ceipt of the claimant to .Mr. Brown, as agent 
 for the State Department. — The statement A, 
 i!»ougli not as full as some of the originals in tlie 
 jtigister's Office, from whence they are taken 
 niay, to a very great extent, be said to furnisli 
 •i^ ample means of ascertaining the correctness 
 oj the claims, as the original vouchers in the 
 liegistGJ-'s Office. Hence, they conclude, tliat 
 ?'» t^ j'^i'nrv. it is 'irr^, i!at the dlsbnrsements of 
 
 the AgfeSit av£"siii«ORiltj;fe<i to tlit i'lhh Audiio? 
 for adjustment ; bat, it is also true, that, from 
 all the evidence furnished him, (of wliich th6 
 Committee can have any knowledge,) the al- 
 most endless variety of articles and services fol 
 which compensation had been made, may not 
 yet have been delivered or performed , and, 
 if they were, at extravagant prices, without re- 
 ference to their intrinsie value. The Commit- 
 tee ore of •opinion, that some higher standtrrd 
 than tlie judgment or discretion of a clerk rn 
 the office, (however viituoua and intelhgcnt' 
 should have been provided for testing the ade 
 quacy of compensations involving the paynienl 
 of so large an amount of the public money. 
 
 The Committee have found it impossible fal 
 them to enter into a critical examination of the 
 justness of the multiphed items in that account 
 many of tjiem made out without such specifica 
 tion of the extent of services, as to enable thf 
 Committee to form any opinion of the adequacj 
 of the compensiitioh; and which (if practicabVe; 
 would consume more time than the Committer 
 co'.dd promise to devote to it, coiwLstehtly will 
 their o'-hor duties. They have so far analyzed 
 the account in statement A, as to ascertain tha 
 the following amounts were disbursed by tht 
 agent for the purposes there stated. 
 
 Fvr extra clerk h'lrt bi copying and Map tracing; 
 
 la the rear 1825, - - $2,552 70 
 do. 1826, - - 7,56100 
 
 do 1827, - - 3,597 45 
 
 Tota^ 
 
 Extra Printing. 
 
 In the year 1825, 
 do i82«,' 
 do 1827, 
 
 513,71124. 
 
 2,468 35 
 1,784 81 
 1,036 36 
 
 Total, - - , - - $5,309 43 
 
 Which is exclusive of the sum of 
 $ 550, which in said statement Is 
 blended with stationary; part of 
 which, is for pnnting, and the re- 
 sidue stationary, hence, the com- 
 mitt'^e were unable to sever the 
 respective amounts; whicli sum, 
 if a<lded to the above, would 
 amount to - 5,859-1-.. 
 
 For SlaUmiar-y. 
 
 In the year 1 825, 
 do 18-26, 
 do 1827, 
 
 Total, 
 
 Iu^wspUjUK,% 
 
 In Uie veai" 1825, 
 do 1826, 
 do 1827, 
 
 $ 1,304 oil 
 2,058 42 
 1,988 28 
 
 555,351 05 
 
 ,?70 69 
 608 47 
 444 00 
 
 Total, S 1,423 16 
 
 Ih' Booh und JScuMpapir Bindinf;. 
 
 70 76 
 
 829 £.5 
 
 1,431 73 
 
 In the year 1825, 
 do 1826, 
 do 1827, 
 
 r.1. 
 
 * 2/331 ' '- 
 
131 
 
 "Postage aa icii4ic& Imi Messrs. Mi-eni, and Thorn- 
 ton, fsaid to be on public business. J 
 111 the year 1825, - 53 05 
 
 tlo 1826, ■ - 146 55 
 
 do 1S27, - - 94 30 
 
 Votel, - - - ?5 293 90 
 
 For Carpenter's and Cabinet luork. 
 
 In the vear 1825, - - 1,382 87 
 
 do" 1826, - 609 88 
 
 do 1827, ' - 1,659 :!,6 
 
 Total, - . - /§ 3,602 12 
 
 31-ifCflhineous U-ork, such as painting, plastering, 
 graduating public ground-, brick-laying, &c. 
 and materials. 
 
 In the year 1825, - • - 2,779 80 
 
 do 1826, - - 1,102 97 
 
 do 1827, - • 1.831 25 
 
 Total, . . ~ $ 5,714 02 
 
 The Committee have nor carried out the resi- 
 fiue ofthe accounts in srud stutement, inasmuch 
 H3 they are so various in their character, that 
 ■they would not fall under general heads, nor in- 
 deed would they be susceptible of classifica- 
 tion under any one head in tlie general esti- 
 mates furnished by the Secr.?tai'y of State, upon 
 which the appropriations were foimded. Such 
 are the charges of i250 for tl;e portrait of 
 Washington, and SIO for a medal, and $13 for 
 u print of the Pres'dtnt of the United States, 
 vhich, though of inconsiderable amount, never- 
 theless involve principle to as great an extent 
 as would a larger amount. If lh& Head of a 
 Department can (consisten-ly with principle) 
 apply the contingent funds appiopriuted for 
 the current expenses of his office to such ob- 
 jects, the committee can see no limit to his dis- 
 cretion, save ihut of the fund at his disposal ; 
 u-hicb, if sufficiently ample, he might apply to 
 the erection of a monument on the public 
 ground, to perpetuate tlie memory of whomso- 
 ever he might tlunk proper. 
 
 The Committee hkewise^ would remark up- 
 on the compensation to Thomas Miller and 
 Thomas M. Bailey, who were severally employ-- 
 ed by the Secretary of -tate ; Miller to Acco- 
 XBac, Virginia, $140 for nine days' ser\ices; 
 Bailey for twice travelling from the same place 
 to Washington, and returning; for the ferst 
 trip he was paid $284 40 ; tor the second, 
 $370 20, without specification of time. They 
 assume the data furnished in tlie cuse of Mr. 
 Miller as being the criterion by which to judge 
 ofthe justice ofthe compensation Ik each. In 
 that case the compensation is stated at $B per 
 I day, making S72 ; and the remaining $63 is 
 fl jpven for his expenses, of a journey whicli the 
 immittee believe docs not'tixceed tlie distance 
 i' two hundred miles. At that rate of allowance, 
 iiC daily compensation and expenses would 
 11 but little short of $16, whicli the commit- 
 o beheve to be extravagant. They find m ihe 
 tatement, charges for carpeting purchased for 
 lie office, during the period embraced in tlicir 
 quiries, and for making and laying them, licar 
 itc sum of five hundred dollars, which is not 
 icluded in eitlier of the specifications which 
 ley have made in this report- 
 Xb.Q comrp.ittee hai-e sefen with surprise that, 
 
 whilst the aj»pi'«p.i'jatisns have inc-veas^d. to.' 
 tlie three last years, tluit the- disbursements oi 
 the Departnient have, for tho same time, great- 
 ly exceeded the annual appropriations, which 
 will be seen from comparing the statement fur 
 nislied the committee by the Register of the 
 Treasury with the amount of ajipropriationSj 
 (exclusive of tliose for printing and distribut 
 ing the laws of Congress,) and whicli statement, 
 or summary the committee annex to this report,; 
 and, for its better identification, they desig- 
 nate it by the letter D That statement ex- 
 hibits only an excess of expenditure (exclusive 
 ofpUblfbhing and distributicm ofthe lav/s) for 
 the vears 1825, '6, and '7, ofthe sum of f. 10,- 
 600 dollars,, die amount ofthe unexpended bal- 
 ance at the close ofthe year 1824. 
 
 From reference to tlie statement A. it will be 
 seen that, the actual expenditures ofthe Depart- 
 ment (exclusive of printing and publ-.shing the 
 laws) in fact amount to the aum of ?52,359 75, 
 instead of f 44,805, as stated in statement D :. 
 nfiaking an addltiontil excess of expenditure, 
 over the unes^oeiided balance of 1824, and the 
 annual appropriations, of die .sum of fi7,554 75. 
 That excess, the Committee apprehend, has 
 been, met by the fees received from the Pa- 
 tent Office, and the unexpended balance of 
 the apprbprialfons made for printing and 
 distribution of the laws; which they find ia 
 the same statement, amounted, on the 31st 
 of December, 1824, to the sum of S;5,558,^ 
 and on the close ofthe year 1827, to the sum of 
 f.7,558; being at that time, about equal to the 
 excess of expifnditure before stated. 
 
 The committee, upon contrasting the expea- 
 tures ofthe Stale Department for the three last 
 years, v/ith those years which preceded them, 
 cann '.t (consistently with' that economy whlclv 
 should be exercised in the disbursement of 
 public money) account for the increased exi)en- 
 diture. Frosn the statenient annexed to the 
 report of the former committee, made to the 
 House in the session of 1824-5 the expendi- 
 ture ofthe D&i)artment for those years amount- 
 ed to the Slim of $35,311 18, averaging some- 
 thing more than §17,000 per annum; when 
 the expenditures for each of the years em- 
 • braced in the inquiries of.-the committee, will 
 average more than $32,000, 
 
 T!ie committee bave vieweu the appropria- 
 tions for the current expenses of the Depart 
 ment as being strictly contingent, which, 
 thougli technically true, cannot be so in point 
 of fact. However indefinite the appropriation 
 laws ma\- be, they are predicated upon an esti- 
 mate furnished by the Secretary of State, spe- 
 cif)ing the various objects to which there is a. 
 necessity for the appiopriation of public money; 
 which estimate, owing to the faith repo.scd in the' 
 pubhc officer, founded upon his experimental 
 knowledge of tlie necesHities of the Deptut^ 
 m-jnt, is received as the basis on which 
 such appi-opriations are made. Hence; o.n 
 unlimited excicise of discretion cannot be 
 assumed in the after disbursements of the 
 money, in disreg.ard of the enumeration which 
 he bus made of the objects, without vio- 
 lating that faith which was reposed in big esti- 
 mate. The cornmittfc, from that consideration, 
 have adverted to the estimates presented for 
 each of tlie years to which they have extended 
 their inquiries, as to the '•dm necessary to met* 
 
132 
 
 'he cxigcacvcs •t' tkc Bvpai'uiient foi- extra tl>e committee lorbear to make any rccoinuicu. 
 «lcrk hire, wiiicli-thcy find has uniformly been dation thereon. 
 
 «! 000— that sum for the three years would The committee beg leave to add, that, from^ 
 •amount to jtS.OOO; when, in fact, there was ex- the document A, it appears that the sum of 
 •ended during- that period, more than four 5^197 was paid to Peter Force, out of the con- 
 times that amount. Under the act of 20th tingent fimd of tlie D.partment, for publishing- 
 \pril, 1818, (which regulated the amount of proclamations of Indian treaties wiien, from a 
 the specific apiiropriation for tlie clerks of the refennce to t e act of Cont^ress of May. 1»20, 
 Bepartment,) there wa.s appropriated for the it wll appear that tlie pnbl euMon o( such trea- 
 years 1825*and '26, each, the sum of ?15,000 tics are cxp.-cs-.iy coi.iiiud to one paper, and 
 tor clerks. By the act of the 2d of March, tiiat to be within th. limits of the State or 'I'crr 
 1827, there was an addition of t4,4U0 n^ade to ritorv to which the subjictmattep of such trea* 
 the former appropriation; makuff th'r sum <>f ty sliall l>eUmg 
 
 T!iey are 'if opinion, from the best informa- 
 tion whi.-h liuy can obtain, tlvit the dist!'il)u*ioo 
 can still be ui.uU- thr- u^h t .e Post Office De. 
 par'ment, witiout d< triment to t ^e puhl.c ser- 
 vice, certci nly by the mail contractors, for a 
 very trHing amount, coi'.p.ired Wiih that of 
 private agents, as now piac iscd They, there- 
 
 :620,:)00 fo» that year; notwithstanding wii.ch, 
 there was expended of the contingent fund for 
 extra ckrfc hire, more than *1,OUO over the ex- 
 ■penditure of 1825, for the same object. 
 
 The committee are unable to say whether 
 the mechanical and other laboi, and miU-naU 
 
 furnished, constituting so large an item in tluir .^ , • , u ,j 
 
 formerclassification, were necessary, and, if so, 4 re, recomin; nd the exp diency of withhold- 
 
 were performed and funiislnd at their eq<iitable ing the appropr ation of rS.SUO.from future 
 
 value, as it was impossible for thc-m to traverse acts, and that said distribution be made through 
 
 so wide afield ia their investigations; but tliis the agency of the Po.stmaster General, 
 they will say, that, if such expenditure was Tlie Comrnittee have been induced to exa- 
 
 called for, instead of resort being liad for nine min< the library of the State Department, from 
 
 thousand dollars to tlie contingent fund, an ap- having seen a stimdin^; annual estimate of 
 
 aropriation should have been made by Congress $2,000. per annum for -. c purc-liast- of books, 
 
 tor these objects, and the precaution used of It embraces the statute*, c^mpil.*' ions, and di- 
 
 disbursing it under the supcnnu ndent of the gcsts of the Laas of the Unit( d -jtates and oi' 
 
 public buildings, ra'.her th.ui the discretion of a the scvnal .states and Tenitc.ries, Foreign Sta- 
 clerk who, in the nature of thiiijit, nmsi have , tutes and Dig- sts. National Law, Lon-.mon, 
 
 been more incomrn tent to the taik tlun one Ci- il, and .Muuicip.d.Lai' , and Ucp</its tU. reof; 
 
 skilled in mechancs. The (ommitiee can re- 
 commend no nioilc b' tter calculati d to p'O- 
 inotc economy in the dibbiirsinn nts of tii Do- 
 ^jrtment, than where ptHCticable) t >;nfc fv, 
 in the appropriation laws ihe sc iml objects to 
 which such appro|}r:ati«1is 8 ';<!' be apolied 
 leaving as little .«9 poss ble to the discretion ..i 
 the othccf. That all the objects ot ixptndi- 
 tur« could hefirf^Ltn, so as t.. I « provideil tor, 
 li not tn be expected; >llowunce must ever be 
 made for unforeseen cases; but the committee 
 are of opinion, that much greater precaution 
 could be used than has hitherto chanicterized 
 the legislation of CongTess on that subject. 
 
 The committee ha\ e herein before state d,that 
 the amount appropriated for the printing and 
 distribution of the laws of Congress, for the 
 years before stated, amounted to the sum of 
 $47,500, which, with .AS.SSB; the unexpended 
 balance of former years, amounted to the sum 
 of -53,058. 
 
 ©f that sum was expended for 
 these objects, in the yc'4r 
 1825, - - - $11,500 
 
 In 1876, - 16,500 
 
 In 1827. - - 17,300 
 
 *•!."), 500 
 T>eavinp unexpended of that fund, on the olst 
 of Uecembcr, 1827, the sum of >7,558. T)>e 
 expenditure of thosi- appropri;-.tions, and iii- 
 ^•cd, fyr printing generally, are at the discre- 
 tion of the head of the Dtpartmrnt, except so 
 fir as there is u limitation fixed in tiie third 
 R«ction of the act of 1818, upon thai di.scrcli.jn, 
 in regard to the compensation of ilie proprie- 
 tors of newspapers in which the laws, resolu- 
 fions, tc. ihall be published. As this subject 
 , \i'as so fully discussed .n the House during the ing, in differerent columns, between the items 
 !an CnngT'-js'. and mm\. be f yrcW ondcrstttd, vkich had been allowed under the authority- 
 
 Treatie.s C'nventon.s, and 11 stones of Nego« 
 tiations, .lotnnds and tli.stones of Legish'tive 
 Uod'e!«, ai.d Si-aie Pa;<'rs; i=«cietvt fie Lieogr^ptiy, 
 V ^pd Travels, Iltstor), B.' gn-p V, 
 
 ' , t;:i ,t \, ail' An ■♦omy, S*at.stic^ 
 
 lid Kcon- my, Stc ; M 'icc li.m. uu- . » ,ilj 
 I.. \i .g.iiiius^<e» i' v\s, New-ipHp<-rs, and Pub- 
 lic .lourna>B of th • S ate.s as well as fcreigo 
 countries; Atla>ises, Maj'S, CTiarls, &,c. The 
 CO'iun ttee can d scovet no ii' cessity for so ex- 
 ti iisive a lihrary in th.it Dephrtment; embracing 
 works wliich cuiiio' po'si'l} be n quired in the 
 discliavge of otfical unties, and which involve 
 so much expenie, witlioui bemj^ called into use. 
 They are induced to recommend the expe» 
 diency of withholding that appropriation, (to a 
 great extent, in future, from the following con- 
 siderations: 1st. Tlie inutihty of very many of 
 these b»oks; 2d, That ace ss to the Library of 
 Congress could be afforded to each of the of- 
 ficers of tiic Govermnent, for such books ad 
 'might be desired, ai.d which were not necessa- 
 ry to in part information in the discharge of of- 
 ticlal duties; such as Law, Medicine, Chemise 
 try. Anatomy, Miscellaneous, &c. 3d, From 
 the fact that a Libi^rian, at the annual salai-y of 
 ;J 1,400, appears now to be incompetent to 
 make out the catalogue of so extensive a libra- 
 ry, without employing assistants, at an expense 
 of yJO to the Goveriiment,'a.s appears from the 
 statement A, hereto annexed. 
 
 The Committee will now notice the second 
 statement, itenomiiiated B: which, with an after 
 sujjplemcnt attaelied to it, purports to be a Jull 
 expose of th' di.sbirsemems made of the ap- 
 pr»f|riationH for the contingent expenses of 
 Foreign Intircourse, from the 4th of March, 
 1825, to the .'31st December, 1827; distinguish- 
 
1 
 
 apd u^on the VGCbhd-P of tkc Se'g^efaf^ of Stat<», 
 from those which had been otherwise vouched. 
 yt appears, fi'om the exhibit D, that, on the 31st 
 of December, 1824, there was, of the appro- 
 priations to that object, an unexpended balance 
 of igir,3u6 39; which, with the sum of §113 66, 
 repaid into the Treasury during- the years 1825, 
 •6, and Y, will, when adch-d to the amount of 
 the annual appropriations, as hers in before 
 stated, ainoimt, in the whole, to the sum of 
 
 ^^ , ^127,420 05 
 
 Ot wl) ch sum was expended — 
 
 In the year 1825, - . 25.572 68 
 
 I'^Sfi, . . 18,-33 00 
 
 1^27. . . 36,258 63 
 
 Total, 
 
 S8a,5o7 97 
 
 Leaving an unexpended bal- 
 ance, on the 31st <lay of De- 
 cember la-t, of ?46,852 08 
 _ Trom the fact that to the Committee on Pub- 
 lic Exp-^MKiitures, and the Select Committed" on 
 Itetrenchment, belong more properly the con- 
 sideration of most of the subjects growing- out 
 of that disbursement, your Comm ttee have on- 
 ly noticed such parts thereof as fall within the 
 iigitimate scope of then- inquiries. They have 
 ascertained that, for tiie yeai-s 1825, '6, and '7, 
 there was paid out of that fund, for extra clerk 
 hir , the sum of ^1,971 78, which, with the 
 sum of s,13,711 24, < xp-uded for that purpose, 
 of th-contmgeni tuna of the State Department 
 w-ithin th : same ptriwl, ai-ounts. in -he wh .le 
 to the su . of ?15,683 02 ; -., sum nearly equal 
 to one-third of the amou..t annually .appropri- 
 ated frr the whole clerks or tiie Department and 
 Patent Office. Tlie cominitt: e are of opin.onthat 
 the compensation to each ch-rk emn'oyed n the 
 Department ( wjiether tor general or special pur- 
 poses,; properly devolves upon the appropria- 
 tions for theDepartment, and ought to be paid 
 -out of that fund, if for no other reason than that 
 the disibursements would be more simple, less 
 difficult to understand, and not so hable to 
 abuse 
 
 The Committee have also extracted from the 
 5aid -statement, the am unt paid out of that 
 fund for extra print^j-.g-, dunng (hr same period, 
 which thy find amountsto ih.suni of <2,9S7 52 
 5^2,455 33, of wh.cii amount, was for publish- 
 ing notice to the St. D imingo exiles. 
 
 They also find, that, of the sum hereinbefore 
 stated to have b. en pa;d for pri.uing, out of 
 the contingent appropriations for the State De- 
 Bepartment, Sl,2u5 00 was for the same ob- 
 ject ; making accor iing to those stat<-nients) 
 the sum of t3,660 72, paid for tiie pr.blicatiim 
 of tliat noiice. out of the different ;q)pn)pria- 
 tions before specified. The Committee are un- 
 able to p.-rc. ive why, for the same services, 
 disbursements have been made out of both 
 Miose funds. Surely, the appropriations for the 
 eo.itmgent expenses of the Department, and 
 that of foreign intercourse, are dissimdar in 
 their characters, and could not have been in 
 tended by Congress to be thus blended. The 
 commHtee will not particularize the persons em- 
 ployed to publish tliat notice, or tiie amounts 
 paid; as the respective zccounts are annexed 
 to this report, to which ;efe;ence can be had 
 for that purpr.se. They R-iU here repeat what 
 •bey have said on the sub feet of printing, in the 
 
 firstsiat^aai': tiat tie Cȣap?iiiVtiou fou llui 
 service is exclusively at the discretion of the 
 Head of the Department; ard the House will bb> 
 better enabled to jadge of the expediency of 
 »egulatin^ by law that compenaatioB, than the. 
 committee.. Prom the Statement B, it will be 
 seen, that ^6,304 92 of the appropriations for. 
 the contingent expenses of foreign intercourse, 
 has been expended upon the certificate of thei 
 Secretary of State; the gi:eater part whereof haS- 
 been paid to the bearers of tlespatches. The 
 com.mittee have no means of ascertaining tlie- 
 necessity for employing .special agents, to the:, 
 extern praci'sed, that must, necessarily, be re- 
 ferred to the discretion of the Head of the De- 
 p-irtment; and the greatest security against the 
 nriis-ap.dication of that fund will "be found in. 
 his int^-grity They are unable to say, by 
 wliat rule the Secretary of State determines- 
 upnn the amount of expenses incident upon 
 s-,i.-h agencies, which fin the case of Johiv 
 Mason, jr.) more than doubles the amount 
 of daily compensation. In that account there 
 is an item of $278 for hire of a coach from 
 Mexico to Vera Cruz; also, expenses from 
 Mexico to Vera Cruz, including two days de- 
 tention at the latter place, $78; making $S.yi: 
 for carriage hire and expenses. 
 
 In the account of Theodore W. Clay, 
 allowance is made for carriage hire, 
 from Mexico to Vpfa Craz, - - $~5 Qg^ 
 
 Expenses to ditto, - - - ' 23 2:> 
 
 Total, $9B £5' 
 Making a difference, in charge, for the same 
 -Isti.nce, and travelling in the like manner, of 
 ^258, in favor of Mr. Mason. 
 
 The^ find, in the same statement, the sum of 
 SI, 941' paid to John H. Pleasants, for bearing- 
 despatches to Buenos Ayres' and Rio Janeiro,, 
 and his expenses. That Mr. Pleasants was em- 
 ployetl by the Secretary of State to perform 
 that service, and did set out on his journey, the 
 Committee believe to be trae; Uit that he per- 
 formed the journey particularized on his ac- 
 count, and for winch iie was paid, they believe, 
 to be untrue. Whether prevented by indispo- 
 sition or otherwise, from performing the ser- 
 vice, the Committee are of opinion the fact.? 
 should have been stated, and the records of the 
 country been made to prove the services for 
 which the public money was disbursed. As. 
 the case now stai.ds, they are furnished with no 
 means of determining upon the adequacy of the 
 compensation paid. All they can say, from the. 
 evidence furnished from the statement B, i.%. 
 that the .said John H. Pleasants was not entitleJi. 
 to compensation for bearing despatche.9 ta 
 Buf-nos Ayres and Rio Janeiro, as stated in hiss 
 account. They recommend to the House the> 
 propriety of fixing by l.-iw the compensation sf 
 Special Agents, on such ba.sis as would do jus- 
 tice to them, and exempt the Government from 
 impositions. In the same statement, they dis-^ 
 cover an item of 200 dollai-s paid, upon tiir^ 
 certificate of the Secretary of State, to W.- 
 Prentiss, fur his expenses in delivering a box of 
 books to the Governor of Maine. The vouch- 
 ers furnish no evidence of the description of 
 books, or of their quantity, so as to enable the- 
 Committee to judge of the justness of thecon-;-- 
 pensation, or of thefimd out of which itshOtilcL 
 have been pSid . Tlitrv- Ave*e infotlhe'd',. &i th'^ 
 
134 
 
 Jlegi^ter's oflice •f- the Treasury, that they 
 *cre thp Acts, JoumalH, or Documents of Con- 
 press. If so, swch claim %\us not churgeable 
 tipeii the conling'ent fund for forcii^n inter- 
 course, but upon the ciuront expenses of the 
 Department, und slioiilJ liave been-supported 
 by proper vouchers. 
 
 'iMie Commiltee will now advert to the ap- 
 propriations " for d( tVa} infif tlie contingent ex- 
 penses of all the miss'ons abiuad;" for tlie dis- 
 Lursement df which, no statement has been fur- 
 nished them, because it appeared, on rxamina- 
 tion, that no disburst invnis of tiiat appropria- 
 tion had bc«Ni made upon the certificate of tlie 
 Secretary of Slate, £:»vc t)ie cases of John A. 
 liintj, Ciiari^e des Afiairesat London, ami lU-au- 
 fbrt'I". Watts, Charge des Aftairr s at Kogota, 
 mentioned in the letter jof the Kejrister of the 
 Treasury, annexed to thi? report. The atten- 
 tion of the Conimii'ft- lias hti-n directed to the 
 Conner case, because it r.as broni^ht before the 
 last Congress, by a member of this comniittee, 
 and has since beert a subject on which much 
 has been said in the House. The vh<ile 
 amount of that cUim is g5,258 15, and is staled 
 thus.- 
 
 •• John A King. Charg-e dt b Affuresat Lon- 
 don, for his salary from the Ivt of July, 1826, 
 the day on which 'lis duties commenced, to the 
 31st of August toll wing, when they termi- 
 nated, si.\ty-iwo days, at f,i,.'H'0 piramuim, 
 
 iiJH 15 
 
 For amount of his outfit, equal to 
 one ycar<: salary, - ■•• - 4,500 00 
 
 $5,258 15 
 
 Kndorscii muj. •• i r.'- I're'jld'.nt approves 
 die above chu-gcs, 22d December, 1826. 
 
 II. CLAY." 
 .Tohn A. King had been appointed Secretary 
 Cif Legation to Uufus King, Minister to the 
 Court of St.James,in 1826,by the President, with 
 \he advice of the Senate, proceeded with the 
 Minister to that Court, and, after the Frcsidrnt 
 had been notifii'd by Mr. King of his uit* ntioii 
 "K) return, and after his surcfhsor hail been ap- 
 pointed, and was on Ins w.iy to relieve him, the 
 Minister retired fi nni tiic Court, leaving the 
 said John A. King in charge of the L- gation, 
 for the period of sixty-two days, for which, the 
 ^' r tioned < ition was nilowed. 
 
 '": '-nt o( I' , fin (he opinion of 
 
 the Cuii.uiittco, ) Wis i\.>t . d by law, 
 
 nor was it of that (k^irip; „iinis, which 
 
 \vere designatedto be puu! out of the conlin- 
 jfentfimd. Thry have necesianly ?dvcrii.-d to 
 l^r act of Congress, fixmg thi- rompeivsation t)f 
 piiblir Ministtrs, in the :icts of iSPt, rhap. <»1, 
 hcctions 1 .ind '2, and which is in the follouing 
 w nU: " Ihat the I'residc nt of the Lulled 
 Htates hhall not iillovv to any Miiiialer IMeiiipo- 
 tenlljfj-, a greattr bum. Ihan'at tlie rate of I'.OOO 
 ^lollam per annan, as r eompinvat.oa for all 
 his personal scrvr^i g and fxpencrs; nor to anv 
 *."' ■ -■ ,^j ^|,p 
 
 f' ■ I sirs per 
 
 annnm, ms a r ,on tor all Ins personal 
 
 services «nd «, , nor.lo liic Secretary of 
 
 any Lcg.iilon or r.mliassy to any foreign coun- 
 «r\', or Secretary lo .-my Minister 1"' n- 
 
 tian., a gr».ater sum than at the ra' iXi 
 
 ^er annum, an n compensation fot all his person- 
 
 al services^and expeases; with tiiis proviso, tiik: 
 it shall be lawful for the President of the United 
 States to allow to a Minister Plcnipotentiaiy, or 
 Charges des Affaires, on going from the United 
 States to any foreign countrj , an outfit, which 
 shall in no case exceed ano full years' salary of 
 such Minister or Charge des Affaires." The 
 second section enacts, "that to entitle any 
 Charge des Alfaires, or Secretary of any Lega- 
 tion, or embnssy to any foreign country, or Se- 
 cretary of any Slinister Plenipolentiarj', to the 
 compensation therchi befnic provirled, they 
 sliall respectively be appointed by the Prcsi- 
 dt-nt of the U Stales, by and with the advice 
 and cons( nt of the Senate; but, in the reoess of 
 tlie Senate, the President is hereby authorized 
 to make such appointment, which shall be 
 stibmitted to tlie Senate at the next session 
 thereafter, for their advice and consent; and no 
 compensation shall be allowed to any Charge, 
 des AH'airs, or any of the Secretaries hereinLr 
 fore described, who sliall not liave beei\ ap 
 pointed as ufc'^said," 
 
 The Committee are of opinion tliat, under 
 Uiepl'ovisions of the b fore recited law, tlie ap- 
 pointment of a Charge des Aftairs- can only be- 
 made by the Presidci^t of the United States, by 
 and with the advica and consent of the Senate, 
 (if in session,) if not, then, t_o be nominated to 
 the Senate at the next session thereafter, foi* 
 their advice andcniisent.' The compensiuion, 
 when thus appointed, cannot cxoced four thou- 
 sand fi\e hundred doll:<rs per aiinum, •' for all 
 his personal services and ' xp.'-nscs," with this 
 cxc'ption, " that on going from the L'^nlted 
 States to a foreign country," the ['resident of 
 the United States, at his discretion, (which dis- 
 cretion can Old) he exercised wiien the aippro- 
 priation is made,) ma\ alkiw an outfit, wliich 
 shall in no case exceed the amount of one 
 years salar). In the case now luiderconsidera- 
 ti(m, Mr. King was not apjiointed by- the Pre- 
 sident of the United States with, or without tlie 
 consent of the Senate, nor had he "gone from 
 the United States to a foreign country," as 
 Charge des Affairs, but was, at the time of the 
 appointment being coniffiTed on him by theMin- 
 ister, the acting Sccjetary of Legation, and in 
 the pay of his government as such. The com- 
 mittee will not controvert, (tipon the df ath or 
 absence of the Minister) the necessity oi" 
 the Secretary of Legation taking charge of 
 the archives, and transacting the onhnary 
 busiiK ss of the Legation ; nor would thev 
 be tenaciou.s of tiie title conferred by such 
 conting< nt agency; but they do deny the right 
 to cnnipensate for stich appointment, when for- 
 bidden by f'f plain and direct provisions of thfi 
 act of t liefore recited, more especially 
 
 when I) 
 
 ,)iiation had been made therefor. 
 
 anii when Coi>gress w.^s in session at the time 
 the all'jwanee wns m.vle to Mr. King out of the 
 contingent fuiul; which fund, (in the opinion 
 of the ' e, was not subji ct to the pay- 
 
 ment D! , and outfits of Ministers and 
 
 Ciiarg-'s — tiieir compensations being specific 
 subf els of appropriation. If the committee 
 be c iTect in iheir construction of the law, a 
 long series of departupe from its nrovi.sions can- 
 not justify the act of usurpation, but, on the 
 contrary, calls mure loudly for a sirict comph- 
 ance with them. Tlie committee discard pre- 
 cedents m^^'' in vtolation of l-aw. becaugsfst" 
 
i j'^ 
 
 ^aifoii to-day, maj^and irequeiuiy docs) be- receipt, on tiic t)th ult. of youi- kmv, btaiUiK 
 iome precedent to-mon-ow. They cun rccom- date on the 4tli, as Chah-maia of the Committet; 
 mend no i-ule which promises more safety than on so much of theFubhc AcGounts andExper.-; 
 frequently to inquire into delegated power: ditures as relates to tiic State Departraenti and, 
 compare the act done with the authority for also, on the 7th of the same month, your lettei', 
 doing it; and, in that ways circumecribe tiie of tlie .ilh. By the former, the Committee re- 
 ag-onts of the Government (wit'iout respect to quest to be furnisiied, first, " with a statement 
 grade) to the limits of their authority. of the incidental and contingent disbursemeiit:i 
 
 The f'ommittee, from inspection of the re- of this office; showing thei'ein llie respective 
 conis ajid accounts of the Treasury D'-pu'-t- sums paid, to whom, i^nd for what services, 'witt 
 nicnt, have ascertained that much, if not the theyouc!ie;sforsuchpayments." And,secondir^ 
 g-peater part, of the annual appropriation for tiie *' a statement showing- the disbui-sements made 
 ccntingt nt expei>ses of all the missions abro-ad, out of either of the appropiiations for the contin"- 
 has been disbui-sed for the contingent expenses gent expenses of all missions abroad," and " for 
 of Ministei-s and Charges abroad; some of which the contingent expenses of foreign intercourse,^' 
 iiave been settled, and others remain unset- so far as either of these appropriations hare 
 tied. They have cnlled for, and obtained an been expended under the authority oftheS"e.- 
 abstract of the account* settled for the year cretary of State, and upon his voucher, for thft 
 i-825, as for that year a greater portion of the use of that Department;" leaving it to niy d^s'• 
 accounts have been settled at the Department cretian whetlier I would recur, or not, to a pt? 
 than for subsequent years, which statement riod beyond the commencement ofmy service- 
 ihey annex to this report, and mark G. Tlie in the- Department of State. In your seconti 
 committee will again advert to the b??fore re- letter, you state that the Committee on the Ex- 
 -cited act of Congress, in order to ^^hlw that penditures of the State Department, having ex • 
 whatever may have been the- causes which su- amiiied the accounts of the Department and 
 perinduced the practice of defraying the ex- reported up to tl-.e year 1824, inclusive, it will 
 penscs of Ministers abroad out of this fund, that iiot be necessary that the statements previously 
 such practice is without legal sanction, and can required by you, should embrace any perio'U 
 only be supported by construction, 'i'hat part prior to the commencement oftlie yerr 1825. 
 
 of the act aforesaid which provides i^r compen- 
 sation, is, 'Hhat the President of tne United 
 Stales shall :.ot allow to any Minister Plenipo- 
 ientiary a greater sum Utsn at the rave of nine 
 thousand dollars per annum, as a compensation 
 for all his personal services and expenses." — 
 The Committee believe, that it was the- inten- 
 
 In compliance with tlie rer^uest of the Com- 
 mittee, 1 transmit, herewith, a statement ofth.e 
 contingent expenses of the Department of State,, 
 from Wie Ist day of January, 1325, to the Sl^i 
 December, 1827, marked A. The account hu>. 
 been settled by the proper officers of the Trea.- 
 sury, for the whole period. The vouchers sup- 
 
 tjon ofCon^-ress to fix, in tlie act of 1810, the porti^ng the various charges in the acxount, a'f'- 
 salaries of Ministers and Ciiarges des Afiaires, ter having been cxam'ned and scrutinized" bv- 
 so that nothing should thereafter be left to dis- the proper Auditor, have been passed to the 
 cretion ; else, why use the strong languagq Register of the Treasury, in whose office they 
 **for all his jjersonal servicer and expeivses'-' r.ow remain on file. A co^y of every one <Jf 
 If it was intended only to regulate the compete- tiiem would occupy much space, and require 
 sation for personal exptnsee, as contradistm- considerable time to prepare it, Mr. Erea*-, 
 guished from official, why not provide for such the fiirst clerk hi the Department, havijig unv 
 expenses as were not included in the salary? — dcrstood from you that it would not be wanted;, 
 they are of opinion th.1t eighteen thousand dol- it is not, therefore, now sent. If he misunder- 
 
 stiodthe wishes of the Coramitfec in that rc.- 
 spcrct I vvill, upon receiving information to thaT. 
 effect, direct a transcript of the vouchers to b^' 
 made. 
 
 I have aI:So the honor to comniunicate to thr. 
 Committee, a letter from the Filth Audito.il 
 transmitting the second statement, (whicli i^, 
 designated by tlie h tier B,) requested by the. 
 Commi'tee, accompanied by an' explanatoi'f 
 letter, from the Iteg-ister of the Treasury. This 
 
 iars per annum to a lliniater, and nine thotLsand 
 dollars to a (jharge des Affaires, ;u"e am.ply suf- 
 ficient to cover all the expenses contingent up- 
 on such missions. If in tliis Uiej'are mis- 
 taken, still, it must be conceded tiiat direct 
 legislation upon the increase of s-alary, is pre- 
 ferable to the present practice; which leaves 
 to the discretion of the Depa:lniejit, the 
 extent to which allowances shall be made, and 
 wh'ch, necessarily, must depend upon the na- 
 ked meniorandum^furnKihed by the ^ecretiuy str.tement shows all tJie disbursements iruade ouv. 
 of Legation. Believing that the appropriation of the app'ropriation for the contingent expcrr 
 fv)r defraying the contingent e:?peM^es of all the ses of foreign intercourse, from the 4th of 
 Missions abroad has been expended at the dis- March, 182J, to the end of the last year; dis-- 
 cretion of the Department, .id without the tinguisljwigbetweenthoseitemswhich have beer; 
 authority of law, other than the appropriation allowed on ray authority, and upon my certificate 
 acts, the Committee recommend, in future, of approval, from those which liave been othci'- 
 
 withholding that approp/iation; but if, in the 
 opinion of the House, the salaries allowed by 
 the act aforesaid arc insufficient to cover all ex- 
 penses, then, and in that case, to make such 
 specific additions as shall be deemed amply 
 sufR-cient. 
 
 DEPAnTMENT Of StATE, 
 
 IVashin^lonilh Mctrch, 1828. 
 Hon. JoBTi Blatb, Chairman, &c. 
 
 Sjn>: I havTthe hrmor to a«:knm\-1e^ge the 
 
 wise vouched. In examining the accounts cor- 
 taining the contingent expenses of all the mis*- 
 sions abroad, during the period parlicul^irized 
 by the Committee, no item was found to have 
 been allov/ed .on my special approved ; and, 
 consequently, there is no slatement to be fur- 
 nished of disbursements from that upproprb. 
 tion, according to the request of the Commit.- 
 tee. 
 
 f>0 far ns disTntrsements take plare fft-htrrr.e 
 
15te 
 
 <it af»|>rvjinaU*asiiiiac vis^o^al of the Oepai-t- 
 inent of Stale, they are made by an Agent of 
 
 the Department, for that purpose designated. 
 
 rhis practice has prevailed for a long time. It 
 
 can be traced back, at leasrt, as far as the 
 ministry of Mr. Madison. The person se- 
 lected for t'le agency has been, most generally, 
 for many years past, exclusively, one of the 
 clerks in the Department. He draws, from 
 time to time, upon the requisitions of the Head 
 of the Department, the nccessaiy sums, under 
 naiticular appropriations, for covering t'ic or- 
 dinary disbursements. Tliene sums are placed 
 to hm credit, in tltc oflRce of the R^nk of the U. 
 ^atos, within this Di.strict, where he k^jeps 
 jus account, and upon which lie dr.uvs, from 
 tjrfK; to timr, foj- the current expenditures. No 
 ■pjji't of the racmey appropriated to the public 
 service, under the direction of the Department 
 6f State, has ever boen phccd-to ray private 
 i'i:e<lit. Tho accotmts of iiie Agent are settled 
 Quarterly, an<l arc examined Ijy the Head of 
 the Department, who usually writes his appro 
 val at the foot cf them. This approval is 
 understood by the Auditor as s:uictioning the 
 fifjject of expenditure, but not us dispensing with 
 (he txhlbitioTi of vouchers in any instance, ex- 
 cept where, from the nature of t)ie expenditure, 
 it is impracticable to jjroduce iheni; in wliich 
 Ciasc« the propriety of the charge is judg-ed of 
 and decided by the Head of the Dejiartment. 
 Due attention is, of course, paid to the amovuit 
 drawn from tlic Treasury by the Agent, so as 
 Ip preveijt an unreasonably large sum, at an}' 
 ]^eriod, uccumuIiUing in bis hands. The clerk 
 who, when I entered the Department, was 
 chai-ged with its pecuniaiy agency, continues 
 t'o execute :t. 
 
 The above motle of transacting the pecuniary 
 alKiirs (>t" the office, was fully explained by my 
 predecessor in a le'.tcr wiiich he addressed to a 
 f6rmev committee of t!ie House of Kcpresenta- 
 tivert, under date the 18th of A[.ril, 1822, to a 
 vopy of wliich, hcrewitli transmitted, the Com- 
 ruittee are rc'^peetfully refeiTcd, marked C 
 
 Upon an examination of the statement ax- 
 liibiting l!ie disbursements out of the appropria- 
 iron for the contingent expenses of foreign in- 
 ttrcouise, which have been made in the three 
 last yL-ars, uiuler my authority, and upon 
 my certlticatc or voucher, it will be nb- 
 served that the princ.pal item is ft)r the 
 ••mpleyment, during those years, of bearers 
 'if ilispatciiea. Their compensation and allow- 
 ;inc«^ have not varied, as far as any traces of 
 tSc in can be percei>ed in the Treasury since 
 the establishment of the (iovern'nent. Their 
 compensation was fixed at a per diem of six 
 jullara, with an allowance of their trave'Iing 
 rxpeuhes, including the price of their pas^ge 
 b^ sea, when they do not proceed in a public 
 t esscl. Whenever a messenger is dispatched 
 npon this service, he is funusiicd with a letter 
 of instructions, in which his duty and desiiua- 
 I'ton arc mentioned; and in which, also, it is 
 .staled that the above compensation and allow- 
 ances will be made him. Upon the return of 
 the messenger, it is, of cour3e,»known in the 
 Department how long lie has been absent on 
 tlic public service; and it is not difficult to 
 
 iidgcoflhc rcasonablLuess of his charges for 
 'rivcUing expenses anil pxssage money. This 
 
 ■'••j-O'im K ii\rtedj MBually fixed, from the 
 
 ordinary eiiar^^es in siaiiiar cases-, iuffccajititin of 
 which is obtained through the customary chan- 
 nels, and the amount is specified in the instruc- 
 tions. The statement, therefore, that the 
 compensation and charges allowed to bear^ 
 erg of despatches are unvouched, is noX 
 substantially, if it be technically, correct 
 Theii- accounts are first carefully examined 
 in the Department of State, where they 
 are checked by the iDeans in the possession oi 
 that Dt'paitmen?, and then approved and cer- 
 tified by the bead of the Department, and pass* 
 ed over to the Fifth Auditor. 
 
 The employment of bearers of despatches Ta 
 limited to important occasions, in which ths 
 Department cannot avail itself of the agency 
 of regular packets, periodically sailing, op 
 wliere, from the high interest and confidenti'li 
 nature of the despatches, it is deemed best to 
 expose them to as little casuality as possiblri 
 They are generally employed in the transmis* 
 sion !*■ treaties prior to their promulgation, iti 
 consequence of the magnitude of the interests 
 which they involve, and the respect which i3 
 due to existing usage in national intercourse: 
 To most of the persons who have beenemplo}'' 
 ed in that chajyicter, during the laat three yearsj 
 were confided either treaties, or the creden- 
 tials and the general instructions to some of out* 
 Ministers abroad. Thus, in 1825, John H. 
 Pleasants was engaged to carry their credentials 
 and general instructions to our Charges d'Af» 
 fairs at Itio de J.Mieiro and Buenos Ayres, 
 where they were then respectively residing; 
 and, in 1827, John ^lason, jr. was paid, as a 
 bearer of despatches for bringing home a treaty, 
 whicli had been negotiated at Mexico, and 
 Theodore W. Clay \va.s engaged, in March lasj, 
 to carry back to Mexico the same treaty, after 
 it had been submitted to the Senate, and, also, 
 to carry other h.ghly confidential despatches 
 to Mf. Poinsett, and despatches to Mr. Scr^ 
 geant, who had left the United States the pre# 
 ceding November. 
 
 Tiie greater part of our despatches to and 
 from Euroj^e, generally paas^ through the hands 
 of our consul, Mr. Maury, at Liverpool, and 
 hence the heavy charge for po.sl:<ge, which foniiS 
 the first item in the statement now transmitted^ 
 
 I have the l^onor to be, 
 
 With great respect, 
 
 Vour obedient servant, 
 
 H. CLAV. 
 
 Mr. Fknaonton to Mi: Clay. 
 
 TuBAsrHT Dbpautmjixt, 
 Fiflk .iuditor's Officr, Februnnj 27, 182S'. 
 Sin: I have had the honor to receive your let' 
 teroflhc 16th instant, requesting a statement, 
 for the use of the commitee, on so much (.fthe- 
 public accounts «4 relates to the State Depai't- 
 raent, shewing the divbursements mada out of 
 either of the aftproju-iations '* for the contingent 
 expenses of all missions abroad," and ••for the 
 contingent of foreign intercourse," so far us eith- 
 er uf those apprnprUitions have been expended un- 
 der the authority nf the Sccrelarij of State, and 
 upon his vouc/ur,for the use of that DepurtmenJ: 
 and, as the accounts iclative to thoseappropria-- 
 tions,after being .ludited by this office, and passed 
 by thcConipU't)ller,are transmitted to, filed, and 
 rctainedin the office of the Register of the Tr^- 
 sun-, I referred your Ictt^ to thM ■ofllfer wi''b- 
 
1 l'» ^ 
 
 oiildeky, \ntii a I'-'quftst tJiathe would compiy 
 with its requisitions. He has, accordingly, 
 prepared and transmitted a stateiisent, in whicii 
 Ta distinguished the accounts which have been 
 settled o'l your authority and certificate, and 
 those settled upon the customary vouchers. 
 There are some items of expense in the state- 
 ment whicii Wv re au^loriz-d and incurre.'l by, 
 and 'luring-, the late Administration, but for 
 which, the accounts were not r. ndered, set- 
 tled, and paid, until ufter the commeiicement 
 cf the present. Su'ch an- the accuun's (<!' Mr. 
 Thomas Ran^'a 1, Aj;\-ntat ilavaiia, and of Ether 
 Shepley, for colkc'ing te.-.tiinony 'u relat'on to 
 ©u^rages upon certain American h,hing vessels 
 near Halifax. As the pa} ments were made 
 duriiig- the period specified in the call of the 
 C45m!iuttee, though the service was previously 
 performed, it" wa« thoii.t;ht proper I o compre- 
 Fiend them in the statement. 
 
 It may be proper to remark, that the per 
 diem allowances to bearers of despatches, and 
 their expenses whilst absent, contained ^n the 
 statement, are in confomiity witii those uniform- 
 ly made, in similar cases, ui.dcr t!)e Adminis- 
 trations of Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Madison, and 
 Mr. Monroe. 
 
 In regard to this description of accounts. It 
 being impossible for this :.-ffice accuraf/ly to 
 a3C€.nain the period for wh;ch |)ayii.ent ought 
 to be made, in all cases, and for the party ren- 
 dering; t.e account to produce vouchers for his 
 travelling expenses, to dispense witti wiiicii, the 
 authonty of the Secretary ot State is considered 
 necessiuy, recourse ha.s, generally, been had to 
 the .Secretary' o-' riiate for his sanc'.ioii to such 
 part of the account as he shoidd iporove; those 
 accotuits are, thtrcfore, generaiiy entered as 
 beir.g approved by him. The receipt of the 
 agent, cialming the accomit due, is always ex- 
 acted, andiik'd in the proper office, upon pay- 
 ment beivig made. 
 
 In further explanation of the statement, I 
 have the h&nor to enclose the letter of the Re- 
 gister of tile Ircusu") to me, upon the subject. 
 I have t le honor to be. 
 Very r- sp-ctfuily. Sir, 
 Your obedient s:rv;int, 
 S. FLEASO.NT'.iN, 
 I^J'ih Audit'jf of the Treasury. 
 The Hon. Hk.miv Ccvr, , 
 
 Secrelary oj Sla'e^ 
 
 nient; and from these vve iiave sclet,te«t, an«i sa 
 set down, such items as were specially approved. 
 Upon this, we must remark, that many items in 
 these accoimts, though without j^puchers, have 
 no doubt been allowed upon the common prin- 
 ciples of s-ttlement, as not requiring the special 
 sanction '4' the Sccretii'w for their admission: 
 but, fr,;m the want of specified data, in the ac- 
 counts r;K-m«L-}v.s, we have been suable tO 
 make distuictions. 
 
 In examining the accounts containing tlie 
 contingent ; xpenses of m^sFionsabroad, for the 
 above pei'Wjd, we have r.rA been able to d-.«covei* 
 any item as allowed upon the special approvA 
 of the Secretary ')f State. 
 
 I have the honor to be. Sir, 
 Your m(-st obedient servant, 
 
 JO^SEPH NOUUSE, Jlegiif^i;: 
 Stjsphbs Flkasiistow, Esq. 
 
 Fiflih Auditor vf the Treasury. 
 
 B. 
 
 STATEMENT showing tlie disburseajeuts 
 made out of tiie appropriation for the contirr- 
 gent expenses of Foreign Intercourse, from 
 tlie 4th March, 1825, to the Slst December, 
 1827; distinguishing between those items 
 which have been allowed under the autliorit}* 
 and upon the certificate of the Secretajy ot' 
 State, from those which have been othen,vise 
 vouched. 
 
 31r. JVourac to Mr Pka-ionfon. 
 
 Register's Office, ^ebruury 25, 1828. 
 Sir: In compliance with lite letter of the Se- 
 t;retary of State, ot the 16di, addrfcss.d co you, 
 and wh ch w:iS reft rred to ihi.s office, on the 
 18th, infant, I luive l!iehonort(; transmit here- 
 with, a statmeiit, showing tiie disbursem^ints 
 made out of the appropriation for the conting'ent 
 expenses of Conign int reoursc, so far as it liar 
 oeen expended inider the authority of the Secre- 
 tarv' of State, and upon hi.s voucher, for -he use 
 of titat Department, from the 4th of Marcli , 1825, 
 to the present tune; all which lias been extract- 
 etl froiri the accounts as seltk-d at your otHce. 
 In making up this statement, you will perceive, 
 that we have set down, as vouched by the Se- 
 cvet;<ry, all those accounts upon which his name 
 is endorsed, a^ approving the same, except the 
 .accounts of the disbursing agent of the Depart- 
 
 In whose favor and for 
 what purpose. 
 
 Approved 
 
 by Secre- Accounti?^ 
 
 taiy of vouched-. 
 
 State 
 
 without 
 
 vo'^chers. 
 
 1825. 
 
 To James Maury, Consul 
 
 at i.iveqjo'.l. for postages 
 
 on LtteiS ami packages 
 
 to and from M.msters 
 
 and other Public Agents 
 
 in Europe, from 1st July 
 
 to 3t.st December, 1824, 
 
 including a premaiin 
 
 tliercon, for exch.ange 
 
 between Liverpool and 
 
 tlie United States > §272 17 
 
 To William J. Stone, for 
 
 engraving two copy 
 
 plates for ciphers, and 
 
 pointing 92 impresiions 
 
 of plates, inchidmg pa- 
 per 
 To Lary Anderson, for 
 
 his services from 29tli 
 
 December, 1824, to the 
 
 18th Februar)', 1825, 
 
 making 51 days at $6 per 
 
 day, and travellir.g ex- 
 penses from Cartliagena 
 
 to Bogota, and from 
 
 thence to Washington as 
 
 bearer of the Convention 
 
 between the' United 
 
 States and Colombia 1,190 OCi- 
 
 To Tltoma.s Kandall, 
 
 Agent for Commerce and 
 
 Seamen at Porto Rico 
 
 and H.tvana, and for bal 
 
 298 80 
 
iJQ 
 
 ftnca of his salary fVoiji 
 lOlh of April, 182;3, to 
 
 38th March, 1B25, at 
 
 ?4,500 per a^nnim 
 To C^orge "s. VValkins, 
 
 Special Mcsseiitfcr ot" 
 
 the United Slutcs' to the 
 
 Jilinistcr at l.ondw;;, for 
 
 Co)iipt»Bati()n iVoin I'Jth 
 
 March to Ist .fuly, lb-'5, 
 
 mHkiii};- 112 (bus, at 6 
 
 dollars per day, includ- 
 ing' liis pass.igc out and 
 
 ieturnlng, travcllinfj ex- 
 penses from W.<.shin{^ton 
 
 to New York, from Liv- 
 erpool to London, and 
 
 Irom London to Liver- 
 pool, on liis return, and 
 
 iVoci New York back to 
 
 %V:isl»ington - ^•"^Z 68 
 
 To John H. Pleasants, 
 
 bearer of despatclies to 
 
 Muenos Ayres and Kin 
 
 vlaneiro, fi)r his co'upen- 
 
 satiofi from 19ih April to 
 
 02.1 Au^iist, 1H25, ma- 
 king 126 days, at £6 pel 
 
 day, including- his pas- 
 
 saj^c.goiii,< aiiti rct'irnin^', 
 
 Iiis travcilin}^ expenses 
 
 and bourdiiip, fr-i-.n the 
 
 tim'j of hU l.avinjj- liic'i- 
 
 ^nond on the 19Ui April, 
 
 to the 28ih May, 1825, 
 
 in which interval he was 
 
 sockinij, from IhdUmore 
 
 to Bcwton, tiie means ot 
 
 g'etling t>> lUienos Aues, 
 
 and bis expenses in rc- 
 
 turnint,' from New York 
 
 to llicl)niond - j 940 OU 
 
 To I'tier Force, for pub- 
 
 lishinic Lxerjinlnrs 
 To Wil'iaiu M:ial, fnrseal- 
 
 Ingr Mediterranean pa-sa- 
 
 ports - . 
 To L. Child, sipn board 
 
 for the Legnliun al ^uc- 
 
 no8 Ayres • - . _ 
 
 To IL Niieto, for 52 copies 
 
 of the Weekly Ut pi^tcr 
 I'o S. Ma^i, for a grer.t 
 
 seal, and box for thn 
 
 same, and three treaty 
 
 Iioxes - - - 
 To KthcrJiheplcy, fur c\- 
 
 pcnse« in relation to cap- 
 ture of fisherrr.erj by 
 
 British brijj DottcriU l^jQ 00 
 
 To Joseph MiMij^ii.fiir two 
 
 port folnn^ lor l.eatus 
 To W. J. Stone, r(7r prin'.- 
 
 inif passports und im- 
 
 prefi-iuns of Muis:,!-" 
 
 coatj» ... 
 To Mary Lcnpthali, in: 
 
 painting signal rt.»g'?, - 
 To I'rttrir'i l{og<i-v-, (";>;■ 
 
 dipliimatio trunks, 
 
 To J. Mdl.p^an, for four 
 
 pori fiilios, for treaties. 
 '■'>V. Slide. Jr. fori. ,1 
 
 ing despatches to New 
 York f - 
 
 F. C. Raker, for bearing 
 4,540 59 despatches to Norfolk, 
 to Mr. Miller, 
 
 To Patrick Rogers for di- 
 plomat'c trunks, - - 
 
 To Fetcr Force, for pub- 
 lishing exequaturs. 
 
 To W. J. Stone, for en- 
 gravng flags, - - - 
 
 To James Mauiy, Consul 
 at I^iveri)()ol, for posta- 
 ges in England, - - - 
 
 To Peter Force, for pyb- 
 lisliing exequaturs, 
 
 I'o Il.iNlles, for 52 copieii 
 of the Weekly Registei-j 
 
 il826. 
 
 To Gustavus H. Scott, 
 bearer of despatches 
 from the Secretary pt 
 State to the Minister at 
 Dogota^fur his travelling 
 expenses from his resi- 
 dence in 'X'irginia, tc 
 ■Washington, and from 
 thence to Norfolk, via. 
 IJaiiimore, to take pas- 
 sage on boai'd the John 
 Adams fiigate ; Car sea 
 stoith, stationery, ex- 
 penses of transmitting 
 the despatches from Car- 
 thagena to Bogota; pas- 
 sage from Cartiiagena to 
 New \%)ik, and travel- 
 ling expenses from New 
 "v'ork to his residence in 
 Virginia, via. Washing- 
 ton, including the sum of 
 
 xao V/i- 
 
 40 QC- 
 
 26 00 
 
 11 50 
 
 16 00 
 
 266 58 
 
 6 00 
 
 J53 2 
 
 <yr 
 
 42 00 
 
 6 00 
 
 no 75 
 152 75 
 
 •1)6 00 
 
 200 00 
 
 •r 00 
 
 5 00 
 
 91 00 
 
 792 dollai-s for his servi- 
 ce;, in said capacity, at 6 
 df)llars per da\ , from the 
 I lih of March'to the 2&th 
 Jidy, 1826, - - §968 3} 
 
 To John Marshall, bearer 
 »)f despatches from the. 
 Char^-.c de'S Afiairs at 
 Gui'emalato the Secre- 
 tary ofSta;e,for his com- 
 pensation from 5th Au.- 
 gust to ."jlst Octobea-, 
 iy2l), uuking 88days,ax 
 six dollars per day, in- 
 cluding his expenses 
 from the 19th of April, 
 when he was detadcd 
 from the frigate John 
 Avlanis for the purpose 
 of attending Mr. Wil- 
 liams, 10 the olst August 
 iHjr,, . . . i,.528 or 
 
 T« Clifton M'harton, bear- 
 er of despatches to Co- 
 lombia, for his compen- 
 sation from 22d of .May to 
 "J6ili()ctohor, 1826,mak- 
 ing 15^ days, al 56 per 
 ihiy inchiding his travel- 
 liiigandneccssiiry expeij- 
 srs from Washington to 
 N. ^''>^■k; rvpi.'n«s«'S v,hi'«'. 
 
 f496 r 
 
 ! 
 
iij£^ i necessary expen- 
 ses at the Caicos Island.-^ 
 after his shipwreck, pas- 
 sare, &g. fiom Turk s 
 island to Carthagena— 
 medical aid at Gartliage- 
 3ia; passage from thence 
 to NewYork, and ti-avel- 
 iinff expenses fr<;m New- 
 York to Washington, in- 
 cluding also sundry arti- 
 cles of clodiing purchas- 
 ed at Turk's Island, at- 
 tev being shipwrecked, 
 he having landed there 
 in a state of destitution, 
 To John A. Dix, bear^- 
 of desjiatches to Copen- 
 hagen for compensation 
 from '.rth Mav to 14tti 
 October, 1826,at six dol- 
 5ars per day inciudnig" 
 his travelling expenses 
 ses from Washington to 
 NewYork ; passage from 
 thence to Liverpool ; 
 travelling expenses, &c. 
 from Liverpool to Co- 
 penhagen, and trnni 
 thence to Paris and tla- 
 xx-s including passports 
 postages, carriage hire, 
 oassage from Havre to 
 N. York, ;u>d trwelhng 
 expenses fromNe\vYi)rk 
 back to Washington 
 To Robert Anderson, 
 bear»;r of despatches 
 ii-om Carthagena to 
 Washington, for ins tra- 
 v-elling expenses aod pas- 
 sage tVom Carthagena to 
 Sew York, and from 
 thence to Washington, 
 Including his componsa- 
 <Jon from the 24th ot Ju- 
 Iv to the 21 St of riept. 
 1836, making 52 days, 
 at ?U per day 
 To Edward Wyer, bearer 
 of despatches to & from 
 St. Petersburgh, for lus 
 con-pemsatjon from 29th 
 \pril to the 15th Nov. 
 1326. making 201 days, 
 ax i6 per day, includmg- 
 traveUing expensesfrom 
 Washington to N. York, 
 passage from thence to 
 Constadt, from tlience to 
 Boston, und expenses to 
 ■Washington 
 
 To Peter Force for pub- 
 lishing exequaturs - 
 To Gales & Seaton, for 
 pubhshing exequaturs be 
 signals - " " 
 
 To John Myers, for two 
 
 diplomatic trunks 
 To Davis & Force, for 
 printing 50 copieis direc- 
 t:^y^ f„i. Ministers' drc^3 
 
 i,i9i 50 830 rs 
 
 1,608 20 
 
 504 00 
 
 1.902 00 
 
 To A. W. Beii, for two ' 
 diplomatic trunks 
 To H. Niles, for six vols. 
 Weekly Register 
 To James Maury, Consul 
 at Liverpool, forpostage 
 in England 
 To M. M- Cruikshank, for 
 
 a portfoU;'foratr-aty 
 To John Myers, for a di- 
 
 ploniatic t'rui'k 
 To H. Niks, for i2 copies 
 ^of the Weekly Register - 
 To A W. Bell, for two 
 diplomatic crunks 
 To S. Massi, for 24 cast- 
 ings of the great seal - 
 To A. W. BeU,^ for two 
 
 dii)lomatic trunks 
 To M. M- Cruikshank, 
 for a port folio, full trim- 
 med, SiC. 
 To Jolui Myers, for two 
 
 diplomatic U-iinks 
 To Peter Force, for pub- 
 lishing exequaturs 
 To tieorge E. Ironside, 
 for carrving despatches 
 tQ Mr.' Gallatin, Nev/ 
 
 Yoiik - - -. - 
 
 ToJohn Myers, for a di- 
 plomatic trunk - 
 To Peter Force, for pub- 
 iibhing exequaturs - • 
 To Peter Force, for pub- 
 17 15 lishing- commercial re- 
 • gulatlons of the Republic 
 cf Colombia 
 To G-des and Seaton, for 
 puhshing exequaturs - ■ 
 To Peter Force, for pub- 
 lishing exequaturs 
 To W. J. Stone, for a Le- 
 
 gation seal and passports - 
 To W. Brown for a di- 
 plomatic trunk 
 To J. M>.ury, Consul at 
 Liverpool, for postage 
 in Engbnl 
 To n. Ndes, for 52 copies 
 of the Weekly Kegister, 
 vol. 30 
 To Th.-^mas I>. Thurston,, 
 carrving dsspatciies to 
 Mr.' Laurence, N. Yorsc 
 To Peter Force, for pub- 
 lishing exfqu.aturs 
 To Peter Force, for print- 
 ing 30 copies of thetrea- 
 ty'with the Federation ot 
 tiie Centre of America^ 
 To W. Brown, for two di- 
 plomatic trunks 
 To John Mvei-s, for 2 do 
 To W. liiown, for 2 do 
 To do for 2 do 
 
 To M. M. Cruikshank, 
 for a port folio, with che- 
 nille, bullion, &c. --^ 
 To J. P- Latruitfe, for ^ 
 crold sword knots, for 
 ^ss^ls for port foCo 
 
 L6 00 
 
 2r 
 1? 
 
 00 
 00 
 
 .■-0 
 
 18 UV - 
 18 75 
 
 137 82 
 
 55 OQ 
 
 5 00 
 
 153 50 
 
 18 00 
 
 50 09 
 
 23 00. 
 
 65 00 
 15 00 
 12 00 
 
 ' 85 00 
 6 00 
 
 8 00 
 
 47 00 
 
 15 00 
 
 2 00 
 
 71 00 
 
 11 00 
 
 75 56 
 
 135 5.0 
 
 85 00 
 .' 00 
 
 3.6 00 
 
 30 00 
 
 •29 00 
 
 $126 00 
 
 25 00 
 
 75 00 
 
 P. OC'' 
 
14u 
 
 "I'O .r. tjjLtCS 6C boil, luf 
 publishing ordinances, 
 Sic. r.-lativ' to St. Do- 
 mingo Kxilca 
 
 *f o D. & J. M I'aust, 
 ♦or (lo do 
 
 To E. Charlei*, for do 
 
 To G. W. Robertson 
 for do do 
 
 'J'o Amos Kendall & Co. 
 for do do 
 
 To Morgiin, Lod^, ft 
 Fisher, for do 
 
 To liilier Sheplcy, for ser- 
 vices in the ojisc of the 
 Brinsb schooner Hero 
 
 1307. 
 
 'I'o John Masoa, jr. bearer 
 of deepuchcs from Mexi- 
 co to the Secretary of 
 ^tate, for the hire of a 
 coach from Mexico to 
 Vera Cruz 2Tt 
 
 Dnily expenses from 
 Mexico to Vera 
 Cruz, including 2 ' 
 days detention at 
 the latter place 78 
 
 Pns^^rc from Vera 
 Cruz to Norfolk loO 
 
 I>allv t:xper>s<'^ from 
 Norfolk to Wiish- 
 ing^on 5:i 
 
 IVr d.em allowanrc 
 from tijc 25th De- 
 r.omber, 1826,to 4th 
 Vcbnary, 1827, Is 
 'i'2 day.^, at 6 dollars 
 per day 2j j 
 
 Paid a courier a Jalopa to 
 go to Voi'n Cruz to stop 
 the ship 
 
 To John IJ. March, Con- 
 sul ut .Madeira, ♦'•»• main- 
 tenance in pn.-j. ■ , cioth- 
 infj and boat hire to car- 
 ry three American sea- 
 men to J.isbon for trial, 
 thnrgcd with murder on 
 bbard an American ves- 
 sel, including a com- 
 mission of 9 dollars and 
 three cents 
 
 ToM. M Cniikshank.for 
 a blue velvet port folio, 
 embroidered, !ic. for r 
 trra'y 
 
 To Willum Wirt, for his 
 srniccs m the Circuit 
 Court in the United 
 Stales for Maryland dis- 
 trict, in the case of the 
 IJ. M.tte9 H^nst Goud- 
 
 To I'ctcr Force, for pub- 
 lishing exe<|ualurs 
 
 'I'oJ.S. Sin>p»yn,for pub- 
 li»lting notice St. Do- 
 mingo cUimauts 
 
 To I'tter Torce, for pub- 
 ' shing exct^iitur^ 
 
 G50 00 
 350 00 
 
 350 00 
 
 206 72 
 
 ."i?0 GO 
 
 flO 
 
 812 00 
 
 .'57 00 
 
 '.89 G3 
 
 •1.1 00 
 
 '00 00 
 
 33 00 
 
 30 00 
 
 18 00 
 
 To Gales auJ ^e;iki91\i lui- 
 do do &c. 
 
 To F. Mas-si & Co. for 
 gt)ld trimmings for trca> 
 ties - - - 
 
 To James Haig, for pub- 
 lishing notice to 9t. Do- 
 mingo claimants 
 
 To M. M. Crulkiihank, 
 for bhie velvet port folio 
 for treatj', embroiderca 
 with chenille, &c. 
 
 To Peter Force, for pub- 
 lishing proclamation sus- 
 pending intercourse, £;c. 
 
 To do for 30 copies of the 
 Convention of Londou, 
 Zic. and for 30 copies act 
 
 'for adjustment of claims 
 
 To 11. Niles, for 152 co- 
 pies of the Weekly Hf 
 S'ster, vol. 31 
 
 To F. MaseiSt Co. for two 
 boxes for treaty seals 
 
 To Peter Force, for pub- 
 lisliing exequaturs 
 
 To M. M. Cruikshank, 
 for a port folio for a trea- 
 ly ... 
 
 To W Brown foT a diplo- 
 matic trunk 
 
 To Jamf s ^laury. Consul 
 at Liverpool, for postag- 
 es in England 
 
 To Gales and Seaton, foT 
 publishing cxcquotui-f, 
 advertising, &c. 
 
 To W. P. Klliott# bearing 
 despatches to J.ondcn 
 
 To A. & H. Wilson, for 
 advertising 
 
 To W. Ih'jwn foradiplo. 
 matic trunk 
 
 To R. S. Co.\e, assigaeci 
 for p;i.s5ftge of Wm. B. 
 Ilcdgson from Port Ma' 
 hon to Algiers 
 
 To W. nrown,for2dip]o. 
 matic trunks 
 
 'i'o Peter Force, for !?j 
 sets National Calender, 
 3 vols, each, at ^vl per 
 volume 
 
 To Gules Si Seaton, for 
 sea letters and publish- 
 ing exequaturs 
 
 To John Myers, for a di- 
 plomatic trunk 
 
 To ti. Ik. W. Robinson, for 
 advertising 
 
 To I. G. Broughton, for 
 ditto 
 
 To Ch. Goodrich, benring 
 despHtchesloMr. Wheat- 
 «n. New Yoik 
 
 To I. W. Townsend, frfr 
 advertising 
 
 To B. Russell, for do. 
 
 To Gale? Ji Seaton, for 
 
 one ream sea letters 
 
 To do. for exequaturs 
 
 To Pf for Fnrrr tor dn. 
 
 42 50 
 148 63r 
 
 4o op- 
 
 17 && 
 
 153 23- 
 
 200 OD 
 
 12 00 
 
 73 G& 
 
 8 00 
 
 15.4- 99 
 
 6.4 sr 
 
 100 00 
 15 OD 
 
 ISO 6.0 
 
 125 QO 
 
 5 00 
 27 00 
 IT) OD 
 
 do o:a 
 f:4 00 
 
 113 50 
 
 23 OD 
 15 pO 
 
in 
 
 r« W. J. SteaE, fpi'pium.' 
 in.? Consuls' comruis- 
 
 s'lOTTS, &.C. 
 
 1o Thomai Sno\\-den, fO;- 
 advertising' 
 
 To Cammoc Si Kagland, 
 for ditto 
 
 To do do for do 
 
 To A6 do for do 
 
 To Joseph PoiTest, for 
 making- extracts from tiic 
 Journal of the Commis- 
 sion uader the Florida 
 Treaty 
 
 To D. Si J. M. Faust, for 
 advertising in relation to 
 the trtaty of Ghent 
 
 To S. L. Dnshiell, for co- 
 pying' 44,464 words, at 
 lO cents per hundred, 
 and 5 n^vaps ia relation to 
 the ti-eaty of Gi^ent 
 
 To A. L M'Intii-e, for co- 
 pying 51,246 worths, at 
 10 cents per hundred 
 
 Tx) Edward Dt-eble, foi- 
 ooppng 53,118 words at 
 same 
 
 To A. H. Pemberton, fov 
 advertising 
 
 To I. Hughes, for do 
 
 To Nathan Lotv, far do 
 
 To Joseph Forrest, for 
 xwpyipg 87,715 \^'Oid^J at 
 10 cents per 100' 
 
 To Pletisants & Smith, for 
 advKft^ing 
 
 T^ A. L. M'Intire, for 3 
 days Iracing- niups in re- 
 lation to the boundary 
 
 To Theodore W. Uiay, 
 bearer of despatches to 
 Mexico, for tiis passage 
 to New York, including 
 one day's detention ill 
 Philadelphia $ 18 50 
 his passage to 
 ■Vera Ctuz 150 OO 
 
 carriage hire and 
 'expenses to Mex- 
 ico 126 50 
 carri^^ hire to 
 Yera Cruz 75 00 
 expenses to do 25 25 
 his return pas- - 
 sage to N. York 150 Ofi 
 x;xpenses from 
 thence to Wash- 
 j-ngton 20 Q '■ 
 his compensntion 
 from 17th Marcl\, 
 iht- day of hi's 
 departure fioffj 
 'Washington, tu 
 the 2d July 1827, 
 inclusive, the day 
 of hw return thi- 
 ther, making 1 ,7 
 days, at $ 6 pev 
 d^ 6-12 00-* 
 To James Davids-un, for 
 copying 53,416 woihIs, 
 at lO^iems nfef ICW 
 
 9 50 
 
 11 25 
 
 4 50 
 
 52 50 
 
 9 00 
 
 S 1-5 00 
 
 54 46 
 
 51 £5 
 
 33 12 
 
 S3 75 
 
 15 00 
 
 7 50 
 
 87 72 
 22 50 
 
 B 00 
 
 1,205 50 
 52 42 
 
 'l"o A. Ford, for 12 duy^ 
 
 ti'dcingmsps 
 To S. L. Dasliiell, for 13 
 
 day's do 
 To A. Rentza!, fbrlodavs 
 
 do ' . 
 
 To William PhiIlips,beflT- 
 
 er of despatches from 
 
 GuateiTi;da to the L nited. 
 
 States, for compensation 
 
 from &th April to Sutli 
 
 June, 1827, is 8,'3 days, 
 
 at '6 per pay, including 
 
 his ex|5enses 
 To Gules&Seaton, for pub- 
 lishing exequaturs, &.c. 
 To Samuel Haason, for 
 
 copying^7.'>;346 w ords,at 
 
 10 cents per liundred 
 To s. I- Dashiell, for 5 
 
 davs tracing maps 
 To'w. G. Cranch, for 
 
 copying 52,788 words, 
 
 at 10 cents per iMindred 
 'To A. Ford, for 12 days 
 
 tracing maps, at ^^2 per 
 
 day - 
 To A. Rentzel,*for 14^- 
 
 days do at do 
 
 To Ed. Taylor, for copy- 
 ing 107,587 words, at 
 10 cents per hundred 
 
 To S.McDonald,for copy- 
 ing 53,130 words, at 10 
 cents per hundred 
 
 To Helen Davis, fcr copy- 
 ing 87,6'39 words, at 10 
 cents per hundred 
 
 To Ar L. Mclniire, for 
 tracing maps 32 days, 
 at ;'2 
 
 To A. Eentzel, for do 7J 
 days, at do 
 
 ToE. Deeble, for copy- 
 120,900 words, at 10 
 cents per hundred 
 
 To A. Rentzel,for tracing 
 iviaps 4 days, of 9 hours 
 each day, at go per dav 
 
 To A Ford, "for do. 12 
 <iav's, 6 hours each dav, 
 at '•52 
 
 To S. L. Dashiell, for 17 
 duvs at $2, and 6 dav« 
 at §3 
 
 To James Coucheval, for 
 part payment as bearer 
 of desptches from Stock- 
 holm to Washington, and 
 returning bj' way of Lon- 
 don . . - . 
 
 To do. for his services in 
 the Legation at Stock- 
 holm, in tr'.An6cribin!/,S!,c. 
 
 To Lucy Baker, for copy- 
 ing 94,518 words, at 10 
 cenlii jjcr hundred 
 
 To M. U. C-:i.kshank,for 
 copying 81,w24 words> i 
 at do ... 
 
 To Meade Fitzhugh, for 
 do. 102,695 words, at do 
 and 3 maw^ at $-10 
 
 24 oy 
 26 00 
 
 iid 
 
 31 87 
 
 10 00' 
 
 52 rr- 
 
 24 00 
 
 29 00 
 
 107 59 
 
 53 13' 
 
 87 61 
 
 64 00 
 
 15 00 
 
 120 90 
 
 12 OQ 
 
 24 0J3 
 
 ^0]^ 
 
 450 OU 
 
 100 0,0 
 
 94 52 
 
 81 62 
 
 112 7b 
 
i42- 
 
 1 o Jauies Uaig-.ior adver- 
 tising . . - 
 
 To A. Rentzel, for copy^- 
 ing maps six days, at ^3 
 per day 
 
 To S. L. Dashiell.for do. 
 9 dnvH, at do 
 
 To Tiiomus Munroe, for 
 sundry articles of arms 
 and equipments of an 
 Amcricun soldivr. trans- 
 mitted through Tliomaa 
 Munroe, jr. to the Aich- 
 duke Uomtantinc, and 
 certain Kussiun and Po- 
 lisli Office rs 
 
 To A. Heut^cl, for copy- 
 ing- maps five days, at 
 $3 per dav - 
 
 To A. L. Mctntlre, fordo 
 17 days at d<» 
 
 ToA.lJ.imiay, jr. for copy. 
 Ing' 55,752 wonls, at 10 
 cents ])cr hundred 
 
 To Jani'js Ord, for copy- 
 in^- 95,01' do at do 
 
 To A. Ford, for tracintj 
 maps 2J days, at J2 per 
 day . . - - 
 
 To H. Palton, for copying 
 52,500 words, at 10 cts. 
 per hundred - - • 
 
 To W H Pape, for do. 
 120,96i> words, at do. 
 
 Xo Jonatlian Elliot, for 
 lOU c.jju... Treaties and 
 Conventitins 
 
 To Gales & Seiton, for 
 adverllbing exequ.ilurs, 
 SiC. . . - - 
 
 To James Ma«ry, Cons-il 
 at I.r. irpodi, f<r post- 
 ages in Enj^bnd 
 
 To James Martin, for 
 Copying 91,637 wokIs, 
 at 10 cents per l.yndrcd 
 
 To Dobbin, Murphy 8^ 
 Uose, for advtrii-.ing 
 
 To James Ord, for P , 
 days' c\amitiiD|i records 
 in relation to Treaty of 
 C.h.'nt, at f 3 50 per day 
 To Balhu-d &. Wriglit for 
 advi'rtisMijj 
 
 ^o <\. I,. Mclntirr-, for ."t 
 
 days pxamininp record ill 
 
 relation to Treaty at 
 
 Ghent, at !*2 50 per day 
 
 To B. Kussel, for aJvcr- 
 
 To Kdwurl >Vycr, hearer 
 of dcpa^ches to London, 
 for his comptrn8.«tion 
 from 23th Dec. 182i), 
 to the 19ihM;irch, iS27, 
 making' 82 <la\s at $t> 
 p«r day, includinp pas- 
 sages and expen^-e* 
 
 To W. Prentiss, fcr his 
 compensation and c\- 
 penses in delivering a 
 tox of books to the (iov- 
 "■"o- nf M» nc, at Por* 
 
 J3 10 
 
 18 00 
 27 00 
 
 jC 54 
 
 15 
 
 00 
 
 r,i 
 
 00 
 
 55 
 
 75 
 
 93 
 
 04 
 
 U 09 
 
 j2 50 
 
 120 96 
 
 1,000 
 
 00 
 
 46 00 
 
 1G4 
 
 59 
 
 91 
 
 09 
 
 135 
 
 00 
 
 8 33 
 115 25 
 
 8 33 
 6 00 
 
 1,2G7 00 
 
 land 
 To M. M. Cruikshank, for 
 
 copying' 18,376 words, 
 
 at 10 cents per 100 
 To S. D. King-, for copy- 
 
 i ng part of an old map of 
 
 North America 
 
 ».«u u<. 
 
 18 as 
 
 9 50 
 
 Dollars, 16,304 92 19,759 SO 
 
 TilSASinil DEPiKTMF.NT, 7 
 
 Beg.ster's Office, Feb. 38, 1828. $ 
 
 " JOS. NOURSE, Heg'r. 
 
 STATEMENT explaining' the difTerences be- 
 twc'-n the '^Statement showing- the disburse- 
 •' mcnts made out of the appropriationa for 
 " the contingent expenses of foreign inter- 
 '' course, dis'.ing-uisliing- between those items 
 ' ' which have been allowed under the aii- 
 " tliority, and upon tiic ceri;ficate of the Se- 
 •' crttary ofS'ate, from those which have 
 *• bf:en other'.vi.se vouched, from 4th March, 
 " 1825, to the 31st December, 1827," 
 (marked H) and the actual amount of pay- 
 ments made from the Treasury during the 
 yt-ars 1825, i826, and 1827, (as perstatement 
 A.) 
 
 Expenditures, las per 
 statement II) from 4th 
 Marcli, to 31st Decem- 
 ber, 1825, - ifl 1,828 S: 
 
 To wiiich add the follow- 
 ing- expenditures, from 
 the 1st January, to 3d 
 March, 1825, viz: 
 
 Andrew Ai-mstro'r.g, Com- 
 mercial Ay:f atai Poit au 
 Pricce, (?r.lary,) 250 OC 
 
 Daniel Turner, bearer of 
 despathes from Monte- 
 viedo to Buenos Ayres, 150 00 
 
 William Taylor, Agent of 
 the United States at Al- 
 varido, - - 500 00 
 
 Condy Haguet, Agent for 
 Commerce and Seamen 
 Rio Janeiro. - 2,500 00 
 
 John B. Prcvost, Agent of 
 tlie Unite! StatCG in 
 South America, 500 00 ^ 
 
 Wolcott t hauncey,for pas- 
 sage of Edward Wyer, 
 and Consul Stith, and 
 famdv, in the veurs 1821 
 and 1822. " - l.laO OJ 
 
 Joseph Milligan, for a port 
 
 folio, for a treaty. 100 00 
 
 President's cerillicate, 
 
 without specification, 700 00 
 
 Do. do. l.aOO 00 
 
 6,850 00 
 .Jnd Expenditures from March 4, to Dec. 1 J 
 
 :825. viz.- 
 
 Andrew Armstrong, Com- 
 mercial Agent .at Port 
 au Prince, (salary,) 750 00 
 
 'John B. Prcvost, .\gcnt 
 of the United States in 
 fjouih America, 2,000 00 
 
 • Condy ILaguet, Agent for 
 Commerce and Seamen, 
 ft Rio vT»ngir<»/ 400 0\> 
 
143 
 
 ^ t?e M-mister at Colonv 
 Ma. for writing done fo. 
 the Legation ot tne 
 Ivtted States at Bogo- 
 ta, from 10th December, 
 1823, to 2d Jan. 1825,, -.i-^ ^ 
 
 S \?ent at Naples, 1,1-5 W 
 
 ^ fihn M. P^rbes Charge 
 
 ^ "Si Affaires at Buenos 
 lyres, for the funeral 
 "expenses of ('■^^\')- 
 Rodney, deceased, late 
 Minister at Buenos A/- ^^^^ ^, 
 
 vesj ' * __— ■ 
 
 To which add the pllomng: 
 t>Qr this sum paid toGeorge 
 S Watkins, more than 
 a^unted for by him 
 XHid tbi^ sum advanced tO 
 John H.Ploasants more 
 
 than accounted for by 
 >litn in this yeai-; both re- 
 paid in 1827 
 
 *Jolni Rainals, Ceus-il ^. ^^^ ^^ 
 
 Cmienhagen, - - "^ 
 |V/illiam Tudor, Consul at^ ^^^ ^^^ 
 
 Lima, - " " ' 
 
 ■Robert M,Hivn-.son, con- 
 
 sul at Trmidad, - »'^ 
 
 Vincent Gra) , for amount 
 T^aid by him at Havana, 
 for the relief of sunary 
 Americau citizeiib con- 
 fined there in.pnson, in ^^^ 
 1 R15 " ' " ■*■' * 
 President's certificate, 
 ^nlhout specification, - J^' 
 
 f3,r21 36 
 
 Do. 
 Do. 
 Do. 
 Do. 
 
 do. 
 do. 
 do. 
 do. 
 
 38 
 973 78 
 1,052 90 
 4-, 45 6 00 
 1,500 00 
 
 22,158 01 
 
 186 07 
 
 10 GO 196 07 
 
 218 38 
 
 Frora which deduct th^ following 
 Salance due by the Agent 
 tfte Department ot 
 State, on Ist Januarj-, 
 1825, - , • ' 
 
 Balance due to the Agent 
 of the Department ot 
 Siate, on 1st January, 
 1826, ' ' - , 
 
 Total payments mad« from 
 the Treasury in tlie year 
 1825, 
 
 25-,746 
 
 44 80 173 58 
 
 §25,572 68 
 
 BxpendHures Cas per Statement ^^ ^^^ ^^ 
 -^'l^y^hiS'add th'e following expenditures for 
 
 1826, viz: 
 
 James Bowdoin, formerly 
 
 Minister at Madrid, for 
 
 balance due to him - Ko -^■^ 
 \ndrew Armstrong, Com- 
 " mercial Agent at Port 
 
 au Prince, salary - 1,000 00 
 President'* Certificate, 
 
 without specification, 1:66b tb ^^^_^ ^. 
 
 * 
 
 Md, also— 
 Balance due from the 
 
 Agent on the 1st Janua- ^ 
 
 ry, 1827, - - 3,268 , J 
 Balance due to the Agent 
 
 on the 1st January, 1826 44 80 -^^--^ -^^ 
 
 Total payments made from 
 the Treasury in the year 
 1826, 
 
 $18,633 00 
 
 Expenditures fas per Statement 
 B.J for 1827. ■ ■ . lljJ^^'i-* 
 
 To which, add the following ex- 
 penditures for 1827, viz: 
 Andrew Armstrong, Com- 
 
 Ynercial As:ent at Port 
 
 •>u Prince, (salarji.) ^^ '*'' 
 
 Add, also: 
 Balance due from the 
 
 ^,entonthelstJanu-^^^^^^^ 
 
 ary, lo28, - 
 Balance due from the 
 
 Agent, on the ..tJanu^^^g^g 
 
 ary, 1827, J 2,521 i8 
 
 Total payments made from 
 
 the Treasury, m the 535,258 63 
 
 year 1327, - " — — -j r: 
 
 "T^^Ivances-accounts unsettled. 
 + \llowed by the Prcs-dent. 
 f do Ex-president Monroe. 
 
 Economy-^^'e do not profess to belon| - 
 feel, a de.ire to oe ^g (^gsire t6 
 
 Wi have before us the repor. of the commj. c= 
 
 -.n?,»"rsSorf;«^"«w;;v:^-.cu... 
 
 Jd^ms, SIOO. . . ;s ,,ot of much 
 
 Now the sum 01 ?10U, it is nut , ^ „i„«-. 
 
 ronsenuence. but it io the princ.p e it >nyolve.. 
 v"Xt public usc,or benefit. is this Ef^^-^ 
 ef Mr. Adams', intended? who is to were itMsit 
 Mr rlnv ' we think he has weight enough of the 
 ^^ around his neck, Whe.^ s the apyn^pn^^ 
 a[imi, by Cong'-ess, fortius gold meda.? It y oil 
 S e axJav i^OO of the public money, for a gohl 
 
 folTo!'embroidered with chemlleC with goldtas-. 
 
 'tSous! $100 for a port folio,when a neat 
 morocco one, in a plain republican stjle, may 
 behuHnv?!^, ^^l'■"••^ would, answer the P'-" 
 
144 
 
 lUJiC— be^i'ies, AvheK 15 »l.c a|jj)ropnatior,, or 
 who is it for' Pro'>.i!)ly it is the )ilen'ic:»l g'oldt ii 
 port folio, in vviiicli i'nnce John cmt;cs tlie 
 messages to both Houses of Coiigres;;. 
 
 Casli paid Kiciiani Hush, for smKlry books 
 and newspapers, prociireil by hiin ii> [..iidon, 
 ^79'J 98. 
 
 Nearly 800 dollars for f'jreitra iiesv.^papprs 
 M-it'.toui ref. ivr.ce to in, suiO to 1\evvsp.-.pi'r;i at 
 Iioine, which print by " a'.ii!iorky " Vi>\ whose 
 Use were ilu;»ic newspapeisiuiporled, and vviici'e 
 is the apprJipriati<>n ' 
 
 Do. t3 Itob.rr' VM'i for Lives and Po traits of 
 cnuncnt J''/}iL;lii\me^nl 5S40. 
 
 Has not President Adams given sufficcnt 
 pnxjt'of h'8 atliichineni lo emin-nt Kng-ls'uin.u 
 Without m.ii<ing fi.- Ire-, men of llii> country pny 
 the e.tpense? I.h this a proper expenditure of 
 public money? 
 
 Do. W. \. Davis, 16 reams Knglish Isid 4to 
 post paper, gilt, at 9 dollars per ream, ^144 
 
 Well done Jmfncim .Sy;f(/u Mi'- t'lav, wlio 
 calls him.self the fatit'-r, or he dioiiM ruthej say 
 the ttep father of th.s ,ystera, exp nd njj 144 
 doilars of the people's nioncy'for E: gl n/i wri- 
 tinp pH|)er. We know the reason, luwever; 
 for thoujjh .\n»eric.«n hot pi essed letter paper la 
 equally as pood us Kn;^lis!», yet it has uu little 
 6t-»mp of arrow/ton theconier of the cjii re. 
 
 Do. G. (J.iitUer fora dozen o'./icr Piiix, ;^J 50. 
 
 ISI/vr Pem — umiias vauitatuni — or as some 
 ill-natured L^ttinists would say, Kbony mid To- 
 paz Mr. Adatns wtars a thimble when he 
 writes, aid probally reqiiressonie ecpii.lly hard 
 suljslance in the compobil.un of iiis p.us.lint wby 
 a (/(;r'« Bii'cr pens, if pKiin con'inenla; g^iose 
 quills would not answer, one silverpen n.igntdo. 
 
 Do. (i. K. Irousule, for a ftlalmu p«-n, ^6. 
 
 Ju-vl now a whole dozen Silver p .iscot^lbut 
 $2 50; but «« sd\er was clicap and plenty \n 
 ■\V:ishinglon,(whichi>.not iheeaein v.idi-street) 
 «niTi'.lljiiJ>r moP- co-tly Mr.ibt be Kt>li;;'!tt f .r.or the 
 people's money would continue to rust in the 
 toners. 
 
 Do. Davis &. Fore-, f>r print'ng- 50 copies 
 CQ'dirC'tlninfor M nlat-r'x rf-r-'s C^ S- -50. 
 
 Shades of Hcnj. Krankli", rii.nvi:. .i.-fti-rsMi, 
 Jloger Sherman, Talr.ek ll<nr) and i.'Scrvon- 
 «rable patriots.who fouiidevl our lleput)l;c— what 
 vould you say .'could you i>e famd.ar with such 
 «.\pciiditures, in the 5Uth year of American In- 
 dependence? Bonaparte, ami 1st the splendour 
 <if his Oourt, took pleasure in sin^Iin ,' out Chm- 
 cellor Livingston, and always convivscd v^i'h 
 Iiim,'th<»ugh he wore a .inufV-color^d coat; but, 
 <o make people pay for dtreclions for such trash, 
 or indeed to meddle with A Minister's coat a.ul 
 breeches, is contemptil)le, and beneath th.; 
 character of u free and enjifchi" ned i>eo|)l. . 
 
 Do. W. Slade, for bearing rfc*/Ja/cA«toNew- 
 ^'ork, JIOO. 
 
 'Ihis is an impudent charge, to say the least 
 of it. it is true, that p«>htical parlizjus !.;.ve 
 had a few new.-ipap- rs tied up and se-it to for- 
 eign Courts, as despalches, ar.d they have re- 
 ceived 1000, loOfJ, and iy».> ddhu-^, for exp n- 
 scs, but to send a dispateii messCt ger to New- 
 York, when a daily mail runs from \\ablrnut<«n, 
 is a shameful expense. We can inform thi-in, 
 Tiowcver, tliat the person wi o rcceive<l DO 
 dollars for earrving iiesjialche* to N. York, iic- 
 tually cirried tJiem to Vermont, to which place 
 l.c \vt>i --nt nil M'. '-1. iiiou-eii'.iir niissi )ii. 
 
 We must lay by the bl.ock book tor the pi':; 
 sent, vi'ith the simple rciviark, t'u^.t extravagance 
 and impudent wast "of public money, are sanc- 
 tioned at Haihinglon, while the remnant of our 
 revolutionary officers, are in vain praying for 
 the jjitfanc which i< due to them — and we are 
 daily losing si^'ht <»f that Vimplicity and econo- 
 my, w!iich should cliaiacterise a Uepublicaiv 
 (.■overnmeiit. — N. Y. Enq. 
 
 THi: PUIJLIC DEBT. 
 
 Cerlain new.sjiapers in the .« rvice of the 7^0- 
 llgiiants, ari- giving Mr. Adams credit f;>r great 
 hiiaiici;tl skill in the reduction oAhe p.blic 
 debt H'3 /Jecretary oflhe Treasury, in his last 
 aiiiiuJkl report, has so stated »!ie account as to 
 lead some honest, wtl! meaning men to believft 
 that. S21, 397,210 93 of the principal of the 
 debt was discharged between the l.st oi J-Anuw 
 rv, 1825 and the 1st of JanuRry 1828; when in 
 tiuth, but ^16,297,210 93 was paid witlrn that 
 period. U'.dtriheact of 2(ith May 1824, five- 
 m Ihons of dollars were b )rrowed by th'=. Gov- 
 erniiK nt at 4J p-r cent interest, to redeem alike 
 sum standi g;«t 6 per cent. These five millons 
 are, by Mr. Kusli. added to the ?16,297,2K» 93. 
 actually paid, \' ith wliidi th-^y had no natural 
 connection ; thus making the gross sum of 
 $21,297,210 93 on the credit .sid- ; and then 
 to b.ilance the account, these five mdlions are 
 cliargi-d on the d^ bit side »s so much new debt. 
 Whetlier thi.s was aukwaidness or design oil 
 the pait of thi.- Sccretnry, is not m.-iienal to en- 
 quire ■; certain it is that many honest people 
 have b<cn tnisled by it ; and some of their 
 idolatrous Kdit'ns, no doubt, believe tiial Mr. 
 Av'.ams, by his wontterful K-drning and talents, 
 has discovered thePhilosopher's .stone, by which 
 he can not oii)y convert wiiie in'o JS/>o?JManii 
 Tiipaz, but tlie lead* n brain of liis Sccretarj- 
 into pure gol i. The tn.th is that in the three 
 years of Mr. Ai'auis' admin stration, th.;re 
 has not bee n as much of the pubic debt 
 paid Wy ? 13.7 *2.789, a.s w.is Tcipiiied by 
 law. That this sum it« now due ♦o the yank- 
 ing '"iind, the Kd'tors of die Natioia! lutvll ■'•en- 
 cer must kn"w; and yet thev have cop'. td i.ito 
 their paper of tl>c 29il) ult. asdly artn-K" iVom. 
 tlie Marylinder, st.«tiiig that, by July next, Mr. 
 Adams will have ji.iid more than thirty eight 
 m llioim of the public debt, and thi icfoie. rc«' 
 commending him, in the strongest terms of pm- 
 eg> ric, for I'rt .sideiit again. Call you this hon- 
 esty and fair dealing gentlemen? It is but lit- 
 tle better than the spurious documents con- 
 cerning the six militia men, new advertised in. 
 your piiper r»r sale by Jonathan Klliott, or the 
 cortin liHini l>iils. Like those disgraceful docu- 
 nv i!!s, w len jiroperly un ler.stood, this pitiful 
 trick wdl serve to swell the vote ofGwn- Jack^ 
 sun a few thousand more; that's all. 
 
 Tiiispnper is published as a newspaper, and 
 sir.),.ct to n ■w^pape^ post.ige and no more.-— 
 Suae i'o-inast r-t have tiiargcd postage im it 
 us .. pampidet; this is noi corrrct, ixiu\ all our 
 9 ibbcribers ire .nformcdtliat we ha\e submitted 
 tt;e qu( stioii to the Fosrmasier (ieiieral, who 
 considei-sit wiihiu the decision made in tlie cn?e 
 of .N lies' Ucgtster 
 
UNITED STATES' TELEGRAPH— ^.r^ra. 
 
 This paper will be devoted exclusively to the Presidential Election, and be published weekly, 
 until the 15th of October next, for One Dollar ; subjet to newsaper postage, &n^npmoc^. 
 
 BY GEE EN S,^ JAR VIS. 
 
 VOL. 1. 
 
 WASHINGTON, MAY 10, 182; 
 
 No. 10. 
 
 J)y the Jackson Correnpondins Comrtvftee offhe 
 District of Columbia, to Mr. Clay's last Jid- 
 dresf!. 
 
 To the People of the United States. 
 Fellow Citizens: 
 
 In fulfilment of the intention, here- 
 tofore announced by this Committee, we 
 now proceed to lay before 3'ou a reply 
 to the late address of Mr. Clay. T)>is 
 reply would have been made at a much 
 earlier period, but for the delay unavoida- 
 bly incident to the collection of the 
 testimony of distant and dispersed wit- 
 nesses, and other causes of a similar na.- 
 ture. The Committee have no reason, 
 however, to regret the delay which has 
 taken 'place, inasmuch as it has enabled 
 them to exhibit an array of testimony, 
 which goes to establish, beyond the pos- 
 sibility of a rational doubt, the charge of 
 a corrupt political bargain betweco Mr. 
 Adams and Mr. Clay. 
 
 It is very far from our wish to cover 
 any man, public or private, with unde- 
 served reproach. On the contrary, it 
 should be the pride, as it is the duty of 
 every patriot, to protect our public men 
 from causeless attacks, and rescue them 
 from unfounded accusations. But there 
 is a duty superior to the pride of national 
 renown. When men whom the people 
 «iave delighted to honor, disregard and 
 forget their obligations to their country 
 and tli«mselves, endeavor to sap the 
 foundations of ftur free institutions, and 
 destroy the political family which lias given 
 them power and distinction, it v.ould be 
 treason to our principles, our country, and 
 ourselves, not to expose their machina- 
 tions, and disarm them of power. Na- 
 ilonal character without liberty, is not 
 worth possessing. It should be our boast 
 to maintain both. To that end, it be- 
 comes us to exjpose the ma7.es of intrigue, 
 and visit with exemplary punishment, 
 every violation of the rights of freemen, 
 and every attempt, whether by force, 
 management, or corruption, to concen- 
 trate in one or a lew men, those powers 
 which belong to tlic people. I5y promp- 
 titude and firmness in inflicting justice 
 upon political olVendeis, we shall not on- 
 ly deter others from the perpetration of 
 like enormities, but establish fur our- 
 selves, among the nations of the r:\\-fh. 
 
 an exalted national character, as meritctl 
 as it will be enduring. 
 
 For Mr. Clay, we ask only that jiri- 
 tice which he invokes. If he lias not, in 
 the aspirations of an unrestrained ambi- 
 tion.abandoned the liberal principles which 
 were once his boastj if he has not, to se- 
 cure his own aggrandizement, disobcj ed 
 the voice of his country; if he has not. 
 as the means of securing his own eleva- 
 tion, induced others to inrget their duty? 
 if he has not sought to shut his ears to 
 the voire of the people, and Vvhcn forced 
 to hear, treated it with contemptj.if he 
 has not leagued with his personal and po- 
 litical enemy to divide the offices and 
 emoluments of the government between 
 them, by a mutual sacrifice of personal 
 antipathies and political principles; if he 
 has not used the power and patronage of 
 office, to bend an unwilling people into 
 reluctant acquiescence in his political ar- 
 rangements; if he has not been guiltj gf 
 most,, if not all of these, then may he be 
 a much injured man, still deserving of 
 popular regard and general commisera- 
 tion. It is a firm conviction, founded on 
 the evidence before u?, that Messrs 
 Adams and Clay are guilty, and that, to 
 sufter them to escape with impunity ,would 
 be unjust, would tempt otiier politicians to 
 seek elevation bj similar means, and ul- 
 timately change our pure elective system 
 ofgovernment into "one of wide spread pro- 
 fligacy and corruption,which induces us to 
 attempt their detection and exposure. 
 
 The very title page of Mr. Clay's Ad- 
 dress, is a' specimen of the disingenuous- 
 nessby which his whole course has lately 
 been distinguished. It is entitled "An 
 Address of Henry Clay to the public, 
 containing certain testiniony in refutation 
 of the diarges against him, made by Ge/i. 
 Jlndrew Jackson, toucldng the late Pre- 
 sidential election." - The charges em- 
 braced in the Address, ure, that of ma- 
 king a proposition to General Jacks:;n to 
 make him President on condition that he 
 would not make Mr. Adams Secretary of 
 State, and that ©f voting fw- Mr. Adams 
 on condition that he should be made Se- 
 cretary of State himself. 
 
 The only ground on uhicii General 
 Jackson is accused of making the first 
 charge, is the statement made by the 
 OenrMvil of the conv/ersation which took 
 
146 
 
 l>Ucc bcu^'cen him auJ Mr. Buchanan, 
 find the inference which he drew, that 
 this gentleman had come authorized by 
 Mr . Clay. By the statement of Mr. 
 Buchanan, it appeared that the conversa- 
 tion took place, in substance, as General 
 Jackson had stated. General Jackson 
 had admitted, that in this inference lie 
 might be mistaken, and mii^ht have done 
 injustice to Mr, Clay. Wiien Mr. Buch- 
 anan disavowed having come by the au- 
 thority of Ml'. Clay, there seemed to be 
 an end to this matter, which made the 
 array of negative testimony produced by 
 Mr. Clay, wholly unnecessary and gra- 
 tuitous. General Jackson had stated 
 that he might be mistaken. There end- 
 ed the first charge, so far as General Jack- 
 son was concerned. 
 
 To implicate General Jacksrn in ma- 
 king the second charge, Mr. Clay's rea- 
 soning is as illogical as his object is un- 
 just and disingenuous. The charge origi- 
 nated in thousands of minds, and tiowed 
 from thousands of tongues, the moment 
 that Mr. Clay's determination to vote for 
 Mr. Adams became publicly known. Mr. 
 Kremer's letter to tlie Columbian Obser- 
 ver, making the charge in the broadest 
 {crms, was dated on the 25th of January, 
 1825, and was published on the 28tn. 
 Mr. Clay, on the Slst, in his card, pro- 
 nounced the writer "a base and infa- 
 mous calnmnlator, a dastard and a liar," 
 and promised to hold him responsible " to 
 all trie laws whidi "-overn and re<nilate 
 the conduct of men of honor." Mr. 
 Kremer, in "another card," dated 3d 
 February, declared himself "ready to 
 prove, to the satisfaction of unprejudiced 
 minds, enough to satisfy them of the ac- 
 curacy of the slittements which are con- 
 fained in that letter, to the extent that 
 they concern the course and conduct of 
 *• l\. Clay." The first movement of Mr. 
 Clay, was intended, by its violence and 
 menaces, to «leter every man from making 
 chargi's against him, through fear of be- 
 ing held " res|)onsible to the laws of ho- 
 nor." Mr. Kremer's card sug-^vsted to 
 lum another course, no less artful. The 
 Presidential election had not yet taken 
 place. His vote had not been given; the 
 consideration of the bargain — the appoint- 
 ment of Secretary, had not been paid; 
 and, in the absence of these facts, it was 
 diflicult, if not impossible, to prove mo- 
 tives and intentions; or, if strong circum- 
 stantial evidence could be adduced, it 
 vras still in the power of Mr. Clay to im- 
 pTe?s the commKnity with the belief, that 
 
 the evidence as well as the sutcment ol' 
 Mr. Kremer, was founded in misapprC' 
 hension, by refusing to accept the ap^ 
 pointment of Secretary of State. In- 
 stead of challenging Mr. Kremer, ac- 
 cording to the laws of honor, he there- 
 fore aj^pealed to tlie House of Represen- 
 tatives, and solicited an investigation. 
 Mr. Kremer avowed his readiness to meet 
 it, and prove the charges, as wade in the 
 letter. By rejecting the proposition made 
 by Mr. M'Duflie, the House refused to 
 receive evidence corresponding with the 
 charge, and Mr. Kremer not being able 
 to produce it in any other shape, prudent- 
 ly abandoned the attempt, and left the 
 parties to complete their arrangements. 
 This failure to prove him guilty before 
 the oftence was committed, Mr. Clay has, 
 with his usual art, ever since claimed as 
 an acquittal! 
 
 It docs not appear that General Jackson 
 ever mentioned his interview with Mr. 
 Buchanan, at Washington City; but the 
 latter gentleman, in his public statement, 
 admits that he had frequently mentioned 
 it himself. But Mr. Clay, for purposes 
 which cannot be mistaken, chooses, with- 
 out a shadow of evidence, to attribute that 
 to General Jackson, which he knows came 
 from Mr. Buchanan. It is only by follow- 
 ing the General in his journeys, some time 
 after the Presidential election, and catch- 
 ing at garbled statements of remarks as 
 made by him in casual conversations, and 
 by searching his own domicil, that expres- 
 sions of disapprobation have been detect- 
 ed in relation to that, which had before 
 raised the voices of indignant millions. 
 There is scarcely a man in the Union op- 
 posed to the re-election of Mr. Adams, 
 upon whom stronger expressions in rela- 
 tion to the late Presidential election 
 might not be proved, than those which Mr. 
 Clay, with all thr devotion of his willing 
 instrunicnts, has Icen able to fix on Gen. 
 Jackson. 
 
 Mr. Clay mistaken his accuser. It is a 
 NATION which hd>^ arraigned him at its 
 bar. 'I'iie charge of corruption in the 
 last Presidential election, has been mad*^ 
 by an insulted people. The evidence of 
 its truth has been accumulating from the 
 moment of its origin. To escape from its 
 fatiil intluence, Mr. Clay turns to the 
 right and the left, grasps at every expe- 
 dient, and seeks a personal (juarrel with 
 General Jackson, it is all in \iiin. The 
 fatal charge sticks to him like tlie poisoned 
 shirt of Sessu*. and every reckless eflbrt 
 
14' 
 
 oi his agony, but iixes it more closely, and 
 makes his desti'uction more certain. 
 
 'Hie late Address is but another evolu- 
 tion of Mr. Clay's political tactics, to 
 deceive the people, and draw off their at- 
 tention from the only important question 
 now in issue. Neither his menadife nor 
 liis arf^, nor his letter to Judge Brooke, 
 nor his address to his constituents, nor 
 his Lewisburg speech, nor liis Pittsburg 
 speech, could arrest the torrent of pub- 
 he reproach, and retrieve the sinking for- 
 tunes of the Coalition. The Fayette- 
 ville letter suggested a new expedient. 
 It was to avert public attention from his 
 barsrain with Mr. Adams, by seekino- a 
 contest with General Jackson, upon a col- 
 lateral issue. On his journey to the West, 
 last summer, he learnt at Wheeling, that 
 there was in town a private letter from 
 General Jackson, detailing the incidents 
 alluded to in that letter. Of this private 
 letter, he procured a copy, without the 
 consent of the writer or receiver. Gen. 
 Jackson had drawn the inference, that the 
 member of Congress alluded to had been 
 authorized by Mr. Clay, directly or indi- 
 rectly, to hold the conversation which he 
 recapitulated, although he admitted that 
 in tliis he miglit be mistaken. Mr. Clay 
 determined on a tremendous effort to make 
 the whole controversy in the public mind 
 rest on the correctness of General Jack- 
 son's inference. He therefore publish- 
 ed the private letter of General Jackson, 
 denied the inference, charged General 
 Jackson with becoming his public accuser, 
 and followed it up with speech upon 
 speech, at Noble's, in Woodford county, 
 at Paris, and at Maysvillc, tilled with de- 
 nunciation and violence. General Jack- 
 son calmly replied, and gave the name of 
 the member of Congress with whom he 
 had held the conversation, and again ad- 
 mitted tliat his inference might be un- 
 founded. Mr. Buciianan stated that it 
 was. Instantly the Union rang with Mr. 
 Clay's acquittal. His friends every 
 where maintained, that the absence of 
 evidence that he had made a proposition 
 to General Jackson, was conclusive proof 
 that he had made no bargain with Air. 
 Adams! The art of Mr. Clay measura- 
 bly succeeded, and for a time the public 
 attention was withdrawn from the import- 
 ant point in controversy — nis coalitiox 
 WITH Mr. Adams. 
 
 But new facts and new evidence had 
 been disclosed. The public attention was 
 o»aiii fixing itself upon the point in issue. 
 'I o divert it once more, Mr. Clay came 
 ■ vf ^vif|1 |,jg late Address. stjU assailing 
 
 General Jackson, making i\ew cliai^ei= 
 against him, and casting an anchor aliefid 
 to guard against a storm wliich he saw 
 approaching- from the West. In all his 
 defences, hitherto, he had conveyed the 
 impression that he had made up his mind 
 to vote for Mr. Adams with great delibe- 
 ration, after he had ceased to be a candi- 
 date, and was converted into an elector. 
 The public knev; not of his determina- 
 tion until about the 20th of January, 
 1825, and consequently, had drawn the 
 inference, that he had not formed it many 
 days before that time. But facts dis^ 
 closed in the Western papers, were lead- 
 ing to the conclusion, that his coalition 
 with Mr. Adams was privately formeS 
 long before, and to weaken the effect of 
 this new evidence before it should come 
 fairly before the people, the Secretarj;,. 
 with his usual adroitness, undertakes to 
 prove that he made up his mind to vote 
 for Mr. Adams, as early as October, 1824! 
 In the course of tliis investigation, it will 
 be seen what advantage will accrue to his 
 veracity, Ms integrity, or his honor, ^ 
 the new ground he has thus lately assum- 
 ed before the American people. ' 
 
 W^ithout further adverting to the arts 
 of the Secretary to divert and deceive 
 the public attention, we shall now pro- 
 ceed to consider the only material point 
 in issue between the people on one side, 
 and Messrs. Adams and Clay on the 
 other. Did Mr. Clay support Mr. Mams 
 ivith his vote and influence in considera- 
 tion of being made Secretary of State, as 
 thejjrice or the consequence of his support? 
 To judge of the inducement which 
 brought these men together, it is neces- 
 sary to understand their previous rela- 
 tions. For the honor of our country, we 
 could wish that the facts we are about to 
 disclose, had never existed. Nothinobut 
 our obligations as freemen, who view the 
 intrigues of unprincipled politicians as 
 more dangerous to our country than tiie 
 enemies whom Jackson conquered, would 
 draw from us t!\e mortifying detail which 
 it is now our duty to lay before the Ameri- 
 can people. 
 
 At the period of the treaty of Ghent; 
 John Quincy Adams was considered the 
 most eminent public man in the East, and 
 Henry Clay, in the West. The race of 
 Virginia Presidents was almost extinct. 
 Mr. Monroe was the Secretary of Sia.i^. 
 and the destined successor of Mr. IVfadi- 
 son. It was universally foreseen, that, at 
 the termination of Mr. ^fonroe's service 
 as President, the sceptre of authority 
 woidd be transferred to some olh^t- je5!ior. 
 
148 
 
 vT till- Ljiifiji. Ml. AUuiu^ aiul Mr. t. iayj must, ifpcrve lu iiij.-cu Imc pi;,<i:r of cun. 
 the prominent men of the East and the niunicaling to you, hereafter, tlie reasons 
 AV'est, both desired to obtain tlie appoint- which influenced me to difter from a ma- 
 ment of Secretary of State to Mr. ^to^voe, jonty of my colleajiues on that occasion; 
 that they jnighl succeed him as President, and if they be insufiicient to sup'iort. my 
 In the negotiation at Ghent, a ditier- opinio, I persuade myself that -tl;ey will, 
 once arose among the Commissioners, re- at least, Vindicate my motives." 
 lative to an oftrr proposed to be made to It was very singular, that Mr. TJ.ussell, 
 the British Comini-jsumers.of the free na- who did not even desire that the altera- 
 xigationof theMissiH)^lj)pi by British sub- tion should be made in the joint letter, 
 jccts, as an equivalent for the privilege specifying that a majorit^^ only concurred 
 of fishing within the territorial jurisdic- in the oflier of the Mississip])i navigation, 
 iaon of Great Britain on the coasts of should have so far changed his mind an 
 i^orth America. Messrs. Adams, Bay- the same day, as lo deem it necessary for 
 ard, and Gallatin, were in favor of him, in vindication of his motives, to give 
 makins; the olfer, and Messrs. Clav and an exjdanation to his government. No- 
 llussell against it. In a joint letter body had denounced his motives, and tht; 
 from the American Commissioners to Secretary of State would never have 
 their Governiuent, dated at Ghent, Dec. known that he was one of the minority, 
 iljth, 1814, is th«! fdliowing passage: had he not announced it himself. It i^ 
 
 *'If they, (the British Commissifmers,) evident, therefore, that he must have had 
 askc'l the navigation of the Mississippi a motive in this transaction.distinctfroni : 
 aa a new claiin, thevcodd not fxpectv.e self-vindication. 
 
 ■iljou'.d li^raut it witliout fix equivalent; if In accordance with his notice, iMr. Rus- 
 ihey asked it because it was granted in sell wrote a long letter to Mr. Monroe, 
 1783, they nmst recognise the claim of then Secretary of State, dated at Paris, 
 tl\e people of the IJnitetl States to the Feb. 11, 1815, marked "private." In this 
 liberty to fish, and to dry and cure fish, letter he enlarged upon tne importance of 
 jn question. To place both points be- the Mississippi navigation to the British, 
 yond all future controversy^, a majnnty depreciated the value to us, of the fishc- 
 of H9. dttcrmined to offer to admit an arti- ries in controversy, became the champi- 
 ».le confirming bolli rights; or, we oftered on of western interests, and charged tne 
 at the same time to be silent in the treaty majority with insincerity, absurdity, and 
 upon both; and to leave out, altogether, violation of instructions. It was a form- 
 the article defining the boundary from al argument and studied commentary upon 
 the Lake of the AVoods westward." the joint letter of Dec. 25th, 1814, which 
 
 How the expression, "a majority of had been penned by Mr. Adams. Being 
 lis," &c. cnme to be in the letter, is thus marked ';miY//c,** it »was intended only 
 explained by Mr. Adams in his book up- for the inspection of Mr. Monroe. Mr. 
 on the Mississippi and the fisheries, page Russell first makes an occasion for this 
 i^9: explanation by gratuitously informing 
 
 ♦'The draught having been passed Mr. Monroe, that he was in tlie minority, 
 round to all the members of the mission and then gravely proceeds tagivc it! Uii- 
 i7>r rcvis.-d, was bron-ht back to me by assailed, except by himself, he enters into 
 Mr. Russell, with an alteiatiou. which, he a formal vindication. This is addressed, 
 said, \jras desired, not by him, but by not to the people nor to the public authov 
 Mr. Clay, to say. instead of " we otfer- ittes of hiscountrv, but to him who is des 
 od," "amajonTy of us determined to lined to be the next Presi<lent. Mr.-Mon- 
 ^"J^'"-" roe had always <listinguished himself as 
 
 Thr very same day, Mr. Ihisscll, ?/7m the Giend <»f the west, and any thing 
 Tiad not desired the alteration himself, which threatened to injure that favorite 
 wrote a separate letter to t!\e Secretary ftf section of the Union, was calculated to 
 State, in which he said: " >u)k deep into his mind. Nor could it be 
 
 '« As, however, you will ptM ceivo by sup])osed, that the impression would be 
 our despatch to you of this date, that a less elVi-ctive, because tlie disclosure caii;:- 
 viajorili/ oidy of flie mishion was in favor from a northern man, who seemed to have 
 'J^"ft»ring totheBrifinh ple!>ij>o»entiarii-'i, no interest in exaggeration or misrcprc- 
 an artKlc t ourinniiig the Briiish ri'j:,ht to si-ntation. 
 
 the navigatlrm of the Mississippi; and Mr. Clay and Mr. Russell acted togeth- 
 o.irs to the liberty «»; to the fisheries, it be- er, and yoied toilet her. At Mr.Clay's sug- 
 it)n\es me m candor to acknowledge, that geslion,Mr. Russell procured th*e alter- 
 I ^vas in th« miHontv on that c,uestion. I ationtn the joint \citcv y'het/vere tos^th- 
 
i4J) 
 
 ' er at Tans whtii the explanation ivas 
 ivritten. If this rlocunicnt had impaired 
 the confidence of Mr. Monroe in Mr. Ad- 
 amS as one of the majority, who was to be 
 benefited.'* Not Mr. Russell; for he could 
 not expect the office of Secretary of State 
 from Mr. Monroe. No man w as as likely 
 to reap the benefits as Mr. Clay. Deliv- 
 ered from the rivalry of Mr. Adams, he 
 would have had a brighter prospect for 
 the office of Secretary of State, that sure 
 path to the summit of his ambitious hopes. 
 The interest of Mr. Russell could have 
 been only contingent upon the downfall 
 of Mr. Adams and the elevation^of Mr. 
 Clay. There can, therefore, be but little 
 doubt, that this whole affair was an inr 
 trigue set on foot by Mr. Clay, to under- 
 mine Mr. Atlams in the estimation of Mr. 
 jSIonroe, arxd open to himself an avenue to 
 the second office in the "overnmcnt. 
 Mr. Clay's design failed. Russell's letter 
 ^vas filed away unheeded, among Mr. 
 Monroe's private papers; he is made Pres- 
 ident, and appoints Mr. Adams Secretary 
 of State. From that moment Mr. C'ay 
 \vas opposed to Mr. Monroe, and sou^lit 
 every occasion to thwart the measures of 
 liis administration. 
 
 That this whole affair was a piece of 
 management in Mr. Clay, to destroy !Mr. 
 Adams, and that the latter thought so, is 
 proved by subsequent events. In the 
 first pa-ge of th.e introduction to his book 
 upon the Mississippi, Mr. Adams says: 
 
 "In the course of last summer, (of 
 1821) I was apprized by a tiiend, that ru- 
 mors very unfavon'ble to my reputation,- 
 even for integrity, were industriously cir- 
 culated in the western country. Tliatit 
 was ,said I had made a proposition at 
 Ghent to grant to the British the rig! it to 
 navigate the Mississippi, in return for 
 the Newfoundland fisheries, and that this 
 -.vas represented as, at least, a high mis- 
 demeanor." " He said, the proposal was 
 to be represented (as an olience) so tluit 
 it vias charged exclusively upon me; and 
 that I should hear mj»rc about it ere long." 
 
 On the succeeding January, the docu- 
 ments relative to the Chent negotiation 
 were called for, and in February laid be- 
 fore the House of Representatives. Mr. 
 Adams says, tliat while these documents 
 were lying on ihc table, " th.e correspon- 
 dence from "Washington, and the news- 
 papers indoctrinated by it, had not been 
 equally inactive. Through these chan- 
 nels, the public were assured, tliat the 
 / proposal of ofieriug the navigation of the 
 Mississippi for the fisher ici. ha •! been made 
 '■?v me: thiit Mr- C!*''' \vi^. uuif'jrn^ly -'c- 
 
 clavod liiaL nc would uut &igii the Ucuy 
 with such an article in it; and that the 
 proposal had been finally set aside by Mr, 
 Bayard's having changed sides, and 
 come over to the opinion of the mi- 
 noritv." 
 
 In April, 1822, a call was made for M\\ 
 Russell's private letter, dated at Paris, 
 Feb. 11th, 1815, which was repeated in 
 the following June, On the latter occa- 
 sion, Mr. B. Hardin, of Kentucky, is rC' 
 ported in the National Intelligencer, tp 
 nave said, ''he vras glad tt\e letter was 
 called for, and he sliould vole for the re- 
 solution, as it Avould shov/ tiic Avestern 
 people in w-hat manner their interests 
 were disregarded or sacrinceci'; that the 
 Commissioners oSered to give up the iia- 
 vigation of the Mississippi, to secure tlic 
 fisheries of the east." 
 
 There now came out the original letter 
 to Mr. Monroe, marked '•' prii-afe,''' to- 
 gether with a "duplicate" left by Mr. 
 Russell at the Department of State, be- 
 fore the original was found, to be commu- 
 nicated to the House. Mr. Adams ob- 
 tained leave to submit his remark?; upon 
 these docum.eiits, and laying hold of cer- 
 tain differences between the letter andthr- 
 duplicate, to assail Mr. Russell, did noi; 
 hesitate now and then to aim a tlirust at 
 Mr. Clay, whom he evidently believed to 
 be the original mover. Of ^Ir. Clay and. 
 Mr. Russell, he says, page 11: 
 
 "'That the objection, by the minority, 
 against tlic article and amendment, insist^ 
 cd, in principle, upon the sacrifice of art 
 eastern for the benefit of a w'estern inter- 
 est. ' - 
 
 ^'That the eastern interest to be sacri- 
 ficed,-w-as of very great importance to tho 
 ITnion, and of vital imporuiuce to the Statc 
 of Massachusetts; while tlic western in 
 terest for which it was to be immolated, 
 was altogether speculative and imaginary. 
 It was most truly denominated by the 
 member of tlie mission now no more, brag- 
 g'iis; a million against a ccnt.''^ 
 
 These views ai'c enforced throughout; 
 the publication of Jlr. Adam?, interming- 
 led with insinuations against the conduct' 
 and motives of Mr. Clay; with insinua- 
 tions that the whole affair, from the alter- 
 ation in the joint letter at Ghent, to the 
 call fi)r Mr. Russell's private letter in 
 Congress, was a scheme of intrigue to dc" 
 stroy his reputation and effect his ruin, 
 111 productions written by him some lime 
 after the publication of Mr. Russell's let- 
 ters with his remark H, he repeats the same 
 views. In his book, page 2S2, he says:. 
 
150 
 
 llusscir.s) letters to the House ot Repre- 
 sentatives, the uses for ^vhich it was sup- 
 posed the production of them was intend- 
 ed, and to which thej were adapted, have 
 not been altogether abandoned in some 
 
 ?arts of the western country. The St. 
 iOuis Enquirer, has pursued this purpose 
 in the simplest form, by publishing the 
 message of the President of the United 
 States to the House of Representatives, ot 
 the 7th May, and Mr. Russell's private 
 letter, and by suppressing the duplicate 
 and the remarks. In the Kentucky Re- 
 porter, published in Lexin;;;t()n, and in 
 the Argus of Western America, published 
 in Frankfort, various publications have 
 appeared, exhibiting similar views of the 
 subject, representing the proposition 
 made to the British plenipotentiaries on 
 the 1st December, 1814, as a very grievous 
 offence, & ascribing it exclusively to me." 
 
 In page 254, he further savs: "The 
 peioisal of Mr. Russell's dtiplfcate, dis- 
 closed to me the mystery of ruin v hich 
 !iad been brewinji; against mo, from the 
 very day after the signature of the trea- 
 ty of Ghent. It was by representations 
 tike those of that letter, tliat the minds 
 of my fellow-citizens in tlie west, had 
 for. a succession of years been abused 
 and ulcerated against mo. That let- 
 ter, indeed, inculpated the whole ma- 
 jority of the mission of Ghent; but subsi- 
 diary slandrr had jieiformed its part of 
 pointing all the guilt, and fastening all the 
 responsibility of the crime upon' me." 
 
 The allusions to Mr. Clay, and the im- 
 putations cast on hiiu by Me. Adams, 
 were too obvious and too severe to pass 
 v.ithout notice. Mr! Clay became sensi- 
 ble, that it was due to his integrity and 
 honor, to appear before the public' Had 
 not the alterations in his duplicate, ren- 
 dered Mr. Russell unpopular, there is 
 little doubt that he would have been back- 
 ed and sustained by all Mr. Clay's 
 weight and influence. As it was, tfiat 
 .^ntleman was glad to escape from the 
 contest. The introduction to Mr. Ad- 
 ams' book was dated Sept. fllst, 182C>. 
 On the iGth November, Mr. Clay ad- 
 dressed to the editors of the National In- 
 telligencer, tlie following letter: 
 
 Lexinotov, I6th Nov. 1822. 
 
 '' Gentlemkn — I have witnessed, with 
 very great regret, the unhappy controversy 
 which has arisen between two of my late 
 colleagues at Ghent. In the course of the 
 several publications of wiich it has been 
 Ihfe occasion, and particu\arly in the ap- 
 pendix-tp a pamphlet, whicn has been re- 
 "Htly published bv the honorable .John 
 
 Quiucy Adams, I think there aie some ei 
 rors, (no doubt unintentional, j both as to 
 matters of fact and matters of opinion,* in 
 regard to the transactions at Ghent, re- 
 lating to the navigation of the Mississippi, 
 and certain liberties claimed by the Unit- 
 ed States in the fisheries, and to the part 
 which I bore in those transactions. These 
 imjiortiint interests are now well secured, 
 and, as it respects that of the navigation of 
 the Mississi|)pi,lcft as it ought to be, on the 
 same firm footing with the navigation of 
 all other rivers of the confederacy, the 
 hope may be confidently cherished, 
 that it never will hereafter be deemed a 
 fit subject of negotiation with any foreign 
 power. An account, therefore, of what 
 occurred in the negotiations at Ghent, on 
 these two subjects, is not perhaps neces- 
 sary to the present or future security of 
 any of the rights of the nation, and is only 
 interesting as appertaining to its past his- 
 tory. With these impressions, and being 
 extremely unwilling to present myself, at 
 any time, before the public, I had almost 
 resolved to remain silent, and thus expose 
 myself to the inference of an acquiescence 
 in the correctness of all the statements 
 made by both my colleagues j but I have, 
 en more reflection, thought, that it may 
 be expected of me, and be considered as a 
 duty on my part, to contribute all in my 
 power towards a full and faithful un- 
 derstanding of the transactions referred 
 to. Under this conviction, I will, at some 
 time more propitious than the present, to 
 calm and dispassionate consideration, and 
 when there can be no misinterpretation of 
 motives, lay before the public a narrative 
 of those transactions as I understood them. 
 I will not, at this time, be even provoked 
 (it would, at any time be inexpressibly 
 painful to me, to find it necessjiry^ to en- 
 ter the field of disputation with either of 
 luv late collcajrues. 
 
 "As to that part of the official correspon- 
 dence at Ghent, which had not been com- 
 iiiunicated to the public by the President 
 of the Unhed States, prior to the last se;- - 
 bum of Congress. I certainly knew of no 
 jiublic considerations, requiring it to be 
 withheld from general inspection. But I 
 had no knowledge of the intention of the 
 iionorablc Mr. Floyd, to call for it, nor of 
 the call itself, through the House of Re- 
 presentatives, until I saw it announced 
 in the public prints. Nor had I any 
 knowledge of the subsequent call which 
 was made for the letter of the honorable 
 Mr. Russell, or the intention to make it 
 until I derived it from the same channel. 
 
 "I will thank you to puljlish this note in 
 
 1 
 
151 
 
 tie National Intelliocucer, and to accept positions, when and how they will, expos*^ 
 assurances of the hig!\ respect of your obe- ' the open day and secret night of the transv 
 dient servant. H. CLAY.'' actions at Ghent, the statements both of 
 
 fiictand opintonin the papers which I have 
 written and published, in rehation to this 
 controver^', will, in every particular, es- 
 sential or important to the interests of 
 the nation, or to the character of Mr. 
 terday I have observed a note' from Mr. Clay, be found to abide unshaken, the 
 Henry Clay, which requires some notice test of human scrutiny, of talents, and of 
 from me. time. 
 
 " After expressing- the regret of the wri- 
 ter at the unhappy controversy \vhich has 
 arisen between two of his late colleagues 
 at Ghent, it proceeds to say, tliat in the 
 
 dient servant, 
 
 The next day the following reply ap- 
 peared iu the same paper: 
 To the Editors of tlie National Intellig-encer. 
 
 <' Gentlemen — In your paper of yes 
 
 " JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 
 
 Washington, ISthDec. 18il2." 
 
 It will be seen tliat Mr. Adams not on- 
 course of the several publicaVions of which ly re-asserts all he had said in relation to 
 it has been the occasion, and particularly Mr. Clay, but niysterious'y hints at ' se- 
 in the appendix to the pamphlet recently cret night' transactions at Ghent, and 
 published by me, "he thinks there are broadly insinuates, that Mr. Clay had co- 
 some errors,(no doubt unintentional,) both verily assailed him, without darmg to in- 
 as to matters of fact and matters of opinion, cur the responsibility of puttina; his name 
 in reo-ard to the transactions at Glient re- to his accusations. I^fotlung in Mr. Clay's 
 lating to the navigation of the Mississippi, letter to the Editors of the National In- 
 and certain liberties claimed by the Unit- telligenccr, could have excited those dark 
 ed States in the fisheries, and to the part suspicions, or justified their publication, 
 which he bore in those transactions." Mr. Clay said: "I have witnessed, with 
 
 "Concurring with Mr. Clay in the re- very great regret, theunliappy controver- 
 gret that the controversy should ever have sy which has" arisen between two of my 
 arisen, I have only to find consolation in late colleagues at Ghent." He does not 
 the reflection, that from the seed time of even censure Mr. Adams, but simplj* 
 1814 to the harvest of 182£, the contest tliinks lie has committed '-some errors, 
 was never of my seeking, and tliat since I (no doubt unintentional,) both as to mat? 
 have been drawn into it, wluitever I have ters of fact and matters of opinion," &c. 
 said, written, or done in it, has been in the He seems to think the whole matter ot 
 face of day, and under the responsibility very little importance, and says: " I will 
 of my name. not, at this time, be even provoked (it 
 
 " Uad Mr. Clay thought it advisable, would at any time be inexpressibly pain-, 
 now to specify any error of fact or of im- ful to me to find it necessary) to enter 
 puted opinion which he thinks contained the field of disputation with cither of my 
 in the appendix to my pampldet, or in any late colleagues." This has the appear- 
 other part of my share in the publication, it ance of uncommon forbearance and ma^- 
 would have given me great pleasure to rec- nanimity. 
 
 tify, by candid acknowledgment, any such In one poiui Mr. Clay was doubtless 
 error, 'of whicii, by the light fnat he would sincere. It would have been ' inexpressi- 
 have shed on the subject, I should have bly painful' to him to enter the field ot 
 been convinced. At whatever period disputation with Mr. Adams, as the eo- 
 hereafter, he shall deenv the accepted adjutor of Jonathan Russell. 13ut in every 
 time has come, to publish his promised other respect, we are compelled to say, 
 narrative, I shall, it yet living, be ready as Mr. Adams insinuated, that there ne- 
 with equal cheerfulness, to acknowledge ver was a more perfect specimen of pro- 
 indicated error, and to vindicate contest- found hypocrisy and dissimulation, than 
 ed truth. was exhibited by Mr. Clay, in this letter 
 
 "Eut.as'by the adjournment of that pub- to the Editors of tlie National Intelligen- 
 licationto a period '"more propitious than cer. At that very moment, the western 
 the present to calm and dispassionate papers were teeming with the most inju- 
 consideration, and when there can be no rious charges against Mr. Adams, insti- 
 laisintrpretation of motives," it may gated by Mr. Clay's own tongue, or com- 
 cliance to be postponed, until both of us ing from his own hand! 
 shall have been summoned to account for During the late investigation in tlie Se- 
 all our eri-ors,before> higher tribunal than nate of Kentucky, xMr. Robert Wicklifle^ 
 thatofour country, I "feel myself now called a devoted friend of Mr. Clay, asserted, in 
 vpon to say, that let the appropriate d is- his place, that Mr. Clay nevct did en- 
 
i.cOaiu any ilU'eel'm^ iftwaras Mr. Adams, Avars are not lurg&ueiij ami you >vili 
 in consefiuenco ot the transactions at pause and count the value of many a brave 
 Ghent: in proof of which, he adduced n-.an's life, "before you raise to power one 
 Mr. Clay's declarations to l«m?elf; and whose unfeeling policy would crimson 
 lie defied tire friends of General Jackson your fresii iields with the blood of your 
 to prove the contrary, by the e\^ideuce of border bretinen, and lij^ht tlie mi-lnight 
 anv respectable man. "Sanuier l)a^iess, forest with the flames of their dwellings. 
 Esq. the4i arose from his place, and stated Men, who would think of concessions so 
 that the gentleman hiiuself had, by his disastrous, are unworthy the support of 
 speeches and votes, in 1824, affirmed the Ohio: much more so, are those who re- 
 Truth of ihe charges against Mr. Adams; duce thcni to a seiious proposition. The 
 and he moreover produced a series oif navigation of the Mississippi is too im- 
 iiumliers, signed " //o/y/if," wliich ucre portunt to be bartered for the privilege of 
 Iniblished ii?the <* liib'erty Hall arid Cin- fishing in British waters. It is giving our 
 . innati Gazette," at Cincinnati, Ohio, wives and children for fish, and bartering 
 * arly in the fall of 182-2, averring that the blood of jur citizens for money. Con- 
 ihcy were v.ritten in Kentucky, sent to ceal, explain, and sophisticate as be will, 
 JSIr.Clay, by him directly or 'indirectly this was the tendency of the proposition, 
 forwarded tn the State of 'Ohio, for publi- which w-jis agitated at Ghent. But was 
 -nition: the proof ofall which he declared this suriirising? Under the same auspices, 
 he had at handk- Mr. Wickliff'e sunk to one of the most fertile and extensive pro- 
 liis seat, ovcrMhclmed at this prompt e\- vinces of the West, adequate to the for- 
 uosure, and no man tterrcd say agani that mation of two States, was given to the 
 Mr.Clayhad no objections to Mr. Adams Spaniards; the State of Louisiana, one 
 on account of the Ghent negotiations, of the mo^^t important and w^eakest points 
 'iThese numbers had passed through the in the Union, was made a frontier, and 
 Iiands of Mr. Clay, before the date of his exposed to sudden invasion from the ad- 
 *lcttcr to the Editors of tiic Intelligencer, joining empire. Is it a matter of deepefc^t 
 and Mere at that a cry moment republislv- concern v/ith us to exterminate the Brit- 
 "iii" in the Kentucky papers. To show ish inlluence among the n()rthern and 
 liow far Mr. Clay's /fc/.s' differed fron\ his western Indians? The blood of slaugh- 
 ubonh, we fake the following extract from tered friends cries aloud to us from the 
 the third numbei^of " Wayne.-' ground, 'It is.' The policy of Mr. 
 
 *'01iio presents? no candidafe for the Adams introduces tiic British trader to 
 lyesidiMicy at the a])proachiug election, their wigwam, by opening to him, under 
 ^ow VorK, willi whose interests, next to the guardianship of a treaty, the naviga- 
 those of her sister States in the west, Oiiio tion of tite Mississippi. Shall we sanc- 
 js most intimately connected, oilers no tion this, by sustaining him? Isitamat- 
 claimaul whose prospects are not abso- ter of the last moment to us to protect 
 lately hopeless. At the head of those, our own navigation of the Ohjo and Mis- 
 Avliose'^iretenhions arc entitled to our ?e- sissippi? Of wl>at value is the Ohio or 
 J ions consideration, is John Quincy Mississippi to us, if Louisiana be occupi- 
 Adam-, the ])resent Sccrewiry of State, ed by an enemy? Vet Mr. Adams is of 
 \\ ill Ohi(» choose him? What interest the Administration, whicli, in the traflic 
 lias he shown for your ronds and ciinals? of ierrllory, has matle Louisiana a frontier. 
 l>an it be expected that he,- wh» would With such principles, John Qiuncy 
 open to our rival and our enomv, the Adams can never receive the support of 
 navi"-ation of tho■^c canals, d\ig )jy the Ohio. lie is too ignorant of our interests^ 
 h!ln<l of God, for the use of the increasing or he disregard* them." 
 millions of Western America, will pro- Fram the fourth number of Wayne, we 
 mote our trade f>y making artificial ones? extract thelbllowing: 
 Instead of openinq; new avenues lor oin* "• The importance of haviiig a Western 
 commerce, is it not to be feared that, in man in the National Councils, as well a< 
 ^om** future trraty. to secure some paltry in all those -situations where the interests 
 privilege tojin Kastern interest, he would of this section of tlie Union arc brought 
 render tln»se whiciv already exist, a curse, in f.uestion, was never so strongly exein- 
 ratht-r tiiau able.soinii? Our frontiers can plified. as in the transactions attendiui; 
 lestify, that we want not those men at the treaty of Ghent. It was proposed 
 The helm of the nation, who would, for to open the Mississippi, throui:;h its whole 
 iiny consiileration, opeti new channels for extent, to the navigation of British suh- 
 BmisU influence among our northern and jeets: tluis giving them the most direct 
 ~i-esiorn lrid'f;»n'i. Tlni horrftrs of pa?t access to tlio^ nnmerouc and varlik** 
 
15:3 
 
 liiijes 01 Indtaus which b«i'der an oav 
 northernaud western frontier. That any 
 American statesman should, for a mo- 
 ment, have entertained so fatal a pro- 
 ject, is as strange as tlie fact is alarming. 
 To the presence of an able western man, 
 may we attribute the defeat and abandon- 
 ment of that atrocioiis proposal. But for 
 the exertions of Henry Clay, the seeds of 
 '.var might now have been sowing, along 
 our northern and western borders, ^hlch, 
 at no distant day, would have produced 
 an abundant harvest of tears and blood. 
 He found t'iiat a majority had resolved to 
 vjike the fatal proposition. Vv'itha drm- 
 ness u'hich should endear bim to the peo- 
 ple of the West, he protested th,at he 
 would sign no treaty which contained a 
 stipulation so repugnant to his country's 
 lienor, and so dangerous to her peac^e. 
 This drmness had the desired effect. The 
 illustrious and lamented Bayard changed 
 his mind, and then the West was saved. 
 The danger we thus escaped, should sink 
 deep into our hearts, and teach us a lesson 
 as lasting as our lives." 
 
 This was the secret language of Mr. 
 Clay, in relation to l\Ir. Adams. If it 
 was not penned by Ivis own hand, it pass- 
 ed through that hand, was thus adopted 
 as its own, and tiien cast out upon the 
 ocean of public opinion, without a name. 
 He charges Mr. Adams v/ith ^' an un- 
 fetUng policy,'''' which '•^ tvoidd crimson 
 our fresh finds ivifh the blood of our bor- 
 der brethren, and light the midnight for- 
 est vjith the flames of their dtcellings;''^ 
 with " giving onr toives and children for 
 fcvh, and bartering the blood of onr citi- 
 zens for money;'''' with being " ignoraiW 
 of western interests, or '■^disregarding''^ 
 them. The proposition made at Gheut^ 
 he declai-es to be a '•'• fatal project,-^ an 
 •'atrocious proposal,''^ " as strange as it 
 is alarmitigy' and that but for his own 
 exertions, " tke seeds of war might now 
 have been sowing, along our northern and 
 ■western borders, ivhich, at no distant day, 
 i'!0uldhavc produced an abitndant harvest 
 of tears and blood.''"' 
 
 Mr. Clay secretly throv;s out these av/- 
 fiil charges among; his countrymen, and 
 in a few days afterwards comes forward, 
 and publicly declares to the world, with 
 an affected meekness and modei-ation, that 
 he ^•regrets'" the " unfortunate controver- 
 f-y between two of his late colleagues^' tiiat 
 liie errors of Mr. Adams are ^'•doubtless 
 vnintentional;'' that he will not discuss 
 the matternow, lest his ^'' motives''^ should 
 be misinterpreted; and that "it would be 
 i'lexTires^ihlv -painful ty him. at anv-time. 
 
 to lind it necessary lo cutter the iield ot 
 disputation with either of his late col- 
 leagues!" 
 
 ]>ut this is only the commencement of 
 Mr. Clay's undermining and disingenuous 
 conduct in relation to Mr. Adams. About 
 the time he wrote the fi)regoing celebra- 
 ted letter to the Editors of the National 
 I ntelligencer, declining a controversy with 
 ^Ir. 7\.dams, lest iiis motives should be 
 misconstrued, he called on his friend, tlic 
 Editor of tae Argus, published in Frank- 
 fort, Kentucky, for the purpose of cor- 
 rcctiug an error relative to the principles 
 assumed at Ghent,^ which had brought 
 Upon tliat Editor and Mi\ Clay the severe, 
 censure of Mr. Adams. He gave his friend 
 a narrative ui the proceedings at Ghent, 
 and convinced him of his error. The Edi- 
 tor then tf'.nk up the publicatioii of Mr. 
 Adams, and_i;eviev,ed it in a series of Let- 
 ters, addressed to .Toim l^uincy Adams. 
 =\fter these letters had been published in 
 the Argus, Mr. Clay ottered the Editor 
 fifty dollars, towards defraying the ex- 
 pense of their republication in pamphlet 
 form. Finally, one thousand copies were 
 printed, in Le.angton, by Mr. Tanner, 
 •in^ Mr. C'lay paid one hundred dollars — 
 about one-haif of the expense — out of his 
 own pocket, as the publislier lately testi- 
 fied before the Senate t*f Kentucky. By 
 tliis act Mr. Clay adopted t'iiose I/etter,^, 
 and made them his own. He ma»le him- 
 self responsible for all the s<atemeut9 ihaY 
 contain — ifne be not, m substduce, their 
 auliior. 
 
 From Ihe first of this series of Letters 
 lo Mr. Adams, we take the follov.'ing ex- 
 tract: 
 
 " Against IMr. Clay you have made 
 charges, v.'luch, if true, must degrade him 
 in the estimation of his countrymen; and, 
 if not, ought to disgrace you^ In addi- 
 tion to numerous insinuations scattered 
 throughout your book, you have, in the 
 introduction, charged him, directly, with 
 having, at Ghent, ' insisted, in principle^ 
 upon the sacrifice of an Eastern for the 
 benefit of a Western interest;' at the same 
 time asserting, that the national interest, 
 v.'hioh Mr. Clay thus insisted on sacri- 
 ficing, was, compared witKthat for which 
 the sacrifice was intended, as 'a million 
 against a cent.' 
 
 "This is a serious charge. If it be 
 true, Mr. Clay has compromitted the in-, 
 ferests of his country, and does not de- 
 serve its confidence. If it be not true, 
 you have borne '■ false witness against 
 your neighbor,' and deserve universal re- 
 nrobation-- That it is not true, we fvr^ 
 
154 
 
 tjyid to usscrt; and we will prove our a=- ''In Letter V.i., ue shall show that 
 sertion by your own declavations."' Mr. Gallatin's second proposition, which 
 
 The !=;ainc leUer thus lays down the was also strenuously opposed by Mr. Clay, 
 topics intended to be discussed in the but finally adopted^ and oflered to the Bri- 
 publication: — tish Commissioners, was not authorized 
 
 " Tliat you and the people may be at by your additional instructions, as a part 
 once apprized of the points which these of the S/afus ante belhirn; was unneces- 
 letters are intended to embrace, we here sary to the conclusion of the peace, im- 
 state them in explicit terms: politic, and unjust. 
 
 *' In Letter 11., we shall show that you " In lietter'VII., we shall show tha 
 hwe grossly depreciated the extent and the principles on which you support our 
 value of the British rii^ht to the naviga- right to tlie fishing libeities, and the Bri- 
 tion of the Mississippi, before the late tish dght to the navigation of the Missis- 
 war: in relation to which, it will be seen sipp', are perfectly contradictory; the ab- 
 that 3'our reiterated declarations are con- surdities of your positions, and the dis- 
 tradicted by facts; by the conduct of the crepancies of your assertions, will be 
 American uovernment: and by your own exhibited; and it will be seen, in conclu- 
 conduct. sion, that your boasted principle, instead 
 
 " In Letter III., we shall show that of being supported, in the negotiation of 
 you exaggerate the extent of tlie fisheries 181 8, was virtually abandoned, in instruc- 
 which were contested at Ghent.in a degree tions drawn by your own hand, 
 as extravagant as you depreciate tlie Bri- " In Letter VIII., we shall give a shorl 
 tish right to the navigation of the Missis- summary of our arg-uments; inquire what 
 sippi; in relation to which, it will be seen, would have been the condition of the coun- 
 that your assertions and arguments are tfj? l»<'id the concessions ottered by you, 
 contradicted by the Biitisli Government, at Ghent, been accepted by our enemy; 
 the Amefican Govern inenf, and vourself. 'i"<l exhibit, both by reason and the re- 
 
 '• In Letter IV., we shall show thatyou s'ilts, the superior Wisdom of the course 
 were not authorized to otter any equiva- which was so zealously recommended by- 
 lent fi)r the fisheries, or any part of them; Mr. Clay. 
 
 and that you were exi)ressly iorbid to con- " Letter IX. will be supjdemental; in 
 cede to the British the navigation of the which we shall endeavor to show, as well 
 Mississippi, for any consideration what- '>>' this as by other transactions, that you 
 ever: in {>roof of which, we shall adduce f'^^-'l ^ direct hostility or tot<d inditt'erence 
 your insti-uctions; the article first ottered to the interests of this section of the 
 '\v Mr. Gallatin; (facts proving that the Union; and of course are not fit to pre- 
 MisHissi|)pi is within the e::clusive juris- side over ila destinies." 
 diction of the United States,) and your The same letter thus concludes: 
 own declarations. ' '-The air of correctness, the appear- 
 
 '• In Letter V., we hliall show that Mr. a'nce of sincerity, and the vein of sarcasm^ 
 Clay*8 opposition to Mr, Gallatin's pro- which pervade 'your writings, impel the 
 position was rorpiired by his instructtons, admiring reader' to assent to the truth of 
 as wc'l as by sound "policy; that the jour assertions, without examining into 
 charge of changing sides, which you have ^^^'^ correctness of your premises, or the 
 made against him, is utterly unfounded, soundness of your conclusions. On a re- 
 and may be retorted up )n yon; that tlie peiusal and strict compari.'wn of your ar- 
 paragraph ottered by li.m, to get rid of guinents and assertions, the delusum will 
 Mr. Gallatin's proposition, was not apnli- vanish; and instead of the stern vindica 
 cable to the British right of navigating tor of violated truth and insulted virtue, 
 the Mississippi, either in letter or ijiinci- .V'U will appear^ only as an able rhetori- 
 ple; that, nevertheless, the majority did cian, an artful sophist, a clumsy negoti- 
 apply the same ])riiiciple to the navigation ^-oi'- and vindictive man." 
 of the Mississippi; (hat on this point you The following is extracted from the se- 
 glann-lv contradict yourself; and that cond letter: 
 
 your ertoi ts to fix teiV,vcrsation an.l in- '• Vou haveattempted to prove— not bv 
 consiHtency on ,Mr. Clay, by adducing facts-but by assertion and prophecy, 
 n^onipnal signatures as evidence of his that the British right .of navio-atin.r the 
 individual opinions ,s not only disin-onu- Mississippi, before the late war, was a 
 ous uncandid, and unjust, but, if a<lmis- mere phantom, of no value to the British, 
 
 sibi 
 tra 
 ft 
 
 blp, would involve you in repeated con- and no injury to us; a right of travellin«' 
 auctions, and prove (hat you have sacri- a highway, a privilege merely nominal 
 fP'iimpm-tant interests of vmirf^Mr.^rv onjoved for Ihirtvy^irs without n<^. a 
 
1 :.tb 
 
 (taked rigiit, a hanulcss right to travel a 
 %vestern higliway, a mere nominal right, 
 harmless to us, &.c. &;c. All these asser- 
 tions, we are compelled to say, are direct- 
 ly contradicted by facts, by the conduet 
 of our own government, and by your own 
 conduct. 
 
 " Could you, Sir, be ignorant of Lieut. 
 Pike's tour to the sources of the Missis- 
 sippi, undertaken by tlie authority of our 
 Govecnm''it, and executed in the years 
 1805 and 1806? In all yourncTOtiatious 
 relative to the Mississippi and the north- 
 ern boundary, have you never adverted 
 to the account given by that indefiitigable 
 soldier, relative to the British trading es- 
 tablishments on that river.P Or, have you 
 confined your researches wholly to the 
 Atlantic coast, Av-ithout once deigning to 
 direct your attention to the rights, the 
 interests, and the lionor of the nation, on 
 this side of the Alleghany Mountains? On 
 this point, it appears to us, you are in a 
 dilemma. Either you have never taken 
 the trouble to inform yourself, relative to 
 the great national western interests, 
 which have been committed to your 
 charge, or 3'ou have misrepresented and 
 concealed f;icts, as you knew them to ex- 
 ist. It v/ill be admitted by ail, thatyour 
 acknowledged habits of industry and re- 
 search, leave little room for you to cover 
 your errors on this point, with the mantle 
 of ignorance. 
 
 "" What says Lieut. Pike? He found 
 no less than live British trading liouses 
 on the Mississippi and its waters, within, 
 the immediate vicinity of .the river itself. 
 He found British traders navigating*the 
 river, to and fro, almost from St. Louis to 
 its source. He found numerous British 
 medals among the Indums, distributed by 
 these traders with the express object of 
 obtaining an unbounded influence over 
 their savage minds. He saw the Britisli 
 flag floating over British establislnnents 
 on the waters of this very river. He es- 
 timated the flu tics on the British goods 
 vended on the Mississippi station, not 
 one dollar of which was ever paid, at thir- 
 teen thousand dollars per annum. Tiiut 
 these facts are not misstated, or exagge- 
 rated, is proved by the following passages, 
 extracted from ' Pike's Journal.' '' 
 
 The same letter thus concludes; 
 
 " It was natural for Mr. (vlay to think 
 differently and feel differently from what 
 you pretend to think, and actually felt, 
 in relation to admitting the British to the 
 navigation of tlie Mississij^pi. He could 
 not conceal from liimself the fact that the 
 >^xis;tence anduse of this ri":ht had been 
 
 one of the causes which led to tlie disasters 
 of our arms on the northwestern fron- 
 tiers, and the exposure of all our back set- 
 tlements to the relentless ravages of asa- 
 vaire foe. He could not foraet the conse- 
 fiuent murders in Missouri, Illinois, In- 
 diana, and Ohio, a catalogue of enormities 
 at which the heart sickens. Remember- 
 ing all this, he could not but wish — nay, 
 with his ardent and generous nature, he 
 could not but urge, wii1\ much earnest- 
 ness — the policy and justice of excluding 
 the instigators of crimes so horrible, from 
 every avenue of access to their willing in- 
 strunierits. Nor could he but feel differ- 
 ently from yon. In consequence of the 
 unlimited access of British emissaries to 
 our Indians through the Mississippi and 
 other channels, more of Kentucky's pre- 
 cious blood was spilt, than could be pur- 
 chased with every fish that swims in Bri- 
 tish waters. Many dear friends, and one 
 near connexion of Mr. Clay, had fallen 
 victims to the Indian tomahawk, made on 
 Bl-itish anvils. When he departed for 
 Europe, he left a social circle, and even 
 a family, clothed in mourning for these 
 victims of British influence over savage" 
 minds. Passing from the midst of the 
 mourners and the maimed, how could he 
 feel as you dkl, who, far distant from your 
 bleeding country, engrossed with the 
 events of another hemisphere, and admi- 
 ring 'the Titus of his age,'^ scarcely heard 
 tlie^tliunder of war rolling over the heads 
 of your countrymen, below the western 
 horizon. If was surely natural that he 
 and you should feel dlflerently. You 
 ought, therefore, to have exfcused_ Mr. 
 Clay's zeal, against once more admitting 
 the British traders among our Indians., 
 and hazarding a renewal of the bloody 
 scenes of the Pigeon Roost, the River 
 Raisin, and Fort Meigs. He could not 
 calculate so coolly as you. If, in the ex- 
 citement caused by recent Anglo-Indian 
 murders, he preferred the lives of his fel- 
 low-citizens to all the fish which might, 
 perchance, be caught within three 
 miles of the British coast, you ought to 
 have considered, that his mind was not 
 in a condition, coolly to weigh dollars 
 against blood; and surely you would ra- 
 ther have excused him as a generous en- 
 thusiast, than censured him for compro- 
 mitting the interests ol" his country. Now, 
 at least, ought you to excuse him, when 
 you iiavc adopted Ids own course, which 
 
 • ' ' This is a literal exti'kct of a letter written 
 from I'^urope, by Air. Adams, about the time of 
 Konaparte's first dethronement." 
 
150 
 
 haa led to the secuiemeut ot tUe fisheries, 
 and a total exclusion of British traders, 
 not oul}-^ from the IMississippi, but from 
 all American territory on this side of the 
 Stony Muuntains." 
 
 The third letter thus commences: 
 
 *' Your declarations relative to the ex- 
 tent of the fisheries, \vi\ich were contest- 
 ed at Ghent, are no lessincousi.^tent with 
 facts, than your assertions relative to the 
 use and vaitie of the British right to na- 
 vigate the Mississippi. In folh)wing you 
 Throu>;h the mazes of your wondeiful pub- 
 lication, we have been struck with aston- 
 ishment at the contradiction and misre- 
 presentation with whicli it abounds, rela- 
 ive to the portion of this great national 
 interest, which was really contested by 
 the British (iovcrninent, at Ghent, and 
 in the subsc(iuent nei^otiation. In your 
 replies to Mr. Russell, you have labored 
 to prove, that tlie Britisli notification given 
 at that place, and their subsequent claims, 
 extended to fi total exclusion of the ])eople 
 of the United States from the whole fish- 
 eries; while i tis proved by the language 
 of your own private letters ' from 
 Ghent, and from the documents relative 
 to the subsequent negotiation, that their 
 claims cxtcn«lcd only to an exclusion of 
 our fishermen from that portion of the 
 fisheries situated within three miles of 
 their shores; which is the utmost extent to 
 %vhich they p<»ssos3, or rv(Mi cl:iim cxclu- 
 t-ive jurisdiction."" 
 
 Aiter a strong aigument on the subject, 
 ilie fourth letter comes to the following 
 i:o)iclu&ion: 
 
 *' By facts, by the rights of your coun- 
 try, and by your own asserJions, we 
 have proved, tliatat the time of (he nego- 
 tiation at Ghent, the W itish Government 
 poss(*ssed no territory on tlie Mississippi, 
 and that, cousequenlly, that river was 
 ■within the exclusive jurisdiction of the 
 United States. In supporting and voting 
 for Mr. Gallatin's proposition, you liiere- 
 fore committed a violation oi the very 
 letter of your instructions; and y'>ur de- 
 <:larations at tlie time, as well as uubse- 
 <[uently,to the British Goverument. prove 
 ihat vou did it knowingly." 
 
 The fifth letter containo the following: 
 ^- You charge Mr. Clay wiili pursuing a 
 sectional course, v.ith bwing willing to 
 Sacrifice one important eastern, to a tri- 
 lling western interest. AV'as not your own 
 < ourso wholly sectional r For whn-?e im- 
 mediatp benefit arc the fishcrie-.'' 'For 
 tliat of the cast. "SVlio v.as to pay t!ic 
 tribute to the Uriti>,h king for their scru- 
 : 1'- 'I'l .- pcoule of (he west V^"! pri,*. 
 
 posed to tax the west for iiie beneiit oi 
 the cast; not indeed to purchase any new 
 right or advantage for tlic enjoyment of 
 our eastern bietlu-en, but to buy oft' a pi- 
 rate who threatened to capture and con- 
 fiscate tiieir sliips. It would have been 
 more equitable to have bought security at 
 tiic cx|iense <?f the fishermen, if it must 
 b«i bought at all. What would they have 
 said, had you oftercd a stipulation that 
 their security in tii** enjoyment of an un- 
 doubted right should be purchivsed by giv- 
 ing to tiie British king, one half of the 
 fish caught by them w ithui Ins jurisdiction. 
 Think you, they would have applauded 
 you, and made you presents ot codfish, 
 for your wisdura and patriotism in thus 
 securing the fisheries? Yet tliis, although 
 an outrage on the fishermen and their 
 countiy, would be more equitable than 
 the prop(tsition for which you voted. New 
 En^^land could not suffer more, and she 
 could dicad less, by paving as a tribute 
 to the British king, one half the fish 
 caught within his jurisdiction, than wouhi 
 the western country by the uni-estrained 
 navigation of tiie Mississippi by British 
 Subjects. Hence, you would not only sa- 
 criiicc a western to an eastern interest; 
 but even make the western people pay an 
 exclusive tax of rivalship, war, and blood, 
 for the security of those fishermen who 
 frequent l»ritisli waters." 
 
 The seventh letter thus commences: 
 '• Throughimt your publication it is curi- 
 ous to observe how you shift your gi'ound, 
 and vary your premises in such manner 
 Jis to arrive with certaiiity at any given 
 conclusion. Give y(»u the point to be prov- 
 ed, and your fertile mind is sure not to 
 lack for evidence. If the facts do not 
 suit your purpose, you can manufacture 
 otiii-rs. If an asserted principle is not 
 adapted to the end, you can assert its op- 
 posite. If it be necessary to your pur- 
 posif, that an iinpoiiant right be proved 
 worthless, by the waving of your goose 
 quill it is re<luced to "a mere phantom." 
 if it be w anted in negotiation as an equi- 
 valent for another important right, in an 
 ins'ant it receives bone and sinew, and 
 muscle from your mighty incantations. 
 But of all your shiftings to make youi- 
 iirgument appear to the best advantage be- 
 fore the pe(q)Ie, there is none more r<^- 
 markable than those relative to the nature 
 <if the treaty of 1783, and the rights se- 
 cured by its provisions." 
 
 The same letter thus speakp: 
 
 '•It Willi not without a-stonishmcnt, tiiat 
 we discovered how presumptuously.in the 
 -•horl Sjwrc of rigl^p'ig*'^. vou have sport- 
 
i -fj 
 
 ed Willi yu"iir own cUarciLier lor tonsist- 
 encv, and with the credulity of your coun- 
 trymen. That one who writes with al- 
 most unexampled rapidity, should forget 
 in page 104 what lie had said in page 100, is 
 liardly credible; but that any man v;ho 
 has the least regard for his o\vn reputa- 
 tion, shor.ld, with his memory anu his 
 senses feesh. about him, have the hardi- 
 hoed v.itfully to involve himseif in the 
 grossest contradictions, staggers all hu- 
 man belief. We rather suppose that with 
 a vivid fancy and powerful intellect, you 
 invent as you pass along, premises and 
 arguments to suit a predetermined conclu- 
 sion, on which you strike as certainly, and 
 with a course as crooked, as the lightning 
 falls upon its destined object." 
 
 The eighth letter thus commences: 
 
 "In what attitude do you nov/ stand 
 before the American people, and what has 
 become of those statements of facts and 
 opinions, which you proudly declare would 
 " stand the test of human scrutiny, of 
 talents, and of timer" We have proved, 
 that your representations relative to the 
 worthlessness of the British right .to navi- 
 gate the Mississippi, are contradicted by 
 the evidence of facts, by the conduct of 
 the American government, and by your 
 own conduct. 
 
 *' We have proved that your represen- 
 tations relative to the extent of the fishe- 
 ries, from which it was the intention of 
 the British government to exclude Ame- 
 rican citizens, are contradicted by facts, 
 by the language of the American govern- 
 ment, by the declarations of t!ie British 
 government, and by your own declara- 
 tions. 
 
 "We have shown that the fislieries 
 contested at Ghent, were those situated 
 within three miles of the British coasts, 
 to secure which, it was proposed to re- 
 new the right of British subjects to navi- 
 gate the Mississippi, with access to it 
 through our nortiiwest territories; that 
 this otter was not only not authorized, 
 but was positively prohibited by your in- 
 Rti-uctiotis; and that it was unnecessary, 
 impolitic, and unjust. 
 
 "We have shown that, in the first in 
 stance, this offer was defeated by the zeal 
 and perseverance of Mr. Clay, liy whom 
 it was strenuously opposed, on its every 
 appearance, and every shape; tliat the 
 paragraph otter^ by him, neither in lan- 
 guage nor principle, was applied or was ap- 
 plicable to the British right of navigating 
 the Mississippi; and that your attempt to 
 prove the contrary, by adducing his ofli- 
 . eial sizTiatu.res. is a disingennnns rftbrt to 
 
 fix on hiiu opinions whicu }ou Kntuv he 
 did not entertain, and acts which you 
 know he did notpejform. 
 
 "We have shown, tl^^at Mr. Gallatin's 
 sccond'proposition, which M'as finally of- 
 fered to the British Commissioners, was 
 not authorized nor justified by 3 our addi- 
 tional instructions, was slrenuously op- 
 posed by Mr. Clay, was impolitic, unjust, 
 and not necessary to the conclusion of the 
 peace, or the security of any right belong- 
 ing to the citizens of the United States. 
 
 "We have pointed out many ot jmiY 
 inconsistencies and contradictions, birth in 
 argument and language; have exhibited 
 your concealments and perversion of 
 known facts; have shown you vainly en- 
 deavoring to shelter yourself from cen • 
 sure by testing the meaning of your in- 
 structions by the claims of our enemy, 
 making tiie boundaries av.d territory of 
 your country, as well as our right to navi 
 gate the Mississippi, a conditional gi-ant, 
 the condition of which we have expressly 
 refused to fulfil, arguing against the rights 
 of independent nations m favor of British 
 monopoly, and jeopardizing our rights to^ 
 the whole fisheries, by making them de- 
 pendant on. a contested principle. 
 
 " In fine, we have shown that your 
 boasted publications relative to the Client 
 mission, are full of absurdities, inconsis- 
 tencies, and contradictions; and that the 
 injustice of your denunciations against 
 your colleagues of tlie minority, can only 
 be equalled by the eloquence and boidnesa 
 v,'itii which they are uttered." 
 
 The same letter contains the follov/ing 
 passages: 
 
 "Had you. Sir, been in Frankfort dur- 
 ing the last war, you would not have 
 treated this subject so liglitly. There was 
 scarcely an individual in this place, per- 
 haps not even one who had not a husband, 
 farther, brother, or friend in the northvt'cst- 
 ern army. Yet, resting in the justice 
 of a good cause, and tie confidence of 
 victory, no cloud obscured the serenity of 
 their enjoyment, no melancholy forebod- 
 ings depiessed their buoyant spirits, or 
 checked the current of tlieir usual amuse- 
 ments. On the night v.lien the nev.s of 
 the fatal catastrophe at the River Raisin 
 arri-- -'d in town, there was a peiforuiancc 
 in tlie theatre, which was attended by the 
 Govei-nor, a brilliant assemblage tif iadies, 
 and a large concourse of the members of 
 the Legislature, citizens and slrangers. 
 An express arrived from the army; a per 
 son entered the theatre, and whispered 
 to the Governor; not a woi-d was said 
 aloud: but like an electric shock- the fid- 
 
158 
 
 iii-^ s.urea.1 through the audience^ all 
 urose as one man, and almost in a /fo- 
 ment the theatre was empty, ^othin- 
 but the bloody scene itself could exceed 
 the distresses of that night. AJl were 
 inquiring with the eagerness ot hope and 
 api)rehension for their husbands, fa' hers, 
 brothers and friends; but all tliey could 
 learn was, that the army hc.d been defeat- 
 ed, and most of it massacred. ^ 
 
 " All joy and amusement vanishea, and 
 months elapsed before every family knew 
 ihe extent of its misfortunes. Daily the 
 widows and orphans — n\ade so on that fatal 
 
 aav present themselves in our streets; 
 
 some of them beg|i;ing the means of sub- 
 sistence for their destitute mothers, and 
 all of them a living caution to American 
 statesmen to cut oft", as far as possible, all 
 intercourse between British subjects and 
 ihe savages of our wilderness. This Is 
 the'case in which a citizen of Massachu- 
 setts was ' above sympathy;' and this, you 
 would seem indirectly to contend, was 
 • no injurv to usl' 
 
 " Tne repetition of such scenes, would 
 have been the fruit of vour pf)licy. 
 
 '• IJy the past, by the present, by the 
 conduct of our own Government, and by 
 vour own conduct, we have shown that the 
 navigation of the Mississippi was, and 
 wouUl h;ive continued to be, useful to Bri- 
 tish subjects, and fiaught with innumera- 
 ble dangers to tlie citizens of the United 
 States. We hold you as the author, at 
 least in mind, of all "the evils which would 
 have flowed from this disastrous conces- 
 siop; and in rendering you that justice 
 which vou demand, fiom the inhabitants 
 cf the "West, we shall show you, by our 
 voice and our vote, that we consider your 
 course at Ghent, and still more your vin- 
 dication in 182*2, as full proof that your 
 views are too narrow, your feelings too 
 sectional, and vour temper too vindictive, 
 for the Chief Magistrate of a frecpoo|>le. 
 Had we no interests but the fislreries; 
 were the safety of our frontiers to be en- 
 tirely lost in the prospect of gain by fish- 
 ing in Briti>h waters; were no national in- 
 terest to be promoted but that which is 
 i-ncouragcd uy a bcmnty; did we want a 
 rresidont who would make our uncon- 
 tested rights in the fisheries depend on a 
 coutestea principle, and zealously support 
 British monopolv against the ri<;hts of in- 
 dependent nations; then, indeed, might 
 we bestow on you our suffrages.'' 
 
 The ninth letter is su|)j)lemental, and 
 nttem])ts to prove Mr. Adams's settled 
 hohtihty to the western country. — The 
 loUowing are extract*: 
 
 '• It is the object of this letter to provt-.; 
 by your public acts, that you have uniform- 
 ly been actuated by a deadly hostility, or , 
 a culpable indifterence, to the interests of 
 the western country. Startle not, brethren 
 of the East; we are not about to advance 
 any sectional pretensions, or charge you 
 in mass with partiality and injustice. It 
 is a few of your statesmen, oidy, against 
 whom we level our cliarge; and as you 
 have done heretofore, so we trust you will 
 again protect us, against their sectional 
 and disastrous policy." 
 Again : 
 
 " 'i'he purcliase of Louisiana was the 
 first great incident, which gave vent, in 
 public acts, to your hostile feelings to- 
 wards the western country. Elected by 
 the Federal party in Massachusetts, who 
 openly avowed opposition to the extension 
 of our national limits, you then held a seat 
 in the Senate of the United States. It 
 would have been unnatural, had you not 
 participated in the feelings of a party of 
 which you were a leader and a tavoiite. 
 vVccordingly, we find you, as a Senator, 
 voting against a bill enabling the President 
 to take possession of Louisiana; against 
 extending the laws of the United States 
 to the territory; ao;arnst dividing it into 
 two territories, for the greater convenience 
 both (jf the government and the peoplej 
 against the power of Congress to tax it, 
 for purposes of government; and even 
 against opening post roads to New-Or- 
 leans, through the Indian country, within 
 our former territories!" 
 
 Again: 
 
 " Rut we do not believe there is one 
 sincere word in all your defence, relative 
 to your votes on the subject of Louisiana. 
 In your pretended opinions, your absur- 
 dities and contradictions, we can see no- 
 thing but that hostility to the western 
 countrv, and the adu\inisti-ation of Jefter- 
 son, wl\ich characterized your fellow-la- 
 borers of that day — Osgood and Parish, 
 Quincy and Pickering. That you should 
 now pronounce the annexation of Louisi- 
 ana — that greatest and most glorious act 
 of Jellerson's glorious administration — 
 an assumntion of constructive power more 
 transcondant than 'all the other construc- 
 tive powers assumed by Congress, from 
 the 4th of March, 1789, to tliis day,' and 
 still claim the support of republicans of 
 the Jetl'erson school, is absolutely amazing. 
 No man but the son of«|ohn Adams — the 
 satirist of Mr. Jetiers(Mi — the roviler of 
 Paine's Uights of Man — could have haz- 
 arded tlijs assertion. What! Jellerson 
 sanction an a^aumption of ronstnirtivo 
 
159 
 
 called on to vindicate your needless and 
 unauthorized concessions, you equivocate, 
 conceal facts, contradict yourself, impeach 
 the integrity of your colleagues, attempt 
 to prove our right to navigate the Missis- 
 sippi a mere conditional British grant, 
 while you shudder at the application ot 
 the same principle to the fishing liberties; 
 
 nowermorti transcendaut and dangerous had ^HvKnessed with very great regret the 
 than the acts of John Adams' administra- vnhappii controversy'' about this Glient 
 tion? An Adams sirs it; and a nation • negotiation, declared Mr. Adams' error^^ 
 pronounces it untrue." to be ''no (Zow6iwnm/ert^iona/,''_and said 
 
 "Your hostility to western interests it would be ''inexpressibly painjul' to 
 ao-ain burst torth at Ghent. In your trepi- him to '^ enter into the field of disptitation 
 dation lest, perchance, the people of New jvith either of his late colleagues, both 
 Eno-laAd lose the liberty of fishing in Bri- before and after the date of this letter— 
 tisli waters, you forgot the sufferings and assuming a stand so impartial, and a bear- 
 dangers of the bleeding West; the obU- ing so lofty— was using every exertion 
 c-ations which you owed to your adventu- secretly to injure the reputation and de 
 rous brethren in this section of the Union; stroy the standing of Mr. Adams. 1 his 
 andeven your positive instructions. When generous man — so high-minded Kai\ ho - 
 
 " ' ■ ^ ■• ' " J nor able — would not s,'«/e ^Ae /ac^« undei- 
 
 the responsibility of his name, lest his 
 motives might be misinterpreted; lest he 
 should be supposed-to be electioneering, 
 and endeavoring to elevate himself upo7i 
 the ruins of Mr. vUams! yet he did not 
 hesitate, with his own money, and his o^'m 
 hand, to scatter lar and wide the most 
 and, finally, assert that th'e Western coun- aggravated charges against his rival, for 
 try had no interest at stake; that the navi- the very purpose of Avhich he so modestly 
 gation of our river never had been, and dreaded to be suspected ! 
 never could be, of any ' injury to us' or This was the attitude in which Mr. 
 ' benefit to the British;' thus adding insult Adams and Mr. Clay stood towards eacli 
 and mockery to abandonment and injus- other at the approach of the late Presl- 
 tice." dential election. Mr. Clay, vvliile main- 
 
 Thus did Mr. Clay charge Mr. Adams taining a lofty and disinterested exterior, 
 with " bearing false witness against his refusing even to tell the truth in relation 
 neighbor;"" with ^'fcdsehood"" in relation to Mr. Adams, lest he should subject his 
 fo the navigation of the Mississippi; ,al- motives to suspicion, was privately en- 
 most, with the massacre of one of his own deavoring to vilify, degrade, and destroy 
 
 him. Mr. Adains, understanding the 
 character, and watching the movements 
 of Mr. Clay, had denounced him to the 
 nation, in conjunction with his coadjutor 
 Russell, and set him at open defiance. 
 Their hostility was as great as could 
 arise from eager rivalry, reciprocal inju 
 ries, and mutual recrimination. If Mr. 
 
 ,." 
 
 ice I 
 
 s-him 
 
 dol- 
 
 ?5 
 
 7iear connexions;^" with 
 lars against blood;'' with ''falsehoods 
 relative to the extent of the fisheries, con- 
 tested at Ghent; with "knowingly viola- 
 ting the very letter of his instructions;" 
 with pursuing "a course ivholly section- 
 al;" with attempting to "make the West- 
 ern people pay an exclusive tax of rivat- 
 ship, war and blood, for the security of Clay believed Mr. Adams guilty of the 
 those fishermen who frequent British wa- charges which he circulated against him, 
 ters;" with " mam facturing facts;" with he must have considered him one of the 
 asserting "opposite principles;" with gross basest of mankind, unfit for private trust 
 
 or public station. If he did not believe 
 them, he must have looked on himself a? 
 a slanderer and libeller, as destitute of 
 truth, as the means resorted to were at 
 
 *' absurdities, inconsistencies and contra- 
 dictions;" with injustice to his colleagues 
 of the minority; with a policy promoting 
 Indian wars and massacres; with " a dead- 
 ly hostility, or a culpable indifference, to 
 the interests of the Western country;" 
 Avith hostility to the annexation of Louisi- 
 ana to the United States; with insincerity 
 in the defence of his votes, in relation to 
 the West; with " adding iyxsult and mock- 
 ery to abandojxment and injustice;" with 
 being "an artful sophist, a clumsy nego- 
 tiator, and vindictive man;" with " views 
 too erroneous, feelings too sectional, and 
 temper too vindictive, for the Chief Ma- 
 gistrate of a free people!" Yes, the same 
 Honry CInv, who, in November, 182^. 
 
 v.ar with all that v/as open, manly, or 
 honorable. Whether the charges were 
 true or false, what must Mr. Adams have 
 thought of Mr. Clay.^ How could he 
 take to his bosorn, one who he knew had 
 been plotting his ruin from "the seed 
 time of 18N, to the harvest of 1822,'- 
 pursuing his object with a malice and 
 perseverance which seemed insatiable, 
 except by liis entire destruction? Surely, 
 nothing could have been more unnatural 
 and less to be expected, than that two 
 men thrii* situated, sTiould, without thf 
 
ibu 
 
 retraciion of en-or, or the coniessiou ot" 
 injurv, ^vithout explanation or apology, 
 lush into each other's arms, embark their 
 mutual fortune;; in the same cause, solicit a 
 comvdon support,and seek a commcR fame. 
 
 In addition to these facts, which .would 
 seem lor ever to have barred an UiiioT^ be- 
 tween two individuals, either of wnom 
 paid the least regard to his own honur, 
 there was, in fbin'ciplk, an insuperable 
 barrier between Mr. Adama and Mr. 
 Clay, had the latter been directed or re- 
 strained by any such consideration. One 
 of the principal objections made by Mr. 
 Clay ami all his friends to fhe election of 
 Mr. Adams, was founded in the dan- 
 jjcrs which threate'fied our institutions 
 from a perpetuation of the cabinet suc- 
 cession. It was maintained by them, 
 that by tjie uniform election of the Se- 
 cretary of State to the office of Pres^i- 
 dent, our government was assimilating; to 
 a monarchy, in which each Chief Magis- 
 trate appoints his successor. This argur 
 )nent was urged against Mr. Adams in 
 every possible shape, and deservedly, with 
 considerable eft'ect 
 
 Early in 1822, a series of numbers v/as 
 published in the Argns of Western 
 America, at Frankfort, Kentucky, signed 
 *' A Western Citizen." We have good 
 reason to believe, that these essays were 
 from the pen of INIr. Clay himseff. The 
 opinions they contain, and even the ex- 
 pressions, almost perfectly co^rcidc with 
 those advanced and promulgated by him 
 in other situations. The lirst of these num- 
 bers contains the following declarations: 
 
 *'The Natiiival Intelligencer is not, 
 precisely, the most fitting japer to issue 
 this edict commanding silence. It might, 
 indeed, suit the taste of their ofncial pa- 
 trons and enipUlyers, that as little as 
 possible should be ])ubiished on this suh- 
 ject. They nuiy prefer, that the prescrib- 
 ed line of legitimacy, ac cordin<i to which 
 the heir apparent should be translated 
 from the Department of State to the Pa- 
 lace, be preserved unbroken and entn-e. 
 But they ou;;ht to remember the prac- 
 tice of IJome, by which tjie Casars tiiejn- 
 selvcs, to secure that tranquillity which 
 the Editors of the Intelligencer so much 
 desire, provided beforeliandfgr the impe- 
 rial succession, has not yet been engraft- 
 ed on our Con jtitution. "* 
 
 The Keniurky Jieporter, edited by 
 Mr. Smith, ;i friend, connexion, and de- 
 voted instrument of Mr. Clay, contained 
 both previous and subsequent to this pe- 
 riod, many articles bitterly opposed to 
 the Secretary succession, \V'e shall con- 
 
 tent ourselves with making one extract 
 from the number of that paper, dated 
 July 15th, 1818, which is a good speci 
 men of the language held down to the 
 \cry moment of the election* by that pa- 
 per, as well as all others devoted to the 
 .elevation of Mr. Clay. The Reporter 
 says: 
 
 " Mr. Aflams is designated by the Pre- 
 sident and his presses as the heir appa- 
 rent, the next successor to tlie Presiden- 
 cy. Since the principle was introduced, 
 there has been a rapid degeneracy in the. 
 Chief Magistrate; and ttie prospect of 
 still greater degeneracy, is strong and] 
 alarming. Admit the people should ac- 
 quiesce in the Presidential appointment-i 
 of Mr. Adams to tiiat high office; who 
 again will he choose as Tiis successor? 
 Will it be Josiah Quincy, H. G. Otis, orj 
 Rufus Kingr An aristocrat, at least, if" 
 not a TRAiToii, will be our portion. " 
 
 The chief object of sup])orting Mr.^ 
 Clay in Ohio, as avowed by his friends iTi| 
 their Address of July, 1824, was to break 
 up the cabinet succession. This address 
 was signed by the Hon. Joseph \anee, 
 then and now a member of Congress, 
 the same who voted with Mr. Clav for the 
 very • ** cabinet successor," aganist whoni 
 its denunciation was evidently directed, 
 and was written, as we are authorized to 
 state, by Charles Hammond, the subse- 
 quent scurrilous reviler of Mrs. Jackson, 
 and devoted partisan of Mr. Adams' 
 administration. The following i;^ an ex- 
 tract from the Address; 
 
 "As the period approached when i' 
 would become necessary to select a suc- 
 cessor -to President 5lonroe, it was alto- 
 gether proper that much reflection should 
 be devoted to the principles upon which 
 such election should be made. The 
 names of at least three members of Mi'. 
 Monroe's cabinet were pretty distinctly 
 presented to the public, as candidates to 
 succeed him. Rellecting men coyld not 
 but see that a struggle for the Presidency 
 between the principal Secretaries, was 
 fraught v/ith much evil to the nation, in- 
 asmuch as it must distract tlie harmony oi' 
 her councils, if not endang-er the integri- 
 ty of her functionaries, and jeopanlize 
 her peace and her reputation. Besides 
 these mischiefs, to select one of the Se- 
 cretaries, was to continue the saine influ- 
 ence in office, which virtually would be 
 a departure from the maxim, tiiat i-otation 
 in eilTce was cssentii'J to the j>ublic. For, 
 to change the man and retain the influ- 
 ence, would be to re])08e upon the shadow 
 and abandon the substance. 
 
 7b bcconlimtcdin onr vcrf. 
 
ijNITED STATBS^ TBLj 
 
 -Exira. 
 
 Xhis paper will be ikvotcxl exclusively to the Presidential Election, and be puhlislied, w'cefl^;} 
 until the 15th of October next, for One BoUar; subject to newspaper postage^ and Jio iimrt-.'. 
 
 By ORBEN ^^ JARVIS. 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 WASHINGTON, MAY 10, 1828. 
 
 No. 11 
 
 Ti\j fhe Jaclison Corrcf^pmiilinsi CommiUcc of the 
 fiijiti-ict of Columbia, to Mr. Claim's tost ..Ad- 
 dress. 
 
 Tlte consiti orations here briefly hlnteij, 
 i5etcrmineil many of the mastrefieclirio; ci- 
 tizGns of the coiinlry to adopt the opinion, 
 1hat no member of the present executive ca- 
 binet ought to be selected to Succeed Mr. 
 Monroe; and this determination was 
 formed \vitliout any disrespect to the ta- 
 lents or characters of the incumbents 
 Ihcmselves. It rested upon public prin- 
 ciple and upon public duty, and upon 
 these alone. In looking around for some 
 person out of the cabinet, and unconnect- 
 ed with the executive administration of 
 tlvo national government, a large portion 
 of the citizens of the West, naturally di- 
 c rected tlieir attention to Henry Clay, of 
 KLeatucky." 
 
 In relation to the prospects before 
 ; (hem, the address thus speaks: 
 
 *' Under the sti-ong persuasion that iho 
 - public good, and a due regard for the fair 
 operation for the republican maxim of 
 ""rotation in oClce^" required that the 
 next President should not be taken from 
 Ihc present executive cabinet, it Vv-as de- 
 termined to support Mr. Clay for that 
 oQice, as the person, combining at least as 
 many fjualificiitions, as any other that 
 rould be r.amed, with the same prospects 
 of snccesa. It was hoped that those who 
 had the Siitat general ol.iject in view, ,would 
 have sacrificed pcrronal considcrationi^, 
 and unit»Ml in ciiecting that object. It 
 v.-as particularly hoped, tliat the wefitern 
 rouTilry would ha\ e presented an undivi- 
 d(Hl phalanx, upon this great public ques- 
 tion, and it is deeply regretted that an- 
 olher candidate should i)c named and sup- 
 ported in tlic west, with the same object, 
 and for the same purpose. " 
 
 Again, tlic same address says: 
 
 Were Mr, Clay withdrawn, the result, 
 03 to the election by the electors, v.ouhl 
 jno?t probaljly be tlie same; or if it were 
 not, it would place in the Presidential chair 
 one of the prevent rubiii'l; an event whicii 
 it was the first object of the friends of Mr. 
 Clay to prevent; not in reference to the 
 Tnen, but tlie principle. Mr. Clay was 
 nominated in the pf>rs'i!i-i'm ^Iiat all hi'^ 
 
 feliow-citlzens, entertaining the same, 
 general vic^\ s, would unite in his support.. 
 Had this been tine case; had this union 
 taken ])lace. lus election by tiic electors, 
 would have been ccitiiin. It is the deal- 
 conviction of his supporters, that the ob" 
 feci of nominating; him., can only be at- 
 tained by adhering to him that to abandon 
 him, is to abandon thai object and under 
 thlscor.viction, th^y have adopted the rc- 
 Kolution to adhere to him, as the dictate 
 of duty and off patriotism."' 
 
 From these extracts it appears tliat th'c 
 first ohjrct of nominating and supporting 
 Mr. Clay in Ohio, was to break ;he linf. 
 of cabinet succession, and that it was the 
 hope of efiecting that oljjcct, which inv 
 ducod them to adiiere to liirn. How would 
 the 300 individuals composing tlic meeting 
 whichado«)ted this address, have startled, 
 had an angel spoke, and told them, that 
 the very act th.ey were then perfoj-nung< 
 would not only enable Mr. Clay to defeat, 
 their object, but that he would certainly 
 do it, and then turn round and taunting'rv 
 tell them.hcliad bilt folKov.cd a '■'safe pre '^ 
 ecdenlJ'' Would not his very friends have. 
 
 denounced him as "a traitor?'* 
 
 After denouncing the cabinet succession, 
 and sliinulat'ng the Viholc mass of his 
 friends to electioneer on that ground, w(* 
 repeat, tliat Mr. Ciay could never have 
 voted for Mr. jVdam,?, if he !iad been in 
 the least degree influenced by prlnclpl-:. 
 
 V*'ith Mr. Crawford, it has never been 
 pretended that ^flr. Claj^'s relations wcn^ 
 other than iriendly. During the. latter 
 part of the canvass, the idea was certain- 
 ly inculcated by Mr. Clay and his load- 
 ing fricndn, thati\Ir. Crawford was their 
 second choice. The slate of his health 
 was as well known to tlicm then, as af<e^ 
 the electoral election. Considering hiS 
 relati.ons with the two men, it could no/, 
 have been anticip-ated (hat Mr. Clay would 
 Mvfer Mr. Adams to iMr. Crawford. Had 
 le voted for the latter, leaving his friends 
 without inll'.wnce or control, to vote for 
 whom tiicytliouglit pr()per,though it would _ 
 liave been acting against the known will 
 of the people of Kentticky, Mr. Clay- 
 would at least have avoided some of thcr 
 imputatioirs which have been indelibly 
 fixed upon his rharactrr, bv his unuatiu^' 
 C''-.f>li<ion >v il!i M;', Ada!!!?. 
 
16;2 
 
 It was liiougiit by Mr. Clay's iViends, 
 aiul tlie public in general, that there was 
 some degree of personal liostllity between 
 him and General Jackson. It has been 
 extensively urged, that tlie known ill will 
 of the General, and particularly the in- 
 digniiy uttered Mr. Clay at Lebanwn, in 
 Kentuck}-, made it impossible for Mr. 
 Clay to vote for him without dishonor. 
 Mr. Ciay'.s late address has totally 
 destroyed this argument. It appears 
 by his own showing," th.at he never che- 
 lashed any personal enmity towards Ge- 
 neral Jackson, and that the only breach 
 between them which ever existed, was en- 
 rirely healed, as early as 1823. The fol- 
 lowing is. his account of the reconcilia- 
 ti'in: •* Such was the state of our relations 
 at the commencement of the session of 
 Congress, in 18iJ3, the interval having 
 passed witlumt my seeing him. Soon af- 
 ttr his arrival here to attend that £,£ssion, 
 I collfccte<^ from certain indications, that 
 he had resolved upon a getieral umnefety, 
 the beiioUt of whicii w:is to, be extended to 
 me. Ile'became suddenly reconciled with 
 some individualsbetween whom isi: himself 
 there had been along existing enmity. The 
 CTeater jart of the Tencsssee delegation, 
 (!ill I believe, except ^ir. Katon and Gen. 
 C«»cke) called on iv.c tugether early in the 
 session, for the express purpose^ as I un- 
 derstood, of proclucing a reconciliation 
 i)etween us. 1 related, in subst;;nce, all 
 the ahi)ve circumstances, incluiling tlie 
 meeting at Lebanon. l\y way of apology 
 for his conduct at Lebanon, some of trie 
 gentlemen remarked, that he did not in- 
 tend any disrespect of me, but that he was 
 laboring under some indisposition. I stated 
 that the t)| inions I had expressed in 
 the llcwseof Representatives in rogardto 
 Oeneral Jackson's military transactions, 
 iiad been sincerely entertained, and were 
 still held; but that, being opinions in re- 
 spect to public acts, they never had been 
 supposed by me to form any Just occai-ion 
 for jjrivate enmity between us, and that 
 none had been cherishcfl on my part. Con- 
 sejpiently, there was no ol)stac»e on my 
 side to a meetlag withhinj and maintaiti- 
 inga respecifnl intercourse." He then 
 proceeds to slate, that he dined with (ion- 
 eral Jackson, and the Gencnd with hitn — 
 thottliey rode in a carriage together; and 
 that they •' frequently met during tlie 
 winter, always respectfully a<ldre8sing 
 oath other.-' So entire was'the reconcili- 
 ation, and so cordial were Mr. Clay's 
 feelings towards General Jackson, that, 
 in the fall of 1824, he told several gentle- 
 
 • ■ " *> ' iidly to the election of General 
 
 Jackson) in Lexingi,uu, that he had writ- 
 ten to the General, inviting him to take 
 Lexington in his way to Washington, that 
 they might accompany each other. Mr. 
 Clay, in his address, aoes not deny having 
 written this letter, but gives permission 
 for its publication. It is now ascertained 
 that the letter, if written, was never re- 
 ceived, and ciuamstances lately develop- 
 ed, induce the belief that it was part of 
 the system of deception, by which Mr. 
 Clay endeavored to prevent an expression 
 of public opinion in Kentucky, by induc- 
 ing the friends of General Jackson in that 
 State, to believe that he would vote for 
 General Jackson, whether instructed by 
 the legislature or not. 
 
 Sucn was the impression produced by 
 his conversations with Mr. Carncal, of the 
 Senate of Kentucky, Mr. Barry, and oth- 
 ers; and his declaration to Messrs. Wick- 
 liffe, Moore, and lienry, his colleagues in 
 Congress, whom he advised to hold 
 themselves un- committed, saying that 
 they could vote for either, and justify 
 themselves before their con8tituents,clear- 
 iy proves tluvt he himself was prepared,un- 
 cTer a contingency, to vote for Gen. Jack- 
 son. . [_S€e A])ptndix.~\ 
 
 It is easy to see th^it had ^Ir. Clay de- 
 sired to secure the situation of Secretary 
 of state, as the price of his vote, it was 
 important to prevent any expression of 
 public sentiment by the people or the le- 
 gislature, which bound him to prefer either 
 of the candidates. Having resolved to 
 substitute Ills ow n will for that of his con- 
 stituents, and having likevtise resolved 
 to determine his own choice by an ar- 
 r?.ngrment su^sequeiitly to be entered in- 
 to, it was import.-mt to prevent any nntvc- 
 ment on tlie part of the ^cgislature, or tlie 
 people which might impede his negotiations 
 or emb'irrass his attempts at justifica- 
 tion- That he would have made terms witli 
 Gen. Jackson, and that our view of his 
 motives is correct, is strongly coroborated 
 by the manner in which he met Gen. Jack- 
 sun, on his arrival at\Vashington.as detail- 
 ed by Gen. Call. [6fc Gen.'CaU's lctter.~] 
 
 .Speaking of Gen. Jackson, Mr, Clay 
 says: "Shortly after his arrival, he called 
 on me, but I was out. I returned the visit, 
 considering ii, in both instances, one of 
 
 >» 
 
 mere cer».mony. 
 
 Although this narrative of the recon- 
 ciliation d'rtcMsfrom that given by Judge 
 Isaacs and Mr. Blair, it proves by Mr. 
 Clay's own confession, that there was no 
 obstacle existing in their private relations, 
 to his voting for- General Jackson. He 
 expressly says no emnity " had been cher- 
 hfinf Oi] 7??// porf. " According to "-' ihi' 
 
iui 
 
 laws wlucii regiilate men o! honor," Mr. 
 Clay might thei'efore Have voted for Gen- 
 eral Jacksou. 
 
 Having exhibited the attitude in which 
 Mr. Clay stood towards eacli of the other 
 candidates, let us now trace his footsteps 
 through the canvass which preceded tne 
 election. Until the winter of 1823-4, 'V<r. 
 Glay considered Mr. Adams his most for- 
 midable competitor. Upon him he turned 
 all the artillery of the press, wliich he 
 could wield, and at the same time, as we 
 have seen, resorted to all the stratagems 
 of an artful and ambiHous adversary. 
 The claims set up by a portion of the 
 people in behalf of General Jackson, 
 he at first considered as wholly una- 
 vailing and utterl}^ hopeless. He charg- 
 ed Mr. Adams and his friends with 
 bringing forward the General to di-viJe 
 the West and defeat his (Mr. Clay's) 
 election. Towards Mr. Cravv'ford he 
 seemed to cast s,n eye of friendly regard, 
 and the impression wascirculited tlirough 
 the Union, that, if he failed himself, that 
 seatleman would be his second choice. 
 Mr. Adams was the only candi<iate upon 
 whom he waged a wrir of extermination, 
 and the people of the United States were 
 led to believe, that he v/ould ally himself 
 with any man or any party, to prevent his 
 election. — \_)See Mr. Eandolph^s declara- 
 t'ion i/i Congress, Appendix. ] 
 
 The progress of Jackson's popularity 
 during the year 1823. and the first part 
 of the year 1824, was alarmmc to all his 
 
 competitors, and had 
 
 deprived Mr. 
 
 Clay 
 
 of his last hope of being elected by the 
 people. Under those circumstances, 
 what was his obvious duty.'' Had he de- 
 clined the canvass, and postponed his pre- 
 tensions to a more propitious period, he 
 would have elevated himself in the esti- 
 mation of the American people. But an 
 overweening ambitiim suggested to him a 
 diiferent course, and, in a fatal moment, 
 he »ui!ered himself to be misled by its 
 bright illusions. What he could not gain 
 by the votes of the people, he now deter- 
 mined to achieve by bold and artful man- 
 agement. If he could but reach the 
 House of Hepresentatives, he flattered 
 himself, that tnrough his popularity and 
 influence in that body, he should be able 
 to overcome ail competition, and place 
 himself in the Presidential chair. But if 
 he failed in reaching that body, the same 
 power would enable him to control and 
 profit by the event of the election. These 
 views v.'ere di3cl'»sed with sulficient clear- 
 ness in the coraumnications of his fi-iends 
 at Washington, to every partof fhe Union, 
 *^nrlv in 18?^4, adviising his adhcrffnts to 
 
 renxain firm in their support. It will br; 
 sufficient for our purpose, to quote only 
 the language which was used on this poiiifc 
 in offixkd documents. The friends of Mr. 
 Clay at Washington City, in May, 1824, 
 publisiied a Circular, from wliich the fol- 
 lowing is an extract: 
 
 " Entertaining the liighest respect for 
 the other candidates, they (Mr. C's friend 
 at Washington) will not indulge in any 
 invidious comparison of their strength. 
 But it may perhaps be assumed, that, if 
 from any cause, Mr. Crawford should not 
 receive the vote of N.York — if Gen. Jack- 
 son should not receive the support of some 
 of the doubtful States — or if Mr. Adams 
 should not receive the vote of New York,' 
 Mr. Clay must be returned to the House, 
 without calculating any of the contingent 
 or probable events that may render "that 
 vote certain. 
 
 "If, contrary to all probability, Mr. 
 Clay should not be returned "to the 
 House, his friends, having done their 
 duty, wdll be able, by concent ration, to 
 control the event. They will hold in their 
 hands i]\Q. balance. They will determine 
 between ih^ opposing and conflicting in- 
 terests, and secure to the country a Re- 
 publican Administration. 
 
 " Under all the views taken, it is de- 
 termined to recommend to l.'.is friends to 
 adhere to him steadily, and to await the isj 
 sue now depending before the people." 
 
 This addi-ess, we have gootf authority 
 for believing, was written by Mr- Clay, 
 ■ and copied by Mr. Francis Johnson, and 
 its reference to the importance of " secu- 
 ring to the country a republican adminis- 
 tration," was evidently aimed at Mr. 
 Adams, who was habitually characterized 
 by Mr. Clay and his friends as the fede- 
 ral candidate. 
 
 Thus, in May, 1824, so precarious were 
 Mr. Clay'S' prospects, that he doubted 
 whether he would reach the House of Re- 
 presentatives, as one of the three highest 
 candidates, and yet he advises the sup- 
 porters of his cause " to adhzre to him 
 steadily.'''' What was the object.^ He 
 distinctly avows it — it was " by concen- 
 tration to control the events in the House 
 of Representatives. If Mr. Clay's friends, 
 on finding his prospects hopeless, had di- 
 vided off, and given tl'.eir support to other 
 candidates, they would not have been 
 concentrated in the House; which would 
 have left him as powerless as any other 
 individual. A rally w;is{herefore neces- 
 sary, not with any sanguine hope of secu- 
 ring his election, but to enable him " to 
 control the event.'''' 
 
 On fli'* ( 5fh of the follo%ving Jul v. -> 
 
i(/4 
 
 :r»oaUlig ^f^l^^ i»elJ by ^r. Clay*A prti- 
 Sansat Columbus, in Ohio, uho published 
 an AiUIipSkS to prevent defection among 
 his friends in that Htite, in which, as we, 
 have already seen, it is declared tliat the 
 object of nominating him was to prevent 
 fhe iSecrctary succession, and that "' it is 
 i,lie clear convicti(m of his supporters that 
 the object of noininalinjj him, can only be 
 ittaincd by adlierinji!; to hiin; (hat to aban- 
 don him is to abandon that object; and, 
 under this convictlor, they have adopted 
 I he resolution to adhere to him, as the 
 ilictate of duty and patiiotism," 
 
 At this time, the tide of Jackson's po- 
 [jiilarity was inun<lating the whole West- 
 •.rn coiinijy, threatening to sweep away, 
 f>Y depriving him of every vote except that 
 A Kentncky, Mr. Clay's last hojse of be- 
 ng able ^*(o control the event. ''^ Hi;-. 
 ..ommittec in Kentucky, alarmed at the 
 portent around them, thought it necessa- 
 ry to raise (lie drooping spitits of hi.s 
 riends. and confirm (hem in their adhc- 
 ■f;ncc to his falling fortunes. The result 
 A tlieir deliberations was another (jircu- 
 ar, issued in September^ 18£4, which 
 ja.** become celebrated, as well for devc- 
 oping the oljject of Mr. Clay, as for the 
 )roj>hetic s])irit with which it foretold the 
 nean^ by which lli* contest would be fi- 
 lally decided. In relation to the former 
 toiut. the comuiittec thus speak: 
 
 " ^^'c d(. not hesitate to avow our bc- 
 jef, tliat the fullest and fairest investiga- 
 ion and consideration, must lead to llic 
 onclusion, (hat no one of fhe four candi- 
 lates will unite a majority of the Klecto- 
 al.votes; that the election must devolve 
 ij)on the House of Representatives; that 
 10 ouc Mingle candidate can ou(nunil)er 
 he vote of Mr. Clay in that body: and 
 hat he is decidedly the choice of a niajo- 
 •ity of tlie people, as well as a majority of 
 he State*." 
 
 As;;iiii: "In fine. Mr. Clay considers 
 iiuiself wholly in tlie hands of the people; 
 ind wc, as his friends and supporters, bc- 
 icving him wortliyofour contiimed ex- 
 ertions, and that his prospects of success 
 irc ?(iU unclouded and brightening, avow 
 nir determination, and we believe wc 
 :peak the language of all his friends, to 
 diide by our preference to the last. If 
 kO shfinld be returu'^d to the House of 
 l{epre>entutlves, wc iiave little d >ul)t of 
 tis final election, with the approbation 
 ii'dapplmiseof tlienuijority of the iiation; 
 rat if any imtoward circumstance should 
 )revent his being one of the thiec highest, 
 lis friends in Conirrrs=.hy throwin<; their 
 ' -inht inn> the c.-rdo <>f t^^^ m-'St 7iV//jv5/> 
 
 can and KcU'wnul liandiUatc, will lia-fc ii 
 in their power to defeat the ends of polit- 
 ical management, and see that the Re- 
 public sustains no injury." 
 
 From this language it is notorious, that 
 almost thconly hopcof Mr. Clay's friends 
 was to e:jable him " to control the event.'''' 
 It was not a little singular, that men who 
 were obviously laboring to throw the elec- 
 tion into the House of Jieprescntatives 
 that Mr. Clay might profit by the result, 
 shoubl have declared, at the same time, 
 the n^.anner in which the election was to 
 be decided in that body. On this point 
 they use the following strong language: 
 
 "• And let them (the people) remem- 
 ber, tha( after the clu»ice of Klectors once 
 takes place, their voice will be no more 
 heard in the contest. All will be carried 
 by irriluenrc and intrigue, baru;ain and 
 maiiaiicment. He wlio has the most ex- 
 tensive means of intluence, and will pro- 
 mise tl>e most favors, will have the best 
 prosi)cct of success; and the nation will 
 receive (ho President, not from the pure. 
 ha'Kls of the poople, but from a club of 
 political managers and intriguers." 
 
 Mr. Johii J. Crittenden, the private and 
 coididcntiul friend of Mr. Clay, has admit- 
 ted thathe,aidod by a friend.was the writer 
 of this address; and it has been charged, 
 & never yet denied by Mr. Crittenden, or 
 Mr. Clay, that it was written after a cou- 
 sultuti-.jn of his friends at a meeting held 
 at Harrod.-.burgh, for the purpose of de^i- 
 sing means to prevent tlie utter abandon*- 
 iiient of .Mr. Clay by thepeople^ Of this 
 meeting. Mr. Clay himself was a member. 
 
 Taking this circular together, and con- 
 sidering its declarations in connexion 
 with the j)rincip!es it avows, it is as expli- 
 cit as words can make it, that the ultimate 
 object then w;«j to enable Mr. Clay to 
 head the ^^ club of poliltcal 77ianagers/'' 
 to aYuil himself. o( '■^ promised favors^*^ 
 and give the country a President by *'i//- 
 Jlucncc and intrigncJiarr^ain and m'anas^c- 
 menl.'*^ 'ihis prediction, so well ver^iH- 
 ed by the event, could not have flowed 
 from the pen of any confidential manager 
 ol Mr. Clay, v,-lio understood his object's 
 and designs. It must have been interpo- 
 lated by the hand of some man who fore- 
 saw what would be the me:ins resorted tji 
 for carrying the election, but knew nor 
 that sudi was tht' ultimate object to whicli 
 all the exertions of Mr. Clay and his con- 
 fidential friends were then unitedly tend- 
 i ng. On any other supposition, that paper 
 was an opoa' avowal, that Mr. Cby and 
 his friends in C(tngress, would be ready 
 for sale tn the highest bidder ; Ttfat SUcK 
 
iUJ 
 
 was t"ne fiict, in rclaiiou to himself, is lor Mr. Ciay:, aud both, with a tew iniii 
 
 amply conl;rme.d by tlie result; but it vidual exceptions, unitiu;^- upon General 
 
 cannot be imagined, that the iiuthors of Jackson as their second choice. It did 
 
 that circular had the efliontery iiitenticn- not comport with IMr. Clay's policy or 
 
 ally to avow it. designs to be trammelled by any cxpres 
 
 There can be no doubt, that jNIr. C's sion of public opinion. It was not the 
 
 partisans at Waslan^tou and in Keiituckv, people of Kentucky, or of the United 
 
 acted in concert with Mr, Clay, and in States, who were "to control tne event, 
 
 I'urtlierance of his ultimate designs. But if but Mr. Clay and his friends in Con"-re£iL 
 
 there had been room for a doubt, it wiia As the surest mode of avoidin'>- the em- 
 
 wholly obviated by the subsequent con- barra^isment into which he would be 
 
 duct of Mr. Clay himself. The system thrown by an expression of legislative 
 
 of non-committals upon which he acted, opinion, as well as the responsibility pi 
 
 was commenced in th<^ Washington 
 
 digregartung it. 
 
 applied in 
 
 person 
 
 hold in their hands the balance,'- and one part of this inti-igue^ and another has 
 
 *'by concentration, control the event. '^^ come to light in the late iuvestigatiou by 
 
 T^Q letter said, ^^ his friends in Congress, the Senate of Kentucky. 
 ^1/ throiving their loeight into the scale of In his Address, page 5}, is a letter from 
 
 (he most republican and national candt- Col. James Davidson, Treasurer of Ken- 
 
 daie, ivill have it in their jwicer to defeat tucky, who, in 1824, was a member ol* 
 
 the ends of political management, and see the Senate. He states, that he was indu- 
 
 that the Republic sustains no injuri/.''- ced to oppose the resolutions ofinstruc- 
 
 Neither declared who was tiieir second tion, v/heu they were beJbre the Senat^i, 
 
 choice. That point v.as to be left to Mr. by information previously received frohi 
 
 Clay. That only was to be considered Mr. Clay luraself, that he would not vote 
 
 a republican admiiiistration, whicli should for General Jackson. IJe savs, he told 
 
 embrace him as one of the cabinet. the Senate, that " all the resolutions we 
 
 As early as October, IS.'S-l, Mr. Clay could pass during the whole session, 
 
 began to prepare the minds of his friends would not induce you (Mr. Clay) to abar;- 
 
 for ulterior operations in Congress. In don v.hat you conceived to be your duty^, 
 
 thiit month he met with the Honorable and that i knew you could not conci'r 
 
 C. A, Wickllfte and tiie Honorable Tho- with tlie majority of the Legislature p^i 
 
 mas P. Moore, in Frankfort, and person- that subject." lie says he informed se- 
 
 ally expressed to them an apprehension, veral persons of the conversation with Mr, 
 
 which all his movements and those of his Clay, and names "George Robertyorj, 
 
 leading partisans had' indicated, that he 
 should not be one of the three returned to 
 the House of ilepresentatives; and \i\U- 
 matcd, that, in that event, he would hold 
 himself uncommitted, which he repre- 
 
 Ef.q. late Speaker of tlie House of R'eprc- 
 sentatives'' as one. By recurrence tt> 
 tlie procpedin,^s in that ilouse, we pej 
 ceive, that Mr. Robei-tson rnoved to lay 
 the resolutions on the table until a dav 
 
 senteu to be the true policy of his friends, beyond the close of the session, and ga> e 
 
 .Vce Apntndix, No. 9. and 4. ashis reasons, " that their adoption would 
 
 The Legislature of Kentucky met on be unjust to our members ot Congress, 
 
 the- tii-st day of November, aud ^Ir. Clay who know the will of tlie people better 
 
 was still ill Frankfort. The people of than we do; that it would be iiidelicatu 
 
 Kentucky had already bc^un to speak to ^Ir. Clay; that it would lessen the 
 
 loudly ot'Cencral Jackson as their second wcia;ht of Iventucky in the next adminis- 
 
 <^hoice, in the event that Mr. Clay sliould trationj that it was better to leave oui 
 
 be excluded from the House of Reprcsen- members of Con",ress to act according t») 
 
 Natives, and the Legishiuire partook of contingencie.-:; that the weight and'nn- 
 
 the general feeling. "The rumor soon be- portance of the State, and the Western 
 
 gan t*- irculate, that if the apprehension country, could, in tliat manner, be be." i. 
 
 of Ml Clay's exclusion should be well secured; that our members on tlie spot 
 
 founded, the Legislature would, as' soon would be tlie best judges of what was just 
 
 as the fact w-as known^ express the voice and expedient; that the resolutions would 
 
 of the State, and request their Represen- not only degrade our respocted fellowj 
 
 tativeg to vote for General Jackson. At citizen, but throw Kentucky on the elev- 
 
 that time, there were two parties in that tioneering arena in Congress, completely 
 
 body, |x>th professing et^u:.! friendship haridcvJled.*' Jt was imTH».=r=nWo ^" r^''- 
 
Jb(> 
 
 iiKler.-l.iiiU sui» laHj^i.i:«,%**. ■Aud J/r. Shp- nyal 
 Jitrd, a member of the House, said, on the 
 same occasion, that " some of the friends 
 of Mr. (lay, he iuid no doubt, wished to 
 ^efcntlhe resolutions, aud leave that gen- 
 tleman to make the best bargain he could. 
 But he did not wish the vote of Kentucky 
 t<t be bartered away, or that Mr. Clay 
 should be Secretary of State to the exclu- 
 sion of Jackson as President." — [See .ap- 
 pendix, No. 9.] 'rii'S shows, fliat the 
 movements and' objects of Mr. Clay's ;3ar- 
 tieular friends w ere, even then, on the 
 ;51sl December, 18:^24, well understood. 
 But what would have been the lanjj;uage 
 of the inde[»eiulent members of 'he Ken- 
 tucky Legislature, had they known that 
 almost the only opposition to the resolu- 
 tions came from Mr. Clay himself? Had 
 Col. Davidson or Mr. Robertson told that 
 body and the country, that Mr. Clay had 
 himself said, that he was already deter- 
 mined to vote for Mr. Adams arl against 
 Gi-neval .lackson. what would have been 
 ;hc langtiajre of the l^ejpslature nn<l the 
 freemen orKcntucky? '^lanagementhad 
 not tlien effected its object, and he would 
 have been denounctMi throughout the 
 ."^tate, in curses as l-tud and deep as a be- 
 trayed people could utter. 
 
 Toother members of the Lepslalure, 
 however, Mr. Clay held a very difterent 
 language; but it w'as with a view to the 
 same object. To Major Carneal, who had 
 deteiTuined to introduce the resolutions i»f 
 instruction into the Senate, he stated 
 that "he was wholh/ tm commit fed,'^ and 
 '' wished to be left "entirely free" in giv- 
 ino- his vote. — [ See Jippmdix, No. 1, Mr. 
 CarnenVs criJenrc'] He succeeded in 
 dissuading that gentleman from ofTering 
 the resol'iuons, but could not prevail up- 
 on him to oppose them, or refuse them 
 his support. To other persons he held 
 similar language, and conveyed to them 
 ihc impression that his mind was not 
 made up, or that he would vote for Gen- 
 eral Jackson. This course he pursued 
 with those who, he had reason to believe, 
 were not willing, for (ho |>urpose of ena- 
 bling him to secure a place in the cabinet, 
 lo give up their desire for a Western Pre- 
 sident, and their prpference for General 
 Jackson. But in all tliis double dealing, 
 Mr. Clay's object was single — it was (o 
 prevent the adoption of any resolutions of 
 instruction by tlic Kentucty Legislature. 
 
 Having, as ke thought, taken eBectual 
 measures by his representations to the 
 leaders of each of tne local parties, to 
 prevent the expression of any preference 
 by the Legislature of his State, Mr. C\ny 
 .;. ,i,H r^;^ w-Tfthington Citv. On Ws Jlv- 
 
 iivai, he iiumoiliaieh' called on Majus 
 Thomas P. Moore, a member of Congress 
 from Kentucky; represented to him that 
 the Kentucky delegation might, with per- 
 fect safety and ])ropriety, vote for either 
 of the three candidates, and expressed 
 his desire that his fnends should remain 
 uncommitted. To Major R. P. Henry, 
 deceased, he held similar language. The 
 impieiision conveyed by him to these gen- 
 lltmen, as well as to Mr. Wicklitfe, Ma- 
 jor Carneal and others, before he left 
 Kentucky, was, that he himself stood 
 wholly uncommitted, and was ready to 
 vote for either of the three candidates as 
 circumstances might render it expedient. 
 [ S«f Appendix. Ao. 2 & 4.] That he was so 
 understood, by at least one of the Ken- 
 tucky delegation, who voted with him, 
 has been proved in the Senate of Ken- 
 tucky. \^See .Appendix, N'o. 1, 3Ir. Ken- 
 dall's statement.! After the 4th of Janu- 
 arv, 1825, Gen. Metcalfe informed one of 
 his constituents, at Washington City, that 
 •j/'f,' meaning the Kentucky delegation, 
 including Mr.Clay. ^^sl(md vncommitted.''' 
 He even gave the reason why, at so late a 
 period, Mr.Clay and his friends remained 
 '•^vncommiffed.^' It wag to ascertain ".so/zif- 
 tliinc; about /io2v the cabinet is tobe Jilled. 
 [iff Appendix No. 4, Mr. John S. Hitt's 
 statement.'] In addition to this, we have 
 Mr. Cla>'s om'u declaration to the Hon. 
 John Floyd, late in December, 1824, or 
 earlv in January, 1825, declaring he was 
 hesitating Wetvvecn Adams and Jackson. 
 He said that, when lie " took up the 
 pretensions uf Mr. Adams and weighed 
 them, and laid tliem down, and then took 
 up the pretensions of (ieneral Jackson, 
 and weighed them, and laid them down 
 by the side of those of Mr. Adams, ho 
 was never so much pu/.zlcd in all his life 
 as he was to decide between thorn. [<S>c 
 Appendix, No. 5, Mr. Floyd's letter.'] 
 \V lien it is considered that Gen. Floyd, 
 decidedlv preferred Gen. Jackson as u 
 second choice to Mr. Adams, we confi- 
 dently ask if Mr. Clay could have jiossi- 
 bly assumed an attitude, or expressed 
 himself in language, more distinctly in- 
 dicating that he was in the market and 
 ready to support General Jackson, upon 
 reccrving assurances of jiromotion."* ilis 
 words seem io have been carefully select- 
 ed to convey the idea of a tremulous equi- 
 poise of judgment, in which the slightest 
 circumstance would incline the balance 
 one way or the other. A more artful 
 stroke, a more profound device of ambi- 
 dexterous diplomacy, is not to be found 
 in the annals of political intiigue. 
 Ilfre]! thuftj -^e have a long !?rri?5 of 
 
i h t 
 
 Acts aud deelaradous ol Mr. Clay and 
 ina friends, all tending to the same point, 
 'fhe Washington Circular, in May, 1824, 
 advised Mr. Claj's friends to 'adhere 
 to him steadily,/ for the purpose of re- 
 turning him to the H-juse or Represen- 
 tatives, or in case they should fdi' iii-li\au 
 to enable him and those disposed to act 
 with him 'to control the event.'' The 
 Ohio and Kentucky Circulars teudeil to 
 the same end. Mr. Clay rntriioied to 
 prevent the interference of tlie Legisla- 
 ture of Kentucky. He advised his friends 
 in Congress, to remain uncommitted. 
 Excepting those who declared for General 
 Jackson, tlicy did remain uncommitted. 
 One of them said, that their object in 
 maintaining that attitude was to .'^certain 
 * hoiv the cahinst teas to be fiJIcA. " ..'Vc- 
 cording^ to the object avowed early in 
 1824, Mr. Clay's friends had ac![nired 
 the power ' by conccnfralion to control 
 the event,^ and were determined to use 
 that po\ver according to the manner in 
 wliich 'the cabinet was to be filled.' Mr. 
 Clay stood in the midst of a band of un- 
 committed friends with the Presidency in 
 his hand, ready to bestow it according to 
 the dispositions which might be maivjfo;'ied 
 ih relation to the cabinet. 
 
 While Mr. Clay was standing in this 
 attitude, another obLi^ativm was added io 
 tliose of honor and principle already ex- 
 isting, which forbade his voting for' Mr. 
 Adams. It was the obligation of dutyti 
 the State of Kentucky. He was one of 
 the constitutional organs des'gnate.l to 
 speak her voice. It was not Henry Clay 
 and his associates who were to vote for 
 President; it was the State of Kentucky. 
 Henry Clay and his associates Avere only 
 empowered to give the vote of their State; 
 tliey liad no right to give their own vote. 
 If they preferred one man, and at the 
 same time knew that their State prefer- 
 red another, it was their duty to vote the 
 preference of their vState. Suspecting 
 that her representatives in Cong!-ess v.ere 
 inclined to disregard her will, Kentucky, 
 through her sovereign power, declared 
 her choice, and left her de'egation in 
 Congress no excuse for disobedience. 
 The following resolutions passed through 
 lier Legislature by a vote almost unani- 
 mous, and were forwarded to each of her 
 members in tlie House of Representa- 
 tives, before tlic filection: 
 
 " Whereas, it appears from the result 
 6f the elections in the several Siatea, and 
 tue formation of the electoral colleges for 
 elioosing a President of the United States, 
 tfiJt no pCTS'Dn '.vill rrtn:?tve a majority ef 
 
 the electoralyo'tes, and that Heary Cja) . 
 who was the first choice of the people of 
 Kentucky, has not received a sufticient 
 number of votes to bring hiin before the 
 House of Ilepi-esentatives, as-One of the 
 throe highest from whom the choice of 
 the President of the United States -4s to 
 be nude. Therefore, 
 
 '•'' Ihsiolved, SfC, T^hat ihe members of 
 the House of Ueprescntatives in the Con- 
 gress of the United States, from tins 
 State, be requested to vote for General 
 Amirew .lackson as President of tlie 
 United States. 
 
 ''J?esoIved, a$ till' opinion af t!m Le- 
 gislature, Tiiat General Andrev/ Jack- 
 son is the second choice of the State o!" 
 Kentucky, for the next President of ihe^ 
 U'riited States: that- a very large majoritv 
 of the people of this State prefer CJen- 
 eral Jackson to Mr. Adams or Mr. Cravr- 
 ford ; and th..U (he inernbers of the 
 House of Ro-presentatives in the Congress 
 of \!\\(i L^nited States will, by complyins; 
 with the request herein signified, faith- 
 fully and truly rcpro-sent the feelings-and 
 v/ishiis of the gaod people of KontuQky. " 
 
 Thus was Mr. Clay's obligation to 
 vote against iMiv Adams completed. - It 
 was a triple cord, composed of honor, 
 principle, aT)d'duty — ^lionor in relation to" 
 hJm.self, principleia relation to his own 
 declarations and those of his friends, es- 
 peci'illy in Ohio, and duty 'v\ rehitlon 
 to Kentucky. Ye<" Wc;<^ this <:riple cord 
 snapt asunder. 
 
 But Mr. Clay secvns toh.ave thought 
 it necessary to produce some ground of 
 apology for Ids abandonment of duty, be- 
 fore he proceeded to the fatal act. Thei-o 
 were not wanting certain ])oliticians 
 in Kentucky who were willing to be 
 transferred by him to whomsoever lie 
 pleased to sell them, if he could purchase 
 any advantage to himself. Even a few 
 members of the Lcl!;islature, and among 
 them o;ie man of hi.;h pretensions in Mr. 
 Clay^^ own congressloniil district, votefi 
 for the resolutions becausethey dared not 
 openly v/ifhstand the voice of" the people, 
 anil ti)en wroLctoMr.Clay an^l other mem- 
 bers of Congress to pay no regard to <hem! 
 By some agency which has never been 
 expiainexl, a few oi' Mr. Clay's consti- 
 tuents in one part of his district, were' 
 induce/i to sign a paper, in-structiug him 
 to vote as he pleased. Unquestionably, 
 his own liand secretly painted out this 
 movement; it was in accordance witli 
 the doctrine of non-comnittals, which he 
 was then inculcating; it aftbrded him a 
 poor exnrs^ for dii^regarding the will of 
 
teb: 
 
 yie Staifj unci tlje evitleut object was to 
 i-nabk' him ' to control the event' for his 
 own advuntairc. 
 
 How far this kind of nianaa;emcnt ex- 
 fouded, wc arc unable to siiy; but, of one 
 other conj;ressional district of Kentucky, 
 ■\\-c can speak with certainly. It was 
 that which wa.-? rcjjrescntod by the Hon. 
 Pavid White. It is jjrjibahlc that Mr. 
 White, when he l^-aril that the Kentucky 
 resolutions were iikelv lohe adopted, in- 
 timatctl that ho should feel it his duty to 
 obey them. To impair their obligation 
 upon his mind, and scenic his vote, it 
 ■vvas necessary tiiat lie should be iruluccd 
 to believe tliat his iiumediatc constitut'uts 
 •NVould prefer a diSerent arranj>;cment. 
 Information was therefore uiven to some 
 of Mr. Clay's conliilcntial friends in the 
 district, so explicit that it couKl not be 
 misunderstitod, that if Mr. Adams were 
 elected President, he would make Mr. 
 Clay Secretary of State, and Mr, Clay 
 liimself wrote to at least one of liis 
 friends, urginv!;him, it is believed, to pvo- 
 i'urc letters to Mr. WIdte, instructing^ 
 iiim to vote for Mr. Adam,-;, \\ith a view' 
 io that arranf;emciit. Those who felt a 
 Jeep interest in Mr. ("lay's advancement, 
 AVcre accordinj^ly told,' that Mr. Clay 
 \.'ould be Secretary if Mr. Adaras was 
 President, and numerous letters Averc 
 procured to be written by that iuforma- 
 Tion. By this intrigue, tlic obligation of 
 the resolutions was impaired, and the vote 
 of Mr. A^'hitc was sccurt? J for Mr. Adams'. 
 
 This v.as a piece nf deeji management 
 on the part of Mr. Clay. He hatf failed 
 an so controlling the Legislature, as to 
 prevent the passage of th.e re;~olutions. 
 He knew those re:,olutionsaccorded with 
 the feelings of the people, and that his 
 vieus were not to bo promoted bv calling 
 
 ?ublic meetings and collecting their voice. 
 le therefore secretly endeavored to get 
 a few prominent men, the managers of 
 newspapers and political leaders, coni- 
 riiittc<l in favor of his arrangeinjnts, and 
 trusted to them antl the power and pat- 
 ronage of otVice, to manage the people ia- 
 io acquiescence. 
 
 The election came on. Mr. Clay gtivc 
 his o-an vote,and that of Kentuckv," for 
 Mr. Adam3. He broki- (he tiiple cord of 
 Ii(r,mr, principle an<l duty. He abandon- 
 ed his piiiuiples, deceived Ohio, betray- 
 ed Kentucky, and .Mild the \\'c**t to her 
 ancitiit fnemy. He voted for one wiiom 
 he. Iia^ denounced as ojie of the ba>tst 
 vf his hate, a dangeryus pt.litieian and 
 « vin'Irctivc man. J re \ottd for oue 
 uP'li»«4ulMnet, v,ho?Tv it ^va^^ rtvov'<\l ♦r, 
 
 be thejirst objtd of his friends to deiea;. 
 He voted /or one whom he had tam^lit 
 Kentucky to hate, and aicainst one whom 
 she had called on him, almost by accla- 
 mation, to support. 
 
 He votcd/o/* him whom he had. charg- 
 ed with attempting to barter the naviga- 
 tion of the Mississippi to Great Britain; 
 aicainst him Avho liacl defended that river 
 against British armies. 
 
 Hevotctl/or him whom he censured 
 for giving Texas to Spain; wiroi;?-*/ him 
 who had ijaved Lotiisiana to the Union. 
 
 He voted /b/ him v. horn he had charg- 
 e<l with ''giving our Avives and children 
 for fitili;" a^dlnst hiui who had saved the 
 "beauty and booty " of New-Orleans. 
 
 He votedybrhim whom he had charged 
 vith selling the blood of the wc;t for mo* 
 ney; Hifainst him who prescrvc<J tlie lives 
 of our citizens by an almost bloodless 
 victory. 
 
 He votcriybA" him whom he had charg- 
 ed with an " unfeeling jxdicy, which 
 would crimson our fresh iields With the 
 blood of our border brethren, and liglit 
 the midnight forest willi the flames of 
 their dwellings ;■' u^amsth'v.n who had 
 contjucred the savage murderers of our 
 women and children, and who had saved 
 the emporium, of the west from all tlio 
 horrors of a general tack, by a brutal sol- 
 uicrv. 
 
 ife votcd/y/- him, who, during tlw; late 
 war, reposed on beds of down, far from 
 his country and from danger, enjoying tho 
 society of princes and kin^s, enrictiing 
 himself upon outfits, salaries and contin- 
 gencies drawn from the bankrupt treasu- 
 ry of 0t,r bleeding country, ami peevish- 
 ly complaining of our government, ad 
 •'feeble and penurious;'^ a^^ainst liin^ 
 who made theUoughs of the forest hia bed, 
 ami fed ou iti; aeoins; who spent sleep- 
 less nights and days of toil in the face of 
 thi> enemy; who pLHl;;ed liis own ample 
 f.'rtune to sii])portan anny. which his eii- 
 eri^y had eu.bodied; vho, with the volcti 
 of confidence and jratriotisra, made the 
 weak feel strong, and gave coara£,c to 
 \hi! coward; w!io risked nil— iori-nic^ i[i'.\ 
 and honor — to ser'.'e and save his countr} ; 
 coiujuerr-d t!ie relentless ^>av:u;e, with an 
 inferior f(,rce «)f n:itraintN.l mililia, repeil- 
 eii the disciplined troops of thcproutl in- 
 vader, filknl America \»'ith joy, and t!w 
 world with admiration. 
 
 He voted for John' Qvi.ncv Arams, 
 c;rtdnst Anduv.v,' Jackson I What en- 
 chanter's wand or potent spell could have 
 led Mr. Clay so far a.-tray from the duty 
 h'* fMYO'l to himself, his prfn'-iples. nrtl \xi^ 
 
i iiJ-J 
 
 couuiryr NVhut cuuld have induced the 
 eloquent advocate of the late war to prc- 
 fcT lis jjolitical rival and political enemy 
 to the gallant- man who had priueipally 
 contributed to save him and the other 
 supporters of" that war, troni disgrace and 
 de;;radation ? His motives ciinnot be mis- 
 taken. In the spring of 1824, measures 
 vere already taken to ciiabSe hiui to con- 
 trol the event m the House of Hepresen- 
 tatives, and his friends were advised, 
 "to adliere to him steadily,'' for the 
 yurposc of j;;iving him tlic power in that 
 House, if they could not give him the 
 Presidency. 
 
 To Messrs. Wickliite, Carneal, Moore 
 and Floyd, in the fall and winter of that 
 s&ason, he declared that he v/as uncom- 
 jnittcd, and urged some of las friends in 
 Congress to fissume the same attitude. 
 One of them said, they remained uncom- 
 laittcd as late as the 4th or 5th of Janua- 
 u^ry, and gave as a reason, that they 
 ■ ^* must know something about liow the 
 cabinet is to be filled.'' After "distinctly 
 ascertaining that Mr. Adams would ap- 
 point Mr. Clay Secretary of State," they 
 made up their minds to vote for Mr. Ad- 
 ams. They did vote for Mr. Adams, and 
 Mr. Clay, as had been foretold in Frati!:- 
 fort, Kentucky, early in January, and in 
 this City, late in that month., J6'«j ntade 
 Secretary of State. The Kentucky dele- 
 gates returned homo. Jlr. F. Johnson v,as 
 a>;kcd by sorne of hi;; constituents, ^^how lie 
 came to vote fur l)iv. Adams? Mr. John- 
 son ansv/ered he voted for Mr. Adams, to 
 •■" :^ct Mr. Clay made Sccretanj of Stale.^^ 
 {^cc /Ippcndix, No. \ -Mr. 3/c3IiUau'--i 
 ^atcmevd.) Gen. Metcalfe, on being told 
 that voting for Mr. Adams v/ouUl be an 
 irphill business iu Kentucky, replied, »■ / 
 frar tee have done too inuzhjar our friend.'^ 
 (Sea Appendix, No. 1, lUr. Ji)lin>ion''s 
 utatcmcnt.J- 4-fter his return home, he 
 said to a constituent, as a reason v/liy he 
 voted for Mr. Adauis, 'vi;c could r,ot 
 possibli/ get Mr, Clay in the vabinct iviih- 
 oui voting for and electing Mr. Jldarn^i.'^^ 
 (See. Appendix, No.i. — Mr.IJesha'a aialc- 
 vient,) Mr, White said, he ^^ voted for 
 Mr. Clay and not for Mr. Jldvnisy^ t!)at 
 '' Mr. Adani-i icould never have been I're- 
 i,hhnl if M^r. ('lay had not been Secretary 
 of State,'''' and that it v/as the conviction 
 that ^\lv. Clay v/ould receive that aj)i)oiut- 
 ment which induced him to vote for Mr. 
 Adams. (See Appendix, No. 1, Mr. 
 Kc3id}il'3 statement.) Mr. David Trim- 
 ble said, on various occasions, as is prov- 
 ed by numerous witnesses, ^'it ica-i dis- 
 tinolij aaccrtaiixedtlinf Mr- Adinn>^ T'nuj,;{ 
 
 make Mr. Clay Secretary of State, ami 
 that General Jaekson zcoidl not. " (See Ap- 
 pendix, No. \.) Mr. J. J. Crittenden, the 
 coiifidential friend of Mr. Clay, iu Frank 
 fort, has admitted iu a publication, that he 
 preferred (jien. Jackson to Mr. Adams, 
 but thought that '"either of them woiild 
 make a better President with Mr. Clay as- >* 
 sociated v/ith himiu t!ie F.xecutive Depart - 
 mcnt, than the other without him;-* and 
 some weeks before t'le elec tion, he v/rote ti » 
 IVIr. White, requesting him to vote for Mr- 
 Adatiis. 
 
 Combining together these acts and de- 
 clarations of Mr. Clay and his frieuds, be- 
 fore and after the Presidential elections 
 no rational man can doubt, that the whole ' 
 object of their previous management, was 
 to ascertain bcforc-harul, that Mr. Clay 
 would be made Secretary of State, and 
 that this v/as tlie consideration of their 
 support. It is impossible for any fact to 
 be more conclusively proved, v»ithout tlic 
 productions of a v/ritten contract signed 
 liud sealed by t!ic contracting parties. 
 IIov/ has Mr. Clay attempted to vindi- 
 cate himself for this abandonment of 
 principle and duty? 15y a course of 
 bold assertion and artful evasions, un- 
 equalled iu political history. 
 
 To obviate the objection to his voting,;; 
 for Mr. Adams on account of their per- 
 sonal relations, he denies the existence 
 of any hostility betr/ecu them, and main 
 tains that his v.hole course towards hi.; 
 riyal and enemy, was open and honora- 
 ble, in his address to his constituents, 
 iie thus speaks: 
 
 'i-The relations in which I stood to 
 Mr. Adams, constitute the next theme of 
 this address, which I shall notice. I am 
 described as having ass\imed "• a position 
 of peculiar and decided hostility to the 
 election of Mr. Adams." and expressions 
 towards him, are attributed to me, u-hlcli 
 I never used, I am made also responsi- 
 ble ''for pamphlets and essays of grcaL 
 ability," published by my fricudj iu 
 Kentucky, in the course of tlie canvass. 
 The injustice of die priucii)le of holding 
 me thus answerable, may bo tested by 
 applying it to the case of General Juck"- 
 sun,"iu reference to publications issued, 
 for example, from the Columbian Ob- 
 server. That I v/as not in favor of the 
 election of Mr. Ad^mis wlien the contest 
 was before the people, is most certain. 
 Neither was I iu favor of that of Mr. 
 Craw-urd or General Jackson. 'Jltat I 
 ever did any thing against Mr. Adarns, 
 or either of the other gentlemen, incon- 
 in^fcnt v:if.h a fair 'md h'^nornhh cornrjC" 
 
i'ltioii, 1 utliiuj Ucai/.'' lie. (lieu pio- 
 leeds to give sooie account of the Ghent 
 negotiation, quotes his letter of Novem- 
 ber l6t!i, 1822, in whicli he had decLir- 
 ed, tliat Mr. Adams' errors, were, no 
 doubt unintentional," quotes from a 
 speech made by him in 1816, in which he 
 had declared, that his colleagues at 
 Ghent, were "actuated, he believed, by 
 the bostof ir.oliveSj" in oftering the naviga- 
 tion of the Mis3issi})))pi for the fishing lib- 
 erties, recites t'iie mission to London, 
 and thus concludes the subject: 
 
 "Now, if I had discovered at Ghent, 
 as }t£s ])fcen asserted, that either of them 
 vv^s false and failhli'ss to his country, 
 would I have voluntarily commenced 
 with them another negotiation? Further, 
 there never has been a period, during our 
 whole acquaintance, that Mr. Adams and 
 I have not exchanged, when we met, 
 iViendly salufations, and the courtesies 
 and hospitalities of social intercourse." 
 
 What! receive " the courtesies and 
 hospitalities of social intercourse" from 
 Mr. Adams, v.'hilc l;e v/as secretly charg- 
 ing him with oftbnces little slsort of mur- 
 <ler and treason? And is all his conduct 
 in the west, the scattering far and wide, 
 with his own hand, and by his osvn mo- 
 ney, these charges .igainst Mr. Adam'^, 
 while with an atVccted liberality, he was 
 Idling him and the world, that liis errors 
 were " 7iO dovbi uninlendcnaf,''' and that 
 he was " actvatedby tl.c best of motives,^- 
 mot " wconshitenf with a fair and honora- 
 ble CG7npctifion.'P^ 
 
 This languagQ is not confined to !Mr. 
 Clay's address to his constituents. Simi- 
 lar passages may be found in his Lewis- 
 burg speech, his Pittsburg speech, his No- 
 ble speech, and in his late addic?^ to the 
 public. It is unnec<:ssaiy to make quota- 
 tions from all these documents: bi;t we 
 cannot refrain from noticing the last. 
 He introduces his copurgator. Mi-. Da- 
 \'u\ Trimblo, to])rovetnat this matter liae 
 been much misrepresented. The follow- 
 ing is his language: 
 
 '•I made some reference to the sup- 
 posed ditfercnce of opinion between him- 
 self (Mr. Clay) and Mr. Adams about 
 the treaty of Ghent. He said in replv, 
 that it had been greatly magnified by tfie 
 friends of his competitors for electioneer- 
 ing purposes — that it ou":ht to have no 
 influence in tl^e vote whitli he might be 
 called upon to give," &.c. 
 
 If this thing lias been ^^ mngnijied,'^ 
 who did it? \Vho sent the numbers of 
 AVayne to Ohio? ^^■ho stimulated the 
 cantor of the Frankfort Argus to take up 
 
 his pen? "SV ho uaid liis luwucy to ha\t 
 his letters reprinted and circulated it; 
 pamphlet, after he knew their contents? 
 Was this " the friends of his competi- 
 tors? Was it for their "electioneering 
 purposest" Let established facts an- 
 swer. 
 
 Has Mr. Clay ever acknowledged t© 
 Mr. Adams, aud atoned for, his agency 
 in the!«e transactions? Or has it been 
 conce^'.lcd, until it was dragged out by 
 his own friends in the Senate of Ken- 
 tucky? When was there a mutual ac- 
 knowledgment of error and injury ? 
 When was the gauntlet, which had 
 been publicly thrown and accepted, 
 withdrawn? When did Mr. Clay re- 
 tract Ins charges against Mr. Adams, of 
 hostility to the west, of curtailing her 
 territory, oppressing her people, and sell- 
 ing her blood ? W hen did he say, that 
 Mr. Adams had done him no more than 
 justice in charging him with a sccliona! 
 course at Ghent, wdth ''bragging a million 
 against a cent," insirsiating that he had 
 stimulated Russell's attack and filled the 
 western country with slanders? V/heu 
 did ISIr. Adams withdraw his charges 
 and insinuations against Mr. Clay, and 
 acknowledge that he had acted with jus- 
 tice, fairness, and honor? 
 
 In his speech at Noble's, Mr. Clay 
 says: " no good or honorable m.an wiii do 
 another voluntarily any injustice.'^ In 
 his address, he says, '"■the obligation t« 
 observe the principles of honor, and to 
 speak ivith scruprunvs veracity of alt men, 
 and especially of our competitors, is unaf- 
 fected by time or place.'''' 
 
 Has ISlr. Clay practised his own avow- 
 ed principles? He publicly declared, 
 that Mr. Adam's errors were "no dct(bt 
 unintentional;''^ he privately caused to be 
 published, and by hia money widely cir- 
 culated, diarges that Mr. Adams' con- 
 duct at Ghent, was not only highly cen- 
 surable, but his errors doKbtless inten- 
 tional. 
 
 Nor is the situation of Mr. Adams 
 more enviable. His own publications 
 prove that he well knew of Mr. Clay'H 
 agency i:i tlie attacks upon his conduct 
 and his integrity. By receiving him in- 
 to his cabinet, he virtually retracts all 
 he had said or insinuated of Mr. Clay, 
 pleads guilty to the charges made against 
 nim in the west, and degrades himself. 
 What! Can an honorable man take to 
 his bosom one whom he knows to have 
 treated him most dishonorably, without 
 retraction or atonement? 
 In what liglit must '* mrrr\ of hcvTim"" vieV 
 
1/! 
 
 ic r'res.ideut and iiis Secretary.- Tliev 
 lUSt IcMjk on them as rank political ot- 
 ?nders or mutual slanderers. Iftiiejtold 
 he truth of each other, tli.y are unwor- 
 . hy of public trust; if they told falsehoods, 
 , liev deserve neither public trust nor pri- 
 ate confidence. In either event, accord- 
 ing " to all the laws which e;overn and 
 ^' !e2;ulate the conduct of mea of honor," as 
 aid down in Mr. Clay's code, the\' could 
 jiever have n;et in the cabinet. By sucli 
 inen, and according to such laws, it was 
 ather to be expected, that each would 
 ard the other as "a Josc and infamoziB 
 ahimniator, a dastard, and a llarP^ 
 
 Strong: must have been the inducements 
 vhich brought these men together. 
 
 To justify his abandonment of princi- 
 ple, Mr. Clay says in his address to his 
 jconstituents,'^ " I saw in his (Mr. Adams) 
 plection. the estxiblishment of no danger- 
 pus example. 1 saw in it, on the contra- 
 ry, onlv conformity to the safe precedent 
 which had been established inthe instances 
 of Mr.Jetlerson,Mr.Madi8on,& Mr. Mon- 
 roe, who had respectively filled tlie same 
 rjoffice,from vv'hich he was to be translated.-' 
 ' All Mr. Clay's friends in the west, 
 I with him self at their head, had taken the 
 (ground, that the Secretary succession 
 j was dangerous to liberty; that it approx- 
 iimated our government to that of impeii- 
 [ al Rome, where each emperor appointed 
 his successor; that if the example were 
 followed furtlior, it would always be con- 
 sidered a matter of course to elect tlic Se- 
 cretary of State to the Presidency; and 
 that the agency of the people in the elec- 
 tion would be but nominal, while the real 
 power of designating the next Chief Ma- 
 gistrate would be in the existing Presi- 
 dent. Mr. Clay's defence was tlierefore 
 as extraordinary as it was bold. To place 
 it in its true light, let us contrast it with 
 the Ohio address, adopted in July, 1824: 
 
 Ohio Addrens, 1824. Mr. Clai/, 1825. 
 
 '•Were Mr. Clay ««Isaw in Mr. Acl- 
 
 ' withdrawn, the result ' ams' election, the es- 
 'as to the election by 
 
 ♦ electors would be the 
 « same; or if it were not, 
 
 * it ivo'tld pine in the 
 ■ Presidcntlalchair, one 
 ' of the present cuhinet, 
 ' an event which it ivia 
 'thefimt object oj the 
 'friends of Mr. Clay to 
 '■prevent; not in refcr- 
 ' ence to the men but 
 ' to the principle." 
 
 ' tabl'shnientc-f HO<^«rt- 
 ' gcrous example. I saw 
 ' in it, on the con- 
 'trar}', only confomii- 
 ' t) to the nafe precedent 
 •whicli had been '^stab- 
 ' lislied in the insi'in 
 ' CCS of Mr. Jefierson, 
 
 • Mr. >J;idiuon and Mr. 
 ' Monroe, who had re- 
 ' spectively filled the 
 
 • sam*: office from 
 
 • which he was to be 
 
 • translated." 
 
 The Ohio address was adopted by a 
 meeting of 300 of Mr. Clay's friends, 
 fr^Tm r\eY V y^rrt cf ^. Stfit»^ <Tf which Jo- 
 
 seph lanac was Ciiair.iaaM, aud >'!iaai,ai- 
 Potts Secretary. Mr. Clay was certaiu< 
 ly very bold, v/hcn, after defeating their 
 ''FIRST OB.iF.cr " by placing " in the pre- 
 sidential chair one of the present eahinet^^' 
 he turned round, and told tlicin, it was 
 but *'■ conformity to a safe precedent!'^ 
 It was relying much on his friends to de- 
 mand of them, for his sake, to turn round 
 and pronounce that ' safe'' which they had 
 denounced as ^dan°:erov.3,^ unCi struggle 
 to perpetuate a Secretary successloG, 
 whicri it had been their '-first object ' t» 
 prevent. It v.as saying to them, that their 
 principles were assumed to suit the oc- 
 casion; that, to pronvote his interest, they 
 would uri!;8 one argument to-day and its 
 opposite to-morrow; that they were his, 
 soul, body and principles, created and 
 destined, like the serfs of a Russian noble, 
 to live for hin use, to thinlc as he thinki^, 
 to act as he directs, renounce their opin- 
 ions at his bidding, and shout hosannas 
 to any administration with which it pleas- 
 es him to form an alliance. It remains 
 to be seen, whether l.is friends in Ohio, 
 after beinji" cheated bv him out of their 
 "first object," have shuffled oft' their old 
 principles as readily as he has, and are s& 
 devoted to men, that they wi!! sanction 
 his act, re-elect Mr. Adams, and support 
 a Secretary of State as his successor! 
 Wlien the people shall prove to be thu?; 
 supple and unprincipled, we may look for 
 the t;peedy extinction of our libera.1 insti- 
 tutions. Civil Chieftains, protiigate and 
 corrupt, vr'iW transfer whole States and 
 sections of the Union, to this man or that, 
 according to tlieir own will; and the peo- 
 ple, instead of in.structingand controlling 
 men in pov.'er, will stand ready to do the 
 bidding of their political leaders. 
 
 That Mr. Clay in his vote for Mr. Adams, 
 abandoned a principle which he had long 
 professed to cherish, and adopted its op- 
 posite, is notorious to the world: but nei- 
 ther the people of Ohio or any other State, 
 will follow the profligate example. They 
 are warned to beware, not only by tlie 
 admonitions of reason, but by the effect 
 already produced by our precedents on 
 mm and countries which look to us for 
 oxample and instruction. Like Mr. 
 Clay, President Bolivar thinks it a 'safe 
 precedent' to suffer the Chief Magistrate 
 to appoint his successor, and in the con- 
 stitution given by him to Bolivia he has 
 conferred on the executive 1hat power 
 without the formality of confirmation 
 by the people, and referred to the 
 example of the United States to sus- 
 tain tlic princi])le! It therefore becomes 
 t"he pefTplo of tlip- ^^» States, iti? thny vaTu'f' 
 
 J 
 
17:: 
 
 Un'Jr owa Uditiv, uud li.'U of utlier na- 
 tions, to brfakuj- the rahmet succession, 
 a-seeil tlieir ov.a ri;^ht to select thcu" 
 Cliiof Magistrate, and teach aspiring poli- 
 ticians that they are not to expect to 
 reach the Presidency by bargaining for 
 the ofiicc o! Sciretiiry of State. 
 
 AVhat excuse does Mr. Clay give for his 
 dereliction of duly in votinj; n^ainst the 
 known will of his '^tate? His tirst apol- 
 ogy was, that the Legislature of Kentucky 
 hai no rij:;ht to instruct him, and the only 
 instniction received from any portion of 
 his immediate cunstiluents was, to vote as 
 he pleased. In his address to his consti- 
 tuents, he says: *•! did not recognis;? the 
 right, therefore, of the Lej;islature to in- 
 struct me. I recognised that ri-^ht only 
 v;hen exerted by you." In that docu- 
 ment and his , subsequent discussions. 
 Mr. Clay admitted that he would have 
 been bound by ia.-'tructions enanatlng 
 J>omhis immediate constituents. 
 
 But what have we in his late address.^ 
 A complete declaration of independence, 
 not of Kentucky only, but even of his 
 irnmediat« constituents! He first show- 
 ed himself sensible of the oblii!;atory force 
 pf Le;^iolative instructions, by intriguing 
 to prevent their being given. After they 
 v.ere given, he dt-nicd tlicir obligation, 
 and maintained that nobody but hii imme- 
 diate constituents had a right to instruct 
 him. Nov,' it has hecon^c necessary for 
 him to ihov.', that he had in tlie fail of 
 1324, made up his mjnd to vote for Mr. 
 Adams ag-iinr;t General.Jackson, and he 
 lomes out arid declares, ar,d even proves 
 tliat he ha<l determined to vote at, lie pleas- 
 «.d, regardles-iof «// instructions, vhe.thcr 
 from the Legislature or his constituents! 
 'i'he following cpiotJitions from hi^j late 
 addres3, will malce this act sufTicientlj 
 npparent. 
 
 Page 15, he say?, " Ihas testimony es- 
 f^blisheij that, on various occasions and 
 tiracs, beginning in Kentucky as early as 
 about the 1st October, loZi, and contiii- 
 ued in the City of Washington, down to 
 The perujd whenniy deti-rsnination tovo'o 
 for Sir. Adams was generally known in 
 tide City, I unifjrmly expressed my con- 
 \iction of General Jarkson's want of qual- 
 ification, and my Ji.ced resolitfion tioi to 
 tottfor him, if I were called upon to give 
 a vote."' In page 17, he says, " so uiuU- 
 tcrahhj fi.red waa my resolufion prior to 
 my departure from Kentuck}-." In p;tg;; 
 ii(), he says: "Here, tlien, is an unbrok- 
 4in chain of testimony, commencing early 
 in October, 1824, and extending to near- 
 ly the end of the year, establishini; beyotid 
 
 ded'.lon :iut to mtefor Ge.nttalJael:>ion,\^\ 
 By Mr. 'J riuible 'le proves, that in Octo, 
 brr 1824, l;c said, "that he could not, coml \ 
 sistently with liis principles, vote fori 1 
 Gen. Jackson under any possible cirrum-' 
 stances." By Col. Davidson he proves, i 
 that he said, •'! cannot conccice oi artm 
 event which can possibly h(i]yj)C-n, v/hic^H 
 cov.ld induce 7nc to sKpport the ehetion of' 
 Gcri. Jfi'.kson to the rresidency.'''' Bj , 
 Mr. Crittenden he proves, that he said he 1 
 eoidd not^ or that it ivas impossible for | 
 him to vote for General Jackson in any 
 event." lie proves similar expressions 
 by Mr. Ji.'hnsun, Mr. Bouligny, tne SecfCv 
 tary of War, and Gen. Lafayette. 
 
 If Mr. Clay had boldly taken this groupd 
 at first, it would have saved him and the 
 people much trouble. AVhen'asked why he 
 disregarded the voice of Kentuckv, in vol* 
 ing for Mr. Adams against Gen. Jackson, 
 he hadonlv to sn^*, as he does now, ''TIJE 
 REASON 18 MY VtlLLj" as early as 
 October, 18.'-24, I had taken a ^\fixed re- 
 solufion/- — my resolution was " unalter' 
 ably fixed'" — I had cDme to a '^^ fixed and 
 unit' aver ing decidon'^ not ''m any event' ^ 
 or '• under any possible circmnstanceSy-' 
 to vote for General Jackson. Yes, Hen- 
 ry Clay proves that his reason was that of 
 tfie despot—'- MY WILL," It was ntvt 
 to be changed by t!ic voice of his consti- 
 tuents, nor the voice of Kentucky, "nor by 
 the voice of the free nnllions of America. 
 It was -^fixcd,^^ " vnahcrublc.'^ 
 
 .Surely Mr. Clay is insane. He is ncl 
 monarch of Kentucky nor of America. 
 His will is not our law, norliashe a right. 
 tq dispose of our destinies. Foi- whom 
 w as he acting? Did not Kentucky place 
 liim in Congress to speak her voice.^ Was 
 he i.ot bound to do her will, and vote ac- 
 coi ding to her bidding? By what right, 
 th(:rcf)rc, in October 1824, did he form a 
 ^^fixid"'dm\ " unaltrratde"' resolution ncr. 
 to vole for General Jackson? Power hav 
 made hioi proud. He once obeyed the 
 l)eoplV.; now the people must obey him. 
 His will is to govern; not theirs, lie will- 
 ed in October,' IB 14, that General JacKJ 
 Hon should hot have the vote of Kentuckv; 
 the people willed, in December, that fie 
 Hhirald. Mr. Clay's will prevailed. ^Af- 
 ter deluding the people \\ith various ex- 
 cuses and apologies, in long addresses and 
 speeches, fur three yearF, he now ccmcs 
 biildly out, and says, 1 did it because it 
 was my * 'fixed" j>nd ■" imalterabtc^^ willl 
 
 AVell, on what ground does our JliUo- 
 crat rest, to vindicate the expediency oi 
 his choice? He says Mr. Adams is well 
 (iua'ifie<i for the Presidencv, and General 
 .Tii:ks"n \'. ho'ly inirualllicd. I**f^'.;iflJ)- 
 
iu^us KuWi: lie luought klniiclf well hitn?'^ Does such language become i\ 
 
 qualified, audofTered for that office. The republican, a senant of l!-.e people? Shall 
 
 people, decidiiis; between him and Gen. such conduct pass with impunity? If it - 
 
 JacKSon, frave him 37 votes, and General does, let the people change their Consti- 
 
 Jackson 99! Yet Mr. Clavsavs Gen. Jack- tution, abolish the election of Prc^sident, 
 
 son is not qualified I Tine Legislature of and let <hc Secretary of State be his suc- 
 
 Kentucky, by a vote almost unanimous, cc~sor. Mr. Clay wiil have had an ad- 
 
 reipiesfed hiin to vote for Jackson. Yet vantage over all those wbo have come in 
 
 INI r. Clay says General Jackson is not or may come in by virtue of " the safe. 
 
 qualifietl I The people of Kentucky, five preceueut." He has ab-eady forced on 
 
 fo one, preferred Gen. Jackson to Adams, us one Fro ident, as his predecessor, and 
 
 Yet Mr. Clay sava Crenei-ai Jackson is not when President himself, ho ^vill give U3 
 
 qualified! New York, Peimsylvania, Vir- another as his successor. 
 ipnia, Kentucky, two-thirdsof the Union, But is it possible that Mr. Clay could 
 
 proclaim Jackson as our next President: believe General Jackson less qualified 
 
 Yet Mr. Clay says General Jackson is not for the pivsidency_ than he has asserted 
 
 (jualified! liutocrat^ as he claims to be, Mr. Adams to be, in the charges circula- 
 
 ong-ht not his own diminutive vote, tlie ted with his ov.n hand, and by his ov,-n 
 
 declarations of his own State, the voice of money? Vras General Jackson le^s 
 
 millions who yet aspire to be free, to teach qualiiled than the man who was ?:uilty of 
 
 him a litilc motlesty in declaring and '■'■ bcarin.:': false ndlness against kis nclgfi- 
 
 acting upon Ids own opinions, as to' Gen. hor^'''' of >■' rceighing doUara against 
 
 Jackson's want of qualifications? But if blood,'^ of attempting " to make the u-csf- 
 
 he admits that he acted as the Represen- cm people pay un cxch/sive tax of rival-- 
 
 tative of the people, in the election, what skip, icur. av.d blooJ, for the security of 
 
 riglithad he to set up his opinion of Gen. those fishermen iimo frequent British u-a- 
 
 Jackson's qualifications against theirs?* itrs,''' of"*' r/ianufacturing faets,''^ of gross 
 
 ^Yhen Kentucky told him that General ^'- (wsurditics, inconsistencies, and coa- 
 
 Jackson was her second choice, and re- tradic'icn-j,''^ of possessing " vicics too 
 
 Jackson is xcholly unqualified for the possible that any man could be less 
 q^re — / have long since come fo a fixed qualified for the olucc of President, than 
 and unalterahk resolution not to vote for Mr. Adams, according to the charges scat- 
 tered far and wide by Mr. Clay himself? 
 
 * Mr. Scott of Missouri, one of the re- such event (provided the election of elcc - 
 prc'sentatives who voted for -Mr. Adams, tors is made by the people) I have two 
 ami at the same time acknowledged that votes to give, one for. an elector of Presi- 
 luneteen-twtntieths of the people of his dent, another for a Prcsideut; the first sk 
 State preferred Gen. Jackson, (see Appen- a citizen of Missouri, the latter as the Rc- 
 di$, Mr. Brov.'u's statement) thus express- presentativc of Missouri: one in thi:* 
 ed himself on the subject: Sta'e, the other in the House of Rcpre- 
 
 "You are ap})ri/_,ed, fellow citizens, that sentatives. In giving the former, m;.' 
 •\sithin my present term of service, should wishes being sucli as n **/ be reasonably 
 the election of President come before the supposed to be entertained by a wc-^tcru 
 UousC of Representatives, it is my bound- man, 1 ehall be governed by individual 
 en duty, ana exalted privilege, to have a feelings, corrected by my best juilg- 
 voice m that election. The occasion ment. In giving the latter, I become {h(*. 
 wherein this question would have inilucn- organ of the people, and tliC expresseil 
 ced you in electing me, v/ho now offers to will of the people will be my guide. I. 
 representyou, in Congress, is past, is done, vote not as a citi/.cn of Missouri, but as 
 aud cannot be undone. If your confi- the representative of Missouri; the yotc 
 dence is misplaced, as some would have belongs to the peo|)le, and not to me; and 
 vou believe, it is now irremediable. But the voice of Missouri, will, in such case, 
 to satisfy 30U who have confided to me as far as practicable, be the voice of her 
 this important trust, and before whom I representative. Those v/ere my principle.-^ 
 appear a candidate to represent you inihc in 1822, and such are my principles in 
 iiinctcclh Congress, I feel a willingness 1834, and such shall be my vole in the 
 and desire, wlien all motive to conceal hall of the House Representatives on th<; 
 I is past, to express, in this public address, election of President, come when it may,"' 
 ,JDv cOiirsr On this momcntons subject- Jn 
 
174 
 
 In gpeakiug oi' the decla^aiiens he liad 
 made relative to ''Gen. Jackson's want 
 of (lualification," page 15, he says : 
 •' These sentiments, long cherished, were 
 deliberately expressed to gentlemen of 
 the highest respectability, most of them 
 my nersonal and particiOai* friends, in all 
 of Miiosc estimation I must have stood 
 disiionoreci, il 1 had voted for Gen. .Tack- 
 son, coiitrarily to tny declared purpose." 
 These declarations of opinion were prl- 
 valely made, like his attacks on Mr. 
 Adam^. Now, let the worlfl judge wiie- 
 ther he did not, in the same clandestine 
 manner, express and circulate opinions 
 detractinga timusaiid times more from tin; 
 qualilicationsof Mr. Adams, and whether, 
 in voting for him, he does not, upon his 
 own principles, ^^ stand dishonored,''^ x\oi 
 only in the estimation of his personal 
 friends, but of the whole Morld.^ If the 
 charges were true, he ^'stands dishonored''^ 
 for having voted for a man so wicked 
 and depraved, so destitute of principle, 
 and so unfitted in temper to be the Cnief 
 Miigistratc of a free people. If they were 
 not true, he '•'stands dishoncred-' for ha- 
 ving given them co'intenancf. and circu- 
 lation, and tlien cringing to receive an 
 office from the hand of the man whom he 
 liad gixissly lihelled. 
 
 It is imnoi^sible that Mr. Clay could 
 have tliought worse of the qualifications 
 of General .Jackson than he did of those 
 of Mr. Adams. Nor, whatever m'aht 
 have been his own opinions, could he 
 have stood half as much " dishonored''^ in 
 voting for General Jackson, in accord- 
 ance with the wishes of Kentucky, as he 
 does in having voted for Mr. Adams, 
 against those wishes, and then accepting 
 an oflire at his hands. 
 
 ^Vc do not doubt that Mr. Clay used 
 the expressions which he has so success- 
 fully labored to prove; but we do doubt 
 whether, in reality, he had come to any 
 fixed and unwaveiing resolution, as eaily 
 as October, November, or December. 
 To whom was it made known? Col. Da- 
 vidson did not state it to the vSenate of 
 Kentucky; George Robertson did not 
 declare it to the House of Representa- 
 tives; nor did J. J. Crittenden proclaim it 
 to the neople. So carefully and confiden- 
 tially had it been comnuuncated, that the 
 ■/.ej)hyrs had not heard it; ihe birds of the 
 air had not whispered it; j)olitical jealou- 
 sy had not suspected it. No man lisped 
 it in Kentucky, or breathed it in Wash- 
 ington City, "in his address to his con- 
 !*tituents, Mr. Clay savs: "During the 
 month of December, ancl the creater part 
 
 of Januaiy, siraug profesaious of higii 
 consideration and of unbounded admira- 
 tion of me, were made to my friends, in 
 the greatest profusion, by some of the ac- 
 tive friends of all tlie returned candi- 
 dates." " 1 knew the sunbeams would 
 quickly disappear. niiG-Y ray opinion should 
 be ascertained, a-nd that they would be 
 su'^c3eded by a storm," 6cc. He pro- 
 ceeds to narrate even+s until the appear- 
 ance of M'-. Kremer- 3 letter, and " 7 is- 
 sued my Card.^^ In his speech at No- 
 ble's, he labois to prove that his determi- 
 nation to vote for Mr. Adamw was not 
 publicly announced or known at Wash- 
 ington, until near the end of January. If, 
 therefore, he had declared, " about the 1st 
 of October, 1821," that he was already 
 unalterably resolved to vole for Mr. 
 Adams, against General Jackson, it was 
 kept a profound secret until near the end 
 of January, 1825. 
 
 In his late Address, page 20, Mr. Clay 
 says: " There does not exist a human be- 
 ing, and if the dead could be recalled-, 
 one could not be summoned from the 
 giave who could truly testify, that I ever 
 expressed or ever insinuated the remotest 
 intention to vote for General Jackson, in 
 any contingency whatever" Agttin: 
 page 29, he says: "Not a particle of op- 
 posing testimony has been, or with truth 
 can be, adduced. I ha^e, indeed, derived 
 consolation from the reflection that, amidst 
 all the perturbation of the times, no man 
 has been yet found hardy enough to assert 
 that I ever signified a purpose of voting 
 for General Jackson." 
 
 We have ample evidence that Mr. Clay 
 did, notwithstanding these bold asser- 
 tions, say to several gentlemen of as ster- 
 ling honor as any that live, after October, 
 1824, that his mind was not made up, and 
 did convey the impression that he might 
 ultimately'vote for General Jackson. This 
 he did to' the Hon. C. A. Wicklifte, in 
 October, to Majin- Thomas I). Carneal. in 
 November, to the Hon. Thos. P. Moore, 
 in December, to the Hon. John Floyd, in 
 December or January, and to other per- 
 sons known to the Committee, whose 
 statements have not yet been received. 
 ^It may be. that he did not say he 
 wcmld vote for General Jackson, in so ma- 
 ny words, but he represented that he was 
 uncommitted; that he was hesitating be- 
 tween Mr. Adams and General Jackson; 
 that the Kentucky delegation could vote 
 for either with untire safety and perfect 
 propriety-; and he left the impression that 
 he wmild as soon vote for the one as the 
 other, and tx-as to b^ determined hvfut'.ire. 
 
115 
 
 conuttgencies. Moreover, i& Uis address 
 to his constitxients, after this election, he 
 informs them of the deliberation which it 
 cost him to make up his mind, after he 
 tbund himself excluded from the House 
 of Representatives. This fact, he inform- 
 ed them, was not known to him mitil the 
 20th December, 1824. He says: '• I 
 found mj self trauir formed from a candi- 
 date before the people, into an Eler.tor 
 fbr the people. 1 aecibera'ely examined 
 the duties incident to this new iitii*ude, 
 and Weighed all the facts before me, upon 
 which my judgment teas to be formed or 
 rcvieived. " Yet, notwithslanding al I tidfi 
 grave deliberation, he now says his mind 
 was unalterably made up not to vote fur 
 General Jackson, almost three months be- 
 fore!! Again, he says: " 1 will, for the 
 Ijreseut, leave him (Mr. Kremer) and pro- 
 ceed to assign the reasons to you, to whom 
 alone I admit myself to be officially re- 
 sponsible, for the vote which I gave on 
 the presidential election. The first in- 
 quiry which it behooved me to make was, 
 as to the influence which ought to be ex- 
 erted on my judgment by the relative 
 state of the electoral votes whicli the three 
 returned candidates brought into the 
 House from (he electoral colleges. Gen, 
 Jackson obtained 99, Mr. Adams 84, and 
 Mr. Cra*vford 41 . " He tlten enters into 
 a long argument to show why Gen. Jack- 
 son's plurality oitght not to have been 
 conclusive on his '■'^jud foment. '^ Here 
 wasamaii,after the 2Cth December, 18!i4, 
 entering into an '■'■ inquiry''^ how far Ge- 
 neral Jackoon's plurality of votes ought 
 not to influence his ^^ judgment.'*^ Nov/, 
 what was the use of all this, if he had 
 made up his mind the preceding October, 
 not to vote for him '• under any circum- 
 stances'/" 
 
 Again, he says: « With these views of 
 the relative state of the vote with which 
 the three returned candidates entered the 
 House, I proceeded to examine the other 
 considerations which belonged to the 
 question." Still considering, though his 
 mind was made up two or three months 
 before!! 
 
 Again: '• It appeared, to me, then, that 
 >ooncr or later, we must come to the only 
 practical issue of the contest before us, 
 iind that was between Mr. Adams and 
 General Jackson, and 1 thought the earlier 
 ^ve got tliere the better for the country 
 and for the House. In considering this 
 only alternative, I was not unaware of 
 your strong desire to have a Western 
 President, &c. lie then goo-s into a long 
 ut'ffTil of the arn-ument ho hold with him- 
 
 self in relatieu t© the claims aad ^ualik - 
 cations of these two candidates, althnuHi, 
 as he now says, he had irrevocably made 
 up his mind, between them, before he 
 went to Washington City! 
 
 Again: " A collateral consideration of 
 much weight, was derived from the wish- 
 es of the Ohio delegation. A majority of 
 tliem, during the progress of the session, 
 raade up tlieir opinions to support Mr, 
 Adams, and they were com'riuuicated to 
 me. I'hey said < Oliio supported the can- 
 didute who was the choice of Kentucky. 
 We failed in our commou exertions to 
 secure his election. Now, anwng those 
 returned, we have a dc'^idod piefei evi. e, 
 and we think you ought to make some sa- 
 crifice to gratify us.'^ Vv'as not much due 
 to our neighbor and friend ?' ' What does 
 this mean, but that the wishes of the Ohio 
 delegation had some influence upon Mr. 
 Clay, in the formation of his opinion? 
 Their opinion was formed and communi- 
 cated to him ^"during the progress of the 
 session,''^ or after the first Monday in De- 
 cember. Yet, he now says he had ivreve- 
 cably made up his mind the preceding Oc- 
 tober, and this " collateral consideration 
 of much weight,'^ had no 'weight at all.' 
 i iiere is little doubt, that in reality Mr. 
 Clay had made up his mind before the 
 Ohio delegation, and tliat his wishes ope- 
 rated as a " collateral consideration of 
 much weight" tvith them. How it was 
 that General Vance and his associates 
 were induced to support one of Mr. Mon- 
 roe's cabinet, whose election it was their 
 '"'•first object''^ to prevent, has never been 
 satisfactorily explained. Circumstances 
 make it quite evideut that Mr. Clay found 
 the members of that delegation sufficient- 
 ly pliant to give up their '■'first object,''^ 
 and all their avowed principles for his 
 advancement, and having fir it secured 
 their adhesion, he made use of them as 
 " a collateral consideration of much 
 weiglit," to bring Kentucky, Indiana, Il- 
 linois, and Missouri into his views. 
 
 The Secretary further says: " r con- 
 sidered, with ttie j'.reatesi respect, the re- 
 solutions of the General Assembly of 
 Kentucky, reqiiesting the delegation 
 to vote for Gem'-ral Jackson." Still con- 
 sidering, altiiough he now says he had 
 made up his mind unchangeably, months 
 before!! 
 
 Almost his whole address to his con- 
 stituents is made up of the arguments 
 he says he used with himself after he 
 was '"'transformed from a candidate be- 
 fore the people, into an elector for the. 
 people."" to enable him to decide betweoii 
 
1/0 
 
 *jic ronicndin,:^ cr.iididaie.-. Yet, lie has •\Icssi-i^. CaiTicai Moore, WlckUff*.', aiui 
 
 now ciuloavctit'd to prove that elaborato Floyd, by all his public conduct, by th(r 
 
 flocumcnt, a tissue of hypocrisy and dc- wishes (,f KentucKy, and the resolutions 
 
 roption, by showing that be had unalter- <>f her liPgislaturc, <hat he had not only 
 
 ably Ycs(»lved before he Icfi. Kentucky the anticipated such a course, but that it wa.-* 
 
 preceding fall, to vote against General strictly conformable to every republican 
 
 Jnckson, ^\ ithout rep'ird to tlic state of princijilc. lie wa?., therefore, well prc- 
 
 The eli'ctoral Vole, the wis'ios of the Ohio pared for a vinviication on either side, 
 
 tlelega'ion, the resolutions of the Legis- wldle his rcul object was to ascertain how 
 
 fatiirc or the will of his constituents! All the cabinet was to be fdled, and vote at' 
 
 'hcse apologii's he v.ould n.ow have con- cordin^lv- 
 
 sidereu as after ihov{j;hts invented for Rut if Mr. Clay had made up his mind 
 
 the purpose of reco-iiciiing a discontented unalterably to vote against General Jack- 
 
 jieople to the previoiis decisions of his son, as early as October, 1S24. and was 
 
 own imperial wiiL playing the hypocrite with the General's 
 
 The -.ipologics made toiiidtoiislllucnls, friends, in the Logishilure and in Con- 
 nftor tlic eb'Ciion, were in coincidence gress, >\hat ^\iil that avail him? WiU 
 uilh many of his declarations and .ill his his acknowledgment that he was g^iilty 
 Ms acts previous to the latter part of the of prevarication and hypocrisy, acqmt 
 preceding January. lie told Messrs. him of bargain and corruption? Not at 
 Carneal Wickli'ie, Moore, and Floyd, .ill. ^^hatevor may have been the secret 
 that IiL' wa.-< uncoiumitted, and bcsilating purposes of his mind, he maintained the 
 at dilVerent pcri<;ds t)ctwcon the first of same mysterious bearing towards Mr. 
 October and the lii-*)i of January; and Gen- Adams and liis friends, that he did to- 
 eral Metcalfe said he was uiV omniittod Wards the other candidaios. All had 
 y*> late as thr Ifli of the latter month, hopes, b\it none understood him. In hi;* 
 Uy the public. Mr. f'lav wan understood address to his constituents, he says; 
 fo reu-.ain unc-ounuittcd, a-i late as the "Diuing the month of December, ami 
 'intli of that moniii. Under these cir- the greater part of January, strong pro* 
 rumstance?, who is there that can possi- fessions ol high consideration and of no- 
 bly believe that Mr. t' hay had mane up bounded adniiration of me, were made to 
 Ids mind unalterably to vote against Ge- my friends, in the greatest profusion, by 
 neral Jackson, as curly as Octol)er: 1S24? some of the aclivefricnib of ali, the rr- 
 
 However, notliing is more likely than turned camlidntcs. None were so re- 
 
 thit Mr. Clay expected to vote for Mr. served .as tho.-e of Mr. Adams" &:r, 
 
 Adaujs from Jhe moment he anticipated Hcricc, according to his own showiug, the 
 
 his own exch'sion from the House. He friends of Mr. Adaitis, were not apprized 
 
 is a good jud-e of human character. He of his unalterable resolution, formed in 
 
 Knew Mr. Adams to be a cold, caiculat- October, until near the end of January, 
 iug diplomati.it. whose principles are "Why did Mr. ("lay so long conceal 
 
 p'lh-crvicnt tohi.> amblti(ui or his avarice, his unwaverint; do ferinination from Mr. 
 
 Standing U!icou\mitted, with the I'resi- Adams and his friends? AVhydidhcre- 
 
 dency in his hand, he Uew, that from main so lonf-; uncommitted as to them? 
 
 such a man, he could obtain any price M'e have still the same answer, in the 
 
 for it, which he might demand." The language of General Metcalf , it was 
 
 firm patriotism and stern integrity of " to know something about how the cabi- 
 
 General Jackson, wcie^also w<dl known net was to be fdled." As soon as that 
 
 to him. 'llicre was little gnumd to hope point was settled, as soon as, in the lan- 
 
 fromhiui the promise of any favor or ad- guage of Mr. Trimble* he "ascertained 
 
 vancement, in consideration of his sup- that Mr. Adams would make him Secre- 
 
 porf. It IS, tlu-refore, very proi)able, tffit tary nf J^rate." and the western States had 
 
 even in Octolver, 1824, he expected in (he been broui-ht into the arrangement: then, 
 
 end to vote lor Mr. Adams. an<l ilerl.-ir- aiid nv.i till then, was tlie disguise thrown 
 
 eil such an intention to his confi./nUia/ otV. and his unalterable decisi-n made 
 
 friends. Ho thus made, evidence fiir lim- known to die friends of Mr. Adams and 
 
 ^'•If, which I'.o now linds it very conve- to tlie public. Even, therefore, if he bad 
 
 by lalse p. ...... .v.. ^ ... , 
 
 :-i 'jv.r^iion, ho. rnnia have proved l)v .irknowlodjrcs that he cnnslu'^red it hf'* 
 
UNITEll STAl ES^ rELEGRAYK—ExOa. 
 
 This paper will be devoted exclusively to the Presidential Election, and be published, weeklv, 
 until the 15th of October next, for One Dollar, ■ subject to newspaper postage, anfl nb mti-e. 
 
 BY GREEN ^^ J.^RVIS. 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 WASHINGTON, MAY 10, 1828. 
 
 duty to give his vote to Mr. Adamsj 
 and yet, he took advantage of tlie neces- 
 sities of Mr. Adams, and compelled him 
 lO im\j for it. He v.ouid not agree to 
 give it, until he "distinctly ascertained" 
 *'how the cabinet, was to be iilied." He 
 exacted for it the office of Secretary 
 of State, with a reversionary interest in 
 the Presidency. He insisted on being 
 designated by the President as his suc- 
 cessor, the heir apparent by " safe pre- 
 cedent. " 
 
 It cannot be necessary to examine, in 
 detail, the evidence which Mr. Clay has 
 adduced to prove his innocence. It 
 chiefly consists of letters of expurgation 
 from those members of Congress, who 
 participated v/ith him in the outrages 
 committed on the rights of the people. If 
 these men are admitted to be witnesses in 
 fivor of themselves and of each other, then 
 may any combination of culprits swear 
 themselves innocent, one by one. If Mr. 
 Metcalfe and Mr. Trimble are compe- 
 tent witnesses for Mr. Clay, then Mr. 
 Clay is a competent witness for them; and 
 each of the delinquent members of Con- 
 gress may, in his turn, bring in all the rest 
 to prove his purity. These letters are 
 the tales of well di-illed witnesses, who 
 have all been trained to tell the same sto- 
 v}'. They testify in their own case, with- 
 out oa,th or cross examination. Proof 
 that one has testified falsely, discredits 
 li he whole. Hence, in the ample refuta- 
 tion we have given of the ground assumed 
 by Mr. Clay, we have shown the fallacy 
 of all the evidence he has embodied in 
 his defence. 
 
 -However, we feel inclined to examine 
 the principal positions assumed by one 
 of his testifying accomplices, not because 
 lie has told less truth than the rest, but 
 merely as a specimen of the whole. For 
 this purpose, we have selected Mr. David 
 Trimble. In his letter published in Mr. 
 Clay's late Address, speaking of his own 
 previous intentions, he says: 
 
 '' It is enough to say, without dwelling 
 upon matters concerning myself, that I 
 concluded as early as February, 1824, to 
 vote for Mr. Adams as a second choice, in 
 the event of Mr. Clay's exclusion from the 
 imuTrr?-." &T. I, est. as he had good rea- 
 
 No. 15- 
 
 asai 
 
 son to apprehend, the world should doubt 
 his word on tliis point, he introduces a let- 
 ter from Judge 1 rimble, stating that his 
 " intention had been expressed to him at 
 that time." 
 
 Rejiiember, this was at the City of 
 Washington, in the month of February^ 
 1824. Mr. Trimble returned home, and 
 became a ca.ndidate for re-election to 
 Congress. Now let us hear what lan- 
 guage he held to his constituents abou t 
 Air. Adams, after, as he says, he had 
 made up his mind to vote for him as a 
 second choice: 
 
 '■'Joseph Secrest,^ a member of the House 
 of Representatives, stated that he heard 
 Mr. David Trimble say, in a speech or 
 speeches, made in 1824, that John Quin- 
 cy Adams was a noted federalist; that he 
 was inimical to the west, and wanted to 
 sell to the British the navigation of the 
 Mississippi." 
 
 Jesse Summers, Esq. formerly a mem- 
 ber of the Kentucky House r>f Represen- 
 tatives, states, that Trimble "representefl 
 John Q. Adams to be a dangerous man, 
 and an enemy to the western country. 
 He said, that Adams had voted at the 
 treaty of Ghent, to give up the navigation 
 of the Mississippi to the British far a 
 mess of codiish." 
 
 Richard R. Lee, Tarpley Taylor. 
 Charles Spencer, Mordecai ffilUanu, T. 
 TV. Jones, E. B. Early, TVilliam Shock- 
 ley, Aqidla Thompson, Jesse Summer s» 
 John Taylor, and James Alexander, all 
 of them respectable citizens of Flemin"* 
 county, Kentucky, and several of them 
 at d.irtcrent times members of the Ken 
 tucky Legislature, state, that "they heard 
 David Trimble say, in a speech on the 
 court-house steps, in Flemingsburg, tliat 
 the elder John Adams was the most dan- 
 gerous man in Government, in his day, 
 and that young John Q. Adams was a 
 chip of the old block; if any odds, worse; 
 tliat in the treaty at Ghent, he wanted to 
 barter away the navigation of the Missis- 
 sippi, the key-stone of the western coun- 
 try, for a mess of codfish; that he was 'al- 
 ways considered an apostate federalist; 
 that he always had been hostile to the 
 west; and that we never will have an 
 e^junii clmYire wifTv the (*Tr^Pi'n p(TTi]i>p, 
 
;> 
 
 uiiui \.c-i I a ,vcsieriiFresiUeut; that we 
 now !iav°a chance in the west, for we 
 have two candidates for the Presidency; 
 and that he thought Henry Clay was the 
 strong;est; and if wc could not get him, 
 we have another chance in the west, to 
 wit, General Jackson." 
 
 John Mason, Jr. E^ij. formerly a mem- 
 ber of the Kentucky Legislature, testifies 
 that *'Trimt)le told him, in September, 
 T8£4, that he knew Adams to be an 
 apostate federalist; and that if he ever 
 voted for him, witness might call him a 
 federalist as long as he lived. He also 
 said, that Adams had agreed to ^ve up 
 the navigation of the Mississippi river for 
 whales and-mackercl, and that he, Adams, 
 hrid always been ati enemy to the west." 
 Is it possible, that as early as Februa- 
 vv, 1824, Mr. Trimble had determined 
 i'o vote, as a second choice, for this 
 •• {mn.tlatcfcderalifitj'^ tlus " enemy of the 
 n^esf,'- this "'' ivorse'''' politician than old 
 John Adams, the ^'' most dangerous man 
 in thcGovernmenl in his day,"' this man 
 who proposed at Ghent " to srivc up the 
 navigation of the. Mississippi for a mess 
 of codfish?^'' Is it possilde, that whilo he 
 was holdint;; this lanu;ua'j;e (o his consti- 
 tuents, he cherished in his breast a secret 
 resolution to vote, as his scooiid choice, 
 tor the very man he was denouncing? Is 
 it possible, that he could have told them 
 *' we haffc another choice in the west, viz.: 
 General Jackson," and at the same time, 
 have made up his n»ind to prefer Mr. 
 \dams? This beats Mr. Clay. He 
 abused Mr. Adams first, and made up 
 liis niind to vote for him afterwards; but" 
 Mr. Trimbleyirs^ makes up his mind to 
 \ ote for him, and afierv.anls abuses him 
 throujjh a whole electioneering campaign ! 
 Mr. Clay set out to -prove that he had 
 ileterfnined to vote for jSlr. Adams in Oc- 
 lober, IR'24; whereas Mr. Trimble states 
 ihat ho had come to the same dclcnnina- 
 »it>n eight months before I 
 
 It is impossible to believe that Mr. 
 Trimble had made up his mind to vote 
 for Mr. Adams, under any circumstan- 
 li^a, while he was thus reviling him, and 
 >pca'king of General Jackson as the sc- 
 ( ond choice of th« west; while he was tell- 
 ing his constitxients, that if he voted for 
 this same Adams, they *^ might call him 
 II federalist as lor.g c-i he //j;er/." Is it tine 
 that he was so profound a hypocrite? Arc 
 wc not bound, in charity to ^tm, to believe 
 that it v.as not until he be;;an to practise 
 the doctiiiio oi'nvn-cuininiftal, for the pur- 
 ]iO'*c of'* ascertaining how the cabinet was 
 •'>hc filferh" i>»H T»o Tt»nm( fh^-^rt rff an 
 
 able diploiuauit, auJ altjuired the habr 
 of sapng one tiling, while he is thinkinj; 
 another? But whether he told the truth 
 to his constituents, or tells it now, what 
 credit ouu;ht to be attached to stich testi- 
 mony? 
 
 In this letter, Mr. Trimble further 
 says, "I do not kno%\', nor do I believej ^ 
 that Mr. Adams or his friends, made 
 overtures or offers, directly or indirectly, 
 to Mr. Clay or his friends, to make him 
 Secretary of State, if he or his friends 
 would unite in aid of the election of Mr. 
 Adams; nor do I know or believe that 
 any pledge, or promise of any kind, was 
 made by Mr. Adams or his friends, to 
 Mr. Clay or his friends, to procure his 
 aid in the election. " 
 
 Now let us see how Mr. Trimble's firsl 
 declarations, after he returned home* 
 agree with these assertions. 
 ^ JohnMt1son,jr. testifies, that "he had 
 a conversation with him, (Trimble,) about 
 his vote, in which he ^ve as his reasons?, 
 that ' we ascertained if Mr. Adams was 
 made President, Mr- Clay would be made 
 Secretary of State, and that if General 
 Jackson was made President, Mr. Clay 
 would not be made Secretary; and that 
 it would be better for us to have 
 Adams with Mr. Clay Secretary, than 
 General Jackson without him.' " 
 
 Micajah Harrison, Esq. states, that 
 the Hon. David Trimble observed to me, 
 ^'wc, (meaning, as I supposed, the Ken- 
 tucky delegation.) had distinctly ascer- 
 tained, that if Mr. Adams v.ere elected 
 President, Mr. Clay would be appointed 
 his Secretary of State; and that, if Gen. 
 Jackson were elected President, Mf. ' 
 Clay would not." 
 
 Mr. Albert G. Harrison says: 
 
 "Oil. the evening of Major David Tiimble's 
 rettiro to Mount Sterling-, from Conj5Tcs% .iflo: 
 the election of Mr. Adams as President, lur 
 came to niy house, and ,<:at with me .ind mv 
 faniiiy until tisn.il bed-time. In the covu-se oi' 
 the evening^, the subject of the Presidential 
 election ciinie up. He inqtiired of mc, hmv 
 the people were jileas^tl v.-ith the Prcsidcnf, 
 nnd with the vote of Kentucky upon that occa- 
 sion' I replied, tliat the people, so Tat a.s I 
 knc^', were much uissutislied, and that many 
 who before hr.d be^n Mr. Clay's ujirm person- 
 al and political friends, had now determined to 
 foi-sake him frrr evcJ. ItoM him th.at, for one. I 
 had resolved never to vote for Mr. (^I.'iv ag-.iin,fo;' 
 any olfice. The cause of dissatis&ction uith 
 the people, I informed him, seemed to be, 
 that Mr. Clay and a majority of the Kentucky 
 thlegation, had g^iven the vote of Kentucky tt^ 
 Mr. Adam?, when the people fcrT> notoriously 
 in r^vor of General .lackson. To vhi^, he re- 
 plied, that as things had turned out, Kenti^jjn' 
 w>i riTm<i«:t in ti'i ijcr^l h ^v^^irtrv. rie it MV- 01a'<' 
 
179 
 
 '. General Juckson would iiot ;\j)poir;t Ml-. Cii\y, 
 uut Mr. Adams his Secretary, E.nd that Mv. 
 Adams, if elected, vvould give the appoint- 
 ment to 'Mr. Clay, and that thiis arranged, the 
 West wotdd derive as miicl) a<lvantag-c from 
 Mr. Clay's be-ng- Secretary, and Mr. Adarius 
 Preisident, as if Mr. Clay imifseif were tlie 
 President. 
 
 " IKi'.ides, Major Ti-imble attempted to ahow 
 me th.- f'lrtljer aclvafitages tliat would result 
 i'*A-a the uiiion of Mr. Adams and \rr. Clay. 
 He .said that the F.ah\. and the Vi'est had al- 
 ways beeii divxled in feehng-, interest, and po- 
 litics; that the- East had live R.Tcendurcy over 
 ns; looked upon us with a jealous eye, and 
 Vvould, as she alwaj shad done, oppose us in 
 our \vis!ie.9 and inteieai, if ihe union had not 
 Taken place; that L.y it we had secured the 
 bahtnce of power, and so ainalg'^mated the in- 
 terests of tne two sections as certainly to coni- 
 jnand.the influence and strength of the East, 
 "'"henever desired; that the elect- ."i of ouf 
 friend Nir.Clay as President, which, without 
 the union, Vi^as highly problematical, w.ts now" 
 rendered almost ccitaiii, after 51r. Adams's 
 t!:rie sljould have expired!!" 
 
 Jesse Summers, Ef>q. stale.?, that " I 
 have heard Mr. David Trimbic say, it 
 ^vas Rscertaihed that, if John Q. Atlams 
 >vas elected President, he woidd appoint 
 Henry Clay Secretary or State; and lie 
 also stated, in a!i pnibaoaiij', if Qjeueral 
 Jackson was elected he wotiid not." 
 
 Jacob Frizzel, Henry Halbert, David 
 C. Heath, IVilliam Coffrin, Richard Pell, 
 John Kendrlck, Jesse Hamrick, JohnGrif- 
 fith, TriUiam Hamblin, Pf'illiam. Davis, 
 Hezekiah Griffith, and David Tonkry, 
 icspcctable citizens of Lewis county, 
 Kentucky, state on tlieir oaths, that Trim^ 
 ble said iii a speech at Lewis Cottrt house, 
 in October, 1825, that "when loe %vent 
 on last fall to the City of Washington, 
 we found Mr. Crawford out of the ques- 
 tion; the contest was between General 
 Jackson and John Quincy Adams; we as- 
 certained that, under no circumstances, 
 would General J..;: 1. sou app</iiir our Ineust, 
 Henry Clay, Secretary of State; we as- 
 certained that Mr. Ailams would appoint 
 our friend, Henry Clay, Secretary of 
 State." .. 
 
 P. M. Savage and A, Duke, also re- 
 spectable citizens of Lewis county, con- 
 firm th:i foreicoing statement. 
 
 Mr, Trimble's confession, that he as- 
 certained that Mr. Adams would make 
 ?»lr. Clay Secretary of State, and voted 
 i'er him on that account, is thus proved by 
 EIGHTEIEN unnnpeachable witnesses, 
 and we doubt not the number might be 
 au fomented to one hundred. 
 
 How could this have been *ascertiuned,' 
 if ndther Mr. Adam's nor his friends 
 
 adeanw;. . •- >'r promi.se to ilta.. 
 elfect, either dirccdv or iiidirectlv? 
 
 So conscious was Mr. Trimble thai 
 this declaration involved the proof of a 
 promise on the part of Mr. .\daras, that, 
 instead of atteinpting ^-.v explanation, 
 he. authori/.ed, through tlie Natljonal In- 
 telligencer, an informal denial of the as- 
 sertions now proved to have been made 
 by him-at Lev.- is Court House! What aid 
 can such a witness aiibrd to the cau-se of 
 Mr.Ciay? Out of his own mouth he stands 
 convicted of hypocrisy and falsehood. 
 
 Mr. Trimble, and others of Mr. Clay's 
 witnesses, as well as Mr. Clay himself, 
 now pretend to have voted for Mr. Adams 
 on account of his known attachment to 
 the Tariff and Internal Improvements, 
 and against General Jackson ou account 
 of his hostility to those interests. 
 
 A more shallov*^ artifice was never invent ■ 
 ed. Never to this day has Mr. Adanis 
 avowed himself in favor of Internal Im- 
 provements on the principles maintained 
 by Mr. Clay. On the contrary? in aletter 
 to a gentleman in Maryland, in 1824, 
 he declared himself in lavor of making- 
 roads and canals, with the consent of the 
 States, and a reservation of their territo- 
 rial jurisdiction. Nor has he ever, to this 
 dar, in any manner or form, avowed him- 
 self in favor of a Tariff. Altho'^";h his 
 own supporters, out of Congress, have 
 been loud in demanding an increase of 
 duty on certain imports as nece.ssary to 
 save bur manufactories from utter ruin, 
 he has never recommended any such mea- 
 sure in any one of his messages. On 
 the other hand, at the very moment Mr. 
 Trimble saj's he made up his mind to vote 
 for Mr. Adams on account of his devo- 
 tion to these interests, the Tariff of 1824 
 was before Congress, of which General 
 Jackson was a member. In every step 
 of the progress of this bill before the Se- 
 nate he voted for it, and it is believed 
 that, without Ins aid, it would not have 
 passed. He also voted in favor of every 
 measure of Internal Improvement which 
 was presented while iie was a member of 
 the Senate, iliat any person voted for 
 Mr/ Adams because he was known to be 
 more devoted to those interests than Gen. 
 Jackson, is, tlierefore, wholly untrue. 
 The tale was iiivenied to operate on the 
 middle and vestern States, with the object 
 of bringing them, by an artful and decep- 
 tious appeal to their interests, into tl\e 
 support of a wicked coalition. But it 
 has been fouiid impossible to persuade 
 the people out of that which they kno\v 
 ~..+n makp them believe that JacksnTi. 
 
\<'ho voted lor ttiosc )<!oa,-tir»'.-. is thcirene- 
 jny, or that he will neglect any interest of 
 ihat country, which he has iiazarded his 
 Vile and fortune to defend. 
 
 AVc appeal to the people of the United 
 States, and invoke tneni, by all the con- 
 siderations which bind them to love and 
 f protect the civil institutions of the only 
 ree government on earth, to examine into 
 the facts which v,c have adduced, and 
 ponder over tlic consequences which will 
 necessarily llov/ from the re-election of 
 Mr. Adams. Gen. Jackson is the last of 
 those Revolutionary worthies, who, by 
 eminent public services, has attained the 
 high distinction, without which no one 
 (?an successfully become a candidate for 
 ihc Presidency. We arc entering upon 
 a new race of public mm: another de- 
 scription of service is relied upon for office; 
 and, from the nature of things, we may 
 i^yppct many competitors for the Presi- 
 dency, WeKaveseen that Mr. Clay con- 
 tinued a candidate, after his partisans had 
 openly avowed that he coiild not be elect- 
 ed by the people. Wc have seen him, 
 whilst the election was pending before 
 the people, advocated upon the ground 
 that it was the first iA\]i'ct of his friends 
 tq defeat the election of Mr. Adams; not 
 so much in relation to the man, as to the 
 principl«^to prevent the election of one 
 of Mr. Jlonroe's Cabinet. And wc have 
 ^^een these two men — opposed in feelings, 
 in interests, aiid in principles— recon- 
 eilin^ their mutual dilferences, and be- 
 stowmg the two highest offices of the 
 people upon each other; boldly declaring 
 tlie open violation of the public v.ill to be 
 a" fiff/f precedent.'- Wc have sepn the par- 
 tisans of those men, in Congress, defeat 
 a proposition, the ol>ject of vvhich was so 
 to amend the Constitution as to take the 
 election of President from the House of 
 Representatives, and place it with the 
 people. With these things before our 
 vyrs, we should be wilfi;II v blind, if wp 
 did not foresee that, nnle'ss the people 
 unite their btrcjigth, and break down the 
 line of prcce<lents, it will be easy for a 
 tow leadin-j public men, in different sec- 
 tions of the United States, to bring be- 
 fore the people so many candidate*, as, 
 at all times, to defeat an" election of Pre- 
 sident, except by the House of Represen- 
 tatives. To prevetjt such combinations 
 of political leaders, and to elect a Presi- 
 dent who will stand pledged to aid in 
 obtaining this salutary amendment, is an 
 object of fust importance. Gen. Jackson 
 IS 80 pledged. It was in his person that 
 the will of the people was violated; and 
 •He p<*Ople nw^ it in ihtfrT\^(^^\T-i ir, re<Ttio 
 
 the nation iVora impending danger, by hu 
 election. If the people, now, in the youth- 
 ful vigor of our institutions, under such 
 circumstances, cannot rally upon such a 
 candidate as Andrev/ Jacksox, there will 
 be an end of the elective franchise. Pub- 
 lic men will no longer look to the people 
 as the sf/nrce of political clevati<m: they 
 will look to the National Treasury. And 
 instead of a host cf patriots, ready tQ 
 defend the national independence with 
 their liv-cs, we shall have a host of greedy 
 political speculators, whose chief aim will 
 be to cheat the people of political power, 
 regardless of the means by which it is 
 attained. 
 
 Again — wc say, if the people cannot 
 resist the power and patronage of the Go- 
 vernment, with such a candidate as Ax- 
 DiiEw Jac.cson — who will be bold enough, 
 hereafter, to look to the people for 
 oflice? 
 
 The present contest is not a contest bi-- 
 t v.ecn Andrew Jackson and John Qirtncy 
 Adams* It is a contest between the peo- 
 ple orj one side, and corrupt political ma- 
 nagers, who, having seized upon the in- 
 fluence and patronage of the Government;, 
 seek to continue themselves in office by 
 subverting the elective franchise, by bid- 
 ding for the votes of the people, as for 
 merchandise in the open market, on the 
 other. Suspicions of the corrupt practices 
 of the public functi(maric5 are deeplv 
 seated in the public mind. A people, to 
 preserve their liberty, must be jealous 
 and watchful. If the'^present incumbents 
 are re-elected, they will be elected by 
 the power and influence' of the patronage, 
 of the Government, and they will stand 
 pledged to continue the abuses which have 
 gradually crept into the administration 
 of the Government. If Gen. Jackson be 
 elected, he will come into office as the 
 President of the People; selected by them 
 for the purpose of correcting abuses, and 
 removing from ofTice unworthy public ser- 
 vant.«. He has been tried in many emer- 
 gencies, and never yet has becti found 
 wanting. Those who have abused the 
 public confidence, and squandered the 
 public money, will appeal in vain to the 
 sympathies of Andrew Jackson. In- every 
 public station he has made the public in- 
 terest his moving principle: and if chosen 
 to purify the public Departments, he will 
 not shrink from the duty impose<l by the 
 people. 
 
 Mr. Clay has said that he cannofcon- 
 scnt, in this early stajie of their existence, 
 by contributinirto the election of a Mili- 
 tary Chieftain, to give the strongest gya- 
 rantv fiTat thi>; rPpuMir will mTTtTfi in thr- 
 
ibi 
 
 latul ruad which ius cwiducted every 
 other republic* to ruin." 
 
 What is the road that has led all other 
 republics to ruin? It is the road of cor- 
 ruption. Mr. Adams, in his^book upon 
 the Fisheries, referring to a speech of the 
 Hon. John Floyd, of Virginia, said: 
 
 " There had been a time, when, upon a 
 critical occasion, in which my public con- 
 duct was not a little involved, Mr. Floyd, 
 still more unknown to me than at present, 
 had, in the House of Representatives, 
 taken a part which had given him claims 
 to my esteem — perhaps to my giatitudc. 
 
 '*His conduct and opinions then v/ere 
 doubtless actuated exclusively by public 
 motives, and without reference at all to 
 ine. Yet I was grateful to him for his 
 support of a cause which it had been my 
 duty to defend: The cause of a Hero, 
 upon whose public services was invoked 
 the public censure of his country." 
 
 Mr. Adams identified his reference by 
 appending a note, as follows: 
 
 "See the debate in the House of Re- 
 presentatives, on the Seniinolean War. 
 February, 1819. Mr. Floyd's Speech." 
 
 By referring to this speech, we find 
 that Gen. Floyd defended the conduct of 
 Gen. Jackson, which is now relied on by 
 the partisans of Mr. Adams, as the 
 strongest grounds of objection to hitn; 
 and we cannot impress upon your minds 
 with too much force, the sentiment so 
 forcibly adopted by Mr. Adams, and so 
 eloquently expressed by the patriotic 
 speaker, Mr. Floyd. 
 
 it will be recollected that Mr. Adams 
 had defended the cunductof Gen. Jackson, 
 and that the public understood the attack 
 which Mr. Clay and his partisans in Con- 
 gre^at tha^time made upon the Gene- 
 ral, to be an attack upon Mr. Monroe's 
 Administration, for the purpose of injur- 
 ing Mr. Adams, In reply to Mr. Clay, 
 Gen. Floyd said: 
 
 " The Hon. Speakt^r [Mr. Clay] says 
 too, should v/e not cling to tlie Constitu- 
 tion, and preserve it, by passing these 
 resolutions, the day is close at hand when 
 some daring Chieftain, after another 
 splendid victory, will strut in his gaudy 
 costume, casting a look of approbation as 
 he walks between obedient rows of ad- 
 miring vassals, and seize upon our liber- 
 ties, and the hills around your Capitol 
 will be covered with tlie gorgeous palaces 
 of a pampered noblesse; and then tells us, 
 in words which sound very like Pa- 
 trick Henry's, that Rome had her Caisar. 
 Britain her Cromwell, France her Napo- 
 leon, and may we profit by the example. 
 J saw, or thought I saw, the iiupres'sior. 
 
 those dangers ol nublary nieji seciued tu 
 make upon the House, and I believe I am 
 about to hazard an opinion, new in a de- 
 gree, and very opposite to that of both 
 of these honorable gentlemen, [Mr. Hop= 
 kinson, of Pennsylvania, and Mr Clay,!^ 
 which is, that no Government has ever 
 yet been destroyed by a successful mili» 
 tary chieftiin! I appeal to history to sup 
 port me." 
 
 [Here Mr. Floyd stated some historical 
 facts, and proceeded.] 
 
 ^' No, Mr. Chairman^ our liberties are 
 not to be endangered by a successful Mi- 
 litary Chieftain, returning to us with his 
 gaudy costume, even after an hundred vie 
 toiies of New Orleans. It is here, in this 
 Capitol, on this floor, that our liberty is 
 to be sacrificed, -^and that by the Irollowj. 
 treacherous eloqueiice of some arabitioui?, 
 proud, aspiring demagogue. And if, in. 
 times to come, we should hear of afavorite 
 officer, v.ho has exhausted his constitu- 
 tion in defence of his country, throwing 
 wreaths of victory at her feet, charged - 
 with violations ot her liberty, let us in- 
 quire whetlier the sternness of his virtue? 
 is not his greatest blemish," 
 
 Such was the language of Mr. Floyd, 
 adopted by Mr. Adams. Such was the 
 language of history, speaking in the voice 
 of prophecy. And we call on you, fellow 
 citizens, as you love your liberties, to rally 
 to the polls, and by voting for the candi- 
 date of the people, avoid the impending 
 evil. 
 
 Already have we seen the '" hollow, 
 treacherous eloquence of a proud aspiring 
 demagogue" defeUt your will, and impose 
 upon you a President of his choice. Con 
 firm his power, and submit to his dicta- 
 tion, and you are slaves. But rise irt 
 the majesty of your strength, and elect for 
 yourselves a President, and you are free- 
 JOHN P. VAN NESS, Clmir'n. 
 
 Ilsxnr C. Nkali;, Secretary. 
 
 Since the above was in type, the following., 
 has been handod to, us through the Frankfort 
 Arg-iis, in confirmation of Mr. M'Millan's test:- 
 moiiy. 
 
 «« w'e whose nBines are uudei-siRiied, do hereby ceitifr, 
 that someiiinrsfibsequent to the last Pvcjidential election, 
 wa hi-ard Kraiicis Johnson, Esq. in the town ol' i'ompkins- 
 vUle, Mor.rof county, (jive ..s a reason furvoiinKfur John 
 Quincy Adnms, that, if Mr. Adams ivas elected Frc.aidcnt. 
 Mr. Clay would be Secretary of State; but that, if General 
 Jackson was elected Fiesidetit, Mr. Clay would tiot be Secre- 
 tary; and that hi.- believed, %Vt. ndanis for President, with 
 Ml'. Clay tor becrciary, would conduce more to the intere;". 
 of the West, than General Jackson for President, with we 
 know not wlioni f>ir Seci-etary. We do Bot pretend to give 
 Mr. Johison's precise words; but we say positively, that 
 the above is true in substance, and we know we are net 
 mistaken. 
 
 AVILI.IAM HOWARl>., 
 IS,\AC JACKSO.V, 
 JOSHUA RUSH, 
 BKNJAMI.N UUyjr, 
 HOWARD MKUCER.. 
 .V/.VIS IKANKLtN" ■■ 
 
i &u 
 
 \»i"hovoted lor tlicsc itfieadmT.', is tlicirene- 
 jny, or that he will neglect any interest of 
 ihat country, which he has hazarded his 
 life and fortune to defend. 
 
 Wc appeal to the people of the United 
 States, and invoke tnem, by all the con- 
 siderations which bind them to love and 
 firotect the civil institutions of the only 
 ree government on earth, to examine into 
 the facts which wc have adduced, and 
 ponder over the consequences which will 
 necessarily flov/ from the re-election of 
 Mr. Adams. Gen. Jackson is the last of 
 those Revolutionary worthies, who, bv 
 eminent public services, has attained the 
 high distinction, without which no one 
 t3an successfully become a candidate for 
 tl)C Presidency. We are entering upon 
 a npiv race of public men: another de- 
 scription of service is relied upon for office; 
 and, fiom the nature of things, we may 
 '^ypcct many competitors for the Presi- 
 dency, We have seen that INIr. Clay con- 
 tinued a candidate, after his pai-tisans had 
 openly avowed that he could not be elect- 
 ed by the people. Wc have seen him, 
 whilst the election was pending before 
 ihe people, advocated upon the ground 
 that it was the first (^jject of his friends 
 tq defeat the election of Mr. Adams; not 
 so much in relation to the man, as to the 
 principl<^to prevent the election of one 
 of Mr. jrionroe's Cabinet. And wc have 
 ?een these two men — opposed in feelings, 
 in interests, and in principles-r-recon- 
 cilin^ their mutual differences, and be- 
 stowing the two highest offices of the 
 people upon each other; boldly declaring 
 tlie open violation of the public will to be 
 a" 5(^<? precedent.'' We have seen (he par- 
 tisans of these men, in Congress, defeat 
 a proposition, the object of which was so 
 to amend the Constitution as to take the 
 election of President from the House of 
 Representatives, and place it with the 
 people. With these things before our 
 vyes, we should be wilfully blind, if wc 
 did not foresee that, unle'ss the people 
 unite their btrongth, and break down the 
 line of precedents, it will be easy for a 
 few leading public men, in different sec- 
 tions of the United States, to bring be- 
 fore the people so many candidates, as, 
 at all times, to defeat an election of Pre- 
 sident, except by the House of Represen- 
 tatives. To prevent such combinations 
 of political leaders, and to elect a Presi- 
 dent who v/ill stand pledged to aid in 
 obtaininj^ this salutary amendment, is an 
 object of first importance. Gen. Jackson 
 is so pledged. It was iu his person that 
 ihe wdl of the people was violated; and 
 •he p<kOple Owe it in tlTPTTnce'res to re^TTlP 
 
 tlie nation from impending danger, by iii: 
 election. If the people, now, in the youth- 
 ful vigor of our institutions, under sucli 
 circumstances, cannot rally upon such a 
 candidate as Andhev/ Jacksox, there will 
 be an end of the elective franchise. Pub- 
 lic men will no longer look to the people 
 as the s./urce of political eievaticm: they 
 will look to the TSational Treasury. And 
 instead of a host of patriots, ready t^ 
 defend the national independence with 
 their livrs, we sr.dl have a host of greedy 
 political speculators, whose chief aim will 
 be to cheat the people of political power, 
 regardless of the means by which it is 
 attained. 
 
 Again — wc say, if the people cannot 
 resist the power and patronage of the Go- 
 vernment, with such a candidate as An- 
 DnEv/ Jac^csox — who will be bold enough, 
 hereafter, to look to liie people for 
 oilice? 
 
 The presrnt contest is not a contest be- 
 tv.een Andrew Jackson and John Qiflncy 
 Adams* It is a contest between the peo- 
 ple orj one side, and corrupt political ma- 
 nagers, who, having seized upon the in- 
 iluence and patronage of the Governmcntj 
 seek to continue themselves in office bv 
 subverling the elective franchise, by bid- 
 ding for the votes of the people, as for 
 merchandise in the open market, on the 
 other. Suspicions of the corrupt practices 
 of the public functionaries are deeplv 
 scatod in the public mind. A people, to 
 preserve their liberty, must be jealous 
 and watchful. If the present incumbents 
 are re-elected, they will be elected by 
 the power and influence' of the patronage 
 of the Government, and they will stand 
 pledged to continue the abuses which have 
 gradually crept into the administration 
 of the Government. If Gen. Jackson be 
 elected, he vi-ill come into office as the 
 President of the People; selected by them 
 for the purpose of correcting abuses, and 
 removing from office unworthv puldic ser- 
 vants. He has been tried in many emer- 
 gencies, and never yet has been found 
 wanting. Those wjfio have abused the 
 public confidence, and squandered the 
 public money, will appeal in vain to the 
 sympathies of Andrew Jackson. Ii^every 
 public station he has made (he pul)Hc in- 
 terest his moving principle: and if chosen 
 to purify the public Departments, he will 
 nnt shrink from the duty imposetl by the 
 people. 
 
 !Mr. Clay has said that he cannot "con- 
 sent, in this early stage of their existence, 
 by contributing to the election of a Mili- 
 tary Chieftain, to give the strongest gua- 
 ranty tint tlfis rPpuMie will mTTtrb in the 
 
ifcii 
 
 liitjil ruad which ius cwiducted every 
 other republic to ruin. " 
 
 What is the road that has led all other 
 republics to ruin? It is the road of cor- 
 ruption. Mr. Adams, in his^book upon 
 the Fisheries, referring to a speech of the 
 Hon. John Floyd, of Virginia, said: 
 
 '' There had been a time, when, upon a 
 critical occasion, in which my public con- 
 duct was not a little involved, Mr. Floyd, 
 still more unknown to me than at present, 
 had, in the House of Representatives, 
 fuken a part which had given him claims 
 to my esteem — perhaps to my gratitude. 
 
 ''His conduct and opinions then v/ere 
 doubtless actuated exclusively by public 
 motives, and without reference at all to 
 me. Yet I was grateful to him for his 
 support of a cause which it had been my 
 duty to defend: The cause of a Hero, 
 upon whose public services was invoked 
 the public censure of his country." 
 
 Mr. Adams identified his reference by 
 appending a note, as follows: 
 
 " See tne debate in the House of Re- 
 presentatives, on the Seminolean War. 
 February, 1819. Mr. Floyd's Speech." 
 
 By referring to this speech, we find 
 that Gen. Floyd defended the conduct of 
 Gen. Jackson, which is now relied on by 
 the partisans of Mr; Adams, as the 
 strongest grounds of objection to hitn; 
 and we cannot impress upon your minds 
 with too much force, the sentiment so 
 forcibly adopted by Mr. Adams, and so 
 eloquently expressed by the patriotic 
 speaker, Mr. Floyd. 
 
 It will be recollected that Mr. Adams 
 had defended the conduct of Gen. Jackson, 
 and that the public understood the attack 
 which Mr. Clay and his partisans in Con- 
 gre-«^at that time made upon the Gene- 
 ral, to be an attack upon Mr. Monroe's 
 Administration, for the purpose of injur- 
 ing Mr. Adams. In reply to. Mr. Clay, 
 Gen. Floyd said: 
 
 "The Hon. Speakt^r [Mr. Clay] says 
 too, should v/e not cling to tlie Constitu- 
 tion, and preserve it, by passin;^ these 
 resolutions, the day is close at hand when 
 some daring Chieftain, after another 
 splendid victory, will strut in his jjaudy 
 costume, casting a look of approbation as 
 he walks between obedient rows of ad- 
 miring vassals, and seize upon our liber- 
 ties, and the hills around your Capitol 
 will be covered with the gorgeous palaces 
 of a pampered noblesse; and then tells us, 
 in words whicli sound very like Pa- 
 trick Henry's, that Rome had her Crcsur. 
 Britain her Cromwell, France her Napo- 
 leon, and may we profit by the example. 
 I SUM-, er thought I saw, the impres'sio'" 
 
 those dangers ol nulilary meji seamed y<^ 
 make upon the House, and I believe I am 
 about to hazard an opinion, new in a de« 
 gree, and very opposite to that of both 
 of these honorable gentlemen, [Mr. Hop= 
 kinson, of Pennsylvania, aiid Mr Clay,!^ 
 wiiich is, that no Government has ever 
 yet been destroyed by a successful mili« 
 tary chieftitiuT I appeiJ to history to sup 
 port me." 
 
 [Here Mr. Floyd stated some historical 
 facts, and proceeded.] 
 
 '' No, Mr. Chairman^ our liberties are 
 not to be endangered by a successful Mi • 
 litary Chieftain, returning to us with his 
 gaudy costume, even after an hundred vie 
 tones of New Orleans. It is here, in thi^ 
 Capitol, on this floor, that our liberty is 
 to be sacrificed,-^and that by the bollow;. 
 treacherous eloquence of some arabitioust, 
 proud, aspiring demagogue. And if, in 
 times to come, we should hear of afavoritc 
 officer, v.ho has exhausted his constitu- 
 tion in defence cf his country, throwing 
 wreaths of victory at her feet, charged- 
 with violations ot her liberty, let us in- 
 quire whether the sternness of his virtue*, 
 is not his greatest blem.ish." 
 
 Such was the language of Mr, Floyd, 
 adopted by Mr. Adams. Such was the 
 language of history, speaking in the voice 
 of projmecy. And we call on you, fellow 
 citizens, as you love your liberties, to rally 
 to the polls, and by voting for the candi- 
 date of the people, avoid the impending 
 evil. 
 
 Already have we seen the *" hollow, 
 treacherous eloquence of a proud aspiring 
 demagogue" defeUtyour will, and impose 
 upon you a President of his choice. Con 
 firm his power, and submit toi his dicta- 
 tion, and you are slaves. But rise in 
 the majesty of your strength, and elect for 
 yourselves a President, and you are free- 
 
 JOHN P. VAN NESS, Clmr'n. 
 IlL-yiir C. Neale, Secretary. 
 
 Since the above was in type, the following, 
 has been handed to, us thi'ou^^h the Frankfort 
 Arg-iis, in confirmation of Mr. M'Milbn's testl- 
 niony. 
 
 " We whose tiomes are uudei-si(;iie(l, do hereby certifr. 
 that sometiinc' 8ubst'<iuent to the last Pvesidi-ntia! election, 
 Mc heard Fraiitis Johnson, Ksq. i:i the town of i'ompkins- 
 vUle, Moni'oe county, pive..sa reason fur voiinj; <or Joliil 
 Quiiicv Adams, tliiif, if Mr. Adams uas ekrled I'rcsidcni. 
 Ml-, clay would Of Secretary «/" State; but that, if Genera'. 
 Jarksun uas elected }'t csidvtit, Mr. Clay -wOulil not be Sccrr- 
 tiiry; anJ that hi.- h<-lie»ed, Mf. >tiiuni& for President, vvitli 
 Mr. Clay i'or Secrciary, would conduce more to the intere?'. 
 of the West, than General Jackson for President, with we 
 know not w honi for Secretary. We do not pretend to gi ve 
 Mr. Jolrison'.s precise words; but we say positively, thaf 
 the above is true in substance, and we know we are not 
 inistakfn. 
 
 WILLIAM HOWARD.. 
 ISAAC JACKSOV, 
 lOSMUA KCSII, 
 
 UKNJAMm uuji;r, 
 
 HOWARD MF.UCKR. 
 .KWIS KKANKIIV ' 
 
184 
 
 ,.jj^v;e wuiie tUc Leau>U»vuie 'Vtiii iu session, m 
 ihe fall of 1824. 
 
 Oliver Kune stated that in the fall of 1824, 
 •Mgvi.t or ten days before Mr. Ci:iy started for 
 Washington City, lie asked Mr. Clay, in con- 
 
 Viii I niiiole huy, ui a ^ccuii >jr ipctciiCi, iitauc 
 in 1821, that John Q. Adams was a noted fede- 
 ralist ^tliat he was inimical to the west, and want- 
 ed to sell to the liritish the navigation of the 
 ili^sisbippi. .\fter his return from Congress in 
 
 venation, wiiellier be had writtijn to General 1825, he heard Mr. Trimble give, as an apology 
 
 Jackson to come to his house and go on to for voting for Mr. Adams, that if Mr. Adams had 
 
 Washington with him' Mr. Clay said he had.- not been elected, Mr. Clay would not have been 
 
 \VitncKs vvas a warm supporter of Mr. Clay, but Secretary of State, and that if General Jackson 
 
 prefers Jackson to Adams. had been elected, iMr. Adams woidd have bc^en 
 
 hVcaicis Wi*J^f«r stated, that on the morning Secretary. Witness did not like his apology, 
 
 >rr. Clay started for Washington, in the fall of and di<l not wait to hear all he said about it. 
 
 1824, ill the presence of several gentlemen, he Trimble since explained to him, alleging that 
 
 heard Mr. Clay .^y he had written to Gener.il he said Mr. Adams was a rc/)u/fcf fcd'.ralist, and 
 
 Tackson to come through Lexington and go on not a noted fcdeialist. Ger.eral Jackson b not 
 
 to Washington with him, but had received no 
 answer, and had given him out. Witness was 
 a warm advocate of Mr. Clay, until he voted for 
 John Quincy Adams. 
 
 John T. Johnson stated, that he was at Wash- 
 ington City in 18;!4-, and at the time of t'lie Pre- 
 sidential election in February, 1825. After the 
 Olcction, be and his brother (Colonel Johnson) 
 were in company with General Metcalfe, who 
 told them he had a letterfrom Kentucky which 
 stated that the people would be dissatisfied 
 with the result. His brother told tiie General 
 that this voting for Mr. Adams would be an up- 
 hill business in^Kentucky. The General replied, 
 fjcar we ffvc done loo much for our Jritnd. 
 
 lie knew of no direct bargain, nor of any 
 corruption, nor had he ever believed there was 
 any. He had very little intercourse with the 
 members of Congress who voted for Mr Adams, 
 it bcfng well known that he intended to vote 
 for General Jackson. 
 
 lie was asked to state whether he did not 
 iienr Mr. White, one of the members of Con- 
 gress wlio voted for Mr. Adams, say, a few days 
 after the election, that he considered when vo- 
 ting for Mr. Adams that he was voting for Mr. 
 (.'lay' 
 
 This ciiieiti<>n was o!'jeeted to ; and over- 
 ruled, 14 to 19. 
 
 Witness was further asked whetlier he did 
 not hear Mi\ White say, cither on his way to 
 Congress or at any time before the Presidential 
 election, that he would vote for General Jack- 
 son, in preference to Adams or Crawford' 
 
 witness's first choice for President, byseverdl? 
 but Adams is his last. 
 
 Satuedat, February 2. 
 Anws Kendall being again called, was ssked 
 whether he was not informed, three or four 
 weeks before the Presidential election, tUat 
 Mr. Clay would be Secretary of State, if Mr. 
 Adams were made President? 
 
 Mr. Hardin objected to the question being 
 answered, unless it were first stated from whom 
 the infoimation came. 
 
 Witness said he was embarrassed, because to 
 state from whom the information came, was to 
 say he had the information; and on the suppo- 
 sition he had not the information, it could have 
 come from nobody. 
 
 He was told to answer; and accordingly an- 
 swered, that he had such information from 
 Francis P. Blair, Esq. of Frankfort. 
 
 Mr. John fircc/iasked if it was the same F. P. 
 Blair, who was Clerk of the New Court.' 
 
 Witness answered that it was the same who, 
 in the days of the Ni-w C . i; t, was the Clerk of 
 the Court of Appeals. 
 
 Mr. Davitm asked whether Mr. Blair had not 
 been for many years the intimate' and confiden- 
 tial friend of Mr. Clay' 
 
 This question, as well as the question and 
 answer first above given, were objected to, and 
 voted to be improper and inadmissible, by a 
 vote of 10 to 20. 
 
 Witnes.s said he felt bound to state a circum- 
 stance which he could not help believing had 
 
 This was abio overruled, 14 to 19. f^Mwtt bearing ujion the subject of this inquiry, 
 
 not }^P°" ^^■''''^'' ^'"^ ^^^""'•e might draw their own 
 
 Witness w as futth«T asked, did or did you 
 hear Mr. White say, that if Mr. Adams were 
 riected, Mr. Clay would be made Secretary of 
 State ' ' ' 
 
 This was also overnded, 13 to 19. 
 
 Mr. Clay was in his room a few days before 
 the election, and said, he thought the Kentucky 
 delegation might vote either wav, and Ken- 
 tucky would bo satisfied. 
 
 In Doccmbtr, at a public dinner, he .saw .Mr 
 Adams and Mr. Clay sitting togttiier, and ob- 
 .v-rred that thoy were \cry social and f;iendly 
 From this circumstance, he said to his brother 
 that he was persuaded .Mr. Clay intended to 
 vote for Mr. Adam.. Mr. Clay told witness he 
 Rid been mstructed by a few of his constituents 
 m a part of his district above Lexington, to do 
 • s he pleased. After M.r Clay was appointed 
 IIZV'J^''^'^' »"-'^=^kcd v.itness 'whether 
 Miou^ht h? ought. 
 
 Q.tfofi,^^"'' "^ ""'■'"'^sr of the House of 
 .Re'^re-ntativcs. stated ^hat h> Ireard ,\f- d" 
 
 inferences. 
 
 After .Mr. Clay was e.xcluded from the House 
 and previous to the Presidential election, here- 
 reiv \ a letter from Mr. Clay, communicHting 
 h;s :n'.ntion to of^^r witness some situation at 
 Washii.gton, contingent, as he understood if 
 upon the result of the Presidential election! 
 The cNpre.ssions of the letter, so far as he could 
 recdlecl, were, that he, .Mr. Clay, had hoped 
 to have it m his power to ofFer him, witness, a 
 situation at Washington more agreeable to him 
 than the one he occupied in Frankfort, but that 
 there was then some doubt .is to the result of 
 aHaiis there. Witness thinks it was written 
 and" received in January, 1825. The letter con- 
 tamed no other subject, and witness, not per- 
 ceiving any other object in it, took it merely as 
 an indication of Mr. Clay's friendly designs in 
 relation to himself. b • "' 
 
 After the Presidential election, and after Mr 
 Clay was made Secretary of State, witness re- 
 ceived another leUer from him. stating that he 
 •"*'■"'' "^^fTerlrim a^hvratfcn at M'asbipc 
 
 'ashing 
 
 tor 
 
ibj 
 
 guN- ; but il WHS whwlly indeliuit& us lo tlie nature 
 oftlie situation intended to be oficrcd. V.'ilncss 
 imagined Mr. Clay wanted him to write in sup- 
 port of Mr. Adams and himself; and to ascer- 
 tain whether he was authorized, from the letter 
 and circumstances, to take up such an impres- 
 sion, he showed this letter lo two of Mr. Clay s 
 
 communicated bis inleiiuciis to\\-anis wiliiess, 
 and, under those circumstances, witness must 
 feel himself at liberty to detail the whole traiiti- 
 action whenever he'thought proper, wliich he 
 had done. Mr. Clay answered, that he was to- 
 tally indiffei ent to what v^as sakl on the subject, 
 as his motives in relation to him had been pur?, 
 nd his own friends, separate^', and asked each and he had only watited to engage his services 
 ofthemtoread it, and say what situation Mr. in the Department of State. 
 Clav intended. They read it, and each gave After the elections m 182^. when the party to 
 his opinion that Mr. Clay desired to place wit- which w tness belonged, were ^o ei.cctua y de- 
 tiess in a situation to write in support of Mr. feated, he informedMr. Clay of t.he result and 
 \dam3 and himself. Witness then wrote to that gentleman, in nis reply, again ottered him 
 him. communicating the mipression he had ta- the same Clerkship. Witness dechned acccpt- 
 ken'up. stating that he liad been for some years ing it, and informed Mr. Clay that so much m- 
 \mtmff against Mr. Adams, and wished it to be justice had been done him m that year s canvass, 
 ° °- - - — , ,1. . i._ that he v/as deterinuied to iiave another eam- 
 
 paign with the Old Court Parly, and that ho ot'- 
 lice he could offer, would take hinr from Ken- 
 tucky until that was over 
 
 .Mr. Clay never made any other specific offer, 
 altliough "he still expressed a disposition to bc- 
 
 le 
 
 understood, before any offer was miide. that 
 could accept no situation in which it %vould be 
 expected of him lo take up his pen in support 
 of Mr. Adam.s; but that in relation to him, Mr. 
 Clay, the feehngs of witness were wholly difier- 
 ent, and it would give him pleasure to vindi- 
 
 cate him against tiie shmders which were aftoat friend witness in that way. , , ^ , 
 
 ag-ainsthim; for he then bdieved much that Mr. Ilurdin asked if witness had the letters 
 
 was said agahist him, to be slanders. alluded to? .,,,,, 
 
 - Witness said he had burnt them all, except 
 
 ■\Vit\ies3 heard nothing more from Mr. Clay, 
 in relation to this subject, until he came out to 
 Kentucky, ht- thinks, in the following June. 
 Calling upon Mr, Clay, at hi^ room ar Weisger's, 
 one of the first remarks ir.ade to him by that 
 gcntlesHian was, tliat witness had totally miscon- 
 ceived his object; that he did not wish him to 
 go to Washnigton for the purpose of engaging 
 in politics, bui to secure his services in the De- 
 partment of State. He then offered witness a 
 Clerkship, with a salary ofiilOOO, with the ex- 
 press injunction that he should say nothing on 
 the subject, and not leave Kentucky until after 
 the elections in the succeeding August. Alter 
 a little convci'sation upon the expense r;f living 
 at Washington, witness declined Mi. Clay's ot 
 fer, statiuj.' that he had several children, for 
 whose support and education he must provide, 
 and could not accept a place which would afford 
 him but a bare subsistence. Mr. Clay said, 
 there was none more valuable then within his 
 gift, imless he were to make a vacancy; but that 
 probably an opportunity might offer to give wit- 
 ness a place which would be acceptable to him. 
 Witness told him then, and informed him at 
 other times, that he v/ould accept such a place, 
 always with the understanding that he should 
 take no part in the politics of the day. 
 
 Some time after this, svitness met Squire 
 I'drner, of Madison county, in the streets of 
 i'rankfort, who accosted him and said, I under- 
 ?tandyouare going to Washington ('ity to write 
 for Adams and Clay. Witness asked him wnere 
 he got his information' Mr. 'I'urner said such 
 Was the talk up in his section of the country. 
 Witness told him it was not true. A few days 
 after, he understood that (ieorge Robertson had 
 said, at the Alerccr Court, tliat they, the Old 
 Court party, would not have witness to contend 
 with much longer, saying or implying that he 
 was bought up to go to Washiiigton City.- 
 
 the last. 
 
 Mr. H. asked, if he was in the habit of burn- 
 ing let'ers ? 
 
 lie said he was, such as he did not wish to 
 fall into the hands of friends or foes. 
 
 Mr. H. said, you burn letters and tlsen tell 
 their contents.' 
 
 Witness said, he had been reminded of his 
 duty by the gentleman from Lincoln; that he 
 should not have mentioned this affair, if he had 
 not novv believed the firiit letter had some con- 
 nexion with the application made to him by Mr, 
 Blair, before the Presidential election, in rela- 
 tion to which the Senate might draw their own 
 infej-ences. 
 
 Mr. H. asked, whether witness had not 
 toasted Mr. Clay since the 'Presidential elec- 
 tion. 
 
 Witnessed answered, i( was very likely, al- 
 though he did not recollect it; for his feelings 
 were friendly towards Mr. Clay for some time 
 after that event. 
 
 Mr. H. asked, whether witness had not ap- 
 plied to Mr. Clay, before his Mrst letter, to o-et 
 him an office? 
 
 Witness answered, never, idthougli lie had 
 afterwards frequently expressed his readiness 
 to accept one, if-it were sucii as he could ac- 
 cept. 
 
 Mr. II. asked, if Mr. Clay's taking the print- 
 ing of the acts of Congress from witness had 
 not made him hostile to him. 
 
 ^V■itness said, it was impossible for him to 
 tell how far hia feedings had been influenced by 
 that act. 
 
 Mr. H. asked, if it had made witness more 
 friendly to Mr. Clay? 
 
 Witness presumed not, althougli he was verj 
 glad Mr. Clay iiad done it. 
 
 Mr. Fopc asked, what made witness glad 
 
 Knowing that no information of Mr. Clay's offer that Mi'. Clay took the printing from him? 
 had gone from him, on whicii this rumor could Witness rephcd, that he came to Kentucky 
 
 be predicated, witness supposed it mast Lave -^ariy in the year 18M-, v.diile Mr. Clay v/as i.-^i 
 
 rome from Mr. Clay. lie therefore wrote to Europe; that it so happened, that Mrs. Cla\- 
 
 Mr. Clay, informing hiin' of thft rumor then in employed him to live in her family for one 
 
 circulation, and stating that he presumed it must year, and teach her children; that lie remainefi 
 
 ^TIT'C f.'^TT^e f^":''' ''*('-' '^ •-i.,?/' O f /-. -. I li /- 1^ V..-. V.^.- .V.,.-....;. ';''••+ *>^'<.r,-.. r) ., .-^ < 1 .-. .» i^/.1fT,..,T !„ f"--. ,,.. 
 
,8(i 
 
 •:ow%, ;,;a. s.iuiH.iy uui— .a lii ti.s, uc \itu<. to Lex- 
 n^on on bvisiness, ivad was taken sick in a 
 IjOardirTg house; that Mrs. Clay, lieaving- of it, 
 Pint lier carriag-c for him, and as soon as lie 
 '"Ould he removed, had him carried to her 
 house, where she nuRed him \rith the utmost 
 kindness until he waa able to return to George- 
 fbvn; th#t 3Ir. Clay had not yet come home, 
 ftml witneKs had never se<;n hini; thut this 
 
 j5/r. iiavicm caUeti oa lac hi^j^j.i., ^^ ■.ak^. 
 U;e necessary steps to bring out the evidence. 
 The friends of Mr Adam-'S have the majority \n 
 the Senate; they enter into an investigation to 
 ascertain '.h.e truth; the minority offer a wit* 
 ness to prove a most important fact, he refuses 
 to swear, and the majority pat him on the badk 
 and say, yes, my good fellow, keep it bac!k, 
 and we will protect you in it. Is this the way 
 
 ftlndncss of Mrs. Clay laid him under a weight {j^untlcmen intend to arnve at the truth, and pro- 
 of oblipitson to her, which he alwajs felt and cure the means of forming' a correct npinion'.' 
 nckuowledged; that v/hcn Mr. Clay came Is it by encoui-a^inp the witnesses not to swear, 
 ^Dme, 1m5 received a very cordial letter from and refusing' to compel them when »hey know., 
 Iiim, thanking h m for his service in his family, from the very objections oflTered, that the testt- 
 ^jc. ; that an acquaintance was formed shortly mony is of the utmost iijiportance? It was 
 af^-r, H'liich was kept up with the mos'. friend- turning the whole subject into mockery, and 
 iy feeling's until since the late presidential elec- v.-ouid mjke the Senate the laughing' r.tock of 
 iion; that he had been stimulated in his exer- the world. The majority have refused to let 
 t;ons to promote Mr. Clay's views by his ob!i- the declarations of one of the members of Con- 
 g'atJons to Mrs. Clay; that to Mr. Clay himself, ^ress who voted for Mr. Adama be proved, 
 lie owes no ohllgations, and never d'd; that he and they now say to this witness, for God's 
 Ind labored greatly and spent much of his time sake, keep back what jou know. Does not 
 
 and some of his money in efforts to advance Mr. 
 Clyy, vviiliout asking for recninpenec or remi!- 
 fieralion, until IJie advances made by Mr. Clay 
 hinrj.<4clf: that in takinji tiie printiuf;' from wit- 
 ucfs, Mf. Clay on his part c.xliibited a pereonal 
 jio ti.'ty '.o-i-ards h;r;i, 'vhirh relic.ed '''n* ''r'nn 
 ih'. rcilraint his fecliv.gs were under, and lou 
 him to take that course which he thought duty 
 pointed out, perfectly unrestrained. 
 
 /'. P. Jiluir was tlien ca]5fd He rcf'Tsed to 
 ftc sworn, and cfTercd the following' protest in 
 writing: 
 
 "I object to be sworn to give evidence in this 
 inquiry. I hold that the 5ih resolution of the 
 .Senate, docLinng- certain charges ''to be 
 uiJfrb/ fahe end mnLcirm.'i, and made fhrough- 
 n\d ifie Uii'-lcd States to b/ttit the reputations of 
 fie dlstin^Hshcd mcntbt.fi of Coiigrcfis fioin 
 :hU St-ute, ivho roicd fur John Quinc}/ Arlnm-a,'^ 
 Mpon v.'hicli t:iis invc3ligalion is founded, does 
 Tdot furnish a subject constitutionally cogni^ia- 
 hle by this Senate, cither rls a branch of the 
 Legislature crasa judicial tribun.al. Rut while 
 I deny the ri^fit, I submit to the pmver of the 
 ttnato, and will abide ivs uUitn;vte decision". 
 
 this look as if they were afraid of 'he u-utb' 
 He called on the majovlty, and especir.liT the 
 gentleman from Fayette, who liad ye.-jterday 
 sudjifthcy brought a v/itness there who refuBcd 
 to sv.-ear, he would take the means to com- 
 pel iiirn, now to adopt t'^n incas'.ires which arc 
 necessary to bring the tmth oiit of the wit 
 ness. - 
 
 Mr. John 6rt-e«? observed, |hal he had expecl- 
 cd a blow-out v.'hen he saw Mr Blair intro- 
 duced. He remembered a time when a body, 
 called by the gcntlem.in from Fayett'*, the 
 Fungus court, sat in tf.is very house, and by 
 their officers broke open the hotise o! poo.- old 
 Snccd and seized his papers, and perhaps tool: 
 him into custody. The v.-itness, he belicv?tl, 
 was Clerk of that Court; but he was gkd to 
 see him now on the side of tht constitution. 
 He* did not enter into this thing for the purpos?. 
 of hearing any other than triW.iq witnesses It 
 was to give an opportunit) for thos<» who had 
 been trumpeting to the world the charges of 
 bargain, sale, and corruption, to come in and 
 show on what ground those charges had bocK' 
 founded. Ke was glad there was some faitli 
 
 •'I also object, bicausc the mformation 1 have, left in the v^'orld, and t ..ainlaincd that the Se 
 
 totic'iHigf th>3 .nq-iirj', was obtaipcd in the 
 .course ot friendly comuiunicationsand < private 
 • orrcsponi'.enco, which I deem confidentiul — 
 -iich at least ns was never designed for pubii- 
 '•atjon. 
 
 ••I assure the Senate, that! am not actuated 
 to withhold my testimony by any consideration 
 r.f the eflcct it might have on the reputations 
 of the persons alluded to in the rer.olution.or on 
 '.ho3c incu!pate<l as having m.ide tdse cliargcs 
 igAJnst them. I oppo?>e myself to a piccc- 
 ■ rcnt v.'hich goes to violate confidential corrcs- 
 nondcnce, and to render unsafe "all friendly, 
 social, and intimate irtevt-.oursc among men. 
 'riiis obstacle it is not in the power oftJie Senate 
 '<* remove, and 1 trust it \iiU not exert its power 
 '.o punjfth tliat good Ih.th which would preserve 
 a priiKiplc that should be held inviolable, un- 
 less where Uit laws of the country demanded the 
 acrifjx." 
 
 Some conversation tor.k pLice among the 
 nvorobcra, when Mr. Hardin ofl'ercd to the Se- 
 nate, a paper declaring that th..' tJi-i.V.e would 
 bear whatever evidence might be offerf d, but 
 
 natc had no ri,gl>t to e^ti->i't from the witness 
 crmn": in-cut ions mnde to him in confideifce. 
 For himisclf, he had no converj-ation with Mr. 
 Blair; but he presumed he must have spoken, 
 of letters from :.'-. Clay, or made coinnmnica- 
 tions of some kind to some body, or he would 
 not have been called here as a witness, and 
 surely he might di^-"1ose to the Spnate what 
 ever he hr.d said rela ve to his confidential 
 correspondence? to .any other person, &c." 
 
 Mr. Blair beggfd leave to explain, lie said, 
 in 9<ibs*ancc, in reply to Mr. Green's remarks, 
 that Mr. Rcndall's letters to ilr. Clay hr.u 
 pointed out him to the piibllc as one who kne'^i' 
 something in relation to the subject now be- 
 fore the Senate. 'I'hcse letter? rcfcricd to a 
 couvcrsdtion which he had with Mr. Ki ndall 
 inJ.atniary, lb25, in which he st.Mcd that Mr. 
 Clay would be Secretary, if .Mr. Adams were 
 made President. Mr. KendAll supposed that 
 the information was rect-ivcd in letters from 
 Mr Clay to Mr.^Critt^nden or myself, and as 
 Mr. Crittenden had ticclarcd he recrived no 
 snr:h Irt'T-^-, irtiad pointed inquiry dir^ftTt* Ta 
 
1 i>( 
 
 .uiii. ill*- iii'i"' ^^u, "^ii-'-t ^i'"- 1^^'Juail uid 
 made hrs publicatioTW without consultation or 
 authority from him, and that his infL-rsuces 
 were not founded on any inforroation, or war- 
 ranted by uny communicution he had made to 
 him, other than that before mentioned. He 
 had not commnnicated to any one the g-rouuds 
 on vi-hich he had made his statement to Mr. 
 Kendall, nor had he sho'^-n the letteisto which 
 the gentleman alluded, to any pei-soa to -J-hoai 
 they lyere not addressed. 
 
 A fe'^r remarks vre-re made by other vnetn- 
 5ers; but extreme ill heahh compelled us to 
 Teave the Senate before the niatter was decid- 
 ed, and not being in r.n attitude to take notes, 
 U'e raav not have reported \ihht parsed uhiJe 
 v.-e were there, witij entire accuracy. 
 
 Sj^eeciici. \i--itness ib a Jacknoi-i Uiar.; a;.v.» oS 
 warm on any side he espouses as he thinks is 
 right and justifiable; that he has had divers cor^- 
 versations and arguments \vilii Maj. Trimble, 
 and \i-liat he said as to the tariff antl the othe: 
 objections, except the one in v.».ich he sald_ 
 that they had ascertained or discorcred that if 
 AdMns were elected CIav would be made S-C' 
 retarj'j and if General Jackwn were electe^i. 
 that he would not be Sccretaiy, vrcre made in 
 those after conversation?. 
 
 Bla 
 
 MoiJDAT, February <ls 
 
 Some discussion took place upon g inrciih ji 
 
 to take tip the resolution from the Committc-e 
 
 on Interim! Improvements, with the ameiul- 
 
 jiients offered by Mr. Bcultij In favor of the Ad- 
 
 ministration, wliich was objected to on tlir. 
 
 Tlie question was Hnahy put — shall Mr. g,^m,(^i that farther evidence was expected in 
 
 air be sworn? and decided in tlie affirmative, j.^j.ji;^,, ^q the subject of the fifth resolutior?. 
 
 The resohitioiTS were, however, taken up; but 
 the hour of twelve o'clock having arrived, tire 
 Spe:^ker called for the orde.'^ of tiie day.' A 
 motion was maxie to dispense with t'«c orders, 
 for the jnn-pose of g-oing- on with the rtsolu- 
 tions; but it was iieg-atived, allhoug-h a jnajor;- 
 tv voted for it, the rule oi"the Senate re {.[Uir- 
 ing iwo-tliirds to dispense with the orders. 
 
 Mr. Blair then refused to be sworn peremp- 
 torily, and said he would sooner go to jail. 
 
 Finally, on motion of Uv. Pope, he was dis- 
 ^harg'cd. 
 
 Jilic'ijah UnrrlstiH was then ca'Iod. and he al- 
 so relusevi to be sworn, ou the ground '.liar 
 what he knew was communicated in confi- 
 dence. 
 
 It was moved to comnn.it him un'dl be wonld 
 r;i:brait to give evidence before the Senate, 
 which was decided in the neg.itive, only sis. 
 voting for it. He was then dischar-»?d. 
 
 Joiin Mason, jr. was then called, and stated 
 as follows: 
 
 John. Mofcn, of rvtontgoraery, states, that be- 
 fore David Tr:ni'.)le went to Cong' ess in 1824, 
 say Septcniber Cmirt, 182'^, he was contend- 
 ing' With witness, that Mr. Rowan ought not to 
 be elected Senator to Congress, bccnuse he 
 was an apostate federalist, end tiiat he would 
 be surprised if witness voted for iiim. Wit- 
 ness said, that the Presidential election was 
 coming on, and from the number of candidates 
 he expected that the election v.-ould come be- 
 Ibre Congress, and said to TiiniLle, suppose 
 that you vote for Mr. Adams, who is also an 
 apost.ate federalist. Trimblv rep] e<!, he knew 
 Adams to be an. apostate fedeiJis:. and tiiat if 
 fie ever voted for Iiini, witness might call him 
 a federalist as long as he lived. lie also said, 
 that Adanre had agreed to give up the navijja- 
 (ion of the Mississippi river, for wiiaies and 
 tfiackerel, and that he, Adams, had aUv.ays 
 been an enemy to the \Vest. Wlicn witness 
 licai-d that Tiimblc had voted for .\dams, he 
 v\'as suirpriscd; and soon after his return, he 
 had a conversation with l-.im about iiis vote, ia 
 which he gave as his reasons, that we ascer- 
 t,ained if Mr. Adams v/aa made President, Mi-. 
 Clay would be made Sccretaiy of State, and 
 'liat if General Jackson was made President, 
 Mr. Clay would not be made Secretary, and 
 that it would be better for us to l>ave Adams 
 with Mr. Clay, Secretary, than General Jack- '. 
 son, without him. lie also said at that time, 
 or in some conversation after, tiiat General 
 .lackson was opposed to the tariif on hemp, 
 iiag-gnng, Sec. and therefore opposed to the 
 Kentucky interest; and he also gave as a rea- 
 son, that General Jackson had chsgraced the 
 Kentuckians at New Orleans in his report. 
 He thinks he' heard Major Trimbie express 
 
 '"-'^m.e r,\ 
 
 SOiT''? <1pll|.(T'' 
 
 TrrajiAT, February 5. 
 
 y\r. VFickHJfe offered a resolution rescinding 
 the ruleoflhf Senate requiring two-thirds Ij 
 concur in dispensing witli ihe ordera of the daj'. 
 This motion was opposed by l^lc^^Ys. Duriess, 
 Pope, and Ihjdlcy, on the ground that it wa?. 
 intended to oiicrate on the special esse before, 
 tlie Senate, and lliat ail sacli legislation is iui- 
 proper. 
 
 The hour of 12 o'clock havi;ig arrived, tic 
 Speaker .•-..lied up the orders of the day. The 
 rtsoluti )ns in relation to Internal Improve- 
 ments, and tiie Administration, v.-cre firet in 
 the cr-lers, and were consequer.tiy taken up. 
 
 >.Ir. Daviess moved to admit and e.'caminf. 
 certain v;itnesses nov/ in atlendance. Some 
 discussion took pi ice on this s^i'jject, in v.-hicl', 
 it was insisted, that t!ie inquiry oug-htto br. 
 biouglu to an end, because the session is ap- 
 proaching to its close, and it is proper that th- 
 Legisltitiire should express its opinion npor; 
 the subjects involved, " beffjre its adjournnrtent. 
 It was generally acceded, that the examinatio;i 
 of witnesses should close on tliis day, unless 
 testimony should be introduced or. the Admin • 
 istration side, when rebutting evidence rnig'n'; 
 be introduced 
 
 John S. Hitt, of Rourbon, slated, that in lAilX, 
 on the 4th or 5th of Januaiy, he went into 
 Warhingion City in the evening, and wa<« in 
 company with Gen. Metcalfe, and asked him 
 for information relative to the Presidential elec- 
 tion' lie said he knew little more than wlic!i 
 he first arrived, or than witne.'us; that the friends 
 of Jackson would com.e to us and say, wc hcar 
 you are going to vote for Mr. Adams; and tire 
 fi-icnds of^ Adams v.ould come to us and say, v;'.-. 
 unlerstand you arc going to vote for Jackswi; 
 and so of the friends of Crawford; that wc stanc^i 
 uncommitted, and wc must know sovoethinf;- 
 about hov/the cabinet is to be filled, lie Icf^ 
 tlie Citv on the 8th in the evening, and had no- 
 ascertained before he left there, how the ILcn 
 '■;ck"v: delejfatitJn wtniTrl vAt^. U'h-f^ rt iii : 
 
iisb 
 
 'jiiy, ix- Johiiaoii biiiii, in Lis presence, hn had 
 received a parcel of letters from homcj he was 
 ;i3kecl what was the news? He replied, tliey say, 
 stick to Old Hickory — give us a Western I'rc- 
 sideiit, \\hatcvcr you do. 
 
 Dr. A. IV. Bills, of Boiu'boii county, stated, 
 that at Shuiiiaie's Tavern, in Mil.'ei-sbury, in 
 llie sprinjj of 1825, in company with several 
 persons, Gen. Metcalfe, upon Ijeiiig asked by 
 witness, dt nitd and discla.mcd that there was 
 any barjcain, sale, or currui)tion, in the Presi- 
 dential election, but did not doubt that there 
 v»r.3 a preat deal of logroUif-.g amongst the 
 tVicnda of all the candi'.latvs. Propositions, he 
 said, might have been made in a jocular man- 
 ner by the friends of the respective candidates 
 for the Presidency, but that he knew nothing 
 ■winch was seriously intended. Witness then 
 related the substanc of the testimony of Mr. 
 Ililt, as what had taken place between some 
 person and a member of Congress from Ken- 
 tucky. This seemed to attract the attention of 
 the General vcrj' much, and he pressed witness 
 to know which of the members hxd been said 
 to have made such remarks, stating, that lie 
 Kit solicitous to know to whom the allusion 
 was, as he was unwilling to divide the respon- 
 aibiii'y. If attributed to him, he did not wibh 
 others to share it with him; if not, h-.- wished 
 to stand clear of the imptitatior:. Through 
 motives of dvllciicy, witness decline J any defi- 
 nite explanation on account of the company 
 J)resent, with the intention, at a future time, to 
 explain his allusions. Witness was, before the 
 Ta¥t Presidential election, and still is, in favor of 
 ticn. Jackson for the Presidency. 
 
 Joseph Miller was present at the conversa- 
 tion s'ated by Dr. Bills, and coidlrmed his state- 
 ment. 
 
 JOHN DLSH.VS STATKMKNT. 
 A statement of the conversation which took 
 
 ■place "between Gen. Metcalfe an I ,101111 De- 
 
 :.ha, in the spring of 1825, in Carlisle, short- 
 
 ■!y after the G-.-iieral returned from Congress. 
 
 After the common salutotion took place, I 
 said: Well, General, you have made us u Pre- 
 side nl? 
 
 He answered, 3 c.-;. 
 
 Do you think the people of K-tntucky will be 
 please 1 with your vote' 
 
 I think they will, when they hear my reasons. 
 
 What are your reasons, Sir' 
 
 Why, we conld not possibly get Mr Clay in 
 the cabinet without vi ting fur .nnd electing Mr. 
 Adam?, and wc could not do without Mr. Clay's 
 tulents. • 
 
 I told him I tho.nglit very highly of Mr. L...;.-, 
 but 1 supposed there were a good many equal- 
 ly qualified in the United States, and v,e couhl 
 <io without him if he were dead. But, Gene 
 ml, cl.<l ixol Gtneral Jackson go into Congr-ss 
 witli lii't-cn riKT.' vH'-s than anv other candi- 
 date^ 
 
 Yc». 
 
 And besides, «Ud not the Kentucky Legisla- 
 ■>irc inform you that a majority of the people of 
 lUc .St;.»c wished you, if ihty could not gel .Mr. 
 Clay elected, to certainly vote for Gen. Jackson'' 
 
 He answered, he lhou;.f ;t lie knew as well a:i 
 the LrgijUturc, as he left Kentucky some days 
 i'"*.cr the LcgisUture had convciec^. 
 
 But, Genera], )ou could not Kiiuw as well as 
 thcj", as they were irfimcdiatcly from every 
 ccunty in the State. 
 
 Lci it be as it may, I did as I pleasedj and I 
 have another reason. 
 
 What is that. General? 
 
 We migtit have been all the time engaged, 
 an<l have risen without making s. President at 
 all, without we elected Mr. Adams. 
 
 So much tlie better, I said, for then we would 
 have Mr. Calhoun to administer the govern- 
 ment, and I would much ratlicr, and I believe 
 the people of Kentucky would rather have him 
 at the helm of government than .Mr. Adarrw. 
 
 I refer you to Mr. John Miller, of Nicholas 
 county, as he told me he (Mfetealfe) gave him 
 the very same reasons he gave me. 
 
 JOHN DESHA. 
 
 Nov. irth, 182r. 
 
 Mr IJen'mng; 
 
 Sir — I am, and have been a long time, in 
 a bad state of liealth. 1 write this before n^y 
 departure down to Natchez, as 1 think it may 
 be good for my health to travel. You may pub- 
 lish this if you think proper. 
 
 1 am, vour.s, &c. 
 
 JOHN DESHA. 
 
 STATEMENT. 
 
 I do ce;-tli"y, that some time previous to thf: 
 last ['residential election; I heard David Trim- 
 ble say, in a speech on the Court-house steps in 
 Flf"mingsburg, that th" elder Jcihn Adams was 
 the most dangerous man in government in his 
 day, and that young John Q. Adams was a chip 
 cf the old block; it any odds, worse; that in the 
 treaty at Ghent, he wanted to barter awa}- the 
 iiavig-.ition of the Mississijjjii, the key stone of 
 the Western countr}', t'or a mess of codfish; 
 that hs was always considered an apostate fe- 
 deralist; that he always had bc^-n hostile to the 
 West; and that we never will have an equal 
 chance with the Fiastern people, until we get 
 a Western President; that we now have a 
 chance in the \Vest, for we ha>e two candi- 
 dates for the Presidency; and that he thought 
 Henry Clay was the strongest; and if we cotild 
 not get him, we have another chance in the 
 West, to wit. Gen. Jackson. 
 
 I believe the above to he the sum and sub- 
 stance of liis speech, if not the precise words. 
 Iticltanl Ji. Lcc, llllt'nm Hchocktei/, 
 
 'Ihrj/tcy Taijlor, Jlqnila SiinipMm, 
 
 Charles Speticer, Ja>.H tSummcr,-, 
 
 Moidccai WilUaviS, Col. John Taylor, 
 
 T. IV. Jijiic!, 
 E. B. Early, 
 
 September 21, 18 IT. 
 
 Juracs dUxand r. 
 
 Mn. HARHISON'S STATEMENT. 
 
 After the most illiberal co'.ii*sc ptsrsued in the 
 Senate by Mr. Hardin towards Mr Harrison, 
 we deemed it necessary to his own vindication 
 before t!ic world, that he should disclose what 
 he knew. Wc accordingly addressed him a 
 note, to which _wc i-eccivcd the lollowiny an- 
 swer: 
 
 rnAN-ifoiiT, rtkFch. 1828. 
 A. KtsiiAi-r., F.sq. 
 
 Dear Sir — Your lettcTr oftliis date is received. 
 
1^5* 
 
 .'J Diy counli-y, \o say what I know upon tiic 
 5ubject of the resolution which has been acted 
 upon by the Senate, in recpird to the late Pre- 
 sidential election 
 
 I had refused to give evidence before the 
 Senate, under the presumption of the commu- 
 nication beinfj made to xn<: freely and in confi- 
 dence. I observed, under this impression, the 
 most scru'Mdous silence, d'l'-incr tl.c lar' .!er,- 
 tion, althosigh oppose;! lo the g-cntlemap/s. 
 election from whom I received it, Had a re- 
 spectful politeness been observed towards me 
 by an hononthh Sen-ttor from Nel;ii!r.,.%vhich a 
 man dcser^'irr s'-ch ni* i.onor would hs-v:: oL-. 
 sen^d, I :-nou d not n-v' ui-o'ose to you, and 
 no doubt througii you to the public, wliat I re- 
 fused to disclose before tlie Senate. V» ithout 
 entering into oil tVie miuuliae of conversation 
 which took place, I will state that the Hon. 
 David Trimble observed to me, "that ivt, 
 (meaning- 1 supposed tlie Kentucky deleg-ation) 
 ]-,ad difiindly ascerta'ncd, that if Va\ Ada ns 
 were elected Presid-.nt, Mr. Clay would be ap- 
 pointed his Secretary of State; and that, if 
 G*^neral Jackson were elected Pre.^i lent, Mr. 
 Clay would r ?''.." 
 
 That in another conversation, not long pre- 
 vious to the his: eleciioii, upon my observing 
 to Mr. Trimble, tliat if Mr. Clay covdd have dis- 
 missed his prejudices against GencvalJacksnn, 
 and had him elected instead of Mr. Adams, 
 General Jackson would not have been a candi- 
 idate for re-election, in my opinion, and Mr. 
 Clay would have been his successor, Mr. 
 Trimble replied, "you are mistaken; that, al- 
 though Gen. Jackson might not wisli to serve a 
 second term, }'et his friends would have im- 
 pvesned the necessity of liis electi)n, that tlie 
 good of his countiy required it; for it is neces- 
 sary that the President should be electt;d a se- 
 cond term to fill olBceg with his friends, or to 
 place his friends in office. " 
 
 Tlie foregoing is substantially v.-Iiat I should 
 have deposed to, had 1 been sworn before the 
 Scn«te; and I regret that the txtremfly illiberal 
 <abservations made use of by honorable membei's 
 of the Senate, have imposed the painfu' task of 
 ;-;iying any thing upon this subject whicli may 
 go to tlic public. 
 
 I am, respectfully, your ob't servaiit, 
 
 M. IIAURISON. 
 
 .T. DUDLEY'S STATEMENT. 
 J. Dudley, Esq. a Senator from Franklin and 
 Owen counties, being called upon, made the 
 fo]lowirg statement on the floor of the Senate. 
 
 1 One day in January, 1825, F. P. Hlair came in- 
 to the Senate Chamber, seated himself near 
 roe, and inquired my opinion on t!ie resolutions 
 passed requesting our members of Congress to 
 vote for General Jackson as President of the 
 L'nltcd States. Mr. I?, desircd^that I wcuM 
 write letters requesting the members, and par- 
 ticularly D. White, from this di.=itrict, to con- 
 sult witli Mr. Clay and vote as he might desire. 
 To this I objected, and gave my rviasons there- 
 for. Mr. B. appeared surprised that I should 
 raise any objections, particularly as I was op- 
 posed to the resolutions. He said, th:it a iv.un- 
 ber of members of both houses, who voted for 
 the resolution, had written such letters, and 
 ♦|'n+ I rould ffo it with more p''oprietv. ^\r• 
 
 said, if Mr. 'Wliitc cotiiw '-u wiauccd lo Vi)te :o. 
 Mr. Adams, he wotild obta'n the vote of Ken- 
 tucky, and with it the votes of most of the 
 Western States, which wouM elect him; in 
 wilier, case Mr. Clay would obtain the apjjoint- 
 meiit of Secretary of St.ate. I then inquired 
 how that fact had been ascertr.'ned' Il.s an- 
 swer was, that lettc'rs had been received from 
 grtnh ;r; n of iMii;oi.ibt.ed \ er.i'c'ty, at Washing- 
 ton City, containing sirch information, and I 
 might rely with confidence on that statement, 
 I i'eplicd that, although I, was opposed to the 
 rcs-dutioiVs, I had no doubi-tl.ey f.ontainfd tlie 
 truti;, and therefore I could not say one word 
 to induce our members of C(;ng'rtss to b'-lieve 
 otherwise. I further nrntested against Mr. 
 Clay's accepting any office under Mr. Adams, 
 v.honi I considered a federalist of the Boston 
 stamp in 1798 and 1800, and thcnccforwJird 
 an enemy of the west, and gave it as my opinion, 
 that if ihey wen- united, they w ould sink toge- 
 ther. I preferred that Mr. Clay shotild maintain 
 the high .attitude in wiiich he then stood, by 
 which me.ins he would be the-mo.st prominent 
 c;':Klidatc at the next election. 
 
 F.xtnKt of r. letter from Jefise SumnHr,", E.v^. 
 to Gmcrul Allen., giving his r< asons for net 
 attending at the bar of the Senate, dated Fle- 
 ming county, Kentucky, February 5th, 1828: 
 I have lieard Mr. David Trimble say, it was 
 ascertained that if John Q. Adams was electetl 
 President, he would appoint lleniy Clay Secre- 
 t;iry of St.ate; and he also stated, in ail probabi- 
 lity, if General Jackson was elected, he would 
 not. .\t tiie same time, Mr. Trimble stated 
 that tlie Representatives from this State, or r, 
 inajovity of them, thought that it would be better 
 for us to have Joliu Q. Adams Pres'dent and 
 Jlenry (ilay Secretary of State, than to liave 
 General Jackson President and some other per- 
 son Secretar)'. This may not be verbatim what 
 Mr. Trimble said, but in substance it is cor- 
 rectly wdnit I understood him to say, according 
 to the best of my recollection. 
 
 Mr. Trimble had m.",de it necessary for him 
 to give some explanavion for Ins vote on the 
 Presidential election, on account of liis having, 
 ])revicu.sly represented John Q. Adams to be v^ ■ 
 dangerous man, and an enemy to the western 
 cotmtry. lie said that Adams had voted, at 
 l!ic treaty of Ghent, to give up the navigation 
 of the Mlss'ssippi to the liritish for a mess oi" 
 codfish. Mr. Trimble having thus spoken of 
 Mr. Adams, previous to his voting fur l.im, :j 
 v.-liat made me somewhat astonished at him fci 
 voting for the man he had so denounced, and S 
 felt very anxious to hear his apology, and wIict; 
 it came it was in p;u-t as above stated. 
 
 N. B- The above statements can be provcc^ 
 if necessary, b\- miuiy witnesses in this Congresr 
 sional district. 
 
 Mr. Trimble stated, in iiis speech at Lewis 
 court liouse, in October, 1825, that we, (the 
 members of cor.gress, as was understood,) as-^ 
 certained that if General Jackson was made 
 President lie would not make oiw friend, Hen- 
 ry Ciaj, his Secret:;ry of State; but that if Mr. 
 Adams was made President, he would make 
 Mr. (.'lay his Secretary; and then said, if the. 
 nf-r.nlf' pTyiOi^*''t\ him fo ^•rlt^ fiTr G^'Tl. Jn^Vsnii 
 
i 'h) 
 
 i:lin what he coulJ not and would not cIo. He 
 said, tli-.it there was no other man in Kentucky 
 who would do for a Scr-retary of State but Mr. 
 Clav. and it Jackson were elected, Kentucky 
 M-Qilkl have no xoice in the cahinft. 
 
 HP:NUY HALIJERT, 
 JRSSE HAMBBICK. 
 Feb. 9th, 1828.' 
 Sworn to hefore mc, a Justice of tha Peace 
 for IVanklin county, this 9th dav of Feb. 1828. 
 H. \y UNGATE, J. P. 
 
 KENTUCKY LEGISLATURE. 
 
 rniDAT, Dtcember 13, 1824. 
 The resolution requesting tlie members of 
 •tic House ofEeiireseiilativesin Congress from 
 : his -State, to vole for General Andrew Jack- 
 -■on as President of the United States, Re. were 
 i.vkcn vip. Mr. G. Robertson moved to lay the 
 \ vljole subject on the table, tintil the 1st of 
 .t\i!ve iiext. His reasons v/ere, that it would 
 be unjust to ovir members in Congress, who 
 kuew'the will of their constituents better than 
 v:c do; that it wotdd be indelicate to *tr. Clay; 
 !!iat it would lessen the weight of Kentucky 
 in the ne:^t administration; that it was better to 
 leave our .^^eml)ers of Congress to act accord- 
 ing to contingencie?: that tJic weight and inn- 
 portance of tiie State and the western country, 
 (•wild, in that inanncr, be best secured; that 
 otu- members on the spot would bs the best 
 jVidges of what was just sS'A expedient, 8ic. 
 ?.Ir. I>. [lardin avowed his prereronoc to Mr. 
 (;i"awford, so long as he had any chance, and 
 liis dislike to Mr. Adams, on account of Ids 
 ' riginaliy federal principles and his evident 
 hostility to the growth of the West, as evinced 
 liv his'votcs in Congress on the acquisition of 
 L.oui.slana, ar.d bis conduct elsewhere upon 
 th6 navigation of the Mississippi, and the Mis- 
 souri question. n« still entertained the high- 
 est respect for Mr. Crawford; but he had no 
 doubt a majority of the people of Kentucky 
 were in favor of Jackson, and he wislied to ex- 
 press that prcferen'-e decidedly. lie consid- 
 ered llic coutcU belftccu A<lams and J.ackson, 
 and he could liavc no hesitation in preferring tlie 
 litter, both becau-sc he thought iX. was best for 
 •.he general interest and the interest of the 
 \yc'st. Mr. Crittenden offered a few rcr».\rks 
 on the expediency of adopting the resolutions, 
 iiecause the people of Kentucky prefcsred 
 ^ ;cneral Jackson, and because it v.'um not known 
 to the people v/hen ouv members of Congress 
 left here, that Mr. Clay woidd be excluded 
 from the ilo-.i."^. Mr. Hobcrtson made a few 
 {\;rther nmarks to prove the inexpediency of 
 actm"- on the resolutions, and the propriety of 
 1-eaving ouv meinbei's in Congress to act ac- 
 <:T)rding to contingencies. Mr Shepherd had 
 uKvavs been in fivor oC<;cncral Jacks<jn; some 
 i^ftlic friends of Mr. Clay, he had no doubt, 
 wi.-ihed to defeat tlic resolution, and leave that 
 f-r-ntleman to make the best bargiun he could, 
 iiui he did not wish the vote of Kentucky to 
 iir baricri'd aw;iy, or that Mr. Cl.-vy should be 
 Stcrclary of Slate to the exclusion of J.ackson 
 as President. Mr. Daviess had been in favor 
 erf Mr. ('lay «intil he Irad failed, and his second 
 • hoice was <'.iner;\1 Jackson. If it was thought 
 
 solutions should pass — that public opinion li, 
 Kentucky may be knov/n to iheni; and '>f it be 
 supposed tliat liiey will vote for Jackson, they 
 can do no harm. Me was opposol to suffering 
 any man to Oarteru'vvay the vote of Kentucky; 
 and lie believed that Mr. Clay himself, know- 
 ing the will of his State, would vote for Jack- 
 son in opjjosition to Adams, wlio in his sfction 
 ef country v.ould not get one vote to fifty in 
 opposition to General Jackson. As lie had no 
 doubt of the will of the pco.^de, he. must vote 
 for the resolutions. Mr. Hreck should vote for 
 Ia>ing the resolutions in l!m tabK-, because he 
 knew no reason for acting on tliem. He had 
 voted for Mr; Clay, but he would not dlsg-uise 
 the f^ct that he preferred any man who was, or 
 had been a candidate, to General .laclcson. Wc 
 had elected membei-s of Congress, and it was 
 their business to know and perform the public 
 wdl. In his ciiunty he believed that few 
 would vote for Jackson again.st Crawford; but 
 he did not know how it would be between 
 Jackson and Adams. He thought if we actell 
 at all. It ought to b« by the membei-s individual" 
 ly, in private meeting, and not in a legislative or 
 official capacity. Mr. Chapeze vv'ould prefer 
 Jackson to any man except Mr. Ciay, and was 
 indifferent between them; but he was opposed 
 to the resolutions. The representatives in 
 Congress are wr.nn fromlhe oven of public 
 opinion, mo.st of them having been re-elected 
 within a few months, and it was their duty to 
 fulfil the general will. The people had a 
 right to instruct their members in Congress on 
 this subject; but he denied that the Legislature 
 have any iiuch riglit. He also thought it an 
 unjust imputation on Mr. Clay, to s.ay he will, 
 under any circum-stances, barter away the vote 
 of Kentucky. Mr. H. O. Brown, had a hi^h 
 respect for Mr. Cl»y; but a higher for hi.s 
 country. He considered this an important 
 crisis; one in which the voice of Kentucky may 
 make a President of the United States from 
 the West. There could be no doubt that 'Jut 
 contest was wholly between Adams and Jack- 
 son, and no man could s.\v that t!ie latter wsrs 
 not the choice of Kentucky. He believed our 
 representatives^ would vote for Jackson; but h'^ 
 was for making assurance doubly sure. Mr. 
 Rowan was decidedly in favor of thu resolii. 
 tions. He had voicd for Mr. Clay, but had he 
 not been a citizen of the State, and a particular 
 acq,u.aintance, he shosdd have preferred Jack- 
 son. In the present situation of affairs, lie 
 could have no hesitation. He passed a high 
 encomium on Mr. Adams, and a bigh-r on 
 General Jackson. In addition to other reaoons, 
 he preterrcd Jackson because he wm.ed to 
 break the chain of succession, and he wished 
 there v.'.as a provision in tiie Constitution, p; c\- 
 hi'.iliug all (leads of departnjcnts from bein;j 
 President. He gave his views at some kngth. 
 Mr Ttirncv w.as in favor of neither Mr. .\dams 
 nor General Jackson. The former he viewed 
 as a political apostate, who liad changed .sides 
 to become popular, and such a character he de- 
 tested: Tiic other he coiusideicil a dangerous; 
 military chieftain, of a bad and tyranniral dis- 
 position. After a fow further remarks from 
 Messrs. Sh'epherd and Robertson, Mr. Wick- 
 IifTe <^pr.*T!'^^*'. fi*^ i^nTnf>"i fr> vrtp' fir*- ^^■iT1g 
 
Mi 
 
 •lie i'£bolu"uo.;i o-i the tabic. lie rtpclicd all 
 intimations tliat Mr. Cliiy or his friends would 
 barter away Ae vote of Kentucky. On jirinciple, 
 lie was opposed lo tlie resolution, because it 
 %ras an interference with other pt epic's busi- 
 ness It was the duty of our reprc'scn':itivt s 
 1© know and do the people's will, withou? anv 
 instructions from us. The people could not 
 be corrupted,, but their leg-islatuj's might be, 
 and therefore, the State Legislatures oug-ht 
 not to interfere between the people and their 
 fepresentativcs in Congress. He spoke high- 
 ly of ilr. Crawford, but condemned Mr. 
 Adams, because he was a political apostate, fur 
 which chai-.acttr he had no respect, and he was 
 the last man he would choose. He spoke 
 highly of Jackson; but was not in favor of the 
 elevation of a iP.ilitary chieftain, and proceed- 
 ed to point out the dangers of his course, a1- 
 thougii he said he liad no apprehensions of 
 rrsneral Jackson, Mr. Dailani denied that t!)'^ 
 reason of instructioris apijh'ed to this case. If 
 it was admitted that t'le members of Congress 
 know the will of the people, tins course" was 
 unnecessary, and he believed they knew tiie 
 
 public will, as well ,as v/e do. They were 
 elected at the .same .time, ?nd had" equal 
 chances for knowing it. His coiistituents 
 never thought of his interference in this c^ucs- 
 tion when they elected him, and ht- was in fa- 
 vx)r of laying tlie whole on the table. Mr. Siiort- 
 ridge was in favo' of the resolutions. He had 
 lio doubt the members of Congress kaiew the 
 l>ubr.c will, but he would rnake assui-ance 
 •aoubly sure. 
 
 -Mr. H. fiardin said he kr-evv' that many cf 
 'm\t members in Congress were inclined to vote 
 for Mr. Adams, and he bcUevecl he would c;ct 
 the vote of Kentucky unlesj this House acted. 
 Ue recapitnluted the strength of Adams and 
 .Tack-son, and believed the result of the Presl- 
 deivtial election depended on the vote of Ken- 
 tiicky, and prcbi.o'y on the vote of this House, 
 . on this day. 
 
 # Mr. Iloliertso!) added a few reinarks, in v,-!iich 
 1 he declared thattlie resolution.s would not oiilv 
 ' degrade our respected felio w-citizen, but throw 
 Kentucky upon the electioneering arena in Con- 
 gresTJ, completely handcuffed. He was not the 
 advocate of Adams, or aiiy other man. !le ob- 
 jected to this course, because it v.'as instructinr^ 
 our members in Congress to do that which we 
 believe they will do. He had no doubt the peo- 
 ple of Kentucky were in favor of Gct). Jackson, 
 but he was against nil iisterference bv this I.c- 
 gishturc. ■ . ' 
 
 .Mr. Kenn-dy diflVred with, his colle.igue; he 
 sho'.dd vote for the resoluiions. He would do 
 it bf cause he had confidence in our members 
 of Congress, and believed th.at they wou-'d vote 
 liie will oCthe people, when they knew it. 
 
 Mr Galloway movei to strike out the name 
 of Mr. Crawford, as one before v/hom tlie reso- 
 lutions prefer General Jackson. Crawford was 
 Jiis -second choice, and Jackson his thi^d. The 
 tnotion was negativ'ed by a verv large majority. 
 Mr. Crosby offered in Tieu of the resolutions, 
 r.Gubstjtute,reqiiiring tlie Governor lo send on 
 to the Senators and Reprcscniative.s in Con- 
 gress a hst of tile votes given for President in 
 <his Sulc. His reason was, that he t!lou^>ht our 
 ...v-rrfK^Y, n,fr^„^,„,:: out.^,t fr. hnve al! rh^ in- 
 
 ionnaliois iuatc(ruidueg>vcii anuu^^sul<it7.•\,ui.y^ 
 to be left to act on their own reeponsibiiity, 
 without the interference of the Leg^slattire. \<. 
 was rejected. Thr; fsrst resolution, reqtiestir^e; 
 our Hepresentatives in Congress to vote fur 
 Gen. Jackson, v/as adopted— ^Yeas 69, Navb 21. 
 
 Mr. Green moved lo strike cut so much of 
 the second resolution as declares that a large 
 majority of the people of Kentucky are in favor 
 of (Jeneral Jackson, and that the Kepresenta- 
 tives in Congress will truly represent the peo- 
 phijjy voting for h~m. Mr. G. was in favor oV 
 General Jackson, but he was unwilling to gxi 
 further than to express our preference. 
 
 After a few remarks in favor of '<rhe amend- 
 ment, by Mr. Coleman, it was decided in (ho. 
 neg.ativc, Ayes 35, Nays 51. 
 
 The second resolution was then adontefl.— - 
 \'ca^ r.\ Nays 11. 
 
 From thr. Fi-crnhfori flCff-J .?r=-(^t-. 
 THE BARGAIN— MORE PROOF." 
 A frier.d hxs sent ';? tlie followit%^ affid:ivit.s c;;' 
 FuuuTVi;:,- respectable citizens of Lewis coai.- 
 ty, confirming- the evidence alrearly adducetL 
 of Mi-. David Tnmble's confessiorra, in rela- 
 tion to his vote fur Mr. -Adams. It mtU be 
 seen that tliey were all token before the laJV; 
 pretended investigation in our Senate, whicl{» 
 r.otwithstanding tiie arts cf Mr. Clay's man> 
 g<;r3, has filled his partisans every where witli 
 disu.ay. 
 Vie have i^o cjoubl that moi-e than a HUNDRED 
 respectable men can be found who will con- 
 firm this testimony, in its fullest extent. \i'e 
 expect shortly to receive otlier proofs of a 
 most authentic character. 
 We, the subscribers, certify on oatli, that vo 
 were severally present at the Lewis couuL^- 
 court, for October, 1835, a«d heard D.avid Ti-ini- 
 ble make a speech, and he used the followinf'- 
 language: "When tt-c went on last fall, to tlib 
 city of Washing-ton, we found Mr. Crawford otil 
 of the question; the contest was between Gene- 
 ral Jackson and JohnQuincy Adams; we ascer- 
 tained that, imder no circumstances, would Gf-^ 
 neral Jackson ap-point o'ar friend, Henry Clav, 
 Secretary of St:Ue; we ascci-tained tiiat iir. 
 Adams would appoint our friend, Kenr\- Ch\ 
 Secretary of State. Knowing this, then.fellov,'- 
 cit-.zens, that Gen. Jackson would not, and Mr 
 Adtmis would, appoiiit our friend, Henry Chv. 
 Secretary of State, if you expected me to vote, 
 lor Genei-al Jackson, you expected me to do 
 that which I could not, and would not do." 
 Signed, J.tcob Frizzle, Jesse Hamrirl- 
 Henry Halbirt, John Griffitl, ' 
 David C. IL:aih, ITVIiam Dnas, 
 mi Ham Cojrin, OczckiahGrimih^ 
 Bldiard Pell, Wm ITambUn^ 
 
 Johti Ile/idrkk, David 'Ihnknj. 
 I certify, that, personaDy appe;u-cd befor.- me 
 a Justice of tiie Vct^c.^ for Lewis countv. Jaco!. 
 Fn/.z!e, David C. Heath, Vniihira Collnn, and 
 llichord Pell, and made oath to the truUj of tlj.- 
 above stutcraenl. Qi^ en undeu-rUiv hnmi, tJiis 
 2d day of November, 182r. •' 
 
 Signed, IIENR V H ALBERT, j. p. l. t.. 
 y, 'iliCHnas M-.u-shall, a Justice of the Peace iV- 
 the county of Lewi.", and Sti.lc- of Kentuck^•" 
 ceHify, that Henry Halbert, John Hcndnck. and 
 .i'^=;se ITamri^, p(?r<5nnnm' arppr^r^f? Srfn^ m.- 
 
l\)4 
 
 w:is iiol abo'it to volc-u.-r Mr. Ad:iins, but tor 
 Mr. Clav; that lio liad good authorUy for his 
 \ote, and knew what lie was about." Here I 
 interrupted tl»c convci-satlon, and Mr. Johnson 
 and myself withdrew. The impression made 
 upon iTiv mind, and, ar, I understood, upon Mr. 
 Johnson's, was, that Mr. Wliite knew that Mr. 
 Clay was to be made Secretary of State by Mr. 
 Adams, in case of his election, and expected 
 that this aiTangcment would reconcile the peo- 
 ple of his district to his vote. Mr. John Scott, 
 of Missouri, v.ho boarded with me at Brown'.s 
 hotel, again and again remarked to me and 
 others, tliat he had not voied for Mr. Adams, 
 but for Mr. Clay. In regard to the conversa- 
 tions had with two otlier members of Congress, 
 referred to in your le ttcr, I have to observe, 
 ihat their letters, pnblished in Mr Clay's address, 
 authorizes the belief thai thc> would negative 
 ;iny statement, and as the conversations occur- 
 red when there was no one present, 1 deem it 
 proper not to relate them. 
 
 These are sofne of the facts and circumstances 
 which led to the declaration mad.^ in my Har- 
 rodsburg address, last Jiuie, to wliich you have 
 Teferred; other facts which have been long- 
 since communicated to me, and which contri- 
 buted to form my opinion, will be furnislied by 
 other gentlemen. 
 
 T. P. MOORE. 
 
 Ccn. John P. VanNf.ss, 
 
 Chairman Central Committee. 
 
 icsohjtions were reccn cd, and it was g.eiici:aiiv 
 known he had .avowed his determination to vote 
 ibr Mr. Adams. On one or two occasions, the 
 votes we were about to give was the subject of 
 conversation, in llie course of which Mr. Clay 
 pointed out the objections which he had ta 
 General Jackson's election. 
 
 I am, very respectfullv, your obedient ser- 
 vant, C.'a. WICKLIFFE. 
 
 No. .". 
 Washiitgtox, March 14th, 1828. 
 
 Jiio. P- Van Kcss, Esq. 
 
 Sir: Your letter, as Chairman of the Com- 
 jnittee for the District of Columbia, requesting 
 jne to state the conversation which I liad with 
 Jlenry Clay, Ksq. in the month of October, 
 1824, at Trankfort, Ky., has been handed to me. 
 
 In October, 1324, (tlu> day is not recollect- 
 ed,) I visited Frankfort, Kentucky, and wus in 
 attendance upon the Court of Appeals. Mr. 
 Clay and myself walked out oT the court room 
 logcUier, and commenced a conversation upon 
 the suliject of his prospects in the approaching 
 election. AVe entered pretly mucli at large 
 upon tlie subject My inquiries were moi-c 
 particularly du'cctedto ids prospects oi' getting 
 )i portion of the votes of Ihe State of Now York, 
 having formed the opinion that unless Mr. Clay 
 f.ould receive a poll ion of the votes of that 
 State, he would not be nlurncd as one of the 
 tlircc highest candidates. Mr. Cl.iy re])lied, 
 that his friends in that Slate had it in coiUem- 
 plation, if it were practicable, to unite with the 
 InendsofMr. ('rawford, and divide the votes 
 between himself and Crawford. Oftlie suc- 
 cess of this project he spoke doubifully, and 
 remarked that lie did not place much reliance 
 upon the result. In the event it should fail, it 
 is more Uian })robable, said he, I may be cxclu- 
 tied from the House of I{epresont;itives. 'I'p 
 meet such u contingency, m"y friends must be 
 yuepared, and I think it be.st tliat they should 
 not hastily commit themselves in tluir second 
 choice. 1 saw Mr. I'Any no more until his arri- 
 \;al at Washington. Nothing passed between 
 \19, upon the subject »f the election, after his 
 '■r\o,] at IVashinp-ton. until after the Kenluekv 
 
 No. 4. 
 
 WAsnixGTON Crxr, April 4, 1828. 
 
 Sm : The communication which you, as 
 Chairman of the Jacks.,n (;orrespondirig Com- 
 mittee, addressed to me, was received. In an- 
 swer to whicii, I have to state : 
 
 That during the session of Corgress In 1824-5, 
 whilst tl;e election of President of the United 
 States was then before tiiC House of Kepresen- 
 tativcs, I called to sec Mr. C'ay, to ascertain, if 
 possible, his deteijr.i nation as it related to his 
 voting for Mr Crawford, in whose fav»)r I then 
 was, and had beenl'rom the commencement of 
 the contest, as Mr. Clay knew, and I believe 
 every body eloe who was acquainted with me. 
 
 I think this was in the month of January of 
 that year, or the latter part of tlie preceding 
 month, December. Mr. Clay, in the course of 
 conversation, said to n;e, that he had called on 
 Mr. Crawford, as soon as he arrived in the cjty, 
 to sati'^fy himself, and be his own judge as to 
 the state of his health; and that he was tho- 
 roughly convinced, from seeing him, that it 
 would not do to elect hini; that his health was 
 so bad he could not discharge the duties of the 
 office if he were elected. 
 
 He then went on to state, in the course of 
 that conversation, and I think nearly in these 
 words: " When 1 take up the pretensions of 
 Mr. Adams, and weigh them, and lay them 
 tlown — then take up the pretensions of Gene- 
 ral Jackson, weigh them, and l;iy them down 
 by the side of those of Mr. Adams — I never was 
 PS much puzzled in all my life, as I am to de- 
 cide between them." 
 
 In answer to the otlier part of your inquiry, 
 permit me to say, that 1 have had many conver- 
 sations with Mr. C!a}', of a political cl^aracter, 
 the nature aiul extent of wiiich I am unwilling 
 to disclose, unless some future circumstauc* 
 should autiiorizc or require it. 
 
 I am, Sir, your obedient servant, 
 
 JOHN FLOYD, of Virginia 
 Gen. J. P. Van Ness, 
 
 Chairman Corresponding Committee. 
 
 No. G. 
 
 Smith's Point, Chihies Countt, Md. 
 
 March -241/1, 182;^. 
 Ti> Of)}. J. r. J 'an A'efn. 
 
 Sni: In answer to the inquiry proposed by 
 the Jackson Corresponding Committee, of 
 which you are Chairman, .as to a conversation 
 whicli passed belw een the laic Hon. Robert P. 
 Hemy, of Kentucky, and mj-self, in the month 
 of January, or tlie early part of Februar)', 
 182.1, I will state, in substance, his observa- 
 tions, in relation to the Presidential election, 
 theiv pending before the House of Represen- 
 tatives of the TTjiited Stntes. I will ohsf^-v. 
 
i9a 
 
 tiuat Major Henry landed at my house from 
 the steam-bcut, which was c?.rryin^*t«e Pre- 
 sident and -.ether gentlemen to tlie "N. Caro- 
 lina" min-'of-war, then 1> in gj near the mouth 
 of the PotoiTiac. Tliis circumstance will as- 
 ocrtrthithe pci'-id of the visit and conversation. 
 In answer to some inquiry of mine, as to wliat 
 woi'ld be the probable result of the election by 
 the House, Mr. Henry stated, that GcTieral 
 Jackson jnight have obtained the vote o' Ken- 
 tucky, if he had autLorized or permitted his 
 friends to have given Mr. Clay or his friends 
 an assurance that Mr. Ciay should, upon his 
 election, be made Sccrc » ry of State. Tnat 
 the time had now passj^d — that Mr. Adair.s 
 would receive the vote of Kentucky — that the 
 attachment of a larg-e nu.nljer of her delegates 
 to Mf. CLy, would lead them to vote tbr Mr. 
 Adisnis, in order to advance ihe poiitical inter- 
 ests of their favorite (\Ir. C.} — that he (Mr. 
 H.) had warmly supported the election oF Mr. 
 Clay; but, under existing'' circumstances, he 
 should not hesitnte to obey the wiM oftlie peo- 
 ple of his State, who were nov.', and at ■A] times, 
 opposed to Mr. Aciams, since he was first an- 
 nounced' as a candidate for the V'-Stdcncy — 
 that no doubt existed, but that General Jack- 
 son was second only to Mr. Clay in the estima- 
 tion and attacliment of the people of Ken- 
 tucky — and was, at the present time, the object 
 C'f t'.ieir decided poiitical .jircference a;vi hopea. 
 
 The above is suhstaiit.ally a correct slate- 
 tnent of Mr. Htmry's remarks, to t!»e b.-st of 
 my recollection. I have, as requested by your 
 Committee, made oatii to my statement, as I 
 i^m sure 1 have given the substance of Mr. 
 Henry's observations. I knov/I would not de- 
 signedly pervert them for all this world c;;u 
 I'estow. 
 
 I have the honor to be, most respectfully, 
 '- our very obedient servant, A. GliEKU. 
 
 Sworn to, before me, one of the Associate 
 .''udges for the first Judicial District of the 
 State of Mu;vlund. EDMUND K J", Y. 
 
 No. 6. 
 l"ALi.iHASs£K, February 4M, 1828. 
 
 Srn: Mr. <;;iay in his adckcss to the public, 
 has done mo Uie honor to mention my name m 
 tlie following manner: " It can scarcely be 
 tloubted that General Call was well acquainted 
 with Gen. Jackson's views and expectations. 
 At a tavern at llockvillc, in Maryland, about 
 fifteen miles from tuis city, during thai same 
 journey, Gen. Call and several other ^enlle- 
 rpeu engaged in conversation iibout tli<' Presi- 
 dential election. JoJm Uraddock, Esq. (a gen- 
 tleman not known to me, but who i u'uljr- 
 stand. is a mei'cliant of great respectability,) 
 was present; and he states, that " when the vote 
 ^vh!ch .Mr. Clay would probably give, wassjjoken 
 of, Gen. Call declared that tlie friends of Gen. 
 .Tackson did not expect Mr. Clay to vote for 
 him, and if he did so, it would be an act of du- 
 plicity on his part." 
 
 1 liave 11) knowledge of the person on whoso 
 authority Mr. Clay has made this statement, 
 neither do I rectjUect, or bcUeve, that I ever 
 made the remark attriimted to me, on that oc- 
 <*i=ior.; cri th.e contrary. 1 am confident tJ)Ht 
 
 the assertion is without ihe least tuundaiit)'.. 
 Uockvdlc, I understand, is tlie name of ihe vil- 
 lage at Montgomery Court-house, Murvland 
 My traveUing companions, whan 1 arrived a', 
 tiiat place, in 1824, were Messrs. John T. Johu- 
 sjn, of Kentucky, Stewart, of Pennsylvania, 
 and Vinton, ofOliio; the last two gentlemen 
 were, and 1 believe are still, the personal and 
 political friends of .Mr. Clay, and I call \vpo\, 
 them to state, whether they heard me at Rock- 
 ville, or at any other place, make use of the 
 language mentioned by Sir. Clay. Witi; thwi-i 
 gentlemen I associated on terms of iiitimacy, * 
 we had been travelling companions from Cum- 
 berland, where 1 had Itft Gen. Jackson; and 
 our conversations were indulged with imresers- 
 cd fret-dom. They had a much better oppor- 
 tunity of learning my opinions on any subject 
 than the strange gentleman on whose authority 
 Mr. Clay has rested; and I am convinced, that 
 neitlitr of them will say the statement is true. 
 In'addition to my want of recollection of hav- 
 ing mad.-i the remarks ascribed to me, I have 
 other and stronger reasons for believing that I 
 did not do so. 
 
 1 arrived at Kockvdie on Sunday, the day 
 preceding the meeting of Congres=;; at tliat 
 time the result of the election, in Indiana, lUI- 
 nol3,Mis3ouri, and Louisiana, where the friends 
 of Mr. Cl.ay claimed a majoiily, was unknown, 
 and it v/'.'.s impassible to decide whether Mr. 
 Clay or Mr. Cravv'ford would be returned to the 
 House of liejn'eser.tatives with Gen. Jackson 
 and Mr Adams: tliis queslion was not decided 
 utitil many weeks after the commencement of 
 the session. Is it then reaEonable that I should 
 speak of the vote to be gai-en by Mr. Clay, ;it. 
 a time when there was tiie greatest probability 
 that he would be a candidate, instead of au 
 elector i« the House? Bat, Sir, if my opinion 
 on tliat important subject be of the least in- 
 terest, jjcrmit me, £!id i will here record it 
 fait'.ifull)-. 
 
 I did moit coiifidently hclleve, that If Mr. 
 Clay failed to reach the House as a candidate, 
 that he would vote for General Jackson. I be- 
 lieved, not from his personal or poiitic;U parti- 
 ality l(jr Gen Jackson, but because 1 believed 
 tliat nineteen-tv.-cntlelhs of the people of Ken- 
 tucky preferred Gen. Jackson to ^\r. Adam;^, 
 I knew him (Mr. CJay) to have been the zeal- 
 ous advocate of the right of instruction. I 
 knew iiiin to be a Western man; and I had lis- 
 tened with d.;' light and enthusiasm ora many oc- 
 cuisioii:; wiien lie dc-scrlbed tlic wants, tlic sul- 
 ftM-ing-s a:id the neglect of tlie "poor West." 
 Hov.' then coidvl I doubt tiial he would vote for 
 the Western candidate, who was the choice of 
 the fit ite he represented? Had I have doubted 
 it on the Sunday preceding, ontli'; Wfdncsday 
 succeeding the meeting of Congress Wv.d 
 doulit would have been removed. 
 
 As Gen. Jackson, Major Paton, and my.seli' 
 were returning from tlie Capitol, i^ttc pwsing 
 through the liotundo, we were overtaken b)- 
 Mr. Cluy, w ho apju'fiiiched Ccn. Jackson with 
 his usual pleasing .addrcs.s, and with the follow- 
 ing familiar and fiiendlv language; '• Genejul 
 Jacksou, I h;ive :i (j-iarrtL with you: v/hy djd } ou 
 not let me know that you were coming by Le:; 
 ington? I certainly sliouUl have w:ijted fo. 
 yourarhval." And to the best of my recolkc 
 tion. \\r. added. *• Wc should have travelled 'c 
 
194 
 
 rcsoluUoiis ucrc received, audit uaa g.encr;iii.^ 
 
 Johnson's, was, that Mr. Wliite knew that Mr. 
 ('by vas to be made Secretary of State by Mr. 
 Adams, in case of his election, and expected 
 that this aiTangcment would reconcile the peo- 
 ))h of his district to his vote. Mr. John Scott, 
 of Missouri, who hor.rded with me at BrowH'.s 
 Tiotcl, a^ain and again remarked to me and 
 others, t!\at he had not vojed for Mr. Adams, 
 hut for Mr. Clay. In rtfjard to the conversa- 
 tions had with two otlicr members <if Congress, 
 referred to in your letter, 1 h.ave to observe, 
 that their letter.s, published in Mr (Hay's address, 
 authorizes the belief thai th( > would ncfjative 
 jny statement, and as the conversations occvir- 
 rcd when there was no one present, 1 deem it 
 proper not to relate them. 
 
 Those are sortie of tlie facts and circumstances 
 which led to the declaration madv- in my Ilar- 
 rodsburg' addres<^, last Jinie, to which you have 
 TcfeiTed; other facts which have been long- 
 Muce communicated to me, and which contri 
 
 GcneralJackson's election. 
 
 I am, very respectfully, your obedient ser- 
 vant, " * '•'•'-••'T iTTi'i:' 
 
 C. A. WICKLIFFE. 
 
 No. A- 
 
 WAsniXGTON CiTF, April 4, 1828. 
 
 Sm : The communication which you, as 
 Chairman of the Jacks/n Corresponding Com- 
 mittee, addressed to me, was received. In an- 
 swer to which, 1 have to htate: 
 
 That durinpthe session of Congress in 1824-5, 
 whilst tl,e election of President of the United 
 States was then before ti.e House of Kepresen-^ 
 tatives, 1 called to sec Mr. C'ay, to ascertain, if 
 possible, his deteijranation as it related to his 
 voting for Mr Crawford, in whose favor I then 
 was, and had been from the commencement of 
 the contest, as Mr. Clay knew, and I believe 
 every body Ci::e who was acquainted with me. 
 
 I think this was in the month of January of 
 
 Luted to form my opinion, will be furnished by ^j^^^^ ,.g^j,^ g^. ^j,g \-j,iieTr part of tlie preceding 
 
 month, December. Mr. Clay, in the cour.se of 
 convcrs.ation, said to n;e, that he had called on 
 Mr. Crawford, as soon as h.e arrived in the city, 
 to satisfy himself, and be his own judge as to 
 the state of his health; and that he was tho- 
 roughly convinced, from seeing him, that it 
 wotrld not do to elect him; that his health wa"i 
 so bad he could not discharge the duties of the 
 office if he were elected. 
 
 He then went on to state, in the course of 
 that conversation, and I think nearly in these 
 words: " \Vhen 1 take up the pretensions of 
 
 other gentlemen 
 
 T. P. MOORK. 
 r.en. John P. Van-Nkss, 
 
 Chairman Central Committee. 
 
 No. .3. 
 Washington, March 14th, 1828. 
 
 Jiio. P. Van Kiss, Esq. 
 
 Sir: Your letter, as Chairman of the Com- 
 mittee for the District of Coluiribia, requesting 
 mc to state the conversation which I had with 
 
 Henry Clay, Ksq. in the month of October, Mr. Adams, and weigh them, and lay them 
 lS'34, at Frankfort, Ky., has been handed to me. down— then take up the pretensions of Gene- 
 
 In October, 1!3'2 4, (the day is not recollect- ral Jackson, weigh them, and by them down 
 cd,) I visited Frankfort, Kentucky, and was in by the side of those of Mr. Adams — I never was 
 'ittcndance upon the Court of Appeals. Mr. P.smvich puzzled in all my life, as I am to de- 
 f'lay and myself walked out of the court room cide between them." 
 
 (0((ldier, and commenced a conversation upon In answer to the other part of your iiiquiiy, 
 tlic -subject of his prospects in the approaching permit me to say, that 1 have h.ad many couver- 
 election. We entered pretty much at large sations with Mr. Clay, of a political c!<!aracter, 
 upon tlic subject My inquiries were more the nature and extent of which I am unwilling 
 particularly directed to'iiis ju-ospects of getting to disciose, unless some future ciicumstancs 
 )i portion of the votesof the State ofXcu York, shovdd authorize or require it. 
 fiaving formed the opinion that unless .Mr. Clay. I am, Sir, your obedient servant, 
 «-.ould' receive a portion of the voles of that JOHN FLOYD, of Virginia 
 
 .S"t.ate, he would not be n turned as one of the Gen. J. P. Van Ness, 
 three highest candid;aes. Mr. Cl.iy replied, C ha innun Corresponding Com miUee. 
 
 that his friends ill that State had it in contem- — 
 
 nlation, if it were practicable, to unite with the 
 friends of Mr. Crawford, and divide the votes 
 between himself and Crawford, Of the suc- 
 cess of this projcxt he spoke doubifulh, and 
 remarked that he did not place much reliance 
 upon the result. In the event it shouM fail, it 
 i:< more tJuui probable, said he, I may be cxclu 
 
 No. G. 
 
 Smith's Point, CiiAntrs Cocxtt, Md. 
 Mcn-cU2Aili,lQ2'A. 
 o Gnj. J. P. J'an I^'if!)- 
 
 Sm: In answer to the inquirj' proposed by 
 the Jackson Corresponding Committee, of 
 
 ^led from the House of l{cpresent;aives. To which you are Chairm.m, .as to a conversation 
 meet such a contingency, nty friends mtisl be which passed between the laic Hon. Robert P. 
 
 pccparcd, and I think it be.st that they should 
 not hasftly commit themselves in their second 
 rhoice. I saw .Mr. Clay no more until hi.-! arri- 
 \al at Washington. Nothing p:issed between 
 \19, upon the subject ef the election, after liis 
 "Tt\n1 ;it '\VT;hni>*on 'utt'iI ift.-i. »h#. Kentucky 
 
 Henry, of Kentucky, and myself, in the montij 
 of J.anuary, or the early part of Februar}', 
 Ibi.i, I will state, in substance, his observa- 
 tions, in relation to the Presidential election, 
 Ihei". pending before the House of Represen- 
 tatives of the TTnitcd States. I will observe, 
 
i95 
 
 that Major Henry landed at my house from 
 the steam-br.at, which was c?.n7hi^*»ie Pre- 
 sident and -.other gentlemen to the ''N. Caro- 
 lina" m:m-of-war, then lying: near tlie mouth 
 of the Potomac. This circumstance will as- 
 ccrt^ihithe pci-'id of the visit and conversation, 
 la answer to some Inquiry of mine, as to what 
 would be the probable result of the election by 
 the House, Mr. Uenry stated, that (ictierul 
 Jackson might have obtained the vote o' Ken- 
 tucky, if he had authorized or permitted his 
 friends to have given Mr. Clay or his friends 
 an assurance that Mr. Clay should, upon his 
 election, be made Secrc * ;-y of State. Tnat 
 the time had now passed — that Mr. Adams 
 V'Oiild receive t!ic vote of Kent\icky — that t!ie 
 attachment of a large number of her deltigales 
 to Mr. Cla.v, would lead them to vote for Mr. 
 Ad.Jms, in order to advance tlie poJitical inter- 
 ests of their favorite (\3r. C.j— tliathe (Mr. 
 II.) had warmly sunporlcd the election of Mr. 
 Clay; but, under existing cii-cumstauces, he 
 should not hesitate to obey the w'M of tlie peo- 
 ple of his Sta^e, who were nov.', and at all times, 
 opposed to Mr. Adams, since he was first an- 
 nounced' as a candidate for the Vr'sidcncy — 
 that no dcubt existed, but that General Jack- 
 son was second only to Mr. Clay in the estima- 
 tion and attachment of tlie people of Ken- 
 tuck}' — and was, attlie present time, the object 
 of their decided political .{ireference and hopes. 
 
 The above is sui;(;ta.)tially a correct sUre- 
 Oifcut of Mr. Ktmry's remarks, to the bast of 
 my recollection. I have, as requested by your 
 Committee, made oath to my statement, as 1 
 i^ni sure 1 have given the substance of Mr. 
 Henry's observations. I know! would not de- 
 signedly pervert tliem for all this world c:;n 
 bestow. 
 
 I have the honor to be, most respectfully, 
 your very obedient servant, A. GllEEU. 
 
 Sworn to, before me, one of the Associate 
 .lud-jes for the first Judicial District of the 
 State of Murv land. EDMUND Ki'.Y. 
 
 No. 6. 
 TAU^iHAssEK, February 4th, 1828. 
 
 Sib: Mr. C'ay in his adcbess to the public, 
 has done mo die honor to mention my iiame lu 
 tlie foUowiiig manner: "It tan scarcely be 
 doubted tliat Ct;neral Call was well acquainted 
 witli Gen. Jackson's views and expectations. 
 At a tavern at Rockvilic, in Maryhuid, about 
 fifteen miles from tliis city, during that same 
 ,i,ournt_v, Gen. CjiU and several other fjenlle- 
 rpen engaged in conversation iibout tlie Piesl- 
 dential election. John IJraddock, I^sq. (a gen- 
 ii .man not known to mc, but who. i u'ldjr- 
 stand, is a merchant of great respectability,) 
 was present; and he states, that " wlieu the vote 
 v/hich -Mr. (ylay would probably give, wassyjoi-ien 
 of, Gen. Call declared thac the friends of Gen. 
 Jackson did not expect Mr. Clay to vote for 
 him, and if he did so, it would be a.", act of du- 
 plicity on his part." 
 
 1 liave n ) knowledge of the person on whoso 
 
 authority Mr. Clay has made tliis statement, 
 
 neither do I recollect, or bcheve, that I ever 
 
 made the remark attributed to me, on that oc- 
 
 ''<l^«ion; on the contrary; I am confident thnt 
 
 the assertion is without the least ioundatip:.. 
 Uockviile, I understand, isthe nameof tiie vil- 
 lage at Montgomery Court-house, Manland 
 My travelling companions, wli^n 1 nrrlveil a'. 
 tiiat place, in 1824, were Messrs. Joint T. John- 
 son, of Kentucky, Stewart, of Pennsylvania, 
 and Vinton, of Ohio; the last tv.o gentlemen 
 were, and 1 believe are still, the personal and 
 politic:d friends of Mr. Clay, and I call upon 
 them to state, whether they heard me at Rock- 
 ville, or at any other place, make use of the 
 language mentioned by Mr. Clay. Witli tlio^.e 
 gentlemen I associated on terms of intimacy;* 
 Tve had been travelling companions from Cum- 
 berland, v>-here 1 had Itft Gen. Jackson; and 
 our conversations were indulged with unreserv- 
 ed freedom. They had a much better oppor- 
 tunity of learning my opinion:^ on any subject 
 thantlic strange gentleman on whose authority 
 Mr. Clay has rested; and I am convinced, that 
 neidier of them will say t!te statement is true. 
 In addition to my want of recollection of hav- 
 ing made tiie remarks ascri'jcd to me, I have 
 otiier and stronger reasons fur believing that I 
 did not do so. 
 
 I arrived at Kockvdie on Sunday, the day 
 preceding the meeting of Congress; at that 
 time the residt of the election, in Indian.a, Illi- 
 nois, Missouri, and Louisiana, where tiie friends 
 of Mr. Cl.ay claimed a majority, was uiiknown, 
 and it was impossible to decide whetiier Mr. 
 Clay or Mr. Crawford would be returned to the 
 House of rt&j:reseiit;itives with Gen. Jackson 
 and Mr Adams: th.is quesdon was not decided 
 untd many weeks after tlie commencement of 
 the session. Is it t'len reuEcjiable that I should 
 speak of the vote to be g.iven by Mr. Chiy, ;it 
 a time when there was the greatest probability 
 that he would be a candidate, instead of au 
 elector in the House? But, Sir, if my opinio!: 
 on tii:it irnporttuit subject be of the least in- 
 terest, permit me, £.nd i will here vccard it 
 laitlifully. 
 
 I did, most confidently believe, that if Mr. 
 Clay failed to reach the liouse as a candidate, 
 tliat he would vote for Genera! Jackson. I be- 
 lieved, not from !as personal or political parti- 
 ality for Gen Jackson, but because i believed 
 tlnxt uinsteen-tv.-enticths of the people of Ken- 
 tvicky preferred Gen. Jackson to Mr, Adams, 
 I knew him (Mr. Clay) to itave been the zeal- 
 ous advocate of the right of instruction. I 
 knew iiiin to be a Western man; and I had lis- 
 tened with di light and entlutsiasm ok many oc- 
 Ciision;; wiien lie described t!ic wants, the siif- 
 ferings, and the neglect of tlie "poor West." 
 Hov.' tiicn could I doubt that he would vote for 
 the V/estern candidate, who was the clioice of 
 tlie State he represented? Had 1 have doubted 
 it on the Sund:iy preccvlmg, on tii'.' Weduesday 
 succeeding tiie meeting of Congress that 
 doubt woiikl have been removed. 
 
 As Gen. Jackson, Maj-n- Eatoii, and myfjelf 
 were returiiing from tlie C-^pitol, i-i'te" p;'.ssing 
 through the llotimdo, we were overtaken by 
 Mr. Clay, who ap[iue.;icheil (^en. Jiickson witlj 
 \\\:i usual pleasing address, and with the follow- 
 ing familiar and fiiendlv language: "General 
 Jackson, I ii:.ve a (ftnrrtl with ynu: why djd ) oii 
 not let me know that you were coming by Lex- 
 ington? I certainly sliould have waited foi' 
 your arrival.'' And to tlie best of my recollec- 
 tion, hft added. " Wc should have travelled tc 
 
iOC 
 
 leihen' InUeed, bir, I never doubted but 
 UfatMr. Clay and fiis friends, generally, would 
 vote for Gen. Jackson, until a gentleman, in 
 whose sagacity and means of being correctly 
 informed, I had m\ich confidence, suggested to 
 me, that from his knowleiige of th;- value 
 vhich Mr. Clay set upon the cifice of Scevctary 
 of State, and its patronage, that he vv;ts con- 
 vinced that Mr. Clay had Jeterniined to dispose 
 of his interest in a manner that would secure 
 him that station. I re]>hed, that I knew no- 
 thing of the views of Gen. Jackson on that sub- 
 "iecl; that it was on.' on which iii.- b'jsl friends 
 could not approach nim. The gentleman then 
 observed, " without i)retending to have more 
 sagacity than others, i venture to say, that Gen. 
 Jackson will not be elected." 
 
 I own that I was greatly surprised at this rc- 
 ^nark, for 1 had believed, until then, the elec- 
 tion of the General beyond the possibility of a 
 doubt. But, before we separated, the gentle- 
 man convinced me that the election was com- 
 pletely in the bands of Mr. Clay. I do not re- 
 collect at what period I received this informa- 
 tion. It was, however, long before the publi- 
 cation of Mr. Kremcr's letter to the editor of 
 the Columbian Observer, and I had time to 
 write to Geuf rul Paine, of Mount Sterling-, Ken- 
 tucky, and to receive an answer before the 
 clectirn. In my letter to General Vauv,', I in- 
 ibrmed him, that a majcvity of the Kentucky 
 jPelegation would ilisrcgiud the instructions of 
 the Legislature, requesting them to vote for 
 Qen. J.ackKon, and if the people wished to be 
 heard on that i'nporlant occasion, they should 
 speak in a voice not to be misunderstood by 
 the Representaiivcs. This p'oduccd a meet- 
 ing of a number of the citi/.eiiS of Momgx>mery 
 tounty, Ken., who instructed their representa- 
 tive, Mr. l'rin.ble, positively to vote to Gen. 
 Jackson. A copy of those inotructions were 
 fbrwardcd to me, and v ere published in the 
 Washington City Gazette, a few days before 
 the election. On reference to tho.'.c instnic- 
 tions, you will perceive something peculiar in 
 their phrasctlogy. They were given in andci- 
 patio:i of the course 1 had apprzed General 
 Paine would be pursued by the Kenturky dc- 
 'Icgation. 
 
 Heforc I conclude, permit me to niention a 
 conversation vhieh 1 liad witli Mr. Hrent, of 
 Louisiana. This gentleman, between whom 
 .nnd mysv If there had been no particul.ir inti- 
 jnacy, gave me the first intcllig'.MiCe I received 
 of the vote of Louisiana. He sought the inter- 
 view, uml after communicating the fact, re- 
 marked, thut Mr. Cl.»y was out ol thequest:oii. 
 I observed to him, your Stale appears to be in 
 f»vor ot Gen. Jackson: what will lie the vote of 
 iicr delegation when the question comes before 
 theHousr' He replied, *' vox popiih rojj Del," 
 j^ my motto. A few days after, in envimc rating 
 the States which would probaL>ly vote for Gen. 
 Jackson, Mr. ilrent nieniioned Louisiana. — 
 ^oon, however, after this, he became nmre di.s- 
 tant, and wc did not converst on the Presiden- 
 tial question again, until a few moments afler 
 the h.illoting, wl\ich resulte<l in die election of 
 Mr. Adams. I tUen met Mr. Ilrcn'., and ob- 
 served to him.Sir. lox pupii It is not vox J)ei.' The 
 gentleman understood my allusion, and replied, 
 that he had no instructions from his district, 
 ar(\ tf»jif he had b^c" l"ft in thf dark with <■(•• 
 
 gard to the vislics of the people. I lolJ him, 
 that I wfehcd only to remind him, that vox po- 
 puli was not always vux Z>ej, and we separated. 
 I mention this circumstance, as an evidence of 
 the correctness of the information I iiad receive 
 cd of tiie views and determinati>\ of Mr. Clay. 
 That he did hold the election in his own hands, 
 is proved by the result. That he is in the c>- 
 buiet is equally cleac; and that Mr Brent was 
 instiunienial lu placing him there, none will 
 doubt. By what magic:)! artifice he seduce<l 
 the worthy rcpre.aeuiat'vc of Louisiana frotr h.is 
 allegiance and his motto, he best can tell. If 
 an ajiology is due fu." this intrusion, I hope it 
 will bo found in tiie manner in which I have 
 been brought before the public by Mr. Clay. 
 I am, Sir, very respectfully, 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 R..K. CALL. 
 Gen. vTon?r P. Vas Nes3. 
 
 No. 7. 
 
 '\VAsni:TCTO!« Cttt, April, 1828. 
 
 Sin: In reply to your letter requesting 
 such information a<-. I may be possessed of, 
 relative to the Presidential election in 1824—5, 
 1 have but little to remark. Concerning the 
 events of that period, 1 have no material facts 
 to ccinuiunicate: opinions are of little value, 
 and withal, are not asked for. I shall do no 
 more, therefore, tlian notice a few of tlie state- 
 ments contained in Mr. Clay's late pamphlet, 
 and to state their want of accuracy. 
 
 XL is not true, as .Mr. Clay has asserted, that 
 I wrote the letter avowed by Mr. Kremer lo b?; 
 his, and wh.ch wr.s published in the Columbi.m 
 Observer, in Ja.uiary, 18J5, in which it is char- 
 ged that Mr. ('lay would vote fur Mr. AdaiB«, 
 and as compensation for his vote, was to be, 
 and woukl be, appointed Secretary of State. 
 Directly or indirectly, I had no agency in it; 
 and never saw, nor hcnrd of the lettei-, until I 
 read it in the columns of the Columbian Obser- 
 ver. 
 
 It is not true, as asserted by Mr. Cl.ay, that a 
 dinner was gotten up wth a view to produce 
 rcconcihition between hmisdf and Gen. Jack- 
 son, where, as he says, tliey "met, exchanged 
 salutations, and dined together;" and where, 
 dinner oeing over, he " was followed to the 
 door by General Jackson and Mr. Eaton, who 
 insisted on my taking a seat in their caiTuige.'* 
 These siafements a'ld assertions are worthy tcv 
 be ni.vrvellcil at. They are mcoiToct. 
 
 Ill tlic first place, tins dinner party, to which 
 he has referred for effect, was intended as mere 
 civility to tliosc who were invited — nothing 
 more. I had the honor to he one of the guests 
 on the occasion, and so considered it. Mr. 
 ls.ack.^ and Mr. Ulair, the only members fronj 
 Tennessee, now pres<nt, who tlien were here^ 
 know it to have been designed in no other way, 
 and so declare. Neither of them possess the 
 slightest recollection of the couversution char« 
 get! by .Mr. Cl-iy to have taken pT.ice at the time 
 they called to see him; yet he w ill have it, and 
 so insinuates, that the call and the dinner were 
 mere matters adcoptandum; for, says he, there 
 *• we met, exchanged salutations, and dined 
 together." His memory, either through acci- 
 dent or design, must indeed be short, not to 
 hav*^ '•'•ni»»rnhf v^d 'hit en'nr> tim'^ h<yfo''e. ♦be 
 
1-91 
 
 iiapivjiiiiig uf t'tHS m(iUi>e d'miuir, he liad actually 
 s&a\ Gen. Jackson— yes, "metandexchang-ed 
 sulutatioas." 
 
 A few clays after the meetirig of Coiigrcss, in 
 December," 1823, I was requested by General 
 Jackson to walk with him to see ^Trs. Waiison, 
 cm acquaintance of his, a widow lady,in tins city. 
 Very shortly after entering the house, and be- 
 iag seated, Mr. Clay came in. From the very 
 limited dme we had been in the house, I felt 
 confident he had seen us enter, and knew Gen. 
 Jackson to be there. 1 advanced and spoke to 
 him, and immediately Mrs. VVatscn introduced 
 ■ him to the General. " ilere they met, and ex- 
 changed salutations ;" nay more, convt^rsv-d 
 freely and friendly together ? and yet Mr. Clay 
 will have it, their difference abided, and that it 
 was not uiud this electioneering dini.er was 
 gotten up at Mr. Claxtoh's, that they "met, 
 ?ind exchanged salutations." 
 
 But iVom the dinner, it seems, he was " fol- 
 lowed to the door by General Jackson and Mr. 
 Eaton, who insisted on my taking a seat in their 
 carriage;" and this is presented as evidence of 
 a disposition to woo and win his favors and good 
 opinion. 
 
 Let it be borne in mindj that at this period of 
 the Presidential history, January, 1824, Mr. 
 C. was exclusively for himself, and not to be 
 %von to the interest of any candidate, save him- 
 self The dinner over, severul had retired into 
 the parlor; ! am confident that General Jack- 
 son i-etired first— not that i pretend to recoLlect 
 such a trifling and unimportant matter, but be- 
 cause, as most of his acquaintiinces know, it 
 was his constalit practice to avail himself of the 
 earliest opportunity to leave a dinner table. Ab- 
 stemious in diet, and drinking not at all, is, I 
 presume, the reason why. Several gentlemen 
 were about to retire from the parlor at the same 
 time: the General's carriage was at the door; 
 as he. Gen. Call, Delegate from Florida, who, 
 I think, was of our party, and myself, were 
 about to depart; Mr. Clay was standing on the 
 piazza. General Jackson politely offered hlrn a 
 seat, and it W^as politely accepted. Mr. Clay 
 was set down at his lodgings; we proceeded 
 home; and this is the sum and substance of tli.at 
 tinimportant matter, which Mr. Clay has offered 
 as so very mateiial 
 
 The interview of Mr. Buchanan with ^e is 
 already before the public, and need not be here 
 again adverted to. In my communication du- 
 ring the last sufiimer, on the subject, I present- 
 ed an extract of a letter, but gave not the name 
 of the writer. It v;as written by John M'Lane, 
 who, in 1824«5, was a Senator from the State of 
 Illinois i'- ii ncre annexed. 
 
 Very respectfully, J. 11. EATON. 
 
 Hxtrad from a letl-' W'ften hif the Hon. John 
 IiIcLanc, of li inoi<, to Mr. Ealon. 
 
 *' The bargain of 1825, between ilessrs. Ad- 
 ams and Clay, I remember well, was freely 
 spoken of by many members of Congress, al- 
 though I had no personal knowledge of any 
 fact which would warrant the belief that the 
 contract existed,- besides the high estimation in 
 which I then held Mr. Clay, forbade my suspi- 
 cions on any accusations not supported hy posi- 
 tive proof- that proof was not afforded me, and 
 I held him guiltless; yet there were some cir- 
 c:imi'iaHCi-3 of un favor a(/k c'pj)?ara^i':c, and uhich, 
 
 as the friend uf 3h: I' lay, i wu.s Svrri/ had cl- 
 idence. The circumstances to which I allude, 
 were the continued silence and k?igthy rei-erre 
 of Mr. Clny\<i friends, in publishing or IcttiJig it 
 bt known how they would vote,- ana the fad that 
 the Kentucky delegation, who voted for Mr. ^.., 
 had a meeting to determine upon J heir cmtrse^ 
 as I was informed by one of them, at which^ it 
 was said to me, that upon the question being pro- 
 poaedtoMr. Clay, f^r whom shall we vote? he 
 answered, in substance, " that in case Genera* 
 Jackson tihould be dec.lcd, he beliivcd that the ad- 
 mtnistroiion, with its iveight, would be opposed 
 to him, to prostrate him; that, should Mr. A, 
 be elf^cted, he felt sutisfitdit would not be so, 
 but that he hoped no personal consideration fur 
 him, wotifd induce them to act contrary to their 
 desire.'" Upon these circui^stances, I have of- 
 ten remarked, that the first was in chro-acter of 
 Kentuckians; that the Ltsi was tlie strongest ap^ 
 peal which could be made to a man's friends, and 
 the heaviest requi6:tion lohich could be levied o?i 
 their attachment.*' 
 
 Washington, January 5, 1828, 
 Dear Sir: Your letter of this date, request- 
 ing to be informed of the substance of a conver- 
 sation which passed betwixt the Hon. Mr. Scott 
 of Missouri, and myself, relative to the last I're-" 
 sidential election, is just received. 
 
 The conversation alluded to, took place on 
 tlie evening «f tlie 32d of February, 1825, be» 
 twixt the times of the election and the accessioJi 
 of the present Chief Magistrate. Before the 
 election, it had been cutTently reported that 
 Mr. Clay was to receive the office of Secretary' 
 of State, provided Mr. Adams should be elect- 
 ed; and that, in consideration of this arrange- 
 ment, the friends of Mr. Clay had dctermmed 
 to give Mr. Adams their support. This report 
 I had no reason to disbelieve, es^pecially as the 
 lion. Francis Johnson, of Krntuck}', a warm 
 friend of Mr. Clay, had told me, a short time 
 antecedent to the rumor, that he had determin- 
 ed CO give a blank vote, as he could not give liis 
 suffrage to either of the cantlldates which would 
 be returned; but immediately on the rumor 
 that such was to be the result of Mr. Adams* 
 election, I found him, Mr. F. Johnson, enlisted 
 among his supporters. Thougli Mr. Clay re- 
 pelled witli indignation the insinuation that Ae 
 iiad been accessary to such an arrangemeutj. 
 yet I did not tiien <loubt, nor did I suppose it 
 v/as denied, th-A.t his friends were influenced by- 
 it. It was und:-r this impression that I enterecl 
 into the conversation witji Mr. Scott. It occur- 
 red as a common topic, and not as a subject; 
 sought or having any special design, with ci- 
 ther of us. I .isked him if hir- vote would be 
 popular in MisS'.i.Ti'' He answered, that ninc- 
 teeii-twentieths of his constituents would be op* 
 posed to it. I then inquired wliat would be 
 said of him when he returned hoirc.^ He rc" 
 plied that his vote would make a grrat noise for 
 a time: but that their election was over, and 
 tiiey could not touch iiim under two years,, ami 
 in that time the excitement would probably sub- 
 side. He added, that it was ascertained if Mr; 
 Adams should not be elected on the first ballot, 
 he could not be elected afterwards; that if /.ri 
 had not voted for him, Mr. Cook, of Illinois, 
 would not have voted for him, and that witho\it 
 bolhc'f their votes, he would not haVe been 
 
196 
 
 ejected. 1 -llitii remaiked, that as the election 
 had dependctl upon him, I supposed, in case of 
 his own failure at the next election, he would 
 be otherwise provided for. To tins he answer- 
 ed, that he would accept of no appointment 
 Avliatcver under tlie administration of Jlr. Adams, 
 lest it should be reg-arded as the reward of his 
 vote. 1 .asked him how he could then expect 
 Mr. Clay to accept l!ie appointment of Secreta- 
 ry of Stale, as it was rumored that it was to be 
 tendered to hiin, in case of Mr. Adams' elec- 
 tion, and I supposed it would be expected that 
 Mr. Clay would accept it. II'.- remarked, tliat 
 Mr. Clay did not act for himself, but for the 
 "West. That Mr. Clay was the man of the 
 West. " We," said he, (alludinrf, as I suppo- 
 sed, to the Mcstern members who voted for 
 Mr. Adams, I "act for the West, and Mr. Clay 
 is our man. He mu.st not consider himself a.s 
 Mr. Clay, but :is the West, and in that charac- 
 ter it will be his duty to accept." 
 
 This was ten days before tlje inauguration of 
 Mr. Adams. I had not heard that the office 
 *v as then already tendered to Mr. Clay, nor do 
 1 know wlicthcr it was; but from the report 
 which had been circulated before tlie election, 
 connected with the simultaneous movement of 
 some of Mr. Clay's friends, I assumed the con- 
 clusion as a tnaiUr of course, that he was to re- 
 ceive the appolntnierit; and the whole of Mr. 
 Scuti's conversation appeared to me to admit 
 tlie fact, on ihe principle of my assunplion. 
 AV'heUier such was his desi^-n, I know not; but 
 sudi was tlie impression which it could not fail 
 to make on my niuid. 
 
 I havetlie honor tobc, vcr}" respectfully, Sir, 
 } oiU" obedient servant, 
 
 O. B. BROWN. 
 
 H( n. J. II. £aton-. 
 
 No. 8. 
 Wa3;iinc;to.n City, .^Iprtl 30, 1828. 
 
 Ur.in Sin: In answer to your inquiries, 
 1 can truly say, tli.it my litter to tht: Cohimbian 
 Obscrvei', of tlie 25th .Januasy, 1825, announc- 
 ing the trex'on that then threatened the Repub- 
 lic, wxs V. ritten at my desk, pending the session 
 of the House; where I wrote several others of 
 bimjlar character. 
 
 It would be an unnecessary waste of ti'rie for 
 ine to furnish any additional evidence, to ])rovc 
 the truOi of the chiu-jjes contained in m\ letter. 
 Indeed Mr. Clay has not, nor can he, incct the 
 chorjjcs cont:iincd in it. lie has endeavored to 
 rvade the charge, by creating- an hnprer.'-.ion that 
 I vrvisi not the author of the letter to the Colum- 
 bian Obscner; and that G-neral Jackson, <u- 
 M.ajor Laton, had written the letter. I can and 
 would declare, if arraif^ned before that tribunal 
 from whence there is no ajipeid, that ne'the-r of 
 The gentlemen could have had any knowledge 
 of the letter until it was publishevl in print. — 
 Nothinp can be more destitute of truth than this 
 attempt of Mr. Cl:<y, 
 
 ItcspcctfuUy, your fellow-citJzen, 
 
 G. KHEMLII. 
 
 Gen. ^'as N£S9, Chalr^n, SJc. 
 
 No. 9. 
 WAsnijfOTo.s ^[an/l 22J, 1828. 
 ^j»- l>\Mir letter, dated 20th insfftnt, accom- 
 
 panied by an address of the Cenirai CoiuOudee 
 of Con-espondcnce, of which you are the Chair- 
 man, v/as received on )-csterday. You solicit 
 such information as I may pos3e.ss on the sub> 
 jects of which the address treats. It relates to 
 a pamphlet of Mr. Clay, in which, as is sup* 
 posed, he "has undertaken to s'low that Gen. 
 Jackson and his friends practised seductive arts 
 to prevail upon him, Mr. Clay, to favor the 
 views o!' Grn. Jackson in the election to the 
 Presidency; and that when their efforts f^;i led, 
 he, General Jackson, conspired with Mr. Ea- 
 ton and Mr. Kremer to intimidate Mr. Clay» 
 and to deter hiru from voting- for Mr- Adams; 
 that General Jackson in speaking of the events 
 of the iate J'residential election, has been guil- 
 ty of uiisrepresentation, with a view to impi-ess 
 on the public mind, prejudice apainst Mr. Ad» 
 ams and .Mr. Claj'; and lastly, that he, Mr. 
 Cl.a}', previous to the election, had no under- 
 standing whatevei, that he would be appointed 
 .Secretary of State in the event that Mr. Adams 
 were elected." 
 
 I possess very little, if any, information, re- 
 lating to either of tiiese subjects, which can be 
 of use, on either side of the question. 
 
 During the session of Congres.s, in the yearJT 
 1823 and 1824, 1 was in the City cf Wa.«hlng- 
 toii, tlier. acting as one of the CuiTimissioners, 
 under the Florida treaty; in the coiu'de of the 
 winter, I was invited by some of the members 
 of Congress, from my own State, to dine wit!» 
 their mes->, at Mrs. C'axton's. Neither at tlie 
 time of receiving the invitation, nor until I 
 went to dine, had I any knowledge, or intima- 
 tion, that any other pcnvn had been invited ta 
 dine with them on the samf day. At dinner, 
 I found General Jackson, Mr. Clay, and some 
 otjier gentlemen, who did not belong to the 
 •mess, and therefore presumed they, as well as 
 myself, were inviterl giies'.s. I neither saw, nor 
 heard, before the dinner, at the dmner, nor after 
 the dinner, any thing which induced me to be- 
 lieve there was any political or electioneering 
 movement, in any Vt-ay count- cled witli it. In- 
 deed the mixed political character of the compa- 
 ny would seem to forbid such a supposition; as 
 among the guests were some of the most de- 
 cided and discerning friends of a third candi- 
 date, wlio was not piesent. 
 
 When dinner was over, and the gxiesta took 
 their leave, 1 do not remember to liave noticed 
 whether any two or more went away in com- 
 pany with each other or not; as T did not board 
 at the same house with any of them, I went 
 home alone. 
 
 Most respectfully, your obed't servant, 
 
 HU. L. NAHITE. 
 
 Gen. John P. VasNkss, Chairman. 
 
 " No. 10. 
 
 March 25tli, 1828. 
 G.-n. J. P. VAN-Nr.ss: 
 
 Sin: In reply toyour notcofthe2f>tli, I have to 
 s;iy, that early in the session of 1823-4, I visit- 
 ed .Mr Clay, in poison, not by card — the custom 
 beii.'p to call on the Speaker, .as 1 had heai\I, 
 for 1 wa< a new member, and so were my 
 colleague?, except two. It is my impression, 
 that some of them were in company, but who, 
 or how many, I caiuiot state. If tlieie were any- 
 thing remarkable in thi9 vivit. I neither disco v- 
 
li}-J 
 
 eiea nor noticed it. I am coaviiiced the dinner inJuced the uiviiatiou given to Mr. Cia}'^ thai; 
 
 business was not then thotig-ht of, neitii-er was a a respectful civility intended to be shown to tht; 
 
 reconciUation between Gen. Jackson and Mr. presiding officer of the House, of which most of 
 
 Clay, nor any other pohtlcal movement, intend- our mess were members. For myself, I can 
 
 ed by it, so far us I knew. Wc just called to see say, that I never conversed with Mr. ClaV* 
 
 the Speaker. Wiiat! we undertake to manage in relation to th.e Lebanon affair, to whicli 
 
 Mr. Clay by a visit and a dinner? Ridiculous! he has been pleased to refer in his pamphlet; 
 
 I have no recollection of any such conversa- nor did either of my then colleagues in my 
 
 tion as that represented by Mr. Clay in his presenca; nor had I heard of tl-e cause o? 
 
 pamphlet, nor do I remember what we' talked coolness between the General and 'Mr. Clay 
 
 about. Some weeks after this, we concluded at Lebanon, until after the dinner. I re- 
 
 to give a dinner at our boarding house, to Gen 
 Jackson. The whole Tennessee delegation did 
 not board together, and there vrere in the mess 
 gentlemen from two other States. Previous to 
 this time, I had heard the fact spoken of, and 
 think it was generally understooil, that Gene- 
 ral Jackson and Mr. Clay had met, exchanged 
 civilities, and appeared mutually disposed to 
 forget former personal differences. Tiie din- 
 ner was not given to bring General Jackson 
 and Mr. Clay together, for tlie first time, 
 on terms of " respectful intej-coui-sc," as in- 
 timated by Mr. Clay. [ am wel! assured, tiiat 
 that had taken place before. But it gives me 
 pleasure to state, for myself, (find fault who 
 may) that 3 felt gratified by contributing, in 
 any degree, even by the dinner civility, to the 
 contiuJt^tion of that intercourse. Tiie presiding" 
 officii^s of botli houses of Congress, gentle- 
 men from several States, and, as it happened, 
 friends of all the candidates for President, (if 
 I am not mistaken,) were of the party.* Three 
 gentlemen from Tennessee, not members of 
 Congress, the First Comptroller, Jjidge Ander- 
 son, Judge Wliite, am.1 Gen. Gaines, were also 
 present. This civi^'ty was repaid by Mr. Clay, 
 
 pest, that dinner was not given by the Tonnes- 
 see delegation alone, nor had they the exciu» 
 sive selection of the guests: it was given, as I 
 believe, without the knowledge of Gen. Jack 
 son, until Invited, and without the remotest in ' 
 tcntion of afiecting- any. other object, than an 
 expression of kind feelings towards the indivi 
 dual on whose account it was given. I regret 
 that so common an incident here, should have 
 been seized upon as the ground of intrigue on 
 onrpart, than which notising is mere incorrect; 
 as i feel confident those gentlemen before, 
 named, who were not of the delegation, and 
 who were .at the time favoring the pretensions 
 ot'other candidates for the Presidency.will attest. 
 
 Very i-espectfuUv, vour obedient servant, 
 
 JOHN BLAIT^ 
 
 Gen. John P. Van Ness. 
 
 No. 1:?, 
 
 Mr. Clay has thougVit proper to introduce in!o- 
 his address, a letter from Gov. Kent of Mary- 
 land, the purpose of which seems to be to al' 
 ford the Secretary an opportunity to assail the 
 Hon. Romulus Saunders, the able and eloquen". 
 
 . representative, who h.ad the temerity to call far 
 ^ few days after, in kmd. I would spurn, even information relative to the manner in whicli Uv. 
 now, to impute tliat act of hospitality, on liis (H^y had dispensed the patroi:age of his de- 
 part, to any unworthy motive— altnough I pjirtraent. Justice to Mr. Saunders require^.' 
 might be invited to do so, if the principles of the insertion of an extract from his reply cOn- 
 retaliation were alone to be consulted. 
 I am, with great respect, yours. Sec. 
 
 J. C. ISACKS. 
 
 No. 11. 
 
 Was.iikgton City, April 9lh, 1828. 
 
 
 tradicting th*^ statement of Gov. Kent's letter- 
 General Saundera says; 
 
 ♦'I know the position in which I stand, and 
 that of the personage whose word I h.ave to con- 
 front. But I am not the first victim selected by 
 the parasites of the day, to divert public repre • 
 Sib: Yours of the 20th ult. accompanying hensionfrom. their high patron; nor is Governoi' 
 an address to the public, made by order of the Kent the first man v,-ho is indebted to his sta- 
 Central Corresponding Committee, of this city, tion for a little brief consequence. I am charg- 
 vas received, in which you request me to con- ed from this ' 'higli source" of having been "d;;* 
 tribute such information as I may possess re- cidedly in favor of Mr. Adams in preference to 
 lative to the subject of which it treats. As I am Gen. Jackson, and not ten minutes before the 
 one of the only two now present, who were of late election by the House of Representatives, 
 the Tennessee delegation in 1823-4, and as Mr. to have approached him [Gov. Kent] with an-:^ • 
 Clay h*s charged that delegation with seduc- iouscountenancfe, discovering deep concern is; - 
 tive arts, to bring about a reconcili.ation be- deed, and used these emphatic words: "I hope 
 tween General Jackson and himself, I esteem it to (iod you may be able to terminate the elecr 
 due to myself, and an act of justice to my then tion on the first ballot, for fear we from North. 
 colleagues, to state, that during the session of Carolina may be forced to vote for Gen. Jack-- 
 1823-4, the Tennessee delegation, except Col. son." HisExcellency must indeed havcjrelaxed 
 Allen and the two Senators, witii the Hon- Ua- from the cares of office fcr the perusal of "Thf; 
 vld Barton, of Missouri, and Gen. Leftwich, of Merry Wives of Windsor," or " Tlie School for 
 \1rginia, boarded at Mrs. Claxton's, and as a Scandal," "The Arabian Nigiit's Entertain 
 mark of respect for Gen. Jackson, gave him the ment, "or some other work of fiction. It is to be 
 dinner to which .Mr. Clay has alluded. To that recollected, that this "anxious countenance," 
 dinner the President pVo tem. of the Senate, this "deep concern," this "emphatic language,"' 
 the Speaker of tlie House of Representatives, occurred more than two years shice, on the eve 
 with several other members, and Judge M'hite of an important election, to a man occupying a 
 of Tennessee, then one of the Board of Com- diHercnt side of the House from myself, wis- 
 missioncrs for Spanish claims, were invited. I whom I was not intimate, wIk had been obpos- 
 can say, with confidence, that no other motive ed tcmv friend'; in politics, and one who I h?.d 
 
^0 
 
 ^I,W»ys \ie,Weti as couceailug uuder a plausible 
 txteiioi-, the secret but deadly ciimUy of a vi- 
 p«r. On an occasion, and by a man of tliis 
 kind, my manner an(t words are professed to be 
 rwneinborrd with accnrucy, and reported with 
 ' yrecision. The affirmative charq'c; i-ests upon 
 \he ipse dixit of tl)is pliant Governor alone. I 
 rncct it, tlierefore, us it ought to be met^ wiiA 
 I he lie direct." 
 
 Sir. Trimble wasthe known fncnd and confiden- 
 tfil agent of 3Jr. Clay. So, as it -was uncertain 
 wbetner Mr. Clay or Mr. Craw ford would be. 
 CJKluded from the House, he iistd tvcry effort 
 to secure the vote of Mr. Crawford's friend.s, by 
 declarini-- to tlicm that Mr. Crawford wa.s hia 
 second choice. It will be remembered, tliat Mr. 
 Clay, in the fall of 182.1-, on his way to Waslung-- 
 'i)n, passed tiirougli Virginia, and visited the 
 Sage of Monticello, who understood tliat his ob- 
 ject was to ob;ain tlie vote of Mr. Crawfoixl's 
 fricnd.s. Sir. Trimble.also passed througli North 
 •Carohna and Virginia, and his object is fully ex- 
 plained by the following- exti'act from a letter of 
 a gentleman of the liighest respectabilit}^ to the 
 lloti. Samuel P. Carson, dated IredcH county, 
 'North Carolina — i-c^rcivccV since tiiis Appendix 
 tesLs prepared for the prcis: 
 
 •^ ♦' Tlie blatement of Mr. David Trimble, of 
 Kentucky, as published in Mr. Cby's late pam- 
 J^hkt, has been received here with no little sur- 
 Brisc. Mr. TriiTiT-jle jw^ed through this place 
 in November, 1«^'4, the week before the elec- 
 tion for Electors. He coirvcrsed freely with 
 some ol" the known poliiical friends of Mr. Craw- 
 tbrd, and stated, witliout reserve, that tl>.e West 
 nrcf'-iTcJ Mr. Clay, from his local situation, and 
 tor his opinions upon s<ime matters of public po- 
 licy! but in the event of liis exclusion from the 
 House of HeprcsentativeR, his friends wculd most 
 di^cidcdly prefer Mr. Crawfortl, as their next 
 •"hoicc. Mr. T. spoke witli Ao/rer at the idea of 
 Nring forced to choose between Mr. Adams and 
 Qenerul Jiu;kson. So strong and unequivocal 
 was tlie lan^viaj^e of Mr. T. that it wa-s afterwards 
 used by tile friends of .Mr. Crawford ai certain 
 evidence of the vfjte of Mr. Clay xuid friends, 
 in the event of his being out of the qiK;stion. 
 This conver.s.itlon took place bet\?een Mr. T, 
 and some gentlemen of tlie l)ar — it being court 
 vrcck— a))d can be supported, if denied.'' 
 
 Here, (in the fall of 1834,) Mr. Trimble de- 
 clared thut .Mr. Crawford was liis second clioice 
 I II his letter to Mr. Clay, he says that he had 
 made \jp las niind to vote for Mr. Adams, as a 
 second choice, xi early as Febnimy, 1H24!! 
 Why did Mr. Trimble speak witii hoiTOr at the 
 fdea cf voting for eidier .Mr. Adair.s or lieneral 
 aclisan? L; il not manifest that h:: hoped tJiat 
 Mr. Clay would be returned as one of the three 
 •nndiiLitcs, and expected, by pretending to be 
 tive fricndiof Mr. ('rawford, to induce the fiicntls 
 of that gciitlcjoan to vote for Mr. Chay ia tjjc 
 House.' 
 
 I/.c.R<ply of the Centrul Commlitee of Cov- 
 fTSponJcnce of tliis Di-itriet, to Mr. Clay's Ad- 
 dress to 'be public, is this diiy given to our rca- 
 ieri. 
 
 4«a!?W by tho insMioaawhi-^pers and ''Overt 
 
 insinuations of political lcauei"&, it is not Lol;e 
 expected that the Committee will escape the 
 abtise of the corps of adherents and dependent 
 libellei's whom this administration Lave called 
 in to its aid. 
 
 Mr Frank .lohnson, one of the late represen- 
 tatives in Congress from Kentucky, one of those 
 who was discarded by his constituents on ac- 
 count of b.is treachcr)' to therr interests, has de- 
 nounced this reply in advance, and speaking of 
 'the Committee, says: 
 
 '* A committee, composed entircfy, I pre* 
 sume, of men resident in the District of Colum- 
 bia, and if so, they hare no voice in tlie Presi- 
 dei.tial election, yet they are set up as a central 
 and controlling po.ver, to put in motion all the 
 schemes and plan.'^ that may be devised by them- 
 selves of others to govern and control public 
 sentiment, for the purpose of raising General 
 Jackson to the Presidency. AV'as ever so dar- 
 ing an outrage attempted ag-ainst the liberties of 
 the people? A few disfranchised men, who 
 have no vote in the Presidential election, have 
 been set up to conti-ol the nation." 
 
 It is too true, tliat this committee are disfran- 
 chised men: It is too true tliat Ibis District is 
 the scat of a despotic power, more odious in its 
 featm-es than the monarchy of Great Britain. 
 It is too true tliat the people of this dLfran- 
 chised District have no voice in the Presi- 
 dential election; and, it is equally true, that 
 CongTess have the power to establish a re- 
 ligion; they have the power to rcpnilate tlie 
 press; tliey have the power to establish orders 
 of nobility, wiihin this " disfrancfiis'^d" District. 
 That such things have not been done, is to be 
 attributed to the youthful ^*,or of our institu- 
 tions, wul the prevailing intiuence of religious 
 toleration, and ihe love of libeity which the re- 
 presentittlves of the people have brought from, 
 their constituents at home. Let tlic people of 
 the States snce scndicn i/ie doctrim, tliat the re- 
 pif.'-cntatjve is not to be palsird by the will of hia 
 constituentsActthc representatives of tlie people 
 with impunity set the will of constituents at de- 
 fiance, and the chains, which are already forged 
 for tiie people of this District, will be riveted. 
 
 Knowing, as this Com'.tVittee do, the malig- 
 nant spirit of proscription and persecution which 
 charactjrizes the Coalition, it requirce no small 
 degree of moral firniiiess to speak forth in ihn 
 Language of trutli to tlie peopl.-. Let tlie time 
 once arrive when such an etloi-t shall be con- 
 sidered aj an outrage upon the liberties of the 
 peO|jlc, and then, indeed, will there be au end 
 of hbcrty 
 
 It is known to most of our readers, that at th<5 
 close of the ses.sion ofCongivss, in March 1827, 
 the notorious John C. Wriglit issued a ciicular, 
 appointing one cf the Auditors of Public Ac- 
 counts-, ;ind t!ie l-'.ciitor of the Journal, a commit- 
 tee of con-espondence, on tlie part of tlie Coali- 
 tion, for this district. It is kno-.vn that tlie Journal 
 and InteUigvnccr are devoted to the support of 
 the Coartion, and from the nature of the govcin- 
 ?nent, the people ruiuitlook to tliis point for iii- 
 tumiation in reJat'.on to the conduct of the publie 
 functionaric;?. The denunci.ation cfMr. John» 
 son, extends as well to the press :i3 to the mem- 
 bers of the Committee — if it be wrong in the 
 Committee to pubhsh facts in relation to the can- 
 didates for the Presidency, it is also wrong for 
 the press to <io "jo. Let the people once pernt'' 
 
suoii a docu-uje to be e&tabiiahcul ; let tlicm 
 once permit the sources of intelligence to be 
 dried up, and it will be to the body politic what 
 the infusion of deadl}' poison into the heart would 
 ■be to the natural body. It will be to infuse a 
 poison into the great fountain fi-om whence all 
 the streams of political information are supplied. 
 The doctrine advanced by ilr. Johnson is, that 
 it is unauthori^etl, arrogant, and prt-suming, in 
 'the inhabitants of this LXistnct to express tlieir 
 Sentiments, to participate in the tli.scussions, or 
 even to state facts, relative to tlie election, be- 
 cause they are constitutionally interdicted from 
 •any direct voice in its decision. 
 
 The fallacy of tliis pretence must be obvious 
 to reflecting' men. Most of the concerns of the 
 people of the Sta.tcs, are manaxjed exclusively by 
 their local authorities — a comparatively small 
 portion remaining to the general government. It 
 is admitted, nevertheless, tbit tJicy have a 
 strong, if not a vital interest, in the advantageous 
 management of that portion so remaining; and, 
 therefore, that tliey have not oMy the legal pri- 
 vilege, but are even bound in duty to their 
 country, tlieu' posterity, and themselves, vigi- 
 lantly to watch over, and actively to attend to, 
 the administration of that government and its 
 coiTstituted authorities. 
 
 This District, on tlie contrail', is under tlie ex- 
 clusive legislative jurisdiction of Congress. Ml 
 our interests are subject to it alone. We can 
 liave no rKrlief or redress against its acts. A ty- 
 rant or an usurper {who might, b}' any means, 
 obtain a controlling infiuence over it,unlcss their 
 present institutions become sapped, and enfee- 
 t)led, and theii- population sink into a' base pros- 
 titution, could practise, comparatively, but ht- 
 tlc oppression and injustice upon the people of 
 tJic ii'laies; whilst in relation to tis he would 
 have n© restraint. A iiolitical gambler, having 
 that control .and influence, might, for a favorite 
 object, stake U9 upon a single thrown whilst his 
 •desperate game could not jeopardize the States. 
 Is it not then palpable, that we have more at ha- 
 zard from the mal-administration of the general 
 government tlmn tlie rest of our countrj^men.'' 
 And is it not, therelbrc, reasonable and natural, 
 that we should feel a more anxious and intense 
 interest in the election and appointment of those 
 agents who are to rule over usi' 
 
 Besides, even if a hope or anticipation of a 
 prospective improvement of our pohtical condi- 
 tion, as relates to the elective franchise, could 
 form no legitimate consideration in our choice 
 between opposing candidates, ai"e we so com- 
 pletely separated and alienated from our fathers, 
 oar brethi'en, and our children, located and dis- 
 tributed throughout the United States, that we 
 ought to be indifTerent to their fate; to have no 
 sympathies for them or their pohtical concerns } 
 "We say no. Our feelings, our fortunes, and our 
 destinies, are identified with those of the great 
 f;m3ily of the United States: and if such sohcitwie 
 be not only justifiable, but laudable, ai-e we not 
 then to u.se the means in oar power, in co-opera- 
 tion with them, to produce desirable and import- 
 ant results' What ai-e those means ? We caimot, 
 indeed, operate directly upon 'he ballot boxes. 
 But our local situation alFords us .superior oppor- 
 tunities and facilities for acquiring and commu- 
 nicating information; for detecting and exposing 
 ^ice and misconduct in tlie public servants; for 
 -'Ji.scoverin^ir and prockiming the approach of 
 
 danger U> others us weii a.-, lu ourselves. Wc 
 can Teidily respond to the call of any injured 
 poition of our country: In fine, we may usefully 
 accord with its remote parts in salutary measures 
 of precaution or redress. All tliis we certainly 
 may do, even if we were not pei-mitted to parti- 
 cipate rn discussions upon the theory of our Go- 
 vernment and laws, and their practical execution 
 and effect — a privilege not even 4eni-ed to the 
 foreign statesman or philandiropist. Mr. John 
 son does not seem aware- of the extent to which 
 liis doctrine would, in eifect, carry him. Does 
 he contend, for instance, that, in a State whos« 
 citizens hav-c not the right of universal siiffrag-*?., 
 those who are not qualified to vote, have, more- 
 over, no right to advise Vvith, or to communicatee 
 facts and information to, tiicir more fortunate 
 neighbors and friends about to exercise tka! 
 right? And doe.s he sec no analogy in principle 
 between that case and the one now under consi- 
 deration ? According to the doctrine of Mr. John- 
 son on the one hand,andthe practice of his friends 
 on the other, every pohtical vagabond or bank- 
 rupt froTn otlier parts of the country is not only- 
 permitted but incited by the (latronagc and fav<5r 
 of the Executive to migTate into tliis city, and to 
 append himself to the skiris of a decaying i.dmi- 
 nistration, for the purj^ose of sustaimng it by his 
 hired exertions, guided and aided by his proximi- 
 ty to corruption and didutii/n.. The hirehng 
 prcssesof inliabitantsof the District.arc, it v'ould 
 seem, auUiorizedtoeidogize or to defame, witfi 
 * view to tlie Presidential as wtll as other elec- 
 tions in the counting; whilst other inhabuants.wbo 
 are less accessible to corrupt rncans, are requirc^l 
 to be tame spectators of pa.Siing events, to abstain 
 from all interference in State and general elcc» 
 tions, to kiss the rod of an usurper, to smg ho- 
 sunnas in his praise, and to prostrate themselves 
 before him, without the right of disapproving or 
 of contributing to reform or change! But the 
 Constitution forbids us from voting. Be it so: 
 the C onstitution forbids o/it; cr/, and w-e do an- 
 other. 
 
 Without ai-guing any more upon this subject, 
 it is aurPicient to say, that, whilst we beheld in the 
 north, the soutli, the cast, and th.'i west, our fel- 
 low countrj-mcn (we pray Mr. Johnson to excuse 
 the term) preparing lhe>nselves for an important 
 contest, appointing and urganizing their forces, 
 we received, in aid of our own predisposition, 
 such special invitations and ajjpeals from repub- 
 licans v/ithout the District, as were not to be di.s 
 regai-ded A public meei;r.g \tTis called and as- 
 sem.bled amongst us. The committee was ap- 
 poi.icvd a:id organized as a Central Committee of 
 CorrespondeiK;e, To jirove that political rn- 
 trigue, leading to usurpation, with its cjn-upt 
 and deplorable consequences, on tlie one liand; 
 and that unfoimded accusations against Genenjl 
 Jackson, the people's candidate., were propaga- 
 ted by the highest Kxecutive Department of the 
 Govemmcnt, on die otiier; the committee 
 thought it criminal to withhold w'lat became 
 known to them, and was within then- reach, and 
 gave a solemn jdedge to th^ American people, 
 which they Jiavc redeemed. 
 
 To Thomas Speed, Esq. Ihtrd'iiown, Kmtucl-i/. 
 
 That Messrs. Adams, Clay, and Webster have 
 desi^^d to impcacJi my veracity, for the purpose 
 of destroying the influence of tliatpressv I had 
 
^02 
 
 knoa ji, long- beibre yoa oecuihe a volunteer in 
 their cause; but my respect for your character, 
 andjthc friendly relation;; between UB, were such, 
 that I was not prepared for the part you have 
 chosen to act. In your first letter to the Editor 
 of the Commentator, you assume that an Edito- 
 lial comment, in this paper, on the statements of 
 rieasants and T^inns, i-elative to th;: slander 
 rharg-inf;' that GcUL-i-al Jackson was prevented by 
 Coinmodorc Decatur from committing- an act of 
 violence on Mr Kppes, in thi; Senate chamber, 
 was false, and volunteer to correct it. 
 
 In the hist, you complain that I did not repub- 
 lish your letter i-nd Darby's st;itement on this 
 subject. I ri.-(7Tvt that 1 ' have lost the paper 
 containing your last communication, and that I 
 um compelled to refer to tlie substance instead of 
 quotir^your words. 
 
 I have waited until now, that I might obtjun a 
 copy of certain depositions taken to be read in 
 e- idencc in cu-rtain suits, wherein Darby is a 
 jjlaintifT, orijjinating- out of publications rcr.itive 
 to the mtirder of Col. Sharp : and now publish 
 extracts which, I ti-ust, will sat'.sfy you, as well 
 as an impartial public, that Dajby is not a wit- 
 ness \yb(we oafh is to be put iti opposition to the 
 tLOid of General Jackson. 
 
 Stephen C.7/;/rf//swjars,that "he believed that 
 Darby had committed perjiirj' in swearlnp^ag-ainst 
 him m a suit in the FederAl court, in two Instan- 
 ces; and that he believed Darby's g-enenJ cha- 
 racter to be that of a perjured man.'' 
 
 JVat/i. ' MrNurij, CK-rk of the Federal Coiiif, 
 swcdi-s "that, iJi a suit pending- in the Federal 
 Court, White's lessee vs. Cantrcl, at the No- 
 \ ember term, 18:22, Mr. Darby filed affidavits 
 tor some purpose, in said cause, and that after 
 the allidavit \k-as fik-d, a deed, supposed to be 
 tlie one alurh-d to by D:'rby, as in tiie possession 
 of Stephen Hartoij, was found in the office of 
 N. F,wing-, Esq. witbout any assig^iment to said 
 Barton. On the production of said deed, in 
 f'ouj-t, witness thougWjt Darby seemed to be much 
 <-oiifuscd, and the suit was then dismissed. Ma- 
 ny persons, and indeed m.-.'.rly all whom witness 
 had he.ard sp.ak about i(, have said thjrt they be- 
 lieved that D.u-b\-, in that transaction, com:n!t- 
 tod perjarv." 
 
 .Lhn McXjnj, Jud.^^c of the Federal Com-t, 
 swears " that in aii '■jectment case dencndiri.c,' in 
 The Feder..l Circuit Coiu-t, T. White's lessor vs. 
 btephen Cantrel, Patrick 11. Darby wiade an 
 aflidavit, in whicli he stated that he derived hi.s 
 iJt!-.- to the let in dispute, by a deed from Ste- 
 plien Barton, to bun, a deed or a.ssiR-nmcnt 
 from Samuel Barton to Stejjhen Uarton, and 
 an .i.s-«igiim.-nt on tlie deed from Tl^mas 
 White to Samuel Hai-tou. Thi:. afliilavit was 
 made I on tlie 'J3d November, 18213, as ap- 
 p-ai-s by reference to the orij^inal alfidavit. 
 On the 3(1 December, 1822, P. H. Darby mad;: 
 .another aflidavit, in which he .stitcd tiiatiie had 
 in h-.s po:H;i,s.-::on the deed froui Stephen Marton 
 to hims-.lf, whicli he was wilJinj,' to cxiiibit to 
 1 lie court. The deed from Samuel Ijarton to 
 Thomas AVhite, with the endorsement thereon 
 from said White to S. Barton, and the deed of 
 Hisipnment from Samuel Barton to Stephen B.ir- 
 ton, wa-s, a-< he was informed by Stephen Bar- 
 ton, Uken by him to Red River, in the Territo- 
 ry of Arkansas; that s;iid Barton was to brin},' 
 ^hem to him, liutthat on his way from Bed Ki- 
 -T t? N->hvlUc, ted Liarton died, 'the vca- '■- 
 
 fore, St,c. Afierihe producljon ot these ailidavu.-, 
 the counsel for the dt fendants moved the conpt 
 for a writ of subpoena tluces tecum, directed to 
 tile Clerk, directing- him to bring- into court tlic 
 deed for the lot from Samuel Barton to Thomas 
 AVhite, which deed was produced in open court, 
 and had none of those assignments or cndos-se- 
 ments on it. Tlie Clerk stated to tlie Judgxi 
 that the deed had been on file, as he believed, 
 since the year 1787. Soon after this. Darby 
 dismissed his suit." 
 
 R IVealsly, in hi.s deposition, says: " From my 
 knowledge of Patrick H. Darbyj I should ntlfc 
 feul m.yself safe to rely on him, as a man orlaw- 
 3er, on oath or otherwise, were his own interests 
 at stake." 
 
 Hiirdy M. Crye.r, svvears: "This deponent 
 answereth, that he has not for many years doubt- 
 ed but that Patrick II. Dai-ljy, plaintiff, did forge 
 the name of J. Cryer, my father, in writing,' and 
 that, too, after he was dead. " 
 
 Mr. Cave Johnson, svv^ai-s: "I have frequently 
 heard the crime of perjury charged to Mr. Dar- 
 by, as well as the ofieiice of having pm-loined a 
 will from the records of tlie Robertson county 
 court, which was believed to be an rmportant 
 paper again.':t>liim in tlie trial of a cause in wliich 
 he was interested in setting aside said will." 
 
 H. Fret/, swears: "Public sentiment upon 
 the subject of Darby's g-eneral character, does 
 not ascribe to him one single virtue." 
 
 Frt'dnrick TV. Huling, swears: " I believe 
 his (Darby's) genei-al cliai-acter is very bad. I 
 have heard hitn charged with running and sell- 
 ing for a slave, a free negro woman, under a 
 feigned ar.l fraudulent purchiise, brought about 
 by himself; of taking advantage of the confi- 
 dence of his clients; of swearing falsdv; of a 
 want of principle; of stimng uf^ law-suits; of du- 
 plicity, he." 
 
 Such, Sir, is the chaintcfer of Darby; a tr.an 
 whose name was stricken from the roll of attor. 
 ncj's in Tennessee, and who, for his services \(\ 
 defaming Gen. Jackson, is now sustained by Mr. 
 Clay's parly in Kentucky!! Do you want to 
 know more of his character? Let me refer you 
 to the able, feeling, and satisfactory vindication 
 of his brother's memorj', lately published by Dr. 
 Sharp, and to the deposition of the lady v.'ho 
 overheard Darliy's threats, before that tragical 
 event. If }-ou can, after their perusal, ask the 
 publication of Darby's slanders agains-t General 
 Jackson, by one who, }Oii admit, was the advo- 
 cate of truth, irhcn you knew /1///2— then, in- 
 deed, does tJie Thomas Speed whom I km;w in 
 my youth, differ from the same man under the 
 reigu of coiTuption. 
 
 I come now to so much of your letter as relates 
 to the ch.arge of falsehood, miwle, and so pcrse- 
 veringlj' preferred, ag;i!nst your old friend. 
 
 The editorial article v.-hich drew forth your 
 first :lssui It upon me, said: " >L'. Eppes never 
 opened his mouth in the Senate on the subject; 
 the report of Mr. Lacock was never published 
 u'.ilil the 2d March, two days before tlie final 
 adjournment, ncitlier was it overacted on." 
 
 (11 proof and ejcphvmtion of which assertion, 
 the s.ame article said: " On the 9th of March fol- 
 lowing, some strictures were published on this 
 report, when the National Intelligencer of that 
 date, uses ih- following: 'The report of the Se- 
 nate, which wc have already hiid before our rcad- 
 r-; ,vt ;in i.iit»ortvcn" luifa'orable to 0*?n. Xack- 
 
i!UJ 
 
 ..uu, wui ueimer dcDa'.ed ncr acted oa in tlie 
 Senate. It is, therefore, a document open to 
 examination — to an examination the more free, 
 because, in the proper place, an opportunity did 
 not occur for making' it." 
 
 Tlie same editorial articlt proceeds to say: 
 *' On the 2i')th of March, Mr. L;icock addi'csses 
 a letter to Gales, in reply, wherein he accuses 
 him of reflecting- on tiie Senate — to which Mr. 
 Gal-;s, in hi-s paper of that date, again replies: 
 • At a late day in tlie session, a coinrnittce of the 
 Scnute made a report, impeaching- the conduct 
 and tending to affect tb.e character of General 
 Jackson. That in itself is not a comn;on occur- 
 rence, because it has never happened before, 
 since we have had any thing to do with a news- 
 paper. The report refeiTcd to, was g':vcn to the 
 public through the medium of our columns, and 
 ivas not cliscuased or acted on in ike Senate for 
 want oftime.^ " 
 
 Our declaration was thaCMr. Eppes never open- 
 ed his mouth in the Senate on tlie subjecfrelativc 
 to tlie charge which we were repelling, and ex- 
 ti'acts from which were given in the same edito- 
 rial article; and, in the article to which your last 
 attack purports to be a reply, I s:iid: " The 
 charge made against General .Jackaon was for 
 an attempt at violence on the person of Mr. 
 fcppes, on the night of the 3d of March. The 
 provocation alleged was, the remarks of Mr. 
 Eppes, in his official duty on that night, at that- 
 _Jiine." 
 
 This, you say, is a falsehood, and deny that the 
 Whig or the Press had made such a charge! ! 
 
 The editorial article before you, coiitained the 
 extract frQm the Whig, in the following wor-ds: 
 *' At the time the discussion of the Seminolean 
 •^■ar was p ending in the Senate of the United 
 States, General Jackson, who had gone as far 
 as New York, suddenly retm-ned to Washington. 
 Whenhe came to the Senate, the late John W. 
 Eppe«, a Senator from Virginia, was animad- 
 verting upon his conduct in the war. " The ex- 
 tract then proceeds with the pretended interview 
 between the General and Commodore Decatur. 
 
 The extract from the Democratic Press, be- 
 fore you, said: " The last day of the session the 
 Senate have an evening sitting, for the . ".rpose 
 of receiving messages from the President. On 
 this occasion the Commodore conducted Mrs. 
 Decatur to the brick'CapJtol, to witness the cere- 
 mony of the adjournment of the Senate. As they 
 passed through a small anti-room to the door of 
 the Senate cha^mber, about nine o'clock at night, 
 they saw Gen. Jackson, with his two Aids," &c. 
 
 That I was correct, and .you in an error, ap- 
 pears fully from a comparison of the extracts 
 %vhich I have made. The Democratic Press 
 fixes the time to be on '^ Hie third of March,-" 
 for, if youf new devotion to iL-. Clay has made 
 you forget your obligations to an old friend, and 
 the respect due to yourself, as a gentleman, it is 
 to be hoped that you have not now to learn that 
 " the third of March" and " the last'day of the 
 session," are synonymous terms, vv.j-n applied to 
 the close of the sittings of each Congress. So 
 much, then, for your charge of falsehood, in re- 
 lation to this subject. The proofs of Gen. Jack- 
 son's innocence are so s-rong that you and Darby 
 are, so fai- as I cap learn, the only partisans of 
 Mr. Cl;»y V. ho insist upon his gniilt. 
 
 We arc often at a loss to account for the sin- 
 ■y, ;]:u' futujtv v.-Jiich beclouds the understandias's 
 
 of sorne men. \^ iiui ;iiv; uie secret inhueaccs 
 which liave led you to forget your obligations to 
 me? If your object was to court the ftvor of 
 Mr. Clay: if you expected him to reward you 
 as a volunteer in his cause, you will be disap» 
 pointed; for, whilst in your improvoked cttack 
 upon an old friend, yon prove youi-aelf capable 
 of perfojming any work, which Mr. Clay m his 
 exti-emity may assign yo':, you have cut off all 
 hopes of T'cVva-.-dfr^'m h'lm, Ijy sapping the foiir.- 
 dation upon whicii your co-v.^crkcrs have built 
 their attacks upon me; 
 
 Yoii. express your siirprise that I, who, joil 
 say, wa5 in my youth, when you knew me, the 
 advocate of truth, should now support a party 
 who have declared their intention to put down 
 the Admhustration though it be as pure as tlic 
 angels. 
 
 it lias been the purpose of the Coalition whom 
 you aspire to serve, to charge that I was without 
 cJiaractcr or principle, ar.d placed here to con- 
 duct a press, the prop^\v of others. By ad- 
 mitting that, when' you knew me, I was the ad- 
 vocate of truth, you unwittingly bear witness to 
 m.y former good cliaracter, and thus offend, past 
 forgiveness, those whom you most desire to 
 j)lease. How fu- the character of the parly 
 whom it is my pride to support, jiistifies tlie hi- 
 fi.:rence you "draw, that I iiave abandoned tha^ 
 love of truth for which you give me credit, is :i 
 question which I willingly submit to a candid, 
 public. Wlidst such men as Jackson and cal- 
 lioun, and those who compose the present ma- 
 jority in Congress and of tiie nation^ shall ap- 
 prov'e, it will give no uneasiness that you disap- 
 prove. 
 
 But the sentiment which you here ascribe to 
 the distinguished and patriotic Senator from 
 your ovv-n'fttate, is not the sentiment expressed 
 by iiim; nor is it the sentiment of the pai-ty with 
 which he acts. 
 
 You must know that yc.ir charge rests on no 
 other authority than the'v.ord oi one of. the" Edi- 
 tors of the National Intelligencer, uttered in the, 
 moment of great excitement and" malignant re- 
 sentment, produced by the vote of Col. John- 
 son on the subject of printer to the Senate; 
 vvhiltt it is contradicted by tlie express declara- 
 tion of Col. Johnson and his v.-hole course as a 
 member ef the Senate. Do you behevc the 
 statement of \!i-. Seaton"' Can you believe that 
 Col. Johnson made such a declaration^ Do you 
 beheve that Mr. Scaton woald have ^ever pub- 
 hshed such a declaration, If Col. Johnson hail 
 voted for him to be printer to the Senate? _ If 
 vou do, how do you account for the fact, which 
 he liims If admits, that the secret was carefully 
 locked Uj) in his bosom for something like twp 
 years, and never found its way into the Intelli- 
 
 gencer until tlie printing of the Senate was 
 
 first attempted to make liini admit that tho pre- 
 sent administration is as pure as the angels in 
 Heaven, and then clmrges him with a determina- 
 tion to oppose it. Whereas, the statement ex- 
 pressed by him was, that the taint of original 
 sin, the violation of tile piibL'c will committed 
 in the election of Mr. Adams, ougiit to prevent 
 liis re-election, let him adopt his measures asho 
 might, willi a vicvv- to please the piibKc is thi-^- 
 r.o* proper •" 
 
UU4 
 
 If it be If Lie tliu? Mr. AcUiius was elected in 
 violation of the pul)lic will; if Mr. Clay voted 
 for Mr. Ackur.s because he liad an understand- 
 ing, tliat Mr. Adams, if elcete^J, would appoint 
 him Secretary of Stutt; and, if ;t be true, that 
 Mr. AdaiiivS appointed Mr. Clay his Secretary of 
 State under such vindorsUmding-; then, I contend, 
 that it is not only the priviieg-c, but th.c duty of 
 cvxry g'ood citizen to oppose the re-election of 
 Mr. Adams. 
 
 Mr. Clay, in !)is ad-iress to the public, dated 
 Lexington, 29tn June, 1827, says, that " [ 
 r.either made, nor aiitliorized, nor ' knew of 
 any pro])Osition whatt-vt-r to eitlicr of the three 
 randidatcs who were returned to the House of 
 llepresentatives at the last l'resld(?ntjal election, 
 or to the fi-ier.ds of either of them, for the pur- 
 pose of influencing- the rese.lt of tlie election, 
 or for any oUier purpose; and all allcgtitions, in- 
 timations, and innuendoes, that my vote on that 
 occ;ision was oflVrid to be giv\-n in consideni- 
 t'lon of any stipulation tsr undei-^landing', ex- 
 press or implied, direct or indirect, written or 
 verbal, tliat I wan, or that any other person was 
 not to be appointed Secretai-y of State, or that 
 1 w;i8 in any way to be pei-sonally bentrfitt d, 
 :ire devoid of all truth, and desiitute of any 
 fjundation wha- sower. ' " 
 
 }ili: Clay, in the same address declares, *' that 
 lie was cliari^ed witli the Inffhest oflonce, • f 
 >Ahich a representative of the people could be 
 ^ijity, and asserts, that, in the event of the 
 trath of these charges, there is no pumsiinient 
 which would e.Ncecd Uic measure of his of- 
 fence." 
 
 .\jh1 shall \Tr. Clay be permitted to avoid the 
 .lUst sentence wiiich he here pronounces? I be- 
 lieve iiim guilty, and it is my duty to oppose 
 liim. 
 
 The use you have attempted to make of the 
 dcrlanilion of the patriotic ij' Piator, alluded to 
 and misstated by you, is conti-adicted by his 
 course in 'the Senate. That you, in the face of 
 fiis votes in their support, sliould charge him 
 r.!»d his paily with a detenuinaion to oppose, 
 ■' ri};'ht or wrong," the incu.nire.i of the admin- 
 i-'raiion, is in accordance with tlie policy of 
 i/'iur party — who atfect to consider that all who 
 «1 -sire tlic ri'-elect'on of Mr. Adams, must nc- 
 cci^Mjrily support his measures, and that those 
 vlio support his measures -.re bound, conse- 
 quently, to support lus re-el'Ction. Such a po- 
 1 cy v.ould continue Mr. Adams in ohice for 
 • •\ er, and establish his fath;.r's doctrine of a 
 President and lienate f')r life. 
 
 Your attack upon Col. Johnson developes, in 
 pa:"*., the source of vour attack upt»ii mv. Al- 
 tlio igh lie ha.s given to the Administralioii a fair 
 aiKl caul d .^.inpc.-*, he is not its partisan. He 
 r;utnot be mo-dd- d by .Mr. (Clay's wll to tlu; 
 support of Mr. C.'s future plans of "safe pre- 
 <;odcnts," and it is resolved to remove him from 
 the Senate. Since you have di:;posed of yoiu- 
 '1 rkship, a seat in the Senate woidd, no doubt, 
 be very ucreptxible. and the hanl times, 1 fear, 
 I vist press heav"l_. indeed, when you are dj-iven 
 t-o seek for pron^otion by the voluntary abuse 
 of an c Id friend, and a voluntary association with 
 I'atrick H. Darby. 
 
 To the peojile of Kentucky I need not speak 
 •^if the services which Col. Johnson ha.s rt-ndered 
 \r\ the Senate and in the field. Who lliat knowa 
 M; •.wrili, (and who is th'.r;; that cannot bew fcs- 
 
 tjmon}' to some act oi' valor, of tiut}', or of kiriii- 
 ness? I say, who is there that knows his worth 
 and his services, that will not place a proper esti- 
 mate upon your attempt to traduce him? The 
 N.ational IntelUgencer, the polluted source from 
 whence you have diawn your slander, since I 
 commenced writing out tiiis article, lia-s done hini 
 the justice to publish an ar'icle, in which honora- 
 blc mention is made of liis firmness and services-; 
 and the honor.ible Secretary of War, (one of 
 yo'.ir favorite admimsti-atiou,) has, on a furntcr 
 ccc(ts''u'i, spoken of him in tenns wlilch, if trup, 
 and we venture to affirm that Mr. Barbour Will 
 not retract a single exjiression, place Col. Jolm- 
 son beyond tlie reach of your calumny. I know 
 not Vhc motive which operates on your cotempo- 
 mries of the National Intelligencer. ** The 
 Signs of the Times" may have given them warn- 
 ing- that the " present President" and his Secre- 
 tary of State will not dispense the "Trca.sury 
 pap" after the fourth of March next, and this 
 compliment to Col. JobiJi;nf.j mav be an anchor, 
 ca^t to the windward, v _yti. ^ experienced politi- 
 cal calculators who never have opposed, and \re 
 venture to predict never will oppose, any existing 
 adrniii'su-ation, until they find one too honest and 
 independent to purchuae their support Let 
 tlieir motives be what they may, 1 have taken 
 the liberty to re -print the speech of Mr. 
 Secrctaj-y Barbour, which I advise you to pe- 
 ruse. 
 
 You conclude your address to me b}' insinua% 
 ing that my support of Gen. J.%pkson is not disin- 
 terested. You admit that my support of yourself 
 was disinterested. The fact that, when, in order 
 to counteract the machinatioire ofthase veiy men 
 with whom you are now a,ssociated, it became 
 necessary to employ the press and pubhsh hand- 
 bills, I paid out of my own pocket, tho ex- 
 pense of those publications, which, for me, at 
 that tunc of life, wa.s a large sum, should have 
 spared me the insinuation which you here 
 make. 
 
 In pui-chasing tliia press and removing to this 
 place I wxs not unmindfid of my obligations to a 
 young and increasing family, nor of the duty 
 which every honoraI)le man owes to himself. I 
 saw pla> y that a press at this place conducted 
 upon such i^rinciples as the crisis and the public 
 interest demanded, wo'dd be supported by thb 
 rEortr- I did believe that tlie Telegraph would 
 amj)Iy repay me for the risk and labor which I 
 wxs at)out to encounter, ainl I have not been dis- 
 appointed. 
 
 About seventeen thotisand subscribers have 
 been added to the Ust of its patrons, and I have 
 the gratification to know that tliis stipport has 
 been given to this paper because the people be- 
 lieve it to be devoted to tlicir best interests; and 
 from a tUsposiil. n on their part to rewanl witii 
 their confid.nce and patronage, one w";t., al- 
 though he has brea-sted the multiplied calumnies 
 of the Co:Uition, has never, in one instance, sa- 
 crificed his independence, or meanly sougnt pe- 
 cuniary aid even from liis poiiticid friend". 
 
 \\ith a view to injure the influence of tliis pres3 
 it hxs been lately circulated in the Administnition 
 pn'sses, that the Telegraph is the property of a 
 company known to Mr. Callioun and Mr. V-on 
 Burcn, and that the printing of the Senate was 
 given tv) tnc to lessen the expenses of the esta- 
 blishment. The National Journal has directly 
 charged that the paper is the property of Majcr 
 
-) 
 
 105 
 
 ilulon.. J»;5uce lo tiic S<Tij.U; and to myself cast upon u. It, .lUer fiomc dci:i3% icuk piycL-, 
 
 seems to req) lire that this slander should be put and resulted in an honorable acquittal. In the 
 
 tx)rest. I g-ivc to it the lie direct, and refer you me:.- time, the venerable Shelby was, at his 
 
 to the affidavit of Mr. John S. Mcelian, the gen- own request, withheld from the notice^ of the 
 
 tleman from whom I purchased it, as the com- nation, as it regarded the distinguislied services 
 
 plete refutation of every slander upon this point, he liad rendt-red. Shelby, a name which caiv 
 
 never be mentioned vviihcut awakening, in 
 every American bosom, emotioiis of gTa'.ittule. 
 r see m tins dhistrious character a displav of 
 that love of cour.try and chivalrous spirit which 
 
 I have already swelled this letter much be^'ond 
 the length originally intended, and conclude by 
 sayirg- that it has been iny niisfoitune to diHer 
 \\'ith some of my old pers-onal friends and politi- 
 cal associates, but by none of \hem have I been conceived and clTected our independence, and, 
 so wantonly and unjvistifiably assailed a*, by your- uiiabated by age, it reapneared to vindicate 
 self. DUFF GREEN. those rights, to ihe establishment of which, ux 
 
 . ■ ■ his more youti^fui days, he iiad so essentirdly 
 
 contributed; but, he is as generous as lie is 
 brave, and be refused to accept a tijbute of 
 respect, wnose indirect consequence might 
 liave been a reflection on the CommanJer- 
 
 "Whercas it has been charged that the United 
 States' I elegTuph was the property of mcinbcrs 
 of Ccngres,<i — 1 iicreby state, that that r-aper was 
 established by me, on my own account, and was 
 n;y sole property < and that, when I sold the in-Chief, to whose zeal, patriotism, and capacity- 
 same to Gen. D. Green, he became the sole i" conductmg this campaign, he iuvv'.iys bore a 
 proprietor, and I have continued in the office cheer'ul testimony. Col. John.son, mfluenced 
 as an as.sistant, on a salary. Our intercourse on h' t'>e same sensibility, peremptorily refTised 
 all matters relating to t'.ie esUiblishment has *-<» his friends the permission of bring i.g thia" 
 been full and confidential : and 1 am well assured subject befoi-e the representatives .of ti.e peo- 
 that he continued to be its soie proprletm- until i^^e- I. however, v/iil barely remark, in regard 
 Mr. Jarvis became his partner. I therefore do I" ^'^e Conimandmg General, tliut, with t])e re- 
 not hesitate to declare, that the statementthat ff^'^'ts wliich the delay of justice to this citizen 
 sny member of Congress, or that any other per- '^ust necessarily create, wvll be mingled soma 
 ' ' ' ' ' ' ' consolation in the reflectic^ that his c-haracter 
 
 has been entirely purified from tiic censure 
 which had been improperly cast upon it; and. 
 that the meed now dispensed, has the sanction 
 of the deliberate judgment of the naticn, un- 
 biassed by passion, or tlie false fire of t!ie mo- 
 ment, lie will now receive it with a grateful 
 feeling, as the higliest reward v.'hich freemeri 
 can g've or a freeman receive. 
 
 "With regard to Col. Johnson, it is due to him. 
 to say, tiiisprojjosition is now made wlthoutlii's. 
 consent. Mr B , however, who took a pride 
 in calling him liis friend, took the r<spon.sibi!ity 
 upon liimself, because lie thouglit it would be :m 
 act of consummate injustice, were no lasting aic> 
 iiicrial to be erected to tiic valor vvhicli ho so 
 signally displayed on the occasion alhided to. 
 Another motive with Mr. E. was, a notification 
 on the part of Col. .lohnson, of his retiring 
 from public life. While ho regretted this 
 event as a serious loss to the jjublic coun- 
 cils, he was perfectly satisfied that liis rci- 
 sons v/ere sufficient to justify it. While upon 
 tlussuiijpct he would bare?v add, tiiat he was 
 
 son, except myself, in the first instance, and 
 Gen. Green, and Mr. Jarvis, subsequently, ever 
 had a proprietoiy interest in the United St.ates' 
 Telegraph, is utterly untrue. 
 
 JOHN S. ME EH AN. 
 
 Sworn to by the subscriber, John S. Meehan, 
 tefore me, a justice of the peace, for the county 
 of Washington, in the District of Columbia, on 
 the9th Way, 1828. 
 
 CHARLES II. W. WHARTON. 
 
 Sharks of Air. Barbour in the. Senate of ihe 
 Uniltd States, March 3lst, 1818, nn iufruduc- 
 irtg the proportion fof causing a sword to be 
 VTCsented io Col. R. M. Johnson. 
 
 Mr. BARBOUR said, in availing iiimsclf of 
 the notice given on yesterday, of askiffg leave 
 to introduce a resolutitm; wliose object woidd 
 he to present to Col. Richard M. Joii!is;>n some 
 testimonial of the high sense entertained by 
 the nation of the distinguislicd Gerviccs render- 
 
 f.4 by him on the 5ih of October, 1S13, in th _^ 
 
 battle of the Thame.s, }ie considered himself satisfied it would not be deemed an exaggera- 
 
 bouiid to make a few rcmin-ks, disclosing the tion.wiitn he .asserted, that no man in {;ont;rcs.^ 
 
 propriety of granting the leave asked. 
 
 As to the dislingu;slied merit of Col John- 
 son, he presumed there could be no difference 
 uf opinion: the only objection that could pos- 
 sibly present itself, would be the time when 
 the resolution was presented, or possibly, the 
 grade which Col. Johnson held in the army. ' 
 To remove those, if they exist, was all that de- 
 volved on him. As to the obj: ction of time, 
 ijt will at once be removed by reflecting on 
 that which has just oc-urred; tl»e vote of 
 thanks whicli has been a.varded in favor of 
 General Harrison and Governor Shelby. It is 
 unknown that rumor, th.e result of envy or 
 some other bad passion, had attempted to throw 
 a shade around the character of that distin- 
 guished commander. He felt as he ought, and 
 sought an investigation to vindicate his charac- 
 '"^r frTTm th-n f^il asncT'^lopB M'hif-h had hpff\ 
 
 igr 
 had peiforired more service than Col. Jolmson. 
 In addition to the just ch.iinis of his «)wn par- 
 ticular consdtiieritj-- upon hmi, vihat part of ihft. 
 Union is it from wliich appIicHtions have not 
 been made, and cheerfully altend'c! to, bv tliiri 
 patriotic citizen' So much for the first objec- 
 tion that might possibly be m.dc, altl,o"/>h bra 
 did notanticip^^te it As to the second d'tiioul- 
 ty tliat might exist in tlie opinion of some gen- 
 tlemen, the grade of Col. Johnson. It there 
 were no precedent applicable to this case, Mr. 
 B. would iwve had no difficulty in fi.xingone. 
 It i.^ the attribute of all governin: nts to adapt 
 their |irocee<lings to the er.dlcKS vici^.r.itiide.'; 
 wliich liuman affairs continuall} present. The 
 valor di.'^jjla^ed by ('ol. John:-;on is unsurpa-ssi d 
 by any example in the annals of mankind. But 
 it is not now nccessaiy to press this qiieMion, 
 because you hnve a nrecedf^nt iti the case <A 
 
iiOb 
 
 M'Ownodj^h and 5a^ dissociates, in the distin- 
 jfiiishjd victon' gained by them on Iruke Cliani- 
 uliiiii, over a Britisli squ:idron ami soino o ,• rs. 
 Mr. IJ. said, he shoulil but ill represent the tcel- 
 sncj.s of liis friend, or his own, if, in asking for 
 this trib'.ite of respect, an.y thing couhl be in- 
 feil-cd, froin what is s^tid or dune, unfavorable to 
 those ijabiotic oilicei-s holding" g'radcs between 
 CoK johiison and tiie Command. <'-iu-C!iiof. It 
 ^•;i.s but justice to tiiein to say, tliat, had it been 
 tlxcLi' good fortune on tlic day of battle to liave 
 had tlic post of honor, they would have acquired 
 those laurels so dearly earned by Col. Joluison. 
 Crcnoroxis as brave, so fnr fi orn looking with an 
 eye of envy upon this honorable tiibute of 
 gratitude, tlispensed in ijeliali ofthis distir.giiished 
 citizen, they will wiu-ndy j)!irticipatc in the fine 
 feelings \vitl\ which Col. Johnson will receive 
 tlus mark of his coantry's distinction. 
 
 Ab to the merit of Ool. Johnson to tills e.vi- 
 <J?ncc of our gratitude, Mr. B. said, he had al- 
 ready dccl.ircd that, upon this point, there could 
 be no difference of opinion. To expatiate up- 
 on it would be unnecessary; yet, he could not 
 iUsmiss lliis subject with briellj' enumerating 
 some of the leading acts of his public hfc, so 
 fjrat least :istliey connect theniselves v.itli the 
 question under consideration. 
 
 I^et it then be remembered, that he wa.s /.eal- 
 oufly iu f:ivor of the war. Not content witii the 
 distJngui.shed place he held in the councils of 
 the nation, he patjiotically resolved to vin licate 
 v.'ith his own ann t!iose rights v.'hicii he~had so 
 xnanfiiily assert.. d while voting for the declai-a- 
 ^on of war. He creels irs sUmdprtl, and pro- 
 claim j I2.S p.irj;vse; and altiioiigh much was to 
 be ex])ected from the pafrIotJs:n, ^e zeal, the 
 rnt.rprise, and courage of KcT»tucky--a people 
 Jlr. l\. dcl'ghted to honor, as, in addition ^j) their 
 Tnerit, he considered them his own knulred, 
 thou.sands of his near and highly respected rela- 
 tions being tiicre; although he fwid mucli v.as 
 to ha\e been e.vptct.d, yet, when v.e reflect 
 upon the devoteunes.s "of those old and young, 
 rich and poor, rallying around the standiutl of 
 their cmuiLn , we see a nev/ subject of admij-a- 
 lion. 
 
 In doing juBticc to those patriots, let it not he 
 understood, that any nividioti3 di.slinclio.i is in- 
 tehde<l to be ma<le in llieir favour,, .Mr. II. said, 
 he well knew »U;it illustrious exanplcs of tour- 
 *ge aMdpaM•i^t;^n"l were cxiubiteil in other por- 
 tions of the L'nion, and on all proper occasion^;, 
 he was pn.'pared to lift his fee )le voice to <lo 
 thcin ample justice, lint to reti:rn to ".lie pa 
 triotic volunteers, wI>o embodied at tlie call of 
 Col. Jolm'jon, displaying a spectacle a« honora- 
 ble to themselves a-, to C.l. Joluison, niaii.testinif 
 the h'l.h cohfi hnce lliey reposed in tins, tluir 
 illu«,inus c'.ti/.,-n. Tiiese brave men, leavi?ijj 
 their homes and llieir domestic blessHig.", and' 
 Wi-ighing tlio honer of their country and the de- 
 fence of her rights, "ftgainst tl»c pnv.itio'.is and 
 hazard-? of war, wiHii.gly accepted thfui :i3 an 
 equivalent. Und-^leired hy the difliniUies or 
 t!»e d.m-ers to which they arc about to be (;\- 
 posed, lhe> fcuKssly counnit themselves to the 
 trickle: ."} desert, to "the secret danger of the 
 arnyjscaded .•,.»v;igc, or the more open perils of 
 their less savage ally. A ni};lit of misfortune 
 had shod it* dis;istrnN glo jm over our afl'.iirs. It 
 \*;asg ven to Com. Perry to turn back the tide 
 A| adversity upon the foyntain from whir li it 
 
 flowed. .Lake llj-ie was resctned tor ih e djapia, 
 of the brilliant supcnority of American bravery . 
 and Beamanshi]j, over our then haughty foe; 
 achieving a victory which, in the language oi' 
 President Madison, wiil fill an early page in our 
 naval annals, as having never been surpassed 
 in lustre, however much it ir..iy have been in 
 magnitude. The w.-vy havii'gbeen opened, the 
 connnanding general and his veteran associatCj 
 with promptitude av.iileJ themselves of tlie 
 opportunity dius offered, to throw themselves 
 ii.to the enemy's country, and pursuing with 
 unanimity and unexi'.mpled rapidity, (of wiiich 
 pur-;uif Col. Joiinson Jed tlie van) speedily over- 
 took them. The battle Is arrayed: the post of 
 honor, for such he niitdc it, isass'giied foC'jlone\ 
 J^r'inson. The enemy have the riiames on the 
 left;a Uiitish regiment, seven hundred strong, 
 has also a ravine on tne right, beyond which 
 was the celebrated Tecumse'), at the head ot" 
 fifteen hundred s;ivages: a force truly formida- 
 ble. Wiien we refer to the commander, of 
 whom it may be said, unless his character ha-i 
 been greatly exaggerated, that had he been 
 favored with the embellisliments of civili- 
 zed life, and the benefits of military expe- 
 rience, he would liave been one of the most di> 
 tingaished captains of the present eventful pe- 
 riod; to which, when we superadd that his .asso- 
 ci.ates were acting under the impression of their 
 being under the pai-'icular favor of Heaven, it 
 niay well be s:vid, that the force thus to he en- 
 countered w?s indeed formidable. Tliis force, 
 so ]daoed, and so formidable to ovdiniiry mind^^ 
 presented nothicg alarming to the mounted re- 
 giment. Col. Johnson divides his regiment. 
 say one thousand strong — one battalion placed 
 under tlie command of Col. James Johnson, 
 v.hogave, inaccejning IhsstiUionuiiderayoung- 
 c-r brotlicr, an honorable eyidence of his patri- 
 otiMii; the oilier battalion, headed by hiuisc-lf. 
 p.asr,wl a defile and placed itscJf on (he right of 
 a m.-irsh. The bugle was to announce tlie rcndi- 
 ness for attack Tlie sound i.'; licai 1, and, miii 
 gled with the v.atchwor<l, victory or death, flait- 
 iil alon^ tlie line. The British force was over- 
 \vhel.ne#inan instant; they threw down their 
 arms, and on their knees .supplicated mercy. — 
 Alihougli there was a loi'g account of unatoned 
 fur blood, impiously sheci by this united British 
 and Indian foicc, and retal;.>'.ion justified even 
 to their entire cxt( rmiuution, yet, at tlie crv of 
 mercy, the s void wt!.s i.'nmedi.itelj slie.aihed, 
 and the guilty survived. l\u- different was t!i«^ 
 conduct with the savage foe. There man was 
 oppo.scd to man, in sinjflc comb:;t, lifle to rifle, 
 and tomaliawk to tomahawk; wounds and deatl» 
 v.tiv mutually dealt out. Colonel Johnson, 
 early m liie combat, ivccived two.<evere wounds, 
 .it'enihd with tl;c loss of iniicft blood. In 
 • 'lis trying crisis, an ordinary cour..ge wonht 
 have retir. d from the combat; on liim it had a 
 difftrent effect. It seemed to import to him 
 new eo'trage, whit h manifested itself in a prodi- < 
 gy of val'u-, wheh loses nothing in a compari- 
 son with the most splendid achievement record- 
 ed in the whole extent of " b:ickw.ard times." 
 Calling .around liiiu twenty spirits, the braver., 
 among the brave, he resolved, at their head, to 
 prec;pi:.a1fc hin.s.df on the fiercest purt of the 
 conflict, whore Teciiniseh in person command- 
 ed, and who w;is the soul of the battle. Of the 
 daring spiritji, composing the forlom hope, one 
 
 ' k 
 
:Z0 
 
 u 
 
 ujiiy esca:>eu. 1 lie oiiiers uc^e all cut down, 
 some to rise no more: the remainder, mangled 
 by numerous wounds, of which the sul)ject of 
 the present resolution hud his melancholy sliare. 
 
 Bleediug-jcxhausted by effusion of blood, and 
 alone, his fate seemed inevitable, when Tecum- - 
 sell, cool and coljected, anproaciied with his 
 unerr'ng rifle andrutliless tomahawk. It pleas- 
 ed Provideuce to ir.terpose. Amidst universal 
 carnage, and in the teeth of approachinfj death. 
 Col. Johnson remained undismayed, and hurled 
 at Tecuiiisch t'lat death which had been prepar- 
 ed for liim. This is the man and the services to 
 which Mr. B. wi.'ihed asi lionorable testimony 
 to be erected, one more lasiing- than that which 
 is faiiiid in evanescent papers of the day. If 
 any thing' was necessar}' to be added in support 
 of the hig'h claims of this disting-uished citizen, 
 upon the gratitude of his coiu'.try, it would be 
 ibund in tiie iionorable notice taken of him 
 by the coinmaiiding- general, and repeated 
 in the most ilattering manner by President 
 Madison, in coarimunicating the result of the 
 battle to Congress. But it is more than un- 
 necessary to furnish an}' addirional proofs. — 
 ■^Vhercver there is an American, the courage 
 andsenices of Col. Johnson, are known and ap- 
 plauded, air. B^indulged a hope, bordering on 
 confidence, that the resolution would receive the 
 tmanimous consent of the Senate, for in that 
 unanimity its principal merit woidd consist. 
 
 Mr. Barbour then submitted the following re- 
 SQlutJon : 
 
 Ilcsolved, li/ fhe Senate and House of Itcpre- 
 scntafivesofthc United dilates, in Con f^re^s ossein^ 
 bled, That the Presider^t of the United States be 
 requested to pi-esentto Col. Richard M. Johnson, 
 a sword, as a testimony of the liigh sense entcr- 
 tainol by Congress, of the daring aftd distin- 
 guished valor displayed by himself and the regi- 
 ment of vohuiteers under his command, in charg- 
 ing and essentially contributing to vanquish tlie 
 combined British and Indian forces under Major 
 General Procter, on the Tiiames, in Upper Ca- 
 nada, on the 5th October, 1813. 
 
 The resolution passed the Senate tinanimously, 
 and the House of Kepresentatives, nem. con. 
 
 on in August; n, percijance, tlie admiui^itiat^wu 
 candidate shall be elected, this statement is 
 calculated to prevent the idea being entertain- 
 ed, that the election can stiil possibly be in fa- 
 vor of Mr. Adams; whereas, if it goes against 
 him, it makes a difference of 28 from his poll, 
 and thereby constitutes li of the 5-i doubtful 
 votes that the writer believes General Jackson 
 ^\ ill get, although, as shown, if it goes against 
 Jackson, it cannot prevent his election. 
 
 
 Adams. 
 
 Doubtful. 
 
 Jacksou, 
 
 Maine, 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 New Hampshire, 
 
 
 8 ! 
 
 
 Massaclui.^etts, 
 
 15 
 
 I 
 
 
 Riiode Island, 
 
 4 
 
 •; 
 
 
 Connecticut, 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 Vennont, 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 New York, 
 
 10 
 
 c 
 
 2Q 
 
 New .fer-'ey, 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 Pennsylvania, 
 
 
 
 2S 
 
 Delaw.are, 
 
 
 i .3 
 
 
 Maryland, 
 
 3 
 
 .3 
 
 6 
 
 Virginia, 
 
 I 
 
 . 
 
 24.. 
 
 North Carolina, 
 
 
 
 l.> 
 
 South Carolina, 
 
 
 • 
 
 11 
 
 Georgia, 
 
 ; 
 
 
 f) 
 
 Kentucky, 
 
 
 1 14 
 
 
 Tennessee, 
 
 
 1 
 
 It 
 
 Ohio, 
 
 
 16 
 
 
 Louisiana, 
 
 
 1 5 
 
 
 Indiana, 
 
 
 1 5 
 
 
 Mississippi, 
 
 t 
 
 rt 
 .> 
 
 Illinois, 
 
 
 ( 
 
 n 
 
 a 
 
 Alabama, 
 
 
 < 
 
 5 
 
 Missouri, 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 / 
 
 40 
 
 i 86 
 
 135 
 
 COJIJIUJflCATIO;^. 
 
 Gextlkmex: Very incorrect calculations are 
 made, and imposed on tlie public credulity for 
 want of such a statement before them as the fol- 
 lowin,;, wluca shows, incontrovertibiy, that Mr. 
 Adams cannot be re-elected, if you give to him, 
 C3 I have done in the following statement, every 
 doubtful vote in the nation; whereas, I do verily 
 believe, that, out of the 8G votes set down .as 
 doubtful, and as such placed to the list of Mr. 
 Adams, (ieneral Andrew Jackson will receive 
 at least 54, which added to the 135 certinn, will 
 give him 189 votes, and leave Mr. Adams but 7'2 
 votes; wliich will be found, on counting the m- 
 turns to Congress to be about his vote, and alliie 
 will get, notwithstanding tlie coahtion formed, 
 and all the desperate means used, and to be 
 used, between this and the election. I think it 
 well to give this statement to tlie coininuaity, 
 as it is calculated 10 convince every well judg- 
 ing' mind that Mr. Adams lias no chance of a 
 ire-election, although he may get not only Ken- 
 tucky, but all the other doubtful States. 
 
 The Kentucky election for ^w-lvr^rl1^;• r-omcs 
 
 Remarks by the Editors of the United Slal:i* 
 Telegraph. 
 
 The information obtained by an extensive cor- 
 respondence and a close attention to public sen- 
 timent, satisfies us that the calculation of our 
 correspondent falls far short of the vote which 
 will be given to General Jackson. 
 
 The late election in New Ilainpshire has had 
 the eiTect to unite the republican pai-ty of tliat 
 State, and many changes have txiken place fa- 
 vorable to General Jackson. Among tlicse wlio 
 have admitted that Gener.al Jacksan is fiie re- 
 publican candidate, and have declared tiieir in- 
 tention to support him on that account, 19 the 
 lafe Speaker of tlie House of Ileprcsentatives 
 of that State. V/e no longvr consider New 
 liamnshireas a doubtful State. 
 
 In Maine, the vote is by Districts. Our par- 
 ticular information does not extend to the whole, 
 but We have assurances on which v/c can rc^ly, 
 tiiat Genei-al Jackson will receive /A/'fe votes 'in 
 ilaine. < 
 
 Our correspondent gives to Mr. Adams 10 
 votes in New York, and puts down 6 votes a."? 
 doubtful. We are not willing to .admit that 
 Mr. Adams will certainlij receive a single votu 
 in New York. For some time past we have 
 supposed that the Morg.an e.vcitement might 
 render some six or perhaps ten of the v,-e.steni 
 voles doubtful, but the late elections evince gre;it 
 changes. In towns where the General's friends 
 \vr>'" 'i<* f;in in V'^i'v smrd! Tninii'ilir-Q. ♦i^.-t r-^.- 
 
:ii)b 
 
 liuvc larffc loajoniies, and v.c candiUty believe, 
 that \vc } ield too much wheii we admit 6 doubt- 
 tul votes for Mr. Adams in New York. 
 
 In Mai-ylatid, our correspondent allowe Mr- 
 Adams 3 Votes certain and 2 doubtful; we are 
 not vvilliruj to ulL.w hmi a single ccrtam vol6 m 
 Manlaiid! NVe tliink that 'Jvoiesaie doubt- 
 ful, and ncvhups tiie vote in CIcr.i. D„-i-hey's dis- 
 triclmay be certain for .Mr. Adams; hut lat^- ac- 
 cDUiUstrom St. Mora's induce tiie hop^- tlrat 
 
 ^Ve do iiot believe that Oliio or Indiuaa la 
 doAibtful: nor can we consent to place Illinois 
 with tlic d-nibtful States. 
 
 The calculation upon which we place reliance 
 
 great cnang;c'', 
 
 fuforable to the cause of ti-uth 
 
 and the people, will take place even there. 
 
 New Jersey is put down doubttul. Inis is 
 WTOiv;^. We have, in tms .Stale, si.\ Jmndred 
 and eitrbiv-fivc Bubscri^ere, and an ext.<.ns.ve 
 correspondence. The friends of General Jack- 
 son art^ active, and almost every day bnngs us 
 new proof of his incrciuimK popularity in that 
 State. \Ve cannot admit that New Jersey is 
 
 doubtful. . o „ , r 1 
 
 Im Delaware, the friends of General Jackson 
 ^re sangnme of success. It is true, that th.e 
 men.bei- elected last year, is friendly to the 
 cnahtrn. Ilis election, althong-h, m truth, no 
 proof of tlu: populariiy of Mi. Vdain-, was the 
 result of a peculiar omtjinauon ot cu-cum- 
 staixes whicli it is unnecessary iicrc to eiqdain. 
 Set it down doubtful. 
 
 Pa.ss:ng to tlie we«t, Louisiana, as wvll as 
 Indiana, Missouri, Kentucky, and Ohio, are put 
 down as doubtful States. Until lately, we have 
 rnlerlained some fears that >L- 1 .ivir.gston, the 
 ibie and jialriolic rei)resrnt.ilive of the District 
 of New Orleans would not he re-elected. Lale 
 accounts from the City of- New Orleans, the 
 6cat of tlie strenf^lli of tlic coalition, induce a 
 belief tliat he will be re-elected, and assure us 
 of the vot^of tlLit Slati ; but we know less of 
 public sentiment m Louisiana tlun in any ot the 
 other Stiitcs, and wiiliout tjelieving it to be 
 aoubtfui, for want of information, we set this 
 tlo'jn as such. 
 
 We di not behcvethnt the vote of Kentucky 
 or Ohio is doubtful. The contest in Kentucky 
 .-it the August election will be violent. If Major 
 Darry sliould be elected G-.vernor, it will be 
 taken as condusivc evidence of the stivnjjth uf 
 General Jackson. He is an amiaiih-, hi;rhly ta- 
 
 Maine, 
 
 New Hampshire, 
 
 Mussachusetts, 
 
 Khoilc Island, 
 
 Connecticut, 
 
 Vemiont, 
 
 New Vork, 
 
 New Jersey, 
 
 Pennsylvania, 
 
 Delaware, 
 
 Maryland, 
 
 Virg'inia, 
 
 North Carolinp, 
 
 South Carolina, 
 
 Georgia, 
 
 Kentucky, 
 
 Tennessee, 
 
 Ohi'), 
 
 Louis-ana, 
 
 Indiana, 
 
 Misswsippi, 
 
 Illiii'ib, 
 
 Atabdma, 
 
 Missouri, 
 
 JICIUOD. 
 
 3 
 8 
 
 30 
 
 8 
 
 28 
 
 3 
 
 9 
 
 24 
 
 15 
 
 li 
 
 9 
 
 14 
 
 11 
 
 16 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 ^3 
 
 r* 
 O 
 
 5 
 
 3 
 
 Adams. 
 
 15 
 
 4 
 8 
 
 7 
 
 Doubtful. 
 
 213 
 
 14 
 
 In making this estimate, we are influenced 
 by that strict regard for ti-uth JA'hich has marked 
 al! our statements; anu we appeal to the Histo- 
 ry of the past Iv,:q years, and ilcfy our bitterest 
 political opponents to point to a single instance 
 in wliich we have, intentionally, misstated pub- 
 lic ficntiment. Almost every prediction which 
 we have made has been fulfilled to the letter. 
 Our conCdence tliat the calculations here pre- 
 sented will be verified, ia strong and uncquivo- 
 c.il. 
 
 But admit, for the sake of argument, tha*: 
 
 ,^^..^.„. _ . the 3 votes uf Del:iwure, the 3 a<ldition.alvote.>> 
 
 Jcnted, aiul patriotic man, but he was the cinef of Maryland, the 14 \oU.^ of Kentucky, and 
 
 "' t!u- 16 votes of Ohio, with the 5 votes of Louj.si- 
 r^nAyfiKcl nil fitt doubtful voles, ought to be added 
 to tiie 34 certrin votes ahottedto Mr. Adams, 
 ;indall will make an aggregate of but 89 vote^; 
 leaving a deficiency of 42 votes to be sup- 
 plied; whilst all thePe votes deducted fi<<m the 
 '13 allotted, to General Jackson, leave him one 
 
 iuslice of llic new court party— now the mi- 
 "tiority in St.de pnlitics. 
 
 It is true that -Mr. Metcalfe was of the Siime 
 partv, hut it wa.s part of tlie policy of Mr. 
 Clay's partisaiw to .-xbuse Mr. Hairy. A strong 
 prejudice l>a« been excited against hiin, and it 
 Is not believed that liis vote in August v.-ill 
 
 equal that of General Jackson in Ocluher, yet hundred and seventv -two votes — forty -one more 
 veiy little doubt w cntertair.ed of liiS election; tiian a majority of the whole, 
 but' put down Kentucky xs duubtful. ; — — 
 
 All our ucctjuiits from Missouri concur in as- Our readers will receive with this Nos.lO, 11, 
 soring U9 of the vote of tliat State. Mr. Bate.s, and 12, which, if the regiulai- order of publics- 
 theprcm-iitrepiisentative, is the bitter personal tinn is adopted, will 6u»i>end the issue of the 
 me.nn- of C:>1 Uoilon. He opposed Mr. Clay F.xtr.i until the I2th of June. Our first object 
 wi;h great violcnrc, and f.ich Ls h't* hostiliy to has been to serve the public: all tliat we have 
 Mr. lk-ti*.o:i, that he would find gra.it difliculty asked is the means of defraying ttie ex{)ense, 
 in BUpport-ug any candidate of wiioni Mr. lien- If those who now .-u-c iuUebted to ur yield to 
 
 ton was a supporter. There arc now iv.o can- 
 didates ill opposition to Mr. Bales, and a third 
 spoken uf. Mr. B. h;i.s, from the force of cir- 
 cumstances, acquired a personal popul.irily, 
 that m.ay, under such circumst.inccs, secure a 
 re-elec>ion; but the vote of Missouri cannot, 
 ^•i'h nronriftv, be put down doubtful. 
 
 our just demand upon them, our resources will 
 be limple. I: is hoped that the subscribers to 
 our v.eckly and tj-i-weekly paper, to whom 
 tlicse four numbers willl>e sent wiffiout chargf.. 
 will feel tliat an addltion.il obhgal ion is in.pos- 
 t ' . 1 them to m.ake prompt remittances by mail, 
 niiic'i. in Jill cases, may be done at our risk^ 
 
UjSJI'IEI) SIATES' lEEEliKAPH— iJ/r^r^^ 
 
 Tfifs paper will be t!ei-otcd exclusivuly to tiie Presidential Ekction, and be published wcckTv,, 
 iIT\T!l ttre loth of October nest, for One JJoIkir, subject to newspaper pQst32;e and nV nm(,. 
 
 BY GREEN fy JAR VIS. 
 
 VOU %. 
 
 WASHINGTON, JUNE 14, 1S2S. 
 
 No. 14^ 
 
 RETRENCHMENT. 
 
 Mr Hatiiii.toj», from the Select Committee £o 
 whom the subject was referred, made the 
 followIng^ 
 
 IlEPOUT: 
 
 The Select Committee appointed under the 
 followiiic;; resolution: 
 
 llesoh'ed, That a Geiect Committee be appoint- 
 ed whose duty it shall be to inquire and report 
 to this House, if any, and what, retrenchment 
 can be made, with safety to the public interest, 
 in t!hc number of the officers of tho Government 
 of the Urj^ited States, and in the amount of salar- 
 ies which they may respectively receive; more 
 especially, to report specifically on the follow- 
 ing heads: 
 
 1st. What reductions of expense can be made 
 in the State Department, in the number and 
 salaries of the officers and clerks attached to 
 this Department; in the expenses regulating the 
 foreign intercourse, and ni the printing and.iis- 
 tribution of the public laws of the United States. 
 ► 2d. What reductions in the Treasury De- 
 pMlment; and whether an effective system of 
 acccuntabilit}', and for the collection ot'the pub- 
 lic dues, is there established. 
 
 3d. What reduction of expense can be made 
 in the Navy Department, in ihe clerks and ofli- 
 c=T3 now acting subordinately to the Secretary 
 of the Navy. 
 
 4th. What reductions of expense canbemade 
 ill the Department of War," in tiie Indian De- 
 partment, and in the clerks and offioei-s now ac- 
 ting subordinately to the Secretary of War. 
 
 5th. What reductions of expense can be 
 made in the number of oriicers, and the amount 
 of compensation which they may receive, in the 
 Postmaster Cleneral's Department. 
 
 6th. And that tlic Committee be further in- 
 stnicted to e?:amine tiie several contingent 
 funda of each of tlicae Departments, and 
 to report the amount and objec s fcr 
 which disbursements have been made from 
 these funds ; and that they report the amounts, 
 vouched and luivouchcd, which have been paid 
 i'rom the secret service fund, since tlie first day 
 of July, 1790, or the fund regulating the con- 
 tingencies of foreign intercourse, and of the 
 fund for the expense of the intercourse with the 
 Barb^iry Powers. 
 
 And that they further report whether the 
 compensation of members of Congi'ess should 
 ])C reduced, and wliethor tise fixed salaries of 
 the officers of this House, and its contingent 
 expenses, can, with propriety, be diminished. 
 
 And further, that they inquire wliether any 
 modification of the sinking fund act can be 
 made, with a view of producing a more speedy 
 extinguishment of the public debt— 
 Uff^ectfitUu ri"pyrt, in -part 
 
 Tliat, in obedience to the injunctiona con- 
 tained in the foregoing resolution, they have 
 taken tlie several subjects referred to them into 
 consideration; and before exhibiting the results 
 of their labours, they desire to propitiate the 
 indulgence of the House for the imperfect man- 
 ner in which they may liavc discharged their 
 duty, by a statement of the difficulties wtjich 
 belong to the subject, and have characterize 1 
 If eir examination of it. 
 
 In the first place, the field of inqiilry is cp- 
 extensive, very nearly, with iho w hole opci-ations 
 of this government. An inquiiy, to do justice to 
 which, from its multiplied relations, the paticn^^^ 
 and uninterrupted labors of a year would scarce^ 
 ly suffice ; but, wiien it is considered that the 
 session had made no inconsiderable progress 
 before your committee were appointed, and 
 that since their appointment, a question of emi- 
 nent magnitude, exciting the deepest inter- 
 est, affecting nothing more nr less in its in- 
 fluence, than the entire industry of the conn- 
 try, has been before the House for a period of 
 seven weeks, by wiiich the attention of every 
 member of tlie committee, representing, as the^ 
 ought, the sympatliies as well as the interests 
 of their constitucntP, lias been called off from 
 tlie specific duties of this trust ; and that be 
 sidasthis unavoidable abstraction, the first four 
 weeks after the primary organization of the 
 committee v.-cre consumed in obtaining answers 
 to their several calls on the Departm.ents ; and 
 the last six of their session have unfurtiuiately 
 been interrupted hy the sever© indisposition of 
 one of their number, and the continued illness 
 of another. Notwithstanding these disadvan- 
 tages, thev nevertheless cherish the hope their 
 labors will not prove altogether fruitless, and 
 that they have ascertained and elucidated many 
 facts, on which sound principles of administra- 
 tion may hereafter be superinduced, leading to 
 a judicious frugality in the disbursements of the 
 public money, and enforcing a rigid accounta= 
 bilily in the public agents. 
 
 Your committee considered it as their fiwt. 
 duty to address a letter, a copy of which is 
 marked No. 1, (in the Appendix,) to each of 
 the Heads of the ^Executive Departments, the 
 Postmaster General, and the Clerk of the House 
 of Uepresentatives ; calling on them for precis'^ 
 information as to tne reductions which miglit be 
 made without injury to the public service, in 
 the number and salcuies of the clerks and oflv 
 ccrs in their respective Departments, and in the 
 contingent expenses of the same. Tlieir seve- 
 ral answers, marked No. 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, Y, will 
 be found in the Appendix. 
 
 It will be seen, from these documents, that 
 each of the Secretaries of the Executive De- 
 partments, conceives that neither the number 
 nor tlie s-aluries received by the officers and. 
 clerks in their rt«,peptive offices, can be dimin- 
 ished with safety to the public iatetest. 
 
ilU 
 
 'i.'Pi.r CitiiuiiiH.ce Ltci yiv^-nt. diUicuUy ir. con- 
 ;m.Tinff in tliis opinion. This difference be- 
 iiveeuthei? impressions and the opinions of these 
 officers, has convinced them of what could, in 
 no event, have been doubtful, that, without the 
 cordial aid of the Executive, no effective scheme 
 of retrenchment can be instituted: lience it is, 
 that the conviction expressed by these oflicers, 
 txdded to the fact that it was impossible for the 
 committee to ascertain, by their own examina- 
 tion, the amount of labor done by each clerk 
 in the several offices, h^s prev»>,uied them from 
 proposing any specific reuuct? >i-, hi the number 
 of clerks in ths several ofTjccs, because they 
 were apprehensive, without t!ie Qoncurrence of 
 opinion and co-operation of the chief of each 
 Department, they might cut off some useful 
 branch of the publrc service, iu aiming at the 
 ':jScision of some unnecessary one. Your com- 
 jt>ittee, however, as will be seen in the testimo- 
 ny reporled in the Appendix, obtain inibrma- 
 tioa enough to satisfy Ihem, that, by a judici- 
 ous system of reform, instituted by the Execu- 
 tive officers themselves, at least one third of the 
 present number of clerks in the Departments, 
 jlilglit be roduced with safety to the public in- 
 terest. We believe that there arc, in fact, a 
 *:0?ps of invalid pensioners attached to some of 
 'heSe ofRces, and just in proportion to their in- 
 creasing disability to discharge their dutie?, is 
 an increased necessity for the appointment of 
 'ficv clerks; to say notliing of the fact aisclosed 
 in the evidence, that an actu!^l inctimbentis con- 
 sidered to have such a sort of property in the of- 
 iito, as to enable him to farm out hisdutics,and 
 to receive a part of its revenues, fordoing noth- 
 ing- We also think that, by a jjew distribution 
 of the office hours, there would be an addition 
 bf at least one third to the amount of labor ac- 
 tually performed, which, in itself, would involve 
 a reduction of one third of the number of clerks 
 employed; and this might be effected by a stan- 
 ding regulation, that the public offices should 
 be open, duhng the winter, from nine to one, 
 and from three to five in the afternoon; and, in 
 the summer, from nine o'clock in the morning, 
 untill three o'clock, P. M. The offices being 
 yptn during the afternoon, would aflbrd great 
 facilities to members having business with the 
 Departments, after the daily adjaunnncntof'the 
 two Houses of Congress. At prosmt, the pub- 
 lic offices are not actually open forthe.discliargc 
 .i)f public business, more than, on an average, 
 four hours c:;oh day. With a hope of applying 
 a I'cracdy to these abuses, your committee have 
 lyepared and will report a bill. 
 
 Asyonr comfnittv.0 have not intc^pretcfl your 
 fhstructions as extending to their considering 
 dny reduction of the oflice:'s in the Army, Na- 
 vy, Judiciary, and Custom House Department, 
 t^ey have forborne to investigate subjects s\\(- 
 ftciently various and impni-tant for a separate in- 
 fjTJliy; they will, therefore, proceed in tiio or- 
 ^w of tho series prescnttd by the resolution, to 
 gjve tho result of their examination of each Dc- 
 i^ailtmcnt 
 
 I. STATF- DEPARTMENT. 
 
 ^'' iVhat rrdlufions of erjie-unf caa be made in 
 the State Dcpnrtinent, in the number am! salarica 
 'qf /Ae officers and cleric; (tttached to this Depnrf- 
 
 ie,rc<^li.r&c. uui en tiic ^i!ij.:ili.ugiinu umiiFiiMUL,:. 
 the. pnblic laws of the United States." 
 
 For the reasons assigned in the prellminafy 
 part of this report, youi- committee will Recom- 
 mend no specific reduction in the number of 
 the clerks in this Department; Hlthough they 
 feci satisfied that, had the officer at its head 
 concurred with them in the opinion, they might 
 have presented a jjlan for not only a gradual re- 
 duction of the number of clerks, but for an ac 
 tual increase in ihe efficiency of their labors. 
 
 The office contingencies in this Departmeir 
 will be noticed in a subsequent part of this re- 
 port. 
 
 "In the expenses regulating the foreign (r. 
 tercourse," your committee are decidedly ci 
 opinion that the diplomatic relations of the 
 country are on a scale unnccossaiily expensive 
 that, instead of hereafter having ministers of the 
 first grade at Colombia Knd Madrid, Charges 
 ought to be substhutcd; and that Consuls C'- 
 nerai, or Commercial Agent* will be adequate 
 to all the public objects at Naples, Guatemala^ 
 Chili, and Kucnos Ayre?, with a Plenipotentiary 
 at Mexico. 
 
 Your committee concur entirely in the view 
 t;Aken, in their report, by the Committee on tho 
 Expenditures of the State Department, mad*; 
 during the present session, on the propriety of 
 abolisliing the fund created in the appropnaiia:; 
 act under the denomination of defraying *' tliK 
 contingent expenses of all missions abroad,^' as^ 
 they believe tliat it merely enables, in poitit of 
 fact, the Secretary of State to make such addi- 
 tions to the compensation of Ministers and Di- 
 plomatic Agents .is he thinks proper. In some 
 cases, the allowance made for contingencies to 
 Ministers and Charges, annually, is nearly one- H 
 eig-hth of the amouiit of their salaries. They 
 v.-ould therefore recommend a fixed appropria~ 
 tion for the contmgencics of each mission, vary- 
 ing from S300 to > jOO, according to the exigen- 
 cies of each mission, but in no case exceeding 
 the latter amount, which sum is to cover tlic 
 expenses of staticnar}-, postage, office, clerk 
 hire, and all other contingencies whatsoever. 
 
 In relation "to tlie priming and distribution 
 of the pubhc laws," (an item of no small im 
 portance,) your committee will postpone the?r 
 remarks antl siigg<^stioi>s on this point, until • 
 they present, as they will do in the sequel of 
 their report, tlicir views on the pubhc pinning 
 generally, a topjc of sufficient impoi-tancc td 
 claim a separate dl»cus-sion. 
 
 Your committee, whilst they propose meeting 
 all the requirements of the resoluiiona under 
 which they are acting, have taken the lihevty of 
 adopting an order, in brinffing out the infonna- 
 tion they have collected, not exactly conform.i- 
 ble to the series of topics presented in the reso- 
 lutions themselves as subjects of inquirj'; but, 
 fts they have believed tliat the connexion Ql" 
 the different paits of this rej>ort could be bet- 
 ter maintained, and the continuity of tlie text 
 better preserved, by doing so, the)' \k\\\ ar:angt: 
 specifically, under the hcul of each Depart. 
 ipcnt, the entire residts of their examin-ition olf 
 such Department, both as to th.e practicability 
 of future retrcnchnienta, an<l the o'jjects and 
 amounts of its past disbursements; altlicugh, 
 under the resolution, the latter investigation 
 would .wem more properly to helrvrrg to th*" 
 
 ^*\*h r'^Tf^Kin rt^*tll.» c:^rp^^ 
 
n ' 
 
 in pm>auvica or' -dn$ pi;iii, your committee 
 ■j/ill now proceed to exljibit, first, the gopcxal 
 expejiditui'es af the State Depurtraent, and next 
 a more dfttuilcd expoaiiioii of its particular dis- 
 bursements; and in the discharge of this portion 
 of their duty, (which requires them to "examine 
 the contingent fund of each of the Departments, 
 and to report the objects and amounts for wliich 
 diahuriemeats have been made, &c.") in be- 
 ginning witii the Department of State, it is ne- 
 cessary to premise, tiiat tlierc rirc three d siiuct 
 contingent funds uadcr the control of this De- 
 partment; one to defray t!ie contingent expenses 
 of the Uepartment itself, including the exper.ses 
 Qf printing and pubhshingthe laws; another for 
 the contingent expenses of foreign intercourse; 
 ■and a third for the contingent expenses <;f inis- 
 s'khis abroad. Indeed, tne wimle expenditure 
 qn account of tiiese missions, stated as well as 
 •"ontingent, depends on the discretion of the 
 Qxecwtive, exercised ttirough the Depaitment 
 yf State; fbr though the salaries and outfits paid 
 to the functionaries of the nation abroad, are 
 regulated by law, yet the number and gi'ade of 
 these functionaries, aifd, of course, tiie totiil 
 trmount expended for their support, are prima- 
 ;i!y determined by the will of t!ie Executive, 
 to whoir, .c jeio.igis, under the Constitution, to 
 •'appoint ambassadorB, othei' public ministerj. 
 Rnd consuls." 
 
 For tliis reason, and for ih.-'^ further one, that 
 the committ'ie are expres.sly iastructsd to in- 
 quire into the "expenses of the foreign inter- 
 qourse" of the country; the whole amount of 
 these expenses will be embraced in the j'iew 
 about to be .submitted of the disbursements of 
 jiublio money, tl-.rough the ag-ncy of tiie Stixte 
 Departmeot. Tho comnuttee feel the less: dif- 
 ficulty in taking- tliis extended view of the ex- 
 penditures of the Department of State, because, 
 i'A doing so, they ai"c only following- the exam- 
 ple of the Head of that Department, in a letter 
 addressed by him to the cornrnittee, and which 
 trill be found annexed to th's report, marked 
 Ho. 2. In that letter, purporting tube incom- 
 pliance with a resolution of tlic committee, re- 
 questing the cxpress'on of his opiruon, v/hctJicr 
 thtt number or salaries of the oflicers employed 
 in his DepariTient, or any other expenses inci- 
 dent to it, cou'd be reduc+>d, wltliout detrirncp.t 
 to tho public scrv ioe, he took occasion to exhibit 
 several statements, in relation to past disburse- 
 ments of tlie Department, embracing the whole 
 range abovc-mciitioned, an I founded thereon 
 certain compsri.sons of its expensejj, during 
 <'qual periods of the late and of the present 
 iVdmin'-stration. Tiiough these statemj^nts luid 
 comparisons were uncalled for, the committee 
 f.vstil themselves of the facts disclosed by them, 
 ^ having the sanction of the liighest authority, 
 and bearing the stamp of unque.stionable anthen- 
 tidty. It appears from the statement;; contained 
 in this letter, that the expenditures of the .State 
 Department, for tlie various objects intrusted to 
 its management, were, during the three last 
 years of tne late Admini.strat.on, and tho tiiree 
 years jast elapsed of the present Administra- 
 tion, as follows, to wit 
 
 Last Admlnidralinn. 
 
 1822, $17:1,879 51 
 
 1823, 3M-,6GS 5G 
 18*34, 270, To I 27 
 
 f7S?),279 .34 
 
 Present J) dminsf ration. 
 1S25, f 300, 731 74 
 
 1826, 255,296 JO 
 
 18-^7, 287,463 42 
 
 Making the exptnuaui-c; of tf.c 
 present exceed that of the - 
 last Administration, by 3 
 
 I 
 
 $90,212 e-. 
 
 From reference to tlie document marked T?, 
 wiiich accompanied, and is referred to in Uii- 
 Sccrctary's latler,and from whicli his statements- 
 arc compiled, it appears that, besides tiie coo- 
 tii.gent expenses of the Department, and th',t 
 general expenses of foreign intercourse, irrciiv 
 dir,g the iiitercoiirEc with the Barbary I'owcr.',. 
 ar.d the relief and protection cf distressed Amcr> 
 ican seamen, there are included in the amour.t:-- 
 given by him, as above, tiirec other items, dc-. 
 pending up^m wholly diflerent principles in re- 
 gard to any discretionary control of the Depai-.t- 
 ment over them, and which ought no!, there- 
 fore, in (he opinion of the cnmmittee, to cnttl" 
 into a comparison Uke that institutei.l by thn 
 Sccretar)'. The three items alluded to are, th^i 
 treaty with Spain of the 27thof rebruar3\ 1819. 
 tlie sixth and seventh arcicles cf the treaty o.f 
 Gher.t, and the tirft article of the treaty of 
 Ghent. These are subjects of expense gro\y 
 ing necessarily out of the obligation of int ejnjf 
 tlonal conspacts, and not to be aiiected, in any 
 wnyj by the discretion of the Executive, or ant' 
 of its ofRcers. The first item, pai-tlcuj^irly, 
 being the expense incident to what has bei^n 
 commonly called the Florida Board of Com- 
 missioners, whose existence and functions ter- 
 minated under the last Adtnlnistration, and thi; 
 whole biirtlien of whose support, amcui'ting tf> 
 $63,114 31, fell upon that Administration, (ex- 
 cepting only the siTiallsum of ^1,125, paid uii» 
 der the present) cunnot, it se^cms to the ccari- 
 mittee, upon rJiy principle of propriety, be: 
 brought into tlie comparison. Takmg the.'jc 
 items out of tlie comparison, the account be- 
 tween tlie late and the present Administration, 
 in regard to disbursements over which the Statti 
 Department has a discretionaiy cpntrol, v.'il'. 
 then stand thns : 
 
 Last Mm. Fie^cnf. .^dju- 
 The amounts stated 
 
 above Krc §759,279 3't <B49,491 .?.(> 
 
 Deduct expenses un- 
 der treMty v/ith 
 Spain; 6'h and7Lii 
 articles treaty of 
 Ghent, and lat ?>rt. 
 of the tame $126,603 27 ?1,679 Cj 
 
 632,675 37 
 
 777, 8 U 7.: 
 632,675 37 
 
 fS49.49l "TR 
 
 Difference, $ ^^^^^ ^ 
 
 This dlirercnce tho committee believe to be. 
 tlie true result of a compamon, made iipon cor- 
 rect principle*^, between the lato and present 
 Administiatioivs as to the expenilitures with 
 which tiie State Department is connected. 
 
 The Secretary of State, in the letter alrcatjv 
 referred to, says that the excess of the expcndt- 
 turcs of the present Administration, in. this 
 branch of the public service, over those of the 
 Last Admiinsti-ation, may be siitisfaclorily ac- 
 counted for, first, by the fact of "a rcmittancT; 
 in December last, to our Ruroiicm bankers, of 
 J70,000, which h5 charged to the service of tbo 
 year 1827, .although it will bo d:<shursed in fh<" 
 

 '•cai' 1&28; ' ami secondly, -by the circumbtaiice 
 that no jiart of the appropilation of $100,000, 
 made in 182.', lor missions to South America, 
 was apphed imtil tlie succeeding year. In re- 
 lation to the first circnmstanre, the committee 
 would remark, that althmigh a requisition was 
 made on the 5th day of December last, by the 
 State Department, on the Treasury, for the sum 
 ofSrOjOOO, to be remitted to our European 
 bankers yet it appears that only $39,000 of tliat 
 ium was remitted in that month, and that that 
 amount only is ch^irged in the accounts of the 
 expenditures oflS:J7. The balance of the sum, 
 J31,000, was not remitted until the 17th of Ja- 
 nuary of the present year, u'ud is charged among 
 the expenditures of IbiS. (See letter of Secre- 
 tary of Stito, marked D, and the accompanying 
 -tatement of Chief Clerk of the Tre.i8ury; see, 
 also, letter from Joseph Nourse, Uegister, mark» 
 rd E.) It moreover appears tliat, in providing 
 for the foreign service of the GovernmeiU, no- 
 thing is more common than to makcremi'tances 
 to Europe toward tl»e close of one year, which 
 t:annot be disbursed till the succecchng year; as, 
 lor example, in 1821, there was rentitted to Ea- 
 !opc, between the 7th day of October and the 
 last day of Deecmber of thai year, for the ser- 
 vrec of tbc State Department, in bills drawn 
 'nayablc sixty days after sight, the sunj of 
 V54,ti86 66, while the whole amount remitted 
 In like form, betwt-en the same dates in the last 
 year, was only $39,000. (See letter from Jo- 
 .seph Nourse, marked F„ and accompanying 
 statement.) This circumstance, therefore, so 
 /iur as ittffects the comparison whicli has been 
 made between tbc late and the prcsomt Admin- 
 i'Jtration, with reference to the exijetulittu-es of 
 the State Department, opei-atcs in fiivor of, ijx- 
 ptead of against, the present Adisinistration. 
 
 In relation to the other circumstance menlion- 
 e-A by the Secretary of State, as satisfactorily ac- 
 r,ounting for the difference in the expenditures 
 (if that I)cpartment under the k.te and the pre- 
 sent Administration, it is true that no part of 
 the appropriation made in 1822 for missions to 
 >'ouih America, was applied inud the following 
 year: but it w.is tlien applied under the disad- 
 vantage incident to the ori;;iual equipment of 
 the missions, of siistaining a double charge, in- 
 cluding outfits, as well as salaries, which would 
 'bus make the (.xpenditures of one year equal to 
 those of two, in ordinary circumstances. Such 
 would have been tiie eilccl, if whav was under- 
 .itood to be the plan of the last Adniinistrallon, 
 m regard to cur diplomatic establishment in 
 ^utb America, had been adlicreil to by the 
 present. It i? in the recollection of a majority 
 «f the committee, that, in some proceedings of 
 the llouscofUcpresenuitiveson that subject, du- 
 ring the session on82o-21, it was slated by thu 
 t.'hairraan ol the Committee of Ways and Mean.«, 
 on the authority of coumumlcations derived 
 from the then Secretary of State, tlut the Go- 
 vernment contemplated, after that year, having 
 «»nlyone Miwikter of the blithest grade in South 
 America, und f,.,/ such interests aa were not 
 committed to him, loemploy Charges, Commer- 
 cial Agents, or Consuls, according a.H one or 
 other of thcsr kimU of functionaries might be 
 ilcrmrd mo.t proper. An arrangemctU of thia 
 sort, the Commlttr.; believe, would have be«n 
 fully adctjtiatr to the proteclion of all our intcr- 
 • •••^ n:v|the fulHImr'Tit of nil ;..«• oblipatiOM ns 
 
 a nation, ana would have avuiucd nmci^ ci tiie 
 expense that ha.s been incurred. But if thu 
 present Administration have been victstariUj 
 eubjectcd to a greater expense than the last, 
 from an extension of our diplomatic establisli- 
 ment in America, they have, at the aame time, 
 been rehcvcd by a reduction of that establish- 
 ment in Europe. During the last three years of 
 the late Ad.ninistration.we had a .Minister Pleni- 
 potentiary at Lisbo.i, who was recalled shortly 
 before the close of that Administration, and re- 
 placed by a diarge d' Affaires. The return of 
 our Muiister at Madrid, about the snmc time, 
 afforded a good opportunity of reducing, in like 
 manner, the grade and expense of the mission 
 to that coutt; and it was, indeed, distinctly 6t;»- 
 tcd to the House of Representatives, cm the oc- 
 casion before alluded to, -that such wa9 the In- 
 tention of the GoTCtnimcnt. The Committei;, 
 therefore, cannot recognise, in cither of the cir- 
 cumstances appealed to by the Secretary of 
 State, the force and effect whiih he ultribukca 
 to them. 
 
 The Secretary of State, after presenting fhc 
 comparison above-mentioned, embracing cqtiul 
 periods of three years, suggests a comparison 
 between the two last^ycars of the late Adminis- 
 titttion, and the two first of the prcsc.jt) the ef- 
 fect of which is to select from the last Adminrs. 
 tration, the two years of heaviest cxpaidilure, 
 and put them in contrast with two of the pre- 
 sent Adnunibtration, exempt from those peculiar 
 and extraord'mary charg'es which devolved upotj 
 the two years of the last Administration chosen 
 for the comparison. The Committee, for the 
 i-casons just mentioned, consider the comparison 
 first made altogether fair; and as embrachi^^ 
 longer peric/ds of time, ief.s liable to be influ- 
 enced in its results by casual or tcmporar}' cir- 
 cumstances 
 
 Thic Conitnittec will nov/ advert to some 
 views which the Secretary of State has present- 
 ed in hia letter, in relation to the appropriaiiotrs 
 for the service of that Department. Althoi>gli 
 ill the comparison exhibite<l by him, of the cx- 
 per.ditures of that Department, under the late 
 ;md the present Administi-ation, he puts the 
 year 1825 to tho aucomit of tlie pi-csent Ad- 
 ministration, > et in the view presented by 
 him of the appropriations for the service of 
 the t\vo Administratioiw, he ti-aiisfers the .tp- 
 propiiations of 1825 to the account of the 
 last Admini-^tnition. The appropriations :>{ 
 1825, however, were for the uje of tlie pretcnl 
 Adnjinsitration — they came to ihe hands of the 
 present Adniinislration, and they have be<'n 
 expended bj the pr< -sent Adniinistration. It) 
 this view, the C'ommiitec tl;ink tlie appropria- 
 tions of eighteen hundred and twenty-five, ot^hf 
 clearly to be carried to the account of the pre- 
 sent, andnot of thelast Admiilistralion; andcvai 
 if the question were, who is responsible for the 
 justness and propriety of those apuropriatio4)3> 
 the conimillee are still of opinion that the same 
 claf'sificaliun would be correct: for they findtl^t 
 the approjiriations of 1825, for the service of 
 the State De|>artmcnt, were, in fact, made upon 
 estiniktcs furv.isbeil by the present Chief Magis- 
 trate, (then Secretaiy of State,) contemplating 
 and providing for the expenses of a new Ad- 
 ministration, of H'hich there was every probabili- 
 ty he was to be the head. Putting the year 
 1'8?tI to the arcoiint nf the nres''^^ Adnitri^rr^ 
 
2i3 
 
 tion, die oomp,araiiye buicijieiit ai' tipproima- 
 
 tions for the service of the State Department, 
 
 as collected from the Document marked C, 
 
 which accompanied, and is referred to in the 
 
 Secretary's letter, will then stand thus; 
 
 1822, $239,450 1825, §336,050 
 
 1833, 154,800 1826, 350,932 
 
 18'24, 309,350 1827> 290,550 
 
 Sr03,GOO 
 
 DilDercnce, 
 
 $97r,53:2 
 
 703,600 
 $273,132 
 
 propriatioiis required lof <iie. scrvicfc. oC Uio 
 present year is tne result of economical aavingj 
 out of previous appropriations." Tho statC' 
 ment of the Secret;u-y-of State, for the year 
 1815, 1826, and 1827, reduced to a tabular 
 form, is as follows ; 
 
 The SecJ-efary of State refers to the diniinsh- 
 etl amount of appropriations for the service of 
 that Department, during' the present ye-^r, 
 which, it seems, is only $ 89,500. But it is pro- 
 Jler to add that th\s diminished apptoprictfion for 
 the present year, docs, by no means, imply adt- 
 trunis/ted expcnditttre during- the present year. 
 In addition to the su.m appropriated, there are 
 large amounts in the hands of tlie Departme4it, 
 consisting of balances of former appropriations 
 still applicable to the service of the present 
 year, and as sucbj included in the eslsmates for 
 the support of the Govct-nment during the pre- 
 sent year. These balances, for the vaiious ob- 
 jects under the control of the State Department^ 
 arc given in the document marked 0, (which 
 has already been I'efcrred to .is accompanying 
 the Secretary's letter,) and will be found to 
 amount to the sum of 228,273 dollars, which, 
 added to the sum of 89,500 dollars, recently o.p- 
 propriated, forms an aggregate of $ 317,823 at 
 the tlisposal of the State Department,'/fjr the 
 service of the present yeca\ 
 
 The Secretary of State proceeds to observe^ 
 that *' the sinidl ajuount of appropriation requir- 
 ed for the service of the present year is the re- 
 sult of economical saving:A out of previous ap- 
 propriations;" and for the purpose of showing 
 this', presents " a combined view of the appro- 
 priations atid expenditures during tlie years 
 1825, 1826, and 1827, under those heads of ap- 
 propriation, in tho application of which a dis- 
 cretionary control is exercised through the De- 
 partment of State.'' Those heads, he adds, are 
 .«< IHfsi, toiUingent expensos of foreign inter- 
 course; S'condly, intercourse with the Barbaiy 
 Powers; Thirdly, relief and protection of Ameri- 
 can Scitnan; and iH-ur^/f/i/, the contingent ex- 
 penses of the Departineiil." In this view, the 
 Secretary gives the whole amount at the dispo- 
 sal of the Department for each of the above- 
 rnctitioncd objects, which, in some instances, 
 con.siits of repayments and balances of 
 fbrmer appropriations, as well as the cotem- 
 porai-\- appropriations of each year. The view 
 of the Secretary is taken from a document, de^ 
 signated by the letter C, which accompanied 
 and is referred to in his letter, and lias been 
 several times, already, referred to by the com- 
 mittee. The committee, for the purpose of 
 bringing the whole subject under the eye at 
 once, will throw the statement presented by 
 the Secretary into a tabular form, and will then 
 exhibit a similar statement, compiled from the 
 same document, showing the amounts at the 
 lilsposal of the Department, anJ expended 
 by it during the years 1822,2823, and 1824. 
 'Ihis comparison will enable the House to 
 'l^jermhrj ho^v f;\" ♦■••■; "■^ti^I nniovnf- nn- 
 
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 It lippears from these statements, that, altho* 
 tlie last administration had at their disposal, for 
 the objects specified, a smaller sum than the 
 present, yet the savings of the last out of that. 
 sum liave been greater than those of the: 
 present, by $75,549 01 ; and that theexpelidK 
 tures of the present administration, during- a 
 term of three years, for objects iu regard to 
 which it is said "a discretionary control is exei* 
 clsed through the Department of State," liav;:: 
 exceeded tliose of the last administration, for 
 tlie s^me objects, during an equal term, by thej 
 sum 0^82,817 93 . The Committee, therefoi'C^ 
 cannot coiicur in the suggestion of the Secreta- 
 ry of State, that "the small .amount of appro- 
 priation required for the service of the prcse«i*. 
 year, is the result of economical savings out 01 
 previous appropriations." They think a more 
 satisfactory explanation of the tactis to l>c foun<i 
 in the large excess, alre.ady exhibited, of the ap-^ 
 propriations asked for and granted during tnr; 
 years 1625, 1826, and 1827, over those of an 
 equal period of the last administration. 
 
 The committee, considering the^ views which 
 the ^crettr}' of State, in replying to a speciji': 
 rail, thought proper to present, in relation to thf^ 
 comparative expense of tho late and prcsa-.'. 
 administration, to be materially eiTOncous in 
 several respects, have felt it their duty to 
 ""ibmltthc foregoing ob-se'rval-ons on those ^'i^w^ 
 
:^ia 
 
 ;^ Oic Uuviat. At Uic sa!li2 tujit;, tliey do not 
 I;iteml to recognize the principle which such a 
 t-.omparisofi seems lo imply, that the la it Admin- 
 istration is to be appealed to as a standard of 
 economy; on the contrary, they are aware tiiat 
 that Ad'minist:-;ition was thoug'ht !)y many to be 
 profuse in its expenditures; /vrd thj Committee 
 tKemsL'lves nre of opinion, that, for mjuy years 
 past, there hai been far too little rc;jard to econ- 
 6my in the opci-ations of the Government, in 
 t>L'craI of its branchf s. 
 
 Your (^omraittee vrlli now proceed to exhibit 
 Sjame statements respecting" particular heads of 
 '■'xpcnditurt'3 through the State Dcpurtmen*, 
 '■"Onfidcd exclusively to the discretion of tUo 
 I're-jidcnt. 
 
 Thut portion of the contingent ftmd for fo- 
 V.'ijjn intercourse, which h;is been e:ipcndcd ^y 
 Mie present J'jAecutivc for objects not deemed 
 L'y him expedient to disclose, generally dcnoin- 
 iiiated "fccret sejvtce vionei/," is found, by rc-fer- 
 ('•nce to the document No. 8, greatly to e/ieeed, 
 in amonnt, the expenditure of tho last three 
 >eac3 of tlie late Administration, 
 
 ]^\p(?ndlttiro for — 
 
 18'J2, jiothin^ Tor 1S25, fi,700 00 
 
 1823, ?3,00b 1325, 1,056 Go 
 
 2 321, 2,130 182r, 8,958 01 
 
 ?.->,130 
 
 $.12,324 67 
 
 1 . \iiii be seen, by the stat^uienls referred to, 
 tuDt there v/as expended, during tlie hile v\ar 
 \viih (Ircai Kr'.tuiii, for secret s-jrvice, that h to 
 «ay, from 1812 to 1815, 5.77,316 30 cents, 
 ''• upo'i the certificate of the Preriident, without 
 ..-jjecification." This expen.l'ture may seem to 
 be large, at first sig'ht; but when it ic recollected 
 'Jratthe only ci-'-sis in which tliere would proba- 
 bly be any occasion to use a secret service fun 1 
 in our Government, to any coi-.siderable extent, 
 v.'oul 1 be in a jicticd of war, durijicj which 
 bribery i^ ono of the means sanctionotl by the 
 piaclico of nations for the procurement of infor- 
 TiTa'.ioD, it must be manifest that a war epoch 
 rurn'whc-'s nostruidard for e.\nenses of this char- 
 aJCtcr, t!)»t belontjto a period of peace. 
 
 I'or example: Of the jff,5'lG 30, wiiic.h ap- 
 pc^ar to have been c:fpended duriiUf the war 
 wifli Gfieat Britain, it is now notorious that 
 'VjO.OOj were paid to John Henry, for disclo- 
 3Ur09 wliich were supposed mig'ht be imporfcmt 
 t.o tho s-nfety of the country, and to the nitcnfii- 
 tyrf (he Union; and if tlie jiiuticular occa.s:ons 
 of the rest of llus expenditure were known, it is 
 '"onQdcHtly believed that they would be fotmd 
 r;:£criible to that nccetsaiy visrilance and pre- 
 < air.i'iu, wii'.ch, ijt a period of war, not only 
 •.vatclie3tl;e m()\cment'»ar>d designs of the ene- 
 my, but pries into the ditpositions and intrigues 
 Cf third Towers. 
 
 'i hat 111 c legitimate occasions of tiu-s cxpen- 
 altiifu are cfjnHncd, almost exclusively, to pe- 
 riudfl of war, is f..rthcr manifested by the fuct, 
 "hat, althougli their iiivestigRtions. in pursuance 
 of the in.trucliona of the House, were c:UTicd 
 tM' k to the 1st of July, 179^', vet the Hiatement'J 
 -^LituL-ii-a from the Treasury fii'iltdtofurnisl: any 
 «'fsucli an expenditure previous to 5 lie 
 y of Soptcmber, 1812. The lvvop:'.T- 
 mems mentioned by the Ucgistcr, as appea.-iiig 
 irom the mailed public accounts to have been 
 -ntrf.* Jo tire Swir.Tirrv of S'Tr. in iro.|. jmd in 
 
 1796, ou account of the " couuiigeut oiiii^^f; 
 oT Government," the committee are satisfied., 
 cannot properly be referred to the secret icnice 
 fund. They find that, by an act of Congress, 
 passed on the 26th day of March, 1790, a sum 
 of §10,00,0 wa;3 expressly appropriated for de* 
 fraying the " contingent charge^ of Govern.' 
 mt at;" but at the same time, the Prfrsidont waS 
 required to " cruise a regular statement and ac* 
 count cf sueii expenditures to be laid before 
 Congress at the end of the year." iirailar ap- 
 phopriations were made occasionally afterward?, 
 "when the balances of former appropri;;tioiT3 
 had been c<irr;cd to tiie surplus fund." ThestJ 
 appropriiition.'*, the conruTiittee CDnsider to have 
 been apphcable, exclusively, to d-jmetifir. pui.*- 
 pGses; and they have not been able to find any 
 instiinces of a secret icrv'cc expend-.turo in tlie 
 domestic operations of the government, except 
 two ^vhich occurred under tiie administration of 
 Mr. Adams, v.-ho, on the 2lst December, 1790, 
 signed tv»-o c^rlificates of that charrxter — one 
 for S300, paid to James lioss, and the other for 
 ^1,320, paid to Saraue) I-ewis, sen., espressefl 
 to be ^or expenditures "in relation to the du- 
 ties of th^: V/ar Department," bnt both of wliicli 
 v.'cre reported, by a committee of tho Mouse of 
 Repre;-eniatives, to be in violation of law. 
 
 Ucjccting a war crisis as funji.->hing any Bland' 
 ard for :hosa expenditures in time of peace, 
 your committee would invite a reference to the 
 disbursements during a pacific era. By the ta- 
 bic, it v.'ill be se«n that this .-idministration e:i- 
 peiided, during the lust year alone, $2,.578 mcn-e 
 than was disbursed by the two preceding ad- 
 ministrations in a period of nine jcar.«. 
 
 Your commictec felt themselves inhibited by 
 the practjce of the Government, if not by tlic 
 authority of law, (the latter, however, thtj;/ 
 conceive somewhat questionable) to require aii 
 cxiiibition of tlie items of the expc;j(Iiture cf 
 this aj) prop nation; but, in the course of their 
 investigations, tliey travelled up, as they lave 
 reason to suppose, to the door of tliis secret 
 fund, wliich was offered to oe opened to them 
 on terms to which they did not feel it their dnty 
 to assei-.t. 
 
 In the Appendix, it will he seen that your 
 committee received a communication apprizing 
 them that the late Daniel P. Cook, Lie mem- 
 ber of Congress from the State of Illinois, had 
 received the sum of 5,590 doHirs for some ser- 
 vices connected with the foreign relations af 
 the country. As no record appear^•^l of this 
 item on any of the accounts transmitted either 
 from llie Treasury fir the Dcpa. tnient of State, 
 your committee called on tlie Secretary of Stet: 
 to inform them, if, in point of fact, Mr. Coofc 
 had been so employed, where they were to 
 look, /or the settlement of tlie account. This 
 call resulted in an overture on t!;. part of the 
 StcreUry of St.ttc, to make to the committee 
 " a confidential connnunicaf:o-i" resjiccting lh:5 
 c.xpon<iiturc, winch ♦' he neither adm.tted i:nv 
 de.'iicd." On full consivlonition, your oocirail- 
 tc • decided to deeliuc receiving ;i communica- 
 tion burdened with such an 'ibligation, a^ th^y 
 desired to m;ike no report to this House which 
 might not be common to tl;e people, v.ho.'-,*; 
 truiteesand servants \rc are. 
 
 Tjiat Mr. Cook, after the adjbur.Ticnt of Con- 
 gress in the sp.riugof 1827, received an appoint- 
 ment from the President, connected with ouv 
 f-lr-icT in'.:'ri-o-;:-afc: tha* cr^o ihf'jsarKl Co]h:'/ 
 
.Li) 
 
 'afei'e paiu xo liiin in uciKint^, aiid ia paai csm- 
 pensation for his services; that he actually em- 
 faarked from New York for Cuba towards the 
 qnd of April; (which, it appeare, was the place 
 of his public destination;)that he arrived, early 
 in June, at St. Louis, Missouri, cii his return 
 home; that he was in exceerlijigly critical health, 
 and '•n doubtful condition to atccnd to any basi- 
 rtess, more sspecially of udiploiiiatic character, 
 requixing so vn'j.3h labtn- aad anx'ety; th''t he 
 dkiaot midcprtana tfae langpiage of he people 
 amony whom he was sentj probably as a seer* t 
 agent; that he must have been less than one 
 month in Cuba on this service; that lie v/ae to 
 recvivc, and has probably receive dj a further 
 ?uiu than *..■ e amount of tho advance made hina, 
 in remur.eration for his services, and that this 
 Jpniuueration came out of the secret service 
 vund, are facts whicti your committee think 
 abundantly anpear flxjm the testimony in the 
 Appejidix. They cocro^, on their face, the sol- 
 ciiin inqulr_v, why Mr. Cook, under &i'.ch cir- 
 .'.umstanccs^ wa^ aopoiuted a secret ag'cnt, and 
 why he <vaspaid out of this fund? WiiKtyour 
 coramittoe feel the force of this qijestion, they 
 feel it likewise their duty to leave it wliery they 
 find it, with the remark that such p.ijment, 
 made from such a fund, fmdt no Ranction from 
 Ihe precedent of an agency to Cuba, instituted 
 (luring- the administration of Mr. Moiu-oe, which 
 wa." lilled with eminent ability by Mr. Thomas 
 liamia!!, and whose compensation was paid with 
 sp^ciQcation, out of the conlingent lund of for- 
 eign intercOTirse, aiid audited under the ordinary 
 clrcnmstances of official notoriety at the Trea- 
 
 It will be s?en in the journal of tlic proceed- 
 ings of your committee, that a x-csolution wa's 
 moved by one of its members, rcqueeting the 
 Secretary to inform the coHimittec, ctinfidential- 
 Iv, ''wliat portion of the secret service fun-.l mo- 
 ney, paid since tlie 4tij March, 1825, was paid 
 for services direi:ted to be performed under the 
 ftdministi'ation of James Monroe, late I'lesident 
 of the United States." It is due to a majority 
 ' of your committee to avow the motive wliich in- 
 Tiuenccd their vote, independentlj^of the sbjcc- 
 tionable condition cf secrecy which the resolu- 
 tion itself involved. Tliey thought H unjust to 
 make the adm.nistralion cf Mr. Monroe respon 
 Sible for agencies, of which, even if he had di- 
 rected them, the duration and expenses were 
 cxc'uslvel}' under the coTitrol of his succ-essor. 
 Your committee, considering that the Onnsti- 
 lution lias, with a wise jealousy, es])ecially ex- 
 acted publicity in tlie fiscal transactions of the 
 g,overumtint, are of opinion that this sccj;! fund, 
 from the abuses to which it isiVablf?, ought to be 
 ftboltsned in time of peace; and that, if allowed 
 during a v.-iu", it should be regularly accounted 
 ibr by the President, in a message, on the ter- 
 mination cf hostilities, i.o both Houses, which 
 they may, or may not, consider confidential; and 
 your committee, for this purpose, report a bill. 
 Your committee find, by an examination of tlic 
 fund for the contlnge.-it expenses of foreign in- 
 tercourse, that the cxpen.scs of bearing de- 
 spatches have been greatly increased durirrg 
 ihexhree J^ilU•s of the present, when contrasted 
 -Y'4th the last three years of the late adr.iinist'i'a- 
 ■ \o:h r43 appear.^; by tbt folloying exhlu'r* ■ 
 
 Tor 
 
 1828, 
 1831, 
 
 5ii 3.75 
 3,822 
 2,630 
 
 Total, $6,H2? 
 
 1326, 
 182r, 
 
 9, IS! ^9 
 5,026 7^ 
 
 Total, $18,886 l2 
 6,827 00 
 
 fecGss, $12,059 V2 
 
 Th(?y thiak that the discrtion which the 6e^ 
 cretary of State, in ^'act, cmploj-s, both in art)- 
 pointmg and compensating berai-ex3 of deapatGi'^ 
 es, is liable, to strong objection. In praclict, 
 M-c fear it is prone to degenerate into a speciea of 
 favoritism, altogether adverse to the public in- 
 terest: for your committee have reason to appje-* 
 heed tSiat it is little short cf a convenient mod^. 
 of sending favorites abroad, to travel for their 
 pleasure, health, or instruction, out of the piTb = 
 lie coffers. 
 
 Amidst the uumei-ous appoiiitmeiits of mes- 
 sengers made by tlicprescntadministration, thj;;.'' 
 will select ine account of J. H. Pleasants, edito* 
 of the Richmond Whig, because that cajsc, in 
 their estimation, presents tlic mo£t flagrant Ai-i 
 ample of abuse. 
 
 It appears that on the 19tli of Ap,ril, alittle 
 more tiiana month after the inauguration of th?; 
 President, this gentieman received the appoint- 
 ment of bearer of despatches to Rio Janeuo snQ, 
 Buenos Ayres. The ci'-cumstancea of his joti?- 
 uey from Richmond to Boston, in seeking a pas- 
 sage ; his ultim.atc cmbarcation at New York, on 
 the 28th of May, in the Wi-lliam Teli, fOf 
 South America; the incidents which occuiTed on 
 board that vessel; hrs lop.ving his "import-att'f 
 despatches" in charge of the captain of tiio Wu^ 
 liam Tell, and going on board anotlier vessB 
 bound to Antwerp ; his again debarking from tli's 
 vessel, au'l embarkiiig, at sea, on board t shijp- 
 bound to Liverpool; his spending the EUUimer 
 in Englar.d, "iu seeing tlie country," amd Wr 
 ultimate return to Kew York, in October, pt; 
 detailed in his Icttctrs, narrative andpenitentifil/ 
 to Mr. CLiy, iu the Appendix, marked No. 9i 
 whilst tiie siibjoined accor.ut shows at whoSt- 
 expense these extraordinary voyages v/cfc-- 
 mt).dc, viz : 
 
 Dt^arimeni of Siate, to Jolm II. Pleasaulii, £>/^ 
 To this sum for voyagesout and home, $^0' 
 To actual expenditures, in travelling 
 expf^iwes and board, from the time 
 of leaving Richmond, on the 19tu 
 of April, ia25, to the 28th May, of 
 the same year, in whicii interval I 
 was seeking, from Baltimore to Bos- 
 ton, the means of getting to BuenoS 
 Ay res, -■!■'■ 
 
 To expenses on my return from Nc.v 
 
 York to Richmond, - T 
 
 To per diem allowance, at $6, fromlhfe 
 19th April to the 23d August, isl?6 
 days inclusive, 
 
 ^l,94l> 
 
 Appiovcu: n. Ci.xi:—7th DetV-mOi^r, 1SJ6 
 This account Vv-as approved by the Secretary 
 
 wltliout vouchers. • 
 
 In the first place, your Committee are ofopi 
 
 nion that Mr. Pleasants was entitled to no :.l 
 
 'a.. .11* -r; ♦%■• 1 .-iTi'r .ir, jtOt OV" of v5ijr-h h'^ T)'' 
 
SI 6 
 
 lornicaiii t[ic \mh\k scmcC, id mi lvouLs if he 
 aaid 1)is passafje to Buenos Ayres, in the Wil- 
 fiam Tell, before embarking, this was the ex- 
 Lent of the allowance which should have been 
 made him. 
 
 Either his despatches were or were not of 
 Importance; if they were of importance, like a 
 soldier on post, no consideration should have 
 iajuccj him to have drsertc-d them: if they 
 were of no higher importance than to have 
 rendered it safe tliat they shoula be confided to 
 tlie Captain of an ordinary merchant vessel, 
 then tliey should liavc gone through tWn clian- 
 nel, and Mr. Tlcasants ought not to have been 
 appointed. The item of $900 for voyage?, is 
 cxhorbitant, your Committee believe, bt-yond 
 the companitivo rates of passage money, to 
 parts of the habitable globe the most remote. 
 By looking at some of the accounts of other 
 bearer;' of despatches, employed and paid du- 
 ihig t!ic present administration, tlic Committee 
 tind iiocoiTCsponding rates. For example: Mr. 
 Oeorgc Watkins, who was sent out to London 
 M-ith de.-.patchc.'', eight days after the inaugura- 
 tion of the I'rchident, at a cost of $1,347 G8, 
 i>)r about 112 dajs services, charged and re- 
 ceived but ?4^6for p-issage money, as^per the 
 subjoined account : 
 United Slates to George WaUiins, bearer of des- 
 
 paxhcs to En^hnd, in 1825, Dr. 
 t.ompen?:'.t;on fionn the 12ih March, 
 
 to 1st .July, 1 V2 days, at $6 per day ^672 00 
 AJlowai.cc ibr the vo}agc out and 
 
 hortT" - - - - 46G 00 
 
 Travelling expenses from Washin^jtoi J 
 
 to New York - - - 36 00 
 
 Tost Cuaisk asd Pair from Liteh- 
 
 ikiot TO I>OM)oy, ^-f 2 81iii.i.ikgs 
 
 sTKRLiNo peh mh-k - - 97 68 
 
 Kxper^scs on t!ic roiul v . - 10 OU 
 
 MaJlCo;ich from London to Livcr])Ool 2J 00 
 Kxpeiises on road - - - 5 00 
 
 TnivcHing expenses from New-York 
 
 to Washington - - - o6 00 
 
 $ 1,347 68 
 
 •* So marked in the accounts reported in the 
 report of the Committee on the Expenditures of 
 the State Department. 
 
 It inx;rccvcr .-Yppears that Mr. Edward iVyer 
 received, in 1K06, but S 600 for passage money, 
 nut and home, to Hussia. And that Theodore 
 ^\'. Cluy, a.s bearer of despatches to Mexico, 
 who, for 107 days' occupation, received $1,205 
 eompei'.sation, hi^d allowed to hiin but $300, 
 out and home, for passage money to Vera Cruz. 
 
 If this excessive allowance for passage money 
 *o Mr. Ple;»sants be ol>jectionable, hia per die* 
 eompens-uinn is not the less so; as your Com- 
 miliee aie clearly of opinion he was not enti- 
 tled to one cent after the day on which he left 
 t!ie Wiiliutn Tell and abandoned his despatches; 
 :ind, if any person had a claim for sueh:.lk,u-- 
 :.nre, it was the rapt.iin of tlic \Villi:tm Tell, to 
 ^\ham the duty of bearing these dcspatclics 
 had l)cen asslgiv d by .Mr. Vleasants. Viewing 
 this case, together with the largo expenditure 
 Uiudo by this administration " for bearing d, s- 
 palchc.,"':iHan uLufc, your Committee will rc- 
 jHirt ft bill for regulating the compensation 
 ot bearers otMcspatches. 
 
 The Pttcntion of your Commiltec has been 
 «"nctedlotli^ amgui)t paid out of the cf-u- 
 
 tingcnl fund ot the Slate Do^jaiLQient, _ an 
 also out of the contingent fund for foreign 
 intercourse, for extra clerk liirc, for the 
 three Last years ; fust, on account of the 
 magnitude of the sum, when comjiared with 
 the expenditui'es for tlie same object, for 
 the three yoars of the last administration; Sec- 
 ondly, on account of the misapplication and per- 
 version of the fund appropriated by Congress 
 to defray •• the contingent expenses of foreign 
 intercourse," to the purposes of extra clerk hifC 
 in the Department of State. 
 
 If the money of the Government, appropriat- 
 ed by Congress for one object, can, at the unli- 
 mited discretion of the Head of tlie Department, 
 be applied to any other objects, the whole be- 
 nefit of specific appropriations may be defeated, 
 and Executive discretion made to control Eeg- 
 islative v.lll. Under the last administration, 
 tlierc was paid, by tlie State Department, for 
 extra clerk hire, out of the appropriate fund, 
 during the veiirs 1822, '3, and '4, S4,010 88. In 
 1825, '6, and '7, there was paid $15,591 42, part 
 out of the appropriate fund, and part out of the 
 "contingent fund for foreign intercourse."— 
 The amonnt expended during the years 1825, 
 '6, and V, exceeds that of 1822, '3, and '4, by 
 tlic sum ofjll,580 54; and this increase has 
 (•skcn phcewhiic the present Secretary has had, 
 for tlie l;»st year, three clerks more tlian were 
 in the Department during the last Administra- 
 tion — making the whole number fifteen — witli 
 fixed sidarles. 
 
 Tlie C'onmiittee v.-ill next proceed to desig- 
 nate such items disbursed out of the contingent 
 funds cf the Department, which they deem 
 objectionable, and which have been paid, where 
 the payment, as to amouot and object, nceks its 
 justification in the exercise of Executive and 
 official discretion. They cannot do more than 
 refer to tlie items. 
 
 First. As to the contingent fund for fore'tgn 
 intercourse. 
 
 Printinir. — The amount expended for the 
 publication of a notice in rel.ation to a conven- 
 tion between the government of I'rance and 
 tliat<jfSt. Domingo, providing certain indem- 
 nity for tlie losses of the former inhabitants cf 
 t.'iut island, {)ald in part out of the contingent 
 I'uiul for foreign intercotirsc, and part out of the 
 contingent fund to defray the incidcnt;d expen- 
 ses of the Department, has been slated, by the 
 Committee on the Expenditures of the State Dc- 
 parlnu-nt, to he ^1,660 72. 
 
 Upon a mintite investigation of the items char- 
 ged for ]:rinting, in the two accounts sent to the 
 Comm:ttcc, and an inspection of vouchets filed 
 for other items not specified, this Committee 
 ni;ike tlic stmi p:iid Somtwhat greatf^r. They 
 will, however, give the names oitiie editors or 
 papers, and the ar.unmt paid for publication; so 
 tliHt, if th^y err, their error may be detected 
 without di/ticultv. 
 
 r.ales & Sou - • "^350 00 
 
 D. h .]. Tausl - r^S'i 00 
 
 Edward Carles- - C^SQ 00 
 
 C. fc W. Uobertson - 350 00 
 
 Amos Keiuhdl .... $206 OO 
 -Morgan, Lodge, &. Fisher, printers for 
 
 C. Ilamnioi-.d .... G50 00 
 B.-»llard J<. Wright - - - 116 00 
 
 Dob!)iu, Murphy, ?; Co. . 125 00 
 
 Benj. Kupsed ' - - - 113 "T* 
 
 James H:»ig , .143 '^'^ 
 
^n 
 
 ij. S. Sirupsoii, (Ten.) > - ' oJO 00 
 GalCT & Seaton - - - -^50 00 
 
 I'eter Force 330 00 
 
 Norfolk Herald - - - - 245 00 
 
 Rhode Island Republican - - 125 00 
 
 Cameron & Kiause, Pa. Intejligeilccr 125 00 
 
 National Advocate - - - 125 00 
 
 John Binn?, Detno. Press - - 125 00 
 
 Total paid, $4,253 00 
 
 The comtnitice have noted tlils expeuvliture, 
 because they are satisfied it greatly exceeds, in 
 amount, that which ought to have been paid 
 for such an object: and a part of the payment 
 '^•as made out of an inappropriate fund. 
 
 The Committee find §500 paid to Wm. Wirt, 
 Esq. Attorney General of the United States, as 
 a fee, in the case of the United States vs. Good- 
 ing, in the Marj-land District, charged to the con- 
 tingent fund for foreign intercourse, ilr. Good- 
 ing was indicted in tiie State of Maryland, in the 
 Court of the United States, upon a charge of 
 having violated the laws of Congress to suppress 
 the African slave trade. The United States liave 
 their attorney in that district, (who receives a 
 salary, Sec.) competent, it is believed, to repre- 
 sent the interest of the United States within 
 their own courts in that state. This considera- 
 tion might suggest the impropiety of the em- 
 ployment of other counsel; but it cannot be ne- 
 cessary for the committee to point cut the mani- 
 fest impropriety of applying the conting-cnt fund 
 for foreign intercourse to the purpose of paying 
 lawyers' fees, for prosecuting a citizen of tlie 
 United States for a violation of her penal code. 
 If it be lawful to apply that fund, at the chscre- 
 tion ofihc Department, to employment of coun- 
 sel, sarcly there is no purpose to wliich it may 
 «ot be applied, and find its application justified 
 by the extercisc of tlic power in this instance. 
 
 'The payment of $4,500, as an outfit, to John 
 A.King, is believed, by the Committee, to be a 
 violation of the plain letter and spirit of the act 
 of 1810. As this act requires that a Charge des 
 Affaires should be appointed; by the President 
 of the United States, by and with the cons-^nt of 
 tlie Senate;" and that to bo enthled to an outfit, 
 he should be thus appointed; and as Air. King 
 was not tlius appointed, but was left by hisfiith- 
 ■cr, the late Rufus King, in charge oflhc legation; 
 your Committee deem this case such a manifest 
 breachof law, notwitlistanding the forcedanalo- 
 gies from exploded precedents that have been 
 brought forv.ard to sustain it and the examples of 
 SJich evil omen, that they woidd recommend 
 that the Committee on t'lc Judiciary be instruc- 
 ted to inquire in the cxpediencey of directing 
 the Agent of the Trcasur^ry to require of J- A. 
 Iving that he refund to the United Slates, the 
 amount of this outfit, and his salary as Charge 
 Ics Affaires, for sixty-two d;iy=, according to the 
 subjoined account. 
 John A. King, Charge des Afiairc?, 
 London, for his salary from 1st 
 July, 182G, the day on which hi.-> 
 duties commenced, to the 31st of 
 August following, when they ter- 
 minated — 62 dajs, at $4,500 per 
 annum .... $ T''8 l."> 
 
 }>r'jTrroun: nfhia outfit - .■ . 4,500 00 
 
 KndtM-iid — 1 he Vresiucni approvea the above 
 charges, December 22, 1326. 
 
 II. CLAY. 
 
 And, in the event of his refusing to refund the 
 same, that tlie agent of the Treasury be iivstruct- 
 cd to direct suit to be commenced .igainst the 
 said John A. King, for the recovery of the above 
 sum; d'-'ducting therefrom the amount of hfg 
 salary, as Secretary of I-eg.ation, for sixty-two 
 days, at the rate of §2,000 per anmim. 
 
 The payment cfglOOO to Jona'ban Elliot, a 
 printer of a newspaper within tlic District of Co- 
 lumbia, for 100 vohmies of a book printed by 
 him, entitled " The Diplomatic Code," rs be- 
 lieved by the committee to be an expenditure, 
 not only without any adequate consideration nit' 
 the pubhc service to justlfj' it, and beyond the 
 value of the article purchased, wliicli it is noto- 
 rious has been sold by the proprietor for less 
 price, but is also a misapplication of the contin- 
 gent fund "for foreign intercourse." 
 
 The committee find the amount paid by fhi? 
 Slate Depai'traentfor suliscriptionto newspapers 
 for 1825, 1826, and 1S27, to be ?!,623 16. 
 
 Vour commitfe would, in conc]-;;ion, recom- 
 mend the attention of the committee of Ways and 
 Means to these abuses which they have ]>ointecl 
 out, and to require more specific estimates m 
 future from this Department, on which, to found 
 the necessary appropriations. 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 No. 1. 
 Wasui SOTO .V, Feb. 13, 182S, 
 Sin: I do myself the honor of transmitting 
 youacopy of aresolution, adopted yesterday by 
 tiic Committee on Eelrenchmcnt, and beg leave 
 to solicit your attention to that part of it relating' 
 to your Department, from wliicli the Comni;ttf« 
 will be happy to receive the information requir- 
 ed. I have the honor to be, vciy respectfuUv-, 
 your obedient servant, . 
 
 J. HAMILTON, Jr. Chairman. 
 
 f5,'2S% 15 
 
 I.^ CojiMiTTEE oy Kktiienciixent* 
 
 Fibriurri/ 12, 162S. 
 Itcsolvrd, That the Ch^vrman of the Commit- 
 tee address a letter to tlic Head of each of the 
 Executive Departments, and of the Post Office 
 Department, requesting information whether, 
 in their opiriion, tliere may be any offices i]i 
 cither of those Departments, whose services muv 
 be dispensed wiih, vitliout d'ctrim.cnt to tli^ 
 public interest ; or if the Salaries of anv of 
 them C3I4 be reduced, consistently v-idi ju.stice 
 and propriety ; and, in gcnernl, whether any of 
 the expenses inciucnt to those Dejjartment.s 
 can be reduced, without impairing the effictcTi- 
 cy of their operation.^;. 
 
 No. 2. 
 Dr.rAiir.Mr.N r or S tatk, 
 ■\Va3UIN(;to.v, 2yih Feb. 182;?. 
 
 -^ n • t iiave received the letter whicli, a^ 
 r,;iairii;an of the Connnniiitee cf the House of 
 Representatives on Retrcnchmci\i, you did mn 
 the honor to address to me on tlic loth instant 
 tninsmitting a copy cf a resolution wlncli haii 
 been adopted by the Comnutloe ; an<l having' 
 given tlic subject i'lnbraced in tiio resolution 
 attentive cxarrination, and the most respectful 
 considerat'on, I b(?g leave no'y to communlca*." 
 
u^ 
 
 y,y aiiowti-, <« be laid be'forb the Committee. 
 'fhe reeolutioa, in substnnce, calls for the ex- 
 trression of my opinion, firsl, whether there be 
 Iny officers in U»e Department of State, whose 
 ECTvices may be dispensed with, without detri- 
 ment to the public interest ; secondly, whether 
 tlie salaries of any of them can be reduced, con- 
 sistently witli justice and propriety ; and third- 
 ly, in general, whether any of tlic expenses in- 
 cident to this Department can be reduced, 
 v.Tthout impairing the efBcacy olits op'.ranoM. 
 
 An to the two first objects of irrquiry above 
 incntioni'd, my opinion ii, tint there can be no 
 reduction in the number of the officers employ- 
 ed in the Department of State, witiiout detri- 
 ment to the jjublic interest ; nor in the calaries 
 of any of thim, wthout injustice or improprio- 
 ry. "Within a few years past, there has been a 
 ,^rcat increase in the general husiiuss of this 
 Departr.ent, aiisin^j from the progressive in- 
 crease of the v.eahh and poi)ulation of the 
 ftwjn?r>', and from the establishment of indepen- 
 dent g-ovcrrirain's upon this continent. The 
 number of permanent American missions which 
 wa now sei.f^from ti'is countn,*, iseqmd to the 
 rmtTiber that we send to contincntu! Europe. 
 And the public intcrcstbas requircdthc cn.-ation 
 ofvarloiisccnsularandothtr commercial agencies 
 hi this hemisphere, but not in the same propor- 
 tion. Alth?unh those missions were authorized, 
 and eever.il of them had proceeded to tiieir resi- 
 dences during' the precedir.g' Administration, 
 most of them have left the United fJtatcs, 
 and much the greater p;ir'i of the other ap- 
 I>ointmcnt3 referred to, have been made, 
 durinj the present Administration. These 
 fbrejjjn agencicr, Imve greatly increased 
 the cor/esppndcnce of the Department, 
 created a necessity for numerous transla- 
 tJOTM from foieign lung-uages, required much 
 additional copying', and otlicrwise added fo tho 
 Tabors of the Depirtmcnt. Tlio Comnr.ittee 
 will readily compiehend tliat the new duties 
 .irising from the abo-e causes, have rendered 
 :ndispcnriblc additional a.jsis'a.'its to perform 
 them; but tlie number of ptrscr.s employed in 
 tlic Department has not been jncre.-xscd in any 
 tiling like an equal jiroportion with the incre;^e 
 (if its business So far from its being expedient 
 to discliarge ov,y of those pc-rsons, the public 
 service would be promoted by some addition to 
 the number of clerks In the I'a'ont nfiicc; and 
 3Z» increisi in the salary of its Superintendent, 
 ♦.vhich lias luretofoi c been repeatedly proposed, 
 \a ag"ain respectfully recommended. The re- 
 f:i'4pts in that ofdco arc quite adequate to cover 
 every CNponditure already authori/.td, and any 
 tba*. its additional wjiii-s may require. In res- 
 pect to those wants, I beg leave to refer to a 
 Mtcr which tlie Huperinicndcnt, though con- 
 Uiied by a long and dangerous illness, has re- 
 cently felt it his duty to addre.ss to mc, and 
 which, under the designation of the letter A, 
 accompanie-. this cotumuiiicatiou. 
 
 Tef ;rc I proceed to answer the llrird and l."st 
 inquiry of the committee, whctlier an> of the 
 ixpenses incidor.t to this Department can bcre- 
 «fuc*d without imiiairmg tlie efficacy of its opc- 
 ."atien, I jisk perllli^s^•on to jjrcscnt some ger.cral 
 ;nid explanatory observatinns ia respect to the 
 f^'.sbursc.ments of the public moutfy, wliicii arc 
 ■;uiU; tlu*oup,li the Dep.irlment of State. 'rhs>se 
 '*i«6tireertaF)»ts nro nj-«la r*<it of dnpirJjjiiRt'nni* 
 
 of two kinds: Uriit> tiiua* I'u v.hicij byUi tiit 
 amount of the appropriation and its particular 
 object are specified; and, secondly, those in 
 v/hich, although the amount of the appropria- 
 tion is iiouted, and the general purpose of K J? 
 mentioned, its particular object ia not definitive- 
 ly stated. The salaries of our diplomatic ageots 
 form an example of the first description of ap« 
 propriation, as tike contingent ©xpensee of ftr- 
 reign intcrcouree do 6f the latter. The GcsX 
 depends, excluavely, upon tho plcawire of Cao- 
 gfrcss; and it is only over tho last that a disctf- 
 tioiiary power is, or can bo, excrt^ by ttit; 
 Executive, thmugii tho Department of Statr, 
 in a coarse of administration. During my scr* 
 vice in the Department, I have .e<ideavtirevi to 
 enforce llie most rigid economy, v.hich apptar- 
 ed to nie compatible with the public interest. 
 Particular items of oxpenditure wiD vaiy from 
 year to year, according to exigencies, and the 
 amount of d!sbursen)cnts will, consequently, 
 be greater or less. There has been, for exam- 
 ple, a vast deal of extra copying in the Depart- 
 ment, during the two of three fcist yeai-s. The 
 papers relatmg to our uortii-castern bouiidarj-, 
 consisting cf upwards of twenty mam^script 
 volumes, a»id numerous maps, and other de- 
 tached papers, have been twice transcribed In 
 that time. But the total amount rrf appropria- 
 tions for the service of this Department, ha's 
 been progrcrjively diminishing during thethrcfe 
 last years. On that subject, as well as the ex- 
 penditures of the Department, I beg leave td 
 present to the committee, from, the documeint 
 marked R, accompatiying this letter, the three 
 folio ping views. 
 
 The first is a comparison of Qie amount of 
 appropriations made during each of th.o three 
 last yeare of the preceding administration, with 
 that made during each of the three first years oi 
 the prefjent, applicable to tlie public stmicr;!, 
 through the agency of tliis Department. 
 
 Last Administration. 
 1823, $154,800 
 309,350 
 336,050 
 
 1824, 
 1325, 
 
 $800,200 
 
 Present Admln'stration' 
 
 1826. 
 1S27, 
 1828, 
 
 #350,933 
 
 290,550 
 
 89,550 
 
 t, 
 
 $731, oar 
 
 The catise o^ the smaliev Rinonat of approjirj- 
 alion for tJie year 1823, comp-irefj with sm-eral 
 succeeding yeai3, wa.^, that the .sum of flOO.OOO* 
 \'Ehich, by the act of 4th May, 1822, was appro- ; 
 pri.itcd for sxicli missions to the independent na- < 
 tions on the American contipent\ aa tlie Pre^- 
 dent of the United States might dee-m proper, 
 had remained in the Treastuy unexpended. The 
 ."Ljipropriations for 1S25 is placed under the lari 
 admini.itration: becaus'o it was in fact made, and 
 the estimates for the public .s-crvicc were pre- 
 pared under that Administration; although tiro 
 disburscnicntof it took place in conformity witli 
 those eBcin'.atts, under the present. The ag- . 
 grcgate amount of aj^propi rations during tlW , 
 hitter term of three yeary, is less, by ?G9,1S8, 
 tlian in tlie former; and excluding- the appropr> 
 ations in 1826, of $40,000 for the Panama mis- 
 tjon, (of which, S2r),953 5^ only was expended,) 
 which will not be :.n occa5ion of perm.incnt ex- 
 penditure, during each )5ucces!>ive > car of thv 
 latter term, tiio amount appropriated, in com - 
 ■puripon whh t'.ir?' j^-nr imrrtedijrtely p:'et;edinf;- 
 
iltl 
 
 iu3 pru^resaiv eiy cieur-eased, untii tliit ibr tUa 
 strvice of the present year has declined as low 
 as ^89,550, a little more than one-fourth of the 
 amount appropriated in the last yeas- of the pre- 
 ceding' administration. I do not wish to be un- 
 derstood as stating' that the smallneasof thesum 
 appropriate:! for the current year is attributable 
 to pennanent retrenchments, and is, therefore, 
 to be regarded as the standard for future years; 
 but it is tlivj effect of economical savin,^ from 
 fbrmer appropriations, all of which mig'ht have 
 boeu disbursed, if there had been a disposition 
 to indulge iii extpavagiance. 
 
 Tlie next vrett' which rs now offered to tho 
 ConiiTiittee, is that of a comparison of the actual 
 expenditures during the three last years of the 
 past, and the same period of the present adir.in- 
 latmtion. The expeudituresof 
 
 Last Administration. I Present Adiriinistratioti. 
 
 182fi, $173. 8r9 51 
 2S23, 314,GGS 56 
 1824, 270,731 27 
 
 $759,279 34 
 
 1S2J, $30(5,731 74 
 
 1826, 255,255 20 
 
 1827, 237,463 42 
 
 ^8^9,491 36 
 
 Tho amount, during; the laUor term, exceeds 
 init of the former by $90,212 02; but this dif- 
 ference may be satibfactonly accounted for. In 
 the firet place there v.'as a remittance, in the 
 month of December last, of $70,000 to o;ir Eu- 
 ropean bankei"*, which is charged to the service 
 Of the year 1827, althoug-h, in point >;f fact, it 
 'n-ill be disbursed in the year 1828. In the next 
 plac«, the expenditure of thcyeai' 1822 amount- 
 ed onl}' to thessira of S 173,879 51; because t!ie 
 snuj appropriated to the raiisions to the newA- 
 merican nations was not applied in that year, it 
 ■was in tho succe-cding' yoars that those mis- 
 sions were despatched; ani it lias been on- 
 ly srnce the commencement of the present 
 administratioti that all of them liave bcHjn 
 put in operation, and that the entire expfcr.se, 
 therefore, of maintaining- the wholo ofthem has 
 bee-a incurred. A conapirison of the expendi- 
 ture nf the two last yearj of tho past atlrainist-rs.- 
 ttoD, v/ith the two years of the present adminis 
 tratioD, though, for the reasons just n^.Qiilicned, 
 slill operating unfavorahly to the latter, will be 
 more jfrst. The aggrcgute amo jnt of tho ex- 
 pefldiVures of the yejars IS21 and 182J vas 
 §• 585,399 83, and the average of each year v.-as 
 ■;^292,()99 9\h llie aggregate amount of the 
 expenditures of the years 1825 and 1825 was 
 ij ^62,027 94, and the average of tuch year was 
 3281,013 97. Th« average expenditure of 
 each oi' the three years of the p; csent adminis- 
 trattou being $283,163 78 2-3, altliough inclu- 
 ding tho before mcntion^Hl recent remittance 
 and the expenso of the raisaion to Tacubayuj is 
 less thaji tiie average of ihe two hist years of 
 the past administration. The pruceding views 
 of appropriation are exclusive of the sularies of 
 the Secretary and clerks employed in the Dc- 
 pwtment. 
 
 I have siated that flie pmall amount of appro- 
 priation required for the service cf the present 
 year, v.-as tlvs result of economical savings out 
 (Tf previews approprUitions. This \yill he mani- 
 tiest from the fet v'cw which I nov take the li- 
 berty of presenting to the commillco, of tliC ap- 
 propriations aiid expenditures d'lviiu- tlie years 
 1325,1826, and 1857, under those heads of ap- 
 r. i^rryiatfcm, jrt the appfrcafiTTi cf \vl]*ft'h adi?- 
 
 cfetitniavy ctmtiol is exerased tiirdugii the Itl- 
 partment of State. 
 
 Those heads a'^e, first, contingent expense.=: 
 cf foreign intercourse; secondly, intercourse 
 •with Barbary Powers; thirdly, relief and protec- 
 tion of Ameircan seamen; and, fourthly, the 
 cnnt'ugent expenses of the Department The 
 total amount of appropriations under the first 
 head, for the three years of 1825, 1826, anrl 
 1827, was % 111, 009; and the total amount at thr: 
 service of tlie Department, including a h.ilanc(5 
 of appropriation for the year 1S24, and also 
 some small it-ms of re-payment, was $127,420 05; 
 the r.ctuji disbursement during the three years, 
 1825, 1826, and 1827, wm $m,5C,7 97: le^vin^r 
 an unexpended earjjhis of S 46,852 08. The 
 total a-nount a]jpropriated during th<.' same 
 three years, for intercourse with the Barbar,' 
 Powers,, was $ 80,000; and the entire sum at 
 the disposal of the Department, iacluding ft 
 balance of the sum appropriated for 1824, -u-as 
 5 100,450. The actual expenditure duriirg 
 tlu>se tliree j'e.irs was $55,700 29: leaving a^j 
 unexpended balance of i ^4,749 71. The 
 tot;»l amount for the relief and protection of 
 American seamen, at the d::?posal of the Depart- 
 ment, during the same tiirce yeai-s v/as $ 99,678 
 84; the total expenditures v.-as §87,698 17: leav- 
 ing unexpended balance of $11, 930 67. T"he 
 total amount at tlie command of tlie Deparl"- 
 ment, for its conting^ent expe'nses, during fite 
 same pcl-io-d of three years; tj as $97,863; the ac- 
 tual expenditure for the same torro bering- 
 $90,305, left a surplus of $7,558. 
 
 Tills tliird and last view is taken from a sure- 
 mary statement cf motioys appropriated and<?x» 
 pended under certain heads of appropriation^, 
 for the years 1822, 1823, 1824, 1825, 1826, and 
 1827, wliich is hereto annexed, desigtrat'xi by 
 letter C; to the whole of wiiich the attention of 
 t]\e committee is respectfully invited. 
 
 During the present xldministration, th-'i'e La's 
 been a pei'nranent reduction in the gi-ade of t-wov 
 and a temporary redaction in another of bu'- 
 Hussions en this contineni, from tiiat of an En- 
 voy Extraordinary and M'nister Plonrpotentiary 
 to a Charge d' Affair;^. And I am induced to 
 b-.dievc that one or two of our American mis- 
 sions may be abolished, at a day not very dis- 
 tant, without injury to the publ;c interest. Ir. 
 respect to those brttnches of expenditure whidi 
 have been placed, by long established usugT, 
 under the control of the Ezecutive^ any rc- 
 trenciirnent of wnich they arc 5i-o5ccptiblo, niiisi, 
 from the nature of the cas>e, depend upon •t'hu 
 wxci'cise of a sound and rer.pbnsiblc dTscretion. 
 Witliout being able now to slate to the comiuit- 
 tco any particular reduction w-hich can be madj; 
 in tiiosc blanches of expenditure, I can only 
 assure them that, so far as th- application ol' 
 that discretion depends upon me, I shall ecu- 
 tinue to he animated by the desire I have ever 
 felt to observe all piacticable ecoiiomj'. 
 
 Without being perfectly sure that the inquir- 
 ies of the committeo extended beyond the ofii- 
 ccra immediately concerned in t!ic Dc;Hirtmen; 
 of State, and the expenses incident to it within 
 the City of Washington, I tliouglit it .safer to act 
 on the'supposilion of their having contempTa, ■ 
 ted a more c.imprehenslve inquiry into tlie dis- 
 bursement'; of tiic public money wiicrcver mad--, 
 and the utility of existing oiUc^rs wlicrevc: 
 Ihcir sphrfrC cf Sttidii may be, under the rfire'v 
 
2^0 
 
 L^ii o» ilie Department of tiiatc 
 1 have tlic honor to be, with great respect, 
 Your obtnlient servant, II. CLAV. 
 lion. Jamf.s Hamilton, Jr. Chairman, Jic. 
 
 p. H. 5//;. 37arc/(, 1828.— This lettcrwas pre- 
 pared at the thBc it bears date; but its transmis- 
 sion has been dclaved from that time, to pro- 
 
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 EXPENDITURES. 
 
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 TnF.ACsnT nr.HAUTMrNT, 
 
 /iV-iV.Vr'j O^^r'-, Mo-cA 5, 1828. 
 
 .IO'?ITn XOUESE, Rts'nUf^ 
 
^;^i 
 
 SrjmUQY STATEMENT of the moneys 
 appropriated and expended under hie follow- 
 i7t^ fheads of appropriation^ during ih-e years 
 1S2:J, 1825, 1824-, 1825, 1S36, and 1827. 
 Diplomatic Dkpaiitmext. 
 Dahuce of appropriation for 1821 $38,588 09 
 Appropriatioa made in 1822 83,000 GO 
 
 Iiepa>n>c«t3 in 1822 - . 7,563 85 
 
 A^Jijroprittion made in 1823 74,000 00 
 
 Depflymcntsin 1823 . . 2,557 59 
 
 At>J>ropi-iation made in 1624 149^500 00 
 
 llepaymwts in 1824 . . loi 13 
 
 ExpcTidilure made ia 182^' 
 do 1823 
 
 CSmed to tlie surplus fund, tS23 
 expenditure made in 1824 
 Uarxied to sur^ilus fund, 182i 
 
 Hlhnce of approprtatten 31st De- 
 c^mbrr, 1824, 
 
 IJalaiwe of appropriation fur 1B2-1. 
 Appropriations made in 1825 
 RepaymciU^ in 1825 
 Appropriations in 1826 
 Repayments in 1826 
 Aj)pr(>priations in 1827 
 Repayments in 1827 
 
 Expenditures made in 1825 
 Carried to sur|)lus fund in 1825 
 Expenditures made in 1826 
 earned to surplus fund in 1825 
 Expenditures made in 1827 
 
 Boiance of appropriation 52sl De- 
 cember, 1827, 
 
 ^55,310 66 
 
 93,578 63 
 
 103,885 15 
 
 2,557 59 
 
 108,099 60 
 
 101 13 
 
 309,123 10 iMermurss with tht Barhary 
 
 Balance of appropriation of 1821 
 46,187 56 l^epayments in 1822 . . 
 
 do 1823 
 
 355,310' 66 -M'P^'opriation made in 1821- 
 
 17,oUtS i^ 
 4'0,000 CD 
 
 97 73 
 40,000 00 
 
 '5 9ti 
 30,000 00 
 
 10 00 
 
 127,420 05 
 
 25,572 6S 
 
 97 fi 
 
 18,633 00 
 
 5 93 
 
 36,258 63. 
 
 80,567 97 
 
 46,852 08 
 
 127,420 0:5 
 
 J^ibaoce of appropriatian for 1624 
 Appropriation made in 1825 
 liepayments in 1825 
 Appropriation made in 1826 
 llepaymeots in 1826 
 Appropriation made in 1837 
 Kepayments in 1827 
 
 Expemliiare made in 1825 
 tJ.:r.Tied to surplus fund 31st De- 
 
 ecfliber, 1825 
 Kspeiiditure made in 1825 
 Carried to surplus fund 31st De- 
 cember, 1826 
 
 K^petxTiture niade iu 1S2 
 
 ir>^ 
 
 [JtkiTiceof appropjiitionSlst De- 
 c^ibcr, 1827 - , ■ <, 
 
 46,187 50, 
 
 173,500 00 
 
 ■ 12,832 74 
 
 147,5'JO 00 
 
 317 29 
 
 151,000 00 
 
 3,905 95 
 
 535,243 54 
 
 173,435'5G 
 
 6,075 12 
 152,794 19 
 
 317 29 
 131,032 50 
 
 452,655 66 
 
 82,587,88 
 
 535,243 54 
 
 Expenditure made in 1832 
 Carried to surplus fund in 1823 
 Expenditure madem 1823 
 Carried to surplus ftmd in 1823 
 Expenditure made in 1824 
 
 B:\Iance of appropriation 5lst De- 
 c-ember, 18.21 
 
 Balance of appropriation for 1824 
 Appropriation in 1825 
 Approjmationin 1826 
 Uepayments in 1826 
 Appropriaiion in 1827 
 
 Cwxtln-gcni Expenses of Fureign 
 Valance of appropriation of 1821 
 \.<>propriatioii mado in 1824 
 ?Vjmment fn 1824 
 
 expenditures made in 1822 
 ;arrie<i to surplus fund in 1822 
 ixpenditurea made in 1823 
 Worried to surplus fund in 1823 
 ixpenditures made in 1824 
 Carried to surplus in 1824 
 
 «*lance of al>proprIation31st De- 
 
 IntercQurse. 
 $ 60,683 69 
 43,000 00 
 2.547 88 
 
 103,231 57 
 
 Expenditure in 1S2S 
 Expenditure in 1826 
 Carried to surplus fund in 1826 
 ExiJtrnditure in 1827 
 
 Balance of appropriution 31st Dc- 
 cembt-r, 1327, 
 
 I'oiotrs. 
 
 84,000 00 
 
 1,200 00 
 
 6-16 12 
 
 30,000 00 
 
 j l5,846 1 2 
 
 §2,243 00 
 39,757 W 
 9,666 34 
 34,179 78 
 10,550 QO 
 
 19,450 00 
 19,450 00 
 
 m,_846jL:; 
 
 19,450 00 
 
 - 30,000 00 
 
 30,000 00 
 
 1.000 Ov 
 
 20,000 00 
 
 100,450 0) 
 
 26.108 67 
 3,08t) 08 
 I.WW 00 
 
 26,505 51 
 
 56,700 20 
 43,749 71 
 
 100,450 00 
 
 23,648 88 
 6,351 12 
 
 30,5li4 37 
 99 33 
 
 22,693 61 
 2,6 t7 88 
 
 85,925 18 
 
 17,306 39 
 
 103,231 57 
 
 ReLIEVOF SfiAJIE'C. 
 
 Balance of appropriation of 1821 
 Repayment in 1822 
 do. 1823 
 
 Appropriation made in 1824 
 liepuymciits in 1824 
 
 Expenditure made in 1822 
 Carried to surplus fund in 1822 
 Expenditure made in 1823 
 Carried to surplus fund in 1823 
 I->n<>n<ri<:nre made in 18?'', 
 
 88,541 62 
 671 7(y 
 476 59 
 
 -30,000 CO 
 GG7 37 
 
 ^_^0^7^ 
 
 14,332MO 
 33,819 irj 
 26,460 87 
 14,941 20 
 
 ■'8,7'^ f r ' 
 
- >-> .> 
 
 * ^ijjia^ l-O sui;i>Ut3 fund in lii^-h 
 
 Batuicc of appropriation 31st De- 
 cember, IS?"}-, 
 
 Balknc« of approprktion for 1824 
 Appropriation for 1825 
 IfBpaymenta in 1825 » 
 Appropriation for 1826 
 Itepaymenta in 1826 
 Appropriation in 1827 • 
 JJ^paymcnts in 18"7 
 
 yfxpemiitaTo made in 1825 - 
 do 1826 - 
 
 do 1827 - 
 
 JJalanco of appropriation, 3 1st 
 
 o<j,7 37 Expenditure madg in Ijjpl' 
 
 128,944 96 
 1,412 33 
 
 130,357 28 
 
 $1,412 32 
 35,000 00 
 
 296 12 
 35,000 00 
 
 680 36 
 
 25,000 00 
 
 2,290 04. 
 
 Balance of appropriation 3 Ist Dec» 
 cumber, 1834 
 
 Balance of appropriation for 1S24 
 Appropriation for 1825 
 
 do 182<J 
 
 do 1%27 
 
 i4,Ub 
 
 4^. 
 
 47,484 68 
 - 2,216 80 
 
 49,701 
 
 48 
 
 3,316 
 16,000 
 le.fOO 
 10,000 
 
 80 
 00 
 00 
 00 
 
 99,678 84 Expenditures made in 18.2o 
 
 ~ ■' do 1826 
 
 do 1887 
 
 pcjTCmbe 
 
 appropr 
 ;r, 1827 
 
 33,832 29 
 20,741 51 
 33,124 37 
 
 87,698 17 
 11,980 67 
 
 44,216 SP 
 
 12,583 13 
 10,500 00 
 11,765 05 
 
 34,848 1? 
 
 Balance of appropriations 31st Dec- 
 ember, 1827 - - 9,368 61 
 
 99,678 84 
 
 44,216 80 
 
 3. 
 
 TaE^Ti wiTJi Spain of Fkbruaht 22, 1819. 
 
 Palano-.- iif appropriation of 1831 
 Appropriation made in 1832 - 
 Itepayment* in i.8-"?2 
 ^ppropnaiion made in 1823 - 
 do 1824 - 
 
 J?Brpaj'me«rs 'm 1824 
 
 Jisp audit arc made in lajS - 
 do 1833 - 
 
 rSirriod to surplus fand in 1823 
 Expenditure made in 1834 - 
 •Jarried to surplus fund in 1824 
 JJulanoc of appropriation 31st 
 I)ccember, 132-t 
 
 Halance of appropriation for 1824 
 i"!':pt?\'mcnt in 1825 
 do 1875 
 
 37,000 00 
 30,000 00 
 
 5,662 37 
 13,000 00 
 
 9,706 84 
 833 13 
 
 101,192 34 
 
 31,432 58 
 29,979 77 
 
 2,688 56 
 16,769 30 
 
 2,323 13 
 83,192 34 
 18,0QU 00 
 
 1 01,192 34 
 
 18,000 00 
 240 77 
 
 327 45 
 
 Hret ^h-Uck of the TVcaty oj Ohent. 
 Appropriation made in 1823 20,000 CiO 
 
 do 
 
 1824 
 
 Expenditures mad© in 1823 
 do 1824 
 
 Itahnce of appropriation 3lsi De- 
 cember, 18'?1- 
 
 Balance of appropriation fbr 1524 
 Appropriation for 1825 
 Repayment in 1835 
 Appropriation in 1836 
 do 1827 
 
 3.500 
 
 GO 
 
 23,500 
 
 00' 
 
 10,014 
 
 13,327 
 
 20 
 78 
 
 22,341 
 158 
 
 98 
 03] 
 
 23,500 
 
 00 
 
 158 Orl 
 
 13,QC0 00 
 
 1,200 GJf 
 
 10,357 CO 
 
 22,50'J 00 
 
 V-Xf^enditrire mado in 1825 - 
 Cairiod to s'lrplus fund 31st Decem- 
 ber, 1835 
 
 do 1-825 . - - . 
 
 Expenditure made In 1825 
 
 do 182G 
 
 18,563 22 Carrie<l to surpUrs fimd in 1829 
 
 Expenditnro made in 1827 
 
 1,365 77 
 
 ie,B.75 00 
 327 45 
 
 18,568 2-3 
 
 46,195 03 
 
 13,200 00 ^! 
 10,000 00 I 
 
 158 o:' 
 13,706 '- ' 
 
 Ualance of appropoation .-^<:1 De- 
 cember, l!i77 p^y5c 
 
 cilXth andS>KniJi Jld^^uts cftliC Trmhj oJ Ghent. 
 
 llalinci of appropriation of 1821 S 3,595 48 
 Appropriation .i/ado in 1822 
 
 do 1823 • 
 
 R&p:»ymenffl in 182;1 
 Appropriation made in 1824 
 
 13,500 00 
 
 16,000 00 
 
 2,606 GO 
 
 16.«J0O 00 
 
 ExprT^5^a^t; made in 1822 
 • UTTP^ to pnrpr>i« ftirH in T-h') ^ 
 
 49,701 4 8 
 
 14,742 24 
 16,000 00 
 
 Balance of appropriation of 1821 
 Rcpaymcrita in 1822 
 Appropriation io 183^3 
 do 1824 
 
 Carried to surphre ftiml in 16S:2 
 Expenditure nnde in 1823 
 
 ,ir)0 55 
 45,195 03 
 
 8,000 Oo , 
 C7S 00 \ 
 8,000 00 
 4,000 00 
 
 20,675 00 
 12,000 C' 
 
 Falance of ftppi'npriafjon "M pn- I^^TS 0- 
 

 -SWUgl", 
 
 Palatice of appropriation foi* 1324 
 
 Appropriation for 1825 
 
 do 1826 - 
 
 do 1827 - 
 
 iDHpenditure made in 1823 
 do 18i>r 
 
 Balance of appropriation 31st I>e- 
 
 4,080 00 Balance ol appi-upi:J4Uon olal Ue- 
 — .^ cember, 1827 
 
 20,675 00 
 
 r,55a up 
 
 97,863 00 
 
 4,000 
 4,000 
 4,000 
 4,000 
 
 00 
 
 00 
 00 
 00 
 
 16.000 00 
 
 8,000 00 
 4,000 00 
 
 12,000 00 
 4,000 00 
 
 16,0-.'0 00 
 
 Theascut Depabtmejtt, 
 
 Rfgisttr's Office, March 5, 1828. 
 
 JOSEPH NOURSE, R^g'-^fir. 
 
 Ilou. C 
 Sin: 
 
 I>£m(fri3 fi) the Indepcnd&nt Natiana an the Ame- 
 rican ('ontinent. 
 
 Appropriation made ia 1822 
 
 $100,000 00 
 
 Expenditure made in 18S3 
 do 1S24 
 
 flirdeid to the srirplirs fund in 1§24 
 
 69,520 00 
 
 28,669 72 
 
 1.810 28 
 
 100,000 00 
 
 ilissian to Iht C<^ngre.%s of Panarac. 
 Appropriation in 162G -iO.OOO 
 
 00 
 
 jixpcfnditjiire msde in 1826 
 do 1227 
 
 Balance of upproprlalion 31st Dc 
 ceraber, 1827, 
 
 9,000 GO 
 17,953 52 
 
 t26,953 52 
 13,045 48 
 
 40,0' )0 00 pe'^ 
 
 (D.) 
 
 PEPAIlXaiENT OF SXATi:;, 
 
 Waskingtoj, 17 tk March, 1828-. 
 
 A. WlCK-LIFPE, &C. ?iC. 
 
 Your letter of the 14th inst. fts ctiairnaar. 
 ofa sub-committee, appointed by the oommit^ 
 tc5 of the House of Representrtivcs on lie? 
 trenchment, making certain inquiries inrespec^ 
 of a remittance of $70,000, alluded to in my 
 letter to the chairman of that committee of th-e 
 29th ultimo, vrzs received tiie cLiy after ifs 
 date, and I iiave now the honor to commun-cafe 
 the tollo .vuig answer. 
 
 The practice of the Department of Slate is to 
 employ two oanking- iiouse^ in Europe, of es- 
 tablished credit and character, one at Lojvdon 
 and the other at AmstenJani, to pay the expen- 
 ses of the foreign service of the Government, 
 conrkecied with our d-plomatic cri-ps, •v--;5Mlar 
 and other public agencies. Tor the purpose of 
 •riciidvingthose expenses, remittances are madq, 
 from time to time, to thf banker?, whu regularly 
 account to the Department. This prict;c.e ^i 
 coeval with the Govtrnmf;nt. 
 
 On Uie 5i:h day of December last, requisitions 
 were, made by this Depa,rtmento:« the 'i reasmy, 
 ft>r 7G,(>00 dollar.-, to pe remitted to our Euro- 
 bankers. The communication which I 
 
 Oiiiitingendea of (ha Dcparlment of Stale. 
 
 9,608 00 
 13,950 00 
 18,800 00 
 
 27,3 50 00 
 
 Balance of appropriation of 1821 
 Appropriation made in 1282 
 do 1823 
 
 (To 1824 
 
 IjXTienditure made in 1823 
 do 1823 
 
 do 1H24 
 
 |?aTance of appropriation 3l3.t De- 
 ccJmbrr, 1821 
 
 Balance of appropriation fcjr 1S^4 
 Appropriation for 1H25 
 do 182C 
 
 Ttepaymeiit in 1826 
 
 Appropriation frrr 18'^r 
 
 Exp^ndiluro rntide in 182,5 
 do 1826 
 
 /•'-. 1R27 
 
 6?, 708 
 
 !)0 
 
 9,000 
 22,550 
 22,000 
 
 00 
 00 
 00 
 
 5S,550 
 16,158 
 
 00 
 00 
 
 69,708 
 
 00 
 
 16,158 00 
 25.550 0(J 
 2B,095 00 
 10 00 
 28,050 00 
 
 97,863 
 
 00 
 
 28.3C0 
 32,54.1 
 29,460 
 
 00 
 00 
 00 
 
 90,.30,'; 
 
 00 
 
 mn.de to the Chairman of the Cumiuixtee of Ue^ 
 trenchment, in ^<;^9pect to the ren'.iitance, v-as 
 founded on the day vviien the requisitions were 
 made at tliis office, arid r.ot on that when the 
 bills were actually purchased at another officej 
 or when they were transmitted to Europe. TliG 
 prom])t attc:ition usually paid a» tie Treasure- 
 did not allow me to doubt that, in this instance^ 
 the requis'tons had been complied with withoul 
 unnecessr.ry delay. Tt appears, in pointtof fact, 
 from a statement from the Treasury', hcrcwitU 
 tran.';mittcd, designated Nt?. 1, that 39,000 doi- 
 Iav3 was remitted, on the 17th day of December, 
 
 1827, and $31,000 on the 17th day of Janainy, 
 
 1828. Thetitc.l amount, 70, WO dolbrs, . was 
 ctaarg-cable to appronviations m.v" prior to that, 
 for the service of 1828. The samo Trea.sury 
 statement s'».ows the heads of appropriations on 
 account of which the reciittancc Ii.is bceu made, 
 aiul ti\e object of public cxpcn;liuu-e to which 
 it in applicahle. The bankers will g've credit 
 for the amount in then- general account curr^.nt. 
 
 From the time the Treasury- received th^c 
 abore-mcutioned requisition"? of tl.c Bepartmcnt 
 o{ State, or from that on wliich the bilh. were 
 piirchasod, (afi ttie one or the otiier modt of 
 keeping tiic acc.:):.iut happens to prevail at the 
 Treasury,) the Department of State became 
 chargeable, and is presumed to liave been so 
 charg-ed, with the above sum o^" $70,000; and 
 it must have been so chai'g^d on acc;>unt of ap- 
 l)ropriations made pi'ior to the year 1828. Its 
 erf^dit. th'^refii'e. with ^Hp Trc'!T<?ury. in oor><r'* 
 
vij>4 
 
 v^iicjicc III vliuao appropruiUo.ns, u'us roduceJ, 
 by the amount of tliat sum of $70,000, from tJie 
 one period or the other, above-mentioned. Bat 
 llie ditAmrsenient of the remittance must be 
 made in the year 1828, or, at least, subsequent 
 to the year 1827. And in any account exhibi- 
 tinij the actual expenditures of the Department, 
 they ought to be strictly charged to the yea? 
 u-hcn incui-red. 
 
 Hoping that tlic oxplanaiions and 1 icasur> 
 .statement now communicated, will afford to 
 3'ourself and the Sub-committee all the informa- 
 tion requested in your letter, 
 I have the honor to be, 
 
 '^Vith great respect. 
 
 Your obedient scnant, 
 
 H. CLAY. 
 
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UNITED S'l^TEtyJtJiLEGltAPM. ,. .i>' vo«. 
 
 This paper will be devoted cxdu'sivcly to the Presidential Election, aad be published, weeklv,. 
 until tlie loth of October next, for One Dollar; subject to newspaper postage, and no more. ' ' 
 
 BY GREEN ^J.aRVIS. 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 WASHINGTON, JUNE 21, 1858, 
 
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A'li: 
 
 I'liEAsonx Defah'tme.vt, 
 lifgister's Office, May 10, 1828. 
 Sir : I l»ave the Imnor to state, in reply to 
 your letter of the yth instant, that, of the 
 $rO,000 of remittuuces, contained in the state- 
 uient of the Chief Clerk of this Department, 
 tiie sum of f39,000 only is contained in the 
 statement of expenditures, as prepared at this 
 offiec on the 5th March last, and that tlie hal- 
 nace of $;3 1,000 is a charg'e on tlie appropria- 
 tions of tliat Department for the year 1828. I 
 transmit, herewith, " a statement of the sums 
 remitted to Europe for the service of the De- 
 partment of State, hetween tlic 7th day of Oc- 
 toher, and the last day of December, of the 
 year 182J-, and the sums remitted to Europe for 
 ilie services of that Department, between the 
 same dates, in the year 1827, showing-, in each 
 ease, the period* when tlie hills remitted be- 
 came payable. I am. Sir, very rcsjiectfully, 
 your obedient servant. 
 
 JOSEPH NOURSE, Ilcgisler. 
 flon. James I^amiltox. 
 
 No. 8. 
 
 S7^TE?J1^N1 of the sum.i of money wldeh 
 have I em disbursed through the State Depart- 
 ment^ and settled at the 'IVeasury upon the ecr- 
 I'f.irKie if the President without specification, 
 , of July, 1790, specifying 
 year: furnifhcdin compli- 
 i^n a till '^ the Vnairman rf the V,om- 
 '. f;^M- .. 'nent,ofthi:\oihofl'chru- 
 
 ■ iw iiu-. ;:'!-. Sept.ji.^cr, 1812, $14,000 00 
 
 )Y.., th- '.""h .,o. ember, 1812, to the 10th 
 
 March, ISl.l, - - - 51,(i52 56 
 
 In the vear 1813, - • 11,693 74 
 
 1815, ' 150 00 
 
 1817, - ' - - • - 700 00 
 
 In the year 1820; - - -I'JO 00 
 
 1823, - . - . . 3,000 00 
 
 1821, - - . 2,130 32 
 
 1825, - - 1,700 00 
 
 1826, - - ■ - 1,666 66 
 3 827, - 8,953 01 
 
 ? 96,051 29 
 
 Payments of a similar nature to the forcK-oing- 
 were made under the act ofthcl--t ofJidy, 1790, 
 «nd subsrijuent acts; but from the dtsCuclioii 
 of accounts and vouchers by the conflapolion 
 iif 1814, the Treasury da not possess tlie nica'vs 
 of ascertaininff the amounts c vpendeil with any 
 precision. In the printed public accounts for 
 »he year 1794, howcv« r, the sum of :^1,5U0 ap- 
 ^.carslo have been :idvanccd to Edmund Han- 
 dolpli, Secretary of State, on :trcount of the 
 •contingent cliar^jes of Clovernmcnl," pursu- 
 ant to instructions of the President of the Un-t- 
 rd States; and also, in the same accounts for 
 1796, the sum of 5 3,U00 appoars to have been 
 advanced to Timotliy Tickering-, Secretary of 
 State, •• to defray llie contingent chai-gos of tio- 
 vernmcnt." 
 
 Tjir.4»rnr Df.paiit.^iest, 
 
 Jifeistgr's Office, Fthrwtry 28, 1828. 
 
 .'O'^EPH NOXIRSE. lifirist"- 
 
 liEi'AiiTMr.NT OF State, 
 
 Waihiugicn 26ih March, \82S. 
 Sih: I have received your letter of the 24tii 
 in.stant, containing a copy of a resolution adopted 
 by the Committee oii Uetrenchment, in which 
 they are pleased to inquire — Did John II. Pleas- 
 ants go as bearer of despatches from the Unit- 
 ed States to Uio Janeiro and Buenos Ayrcs, in 
 1825? Did he deliver the despatches to the' 
 proper anthorlty at Kio Janeiro and KucnoE. Ay- 
 rcs i" If he did not go, what became of the des- 
 patches' Who bore thet.: to the Government 
 of Rio Janeiro and liuenos Ayres' Where did 
 J. H Pleasants go afterhe left the United SUtes? 
 Was It not known to the Department, when his 
 account was settled and paid him, that he had 
 not been to Rio Janeiro or Buenos Ayres, aa 
 bearer of desp:itches from tlys Government!' 
 
 In reply, 1 liave tiie honor to state, for the in- 
 formation of the Committee, that .Mr. Pleasants 
 was engaged in the spring of 1825 to carry to 
 our respective Cliarges des Affaires at the Bra- 
 zils and Buenos Ayres, their credentials, com- 
 missions, and general instructions,and oilier des- 
 patches from this Department; that, with that 
 view he left the city of llichmond, the place of 
 his residence, on t!je 19th day of A^pril, and 
 embarked at the port of New- York', on the 
 28th day of May, 1825, on board the brig AVil- 
 liam Tclljhaving employed tlie intermediate time 
 in, seeking,from Baltimore to Boston, a vessel in 
 which he could obtain a passage: that, whilst atsca, 
 he was taken so ill us to be .apprehensive of his life, 
 which he supposed would be in imminent dan- 
 ger if he continued the voyage, and meeting 
 a vessel at sea bound to Antwerp, he trausftr- 
 red himself to her, and committed the despatch- 
 es witii which he was charg-td to the care ot 
 Capt:iin Ifinman, tlic master of the vessel Wil 
 liam Tell: that the despatclic?, both, for M.: . 
 Forbes, our Chaige d'AlVairs at Buenos Ayrcp, 
 and for Mr. Ragiict, our Charge d' Affaires at 
 Rio Janeiro, were delivered by the Captain of 
 tiie William 'I'ell to' the former gentleman on 
 the 12(h day of August, 1825, as will appear 
 by an cv.tnict from a despatch from hira under 
 date the 15th d.ay vjf September, 1825, m.irkcJ 
 A, and that those iotended for Mr. Ragutt were 
 received by him on tlie 26th October, 1825, as 
 will appear by an extr.act from a despatch from 
 him, under date the I2th of November, 1825, 
 whicii is marked 15. 
 
 I beg leave also to refer to a copy ofa tetter from 
 Mr. Pleasants, under date the' 7th ilay of July, 
 1825, marked C, and to an extract from a letter 
 fl-omhim, under date the 22d-<Jct. 1825, marked 
 D, as explaining more fully the motives whicli 
 induced him to cnange his destmation, and te 
 commit 'the public despatches in his c.-j-c to 
 Captain Iliumaii. During his voy.agc in the 
 Antwerp vessel, Mr. Plca»;uits met at sea a ves- 
 sel bo'ind to Liverpool, to which he trajisfcired 
 himself, and he arrived iatliat port on J^ie first 
 day of July, 1825. IJc reached the port of New 
 York, on lii.s returii to tlie Uuitcd States, on the 
 22(1 October, 1825, bringing with him despatch- 
 es for tliis Department from Mr. R. King, our 
 Minister at the Com-t of London. 
 
 It was known at this Department, when the 
 Hccount of Mr. Plc;isantswas settled and closed, 
 •' a» he badro* reached Pir^ de Janeiro cr P^:*« 
 
 I 
 
 i 
 
:i^7 
 
 ;io3 Ayres; bui il was also know u that the de- 
 spatches which had been intrusted to him, had 
 been received by the persons to whom the}- 
 were respectively addressed; and it was believ- 
 ed that he had been prevented tronri personally 
 delivering them by the cause? already stated. 
 Supposing the affliction of disease did not occa- 
 sion a forfeiture of all claim for expenses, and 
 all compensation for services, the allowances 
 made to him were according' to established 
 usage, which has prevailed as far back as any 
 traces of the accounts of bearers of despatches 
 can be discerned in the Treasury. Agreeably 
 to that usage they are generally allowed their ex- 
 penses, personal and travelling-, to the port of 
 embarkation, thc!r passage money at sea, their 
 expenses, personal and travelling, from the port 
 of debarkation to the places of their destinatioii, 
 a?^ the like expenses and passage money on 
 their return home; and they receive, moreover, 
 a compensation for their services of six dollars 
 per day, out of which they defray their expenses 
 v/hilst they remain at the places to wiiich they 
 are sent, or may stay at Washington for des- 
 patches. 
 
 Upon an examination of Mr. Pleasants' ac- 
 count, it will be seen that it has been adjusted 
 according 19 these principles; and, of the sum 
 received by him, $755 was for per diem allow- 
 ance, and the residue on account of expenses 
 and passage mone}'. 
 
 It was not believed that the visitation of Pro- 
 vidence with v/hich he was afflicted, ought to 
 aeprlve him of all allowance for expenses and 
 11 compensation for services; but it was not 
 thought right that the per diem should be con- 
 tinued during the whole period of his absence 
 from home, and until his return to New- York, 
 On the 22d October, 1825. It was therefore 
 limited to the 22d August, 1825, that being the 
 time when it was estimated he might have re- 
 turned to the United States, ifj after abandoning 
 the voj-age to South America, he had sought an 
 opportunity of coming home, instead of proceed- 
 ing to Europe. It was within the discretion of 
 the Department to have compensated him as 
 the bearer of dispatches from Mr. King; but it 
 was not deemed proper to make him any allow- 
 ance for that service. 
 
 .1 have the honor to be, with great respect, 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 H. CLAY. 
 
 The Hon. James IIamiltov, Jr. 
 
 Chairman of the Committee of 
 
 II. R. on Retrenchment. 
 
 (A.) 
 
 Exlrarlj of n Hter from Mr.Fi.rbes to Mr. Clay, 
 JuLtd Biitiujn .'Ji/rcs, 15th Septcmhtr, 1825. 
 
 "On the 12th August, I received from Cap- 
 tain Ilininan, of brig 'William Tell,' my com- 
 iiiisiiou as Ciiarged' Affaires, t'>gcthcr with the 
 instructions your we e pleast^d to send me, and 
 S'jme accompanying letters."" 
 
 " You will long since have learne<I from Mr. 
 Pleasants, the gentleman charged with your des- 
 j)atches, his abandonment of his voyage, and re- 
 turn to the United States, by wliich I lost, to 
 jny regret, the pleasure of his acquaintance, and 
 of pay ing due respect to your recTjmmcndation. " 
 
 (U.- 
 
 Extract of a letter from Mr. I^cguet, to Mr. Cla}/, 
 dated Bio de Janeiro, November 12, 1825. 
 
 " On the evening of the 23d ultimo, I recei- 
 ved from Mr. Forbes, at Buenos Ayres, letters 
 dated on the 16th and 31st August, informing 
 me of the arriv.al at that port, on the 10th or 
 that month, of a trunk, containing my creden- 
 tials, v.'ith a number of books and other article?j 
 which had been shipped at New-York, regret.- 
 ting the delay to which it had been subjected, 
 whilst in his charge, owing to the want of op- 
 portunity, and finally advising me cf its havint!^ 
 been embarked on board the Swedish brig 
 Pallas — the vessel which conveyed the said let- 
 ter, and wh'ch entered this harbor on the day 
 preesding. 
 
 "On the I'biiuv.'Iiigmoniirig, I called upon the 
 acting Minister for Foreign Afl'airs, infoitned 
 him of the fict, and requested permission to 
 land the trunk, and to pass it through the cus* 
 torn house, without the necessity of its being 
 opened. This he cheei-fully prom.ised to grant; 
 but a delay occurring in the Treasuary Depart- 
 iTientj the order was not issued until the 26th, 
 when I received the trunk unopened, contain 
 ing the several despatches from your Depart- 
 ment—No. 1, 2, 3, and 4, of 14th, 13th, leth^ 
 April last, respectively, together with all the 
 books, papers, and documents, therein enumera- 
 ted, excepting the 24th '* Volume of Niles' Reg- 
 ister," wliich Mr. Forbes ascertained to be de- 
 ficient at Buenos Ayres. I have no doubt that 
 Mr Forbes used all due diligence in forwai'ding 
 this package; and I have ascertained from Cap- • 
 tain Martin of the Jasseur, that when he offered 
 to bring it, he was notcei'tain of a destination di- 
 rect for Rio de Janeiro, which was the cause of 
 the preference being given to the other vessel.'" 
 
 (C.) 
 Mr. Pksants to Mr. Clay. 
 
 Liv£npQOL, 7th July, 1825 
 
 Mt Deah Sin ; If j'ou are surprised at the dats 
 of my letter, I am scaicclyless surprised attbe 
 circumstances myself. To be in England at all 
 is what I never expected. To be hear when I 
 expected to have been in Buenos Ayres, seems 
 rather the effect of enchantment, than ofordina= 
 ry causation. It remains. Sir, for me to account 
 for this apparent dereliction of duty; and I can- 
 not but hope that a plain statement of the cir- 
 cumstances which changed my destination, wilJ 
 exculpate me from any blame in your eyes — so» 
 lioitous, as I am, to preserve that good opinion 
 which procured for me the charge conferred by 
 th'; Department of State. 
 
 After many ineffectual attempts to secure an 
 earlier passage, in which I was baffled by the di* 
 minished intercourse between the United States 
 and the provinces of South America, which lie 
 beyond the .Spanish Main, 1 succeeded in procuj- 
 ing a ])assagc in the brig William Tel!, which 
 sailed from New York on the 28th of May, for 
 the River Plate. Tliis vessel was not such a one 
 as 1 should have selected, iiad I had my choice. 
 Being simply a merchant ship, it was destitute of 
 comf^ortablc accommsdatlons; nevei-theless, be= 
 comiwg impatient for aclicij, and for-seeing that, 
 if I neglected that opportunity, I might meet 
 with no other.I availed myself of It.and sailed , as 
 stated, on the 28th Msy. I speedly had cause to 
 regret my precipitation in chi3ps?ng s'lCb a sbips. 
 
'l^^ft 
 
 of hcan:.!,' from yoAi. and i er.irral, Sir, 1/ y^>.- 
 
 emenls will permit, to address a Une to mn. 
 
 place, ^v'here I am forced to remain a f<i.w 
 
 by thcii- respective qualities; they 
 'ivere, for the'most p:at mechanics, cmip-ating to 
 that country, :xnd tlic fillh of their pci-sons, and 
 obstreperous • ' * of their deportment, was by 
 710 iiican-; correspoudin.^ to the republican re- 
 spcctabihtv of their profession. When the 
 iiorrors of sea-sickness were superadded to the 
 .nher p.-iiuful circumstances attending my situ- 
 ation, my sufferings became greater thaii I can 
 
 JOURNAL 'OF PUOCEEUrNGS OF THE 
 COMMITTEE ON UETRENCHMENT. 
 
 In Ike JTmtsc of Representatives of the Uniltd 
 States, 
 
 FEnnrAiiT, 6, I823r 
 
 lirs'Jvcd, Tliat a Select Committee be ap- 
 
 desclSbe. Deprived of eveiy comfort, with not pj^ntcc), whose duty it shuJl be to inquire and. 
 ten feet square for exercise, a pcililenMal air, ^^.p^^ to this House, if iny, and what rctrencti- 
 and most offensive smoU, penading- c\ ery part n^^n^v can be made with safety to^he public in- 
 of tliv ship, and even witiiout tUc luost coin. 
 ITion medicines, I assure you, Sir, that death 
 would have been no unwelcome visiter. I v-as 
 seized with a his'n fever, and in ten d:.ys redu- 
 ed, in n)v own opinion, and in that of those 
 around n^e, to the lirink of the {rravc. At this 
 vm\c, we. spoke an American ship from New 
 York, boond to Antwerp: the captain, who was 
 likewise ill, was bcaiing for Vayal, in the 
 yy/.ores, s.Tul, by great persuasion, was induced 
 ;» take m& on board, in a miserable conditions 
 
 terest, in the number of the officers of the 
 Government of the United States, and in th<^ 
 ajnount of salaries which they may .respectively 
 receive; more especi.iJIy to report specifically 
 on tlic following ticads: 
 
 1st. What reductions, of e.-spense can f>e made 
 in the State Department, in the number and sa> 
 lanes of the officers and clerks attached to thi^ 
 Department; in the expenses regulating the 
 foreign intercwirse, and in the printing and dis- 
 tribution of the public laws cf the United 
 
 •(Two days .-vl'tcr this removal, my new captail. states. 
 
 iccovered Lis indisposion, and resumed his 2d. What reductions in the Treasury Depart- 
 
 ,<.ourse for Antwerp. Having no inrlination to ,ncr.t, ai>d whether an effective system of ac- 
 
 ^ isit Holland, I determined to a^•r.il myself of co;intability, and for the collection of the pub 
 
 *the next ship that we might speak, and return ^ic dues, is there csiablislicd. 
 
 -to the United States, or go to England. From 3^1 What reductions of expense can be made 
 
 the time that 1 hoarded the vessel »n which I.jj^ ^1^^ j^-^j^.y Q^paj.tm.cnl; in the clerks and of - 
 
 then was, 1 had begun slowly to recover, fro'n j^gcrs now acting subordlnatcly to the Secrets.- 
 
 the superior comforts of its accommodations. ^^ ^j^^ Navy. 
 
 On the twentieth of June, we ?^io)i.c the bug ^^j^ vshat^ reductions of expense can bemads 
 
 Ohve.from N. York to tliis port, and tliceapt.iin 
 *-.onsenting to it cei-v me, 1 arrived in Liverpool 
 on the 1st insfar.t, havi'ig been at sea 33 days. 
 The despatches which were intnir.ted to my 
 
 '■are, I forw.-udcd to Mr. Forbes in charge of ^ ^ 
 
 Captiin Ilinman. of the William Tell, to whom co,',i"po nation which thev' may 
 he w as cor.<=igncil, sftating the reasons ol my not pt^^,j,.^ter General'!* Depanmt 
 l.caring them in person, and requesting him to 
 ihrward those for Mr. IJaguet st Rio. If the 
 WiMlam Tell gt)es s-afely, the despatches will 
 saffly reach their dcstimitlon. 
 
 'files'*. Sir, are the circumstances which have 
 !.; ought me to England, and 1 hope that they 
 Ml* such Hs to exciise my abamlonmeut of my 
 icharge. As- I am here, I have ditcrmined to 
 devote a fe.v weeks to tlie purpose of seeing 
 ;hc co«ntr}, aHer which I shall have the plca- 
 ■<urc of giving you, in person, a more detniled 
 account of my voyage. 
 
 With high re.spe<;t vour obetlicnt Rerrant. 
 JOIIN II. I'LEASANTS. 
 
 CD.) 
 
 /Extract of a kUc from J.i'ot H. Pleasants tj 
 Mr. cUy, (latiti .\cw i\rrK\ (ktoUr C-J, IS24; 
 [.5.1 
 
 " Convinced, as I u\n, lJi.it my life would have 
 lullcn a sacrifice, lud I ])erscvered iu the voy- 
 age, and ahliough too ill at tlic moment to ex- 
 «'rt any agrncy iti tne step, I eannct help feeling 
 tmcaslui ss .at the impr*s.Mons, the a ppareut 
 adandonmrnt of my trip ni:vy have made on your 
 mind. This uneasiness is proportioned to the 
 frwik confidence with \U»ich that trust was con- 
 fTTod. 1 ^all po unpasv ui\til I have t!'r ti-nor 
 
 in lite Department of War, in the Indian De- 
 partment, and in the clerks and officers iK>*v- 
 acting subordlnalely to the Secretarv" of War. 
 
 5lh. Whatred'jctions of expcnsccan bemade 
 in the number of officers, ."uid the amount oC 
 
 receive, in tli'-- 
 pariment. 
 
 And that t!io Committee be furtber iustructccL 
 to examine the several contingent funds of each 
 of theiie Departments, and to report the .amount 
 and obis_ct-, for which disburseiaents have beciv 
 made from tliese funds; and that they report 
 the amounts, vouched and unvou~heil, whici* 
 have been p.iid from the Secret Scnice Fund, 
 since the lirst day cf Juh", 1790, or the fund 
 regulating tlic contingencies cf foreign inter- 
 course, and of tlie fund for the expenses of the 
 intercourse with the Bj^rbary Powers. 
 
 And that tln-y further report whctj^.cr tho 
 campensation of member.; ot' Congress should 
 be reduced; ar,d whether the fixed salaries of 
 the officers of thia House, and its cnntingen* 
 expenses, can, with propriety, be diminished. 
 
 And further, that they inquire whether any 
 modification of the sinking fund act can hr- 
 made, with a view of producing a m.ore speedy 
 extii.guishmont of tlae public debt. 
 
 Mr. ll.^mii:on, Mr. Ingham, Mr. Sergeant, 
 Mr. Ulvcs, Mr. Everett, Mr. Wickliffe, and Mr. 
 Wright, ofN. Y-, were appointed tlic Commit- 
 tee, in pui-suance of the said resolution. 
 
 FruncAHT 12, 1828— 10 c'cmjdV. 
 
 Committee met: Piesent, Messrs. Hamlltor.; 
 Ingham. Scrgfart. Pjrcs. nnd Wickl-ffr 
 

 i iie reaoiaiion authftjrizing tne sI^pouimieAt 
 of the Committee was read by the Chairman, 
 whereupon, 
 
 Sir. Kives moved the following resolution, 
 '^•hioh was agreed to by the Committee. 
 
 JResohed, That the Chairman of the Commit- 
 tee atldr^ss a letter to the Head of each of the 
 llsecutive Departm.ents, and of the Post Office 
 1) epartment, requesting' infer mationj whether, 
 in thfcir opimoii, there be any officers in vithcr 
 ■of those Departments wlio services -.r-ay be dis- 
 pensed with, without delrim.ent to the public in- 
 <crcst; or if the sdaries of any of the/n can be re- 
 ■daced, consistently with justice and prupriety; 
 and, in general, whether any of ihe expense iu- 
 
 can be reduced, 
 op era - 
 
 -"•dent to those Deps.vtments can be re 
 ^•Ithout impairintj tlie efhciency of their 
 'ions. 
 
 Mr. Ingham moved the followiirg' resolutions 
 "A-hich was adoj^ted: 
 
 liesolved. That the Chairman may be directed 
 to request the Seci-etary of the Treasury to lay- 
 before this Committee a statement of tlie sums 
 ■of money which have been disbursed throug-h 
 ■Ae State Department, ami settled at the Trea- 
 ■Eury upon tlie certiiicate of the President wiih- 
 "jut specification, since the 1st da}- of July, 1790, 
 Epecifyi-rig- the sum paid in each yi-ar. 
 
 Mr. ■\Vickhfle moved tJie following- resolu- 
 tion: 
 
 liesok-^d, That the Chairman address a letter 
 ^.0 the Secretary of the Treasury, requestii;g- a 
 statement, from hisDepartuTent, of the amount 
 xippropriated for the contingentexpcnses of ilie 
 Indian Department, for eacli year since the 1st 
 day of January, 1825, and the objects, specifi- 
 cally, for which the sum has been expended, 
 and the names of the persons to whom paid. 
 
 Mr. Sergeant proposed to amend tlie said rc- 
 ;>olution, by striking- out the words "l.s/ dm/ of 
 January^ 1S25," and inserting? *• from the dSte of 
 the change of the regulation of the Indian Depnrt- 
 ■zaent li/ the last ad;" which amendment was 
 rejected", and Mr. Wicklifle's resolution was then 
 adopted- i 
 
 Mr. Ingham moved the following resolution^ 
 T.'hich was adopted ; 
 
 RtsotveJf Tiiat the Chairman be directed to 
 request the Clerk of the House of Representa- 
 tives to inform tljs Committee whetiier any re- 
 duction can be made In the number of clerks 
 ■employed by hin;, or in their salaries, and in t!ie 
 cojitingent expense of the Hou.e, without in- 
 jury to the pubhc service. 
 
 Mr. Cambreleng appeared in the place of .Mr. 
 Wnght, of Nev/ York, who was excused from 
 serving on said Committee by the House. 
 
 Mr. Rives moved the foilov/ing resolution, 
 v.-hich v.-as adopted ■ 
 
 liesolved. That the Chairman of the Commit- 
 tee address a letter to the Secretary of the 
 Treasury, requesting him to cause to be com- 
 municatedt') the Committee, witl> as little de- 
 lay as possible, a statement showing the amount 
 annually e:^:pended on each object of expendi- 
 ture, out of the funds appropriated for the con- 
 tingent expenses of the several Executive De- 
 partments, for the years 1825, 1326, and 1827, 
 ■v.hich has been settled at the Treasury. 
 
 Mr. llives also moved the following resolu- 
 tion, wliich was adopted -• 
 
 liesolved, 'I'hat the Cliairman of the Commit- 
 "^o address a IcUtr to tho Secretary of the 
 
 Treasury, rev-ia£;pimg inni to cause i6 uc? tcn^^ 
 municated to the Committee, with as little de- 
 Liy as possible, a statement showing the amount 
 annually expended on each object of expendi- 
 ture, and settled at tlie Treasury, out of the 
 funds appropriated for the contirij^ir.ncies, enu- 
 merated and not enumerated, of ti.e naval ser- 
 vice, and the contingencies of the miliiiry ser- 
 vice, for the ye;u-3 1825, 1826, awd 1827. 
 And then the Committee adjourned. 
 
 MONDAY, Fedecaet, 18, 1823. 
 
 Committee met : Present, Messrs. Ingham j 
 Sergeant, Rives, AVicklifFe, and Gambrcleng. 
 
 The folIowiTjg resolution was submitted by 
 Mr. Ing-Jiain, a:ul agreed to : 
 
 liesolved, Tliat the Chainnan request the Se- 
 cretary of the Treasury to lay before the Corn- 
 niittee a statement of the respective sums dis- 
 hursed from the appropriations for the outtits 
 and Ea'ari«£ of ])ubiic ministers ; for the con- 
 tingent expens?^ of missions abroad ; for inter 
 course -iviththc Barbary Powers ; and tlwt part 
 of the appropriation for the contingent expense 
 of foreign intercourse which h.:s been settled 2.; 
 the Treasury in the usual manner ; specifying 
 the objects i/f the disbursements, and to whom 
 paid, since the 1st January, 1822. 
 
 And then the Committee adjourned. 
 
 MONDAY, FtnTirAEs 25, 1823". 
 
 Commattee met : Present, Messrs. Hamiltoii, 
 Everett, Ingham, Cambreleng, and Wicklinc. ' 
 The Chairman laid before the Committee the 
 f^oHowing copy of the circular addressed to the 
 diffeient Dep.irtments, requesting tiie informa- 
 tion by the several resolutions passed : 
 
 •' Wasuixcton-, Feb. 13, 1828. 
 SiH : 1 do myself the honor of transmitting- 
 you a copy of a resolution adopted yesterdav hy 
 the Committee on Retrenchment; and'beij 
 leave to solicit your attention to that p-irt of It 
 relatl.ig to your Depart.ment, from which the 
 Committee will be happy to receive the infor- 
 mation required." 
 
 Mr. Everett asked permission to have it en- 
 tered on tlie Journal of the Committee, that he 
 had bean preven"-d from attending the former 
 meetings of the Committee, in consequence of 
 absence from Washington, in attendance on a 
 member of his family.dangerously sick. 
 
 The Chairman laid before the Comm.ittee the 
 answers of the Postmaster General, and Clerk 
 of the House of Representatives, to the resolu 
 tions directed to t!iem. 
 
 Mr. Wicklifie o.llc'red the following resolu- 
 tions: 
 
 Mcsolved, That the Secretly of the Navy be 
 requested to furnish this Committee %vith a state- 
 ment of the atnount puid as compensation to the 
 ofliccrs of the Navy, for and on account of ex- 
 tra duty for the year 1S26; showing the amount 
 paid to each ofhcer, and for what duty or ser- 
 vices paid. 
 
 U^^olced, That the Secretary of War be re- 
 quested to furnish this Committee with a state- 
 ment of the amount paid as compensation %o 
 the ofliccrs of the army, for and on account- of 
 extra duty for the year 1826; .showingthe amount 
 paid to each officer, and for what services paid. 
 Mr. Everett proposod to amend these resolu- 
 tions, by striking out of each "for the year 
 1*326," and inserting- //-ow ike 1st Merck, 1821; 
 
^JO 
 
 ■uiii'<Xi iiiicijauitni was last, and tliC resolutions 
 were then agreed to. 
 
 Mr. >r.3:ham moved the following resolution, 
 \vhich \v»3 adopted: 
 
 /?e5o/uf(.?, 'I'hat the Chairman request the Clerk 
 of the Hoise of Representatives to lay before 
 the Committee the original accounts for printing 
 and other contingencies for the House of Re- 
 presentatives, during the last session. 
 
 And then the Committee adjourned. 
 
 MONDAY, Mahcu 3, 1828: 
 
 Committee raet: Present, ?.Iessrs. Hamilton, 
 Sergvant, Everett, Rives, Ingham, .ind Cam- 
 brelcng. 
 
 The Chairman reported that, on the day after 
 the adoption of the resolutions, at the last meet- 
 ing of the Committee, he caused to be com- 
 municated to the proper persons, copies of the 
 said resolutions. 
 
 The Chairman also reported and read a com- 
 munication from the Sccrt-tnry of the Navy, in 
 answer to tiie resolution of ICtli February, 
 adonted, which ■u'as received bv him on the 
 "Tifi Fobruarj'. 
 
 The Chairman (Mr. Hamilton) further com- 
 municated that the Secretary of the Treasur* 
 had, on tlie 27th Februarj', verbally informed 
 liim that the clerks in his Department were 
 busily engaged in making out the documents 
 rex[uired by the resolution of the Committet-, 
 of the 12lh February, and that the answer would 
 be communicated in the first of the present 
 vcek. 
 
 Mr. Ingham moved the following resolution, 
 vhich wxs ajjfecd to: 
 
 Resolved, I'hjt the Chairman address a letter 
 to the Secretary of State, and of the Treasury, 
 And of War, requesting them to inform the 
 Committee when they m:\y expect to receive 
 an answer to the letter of the Chairman, of the 
 13th February, respecting the reduction in the 
 number and salaries of the officers attached to 
 their Departments, and the contingent expenses 
 of the same. 
 
 Mr. Ingham also moved the following resolu- 
 tion, whicii was agreed to; 
 
 Hcsolccd, That llie Cliairman of the Commit- 
 tee request the Secrctarv' of tlie Navy to inform 
 the Committee, what numlier oFsick "officers :md 
 seamen, and marines, were provided for at the 
 Bcveral Naval Hoiipitals during t!ic year 1826. 
 
 The Clerk of the House of Itepresentalives 
 produced his accounts in obedience to the ord.-r 
 <;f tlie Committee, which, on motion of Mr. Ing- 
 ham, were referred to a committee of three; and 
 Mr. Ingham, Mr. Sergeant, and Mr. VVicJdifte, 
 were appointed said committee. 
 
 And tlicn the committee adjourned. 
 
 SATURDAY, MAncit 8, 1828. 
 
 Committee met: Present Mr. Hamilton. Mr. 
 Everett, Mr. Rives, Mr. WickrifTe, Mr. Cam- 
 breleng, Mr, Sergeant, und Mr. Ingh.am. 
 
 The Ch:iirman laidrfjcforc tlie committed', ie« 
 ports from the Dcp;irtmentof the Treasury, viz: 
 
 1st. A letter containing documents No. I, 2, 
 3» and 4, giving amount of the contingent ex- 
 penses in the Department of State, Navy, War, 
 «nd Treasury offices, &c. 
 
 Cd. A Utter of the Secret.ary of theTrcasurv, 
 upon the subject of reducing the number of oftl- 
 »"er*., anl tin? amount •^f'^al -trios. 
 
 Also, rcporis froffi the Depariiftejils of VVaf 
 and State, upon the same subject. 
 
 Resolved, That the letter of the Clerk of the 
 House, on the mode of printing and arranging 
 the documents, be referred to the Committee on 
 the I'.xpenditure of the Contingent Fund of the 
 House of Representatives. 
 
 Mr. Kives moved the following resolution, 
 which was agreed to: 
 
 Resolved, That the communications from the 
 Heads of tlie Executive Departments to the 
 (Chairman of this Committee, be referred to sub- 
 committees of three members, with instructions 
 to consider and report tliercon to the committee. 
 
 The conunittee then resolved that their next 
 meeting shall be on Thursday next, and every 
 Mond.ay and Thursday morning after, at 10 
 o'clock. 
 
 An<ithcn the c'oTHmlttee adjourned. 
 
 THURSDAY, MAueii 13, 1828. 
 
 Committee met: Present, Mr. Hamilton, ^^^. 
 Rives, Mr. Everett, Mr. Sergeant, Mr. Wick- 
 mie, and Mr. Cambreleng. 
 
 Tiic" Chairman announced the following sub- 
 committees, under the resolution of the last 
 meeting: 
 
 On all communications from the Treasury De- 
 partTncnt, Mr. Cambreleng, Mr. Sergeant, and 
 Mr. Ingliam. 
 
 On all communications from the War De- 
 partment, Mr. Ingham, Mr. WickUfie, and Mr. 
 Everett. 
 
 On all communications from the Navy De- 
 partment, Mr. Rives, Mr. Sergeant, and Mr. 
 Cambreleng. 
 
 On all communications from the State De- 
 partment, Mr. Wickliffe, Mr. Everett, and \Ir. 
 Rives. 
 
 The Chairman read the communication from 
 the Secretary of War, in answer to the resolu- 
 tion of the 25th Febuary, 1828, upon the sub- 
 ject of the extra pay to officers of the army. 
 
 Ordered. That the same be referred to the 
 Commiltec on the Accounts and Reports of tlie 
 Department of War. 
 
 Mr. Cambreleng moved Ihc following resolu- 
 tion, which was adopted: 
 
 Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasu- 
 ry be requested to furn'sh a statement exhibi- 
 ting the present organization of the Treasury 
 Department; and, more espfcl:dly, showing the 
 mode of pi-ientlng, adjusting, ami paying ae- 
 co ints, with and ag.iinst the United States, an 1 
 the several Departments; and of issuing draffs 
 :ind warrants for the payment of money to indi- 
 vidu:ds, or for the several departments of the 
 public service; also, stating the duties assigned 
 to, and discharged by, the Secretary of the 
 Treasury, First, and Second Comptrollers, 
 Treasurer, .ind Register of the Treasury; Firs', 
 Scco.id, Tliird, Fourth, and Ftfth Auditors, 
 respectively, underand by existing regulations. 
 
 •Mr. Everett moved the following resolution, 
 which was adopted: 
 
 Resolvrd, That the Secretary of war be re- 
 quested to furnish this committee with a state- 
 ment of the amount paid annually as compensa- 
 tion to the officers of tlio army, for and on ac- 
 count of extra duty, from the 4th of March, 
 1821, to the present time, showing the amount 
 paid to each officer, and for what service piiid, 
 except r«r the year lS.?f^. 
 
^jl 
 
 Mr. ilivcs UiO.-ea the tollowlng- resolution^ 
 •^-hich was adopted: 
 
 Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury 
 be requested to furnish this committee with 
 statements, showing the sums expended on each 
 object of expenditure, out of the funds appro- 
 priated for the contingent expenses of the seve- 
 ral Executive Departnients, for the years 1822, 
 1823 and 1824, similar to those already furnish- 
 ed for the years 1825, 1826, and 1827. 
 
 And then the committee adjovirned. 
 
 MONDAY, Mahcu 17, 1828, 
 
 Committee met: All present. 
 
 The Chairman announced that he had trans- 
 mitted to the appropriate Departments, the res- 
 olutions passed at the last meeting': he also an- 
 nounced that he had received no further an- 
 swers to the previous calls of the committee i 
 but he had understood, verbally, that the con- 
 tingent accomits of foreign intercourse would be 
 transmitted in the cour.-o of a day or t\vo. 
 
 On motion of Mr. Everett, the hour of the 
 . meeting- was changed from 10 to 11 o'clock, in 
 the morning-. 
 
 Tlie committee then adjourned. 
 
 THURSDAY, Maiich 20, 1323. 
 
 Committee met: Present, Mr. Hamilton, >Ir. 
 Rives, Mr. WicklifTe, and Mr. Cambreleng-. 
 
 The Chairmaji communicated that he had re- 
 ceived a communication from the Secretaiy of 
 the Treasury, accompanying the conting-ent ex- 
 penses of the Indian Department, for eacii year 
 si nee the 1st January, 1825, m.arked A, and num- 
 bered from 1 to 14. 
 
 Also, a communication covering a statement 
 for contingencies, enumerated, and not enumer- 
 ated, for the naval service. 
 
 The first communication was referred to the 
 Sub-committee on the War Department, and 
 the last to the Sub-com.mittec on the Navy De- 
 partment. 
 
 And also a communication from the Secretary 
 of the Treasury, covering a statement of sums 
 disbursed from the appropriations for the outfits 
 and salaries of public minl.sters; for the contin- 
 gent expenses of missions abroad; for tlie inter- 
 course with the Barbary powers; and that part 
 of the appropriation of the contingent expenses 
 of foreign intercourse v.diich has been settled at 
 the Treasur-', in the usual manner; specif^'ing 
 the object of the disbursement, and to whom 
 paid, since Jannaiy, 1822. 
 
 Which communication wasreTerrad to the Sub- 
 committee on the State Department. 
 
 And then the Committee adjourned . 
 
 MONDAY, .MAnci!24„1828. 
 
 Committee met; Present, Mr. Hamilton, N'r. 
 Jngham, Mr. Klves, Mr. Everett, Mr. Wicklifie, 
 and Mr. Cambreleng. 
 
 After the reading of the Journal, 
 
 Mr. Everett desired to have it entered on the 
 same, that he was prevented from attending the 
 last mooting, by the death of a member of his 
 family. 
 
 The Chainnan reported that since the last 
 meeting of the Committee, no further answers 
 had been received from the Departments to the 
 calls of the Committee, but he understood that 
 those remaining were in progr?<Sj and would be 
 «hort1y communicated. 
 
 Mr. Wickliti'eofteredthe following resoiiftuji., 
 which wat; adopted: 
 
 Resolved, That the Chairmaif of the Committee 
 address a letter to the Secretar}' of State, to as- 
 certain the following facts; 
 
 Did John H. Pleasants go as bearer of des- 
 palches from the United States to Rio Janeiro 
 anci Buenos .A.yres, in 1825^ 
 
 Did lie deliver the despatches to the prop6r 
 authority at Rio Janeiro and Buenos Ayres? 
 
 If he did .■.ot go, what became of the despatch' 
 es? who bore them to the governments of Rio 
 Janeiro and Buenos Ayresi" 
 
 Where did J. H. Pleasants go after he left the 
 United States:" Was it not known to the De- 
 partment, v/hen his account was settled and paid 
 him, tliat he had not been to Buenos Ayres as 
 tlie bearer of despatches from this Governmcr/.? 
 
 The C<immittee adjournerV to iiieet atllo' 
 clock on Thusday next. 
 
 THURSDAY, MARCH 28, 1828. 
 
 Committee met: Present, Mr. Hamilton, M.'-. 
 Ingham, Mr. Rives, Mr. Everett, Mr, Wikliffe, 
 and Mr. Chambeleng! 
 
 The Chairman communicated a copy of his 
 note to the Secretary of Stale, enclosing a copy 
 of the resolution adopted by the Committee at 
 its last meeting. 
 
 He also communicated Mr. Clay's reply to the 
 same, ci^ntaining sundry letters respecting the 
 employment of John HambllnPlL'asants. as bear- 
 er of dispatches to Rio Janeiro and Buenos Ay- 
 res; which, after being read, were refeiTcd to 
 the Sub-committee on the Department of Statc- 
 
 The Chainnan al-o co.nmunicated a letter 
 from the Secretary of tlie Navy, covering a state- 
 ment of the ainount p:iid a.- compensation to the 
 officers of tho Navy, for and on account of ex- 
 tra duty, for the year ] S26; show ing the amount - 
 paid to each officer, and for what duty or ser- 
 vice paid; which was referred to the Subcom.- 
 mlttee on the Navy Department. 
 
 Tlic Committee then adjourned, to meet a- 
 gain on Thursday next, at 10 o'clock. 
 
 THURSDAY, ArniL 3, 1828. 
 
 Committee met: Present, Mr. Hamilton, Mr 
 Cambreleng, \Jr. Everett, Mr. Wicklifie, and 
 Mr. Rives. 
 
 I'he Chairman communicated a letter from 
 the Secretary of the Navy, accompanied by a 
 statement showing the " number of officcr.s, 
 seamen and marines provided for at the several 
 Navy Hospitals during the year 1826;" which 
 was referred to the Sub-committee on the Navy 
 Department. 
 
 Mr. WicklifTe offered the following resolu- 
 tion, which was adopted: 
 
 Resolved, That the Chairman ask of the House 
 leave to send for persons and papers. 
 
 The Committee then adjourned to Saturday, 
 10 o'clock. 
 
 SATURDAY, ArniL 5, 1828. 
 
 The Chairman met to adjourn the Committee, 
 by instructions of a majority of the Committee, 
 during its recess, in consecpience of the contin- 
 ued in<lispositton of Mr. Sargeant, and the ab- 
 sence of Mr. Ingham. 
 
 The members of the Committee were then 
 summoned to meet on Monday, April 7, at 10 
 o'clock. ' 
 
2M 
 
 MoNIjAV, A*Uil ?, H»28. 
 
 i lie Committee met pursuant to adjouwuTieni ; 
 Present, Mr. Hamilton, Mr. Cambreleng, Mr. 
 Ji-verett, Mr. "IVickliffe, and Mr. Rives. 
 
 The Chairman communicated the resolution 
 ^adopted by the House on the 4th instant, inOie 
 iollovving words: 
 
 Resolved, That the Select Committee on the 
 sjbject of Retrenchment be empowered to send 
 fyr pereons and papers. 
 
 The Chairman also communicated a letter 
 t'rom the Secretary of the Treasury, accornpan- 
 ied by statements of the contingent expenditures 
 of the State, Treasury, War, and Navy Depart- 
 ments, for the years 1832, 18?3, and 1824, to- 
 gether with a general abstract thereof; wliich 
 Y'?r**- severally referred to the snb-committees on 
 those DeparLlTi^^t?; 
 
 The Chau'man also communicated a letter 
 from the Secretary of the Treasury, on the orga- 
 iiization of the Treasury Department, &c., ac^ 
 comp.inicd by communications from the subor- 
 dinate officers of the Treasury, numbered from 
 1 to 9, being- in compliance >vith a resolution of 
 the Committee adopted on the 13th March; 
 which papers were refeired to the sub-commit- 
 tee on the Treasury Department, Sec, 
 
 Sir. Wicklifi'e offered the following- re^olu- 
 tron, which was adopted: 
 
 ItesolveJ, That summons be issued for Thos. 
 B. Dashiel and G. W. DashicI, James McClea- 
 vyt and James Laurie, to attend tltc Committee 
 on Wednesday next, at 9 o'clock. 
 
 The Conunittec then adjourned to Wcdncs' 
 day, at 10 o'clock. 
 
 WEDNESDAY, Aphil 9, ISCS. 
 
 The Committee met: Present, Mr. Hamilton, 
 Jlr. Cambreleng; Mr. Everett, Mr. WicklifFc, 
 and Mr. TJircs. 
 
 Several witnesses, to wit: Thos. B. Dashiel, 
 Cf^rfjc W. Dasliiel, Dr. Laurie, and James 
 McCieary, ;;liended, in pursuance of a summons 
 fl*om the Chairman. 
 
 Thomas B. Dashiel, George W. DashicI, and 
 Dr. Laurie, were severally sWorn and examin- 
 ed. 
 
 The following are questions propounded to 
 Thomas B. Da-^iel, and answers ^iven. 
 
 Ques. In wliat office are you clerk? 
 
 Jhi^. In the office of the Treasurer. 
 
 Qucs. Who is Chief Clerk in the Treaiaurer's 
 <jftlce? 
 
 Mns. I am acting' as Chief Clerk pro tem- 
 pore. Samuel Brooke, who has rctu*ed for 10 
 months, from old age, from the office, ii> the 
 tegular Chief Clerk of the (>ffice. 
 
 Quea. What is his ualarj', :u5 fixed by law ' 
 
 ^'ins. His s:Uary is ? 1 ,'00 per annum. 
 
 Ques, How lon^^ since he has done any duty 
 in the ofRce of the Treasurer^ 
 
 Ans. About twelve month^. 
 
 Ques. Wl»o performs the dutlc? of Chief 
 f^lcrk in the. Treasurer's oflice ? 
 
 ,5/(3. I do. 
 
 Quts. Did or did not the said Samuel Brooks 
 ajjTce with you, or some other of the clerks in 
 the Department, that, if you or tliey would do 
 liis business as Chief Clerk, he would give you 
 $ 900 of hissabry' If he did nnt m.ikc such 
 •agreement, state what agreement he did make. 
 
 An^. Mr. Brooks made no agreement with 
 tt:. when te rut'rc-d fiVn?. lire cflicp Mr Tir.k- 
 
 cr girccicu nie to do tlie busiiieSi-". liicre \\i: 
 no agreement between Mr. Brooks and myself, 
 whatever. 
 
 Qucs- Has he received any portion of his sa- 
 lary since he left the oflice and ceased to du 
 business.' 
 
 Ansiver. Mr. Brooks received a salary at tlte 
 rate of 1,400 dollars per annum, for the first 
 three months after he retired; since which timcj 
 he has received .it the rale of 800 dollars per 
 annuw. 
 
 Qucsliou. Wlio receives the baTance of the 
 1,700 dollars appropriated by law.' 
 
 Answer. I receive, in addition to my salarj:, 
 300 dollars, as fixed by law, making my com' 
 pensation equal to 1,700 dollars; Georg*: W. 
 D.ishiel receives, in addition to his salary, as 
 ftxc(\ by Law, the sum of 25t) dollars; B. B. Beall 
 receives, in addition to his ea'ary, 150 dollars; 
 G. Beall receives, in addition to his salari', 200 
 dollars; and the dutic-) heretofore performed by 
 G. Beall aie ]ierformed by Mr. Moore, the me.s- 
 fienger, who receives, as assistant clerk, a fixed 
 salary of 400 dollars. He does no duty as a.s- 
 sistant clerk to the chief clerk: the safne quJii* 
 turn of labor is now perforined in the office^ b;- 
 those persons abovc-ntentioned, as was perform- 
 ed by the whole clerks when Mr. Brooks was 
 in the office: no inconvenience results fi-ojh 
 the absence of Mr. Brooks. 
 
 Que&ihn. What are the age and circulji' 
 stances of Mr. Brooks, and how long has he 
 been in office' 
 
 Answer. His age is aboJit 77 yesCrS: hi"s ch*' 
 cumstance.s are considered good. He entered 
 the oiHcc about 1793: he has occasjonally bcejv 
 indisposed, sometimes contmed for a week or 
 ten days. The assistant clerk was granted iii 
 1818, as well as 1 can recclleot. 
 
 Question. Whv w.as the assistant clerk granl- 
 ed' 
 
 Answer. He Vv'as granted in consequence of 
 the old a^e of Mr. IJrpoks, who could not g<t 
 along with the business us well as was required. 
 
 Gcorg-e \\'. Dashiel stale-i, upon interrogato- 
 ries, that Mr. Brooks retired from office on ac^ 
 count of his inefliciency to perform the dutleS 
 of Chief Clerk: he rather retarded the business 
 than otherwise: ho received his salary for about 
 three montlis after he retired. Some time after 
 ho retired tlie arraugemeiit v.-as made by t! 
 Treasurer, by which he was to receive 800 du 
 lui-s of his salary, and the prcmotions took plac'i 
 witli the increase of saUry as state<l by Thom.i3 
 B. Dashiel. Mr. Brooks lias no wife or f.miilv, 
 He is unable to state what are hJs circumstances. 
 
 Quedions propounded to Dr. Laurie. 
 
 Qucstinn. Wlut portion of tim« docs i\-nthri» 
 ry iloiris devote to public duties in the the 0.1- 
 ficeof the Begisterof the Treasury; and \\h: ' 
 duties Ins he performed for the lust tweh 
 niop.tUs? 
 
 Answer. I am not employed in the same roojB ' 
 in tl.at office, and Ihcrefoie cannot say tu what 
 extent of time devoted, or duties performed by 
 Mr. Morris, 
 
 Mr. ^Vickli/^c offered the folJowing rcsdlu- 
 tion, which w:is .adopted: 
 
 Iliiolveii, That a summons be i.<sued for Mi- 
 chael Nourse, to attend as a witness before this 
 ("omniittee. 
 
 1!:? Cbaiman ccitmunicated a letter frorr 
 
ni 3 O 
 
 .j.e becreuiy ol ^Vu^, with commuuicalions 
 from the Second and Third Auditors, fee. ; 
 "R-hich were rcfen'ed to tlie Sub committee ou 
 jthe War Department. 
 
 j The Ccmmittes theu adjourned to Saturday, 
 9 o'clock. 
 
 SATURDAY, ArKix 13, 1828. 
 
 The Committee met; Present, Mr. Hamilton, 
 Mr. Ing-ham, Mr. Everett, Mr. 'V^'ickliife, and 
 Mr. Cambreleng. 
 
 The Chairman then stated that a subpcena had 
 been returned, as duly served on Mr. Michael 
 Nourse, the Chief Clerk of the Register's Of- 
 ice, who now attended to ans'wer such ques- 
 ' ions touchJr.,t^^any mquiry the Committee might 
 'iiake of him. 
 
 Mr. Nourse being' swcrr>) 
 
 Mr. Wicklifle propounded th« fallowing' 
 .niestioire ; 
 
 Are you acquainted with Mr Anthony Mor- 
 ris, clerk in the Register's Office'' State the 
 duties he performs, and the propoi-tJon of time, 
 ihroug^iout tlK2 year, he is engaged in the dis- 
 iharg-e of the same. ^"Ins. Witness sa}^ he b 
 acquainted wuh Mr. Morris. He is a clerk in 
 the Register'.*! Office. lie docs noi know tlie 
 duties he perfoi-ms. Mr. Morris is in a room by 
 himself, and he does not know bow much he is 
 ei'.cfaged. 
 
 1)0 you believe his ser\'ices to the Govern- 
 'nerit ejsential to the regnJar discharpfe of the 
 business of the Register's Office? And are the_r, 
 in your opinion, worth the salay of §1,400 paid 
 iiim? 
 
 ^^ns. Witness does not feel himself autlior- 
 . ^ed to express an opinion, as he is not partku- 
 iarly acquaitited with tlte duties performed by 
 Mr. Mon-is. * 
 
 B;/ Mr. Evcrell. Whefl, and by whohi, was 
 Mr. Morris appointed clerk? 
 
 Ans. He was appointed, witness thinks, about 
 three years ago n'lXt f^ill: his appointment was 
 TTiade by the Register, with thf; approbation, he 
 liinks, of Mr. Crawford. 
 
 li^j Mr. Cambreleng. Who filled the ofHce 
 i.ei'ure Mr. Morris's appointment? 
 
 ,^ns. Mr. Charles Dnu-son. 
 
 lii/ Mr. IVicldiJe. Do you kiiov/ \vhat da- 
 icsMr. Dawson performed?' 
 
 Ans. He kept the impost book, and assi'Sted 
 in forming the commercial statements. 
 
 By Mr. Cumbrelen^. Does Mr. Morris nov/ 
 keep the impost book and commercial state- 
 •.ments? 
 
 , Jlns. No: Mr. Paltercon attends to the fir.st, 
 and the labor of the second is divided between 
 different clerks. 
 
 JSij Mr. Everett. What is the nsiial way in 
 which clerks in the Register's Office are ap- 
 pointed? 
 
 . Jlns. They arc appointed by the Register, 
 generally, vith the approbation oftlic Secre- 
 taiy- 
 
 Sy Mr. I:if^h.cm. Doyouknov,' whctlierthc 
 Secretary of the Treasury has appointed a clerk 
 in a branch of tlm Treasury without un applica- 
 tion from the head of that subordinate branch? 
 
 •ins. I do not know that he has. 
 
 Do you know whether any of the dutic3"which 
 were pcrfornu-d by Mr- Dawson, arc now or 
 ever have been discharged by Mr. Moiris? 
 
 .Inf Th^v are not now performed fay Mr. 
 
 Morris; but when Mr. Morris iir^t eutereii iht 
 office, he entered on the duties of Mr. Dawson, 
 
 By Mr. Everett. • How long did Mr. Morris 
 perform the duties of Mi . Dawson, and why did 
 he cease to perform therti? 
 
 Ans. Witness does not recollect: he believe,?! 
 Ies3 than a year. He does net know whj' 1^: 
 ceased to perform them. 
 
 By Mr. Wichliffe. Do you not know tXvA 
 Mr. Moiris is often absent from kis duties in 
 oiBceh<?urg? 
 
 Ans. Witness answers, that he does not know, 
 when ill the city, how much, or how cflen, Mri, 
 Morris may be absent in oilice hours; I)tjt tha,t; 
 he has been absent, since his appointment, about 
 three months in each year, in consequence q^ 
 his own ill health, and that of his daughter:*, as 
 he believes. 
 
 Mr. Nourse asked petmissiou to state that lie 
 had been informed that Mi-. Brooks' circuir.. 
 stances Vv""ere uotgood: that he waain debt: and 
 that he had not a clear iuccme of more than 
 $100 or §200, 
 
 Mr. Ingham submitted the following resolu';- 
 ti-on, whicli was agreed to; 
 
 Reiohed, That a subpana be issued to the 
 Register of the Treasury. 
 
 The Committee then adjourned, to me€t os 
 Wednesday next, at 9 o'clock. 
 
 WEDNESDAY, ArniL IC- -S^d- 
 
 Committee met: Present, Mr. Hamilton, Mr,. 
 Evci-ctt, Mr. Wickliffe, and Mr. Cambreleng. ' 
 
 The Chairman stated, that, in conformity willi 
 the directions of the committee, heliad issued :j. 
 summons to Mr. Noursf, the Register of th'i 
 Treasury, who had attended, and was now pre- 
 sent to give testimony. 
 
 Mr. Nourse was accordingly sworn, s.xid. the 
 following is his testimony: ^» 
 
 Qiiesiion. What is th«' nature and extent of 
 duties performed by Mr. Morris? 
 
 Aiiswer. Mr. Morris was absent when the 
 other clerks were directed to state their duties; 
 consequently, did not render a statement, but 
 has since v/iitten a letter. 
 
 [Letter of Mr. Morris read and filed.] 
 
 Witness had classcdMr. Morris's service under 
 three heads: Correspor-dence, Statistics, Mis- 
 cellaneous. Witli reg'ard to correspondence, in 
 which Mr. Moiris is his aid, he is the only liter* 
 ary man in the office on whom witness can call. 
 Witness being converbimt with the details of 
 matters relative to the old Government, is often 
 written to on them, and calls on Jlr. Morris to 
 aid in answering. 
 
 £d. Statistics. Mr. Morris was pfit on tlia 
 i-jC!L3 ^3 a man of education, better adapted to 
 that hTCiV.rii tl?»I) to common clerical dutj', and 
 was employed to caiTv on the work o^i5e^'bc^t, 
 a« an undertaking cf great use and convenicntO 
 to the Government. Has made a great many se- 
 lections of a statistical nature, but princifially 
 employed in preparatory researches. 
 
 3d. Mr. Morris has charge of s'atcmtni 
 book.s: has arranged the index to 15 \ ols. and 
 prepared a great m:«ss of paj^ers relative to old 
 Government titansactions. It is the situation of 
 his family wiiich has called him aw.ay. 
 
 Qucs. At what hour docs Mr. MqjTis com? 
 to the office everyday? 
 
 A>v!. About 10 o'clock every day- 
 
 Qties. llo'.v long <lnes ho stay > 
 
234 
 
 \.iii3. Exccpiiiig w'lic'A iic IS wanted, lie gen- 
 crlllv goes away al half past 2, or a little be- 
 fore '3 o'clock, as he lives at a distance from the 
 
 oflice. ^ , 
 
 Qitcs. Is he not absent, on an avcrag-c, at least 
 fyoni two to three montiis, each year' 
 
 Jrhi. Witness has not taken a particular re- 
 cord: refers Jo the letter of Mr. Morris. Wit- 
 ness think., he is absent on an average of two 
 months; but probably will not be hereafter, in 
 consequence of the death of his daughter. 
 Ques. Is this a custom.-Jry iudulfjence? 
 Ans. Thb c!crhs are not indiilgi^d in absence, 
 unless called by circumstances. Witness con- 
 sidors hinisell" .-w staiu'ing in a paternal relation 
 to the officers under him. 
 
 Qius. Do vou consider Iji'. services rtcccs?ary ? 
 j?n,». Thinks that, at wltnts.s's time of life, 
 such an aid to himself is required. 
 
 QucK. Do you consider his services deserving 
 the salary of"lj>l,400 per annum' 
 
 JliiJi. Thinks an officer of bis talents deserv- 
 ing the sidarv of 51, -100. 
 
 Qucs. Has Mr. Morris made out an answer to 
 any call within tweb e niontlis, relative to any 
 matter contained in the 15 vols. ' 
 
 Ais. 'i'he call relative to the claim of Walter 
 Livingston, requiring laborious research, was 
 referred to Mr. Morris, and the answer prepared 
 liv him. 
 " Ques. V.'crc not the duties performed by Mr. 
 Morris, formerly those of Regisier aiui Chief 
 Clerk.' 
 
 Jlns. These dutio.-t were wimesf's 6\vn, and 
 he considers Mr. Morris more particularly as 
 liis .lid. Mr. Morris was appointed in Novem- 
 ber, 1822, by Mr. Crawford, with the concur- 
 rence of Uegistcr, and imjilied putronage of 
 Mr. Madison, who had sent him on a private 
 mission to Spain, and was paid out of the 
 $100,000 granted during the war for special 
 services. 
 
 Tlic Chairman then submitted a letter from 
 Mr. Noiirsi-, Hcgisti-r of the Treasury, as to the 
 duties prrlormed by Mr Morris. 
 
 He also .submuted a letter from Mr. Lee, Se- 
 cond Auditor, containing a list of the clerks in 
 his office, and the duties they perform. 
 
 And tlicn the Committee adjourned, to meet 
 when summoned by the Chairman. 
 
 THUUSDAY, AriiiL 24, 1828. 
 
 Tl»c Committee met: Present, Mr Ilam'dton, 
 Mr. Everett, Mr. Uives, Mr. Wickliffe, and Mr. 
 Cambrelcng. 
 
 The Chairman stated to the Committee, that 
 lie had not previou-^ly summoned them, in con- 
 sequence of the continued indisposition and 
 sickness of Messrs. Sergeant and Ingham. 
 
 He also communicated the f-liowing letter 
 from Mr. Koiirse, the Regisier of the Treasury, 
 explanatory of his testimony, \\z: 
 
 Thearury Departmest, 
 
 Register's Offick, Jpril 16, 1828. 
 Recollcct'ng one of the questions of this 
 rnorning before the Committee, in respect to 
 occasional absence of the oilier clerks, I an- 
 swered, "It was not." At that moment the 
 period of two months was in my mind. I should 
 nave said, "It is usual, or .ipplication of clerks, 
 on special applications to be absent with leave, 
 snd the period of distance, has, in a measure, 
 (TOvemc'l the (^nvnts as to the t]rpr of aH'scncc; 
 
 but not generally tor ' i\v o mouihsj' unless slC):- 
 ness intervened." 
 
 I have the honor to be, he. 
 
 JOSEIMI NOUUSE. 
 
 Tlie following resolution was offered by Mr. 
 Wicklifte, and .agreed to: 
 
 ResulvHl, Th:it summons issue for Gcorg'c 
 Gr iham, "^hc Commissioner of the Land Office, 
 Richard Cults, and Colonel McKenney, to ap- 
 pear at the next meeting of the Committee, ami 
 give testimony. 
 
 The Chairman was then instructed by the 
 Committee to apply to the House for leave to 
 sit during tlie ses.sions of the House. 
 
 And tiien the Connnittee adjourried, to meet 
 at half past 9 o'clock to-morrow morning- i< 
 
 I'RIDAY MORNING, Apkii. 25, 1828. 
 
 The Committee met: Present, Mr. HamlUor. 
 M-. Rives, Mr. Everett, Mr. Wicklific, and Mr. 
 Cambreleng. 
 
 The Chairman stated to the Committee, that 
 George Graham, R. Cutts, and Col. McKenncy, 
 attemlcd, to give testimony. 
 
 Upon Mr. Graham's b..-lng sworn, he testified 
 as follows: 
 
 Queation. . What is the utility of continuing 
 the system of inspecting the Land Office? 
 
 Alls. The dutv of t^ie examiner is to examine 
 and count the money reported to be in the 
 hamls ol' the Receiver; to compare the books 
 of the Register and Receiver together, in order 
 to^see wliethev they coiTespo*id; to make a re- 
 port as to tlrc manner in which the books arc 
 kept; in respect to the neatness and correctness, 
 and whether tliey are brought up to the period 
 of examinatioTi. The practice gf these exami- 
 nations has existed since ISO-I, in pursuance of 
 I.iw, althoug'i with some variations in the mode. 
 Qucs. Could not the business be as well done 
 by some citizen in the neighborhood.' 
 
 Ans. In the early period there were few offi- 
 ces, and Mr. Gallatin generally employed some 
 one in the neighhorliood to exam.ine them, 
 with a per diem of S6 per day, while actur.lly 
 engaged, and >5 or S6 per 20 miles for mileagr. 
 After Mr. Crawford came into office, bethought 
 it expedient to employ persons not residing in 
 the neighborhood, on the same allowance per 
 diem, wliile actually engaged, and ?5 or So 
 mileage for all expenses. 
 
 Qucs. Could not the examination be made a'' 
 efficiently, and at a great reduction of expense, 
 by a person living in the neighborhood of the 
 offices .' 
 
 Ans. Witness thinks it might ; and it is not 
 necessary to have an annual examination, as 
 pour pr;;:jcribed by law. An occasional examin- 
 ation will be suffieient. In some offices, it 
 should take place aiinu:dly, but where the books 
 were found, on one examination, well kept and 
 brought up, an examination the next year might 
 be dispensed with. Some offices should he. 
 examined, and the money counted, oftener than 
 once a year. The frequency of examination 
 might be in the discretion of the President. 
 
 Qius. When was .Tolin Scott appointed to 
 examine land offices ; and what amount of com- 
 pensation was made, or to be m:ide to him ' 
 
 Alls. Thinks he w.as appointed in March or 
 April, 1827 ; examined the office."', in the course 
 of last summer and fill, in Missouri and Arkan- 
 sas Has ma'lc repoi-tcf the examination?, bv.» 
 
has reiWcrea no account tor his services. Has 
 received, from the different llecelvers, about 
 $400, as appears from tlieir returns ; and has 
 drawn a bill oa the Department for }5500,. which 
 has not been paid, in conseqence of his not hav- 
 ing yet rendered his accounts. He wi.l be en- 
 titled to S6 per diem, for every day employed 
 in actual examination, and $5 or $6 per every 
 20 miles, computed from his residence ; such 
 being' the standing allowance. This compensa- 
 tion has been paid in various ways : no specific 
 appropriation has been made, by law, for its 
 payment. Each examiner, when appointed, is 
 furnished with a letter of credit to tiie Iteceiver 
 of each ofRce which he examines. Amount 
 paid on each letter is charged to the contin- 
 gencies of the sale of public lands. It is an 
 indefinite letter of credit, but agents seldom 
 draw more than $100 dollars fiom any office. 
 Kxaminer reports the number of days that he 
 has been employed in each ofRce : if an u!i- 
 reasonable number of days be reported, an 
 inquiry will be ordered. Witness does not 
 recollect any case of more than four or five 
 days reported for one ofHce. Where the ex- 
 aminer does not receive all. that he is enti- 
 tled to at the ofliccs, he sends his account to 
 the Treasury, and is paid out of the annual 
 appropriation for payments of accoinits not 
 otherwise provided for, or by order on some 
 one of the Receivers. 
 
 Qucs. What mileage was Mr. Scott entitled to? 
 
 Ans. The amount of miles travelled by him 
 js not known as yet at the land office, and 
 fur this reason the settlement of his account 
 has been suFpcnded. Mr. Scott has made all 
 his reports, and finished his agency. His re- 
 ports were delayed by sickness, but his ac- 
 counts are not yet rendered ; and not know- 
 ing what he is entitled to as mileage, his draft 
 has not been paid. He examined seven offices 
 iu Missouri and Arkansas. 
 
 The Committee then proceeded to the ex- 
 amination of Mr. Cutts, Comptroller of the 
 Treasur}-, who, being sworn, was merely 
 interrogated in explanation of certain items 
 in the account of the contingent expenses 
 of the Indian Department; but as a refer- 
 ence to the vouchers in his office was neces- 
 sary before he could render his answers, his ex- 
 amination was postponed, as well as that of Col. 
 McKenney. 
 
 The Chairman then stated to the Committee, 
 that he felt it his duty to mention, that a citizen, 
 now a resident of this District, had inquired of 
 him whether, in any of the accounts of the con- 
 tingent expenses of the Governm.ent, the U. 
 States were debited with the sum of five thou- 
 sand five hundred dollars, paid to the late Da- 
 niel P. Cook, late a Representative in Congress, 
 tVom the State of lUinois, for certain diplomatic 
 services, upon which Mr. Cook was supposed 
 to have been sent abroad during the last sum- 
 mer ? 
 
 The individual making this communication 
 also stated that he had good reason to hdieve, 
 that the Hon. Mr. Barton, of the Senate, and 
 the Hon. Mr. Letcher, of the House of Repre- 
 sentatives, were acquainted with this fact, and 
 that he had good reason to know that John Mc- 
 Lean, Esq. Postmaster General, was also co- 
 nuzant of the circumstances connected with 
 this transaction. 
 
 The Cluiirtiiau staiea viiat -he did not feel ui 
 liberty to communicate the name of his inform- 
 ant, but in regard to the purport of the commu- 
 nication he felt no such reserve, and it was for 
 the Committee to make such order on the state- 
 ment as tiiey might deem 'proper. 
 
 It v>'as, on motion of Mr. Cambrcleng, 
 
 Resolved, That the Committee consider tlift 
 communication : when Mr. Wickliiie moved, 
 that tiic Committee proceed to the examination 
 of the fact stated, and that the Chairman request 
 the attendance of Messrs. I>etcher and Barton, 
 and issue a summons for the Postmaster Gene- 
 ral. 
 
 Mr. Everett stated to the Committee, that, 
 desiring to confer with Mr. Sergeant, who wais 
 absent from indisposition, on tlie very impor- 
 tant subject involved in the communication, hfi 
 would move that its consideration be postponed 
 until to-moraow, Saturday, tlic 2Gth, at 12 o'- 
 clock, (meridian,) which -vvas carried, nemcon^ 
 
 Then the Comtnittee adjourned, to meet to- 
 morrow at 12 o'clock. 
 
 SATURDAY, Afkil 26, 1828. 
 
 Committee met : Present, Mr. Hamiltor., 
 (Chairman,) Mr. Sergeant, Mr. Rives, .\Jr. Eve- 
 rett, Mr. Wicklifie, and Mr. Cambrcleng. 
 
 The Chairman submitted the following letter 
 frcm Mr. Graham, Commissioner of the General 
 Land Office, explanatory of histestitaony taken 
 on yesterday : 
 
 " Cenekai. LasT) ©rFiCh, 
 
 "■.flpril25, 1828. 
 "Sin: In the statement made by me to the 
 Committee, I omitted to mention thatj jin j), 
 conversation had with the Secretary oi' th*^ 
 Treasury, last autumn, previous to the session 
 of Congress, I understood him to say that, for 
 the future, the letter of credit given to the ex- 
 aminers of the Land Offices should be more re- 
 stricted and Umited in its terms. If deemed ne- 
 cessary, you will please file this as a |)art of my 
 testimony. 
 
 With very great respect, Sec. 
 
 •'GEO. GRAHAM." 
 The Committee then proceeded to the con- 
 sideration of the motion, that tlie Committee 
 proceed to the examination of the fact stated 
 in the communication of the Chairman: and 
 that the Ch'\irman request the attendance of 
 Messrs. Barton and Letcher, and issue ?- sum- 
 mons for the Postmaster General /yrfA'xv'/A. 
 
 And, upon the question being take "i, Messrs. 
 Rives, Wickliffe, and Cambreleng, voted in the 
 affirmative, and Messrs. Sergeant and Everett 
 in the negative. 
 
 The Chairman then transmitted notes fo 
 Messrs. Barton and Letcher, and issued a suh- 
 pa^na to the Postmaster General, a.U of whom 
 attended. 
 
 The Hon. Mr. Barton, of the Senate, attend- 
 ed as a witness, and being sworn, testified as 
 follows: 
 
 Qucs. Are you acquainted with the fact, that 
 the late D. P. Cook was employed by the Go- 
 vernment of the United States, on foreign ser- 
 vice, at the commencement of the last summer? 
 Jlns. Witness understood from Mr. Cook him- 
 self, that, as Mr. Cook was going to the Island 
 of Cuba for his health, he .was, while there, to 
 be employed in the service of the Government, 
 to collect such informatiou as the Government 
 
^ii6 
 
 liiii'iii %v iih to have reialive to uuti couuiry. He 
 wa« !»'ck at the close of the session, und wit- 
 ac9S remained with him, and went %vith him to 
 Vliiladr'.phia, whc-re he left witness and went to 
 Kew York. Witness hatl intended to go round 
 with him, by the way of Cuba, but declined do- 
 iny so, on account <>f the advanced season. 
 
 Ques. Did you understand what compensa- 
 tion Mr. Cook' was to hn^-e f'^rh.is services? 
 
 ^«.f. Witness uiidcr'jtooi! that an uJvanceAvas 
 made to !ilm of 1,000 dollars. 
 
 Ques. Did you learn whi-.t additional sum Ue 
 \vas to receive for his services, or v.heilisi- he 
 \vas to i-eccive any ^ 
 
 .2h5. W:tn:^s did not understand whether 
 there was to be any furtiier compensation. 
 
 Ques. AViiat was the situation of Mr. Cook's 
 health at the time he received this appointment? 
 
 ..dns. fie was supposed to berecovehnj^ from 
 the sickness which he had had dunng the e-js- 
 ision. At the close of the sessioii he was very 
 ill.rf Witness remained with liim till about 
 March 20th, when he wns much better, and 
 then accompanied him to Philadelpiiiy., wv.erc 
 witness staid v.ith liim until April, and he co-n- 
 tinucn.1 tJ p;et better. 
 
 Qties. Did Mr. Ccok stop at I'hiladelpljki on 
 account of his hcaltii?' 
 
 Jliis- "When he left Washington, he hnd the 
 ifttent.on to s;iilfrom Pliiladelpliiaor New York, 
 but designed also to sto,-:" at Philadelphia, and 
 consult Dr. Physck wit?i respect to his health. 
 
 Que3. After Mr. Cook concluded to go out 
 to Cuba, in service of tiie United States, was 
 he obliged to stay here on account of his 
 health? 
 
 ^ns. It was not long before witness started 
 for Philadelphia, that witness heard Mr. Cook 
 would be thus employed. 
 
 Qucs. Do you know if Mr. Cook spoke the 
 Spanish language' 
 
 ^iris. Witness does not know whether he did 
 cr not; but think.s, from his acquaintance with 
 him since he was a hoy, that he did not, 
 
 Ques. Fi-om the situation in which you left 
 Ml*. Cook, in Philadelphia, did you think him 
 capable of attending thoroughly to business, 
 public or private? 
 
 ^Qna. Did not think liim so at tl^e time; but 
 if his health had continued to improve as it had 
 done from the adjournment, vv-itness thinks he 
 would soon have been able to attend to businefi.s. 
 Did not, however, think he would permanently 
 recover from a pulmonary complaint with which 
 he was seriously afflicted. 
 
 Ques. Do j-ou or do you not know, that^at 
 the time Mr. Cook was sick, he was an appli- 
 ( ant for the appointment of Minister to Colom- 
 bia? 
 
 ,ins. He had heard such a thing spoken of, 
 not only at that moment, but during that spring. 
 "Witness lived with Mr. Cook. 
 
 Ques. On what points did you understand 
 that Mr. Cook was to collect information? 
 
 ^us. On the state of public affairs general- 
 Jvj witness thinks he licard no particulars. 
 
 Ques. Did you liear the reason assigixtd why 
 he did not receive the appointment to Colombia' 
 
 .?/w. Witness did not hear any special reason 
 assigned, or if he diil, docs not remember it 
 
 Ques. HaN e yuu any recollection of hearing 
 that this mission to Cuba was an alternative for 
 the m',ss!t>n to Colombia, wIhcIj, for certain rea- 
 
 sons, cnuld not be given Iiiin; 
 
 .5ns. Witness heard no such idea &uggc:aeu 
 Witness had probably about the same know- . 
 ledge of the application for the appointment to I 
 Colombia that most members of Congress bad, c 
 which WAX, in general, that he desired it, but i 
 did not obtain it. 
 
 Question by Mr. Wickliffc. Do you km»v 
 vhf.n Mr. Cook returned ? 
 
 Jlfis: Thinks it was tlie lattc!: end of May, 
 or beginning of June, that lie returned. 
 
 Qu'S. Wht'U did Mi'» Cook probably sail 
 from New York t 
 
 *ins. Does not know, but presumes sume 
 time in April. Witness jjarieQ from him be- 
 tween 5th and lUth of April, at Phitadelphia, 
 wlien Mr. Cook went to New York, to sail. 
 
 Question bi/ Mr Cambrdeng. Doyouknc, 
 that Mr. Cook did not receive any thing more 
 than tiic lOJO doUai-s advaiiccd to him when Be 
 left Washington? 
 
 An3. Witness do^s not know tliat lie receiv- 
 ed no more. 
 
 Q'tciitons by Mr. Everett. - Do you know NvTio j 
 was Govenor General of Cuba, at tliat time? 
 
 Jlns- 'i'h-nks it was Ghneral Vivos, formerly 
 Minister in tins couutrj'. 
 
 Ques. Ha\ e you any reason to believe tba't, 
 while Genend Vives was in tliis country, hu 
 learned to sp.r.ak the English language? 
 
 Jlns. Thinks while he was here he mijr!.*. 
 have made some progress. 
 
 Ques. by Mr. Cambrelmg. Do you knov,- 
 General Vivcs? 
 
 Jlns. Witness saw him while he was here: 
 had no personal acquaintance with him; was, 
 perhaps, introduced to him, does not recollect 
 thar he ever conversed with him. 
 
 Qu<:s. By Mr. Sergeant. Do yoli recoUec*, 
 wiietherMr. Cock had formerly been employed 
 abroad by the Government' 
 
 .Ans. Was sent (witness believes) to Lon- 
 don, by Mr. Siadison, to carry despatches. 
 
 Que.-i By Mr. Rives. Do you know tta* 
 he returned from London v.ith Mr. Adams? 
 
 Jins. Thinks he has heard Mr. Cook say so. 
 
 Ques. By Mr. Cambreleng. Was .Mr. Cook . 
 able to go out wiien he was here, and attend to 
 businei's? 
 
 Ans. Not much, out rode out occasionally 
 to the public offices, before he left Philadel- 
 phia was able to walk out on business. 
 
 Mr. Letcher was next SM'orn, and testified as 
 follows : 
 
 Ques. Have you any knowledge whttLcr M- 
 Cook received an appointment from the Go- 
 '-'rnment of the United States, in March or Apr 
 last' 
 
 dns. Witness has no knowledge; but li. 
 understood so during this session of Congress, 
 from the Postmaster General or Mr. Clay, in 
 so;nc casual conversation. Does not certainly 
 remember to have heard Mr. Clay say so. I3 
 pretty confident it was one of the two, and is . 
 not sure which. 
 
 Ques. . Did you remain here at the close cF 
 tlic last session of Congress' 
 
 ^iiis. No. Witness left Congress a few days 
 before the adjournment. 
 
 Ques- Did Mr. Cook evel' tell you he desir- 
 ed an appointment' 
 
 .ius. He never did; but V-Jtncss knoivs h" 
 v'a« desirous of on? 
 
•*) -"J "^ 
 
 W-iiat ivas titc state of ill". Cook's 
 aftRatthc close of the session? 
 AttS. It was delicate. ^ 
 
 Quts. Did yo'.i think him fit to attend to 
 ^'siness at that time? 
 
 .Ins. It will depend on the nnture ofthebu- 
 Wfss. Did not think him capable of attending 
 ^ laborious business. 
 
 ^wf.i. Do jou know whether Mr. Cook was 
 \. applicant for the appoint'.-nent of Minister to 
 plombia? 
 
 Ji-na. lie wag. Mr. Cook having expressed 
 ja desire to procure that appointment in con- 
 frsetion, asked witness's opinion of his fitness 
 ffl" tho office, and prospect of gcttinjj it. Does 
 ' vt know that ho ever applied to the President, 
 jit has no doubt he did, (from iiL-j co;ivefsation) 
 ither by hin>self or friends. 
 Ques. Did yu ever hear, from any person 
 \)unected with the. Government, tlie reason why 
 p did not receive the appointment? 
 I .ins. Never did. 
 
 I Qui.". Do you know whether Mr. Cook 
 boke the Spanish language ? 
 lAns. Thinks he did not. If he did, witness 
 |aT5 no knowledge of it. 
 
 j Question by Mr. Cumbreleng. Do you rtcol. 
 ;ct that Mr. Cook was unable to attend in Con- 
 resp, at the close of tlie session ? 
 .ins. lie was unable to attend, although he 
 pd a bill of interest before the House. Some 
 .me before, he had been diligent in his atten- 
 lencc as Chairman of the Committi^e of Ways 
 frtd Means . 
 
 Ques. Do you know* any thing about tlie 
 um of moriey he was to receive 'f 
 Sn.t. Does not. 
 
 Quesiion by 3Ir. Everett Did you understand 
 vliat was the nature of the duties to be dischar- 
 ged by Mr. Cook in Cuba ? 
 j i^as. Witness did not, but has the imprea- 
 idon that, v>-hen lie nndci-stood from Mr. Clay or 
 he Postmaster General, that he hadnad such an 
 ippointment, he was also told he had done all 
 -liat was expected. 
 
 Mr. Johj) .McLean, Postma-stcr General, ap- 
 fxcarcd, was sv. orn, and the following h his 
 estimony: 
 
 Qucs. Have you any information, touching 
 nn appointment which the late D. P. Cook ve- 
 ceive<l last spring ' 
 
 ' .^5. M'itncss understood fi-om Mr. Cook, 
 i'lifl< ho was appointed as a secret agent to Cubn, 
 Ij'le was sick .some weeks at witness's house, 
 land the subject Avas mentioned i-ather confiden- 
 tially to witness, bvit witiiotit any injunction of 
 I ccrcc3'. Docs not know that ho has ever mcn- 
 *ioned it to any one, but may have done so to 
 Judge L'.tchcr, and possibly to soviie other per- 
 son; but (vnnot recollect wi'h crrtainty. 
 
 Itcmark ,\y the Chairman. The Committee are 
 not acting under any information that they have 
 any reason to tJv.nk was derived from wilnt-ss. 
 
 Qucs. Did y.^u understand frum Mr. Cook 
 the amount of coinpentution he wxsto receive^ 
 Ans. Somethmg was soid by Mr. Cook on the 
 '•lUbject- The sum of $5,(KiO per annum was 
 rr.imed, but witness docs not recollect to have 
 heard that any sum wa-s fixed. 3f>d this sum may 
 have been mentioned before the appointn»ent 
 was made or the sum fixed. 
 
 Quca. Was not Mr. Cook confined, by Ulncss, 
 *.* th':; tim". at ycfur hcf"?^ 
 
 .ills. He was some weeks sick, at witnc&»i» 
 house, being there by invitation, in order that 
 he might have more comforts than he could 
 otherwise have. Witness thought him near 
 dying. 
 
 Qiics. Did you, at that time, think that he 
 was able to attend to any business.' 
 
 Ans. Witness thought, by change of climate, 
 he wo'ald be able tc attend to business. He re» 
 coveri-d so much, as to be able to travel to New 
 York witli considerable comfort; and witne?3. 
 thought, at the time "he left his house, that hti 
 would be able to attend to the business confi- 
 ded to him. 
 
 Qites. Was Mr Coq!; acquainted ■wiihth" 
 Spanish languogcT 
 
 Jlii^. YV itness does not know that he w.is . 
 
 Ques. Wh.-it was tlie nature of his disease? 
 
 Ans. Pulmonar}'; but it was thouglit by hi.i 
 physician that he might live some months, or 
 porhaps some yeara 
 
 Questions b>) Mr. Rives. Do you know how 
 much money iie n-ceived before he left the coun- 
 trT.% or after his return? 
 
 Atvi. Witness do-^-s not know. 
 
 Ques Have you any knowledge ofanyap" 
 plication maile by Mr. Cook for the place of 
 Minister to Colombia? 
 
 Ans. H'S name w.i3 before the President. 
 
 Ques. Did you ever leai-n that this secfet 
 mission was an alternative for the missions to 
 Colombia? 
 
 Alls. Witness understood that it was not 
 thought expe,iient to send a Minister to Colom- 
 bia, and tliat Mr. Cook accepted of t.'iismi:«:on. 
 Witnesti does not know that it was an alternative.. 
 
 Question by .'ilr. IVickllJfe. Was not his ap- 
 plication to be Minister or Cliarge d'Affaires W, 
 Colombia? 
 
 Ans. Witness thinks it was to be Minister- 
 Mr. Cook wrote a letter to witnes.s on the sub- 
 ject' of the appointment; witness bavin,"- a high 
 opinion of his capacity, integrity, ancl fitness 
 for Ihd ofhcf, sent tiie letter to the President, 
 but had no conversation with the President or 
 Mr. Clay on the subject: that w.is the applica» 
 tion. 
 
 Question by 3L\ Rives. Did you understand 
 tliat, ontlie return of Mr. Cook to the country,. 
 lie had perlbuned all the services cxpoctcd 
 from him? 
 
 Ans. Has no distinct impression on that head. 
 
 Question by Mr. Cambrdeng. Had you any 
 knowledge of the way in which he performed 
 the iluties of his appointment? 
 
 An^i- Not any. Witncs.our.dcrstood his health 
 became worse on his return. 
 
 Ques. Dill you ever tell any one that ho haJ 
 perf';nned tlie duties expected of him? 
 
 Ans. Wiliie.s.s lias no distinct recollection of 
 doing .so: if he has told any orie so, it ha.s es- 
 cipcd his reooljection; presumes he could iioc 
 have siiid so, :ishe fiad no particular information 
 on the subject. 
 
 Quctlioa by itr. Erereil. Had you any \in- 
 dcrs'anding as to the general nature of the du- 
 ties to be performed by Mr. Cook? 
 
 Ais. Witness had not; didnotscchisinstrur- 
 tions, nor did \lr. Cook go into any detail in 
 conversation. 
 
 Questions by Mr. Caml/rekng. Do you sup- 
 pose that Mr. Cook disguised any Unng from 
 vnu. oT w?—; 'he conversation"! fra-iV ' 
 
2iiii 
 
 .ins. 'Ihcy were irunk. Mr. Cook said he 
 expected special instructions; that he had some 
 conversations witli the President or Secretary 
 of State, and found the hiiisiness to be confided 
 to Ijim of more importance than he had expect- 
 ed, but did not ^o into detail nor did witness 
 think it proper to enquire more particularly. 
 
 Do you know whether his duties were of a 
 diplo;natic character? 
 
 Aiif. Does not. His impression was that 
 the agency was of a secret nature, butoouldnot 
 state positively. 
 
 Qucstiwi bi/f^Mr.Eofrett. What is your recol- 
 lection as to the sum of $5,000 mentioned by 
 Mr. Cook? 
 
 Jlns. It is very indistinct. It may have referred 
 to a probable .sum to be fixed. 
 
 Qumtionhy Chuirinan. Did you or did you 
 not hear Mr. Cook or some of his friends make a 
 comparative estimate of the value of this mis- 
 sion, and of that to Colombia, as an inducement 
 to accept the appointment? 
 
 Ans. Witness may have conversed with Mr. 
 Cook on this point, and may have stated that if 
 a fixed sum of $5,uOO were f^iven, as less ex- 
 pense would be incurred, it would be as good, 
 in a pecuniary point of view, as the mission to 
 Colombia. 
 
 Question by Mr. Everett. Do you remember 
 V5 have heard that, if Mr. Cook had not received 
 this appointment, it would have been necessary 
 to send some other person ' 
 
 Ans. Witness may liavehe.ird somethint^ like 
 this from Mr. Cook, but does not recollect it. 
 
 The committee adjourned, to meet again on 
 WEDNESDAY, Apihl 30, 1828. 
 
 Comtnitiee met at ten o'clock: Present, the 
 Chairman, Mr. Wickliffe, Mr. Sergeant, Mr. 
 Cambrclcng, anu Mr. Everett. 
 
 Mr. Sergeant requcste-J t'hat it might be en- 
 tered on t!»e Journal of t. Committee, that. his 
 absence from the meetings of the Committee 
 had been occasioned by indisposition, which 
 had confined him to his room. 
 
 Ordered, That Messrs. Way and Wcightman 
 be summoni'd. as witnesses, to attc^Kl the com- 
 mittce, and that Messrs. CJules aod Seaton be in- 
 vited to give sui-h explAnatJons, relative to the 
 printitigof the House, as may be required. 
 
 The Chairnun submitted a Ivttcr Tom Mr. 
 l,etclier, explaining his tistimony before the 
 committee at the last meeting, which is as fol- 
 io ws: 
 
 IlOtrer, OF UniTESr.N'TATITKS, 
 
 Mundaij DLoriiinv;, April 25, 1828. 
 
 Sin: In answer to an inquiry, propc/imded to 
 me by one of the Committee on Uelienohment, 
 Saturday evening last, wiuther 1 washcroatthe 
 close of the hist session of Congress, I replied 1 
 was not, tii;it I left tlic cit} a few days before the 
 termination of the session. buch'w:is my un- 
 quulified opinion it tlie Diomcnt. I fiml, howc- 
 >er, upon reflection, I labored under a tnis^p- 
 prchen.sion, and tlmt I remaiiu-d here until the 
 close of the .session. Al;!iougU the mistake 
 might not he very material in refert nee to the 
 subject matter about which I w.as examined, 
 yet xs 1 am di-sirous of being accurate, I must 
 nsk the favor of the coinmittce, to aih»w me to 
 1 orrcct my statement in the aforcs.tid particular. 
 
 With great respect, 
 Vour obedient servant, 
 
 K. P. I.ETCFIKIl. 
 TTon JiMFs HAMrrroy. Chnir/* :n, i'r 
 
 'i'he committee adjourned, to tneet again a: 
 12 o'clock. 
 
 The Committee met pursuanttoadjournment: 
 
 When Mr. Andrew Way appeared, was sworn, 
 and testified as follows: 
 
 Ques. 1. What is the difference between the 
 number of ems contained in a page of the size 
 of tiie edition of the Laws, of 1815, and in 14 
 page of the size of the documents as printed by 
 Gales & Seaton ? 
 
 Ans. About one hundred and fifty-five, mak- 
 ing from one third to one half a page in ei^ht 
 of continuo!:s printing. In printing a work like 
 the .louinal, containing numerous breaks, the 
 difference in the number of ems in the width 
 would produce little or no saving. 'I'he differ- 
 ence in the number of lines on the page of the 
 Journal, and that of the Laws, might amount 
 to a third of a page in eight. The charge of 
 printers for seven full pages, and a part of the 
 eighth or a blank page, would be the same as 
 for cigiit fidl pages 
 
 Qucs. 2. In consequence of the difference 
 between the two sizes of tlie pages, might not 
 the printer, in printing a document that might 
 be compressed into four pages of tlie large size, 
 occasionally extend it to a fifth page, and thus 
 lead to an extra charge for the fifth page and 
 the si.xth blank page? 
 
 Ans. He would not go over the fourth page 
 for a few lines, but if it were necessary to go 
 over the fourth page, would charge for half a 
 sheet. 
 
 0. Question by 3Ir ZJ2'fre//. On what propor 
 tion of the psnnting done for the House, would 
 the loss arising from the different size of pages 
 acciue? 
 
 Ans. It would be impossible to say, exactly, 
 without carefully examining the whole. It 
 would accrue on a small part only of the print- 
 ing. It would accrue on large continuous do- 
 cuments only, and not at all on table work, f*or 
 on documents containing from four to sixteen 
 pages each. 
 
 4. Question by Mr. Everett. Would not the 
 printer, for his own convenience and interest, 
 crowd cs. small excess over a sign^iture into the 
 signature, rather than subjom an additioral leaf ^ 
 
 Alls. He wouKl, beruuse lie would suffer 
 more in fillinguptlio blank page an<l in the ex- 
 tra stitching, tlian he v.ovdd gain by tlie extra 
 charge. It would be considei-cl discreditable, 
 to throw a few extra lines on a ninth page and 
 charge accordingh-. 
 
 5. Question It;- .Mr. Seaton. I'rom your know- 
 ledge of thf n-.u^nn-r in wl>ich the public print- 
 ing has been done by tlie pivsent printers, and 
 Ijy any others, do you not think that it has been 
 done very niuch better in respect to cconomv 
 and despatch, hy tlie present printci-s, than by 
 any others* 
 
 Ans. Witnes.s thinks it has, dtcidedly: has 
 hccn nstonished at the expedi.don with which 
 the printing has been done by the p.-csent prin- 
 tcro: th'.nks it w.is ncvec so well done beforr : 
 has been as ncUly executed, but never with so 
 much exi>i-diti<)n. 
 
 Qii'slion by Mc. IJ'lrhVffe. What is the loss 
 sustained in S<^natc document. No. 103, of the 
 1st Rcssion iDih Congress, making 840 page.-, 
 in consr.;iiieiice of the size of the pages' 
 
 .in:i. About fifty pages in consequence of 
 tUi: veihiecd-length of page. Very little effe^ 
 
 '.^tha* do''l.rf^»p' WO'dl lif' n-f>r1ij<-.-d !>'■ tl-r- rl'r. 
 

 J 
 
 i3^ 
 
 sufence la uicidi, but ii is impossible to speak 
 a'jcurately. 
 
 7. Qucsf'orby 3Jr. Ercreff. Whatwoul.lbe 
 the loss on House document No. 112, 1st session 
 19th Congress, which is rule work? 
 
 diis. There would !)e no loss. 
 
 8 Question by 3Ir. Evereit. Are they not 
 many more docaments of the same kind as the 
 last named document tlian the former? 
 
 ^Ins. There are. There are few c'ocuments 
 where the loss would accrue. Does not know, 
 certainly what proportion of long; documents are 
 now published. In former \ears there v/erc 
 verv few. 
 
 9. Question by Mr. Everett. What is your 
 opinion of the difference in respect to economy 
 of the mode in winch such statistical tables as 
 document No. 133, 2d session 15th Congres.s, 
 printed by De KrafiV, and document No. 120, 2d 
 session 19th Congress ru-e printed? 
 
 \ins. The difference is very great. ^ The ex- 
 peuse of the former inoue would be four times 
 that of the present, at the same rate per page. 
 
 10. Question by Mr. JJ'ickliffe. AVasnotthe 
 former document printed by contract, a^id be- 
 fore resolution of 1819? 
 
 Jns. It was 
 
 i 1. Question by Mr. Everett. What was the 
 .'.ature of the contract under which the printing 
 vas formci'lv done? 
 
 .'Ins. Thinks it was so much pel* sheet, or 
 half sheet. 
 
 12. Que.^tlon by Mr. Everett. Might not 
 docuir.ent No 120, making 283 pages of rule 
 and figure work, 2d session 19tii Congress, un- 
 der the resolution of 1819, have been prujtedin 
 the same form as No. 133, 2d session 15th Con- 
 
 ° Jns. According to witness's understanding 
 of the rule, it m'ght. 
 
 13. Qiteition liy Mr. Everett. About how 
 many more pages would document No. 120, 
 2'i. sr-ssicn 19th Congress make, if printed in the 
 luanner just described? 
 
 .Ins. "Witness thinks it would make five or 
 six times as many pages: cannot speak with cer- 
 tainty. • ■ • • _ 
 ■ 14. Question by Mr. Wict<VJU'e. Is it the 
 practice of printers, in rule and table v/ork, to 
 charge the same price for the blank pages as 
 for the printed' 
 
 Jns. It is. The compositor v/ould charge 
 :: to the printer, and cojist-qu.'ntiy, the printer 
 v/ould charge it. If the document consisted 
 only of one page, two would not be charged ; 
 but in a continuous v.ork, one blank page would 
 rtot be excepted. ■ 
 
 The Committee adjourned to meet again to- 
 morrow at 12 o'clock. 
 
 THURSDAY, May 1, 1828. 
 
 Committee met. Preset, the Chairman, Mr. 
 ' Sergeant, Mr. Wicklifie, and Mr. Everett. 
 
 Mr. Cutts was again called— testified as fol- 
 lows ; , 
 
 Question by ^r. WicMiffc What was the 
 tpTioimt of compensation, per diem, of 'i horaas 
 I,. McKennev, Clerk in tlie War Office, for his 
 tour to Green Bay, t'.ie last summer? 
 
 Jns. Mileage 8 dollars per 20 miles, and 
 compensation 8 dollars per day, while in the dis- 
 charge of ins duties, attending th.e negotiation 
 cf the treaties vilihtli? Indian tribe" 
 
 Qucatio'i by 2itr. \ yickilffe. By whom w as tliat 
 compensation ])aid ? 
 
 Jm. 15y Mr. Forsyth ; amouning, as far as 
 witness recollects, to $1,880. 
 
 Question Ijy Mr. JVckrffe. What amount of 
 money was advanced Col. McKcnney, from the 
 Treasury, last year, on or before his departure 
 from Washington, f<n- the expenses of his toui' 
 from Green Bay to the South ' 
 
 .0ns Seventeen hmvlved and fifty dollars. 
 Quedion by Mr. Wichliffe- What amount, 
 in addition tcTthe $1,750 did he claim on his re- 
 turn, for his expenses after he left Green Bay ? 
 
 Jns. Two thousand seven hundred and eighty- 
 two dollars. In making this charge, he credit- 
 edthe United States with $1,438, being tho 
 amount of certain sums advanced to him by Gov. 
 Cass, p. B. Key, P. l.indsley, and J. Crowcll ; 
 reducing tlie balance claimed by him, on hia 
 return, $1,344. 
 
 Question by Mr. U'icJdiffe. Are the sums 
 just Denied all that he received from Indian 
 Agents and others, on \\is lour ? 
 
 Jns. He received. $1,880, mentioned in the 
 answer to a former question ; 660 dollars c; 
 which was for mileage from Green Bay to 
 Washington, which sum was disallowed at the 
 Treasury, and debited in his account, in conse- 
 quence of his not having returned directly from 
 Green Bay to Washinj^torr, and having charged 
 his travellingexpenses on another route. 
 
 Question inj Mr. Wickhffe. Is paper marked 
 No. '7, in the file presented by witness, a 
 correct copy of a letter of the 28tli Januar}-. 
 1828, from Col. McKenney to the Secretary ot 
 W.ar, explaininp- h'S accounts' 
 
 Jns. It is. After the letter of witness, oi the 
 28t!i January, wliich is appended to that of Sfr. 
 McKenney," of ihe same datt-, witness recollect 
 another letter from Col McKenney, of tiic 26th, 
 in consequence of which witness withdrew his 
 letter of the 28ih, and required Col. McKenney 
 to furnish Itlr, Schoolcraft and Forsyth's ac- 
 counts. 
 
 Question by Mr. Wiekliffe. Is not the paper 
 No. 2, a requisition from the Secretary of War 
 for the balance of Cii. McKcnney's account, a 
 claimed by him, sent du'ectly ;o witness as Comp 
 troUer, without being first passed upon by the 
 Second AiKlitor, in tliC usual manner, according; 
 to law ? 
 
 Jits. It \vas. 
 
 Question by Mr. TVickliJJe. Why was not 
 this account settled in the usual manner' 
 
 Jn.'i. Because it was not made ^ out m tlie 
 usual form, nor with sufiieient vGuci^.crs. 
 
 Oue.Htion hy Mr. Everett. Uo )ou know wha^. 
 reasons induced the Secretary ofWartogitmt 
 the requisition under tliese circumslauceaf 
 Jns. iioes not know. . ^ 
 
 Question by Mr. Wickliffc. Do you know of 
 any account prescmed hy Col. McKenney foi- 
 the expcnres of an enlertaineueat given at 
 Green Bay? .v -r 
 
 " Jns. Witness docs not know any thmg: ol 
 such an account,. If it had been prescTited for 
 an entei-tainment g^ixen ou CoK McKcnr.ey 3 
 late tour, witness wcdd have k-.AOwn it. 
 ' Qurstiop. by ^ir. mekhSe- How long xc&% 
 Col. McKenney absent on his tOOT? 
 
 Jns. Witness thinks he went in May, and re- 
 turned u\ Novomhcr- 
 
 QwstioniniMr.EvcT'Jf. VfviWy^ ccirpr''--. 
 
'^40 
 
 tion allowed to Col. McKeiiney on the tour to 
 Green Bay, that which is usually p:dd for simi- 
 Jur services? 
 
 .'i/w. It was. But the rdlowance for h'.s sub- 
 sequent lour to the southi'rn tribes beinpf :\ grosa 
 sum, witness does not know whctlier it is the 
 i-ame usually paid for siir»iiar sen'ices. 
 
 Qucition by Mr. Everett. In what way are ac- 
 ?:ounts of chis nature usually settled? 
 
 Jlns. They arc fust passed upon by the Au- 
 ditor, who reports to the Second Comptroller, 
 by whom they are revised, and the balance due 
 <;ertified to tho Head of the Departmi nt in 
 vhicii the expenditure was inciurred. On this 
 report or certificate of the Second Comptroller, 
 a requisition of the Ile^id of the Department 
 •issue« to the Secretary of the Tvcasuty. 
 
 The following- arc- tho documents referred to 
 r.'Mr. CuUa' testimony: 
 
 No. 17. 
 
 T/iEA.scnk- Drpahtjient, 
 Second CoiJij)trollcr's OJJlce, Jan. 28, 1828. 
 
 Sm: It is th^ opinion of the President that, 
 ijiasmuch as Gov. Cass's accounts, and those 
 .» onnected with thc.li^ are not in the office, to 
 ■tn^ble you to m^ke o^t a statement cf your ac- 
 *ounts, as required iu my lcttt> f tlie_26th 
 instant, the two former will be disp.n >ed with. 
 That, in presenting your account for ex- 
 penses, Bcrvices, and presents to Indians, from 
 Veen B.iy, SiC. you must designate the amount 
 <tuc under each head, with a particular state- 
 rncnt of the amount give)! to Indians, 
 Respectfully, Sir, 
 
 Your obechent servant, 
 
 mCHAKD CUTTS. 
 Thos. L. McKE>-si;r, Esq. 
 
 Jamiarij 28, 182S. 
 To the Sfxhetaut of Wah: 
 
 Sin: 1 have received the enclosed note from 
 Mr. Cutts. I am not able,. Sir, to decide Ijow 
 fiiUch I paid under tlie several branches, as 
 <?nnmerated in my account. I will not prrteiid 
 To be particular, even as to the estimate which 
 follows; It is but an astirrcate, and one, too, 
 v.itliout data/ 
 
 I travelled 4,000 miles at least, after leaving 
 •tirecn Bay. and in the execution of your in- 
 Stnictions, which are whulli/ scp!\rate from all 
 others jn which I was connected with Gover- 
 nor Cass, and h.ive no more to do with his ac- 
 < OuntH than with your own private funds. I 
 had, for about one tiiousund niilcr; of the w.iy, 
 kc:<Ulcs a delay, owing to the rain of weeks, in- 
 iTependent of the tiitte I was travelling or voy- 
 aging, eleven penons to support, and eight of 
 these to \>^y i and on entering on the 4th Chicka- 
 saw Bluff, I had to procure two horses, a hght 
 wagon, (for wirih 1 clajm the hire, they h.iving 
 been bought on :ny own account, and sold aftc- 
 wards on my own aciouut,) and I had to 
 hire guides, Indians and half breeds, and inter- 
 preters, and all these to feed and pay; and then 
 'ome home from t.Vc Creek .igcney with a scr- 
 ^al\tand baggage in the mad stige; a servant 
 ^laving accompanied mc the whole way. 
 
 I estimate the cost, »ind< r these heads, from 
 tJrecn Bay, at one thousand dollars; I hav»' al- 
 lowed mft thirteen hundred and forty-four dol- 
 lars—rather Sl,244; the SlOO being added to 
 T-'priv TTi" f ^r <!'i r^iM-'h paid o*^ •'•'-"••-♦ -«" -v,.- 
 
 expenses, since I returned, for my services. 
 These two deducted from $4,532, the total ac- 
 c'umt, would leave $2,183, to have been given 
 awav as presents among three nations of Indians f 
 beside-; fragments of iour others. So the item 
 will stand thus. 
 
 Siipposwl cost of expenses - $1,000 
 Specific allowance for .services - 1,344 
 
 Leaving for pre.sentfl - - - 2,188 
 
 Total of the account, - $4,532 
 As rendered, and now with the Second 
 Coniptroiler. 
 
 THOMAS L. McKENNEY. 
 
 ^'o. 2. 
 
 ^ (Xo. 1,100.) 
 
 To the^KCHETAnr of TnxTREAsrnT; 
 
 Sin. Please cause ^ warrant for thirteen hnn 
 drcd and forty -four dollars — cents, to be is- 
 .sued in favor of General John Tipton, per or- 
 der, for which sum Thomas L. McKenncy is to 
 be held aecountablci to bo cliarged to under- 
 mentioned artiprojin.-itions. 
 
 Given under my hand, this ninth day of Jan- 
 uary, 1828. 
 
 '- JAMES BARBOUR. 
 
 1,344 dols. — cts. Secretary of Wa? 
 
 Countersigned, 
 Registered, 
 
 Second Coniptrolkr, 
 
 Jlitditor. 
 ^flpproprlations. 
 Ccntingencics of Indian Department, 51,344 
 
 The CiiairmJji submitted the following letter^ 
 for the adopt-on of the Committee. 
 
 Committee Room of the Select Committee an 
 Iktrencliment, 
 
 May 1, 1828. 
 
 Sir: It having been ascertained, in the course 
 of our examination, thatth* late Daniel P. Cook, 
 late Representative in Congress, from the Stale 
 of Ilhnois, reecivcd a sum of money from thr- 
 Government, during the spring or summer of 
 the last year, for certain services, supposed to 
 have been either foreign or diplomatic, I ad- 
 dresBs.' a note to Joseph Nourse, Esq., Ref js- 
 tcp of the Treasury, of which tlic following is a 
 copy. 
 
 "bin: \Vith a view of elucidating a subject of 
 inquiry, now before the Select Committee on 
 Hctrenchmeut^I am desirous of knowing wheth- 
 ev it apiKjars on any of the books of yoiir office, 
 tlwt a sum of money was jiaid to the late Daniel 
 P. Cook, formerly representing die State of Illi 
 nojs, in Congress, sin^e thc'iourth of March, 
 lS2r, and, if any, to what amount, and for 
 what service stated to have been rendered. 
 J. HAMILTON, Chatrman. 
 
 JosErn NornsF., Esq., 
 
 Jicgiiterofthe Treasury.'* 
 
 In reply to which Mr. Nourse has enclosed 
 me th.e following certificate. 
 
 "TllEASrnT DETAnXME^T, 
 
 litgislcr'g OJiec, .%•;/. >(), 1828. 
 1 do hoieby c<rtjry, that from an examination 
 of the books of tills oflice, it iloes not appear 
 tl::it any money has been paid Daniel P. Cook, 
 formerly representing the State of Iinnois, ia 
 CoTigrcss, from the fourth of March, 1827". 
 
 Mr<vr>y\ NOT 'n<SF. JRf-'rittt^. " 
 
This paper wiii be devoted exclusively to the Presidential Election, and be published weekl'.' 
 until the 15th of October next, for One Ihllnr^ stibjet to newpaper postage, and no more. 
 
 BY GREEN fy J.^RVIS, 
 
 VOL. 1. 
 
 WASHINGTON, JUNE 38, 1828. 
 
 No. 16. 
 
 JOURNAL OF PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
 COMMITTEE ON RETRENCHMENT. 
 
 f Concluded. J 
 A5, in the account of the various expendi- 
 tures of your Department, transmitted from the 
 Treasury, no such item appears, I ain instructed 
 by the Co-iiKiittee to reqiiest you to inform ns 
 where we are to iook for the auditing of the 
 sum said to have bcei>. received by Mr. Cook, 
 and if not audited in the usual course, ^hat v/as 
 its amount. 
 
 As t'le committee are very desirous of bring- 
 ing- their labours forthwith to a close, yovtr early 
 reply will be esteemed a favor. 
 I have the honor to be. 
 Very respectfully, 
 
 Sir, your obedient servant, 
 J. HA.VHLTGN, Cuairman. 
 To the Hon. Hesiit Clay, 
 
 Secretary of State. 
 
 Mr. Everett then moved the following reso- 
 lution; 
 
 Resolved, That the following- be added as a 
 postscript to the aforesaid letter. 
 
 •* I am further directed by the Committee to 
 request you to state to the Committee, confi- 
 dentially, or otherwise if the public service will 
 now permit, v/hat was the nature and necessity 
 of the services on which Mr. Cook was employ- 
 ed in the Island of Cuba." 
 
 And on the question tlsat the foregoing- be 
 adopted as a postscript to the letter, it was de- 
 cided in the negative : 
 
 Mr. Everett mid Mr. Sergeant voting in the 
 affirmative, and Mr. Chairman, ilr. WicklifPe, 
 and Mr. Cambreleng, ia the negative. 
 
 Mr. George M. Grouaid appeared, v/as sworn, 
 and teijtified to the following: 
 
 Questions by Mr. Everett. Are you the fore- 
 man in the printing office of Messrs. Gales Is. 
 b'eaton? 
 
 .ins. I am. 
 
 Ques. How long have you been in their ser- 
 vice in that capacity ? 
 
 An.^. Since 1815. 
 
 Ques. Will you Btate to the Committee what 
 took place when Messrs. Gales & Seaton were 
 elected printers of Congress, in reference to 
 directions given by the Clerk of the House and 
 Secretary of the Senate, as to the mode in which 
 the printing %vas to be done' 
 
 Ans. Witness was directed by Messrs. Gales 
 8c Seaton to make all Uie aiTangemenfs for the 
 printing. Witness sent sheets of tbe printed do- 
 cuments to Mr. Cutts, then Secretary of the Se- 
 nate, and to Mr. Dougherty, Clerk of the House 
 £.3 specimens, informing them that the page was 
 a little smaller than that of the laws, but ihat 
 the convenience of binding would be greatly 
 promoted, and tliat, from tlic shortness of the 
 greater part of the documents, no loss to the 
 public would accrue. Mr. (;utts approved the 
 size of the page, as submitted by witness, and 
 directed the printing so to he don''-. Witness 
 
 also understood fiom Mr. Gales or Mr. Seaton, 
 (he does not recollect which,) that Mr. Dough- 
 erty approved the size of the page, as proposed 
 by witness. 
 
 Que.3. On what proportion of the documents 
 printed would any loss accrue in consequence c.i 
 the small size of the page.' 
 
 .9ns. On much the greatest part of the docu- 
 ments no loss would accrue. It would only 
 accrue on the documents over 50 pages. 
 
 Ques. Is the size of the page of the Laws 
 uniform > 
 
 Jiiis. It is not : it varies considerably. Fifty 
 pages might be pointed out, in a volume of the 
 Laws, smaller than those of the documents as 
 printed by Gales St Seaton. 
 
 Ques. Were the reasons stated by you, in an- 
 swer to the second question, the sole reason 
 wliich induced the adoption, by you, of a smal- 
 ler page.' 
 
 Alls They were. 
 
 Ques. Has the reduced size of the page ever 
 been objected to by any Committee of Accounts 
 of the House of Representatives, or Senate? 
 
 Am. It has not, nor by any body else, as far 
 as witness knows. 
 
 Ques. Is it within 3'our knowledge that, on 
 the Committee by whom the resolution of 1819 
 was reported, tliere where one or more gentle- 
 men who were printers bj' profession ? 
 
 Ans. Witness has understood that Mr. Wil- 
 son of the Senate, and Mr. Rogers of the House 
 of Representatives, wei-e printerfe, and were 0.1 
 that Committee. 
 
 Ques. Have you Ao knowledge of any com- 
 plaint made by those gentlemen, or any mem- 
 ber of Congress, of the reduced size X)f the 
 page ? 
 
 An?. Hai not. 
 
 Ques. Would it be considered dishonorable, 
 unilerthe circumstances in which Messrs. Gale.'-- 
 & Seaton where choson printers had lliey redu- 
 ced the size of the page for the sake of the e 
 molument that would accrue to them ' 
 
 Ana. It would Lave been dislionorablc; i' 
 v.'as nd object to the office. 
 
 Question by the Chairman. Does not tiie 
 profit of Messrs. Grdcs & Seaton depend on thr 
 number of pages printed bj' them ' 
 
 An-1. It certainly does, in general : bvit a few 
 lines of extra printing could be no object in a 
 busmess of such extent. 
 
 Question by Mr. lllchUJJ'e. Are the pages in 
 small pica type, close print, of the documents 
 as printed by l\Iessrs. Gales ?c Seaton, smaller 
 than the pages of tlie laws? 
 
 Ans. They are smaller than some pages, but 
 not smaller than all. They are less in general 
 but the p.iges of the Laws are not of a kind to 
 furnish a uniform standard. 
 
 Question by Mr. JVickliffe. What is the dif- 
 ference between the munber of ems in the pagf- 
 of the Laws ant! of the documents' 
 
 .flrnt. One hundred and forty-two. 
 
 Question by Mr. Everett Where it is .stated 
 
»4ii 
 
 :vi liie itiiutiUioii of 1619, tdat the- jjotje of tlie 
 ^ocumentd was to be of the same size as the 
 pape of the Laws, woiihl that be understood, in 
 a strict technical sense, as referring' to the num- 
 ber of cms, or to the general size of the page, as 
 duodecimo, octavo, royal, octavo, 6cc. 
 
 Ans- It would be understood in the latter 
 sense. Witness certainly considered tbat it rc- 
 f^uired only a royal octavo page of good propor- 
 tions. 
 
 Qvgsdon by Mr. l^cktiff;. Are not, on a 
 jjeneral comparison, the pr.ges of the docu- 
 ments as printed by Gales & Seaton^ shorter 
 tlian those of the Laws? 
 
 3ns. Tiiey are generally shorter, 
 
 Question by Mr. IVickhJJ'c. AVhat would be 
 ihe diflcreucc in expense in priming 6,000 co- 
 pies of the report of the Select Conmiittcc on 
 the Georgia Atlairs, containing 346 pages of the 
 reduced size' 
 
 4ni- It would be about 50 pagcsi and would 
 amount to $ 500. 
 
 Qn(s. What is the whole amount of the ex- 
 pense of printing the nforesaid document* 
 
 Ans. About eight thousand dollars. 
 
 Quea. What woidd be the cost of the docu- 
 ment No. 158 of the present session' 
 
 Ans. About two thousand tuo hundred and 
 nir.ety dc\llars. 
 
 Question by Mr. Sergeant. Did Messrs. Gales 
 & Seaton have any thing to do with fixing the 
 size of the page > 
 
 Ans. They had nothing to do with it. They 
 did not interfere in it. The printing was wit- 
 ness's own business, who always suppos'ed it 
 was under the direction of' the Clerk of the 
 House and Secretary of tlic Sen.ite. 
 
 Question by Mr. Serjeant. In fixing the size 
 of tlie pagf as you did, lind you any view to 
 increase the gain of the printers, or solely to car- 
 ry into efTect the resolution' 
 
 ■ Ifis. The gain was not thought of. 
 
 Quejition by the Chairman. Wore Messrs. 
 Gales & Seaton aware of the alteration in the 
 s^zc of the page' 
 
 _ Ans. Witness slated it to Mr. Gales at the 
 time, but did not consult him; does not think it 
 clnbc called an alteration. 
 
 Question by Mr. Sergeant. W;ts it after you 
 iiadsent the specimens to the Clerk of the House 
 And Secretary of the Scr.a,to, tl^.at you ^Jpoke to 
 >lr. Gales' 
 
 Ans. Thinks it was after. 
 
 Qntslion by Mr. Everett. Did you understand 
 ■the Clerk of the House and Sccretuiy cf the Se- 
 nate distinctly to authorize the size of tiic pag-c, 
 -is exhibited in the specimens scntby yoi;? 
 
 Ans. Witness did so understand it. Sir. 
 Cutts, Secretary of the Senate, told me so pcr- 
 -onall}-. Mr. Dougherty ^i'.nessibd not sec, 
 but sent him the spccimrns, with a letter, and 
 undci-stood he approved thirm. 
 
 Question by the Chairman. Have you ever 
 r#ad the resolution directing tljemodc« 'in \jhifh 
 im printing should be executcti' 
 
 .Ins. Witness has read it. 
 
 Qttealiiiii by the Ckairmcm. Do you concci\ e 
 'hat the Secretary of the Senate and the Clerk 
 «f the House could repeuT thu resolution .> 
 
 Ans. Docs not conceive thev could. 
 
 Question by Mr. Everett. Di<1 you not con- 
 eivc tlTC pajre of the doruments. as arranged hv 
 
 you, to be couifornuDie to the spini of the tt- 
 solution' 
 
 A)is. Witness did so considered it. 
 
 Mr. George Clark SmoOt appeared^ and ^^'as 
 sworn: - 
 
 Questions hy Mr. liickliffc. Vou are a prin- 
 ter, and at thi^ time foreman of the printer to 
 the Senate ' 
 
 Ans. I am. 
 
 Ques. What is the difierence cf the size of 
 the page in the report of the Select Corainitlee 
 on the Georgia Affairs, and that of the Laws of 
 the United S»ates.' 
 
 Ans. The ])age of the Laws contain 1,732 
 ems, tiic page of ihedocument 1,508; diifei-encj 
 224. 
 
 Ques. What is tlie excess paid for 600 co- 
 pies of y^ said <locument as printed, over what 
 it woul(Wave cost if printed on pag-c of the si j' 
 of tlie Laws.' 
 
 .'Ins. The excess would be 132. pages, and 
 the excess in i)rice, $1,023. 
 
 Ques. W hat would be the loss to the United 
 States, in the printing generally, in consequence 
 of the smaller size of the page ' 
 
 Ans. \n documents making a closely printed 
 vohune of plain matter, of any size, tl>.e differ- 
 ence would be great. In small documents it 
 would lie lc.s.s. In some small documents, it 
 would be very great, in con.scquencc of the ex-- 
 Ce.ss of the matter over the half sheet. 
 
 Ques. Were you a long time i:i the office of 
 Gales & Seaton ' 
 
 Ans. I was — employeil in the public prin- 
 ting. 
 
 Ques. What difference does the iTduced 
 size of the page make in some dcKcripticns of 
 caj) tablet? 
 
 Ans. It increases the price two-thirds. A 
 page of brevier rule and figure work costs ?o50, 
 while a cap tal)le costs three times that siim; 
 and on a large i)agc, the same matter might b<.; 
 reduced to one jiage, which, on the smill page 
 would be thrown into a caji tabic. 
 
 Ques. Is tlie printing done for the Senate., 
 at the present session, done on a page of tho 
 Same size as that done for tlie House by Gales 
 fc Seaton.' 
 
 A. a. it is: when the present printer of the 
 Senate was cho.sen, Mr. Lowrie scut a document 
 to him, directing to take it as the standard.-- 
 Orders have been given to alter it at the closo 
 of the sc!?sion. 
 
 Mr. .Meehan appeared, and was sworn. 
 
 Quetticns by Mr. Itlc/cflJ/'c, Arc you a pviii 
 tcr by profession ' 
 
 Ans. ^^ 411 ess is a printerbv profession, anc" 
 nov/ a proofreader. 
 
 Ques. AVhat is the difference in the size cf 
 the page of the Laws of the Uftlted States, ami 
 the report of the Select Committee on the Geor- 
 gia A Hairs' 
 
 .'In.t. The page of the document i.s 224 J ems 
 less than th.it of the page of the Laws. 
 
 Ques. Wli^it number of j)ages would the s.imc 
 document be reduced, if printed on a page of 
 the same size as the Ij»ws.> 
 
 .'Ins. About 106 pages less, or about one- 
 eighth. 
 
 Ques. M'hen the size of a page is spoken cf. 
 do you always understand precisely the numbe 
 of cms which it contain;, or only whether •■ b«; 
 diiodfeimo. §c»avo. rm nl or-invn. K-r. 
 
24S 
 
 dns. Witness aiway-; unaetsutuiii tiie auui- 
 *)er of ems which it contains. 
 
 Mr. S. A. Elliott appeared, and was sworn. 
 
 Questio7i hy Mr. JFickltffc. Are you acqaain- 
 ted with the printing business' 
 
 Alls. Witness is a book pi-lnter by proft;s- 
 sion. 
 
 Quest Wluit is the difference of the size of 
 the page of *!if report of the Select Commit t'^e 
 on the Gecrgj.i Affairs, and the page of the Laws 
 of the United States? 
 
 Arts. The document contains 1,538 ems to a 
 page, the page of the Laws contains 1,705. Dif- 
 fere.ice, 168 ems in a page — about 92 pages in 
 the whole document of 8'i8 pages. 
 
 On motion cf Mr. Wi< khfFe. 
 
 Ordered, That a summons issi^e to Wm. 
 Stewart and Wm. Peters, clerks in the Second 
 Auditor's Office . 
 
 The Committee adjourned, to meet to-mor- 
 row, at 12 o'clock. 
 
 FRIDAY, Max 2, 1S28. 
 
 Committee met, agreeably to adjournment; 
 Present, the Chairmp.n, Mr. Hives, Mr. Sergeant, 
 Mr. Wickliffe, and Mr. Evt-rett. 
 
 The Chairman submitted to the Committee 
 the following letter, received from the Secre- 
 tary of State, in answer to the letter of the 
 Cliairman yesterday. 
 
 DErAJlTMEST OP STATt, 
 
 Washington, Maij 1, 1823. 
 
 To James IIamh-tost, Jr. Esq. &c. fic. &c. 
 
 Sir: I have received your letter under date 
 .this day, stating tliat " it having been ascertain- 
 ed that the late Daniel V Cook, late a Repre- 
 sentative in Congress, from the State of lUnois, 
 received a sum of money from the Government, 
 during the spring or summer of the last year, 
 for certain services suppose^ to iiave been^either 
 foreign or diplomatic, you are iastvucted, by 
 the Committee on Retrenchment, to request mc 
 to inform you whei'e they are to look for the 
 auditing of the sum, said to have been received 
 by Mr. Cook, and if not audited in the usual 
 rom-se, what was its amount." 
 
 Without admitting or denying the. correct- 
 ness of the information wlilcii the Committee 
 are stated to have received, I have the honor to 
 observe that I am not aware of the disburse- 
 ment of any money througli the agency of this 
 Departmer.t, the account of which has notl)een, 
 or in a regular co\irse of settlement is not to be, 
 audited in tlie usual way ai the Treasury, or 
 pas.'sed upon a certificate of the President, in 
 conformity with the provisioi.s of the 3il section 
 of the act of the l.st May, 1810, entitled "An 
 act fixing the compensation of public ministers, 
 and consuls residing on the coast of Harbary, 
 and for other purposes." 1 cannot presume 
 that it was the intention of tlic Counnittee to in- 
 quire into any disbursment which may have 
 been made agreeably 1o that section; and all o- 
 thers are accessible to them, in like manner 
 \yith other expenditures. I have, however, the 
 authority of ttic President for saying that I will 
 make to the Committee a. confiJentiul conm\nm- 
 cation in relation to the expei'.diturc to which 
 they are supposed to allude, if they will signify 
 their desire for such a communiiation. In tliat 
 case, 1 should be glad to learn their pleasure as 
 soon as convenient, as I purpose leaving the ci- 
 
 ty, on the touith insiant, a lew days, .jn ZK-'SA^ry:-.' 
 «f the state of iny health. 
 
 1 have tlie honor to be, i 
 
 With great respect. 
 
 Your obedient servant," 
 H. CLAY 
 
 Mr. Wickliffe moved the following resolution: 
 
 Hesolved, I'hat the Chau-msn inform the Sc' 
 cretary of State that, from the views the Com- 
 mittee entertain of th.eir duties as well as their 
 powers, the3/ do not feel them.selves at liberty 
 " to signify a desire for a confidential communi- 
 cation from the Executive, on the subject re- 
 ferred to in the letter of the Secretary of Stated 
 of tlie 1st instant. 
 
 To which Mr. Everett moved the followir.g 
 amendment: 
 
 Strike oat ail after the word "that," and in]_ 
 sert the following: 
 
 "Th" Secretary of State be requested to jn, 
 form this Committee, confidentially, (the said 
 information to be communicated to the House 
 confidentia'ly, if the Committee s>iall think ex.- 
 pedient,) whether the late D. P. Cook was em- 
 ))loyed in the foreign service of the country, 
 during the last year; what amount of compen- 
 sation was paid him; and what was the nature 
 of the services performed by him." 
 
 Aiivi on tlie question to sU'ike out and insert, 
 it was decided in the negative. 
 
 Messrs. Sergeant and Everett voting in ^he 
 afiirmative. 
 
 Messrs. Hamilton, (Chairman,) Rives and 
 W^icklifte, in the negative. 
 
 The que stion then recurred on the resolution 
 of Mr. Wickliffe, and was decided in the affir 
 mative. 
 
 Yeas — Mr. Cliairmap, Mr. Rives, and Mr 
 Wickliffe 
 
 N.iTs—Mr. Sergeant, and Mr. Everett. 
 
 The following rc3olution was moved by Mr 
 Wickliffe, and adopted without a division. 
 
 liesohed, That the Chairman return the Se- 
 cretary of War ihp papei yesterday presented 
 to the Committee by Richard Cutts, Esq. as 
 stated by him, at his (the Secretary's) request; 
 and as the account of Governor McMinn, qt" 
 which it purports to be a part, is not before the 
 Committee, that the Chairman inquire what is 
 his (the Secretary's) object in presenting it to 
 the Committee. 
 
 The Chairman submitted to the Committee 
 tlie following letter from Mr. Smoot. 
 
 Office of Printek to the Senate, 
 
 4% 2,1828. 
 
 Dear Sir: When I made the calculation of 
 tlie Georgia correspondence, yesterday, before 
 the Committee of which you are Chairman, 1 
 omitted to make any aliow.ance for lines in the 
 page which could not be v.iried by the sizo; 
 after 1 left the Committee I recollected the 
 omission, and through the jiohtenegs of Mr. 
 Wickhffe, who has been ifcind enough to loan 
 mc the volunie, I have been enabled to correct 
 that calculation, 
 
 1 have made an allowance for head lines, 
 blank lines, &c. which would not vary the re- 
 sult, in any measure, 2\ ems per page, which 
 leaves the difference between the correct and 
 the present size, 200 ems; 200 ems in 848 pages 
 inakis 111 pages; the composition on these, 
 would amount to fill; pre-ss-work and paper 
 
«'J4 
 
 oa tlV: a»Uie, at tiTS, $'if7 12 cems; inakii.j? tie 
 difference, on the wliole volume, for 600 copies, 
 $208 If; making the total difTcrence, in 6,000 
 copies, *968. 
 
 The above calculation I think coirect; and if 
 ihc volume were to be re-printcd in the correct 
 measure, I am firmly of the opinion that the 
 cost of the same would not diftcr from my cal- 
 •^ulation ten dollars. 
 
 Very respectfully, 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 GEORGE C. SMOOT. 
 Hon. Mr. lli.Titnoy, Chuirrnan, &c. 
 
 The Chairman submitted the following letter 
 from Messrs. Gales and Seaton, which was laid 
 on the table : 
 
 Wi.sHiN.;To»f, May 2, 1828. 
 
 Hon. James Hamilton, Jr. 
 
 Chairman of the Commiltee on lietrmchment. 
 
 Sib : Since it has been discovered, as v/e are 
 given to understand by the nature of questions 
 put to witnesses before you, that the page of 
 Ihc documents as pnnted by us, is smaller than 
 that which a rigi;l construction of the law calls 
 for, aUhougii the very fact is new to us, and 
 still more surprising the discovery of the profit' 
 from it, we wish to be allowed to show, by dis- 
 interested testimony, that \*e h:ne refrained 
 from making such profu as we might ha^ e le- 
 gally made from our public employment, to an 
 amount fiu- exceeding any possible loss that the 
 public has sustained in the other way. Tlie 
 proceeding in the Committee ha\ing been in 
 the naturo of an inquest into our offioial con- 
 duct, we claim as a matter of courtesy, not to 
 say of right, that the Conmiittee will select any 
 nunibei-, (say five,) of jcspectable printers, to 
 make Jin accurate examination and statement 
 'jpoa that particular point ; wliiclj, we trust, 
 M-ill result in shov/ing lh.it, on t!ie whole view 
 of the case, tliousand.s of dollars have been 
 gained to the United States, by the manner in 
 wluch we have done the printing, as tlistin- 
 guishcd fioni that in which we might have done 
 >t, had the paltry consideration ot desiring to 
 squeeze out of the United States as much profit 
 (13 wc could, influenced us. ' 
 
 Very respectfully, your obedient servants, 
 GALES £i SEATON. 
 
 Mr. 'Williain Stewart appeared, and was 
 sAoni. 
 
 Is a clerk in the Second Auditor's office. 
 
 Questions hy Afr. Jriculiff,-. In wliat busi- 
 ness was Mr. William Thompson employed last 
 nimmer, in the Indian Buri.'au ' 
 
 Ans. He was em[>loyed by tiic day, without 
 any particular services being 'specified. 
 
 Qurs. During what months was he in the 
 cfficc ' 
 
 dns. Cannot say, exactly, but the report 
 trom the office will sliow; thinks two hundred 
 and odd days, but is not certain. 
 
 Qut!. How many rkrks are tliere in the In- 
 dian Dep:irtment, including Mr. McKcnnty ' 
 
 •Ins. There ;ire four. 
 ^ Ques. 1)0 you know any thing of :ut account 
 lavinghein presented iii'tiie Indian depart- 
 ment, during the last year, or the year beforL-. 
 J^r an onteiia.nment at Green Dav, Mackinaw, 
 (^r Fond du Lac > 
 
 Jinx noAs not know anv thing about if. of 
 
 his own knowleage, but ii as understood tiier" 
 was such an account, from Mr. Peters. 
 
 Mr. William Peters appeared, and was sworu 
 
 Is a cleric in the Second Auditor's office. 
 
 Quest'on.s by Mr. Wichliffe. Have you any 
 knowledge of an item of about 455,000, for 
 an entertainment at Fond Lu Lac, Macki- 
 naw, or Green Bay, in an account presented at 
 the Indian Department? 
 
 Ans. There was an account for the expense of 
 a former treaty, at which General Tipton, 
 George Ray, and Governor Cass, were Commis- 
 sioners, wliich was suspended for want of vouch- 
 ers. Witness gives this answer, because he 
 understood the question to refer to this matter — 
 knows nothing of the matter referred to in the 
 question, .is he now understands it. 
 
 Queo. Was the account recommended fo." 
 p£.yment by the Head of the Indian Department: 
 
 .ins. It was not. The Head of the Depart- 
 ment recommends only in the case of contingent 
 expenditures. There was a specific appropria- 
 tion of $15,000 for the treaty in this case, outof 
 v/hich fund this account would be paid, if al- 
 lowed. 
 
 Ques. What were the nature and objects of 
 the expenditure referred to' 
 
 Ars. The ordinary expense of holding a trea- 
 ty with the Indians, excepting the rations daily 
 issued to the Indians, a'.cording to an explana- 
 tion given to witness by Governor Cass. 
 
 The committee adj'mrned, to meet to-mor- 
 row, at 12 o'clock. 
 
 SATURD-\y, Mat 3, 1828. 
 
 Committee met : Present, Ihc Chairman, Mr. 
 Sergeant, Mr. M'iekliP.V, Mr. Cambrelong, and 
 Mr. Everett. 
 
 The Chairman submitted the following copy 
 of a letter addressed by liim to the Secretary c:' 
 State: , 
 
 Commiiiee Room njthe Select Cormnittee on En- 
 trenchment, May 2, 1828. 
 
 Sih: The Select Committee im Retrench- 
 ment, have taken into respectful consideratior^ 
 that part of your communication of yesterday, in 
 which jou say that you " have the authority of 
 the President for s.iying, that you will make to 
 the committee a confidential communication in 
 rclatinii to the expenditure to which they arc- 
 supposed to allude, Hthey will signify their de- 
 sire I'or surii a communication," and have in- 
 structed me to transmit you thesubjomed copy 
 of a resolution adopted by the committffe thi.^ 
 day. 
 
 liesolicd. That the Chairman inform the Sec- 
 rctaiT of State tliat, from tlic views the Commit- 
 tee entertain of their dutiis, as well ;\s power^^, 
 they do not feel themselves at liberty to signify 
 a desire for a confukntial communication from 
 the Executive on the subject referred to in the 
 letter of the Secretary of J^tatc to the Chairmar^ 
 of tliis, committee, dated the 1st instant 
 
 I have the honor to remain. 
 Very respectfully, 
 
 Vour oljodient servant, 
 
 .T. U A MILTON, Jv 
 
 Hon. HlNIlT C/.AT, 
 
 Secretary of Stutc. 
 
 Mr. Ei\-erett submitted tlie following resolu 
 lion : 
 
 liesolucd. That the Secretary of Slate be vc- 
 
 rvi-stf<l ♦(< i<>0)r.i> tl.!^- ' 0'-;-"ivt»pc. rontidcntial^'. 
 
i46 
 
 uit olhervv'ise u the public service wiii now per- 
 mit, (the said information to be communicated 
 confidentially to the House, if the committee 
 shall deem it expedient,) what portion of the 
 secret service money, paid since the 4th March, 
 1825, was paid for services directed to be pec- 
 formed under the admiii'stration of James Mon- 
 roe, late President of the United States. 
 
 And on the question, whether the committee 
 will adopt this resolution, it was decided in the 
 Oeg^tive : 
 
 Yeas. — Mr. Serg'eant, Mr. Everett. 
 
 Nays. — Mr. Chairman, Mr. Wicldifie, and 
 Mr. Cambreleng'. 
 
 The following letter from Messrs. Gales & 
 Seaton was read-, and, a motion was made by 
 Mr. Cambreleng-, that it be postponed till Mon- 
 day, and determined in the affirmative. 
 
 Yeas. — Mr. Chairman, Mr- Cambreleng-, Mr. 
 Wickliffe. 
 
 Nays. — Mr. Sergeant, Mr. Everett. 
 
 Ihthe Committee on Rdrenchment . 
 
 riESTLEJTEx; Conscious that we have endea- 
 voured faithfully to execute the trust reposed 
 in us by the House of Representatives, we are 
 satisfied that, if a single day were allowed for 
 an examination of the mass of documents which 
 we have printed for the House, duri'ig- the eight 
 years which we have been employed by it, and 
 a comparison of them with the saine or similar 
 documents printed by our predecessors, we 
 could show a saving of many thousand dollars 
 to the government, in consequence of the 
 practice we adopted of compressing the tabular 
 documents into the smallest compass, and most 
 economical form for the public, which, how- 
 ever, there was no obligation on us to adopt, 
 either in the law or iw the mode pursued by 
 our predecessor. But, as we understand that 
 the committee is anxious to close its proceed- 
 ings, and not wishing to delay its report to tl;e 
 HoUjC, we have made a hasty examination, in 
 the course of this morning, and have selected 
 a few of the most striking cases of saving which 
 has resulted from our mode of exec-ating the 
 worl^. 
 
 Tor example: The document H. R. 
 No. 120, of v/hich the House or- 
 ders eveiy year 6,000 copies. By 
 the old mode of printing this do-- 
 ciiment, 'see No. 13:1, 2d session 
 loth Congress,) and wiiich we 
 should be perfectly justified in 
 pursuing now, it would make 938 
 pages, and would cost, for 6,000 
 copies, upwaids of 
 
 The cost of the same documeiit, as 
 printed by us last year, was 
 
 By the fern; which we adoptea iu 
 printing it, we received but 
 
 'i-^ii 
 
 Leaving a gain to the government, 
 in a single year, in printing one 
 document, of 
 
 Vllgain: The document of last year, 
 a. R. No. 35, 2,C00 copies. If 
 we had printed it in single co- 
 lumns on cacli page, as we miglit 
 have done, instead of double co- 
 lumns, v^e s^hould h:v.-»». rc""'"cd 
 
 Gain to the government 
 
 424 
 
 145, 
 1, we 
 
 ma- 
 re- 
 
 For document, H. R. No. 
 king 184 ruled page 
 ceived 
 
 If we had placed the pages ho- 
 rizontally,or lengthu'ise, the docu- 
 ment would have made 158 pages 
 rule work more, and would have 
 cost 
 
 Gain to the government 
 
 Again: Document, H. R. No 56, of 
 24 ruled pages and tables. We 
 received for this document 
 
 If the pages had been horizontally, 
 instead of perpendicularly, 17 
 pages more would have been made, 
 and the document would have 
 cost 
 
 Gain to the government in this case 
 
 S 10,000 
 3, GOO 
 
 r 
 
 6,400 
 
 5.-0 
 
 9r4- 
 
 454 
 
 88 
 
 ua 
 
 so 
 
 ^^0 
 
 There is also, at all times, a considerable body 
 of small type thrown in, sometimes in the text 
 and sometimes in notes, for which the printer is 
 entitled to charge, but seldom does it. Refer- 
 ence is made to document H. R. 45, of last ses- 
 sion, to sustain the position. The loss to the 
 printer, in this case, it will be obvious, is con- 
 siderable. 
 
 [For the lucrative manner in which we might 
 have executed the business, see also the follow- 
 ing documents: Uep. 92, and Exec. Doc. 12>j 
 2d session, 1 5th Congress. ] 
 
 The above comprise three or four of the dc> 
 cuments of the last session only. They are an- 
 nually printed, however, and a great many 
 others of the same character: but the above are 
 offered to the notice of the committee by way 
 of illustrating whattheprintersmighthavedone, 
 if they had been governed by other motives than 
 a faithful and honest discharge of their duty. 
 
 We are positive that, if time were permitted 
 us to make a rigid examination of all the pub- 
 lic documents printed by us for the last eight 
 years, we could show to the satisfaction of eveiy 
 unprejudiced mind, that if a disposition had ex- 
 isted in us to make the most of our business, 
 and confining ourselves within the letter of the 
 law, as well as following the precedents ot 
 our predecessors, our accounts against the go- 
 vernment would, after every possible allowance 
 for errors of calculation, be found to have ex- 
 ceeded their present amount at le.ist $40,000. 
 This we pledge ourselves to prove by dismte.r- 
 ested and competent testimony, if it shall be 
 the pleasure of the committee to afford us the 
 opportunity of doing so. We ask the delay oV 
 but a single day. 
 
 It is probably unknown to the public, as weu 
 as tr, Congress, that the printers execute a very 
 considerable and expensive business for the 
 p-overnment, for which they receive no com- 
 pensation at all; which has devolved upon them 
 through mcrecustom, from the infancy of the bu- 
 siness to the present time— and which, if charg- 
 ed for at a fair price, would form no inconside.'- 
 ohle afTfcrefratf-Jn +h^ buMV.ess of eightresr^. 
 
it46 
 
 tor insUnce: Congress has enacted, at differ- 
 ent times, that llie various officers <'f the -go- 
 vernment, and foreign ministers resident hen-, 
 :;hall receive each a certain number of copies of 
 all public documents, amounting altogether, to 
 upwards of 100; but no person has ever been 
 designated to dcUverthem, nor lias any appro- 
 priation ever been made to pay the expense. 
 It has conseq\iently fal'en upon the printer, and 
 he is obhgcdi throughout the year, to keep a 
 person in attendance daily, to put up and de- 
 liver these papers, to keep accounts cf what he 
 has so delivered, as well as to answer a very con- 
 siderable correspondence, which must take 
 place in relation to them. An allowance of 
 S800 a year for this object would be but a mode- 
 tate compensation; which would amount, in 
 eight years, to ?6,400. 
 
 Respectfully submitted.- 
 
 GALES Sc SEATON. 
 WASftiNGTOjr, 3fay 3, 1828. 
 
 The Committee then adjourned, to meclagain 
 on Monday, twelve o'clock. 
 
 MONDAY May 5, 1828.' 
 
 The Chairman attended, to adjourn the meet- 
 ing of the Committee until to-morrow, twelve 
 o'clock, owing to the the necesBary attendance 
 of the members of the Committte to biisiness 
 in the Ifoiisc. 
 
 TUESDAY, Uxx G, 1828. 
 
 Committee met: Present, the Chairman, Mr. 
 Sergeant, Mr. Cambreleng, Mr. Rives, and Mr. 
 Everett. 
 
 Mr. Everett submitted the following resolu- 
 f ion : 
 
 liesnlvaJ, That the following commission be 
 issued by this Committee: 
 
 To Mespra- — — 
 
 The Committe of tl)C House of Representa- 
 tives on the subject of Retrenchment, request 
 of you the favor to look over the tabular clocu- 
 ments printed for the House by Gales & Scaton, 
 since the year 1819, and, by comparing them 
 v.ith those printed for tlie House by their im- 
 mediate predecessor, ascertain and rejiort to the 
 Committee, by to morrow, if practital>le, wlutli- 
 e» any, and, if any, what saviuij hps adcruerl to 
 the Government, by the manner in which Giiles 
 Si Scaton lia\c executed the printing, in ruses 
 where they would have been auihorizcd by 
 luw and by usage or precedent to execute it in 
 a different and more lucrative manner to lluin- 
 Sclves. A very minute aiid jiarticular rejjort is 
 not asked; but one as full as the short time al- 
 lowed will permit to be m.idi . 
 
 On t!ie question, shall this resolution be 
 adopted > It was decided in the neg.itive. 
 
 Yeas — Mr. Sergeant, Mr. Everett. 
 
 Navs— Mr. Chairman, Mi. Rives, and Mr. 
 Cambreleng. 
 
 Mr. Rives tlicn moved the following rosolu- 
 •ionr 
 
 HlhoUhJ, That the Cliairman address .i letter 
 '-r> Messrs. Gales & Seaton, and inform them 
 that it would be impracticable, within the limits 
 now allowed them to close their labors, to go 
 into the investigation proposed in their letter of 
 ij May, wliich would involve the careful ex- 
 amination and comparison of every document 
 which they have printed for tb^ last eight years. 
 
 They will, howev^i", report a resolution for i\\l 
 adoption of the House, providing for such ex- 
 am-nation during the recess of Congress, to be 
 conducted by experienced printens, and the re- 
 sult to be reported to the House at the next 
 session, by wh'.ch justice may be done both to 
 the United States and M"- srs. Gales & Seaton 
 
 And on the question, ^hall this resolution be 
 adopted? it was decided in the affirmative. 
 
 Yeas — The Charman, Mr. Cambreleng, Mr- 
 Sergeant, and Mr. Rives. 
 
 Nat — Mr. Everett. 
 
 A report was read by Mr. Rives, from the 
 Sub-committee on the Navy Department. 
 
 Mr. Sergeant moved the following resolution 
 
 Jlesohtd, That the Chairman be requested 
 to communicate to the Secretary of the Na^y 
 the several matters mentioned in the report of 
 tiie Sub-committee on the expenditures of the 
 Nav)', and to inform him that the Committee 
 will receive from him any explanations he may 
 have to offer in relation to 'hem, prior to the 
 hour of the meeting of the Committee, on the 
 8th instant. 
 
 Mr. Cambreleng moved to strike out all after 
 ilie word '• Resolved," and insert the following 
 
 "That, in consequence of the first letter;, 
 which the Chairman of tliis Committee has re- 
 ceived fiom the He.ids of the different Execu- 
 tive Departments, in reply to his first call upon 
 them, which will appear in any repojt this Com- 
 mittee may make, in which mos\ or all of thein 
 enterec! into a prelimLnar\ vindication of their 
 respective Departments from any c'.argc of 
 neglect of duty, waste, or abuse, it is inexpe- 
 dient and impracticaWe, from a vant of time, for 
 the Committee to tian.smit tlic substance of tlic 
 reports of the sub-committees to the different 
 Heads of the Departments for further explana- 
 tion. 
 
 And on the question. Whether the foregoing 
 amendment be made' it was decided in the ai- 
 finnative. 
 
 Yeas — Mr. Chairman, Mr. Cambreleng, and 
 Mr. Rives. 
 
 N \Ys — Mr. Sergeant and Mr. Everett. 
 
 Mr. Wickliffe submitted a report of the Sub- 
 committee of the State Department, which wa 
 lefoired to the Chnirmain. 
 
 The Committee then adjourned, to meet ?t 
 12 o'clock to-morrow. 
 
 WEDNESDAY, Mat 7, V62S. 
 
 Committee mot: Present, the Chairman, Mr. 
 Rives, Mr. Wickliffe, Mr. Cambreleng, .and Mr 
 Everett. 
 
 The Chainnan submitted the following letter, 
 of 3d May, 1828, from the Secretor>- of'War, in 
 answer to a letter of the Chairman, cf the 2d in 
 stant, transn>ilting a resolution that day adopted 
 by the Committee. 
 
 DtrAIlT.MKNT OF WaK, 
 
 May 3, 182fr. 
 Sin; l;i answer to the inquiry presented in 
 the resolution of the CommiUee on Retrench- 
 ment, 1 have to state, that Mr. Cntts informed 
 me that he had been instructed by the Commit- 
 tee to furnish scver.al accounts connected with 
 liKlian affairs, for their inspection, which I di- 
 rected liim promi)tly to do. Taking it for 
 granted that tlic object of the Committee was to 
 a>;certain the regularity of this Department as to 
 the manner of its adjusting account^, and Rur 
 
iJ4'< 
 
 IjOsiiig" that long established usage would be of 
 j^reat weight in forining a decision, I cuused 
 the document sent to be furnished' as one a- 
 mong many, to possess the Comnuttce with 
 that usag-e 
 
 I have the honor to be, 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 JAMES BAKDOUR. 
 Itrtn. Jami^s Hamilto.v, Jr. 
 
 ChairmanofLhe Commlike on 
 
 Jiefj-aic/uaenf , II. M. 
 A report was made by Mr Cannbreicng, from 
 Ibe Sub-committee on liie expenses of tlie De- 
 partment of the Treasur)'. 
 
 The Chairman submitted, on behalf of Mr. 
 Ingi)ani, a report from the Sub-committee on 
 the War Department, on tlie general organiza- 
 tion of the Department. 
 
 The Committee then adjourned, to meet at 
 2 o'clock to morrow. 
 
 THUKSDAY, Max 8, 1828. 
 
 Committee met, pursuant to adjournment; 
 Present, the Chairman, Mr. Sergeant, Mr. Cam- 
 breleng, Mr. Everett, and Mr. VVickliffe. 
 
 The Chairman submitted the following letter 
 from the Postmaster General, explanatory of 
 his testimony before th^ Committee; 
 
 Washington, 4th April, 1823. 
 
 "Sia ; As inquiries were made of mc, the 
 other day, wlnle under examination before the 
 Committee on Retrenchment, respecting con- 
 versations held between Mr. Cook and mj'self, 
 in reference to his being named to the President 
 for a certain office, it has since occurred to me 
 that it would have been proper to have stated 
 that Mr. Cook consulted with ms as to the pro- 
 priety of such a step Tiiis was induced, uo 
 doubt, from the friendly relation which had al- 
 ways, since ..ur first acquaintance, existed be- 
 tv/een us, and from his knowlege of the fact 
 that I was intimately acquaintetl v.-itli the cir- 
 cumstances under which his vote was given for 
 Mr. Adams. Believing that, in giving this vote, 
 he was influenced by iljo pm-est motives indulg- 
 ing a known preference for Mr. Adams', under 
 an expression from his constituents, as ascer- 
 tained at the time, which left the fact of llie ma- 
 jority doubtful. I had no hesitation in saying 
 that there could not be, in my opinion, the 
 smallest impropriet}' in his sppljing for office, 
 or in its being conferred on him by the Presi- 
 dent. 
 
 I hope the above statement may be recelvetl 
 as a part of my examination before the commit- 
 tee. I deem it an act of justice to the character 
 of a deceased friend. * 
 
 With^jreat respect. 
 
 Your obedient seiwant, 
 
 JOHN McLEAN. 
 
 Jlon. Mr. HA.tirLTON, Chairman. 
 
 A report from the sub-committee on the War 
 Department, relative to Indian affairs, was sub- 
 mitted by Mr. Wickliffe. 
 
 The committee adjourned, to .meet again on 
 to-morrow, 2 o'clock. 
 
 FRIDAY, Mix 9, ia28. 
 
 The c.:>mmittee met; Present, Mr. Chairman, 
 l^lx: Sergeant, Mr. Rives, Mr. Wickliffe, Mr. 
 Oambreleng, and Mr. Everett. 
 
 I'he sub-committee on the Navy DepartiV.en^ 
 submitted a report, which was referred to the; 
 Chairman. 
 
 Rewlved, That the Chairman take the docu- 
 ments and papers in the possession of the com- 
 mittee, and prepare the report of the committee 
 with all convenient despatch. 
 
 The ■committee then adjourned to meet again 
 when they should be summoned by the C hair- 
 ma n- 
 
 THURSDAY, Max 15, 1828- 
 
 The committee met agreeable to summon.? 
 from the Chairman: Present; the Chairman, Mr- 
 Sergeant, Mr. Evei'ett, Mr. Rives, and Mr 
 Wickliffe. 
 
 The Chairman submitted a report, in part, to 
 the committee, which was read and adopted. 
 
 Yeas— Mr. Chairman, Mr. llivcs, Mr. Wick- 
 lifTe. 
 
 Nays^— Mr Sergeant, Mr. Everett. 
 
 Mr, Cambreleng moved that the report of the 
 committee be made to the House this dav. 
 
 Mr. Everett moved, as an amendment, tha<. 
 the report of the committee be made at the usual 
 hour to-morrow morning, which was decided in 
 the negative. 
 
 Ykas — Mr. Sergeant, Mr. Everett, 
 
 Nays — Mr. Chairman, Mr. Rives, and Mr. 
 Cambreleng, 
 
 The question recurred on Mrt Cambreleng'? 
 mcilion, which was decided in the affirmative. 
 
 Yeas — Mr. Chairman, Mr. Rlve.s, Mr. Wick- 
 liffe. 
 
 Nays — Mr. Sergeant, Mr. Everett. 
 
 The Chairman submitted a letter of Messr.-- 
 C»ales & Seaton, on the subject of the printing, 
 which was read; and 
 
 Mr. Sergeant moved tfiat it should h^. entered 
 on the journals cf the Committee; which was a- 
 greedto. 
 
 WAsmNGTos- May 12, 1858. 
 
 Sin; We had ti^.e honour to receive, somt-^^ 
 days ago, the resolution adopted by the Com- 
 mittee, in regard to the application which we 
 submitted- to it on the 2d instant. Astheex- 
 amination which weinvited would have required 
 the attention of two or three experienced prin^ 
 ters not morc than four ot* five hours, we did 
 not presume that it would cause any delay in' 
 compatible with the j^ubhc interest. We had 
 no expectation that the Committee would ut:= 
 dertake tlie examination themselve>s, had they 
 been able to give to it any length of time be- 
 cause it was an investigation requiring a practi- 
 cal knowledge of the printing business, which 
 no member of the Committee is supposed to pos- 
 sess. As to the investigation which the Com- 
 mittee propose to institute after the adjourn- 
 ment of Congress, although we are far from of^ 
 fering any objection to it, wc take the liberty to 
 observe, that it would follow at too great a dis- 
 tance, whatever unfavourable impression, if any, 
 should be made by the report of the Committee, 
 Conscious of the fidelity with which we have dis- 
 charged our duty as public printers, and proud 
 of aa unimpeachable conduct therein, we have, 
 no desire to make a vain boast of the disinter- 
 estedness we have shown in the manner of exe- 
 cuting the public printing,- but, understanding' 
 that a question has been raised upon that pointi 
 before your honorable Committee, we havr. 
 thought it advisable to request ofthetwoeldes*. 
 printers in th^; District, who themselves, for ly.-- 
 
248 
 
 ny ycais before us, were priuteH to Congress, 
 to examine the documentsprinted by us in con- 
 nexion will) tijc prices of printing. They have 
 done us that favour. Rejecting comparitive e- 
 conoiny, as a test too favonrahle to usj and which 
 might be recv^ived as invidious towards others, 
 tJiey have made their estimate on aialc of strict 
 right, and arrived at the conclusions slated on 
 the paper wiiich we have now the honor to en- 
 close. If comparative economy //at/been made 
 the test, the amount of saving stated by them 
 might have been doubled. 
 
 We asJf , if any report be made on the subject 
 of the printing, that this statement may accom- 
 pany it. 
 
 AVith tlic highest respect, wfthave the honor 
 ■o be your faithful strvants, 
 
 GALES & SEATON. 
 
 Ilou- Jas. Hamilton-, .7r. 
 
 Chairman of the Com. of Retrenchment ■ 
 
 W*siiiN0T0N, May 10, 1828. 
 Having been requested by Messrs. Gales £<. 
 Seatom to exumine the documents printed by 
 tliem for Congress, with the view of ascertaining 
 what saving has accrued to the Government by 
 tlie maimer in which they have executed the 
 printing, in cases where usage and the law pre- 
 scribing the form and prices of the public prin- 
 ting would nave audiorized them to adopt a course 
 more lucrative for tliemselves, we have compli- 
 ckI with their request,so far as toexamine a few of 
 the principal documents, time not allowing us 
 to go into an examination of the numerous small 
 documents printed in the course of eight years 
 for bouth Houses. The first which we shall re- 
 fer to, as an instance in which a gi-eat saving has 
 been made by the mode in which it was printed, 
 is the House document No. 120, 2d session 19lh 
 Cong-ress. This document makes 295 pages, 
 breveir. If it had been printed in the most corn- 
 pad forin, on the larger type juthoriz;d by Con- 
 gress, (small pica,) it would have made not less 
 tlian 600 pages, (but might, by alittle ingenuity, 
 Tiave'bcen extended to 900,) which fiOO pages, 
 at the prices prescribed by the resolution of Con- 
 gress, for 6,000 copies,(nnmbcr printed, ) would 
 have cost. $ 6,678 
 
 Hut, in the compressed form in wbich it was prin- 
 ted l>y Gales &. Sealon, 6,000 
 copies cost only 3,851 
 
 Sa\ingtothe United States, in this docu- 
 ment, 
 
 Wc have cx.amined the same docu- 
 TJicnt pnntcd for tlic Sonutc, (No. 
 7 J,) which, if printed compactly on 
 small pica type, would have cost $ 2,704 
 
 But, as printed by Gale;} 4c Scaton, 
 
 cost only 1,830 
 
 .824 
 
 Malting a diftcrcncc in favor of the 
 United States of 
 
 Constituting a saving in this docu* 
 ment, for the two Hoiis»ts, every 
 (imcil was thus printed, of 
 
 873 
 
 $ 3,697 
 
 This appearing to be an annual document,the 
 saving of the nine years it nas been printed i>y 
 Gales & Sculon, for the two Houses, would, of 
 Itscir. mak*" an aggregate of manv thousand dol- 
 
 We have particularly exatnined, also, House. 
 document No. Ill, 2d session 17th Congress. 
 'I'he tables in this docinneiit might easily have 
 been swelled by the printers to double the si^c 
 into which tliey compressed them, and would 
 have cost tlie United States .3,000 dollars more 
 than has bven charged. 
 
 We have examined many other documents 
 printed by Gales & Scaton, wh'.ch might have 
 been so printed as to conform literally io the 
 resolution of C"ngress, and yet have increased 
 the cost to the United State--, and the profit of 
 the printers, considerably j but it did not seem 
 to us necessary to go into a minute exposition 
 of the saving in each case, presuming that the 
 above will be sufficient evidence of the econo- 
 my and fidelity with which the public printing 
 has been executed by Messrs. Gales & Seator. 
 ANDUEW WAY, 
 K. C. WEIfeUTMAN. 
 
 Per.sonally appeared before the subscriber, a 
 Justice of tlie Peace for the county of Washing- 
 ton, Andrew Way and U. C Weightman, who 
 made oath, in due form of lav>% to the foregoing 
 statement, to which they have .subscribed theiv 
 names. 
 
 JAMES YOUNG, J. P. 
 
 And the Committee then adjourned, to meet 
 again when summoned by the Chairman. 
 
 Wasiiinoton, March 28, 1828.' 
 Hon. Samuel D. Inoham. 
 
 Of the Committee on Retrenchment. 
 
 Sir: \\q have the honnor to acknowledge ih.c- 
 receipt of your letter of this date, asking infor- 
 mation on some points in relation to t!»e public 
 printing. 
 
 With regard to the first item of inquiry, wc 
 respectfully state that it is not the practice to 
 chaigc, in.any ca.se, blank pages as rule. M'l^ 
 believed. Tiowever.that in printing a volume of 
 rule work, the printer woald be justified, by the 
 •• usage of buisness," in charging the introduc- 
 tory part title, &,c as well as occasional and ne- 
 cessary blank jjages, as rule work, also. To 
 avoid all cavil, however, we have purposely 
 waived tliat privlcge, for we so consider it, and 
 have charged, as rule work, no other tiian such 
 as was distinctly defined to be so. If it has hap- 
 pened otherwise in *' some cases," it has been 
 through iiuidverlencc. 
 
 With respect to the second enquiry, the size 
 of the p age, we beg leave to ob.serve that, on tlie 
 first occasion of oiu- bein^el>'cted printers to con- 
 gris-i,wc consulted the then Secretary of the Sen- 
 ate, and clerk of the Hou.sc of Kcprescntalives, 
 as to the manner, 5iC. of executing the printing, 
 when it was suggested, probably by us, that by 
 narrov.ing the page a little, a larger margin 
 would be alforded the binder, to en.ible him to, 
 avoidstitcliing (us would have been the case, and 
 isnow S(miet!'nes probably) through the prin- 
 ted pages — the page being so very wide as to 
 render it impo-ssible. With so little room, to avoid 
 it. Those geuJemen approved; and instructed 
 us to adfijit , tiiis arrangement. Itwa^consid- 
 eredtobe perfectly in accordance with the spir- 
 it, if not the letter of the resolution fixing the 
 prices, &.c. of the public priming. 
 
 The circumstances of tlic page being a little 
 smaller, is of no pccuniiry advantage to the 
 printer to Congres", nor, on the other hand, is 
 j* any disadvantage to ^h<^ public.; though It ■;> 
 
certatnly a coiuemeuce, tor the leaaoa before 
 assi{»^ned. The great body of the public print- 
 ing consists of small documents of 2, 4, 8, and 
 X6 pages each, and rule work, the whole most- 
 ly open and blank. Now, Hit' circumstance of 
 the page beinp the onesixtli of an inch narrow- 
 er, in any of these documents, would make no 
 difference in the expense of printing; nor in the 
 ag-gregijte number of pages To make them 
 widpr, would be only taking so much tipe from 
 the bottom of the page, to put it on the side, 
 and then to fill up the bottom with blanks. In 
 a document making as many as a hundred con- 
 tinuous pages, the difference between tfic two 
 widths would be three or four pages at most. It is 
 observed that the documents printed by orderof 
 the Senate con'espond, in this particular, pre- 
 cisely with ours. 
 
 While on this subject, we beg leave particu- 
 larly to call your attention to the fair and econo- 
 mical manner with which, we flatter ourselves, 
 we have executed the printing since it came to 
 our bands, by instituting a comparrison of it 
 with the printing done for Congress in other 
 days, and more especially at the period imme- 
 diately preceding our election as printers to Con- 
 gressr We have before us, at this moment,for 
 example, the documents oi" second session Fif- 
 teenth Congress, to which we respectfully in- 
 vite your attention. By our improved manner 
 of printing, in a single document in this series 
 (statesment of foreign Comerce, No. 133.) we 
 have saved thousand of poUars, every year, to 
 the Treasury. And this example by no means 
 stands alone, as you will be convinced by an hi- 
 spection of the documdnts referred to. 
 
 We return our acknowledgements of the ci- 
 \ ility which dictated your letter. Should auy 
 farther explanation be desired, it wil! '/ive tjs 
 pleasure to afford it. And should disinterested 
 testimony be desired, as to the practice of the 
 profession, we shall be obliged to the Committee 
 to call before them either of the veterans of the 
 profession, Mr. Weightman Mr. Way, or Mr. 
 Force' who are practically acquainted with the 
 public printing, and 'ake their evidence on the 
 t'ubject. Very respectfully, yours, 
 
 GALES 8c BEATON. 
 
 MR. CLAY'S LAST BOOK. 
 
 Mr Clay introduces his last book with the 
 
 following advertisement: 
 
 ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 In my Address, of December last, to the Pub- 
 lic, in relation to the charges against mc, con- 
 cerning the last Presidential Election, which 
 originated with General Andrew Jackson and 
 some of his friends, I stated that I had been dis- 
 appointed in the receipt ofsome testimony which 
 I had expected; and that, ifl should sub.se- 
 qviently obtain it, I would present it to the Pub- 
 lic. I accordingly received several statements 
 from different gentlemen, "some of which were 
 communicated without solicitation. Deeming 
 them highly important, I present them to the 
 Public in this supplement, without a single com- 
 iiicnt. I offer, only the following explanation : 
 
 PABT 1, 
 
 Exhilnta the statements of Messrs. William 
 5a;pplej Isnac Bonnet, the Pcv. A- Wylie, John 
 
 Keel, Cuthbert I. Jours, and J. U. Wani.g 
 Upon perusing them, in connexion with state- 
 ments on the same subject, which I formerly 
 publislied, the public will be able to jv:dge ol 
 the accuracy of Gen. Jackson's assertion, that 
 " the origin — the beginnii.g of this matter, [the 
 " charge of bargain] was at my own house and 
 *' fireside, where, surely, a freeman may be per- 
 *• mitted to speak on public topics, without hav- 
 " ing ascribed to Iiim improper designs." 
 
 PART II, 
 
 Consists of the statements of Messrs. George 
 Robertson, and Charles S. Todd, of Kentucky, 
 and Daniel Vertncr, and A. W. Woolley, of 
 Mississippi, and B. S. Forrest, of Maryland: 
 the four former narratmg conversations between 
 other gentlemen and me, long antecedent to the 
 late Presidential Election, in which I freely ex- 
 pressed my opinion respecting Mr. Adams and 
 Gen. Jackson. Mr. Forrest's statement proves 
 that Colonel Benton, on his way to Congress, in 
 the Fail of 1824, declared that " it was impossi- 
 '♦ ble that Mr. 'Cluy could vote for General 
 *' Jackson, and expressed much surprise at the 
 " suggestion-." 
 
 I subjoin the statements of Col. Benton, Mr. 
 Plunricr, and Mr. Robertson, of Ohio, which 
 have been already published, without having 
 been previously communicated to me; and 
 of D. Wliite, Esquire, the only Representative 
 from Kentucky, voting for Mr. Adams, whose 
 statement was not contained in my former pub- 
 lication: Also, two letters written by me, which 
 hadescaped my recollection, and havebeen pub- 
 lished by the gentlemen, to whom, respective- 
 ly, they were addressed. II. CLAY. 
 " Washington, lOtk June, 1828. 
 
 As to part the first, it will be seen that Mr. 
 Clay has introduced the words, [the charge of 
 bargain] into the quotation which he makes 
 from Gen. Jackson's address to the public, fo? 
 the purpose of making an impression, that Gen. 
 Jackson wished to deny his having spoka« on 
 the subject of the bargain, at any other places, 
 than his own fivebide- and, also, to make the 
 impression, that Gen. Jackson had asserted, 
 that his conversation with Carter Beverly, was 
 the «♦ origin" of.the charge of " Bargain." 
 
 Is this true ? Does not Mr. Clay know, that 
 the charge of bargain was mado by Mr. Kremer, 
 and that it was matter of general notoriety, be- 
 fore the Fa} etteviUe letter was written ? If Mr. 
 Clay does not know this, how are we to account 
 for his card — his address to his constituents— his 
 challenge of Mr. Randolph— his Lewisburgh 
 speech and his Pittsburg speech, all of which 
 were prior to Gen. Jackson's letter to Carter 
 Beverly? Gen. Jackson said that, the origin of 
 this matter, meaning his correspondence with 
 Beverly, was at his own fireside. Mr. Clay 
 would have us believe that, he fiad admitted 
 that the origin of the ch«r^e of bargain was 
 there. 
 
 Mr. C. might ha/c spared liimself the trouble 
 of introducing his witnesses to prove what were 
 General Jackson's opinions relative to the charge 
 of bargain. There are few who know so much 
 about it as Gen. Jackson does, save the partic.T 
 themselves, and the certificates of Mr. Clay'a 
 partisans, that, on his return home in 1825, Gen. 
 Jackson expressed his belief in an corrupt un= 
 der.s*.andiniar between Mes:;r^. Aduins and C,W^- 
 
ioO 
 
 :t true, ^'i vcs tiic V cjgfit ot his name as a witness 
 against tliem. 
 
 Tlie reader will, however, remember that the 
 remark of Gen. Jackson, quoted by Mr. Clay, 
 was made in reference to (he manner in whicl) 
 Mr. Clay had been Iravellhig over the country, 
 endeavoring to impair the confidence which the 
 people repose in Gen. JhcIcsoh, and so fur from 
 travelling in search of opportunities to testify to 
 the bargain, the statements of Mr. Clay'a oa n wit- 
 nesses, all prove that his remarks were made on 
 lirs return home, on the nearest routc,and in reply 
 f o questions propounded to him by persons pro- 
 feST^ing to be his political fiicnds. 
 
 As to the manner in which Gen. Jackson ex- 
 pressed himself, the indistinct and equivocal 
 manner in which all of Mr. Clay's witnesses un- 
 dertake to state his remarks taken with thc-lapsc 
 of time which has ensued; makes itmanifest that 
 the writers have called in subsequent partisan 
 newspaper statements to aid their recollection 
 'jf what wan said. That Gen. Jackson used the 
 precise language attributed to hun is not even 
 insisted on by the partisans of Mr. Clay, who 
 pretend to detail his private conversations— and 
 the difference betvcen a oundid and polite re- 
 ply to an interrogatory propounded by his 
 personal or jjolitical friend'?, and going to every 
 house in every village to- traduce a political op- 
 ponent, as Mr. Clay, in his Baltimore speech, 
 declared that ht would do, if he could, is 
 too obvious to need comment or explanation. 
 Mr. Clay's last bo'ik, pait the fii-st, is no more 
 » than the introduction of four w itncsses to 
 prove that General Jackson believed that 
 there wa.i a corrupt intrigue between Mes.srs. 
 Adams and Clay, and a cunningly devised arti- 
 fice to niake an impression that Gen. Jackson 
 had said, " that tho origin of the charge of bar- 
 gain was at Gen. Jackscn's own fire side." 
 
 As to Gen. Jackson's opinions, we are free to 
 admit, that lie believes all that Mr. Clay 
 charg-es him to have said. But Mr. J. U. War- 
 ing insists tliat had Gen. Jackson b»'iicved that 
 corruption existed, ht should not have been the 
 lirst to groit Mr. Adams upon his elevation. 
 The common civility of ai. ordinary sulutatiin, 
 ■which, as a high minded competitor, it became 
 Gen. Jackson to address Mr. 'Adams, has been 
 soized as an cvidencr of Gen. Jackson's opinion, 
 ♦hat there was no corrupt unU rstanding- Is this 
 the necessary inference' Was it not inagnani- 
 inous in Gen. Jackiion to acquiesce in the result 
 of an election, which, ho>vevcr mvich In disre- 
 gard of the will of tlie people, and in violation 
 of the ^iiit, was in conformity with the forms 
 of the Constitution' 
 
 But it should be remembered that, at the 
 time ri'ffrrcd to, Mr. Adams had not ifien ap- 
 pointed Mr. < lay Secretary of State. Mr. Ad- 
 nma was elected on the 9tii of I'abniari'. The 
 meeting between hini and Gen. Jackson was on 
 that day. Mr. Clay had denied t'.. at Mr. Adams 
 would appoint him Sccrctarv' of State, as a re- 
 ward for his vote. He had pronotir.ccd hon- 
 est George Krcmer a dastard and a liar, 
 threatened to liold him rcspf>nsiblc to the laws 
 of lioiior, for asserting that such was the under- 
 standing. Public opinion was in some measure 
 suspciidvd. Hut wiien .Mr. Ad.uns fulfilled the 
 stipulation, by bestowing the office, the under- 
 .standing was no longer matter of opinion; ant! 
 Viiowing a"! Hon. Jark^on '.lid, tlv rci'.sons ^•'blch 
 
 led Mr. Clay to a coalition witn Mr. Adanis, he 
 Avonld have been imcandid, if he had not ex- 
 pressed his belief in its existence, when inter- 
 rogattd rcl.itive tlicreto. 
 
 Having thus dispo.sed of Mr. Clay's book, 
 part theirs/., we will to-morrow, examine part, 
 the second. We see in the statements of 
 MeB.srs. Robinson and Todd, the strongest con- 
 firmation of the charge of ''bargain," and 
 unless we are much deceived, Mr. Uobinson 
 as well as Mr. Clay, will regret that he has been 
 introduced as a witness. 
 
 Part the second, contains the following letter 
 from Georg'e Kobei-tson: 
 
 Decembkr 17, 1827. 
 
 Sir: In the winter of 1824-5, I had frequent 
 and free conversations with many of my friends 
 on the subject of the then approaching election 
 of President, by the House of llepiesentatives. 
 
 In these, I expressed my own preference for 
 Mr. Adams, and my confident belief, not oiJy 
 that he would be elected, but that a majority of 
 the Kentucky delegation would vote for him. 1 
 felt and expressed no doubt that Mr. Clay woiild 
 prefer l.im to General Jackson. 1 believed that 
 he could not support the General consistently 
 with his ft clings or piii.ciples; and in frank con- 
 versation with him in September of 1824, I un- 
 derstood distinctly, that nothing could ever in- 
 duce iiim to aid in or approve the General'.s 
 election. In these views, you concurred — and 
 referred to a conversation which j ou said you 
 had had with Mr. Clay, in which he communi- 
 cated to you his deteiminalion, in any event, to 
 oppose the election of Gen. Jackson. 
 
 Indeed, before the election by the House of 
 [{eprcsentativcs, I had heard no one express tlie 
 opinion that Mr. Clay wovihl or could co-oper- 
 ate with General Jackson's friends. 
 
 Before the election of Mr. Adams, I had as- 
 certained satisfactorily to myself, tliat those of 
 the Kentucky delegation, who voted for him, 
 would do so: And f had been informed (and 
 yet have no doubt that the information was tru6) 
 that one of those fi'om cur State, wiio voted for 
 the General, had, when about leaving home for 
 Washing-ton, in the fall of 182-1, assured his con- 
 stituents that he would not vote for General 
 Jackson. Respectfully, 
 
 GEORtiE ROBERTSON. 
 
 Col. Davisox. 
 
 Mr. Clay also introduces the statement of Mr. 
 Charles S. Todd, wiio, to give his slander on 
 General Jackson, Greater force, boasts that ho 
 was the son of Judge Todd, and the son-in-law 
 of Governor Siiclby, and who asserts that Mr- 
 Clay " requested us (Mr. Todd and his father) 
 to exert any personal influence we might have 
 with the legislature, in preventing the introduc- 
 tion or adoption of a resolution, to instruct the 
 Kentucky delegation to vote for General Jack- 
 son. Yi)u deprecated (he idea as beins; in the 
 kighcil degree embarrassing, and hoped it would 
 not bt adopt rd." • 
 
 These extracts are introdnccd to prove, first, 
 that as eariv as September, 1824-, Mr. Clay had 
 expressed liis views freely to Mr. Robertson; 
 that .Mr. Robertson is nou- ready to testify, with 
 linw much of truth will soon appear, that, be- 
 fore the election by the House of Representa- 
 tives, he had heard no one express an opinion. 
 ♦hat Mr. Clpy wonld. or could ro-opcrate witli 
 
^di 
 
 General Jackson's triends — and, also, that Mr. 
 Clay urged his fricticls to prevent the adoption of 
 legislative instnictions. 
 
 Let us look to the history of tlie late canvass. 
 !t was in proof befere the Senate of Kentucky, 
 tJiat pending the canvass, Mr, Clayprocured the 
 publication in Oliif*, of political essays, intended 
 to operate against Mr. Adams, which were after- 
 '.•^ards republished in Kentucky. 
 
 It will be recollected that Mr. Clay always 
 pla«d his special claims to the Presidency on 
 the suppoirt of the Western States, *' the six 
 Western States;" vnid that his parti^-ans enter- 
 tained strong hopes of his geWing the entire 
 vote of the West, until the nomination of Gen . 
 Jackson by Pennsylvania. 
 
 Mr. Cla}''s opposition to Geu. Jackson was 
 either personal or political. It will bo recol- 
 lected, that he, himself*, in his book says that, 
 then- personal differences were reconciled in the 
 fall of 182S. And an article was published in 
 titc Cincinnati Gazette, (Hammond's paper,) 
 in Pebmary, and copied into the Kentucky Re- 
 porter of March Ist, 1824. 'I'his article is top 
 long for insertion, but a few extracts will suf- 
 fice to show its object. 
 
 Speaking of the vote which had jusl been 
 given on the Internal Improvement oill, the 
 writer arranged the vote as follows: 
 
 Extmct from Kentucky Reporter, March 1, 
 1824. 
 
 
 Ayes. 
 
 Noes. 
 
 Absent 
 
 'Maine, 
 
 1 
 
 5 
 
 1 
 
 ffew Hampshire, 
 
 - 1 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 Massachusetts, 
 
 - 5 
 
 5 
 
 o 
 O 
 
 Ithode Island, 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 Connecticut, 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 Vermont, 
 
 - 1 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 New York, 
 
 7 
 
 24 
 
 3 
 
 New Jersej', - 
 
 . e 
 
 
 
 
 
 Pennsj-lvania, 
 
 23 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 Delaware, 
 
 - 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^laryland. 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 
 
 Virgini.T, 
 
 - 6 
 
 14 
 
 O 
 
 North Carolina, 
 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 South Carolina, 
 
 - 4^ 
 
 A 
 '•J 
 
 1 
 
 Georgia, - 
 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 Kentucky, 
 
 - 11 
 
 
 
 
 
 Tennessee, 
 
 8 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 Ohio, 
 
 ' ^ 11 
 
 
 
 
 
 Louisian.^, 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 Mississippi, 
 
 . 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 I^idiana, 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 minois. 
 
 - 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 Alabama, 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 Missouri, 
 
 - 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 114 82 16" 
 After commenting on the votes given in the 
 drfFerent States, the wTJter proceeds: 
 
 " The other thirteen States have 88 members 
 82 voted for the bill; one against it, and five 
 Were absent. Look at these thirteen States. 
 Delaware, Maryland, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, 
 Kentucky, Tennessee, Alabama, Louisiana, 
 Mississippi, Missouri, iDincis, Indiana, Ohio. 
 What a striking unanimity in sentiment! AVhat 
 an obvious union of interest! Shall wc suffer 
 this unity to be split into factions, and rendered 
 ineffective by divisions among ourselves upon 
 rn^it- iirnHifjortant points. It is to be hoped 
 
 not. It cannot be doubled but tiiat iii the 
 States thus strongly united in favor of internal 
 improvements by the nation, if the friends of 
 Mr. Clay and Gen. Jackson were united in aup» 
 porting a candidate for the Presidency, they 
 would speak almost with a single voice, as in 
 the vote referred to. Is not such an union prac- 
 ticable? Will not those who liave heretofore in- 
 clined to other candidates, take these facts into 
 serious consideration, and give them the weight 
 they ought to have with a citizen of the West? 
 The personal differences between Mr. Clay and 
 Gtncrai Jackson have been reconciled. They arf 
 now upon friendly terms. So their friends ought 
 
 to be. So CIGHT AIL THE FUIEND3 OF THK onEAT 
 
 iKTERESTs o¥ THi: West. Lct tis discurd per- 
 sonal feelings, whether of pnferince or enmity. 
 Let us determine who of the candidates for the 
 Presidency, under all circumstances, is most 
 zealously devoted to our views on this grea' 
 national question, botii as to individual senti- 
 ment, and political association. . Lct us unite 
 upon this man, as our members of Congress 
 have united on the question itself. If we dc 
 this we have nothing to fear. 
 
 Here was a declaration publislied in the pa- 
 pers acknowledged to be the organs of Mr. 
 Clay's opinions, ni which it was not only stated 
 that Mr. Clay and Gen. Jackson were on friend- 
 ly terms, but that they were united in the same 
 cause, and in support of the ^urjic measures, and 
 that all feelings of preference or enmity ought 
 to be discarded to promote the interest of a 
 TVestem candidate. 
 
 Was not this publication thus made in Mr. Clay's 
 official organs, calculated and intended to pro- 
 cure an impression that Mr. Cla> preferred Gen- 
 Jackson to Mr. Adams, and that he desired his 
 friends so to act as to secure the election of a 
 Wcstei-n President ' 
 
 At the close of the session, in May, 1824, *L-. 
 Clay procured to be published, an address pur 
 porting to express the views of his friends, fi-om 
 which the following is an article: 
 
 " Entertaining the highest respect for the o- 
 thcr candidate?, ibey (Mr. C's friend at Wash- 
 inn-ton) will not indulge in any invidious com- 
 parison of their strength. But it may perhapr. 
 be assumed, that, if from any cause, Mr. Craw- 
 ford should not receive the vote of N. York-— 
 if Gen. Jackson should not receive the support 
 of some of the doubtful States— or if Mr. Ad- 
 ams sliould not receive the vote of New-York, 
 Mr. Clay must be returned to the House, with- 
 out calculating any of the contingent or proba- 
 ble events that may render that vote certain. 
 
 If, contrary to all iirobabihty, Mr. Clay should 
 not be returned to the House, liis friends, hav- 
 ing done their duty will be able, by concentra- 
 tion, to control (he event. They will hold in 
 their hands the balance. They will determine 
 between the opposing and conflicting interests, 
 and secure to the country a Republican Admin- 
 istration. 
 
 Tins address was followed up by another pub • 
 lished at Columbus, on the 15th of July, 1824, 
 in which it was asserted, that, 
 
 " Under the stiong peasuasion, that the pub- 
 lic good, and a due rc-ard for a fair operation of 
 the Kepublican maxim of rotation in office" re- 
 quired that the r.ci» P-p^'denl =houl J not hz ta 
 

 ken trom me present Executive Cabinet, it was 
 determind to support Mr. Clay for that office, 
 as the person combining at least as many quali- 
 fications as any other that could be named with 
 the same prospect of success. It was hoped 
 that those v/ho had the same general object in 
 view would have sacrificed personal considera- 
 tions and united in effecting that object. It 
 was partictUarly hoped that the Western Coun- 
 try would have presented an undivided phalanx 
 upon this great public question, and it is deep- 
 ly ngrcited that another candidate should be 
 named and supported in the West with the same 
 object anfl for the same purpose. But while the 
 advocates of Mr. Clay express this regret, they 
 pretend not to question the integrity of motive 
 or purity of intention which has produced this 
 unfortunate state of tilings; nor can they forbear 
 to indulge the belief tliat the diversion will be 
 much less extensive and mischievous than is by 
 some supposed. 
 
 By those who oppose Mr. Clay, it is urged 
 as a reason against voting fjr h:m that his 
 friendsonly hope for his elect ion through the me- 
 dium of the House of Rep'esentatives. It is 
 undoubtedly true, that since the unfortunate 
 circumstance of nominating another candidate 
 in the We.st, little hope is entertained that the 
 electoral colleges will elect a President. But 
 for this the friends of Mr. Clay are not to be 
 blamed. They did not oviginate the division in 
 the West nor could they possibly heal it. Were 
 Mr. Clay withd awn, the result as to the elec- 
 t'on by the electors would most probably be the 
 same — or if it were not, it would place in the 
 presidential chair one of the present cabmet; 
 an event, which it was the first object of the 
 friends of Mr. Clay to prevent; not in reference 
 to the men but to the principle. Mr. Clay was 
 nominated in the per-suasion that all his fellow 
 citizens, entertaining the same general views, 
 would unite in Ids support Had this been the 
 case, had this union taken place, his election 
 by the electors would have been certain. It is 
 the clear conviction of his supporters tliuc the 
 object of nominating hini, can only be attauicd 
 by adhering to him; that to abandon him is to 
 abandon that object; and under tljis conviction 
 they hiive adcptcd the resolution to adhere to 
 Lim, as the dictate of duty anri patriotism." 
 
 *' Wo do not herniate to avow our belivf, that 
 the fullest and fairest inv(.slij,ation and consid- 
 eration, must lend to the conclusion, ti. at no one 
 of tlic four candidates will unite a major ty of the 
 Electora: votes; that the election must devolve 
 upon the House of Representatives; that no one 
 single candidate can outnumber the vote of 
 Mr. Clay in tliat body- and tliat he is decidedly 
 the choice of a majority of the people, as well 
 ns a majority of the States." 
 
 Again: " In fine, Mr. Clay considers himself 
 wholly in the handsof the people; and we, as 
 h:s friends, and supporters, believing him wor- 
 thy of our continued exertions, and that his pros- 
 pects of success arc .still uncloudt:d and brigh- 
 tening, avow our dacrminat.on, and wt believe 
 wc speak the language of all his friends to a- 
 bide by our preference to tlie last. If he should 
 be returned to the House of Representatives, 
 we have htilc doubt of his final election, with 
 the approl)ation and applause of the majority of 
 the nation: but ifanv untoward circumstance 
 'TiO'jld pr»ven*hi<= being one of the three hig-h- 
 
 est, his friends lu Congress, by tUrowmg vtieir 
 weight into tlie scale of the most Repuhli- 
 can and National candidate, will have it in their 
 power to defeat the ends of political manage- 
 ment, and see that the Republic sustains no in- 
 jury." 
 
 From these extracts it is manifest that Mr. 
 Clay's desire was to produce a strong prejudice 
 against Mr. Adams, and to impress the people 
 of the West with a belief, that the best way to 
 defeat the election of Mr. Adams, was to adhere 
 to him (Mr. Clay) as the Western candidate. 
 The meaning of the term ' ' Republican candi- 
 date," used in all these addresses, was not 
 equivocal. It was used as applied to the 
 other candidates, in opposition to Mr. Adam?,- 
 and was intended, by Mr. Clay, to be un- 
 derstood as a pledge to vote for General Jack- 
 son. In the Kentucky Reporter, as far back a'. 
 1818,we find the following strong language used 
 upon this subject. That paper of the 15th 
 July, 1818, says: 
 
 •♦ The other point, which v/e deem very iru- 
 portant, and which we hope to gain, is that he, 
 (Mr. Monroe) shall not be Sfffered to appoint 
 his successor. Jefferson and Madison have both 
 exercised this power; but we trust the precedent 
 will be followed no further; it is time to take 
 the alarm. Our objection lies chiefly to the 
 principle; though if it were necessary, we could 
 state some objections to the man also. But in 
 regard to him, we feel indift'erent— we shotiltl 
 object to a.iy man as President, who was no*, 
 tiic free and regular choice of the people. Mr. 
 Adams is designated by the President and his 
 presses, as the hdr opparen!, the next successor 
 to ihe Presidency. Since the principle was in- 
 produced, there has been a rapid degeneracy in 
 the Chief Magistrate; and the prjspect of stiii 
 greater degeneracy is strong and alarming. Ad- 
 mit the people should acquiesce in the Presi- 
 dential appointment of Mr. Adams tothat high 
 ofnce, who again will he choose as his succes 
 aor? Will it be Josiali Quincy, H. G. Otis, or 
 Rufus King' An aristocrat at least, if not a trai- 
 tor, will be our portion! We trust then the 
 good old mode of election by the people will 
 be restored; for as the arrangement now is, the 
 people have no hand in choosing their Chief Ma- 
 gistrate" 
 
 On the 26th July, 1818, following up the same 
 subject, the Reporter says: 
 
 •* The selection of Mr. Adams, the son to hz 
 Secretary of State, and successor in the Presi- 
 dency, a gentleman who is well understood to 
 have imbibed the politics ot his father, was an 
 indication, if tne Intelligencer had not let out 
 the fact, that Mr. Monroe venerates the admin- 
 istration of Adams, and of course wdi take it for 
 his model." 
 
 And on the 5th of August, 1818, it is assert- 
 ed : 
 
 " Mr. Adams, (tlie elder Adams) was a pa- 
 triot and a friend of independence — but at the 
 same lime, it is an undeniable fact, thai he is and 
 ever has been a Moxvncnisrl When he \s 
 praised and toasted, let it then be, as Mr. Jef- 
 ferson haj done it, for his patriotism and revolu- 
 tiuiiarj services, and not as "former President.'* 
 K% a general politician, or as "former Presi- 
 dent," !ie if^sir-'-fts a" murh cens^ri^ as h** d"- 
 
Zdu 
 
 adi'ves praise tor his patriotism a;id services in 
 the Revolution." 
 
 Yet Mr. Clay, who had reconciled his personal 
 difference with Gen. Jackson, who was the ad- 
 vocate for a Western President, afttr thus 
 pledging himself to secure to the country a re- 
 publican administration, to defeat the election of 
 one of Mr. Monroe's cabinet, voted (ov the man 
 who had been denounced as an " aristocrat," 
 who had imbibed the sentiments of Ids father, 
 and was Known to be "a MONAnrmsT." What 
 could have been tiie inducerr.ent ' liis friend, 
 Mr. Robertson, whose letter he has published, 
 says, "In a frank conversation with him (Mr. 
 Clay) in .September of 1824, 1 understood dis- 
 tinctly that nothing could ever induce him (ilr. 
 Clay) to aid in or approve the General's elec- 
 tion." 
 
 I>t". Robertson was one of Mr. Clay's Kentuc- 
 ky committee of correspondence, who met Mr. 
 Clay and Mr. Crittenden at Harrodsburgh, Ken- 
 tucky, and upon the "fiank conversation," to 
 ■which he refers, issued the celebrated bari^ain 
 and managengent circular, to which ive have re- 
 ferred. The declaration of Mr. Robertson, there- 
 fore, that Mr. Clay, at that time, declared that 
 nothing could ever induce him to aidor approve 
 of the election of Gen. Jackson, is wortiiy of es- 
 pecial notice. 
 
 Mr. Clay and his partisans and newspapers up 
 to that time, were industriously endeavoring to 
 create an opinion among the people, that his first 
 object was to defeat the election of a member of 
 Mr. Monroe's Cabinet — particularly the Se- 
 cretary of State wlio had been ilenounced an 
 <' aristochat" and '• Mo:«ARCHisr" — that he 
 and Gen. Jackson had reconciled their personal 
 differences, and that the people of the West 
 should unite to defeat the election of an East- 
 ern President, and particularly this ai-istocmtic, 
 monarchratic member of Mr. Monroe's Cabinet. 
 And upon this frank tonvenation Mr. Robertson 
 and Mr. Crittenden, the known personal and 
 political friends of Mr. Clay, declare : — 
 
 "Let them (the people) remember, that 
 after the choice of Electors once takes place, 
 their voice will be no more heard in the contest. 
 AH will be carried by influence and intrigue, 
 bargain and management. lie who has die 
 most extensive means of influence, and wlio 
 will promise the most favors, will have the best 
 prospect of success; and the nation will receive 
 the President, not from the pure hands of the 
 people, but from a club of political managers 
 and intriguers."* 
 
 • It. has been no little matter of sui-jjrise that 
 Messrs. Crittenden and Robertson should have 
 inserted such a paragraph in this circtdar. It 
 has been accounted for as follows : It is known 
 that Messrs.Clay, Robertson and Crittenden met 
 in llarrodsburgli; and after a consultation, Mr. 
 Crittenden v.'as appointed to write the .addres-, 
 •wUh instructions to afiix the signatures of the 
 other members of the Committee to it. After 
 it was written out by Mr. Critteuden it was siib- 
 m'tted to the revision of Mr. A\i)OS Kendal, the 
 talented Editor of the Kentucky Argas, at that 
 time an ardent, sincere and efiicicnt advocate of 
 Mr- Clay's election. It is believed that the 
 prophetic paragraph v.- as written by Mr. K.endal. 
 'J'hat Mr. Clavwas taken by surprisp. and alarm- 
 
 It is not pi'elended that Mi'. Clay's opposition 
 to Gen. Jackson was made known to the public. 
 On the contrary Mr. Clay is under the necessi- 
 ty of appeahng to his secret and confidential 
 *' frank conversations" with his particular confi- 
 dential friends, to find any evidence of his having 
 entertained such opinions. And why did Mr. 
 Clay conceal from the public such opinions 
 when he found it at that time convenient and 
 proper to commimicate them confidentially to 
 his personal and pohtical friends * 
 
 It will be presently seen th:'t Mr Clay knew 
 ihat the people of Kentucky, and of all the 
 Western States, preferred Gen. Jackson to Mr. 
 Adams, and it is no longer a matter of doubt 
 that his object v/as to continue as a candidate 
 before the people for the purpose of defeating, 
 an election, by the people, that he might, 
 through a club of pohtical manager.s, if he came 
 into Congress, purchase the "Presidency by 
 promising the most favors ; or, if he was exclud- 
 ed, that he ajjd his followers might, "by con- 
 centration," " co>iirol the event." 
 
 In proof of this we quote the language of 
 Messrs. Robertson and Crittenden, which was 
 published in September, 1824, at the sugges- 
 tion of Mr. Clay, after holding with hirn the 
 frank conversation to which he refers. Messrs. 
 Robertson and Crittenden in that celebrated cir- 
 cular, declared expressly that Mr. Clay did 
 not expect to be elected by the people, 
 :;nd that he and his friends sought to be 
 placed in a position where thej- might "con- 
 trol the event." 
 
 Why Jid Mr. Clay seek to be placed in that 
 position ? Was it that he might secure to the 
 country a JVestern President ^ VVas it that he 
 might defeat the election of a member of Mr. 
 Monroe's Cabmet ? Was it to secure the elec' 
 tion of a Republican candidate } Or v-'asit that, 
 by a concentration of his friends, and bv his 
 ainlity to tbrowtheir weight into the scale of him 
 whom he had denounced as an aristocrat, and 
 monarchist, he expectedto compel him to " pre- 
 mise the most favors," and f;ilfd the prophecy 
 contained in the ch-cular which v/ehave quoted, 
 that tile election would be carried by " influ- 
 ence and intrigue, bargain and mmiagcmcnt V 
 Gen. Jackson received 99 electoral votes : thir- 
 ty-two more would have elected him by the 
 electoral college. Ohio gave to Mr. Clay 16, 
 Kentucky I'r, and Jlissourl 3 — making 33, all of 
 which would have also been g~i\en to General 
 Jack:-cn, had not Mr. Clay deceived the people 
 of those States into a belief that he would vote 
 for General J. in the House, in case he himseh' 
 should not be one of the three highest candi- 
 dates. As a proof that Mr. Clay well under- 
 stood the state oi" public sentiment, it is onlv 
 necessary to refer to the decl.iratioDa of Mr, 
 Robertsonand Mr. Todd, which v/e havoqnoted. 
 
 Mr.Toild :;ays, "You (Mr. Clay,- requested 
 us (Mr. Todd and his father,) to exert any per- 
 sona! influence we might have with the Legii- 
 Iiture, in preventing the introduction or adopt- 
 ed .at the premature disclosure of his views, ap- 
 pears from the fact that although the work of 
 his/fli-orjf/e partisan, Mr. Crittenden, he forb.ide 
 itspiiblicalion inthe Kentucky Reporter. We 
 say that lie forbade it, for on a careful examina- 
 tion of tlie Reporter, wc cannot find it on th/^. 
 fiIf<;of •hst paper. 
 
ii/j4 
 
 uua 01 a resolution to msli-uct the Kentucky 
 delegation to vofc for General Jackson. You 
 deprecated the idea as being in the highest de- 
 gree embarrassing', and hoped it would not be 
 adopted." 
 
 Ii will be recollected th.at hlv. Clay advised 
 Mr. Scott to apply to the Le^^'islature cf Missou- 
 ri for instructions. Mr. Scott w»s committed 
 to the people, and wanted Rn apology to vote 
 for Mr. Adams. Whon hLs letter to -some of 
 his pailicular tricnds in the. Missouri Legisla- 
 ture was written, it was believed tliat it would 
 not n-ach Missouri^n^ime f'.r the Legi.sbture, 
 althougi) then in se.s-ion, to act on it before Mr. 
 Scott would have given his \ ote- His advice to 
 Mr. Scott was mtended to obtain a flimsy pre- 
 text, by a professed resp';ct for. public senti- 
 ment, to violate the known will of his ccnstitu- 
 nnts. Yet, alihough Vr. Clay advised Mr. Scott 
 to apply to the Legislature for instruciioas 
 he was particularly desirous to avoid Legislative 
 instructions from Kentucky.* l£e entreated 
 
 * No man has done more to give effect to le- 
 gislative instructions than Mr. Clay. The Ken- 
 tucky Reporter, the known organ of his opin- 
 ions, in speaking on this subject, said: 
 
 " Formerly, when the democrats insisted that 
 instructions were binding on the representative, 
 the .iristocrats exuUingiy dcm:»nded the authori- 
 ty in the constitution and laws of tiie country, 
 which made them binding; and because iiosucli 
 /f^a/atithority could be produced, because the 
 right liad not been ^acured to the people by 
 rluiriej; they denied that it existed in fact,- 
 though they coukl not even tlien deny it to be 
 a firsf principle of popular government, that the 
 will cf the people shouklrule: but they wanted 
 that will, tliey said to be ascertained in a legal 
 manner, and made obligat.-jry by law, before the 
 representative was required to obey it. After- 
 wards, they agreed with Mr. Clay, that it wms 
 immaterial in what manner the will of the people 
 was ascertained, when known by the represen- 
 ialive, he oiigljt to obey it. But now, when the 
 prop5sition is made to make iustructions obliga- 
 torj- by law, and aimcx a pei\alty to disobe- 
 dience, it is pronounced the most absurd and 
 i^\trav.igant proposition imaginaljle^ and "wo 
 lo our Ueput)lican Government" is predicted, 
 "if ever a doctriix- like this should become 
 jjenerully prevakut," thai the Kcut of the reprc- 
 .<Vitativc, /cnowing titt vitlof his cmiytiluents, nnd 
 rrfuaius; to obey it, ought to be vacated by law ; 
 such is precisely the measure whiclt we suggest- 
 ed. This marks their sincerity; one day they 
 agree with Mr. Clay, th.at the representative is 
 bound to obey the will of his constituents, in 
 whatever manner made known to him; next day, 
 when tak'-n by surprise, witli a pro]>osition to 
 dismi;;3 by law, the representative who refuses 
 to obey tlic fcruwn willof liis cottstituents, they 
 pronounce it ex/ravagance, absurdity, madnesf, 
 only one step short of imprisouinctit and execn- 
 tion. At first they would not obey instruclion-s, 
 because they were not obligato.-y by law — bc- 
 < ause there was no pcn.'»Uy aiuiexed to di.sobe- 
 dience>^ — next, thoy agree the representative is 
 bound to obey the will of his cor^stituents, how- 
 ever it may be known; bvit now to make that 
 will Itgulli/ binding, by annexing a penalty, is 
 monstrous! and with a view to mislead thepon- 
 nle. tti" case is rihreprearnti'd ri ufunl. in a 
 
 Judge Todd ana Lrwrlcs S.'iodcito CACi-tttit.. 
 influence to prevent the Introduction or adop 
 tion of a resolution to iostruct him to vote for 
 Gen Jackson, and deprecated the idea, as being 
 in tlie highest degree embarrassing. Highest 
 degree embarrassing!! How' If Mr, Clay was 
 desirous to represent the w.ishes of his constitU' 
 ents, would he have deprecated these instruc- 
 tions as cmbaiTassing? Would they not liave 
 sewed a.s hLs justification to any who migh* 
 have been opposed to the measure? But Mr, 
 Robertson says: 
 
 "Indeed, iTcforc the election by tlxe House 
 of Representatives, I iia4 heard no one express 
 the opinion that Mr. Clay would or could en- 
 operate v/ith Gen. Jackson's friends." 
 
 Now, unfortunately for Mr. Robertson's vera- 
 city, the report of the debate on the resolutions 
 adopted by the Kentucky Legislature is d'a-ectly 
 in the teeth of this assertion. It is tm^ that on 
 that occasion, Mr. 11. H.^rdin said that, "he 
 knew that many of our members of Congress 
 were inclined to vote for Adams,and he believ- 
 ed that he would get the vote of Kentucky, 
 unless this house acted." But * is also true 
 that he declared his dislike to Mr. Adamr 
 on account of hLs originally federal principle -. 
 and his evident hostility to the growth of tlio 
 West. That he had no doubt that a majority 
 of the people of Kentucky were in f^ivor ot 
 Jackson, ajid he wished to express that prefer- 
 ence decidedly. That he considered the 
 contest between Adams and Jackson, and 
 he coukl Iiave no hesitation in prefering 
 the latter; botl» because ho thought it was 
 best for. the general interest and the intc 
 rest of the West." It is also true, that Mr. 
 Shepherd said that he "had :il'vays been in fa- 
 vor of General Jack-son — that some of the 
 friends of Jlr. Clay he had no doubt, wished to 
 defeat the resolution, and leave that gentlemai* 
 to m-..ke the best barg.^ia he could. But L'^ 
 did not wi.sh tJie vote of Kentucky to be bar- 
 tered away, or tliat Clay should be Secretary of 
 State to the excliLsion of Jackson as Prcsiden ■ 
 Yet it is also. true that Mr. Hobcrt Wicklifleand 
 Mr. Squire Turner, ;iow the great champion- 
 of ilr. Adams, denounced him as a political 
 apostate, as it is also true that Mr. Davis ex 
 pressed his belief that Mr. Clay, knowing the 
 will of his State, would vote for General Jack- 
 son. And this is not all. This same Mr. Ro- 
 bertson moved to lay the resolution on the tabic, 
 and said "his seasons were, that it would bi- 
 unjust tc our tnembers in Congress, who 
 knew the will of their conilituents better than 
 we <lo;that it would be indelicate to .Mr. Clay; 
 that it would lessen the weight of Kentucky 
 io the next administration; that it was better to 
 leave cur members of Congress to act accord- 
 ing to conti\igencle9; that t o weight and im- 
 portance of tlie State and the western count ryy 
 could, in that majiner, be best secured; that 
 
 manner the most gros3, and we regret tp be- 
 lie\ e, wilfully base. 
 
 Wc would propose that 3 law should be pass- 
 ed, providing a method for taking the sense of 
 tlie people, and signifying it to their members in 
 the ggnei-al assembly, and obhging these mem- 
 bers to obey it, under the pcnahy of heing dis- 
 misiM f'<r disobe'lt'.-nc" '" 
 
;oo 
 
 ■ liic uitmliei's Oil tlic spot would be the best 
 Uidges of what was just and expedient, Sic.'' 
 lie made further remarks to prove tlie inex- 
 pediency of acting" on the resolutions, and the 
 propriety of leaving the members in Congress 
 to act according- to contingencies. And tills 
 Bame Mr. Robertson agyin decL^red, "that the re- 
 solutions would not only degrade our respected 
 fellow-citizen, but throw Kentucky upon the 
 electioneering arena in Congrf ss, completely 
 handcuffed. He was not the advocate of 
 Adams, or any other man. He objected io thin 
 course, because it was insrruct'ng our members in 
 Congress to do that which we believe theij will do. 
 Hk had no docht the pbople of Ksntucky 
 
 WERE IN FAVOIl OF Gen. J.iCKSOTf, BUT nB WAS 
 AGAINST ALL I-VTEHFERENCE HY THIS LeGISLA- 
 
 XURE.'* 
 
 Mr. Kennedy, his colleague, said he would 
 vote for the resolutions. He would do it be- 
 cause lie had confidence in the members of 
 Congress, &c. : he believed that they would vote 
 the will of the people when ihcy knew it^ 
 
 These remai-sk were delivered in tJie House 
 of Representatives, on the 24t!i of Decem- 
 ber, 1824. Mr. Adams was not elected until 
 the 9th"* of February, 1825. This debate 
 was publi.shcdijn the Argus, at that time friend- 
 ly to Mr. Clay, and immediately under the eye 
 of Mr. Robertson; and the truth of the report^ 
 although it has been frequeji'r,- referred to, ne- 
 \er has been denied. What then, are we to 
 think of Mr. Robertson's veracity? It appears 
 fully, ♦hat the resohitions were supported by 
 several members, upon the ground that Mr. 
 Clay knew the will of the people, and would 
 vote for General Jackson; and opposed by 
 Mr. Robertson himself, expressly upon the 
 ground that- it was oidv requiring Mr. Clay to 
 do that which he believed Mr. Clay would do 
 without instructions. Aisd now he tells us that 
 he had never heard any one exprea; an opinion 
 before the election, that JTr. Clay wouh' vote 
 for General .lacksoii. Mr-. Roli-ertson has been 
 led away bj- his de.Mrc to serve Mr. Clay. He 
 has been desirous to vindicate Mr. Clay from 
 the charge of wishing to tiargam with General 
 Jackson, and furnislies the strongest proof of 
 his bargain with Mr. Adan>s — of liis total dis- 
 regard of the will CI the peoplo. Tor Mr: Ro- 
 bertson not only admits that he knew that the 
 People of Kentucky preferred Gen. Jackson, 
 ut declares his opinion that Mr. Clay v,-ould 
 vote for him. At the same time giving as his. 
 only reason for opposing the resolutions, his 
 wish to secure to Kentucky an influence in the 
 ;iext Administration — to leave Mr. Clay free 
 to act according to coniingcnciess and a v/ill 
 to prevent Mr. Clay's being " Uirowy upon 
 the electioneering aercnu in Congress complete- 
 ly hand-cuffed." If Mr. Ilohei-tsrin knew Mr. 
 Clay's view 3, am^ we have no doubt that he did, 
 v/hat were the contingencies to which he re- 
 ferred^ Mr. Shepherd under'itood him at the 
 time — he saw that the contingencies v/as that, 
 Mr. Robertson desired Mr. Clay to be left so tliat 
 he could secure the State Department. If- Mr. 
 Clay had not made up his mind to bargain for 
 the State Department, v/hy did Mr. Roliertson, 
 who, as we'll as Mr. I'odd, had no doubt been 
 requested to do srj — exert his infiucn('e to pre- 
 vent the passage of the reBoIutlons, if it were 
 n-^t *n 1";ivf \}v (""Inv fVof . to urf 'i^ff^r'lin!;" to 
 
 continger.cies. \V hat were the contiuggucies- 
 It was admitted, that the contest was between 
 Mr. Adams and Gen. Jackson; Mr; Robertson 
 did not assert, that Mr. Clay would not vote for 
 G?n. Jackson; on the contrary, he expressed 
 his behef that Gen. Jackson wasthe choice of the 
 State, and that Mr. Clay would vote for him; yet, 
 although he hoped that Mr. Clay would obtaih 
 the State Departmeni u/ider Gen. Jackson, he 
 wished to prevent the passage of the resolu- 
 tion, that Mr. Clay might be at liberty to act on 
 the contingeticy, that Gen. Jackson would re- 
 fuse to comply with the condition, to enforce 
 which, had been the object of Mr. Clay's in- 
 Irigue through the ^umm.er,and, therefore,actin|f 
 upon, the frank ejcposure wh,c4i Mr. Clay had 
 made of his views, he vvished to leave Mr. Clay 
 free to " bargain" with Mr. Adam.s, if he fouml 
 that Gen. J.ackson would not. 
 ■ Mr. Clay has always been considered an able 
 advocate, and knowing as we do, that his object 
 has been to disprove the bargain, we are at a 
 loss to know why he published Mr. Todd's let- 
 ter. It is only to be accounted for, by his rul- 
 ing passion. The abuse of Gen. Jackson, and tlrD 
 adulatory incense offered up to his own \"anitj, 
 have caused him to overlook the effect to b.c 
 produced by the clear proof, which that letter 
 affords, that the opposition made by Robertson 
 to the adoption of the legislative instructions, 
 was made at hLs earnest enfreaty. This admit- 
 ted, and the c(>nclusion irresistably follow.s, thjit 
 Mr. Clay knew that the voice of his State was 
 for Jackson, and that his com.pliance with the 
 instructions, depended upon a "contingency" 
 to arise *« upon the electioneer.ngara:na in Con- 
 gress." What ths.t contingency was, is fuljy 
 shown by the statements, vdready proved arid 
 published by the Central Comraittee. 
 
 Mr. Mctcalf told Mr. Hit* on the 4th or 5th of 
 January, 1825, that he knew but little more thita 
 when he first arrived, about the Presidential 
 election; that the Kentucky delegation vva? un- 
 committed, and that they wanted to know how 
 the Cabinet was to be filled. 
 
 Mr. David Trimble told his constituents, in 
 his speech at Lewis County, in October, 1825, 
 as appears by the oath of eighteen respectable 
 witnesses: 
 
 "When wc wcrX on last fall^ to the city oi 
 Washington, we found Mr. Crawford out of 
 the question; the contest was between Gene? 
 ral Jack;5on .ind John Quincy Adams; we ascsr 
 tained that, under no circumst-anccs, would Gc^ 
 nend Jackson appoint our friend, Ilcmy Cl.iy, 
 fTCcretary of State; we ascertained that Mr. 
 Adams would appoint our friend, Ileiuy Cl'iy, 
 Secretary of Stite. Knowing tliis, then, fellow • 
 cltizen-s that Gen. Jackson would not., and Mt- 
 Adami v.-ould, appoint our friend, Heury Clay, 
 Secretary of State, if you expected me to votij 
 for General Jackson, you expected me to do 
 that which Icould not, and would not do." 
 
 I'rancjs J ohnson told his constituents, as ap- 
 pear:; b}' the statement of seventeen respectable 
 witnesses, that it was ascertained that 
 
 "If Mr. Adams was elected President, Mr. 
 Cday would be Secretary of St%te; but that, if 
 Gen. Jackson was elected Pxcsident, Jlr. Clay 
 vvould n-At be Secretary." 
 
 These gcntlemcji, .Messrs. Trimble, Metchlfe, 
 Jfthn'ion, i?(i')'^vt«o" ;ind Todd, avf thp friends 
 
1^50 
 
 txAr. f i^v He has called them all in as wit- it involved, ofunuimted continuance m otiict 
 
 nesJc^ toTstify in h.s behalf, and he cannot be Gen. Washington, after serving eight years, rc- 
 
 ncrmitted <• i^each their veracity. If they tired, and refused to serve any longer, and Ins 
 
 f ,.T tr.H the truth Mr. Clay is gxiilty of the example has been followed by his republican 
 
 cri^e of havmgbaVgafned .A Mn Adams to successors. Mr. Jefferson, Nlr. Madison, and Mr 
 
 Se^^im in th^^e offife which he now h.Ms. Monroe-therebysett.ng their s^ 
 
 pi 
 
 It will be our duty to pur sue this subjec t. 
 
 From the Baltimore Republican. 
 JACKSON AND WASHINGTON. 
 
 tionto Gen. WASHINGTON'S example, and 
 Gen. JACKSON'S vuie. 
 
 The whole amount then, of Gen. Jackson'.? 
 offence in this vote, was, that he thought eight 
 
 u 1 K n years as long as any President ought to serve, 
 
 Great importince has been attached, tjy ine ^^^ ^^ ^^,^^j^ ^^^ pj^^,. ^^^ hvpociite, and say 
 
 Adams parly, to a vote given by General :ACiv- ^^^^ ^^ regretted his retirement from office, 
 
 HON upon the occasion of Gen. W'ASHiNeTON « ^^^^ ^^ thought heought to retire. Is there any 
 
 retiring fro.Ti the Presidency, and /^r that vote^ ^^^ .^ ^j^^ country that does not approve of the 
 
 ppop 
 
 ^as been attempted to be held up to tne ^^j^,^ j^ g^^ ^iv Washington, to the Presidents 
 pie of this country as one, who was un\vil- ^^^^ succeeded him, of serving only eight years? 
 
 ling to pay that respect to Gen. Washiugtott, 
 to which his life, his character, and his services 
 entitled him. The following, which we copy 
 from a well written Circular of the Hon Joel 
 Yakcet. of Ky. to his constituents, puts this 
 matter in its true light and exposes the slUy at- 
 tempt of the Adams party to present JACKSON 
 in the light of an enemy to WASHINGTON- 
 From Mr. Yancey's Circular. 
 "The enemies of General Jackson arc so 
 anxious to vihfy and degiade hiiii, because they 
 
 Washington thought that as long a period as he 
 ought to serve, and Gen. Jackson only agreed 
 with him. 
 
 EDITOR'S CORRESPONDENCE. 
 
 CoNCQRn, N. II. June \2th 1828. 
 
 Dear Sirs .• The republican cause in New 
 Hampshire is truly cheering — an overwhelm- 
 jnf wave is rolling b.ick ijpon the cnemesofthe 
 
 find him such u powerful rival of Mr. Aduma tn pp^ople— their despair is evident- they are seiz 
 
 'tfie Presidential conlcf.t, that in addition to num- \^„[^q fragments of the wreck of their hope.-J 
 
 bcrless other charges, they have added thut of ^^^ safety— nine 'tenths of the republicans of 
 
 his ocing (as they assert) opposed to General ^,^.^ ^^^^^ ^^^ unquestionably in favor of Ar, 
 
 Washington. This assertion is destitute of tiuth 
 A correct statement of this matter will satisfy 
 every imparti il man, that the vote Gen . Jackson 
 pave, was in strict accordance with the repub- 
 lican pr.nciples which have uniformly marked 
 and characterized his course. In 1796, when 
 
 drew Jackson. Yesterday the Republican Con- 
 vention for nominating Governor, Electors of 
 President and Vice President, and Representa- 
 tives to Congress, assembled at this pLice ; the 
 meeting was composed of delegates from every 
 town in the State, regularly cliosen by the Re- 
 
 whlch many of the Republicans of that day 
 were severely censured, indirectly, in conse- 
 quence of their hostility to Jay's treaty; bc- 
 fiides it incorporated a principle to which many 
 of the republicans vctuscd their panc'.ion — 
 Amongst that number was NATHANIEL 
 M.\CON, Abraham Venable, and Ctiristoplier 
 Greenup, old well tried republicans. They 
 considered a direct invasion of that republican 
 maxim, tiiat rotation in office is the security 
 of our rights, and a sure guarantee of the du- 
 rability of our republicnn Institutions. 'I'he lan- 
 guage of the addrcsi', in some instances, was 
 fulsome, and in othen, at war with the princi- 
 ples for whicli wc contendc.l in tlie w.ir of the 
 Ucvolution. The following sentiment cxtr.-icted 
 from the address, is objectionable, and was 
 so deemed by General Washington and the re- 
 publicans of that day. " We cannot forbear 
 to express tlie deep sensation of regret with 
 which wc contemplate your Intended retire- 
 ment from office." This anti-r>-pubhcan re- 
 mark was disapproved by Washington, for it 
 was with great difficulty he could be prevailed 
 on to serve longer thwu four years. And if Gen. 
 Jackson and others had vote>l for this a>ldress, 
 they would have sacrificed tlieir principles to 
 the gratification of a Federal faction, who 
 were seeking the jjroslration of the liepubli- 
 f an party. It is true, that the address was sup- 
 ported by many of the republicans then in Con- 
 jT-[v<3c. vit|<r)ut nr^T'rlv •"sHrnatincr the nrinf^ipl'*. 
 
 this meeting, it was truly thfe bone and muscle 
 of the State. Tlic cause that is supported by 
 such a body of men, voluntarily assembled from 
 every part of the State, has nothing to fear — I 
 Uiiver witnessed a better spirit than prevailed 
 at this meeting — our friends are very sanguine 
 of success at the appro.iching elections, of 
 which I have very little doubt. The "twattlers" 
 are in great f.crtubation, fearing they may be 
 left in the lurch — they are trying to make 
 terms, but our friends feci strong enough witii- 
 out them, and treat tlicm as they deserve, wi<h 
 contempt. 
 
 Yesterday the Convention organized, appoin- 
 ted various Coinniittee.'; and nominated Coveru- 
 or Pierce, the old Republican Governor, asthejr 
 candidate at the nest gubernatorial election. — 
 To-morrow the Electors of President and Vice 
 Prcsidtnt, and Representatives to Congr-rss, 
 wiio arc chosen by general ticket, will b* nom- 
 inated. You may assure our friends in th'^ 
 west and soutli that New Hampshire is safe. 
 
 JACKSON IN NEW HAMPSHIRE. 
 
 It will be recollected that the whole Adams 
 party were in ecstacies, at the result of the late 
 elections m New Hampshire; yet Mr. Hill, the 
 Editor of the New Hampshire Patriot, received 
 eighty votes for Senator in Congress. 
 
 This is a Dretty strong Ja''k=;nn sier^". ■ 
 
UNITED STATES' TELEGRAPH~iia/>«. 
 
 This paper will be devoted exclusively to the Presidential Election, and be published weeld}-, 
 until the 15fh of October nest, for One Dollar, subject to newspaper postage and 7io mofi. 
 
 BY GREEN <§- JAR VIS, 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 WASHINGTON, JULY 5, iS2S. 
 
 No. 17 
 
 CORRESPONDENCE. 
 
 ADDRESS TO GEN. WASHINGTON. 
 
 Messrs. GnnEN & .Tarvis: The oft repeated 
 tale, that Gen. Jackson voted in 1796 ag-ainst 
 an address to Gen. W.ishington, and consc- 
 quentlj', that he was in sentiment and feelirg 
 opposed to him, is met by the circumstances 
 disclosed in the enclosed letters, which 1 de- 
 ■sire 3"ou will pubiisli at some convenient lime. 
 Not lonj since, I addressed a letter to Mr.. Giles, 
 Governor of Virginia, and to Mr. Living.-ston, a 
 member of Congress from the State of Louisi- 
 ana; both of them representatives in Congress 
 at the period when this address was proposed 
 for consideration. The replies of those gen- 
 tlemen satisfactorily shew, th.at the minority 
 \'ote I'^-sulted from no personal objectiuns enter- 
 tained, but alone from the controling influences 
 'of principle. As his acquaintances knovv-, no 
 man in the country entertains, or has manifest- 
 •cd, a stronger regard for the character and ser- 
 vices of the father of our country, tlian has 
 General Jackson. Looking to the similarity of, 
 and parallel in tb.eir histories, it could hardly be 
 expected to be otherwise; and yet this vote, so 
 very immaterial, when all the circumstances, as 
 xliscloscd by iMr. Giles and Mr. Livingston, are 
 looked to, -and which was given thirty-one years 
 a^o, is seized upon, and circulated widely for 
 political effect, that under cover -^*' that s, nc 
 tlty which meritcdly attaches itseli to the name 
 of Washington, prejudices may be produced. 
 These letters, highly interesting, are forwarded 
 to 3'ou for publication, that this preferred ob- 
 cction may be correctly understood. 
 
 With great respect, 
 
 J. H. EATON. 
 WASHns-GToir, 29th May, 1828. 
 
 RicaMoxD, May 5, 1828. 
 
 Dr.AB Sin : Your highly esteemed favor of 
 the 1st instant reached me last evening, and I 
 liave given the most respectful attention to its 
 contents. After many false, sc;uKlalous, ma- 
 lignant, idle, silly, blackgu.vd, ridiculous and 
 preposterous charges heretofore brouglu a- 
 g;un_st Gen. Jackson by the parasites of the Ad- 
 ministration, (excuse tliis long hst of epithets, 
 but the occasion would justify as many . more,) 
 il am not at all surprised that the 7ie>a one, of 
 nearly thirhj-one years standing, mentioned in 
 your letter, should i)c added to the disgusting 
 catalogue. Many of tlic most terrific oV tbos; 
 charges, seem to me to be too preposterous even 
 for the use an old woman in a nursery; and lam 
 sure would be frowned down by universal 
 consent, were it not for tlie blind infattiation 
 arising from the extren-;ely excited state of feel- 
 ing existing in the public muid at tli/s moment. 
 Whilst I pretend to no knovvlcdg.- of the mo- 
 tives of General Jackson, or .any other.':, induc- 
 ing the two voles lie is now called On to defend, 
 1 have the most perfect recollection of my o» n 
 motives for the same votes. 'J'he same, and 
 
 similar cl.'asgcs have often heretofore been 
 brou^lit aga^n.-t ir-y.^iolf, for votes upon the 
 sajne, and similar subjecfs, given about the 
 same time. It would require more time than t 
 have now at command, to give a full and com- 
 prehensive view of the .vubjecls of your inquiry 5 
 and in addition to tliat con.sideratioi>, I am nov;- 
 in the very last stage of a painful and feeble ex- 
 istence. _To form a correct judgment upon 
 tiiese subjects, it would be nccess.ary for you, 
 Sir, to give a critical attention to the whole of 
 the answer to the President's speech ; from 
 wliich you hare presented me only an extract ; 
 and you cannot avoid seeing from its whole 
 contour, abundai-.t justification to every Eejrab- 
 lican member of Congress for voting against it ; 
 whilst, under impressions like mine, it would 
 be extremely difScultfor ingenuity itself to fur- 
 nish any one sufficient ground of jusuiica.tiou 
 for any one K.cpublican member in voting 
 otherwise. Upoii exansinatinn, you cannot bu't 
 observe. Sir, that this.answer is a' most r.i'tful, in- 
 genious, able production for its object. I'l?. 
 author w.as believed to be the celebrated Fisher 
 Ames; and his great and bvilliant genius was 
 never more conspior.ousiy dii;pliiyed in any li- 
 terary cfibrc of liis v.'holc life, than in drawing: 
 this celebrated answer. He had two objects in 
 uiew. The one, the highest wrought eulogiums 
 vpon Gen. Washington, drawii from the richest 
 siores of h.is fertile mind. Tiie other, to crush 
 his republican political opponents, by the irre- 
 sistible influence of Gen. Wa.sliington's well- 
 earned populai-itv. Tiie one oljject was highlv 
 laudable ; the other, unworLiiy "of him, an'd of 
 the occasion. The incense to Gen. Washing- 
 ton, upon h;s retirement from public service. 
 Ought to have been ]>urc and unadulterat- 
 ed. It should have consisted solely of the 
 purest love oflcrings of the he.art. It should not 
 have been coni.'iininaled by tlie indulgence of 
 hostile, vindictive passions towards ethers. No!: 
 so thought Mr. Ames, and his party. The oc- 
 casion was too tempting, the advantage too 
 great, and their own peril too imminent to be 
 given up to a wise, honorable, and liberal courso 
 of proceeding. Mr. Amcshad the wliolc weight 
 of Gen. W.ash;ngton's popularity in liis hand?, 
 and he determined to make the most of it, upou 
 this delicate and interesting occasion. He de- 
 termined to use it, not only to Washington's 
 iionor, but to tlie dishonor of all liis political op- 
 ponents, and reckless of niercv towards them, hr; 
 resolved througli its potent "influence, to com- 
 pel these daring political opponents to bcor 
 testimony themselves to their own d'shonor and 
 political inconsislency. 1, for one, indigiianll'- 
 repclled t'nis insulting .dFort. under tiie i)eril of 
 the vengeance of Gen. Wasliington's whole popu- 
 larity. I disdained to give e\ idence against nv^ 
 own honor, and my nv.n jiolitii-al consistency; in 
 direct violation of the best dictates of my ov.n 
 judgment :ind conr,cience. if.Ir. Ames might, 
 williout difliculty, have obtnined anunanimou' 
 and hearty vote in lavm- of i;is answer, if his soie" 
 object liad been the plaudits of Geij. Wrtsbirf^* 
 
2db 
 
 1*1 i iio«'-evcr JiigUly w.rouglit 01* txtruvagant ; honor, 'i'hisibtlie head and Iroutot'the oJici.ec,;- 
 i>ut this would not content him, nor his party, and I presume of GeneralJacksoii's. If this be 
 The Iiumiliaticfn of their poliUcal antagonists g^uilt, I rejoice in its commission — and this too, 
 .teemed to be the most acceptable portion of his after thirty-one years of cool reflection, under 
 unhallowed incense. Mr. Ames made the the sanction of an approving- conscience ; and I 
 niost artful and cutting "tlirusts at them, which now wisli it to be distinctly understood that, 
 the occasion invited. The most artful and cf- whilst 1 never did at any time set up the least 
 fectiTt of alt, will probably be found in the quo- pretensions to 9vr\ices, like Washington's, and 
 tation, from which, the clause moved to be was at all times disposed to render liim as pure 
 fitrickcn out, formed a part. The words tlie homage for i hose strvices, as ar^y citizen of the 
 jnost peculiarly insulting and offensive, in the United States, I did not then, no: did I ever, 
 riause proposed to 1)C stricken out, are tliese: yield to Washington, nar any other hjn.an be- 
 "II is our mrnes^t wish, that your example may ing, in claims to lionorable motives, and purity 
 he the guide of yOMV suca:ssors." Yonvexatriph of intentionfi. Besides, my conduct at that Jay 
 in what? (^crtanly in his FrcMdiiniial character, was universally known in the district I then had 
 :l3 evidenced tii his practical acImim>itruiio7i of the honor to represent, and universally approv- 
 litegovtrnment. Not the example of his mili'a- cd. Aly rcsponsibiiity for all the.so evil deeds, 
 rv conduct during the Uvvolution-.ry war. Not has l)cen since tested in my elections hy the 
 the example of liis lift-, generally. Oh, no; people; by the Executive Council; and by 
 Jlr. Ames would not be content, with holding tiie Legislati;re. During whicii tiniy, 1 never 
 out these examples for imitation; but an fa;f//n/?/f, solicited an office, nor a vote for an office ; nor 
 i.^. M«/ by which hissicrESSoKsinthe/VmrfeM- did I, until lately, ever lose an election. Since 
 /■/>// r^^cc might be ^itirfcc/; of course, the whole t!iat time a new set of politici.-vns have grown 
 of his administration. Now, the republicans, up, under the magical influence of a splendid 
 jriys^lf with the rest, had not only oppo.scd, but Government, witliout any of the feelings inspir- 
 /ea'.oualy a:id strenuously opposed, the most cd by the great republican principles of the 
 rToniincnt measures of Washington's adminis- j-evolution, or of the republican feelings of the 
 Iration. The establishment of the bank of the time of Washington's administration; who arfe 
 T,Tnitcd Dtate?. The British treaty, the funding now calling the oW republicans to a nru; account, 
 ;-rsteni, &e. Stc. couldany thinghave been more upon a very different test of responsibility from 
 insulting to cvcjy« honorable republican oppo- that which in those limes was deemcil ihe true 
 iicnt of the most prominent mcasui-es of Wash- test of political merit; and who, under this infatu- 
 .i^ngton's administration, than to be pcreraptori- ation, inspired by the brilliant delusive prospects 
 I'v called upon to declare to the world, tliat, it -of a splendid Governmeut, Ir-ve already, as I 
 icashis earnest wish, that Washington's example think, substituted the most frightful destructive 
 in his practical achninistrat ion of ihe govern- despotism, for vhe best and happiest republican 
 jlient, should be the guide for the observance ofhii system ever devised for the bi-nefit of man; and 
 f^iieces'iora'/ When almost every day's oppo- whicii, for neaily lialf a century, proved its great 
 Fition to his measures, incontestibly proved, merit, in t!)e blcs.sings it cunfi-iT'd upori the 
 he wifhcd no such thing; or if he did, that his op- American people. Jt wdlaffod me much plea- 
 position to those same measures, were <U3 sure, Sir,,, if the foregomg explanation should 
 honorable and deceptive? It was not possible enable you to defend (ieiieral Jackson against 
 (?)r mv mind to be brought to such a state of hu- these new charges fv)r old sins ; and you arft at 
 miliation and dishonor; and without fear or ap- liberty to make any tjse of them yoti please, 
 prehension ofconsequences, supported by an ap- for that purpo«:e ; but I r^'aliy fear, ttiat the 
 proving conscience, I indignantly repelled the trouble 1 have imposed uponjou, of reading so 
 tiltemptod coercion. long a letter, will cause you to regret the call 
 
 Itisveiyfarfrommy desire, or intention, to im- you have made upon me for the explanation, 
 plicate, in any respect whatever, the motives of Be pleased, Sir, to accept assurances of my 
 those repubUcan members, who voted in «favor respectful and friendly considerations, Uc- 
 t(f this artful, ingenious answer. They doubt- WM. B. GILES. 
 
 Icssly took a different view of its meaning, from The Hon. J. II. EiToy. 
 
 that I put upon it ; and perhaps it may be said 
 
 in their justification, that the words .selected WAsiii:,r,TOx Cixr, 21st May, 1828. 
 
 by Mr. Ames, are general in their character Dkau Sin — To answer your inquiries "what 
 and, being ingeniously chosen, might admit of were the causes of my vote against the address 
 some other interpretation. It may be so : but to the President in 1796, and paj ticularly whe- 
 the words cvilainly do bear, and were intended ther that vote proceeded fioin any teeling of dis- 
 to bear, the interpretation I llien put u])on approiiation r>r personal dislike to (jeii. Wash- 
 them ; and the mere possibility that they could ington," it will be necessary to advert to circum 
 be even tortured to bear that interpretation, 
 would certainly be sufficient for my justification, 
 in repelling them with indignation. The pos- 
 sibility of their being tortured to bear some dif- 
 ferent meaning, allords no mental salvo to me. 
 The charge then is reduced to this; that an in- 
 sulting attempt, under an ingenious disguise, 
 was made to coerce me to bear testimony 
 agaiivst my^own honor, and my own political con- 
 sistency, at the ha/.ard of encountering the 
 dread influence of Washington's popularity ; 
 and that I had firmness and independence 
 
 stances at, and events prior to the time that vote 
 was given. 
 
 Any one at all conversant with tlie political 
 history of our country, knows that very soon af- 
 ter the f .'deral constitution was establislicd, two 
 parties arose, nearly equal in numbers, and re- 
 garding each other witii great jealoi.sy. Th<- 
 federal party had the gov* nmitnt in their hands, 
 and they had the inappreciable advantage of 
 seeing i*aised to the head of it, by the unanimous 
 voice of the nation, a min honored by their po- 
 lidcal opponents as the father of his countrj-, 
 
 ^T«OUffb\ fnf.'j'cf fJiii' irfliteitce: ;>r>(lsaveinv own which ha<l b^en preserved bv his virtue, bravf;- 
 
ii5i> 
 
 vy-, and ])iuck'iiee5 vv^iiose n:\me alone, thcj^ and who were amonij those wiio ino^t rcve=-ed 
 thought, would sanctify, and whose reputation and admired him. 
 would give success to all their measures. The 
 
 republican members of the House of Represen- 
 tatives, (I use the names which then distinguish- 
 ed the parties, )t]iought that one, in particular, of 
 those measures, were injurious to the best in- 
 terests of the country, and without, in any in- 
 stance that I remember, forgetting the scnti 
 
 The treaty question, to which I have alluded, 
 took place in the first session of the fourth Con 
 gress, the seventh year of Gen. Washington's 
 Presidency. On the opening of the second 
 session of the same Congress, he alluded in at* 
 fecting terms to his approaching retirement froni 
 office, v.-lnch h.z !iad before announced. I 
 
 none 
 
 ments of respect, gratitude, and high admira- solemnly saylfor myscif,"ti;at,"o;iTiris"occasIonrso 
 tion, which were due to General M^ashmgton, far from any ill fueling towards the Tresident, 
 
 unong those who an-ngated to themselves 
 
 re 
 {press 
 ivery sentiment of gratitude for " ' 
 
 they opposed that measure of Kisadministration. 
 
 They believed that it would have been a dere- the title of hise^xcdusiVefriends co\ild foermorr 
 
 ]ict.onofcuity,togive up the indcpenaent ex- sincerely, or were more disnosed to express 
 
 pression of their opinion, because it was contra- 
 ry to measures sanctioned by a name they re- 
 vered — and conscious of the weight of" tliat 
 name, I may perhaps be permitted to say, that 
 there was some degree of merit in stemming 
 'he tide of popularity which was attached to it. 
 Of tlie measures to M'hich I have alluded, it is 
 
 , . . „ his services, 
 
 tamiration for his character, or wishes for his 
 happiness, than I w-is. These were ideas that 
 had grown ui> with me from my childhood: I 
 had never heard the name of Washington pro- 
 nounced but with veneration hy those near rel- 
 atives who were engaged with him in the same 
 
 necessary, tor the present purpose, only to single perilous struggle. Independence, Libertv and 
 
 out one. 1 he mission of Mr. Jay to Great Bri- Victory were associated with it in my mind and 
 
 tain, and its consequences, the treaty of 1795, the awful admi.^tion with which I was struck 
 
 and the refiisal to comply with the request of when (yet a boy) I was first admitted tohispre'- 
 
 the house of Representatives, for the inspection sence, yielded only to the more rational senti- 
 
 of the papers which led to the formation of that ments of gratitude and national pride, when at a 
 
 '■'^^^Vfi^-r^i- f T f f .7 TT •. J c< , "^»5"^er age, Icould appreciate his services,and 
 
 1 1 at the Chief Justice of the United States estimate the honor his virtues and character had 
 
 shoiud be taken from his duties, and put on a conferred upon his country. I had seen him in 
 
 ioreign mission, without resigning his judicial thehour of peril^ when the contest was doubtful 
 
 appomtment, w as deemed unwise, if not con- and his life and reputation, as w-11 as the hber' 
 
 t.rary to the spirit of the constitution. ^ ties of the nation, depended on the issue. 1 had 
 
 1 he treatj' itself, in its stipulations and omis- seen him in the moment of triumph when the 
 
 sions, was_ considered as derogatory to our lion- surrender of an hostile armv had secured our 
 
 or, and iniurious to our Interests. independence. My admiration followed him in 
 
 After It was ratified, when the appropriations his first retreat, and ^vas not lessened by his 
 
 arui laws were to be made for carrying it into quittlngit to give the aid of his name and ^nflu- 
 
 'ffect, the House made a respectful request to ence to tlie union of the States under an effici- 
 
 ihc Preside.it, that, if existing negotiations did cient C-iovernment— in addition to this he had 
 
 rot render it improper, he would communicate 
 to the House the papers in relation tq the said 
 treaty. This request was refus-^d, and the de- 
 nial was grounded on a dcni.al of the Constitu- 
 tional power of the House to exercise their dis- 
 cretion in carrying the Treaty irito effect. On 
 this refusal, the House passed a resolution, which 
 asserted the right that the President had denied. 
 
 received me with kindness in mv youth, and 
 without having it in my power to 'boast of any 
 particular intimacy, circumstances had thrown 
 me very frequently in the way of receiving from 
 him such attentions as indicated some degree of 
 regard. 
 
 With those motives for joining in the mosf 
 
 concern can scarcely be imagined, when I 
 found that I must be debarred from join-ng mv 
 voice t'. those of my fellow citizens in expres^- 
 
 .,,, .. , ,, . e"<^i'S"etic expressions of admiration and g-ratl- 
 
 These subjects created great excitement, "tude— with a heart filled with sentiments of ve- 
 both in debate and in the public mind, and the neration, and desirous of recordm- them mv 
 
 just veneration m which Washington was held, """-— '- > • •" *'- -' •' 
 
 created an effect somewh.at similar to the max- 
 im of the English Constitutional law. All these 
 
 me;-.sures were attributed to the President's ad- ing these feelings, unless in the same breath T* 
 Msers. It w-as known that the heads of Depart- should pronounce a disavowal of princinle-- ' 
 ments which, by the Constitution, were to be which I then thought.and still think, were well 
 consulted, each on the aflairs ef his separate founded, and declared that I approved that 
 Department, were formed into a Cabinet conn- which I had but just solemnly, not only nro 
 nl, and gave the i:- opinions onfall the important nounccd. but rccoi'dedto be, in mv opinion irr' 
 concerns of the government. It was supposed, proper and injurious to the interest of my con- 
 stituents. It was in vain that I and others entreat- 
 ed that the olijcctionable passages might be 
 struck out—in vain we ofiered to insert others 
 more expressive of pergonal respect for the Pre- 
 sident— they were a majority, they were obdii 
 ,,,••,,.-, ^ - , , •■ate. The address was ably and skilfully drawn 
 
 //^ear/«u/H,9/r<7/tort, and theywere opposed when and without this spirit of investi-alian u-hi.V 
 It was thought necessar3-, and canvassed, and party generally excites, th. objectionable pas 
 freely spQ-ken of in debate, without any hostili- sages might have escaped attention-but whn^" 
 ty being intended or supposed to the President, discovered and considered, they could in mv 
 Indecd, several of those most prominent m op- opinion, bear no other conslruction than t ha. 
 positionto acts of the Admimstr-ation, wer= men which I have indicated. To iudge of thT' s r 
 y. whom Washuigt<,n ha.| the highest esteem, you must have the address before to, iVai' 
 
 T do not vouch for the truth of the supposition,") 
 but it was generally supposed, that the Presi- 
 dent was guided by the opinions of a majority 
 oftli'S Council. Hence the ofHcial acts of the 
 President came to be considered as those of his 
 Cabinet, and were generally termed the acts of 
 
iiOO 
 
 sciibe, liicrefoi-c, so liiKcii as fclutcs lb Uie sulJ- 
 icct of ycHir inquiry. Tlic beg'inniiig-, which re- 
 Jatcd chiefly to our foreign relationsj contained 
 pome paesag'os which did not meet the entire ap- 
 prohati^m orilic Ilonsx-.hut they were amended 
 in Conimiltiie; the residue was in the following 
 \>;-ords. _ • 
 
 •• Wlien we advert to the internal situa- 
 tion of the United States, we deem it equally 
 natural and bccomin.rj to compare the tranquil 
 Jjrospcrity of the citizens witii the period imme- 
 diatcl}' antecedent to the operation of tlie f^ov- 
 ornment, and to contrast it with the calamities 
 in which the stale of war still involves several 
 of the European nation?, as the reflections, de- 
 duced from hotli tend to justify,as well as to ex- 
 cite, a warmer admii-ation of our free constitu- 
 tion, and to exalt our minds to a more fervent 
 and grateful sense of piety towards Almig'hty 
 Cod, fur tho bcjieficencc of Irs providence, by 
 Wiiic!» its administration has been hitherto so re- 
 Jiiarkably distinguished. 
 
 "And while we entertain a grateful conviction 
 that your tcisc,Jirni and patrioi'C aJinini.-iirulion 
 lias been signally conducl^ c to the success of 
 the present form of Government, we cannot for- 
 i)cavto express the deep sensations of regret, 
 v.'ith wiiich we contemplate your hitcnded re- 
 tirement from orlicc. 
 
 "As no other suitable occasion maj' occur, v.e 
 caunot sufl'cr the present to pass without at- 
 tempting to disclose some of the emotions 
 which it cannot fail trfav.akcn. 
 
 "Tiic gratitude and admiration of your coiin- 
 Irymcn, are still drawn to the recollection of 
 those resplendent \irtues and talents, which 
 were lO «>niinently insti>u mental to theachicvc- 
 frscTit of the r.-volution, and of which that glo- 
 rioiis event will ever be the memorial. Your 
 obedience to tlic voice t)f iluty and your coun- 
 Vy, when yoii quitted reluctantly, a second 
 tintc, the retreat you had chosen, and first ac- 
 cepted the Prcsidi'ncy, afforded a new proof of 
 the devotcdness of your zeal in its f-.ervice, 
 and an earnest of the patriotism and sticcess 
 whicli h^vc cliaractcrized your admiiiisti'ation. 
 As the grateful confidence of the citizens in the 
 virliics of tticir chief magiVvrate, has essentially 
 contributed to that success, wc persuade our- 
 selves, that the m'lhons whom we re)jresent, 
 participa'.c with us in the anxious solicitude of 
 the present occasion. 
 
 "Vet wc cannot be unmindful, that your mode- 
 ration and magnanimity, twice displayed by re- 
 tiring from yovir exalted stations, afford exam.- 
 plcs no less, rare and insti-ticlivc to mankind, 
 than valuable to a republic. 
 
 '■'\Uhough we arc sensible that this cvcnt,Qf it- 
 self, com;jetcs the lusti-e of a character already 
 conspicuously unrivalled by the coincidence of 
 virtuff, talents, success, and public estimation; 
 yet wo conceive wc dwe it to yor., Sir, and stiJl 
 more emphatically to ourselves and to our na- 
 tion, (of tho language of whose hearts v.e pre- 
 sume to tlilnk our.-elvcs at this mnr.v^nt the 
 faithful intcrprctsrs,) to express the Si.itiments 
 V. iih which it is contemplated. 
 
 " The Spectacle of a whole nation, the freest 
 and most enlightened in tlic world, ofiV ring by 
 its representatives the tribute of unfeigned ap- 
 probation to its first citi/.en, however novel and 
 interesting it may be, derives all its lustre, (a 
 ?Ur.T," \vhi<-h arr-'-.l-n' or .'i);l|ii';'a-!n COtlW n-i- 
 
 bcslov,-, and whicii aduiatiQn would tuiiiisit) 
 from the transcendent merit of which it is th,c 
 voluntary testimony. 
 
 "?»Iay;.ou long enjoy tliat lil)erty which Is SO 
 dear to }0u, and to v/hich your name will evef 
 be so dear: may your own virtues and a nation's 
 praters, obtain the hHi)plest sunshine for the 
 decline of join* days, and the choicest of future 
 blessings. For your country's sake, for the 
 sake o^^ ref)nblican liberty, il is our earnest wish 
 that your example may be the guide of your 
 successors, and thus, after being the ornament 
 and safeguard of the present age, become the pa- 
 trimony of our descendants." 
 
 In t'le very imperfect sketches of the debates' 
 of that time, I find that all my remarks in its 
 different stages show, as well my desire to coin- 
 cide with the greatest admirers of Wasliingtcn, 
 as my sincere desire to produce such amend- 
 ments as would allow me to vote for the address. 
 Cp.-68 Carpenter's Debates) " Mr. Livingston 
 was sorrj' the answer was not drawn so as to a- 
 void this debate — he said it m as his sincere de- 
 sire and h-ope, that, gentlemen who advocated 
 tills address in the present form, and those whn 
 wLslied to amend it, would so combine as to 
 make it agreeable to all," he said he intended 
 to vote ag-ainst the amendment, (to strike out 
 tiie last eiglit paragraphs,) and v.ith a view to 
 reconcile parties, when this motion was disposed 
 of, he would move to strike out some words and 
 insert others — (p. 90.) "Mr. Livingston moved 
 to strike out the words " tranquil prosperiti/, 
 icith the pcrind," and insert "present period toil k 
 thai — "he could not say that t'r.is was a time of 
 tranquil prosperity; were heto say so, he should 
 mock the distresses of his constituents, which 
 were evident — trade was on ihe dechne, com- 
 merce ruined, emban-assments which contradict 
 the assertion, existed; but he could not think oiir 
 misery equal to that of the nations of Europe, 
 v.ho weie involved in war; hethought,thererore, 
 that the language of the address might be retain- 
 ed, as drawing consolation from that comparison, 
 alt'.iougli ours is not a state of perfect tranquillity 
 and prosperity; he thought too there was an in- 
 accuracy of language in comparing traiiq:iil 
 prosper it_i/lQ ^period — tranqu'llity cou'd noi be 
 compared with a period of time. lie tiopcd 
 that, notwithstanding the tenacity of adherence 
 to words, that all might agree in the addressrAc 
 would' be t.xi,rcuuly h'.irt,cani'd he concnve that fve 
 differed in sentiments of ^atilude and uJmirution 
 for t/ial ffreat man; hut tvhilc he was desirous to 
 cjrprcss this, he could not do it at the e.rpeme of 
 his feelings or principle. T'/icfomcr he might 
 sacrifice, hut the tatter he could not to any man." 
 
 Ihis amendnr.cnt Vvas agrcetl to — 42 to 27. 
 
 1 invite your particular attention Sir, to the 
 phrase which I next proposed to alter; you will 
 see that it applies to the admini-ttration, the epi- 
 thets, wise, firm and patriotic Yon will bear in 
 mind what was then generally uiiderstood by the 
 term administration; you well remember that I» 
 and those with whom l.'.ctcd, had but the preced- 
 ing session, dctwunccd one of its leading ir^a*;- 
 urcsas deserving the very reverse of these cha: 
 actcristics, and you will then determine whether 
 wc could, with any consistency, vote tcr the ad- 
 dress, while it contained this senttnce. To 
 show, however, that while we could not say 
 that the measures of the Cabinet were wiscj 
 r-:r; r.i! 1 r«riM';o*>, w" w-r- p^fecllv willing to 
 
 f- 
 
*^6t 
 
 ascribe tlicse quulitic-s to tiie ^i•esiJeut. I 
 moved to strike out the words " wise, firm and 
 patriotic administration," and ii-ssert " your 
 wisdom, firmness, and patriotism." In nioyini^ 
 tliis, (the Uegistcr says) "Jlr. Liviiigston could 
 not say that ail the actS of the administration 
 had been wise and firm, but he would say that 
 he believed the wisdom, firmness and patriotism 
 of the President, had been signally conducive to 
 the success of the presentformof government." 
 This amendment was not agreed to, and the 
 consequence v.'as tliat, we must ei'dier vote for 
 the address containing this stigma on our nv:n 
 cenduct, or not vote for it at all. lathe House, 
 one other amcnchnent was moved — to strike out 
 the concluding" panigraph which contained a 
 prayer that tlie example of the President, that 
 is, as we construed it, the example of the pub- 
 Jic measures his administration haxl adopted, 
 might guide his s::cccsi:u)s,- the word successors 
 clearly indicating tliat it was the example of the 
 measures of his administration that we proposed 
 ai a model for (hose of future Presidents; and 
 yet we had opposed the most prominent of those 
 measures: this was also refused by a vote of 54 
 to 24. No man v;uo lias a regard for consis- 
 tency can say that putting* tliis construction on 
 those parts of the address thus retained we 
 could vote for it. No candid man can Eay that 
 they will not at least bear such construction, 
 and no one wlio considers tiie tenacity v/ith 
 which they were retained, can doubt that the 
 federal majority intended to reduce lis to tlie 
 dilemma of hein^j considered as unfriendly to 
 tlie fame ot the man whom we revered as much 
 aa they did, or of signing our own disgrace. 
 
 Now, Siij I pti'uy you to examine the ad- 
 dress; see what I was v.illing to assent to, and 
 peruse it as it would have hcen if tlie few 
 expressions to wiiich I objected had been 
 changed or stricken out; and then, for yo'U-self, 
 answer the question propounded in your note 
 " whether any improper feeilng towards Gen. 
 Washington, prompted my negative vote to 
 the address." 
 
 I have spoken chie-Hy of my own sentiments 
 and feelings: 1 could with no propriety identify 
 them with those of others; but I am bound to 
 say, that i belicvc I entertained them in com- 
 mon with most of tlie members who voted with 
 me. In that li.^t, are names v.ith which I shall 
 ever be proud to see mine associated. The person 
 to \vhom you have particularly alluded, coidd 
 not but have participated in the higfi admira- 
 tion I felt for the man, who, in tliatage, as he 
 himself has done in liis ov/n, "filled the measure 
 of liis country's glory:" he must have received 
 in his congenial mind, the spsrk from tliat 
 bright example, v.'hich has animated him so suc- 
 cessfully to emulate the military glory of the 
 hero, who saved his country, and Inu fitted him 
 to become a worthy successor to the first; and 
 greatest President of the United States, [n that 
 list was tlie venerable Mact'ii, whose mind 
 is as incapable of envy, as his incorruptible in- 
 tegrity is of injustice. In it will be found other 
 names, of men who cannot, from the uniform 
 tenor of their lives, and their attachment to the 
 libertieg of their country, be for a moment sus- 
 pectetl of ingratitude to its deliverer. I strive 
 not, however, to shelter myself under tljeir sanc- 
 tion: the votes I gave, were the deliberate re- 
 sult of my best judgm-ent, the sentiments and 
 
 rcajjons by wliiiuh I siip;<o.rtcd them, sve«' tuv 
 dictates of honest conviction, ;ivd could the 
 same circumstances again present themselves, I 
 should pursue the same conduct. In justif3ir.g 
 my own motives, I do not presume to urraigu 
 those of others. Men for whom I have the 
 highest esteem, voted for the amciidments, aivli 
 afterwards for the Address; they diditdoubtlerr. 
 from conviction: oiie of the most distinguish-iil 
 of them is stated in the debate to have said, tiiat 
 although he had at first considered the objec-- 
 tioiK^.bic part-j in the light that I did, yet after 
 muc'.i hesitation, he brouglit himse!f to tlie cou,- 
 clusion, that they did not go s;' far as at first hft 
 thought they did, and that, fiad Ihey approved af 
 every measure nf the Prcftidcnt, he wuuld huvfi 
 voted agwis! them. I thought they did : 1 kne\V 
 that whetlier they did or not, tluit construction 
 would be put upon them by our pallltcid eu.;;- 
 mies, and I even believed that tiiey !iad been 
 introduced with that very view ; I tliereforr 
 cf>ul(l not vote as he did. There is one fact tp 
 which I must allude, showing conclusively tha^ 
 this charge of hostillly to Washington — dishe- 
 iie^•ed or nnstinderstood even by those v/h() 
 made it, vras not credited by tlie men of 6!i 
 others best conversant of the fact, and mostlu- 
 tere:;ted in defending his reputation. 
 
 The Society of Cincinnati, in the State of 
 New York, some years ago elected Genei'al 
 Jackson an honorary member : On the fourth of 
 July last, they did me the same honor by a 
 unanimous vote. Would the venevublc rem- 
 nants of tlie friends and companions of "Wasiw 
 ingt/)n, associated under Iiis auspices for the 
 purpose of cherishing the friendships cqn 
 tracted din-ing the contest which he so glo- 
 riously conducted, ami watching over his 
 fame so inseparably connected witli theii- 
 o'.vn — would they have conferred this distuic- 
 tiou on two men who had, at any one period ci" 
 tlieir livesjshown themselves his enemies or de- 
 tractors. This fact alone, Sii-, is an answer to 
 your iniiuiries,and as regards myself, is the more 
 c mclusive, because at the time the votes in 
 question were given, I had the honor to repre- 
 sent the City cf New-York in Congress, and my 
 constituents coidd neither be ignorant of my 
 measures, nor unacquahited with my motives.. 
 I may add too, that immediately after this trans- 
 action, I was re-elected by an increased majoritj',. 
 
 I have found it impossible, Sir, to aiiswcl- 
 your qaerie.<3 without going into a detail whfcU 
 I fear you may t'link pruli.v, but the transaction h 
 so remote, that circumstuices familiar at thetime, 
 and which then it v/ould have been useless m 
 detail, are now necessarily introduced into {ijc 
 statement, and I sum up the wholi by saving 
 exphcitly, that I never refused my assent to a 
 vote of thanks and an expression of giatltude 
 and respect to \v ashingto:i — on the conti-arj/, 
 I repeatedly expressed my desire to join 'u\ d\\ 
 address (hat should testify it in the. sU'Ot>ges*<; 
 terms. 
 
 I am, v/ith gi'cat respect, 
 
 Your most ob't. serv't, 
 
 EWD. LdVlNCBTON. 
 
 The Hon. Joiix II. Eatox. 
 
 " Sign" in Bocton. — I'he deinocl'.alic iricnj.s 
 of Anduev/ Jacksok, celebrated the late-ii!i of, 
 July, by a public dinn<.T, an--! nn Ovaticsi in P<?;;- 
 iov- 
 

 I'l-oiil UioXaUonalJiiltllJjjciiceriJlh May,lSll. 
 
 )l->tract from Mr. Clay's speech in tlic Senate 
 r, S. against tlic bill to renew tlie chartcr- 
 otihc Bank of the U. S. 
 
 "It F)as l)C'cn said by the lion, gx-ntlt^nian 
 Jiom Georgia (Mr. Crawford,) that thi.s has been 
 made a pariy question, althougli tiie law incor- 
 poriiting the Hank was pa.ssed prior to the for- 
 mation of purlies and when Conj^^ress was not 
 biassed by party prcjiidiccs (.Mr. Crawford ex- 
 plained.) Ho did not mean that it had been 
 made a party question in the Srtute. His al- 
 lusion was clicuhere. I do not think it alto- 
 }?clhcr fair to rt fer to the discussions in the II. 
 of lleprcsentaiives, as g'ent'lemen belonging' to 
 lliat body, have no op])ortunity of defending 
 themselves here. It is true that this law was 
 not tl>e effect, but it is lio less true that it was 
 one of the causes of the political divisions in 
 this country, and if (hiring' tlie ajjitation of the 
 present question the renewal lias on one side 
 been opposed on party principles, let me ask, 
 if on the other it has not been advocated on sim- 
 ilar principles ? Where is the Macedonian 
 phalanx, the opposition in Congress;' I be- 
 lieve Sir, I shall not incftr the charg'e of pre- 
 sumption.-; prophecy when I predict tliat we 
 shall not pick up fron) its ranks one single 
 striig'gler I and if on this occasion my worthy 
 li'ieud fioni dcorjjia, has gone over into the 
 camp of the enemy, is it kind in him to look 
 back upon his former friends and rebuke them 
 for the fidelity with which they adhere to their 
 old principle. 5' 
 
 I ishall not stop to examine liow far a Repre- 
 sentative is liouiid by the instructions of Ids con- 
 stituents. 'J'hat is a question between the giv- 
 er and receiver of theinstructions. ilut I must 
 he i)ermitted to express my surprise at the 
 pointed ditlcrence whicli lias been made be- 
 t.veeii the opinions and instructions of State 
 Legislatures, and tnc opinions and details of t!ve 
 deputation?, witli wiilch we have been surroun- 
 ded from I'hilutU- 1 phia. AVhilst the resolutions 
 of iliose Legislatures, known legitimate, con 
 stitution.il, and deliberative bodies, have been 
 thrown into the back ground am; iheir interfer- 
 f;nce regarded as ollicioiis, tiicse delegations 
 from sell created .-iocieties, composed of whsm 
 nobody knows, Ir-ive been received by the Com- 
 mittee with the utmost complaisance. 
 
 Their communicali<n»s have been treasured up 
 with the greatest diligence. Never did tiie 
 Delphic priests collect witii more holy care the 
 "frantic exi)rcssions of tlie agitated Pythia or ex- 
 pounil them witli more solenniity to the aston- 
 ished Grecians, than 4ias the Comniiitec gather- 
 •d the opinions and testimony of M.cse deputies 
 and lliongii tiie gentleman from Massachusetts, 
 pompously detailrd them to tlie Senate! Fhda- 
 tlclpliia liai her immediate representatives capa- 
 61o of expresshig her wjshes upon the floor of 
 the other House. If it be improper for States 
 to obtrude upon Congress their sentiments, it is 
 much more higlily so for the unautlioris. d dep- 
 uties of fortuitous congregations. 
 
 The fii-st singular feature that attacts .^ttcn- 
 ■^ion in this bdl, is the '.'ew and unconstitutional 
 veto which it establishes. The constitution has 
 ■ equircd only that after bills have passed the 
 House of Uepresentatives and tlie Senate, lluy 
 shall be presented to the Prt jidcnt for his aj) 
 
 inoval or rejection, and his determiiiaiiou is tv 
 be made known in 10 days. But this bill pro- 
 vides tlial \vlien all the constitutional sanctionn 
 are obtaint-d, and when according to the usual 
 routine of legislation, it ought to be considered 
 as a law, it is to be submitted to a r.ew brand: 
 of the legislate, consisting of the President and 
 24 Directors of die Bank of the United States 
 holding their se.sions in Philadelphia, and if they 
 please to approve it, why then, it is to become a 
 law. And three months, (the term allowed by 
 our law of May last, to one of the g'reat belliger- 
 ents, for invokinghis ed'cts after the other shall 
 have repealed his ) are granted thein to decide 
 whether an act of Congress shall be the law of 
 the land or not! An act wliich is said to be in- 
 disjien.sably necessary to our salvation, and 
 without the passage of which universal distress 
 and bankruptcy are to pervade the country. 
 Remember, Sir, tlut the honorable gentleman 
 from Georgia has contended that this charter is 
 no contract. Does it, tlien, become tiie repre- 
 sentatives of the nation to leave the nation at 
 the merry of a corporation' Ought the impend- 
 ing calamities to be left at the hazard of a con- 
 tingent remedy? 
 
 This vagrant power to erect a Bank after hav- 
 ing wandered tliroughout the whole constitution 
 in quest of some congeni-il spot wherein to fas- 
 ten, has been located by the Gentleman from 
 Georgia on tiiat provision which authorizes Con- 
 gress to lay and collect taxes, &c. In 1791, the 
 power is rcfcrre^l to one part of the instrument. 
 In 1811, to another." Sometimes it is alleged to 
 be deducible from the power to regulate Com- 
 merce. Hard pressed, here it disappears, and 
 shows itself under the grant to coin mone} . 
 The sagacious Secretary ol'the Treasnry in 1791 
 pursued the wisest course — he has taken shel- 
 ter behind general high sounding- and imposing^ 
 terms. He has declared in tl.c preamble to the 
 act cslu!d:shing the Hank, that it will be very 
 conducive to the successful fa/irff^c/tV?«- of the lu,- 
 tional Jmaiiccii will tend lo give fuciluy to the 
 obtaiiiing of loans, and will be protfuctive of con- 
 siderable advantage to /ra«eand iiidudrq in gen- 
 eral! No allusion is made to the collection of 
 taxes. What is tiie nature of this governnicnt.'^ 
 It is emphat-rally Federal, vested willian aggre- 
 gate of specihed powers for general purposes 
 conceded by existing sovercgnlies who have 
 themselves retained what is not so concede! . 
 It is said that there are cases in which it must 
 act on implied powers. This is not controve - 
 ted, but the implication must be necessary, and 
 obviouslv flow from the enumerated jiower 
 with which it is allied. The power to charter 
 compHiiiea is not specified in the grant, and I 
 contend is of a nature nut transferable by mere 
 implication. It is one of the most exalted attri- 
 butes of sovereignty. In the exercise of this 
 gigantic power we have seen an J>ast Iiidn. 
 Company created which has carried dismay, 
 d. solution, ami death, throughout one of tiie 
 larg'est portions of the habitable world. A com- 
 pany which is uiits. It" a sovereignty— which has 
 suiiverted empires, and set up new dynaUics— 
 and has not only made war, but war agaiusi its 
 legitimate sovcreig'ii. Under \hc inilueiice 
 of tliis power we have seen arise a South 
 .sea Company, >nd a Mi.ss.sslppi Company, 
 that distracted and convulsed all Kurope and 
 menaced a total overtlu-ow of all credit and con- 
 
:5S»ii 
 
 tideiice and universal bankiuptcy. Is it to be 
 imagined that a i-ower so vast would have been 
 left by the wisdom of the Constitution to doubt- 
 ful inference } It lias been alleged that there 
 are many instances in the Constitution where 
 powers in their nature incirlental, and which 
 would have necessarily vested along with the 
 •principal power are nevertheless expressly enu- 
 merated ; and the power "toTnake rules and 
 regidations for the government of the land and 
 naval foj-ces," which it i^ said is incidental to 
 the power to raise armies and to provide a na- 
 vy, is given as an example. What does tliis 
 this prove ? How extremely cautious tlie con- 
 vention were to leave as little as possible to im- 
 plication. In all caseswhere incidental powers 
 are acted upon, the principal and incidental 
 ought to be congenial with eacn other, and par- 
 take of a common nature. The incidental power 
 ought to be strictly subordinate and limited to 
 the end proposed tobejattalnedby the specified 
 power. In other woi-cls, under the name of ac- 
 complishing ore object which is specified the 
 power implied ought not to be made to 
 embrace other objects which are not spe- 
 cilieJ in the Constitution. If, then, you could 
 establish a bank to collect and distribute 
 bate die reveisue, it cught to be expressly re- 
 stricted to the parpose of srch collection and 
 distribution. It is mockery, w.rse than usurpa- 
 tion, to establish it for a lawful object, and then 
 extend it to other objects which are n;)t lawful. 
 In deducing the power to create corporations, 
 such at I have described it from the power to 
 collect taxes, the relation and condition of 
 principal and incident are prostrated and de- 
 stoyed. The accessory is exalted above the 
 principal. As well miglit it be said that 
 the great luminary of day is an accessory, 
 a sattehte, to the humblest star that t winklesforth 
 its feeble light in the firmament of Heavt n 
 
 Suppose the Constitxition had been silent as 
 to an individual Department of this Government, 
 could you under the power to lay and collect 
 taxes, establisii a judiciary!' I presume not; 
 but if you could derive the power by mere im- 
 plication — coidd you vest it with any other au- 
 thority, than to enforce the collection of the 
 revenue? A Bank is made for the ostensible 
 purpose of aiding in the collection of the reven- 
 -tie, and whilst it is engaged in this, the most 
 inferior an.l subordinate of all its functions, it is 
 made to diffuse itself throughout society, and to 
 influence all the great objects of credit, circula- 
 tion and commerce. Like the Virginia Justice, 
 you tell the man wnose turkey had been stolen, 
 tliatyour book of precedents,- furnishes nofonu 
 for his case, but then ynu will grant him a pre- 
 cept, to search for a cow, anl when looking for 
 tha', he may possibly find his turkey. You say. 
 to tills corporation, we cannot authorize you to 
 discount, to emit paper, to regulat-; commerce, 
 £ic. No! Our book has no precedents of that 
 kind. But then we can authoi'ize you to collect 
 the revenue, and whilst occupied with tiiut, you 
 may do wliL-tever else you please. 
 
 What is a corooration sucii ;i.s tlie bill contem- 
 plates? It is a sj)lend d association of favored 
 ind'viduak, taken from the mass <jf society, and 
 invested with exemptions, and surrounded by 
 ■ immunides and privileges. The honorabhj 
 gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Lloyd,) 
 Las said, that the original law establishing th-i 
 
 Bank, uasj'AStlv liable to the objection of vcs'l^ 
 iiig in that institution, an exclusive privilege^ 
 tlie faith of the Government being pledged tli?it 
 no ctlitr B.Hnk should be authorized during its 
 existence. This objection, he supposes, is ob- 
 viated by the bill under conslderutiou; but aJi 
 corporations enjoy exclusive privileges — that i^-, 
 the corporators have privileges, wliich no other-i 
 possess; and if you create fifty corporations, iii- 
 stead of one, you have only fifty privileged bo- 
 dies, Instead of ci\c. I contend that the States 
 have the exclusive power to regulate contracts* 
 to declare the capacities and incapacities tO 
 contract, and to provide as to tb.c extent of rc/ 
 sponsibility of debtors to their creditors. If Cor^- 
 g'ress have the power to erect an artificial body, 
 and s.ay it shall be endowed with the attributes 
 of an individual — if you can bestow on this ob- 
 ject of yoiu- own creation, the ability to contract, 
 may you not in contravention of State rights, 
 confer upon slaves, infants, and femes covert, 
 the ability to contract? And if you huve the 
 power to say, that aa association of individuals 
 shall be responsible for their debts, only in a 
 cei-tain limited degree, what is to prevent an eH' 
 tension of a similar exemption, to individuals* 
 Whore is the limitation upon this power to set 
 up corporations^ You establish one in the hearf 
 of a State, the basis of whose capital is money. 
 You may erect others, whose capital sua^i 
 consist of land, slaves, and personal ^estate, 
 and thus the whole property within the juris'» 
 diction of a State, might bo absorbed by these 
 political bodies. The existing Bank, contends' 
 that it is beyond tlie power of a State to tax it, 
 and if this pretension be well founded, it is in 
 the power of Congres.-', by chartering cpinpa- 
 nies, to dry up the whole of the sources of State 
 revenue. Georgia has undertaken, itistrue, tw 
 
 levy a tax on the Branch within her juris 
 
 dic- 
 tion, but this law. now vmder a course of liti- 
 gation, is considered as invalid. The United 
 St.ates own a great deal of land in the State 
 of Olilo. Can this Government for the purposa 
 of creating an ability to purchase it, charter_;i 
 company?' Aliens are forbidden, I believe in 
 that State, to held real C3t;ite. Coidd yon, in 
 order to multiply pnrchasers, confer upon tUeru 
 the capacity to hold hind in derogation of the 
 local law? Imag''ie this will hardly be insisted 
 upon; and yet there exists a more obvious con- 
 nection between the undoubted power which \i 
 possessed by this Government to cell its landj 
 and the means of executing that power, by la-' 
 creasing tlte demand in the market, than thero. 
 is^between this Bank, and the collection of ii 
 tax. This Government has th- power to levy 
 taxes— to raise armies — ^provide a navy — make 
 war — regulate commerce — coin money, &c. SiC- 
 It would not be ditricult to shov/ as intimate a 
 connexion between a corpoiatiop, established 
 ibrany purpose whatever, and some one or other 
 oftlio.se great powers, as ti>ere is between the 
 revenue and the Ba'dc uf the United States. 
 
 Let us en<iuiie into the actual i):'rticij)ation of 
 thi.^ Bank, in the collection of the revenue. 
 Prior to the passage of the act of 1800, requir- 
 ing the collectors of tliose ports of entry, at 
 which the principal B.mk, or any of the offices 
 are situateii, to dejjosit with thcni the custom 
 house bonds, it had not the smallest agency iu 
 the collection of duties. During almost ore 
 moictv of the period, to wiv.ch the exibtetice oi" 
 
fZ6i 
 
 tills Inst'tiiUon \v:is iiiniliJ., Tt WiXfi no waj's iii- 
 stmmenlHl la *he coilcction of iliat i-cvcriue, to 
 Whicll it is now become indispensable. The 
 ■«:;ollection pvevious to 1800, was made entirely - 
 by the collectors; and even at present where 
 tiiere is one port of entry, at wliich Uiis IJank is 
 em[>Ioyc(], tlicr-.; are eijjht or ten, at whicli the 
 <;ollcctioni.'5 nia>U", as it was boTore 1800. And, 
 Sir, wliat docs tiie liank or its I?i'anches, wlien 
 resort is had to it? It does not adjust with the 
 merchant, the amount of the duty, tior take his 
 bo.nd; nor if t'ao boncj is not paid., coerce tlic 
 payment by distress or otherwise. In fact, it 
 has no active ag'ency, whatever is tlie coUciction. 
 Its operation is merely passive; that is, if th.e 
 ohiiger, after his bond is p'accd in the Bank, 
 discharijes it all, is ver)' well. Such is the 
 mighty aid afforded by tins tax gatherer, with- 
 out which, the GovernmcTit caimot get along. 
 Again, it is not pretended, that the very limited 
 assistiitce wh'.ch tliis institution docs in truth 
 rendeif, extends to any other than ii single spe- 
 cies of lux, that is, duties. In the collection 
 of the excise, the direct and otiier internal taxes, 
 110 aid w.as derived fVom any hank. It is true, 
 in the collection of those taxes, the farmer did 
 not obtain the same ir.duh/ence which the mer- 
 chant receives in paying ;iutics. Jiut what r;hli- 
 ges Congress to give creditatall. Could it not de- 
 mand prompt payment of the duties' And in fact 
 does it not so detnand in many instances. — 
 '^VlJether credit is given or not, is a matter of 
 mere diecrction". If it be a facility to mercan- 
 tile operati./.-.i, (as I prf^-unie it is,) it ought to 
 he granted. IJut I deny tlic right to ingraft upon 
 it a bank whicli you would not otlierwlse have 
 the power to erect. You cannot crcaft Ihj: ne- 
 rcssit;/ oi a bank, and then plead that necessity 
 for- its establishment. In the administration of 
 Ihe iinances, the bank acts simply as a paver 
 And receiver. The Secretary of the Treasury 
 has money in Xi;w-Vork and wants it in Charles- 
 ton ; the bank will furnish him with a check or 
 bill to make the remittance, which any mer- 
 chant would do just as well. 
 
 I will now proceed to show by fact, actual cx- 
 jpeiiencc, nut theoretic reasf<ning, but by t!ie 
 ];eccrd9 thi-msolvcs, of the Treasury, that the 
 operations of th;il D.partment may be as well 
 tonducted witliout, as with this bank. Tlie 
 delusion has consisted in the use of certain high 
 eountllug phrases dc.\trously used on the occa- 
 sion. •' The collection of the revenue" — "Lhe 
 adminis'.r.ition cf linance" — " the conducting of 
 the tiscal afl'.-.irs of the guveriunen.l," the usual 
 languag^^ of t!ie advocates of tiie bank, extort. 
 Cypress assent, or awe into acquiescnce, with- 
 ».ut in juiry or examination into its necessitj'. 
 »\bout the commencement of tliis year, there 
 appears by the repoit of ll:e Secretary of the 
 'I'reasury of t!ie 7tii of January, to liavc been a 
 little upwar<ls of tv.'o millions and four hundred 
 .liousaiid dilLir.* in tlie Trcaviu-y of tho United 
 St.-\tes ; aiid nxore than {tne-lliird of tliis 
 whole sum was in tho vaults of llie local 
 banks. In j.cveral Instances where an op- 
 rpi)ortunllv existed of selecting the bank, a 
 preference hxs been given to tiie State Bank, 
 or at least a portion of the tlcjiosits has been 
 mad-j T/itli It. In New York, for example, there 
 wxs deposited with the Manhattan Hank ?1{^8,- 
 670. ajthongh a Krancli IJank is in that city. 
 >'. ;'•■'.•: r.i. •;•■.-•< '^n^ 090 v.-fT" d'^n-sitrd v/i'h 
 
 the Bank of Columbia, althougii iicre also is it 
 Kranch IJanfc, and yet the State U.inks are ut- 
 terly unsafe to be trusted! If the money after 
 tlie bonds arc collected, is thus placed with 
 these banks, I presume there can be no diffi- 
 culty in placinir the bonds tl-cmselves there, if 
 they must be deposited with some bank for col- 
 lection, which I deny. 
 
 Again: one of the most important and com- 
 plicated branches o'' the Treasviry Department 
 is tlie management of our landed system., The 
 salf s have some years amounted to ui)wards of 
 half a million of dollar'^, are generally made 
 upon credit, and yet no bank whatever is made 
 use of to facilitate the collection. After it Is 
 made, tl^.e amount in some instances, has been 
 deposited with banks, and according to tht 
 Secretary's report, which I have before advert- 
 ed to, the amotuit so deposited, wxs in Januarjv 
 upwarvls of §300,000, not one cent of which 
 was in the vaidts of the Bank of the United 
 Suites, or in any of its branches; but in the 
 Bank of Pennsylvania, its Branch at Pittsburg, 
 the Marietta Bank, and the Kentucky Bank. 
 Upon the point of responsibility I cannot sub- 
 scribe to tiie opinion of the Secretary of the 
 Treasury, if it is meant that the ability to pay 
 the amount of any depo^ites which the govern- 
 ment may make under any exigency is greater 
 than that of t!ie State Banks; that the accounl,- 
 libility of a ramified institution, whose afi'airs 
 are managed by a single head, responsible for 
 all its members, is more simple than that of a 
 number of independent and unconnected estab- 
 lislunei^ts, I shall not deny; but with regard to 
 safety, I am strongly inclined to think it is on 
 the side of tlie local banks. The corruption 
 or misconduct of the parent, or any of its 
 branches, iray bankrupt and destroy the whole 
 .system, and the loss of the Government, iit 
 tiiat event will be of the deposits made wita 
 each, whereas 111 iliel'ailure of one St,ite Bank, 
 the loss will be confined to the deposit intho: 
 vaults of that B;ink. It is said to have been a 
 part of Bun-s plan to seize on the Branch 
 liank at New Orleans. At that period large 
 sums imprjTted from the La Vera Cmz arc al- 
 leged to have b^en deposited with it, and if the 
 traitor had accomplished his design, t)>e Bank 
 of the United States if not actually bankniptj. 
 might have been consti-aincd to stop payment. 
 
 it is urged liy the gentle;nan from Massachu 
 setts, (Mr. Lloyd,; that as this nation progress- 
 es in comniprce, wealth, and population, new 
 energies w ill be unfolded, new wants and cx- 
 cgcncics will arise, and iicncche infei-s that pow- 
 ers must be implied from the Constitution. But, 
 Sir, the question is, shall we stretch the instru- 
 ment to embrace cases not fairly within itu 
 scope, or shall we rosjrl to that remedy by 
 amendment which the Constitution presriibcs ^ 
 
 Gentlenicn conten<l that the construction 
 which they give to tiic Constitution has been 
 acquiecsed in by all parties and under all admir.- 
 Islrations; and they rely particularly on an act 
 which passed in 1804-, for extending a branch 
 to New Orleans and anotiicr act of 1807, fo;* 
 punishing those who sliould forge or utter forg- 
 ed paper of l!ie Bank. With regard to the 
 first law passed no doubt, upon the recojnmen- 
 dalion of the Treasury Department, I would re- 
 mark that it was the extension of a branch to a 
 torrltfirv, over which Congres? poisr.'^ns povyor 
 
!do 
 
 of ieg-isktiuii aimosi uncouU-olietl, aad -where 
 williout any constitutional impediment, chaitcrs 
 of incorporation may be granted. As to the 
 other act, it was passed no less for the benefit 
 of the community than the Eank — to protect 
 the ignorant and unwary from counterfeit paper 
 purporting' to hai-e been emitted by the liank. 
 When gentlemen are claiming- the advantage 
 supposed to be dedueible from acquiescence, 
 let me enquire what they would (save liad 
 tiiose to have done who believed the estaljllsh- 
 raent of the Dank an encroachment upon State 
 rights } Were tiiey to have i esisted and how ? 
 By force? Upon the cliange of parties in 1800 
 it must be well recollected that the greatest ca- 
 lamities were predicted, ascons-cquences ofthut 
 event. Intentions were ascribed to the new oc- 
 cupants of power of violating the public faith 
 and prostr.atlng national credit. Under such 
 circumstances, tliat they should act with great 
 cii'cumspection was quite natural. Thej' saw 
 
 \ in full operation a B.^nk, chartered by a Con- 
 gress who had as much right to judge of their 
 constitutional powers as their successors. [lad 
 they revoked the law which gave its existence, 
 the institution would in all probability have con- 
 tinued to transact business notwithstandmg. 
 The judiciary would iiavc been appealed to, and 
 from the known opinions, aiv.l pi'-idelectlons of 
 the Judges then composing it, tliej would have 
 pronounced the act of incorporation as in the 
 nature of a contract, beyond the repealing pow- 
 er of ajiy succeeding legislature. And Sir, 
 what a scene of confusion would such a state of 
 things have presented — an act of Congress 
 which was law in the statute Book, and a nalli- 
 ty on the Judicial records. Was it not wisest to 
 wait the natural dissolution of the corpei-ation, 
 rattier than accelerate that event by a re])eal''ng 
 law invoh-ing so many delicate considerations. 
 
 When gentlemen attempt to cai-iy this mea- 
 tiponthe ground of acquiescence, or precedent, 
 do they forget tliat we are ii')t in Wetjtminster 
 
 I Hall? In courts of justice, the utility of unifor- 
 mity of decision exacts of the Judge a conformi- 
 ty to the adjudication of his predecessor. In 
 the mtcrpretation and adir.inistration of the law 
 this practise is wise and proper, and without it 
 eyery thing depending upon the caprice of the 
 Judge, we should liave no security for our dear- 
 est rights. It is far otherwise when applied to 
 the source of legislation. Here no ruie exists 
 but the Constitution, and to legislate upon t!ie 
 ground, merely tliat our predecessors thought 
 themselves authorised under similar circiun- 
 stances to legislate, is to .sanctify eiTor and 
 perpetuate, usurpation. But if we are to 
 be subjected to the tr-ammels of prece- 
 dents, 1 cUim on the otlier hand the benefit 
 of the restrictions under which the intelligent 
 Judge cautiously receives them. It is an estab- 
 lished rule, that to give to a previous adjudica- 
 tion any efiect, the miiid of the Judge m'iio pro- 
 nounced it must have been awakened to the sub- 
 ject, and it must have been a deliberate c pinion, 
 formed after full argument. In teclinical laji- 
 giiage, it must not liave been sub ailaitio. Now 
 the act of 1804 and 1807, relied upon as pkdges 
 for the rechartering this Company, passed, not 
 only without any discussions whatever, of the 
 Constitutional power of Congress, to establislia 
 Bank, but I venture to say without a siiif le 
 .^,?mber having had his attention drawn to this 
 
 question. 1 had the honor cf a seat in tlie Sei, . 
 ate when the latter law passed, probably voteti 
 for it, and I declare with the utmost sincerity 
 tliat I never once thought of that point, and I ap- 
 peal cunfitlently to every hoiiO"ab!e member . 
 who was then present to saj', if that was not his 
 situation. 
 
 This doctrine of precedents applied to the 
 Legislature appears to me, to be frought willi 
 the most mischie\ ous consequences. The great 
 advantage of our system of government over all 
 ot'iers, is tliat we have a written Constitution 
 defining itsiimiis, m\(1 prase ribing its authorities; 
 and that however far a time faction may convulse 
 the nation, and passion and party prejudice 
 swav its functionaries, the season of reflection 
 will rccur, when calmly retracing thor deeds, 
 ail aberrat'ons from fundamental jjrinciple wHi 
 be corrected. But once substitute pradice for 
 principle — the expositions oi liie constilutiop. 
 for the text of the constitution, and in vain 
 shdl we look for the iustrvimtrnt itself! It 
 will be as diffused and intangible as tli-e 
 pretended Constitution of England. And it 
 must be sought for in the Statute Book, 
 in the fugitive Journ.ils of Congress, and in 
 the ^ep.^rts of the Secretary of the Treas- 
 ury. What would be our condition, if we 
 were to take the interpretations gi\ en to tiiat 
 sacred book, wlrch is or ougiil to be the crite- 
 rion of our ■raltli, for the book itself? \V e siiould 
 find tlie Holy Bible, buried beneatli the inter- 
 pretations, glosses, and comments of councils, sy- 
 nods and learned divines, which have produced 
 swarms of intolerant and furious sects, partakuig 
 less of tiie mildness and meekness of their origin, 
 t'^an of a vindictive spirit of hostility towards 
 each other. They ouglit to afford us a solemn 
 warning, to make that Constitution, which vc 
 h.ive 9»vorn to support, our invariable guiile. 
 
 I conceive, then Sir, that we are not e.mpow- 
 ered by the Constitution, nor bound by i\ny 
 practice under it, to renev," t!ie ciiarter of this 
 Bank, and I might here rest th(? argument. 
 But as there are strong- objections to the renew- 
 al, upon the score of expediency, and as the 
 distresses which will attend the dissolution cf 
 the Bank, h'lve been greatly exaggerated, I will 
 ask your indulgence for a few moments longer 
 Tiiat some temporary inconvenience will arise, 
 I sliall not deny; but most groundiessly liave the 
 recent failures in New York been attributed to 
 a discontinuance of this Bank. As well might 
 vou ascribe to that cause, the failures at Amster- 
 dam and Hamburgh, of London and Liverpool. 
 The embarrassments of commerce — the seques- 
 tration in T<'rance — the Danish captures— in line, 
 the beliigerent edicts are tiie obvious sources of 
 these failures. Their immediate cause is tlie 
 return of bills upon London, drawn upon the 
 faitii of unproductive or unprofitable shipments. 
 Yes, Sir, tlie protests of the notaries of Lo;:;h)n, 
 not those of New York, have occasioned these 
 bankruptcios. 
 
 The power of a nation is said to consist in the 
 sword md tlie jiurse. I't-rhaps, at last, all pow- 
 er is resolvable into that of the purse, for with 
 it you may command .'ilmosi every thing else. 
 The specie circulation of tlie United Slates is 
 estimated by some calculators at ten Tnillions of 
 dollars : and if it be no more, one moiuty is in 
 the vaults of this bank. May not the lime ar- 
 rive when the concentration of such a yas! por- 
 
 I 
 
::liSCi 
 
 iion ot the ca-cu-laJiig' medium ut" tlic country 
 in tlie haiuls of any corporation will be danger- 
 ous to our liberties i* By whom is this immense 
 power wicldea i* Ily a body who in deropatio^i 
 of the great i)iinciple of all our instUutionii, I'c- 
 sponsibility to the people, is amenable only to a 
 few stockholdt rs, and they chiefiy foreisincrs. 
 Supjjose an attempt to-subvert t'uis j^-overiiment 
 — vvoul.i not tiie traitor first aim by force or 
 corruption to acquire the Treasure of iliis Com- 
 pany ? Look at it in anotner aspect. Keven- 
 tenths of its capital are iu the hands of foreign- 
 ers.anrl tliL-se forei(;-;vjrschiet1\ Kng-lishaubjtcts. 
 Wt are poasildy up')u the eve of a rupture with 
 that nation. Should such an event occur, do 
 you upprel-.end tliat the English premier would 
 exptrieiice any diHiculty in obtaining the en- 
 tire control of this institution ! 
 
 Uepublics above all odier nations, ought most 
 studiouily to gvard against forc'gn influence. 
 AIJ history proves that the interhal dissentions 
 e.\cited by foreign intrigue have produced tiie 
 downfall of almost every fref^ government that 
 has hitherto existed; and yet, gentlemen con- 
 tend that we are benefitted" by the possession of 
 this foreign ca])ita!! If we could have its u.se 
 without itj attending abuse, I slioul'.l be grali- 
 licd also. But it is in vain to e.ipect the one 
 witiiout the other. AVealth is power, and un- 
 der whatsoever form it exists, its proprietor, 
 whethvr he lives on this or the otiu-r tide of 
 the Atlantic, will ha\e a proportionate influence. 
 It is argued, tiiat our posstssioa of this English 
 capita), gives us a certain influence o\'er the 
 British Government. If tbis reasoning be sound, 
 we liad better revoke th^ interdiction as to aheris 
 holding land, and invite foreigners to engross 
 the whole property real and pcjrsonr.l of the 
 country . We had belti r at once exchange the 
 c'ondiiiou of independent pioprletors for that 
 of stewards. AVe should then be able to gov- 
 ern foreign nations, according to the arguments 
 of gentlemen on the other side. But let us 
 put aside this theory, and ap|)eal to the decis- 
 ions of experience Go to theotlierside of tiie 
 -\tlantic, and see wiiat has been achieved for us 
 there by English;i:en holding seven-tenths of 
 the capital of this bank. Flas it released from 
 galhng and ignorninioua bondage che solitary 
 American seaman, bleeding uniler Uritish op'- 
 7)ression' Did it prevent the unmanly attack 
 upon the Chesapeake? Did it arrest t!ie pro- 
 inulgulion, or has it abrcvgated the Orders in 
 Council — those orders which have gi\ en birth 
 to a new era in commerce' In spite of all its 
 boasted effect, are not the two n.iti.jus brought 
 to the very brink of a war? Are we (piite sure 
 that on this siilt- of tlie water, it has had no eflTect 
 favorable to British interests. It has often been 
 btaleil, and although I do not know that it is 
 susceptible of strict proof, I behevt- it to be a 
 fact, that this Bank exercised its influence in 
 -sujiport of Jay's treaty — and may it not have 
 contribut' d to blunt the pubhc .sentiment, or 
 pavalize liie eflects cf this nation, ugunst IJrilijh 
 aggression ' 
 
 Tlu Duke of Northumberland, is said to be 
 the most con.siilerable stockholder in tl;e Bunk 
 of the United SUiie;. A late Lord Chancellor 
 of England, besides other noblemen, was a large 
 stockholder. Suppose the Prince of Essling, 
 the Duke of Cadoie, and other French dignita- 
 ne.", owned seven-eighths of the capital of this 
 
 Bank, should we wilneas the same exertions (I 
 allude Jiot to .any made in the Senate) to re- 
 charter it? So far from it, would not the dan- 
 ger of French influence, be resounded through- 
 out the nation? 
 
 I shall give my most hearty assent to the 
 motion, for striking out the fii'st section of the 
 bill. 
 
 MR. CLAY'S 
 
 PECUNIAUY 
 
 MENTS. 
 
 EMBARKASS- 
 
 The partisans of Mr. Clay in Kentucky, have 
 assailed Mr. Barry as a bankrupt, and Mr. Bur- 
 gess in his tarifl' speech in Bhotle Island said, 
 ••'I'lie relief party in Kentucky is that party, 
 V/hich have been and sti'l are devising ways and 
 means, not to pay, but to avoid paying their 
 debts. Col. Bai'ry, the opposition, candidate is . 
 their leader "* 
 
 We shall not now stop to examine the mo- 
 tives which led Mi*. Burgess to use this slander 
 upon a large portion of the people cf Kentucky-, 
 our purpose is to reply to Mr. Cl.ty, for whose 
 benefit this slander is avowedly declared; for 
 in the same speech, ilr. Burgess, speaking of 
 Mr. Cl.iy, says, " what will be done by Ken- 
 tucky "^ " will she array herself against her pa- 
 tron statesman" ' 
 
 The abuse of Major Barry and his friends, by 
 the pariizans of Mr. Clay in Kentucky, has 
 caused recriminating charges against Mr. Clay, 
 and an expose of his private embarrassment, 
 whicli has drawn from Mr Clay fumself, a 
 letter to t'.ie public that will be found iu sm- t 
 other part of our paper. 
 
 It Is not our purpose to do Mr. Cl.ay injustice, 
 but w'c feel constrained to slate a few facts. j 
 
 Col. Morrison a wealtiiy citizen of Lexington, j 
 Kentucky, being on a visit to Washington, sick- 1 
 'caedanddied here. Mr. Clay as his neighbor and ' 
 friend, was called ia and wrote his Will. The 
 following have been published as extracts 
 therefrom. 
 
 "I give to the Trustees of the Transylvairw 
 University, and their successors, the sum cf 20, 
 000 dollars in trust, to vest the capital in some 
 |>ermanent productive fund, and oiitof the annu- 
 al '.nt', rests or dividends accruing thereon to pay 
 the sahuy of a prufcssorship to be instituted by 
 them, and to be denominated the Morrison Pro- 
 fessorship, or to apply the said $20,000 to Uie 
 purchase of a Library, to be denoniinated the 
 Morrison Librai)', as the trustees may think, 
 will best promote the interests of learning and 
 science." 
 
 » This Mr. Burgess is the same, who, on the 
 floor of the House of Uopreaentalives vented his 
 envenomed spleen agairist Kentucky, and drev^ 
 forth the eloquent and able reply of .Mr. Daniel. 
 Aware of the eflVct which his speech, if pub- 
 lished, would have on the people of »hc stat'', 
 fias been supprrs^L-t', and it is but fan* to 
 presume tl.at this speech was concerted be- 
 tween Mr. Burgess and .Mr. Clay's pariisan.s, as 
 a r( ply to Mr. Daniel. We have undetstood 
 that .Mr. Metcalfe has declared himself an old 
 court man, although he is known to have be 
 longed to the new court party, and was one c^, 
 those who voted for the fortv banks. 
 
 I 
 
5i(3 7 
 
 IJie Will pi'uvides — 
 
 "Lastly, I do nominate :;id appoint my wife 
 i:sther Morris-oii, Executrix, and Henry Clay, 
 Kobert Wickliffe, Farmer Dewees, and liiclu'.rd 
 i£au-es. Executors of" tiiis my last Will and Testi- 
 ment, and us I upprehend (\i^t my friends, Hen- 
 rif Clay ar.d Kobert Wlckliii'e, from their other 
 engagtments, will not h<ive il in theJr power to 
 take upon themsdvas 'la active a part in the gener- 
 al manageiittnt of my eslute, as I should wiih, I 
 desire llnJ security s'undd not be req^iired if (htm, 
 for Hieb- £xccu!o<skip." 
 
 Tlic Trustees of tlie Transylvania Univer.-iity, 
 in their report to the Legislature of Kentucky 
 lust winter said : 
 
 "No part of tlie bequests of Col. Morrison, 
 l;ave come into the hands of the Trustees, save 
 the interest on the4egacy of ^20,000, which is 
 regurlarly paid by tlie Executor, und appropria- 
 ted to tii'e Morrison professor.sl.ip. The wdlof 
 the Testator directs that, no security should be 
 required of the Executor acling. We, conse- 
 quently have none, except \vhatmaybe found 
 in liis integrity and responiibrlity." 
 
 In reply to aa altack upon Major Barry, pub- 
 lished as is believed at the insb.hce of Mr. Rob- 
 ert WicklifTe, a writer in the Kentucky Gazette 
 gave the following list of mortgages, made by 
 Mr. Clay and recorded in- the ck-rks office in 
 l^e.xingtou. 
 
 Li&t ff 3Iortgi'gcs mads by Mr. L'Liy. 
 Book T p;ige 541 — Mr. Clay to Bank of the 
 United States, to secure $22,"0U0 dated July 
 1820, covei-s the Hotel property in Lexing- 
 ton. 
 
 Book V page 173— Mr. Clay to Bunk of Ken- 
 tackv, to secure the sum of $10,000 dated 26 h 
 liec' 1821, covers 200 acres of land in Fayette 
 County. 
 
 B )ok W page 132— Mr. Clay to James Har- 
 per, to secure $1,665 66 dated 2'lt]i December 
 1822,covers the House opposite John Brad'.'ord's 
 in Lexington. 
 
 Book Z page 234~ Mr. Clay to Samuel J- 
 Donaldson, trustee of the creditors of Sam.uei 
 and Robert Purviauce,Baltimore, to secure ^15, 
 527 due. It covers the Hotel in Lexington 
 and the iot f rontmg on market strt-et and extend- 
 ing from short street to C lunch ally. 
 The same wTiter proceeds to say: 
 
 ^'Do you (Mr. Clay) not oue debts to a large 
 amount besides those provided in the above list 
 of mortgages i"' 
 
 "Wasnot the debt due toFurvlancesheirs of Bal- 
 timore (secured in the last mentioned mortgage) 
 inc\irred by yoiu-appropriatingtoyour own use, 
 that amount of money collected by you for them 
 as their lawyer, and wliicli you co.dd not pay 
 to them to this day '" 
 
 By a perusal of Mr. ClayVs letter, it would ap- 
 pear that it WHS carefully prepared to counter- 
 act the eil':-;ct of tlie publications, Irom which 
 we have matle quotations. From the reply of 
 the same writer wnich will be found in tliis pa- 
 per. It will appear that all of these mortgages 
 have date since the year 1320, and Mr. Cla}-, 
 by his silence upon that subject admits that 
 these debts are not all that he Ort'cs. He con- 
 fines himself exclu.^ively to those secured by 
 mortgag':', anclsaysthatjiy the end of the current 
 
 year, they will be reduced to about two tliou* 
 sand dollars. 
 
 It appears by a newspaper publication, tlial 
 the sum due to John Jacob Aster of New York, 
 lias been paid — this sum, is stated 
 At §10,000 to 20, 1)00, - §20,000 
 
 Bank of the United States, - 22,000 
 
 James Harper, - - 1,666 &-G 
 
 IJank of Kentucky, - - 10,000 
 
 Donaldson, - ' - - 15,527 
 
 Amount, $69,193 6-6 
 
 Mr. Clay says tiiat he has paid this d'rbt -Aith- 
 in a fesv years by living wiliiin his income! ! He 
 does not pretend to say that he has sold proper 
 ty, because the sale of'pfuperly to that amount 
 vvoidd be a matter of proof, but he lias lived 
 within Ins income ! ! The question is from 
 wlience does he derive his revenue. History in- 
 forms U3 that Cardinal Woolsey was a pensioner 
 oftlic Pope, of Charles and of Francis, at the 
 same time, it also informs us that Charles the Se- 
 cona vv-as the pensioner of the King of France ;we 
 know thatWoolsey became rich andlived in more ■ 
 splendor than any other subject of the crown. 
 Mr. Clay imitates him so far.as to out-strip the 
 most coulent citizen of this district in the spienl 
 dor of iiis living— it remains for his partisans to 
 explain the sources of a revenue which is com- 
 -petent to such expenditures. 
 
 But it is knov.'n tliat since the date or these 
 mortgages, one of them being in 1822, :Mr. Clay 
 has been actively engaged in electioneering. 
 It is known that very few of our most active 
 citizens, have been able to realize a reasonable 
 profit upon capital iiivested in the most active 
 business. I!ow has Mr. Clay realized so 
 large a sum ui the midst of so warm an elec- 
 tioneering conllict? 
 
 Mr. Clay endeavors to account for his em- 
 barrassments bv saying that he endorsed for 
 friends, &c. Bid he endorse to Astor, to the 
 University, ov to the heirs of Purviancc ? It^p- 
 pears that he induced tvis friend, Mr. Morrison,^ 
 to beheve thathe could not take upon himselt 
 an actiife e-xecutorsliip, and therefore was not 
 required to give security. Yet, it is charged, 
 and will not be denied, that he became the sole 
 acting executor, got the §15,000 in his posses- 
 sion, which the testator liud specially provided 
 should be laid out in " some permanent produc- 
 ike fund," and that, out of the annual interest ac- 
 .^ruing thcreon.the salary of a professorship to be 
 instituted by the University should be paid, or 
 else that the said sum should be expended in 
 the purchasf o*' ••. !.ibrary, to be dcnommated 
 the Morrison Libraf}-. . 
 
 V/ould Mr (J;-> have retained this sum_ ot 
 money, thus obtained, ifhe had an income which 
 would defray the current expenses of his fimi- 
 ly, living as diey do in more splendor than any 
 ctiier fa'inily in the District, and also discharge 
 the sum of $49,000, to say nothing of other debts, 
 in six years ? 
 
 Who can oeHeve that Mr. Clay woulil have 
 apphedto hisown use §15,527 collected as rt*'- 
 tornei) for the heirs of Furvi..nce, if lie had 
 an income of seventeen tliousand doUars per an- 
 num? And yet if we are to believe Mr. Clay's 
 statement, his income cannot have been less 
 tliaii that sum, and he admits that he did apply to 
 his own use the money of his client. Mr. 
 Cl:iv,as an atiornev.took an oatli faithfully to djs- 
 
*>i\ 
 
 OH 
 
 •charge iiis duty to his client. Dldbe falthfuily dis- 
 charge his duty to thchcirs of Pnrviancf, by put 
 ting'intohis o\Vn pocket §15,000 of their money. 
 Did he faithfully discharge his duty as executor 
 of the estate of Morrison, when he applied the 
 legxicy to the University, to his own use, instead 
 of Invcstintj it as required by his testator? An 
 ordinary attorney for a like oiTeiice would be 
 expelled the bar, and any other lawyer, who 
 liad been called in to write a v/ill, and, under 
 pretence that he coald not tnke an activo part 
 in the management of the estate, iniroduced a 
 provision appointing; him.^eif an executor, wiih- 
 oul securitjj, would have been suspected, espe- 
 cially if he availed himself of that provision to 
 become the sole actinsf executor, and obtained 
 possession of large sums of money! That V.v. 
 Clay has done so, and that after lie has obtained 
 tlie money, he has applied §15,000, if no more 
 of it, to his own private use, in violation of the 
 will of his testator, has not been denied. 
 
 In our opinion, such acts on tlie part of Mr. 
 Clay, exhibit a looseness in tlie discharge of of- 
 ficial duty, and a laxity of moi-al principle, which 
 strike at the root of his character as a man, 
 amlishould impair the confidence of the people 
 in him as a public functionary. 
 
 Our interests as a nation should be entrusted 
 to men whose habits avid principles are such as 
 •would place them above suspicion, and beyond 
 the reach of temptation. Our intorcourse with 
 foreign nations is such, that a corrupted diplo- 
 matist might •' brag a million ag.ainst a cent," 
 without being cxmvicfcd, although, he might be 
 ^u^ected. 
 
 Mr. Clay's partisans have wagctl a malignant 
 and viiiuiciive \va; fare upon the ])vivate cliarac- 
 ter of his political opponents. The pecuniaiy 
 alTairs of one, and the domestic relations of an- 
 other eminent citizen, have been dragged before 
 the pubhc, aivJ Mr. Chiy has feasted his insa- 
 tiable appetite f^r power on the .supposed poli- 
 tical effect thereby to be pro<luce(l. It was 
 veil known tb.at no man was more vulnerable 
 in tbese points than Mr. Clay. He h? 1 a right 
 to suppose that the chivalry of his opponents 
 'vould spare the feelings of his family, and jn-c- 
 vcRt the exposure of bis sliameless debauch- 
 eries; but he U.id no right to expect that, pecu- 
 iiiary transactions so intimately connected with 
 liis moral character, would not, under siich cir- 
 c\rmstances, become the subject of investiga- 
 tion. Wc know tliat Mr. Cla}' ha<5 partisans 
 vho are ready to denounce us for daring to 
 question the truth of his st.itemcnts. Cut wc 
 <io not hesitate to declare our opinion, that Mr. 
 ■\Vicklifle knew that Mr. Clay's declaration, 
 that he had discharged this immense debt, in 
 so short a time, by the simple process of living 
 within his income, was untrue. Mr. WickllH'c 
 knew that Mr. Clay's sid.ary, and the revenue 
 from his estates wtre noc equal to so great u 
 work. Mr. CLiy says: 
 
 "A frientl lately called on me, at the iujtance 
 of other friends, and informed me, that they 
 were apprehensive tlmt my jjrivate aflaiis w-ne 
 embarr.iss«d, and that I allowed their embarrcfc=.- 
 ment to prey upon my mind. lie tame there- 
 fore, with tlieir authority, to tell me, that t'uey 
 would contribute any sum that I might wa»t to 
 relieve mc." 
 
 ^Yho was the individual h°re referred to* 
 
 Has he large ojutstanding claims against oui 
 own government? c is he one of those wlio?.e 
 demands agaln-^t a foreign power, are to be al-- 
 ranged by negotiation ? Certain it is that Iil- 
 had some other inducement than mere pei-snnal 
 attachment to .Mr. Clay, before he would have 
 thus tendered the purse for his relief. But Mr, 
 Ciaj- admits that money hai been tendered to iiim. 
 We beheve it is true. We believe it is true that 
 Mr. Clay will leave his present olTice bettei', by 
 many thousand dollars; thsn he entered it. Wc 
 believe that wlv.Lsttlie expenditures of the gov- 
 ernment, in the short administration of Mr. Ad- 
 ams, will have exceeded those of his predeces- 
 sor, for the same j)eriod, by more than eight 
 mJlUons of dollars, whilst our ships have almost 
 literally been driven fiom tiie ocean, and our 
 commerce, ;i3 well with Smith America as the 
 West Indies, almost destroyed, Mr. Clay has 
 taken good care to discharge the mortgages 
 upon his estate, and provide means to wage 
 the w^ir of ambition, when the resources froui 
 whence his wants arc noiu supplied, shall be 
 dried up. 
 
 Let any citizen read Mr. Clay's speech against 
 recharteringthe old Bank of the United States, 
 dchvered when Henry Clay was a republican in 
 practice as well as theory. Let them contrast 
 his couise of public life bclbre he went to Eu- 
 rope, with his public life since his return, and 
 he wlllfmdan ample field for contemplation. 
 
 Trom the Kentucky Ueporter. 
 
 Alessis. Smith and Palmer, 
 
 Tha enclosed letter has been received in the 
 course of a private and friendly correspondence 
 w'.th Mr. Clay, but as it must satisfy all impar- 
 tial :nenofthe baseness and malignity of those 
 who have attempted to assail his feelings by an 
 expo.sure of liis private aflairs, I take the respon- 
 sibility of requesting its publication in your use- 
 ful journal^uul I hope that other papers friend- 
 ly to tlie cause of trutli, for the satisfaction of 
 the I'.onest of every political creed, will make its 
 contents known. 
 
 Kespectfullv, 
 
 UOi'jKUT M'ICKUFFK, 
 Lexington, June 4; 1828. 
 
 Washisotos, 24th May, 182S. 
 Dror Sir: 
 
 Tb.e variety in their modes of attack, and the 
 industry of hiy enemies are remarkable, if not 
 always commend.able. I observe tb.at some crt' 
 tliom .ibout Lexington have carcfidly starched 
 the records of Tayette, and extracted from iliem 
 a most formidable list of mortgages which are 
 paiaded as evidence of my bankruptcy. The 
 fairness of this proc\.cding, in my absence on 
 arduous public service, and without enquiry in- 
 to the fact whether the mortgages be c.\tinguish- 
 c<l or not, is .sub .littcd to my fellow citizens of 
 Fayette. 1 do not consitler a man who honest- 
 ly fullils his pfcun'.ary engagements as entiileii 
 to any special f»rais-i or I v.ould not obscivc, 
 that I can coufuh^ntty appeal to all with wiioni 
 F ever h.id pecuniary trans.actions, to bear testi- 
 mony to tiie fidelity wi'h which I have discharg- 
 ed mine. I invite the se*crest scrutiny into my 
 conduct, in that respect, and request a coropari- 
 sou of it with that«f any one of those who now 
 assail xTf^ T lu-vt-v ■..ns <!'tod in mv Ti'^ f^r ;i'i 
 
iidO 
 
 Uncoatested debt — indecil 1 bare r.o recollec- 
 tion, at this time, of having- ever been sued for 
 any ascertained debt, contested or uncontested, 
 and whether I was principle or er.dorser, 
 
 ( yiv. Clcij then speaks of a heavy responsi- 
 bility, incurred r.bout ten years ago, as encorser 
 for his friends — a'ld proceeds) — To that cau<^e 
 is to be attributed my temporary retirement 
 from piibiic life, and the renewal (>f ni}' pro- 
 fessioi-:al labors. I then resolved not to endorse 
 for others, except in extraordinary cases, and 
 not to ask oth.ers to endorse for me; and that, 
 wnen it l3ccame necessary for ms to g'ive se- 
 c>,i;-ity, to pledge, in the form of niortgages, 
 th-:it estate which was the ultimate resource of 
 iny creditors. Hence the greater number of 
 the mortgages which have been recently so ma- 
 lignantly exposed to the public observation. 
 Most of them have been long since satisfied. 
 Among this number is one for a debt of $20,000, 
 for the payment of which you had kindly be- 
 come my surety, every cent of which has long 
 since been discisarged. Tliere are not subsist- 
 ing mortgages upon my estate to the amount 
 of ten thousand dollars, and before the year ex- 
 pires I hope tiiere will not remain more than 
 one fifth of that sum. I have hitherto met all 
 my engagements by the simplest of processes, 
 that of living within mj* income, punctually 
 l>aying interest when I could not pay principal, 
 and carefully preserving my credit. 
 
 I am not free absolutely from debt. I am not 
 rich. I never coveted riches. Eut my Estate 
 Vvould even now be estimated at not much less 
 tlian $100,000. "Whatever it may be worth, it 
 is a gratification to me to know, that it is the 
 produce of my own honest labor, no part of it 
 being hereditary, excspt one slave who would 
 oblige me veiy much if he would accept his 
 freedom. It is sufficient after paying all rr.y 
 debts, to leave my family above want, if I shrjuld 
 Ije seperated .Vomthem. It is a matter also of 
 Consolation to me to know that this wanton ex- 
 posure of my private affairs can do me no pecu- 
 niary prejudice. My few creditors will not 
 allow their confidence in me to Ije shaken 
 by it. It has indeed led to one incident, which 
 was at the same time a source of pleasure and 
 of pain. A friend lately called on me, at the 
 instance of other friends, and informed me, that 
 they were apprehensive that my private affairs 
 •were embarrassed and that I allowed their cm- 
 ban-as-sment to prey upon my mind. He came 
 therefore, with their authority, to tell me, that 
 they wo;dd contribute any sum that I might 
 want to relieve me. The emotions wliich such 
 a proposition excited can be conceived b_v hon- 
 orable men. I felt most happy to be able to 
 undeceive them, and to dechne their benevo- 
 lent proposition. 
 
 lam with great respect, 
 
 Your friend and obedient servant. 
 
 n. CLAY. 
 
 HoBr.nT WicKLiEFE, Esa- 
 
 From the Kentucky Gazette. 
 
 Til e duty of retorting upon our opponents, 
 the unmanly assaults whicli they have made 
 upon Major B.j^ry, was (Vinagreable but necessary. 
 1 fin<.l that it is felt, and I trust that it will operate 
 a reformation in them, which will show itself in 
 li)ejr future conduct. It is mj'prcsent purpose. 
 
 however, to expose some of thejesuliical era" 
 sions of Mr. Clay, in his letter to Mr. Wickliffe, 
 published in the Reporter. The general- tenor 
 of the letter, is .1 claim to the character of pimctu- 
 ality-an assetion that his propertyis imincum.r 
 bered, except by a debt of about ten thousand 
 dollars — and that his property is worth one han" 
 dred thousand dollars. 
 
 As to the first, I believe Mr. Clay has becil 
 usiislly correct in his dealings. I would not do 
 injustice to Mr. Clay; and I clieerfully admit thilt 
 he has good qualities. Hut I cannot agree 
 that he has paid en* secured the payment of sev- 
 ci-al debts which he justly owes, or that he has 
 not even paid the interest on them. There are 
 three cases of this description which are Ajdfli- 
 in my information. 
 
 The first is the case oftlie gentleman who ad- 
 vanced about four imndred dollars for his son at 
 Washington, to pay his debts, which was the on- 
 ly condition upon vvliich he could induce that 
 son to leave the city. Mr Clay had requested 
 that gentleman to make his son leave Wasiungtoit 
 b}' some means. The .only means left was to 
 pay the debts. Mi-. Clay has hitherto failed to 
 pay principle or interest, or secure either, al- 
 thougli that gentle-man needs them.oney. Thft 
 expense of one or twu dinner parties at the Sec- 
 retary's mansion at Vv'asliington, would pay both 
 principle and interest. The second case is a 
 claim from an honctst and industrious tavern kee- 
 per in Lexinglon, who presented a bill for board- 
 ing that same son, whickwas at firet pi-otested, 
 then p.ijment promised, tlien finally refused. 
 The sum tlius refused, v/asabout ninety dollars. 
 The third case is that of two mechanics in Lex- 
 ington, whose claim h.e shaved,, after having fcr 
 some time postponed payment. 
 
 The second assertion, Uiat his property is un- 
 incumbered, except by ten thousand dollars; t 
 will remaak, is a palpable evasion. It was as- 
 serted, tliat in adfliiion to the mortgag'es, Mr 
 Clay owed other debts, which, v.ith those upon 
 record would amount to seventy-four or eighty- 
 four thousand dollars. \Vhj' docs not Mr Clr.y 
 answer the questions upon that point? there is 
 one circumstance whicli is a little remarkable^ 
 The mortgages are all dated since Januaw 1825. 
 He must, then, have paid fkiily nine lliousanu, 
 (loll-a-sAvA rntcresl, since tliat period. I would 
 my self prefere the e^*lence v.hich releasesfrom 
 the mortgages entered of record, would furnish. 
 Put supposing he has paid that amount oi' thos;*. 
 debts, 1 assert that there are strong reasons to 
 believe, tliat he owes large sums independent of 
 them. To pi'ove this fact. I take the dtclaraiiari 
 of Mr Clay fumsc/f, ^'wcn io a friend of his to 
 whom owed some few hundred of djllara, /aii 
 sumvier, when intiiin country. His friend ap- 
 phed to ]-.im for payment. Mr Clay stated to 
 him his embaiTasscd situation; told iiim that h'^. 
 •vas com.pelicd to uss all his means, be'-ond his 
 family and jjcrsonrd expcnces, satisfy his cred- 
 itors, who might otherwise push him, and that. 
 he was compelled, therefore, to tresj^ass on big 
 fi-iends. He stuped that it was witli diluculty 
 that he could pay the interest upon hi-i debts and 
 meet his expenccs; and enumerated debts a- 
 mountingto SIXTY or EKiH FY THOUSAND 
 DOLLAlvS. This statem.ent so operated on his 
 friend, that he at once told him not to ti'ouble 
 himself any more about his claim. Will Clay s.".y 
 whether ),»e has paid tijose debts since last sUtn- 
 
C'>. 
 
 70 
 
 mcr, or was ins btatcmcntrheu merely afiam lo 
 obtain indulgence? 
 
 The third assertion is, that his properly is 
 wortli one hundred thousand dollars. I can 
 only say, in replj', that 1 do not believe it; and 
 
 is Spc:iker ol llic lIou:,f o; li.cj)if scnioiivcs, i'or 
 the purpose of pleading' the cause of tlie Bank, 
 against the State of Ohio. Mr. Clay in the same 
 speech, said: *' I*erhai)s, at las), all power is 
 resolveable into tliat of the ])urse, for with it. 
 
 thai if it 19 so, the state revenue is defrauded to 5'ou may command almost every thing else." 
 
 ft large amount of tax, inasmuch as all his pro 
 perty which is in Kentucky is listed at less than 
 forty thousand dollars, as can l^e seen by tlie re- 
 cords in the clerk's office of Fayttte county. 
 "^Vill Mr. Clay explain this circumstance? 
 
 UIOGF-NES. 
 
 OCj^The Bunk uaiiteu Mr. 
 the Bank got them../^) 
 
 Clay's services, and 
 
 Extract from Mr. Clay's Speech, against the 
 renewal of the charter of tlie old P.ank of the 
 United Stutes. From the National Intelligen- 
 cer, of25thMav, 1811. 
 
 Extract from Mr. Clay's speech against the U. 
 States Bu7ik, ?;j 1811. 
 
 The power of a nation I's said to consist in tlvc 
 sword and the purse. Perhaps, at ln-'<t, nil pow- 
 er is rCi,olvable- into that of the pur.sc, fc<r ivith 
 it you tnay command almost every t/iing else 
 The specie circulation of the Unaed States is 
 estimated by some calculators at ten millions of 
 
 «'It is argued,that our possession of this English dollars : and if 't be no more, one moiety is in 
 'ipital gives ns a certain influence over the the vaults of tliis bank. May not the time ar- 
 Uritish Ck)vernmcnt. If tills reasoning be sound, rive when the concentration of such a vast por- 
 
 r _ 
 
 British Ciovernmcnt. If tills reasoning 
 we had better revoke the interdition as to al.ens 
 holding land, and invite foreigners to engross 
 the whole property, real and personal of tlie 
 country. We had better at once exchange the 
 condition of independent ])roprietors for that 
 of stewards. We should then be able to gov- 
 ern foreign nations, according to the arguments 
 of the gentlemen on the other side, liutlet ns 
 put aside this theory, and appeal to the decis- 
 ions of experience. Go to the other side of the 
 Atlantic, and see whU has been achieved for us 
 there by l^iglishmen holding sevcn-tentlis of 
 the capital of this bank. Has it released from 
 calling and ignominious ior.di.gc, ore solitary 
 "American seaman, bleeding under Prltish op- 
 pression' Did it prevent the unmanly atVack 
 upon the Chcsapc:rke? Did it arrest the promul- 
 p-atlon, or has it al)rogatc*l llic Orders in Coun- 
 cil — those orders which have given birth to a 
 new era in commerce' In spite of all its boast 
 cd effect, are not tlie t\iVO nations brought to 
 theverybrinkof awar? Are wc quitesurethat on 
 this side of the water, it has had no effect fa- 
 vorable to British interests' It has often been 
 st.ated, and although I do not know that it is 
 susceptil)le of strict proof, I believe it to be a 
 fact, that this bank exercised its influence in 
 support of Jay'.s treaty — and may it not have 
 rontribnt-.d to blunt the public sentiment, or 
 paralizc the efforts of this nation, against British 
 aggression ' 
 
 The Duke of Northuinh.arlaMd, is said to be 
 the most considerable stockholder in the bank 
 of the United Sta'es. A late Lord Chancellor 
 of England, besides other noblemen, was a large 
 stockholder. Suppose the I'rince of Essling, 
 the Duke of Cadore, and other French dignita- 
 ries, owned seven-eights of the capital of this 
 >)ank, should wc witm ss the same exertions (I 
 .-dlude not to any made in the Senate) to rechar- 
 terit? So far from it, wculd not the danger of 
 French influence, be resounded throughout the 
 nation' 
 
 I shall give my most hearty assent to the mo- 
 tion, for striking oat the first section of the bill" 
 
 Who could believe, that after Mr. Clay's visit 
 to Ghent, he should become the warm and 
 strenuous advocate of a Bank, with three times 
 the capital, and a ten fold political pov/er.' Yet 
 in less tlian five years, Mr. Clay advocated the 
 
 tion of the circulating medium of the countr}' 
 in the hands of any corporation v\ ill be danger- 
 ous to our liberties ? By w'hom is this immense 
 power wielded ? By a bod\- who in derogation 
 of the great principle of all pur institutions, re- 
 .sponsibihty to the people, is amenable only to 
 a few stockholders, and the}' chiefly foreigners. 
 Suppose an attempt to subvert this governmei^t 
 — would not the traitor fu-st aim by force or 
 corruption to acquire the Treasure of this Com- 
 pany ? Eook at it in another aspect. Scvcn- 
 tcnths of its capital are in the hands of foreign- 
 ers, and these foreigners chiefly Enghsh sub- 
 jects. We are possibly upon the eve of a rup- 
 ture vlth that nation. Sliould such an event 
 occur, do you aj^prehcnd that the Knglis-h pre- 
 mier would experience any difficulty in obtain- 
 ing the entire control of this institution ? 
 
 Tliat Mr. Clay had an abhorrence to the old 
 Bank of the United States, is well known ; that 
 abhoiTcnce is believed to have originated in his 
 republican education and his local rivalry with 
 Jolin Pope. Mr. Pope was Mr. Clay's colleague 
 in the Senate at the time that Mr. Clay deliver- 
 ed the speech from which this extract is taken, 
 and his vote in favor of the renewal of the 
 Charter, was one of the causes of his loss of po- 
 pularity in Kentucky. 
 
 Mr. Clay, wln-n Nlr. Pope left Congi'css, be- 
 came the most prominent public man in that 
 hod}- from the West, as such was associated 
 with the Pcan Mission. Upon his return from 
 Europe he became the zealous advocate of a 
 ne.w Bank, and was soon, after it went into ope- 
 ration, placed upon its pay roll. 
 
 THE UNDER CURRENT AND THE T.IRIFF. 
 
 There is no one who witnessed the discussion 
 upon the tariff" bill of the last session, who can - 
 didly believes that bill would have passed either 
 house of Congress, had not the Presidential 
 eleclion been pt-nding' before the people. Nor 
 have wc heard anj candid pei-son, at all acquaint- 
 ed with the views of Mr. .^dams, express a be- 
 lief that he would have signed the bill, if a de- 
 sire to court popularity hatl not controlled his 
 own opinions of public policy, and public inter- 
 est. The fact is well known, that Mr. Adams 
 did deliberate, iwid many who had more confi- 
 dence in his diplomacy than hisintegrity,did ap- 
 
 present Bank, .and poon after resigned his seat prehend, that lie would make a demoastratirr 
 
271 
 
 npoii Virg'lnia and the South, by returning the 
 bill with his objections. It is believed that Mr. 
 Clay's influence alone, preponderated and pre- 
 vented him from doing so. 
 
 It is easily to be seen, that Mr. Clay's inter- 
 ests are directly in conflict with those of Mr. 
 Adams, and that wiiilst the rejection of the bill, 
 ^vas the only movement which the latter had 
 upon the political chessboard, siicl\ a inove. 
 vhatever might have Deen its effects as to Mr. 
 Adams, would have been political deatii to !>5r. 
 Clay. 
 
 A Word in explanation. Had the policy aiid 
 interests of Mr. Adams succeeded, lie would 
 have rejected tlie bill — liis partisan:^ in the 
 North, would havfi united with Virginia and the 
 South, in opposition to it. A convention of 
 NorUiern and Southern States, vvr.uld have been 
 Invoked, and Mr. Adams would liave been sup- 
 ported as the advocate of Sonthern and Eastern 
 interests. The votes ef General Jackson, Major 
 Eaton, and others, of his prominent friends, 
 would have been seized upon as an evidence of 
 General Jackson's support of the tariff, and we 
 should then have heard the parti-sans of Mr. 
 Adams argue, that he never was a tariff" man. 
 Let us see what would have been the result. 
 In that event, Mr. Adams would have claimed 
 New England, - - 51 
 
 New York, - - - 36 
 
 New Jersey, - - 8 
 
 Delaware, - - - 3 
 
 Maryland, - - - 11 
 
 Virginia, - - - 24 
 
 North Carolina, - - 15 
 
 South Carolina, - - 11 
 
 Georgia, ... 9 
 
 Louisiana, - - 5 
 
 Alabama, ... 5 
 
 JfCssis ippi, - - - 3 
 
 Making 191 votes. 
 
 We saw this state of the question with alarm; 
 we knew the strong excitement in the South, 
 and feared the effect to be produced by an art. 
 ful appe^il to the -nterest? and passions of the 
 people in the anti-tariiF States; and v/e could 
 scarcely believe that Mr. Adams, skilled as he 
 is in diplomacy, .and uncommitted as he was 
 upon the subject, would have permitted the 
 only chance of re-election to pass unimproved. 
 
 His Ebony geniius (Henry Clay) prevailed. 
 Mr. Clay saw that if Mr. Adams was elected 
 upon such terms, the same feeling which 
 elected Mi'. Adams, would secure the re-elec- 
 tion of Mr. Calhoun, and identify New England 
 and the Atlantic Slates; ai.d thus he would be left 
 to combat, unaided, the strong attachment of Gen. 
 .fackson's friends for Mr. Catiuum, confirmed by 
 the manner in wliich the presses now under iiis 
 control have assailed Gen. Jackson. Had Mr. 
 Adams rejected the bill, Mr. Clay would have 
 had no other alternative, but to leave the Calii- 
 net or abandon his " American System," be- 
 cause the biU,as jiassedjis more favorable to the 
 great interests, upon which it has been his plan 
 to operate, than any other bill tliat has ever 
 passed into a lav. 
 
 We say th/it Mr. Clay's planf) and Mr. Clay's 
 influence prevailed; the bill was approved, and 
 the policy of the Coalition has been early de- 
 veloped. Mr. Clay is indebted to his present 
 'il'jvation for his skill in attaching particular men 
 
 to himself, and his abihiy to persuade themtiiaf 
 their ])olitical elevation depends upon his. Thus 
 Dani'dAVebstcr, after making demonstrations 
 (during the Ia>t winter) upon tlie Jackson party, 
 fo\md that iiis only hope of preferment rests 
 upon identifying himself with the political desti- 
 ny of Hfiu-j Clay, or at least of placing hi'.iself 
 at the liead of a local party, ipon his mfliiencc 
 with wliich ne hopes to make terms with tlie 
 next administration, or to hold a balance of pow- 
 er, wlileh, by a combination of odds and ends, 
 may, by possibility, ajipoint the successor of 
 (ien. Jackson. Thiis we find, John i^ergcant 
 in Pennpylvaui.i, Tristram Burgess m Rl.tide 
 Island, Webster and Everett in Massachusetts^ 
 and Ichabod Bartlett and Samuel Bell in 
 Now Hampshire, making the most despcra .e ef- 
 fort to create a local and sectional party, favora- 
 ble to the administivition, and connected with 
 Mr. Ch)^', while that arch intriguant undertakes 
 to answer for New York and the Western 
 States. 'J'hat these men are now the represen- 
 tatives of the aristocracy of the United States^ 
 and that they all despair of the election of Mr. 
 Adams, Is manifest. That they are only solici- 
 tious to keep their routed forces together for 
 the contest succeeding the next, is also 
 manifest, and whether they unite and throv\ 
 their influence upon a republican candidate, or 
 upon one of their own party, will depend upon 
 contingencies hereafter to arise. That Judge 
 Thompson of New York, has been tickled with 
 the notion that he is to he the candidate of that 
 interest, is obvious, and if Mr. Ciay loses the 
 election of Mr. :Metcalfe,in Kenucky, he wdl be 
 prepared to play a secondary part, as he has 
 done to Mr. Adams. Clay is resolved that he 
 will be President himself, or tliat he who is, 
 shall be indebted to him for power. 
 
 Taking this view of the arrangements of tlir- 
 coalition, we cannon doubt but that a plan of 
 the campaign for the next eight j-ears has been 
 settled. And we have as little doubt that 
 Messrs. Clay, Webster, Sargeant, and Co. are 
 to use the '' American System" and "slave la- 
 i'W," as their hobbies. Hence the dinners and 
 the dinner speeches. They have not yet ventur- 
 ed on the all-absorbing question of negro sla\ ery, 
 because Mr. Clfly could not afford to lose Ken- 
 tuck}'. Let the elections tlicre once he deter- 
 mined, and we shall then see more and more of 
 this new monster reared in the non slave hold- 
 ing States. Seeing that our Southern friends 
 will have to meet this queslign in ail itsdefbrn::-.- 
 ity, we are prepared to appreciate their excite 
 ment, and we do look with intense interest up- 
 on all tiieir movements in relation to ilie TariH'. 
 
 Although we do not approve the measure, it 
 is not for us to condemn tl).- call of a Conven- 
 tion, calinbj to discuss this unportant subject, 
 which has been made in several southern papers. 
 We do not sec, however, with what propriety 
 those who have so strenuously advocated the 
 Ilarrisburg Convention, convened by the iriends 
 of a Tariff', can condemn a Convention called 
 by those wlio are opposed to it. The right of 
 our citizens to assemble and petition Congress 
 for a redre.ss of grievances, is a right secured 
 by the Constitution, and the pi-opriety of its 
 exercise will depend upon the tinic, the man- 
 ner, and the purposes for which it is done. 
 
 That our brethren in the Soutii intend to dis- 
 solve the Union, or to follow the example of 
 

 tlie Ilartfoi-d Convention, cannot be believed 
 by thoac who know the patriotism or the chiv- 
 nlry of tJie Soutli. That all their deliberations 
 upon this subject will be conducted in a spirit 
 of patriotism, we believe; and we concUide 
 these rem;irlws by saying that the American 
 people are iiilellijjent, and that ir is the duty of 
 the patriot to appeal to their judgment, rather 
 tjhan their passions. 
 
 SIOVEMENTS OF THE PEOPLE. 
 
 ExtracUfi-om Republican Journals. 
 A true sign, in Herkimer. — At a presidential 
 ballot of the (drawn) grand juvy, at our court 
 of common plcas,on the 2d inst. the votes stood, 
 for Jackson 12, Adams 3, and neutral 1. . But 
 X7 jurors appeared, and one Jacl-jor.ian w: " r.b- 
 ^3ent at the bullotlnf^, which was, at the request 
 of an Adams meni'.)er! We consider this vote, 
 as giving' a ven' fair indication ofthestienij-th of 
 parties in this' county. — [Litlle Falls Pec^pk'a 
 lYicnd. 
 
 Mart sl^n-i — At the training of the unlfoi-m 
 companies in this village, on Monday last, a vote 
 was taken for president. Incapt. Msisoit's com- 
 •pany ofartllleiy, tlje vote stood, for Jackson 2i, 
 tor Adams C. In capt. Graham's company of ri- 
 flemen, the vote stood, for Jackson 29, for Ad- 
 ams 3. The commanding officer of the Fusi- 
 liers, being an Adams man, dec'lncd having the 
 vote taken in his company. We shall not be at 
 all surprised if the election in this town, the com- 
 ing fall, shall eventuate in .about the same man- 
 ner as in the two compai'.ies mentioned. Let us 
 lie.ar no more of Adams' strength in Pouj;hkeep- 
 sie. — [Dutchess 'Inie .Im. 
 
 .Inoiher Sign — AtamusteroftheSalma Guards 
 on the od inst. in this village, a vote was taken 
 on the Pre.siilential question. On countii:.^ the 
 ballots, they stood, .10 for Jackson, and one for 
 Adams. — [Sijraaife .Idc. 
 
 SlUtAnollicr. — If tiie following lltfie incident 
 was to be mentioned as evidence of increasing 
 {jood will towards Jack:;on, it would tell.-*? much 
 as ninclcnths of wliat is every i\ay given rn the 
 other side, in favour of .M-. Adams. 
 
 Three new boats were a few d.ays .since built 
 find launched at tliis place, by difi'c rent owners. 
 One of them was named .hidrcw Jacksou, :ino'i\\- 
 cr of ihtm Gen/ral Jackson, and the third Old 
 fficlwri/ — and it is s.aid without any concert or 
 previous understanding between the ]>roprle- 
 tor^. Indeed, .at least one of them was a little 
 while since strongly on tlie otiicr side. The 
 last one intended to have called his Andrew 
 Jackson, but when he found one of hi'' neigh- 
 bors had got that, and another,(i"jner.a! Jackson, 
 he' dctcmrniod noi to be tiius cut out of nil al- 
 hi.Mon to his fa^ir/'ie man, called liis Old Ilick- 
 vri/. — [Siilina Herald. 
 
 Froin the Albany Argus. 
 
 7/.C "grcnt repuhhcan" ndminu:'raiton meet- 
 ■tng.1/ — In addition to the numerous not<?s cf re- 
 publican correspondents and newspapers, 
 given Vfatcrday, showing tlie singular iiaucity 
 of Uie iuln»in:?tration meetings, we subjoin tlic 
 following" — 
 
 Lewis eaunly — To the editoi'<*f the Argus, da- 
 ted Lewis countj', June 3. 
 
 " Dear Sir — I am happy to inform you that 
 the political prospect in the county of Lewis is 
 good. The old republicans in this county, all 
 of them, with one single eiception, are for Ja^fcw 
 son 
 
 "Yesterday the administration county meet- 
 ing,for the purpose of choosing a delegate to at- 
 tend the state convention at Albany on the 10th 
 June inst. met at Martirjsbiirgh. Notwithstand- 
 ing every exertion had been used to have that 
 meeting generally attended, fi.-r the purpose of 
 making" a political show and parade, only eleven, 
 all federalists, attended. Tliere are in this county 
 nine towns, six of which were not represented 
 in that meeting. There was one person from 
 Denmark, two from Martinsburgh, and eight 
 from the village of LowviUe. 
 
 "I understand considerable exertion was used 
 to r^'t Leonard House to attend the mectinc^, 
 who hy-1he by, notv.'ithstandir.g liis name is at- 
 taclied to the administration aildress, is a strong 
 Jackson man, and so declares himself. The 
 Jackson republican strength will be called out 
 in a fthort time in this county, bj' a general meet- 
 ing, and 1 will arsure you that tlie republicans 
 of tiic county v.ill show, bythcirattendance, that 
 the coitln hand bills, f-cc. have been of no use to 
 tlic administration in this northern region." 
 
 l-Vashinc;'on Courttij. — To the editot of the 
 Argus, dated Waslilngton county, June 7. 
 
 "The ftiends of the administration held a 
 County meeting on the 5th, to organize and ap- 
 point delegates to the Albany federal conven- 
 tion. It Mas a complete failure. After all their 
 exertions they were only able to muster /u'en^^- 
 sa-Crt pei-sons from all the towns in the county! 
 
 Martindale was present himself, having only 
 arrived in the county the evening before, inter- 
 9cding for another noi'i'iation to congress. J 
 waspresfnt, and never witnessed faces on which 
 disappointraent v.as more strongly marked. — 
 They expected to have had 200 or 300 in attend- 
 ance." 
 
 S/euben coitn/j/.— TLt* P-uh advocate exposes 
 the paucity of the Ailams meeting in that coun- 
 ty, as follows. Nothing can be more ridiculous 
 than tlie pretension tliat the people tsike any 
 part in theje gatherings. 
 
 " A i^otice of the meeting was published in 
 the Messenger for three successive weeks pre- 
 vious to the meeting, and in the meantime p. 
 number of letters were written by one or more 
 of the Ebony and 'J'opaz ]iarty of Bath, calling 
 upon those to whom they were addressed, in the 
 most inviting and pressing terms, to appear on 
 the day and at the place appointed, and join in 
 the great hue and cry against the • inilitar" 
 chieftain.' 1 mention these facts by way cf 
 illustniiingthc diligrnce and zeal manifested by 
 the' getters up' of this mighty caucus. Their 
 sticccss, ho\\ ever, remains yet to be told. Of 
 Ucetilif three owns, comprising the county of 
 Steuhin, /h'o only, to wit.: — I5:ith and Erwin, 
 weri' represented; and fiom the latter, 07»e person 
 only appeared! The wliole number collected, 
 after raking and scraping the hlghw.a)-s and 
 hedges of the town and village, including the 
 Erwin reprotcnlatior?, .^mounted fo t.irc^* 
 ELF-VF.y." 
 
UNITED STATES' TELEGRAPH.... ii.Vt/:;Y/. 
 
 his paper will be devoted exclusively to Uie Presidential Election, and be published, weekly 
 until the 15tU of October next, for One Dollar.- subject to newspaper postage, and no more. 
 
 BY GREEN fy JARVIS. 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 WASHINGTON, JULY. 12, 132S. 
 
 No. IS. 
 
 "SKETCH OF JOHN Q. ADAMS." 
 
 We ha,ve seen a pamphlet, now in circulation 
 
 • a Kentucky, piirpor>!P.|j to be an historical 
 sketch of Jo!in Q,. Adams. Th-^ truth of its 
 statements nriay be tcsti.>d by the fact, that the 
 
 • ime pamphlet undertakes to prove that 2%h'. 
 Vdams received a greater number of votes than 
 
 '. ien. Juckson. Sonne time last year, we pub- 
 lished a letter from the lion. S. 1). Ing-ham, to 
 the Jackscn Corresponding' Comnfutee of Piii- 
 Iadelphia,in which the claims of i^r. Adaais are 
 exhibited intheir true colors, under the respon- 
 .bi'ity of one of the most distinguished states- 
 ,aeii of the ag-e. 
 
 oy way of counteracting the eiTect of Mr. 
 Incrh.air.'s letter, it has been asserted, in Ken- 
 tucky, that Mr. Ing-ham was a federalist. If any 
 man n-.ay be truly said la have been " died in the 
 >vool" a democrat, that man is Samuel D. Ingham. 
 He was a republican in the days which tried 
 raen's souls. Upon examining a file of the Auro- 
 ra, now in the library of Gnngress, once the pro- 
 perty of Mr. Jefferson, we find an evidence of 
 
 ■ Mr. Ingham's political opinions, wlr.ch cannot 
 be disputed. They wiil be found below, arid 
 .re now published that our republican friends 
 liu'ougliout the Union, may compare the present 
 w ith tiie past. .\t the tune tliut this address 
 was written, Mr. Ir.gham was a young man, and 
 '; is no sm;dl testimonial of Jiis wortii, to find 
 ■ hat this address should kave been again repub- 
 
 . lisiied in the Aurora, then the organ of the lie- 
 publican part}-. 
 
 £.1 tract from tlie Address ^it' >^"' Hcputjlican Cumni'UUe cf 
 Buck's county. Pa., to their constituent:!-. 
 
 FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZEXS, 
 
 "We Iiave hinted the reason why some repul)ii'.::iU'i have 
 <li5seiited from your tickets in one or two tlistancea. Th ••.■ 
 tick'^t^ were ibiiaed by committees, clmstn iit such maimer 
 as to render it doubtfui wh<-their they speuk the stiise of 
 the majority. The members in some townships were cho- 
 sen by a very few votes, and those, perhaps, given by a can- 
 didate and his friends. In the rollowing resolutions you 
 ^\ill find a complete remedy for the evi!, provided you co- 
 operate :u canyiiiKtheiU into effect. 'J he p'an of election 
 proposed, will diminish expense and trouble, at tht same 
 time 'Jiat it combin- s the votes of the miijonty of the re- 
 ptibiicans in ihoosinK tuture tonnnittees. Ssiil, you wiil 
 please to remember, that no committee, Itiiwever perJectly 
 constituted, can form a tickft lo plense you a!h They will 
 havt tlieir weaknesses and partialities, »nd must soinetinns 
 do wrong. You will have your weaknesses and p.trtialiiies, 
 and wii: thinJi thi-y do wrong when th>-y du rifjht. When, 
 therefore, a ticket is recoinniended wliich you do not m holly 
 :ipin"ovc,ask yoursilves the question, " Shall I support this 
 ticket, whi;-h contains one or two names wiiich 1 do not 
 ;<.k(»; cr, slhil. I tjreak the bond of republican union, sink 
 inyselfand party into politicalinsignuitance and contempt, 
 and see tickets prevail from yeaFtu.jefli: coiitainiag not a 
 i:ame that 1 can anprov.?" An .vccaoional sacrifice of pri- 
 vate opinion to piibnc duty you must inaSTc, or your opinion 
 €..n politics wii prescnit'y stand <i)r nothing;. Von d ^ou 
 loeril the chaiucter of rt pnhiici>ns? Lo-u) to the udll of the 
 ):.njorUy, and support tlie ticket formed lij -jour rcpiesenta- 
 lives. Would \ou aspire to the name of patriots? 'Would 
 you ;)romo:e the cause of I.ibirty, and extend its b'l >Sings to 
 fjcr.eratiorij yet unborn? Clcnvc to the i-Tijtein of rrpuhlican 
 iiniona^i to the horns of Jreedi>in' s altar. Would you merit 
 the appellation of wise men and good politicians? Take l/ie 
 obvious means to ex'cnrJ jowr ftanvcr and injiuence, and,ifi> 
 not madly bull dojvn u-ilh your awn hands the fabric yoa 
 erected -uil/i ^o much care. In fine, would yon disappoint 
 the hopes of your enemies, and avoid the ridicule which 
 awaits Yonr ralii"- ' Nake ijour conimlitee a imt represcnta-- 
 
 tion of the repuh'dcan interest— support, by your votes, the 
 tickets t/iei/ recommend— and take for your pule star that 
 political ma.rim, '• U.MTED AVE .STAND, DIVIDED 
 WE FALL." 
 
 E.i;S0LL'riOh'3. 
 
 Resolved, That the Republican Committee of Buck's 
 county, sh3ll hercafier be chosen at the same places and 
 on the sEinedav, as township officers are chosen, viz.; tuf^ 
 3d Saturday of March iu every year, between tiie hours Oi 
 4 iii'.d 8 o'clock, P. M. . ,. . , ,. , , J 
 
 Resolved, Thnt the election shall be published, and con- 
 ducted in the manner IbliowiiiK, viz.: ^. , . , 
 
 1. 'I'hat (he Secretary of the Committee lor the lime lie- 
 ini; shall give notice th-L-reof ten days before, in one or mo;-K 
 of the puUSic -papers which circulate generally in the 
 county. , . 
 
 2. The memhers of the Committee for th e townships re- 
 spectively, snail give the like timely notice th'-reof by wra 
 ten or printed advertisement, set iiii in four or more public 
 places in each township. -." , , 
 
 3. At the same time and place, two Judges cf the election 
 and one Secretarv sh^li be chosen, and 'hey or any two ol 
 them shall decide'on the tjuaiitications of the electors: shall 
 cause this election to bef.irly conducted, and cerufy undec 
 their hands ihe nauies of the persons chosen. 
 
 .!. Each township shall elect one, two, or tiiree member* 
 at their discretion; but infixing; the ticket fur the sfni'i'-il 
 election, eacli towiishin shall have but one vole; and it the 
 members for a"y township are equally diuiied, and c*niiot 
 agree, such township shall lose .ts vote. 
 
 5. The election shall be by ballot; but before it procesds 
 each elector pr.-sent shall have an opji-jrtunity ut putting 
 in DominatKn as many cniididatesas he thinks projier. 
 
 6. At this election everv person shall Lave a ns'it t'^ 
 elect and to be elected who is entitled to vote at the yeiierul 
 election; pr-vided he professes to be a democratic republi- 
 can, and hits supponed ths character tor at least six months 
 then last past. . 
 
 7. If, upon ccunling th.» ballots, it shall appear that tw u 
 or more candidates have eiiiial votes, the electors shall im- 
 mediately determine the preference by a .new ballot o.i 
 otherwise. . . ,, , ., 
 
 . 8. From and after the s.'id third Saturday .n Ma-ch, tin- 
 powers of the preceding county co:nmitlee shall cease ami 
 determine; aiid the co:nmittte, chostn as aforesaid, shall 
 hold its first stated meuinij at the pubhi; house now 
 kept by Jo:ii."*h Addis, on the first Tuesday of Septem- 
 ber then foiiowing, at 10 o'clock, in the liirenoon. Ac 
 this meeting a iioinin-.iliuii shall be made of candidates to 
 fill the several elective othces of St.ate r.prtsintatsves, 
 sherifi's, coroners, and county commissionors, and also of 
 Str:te Senator and Representative for Congress when occa- 
 sion requires; and lach mciuberBhall havea right to putiu 
 nomination who and as many as he pleases, provided thac 
 any peisou nominated shall have a right to withdraw his 
 name. , 
 
 9. The Committee shall cause publication to be rnads 
 in one or more of the current i!ews]>ap»rs of thj noiniua- 
 tion aforesaid, and of the time and place of fising the 
 ticket; and they shall accordingly meet at tfie same plac f- 
 oral DunI ip's tavern, on the third luesday of ihe sam-- 
 montb; and shall, betweiu the hours o! tuieo and Iiv.: 
 o'clock, P. M., choose by ballot out of the candidates nonn- 
 nated as aforesaid, the ntimucr to be voted for at the suc- 
 ceeding general eiectiuii. 
 
 10. When nieiiibtrs oi' Congress are to he chosen, tou- 
 ferees in beha.f of this county shall he elected by the Coiii- 
 inittee on the said thiid 1 ucs'day of September, seasouahh: 
 public notice thereof being previousl\ given; and weao- 
 vise that theconfeiees fiom Uiis and theoihPr counties con 
 cerned, meet at Martieli's tavern, in Northampton count) , 
 on the fourth Tuesday of Stptf mber, and fix the ticket foe 
 thertpresentaiives loCongrns. 'Whi n IheComniiUee con- 
 ceive that this county is tnlitled to furnish a candidate 
 fur Congress, they may, by ballot or otherwise, fix the can- 
 didate, jiid instruct Uieir conferees to endtjvor to bavchw 
 name placed on the ticket. -• 
 
 Resolved, That extra meetings of the Coinmiitce may be 
 held when bi.t members from three townships shall think i. 
 expeilicnl; but in this ease, tlie nieeiing shall be ciwiverred 
 at or near the centre cf the louiity, and ample notice there- 
 of shall be given by the puliliu prinu, circular Irlkrs, or 
 otherwise; otlicr adjourned mreiiiigs may also be hvM: 
 hut ajfciiich e.xtra or ailjourncd meeting no measures shall 
 he tflji«n which may a/i'ecl the Xbrmutiwi of the lic'titt lo. 
 the general elect icn. 
 
 Siguod by order of the Committee, 
 
 JOSEPH HART, Ckairn-.au. 
 bAMUEL D. INGHAM, yrrrrtf/'V- 
 
 i:exet07i>n. FrOruary 8"', >.3»?, 
 
fit 4 
 
 \Vc, 10. .lay, give Mr. Iiigj)aiu'.s luttiresling 
 Jelter. The liigh standing of the wnter, tlic 
 impoi-taiicc of the subject upon uhich he treats, 
 ^•iJ (he s!b\a tnnmicr in which it is done, will 
 corhmaiid for it an attentive perusal. 
 
 AN EXPOSITION 
 
 hi' THE POtlTlCAL CHAKACTEn A5D PTlINCIl'r.ES OF 
 
 JOHN aUINCY ADA?IS, 
 
 Sh)iwi7ig by Historical Docutncnls, and incontes- 
 t-hlc facts, ikiil he was educated a Mo.tAncKisT: 
 hnNulwcrjis bctn/ioslt'le to poru laii g^y r-RsaiKNT, 
 and particutarhf io ils great huhvark, the 
 monT or si'iTRAHi.: and thai he affected io be- 
 come a licptiblictm only to attain the pniccr to 
 pcrmlvnd degrade Tin: I)Em)cnATic pahtv; 
 inid to pave the way for such a cfiangc of tub 
 (ToNSTiTUTroN US luould establish in these Uni- 
 ted Stales, A.v AnisTocRATiCAi. Axu IIehedit:- 
 
 AUY GoVEltNMENT. 
 
 I.cltcr to Sa:.it;elD. IsGn\nr, rscj. membei- of 
 
 CotrgTcrss, New Hope, Bucks county, Penn- 
 
 P'. Ivjinla. 
 
 r.'UEAtiELpniA, Oct. 30, 1827. 
 
 Dr.-tn SiTi — '1 he general committee appoint- 
 ed by the democratic citizens of this district, 
 to aid in cfi'ecting the election of Oen. Jackson 
 to the Trcsidency, have directed us to address 
 you. 
 
 The character and principles of .the present 
 Chief Marr'.sUiUe of f lie Union are sincerely be- 
 lieved to be, as a politician, in iho enlarged 
 sense of that Tor«^, dangerous to the institutions 
 of the countn-, and, as a party politician, coun- 
 tcrf<-it and hipocrilical. In the last essay iVom 
 your pen, co!ninun:caled to tlie public, you in- 
 timate an iiitention to devclope tliis interesting 
 topic, and to put the results of your res.carcli 
 before your fellow citizens. 
 
 Considering the subject of much more im- 
 portance than the ordinary themes of controver- 
 sy' — as one which, treated by you, will confirm 
 the judgment and sentiments of tlie people of 
 this Conimonwenlth', the committee regard it 
 as incumbent upon thcni to request, tliat they 
 may he made the means of giving to your ex- 
 position, if it be prepared, such a difl\ision as 
 inay be calculated to subsciTC the noble demo- 
 cratic cause to whicli they are devoted. On 
 their behalf, tliereforc, and agreeably to their 
 inslruction, we beg that your paper, if complet- 
 ed, may bo forwarded to us. 
 
 ■We arc, dear sir, very respect full}-, 
 Vour friends and servants, 
 
 imN'UY HORN, 
 (;. M. DAJXAS. 
 
 ItEPLY. 
 
 l.KVi.i.i.Mt.s' — I have received your favor of 
 flic oOlh vdtimo, retincfiting that I will forward 
 tij yoti, in bc'.ialf of the (iencral Committee up- 
 pointed by the den»ocratic citizens of llic city 
 ami county of Phibdelpliii, to aid in cfiectiT.g 
 the election of Gen. Jackson to the I'rcsiden- 
 ry of the United States the exposition of the 
 political cl'.arwtcr and principles of tiic present 
 c;hicf Magistrate, which i had promised some 
 time since to prepare, and make public. It i.-' 
 gratifying to iind that you have so highly ap- 
 preciated the iniportancc of discussing thi-. 
 '•rav'Mi of '.'<" gr^^at tp.ivsti'on vliich n^v or- 
 
 tales tiic puL)hc iiiiuii, a.-, lo ha've tipected 
 evtn from my very defective labors some bene- 
 ficial dcvelopements. The countenance of so 
 very tospectable a body cannot fail to stimulate 
 other and better jicns to a more thorough in- 
 vestigation of the same subject, from which, 
 when employed in so extensive a field, we may 
 hope for an abundant .jnllection and disclosure 
 of highly interesting frets. 
 
 I transmit the paper you have requested, in 
 tlic hop3 that, however deficient in the execu- 
 tion, it may prove of some use to the great cause 
 of public virtue and political principles involved 
 in tlie present contest. But it seems proper In 
 ja.stice to myself, when presenting* tliis paper 
 for publication, to explain how it has hap- 
 pened that I have been dniwn into a discussion 
 of this subject under my own signature. Some 
 time in April last, a meeting of democratic re- 
 publicans was advertised to be held at Doyle.";- 
 town, in this county, to take into considei-ation 
 the matters involved in the approaching Presi- 
 dential election. Owing, perhaps, to the sup- 
 position that my public station aflbrded an op- 
 portunity for inforination on tliat subject, which 
 was not common to all my fellow citizens, I was 
 specially requested by some of the committee, 
 wl>o cid'led the meeting, to state the principal 
 grounds on which ilr. Adams was deemed less 
 worthy to be supported for the Presidency than 
 Gen. Jackson. I accordingly made such a 
 statement, and with a scrupulous regard to facts 
 eitlicr pulilicly known or susceptiljle of proof 
 fi-om history or documents. These statements, 
 with some additional matters suggested by oth- 
 ers, were made the basis of the proceedings of 
 the meeting, which approved and published 
 them. I was soon after violently assailed in 
 somo of the papers that advocate the claims of 
 UTr. Adams for tlie Presidency, which wa^ fol- 
 lowed up by an intemperate attack, somewhat 
 of a personal nature, from Mr. Jonathan Itobaifi 
 that necessarily caused a reply under my own 
 s-gnature. In the course of his essays, Mr. 
 IJoberts undertook a defence of Mr. Adams, 
 against all the allegations in the Bucks county 
 resolutions, in whicli he rashly denied most of 
 til'- facts therein stated. 
 
 This defence (if.sucli it could be called) coi> 
 tained internal evidence of having been written, 
 in part at least, under the eye of Mr Adams 
 himseli". Thus as:;aiied, aiul opposed by such 
 high authority, and already embarked in th« 
 discussion, I had no choice btit to continue it, 
 and present some of the proofs which I had in 
 my possession. Thus have 1 been forced into 
 this discussion, by circumstances in which I had 
 but little agenc}-,' and which 1 trust will excuse 
 me among my political friends, for what miglit 
 othrrwiic have seemed improperly assuming. 
 The exposition will, Ihope, satisfy you that the. 
 facts asserted in the Bucks county resolutions in 
 relation to Mr. Adams' alleged conversion to 
 democracy can be fully sustauied, and that in- 
 stead of acting the part of an "intenperatc ca- 
 bal," as charged by Mr. UoberLs, we have pre- 
 sented thcin with great moderation. 
 
 1 am, with very great respect, 
 Vour obedient servant, 
 
 ,S. D. INGHAM. 
 IIlmit Ilonv, and 
 
 Geo. M. Dale as, Esqs 
 
 Great Purine 
 
 g?. 1st Nov. i8:r 
 
275" 
 
 1 Ills jiaper will be devoted to an cxi>Qsilion 
 of the evidence on wliich tlie third allegation in 
 the Bucks county resolutions rests for its sup- 
 port, lliat aile<ation is in tl»c followln.c: words: 
 •' We have the best reason to believe that Mr. 
 "Adams affected to become a Hepublican in 
 *•' 180r, with a view to deceive the democratic 
 '•'party, and to obtain its assistance to acquire 
 '•' pov/er, only when he had lost all hope of ob- 
 *' taininp: the ofc'jfCt of his ambition thi-ough his 
 *'oId political friends." — The answer given to 
 this charge is a simple negative, viz: — " Mr. 
 Adams did not affect to become a Republican in 
 iSOr, but always was aRepublicanj in the ti'uc 
 sense of that term." 
 
 This cliargc is one of the mostseridus that has 
 been made ag-auist Mr. Adams, prior to the 
 ftvents of the late election . It deeply implicates 
 {»is political and moral integrit)-. For it is very 
 clear that he who, without any conviction of 
 error, shall deliberately apostatize from the faith 
 in whic.ii he had been educated, and had con- 
 tinued till at tlie full meridian of life, wiieth- 
 er to gi-atify avarice, ambition, or any otlier pas- 
 sion, must have cultivated in his mcments of re- 
 tirement the odious I'.it of hypocrisy, and silenc- 
 ed the admonitions of conscience Ijy cherishing 
 a cool premeditated contempt for all moral obli- 
 gation tiiat conflicted with interest. The charge, 
 it will be seen, is that of an 6;^e<'/efZ convei-sion 
 from federalism to democracy for sinister pur- 
 poses. It will not b& necessary to prove in this 
 place, that there existed an essential difference 
 in principle between the federaliifs and the ?-c- 
 puhhcau.^, from an early period of our govern- 
 ment. It v.'ould be a Jibcl upon both parties to 
 say that tlie difference ^A■hich .so long agitated 
 the country, was fiothing but a mere scramble 
 fur power. We have the authority of .James 
 MosiKJE, in confirmation of numerous facts long 
 since recorded as a part of our historj', that 
 monarchical prmciples were not exterminated 
 from our country by tlie I'evolntion, and that a 
 portion of the wiiigs had struggled for Indepen- 
 dence, but not for Republican Liberty. While 
 %Vashington ruled, his purpose was to dispose 
 of every thing for the glory and happiness of his 
 i;ountry. His singleness of iieart and illustrious 
 public services, inspired scch universal confi- 
 dence, that he readily controlled the jarring ele- 
 ments around him, and exerted his power to 
 give such sta!)ility and beauty to our govern- 
 ment, as would teach all that it was the most 
 iicrfcct system for the preservation of human 
 liappiness. But no sooner was liis determina- 
 tion to retire at the end of liis second term made 
 known, than the deepest anxiety w;;.-. awakdned 
 as to the poFitical principles of a successor. 
 Mr. Adams the ehlsr was among the highest 
 loned of the monarchical party, jie had labor- 
 < d with great zeal and persevering industry to 
 Qi\-sb\\s\\ind''pcndence, and in the dawn of that in- 
 dependence with noles.-fccaland'ability^to incul- 
 cate monarchical pritwi pies. For that purpose, 
 he liad written several volumes of labored pa- 
 pers, sometimes insidiously disguised, occasion- 
 ally open and unequivocal. Taoae v.ho are not 
 familiar with the discussions of 1797-^-9, will 
 ■tter understand these facts I.y peiiislng soine 
 ^TRACTS from the works alluded to. It will he 
 recollected that John Mums wrote his book en- 
 'i'.lc'-l the •' Defence of the American Conslitu- 
 
 tigns,'' immeiiiateiy before the orgum^iatiou yf 
 the Convention which adopted the presen'5 
 Constitution of the General Government — and, 
 for the purpose of operating on the mllids of the 
 American peoplej and especially upor< tJie mem- 
 bers of th^ expected convention, in tlie forma- 
 tion of a government for our Union. The book 
 was written in the years 1786-7-8; The senti» 
 ments then expressed will show what sort o\ 
 Government he" would have given us, a:id es. 
 pecially vv'hat were his views of a Democratic. 
 Government. These will be found in the fol- 
 lowing extracts: 
 
 " The people in all nations al-e naturally di- 
 vided into two sorts, the gentlemen and the sim- 
 ple men, a word which is here chosen to signi- 
 i'y the coM.MoK people." — "By the comrnori 
 people we meim laborers, mechanics, l;U5band° 
 nten, and merchants lii general, who pursue 
 their occupations and industry, without any 
 knowledge in liberal arts and sciences, or iii 
 any thing, but their own trades and purStiits." 
 Vol. 3, p. 4j8. 
 
 "It must be acknowledged, in every State,, 
 Massachusetts for example, there are inequiih 
 ties which Gon and natuue have planted thercj 
 and which no hmnan legislature can ever eradi- 
 cate. "-^" Inequality of birth! Let.no mku be 
 surprised that this species pf inequality is intx'o- 
 duced here. Let the ]^age of history be quo- 
 ted where any nation, ancient or modern, civil:.- 
 zed or .savage, is meritioned, among whom no 
 difference was made between the citizens on 
 account of their exiractlon. The children of 
 illustrious fandlics have generally greater ad-^ 
 vantages of education, and earlier opportunities 
 to be acquainted with public characters, and 
 informed of public affairs, than those of meaner 
 ones, or even those in rhiddle life; at>d what is 
 more than all, an habitual national veneration' 
 for their names, and the character of their anr 
 cestoi-s, described in history, or coming dovv'n 
 by tradition, removes them further from vulgar 
 Jcalousi/ and popular envy, and secures them in 
 some degree t!ie f:ivor, the affec.lion, aixl re^' 
 pect of the public."— Vol. 1, p. I09-10\ 
 
 '* The sou of a wise and virtuous father fuidfj 
 the world about him, sometimes, as much dispo- 
 sed as he is himself, to honor the memory of hi?, 
 father; to congratulate him as the successor ot 
 his estate; and to compliment him with election 
 to the places he held." — Same vol. p. 116, 
 
 Thus did llr. Adams artfully attempt to lay 
 a foundation for his favorite Ihecrj'^, of an here- 
 ditary govcrnmcrt. But hear hun furtiier-^ 
 
 "Th'p distinctions of poor and rich arc as nr^ 
 ccssary in States of considfi-able extent, (sucK 
 as the United States, ) as labor and good govern- 
 ment; the poor are lie.stined to labor, and the 
 rich, by the advantages of education, indepen' 
 dence, and leisure, ai-e cpiilified for superioi* 
 .statio'is." — Same vol. p. 369. 
 
 These quotations must provfi that Vr. Adam'^ 
 ■w^as disposed to base his system of government 
 upon the im|)erfi.ctions and corruptions •f man- 
 kind, and to perpetuate the adventitious inequa- 
 lity in the condition of man, by incorporating if. 
 into Ihegarcriinicnf, instead oflbunding it upon' 
 a natural ecpiality, and brc;d:ing down the con- 
 trivances oi the old world to maintain and per' 
 petuatc artificial distinctions in society. L'et 
 U5, howcvtr. follow hin> whiK^ ho nVcmpts ty 
 
276 
 
 J%»iii Hut lite ytto>ie sue iU.conipeienl to self- 
 
 ^oveinment. , „ ■, 
 
 « « It has been tlie cominon people, then, and 
 nof the genilcmoi, who have established simple 
 monarchies all over the world."— Vol. 3, p. 4o9. 
 •' It is the true policy of the commcm pcopk 
 to place the whole txecuiive power in the hands 
 oione wan."— Vol. 3, p. 460. 
 
 •« By kings und kingly power is meant the ex- 
 ecutive power in a single peraon." — Same, |..461. 
 "The people ihemsekes, if unconirulUd, will 
 nc\er \ong ioltrate a freedom of inquiry, debalt, 
 or writing,- tlieir idols must not be reflected on, 
 :\0T thejr schemes and actions scanned, upon 
 pain o( popular vengeance, tokick is not less terri- 
 hkthun that ofdespois or sovereign senators." — 
 Same, p. 32G. 
 
 What a libel on the principles of free govern- 
 ment, and how strikingly illustrated inthchisto- 
 ly of Aisow/j administration, where tho men in 
 power, for fear of the scanning of the people, 
 stopped " the freedom cf inquiry" — for which 
 ihcy were overturned by the people, whose idol 
 (Mr. Jeflerson,) maintained and established, as 
 the cverlusiing maxim of his country, tha> error 
 of opinion may he tolerated, where reason is 
 left fl-ee to combat it! 
 
 «' The whole history of Rome shows that cor- 
 ruption began with the people sooner than the 
 Senate." — Same vol. p. 31Y. 
 
 "Sobriety, abstinence, and severitj', were 
 Titvcr remarkable characteristics of democracy, 
 or the democratic branch or mixture in any con- 
 stitution,- they ha\e oftener oeen the ehuradtr- 
 idics of aristocracy and ol'garchy. Athens, in 
 particular, was never consplcuovis for these qua- 
 lities; but, on the contrary, from the first to 
 the last of her dcmocraticul conjflitulion, levity, 
 ^iety, inconstancy, dissipation, intemperance, 
 debauchery, and a dissolution of manners, were 
 the prevailing characteristics cf the whole na- 
 tion." Same, p. 344. 
 
 " Powerful and crafty underminera have no 
 where such rare sport as in a simple demooacy, 
 ov fingle popular assembly. Nowhere, not in 
 the completcal despotisms, does human nature 
 show itself so completely depraved, so nearly 
 approaching an equal mixtiu"e of brutality and 
 devilism, as in the last stages of such a demo- 
 cracy, and in the beginning of despotism, which 
 always succeeds it."— Same, p. 329. 
 
 Is there a parasite of tlie Holy Alliance, in any 
 part of the continent of Kurope, that could ful- 
 minate a more bitter tirade against popular go- 
 vernment ' The people cannot be trusted. — they 
 will jiutthe yoke on their own necks by giving 
 the executive power to a king; they will destroy 
 the nbfrty of the press and of debate,- — w ith them , 
 carruptiou hi gins. They are vicious und dc- 
 bauclicd, aiid terminate their government in a 
 scene of " brutality and devilism.'.'.'" Such 
 were thi^ lessons of political instruction given to 
 the i>resnit .Mr. .'olm Q. Auaine, when he was 
 about 25 years old. But let us e.xamine a few 
 Tnorc extracts from the same work — to s!»ov\ 
 the opinions of the tutor in relation \.o popular 
 election. 
 
 " Every pas.sion and prejudice of every voter 
 will be applied to, eve ry Mattery and menace, 
 every trick and bribe that can be bestowed, and 
 will be accepted, will be used, and \\1)at is hor- 
 rible to think of, that candidate or that agent 
 '"!?o hss fr.rest errtiplr*. vhn will props- 
 
 gate lies and slanders with mo»t contideiice and 
 secrecy, who will wheedle, flatter, and cajole; 
 who will debauch the people by treats, feasts, 
 and diversions, with the least hesitation, and 
 bribe with the most impudent front, which can 
 consist with hypocritical concealment, will draw 
 in tools and worm out enemies, the fastest — un- 
 sullied honor, stciJing integrity, real virtue, 
 \» ill stand a \ ery uiicquul chance ! Where vice, 
 folly, i:npi;dcnce and kiavery, have carried an 
 election one > ear, they will acqiiire in the course 
 of it frtsii influcnre ard power to succeed the 
 next!!!" vol. 3. p. 275. 
 
 Could there be mere conclusive evidence, not 
 only ot Mr Adam>' pi eferenr.e cf the monarchical 
 system, but of his. inveterate hatred of republi- 
 can governmeiit' Not all the servile cssajs of 
 the hired sci-ibulers for despotic power, lu:;- all 
 the hcniilies on " the divine right of kings," 
 can furnish with.in the same compass so many 
 libels, or : uch evidence of deprived and em- 
 bittered animosity, against popular institutions. 
 When it shall be recollected that the mar. who 
 entertained tliese opinion.«, and nad thus boldly 
 avowed them, was subsequently made Presi- 
 dent of tlie United States, and what a hair- 
 breadth escape the American people made in the 
 election of ISOO, the patriot cannot help breath- 
 ing forth a grateful thanksgiving to Providence. 
 Other cxtvact? may be gi-en from the same 
 work, to show Mr. Adams' preference for a?i 
 hereditetry government. *' .1 nobility must and 
 will exist." " Descent from certain parents and 
 inheritance of cert:un liouses, lands, and other 
 visible objects, (titles) will rternully have such an 
 influence over the aflections and im.a^nations 
 of the people, as no arts an<l institutions will 
 control; time will come, if it is not now, that 
 these circTtmstances will have more; influence 
 over great numbers of minds /Anw any considera- 
 tion of virtue and talents, and wiinteter iiifluences 
 numbers Is of great moment in popuhir govern- 
 ments and in all elections." vol. 3. p. '377. 
 
 Thus Mr. Adams contrived a ijretext for the 
 establishment of a political iiobilHy who should 
 be hereditary, and by the glare of their pedigrct 
 •di\d fortune, dazzle the people, and counteract 
 the " horrible" evils of an uncontrolled popu- 
 lar election. *' Go into New F.ngland," says 
 he, " and you will find that the office of jus- 
 tice of the peace, an<l even the place of Ke- 
 prcsentative, which has ever depended on tiie 
 fresh election of tiie people, has generally de- 
 scended from generation to generation in three 
 or four families at most." (vol. 1. p. 115.) And 
 for this reason, he would infer, th.-vt to establish 
 an hereditary nysfetn in the constitution would 
 only be con. jrming to the practice and disposi- 
 tion of the people — whom, in another place, 
 when he wanted to weaken publ.c attachment 
 to popuhu- elections, he had so outrageously 
 scandahzcil. 
 
 It may seem superfluous to add to the ex- 
 tracts already given, but I cannot forbear to pre- 
 sent a few more. 
 
 "There is not," says he, "in the whole JRo- 
 man history so happy a period as this under their 
 kings,- the nation was formed, tlieir morality, 
 their leligicn, their maxims, their government, 
 were all establi.shed under ihcir kings — the na- 
 tion was defended against numerous warlike 
 nations of enemies; in short, Home was never 
 .CO veil ec^-erired or so hetpvy " voK 3. p, 'ZT>-- 
 
 w 
 
/ i 
 
 •' I only contend tiiatthe English constitution 
 ii, in tbeon-, the moii si iipaidous fabric of human 
 invention." vol. 1. ]). 70. 
 
 " In future ages, if tlie present States become 
 a great nation, theii- own feelini^s and good 
 sense wiU dictale to them -w'liat to do; they may 
 make trans' tioiis io a nearer resemhlaiice of iiie 
 British comiUiUion." Same^ p. 7:. 
 
 " ft (the ar'slocracy) is a body of men whicli 
 contains the greaieat colledihi of virtue, and cha- 
 racter, in a free g-ov-ernment; is the brig.'ifc-i or- 
 jiament and ghry of -he latlon,- and may always 
 be made the greates' bli-'ring of society, if it 3e 
 .TcnTciorsLT managku is the conrtitutiox." 
 Same vol, p. 116. 
 
 " This hazardous experiment (election of their 
 first mag-istrate) tin-. Americnns have triodj and 
 if ele.ctions are soberly made, it may answer 
 very well; but if parties, f-ictions. drunkenness, 
 bribes, arrnies, and deliriurri come in, as they 
 always have done, sooner or larer, to embroil and 
 decide everything:, the people must again have 
 recourse to conventions, and find a remedy for 
 this " hazardous experiment." Neither phiio- 
 sopby nor policy has yet discovered any other 
 cure, than by prolonging- the duration of the 
 First Magistrate and Senators. The evil may 
 be lessened and postponed by elections for 
 longer periods of yeara, tii-ltuev btcome for 
 xiFE; and if this is not found an adequate reme- 
 dy, there will remain no other but to xake 
 THEM HETiEDiTAHY Thc delicacv or the dread 
 of unpopularity that should induce any man to 
 conceal this impotitant tuuth from the full 
 view of the people, would be a weakness, if not 
 a vice." V> 1. 3. p. 296. 
 
 "Mankind have universally discovered that 
 chance was preferable to a corrupt choice, and 
 have trusted Providence rather than themselves. 
 First Magistrates and Senators had better be 
 made hereditarj- at once, tlian that tlie People 
 should be universally debauched and bribed." 
 
 Vol. 
 
 283. 
 
 " Thank Heaven, Amei'icans understand; 
 and if thc time shall come, as it is very possible 
 it ■may, ivhen hereditary descent shall become a 
 less evil than annual fraud and violence, such a 
 convenlion may still prevent the first m^igis- 
 trate from becoming absolute, as well as heredi- 
 tary."— Ba.me, p. 282. 
 
 It 13 impossible by any comment to ."lucidate 
 the principles of Mr. Adams more satisfactorily 
 than it is done in these texts: that he wcdd 
 have made an hereditary government for the 
 United States, comp'nmdccl of m.onvrehy and 
 aristocracy, without any mixture of democracy, 
 is most unquestionable; and we have further 
 evidence, that he subsequently maintained tlie 
 same principles, and contmued to urge tjiem 
 wherever he thouglit h.? covdd make an impres- 
 sion When Vice I'residc-nt, lie o])ened a cor- 
 respondence with the great cha.mpion of denio- 
 crac}', Samuel Adams, in which he still insisted 
 upon the necessity of a noldHty branch to thc 
 government. Tlie latter observed, that the 
 form of government most conducive to human 
 happiness, was ind.cated by "the natural love 
 of liberty implanted in thc human heart,-" to 
 which the Vice President snecringly replied, 
 that the "natural love of liberty was also im- 
 planted in the breast of a WOLF." No sooner 
 was Mr. Adams s.eated in the Presidential chair, 
 ?.haii he everted the whole power of his admi- 
 
 nistratioA to cslabhsli hi.'s fit.va!'i(.e iiocu'inei.. 
 Offices were given to none but tlie advocates <Ji* 
 his doctrines; and every republican whig, no 
 mattci' how exalted IiLj tale:its or virtues, was. 
 proscribed. A political badge, the black cock* 
 ade, was introduced, by which the partisans of 
 the faith coilld be known: he openly declared 
 while in the Presidential chair, to Mr. Taylor of 
 Virginia, and Mr. Langdon of New Hampshire, 
 that " he hoped or expected to see the day v/hen 
 Mr. Taylor and his friend Mr. Giles wovdd be 
 convinced that tlie people of America tvould ntlf 
 be happy without kf! HF.RKr.iTART chief magis- 
 
 THATE AKl) SENATE, OR AT LEAST FOR LIFS." 
 
 T!\is declaration is verified by Mr. Langdon, 
 in a letter addressed to Samuel Kingold, of New/ 
 Hampshire, dated Portsmouth, October 10, 
 1800. But he had more powerful instruments 
 than arguments, dogm^as, andmsidious criticisms; 
 hehad the whole patronage of the government oT 
 the United States in his hand. The legislative 
 power was ernploycd to muzzle the press, and 
 stop th.e freedom of discussion, in violation of the 
 most sacred provision of the constitution; and 
 editors of newspapers were p\inished by fine 
 and imprisonment, for scrutinizing tlie conduct 
 of public men. This great rampart of liberty 
 broken down, and thc constitution undermined, 
 tliere remained no sufficient barriei- to consoli- 
 dation, and the establishment of privileged or- 
 ders, offices for life, and extn hereditary succes- 
 sion. In all human probability, the re-electieji 
 of Mr. Adams would have accomplished all he 
 v.'ished in this respect. It was clearly seen, 
 that nothing but a great political revolution 
 could replace the government on its origin;i1 
 and true foundation, and preserve the republic! 
 Tlie migiitj' work was imdertaken by the vir- 
 tuous patriots of the day, by the republiccn 
 v.-higs of the revolution. They were denoun- 
 ced by the dependants, expectants, and hire- 
 lings of power under Mr. Adams, as a " fac- 
 tious opposition," " disorganizers," "enemies 
 to law, order, and religion;" in a word, as "/ff-, 
 cob'ns" Viwdi " Di^.Mocp.ATs;" which ippellations 
 were intended to designate the abettors of 
 every vice v>'hlch the author of the " Defence" 
 had characterized as thc concomitants of popu- 
 lar government. The struggle \T-as a fearful 
 one on the part of the repubhcans, and against 
 vast odds: the administration, luid sought witli 
 some success to identify themselves with the 
 government itself; and hence it a.ssumed the 
 name of federalism, as a mask in its warfare foi^- 
 vMnarchy, and thousands who deprecated its 
 r^>!u-se, 'apprehended that a change of ruler,^ 
 would overthrow the government, and produce 
 3 scene of anarchy and civil commotion. — Mr. 
 /i^lains was contending, not mc^rely for another 
 foin- years, but for the practical establishment of 
 his doctrine and the mainta'iance of a chief ma- 
 gistracy *^ at h-ast for life." — Rut the principles 
 of free government triumphed; the great " l:i- 
 lam" of monarchy was overthrown, and left the 
 seat of government like a deposed king, who 
 feared tJiat tlic loss of power v/ould be follow- 
 ed by the loss of Ins head The accumulated 
 machinery and trappings of latent monarchy 
 were dissipated by his successor, and the go 
 vernment bcyng restored to its original desigri, 
 mo\ed smoothly on, cultivating and promoting 
 the interest of thc people for whom it was 
 macl'^ Mr. Adams retained, however all hj>* 
 
illH 
 
 .iionarciiicul heuesics; and to llicse was now 
 Icjtled, an increased hostility to every thing that 
 uertaincd to democracy and the popular system, 
 ''"he immortal .Iclleison was for some time the 
 cbjoct of ilia invective. " I shudder," said he, 
 jn one of iiis letters to C'unnin<^ham, '* at the 
 Calamiticj whicli I ftr.r his conduct id preparing; 
 Tor his country, from a mean thirst for pppiilan- 
 iy, an inordinate ambition, and a want of sin- 
 cerity.?^ 
 
 It appears, then, that from the first dav/ji of 
 independence, while a iiiinister at the court pf 
 St. Jarpes, ihrouyh the successive public sta- 
 vions to wliicii he was called, in the chief ma- 
 Hstracy of the T_'nitcd State;;, and after his retire- 
 jnent, when all liis '-ague and false theories liad 
 been proved erroneous by experience, he in- 
 flexibly maintained and incvilcated his monar- 
 chical principlci:. Qi^cii was tlie political creed 
 of thein:;triictor of Joiix Q. AdamsI I.etusnow 
 nsccrtain, if practicable, what effect the instruc- 
 -Tipn of such a school has produced upon his 
 anind: whether he hr.s been im apt disciple of, 
 ur at any time proved recreant to this imposing 
 authority. 
 
 The first account of \^5 education is to be 
 j'onnd in the secret journal of the Old Congress, 
 ^■ol. 2, p. 312, in tlie following words: "The 
 Committee, consisting of >Ir. Forbes, Mr. Ma- 
 thews, and -Mr. Houston, to whom was referred 
 a report of the commissioi^ers of accounts of the 
 L'5th October, 1779, on the accounts of the Hon. 
 John Adams, lute one of the commissioners of 
 The United States to the court of \'ersailles, re- 
 port: That they do not hnd any vote or pro- 
 ceeding of Congress, nor are Ihey informed of 
 Any general or received custom on which t/te 
 t/targe of moneys for the cdutxition of ike account- 
 ant's son, can be admitted; and though Uiesamc 
 5s inconsiderable, they arc of opir.iqn it ought 
 CO be rejected, that a precedent be not estab- 
 lished." The younger Mr. .\dams could not 
 <;ertainly be responsible for this transaction, 
 but it is given as an interesting fact in the fami- 
 ly history. Nor could he be responsible for 
 his foreign education and early introduction to 
 Tlie splendor of F.iU'opcan courts, nor for the 
 ])olitic:d lessons incidcated by his ])arcnt; while 
 'hesc have gjven the cast and direction of his 
 2nind, which now so deeply interest the Aiacii- 
 >;an people. 'I'he first work from the pen of 
 Mr. Adams the youngiT, which .seems to have 
 tlcveloped his polilic;!! principles, was written 
 in 1793, at an early period of the Trench revo- 
 lution, 'ihc cvcrthrow of the lreii<-h despot- 
 jsm, and the substitution of a goveriwnent hav- 
 ing the appearance of more frecilom, was hailed 
 by the fnenJs of jilierly throughout the world, 
 and most especially in the United States, wit^i 
 a feeling of universal joy; none but monarchists 
 Ueplored the cv( nt, ancl what ia r(niarkai>le, 
 none deplored it more than the monarchists of 
 tlie United .Suitej. \ cry few of these, however, 
 liad betrayed tlieir feelings so e;\rly as 17'J3; 
 •md yet we find Mr. Ad:tms enlisted with io 
 much zeal against the republicans of France, 
 th:it lie engage'cl in controverting the doctrines 
 iii one C(f the most etlloient and popuhir writer-3 
 of our revolution agaii;st the principles of ir.o- 
 narcliy. The well kno^n series of p:ipors under 
 the signature of ' I'ublicola,' was llic <»flspring 
 of this labor. They were written in tlcflnce of 
 
 ^ran. These papers bri?atlie, in aimasi Cvery 
 line, a disguised hostility to republican princj- 
 l)le3, and the same devotion to monarchy which 
 is found in the writings of his father, and also 
 the same animosity to the grc-at republican lead- 
 er of that dav- ^Ir. Jefferson is stigmatized as 
 the " Ii,lam of Ijemocraey," and his favorable 
 opinion of the "Rights of Man" is criticised 
 with a censorious ardor better fitting a parasite 
 of George the third, or of Louis the sixteenth, 
 than the citizen of a nation but just emancipated 
 from the yoke of a kingly government, and 
 which had staked all its hopes upon a govern- 
 ment the very opposite of monarchy. 
 
 Tiine and space will not permit many quota- 
 tious rrom this work, A few will suffice to prove 
 its character aud its coincidence of design witU 
 that of the author of the Defence of the Ame- 
 rican Constitutions, written ii\ 1787. The elder 
 Adams said, that "the Britisli Constitution wai 
 thcmost stupendous fai)ric of human invention:" 
 the younger Adams said, in his Publicola, that 
 " tlie British Constitutio:i was the admiration ct 
 the world!" The expression merely varied to 
 avoid |)lagiarism. The latter lui"ther remarks, 
 that " the people of F.ngland have delegated 
 their whole power to the king, lords, and com- 
 mons," and then adds: " thut t'le poiocr of ifin 
 people ought to be delegated for their beriefit.''' 
 Such is his account of the Constitution which 
 ij the "admiration of the world," and such his 
 opinion of the capacity of the people for self- 
 government! He virttndly asserts the doctiine. 
 that "the people are their own \iorst enemies," 
 and that all power should be given up by them,, 
 and removed as far from their reacli as possible. 
 In the same w ork he declares that " it is not the 
 ■mechanical Jujrror against the name of king or 
 arisfocrai')/, nor the physical antipathy to the 
 sound of an extravagant title, nor the sight of 
 an innccent 7-ibband, that can authorize a people 
 to lay violent hand.s on the constitution which 
 jirotects their rights and ginnrds their liberties." 
 The constitution oi'lhe old French government, 
 with its innocent ribbands, and basliles, and 
 letli-es-de- cachet, seemed to have inspired the 
 veneration of our young- author, who, accord- 
 ing to Mr. Jon.ithan Roberts, had <' always been 
 :; republican, in tlfe true sense of that term!" 
 
 From about this period Mr. J. Q. Adams w.as 
 employed on a foreign mission, which Mr. Ro. 
 btrts has been instructed to s.ay, was in conse- 
 quence of the recommendation of Mr. Jefler- 
 son, the "Islani cf democracy," who it seems 
 was so well ph-asecl v, ith Mr. Adams' monarchi- 
 cal doctrines in Fublicol.:, his attack upon the 
 " Rig'nts of .M.in," and lastly the violent assault 
 upon his own public conduct and pri«ci]3le.s, 
 that he would insist upon lequUing- him with a 
 foreign mission! ! 
 
 >VhIle abroad in Prussia, Mr. Adams wrote 
 his Sir.r.siAX I.r.TTLns. The shrcwci editorj»of 
 the F.dinburgh I{evicw, thus speak of tliis work — 
 vol. 5, page LsJ: " Mr. Adams has many recol- 
 lections of hi.' native country, but his feelings 
 about it more resemble the loyal acquiescence 
 of a subject, than the personal interest and ardor 
 of a republican." 
 
 If Mr. Adams had felt the " ardor of a repub- 
 lican,'' It woidJ have been imj-.ossible for him 
 to have concealed his feelings, when wnting in 
 a foreign country, whe:-e every thing around 
 )>'m relntin* to htimaii ha"npin°«e and rivjl lib'"- 
 
•2vy 
 
 M-, when coiUi-asted widi those subjects in his someUung- ot tiie iialui-.e ot ij. It is a yo.uny- 
 own country, could not fail to aJiimute Mm with rake who thinks himself very hahdsama ^n^ 
 l)roud jn-atuktion. well made, and who lias little faitli in lemale vir- 
 
 Not long- after his return from Prussia, we tue: uhen the people once admit liia courtship, 
 fmd him ao-ain in his native State, adopted as and permit him the least familiarity, they socn 
 the leader^'of the fallen party in Nev/ England, finci themselves in the condition of tiie poor .^irl 
 Ilavinff faded in an election to Cong-ress against v/Iio told her own story in this affecting- style; 
 the republican candidate, he was taken up for "The next day he g-rew a little bolder— but 
 the Senate in 1803. and after several baliotings proiflised me marriaj<e. The next day he be.-, 
 chosen by the exact number of votes necessary gun to be enterprising-; but the next day— oh!. 
 to a choice, ag-ainst the repnblican candidate, sir, he g'ot me with chdd." 
 (T. S. Skinner.) At the succeeding ses-sion, "Democracy is Lovelace, and the pevopie are 
 Mr. Pickering was associated witli liim, being Clarissa; the artful vil/ahi wUl pursue the in-- 
 clected by the same partv. At this period the nocent lovely g-irl to her rain and her death. " 
 two great parties, republican and feder.al, were " The federalists appear to me to be very in. 
 as much at variance as at anv period of our his- attentive to the p-ablic events as well as charac-, 
 tory, and I take it for granted that he was then ter. " The letter from which these extracts are. 
 acting in good faith with the people who elected taken^ teems with hostility to prominent repub- 
 4iim to the Senate. His votes all indicate the licans in New England, and elsewhere, and is 
 most decided opposition to the measures of Mr. pure orthodox federalism as to men and mexi- 
 Jelferson's administration, and a very marked sures and principles. During this period, the 
 nc-sonalhostihty to that great man was evinced son, as had been observed, was actmg m tUii 
 in his doggerel satire-s in the Montldy Antholo- concert at TVushinglon; for who^e udvance- 
 gy. In obedience to the je:dous feelings of the ment the fiitbcr appears to have been mast deep- 
 eastern federalists, he opposed every measure for ly interested, wnich was the chief object of b.ij; 
 the introduction of Louisiana into the Union; correspondence with Cunningham. There is a. 
 lie even voted against paying the mihiia who had chasm in the correspondence, hov.ever, from 
 been ordered out bv law to receive possession 1804 to 1808, and before w;e return to it, it may 
 of the country; aiul moreover maintained his be as well to notice some incidents in relation 
 monarchical principles in every vote upon the to the political progress of the youn;^er Jldams,^ 
 organization of the government of that territo- "-- — '- — "'■•'^••— » -f — ,r,cr,„.,tmn nn h, 
 2-y: — he voted for a landed property quahfica- 
 lion to every elector as a condition for his right 
 xDf suffrage; he refused to pay respect to the 
 memory of the great republican leader in Massa- 
 .chusetts, Samuel Adams, as will be seen by a 
 reference to the Senate Journal. October, 1803. 
 These Journals abound with votes in uniform 
 concert against the republican majority of the iustrious citizen, now no more, he lamented tho 
 Senate, 'if Mr. Adams was then " a'rcpubli- fearful progress of the democratic party and O), 
 .can, in the true meaning of that term," so was its principles, and declared that he h-ad long 
 Timotliy Pickering, ajid so were the Daggets meditated the subject, and had become convm- 
 and Griswolds, and Qulncys, and Otis's, "and ced that the only method by which thcdcmo:- 
 every body that was struggling to overthrow cratic party could be desti-oyed, was by joinnij^^ 
 Mr. Jefferson's administration. with it, and urging it on with the utmost energy 
 
 The private correspondence of the Ex-Prea- to the completion of its views, whereby the re- 
 dent with ilr. Cunningham, commencing in sidt would prove so ridiculous and so ruinous to 
 Koveraber, 1803, furnisher an unerring guide to the country, that the people would be led to 
 mark the progress of the political changes in despise tlie principles and to condemn the cf- 
 the conduct of io/A father and son. In Janua- fects of democratic policy, and then, said he^; 
 
 There is no evidence of any disposition on Ins 
 part to secede from his federal friends untd 
 some time in 1807. In the spring of that year, 
 "he presided (says the Boston Statesman,) ai. 
 a federal caucus which nominated Caleb Strong 
 fur Governor, and Christopher Gore and Harri- 
 son G. Otis fur Senators of Massachusetts" ! ! ! 
 
 " About the same time, at the table of an il-- 
 
 fathe 
 
 ry, 1804, the elder Adams, then still in.dulging 
 \\\s hostility to democracy, offers to fu:nish Mr. 
 tJunningham anecdotes from his memory " to 
 ■develope the true character of the s.dt moun- 
 tain philosopher," (Mr. JefTcrsoti. ) 
 
 In a letter dated y&h, 24, 1804, he maintains 
 the doctrine laid down in his " Defence," viz: 
 
 WK MAT HAVE A FORM OF GOVBUXJIENT BETTE& 
 SUITED TO THE GEXlt'S ASD DISPOSITIGX OF OCK 
 
 cor^'Tnx, TUAN oun rnESEST cosstitutiox. 
 
 This charge, says a writer in the United States" 
 Telegraph, was attempted to be denictl in tire 
 National Journal, a paper established by _Mr. 
 Adams, to promote his election, and m.ainly 
 
 that "rank and weallh are just principles of edited by him, and the Statesman and other pa- 
 precedence in a repiiblic?' — and adds, tliat " if pers -.vhich had repeated this charge were called 
 •* a family which has been high in office, and upon for their authority about the time the battlie 
 *• splendid in wealth, fall into decay from proPd- vvas over." Ilr r.atio 1'ownsend, I'sq. a gentle- 
 "gicy, folly, vice, or misibrtune.thc'j' general- man of character, the Clerk of the Judicial 
 "ly turn democrats, andcourt the lovyest of the Court of the State for the county of Norfolk, 
 -' people with an ardoiv an ait", a skill, anil, and the neighbor and friend of Mr. Adam-, was 
 *' consequently, with a success which no vulgar jianied as one wlio had hoard these declarations. 
 
 "democrat can attain." " In theory," says lie, 
 "all governments profess to regard mcj-it alone, 
 ♦-but in practice, democraticftl governments 
 '• certainly regard it as little as any." 
 
 In a subsequent letter, dated March 15th, 
 1804, he observes to his correspondent tlius: 
 ••'You say the awful fpirit nf dtnincrucy is in 
 fjreat progress " I hplifve i+. ttn 1 I know 
 
 and had often repeated them. It was also stated 
 by the editors of the Statesman, that they had, 
 been informed that these declarations were 
 friade at the table of the late Chief Justice Par- 
 sons, tiien tiie great leader of the federal party 
 \n Massacliuset.ts," Mr. Town.send was a f rien(,! 
 of .Mr. Adams, disposed to do every thing which 
 in roriJcrencch'^cnuM do *o hHn his caupe. and 
 
i>80 ~ 
 
 iie gives iiis ccitilicaie and afiidaxit aji ibllows: 
 DKDKAsr, Nov. G, 1824. 
 f, Ilonitio Townsend, Clerk of ti>c Supreme 
 .Tiidicial Court, and of the Court of Common 
 j>leas, &c. for this county, having- this day heard 
 I'cad to mc, the article in the American States- 
 man and City Ilegisicr of this date, headed 
 "Eyplanatory," licreby make solemn oath tliat 
 I have no recollection of ever having diited at 
 the table of the Honorable Theophilus Parsoiis, 
 jn company wllh Mr. John Q. Adams, nor do I 
 believe, that 1 ever met Mr. Adams in company 
 vith the late Chief Justice I'arsons, at any time 
 subsequent to my leaving Mr. Parsons' ofiice as 
 ri student in the spring of 178.3. 
 
 HORATIO TOWNSRND. 
 
 This very singular defence was relied upon, 
 and is the only answer given torefiite the charge. 
 It. was of no importance when the conversation 
 occurred, and yet Mr. Townsend, the witness 
 and friend of Mr. Adams, only proves that it 
 <:ould n(!t have occuri-ed at Chief Justice Par- 
 rons in his presence— lie says not one word as 
 TO the fact in dispute, tlic denial of which, he, 
 as a man of intelligence, veil knew would have 
 been infinitely better evidence than to have dis- 
 proved fifty locations of the conversation. So 
 far from weakening- the truth of the charge, the 
 affidavit of ^Ir. Townsend, without any further 
 evidence, gives it additional strength, and leaves 
 the only material fact to be irrer-istibly inferred. 
 Uut l<!t us see what two otlicr respectable wit- 
 nesses have stated — viz.- John P. Derby, Esq. 
 i'ounsellor at Law of Norfolk, and son-in-law of 
 '-Tr. Townsend, and .Fames Richai'dson, Escf. 
 ♦Counsellor at I,aw of the same county. 
 AFI'IDAVIT. 
 
 1, John B. Derby, of Dcdham, I:ite of Med- 
 held- in the county cf Norfolk, of law.'^ul age, 
 testify and say, that one evening in the summer 
 of 1820, being at the house of Horatio Towns- 
 end, Esq. of Dcdhain, conversing witii said 
 J'ownsend on the political character of J. Q.- 
 Adams, and objecting to Mr. Adams on the 
 ground of his desertion of federal princijjles; 
 ^ aid Townsend asserted th.at .Mr. Adams icc.i in 
 heart, n ftdn-alist, allhovigh acting with the de- 
 mocratic party, and for proof thereof, stated 
 tliathe.Mr. 'J'owns^-nd, being many years before 
 in company with Mr. Adams, i^iid other distin- 
 guishea federalists, previous to Mr. Adams' 
 political conversion, [1 think at the late Chief 
 Justice Parsons,] ?!r. Adams, speaking of tlie 
 increasiiig power of the democratic par'.y, usyd 
 in substanC'^ the expressions utti-ibuted to him 
 by the author of '« One of the People," publish- 
 <*d in the Statesman of July last. Afterwards, 
 in the spring, I think, of 1822, the said Towns- 
 end being at my house in Medficld, on my agiiin 
 iotroducing the discussion of the s.ime subject, 
 repeated tlie name declarations of Mr. Adams in 
 .sinudap language — thaf John (iuincy Ad.ams 
 made such observations, 1 do not know, but I 
 \vas con.strained to believe that he made them 
 by the frequent and confident assertions of .Mr. 
 Townsend. That Mr. 'lownsend said in sub- 
 5-lance what I have here stated, is confirmed by 
 the Hon. James Richardson, who says that 
 he immediately recollected having heard Mr. 
 Townsend so express himself in conversation 
 once at said Townsend's house, and also at his 
 *<ffi'"»*, and thnt it prcurred to him brfore Jic 
 
 knew that lie wa.s designated as one ut tiiose u 
 whom the above statements of Mr. Townsend 
 Were addressed. 
 
 (Signed) JOHN B. DERB', . 
 
 NonroLK, ss. Kovrnihcr QtJi, 182.4. 
 
 Then the above named John P. Derby de- 
 clared on oath that the above statement sub- 
 scribed by him was true. 
 ' (Signed) ERASMUS WOr.TIHNGTON, 
 
 Jiislice cf the Peace. 
 
 On the back of the affidavit is the following 
 certificate : — 
 
 I have read the part of the within afHduA it 
 which relates to myself, and declare it to be 
 substantiallv true. 
 
 (Signed) JAMES RICHARDSON. 
 
 This evidence, which remains uncontradicted 
 and unexplained, is of itself conclusive of the 
 A<ct charged in the Pucks cotinty resolutions, 
 and of an ofTence even much more odiou- — 
 not m.erely that he was insincere in his conver- 
 sion, and used it to gain power, but that he 
 meditated such a purpose with p. \'iew to the 
 prostration of the democratic party in the United 
 States, by means the most unworth}' that could 
 liave been imagined in the worst d.aj's of the 
 H:\rlford Convention. 
 
 This decl.aration was obviously made for the 
 purpo.'5e of being secretly communicated to cer- 
 tain of his old political friend.-^, with a view to 
 avert their indignation against him for his appa- 
 rent desertion of their ranks. Some were in the 
 secret of liis movf ments,and exulted in his eleva- 
 tion to the Pres'dcncy , before Ins public assuran- 
 ces were given; hencr,said Josiah Quincy, v.'hen 
 he heard of the elt elionof 182.5, " those who fell 
 vritlithe first Adamp,!iave risen with the second." 
 
 In the session of 1807-8, the grand move- 
 ment upon the democratic party was made by 
 Mr. Ad.\m3. The only authentic accomit of it 
 is to be had from Mr. Handed pii's spcccli do- 
 livered in the Senate tb.e day bctbre he went to 
 the field with .Mr. C.lay, and whicli he expressed 
 a particular desire to have published in the event 
 of his falling in that combat. 'I'he speech has" 
 never been publi.shed. and it '\% believed the 
 reporters do not intend to publish it: mnny hu!-- 
 dieds of persons were present v. hen it was de- 
 livered, and it is impossible XUvX the f.icts stated 
 can be materially mistaken. 
 
 Mr. Randolph read a letter from a gentlcmai! 
 in Virginia, dc-taihng the facts as he had tliem 
 from Mr. Giles, substantially as follows, viz.: 
 
 That Mr. Giles and Jfr. Adams were mem- 
 bers of the same (Committee; tliat they some- 
 times rode together in the same carnage; that 
 Mr. Adams became serious, anxious, and seem- 
 ed weighed dow n with care for some time; when 
 he at length told Mr. Giles, that he had a mat- 
 ter of i^reat ii)ijj'trlui)cr I'/hich he tb.ourht it his 
 dtity to relate to Mr Jenirson, then President: 
 but (V.<.\ not knov.- how to approach him, and de- 
 sired Mr. Giles to make the communication. 
 The latter encouraged him to do it liimscli. 
 which lie did. Mr. Adams informed Mr. Jef- 
 ferson, "that the federalists of New Englatyl 
 were plotting with the government of Canada a 
 treasonable secession from the Union — that 
 their schemes had been disclosed to liim — that 
 he had once believed them to be patriotic, but 
 could no longer act in concert with them." 
 Mr. Jefferson relied on his honor, and believed 
 
-iS i 
 
 cte s:aleir.eiit. M;-. Adams g\tve in his aaiicsioii 
 to the executive, and was ready fi-om that time 
 ibnvard,as he openly U'jclared iti Senate, to "act 
 without deUberation" infuvorof whatever he 
 recommended. 
 
 I ibrbeur any comment up(tn these fiicts, fur- 
 ther than to observe, t-iat if the charge was 
 frue, how does Mr. Adams reconcile his present . 
 intimate association with the very men he then 
 so solemnly denounced as plotting treason 
 against his country? And if it was not true, I 
 leave to others to find langurige to express the 
 atrocio'jsness of the calumny. Tlie events of 
 1813-14 furnish a much clearer development 
 of the views of certain men in New England, 
 V/hicIi I shall have occasion to refer to hereafier. 
 We have now arrived at the period when the 
 Cunningham correspondence rc-commenced. 
 The ex-president, vliose feelings appear 
 throughout to have been in perfect unison with 
 those of his son, ceases to pour out invectives 
 against Mr. .Tefferson and democracy: spe.aks of 
 the " federalists administering their nauseous 
 oil," "to excite a momentary flash" — •' in !iis 
 old lamp" before it expires: — defends his old 
 jneasures; I'.huses HamiltoR; thinlcs •-Pinckney 
 can never rise to the chaii," and that *' he 
 ought never to l>ave been nominated for it." 
 c-ulogizes the conduct of his son as "able, up- 
 light, candid, impartial, and independeni :" 
 " applaud?, and admires" his letter to Otis: hut 
 tliinks "iie woidd have been more politic ifl:e 
 )iad declined the invitation to the caucus" 
 which -nominated Mr. Madison: considers "the 
 rohcy of a limitation to the embargo a nice , 
 question:" says " the feder8?l«ts by their intol- 
 erance have gone fur towards justifying Mr. 
 Jefferson for )iis:" thnt " our government is 
 IbrevLTtobe a party govern^cr.t, and the only 
 iiope is, that in the gam.e of leap frog, once in 
 .eight or twelve years, tlie party of the Oaf', 
 will leap over t!ie heads of the Ins," and that 
 he would " nearly as soon see one party abso- 
 jute and unchecVred as the other!" Such arc 
 t!ie views of thie first letter to Cunningham afi r 
 i?.5r. .1. Q. Ad.ims' adhesion to the administi-a- 
 lion at Washington. Mr. Cunningham was 
 engaged in preparing the way with his pen for 
 the advancemt nt of Mr. .7. Q. Adams to the 
 l^residenc}-^ and althougli he writes well, and 
 with all the feeling of a partisan engaged in 
 what he believes to be a good cause, seems not 
 .to have been very quick-sigiited in discovering 
 tlie particular nioti\efor the cliauge eC tone in 
 the ex-president's letter. Cunnmgham proposes 
 to attack Mr. .Jeflerson. Mr. Adams does not re- 
 spond to tliis part of iiis plan, but adverts to tiie 
 measures of Wasliington's administration, in 
 which he had taken part, and vo his opinion of 
 liis son's talents, and furni>hes Mr. Cunningham 
 ' with a copy of a commendatory letter fromWasli- 
 ington to himself, written Feb. 20, 1797". Tliis 
 letter has lately gone the rounds throvigli all the 
 administration papers, and thcrofore deserves 
 some notice. It wdl be recollected that Mr. 
 Adams was elected in the fall of 1796, by a 
 small msijority over Mr. Jefferson. On the 2d 
 Wednesday in Felr.'uary, the votes were ascer- 
 tained in the presence of both hotises, and the 
 result declared. Between this time and the 
 20th5 it appears from President Washington's 
 letter, that Mr. Adams sent him a paper written 
 bv h't: cnn.T. Q. Adams, accompanied bv a sTig- 
 
 some oci.cj.icCuU'otsoi 
 
 the pi 
 
 of promoting him. Mr. Adams was not invesl- 
 cd with the executive autiiorfty until tlie 4th 
 of March following, but the aggrandizicment of 
 his/limily seemed to have been an early and 
 primary consideration; and the sa.iction of Pre- 
 sident Washington was thus eagerly and cun- 
 ningly sr.iight, at the first and most propitious 
 n^oment to promote his future pl.ins for a fi^mily 
 inheritance. 
 
 This object, althou£;h frustrated by the elec- 
 tion of 18U0, and for some time after reg.arded 
 as I'.opcless, noW; viz.: in 1808. began to revive, 
 and from that time forward the " illustrious 
 family" v.'iiicb had fallen " into decay," "turn 
 democrats, and court the lowest of the people, 
 will an ardor, an art, and a skill, and conse- 
 quently with a success, which no vulgar demo- 
 crat can attain '' 
 
 Gore and Pickmau* were denouriced as tlie 
 " sons of refugees," Lloyd as the " son of a 
 Tory," Mamiiton was an "intriguer," Picker- 
 ing "a rvenk, vain, vindictive, and dishonest man. 
 The Tories, who had been all in all at the elec- 
 tion of 1800, (insomuch that the whig federal- 
 ists co;>Jd no more celebrate the -ifh of July in 
 many parts of the Union, than the Administra- 
 tion "democrats can celebrate the 8ih of January 
 now,) were to I)e put down, and Mr. Adams, 
 v/ho had lost sigh.t of the Kevcltition and its 
 ]»rinctp1es, from the moment Ue. began to write 
 his "Defence," down to his eon's adhesion in 
 1807, J10W became ail alive to Whiggism and 
 the print'*:es of tlie Kevohition; and said, 
 "that the portrait of Washington ought not to 
 sliove a'iide the portraits of John Hancock and 
 Samuel Ad.ams in Fanueil Hall," viz. the same 
 Sanv-iel Adams wliom J. Q. Adams not long be- 
 fore refused by his vote in the Senate to pay re- 
 spect to tiie memory' of, by weiu-ing crape on 
 his arm. As his hopes for his son revived, he 
 received new life and vigor, and at the age of 
 seventy-four, boldly enters upon the arena as a 
 political gladiator, and with "the enthusiasra 
 of forty,'' attempts to "ride the v/hirhvind,'' 
 which iie had before said " woukl be delirium." 
 He Informs Mr Cunningham, in his letter of 
 December, 1808, " in confidence, that consiclcr- 
 able pains had been taken to persuade his friend 
 J. Q. Ad.ams to consent to be run (for Gover- 
 nor of Massachusetts) by tiie Republicans; but 
 he (was) utterly avei-se to it— and so am I,"^ 
 said the fatlicrin perfect concert — "for varioui; 
 reasons — 1. The oflice, though a precious stone, 
 is but a carbuncle shining in the dark;" " he 
 would stand in competition v.-ith Mr. Lincoln, 
 which would divide the republican interest, 
 .and "?7 n-ouicl produce, an cternri! siparalion be- 
 Uvr.enJi!m. <mdti',-r fcderc/lisff:," " with little pros- 
 pect of doing any good, or acquiring arii/ honor, 
 or receiving any profJ." The policy was to 
 move more gradually, get hold of the Republi- 
 cans, but not to let go of the Federalists. Did 
 this look like a sincere conversio:'. to republi- 
 canism' Was it not a politic movement to keep 
 an anchor upon both p.-utie.s, ready as occasion 
 might serve, to slip the one, and warp up on 
 the other? 
 
 After all the exertion by thefather,^n writing 
 
 volumes for the papers, traducing the men v.dth 
 
 whom he had acted when in power, and "courl- 
 
 ino- the people" witli " more art" than was at 
 
 ' Si'p Cnnninsjlisrn's I.rf'rT. 
 
y82 
 
 uiiiialjle by a plain -' vuf^ar democral,''' his son 
 -only received an api;ointment as Minister to 
 Jhi.isia. This vas a severe blow; he wanted 
 the State Dtpaitment under the new adminis- 
 tration of Mr. Madison, hut he " wits banrahed 
 because he was too jiist!" — From this time hope 
 V.as clouded, but not abandoned. 
 
 The ex-prcsidcnt constantly relied with full 
 faitl) on his old maxims; and one laid down in the 
 od volume of his "Defence," p.\ije 278, I-ondon 
 tdition, seems to have jMeservcd and inspired his 
 hope at this period — he there says, tliat " Con- 
 tinuation of power in the same persons and fami- 
 lies, will as certainly take place in a simple demo- 
 cracy, or a democracy by represcnt.-ition, as in 
 Jiercditary aristocracy, or monarchy. The con- 
 t'lnu-al'iun tiHJ Lr cer'friiii, but ;7 tviU he accojn- 
 '/illshtd by corruplio7i, which is wor.se than a con- 
 linuation by birlh; and if corruption cannot ef- 
 fect the continuation, ficdition and rebellion 
 vill be resorted to; for a degraded, disappoint- 
 ed, rich and illustrious family, would, at any 
 *ime, annihilate Heaven and Eajtli, if it could, 
 rather than fail of earning' its point." — His ab- 
 juration of the prirlv, ond abuse of the men 
 -ivith whom he fell in 1800; his letters, charg'^ng- 
 them with being' the " calves of John Bui!,"' 
 ♦' Rritish bears and tory tig'ers," his svmpathv 
 ibr "the poor democrats," and the whole of 
 liis essays in tlu- rtoston P.atriot, seem imlccd 
 like an attempt lo move " Hi':iv;n and Earth" 
 to " cflFfect the continuation" of power. "But 
 my sons," said he, in hi^ letter of the 22Ci June, 
 1809, " were delg-htcd that I had" t-uken the 
 subject up." The (kgrade'cl, disuppolntal, and 
 aLLvsTitiors FATviiLT, svas all in motion for 
 ^'cairyipg- its point." Still hope was clouded, 
 ^•An.stldts is b.inished because he is too^ui^t: 
 iie will not leave an hone; ter or abler man be- 
 hind him." «♦ 1 noTT., (said the father,) his ab- 
 sence will not be long-," and in the mean time 
 lie carries on the v.'ork, which Lad previously 
 ;;o *'delig-!ited" his sens. 
 
 The plan of operation v/as for the father to 
 %ht the. Iiaf.Ie, and prepare the public mind 
 Jbr Ui<? admission of the son into the republi- 
 can ranks; v/ithnut exposinp-liim in action; but 
 «hc profrrcfis of their joint efforts had not kept 
 pace v.ithtiieir expectations:, tlie baii'shvieyitof 
 Anttides wa« a Km-c postponciuent of the frui- 
 tion »)f their h.iwr:, 
 
 The son evidently left the country for R'ssin, 
 Jjmodinfc fcelinf;-s of disapi.ointmeiil and vexa- 
 tion, which we find fully matured in hisfamou.s 
 letter to Levitt Himis,-}- recently made public. 
 
 A brief hi.story of this leHer it. as follows: 
 3Ir. Adams was Minister resident at St. Pcters- 
 burp, where Hanis was Consul General; averv 
 -oo.-dial and friendly intercotii^sc wm kepi up 
 between them at St. Petersburg;, aiwl wl.ert Mr. 
 Adams left Ih.at place for Ghent, he appointed 
 Mr. Harris Ciiai'se dcs Affaires in hs room. Ijr 
 ■(•oafidtd in bun as tlio protector of his fumil' , 
 Jiad written him many confid-.ntial letters, ami 
 aniori.e: these the famous k-tter from lihent. 
 Ilarr.s wr>s afterwards accused of oHicial cor- 
 rupticn while- t^onsul Genci-al, and V.- 'idnnis 
 then S<-cretai-y of Sta<e, backed the .; •.' .-ition 
 by zealously cmbarkin[^ in it, .ind beconiing- the 
 P.nncipal witness apiiiist him; his testimony, all 
 reTatiiig to ijiCU within his knowledge wh'il-? at 
 
 • SceCnnnincham'f Leff^r. 
 
 St. Peter.Siburg-, and before he made H;irris 
 Charge des Affaires, and subsequent to which 
 he maintained this very friendly official and con- 
 fidential pei-sonal intercourse with him, and 
 Wrote t!ie letter alluded to, which came out on 
 the trial. 
 
 It should be observed, that tliis letter was 
 written wliiie Mr. Adams whs employed in the 
 Ghf-nt nej^otiation, and it was no doubt inspect- 
 ed by t\:e Hritish commi-ssioners, who had such 
 a.scendanry in. the Netberland.s as to have com- 
 manded complete access to the Post Ofhce, and 
 the aid of those who make a trade of opening 
 letters, imitating' ."(eals on paper, and counter- 
 feiting envelopes, &c. ; but this was only a de- 
 fect in the discretion of the diplomatist,- it mi^ht. 
 have done eeriuus injury, but it did not. The 
 sin of this letter lies deeper; it goes to the heart 
 of th£ marn. It evinces great confidence in, anti 
 fiiendship for, Mr. Harris*, at a lime when, as 
 Mr. Adams has since sworn, he iiad notes upon 
 his diary of Harris's official conniption. I v.iJI 
 not name the alternative of ihi.-j dilemma. But 
 the sin lies f.till deeper,- it gotsto the ciiAiiACTKn 
 
 AMI rni'VCIl'LES OF THE AMEIIICAX CITIZKN. ll'lS 
 
 country involved in war, he employed in a h'lfh 
 confidential station of the government, located 
 in a foreiga land, surrounded by those whose 
 feelings were all against us, looks back upon the 
 land of ^lis nativity; sees it inviuled by a most 
 formitbble force, coU.^cted "to crush us at a 
 blow;" the battles of NiagBra, the victory of 
 Plattsburgh, the triumph of Lake Chaniplain, 
 and the glorious defence of Baltimore, excite 
 not the smallest appearance of gratification, 
 much less the enlausia.stic exultation which no 
 patriotic mind couM have suppressed: Not only 
 is there an utter destitution of any glow of pa- 
 triotism or national pride, which such events 
 mu.st have inspired in the breast of any real 
 American, but he takes eome puins to depre- 
 ciate th'^ir character and value — ^and most espe- 
 cially those battles wherein th,e ir.ihtiahad been 
 distinguished for tiicir gallantry. That of Platts- 
 baigli and B.altimorc, are disposed of with the 
 same sneer — even the prowess of the enemy is 
 undeiTjited, io give point to his shu- against the 
 American militia — not content with degrading 
 tliose who fought so bravely at Baltimore r'nd 
 Plaitsburgh, he assails the cliaracter of the 
 v/hole body. 
 
 "I'he firebrand Cock burn," says he, "has 
 kept the rawest of our militia in countenance 
 by bis ejcpertness in the art of running awav." 
 'Jlic simple meaning of which is, that the cow- 
 ardi'.e of ihe. " rcj«r.<t/" of our militia was onl»' 
 surpassed by the cow.ardice of the enemy; in 
 otiier word.s, ih.at our mihtia were too expert in 
 the art oi uinnir.g away, to fight an enemy that 
 was even more expert in tliat art than the) ! 
 Clculd any form of expression be devised more 
 defamatory and .slanderous of the character of 
 his countiyincn, than is contained in these few 
 woni: ..' — lint not content witli this, he next 
 assail!? bnih the patitical parties of the country, 
 including every body tnif the .Idamsfami/i/, and 
 f ven the form and character of the government 
 itsc!t" — " a wcaK and penurious government, 
 with but five frigates for a navy and scarcely fivo 
 
 regiments for an ari^iy 
 
 'fhis denunciation 
 
 implicated the a<lmihi»tration and tlie whol 
 party in power, as well as the (Jovernment: nnd 
 .as In the army, rontaincd a most nnwarrantahle 
 
^8;> 
 
 niisj-efircseutaLiun ;■ ittiieil consisted of forty regi- 
 ments, ami provision had been made for filling' 
 the I'anks at moro expense than was CAcr in- 
 curred for the same object by any other govorn- 
 Tfient. " One half the nation sold to the ene- 
 my!" Wliat a piece of information for the 
 British commissioners! and how wickedly ful'.e! 
 The ouly serious disaffection existed among- a 
 few of those whom Mr. Adams had so rmich 
 dreaded an " eternal separation" from in 180S, 
 find whom he has now so closelv united vith! 
 "Sold to tlie enemy!" WhaL^i monstrous slan- 
 der of the great body of federalists in New 
 York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, 
 ilaryland, "Virginia, Sec. 
 
 But the wliole letter was conceived in tlic 
 same tenipcr that his father ind'iigN?d in fiv 
 sometime before towards ijotii parties; his sound 
 "talents and integrity"* had been •' iustilted" 
 by one party, and were "nejjlccted" by tlie 
 other. "'Die two factions have conspired to- 
 gether," said he in his letter of 22d February, 
 IS09, "to smother all my glory" — "om: par- 
 ties at present," said he, "resemble tv/o ladies 
 of easy virtue, in whose quarrels and scolding's, 
 one reproaches the otiiev v.ilh her weakness 
 ■vvith a lover the last nightj and the other retoi 's 
 ^ you are worse tlian I, for you committed adul- 
 tery the niglit before, and put horns upon your 
 husband — unfortunately there is too much trutti 
 i:i both Neither party, however, in tiie inso- 
 lence of their rage, can avoid throv/ing' out 
 same.thingin hortor of John Ailams." 
 
 Such' was the strain of tlie father, when he 
 found that his son could not be Recetary of 
 State; that "Mr. Giles, AIi'. alonme, Mr. Pope, 
 Mr. Mitchell, and Mr. tvv'euty otliers, v/o:dd be 
 more- likely." — ile most contialiy hated both 
 parties, and his hatred increased in a duplicate 
 ratio with the declension of his hopes for 
 the advancement of his son. — Dete;"mined, 
 however, to move heaven and earth ratiier than 
 fail of carrying his point," " he decLires tiiatho 
 will not die for noticing," ;uk1 " Ills pi? n shall 
 j^o as long as iiis ungers can hold iti" — But Mr. 
 ;T. Q.. Adams was banished to St. Pttersburgli, 
 r' because he was too j;isi!" the family were 
 uiortified, Uie son went off in a sullen mood, 
 •v.diich he had been brooding over for several 
 year.s, when he w;is ordered to Ghent; but that 
 mission apjicared hopele^;s; the J'ritisli ftlinisters 
 Irad given in their sine qua non, and oiip heir 
 <>f the "illustrious family" "in decay," fancied 
 lie saw in the " signs of the times," something 
 that promised at least sonr,e revenge for the 
 'insults and neglect he h.ad experienced, and 
 possibly in his mind's eye, Lelseld tlie germ of 
 Gome new co-alition;} that would irsuscitate their 
 Lopes, and verify his father's ci-acular declara- 
 tion in the t'v.rd volume c.f the "Defence," viz: 
 that "there uill be a cotiinuiatioii of power in 
 Il)e same families as certainly in a democracy as 
 in an hTeditary aristocrac} ," v.'hich "will be 
 accomplished by corniption," nr if not, "by 
 sedition and rchelhon." Some expectation of 
 iliis sort must have filled his loind when lie 
 wrote tlie liypocritical, cold, heartless, ahd trea- 
 sonable letter to ^larris. — He was bo wrapt up 
 in his own ambitious hopes, and chagrined by 
 his insults andne^/ec/s, that he evidently thouglit 
 of nothing but condemning all the p'jople In the 
 United States, except his own f:lmii^^ Tiii.s 
 
 letter, in aU il.-i u.spcots, is a u'iC!.''t unporiaut 
 document: it aiTords an imerring guide to disj 
 cover the true political character of Mi'. J. Q> 
 Adams. Hut we must pass on. 
 
 Upon the accession of Mr. Monroe to tlve 
 Presidency, Mr. Adams Avas brought into the 
 State "Department, One of his first actsiiaving" 
 relation to the politics of New England, was the 
 appointmciit of Benjamin Kussell, editor of the 
 Boston tjentinel, io print tiie laws of the United 
 S'.ates. I'he fjrmtr public printer had been a 
 firm and undevi.ating repub!icaii, and supporter 
 of the Administr-adons of Jefferson and Madison, 
 and of the country in the late war with Eng- 
 land; — he had never wavered under the most 
 appalling frowns of the faction that had then 
 raised " the stundiu'd of moral trea,;<:>:i on t!>ft 
 confines of the constiUition." A few extracts 
 tlom the Centiuel will siiow iis character at tho 
 feame time. 
 
 We liave alrea^ly mentioned the l-.ostility of 
 IJr. JIdams Xo the purchase of f ouisinna, and 
 its adoption into the Union. Tlie Boston Ceii- 
 tinel for 1813, when war existed with Creat 
 Britain, renewed iVi\^ complaints against the Ad- 
 ministration for that mea.s','re. It was the sore 
 gi'ievance of New England, destructive of the 
 pohtical power of Massacluisetts, and of ''.V/rf 
 influence in the coiiacih of the, nation io widclt 
 she Wit!) so justly entitkdJ" 
 
 It v/as resolved by the same Massachusetts 
 Legislat'uve whicn oiganr/ed tho Hartford Con- 
 v^iition, that " th/' urt for the iidini.ssion of Lou- 
 isiarm info the Uiiimi, &c. is a V'vlfiiton of llui 
 V.onstitMtion of the. Uivtcd Staffs." Mr. \damH 
 held llif sjme opinion? in 1304, atid reiterated 
 them in 18:23. This v as one of the pillars oii 
 which the opposition of 1813 rcstcxl for theip 
 just'iicuion. The to'asts of the 4th of July, 
 with which the Centinel abounds, indicate the 
 character of the men and of the t'lmes. A few 
 extracts will sufficiently exemplify: — • 
 
 BosTOJr Centixki, Julij 6, 1814. 
 
 " Tin-: i'PDKnALisTS of thk U.mitkd States;— 
 Called a contemptible minoi-ity, but like the: 
 Cossacks of the Don, rendered formid;H.ble b^/ 
 circumstances." 
 
 T.'iK LoAT>'s — may these who aid in die ])rosc- 
 cuticn of an unjust war, receive cxcliequcr 
 bills, paynhk in Elba.'-'' 
 
 ■ Ti( K T u liK OP Lt n EiiT Y — lelsujH'rflticms brandi- 
 es be Inppcd away, tliat fruitful houghs may live. 
 
 Tiiii l''nKsca CiTixExs, Tuomas jKrFKRsov 
 Axi) Jamks Mapisox, fellow disciples of the 
 same s^chooi, and fellow laboreit; in the same 
 cause v/ith their friend, " the imperial bufdur (f 
 the human race." 
 
 In the month of October following, a con;.-- 
 mittee of the House of Reprcscnt:itives on the 
 Governor's message, report resolutions to rai.sc 
 1U,000 mei^„ and accept the service of any vol- 
 unteers to march to am/ part of the co-.hnum- 
 Vitaltlt, r.ud in addition thereto," the ibllowin;;- 
 resolution, viz: 
 
 "TlKit persons be appointed as dele- 
 gates from this legislaiure to meet aii'l confei 
 with dele.'vates from f/^' Kiiate.^ of Nno England ,, 
 or ajiy of ihem, upon tjie subject o\' Itieir public 
 gnecafieen enid conrcrn:-!, ynd upon the best n<c'.uis 
 of preserving- our resources, a/.d of detencu 
 against the enemy, and to devi:;c and suggest 
 f'lf adoTst'oo- bv tlio'.e i osper li-,'f! S'ates. S'"-!' 
 
jy-i 
 
 jnca^iii'es as they may deem expedient, and also 
 ■fo take measures, if they shall think proper, for 
 procuring' a convention of delegates froisi all the 
 TTnitcd States, in order to revise tl»e Constitu- 
 tion thereof, asid more efTectually to secure the 
 support an<l attachment of all the people, by 
 placing" all upon the basis of fnir representa- 
 tion." This resolution wrt adopted, 260 to 
 90--:>nd the Boston Ocntinel, Nov. 9, 1814, in 
 noticing thtr. appointment of delegates from Con- 
 necticut, call.-' it the ^2(1 pilhr. and tlie appoint- 
 ment by Uhode-Island ^ called the 2d pillar, 
 &c. &c. — In dif^cussing- the objects of tlte pro- 
 posed convention at Hartford, Mr. Iti'sstll in- 
 trodnces tlie f.'llowing- remark.-:: 
 
 "To tile cry o{ disunion and fcparntlon of the 
 States, there is a very plain and oi)vious^uT>wer: 
 Ihe Slates arc already leparattd, the bondof^ivinn 
 ■is alrecdif ^rofc;?,- — broken hyyoit, Mr. Madiwn, 
 and the ^horl aig'tiitd t'rlfish iwlitici(m>i tvlio com- 
 pose your councils; all that we see in them and 
 in you, are the convulsions tvhich precede d'aso- 
 iution. Tiie New Kngiand dcleg.ites may a'd 
 in the arrengfment of the succession, but they 
 cannot, if the}' v/ould, arrest the progress of the 
 death," 
 
 "The convention must report to their consti- 
 tuents on the subject of peace or war; and if 
 they find war i>j to continue, it is to be hoped 
 that they will recommend that no men or money 
 .'hall bnpermiltid to go cfit of New England, un- 
 til the militia expenses already incuiTcd are re- 
 imbursed; nor until the most ample provision 
 is made for tlii- defence of the Nno England 
 Stairs ditriiig: the continuance of the war,- they 
 will be justified before God and man for so 
 doinp". 
 
 "If the New F.ngland States determine to 
 pay no money, and send foi-th no men, while the 
 war continues, untU their own defence is pro- 
 vided for, ,thcy may save tliemselves." 
 
 It is to be hoped that the conventioti will see 
 fit to jjropose a more penenil convention of the 
 States, including' all North rf the Potomac, for 
 the purpose of forming a u(iv confederation, 
 .c^rounded on experience; without," however, 
 excluding' the Southern Jtlanf-'c St:»tes. Vt'e 
 always did feel, and wc cnntinuc to feel, that 
 the Norlliern States and Souihern .'lllanlic 
 States, have a community of interests and a 
 natural dependence on each other." 
 
 In tiieCenliofl of tl\c 7th December, i<3M, 
 it is said: " there are men who know that our 
 troubles ure not the offspring vf this war alone, 
 and «"// not die with it." 
 
 December V), ISH-.— " JVc nnist demand 
 that no new Slates, vrilh feelings and senffments 
 foreign to our own, shall be ait ^ont of the distant 
 tmld« and admitted into the ('nion." 
 
 .Ignin: — " Those who startle at tlie dwgcr 
 rf a separation, tell us th.at the soil of New Knif- 
 land is hard and sterile, &c. Do these men for- 
 Ffct wh:it mUionnl energy can do for a people? 
 Have they not reafl of Holland' Do they not 
 remember that it threw off the yoke of Spain, 
 (our \'irpinia,) andlts cliap-ils became churches, 
 and its poor men's roltnq-es princes' ])alaces'' 
 
 Jn the Centinel of Ui': 1 7th Deamltfr — 
 
 " Our course in so easy and plain, that 1 know 
 not how tho most timid cnn pause at tlic entrance 
 i.pon it. It gives us ihe slrn-i of the Southern 
 'Slates, finds employments for our impoverished 
 '""'" brinpi's rerenu'' io our tre.f<;nn'. 
 
 mrrl 
 
 ianir«. 
 
 spreads activity 611(1 wealth througatlie counU.> 
 A PEACE -wn-n Ksgland for a single teah, 
 wocLj) BRi.vB r.TKnr state East op Vinoi.viA 
 
 INTO OUn CoNFEIlEHACr." 
 
 ".4 striei neutrality will give only temparury 
 relief. It leaves government to make peace for 
 us, and ivitk that peace, such as it ivili he, it 
 holds us in their power." 
 
 " It will then be too late to demand allercitions 
 in the representation end securily to cur rights as 
 ihe only conditions upon which we will adhere to 
 the Union." 
 
 " It is said, that to make a treaty of commerce 
 with the enemy is to vichte tbc Constilation 
 aiid sever the Union: are they not both already 
 vlHually destroyed? Or in what stage of ex'st- 
 ence u'ovild ii;e be, should wc declare a neu- 
 trality, or even withhold taxes and men? I^et 
 us leave it to th< schools to put this question to 
 rest, while v.e arc guarding the honor and in- 
 dependence of New England." 
 
 " By a commercial treaty •wKli England, 
 " Vi-'hich shall provide fortiic admission of such 
 " States as may wi ;h to come into it, and which 
 " shall prohibit England from making a treat}' 
 *' with the South and ^Vcst, which does not 
 " grant as at least equal privileges with h^Tself, 
 " our commerce will isc secured, cub stav^jsu 
 
 " IN Tlir. NATIOX HAISr.D TO ITS PROPKB IVTEl. 
 
 " If peace leaves us at the mercy of the West- 
 " ern States, we may dream of freedom, but we 
 *« .shall be in bonds." 
 
 " We must no longer suffer our liberties to 
 be made the sport of theorists, the subjects of 
 speculation of men of cold hearts and muildy 
 understandings: neither :d!ow that region of 
 the west wiiicli was a wilderness when New 
 Kngland wrought the Independence of Ameri- 
 ca, to v/rest from us those blessings wliich wc 
 ]5ermitted t'.iem to share." 
 
 It wo;'!d require volumes to contain all that 
 mijiht be quoted of llie same character from tlie 
 papers of Newi^iighmd, which were the mere 
 outlets from the grand reservoir, the Boston 
 C'entinel. How exactly 'do these sentiments 
 accord with those ex])re.<t-ed in the letter to 
 llarri?, in relation to tbe respect felt for our go- 
 vernment! But the chief purpose of present- 
 ing tiicse quotations is to show, that in 181-4, 
 there was a real conspiracy organized to sever 
 the Union, and in time of n foreign loar to com- 
 mence a civil u'.ir, deluge our country witli the 
 blood of brother spilled by brothers' hands, 
 spread desolation over tlie jair Iind, and blot 
 out of existence the only sanctuary of free 
 principles in the universe. Such was the con- 
 spiracy dming the late war for obtaining influ- 
 ence and powerovertlie nation, and the Boston 
 Centinel was their grand organ and most effec- 
 tive agent. 
 
 These thing4 happened in 18KJ-14-15. Mr. 
 Adams came into the State Department actively 
 in September 1817, and one of his fii-sf poiiti- 
 cAi. acts w.as, to constitute this very Boston 
 Centinel, by special favor, the organ of the 
 government of tlie United States to promulgate 
 its ofricial proceedings to the Ameiican people! 
 and this, too, at tlie expense of the patriotic 
 crlitor of anotlier paper who had laliored during 
 that perilous period for his country and for 
 liberty. ♦ 
 
 The employment to promulgate the laws 
 iin'd othw-^w-tp of the government, was chief! v va- 
 
i8a 
 
 iuabie as ai» e\idciK.o ot' llio appiobalion and 
 confidence of the administration, and in thii 
 respect grateful to tho feeling's of a patnotic 
 citizen who had done much service for the 
 country— but it was snatched from him by tlic 
 Calculating and cold ingratitude of Mr. Adams, 
 and given as an evidence of his sympathetic 
 affection for tlie New England conspirators, 
 just emerging from sedition and i-ebelilon 
 ag'ainst their country. 
 
 It is not the peculium given for tliis service 
 that can beregaided, but whentiie faithful are 
 degraded by a vvitheirawal of coiifidence, and 
 tlie wicked arc rewarded by special marks uf it, 
 there fnust be sometliing ^'rotten in Derirnar^:. " 
 We have se-jn one illustrious and decrye J Jaini- 
 iy struggling for a continuation, of power by 
 " turning democrats," or rather demagog- jes, 
 and otliers in tlie last resort recommending 
 open " rebellion," and ready to annihilate 
 Iicaven and earth " ratlier than fall of currying 
 their poiiit," and both successfully rising into 
 power and authority over the heads of the best 
 of patriots and most faithful public benefac- 
 tors. 
 
 Many other intervening incidents of the same 
 character might be noticed; but let us pass on 
 to the inauguration. — It was not my purpose to 
 discuss the election in this place; let it suffice 
 to say, we now find "the continuation of pov.er 
 in the same family," and tliis "continuation" 
 accomplisiied "by corruption," a.s predicted by 
 Mr. John Adams in 1789, and which, with no 
 slight opportunity of knowing the trutli, I do 
 most rehgicusly believe was the fact. Mr. 
 Adams ascends tlie inaugural chair, and ])ro- 
 claims a general amnesty for all political of- 
 fences, and more especially to those v/ho had 
 so lately been "sold to tlie enemy by tiieir pre- 
 judices and their ignorance." Associated with 
 his bitterest foe, in the Administration, bis re- 
 publican friends, by v.liose indulgence he had 
 been tolerated in their ranks for several years, 
 find nothing but chiUing repulses in his speech, 
 and more especially in his fust acts. Rufus 
 King was his first appointment (cut of tlie Cabi- 
 net,) the prime mover of the organized resis- 
 tance to the government during the war, and 
 the father of the system of oi)eration after- 
 wards adopted by tlie Hartford Convention! 
 These facts have been denied; but le; the pub- 
 lic journals and records of the day be referred 
 to. — I have before me a pamphlet written by 
 H. G. Otis, in defence of the Hartford Conven- 
 tion, which he excuses mainly on the ground 
 that other and similar measures were adopted 
 in otiier parts of the Umted States, not less re- 
 prehensible than those by the New England 
 States. That which evinces the strongest si- 
 militude, was a meeting held in New York in 
 the month of An£,^ust, 1812. Rufus King was 
 one of the commutee who drew up the foUov/- 
 ing resolutions, viz: 
 
 •• That we are irresistibly drawn to the con- 
 " elusion, that the Amciican people will, under 
 " the name and form of an alliance, be submit- 
 " ted to the will and power of the French Era- 
 "pcror." 
 
 "That in this view of the subject, the ques- 
 " tion of peace or war involves all tliat is dear 
 "and valuable to man on this side tlie grave! 
 " We are therefore under the dire necessity of 
 "' declaring, that v>:e have vo coniid^fc,- '<n tfie 
 
 " men who liave brought us to this periioua oun- 
 "dition." The}' lurthcr resolved, "That repre- 
 sentatives be chosen in the several counties — ■ 
 discreet men — friends of peace. The repre- 
 sentatives can correspond or confer with each 
 other, and co-operate with the friends of peace 
 in cfur sister States, in devising and })ursuing' 
 such constitutionaj measures as may secure our 
 independence and preserve our Union, both of 
 which are endangered by the present war." 
 Sue!* was the measure wiiich led the way for 
 the conspirators in Massachusetts to organize 
 two years afterwards tiieir convention of Stata 
 delegates at Hartford. — 1 hat the prime mover 
 in New York, and the prime agent and organ 
 in Boston, should have been the firtt to receive 
 the marks of s^pecial favor from Mr. John Q. 
 Adams, is abundant proof tiiat his democracy 
 has been merely affected. 
 
 But it is not from all that we iiave exhibited 
 merely, nor from his attachment to the most ob- 
 noxious of the federal leaders in the Iteign ol:' 
 Teno!", and in the da_YS of the New England 
 Conspiracy, th;it the.insincerity of Mr. Adams' 
 sudden conversion to republicanism is to be infer- 
 red: — ^V'e perceive it, in the • licentious exer- 
 cise of liis patronage, prostituted fi-om its de- 
 sign of promoting the public good to the pur- 
 poses of mercenary reward to the worst of mea 
 for poritical services. We perceive the very doc- 
 trine avowed in his " i-'ublicola," re-asserted 
 in his first message to Congress; — in the former, 
 it is alleged that " all pov/er ought to be delcgU' 
 ted by thepcojjle, for their own benefit," and in 
 the latter-, tliat " the representative should not. 
 be palsied by the will of his constituents:" — 
 We perceive ail the old doctrines of implied 
 povvers repeated and even surpassed; — We sec 
 unnecessary embassies got up, to establish po- 
 liticul cor.nexions with other countries, contra- 
 ry CO tlie advice and policy of Washington and 
 Jelferson: — We see him and the principal func- 
 tionaries of his cabinet, whose duty it is to at- 
 tend to the pubhc concerns, engaged in tra- 
 versing the Union like electioneering dema-i 
 gogues, attending festivals ar.d barbacues, 
 making stump speeches, and striving to court 
 the people to their favor: — We see the Presi- 
 dent, through his friends in Congress, opposing 
 such an alteration of the constitution as would 
 give the people the power of electing their 
 Chi^f Magistrate, and liiis in direct violation of 
 pledges publicly tendered to the nation before 
 his election: — And we -ee in operation a demo- 
 ralizing' system of misleading the people 
 througli the influence of mercenary and cor- 
 rupt editors of newspapers. VVho tlien can 
 doubt that John Q. Adams never has been, nor 
 is now, worthy to be trusted as a republican? 
 Who can avoid thinking', tliat tlie safety of our 
 country, and the future destiny of free institu- 
 tions demand at the hands of the American 
 people, that his ill-gotten power should be t;iken 
 from him, according to the form of a constitvi- 
 tion whose spirit he has violated? 
 
 It may be remarked,in conclusion, that much 
 more has been shown, than was necessary to 
 the justification of the Doylestown resolution. 
 That resolution was in its phraseology and spi- 
 rit tempered with a mo<leration ar.d a scrupulous 
 regard to truth, suited to the magnitude and so- 
 lemnity of the subject. Have wc woK proved, 
 incontc^tibly, that " Mr. Adams affected to bt ■ 
 
ilSi> 
 
 'Oijic art-puDlicMi in li^wiV*' n.cieJy to answer 
 the puiposCT of his o\i'ri \ilo ambition' Have 
 %ve not di.^proveJ the sycophantic and disincrcnii- 
 <,'us allegation of Jonathan li cherts, that " Mr. 
 .Uofiis was rboays d :epublicu3i in the true sense 
 vfthai term:-'" 
 
 Our appeal is to T;ir. rEoi'Li:, whose answer, 
 we confulcntly predict, will, a second time, vin- 
 dicate the principles of dcinocncy, and drive 
 Lack into private life tlie man wiiom popular 
 ^UiTVawsr.cvcr v.ould i-.avc drawn from it. 
 
 APPKNUIX, 
 
 f.d.la- of Join Quinc^/ jdam,-', ndilruicl to Le- 
 vitt Iltirns, Esq. Charge d'JlJfaircn of tfic Uni- 
 ted SiutCify (V/. I'ctcj-ai'urg. 
 
 OaEXT, 16th Novemhtr, 1814. 
 
 Ukah Sin, — I have just now the pleasiire of 
 roccivin,tj yniir favor of ll-iG October, and am 
 )iappv to learn from youi*sclf, tlie confirmation 
 ot your rtcoveiy; of wliich, and of your illness, 
 I had A few since been informed by a letter 
 from my wife. 
 
 Near t!ic closf of tlie month of Augiirt, it was 
 our expectation that the negotiatit)n here wculd 
 ^ave tenninuted in a very few dayi. it soon 
 irfter became apparent that the intention of the 
 Jjritish go'.*ernfr\cnt was to tccp it open, and to 
 i^hape its demands accordinjj to the course of 
 events in Kuropc and in America. The; policy 
 i>till continues to pervade the I'ritish Cabinet. 
 Nothin[j de<'isive is y^'t known to them to b.ave 
 uccuiTcd, either at Vienna, or in the other he- 
 misphere, and accordinf^ly tluy temporl'.c still. 
 Unless some thing slionld happen to fix their wa« 
 verlnc^ pretensions and purjjose?, it wi!l belong 
 to the Anierictin government alone to bring- onr 
 business to a jioiitt. Tiiij on thi'ir prrt would 
 ixrtainJy be an honorable and sjjiritcd coin-sc 
 of conduct, and I should have no doubt of its 
 teingf pursued, if tui: nKsinF. op rKxcr. wf.:.k 
 
 ^OT rAUATMOl'XT TO KtlRT OTirEll tONSlDEHA- 
 
 Tiojr. 
 
 The occurrences of tlve war jn Amrrica have 
 been of a di\ersified nature. Success and de- 
 feat have alte.-nately atteniled the; arms of both 
 bcllift'cr^nts, and hirhovto have left them nearly 
 V. here they were ui the comniercenient of the 
 cairpaign. It has b*en on our part ir.erely dc- 
 Censivo; with the single exception of the takinjj 
 ^}l' J'ort Kvie, with wiitrli it b(!r<-aii. The battles 
 <)r (r'i'JT^^^ii -''^"' "f T-ridi^ew.'iter — the d'Tcrcc 
 tif Fort Jii'ic on the J5th of Au>u>t, and the na- 
 val actioD npon Lake f hamplain on the 11th of 
 {•cptembef, liavc rcdotnidcd to of(r gtory as 
 Wi:A as to our advanta^x- — wliilf the loss of 
 AVashk>"-ton, <he capitulations of Alexandria 
 and of vv'a.ihiit<?t(>n county, Mas-sachos'^tts, and 
 of Nantuck<-t, have been more disgract Pal to ui 
 than injurioHri. Tnr. iirrr.NrF. of IJaltimou': 
 
 OAK BIVEN l-S LITTr.E MOUE Ttl UK PnOt'n Of 
 
 THAV Tiir rKMo\sTjiATro.v aoaivst it has af- 
 loimtD to o<ni K^•^.■^I•r. Piikvost's ptitmeat 
 
 IIIOM I'lAITSIM-RO HAS lU.y.X MO UK DIHC II AC Km, 
 70 TfllX llliN noxoHAHLF. TO rs; AND \V>;r.- 
 lIKGTOTi's VETFnANO, TU K riHF.-KATKn IJhIS- 
 BAKr, A>II THE rinKDBA>MI COCKBUHN, HAVE 
 
 KEPT Tiir. niwE-tsT «r ocn mimtia is cor>TT;- 
 TSASrr., nr tukir E-ti'F.nTNEss ij* t«f art or 
 nrnMiNo AWAY. 'Ihc general issuo of the cani- 
 piig-n is yet to come; «n'.l there vi Tcc mcch 
 
 HI. VSvOJi TO Al'Pill>IlJ.SU UHAi' y£ Wll,!, )iX. CniA 
 VOUABIE TO OUR filDF-. 
 
 I,eft, by a concnrrcnoe of circumstances im- 
 cxampled in t!ie annals of the world, to slrug-jjle 
 alone and friendless acjainit tub whoir cours- 
 SAi powKU or tliiEAT fJuiTAix — fifjhtint;' in rc- 
 alit}' ag-ainst her for the cause of all Jini-ope-, 
 V, ilh all Kurope coldly looking oHj basely boutid 
 not to raise in our favor a helping hand, secretly 
 v,"i.';hing us success, and not daring so much as 
 to cheer ns in the strife, vthat could be expect- 
 ed from tlie fi!-st furies of tfiis unequal conliic', 
 but disaster and discomfiture to us! Divibkd 
 AMOXG onnsBLvns siqke ix fassioss tuax ix- 
 Ti:;(::sT, with half thk itation solu by tiieit 
 jpRiiJuuicF.'- and Tiir.in igxokance to ouii ese- 
 
 MT, "WITH a FEEHLE and PEXCniOVS COVETIX- 
 XKMT, WITH FIVL- VniGATKS FOH A SATT, ASI> 
 SCARCELY FiYE l.FFirii;ST nEGIMF.XTS FOU >->' 
 ARMY, IK^yr CAN IT BE EXPECTED TUAT VVE 
 SnOULH JlESi T TtLH NAfiS OF FORCE WHICH THAT 
 
 cifiAWTic ro .vi:ii uas collecveu to cnusurs 
 
 AT A B1.0W? 
 
 This too is the moment ■■v\h:c';i he has chosen 
 to bi'cak through all the la\\'s of war acknow- 
 ledged aiid respected by ci^'ilized nations. Un- 
 der tlie false pretence of retaliation, Cochrane 
 has formally declared the determination to de- 
 stroy and lay waste all the towns on the sea 
 coast which may be assailable. The ordinary 
 horrors of war are mildness and mercy in com- 
 parison M'ith what Uritish vengeance and malicfi 
 have denounced upon us. We must go through 
 it all — I trust in Cod we shall rise in triumpl.' 
 over it all: — hiit the first shock is the most ter- 
 rible part of the process, and it is that which wc 
 are now enduring". 
 
 Tlie 'J"raiisit will jirobably sail about the be- 
 ginning of next month from Bordeaux. Your 
 despatches by Mr. I'orhes v.ill go in her, if we 
 get them in time. I have heard nothing from 
 Count Ncsselrode. The Congress at Vienna 
 has scarcely yet opened: — but all tlie important 
 arrangements are made,' and there is no doubt 
 that the termination will be pacific. 
 
 I am, With high regaid and consideration, dear 
 sir, your verv humble and obetlient servant, 
 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 
 
 TIIR NATIONAI, TNTrj.LICE^TCER AGA1>- 
 AT rrs TRICKS. 
 
 Amonp: the curiosities to whicii the present 
 canva.^5 his given birth, is a table in the Xation- 
 al Intelligencer, wliich represents that, by ap- 
 portioning the votes for each candidate to thfc 
 nuTTilier of votes given to him in each State — 
 
 Adams v.-ould hrtve had 98.69"^ 
 
 Jackson ao.83 ! , 
 
 Crawford 47.23 f"^"- 
 
 Cl.iy 27.rOJ 
 
 259r45 
 
 And that by apporricninij' the votes for cac'a 
 candidate to the numl>er of votes given to him 
 in each State, reduced to three fiftlis on account 
 of colored representation; 
 
 Adams would have had 96.22^ 
 
 JacksAn 75.02 I 
 
 Crawford 39.25 p^^"- 
 
 Clay 2'i.43j 
 
 It i? not enou|[li to reply to tli« InWlHf CuCC- 
 
;28?' 
 
 iiul Mr. Adams, m his ietler to tuo OommiUce 
 appointed to notify him of his election, said, 
 
 "All my predecessors in the high stntion to 
 which the'tavor of the House now calls me, have 
 • been honored with matoT-ities of the electordl 
 voices in their priniaiy colleges. It has been 
 my fortune to be placed, by the divisions of 
 sentiment prevaHing among o;tr countrymen on 
 this occasion, in competition, friendly .\nd hon- 
 orable, with three of my fellow citizens, ail 
 lustly enjoying-, iu eminent degrees, the public 
 tavor; and of whose worth, talents, and services, 
 no one entertains a higher and iviore respect- 
 ful sense than myself. Th.e ruunes of two of 
 them were, in the fuI/ihTient of the provisio-is 
 of the Constitution, presented to the selection 
 'of the House, in concurrence with my own— - 
 names closely associated with tho g'lory of the 
 nation; and one of tiicm further recommended 
 by a larger minority of the primary electoral 
 suffrages than mine." 
 
 Vr'e will examine this table, which the Intel- 
 ligencer says, is made up from the official de- 
 tailed returns, on file iu the State Department, 
 by one of tire most scientific men of the age; 
 and which Messi-s. Gales and Seaton verify to 
 be accui-ate, to the very lowest fraction. 
 
 The fint statement, vihich apportions the 
 Votes given to the several candrdates, and which 
 allows Mr. Adams 98.69, and General Jackson 
 only 85.83, is false upon its face. The whole 
 world knows* that the numberof electoral votes 
 was 262: yet, by this calculation, the sum of all 
 the votes given'toall the candidates, is reduced 
 to 259.45. 
 
 We do not know who is the scientific author 
 of this calculation; but, if we arc rightly iu- 
 Ibrmed, he is a Clerk in the State Department, 
 a foreigner in bu-lh and principles, who seeks 
 promotion by servile adulation, and who, to 
 please the present lucuir.bents, said that Gen. 
 Jackson was a blood-thirsty murderer, and 
 would be condemned to be hung by any impar- 
 tial jury, for the execution of the "six militia- 
 men." Such is the man wliose calculations tlic 
 lRtc11i,^encer introduces to the public, by an edi- 
 torial article, declaring that "they will stand the 
 test of the severest scrutiny." 
 
 Mr. Adams receive<l in Maine 9— in New 
 Hampshire 8— in ^'ermont 7 — in Massachusetts 
 15 — in Rhode Island 4- in Connecticut 8— in 
 Xev.- York2G — in Delaware 1 — in Marj-lando — 
 in Louisiana 2 — in Illinois 1. Votes 84. 
 
 Gen. Jackson received in New York 1 — in 
 New Jersey 8 — in Pennsylvania 28 — in Mar}-- 
 land 7 — in North Carolina iJ — in youth Caroli- 
 r.a 11 — in Tenne.'^see 11 — in Louisiana 3 — in 
 Mississippi 3 — in Indiana 5 — in Alabama 5 — in 
 Illinois 2. Votes 99. 
 
 Being a majority of electoral votes in eleven 
 States, and a plurality of 15 votes over Mr. 
 Adams, the next highest candidate. All tlic 
 votes sj-ivcn to Gen. Jackson, excej)t the 11 
 votes in South Carolina, tlie 2 votes in Louisi- 
 ana, and 1 vote in New York, were given to 
 liim by the people. " ■Whereas, the Intelligen- 
 cer, speaking of the 26 votes given to iVIr. 
 Adams in New York, says as follows: 
 Frarn the Nat tonal Intelligencer, of Nov. 23, 1824. 
 "If, in addition to all this, an imposition had 
 not been practised upon the country by tlie de- 
 cision in th'? LegisIut'-U'C of >:<;',v York, ho .[Mv. 
 
 Adams] v.^ould nut now be the seccua Oil the 
 list of candidates." 
 
 From th^ came, Kcvemhcr 25, 1824. 
 
 "It is a saying- whirh we never much admir 
 ed, as applied to political questions, that those 
 who are not for us are against us. The Legis- 
 lature of New York, br their decision, havR 
 given a new reading- to it, which v.-c like still 
 less, vi::: that those who are againft us arc for 
 us. It oidv has been upon this pi-inciple tlrat 
 they decided that 7'S was a majority of 157. — 
 Let no one suppose that we object tO this de- 
 cision merely because of the great injustice- 
 wliich it has effected in tlie particular case iiv 
 v.-hich it occurred. We take, it is true, some 
 conr.-ern iu that, but %te feel a much deeper in- 
 terest in the puriiy of our elections — in the keep- 
 ing them free from the pollution of coiia-jmoy, 
 xniCK, a:s3) AfiTiriCE.". 
 
 From the lyational ThuUigencc:; ofKov. 25, 1824 , 
 . " Our readers are already apprized of the 
 scenes of insolence arid outrage under which^ 
 the late decision was made in the Legislature of 
 New York, in regard .to her Electoral voles.—-. 
 The tone of the ultra federal prifits corresponds 
 with the spirit of these scenes.'' 
 
 From flit same, November 50, 1824. 
 
 "With due deference to the contrary opinioiT 
 of the Kditors of tiie Statesman, we liave sup- 
 posed that the United States p.t large, had soma 
 small concern in the Presidential election." 
 
 "If this be admitted, it requires no argument:, 
 to prove that an eiTor or rnArn in the election 
 of electors in any one of the States, affects the 
 whole of tlte States, and that every citizen, oi 
 whatever State, has a moral :xs wcU as legal r.ght 
 to express an opinion upon it." 
 
 From the saw^e, December 9, 1 824. 
 
 "The Blank Ballots. — The decision in thi^ 
 Legislature of New York, by which it has been 
 declared diat less than one half is a majority OC 
 anv given number of capita, has excited as 
 niUcli surpi-ise every whci-e else, apparenth', as 
 it did in our minds. ' 
 Fromlh^ Nadoiral Intelligencer, of Dec. 3, 1824. 
 
 <<The more the subject shall beinvcstig-ated, 
 tile more conclusively will it appear tiiat t!:^^ 
 twenly-hve electors favorable to Mr. Adams, 
 were not chosen by a majority." 
 
 "It is no argument against exposing an ac' 
 of usurpation, in so im.portant a concern, that 
 there is now no remedy for-jjjshould it appeai-, 
 as we beiievc it will, that such is the case."- 
 
 Upon such data as is thus described by titc 
 InteUigencer, that paper no-.v attempts to sav 
 tliat Jlr. Adams received a greater number cc 
 the votes of tlie, people of the United States, 
 and "-.ves a table wliich deducts from General 
 Jackson's vote, on f.ccount of the tliree-fifths 
 for colored ropl'cscntation, so as to reduce hi-s 
 vote below tli'at given to Mr. Adams! 
 
 We are sometimes compelled almost to loath 
 the ])cn and tlu: press, when wc see the pl-osti- 
 tutcd uses to which they are applied. 
 
 The slave l-.o!ding Slates in which General 
 Jackson received the electoral votes, were North 
 and South Carolina, Alabama, .Mississippi, Lou- 
 isiana, Tennessee and Man lan<l. Mr. Adam.<; 
 received u part of the vote of Louisiana and 
 Mar^l tn.d. and taking the other Statcs,andlook- 
 
:28S 
 
 of votes given to General Jackson on account 
 of the colored population in those States. 
 
 Each State is entitled to one vote for each 
 Representative and Senator to which it is en- 
 titled in tlie National Legislature. Thus Illi- 
 nois is entitled to three votes. — And why ? Be- 
 cause she has two votes on account of herbeing 
 a sovereign State, and one on account of her 
 population. 
 
 The true method, then, of ascertaining the 
 number of votes given to Gen. Jackson, on ac- 
 count of colcred representation, is liist to de- 
 duct two, the votes allotted to each State on 
 account of its sovereignly as a Slate, from the 
 ^vho!e number of votes allotted to that State, 
 and then deduct from the rcma'.nder, the ninn- 
 ber of voles allotted to sucti State on .account 
 of its white population. The remainder will ex- 
 hibit the allowance for colored population. — 
 Thus, the free white popidation of Mississippi in 
 1820, was 42,176 — her black population, was 
 32,814. Mississippi, had three votes two be- 
 cause of her right as a sovereign State, and 
 oneonaccount of her white popuhi' ion. 40,000 
 being the ratio, she had an excess of 2,176 
 whites^ and 32,814 blacks, unrepresented in 
 th.e electoral college. Yit the calculation of 
 the scientific Clerk, of the State Department, 
 which Mr. Gales has endorsed to stand the test 
 of the severest scrutiny, reduces Gen Jackson's 
 vote in ?.lissiscippi, from 3 to 2.50, on account 
 of colored representation! ! 
 
 "VVe believe that, leaving Jlaryland and Lou- 
 isiana out of view, an<i as to Gen. Jackson and 
 Mr. Adani.t, the ditTerence isj but a fractioii: by 
 doing so, the numljcr of votes received by Gen. 
 Jackson on account of colored representation, 
 if as follows: 
 
 N. C. 
 
 to 
 
 419.200 
 
 « "3 
 
 1 ^ 
 
 205.027 
 
 ° co-3 
 15 2 
 
 ii 5 
 10.48 
 
 2.52 
 
 S. C. 
 
 231.812 
 
 251.783 
 
 11 2 
 
 5.79 
 
 3.21 
 
 Alab. 
 
 85.451 
 
 41.879 
 
 5 2 
 
 2.58 
 
 62 
 
 Ali^js. 
 
 42.176 
 
 32.824 
 
 3 2 
 
 1. 
 
 
 Icn. 
 
 339.777 
 
 80.107 
 
 11 2 
 
 8.49 
 
 51 
 
 45 10 28.14 6.86 
 
 Thus it will be seen, th.it instead of reducing 
 the vote given to the General, on account of co- 
 lored population, to 75.02, we can only deduct 
 on thai account 6.86, which leaves his'clccto- 
 ral vote, exclusive of the colored representa- 
 tion, 92. 11 — m.aki ng it 8. 14 ofiu/iitt voles higher 
 than the vote given to Mr. A. without taking 
 into tlic calculation the vote illfgallu, as !Mr. 
 Gales has siiid, obtained in New York. Dedutt 
 these 26 votes from the vote given to Mr. 
 Adams, and General Jackson's majority of white 
 votes will be 34.14. So much, thenj for the 
 votes given to General Jackson, on account of 
 slave representation. 
 
 The fallacy of all the reasoning upon tliis 
 subject, appears by the f;<ct, th:it Gen. Jack 
 son received more of the people's votes than 
 Mr. Adams, n<*twithstan(ilr._^ 'henumlnr of votes 
 was nduced, by the slave ]>()pu.Ialion in the 
 Southern States, about one fourth. Tftis ap- 
 pears fully, fiomtlie following extract from tl»c 
 .-.ddress of ihc .■onvcnti-^n of Vriend"! "f Gencnl 
 
 Jackson, l.elil in li^iilinoie, ::nd published ui 
 this paper of June 1827, wliich never has yet 
 been contradicted. — Here is the extract. 
 
 Extract from the address of the Buliiiru>rc Jaclc^ot: 
 Convention.. 
 "Mr. Adams at the last election in the House 
 of Hepresentalives, received the voles of five of 
 the Western States. !n the nine Western 
 States General Jackson rect i\ ed twenty-nine 
 electoral votes, and Mr. Adams only three; 
 but one of whicl) v.a.'j from tlic people, whereas 
 twenty-six of the Jackson electors were chosen 
 immediately by the people themselves. The 
 returns of the popular i oles in tl:e nine Wostc-ni 
 States, as contained in the papeis piinte'- at the 
 time, and not contradicted, are as follows, viz: 
 u'uchson. Adurris. CIny. fJrawford 
 
 Ohio, 
 
 18,487 
 
 12,280 
 
 19,255 
 
 
 Kentuckv, 
 
 6,453 
 
 
 16,782 
 
 
 Alabam.!, 
 
 9,443 
 
 2,416 
 
 67 
 
 1,680 
 
 Indiana, 
 
 7,343 
 
 3,095 
 
 5,315 
 
 
 Tennessee, 
 
 20.197 
 
 216 
 
 
 312 
 
 Mississippi 
 
 3.254 
 
 1,694 
 
 
 119 
 
 Illinois, 
 
 1.901 
 
 1,542 
 
 1,047 
 
 219 
 
 Missouri, 
 
 987 
 
 311 
 
 1,401 
 
 
 Total, 
 
 68,067 
 
 21,555 
 
 43,867 
 
 2,339 
 
 Fiom the above returns it appears, tliat of the 
 votes of the people in the nine Western .States, 
 General Jackson received 46,512 votes more 
 than Mr. Adams — 24,201 more than xMr. Ciaj — 
 2645 more than Mr. Clay and Adams together, 
 and 315 more than the whole received by ail 
 three of tlie o])posing candidates. Suppose the 
 contest to have laid between Mr. Adams and 
 General Jackson, and the votes confined to 
 those two, is thei-e any one, who looks at the; 
 abyve statemeiit of the actual v'otes received by 
 Mr. Adams, and reflects that Mr. Cla3''s friends 
 had indu.striously represented Mr. Adams as 
 nnfncndly to tvesltm interests, ard that a Pre* 
 sident ought not again to be taken from the cabi- 
 7ut, is tiicre any one, we repeat, who will ven- 
 ture to s'-y that Mr. Adams would have got one 
 fourth of the votes of the n:ne western States? 
 And yet he received the votes of five states in 
 Congress, and General Jackson only four. 
 
 The following are the results of the votes, of 
 such states as avc not contained in the above list, 
 taken from the papers printed at the close of 
 the Presidential election. They cannot vary 
 far from the ofiicial returns. 
 
 'IdaiiLS. Jachson. Crawford. Cla;. 
 
 Maine, 6,870 
 
 
 2,330 
 
 
 Massachus. 30,687 
 
 
 <),616 
 
 
 Connecticut 7,587 
 
 
 1,978 
 
 
 kliode Island 2,l-i5 
 
 
 200 
 
 
 N.IIumpshiiv 4,107 
 
 
 643 
 
 
 Virginia 3,1S9 
 
 2,861 
 
 8,489 
 
 4U. 
 
 New Jersey 9,110 
 
 10,985 
 
 1,196 
 
 
 Pennsylvania 5,440 
 
 36,100- 
 
 4,206 
 
 1,690 
 
 N. Carolina 
 
 20,415 
 
 15,621 
 
 
 Maryland 14,632 
 
 14,523 
 
 3,646 
 
 695 
 
 ^^,767 
 
 •84,884 
 
 44,975 
 
 2,801 
 
 Add W. S. 21,555 
 
 68,067 
 
 2,330 
 
 43,867 
 
 Total U. S. 105,322 152,951 47,305 46,668 
 From this table, it appears tl.at General Jack- 
 son's m;ijoiity of tne popular vote, so far as tr.- 
 ken throughout the United States, over Mr. 
 Adams, \vas4iT.^29. and />v-er botli Adams a;'. ^ 
 ClavP61 ■• , 
 
United states' vELEGRAva—Jixtra. 
 
 riiis paper will be devoted exclusively to the Presidential Election, and be published weekly, 
 until the loth of October next,' for One Dollar; subject to newspaper postage, and no more. 
 
 BY GREEN ^^ J.^RVIS. 
 
 VOL. 1. 
 
 WASHINGTON, JULY 19, 1828. 
 
 No. 19, 
 
 OIEN. JACKSON'S QUALIFICATIONS AS 
 A LEGISLATOR. 
 
 We have had several numbers ontliis subject 
 in tlie National Int^-lligenct-r, under the sig-na- 
 ture of Henr . Our notice of the palpable 
 suppression, which we characterized as a 
 forgery, has drawn forth, m the Intellig;-ncer 
 an abusive article admitting the suppression 
 charged, and an abandonment by the writer 
 of tne atteinpt to make General Jackson re- 
 sjionsible for the ordinance of the City Council 
 of St. .\ugus1ine,f'.u'ther than ihtithe had passed 
 an Ordinance org:tnizing thr; City Council. 
 
 But h ar him, he says : 
 
 " [. 1 am accused of ^'' fraud" or " projligate 
 Jurgerj/." 
 
 The ground for this accusation is worthy of 
 attention. It will be i-ccollected that I submit- 
 ted to tlie public an Ordinarxe enacted by Gov. 
 Jackson, No. 1, and dated the 18/A July, 1821, 
 creating the Gftvei'nmeut of Mayor and Council 
 of St. Augustine, rendering these officers annu- 
 ally reappointabk by himself, and investing 
 them wiih unlimited pow^cv ovevUfe, liberty and 
 >ropcHy. It will also be recollected that this 
 City Council, under authority thus given by 
 Goveriior Jackson, actually exercised some of 
 the powers with which they had been invested; 
 and by an Ordhiunce, dated the \7th October, 
 ISr I, imposed upon the People of St. Augus- 
 tiiv , taxes of unprecedented magnitude, and 
 enforced their collection with vigorous exact- 
 ness. It will, at the same time, be recollected, . 
 that, although I did not cliarge Gov. Jackson 
 with having enact*'d tlie Ordinance orthe City 
 Council, I yet considered him as justly respon- 
 ■ sHilc for tiic severity of its provisions, because 
 it emanated from his delegated authority; be- 
 cause he had no .ight to delegate authority to 
 impose taxes; and because he gave to the acts 
 of the Council the forcible sanction of silent ac- 
 quiescence. 
 
 The writer proceeds to say, that we suppres- 
 sed Ordinance, No 1, passed by Gen Jackson. 
 As we did not read the first numbers of Henry, 
 wc do nnt knoiv wiiat Ordinance No. 1 contain- 
 ed — nor was the reading of it connected with 
 the suljject rpatter before us. Henry had un- 
 dertaken to prove that Geu. Jackson was not 
 well qualified to act as a Legislator, and as an 
 evidence thereof, quoted an act of Congress, re- 
 ])ealing an Ordinance enacted by !iim. Did 
 Henry expect the people to believe that the Or- 
 dinance repealed related to the Ordinance of 
 the City Council ? He did. How did he 
 attempt to produce that impression ^ By 
 quoting the act of Congre'-s, and suppressing 
 the title of t'le ordinance of the 18th ';f July, 
 1821, enacted by General .lackson, and repeal- 
 ed by the act of Congress, and giving at large, 
 the entire ordinance of the Mayor and Conncil 
 of the city of St. Augustine, of IZtli October, 
 .Luid all that part of the act of Congreys which 
 .r-lates toit, 
 
 Henry now pretends that the title of the or- 
 dinance enacted by Gen. Jackson was omitted 
 because it was too much labor foi him to write 
 it out! ! But hear him! he says: 
 
 II. I aM accused of "an intentional suppres- 
 sion of a material part of a law pretendedly giv- 
 en to the public entire, and oj having been im- 
 pelled BT MOTIVES not less fraudulent than the 
 man who commits a forgery on a note of hand 
 cr of a Eitnk note for fraudulent purposes." 
 
 This charge, like the preceding, has emana- 
 ted from the magnifying optics of the Editor. 
 The simple fact is this; in transcribing, for the 
 reader's convenience, an act of Congress which 
 was appended as a note, the title of an irrelevant 
 ordinan.ce was omitted, and an "&c." was sub- 
 stituted in its place. The insertion of the "&c." 
 (a fact which the Editor, with customary adroit- 
 ness, concfals) was a sufficient intimation, that^ 
 in the opinion of the writer, the title omitted 
 was not deemed material; and that the reader. 
 If he thought differently, might consult the act 
 itself. 
 
 Now the words omitted were "for the natur- 
 al) naticn of the inhabitants of the ceded ter- 
 ritories," and weie not only relevant, but ab- 
 solutely nec»"ssary to a right understanding of 
 the act. If Henry had intended that those who 
 wished to umlevstand his article should refer to 
 the act itself, why did he omit the only line in 
 the act which was relevant to the subject that 
 he was pretending to discuss, in an essay which 
 made two columns (we believe; in a newspa- 
 per' Tlie'subject was Gen. Jackson's quafifi- 
 cations as a legislator. The ordinance of the 
 City Council was quoted as an evidence of his 
 legislation, and the act of Congress was referred 
 to, to prove that Congress had condemned it. — 
 No one can doubt that the suppression was in- 
 tentional.' No one can persuade us that a man 
 retained as a post office pimp, for a clerk whose, 
 duty it is to copy tne Senaie Journals,) would 
 be so much fatigued in copying an act of Con- 
 gress as to substitute an &c. for the title of an 
 act, if his employers were not interested in 
 tile substitution. 
 
 We have already explained the reason why 
 the ordinimceof July ISUi, wasrepealed. Even 
 Henry does not complain of that ordinance. He 
 still attempts to make General Jackson respon- 
 sible for the ordinance of the City Cuiuicil, and 
 witli this view, asserts, 
 
 «' The act quoted by tlie Editor (by us) de- 
 clares, that in addition to the two expressly 
 enumerated ordinances, viz: one • providing for 
 the natui-alization of the inhabitants,' numbered 
 "77zref,-" the other "imposing and laying cer- 
 tain taxes on the inhabitants," "all other laws, 
 onuiNANCEs, and resolves, so fir as they enforce 
 or confiriiiTHv, saHie, be, and tlie same are here- 
 by, repealed, and declared null and void." 
 
 The reasoning by which this is attempted, ij 
 like most of the ellorts to destroy the well 
 
290 
 
 tieserved popularity of Geaerai Jackson. '* li 
 will bt rrcolUded, that this City Council, under 
 authority thus given by Governor Jackson, actu- 
 ally exercised some of ihepovjers with which they 
 had been invested," says this extraordinary logi- 
 cian/.' General Jackson, under liis powers of 
 Governor, had organized the City Council, and 
 the City Council had passed an ordinance!! 
 Therefore, General Jackson is respo- >ible for 
 —what? not his own act, but one ol'the City 
 Council. 
 
 Now upon the ♦.me pai-ity of reasoning, Mr. 
 Adams is made responsible for this ordinance. 
 Mr. Adams drew np the act of Congress vest- 
 ing General Jackst n with the ])Owers of Govern- 
 or, and therefore Mr. Adams is responsible for 
 his acts as Governor, would be an argument 
 much more approp^'.ate than this. 
 
 But it is absui-d to argue such a point. Tlie 
 o'rdin&nce of the City Council was passed on the 
 17th of October, 1821. It is not known that 
 General Jackson ever was at St. Augustine, and 
 it does not appear that the ordinance was ever 
 submitted to his revision. 
 
 Gen. Jackson's eloquent address to the inha- 
 bitants of Florida is dated October 8th, and he 
 left Pensacola about that date. On his arri\ al at 
 Nashville, sent in his resignation. 
 
 Niles' Register— vol. 21, Dec. 1, 1821— page 
 i2l4, says: 
 
 " Gov. Jackson has arrived at Nashville 
 where he was received by his ftUovv citizens 
 with the highest marks of respect: 
 
 The same paper of Dec. 5, 1821 — p. 256, 
 says: 
 
 "Gen. Jackson. It is positively stated that 
 Gen. Jackson has resigned the government of 
 the Floridas — but the fact is not announced at 
 Washington." 
 
 And the same authority of Dec. 29, 1821 — vol. 
 21— p. 287, states: 
 
 *' Gen. Jackson. It is positively stated that 
 his resignatiiMi, as Governor of the Floridas, has 
 been received by the President ol" tl:e Ui\ited 
 States" 
 
 It tluis appears that Gen. Jackson is not res- 
 ponsible for tliis exercise of tiie autliority grant- 
 ed by his oi'dinance, uidess he, in its enact- 
 luent, exceeded tlie powii-s vested in him 
 by his commission and the act of Congress. — 
 We have already said tliat we have not read the 
 ordinance, and after the sample of suppression^ 
 of which we li;ive convicted Ifenrf, wc cannot 
 consent to take his version of it as true, for he 
 Avho would wilfully suppress a matgrinl part of 
 an act for the purpose of slanderously cliarging 
 upon General Jackson an oidinance, which, from 
 aught thai " Henry" appears to know, he never 
 read, would not hesitate to give a false version, 
 aUhouiih he may happen to be a clerk in a public 
 office, charged with copying offici-al journals, or 
 the stipenusion ofconfidinli.il conespondmce. 
 
 Having answered so much of Henry's attack 
 upon Gener.il Jackson as merits notice, at this 
 lime, it only remains for us to show what were 
 the powers vested in him as Governor of Flori- 
 da and tlie manner in whioh they were discharg- 
 ed. 
 
 Ry the act of Congress, of the 3d of March, 
 18'21, tlie President was authorized to appoint a 
 Governor of F.ast and West Florid.i. and 
 
 the person so appoiuted was vcated witi; 
 all the military, civil and judicial powers ex- 
 ercised by tlie existing g-nvernmcnt of the 
 same. In virtue of this act, Mr. Monroe on the 
 10th of March, did commission General Jack- 
 son, and vested him with " all the power and 
 authority heretifm-e exercised by the Governor and 
 Captain General and inlendfmt of Cuba, and by 
 the Governors of East and West Florida." 
 
 Wliat were the extent of these powers is un- 
 known, because they were un('cfinirl, and are 
 believed to be liniited by t!ie absolute and un-' 
 disputed wiM of the Governor hims'df. 
 
 The style of General Jackson's ]iroc'amation 
 has been ridjculed, and these words 'psvc been 
 cited as an evidence of liis love of absolute pow- 
 er. Let it be reni'.mbered, that, that pi-ocla- 
 mation was addressed to the inhibitanti o' Tlor- 
 ida who liad been under the comraand of the 
 Gove.'.ior and superintendant of Cuba a;)d that 
 thecitationof his powers was intended to make 
 known to the people of Florida, the extent of 
 the powers vested in him by law. 
 
 Let it also be remembered, that the words 
 cited, refer to the act of Congress drawn up by 
 Mr. Adams, and are a literal transcript, from 
 the commission signed by Mr. Monroe and writ- 
 ten by John Q. Adams then Secretary of Stale. 
 But we are not left to conjecture for Gen. 
 Jackson's opinions of those powers, nor of ^he 
 manner in which they were exercised. In Niles 
 Regisier we find the follou'ing extract from the; 
 Floridian. 
 
 Pensacola, September 22. 
 
 "Before Mr. Mitchell pronounced the opin- 
 ion of the court on the question of junsdicUon. 
 (in the case of the heirs of Vidal vs. Jo: .is Innera- 
 rty) Governor Jackson mad,.; several remarks 
 worthy of h'.mseh,^and which deserve to b:- '-e- 
 corded, but the following is so perfectly charac- 
 teri-tjc, that wc should be ine>.cusabk in with- 
 holding it from our readers 
 
 He .said, " 1 am clothed with powers, tlat no 
 one, under a republic, (u:ght to possess, and 
 which I ti'ust will never again be given to any 
 man — nothing will aflbrd me more happiness 
 than to learn that Congress in it^ wisdom, sii.ill 
 have distributed them pi optrh', and in such man- 
 ner as is consonant to our earliest and dearest 
 impressions — yet as I hold these powers, by the 
 authority of an act of Congress, and Coin.'iis- 
 ioned from the President of the U. S. it V ere- 
 fore becomes my imperious duty to discharge 
 the sacred trust reposwl m me, according to my 
 best abilities, even tlio' the proper exoi-Aise of 
 the ])Owers giver, might involve me in heavy 
 personal responsibilities. 
 
 It has been my hn-tune, to be tlius circum- 
 stanced on other r-ccasions, in my vari<,us rela 
 tionships as a pui)lic servant — ; 
 nor never will shrink from 
 public duties, from any aj 
 a. responsibility." 
 
 It will here bo seen that Gen Jackson was vest- 
 ed with this dangerous pov\ cr by the act c f Mr, 
 Adams; and it will also appear tiiat he exercised 
 it under aprop' r+sense of the high responsibility 
 imposed upon him. 
 
 Henry fur'.'ier attempts to injure Gen. Jack- 
 son, by asserting, that he "ban;shed citizens of 
 Pensacol.a, for the albged crime of bemg spies 
 in time of peace, or aliens in their native land." 
 
 / 
 
 3ns, in my vari<,us rela 
 tant— yet I neve- have,^ 
 )m the discharge of myl 
 jiprehcnsion of person- 1 
 
291 
 
 is Heaiy igtt»raut«f the ckaractei* of the act 
 referred to? Or has he wilfully misstated the 
 fact, to make a new charg-e against General 
 Jackson? Are the Editors of the Intelligencer 
 so much electrified at the loss of the Senate's 
 printing'' Or is the Mayor so much engaged 
 in speculations, to retrieve his desperate for- 
 tunes, that he has forgotten it> 
 
 The persons banished, were not citizens of 
 Florida. They were Spanish officers, who 
 by the treaty, negociated by Mr. Adams, were 
 required to leave the territory. By the courte- 
 sy of Governor Jackson, they were permitted 
 to remain in Pensacola after the period designa- 
 ted by Mr. Mams for their departure, and the 
 cause of the order commanding them to leave 
 the territory, was a contempt Of the judicial 
 character of Governor Jackson, in the case of 
 Callava. 
 
 Of one of these men, Mr. Nilessays: 
 
 " It appears^that one of the Spanish officers 
 who lately signed a protest against the pro- 
 ceedings of General Jackson, was actually serv- 
 ing as a guide to the British, in the "demon- 
 stration" on New Orleans, in 1814, 15, though 
 a native of Louisiana." 
 
 The act against which the Spanish officers 
 jjrotested, was the order of Governor Jackson, 
 compelhng Colonel Callava to deliver certain 
 papers, involving the ^tle to the property of or- 
 phan children; the attempt to withhold which, 
 an article in Niles' Register cbarges, "was for 
 purposes of private pr. fit, and unfair specula- 
 tion." 
 
 It is thus that our opponents are driven to the 
 adoption of open fraud, and the advocacj of 
 the most unprincipled men and actions. 
 
 B;it the Editors of the Intelligencer will have 
 full cause to repent their attack upon General 
 Jackson. Desperate in tlieu* pecuniary condi- 
 tion, destitute of political or moral honesty, 
 they have lent themselves to the support of the 
 re-election of John Quincy Adams zs the only 
 means of prolonging a miserable, political ex- 
 istence. "Their secret v/orkiiigs are well under- 
 stood and when tlie excitement of the present 
 momesit shall have passed away, those who now 
 use them, will shrink from their touch, as from a 
 putrid cfiass whose contact engenders a destroy- 
 ing fever. 
 
 We are now told that Mr. Fendall is not tlie 
 "writer of Henry. This may be true. So far as 
 the Intelligencer is concerned, it matters not 
 who is the writer. So far as Mr. Fendall is con- 
 cerned we are gratified to learn that he is not. 
 He has sins enough of his own to answer for, 
 and being a mere Swiss, employed in foreign 
 service, we trust lie has not the malignity which 
 (characterizes the writer of Henry. 
 
 (•'EN. JACKSON AND THE FLORIDAS. 
 
 We have given extracts, which prove that 
 Mr. Adams himself drew up the commission 
 vesting Gen. J. with the powers claimed, and 
 we, also publish atdarge, in this No. of the Ex- 
 tra Tt-legi-aph, Mr. Adams's letter in relation 
 to all Governor Jackson's acts. 
 
 We invite a. careful perusal of it, and the 
 friends of Gen. Jackson throughout the United 
 States will find in it an ample defence of his 
 ■public conduct justificatory of their determina- 
 tion to bestow upon him the highest honor in 
 
 the gift of a free people. But the Editors of 
 the National Intelligencer, and their corres- 
 pondent Henry, have endeavored to ridicule 
 the style of Gen. Jackson's Proclamation, and 
 have attempted to draw from it an inference 
 that he is fond of power. By referring to the 
 documenft^o. 1, entitled "Documents accompa- 
 nying the Message of the President of the 
 United States to both Houses at the opening of 
 the seventeenthCongress, December 5th 1821;" 
 printed by Gales & Seaton, by order of the 
 Senate, page 32 — the Editors of the Litelligen- 
 cer will find the letter of instructions written 
 by Mr. Adams to Gov. Jackson, dated 12th 
 !IIarch, 1821, from which the following is an 
 extract, viz: 
 
 " As soon as the possession [of the I'loridas, 
 '• shall be transfeired, you will in pursuance of 
 " your authority over the ceded Territories, 
 
 " issue proclamations announcing the fact 
 
 " a form adopted frora that which was issued on 
 " the first occupation of Louisiana is herewith 
 *' enclosed to be modified as the circumstances in 
 " your opinion may require." 
 
 On page 37 of the same document, the form 
 is given, as follow-: ; 
 
 ♦' Form of a Proclahatiok." 
 
 "By Major General Andrew Jackson, Gov- 
 " ernor of the Provinces of the Flor'das, exer- 
 " cising the powers of the Captain General and 
 " Iniendant of the Island of Cuba, over the said 
 " Provinces and of the Governors of said Provin- 
 *' ces respectively." 
 
 Thus it is again found tliat the words, for 
 using which the Editors of the Intelligencer 
 have ridiculed and denounced Gen. Jackson, 
 are copied, verbatim, from a form gi\ en in u 
 letter of instructions, written by John Quincy 
 Adams, as Secretaiy of State. 
 
 What are we next to expect from a part)', 
 who, having thrice told their confuted slanders, 
 are driven to the expedient of charging upon 
 Gen. Jackson, as an evidence of his want of 
 fitness for the Presidency, the acts of their own 
 favorite candidate, John Q. Adams. 
 
 We tender our thanks to the Iiitelligencer for 
 the zeal with which it has lately entered into 
 this contest. They have now thrown off all 
 disguise, and can fabricate or publish slanders 
 with as much facility as the most abandoned of 
 their crew. 
 
 General Jackson to the. Secretary of State. 
 Nasuvule, January 22, 1822. 
 
 Sin: Your letter of the 1st instant reached 
 me a few days since, in which you advise me of 
 the receipt of mine of the 22d November, witli, 
 its enclosures. 1 had also the honor to receive 
 a copy of your communication, dated 2:1 Novem- 
 ber, to the minister of Spain, together with the 
 translations of two letters fr(»in Miid minister, 
 addressed to the Secretary of State, and trans- 
 mitted to mc by direction of the President of 
 the United States. You inform me that the de- 
 fimtive answer to these letters will be deferred 
 until you shall have the opportunity of obtain- 
 ing my reply, with any remarks 1 may be dis- 
 posed to maicc, on the communications of the 
 minister of Spain. 
 
 I sincerely regret tliat Don Joaquin de Andu- 
 aga's letter of the 22d November, had not been 
 transmitted at an earlier period, as it will be 
 

 irccesbarv , ui iny reply, to retei- j ou to two com- 
 munications of Capt. Bell, of the olst July and 
 4»h August list, and to Mr. Worthington s let- 
 ters on the subject of the archives at St. Augus- 
 tine; the first of which are on the file in the Ex- 
 ecutive office at Pensacola, and the last 1 for- 
 warded to you wlien 1 was informed by Dr. 
 Bronaugh that my resignation was accepted, on 
 the 1st uUimo, not expecting to have any fur- 
 thei^^se for them. Immediaiely on the receipt 
 of your letter, however, I wrote Mr. VVorthmg- 
 lon, requesting hini to forward you certified co- 
 pies of his communications as promptly as prac- 
 ticable, and have adojited the same measure in 
 relation tothoseof Cautain Bell, although I had 
 been advised that lie liad transmitted duplicates 
 to you from St. Augustine. To tliese docu- 
 ments I must refer you, relying upon my an- 
 swers thereto, and my own recollection, lor 
 their contents, and accompanying my reply 
 with such vouchers as are within my reach, be- 
 lieving there will be ample testimony in your 
 -possession to enable you to rebut the statements 
 of this minister of the Spanish government. 
 
 Upon the subject of seizing the papers at St. 
 Augustine, you wcserve that the Spanish minis- 
 :er dwells with much earnestness on the agree- 
 ment which had been made between Colonel 
 Jlutler and the late Governer Coppinger con- 
 c 
 
 in deposlie. Ill j^osscssioii ot'thc Ahgio-Ameri 
 can commissary, and the last where they were, 
 and without the possibility of their being taken 
 away to the Havanna. He does not say what 
 was their situation, but it will be recollected that 
 the alcade was their keeper. Nor does he tell 
 you tliat Don Jose Coppinger permitted them to 
 be picked, and culled, and taken away, in viola- 
 tion of his solemn pledge and agreement, as you 
 will see by a reference being had to Capt. Bell's 
 letters to me of the 31st July and 4th August, 
 1821, duplicates of which I am advised arc in your 
 possession. 
 
 When I received these letters fiom Capt. 
 Bell, wiio excercised prcvis-onally the powers 
 and authorities of Secretary of East Florida, be- 
 fore the an-ivalof Mr. Worthington, I acknowl- 
 edge that my indignation was very much aroti- 
 sed. 1 felt that it w3s my imperative duty to 
 protect the people of Florida in the enjoyment 
 of the right secured them expressly under the 
 treaty. 1 was bound to act on the occasion. 
 The agreement respecting the archives, al- 
 though void abinitio, for the want of power, 
 had been outnigeoiisly violated by Coppinger, 
 or with his connivance; and the evidence of in- 
 dividsal rights, secured to the citizens, were 
 about to be fraudulently conveyed away, aftei' 
 he had phged himself to Colonel Biitler, that 
 
 .eruing these papers, and requests to be inform- they shoMldnot be remnved fiou tli;it place, and 
 ed whether this agreement w as known to me at should remain preci eU- a f ■. y were, 
 the time the order was issued for demanding.. The verbal report of Colonel Butler, as com- 
 municated in my letter of the 4th August last, 
 aflb'ds a clue to the motives of Colonel Cop- 
 pinger, in attempting to practice this base de- 
 cejition. Forthe lastjsix mc.nlhspreviousto the 
 ti-Hiisfer of tiie country, it is brlicved he had 
 been engaged in issuing surreptitious grants, for 
 large quantities of land in East P'lorida. It be- 
 came ni-cessai-y, that they sho'.ld be taken to 
 the island of Cuba, for the purpose of consum- 
 mating the titles. These were, no doubt, the 
 
 the 
 
 an receiving them« and, it so, to state the 
 paiticular grounds v\\ which 1 judged it neces- 
 sary to resort to compulsory measures for obtain- 
 ing possession of them. 
 
 Itt answer to this inquiry, 1 have the honor 
 respectfully to slate, that Colonel Butler, the 
 commissioner appointed, to receive the transfer 
 of East Florida from the Spanish government, 
 reached me on the 8th of August last, at Ft nsa- 
 cola, and made his report. As soon as it was 
 
 submitted to my examination 1 was ciitirelj sat- documents which were picked and culled from 
 isficd that neither Coppinger (m the one hand, 
 nor Butler on the other, iiud any authority, ei- 
 ther under the treaty or their instructions, to en- 
 ter into such an agreetnent relauve to the ar- 
 chives, wl.ich were, by a positive stipulation 
 between the two gmerrments, to have been 
 delivered over, with the country, to the consti- 
 tuted autliorities of the Uniteil States. Tne 
 treaty was imperative, and vesied the parties 
 with' no discretion on the subject. Beli-vmg, 
 however, tlwt the cour.se adopted b) Colonel 
 Butler w;is perhaps the only one that coiiKlhave 
 been pursued, without the i-mployment of force. 
 
 topreservethedocunjents;andnotwitlistan(lingl sed extract, marked E 
 
 the balance, to be transport! d to the Havanna; 
 as Coi)|)inger was convinced, that tlic fraud 
 would be inevitabl} detected, if they should bt 
 surrendired to tl.e American authorities. This 
 explains the reason why, and wherefore, they 
 wert no' deliver-, d over to our commissioner in 
 tki- first instance; and forms the basis of the con- 
 fidential coinniunicatioi. made to Colonel Butler 
 on tile 3d of July last, adv. sing him 'hat a large 
 portion o<' these .uchivts, nlating to private 
 proper y, were packed up for removal to Cuba; 
 and which gave rise to his letter to Colonel Cop- 
 pinger ot thai date, as will appear by the enclo- 
 
 was perfectly satisfied thit Coppingi-r had, on 
 his part, violated both t!ie treaty a«nd the order 
 of the Captain Ceneral of Cuba, yet I felt dis- 
 posed to leave the archives pn ciscly in the 
 same situation in which Colonel Butler had plac- 
 ed them, under h's agreement with Coppinger. 
 I was induced to take this coiu-se from a wisli to 
 create no unnecessary difficulties, and from 
 a hone that the Spanish othcers would comply 
 with ll.eir arrangement, and permit the p;ipers 
 to remain unmolested until the arrival of the 
 President's instructions in regai'd to their final 
 disposition. 
 
 This minister states that the comTnlssioners, 
 Butler and Coppinger, stipulated that the ar- 
 tilferv and archives were to remain, the first 
 
 Speaking of the correspondence between 
 Cols. Butler and Coppinger, Don Joaquin d^ 
 Anduaga remiirks, that "by the before men- 
 tioned correspondence, it appears, that doabts 
 had arisen whether the artillery, and certain ar- 
 cl lives ought, or ought not, to be delivered over 
 to the United States." Wltli due deference, I 
 would ask, could any doubts exist, as to the ar- 
 chives, undtr the second aiticle of tlic treaty? 
 No. Could any doubts ()e entertained relative 
 to the archives embraced in the instructions of 
 his Catholic Majesty, or the Instructions given 
 by the captain general of Cuba, to Dou Jose 
 Coppinger, colonel, and Commanding the Span- 
 ish forces at St. Augusine, and who was char- 
 ged with the delivery of the country, and a!! 
 

 o 
 
 uocamervts relating' to the property and sover- 
 eignty of the country ceded ? It is presumed 
 not. In his letter to Col. Forbes of the 16th 
 iClay, 1821, the captain general of Cuba says, 
 ^'respecting East Florida, where tliere ought 
 to be found all her archives, Governor Mahy 
 would direct that Governor, as entrusted by him 
 with the important commission, to make a for- 
 mal dehvery to Mr. Forbes, of that province, as 
 ■well as of the documents belonging to it " "A 
 similar despatch would be addressed to the com- 
 mandant cf West Florida." Here is a positive 
 declaration, that such instructions were, or 
 should be given, to Governor Coppinger, for 
 the delivery of all the archives included in the 
 stipulations of the treaty. Contrast this state- 
 ment of the captain general of Cuba with the an- 
 swer of Governor Coppinger to colonel Butler's 
 letter to him, dated July 3d, 1821. "Confining 
 myself," he says, "to a compliance with the 
 treaty, and the orders of my governnient," 
 (which he informed colonel Butler, verbally, 
 prevented him from ^delivering the archives) 
 *' their literal sense is the only guide to my en- 
 deavour in the execution, and when any doubts 
 arise, I consult them, with that frankness neces- 
 sary to ascertain my course, and warrant my re- 
 sponsibility." 
 
 From this exposition, no one can fail to dis- 
 cover a striking contradiction between the cap- 
 tain general Mahy and Governor Coppinger; the 
 former assuring Colonel Forbes, that he would 
 direct Governor Coppinger to deliver over the 
 documents to the American aui.horities, and the 
 latter asserting, that, " as an individual, he be- 
 lieved, they should be given over." See E E. 
 But, that the orders of his government preven- 
 ted him from performing tliat duty. We can 
 find no excuse, either' for the cup tarn general, 
 governor Coppinger, or Colonel Callava, for not 
 complying with the orders of their .superiors, 
 and with good faith carrying into effect the 2d 
 article of the treaty, by delivering, iind being 
 prepared to deliver over, all the archives and 
 documents appertaining to the property and sov- 
 ereignty of the Floridas. Instead of this, the 
 captain general does not deliver them at Cuba, 
 Coppinger, contrary to his orders, was prepar- 
 ing to convey them away, in a clandestine man- 
 ner, in violation of his agreement and sok-mn 
 pledges, until aiTCsted in his faithless conduct, 
 by Colonel Butler; and Callava, whilst profess- 
 ing to surrender all the archives, &c. was wick- 
 edly and treacherously attempting to carry away 
 the testamentary papers of the heirs (.i Vidal, 
 and other documents, which were the evidences 
 of claims to private property, in the country ce- 
 ded to the United States. 
 
 The unjustifiable delays and evasions of the 
 ofticers of Spain, in withholding the archi ' : ind 
 documents, of which the delivery hail ■* ^• 
 presslv stipulated by treaty— voucher- ^ .- 
 sable to the United States, for the disp.. i .. /on 
 of private justice, and the establishment ot pri- 
 vate right, but entirely useless to Spain— could 
 not but impress upon me the belief, that they 
 were intended to subserve the purposes of in- 
 justice, fraud, and oppression. The attempt 
 to carry away a number of those documents 
 from St. Augustine and Pensacola, in a clan- 
 destine manner, was considered as a flagr-nt vio- 
 lation of the treaty; and I began to entertain the 
 opinion, that asvstematic combination had been 
 
 formed amongst the officers of Spain to deprive 
 the honest citizens of the country of all the evi- 
 dences of their right to property, secured to 
 the:n by the provisions of the cession- 
 
 Under these impressions, and believing my- 
 self vested with legal authority to protect tiie. ^ 
 rights of the citizens, I was urged, by the most 
 imperative duty, to exercise it in their behalf. 
 Upon the receipt of Captain Bell's letters, be- 
 fore refeiTed to, advising me that the archires 
 at St. Augustine were picked and culled to be 
 conveyed away, I forthwith wrote him, on the 
 1st September, 1821, the letter herewith en- 
 closed, marked C, pf which the following is an 
 extract : 
 
 " I have this moment received your several 
 letters of the ."Ist July and 4th August, with 
 their enclosures, and regret that the gliortness 
 of time will not permit me to answer in detail. 
 On the subject of the archives I will barely draw 
 your attention to the second article of the treaty 
 with Spain, according to which all archives or 
 documents directly relating to the property or 
 sovereignty of the countfy, are to be delivered 
 by her. You will, therefore, forthwith, on the 
 receipt of this, if not already in possession of 
 tlieni, take them into your possession, and place 
 them in the hands of the alcalde for safe keep- 
 ing; and who aught to be, like every other, a 
 sworn officer under the government, and not a 
 Spanish officer, owmg no allegiance to the Unit- 
 _ed States. Ail papers and documents in the 
 possession of the cabildo, and, in course, in the 
 possession of American, and not Spanish func- 
 tionaries, are to be retained, and none of them 
 permitted to be culled and taken away.''"I am 
 gratified with the friendly expressions of the cp- 
 bildo'of St. Augustine, but am sorroy to find 
 they have so entirely mistaken the sense of the 
 proclamation. Nothing could be more absurd 
 tiian that Spanish officers, as such, should ad- 
 minister the government. The true meaning is, 
 that, whenever the incumbent will take tlie oatli 
 to support the constitution of the United States, 
 and abjure that of Spain, and take the oaths of 
 office,he shall be continued therein; that part of 
 the proclamation whic^i enjoins fidelity to the 
 government of the United States would, other ■ 
 v.'ise, be nonsense, and the government has, at 
 all times, the power to remove or dismiss him, 
 and .supply his place. But this will not be done, / 
 unless it be found that he is incompetent to his 
 trust, or unfaitliful; and whenever either is tlse, 
 case, this power, for the benefit of the people, 
 ougl.t to be exercised." 
 
 Having previously addressed Captaifi Bell a 
 letter, on the 13th of August, 1821, a copy of 
 which is enclosed, marked I), and forwarded it 
 to him by Mr. Bird, attorney for the United 
 St.ates in East Florida, I was gratified to find 
 from his answer, tiiat, before tlie receipt of 
 either of my communications, himself and Mr. 
 Worthington had taken the steps necessary to 
 preserve the archives, and extend to the peo- 
 ple of East Florida that pi'ote':tion wliich was se- 
 cured and guaranteed to them under the treaty. 
 
 When it is recollected that 'h'.- archives and 
 documents relating to the property and sover- 
 eignty of the Floridas, were to be trarvsfcred 
 vvitii the country, agreeably to the .stipulations 
 of the treaty, and that Gov. Coppinger had 
 been ordered to deliver those m East Florida, 
 what indignation uiusl r)ilcv'"ry hon^^st and hev- 
 
^94 
 
 oiabJe breust, when we learn, from tl.e letter of occurrence of these events, couid no longer be 
 
 the keeper of tlicse papers at St. Augustine, considered as entitled to the privileges and 
 
 that he elaims them as private property, which immunities of a public agent. He could only 
 
 he had acquired by purchase. From whom be viewed as a stranger, permitted to reside in 
 
 could this purcliase have been made? From the the Floridas, ♦' amenable to the common judi- 
 
 king? No, because he had stipulated to surren- cial tribunals, but who, conformably to the 
 
 der them with the coimtry, to the American au- 
 thorities. If bouglit at all, it must have been ef- 
 fected wilh the executive magistrate of the pro- 
 vince. In either event, it must have originAted 
 in the grossest corruption,and was rendered null 
 and void by the treaty between Spain and the 
 United States 
 
 Spanish laws, existing before the cession of the 
 province, would have been liable to removal 
 from it, or to imprisonment, at tlic discretion of 
 the Governor, for the mere act of being tliere." 
 These disclosures, I hope, will exempt me 
 from tlie criminal charge whicli Don Joaquin de 
 Anduagahas prefened against me, of having 
 
 Although Don Joaquin de Antluaga has taken trampled upon the law of nations, and the law of 
 occ;issions to heap upon me the most ilhberal evaiy civilized country. If the detection of 
 and mdccorous epithets, he is challenged to treachery, and prevention of fraud, the security 
 
 substantiate a single instance, in which myself, 
 or those acting under me.have not scrupulously 
 executed every article of the treaty with Spain. 
 It appears that the minister of Spain considei-s 
 his sovereign as having been insulted in the 
 
 of the rights of the citizen, and a scrupiUous ad- 
 herence to the articles of tlie treaty, which both 
 governments were sacredly bound to fulfil, lu-e 
 to be considered atrocities, I have to observe, 
 that I glory in tlie charge, and give this further 
 
 person of his Commissary, CoL Coppinger, at assurance, that it is the course winch I shall al- 
 " • ' rr . , ways pursue. I would inquire of this minister, 
 
 whether the law of nations protects the agents 
 of Spain in the open violation of the treaty, the 
 rights of individuals, and the orders of their 
 government? Does this law sanction the non- 
 compliance with the most solemn engagements 
 by which the rights of individuals were to be 
 sacrificed, by depriving them of those evidences 
 
 the time the seizure of the papers was effected; 
 he insists that Col, Coppinger, was entitled to 
 all the priviligcs and immunities of a public of- 
 ficer of Spain, in consequence of his being're- 
 cognized as such, in doing and transacting buis- 
 ness with Capt. Roll. The fact was, that Capt. 
 Bell was not vested with any dyplomatic, or 
 commissarial powers, and any such recognition 
 
 on his part, was as in-effectual as it was without of property stipulated to be delivered over with 
 
 authority. , the country ceded? If so, then is every treaty 
 
 By turning to the act of cession, executed by a perfect mockery, and the law of nations be- 
 
 Col. Butler, and Jose Coppinger, it will be dis- comes the authority for every species of fraud 
 
 tinctly seen, that neither of those persons retain- and corruption. Coppinger and Callava might 
 
 cd any pow'ers as commissioners, after the date not only have carried away all the archives of 
 
 of that instrument. If this was the case, it must the country, but also the negroes, or moveable 
 
 be equally evident, that neitlier Capt. Bell, nor 
 Mr. Worthington could have possessed such 
 powers, at the period to wkich the Spanish 
 minister has alluded. Col. Jose Coppinger beinjf 
 the commandir in chief, and Governor ex officio 
 over East Florida, he was charged, under the 
 treaty, with the delivery of the country, and the 
 withilr-iwal of liie Spanish troops. The moment 
 thc^e duties were performed, hotli his and Col. 
 Bu'ler's powers as commisioners ceased. This 
 event took place on tlie lOtb July, 1821, when 
 
 property, and their agency would have secured 
 ;hem from merited punishment. 
 
 To the remark of the Spanish minister, " that 
 the more my conduct is considered, the onore 
 evident it is, that my sole object has been to iii- 
 sult Spain," I have to observe in reply, that it 
 is unjust; I challenge Don Joaquin de Anduaga 
 to establish tlie fact nect'ssary to authorize such 
 a conclusion If I know mysJf, I can declare, 
 with the utmost confidence, that I have never 
 entertained any thing like national antipRathies, 
 
 tlu- Spanish authorities ceased the exercise of and that my conduct on no occasion has ever 
 
 "* been influenced by such base and unmaniy con- 
 siderations. All t!ie measures of my adminis- 
 tration, whilst Governor of the Floridas, were 
 founded upon the principles of justice; the ob- 
 ject of which was to secure to the United States, 
 and the people who were citizens of 'he ceded 
 provinces, those rights which were guarantied 
 to them undrr tlie cession, and which the offi- 
 cers of Spain had wantonly violated, in contra- 
 vention of the treaty, the positive orders oftlieir 
 supeyiors,and their own solemn pledges and en- 
 gagements. The virtuous and honorable Span- 
 lard clatms the same share of my rrspcct and 
 confidence as the citizens belonging to any other 
 nation. 1 rejoice in .Uie regeneration of Old 
 Spain, and in the independence of the American 
 colonic---, and hope that both may frc»; themselres 
 
 their functions, as is dL-monstrated by the fol- 
 lowing extract from the act of c- ssion. 
 
 There has been verified, at 4 o'clock of the 
 evening of this day, the complete and personal 
 delivery of the fortifications, and all else of this 
 aforesaid province, to the Commissioners, Of- 
 ficers, and troops of the United States, and, in 
 consequence thereof, having embarked tor the 
 Havana the military and civil officers, and 
 Spanish troops, in the American transports 
 provided for this purpose, the Spanhh aulfiori- 
 iies /uiving IIuk viomfiil ceased the exercise of ihfir 
 funciions, ajid those ajipointed by the American 
 Government having began theirs, &c." 
 
 The surrender of the provinces had been 
 completed, and the occasion which created com- 
 missioners ceased to exist. The authority and 
 
 troops ofSpain were wittidrawn, and the United from that misrule and oppression with which 
 
 States in entire and rightful pos.session of the they have been cui-scd, for centuries past, under 
 
 bountrv. The six months had also transpired former governments. 
 
 withinwhich the treaty provided the transfer The language used throughout the letters of 
 
 of sovcrcigntv should be made, as well as the the minister of Spam, and the charges therein 
 
 evacuation of all the Spanish officers within the contained in rclaticm to myself, cannot but be 
 
 Floridas. Col. Coppinger remaining af\er the viewed as an insult to my government, to tlK- 
 
i295 
 
 Aniencan people, ani to, the officer whom he 
 has endeavoured to rover with odium and dis- 
 grace. It is derogatory to tliat comity and de- 
 corum which should always characterize diplo- 
 matic communications, and which are essential 
 to the harmony and friendly intei-course of na- 
 tions. In reply, I confidently trust, that the 
 Presid^ntof the United States will take such a 
 stand, as shall secure the respect due from for- 
 
 dido and Suwaney river, 'with all the Islands 
 tlierein, shall form one county to be called Es 
 cambia. 
 
 All the country lying' east of tlie river Suwa- 
 ney and cverj' part of the ceded territories not 
 designated as belonging to the former countyt 
 shall form a county to be called St- Johns. 
 
 Siic. 2. Ineacliof said counties, and for the 
 Government thereof, there shall be established 
 
 eign ministers to his exalted station, to the offi- a court, to be designated a County Court, and 
 cers of the govemment, and to the nation over to be composed of five Justices of the Peace, 
 
 which he presides. 
 
 It is a subject of remark, that I have been the 
 object of Spanish culufnny and vu'ulent animad- 
 version, ever since the transactions of the Sem- 
 inole war. This spirit of hostility is to be dis- 
 covered in the observation of governor Mahy to 
 Co! Forbes; in the letter of the latter to the 
 Secretary of State, of the 20th May, 1821; in 
 the protests of Cols. Coppinger and Calava; 
 and hus prevaded all the diplomatic comiuiini- 
 cations of Spanish ministers, subsequent to the 
 period to which I have alluded. Although such 
 a course is insulting to myself, to the executive 
 
 any three of whom shall fonn a quorum,, and the 
 eldest, by appointment, to be President of sard 
 Court, whose jurisdiction shall eStend to all civil 
 cases originating in said county, 'vherc the mat- 
 ter in controversy shall exceed twenty dollars; 
 and to all ciiminal oases, savmg to the parties 
 the right of appeal to tlie Governor in all 
 cases above the sum of five hundred' dollars; 
 and that there shall be no execution for a capi- 
 tal fiff-iuce until the waiTant of the Governor be 
 first had and obtained- 
 
 Sec. 3. That the Judicial proceedings in all 
 civil cases, shall be conducted except as to the 
 
 and to the American pec^le,I have never deem- examination of witnesses, according!to the course 
 ed it of sufficient importance to induce me to of the existing laws or the laws of bpain; and m 
 complain. 
 
 Feeling a confidence in having ab.yays dis- 
 chai'ged my duty, whilst in the service of my 
 country, I disregarded the abuse and vitupera- 
 tion of Spanish agi-nts, from a behef that my 
 government would vindicate its honor and dig- 
 nity. This, I flatter myself, will yet be accom- 
 plished in due time. A considerable portion of 
 my life has been devoted to the happiness, hon- 
 or, and glory of my country, and when my con- 
 duct has met the approbation of the government, 
 I have a right to expect that it will resist any 
 attempt to slander my reputation. Notwith- 
 Gtanding I solicit the most free and unrestrained 
 investiga' ioa into all the measures of my public 
 life, by those to whom I am responsible, it is 
 conceived that the same latitude should not be 
 gfa'jted to the ministers of foreign powers. — 
 Such an inteference is rude and indecorous, 
 and should be resented on all proper occasions. 
 This, it is beheved, is not due to me alone, but 
 to the President and the nation. 
 
 I am, sir, with sentiments of great respect. 
 Your most obedient and humble servant, 
 ANDREW JACKSON. 
 Hon. .ToHX QciKrY Adams, 
 Secretary of Slate. 
 Clj* The documents referred to are omitted. 
 
 From the Floridian. 
 
 LAWS OF Fi.OJilDA. 
 
 The following is pubhshcd fir general infor- 
 mation as well as t ■. show in what manner the. 
 laws of our new TerntoiyHr; framed. 
 
 OKD15ANCE No. 4. . 
 
 "Whereas, from the extent of the ceded terrr 
 toy, it bi co.iies neeessar) to make such div'- 
 sions as will promote the' convenience of the 
 inhabitants and a speecfy execution of the laws: 
 Therefore, and in virtue of authority vested in 
 me by the Government of the United States, I 
 do ordain : 
 
 S£c. 1. That tlie said Provinces be divided 
 as follows : 
 
 All the country lying between the river Per- 
 
 cviminiri cases according to the course of com- 
 mon law; that is, no person shall be held to 
 answer for a capital or other infamous crime, 
 unless on a presentment or indictment of a 
 Grand Jury, and in all criminal cases the accu- 
 sed shall en jov the right to a speedy and public 
 tVi^l by an impartial Jury of 'he county wherein 
 the crime shall have betsi committed, and to be 
 informed of ti^e nature and cause of the accusa- 
 tion, and to be confronted with the witnesses 
 against him, and have coir.pulsory process for 
 obtaining wtnesses in his favor and to have the 
 assistance of counsel'for his defence. 
 
 Sec 4. There sliall be a clerk appointed for 
 each of said county Courts, v/ho shall receive 
 for his services, such compensation as the Court 
 for which he is appointed m.ay from time to time, 
 and in each suit tax or allow; and there shall aV- 
 so be a sherilf appointed to each court, to ex- 
 ecute the process thereof, whose services shall 
 be compensated uy the Court, to which he is 
 appointed, in like manner, as is pi-ovided for 
 the clerk; and the said Clerk and Sheriff, shall 
 give bond to the presiding Justice, for the faith- 
 ful discharge of their duties. 
 
 Sec 5. Each county Court, .-hall hold quar- 
 terly sessions, and coii'timie the same, until the 
 business pendi-g therein shall he d'spo-ed of; 
 the fi'-st session to be held at P-ris;icola, on the 
 first Monday of August next, for the county of 
 Escambia; and at St. Augustine, on the :,econcl 
 ]Mou<lay of September next, for the county ot 
 St. Johns, with power to adjourn the same, 
 from ti;r.e to time. 
 
 Sec 6. There .shall not be less than ten Jus- 
 tices of the Peace, commissioned for each coiuj- 
 tv, wl)0.se j-irisdiciion shall extend to all civil 
 cases, not exceeding fifty dollars, saving to the 
 parties or suitors, an appeal to the county «;ourt, 
 in all cases wherein the matter in dispute shall 
 exceed the sum of twenty dollars; and shall also 
 be authorised in all criminal cases, to exact sure- 
 ty for good behaviour, and to take recognizance 
 in cases bailable for the appearance qf the ac- 
 cused before the county Court. 
 
 Sec 7. That the examination of all wilnei.ses, 
 wh'-therthe Jurisdiction of the Cotirts, except 
 
iliHi 
 
 1 
 
 vdien tlieir personal attendance cannot be pro- 
 cared, shall be conducted viva voce; and in open 
 Court, that tlie parties may conduct their suits 
 in person, or by such counsel as they may 
 choose, provided that the said counsel, or coun- 
 sellors shall have been duly licensed to practise 
 in the Courts, of the said ceded territories, by 
 the Governor. 
 
 Sec 8. The alcades shall continue to exercise 
 the power.of Judges of Probates, Fiegisters of 
 AViDs, Notaries Public, of Justices of the Peace, 
 and such other pov»rers, appertaining to tlieir 
 said offices, as have not been otherwise distri- 
 buted, saving the right of appeal to the county 
 Court, in all cases. 
 
 Sec. 9. That the Judges of the said county 
 courts, shall have power to impose such taxes 
 upon the inhabitants of their counties respec- 
 tively, as in their discretion, may be necessary 
 to meet and defray the expenses which may be 
 incurred in carrying this ordinance into effect. 
 
 Sec. 10. That the said county court shall have 
 and exercise the powers of directing by special 
 •venire or otherwise, the summoning of all jui'ors, 
 grand as well as petit. 
 
 Sec. 11. That the said courts shall have the 
 power of creating and regulating their process, 
 and proceedings, from time to time, as tliey may 
 deem necessary, and shall as soon as convenient 
 af:er their organization, prepare and report a 
 free bill to the Governor for his approbation. 
 
 Sec. 12. That the said courts shall have and 
 exercise the powers beyond the limits of Pensa- 
 cola and St. Augustine, of granting and recalling 
 licenses or commissions for inkeepers, rctuilcrs 
 of liquors of every description, and kei^pers oj bil- 
 liard tables, and to require of them such surety, 
 as they may deem proper, and impose such 
 price for such license, as in their opinion may 
 be reasonable. 
 
 Sec. 13. That it shall be the duty of the said 
 courts, in regulating their process and proceed- 
 ings, to cpnfine the parties strictly to the merits 
 of their cau.se, and to cause all useless matter, 
 as well as unnecessary form to be expunged fn.m 
 the pleadings at the expense of the party intro- 
 «lucing the same, so that justice may be admin- 
 istered in the most simple, cheap, and speedy 
 manner. 
 
 Sec. 14. In all criminal cases, the process and 
 indictment shall be in the naTne of tlie United 
 States, and there shall be appointed a prosecut- 
 ing Attorney for each of the said counties, who 
 shall receive in each case, arejisonable compen- 
 sation, to be taxed by the court. 
 
 Sec. 15. That the police of the roads and 
 bridges, without the limits of Pcnsacola and St. 
 Augiistine, shall be under the immediate direc- 
 tion of the said county courts. 'I'he police of 
 the city, to be exclusively confided to the 
 Mayor and Aldermen. 
 
 ANDUKW JACKSON, 
 Governor of the Floridas, &c. &.c. &c. 
 By the Governor: 
 
 II K. Call, 
 
 Acting Secretary of West Florida. 
 
 Wm. G. D. 'NVonTniNOTON, 
 
 Secretary for East Florida. 
 
 From the Ploridian, of October 8th. 
 GKNF.HAL JACKSON. 
 7b the Citizens of the Fioridas : 
 fhe temporavy orgariziition of the Govern- 
 
 ment of these province:~w^accoi'din,ef to the act 
 of Congress of the last session, and to the pow- 
 ers conferred on me, by the President of the 
 United States, I have the .satisfaction to an- 
 nounce, is now complete. If it possess imper- 
 fections, or defects, the reflecting man will 
 make due allowafice, when he considers, that 
 its duration will be but short, and that it is the 
 best, that circumstances would permit, taking 
 into view the difficulties I have had to encoini- 
 ter. Where the rule, or law is certain, I have 
 considered it my duty to follow it strictly, but 
 where this has nut been the case, I have endea- 
 voured to make the best provisions, in my pow- 
 er, believing that Government of some kind, was 
 absolutely necessary. It is my sincere liO|io, 
 that the subject will attract the earliest attention 
 of the Congress of the U. S and that tlie in- 
 habitants of these provinces will be relieved 
 from the slate of uncertainty and doubt, which 
 at this moment must neces-sarilly pi;gvail. 
 
 In the organization of the present temjuirary 
 government, pud its execution, I have kept steadi- 
 ly in view the securing to the inhabitants of the 
 Floridas all the privileg'es and immunities guar- 
 anteed, to them, by the treaty. 
 
 The principal of these is the protection of 
 their persons, property and religion, until the}' 
 shall be incorporated into the Union, and be- 
 come entitled to all the privilcg'es and immuni- 
 ties of citizens of the United States. 
 
 In performing this miportant part of my func- 
 tions, I have endeavored to pursue the sf)irit of 
 our political institutions. I have made no dis- 
 crimination of persons, my house has be; n .sur- 
 roundtd by no guards, no one has bet n kept at 
 a distance by repulsive fonnahtieh, ail hav. liad 
 free admission, and found a ready ear when 
 they required my aid for the protection of their 
 rights. 
 
 The American Government, at the same time 
 that it is the freest, is perhaps the strongest in 
 the world; because the most wealthy and most 
 powtrfid in society are as weak in opposition 
 to it, as the most humble and obscure. It knows 
 no distinction between an Ex-Governor and a 
 peasant. In the course of my short ac'm nis- 
 tration, one case has unfortunately occurred, 
 wl;ich required the exertion of that autliority, 
 which is no rcspicter of persons. 
 
 Tlveit the necessity should have existed, has 
 occasioned me jiain and repjjjtt; and espcc ally 
 as it has been misunderstood by some of tlu 
 inhabitanis of this countr\-, from a want of a 
 sufficient acquaiiitancf with the f.tcts of the 
 case, as well as with the character and prmci- 
 ples of our government. It was my duty, un- 
 der the treaty exercising the government in the 
 Flondas, to secure to the inhabitants ail the 
 evidence of their right of property. The 
 impri'per conduct of the Captain General of 
 IIa\anna, in withhokhng docunnnts, or ar- 
 chieves of this nature from an agent expnssly 
 sent to receive theni, increased the necessity of 
 vigilance on my part. It was made known to 
 me, b\ satisfactory evidence, that there were 
 documents of this cliaracter, ui the hund»i -.'i' an 
 individual here, and that tlicwe documents were 
 necessary to establish the right of property in 
 this country. 
 
 The fact ascertained, my duty was clear, and 
 no alternative was lef; me. 
 
 That individual was ordered to stirren<lpr 
 
£97 
 
 Yhem, so that in pevsuance of the second article 
 of the treaty, and of my proclamation, the inhab 
 itants might be secured intheirright of proper- 
 ty. The indivi<hial thus ordered to deliver 
 them, instead of obeying as he ought, the com- 
 mands of the Government, under which he was 
 protected, and which could know no superior, 
 excepting the Congtess or President of the 
 United States, shifted them inlp ihe hands of 
 the p<ii'son who lately administered the Govern- 
 ment ot this Province, and who iiad been au- 
 thor zed by the Captain General to sur- 
 render the country ngreeably to the stipu- 
 latioiis of the treaty. This person, whether 
 from misapprehension, or from worse motives, 
 considered liimself not responsible fiT any act 
 of his to the Government of the Floridas, and ap- 
 pealed entirely insensibh to the impropriety nf 
 noi hiiving made a delivery of these documents of 
 ' his(m-n accord. Whatever diplomatic privileges 
 he might liave been entitled to, these privileges 
 had ceased upon the surrender of tiiis country, 
 and he was then not known to me, or recog'- 
 nized as havng any other rights than those of a 
 common individual. It was not enough yb?- fiim 
 to consider himself a public agent of the King 
 of Spam, and reside here foi- the purpose of 
 transacting official business with the agents of 
 the United Statts, but ;t was necessary tbat he 
 should Isave made known the object and purpose 
 of his stay; bad he done so, he would have been 
 informed at once by me, that ray own functions 
 having ceased as Commissioner, no one but the 
 President of the United States had any power 
 to give him permission to remain here as a di- 
 plomat' c agfnf, enjoying the privileges (f a for- 
 eign minister. The natural consequences of 
 his conduct are too we}l known, and need not 
 be detaik d. 
 
 With the exception of this solitary instance, I 
 feel the utmost confidence in sa\ ingthat nothing 
 has occiUTed, notwitlistanding the numerous 
 cases in wl.icii 1 have been calh d upon to inter- 
 pose my authority, eitiier in a judicial or execu- 
 tive capacity, to occasion any thing- like distrust, 
 discontent, or waat of confidence; and I ciieer- 
 fully take this occasion to express my satisfac- 
 tion, with the peaceful, obedient, and orderly 
 conduct of all those, whose allegiance has been 
 -transferred to the United States, by the cession 
 of the country. It is true, the recent occur- 
 rence, connected with the one i-eferred to, has 
 conipelled me to take measures 1 conceived ne- 
 cessary for the character, d'.gr.ity, and harmony 
 of the tiOvernmei\t I adiTiinister, and whicli at 
 the same time, were the mildest the circum- 
 stances wo\jld admit. I allndt- to the conduct 
 of a number uf Spanish officers, remaining Itere 
 after the cession, without my perniission, but 
 which would certa nly not have been withheld 
 from them, so long as tlu y di mcuned themselves 
 respectfully to the eX'Siuig authorities, and re- 
 frained fr(jm any improper interference with the 
 measuresofth: tiovernment. Thisrespect isdue 
 fro'i-i foreign offici is in all countries — their sitiia- 
 tion is materially different from that of other ali- 
 eni,and their conduct ought tlierefore tobe more 
 circumspect. In the United States, those are 
 severely punishedj who are guilty of writing in 
 a libellous manner of procetidings in covuts of 
 justice. For what trnds to biing the judiciary 
 into disrepute shakes the i)ubhc coniidence in 
 *hatpartof the government th.it is looked upon 
 
 as tiie most sacred depository of individual 
 rights. Hence, in both these points of view, 
 without notic'ug the singular conduct of the 
 Spanish officers, acting as if they considered 
 themselves a distinct and separate body — pn iin- 
 ptriiDii in imperio — they \\ ere g'uilty of great 
 indisci-etion and impropr'ety in publishing a 
 most indecf nt libel against the judiciary pro- 
 ceedii.gs of the highest tribunal in the Floridas. 
 Had I consulted m\ personal feeliiigs, having 
 entertained a favorable opinion of some of them, 
 aid eiuTiity to none, I should have been 'Ispos- 
 ed to have suffered the act to sink intooblivioti. 
 But the dignity and honor of the government 
 forbade tha» c(mduxt so outrageous should pass 
 unnoticed. I might appeal to those very per- 
 sons and ask what would be the consequences 
 if a band of American officers should offer such 
 an insult to the government of a^ Spanish Pro- 
 vince? But the inhabitants of the Floridas may 
 rest assured that whatever may be the mprO' 
 priety or imprudence of some, it will have no 
 effect upon my feelings towards the rest — the 
 innocent will notbe confounded with the guil- 
 ty, and all will continue to experience the same 
 protection and respect for their rights which 
 lias hefetofore been extended, provided they 
 demean themselves with that propriety which 
 becomes every good citizen and subject: and 
 should t'ny of them under the inihience of mo- 
 mentary passion or feeling be disSatisiied with 
 the measures I have pursued, on a retiu-n of 
 their sober judgment, I feel conhdent the}' will 
 be compelled to approve. 
 
 Considerations of a personal nature, and tjie 
 situation of my family requiring my abs'nce 
 from these Provinces for a short period, I make 
 known that in the meantime the Gcvernment 
 of East I lorida is placed under the charge and 
 d'rfction of Wm D. G. W.orthington, Esq. Se- 
 cretary for the same, and tl at of West Florida 
 under Col. George Walton, Secretary thereof. 
 Each of these gentlemen are clothed with all 
 the ])owers appertnining to ti>e Goverui rs un- 
 der the late Government of Spain, and subject 
 to such instructions as tl.- y may respectively re- 
 ceive f.om the President of the United States, 
 through me. They are charged faithtidly to 
 protect and maintain all the citizens and iniiiab- 
 itants of whatsoever description in the said pro- 
 vinces in tiie peaceable enjo\ment of all their 
 rights, privileges and iumiunities, secured 
 to tliem under the late treaty with Spain and 
 under the Constitution of the United States, 
 so far as the same is applicable i T have instruc- 
 ted lliem prompt!}' to punish the violaler.s of 
 the law, and require of all, that allegiance to 
 the Government, enjoined Dy my proclamation, 
 issued on taking poss'-tsion of tiie country. „ 
 ' ANDKF.VV .JACKSON, 
 Governor of the Floridas &c. Sec 
 
 Pensacola, Oct. 6, 1821. 
 
 From the Flnridian. 
 PIfOCI.AMATION. 
 
 By Major General Amuikw .Jackson, Governor 
 of the provinces of the Floi idas, exercising- 
 the powers of the Captain General, atid oi" 
 the Intendant of the Island of Cuba, over 
 the said provinces, and o( the Governors*!' 
 said provinces respectively. 
 Wliereas, l)y the seventli article of the treaty 
 
 concluded between th? United States and Spain, 
 
298 
 
 on the 22d clay of Februaiy, 1819, and duly 
 ratified, it was stipulated that ihe " officers and 
 ti-oo|)s of his Cathohc Majesty in the territories 
 hereby ceded to the United States shall be 
 itnthdrawn, and possession ot the places occu- 
 pied by them shall be given witliin six months 
 after tlie ratification of the treaty, or sooner if 
 possible." And whereas, it has this day been 
 made known to me, tiiat the follow ins; officers 
 of his (/.ithoiic Majesty, to-wit, Marcos de \'il- 
 liers, Bamardo Frieto, Louis Gayarr;.-, Civilo 
 Lesassicr, Arnaldo tiuilUmaixl, Carlosde Vil'itrs, 
 Predo de Veg^as, and Mari;.na Latauy, and who 
 accorUiag to ttit sevenli; ariicle, ougiit to have 
 withdrawn fiom the said ceded territory, with 
 tlie troops of his Catholic Majesty, have with- 
 out the permission of the existing jutiiq-iti >, 
 contrary to the said seventh article,, remained ;n 
 this citv and its vicinity: And vvhereasit has been 
 made known to me, tliat the saiii offi:-ei-s, acting 
 in a distinct body,;ndepeiid'.iit of, and disowning 
 even at' 'uporarj adegeance to the government 
 of tht: United hitatts, as cxistiug in t.he Floridas, 
 have been' engiged in strdng up disatiection 
 thereto, and in so'ving discontent in the minds 
 oftlie gr.>od pt-ople of this said province, and 
 whereas it appears, that they are the auliiors of 
 the follo^ving, false scandolous and indecent 
 pubV'cation*. 
 
 «» I nspeakiugc" Colonel Calava's appearance 
 before General Jackson, H. B. ought to have 
 stated, that none of tlic mterrogatc^ries, and 
 highly ofiensive accusations of the General, 
 were fiithfuily interpreted to Col Calava, any 
 more than tiie replies of the latte: to ilif former. 
 It was therefore (.ut of the powe^i' of our chief, 
 not knowing what was said to hmi, to m-ike tiie 
 auditory understand, how iimocent h^ wasof ttie 
 foul charges, with which his unsullied honor 
 va-i endeavoured to be stained, such in sui» are 
 theobstrv-ations wc '.ad to make, on the observa- 
 tions ofH. B. and we hope that he and the 
 public w ill be convinced, tliat we acted from no 
 principle of irtisillanimity? that if on the one 
 hand w yhudtkicd u1 ike vickiii proceeding:: ex- 
 ercised ugai- st our „, # rior, we knew also, what 
 was due to a (invcrnment, which is on the most 
 fricndlv footing with our own. 
 
 We ai-e &.c. &c. 
 
 THE SPANISH OFFICERS, 
 Uesidcnt in this place." 
 
 And whereas the sad publication is calculat- 
 ed to cxche resisf-anc- in the e.xi.sting Jlovern- 
 ment of the Florida.s, and to di.sturb the harmo- 
 ny,peace, andgOMil jiderot the same as w< 11 as to 
 weaken the -dlegiance enjoinad by my pr.t-la- 
 matioii, heretofore published, and entirely in- 
 compatihlf with an\ privileges which could 
 have bei n extended to the said otticers, even if 
 permission had heen expressly g^ive.". them to re- 
 main in the said i)iavince, and, under tX'Sting 
 cirnumstances, a g.o.ss abuse of the lenity and 
 indulgence heretofore extended to t.hem. 
 
 This, .s therefore, to make known to the said 
 offir.Tsto '.vitl.ir^vv the.nstJves, as they ought, 
 her-lorore, have done, from the Florid«s, 
 agrepably to the said seventh uitlcie, on or, be- 
 fore the ihirdday of October next, after which 
 day, if they, or any of tliem, shall be found 
 within the Floridas, all officers, civil and mili- 
 tary, are hereby required to anest, and secure 
 ihem, sothatth*y may he brought before me 
 
 to be dealt with according' to law, for tlic con- 
 tempt and disobeaience of this, my proclama- 
 tion. 
 
 Given at Pensacola, this 29th day of Septem- 
 ber,one thousand eight hundred and twenty -one, 
 and of the Independence of the United States 
 the forty-sixth. 
 
 ANDREW .JACKSON, 
 Gavernor of the Floridas, &c. 
 
 * Tliis is a part of their answer to a piece, 
 published by H, Biglow Esq. in which they 
 seize the opportvmit) to attack Gov. .lackson. 
 The report that he is about to resign his office 
 is unfounded, tho' it appears he intended to 
 tak-i his family to Tennessee, from which he 
 would retur'i as soon as possible. — Ed. lieg. 
 
 The ISecretary ofStaieto Don Joaquin cP^nduaga. 
 
 Departmkjtt of State, 
 , WaJiington, 5th April, 1822. 
 Sib: In the letters which I had the honor of 
 wilting you, on the 2d of Novem.bcr, and olst 
 of December last, you were informed tiiat a 
 definitive answer to the complaints agamst cer- 
 tain proc-eding-; of (;eneral Andrew lacksoh, 
 while governor of F'orida, w hich were contain- 
 ed >n a letter to tiiis Department from Don Hila- 
 rio de Rivas y Salmon, betora your arrival in 
 this country, and m your letters of the 18tu and 
 22d of November, "would be given after th2 
 substance of those complaints shoidd have been 
 made known to General Jacks.on, and his ex- 
 planations of the motives and consirlerations by 
 which he had hern governed in adopting the 
 measures complained of, should have been re- 
 ceived. 
 
 In performmg this promise I am cnmmamled 
 by the I'n^idcnt oftlie United States to repeat 
 the assurance of his deep regt-et, that the trans- 
 actions, which formed the stroject of these com- 
 plaints, shouM ever have occurred, and his full 
 conviction, uoon a review of all the circum-. 
 stances which have attended them, tliat they 
 are attributable entirely to the conduct of the 
 Governer and Captain General of Cuba, and of 
 the subordinate- offirei-s of Spain, in evading 
 and refusing tlie fulfilnent of the most express 
 and po.sitlve stipulations of the treaty, both of 
 evacuating the province within six months from 
 the exchange of the ratific.tions of the treaty, 
 and of delivering the arciuves and locumtnts 
 r-kting directly lo the properly .and sovereign- 
 ty oi the provinces. 
 
 At the time of the exchange of the ratifica- 
 tions of th" treatv, voiv predcceijsor, lieutral 
 Vive3. deliver, d an order fivm Hi.; Catholic 
 Maj^'.ty to the Captain General and Governor 
 of the Island of Cuba, and of the Florid-i, inform- 
 inglint f,f ih.- tession to Ihr Uivt-.d States of 
 that pari of the provinces of which he was the 
 gov(!rnor, that was situated on this continent, 
 and in.-itructing hi.n as follows: 
 
 •M command von, afid »>rdain, that, after the 
 " ii.formatinn wiiicu slndl be si.'as'iiiuhiy given 
 '« you hv my Minister Fleinp-jtenliary and En- 
 •' v(;y Extraord;nHiy at, Washington, of the ratl- 
 " fications liuviiigiieen exchanged, you proceed 
 " on vonr part, to make the proper dispositions, 
 " in order that, at the end of six months, count- 
 " ing from the date of the exchange of the rati- 
 " fications or sooner if possible, the Spanish offi- 
 
299- 
 
 cers and troops may evacuate the ten-itories of directing the surrender to be made to tiic 
 
 of both Fioridas, and that possession of them commissioners or officers of the United States, 
 
 be given to the officers or commiscioners of dull/ authorized to receive fkem,t\\e instruction to 
 
 the Uwt d States, duly authorized to receive the commanders in East and West Florida was 
 
 them. You sliall arringe, in proper time, 'he t© deliver those respective provinces to Colonel 
 
 delivei-y of the [slant's adjacent and dependent Forbes himself, who had from the United States 
 
 " upon the two Floridus, and the public lots 
 "and squares, vacant lands, public edifices, 
 
 A' fortific^'t-.ons, b'lrracks, and otlun' buildiiigs, 
 *• whifii are n :>t private- property; as also the ar- 
 " chives and da--uments w'/ah relate directly 
 •' to .the property and ^ovcj-eignty of tne same 
 " t'AM ,n-!vinces, by placing 'hem at tiip dispo- 
 " Hul i.f th'.- comiu ssari', s or officers of <hi' Uni 
 " ted States, duly authorized to receive them." 
 This order, thus clear and explicit, was des- 
 
 " patched, together with letters from General 
 Vives, to the governor ofCubaandthe FUm- 
 das iiot fyiug him ( f tiie exchange of the ratifi- 
 cations of the treaty, by Col. .lames G. Forbes, 
 
 no au'^hority to receive them. And althoKgh 
 expressly advised of this fact by Col. Forbes, 
 with t!ie request that the oiders of delivery 
 might be amended, and made conformable to 
 the tr^ty, and to tbe royal command. Gover- 
 nor Muhy <iid not so amend it, but reduced 
 Colojiel Forbes to tbe alvernative of submitting to 
 further delays, cr of d parting vvitti an i s'per- 
 fec^ and ambiguous ordtr of dehvery of West 
 Florida, authorizing its surrender to the legally 
 constituted authorit'ies of the United States., 
 (that is, as Governor Many vvell knew, to Gen- 
 eral A'ldievv Jackson) only, m c;*se of Muy acci- 
 dent happening to Col. Forbes, whom lie still 
 
 who was cummissioned, "as agent and commis- aflfect.-jd to consider, notwithstauiling his own 
 
 san of the United States, to deliver to him the express declaration to the contrary, as the com- 
 
 Royal order,' to arrange and concert with him, missioned agent of the United States to that ef- 
 
 conformably to instructions committed there- feet. 
 
 with, tlie execution of the above stipulations, 
 and to receive from the said governor and from 
 any and every person possessed of tlie said ar- 
 chives and documents, ad and every one of the 
 same, and to dispose thereof in the manner pre- 
 
 The twenty boxes of documents and archives, 
 which were at the Havana, as iias been men- 
 tioned, hat: been transmitted tliitiier from Pen- 
 sacohi; and contained all tiie most important re- 
 cords of property in West Florida. The pos- 
 
 scribed by his instructions." Col mel Forb.'s' session of them was in the highest degree im- 
 
 authority, t lius, was to receive the d scumf-nts portant to the United States, not only as the 
 ^'^ and archive s, and to cone rf and 'irnmge with the vouchers of indivdual property, but as protect- 
 
 governor of 'he Flondas, the . (/e/7wr^ of those ing guards against tlie imposture of fraudulent 
 
 provincc-s, w .ich G-neral Jackson was commis- grants 
 
 sionod to receive, take posses.T>:on of, md occui)y, 
 
 an'l of whicii he was furtlie*- commissioned to be 
 
 the governor, when surrendered to the United 
 
 States. 
 
 The royal order was delivered by Colonel 
 
 Forbes to the. Governor of the Fioridas, at tlie 
 
 Havanna, on the 23d of April, 1821. There 
 
 has been shown by that Governor no cause or 
 
 The same persevering system of withholding 
 documents which it was their duty to deliver, 
 has marked, I am deeply concerned to say, the 
 conduct of both the commanders of East and 
 W'-st Florida, v.-ho were charge 1, respectively, 
 to dehver those provinces to the United States. 
 It is to this catvse, and to this alone, as appears 
 from a review of all the transactions of which 
 
 reason whicii could justly have required liim to you have compiamed, that must be traced the 
 
 delay the dehvery of the docunients and archi- 
 ves, and the ar.^ngemeuts for tlie delivery of 
 the |jrovinces, beyond the term of a single week. 
 There were twenty boxes of those archives and 
 documents; the whole, or with very few excep- 
 tions, the whole, of which ought, by the'posi- 
 
 origin of all those severe measures which Gen- 
 eral Jackson himsilf was the first, wiule deem- 
 in,g them indispensable to the discharge of his 
 owm official duties, to lament. Charged as he 
 was witli the trust of receiving the provinces in 
 behalf of the United States, ot maintaining their 
 
 tive stipulation of tiie treaty, and by the express rights of property within th.em, of guarding 
 order of the King of Spain, to have been imme- them to the utmost of his power from those 
 diately delivered to Colonel Forbes. Not one frauds to which there was too much reason to 
 oftiie'm was deUvered to him; nor has one of apprehend they would be liable, and to which 
 them been delivc>red to tins day. the retention of the documents gave so great 
 The orders for the surrender of the provinces and dangerous scope: entrusted, Ironi the ne- 
 were delayed from day to day, notwithstanding cessitv of the case, during the inlcrval of time, 
 the urgciii and contmual solici'ations of Colonel wliile the general laws of the United States re- 
 Forbes, for the term of six weeks, at t!-^ end of mained unextended to tlie provinces, with the 
 which, to avoid further indefinite procrastina- various powers which had, until that time, been 
 tioii, he was coinjielled to dcpirt vvitiiout re- exei-cis^d by the SpMUish Governors, and which 
 ceiving the archives and docunvnts, but. with inclad'd the administration of jusvice between 
 repeated promises of tlie Governor, tiiat they iiK]i>id>ials; it was impossible th;tt he should not 
 should be transmitted to this government — feel tliH necessity of exercising, under circum- 
 promises whicli have remained to this day un- stances thus "^asperating and untoward, every 
 performed. authority cummttedio him by tiie supreme au- 
 The orders for the delivery of the provinces thority of his country, to preserve inviolate, so 
 themselves, were not only thus unreasonably far as on him depended, tlie interests of that 
 
 withheld, but when made out, though not 
 furnished to Colonel Forbes till the last week 
 in May, were made to bear date on the fifth of 
 that month: nor wei-e they -prepared conform- 
 ably to the stipulation of the treaty, or to the 
 
 country, and the sacredobligalionsofindividu.nl 
 right. 
 
 In tlie proceedings connected with the de- 
 livery of the province, he had as little reason to 
 be satisfied with the conduct of Col. Callava, as 
 
 oval order of his Catholic Majesty; for, instead with that of the Capt.ain General. On a plea of 
 
300 
 
 jiidisposltion, that officer liad, on the clay of tl)e 
 surrender, evaded the pci-formance of a solemn 
 promise, which General Jackson had consider- 
 ed an iiidisnens.'il)!'.- p!-:;Iiminary to the act; nnd 
 afterwards the Colonel positively declined its 
 fulfilment. He had, however, completed the 
 surrender of the province with wliich he had 
 been charg'cd. He had declined producinff to 
 Gencal Jackson any credential as a commission- 
 er for pcrformini^ that tlc^; but had iiifoimed 
 lum that he siiould make the surrender as 
 che commanding officer of- the province, 
 hy virtue of orders from his superior. This 
 service had been consummated; and C(donc-l 
 Callava, whom Gen. J.":kson had formerly no- 
 tified that he had closed with him his official 
 correspondence forever, was bound, by the 
 special stipulations of the treaty, to have evac- 
 uated, as one of the Spanish officers, the pro- 
 ■vince, before the 22d of Aug-iist. If General 
 .lackscn had, in courtesy to Col. Callava, con- 
 sidered him, notwitlistanding his own disclaim- 
 er of the character, as a Commissioner, for 
 the delivery of the province, there can be no 
 pretence that he was entitled to special privi- 
 leges under it, after he had avowedlj' perform- 
 all its duties; after he had been iirformed by 
 General Jackson that their official correspon- 
 dence was finally closed; and after the date 
 when, by the positive engagements of the trea- 
 ty which he was to execute, he was bound to 
 liave departed from the province. From the 
 Time when his functions for the surrender of the 
 province were chscharged, he could remain in 
 Pensacola no otherwise than as a private un- 
 privileged individual, amenable to the clidy con- 
 stituted American autliorities ofthe place, and 
 subject to the same controul of General Jack- 
 son, as a private citizen of the United States 
 would have been to that of the Governor of the 
 ri jridas, before the surrender had taken place. 
 
 That this was the opinion of Col. Callava 
 himself, and of his friends who apphedto Judge 
 Vromentin for the writ of habeas corpus, to res- 
 cue hi.Ti from the arrest under which ho was 
 placed by the order of Gen. Jackson, is appar- 
 ent from their conduct on that occasion. It is 
 stated by Judge Fromentine, that, before gran- 
 ling he supp<»sed ^r\\. v,i hahcns rnrjou-s he re- 
 <piircd that Col Callava should enter into a re- 
 cognizance for twenty thous.md dollars, with 
 two seciuities, each for the amount of *en thoiis- 
 :md dollars; the condition of which recogniz- 
 ance was, that Col. Callava sliould personally 
 he anci appear before the Ju-!ge of the United 
 State, fur West Florida, &.c. whenever rec{U'r- 
 ed so to do; that he should not ihpart from the 
 city of Pensacola, without the leave of the said 
 cour', nor send away, remove, or otherwise dis- 
 pose of, unknown to the said court, any of the 
 papers in cjucstion. It was onl} upon the ])r<i- 
 inise of iiis friends that this rccogii'zunce should 
 be executed, that .liuige P'romeiit n consented 
 to issue the writ of Inibetis corpus,- and this re- 
 cogn zance renounces in fact every pretension 
 of exemption f;-om the judicial aulhorit;, of the 
 couiitrv; and consequently of the diplomatic 
 privil'.'ges of a commissioner. 
 
 It has been seen that the most important dor- 
 umenU relating to the property of West Florida 
 had been transmitted to tiie Havan^; there rc- 
 ruamed, however, a portion of tin in, particu- 
 JarK of judicial records, relating to the titles of 
 
 individual property. Some of tliese Colonel 
 Callava did deliver up with the province; others, 
 of the same description and character, indis- 
 pensable for the -administration of justice in the 
 province, and useless at the Havana, whither i'. 
 was his intention to have transported them, 
 were retained; not in his possession, but in that 
 of Don Domingo Sousa, a Spanisir officer, who, 
 by the stipulation of the treaty, ought also to 
 have departed from the province before the 22d. 
 of August. 
 
 The djiy immediately preceding that date, 
 the alcalde of Pensacola, at the suit of a woman, 
 in a humble walk, mdeed, of life, but whose 
 rights were, in the eye of General Jackson, 
 equally entitled to his protection with those of 
 the highest rank, or the mostcommanchng opu- 
 lence, had represented to him that a number of 
 documents, belonging to the alcalde's office, 
 and relating to estates at that place, and to suits 
 there institu ed, were in the possession of Do- 
 mingo Sousa; that the necessity for obtaini g 
 possession ot those documents was urgent, and 
 therefore he requested the Governor to author- 
 ize some one to make a regular demand of them, 
 and to ascertain what they were. Governor 
 Jacksrin, accordingly, forthwith commissioned 
 the secretary of the territory, the alcalde of 
 Pensacola him.self, and the clerk of the count}- 
 court of Escambia, to proceed to the dwelhnj;- 
 of Sousa, to make deinand of all such papers or 
 documents, belonging to the alcalde's office, as ' 
 might be in his possession; and in case of Sou- 
 sa's refiLsal to c.xh'bit or deliver the same, im- 
 mediately to report the fact to him, the Gov- 
 ernor in writing. These commiss-ioners the 
 next day reported to the Governor that tliej- 
 had examined the papers in the possession of 
 Sousa; that the)' had found among them four 
 sets of papers of- the kind which belonged to the 
 office of the alcalde, and among' them those in 
 which the woman from v.hom the first applic.i- 
 tion had proceeded was interested; that they 
 had, both verbally and in writing, demanded of 
 him tiie dehveiy of those documents, which no 
 private individual had a riglit to keep, as they 
 related to the rights of persons holding or claim- 
 ing property in tlie province but that Sousa had 
 refused to deliver them, all -ging that he was 
 but the servant of Colonel Callava, and could 
 not deliver them without his order. In tlic 
 transactions of Sousa, on this occas.on, is mani- 
 fested the same consciousnss that the claim of 
 d plornatic privilege, set up by Col. Callava, 
 to screen him from the operation of the author- 
 ity of Governor .lackson, was without founda- 
 tion For, although he refused to deliver up 
 the papr rs, conformably to the Governor's com- 
 mand, he submitted to the examinatio!) of them 
 by the commissioners, in obedience to the same 
 .autliority; and, though he declined receiving 
 frc;m them the letter demanding the cU livery of 
 the |)apers, he told them that, to relieve himself 
 from the rcsponsibdity of keeping them, he 
 should deliver them to Govenujr Callava him- 
 self. They were accordingl) sent to the house 
 of Col Cailava, and put inlt) the possession -of 
 his steward Fulleitit. It iscleur, however, that, 
 if tlie papers, wh le in Sousa's poss(S-.;on, were 
 privileged fjn)m delivering up at tiie cou.mancj 
 of Governor Jackson, they svere equally privi- 
 leged from examination by the same autf ority; 
 and. if they were not lawfully screened from lys 
 
jOi 
 
 piocess in the custody of Soiii.a, they c^Rild not 
 - be made so by removing; them to the house of 
 Col. Ca'lava. The truth is, that the removal of 
 , the documents, at that time, and in such a 
 manlier, was a high and aggravated contempt 
 of the lawful authority of the (iovenior. It not 
 only claimed for C')l Callava diplomatic immu- 
 nities, but assumed that he was s'.ili the Ciovern- 
 or of the province, atvl tiiat Bousa was amena- 
 ble for his conduct only to him Col. Callava 
 irig'it. on the siime pretence, liave relained-he 
 whole body of the Spanish officers and troops 
 under hi;: couimand at Pensacola, ?nd insisted 
 on exercising over them all his extmguished 
 authority, as Governor and commander in-chief, 
 after the 21st of August, as he could to exer- 
 cise any official authority within the province, 
 "over Domingo Sousa, or to extricate him from 
 the lawful jurisdiction of Gov Jackson. 
 *" It is under these circumstances that the sub- 
 sequent measures of Governor Jackson are to be 
 considered. He immetliately issued an authori- 
 ty to Colonel Robert Butler, and Colonel John 
 Miller, to seize the body of Sousa, together 
 with the papers, and to brhigthem before him, 
 that Sousa miglit answer sucli interrogatories 
 as might be pat to him, and comply with such 
 order and decree, touching the said documents 
 and records, a.f the rights of the indwiduak, secu- 
 red to them by the treaty, might require, and the 
 justice of the case might demand By virtue of 
 vthis order, Sousa \7as brought before Governor 
 Jackson, and again recognized the authority un- 
 der wiiich he was taken, by answering the in- 
 terrogatories put to him. But he liad already 
 put tiie papers and documents out of his pos- 
 session; and thus, as far its was in his power, 
 baffled the ends of justice, and set at defiance 
 the lawful authority of the Governor. 
 
 In this transaction. Col. Callava was avowedly 
 the principal agent; anil akogeiher unjustifiable 
 as it was, v/hateA er consequences of nconve- 
 nience to himself resulted fiotn it, must be im- 
 puted to him. It was an undisguised effort to 
 prostrate the authority of the United States in 
 the province; nor had Governor Jackson any 
 other alternative to choose, t!ian tamely to see 
 the sovereign power of his country, entrusted 
 to him, trampled underfoot, and exposed to de- 
 rision by a foreigner, remaining there only upon 
 his siifferance, or by the vigorous exercise of 
 his atithority to vindicate at once tiie rights of 
 the United States, and the just claims of indi- 
 viduals to their protection. 
 
 Governor Jackson could consider Col. Calla- 
 va in no other light than that of a private iniU- 
 ridual, entitled indeed, as the officer of a for- 
 eign jjowcr, to courtesy, but not to exemption 
 from the process of the law. Nothwithstand- 
 inghis improper conduct, Governor Jacksson, 
 in the first instance, authorized Col. Butler and 
 i Dr. Bronaugh, accompanied by Mr. Bracken- 
 1 ridge, the Alcaltle, to wait upon him and his 
 ! steward, and denrand from them tlie specified 
 j papers, which Sousa had declared, in his an- 
 I swer to t!ie interrogatories to have been deliv- 
 ered to the steward at Governor Cailava's house. 
 It v.'as only in case of the refusal to give up the 
 papers, that the order extended to the seizure 
 of the person of Col. Callava, tiuit he might be 
 made to appear before Governor Jackson, to an- 
 swer interrogatories, and to abide by, and per- 
 form, such order and decree as the justice of 
 
 the casQ might deniand. Thi's demand was ac- 
 cordingly made, and althougli at tlie first mo- 
 ment premptorily refused, yet, upon Col Caila- 
 va's being informed that his rehisal would be 
 considered as setting at defiance the authority 
 of the governor of the F'loridas, and of the con- 
 sequences to himself which must enstie upon hia 
 pers'sting therein, he desired to be fui-nisiicd 
 with a memorandum, setting forti^ the docu- 
 ments i-equired, which was accordingly done. 
 Butwhe'! the delivery of the papers was again 
 demanded of !um, he repeated the refusal to de- 
 liver them, and attempted both to av; id the 
 personal approach of Colonel Butler and Dr- 
 Bronaugh, and t<i exhibit a resistance by force 
 of arms to the execution of the Governor's or- 
 der. And it is not a little remaikahlc, that; 
 among the perifons who appeared thus arrayed 
 against the authority of the United States, to ac- 
 complish the denial and removal of the papers^ 
 was a man against whom the most important of 
 those papei-s were judicial decisions of Gover- 
 nor Callava himself, in behalf of the orphan chil- 
 dren, for the establishment of whose rights they 
 were indispensably necessary, and at whose ap- 
 plication they had been requii-ed. 
 
 Standing th'"?, in open defiance to the opera- 
 tion of the law, Colonel Callava was taken be- 
 fore the Governor; and there refusing to answer 
 the interrogatories put to !iim, and asserting the 
 groundless pretension of answering only as a 
 commissioner, and by a protest against the actf3 
 of the Governor, he was, by his order, commit- 
 ted to prison, wntil the documents should be de- 
 livered to the Alcalde. On the next day, a search 
 warrant for the papers was issued by the Gover- 
 nor, upon which they were actually obtained, 
 and directed to be delivered to the Alcalde; 
 whereupon, Colonel Callava was immediately 
 reh ased. 
 
 :n all these proceedings, you will perceive, 
 sir, t at not one act of rigor, or even of dJicour- 
 tesy towards Colonel Callava, was authorized by 
 G(rvernor Jackson, which was not indispensably 
 necessitated for the maintenance of his authori- 
 ty, and the discharge of his official dut}-, by the 
 unjustifiable and obstinate resistance of Colonel 
 Callava himself. 
 
 On a revie a' of tlie whole transactions, I am in- 
 structed by the President of the United States 
 to say, that he considers t'le documents in ques- 
 tion, as amo-g those which, by the stiijulation 
 of the treaty, ought to have been delivered up, 
 with the province, to the authorities of the Uni- 
 ted States: that they were, on the 2?d of Au- 
 gust, when in the possession of Domingo Sousa, 
 within the jurisdiction of the United States, and 
 subject to the control of their Govei;nor, acting 
 in liis judicial capacity, and liable to be compul- 
 sively produced by his order, that the removal 
 of them from the possession of Sousa, after the 
 Governor's order to him to deliver them had 
 been served upon him, could not witiidraw 
 them from the jurisdiction of Governor Jackson, 
 and was a high and aggravated outrage upon 
 liis lawful authority; that the imprisonment of 
 Colonel Callava was a necessary, tliough by the 
 President deeply regretted consequence, of his 
 obstinate pers'.verance in refusing' to deliver the 
 papers, and of his unfounded claim of diplomat- 
 ic immunities, and irregular e.\erei.se even of 
 the authorities of a governor of I'lorida, after 
 the authority of Spain in the province had been 
 
SO'2 
 
 publicly and solemnly suneudeced to the United 
 States. 
 
 That the documents were of t!ie description 
 of those which the treaty had stipulated sliould 
 be delivered up with the province, is obvious, 
 from the consideration of their character. They 
 related to th.^ property of lands in tlic province. 
 Thry wen judiciul records, directly affecting 
 the vig'h'.s of persons rcnainlng in the province; 
 rights which could not be secured without them; 
 rights over wliich the appellate tribunal of the 
 governor of Cuba, to which tjolonel Callava pro- 
 posed to remove the papers, thenceforth could 
 have no authority or control, tliey having be- 
 come definitively subject to the jurisdiction of 
 the United States. The only reason assigned 
 by C>:>lonel Callava for the pretension to retain 
 them, i^ that they related to the estate of a de- 
 ceased Spanish officer, and had thereby been 
 of the resort of the mil'tary tribunal. But it 
 was for the rights of the living, and not for tke 
 privileg'es of the dead, that the documents were 
 to operate. The tribunal of the captain gener- 
 al of Cuba could neither need the production of 
 the papers, nor exercise any authonty over the 
 subject-matter to which they related. To have 
 transf'-rred to the island of Cuba a question of 
 litigated property, concerning land in Flonda, 
 between persons, all of whom were living, and 
 to rem.iin in Floridii, would have been worse 
 than -i mockery of justice. IU'leed .Mr. Salmon, 
 in his note, appears to havj been aware of the 
 weakness of this ahegution, dechnes t'.e discus- 
 sion of the question; and in just'.fication of the 
 refusal of Col. Callava to deliver up the docu- 
 ments, merely rests its defence upon the plea, 
 that the papers had not been demanded of him 
 offici'illy. It has been seen, that Col. Callava 
 had no official character which could then ex- 
 empt liim from the compidsive process of the 
 governor. But Mr. Salmon alleges that t'.ie 
 Spanisli constitution, as well as that of the Unit. 
 cd States, separates the judicial from the exec- 
 utive power exercised by the governor or cap- 
 tain general of a province. 
 
 Neitlier the constitution, nor the laws of the 
 Unit.. d Stat' s, excepting those relating to the 
 revenuft and itii collectio'i,anil to the s!a>e-trade, 
 had at tiiat titne been extended to I'lorida. — 
 And as little had the Spanish constitution been 
 introducid tliere, in point of fact, ho\ve\er it 
 migut have been procl.umcd. Rut be this as it 
 may, the cause, in relation to which the docu- 
 ments required in the case of Vidal had been 
 drawn up, and were needed, was one of those 
 which, under the Spanish constitution itstlf, re- 
 mained within the jurisdiction of the governor. 
 This IS declared by Coionel Callava hinr-self, in 
 the third observation of th.- appendix to his 
 protestjtransm'tled v.ith the letter of Mr.Salmon. 
 • It is \i>fc rea«iiM\ assigned by him for having with- 
 held tliose documents from the Alcalde. And 
 om^ of them was a judgment rendered by Col. 
 Callava him.*.lf, after the time when the pro- 
 clamation of tiie Spanish constitution in the pro- 
 vince is allegetl to have been made. The cause 
 therefore, was on every hypothesis, within the 
 jurisdiction of the governor; the jjapers were 
 indispensable for the administralion of justic-; in 
 tbe cause; and when once applied for, by a pbv- 
 son cntiiled to the benefit of them, it was the 
 duty, the inexorable duty, of governor Jackson. 
 
 to put fortri all the authority vestei in hiin, ne"' 
 cessary to obtain them. 
 
 Nor 'ess imperative was his obligation to pun- 
 ish, without respect of persons, that contempt 
 of his jiu'isdiction, wh ch was manifested in the 
 double attempt of Colonel Callava to defy his 
 P'lwer, and to evade the operation of its pro- 
 cess. 
 
 With regaj'd to the proclamation of General 
 J:ickson, of the C9th of September, command- 
 ing sfveral Spanish olti'eis, wlio, in vtoi.^t.on of 
 the stipulation of the treat)-, had remained at 
 Pensacola, after tlte expiration of the six months 
 from the day of the ratification of t!ie treaty, to 
 withdraw, within four days, from the Flori(;as, 
 which forms the .subject of complaint in your 
 letter of the 18th of November, it might be suf- 
 ficient to say, that it did no more than tnjoinr 
 upon those officers todo that which they ought 
 before, and without any inj.unction, to have 
 done. The engagement of the treaty was, that 
 they should all have evacuated the province be- 
 fore the 22d of August. 
 
 If thoy remained there after that time, it 
 could only be as private individuals, amenable 
 in ev ry particular to the laws. Even this was 
 merely an indulgence, which it was within the 
 com]>etenc\' of General Jack -on, at any time, to 
 have withdrawn. From the extract of a letter 
 from hi:Ti, of wliich 1 have the honor of enclos- 
 ing a copy, t will be seen, tiiat he was far from 
 b< ingdisposed to withdraw ., had tiiey not, by 
 their abuse of it, and by open outrages tijjon' 
 his authority, forfeited all claims to its contin- 
 uance. 
 
 This extract fiu'nishes a satisfactory answer to 
 your question, why, if the fulfilment of the ar 
 tide w.as the object of the proclamation, it was 
 confined to tlie eight officers, by name, and not 
 extended to all othc Spanish officers in the 
 Floridas. It was because the deportment of the 
 others was as became them, decent, respectful, 
 and friendly tov/ards the government, under 
 the protection of which they were permitted to 
 abide. In the newspaper publication, which 
 gave rise to the proclamation of General Jack- 
 son, the Spanish officers avowedly acted, not 
 as private individuals, but as a distinct body of 
 mwi, speaking of Col. Callava as their chief, 
 thiir superior,- and ariogatingto themselves, as 
 a sort i:f merit, the condescension of knowing 
 v;hat was due to a government (meaning thtj 
 American government) whicli was on the most 
 friendly footing with their own. This is lan- 
 guage which would scarcely be proper for the 
 embassador of one nation, upon the territory of 
 another, to which h»» would owe not even-a tem- 
 porary allegui'ice. From persons situated as 
 those Spanisi. officers were, it was langu.age of 
 insubordination and contempt. 
 
 In alhidmg to the fact, tluit officers of the 
 American squadron, in the Mediterranean, are 
 sometimes recoived witii friendly treatment on 
 the territories of Spain, to make a case paralell 
 v^ ith the present, it would be necessary to show, 
 that some superior officer of the said squadron 
 sliould, while enjoying the hospitality of the 
 Spanish nation upon their shores, first attempt 
 to evade and to resist, the operation of process 
 from the constituted judicial tribunals of the 
 coontrj', and tlien pretend, as an American of- 
 ficer, to be wholly independent of them; and 
 
303 
 
 Ihat some of kis subalterns should not only tion of the treaty, by the removal of their pei-- 
 countenance and support him in these attempts 
 but should affect to consider him, while on 
 Spanish ground, as tlieir only superior and 
 chief, and by unfounded and inflammatory pub- 
 lications in the daily journals to arouse the peo- 
 ple of Spain to revolt and insurrection against 
 the judicial tribunal of their own country. 
 
 I^the bare statement of such a case would be 
 sufficieiit to rai.oi' t'le in>ligi\ation of every hon- 
 otable Spaniard, let it be oi^served, tliat even 
 this would be witliout some of the agg; aval ions 
 of the cor<duct of these Spanish officers at Pen- 
 sac la. For sue h outrag'e would be far less dan- 
 g-eroiis, committed agrainst old estabrshed au- 
 
 sons. Had their conduct even been unexcep- 
 tionable, this measure would have been within 
 the undoubted authority of General Jackson. 
 As their dei'ortment had been it was the most 
 lenient exercise of his power practicabl-:-, to 
 vindicate the insulted honor and justice of his 
 countiy. 
 
 I pass to the consideration r,f the complaints 
 contained in \oiir letter of the 22d of Noveui'uer. 
 in orJcr to take a con-ect view o; tltis subject, it 
 is ag'aln necessuy to advert to tiieroya! order of 
 his Catholic \!ai'?sty to the Captain Genera' and 
 Governor of tl^e Island of uba, andof tiie Fiori- 
 das, camuianding him to cause tube p'acidatthe 
 
 thorities, which mighc rely upon the support of disposal of t'ie eo nmissaries or officers of the 
 
 the whole people, surrounding them, than in 
 the presence of a people, whose allegiance 
 had been just transferred to a nev/ goverrmient, 
 and when the revolt to which they were stimu- 
 lated, would seem little more tiian obedience to 
 the authorities to which they had always been 
 accustomed to submit. 
 
 The very power which the Spanish governor 
 
 Unitei! SttUes, duK authorised to receve them, 
 the archives and docvm.ruts relating du-cctly to 
 the property and sovereignty of the two provinc- 
 es. 
 
 On the 16th of May, the Captain General and 
 Governor wrote to Colenel Forbes, that," res- 
 pecting East Elorida, where there ougiit to be 
 found all her archives, he. Governor Mahy, 
 
 and officer'had exercised before the surrender of \vould direct Governor Coppinger to make a for- 
 the province, ought to have been a most urgent mal delivery of that province, as well as of the 
 warning to them to avoid every semblance of dorjimentfi hebngnlg to it" 
 
 authority in themselves, or of re'sistance to that On die 2'ith of May, Colonel Forbes wrote to 
 of the United States, after the transfer of the the Captain General, reminding him of the re- 
 province had been completed. peated promises made by his excellency, to d s- 
 lu forbearing particularly to reply to that patC;-' hini with t'ne archiv-s, which were to be 
 part of your note, in which yor think yourself delivtrred, a.nd then were at the Havana, and 
 author'ze'l to pronounre the diarg« of General with the onlers for tiu- dehvery of the provmces 
 
 Jackson agamst these Spanish officers, of hav- 
 ing atv.eipted to excite discontent in the inhabi- 
 tants, /;7.5f, 1 siiall barely express the hope, that 
 the term wa^ a'.imittedinto your coinmanication 
 inadvertar/ly. The coridiict of th."^ officers, at 
 the time of Colonel Callava's conflict with the 
 authority of toe governor, as well as in their m- 
 sultmg newspaper publ'cHtion, was of a charac- 
 
 and of the archives deliverabl-. tlier-; of the con- 
 tinual disappointments to which he had been 
 subjected by tiie failure of performance to those 
 promises, s-Vid of the necessities which urged 
 his immediate departure. He therefore propos- 
 ed," that if any furtiii.-r researches should be 
 necessary for t!ie discovery of the said archives, 
 they might be dehvere ! when more convenient 
 
 ter and tendency too strongly marked, to leave to the Spanish government; that he, (Colonel 
 a doubt of the truth with which it is described Forbes)sh()uld be allowed to proceed immediite- 
 in General Jackson's proclamation, and in pass- ly to West Florida, with tlie commissary appoint- 
 ing unnoticed this and other mere inv< ctives ed to carry the final order to the sub-governor 
 against an officer, whose services to this nation there? and, lastly, tJiat a duplicato oider to be 
 have entitled him to their highest regard, and given at once, as «o-m.Y/ ww«, lo the Governoi; 
 wh:sc whole career has hcen'signalized by the ofEa..-t Florida, for the d' hvery of tha' province 
 pui-est intentions and the most elevated purpos- to the constituted a ilhonties of the United 
 es, I wish lo be understood as abstaining from States, together with the auchives whiih were dt- 
 obser\ations, which, however justified by tiie dared to be on the spot 
 
 occassi'.n, could but add to the unpleasantness 
 of a discussion already sufficiently painful. 
 
 That this conduct on che part of the Spanish 
 officer: was highh- reprehensible, cannot rea- 
 sonably be deuied, and liad General Jackson 
 been rtisposedto animadvert upon it with seve- 
 rity, his course wsuld umlouhtedly have been 
 that V lilchyotj have pointed out as appropriate 
 to the offence. They would have been cited 
 before the proper tribunal, heard upon specific 
 charges, allowed time and liberty to make their 
 defence, and punished by commitment to 
 pristm. General Jackson preferred a milder 
 a more indulgent mea'^ure; and wit'iout prose- 
 cuting them as criminals, only withdrew from 
 
 On the 29th of Way, the Captain General an- 
 swered this letter, aul enclosed to him^ the or- 
 ders to the several Governors of East and West 
 Florida, for the delivery of the provmces, ante- 
 dated as I have already mentioned, with a de- 
 claration, that the archives then at the Havana, 
 and which ought to have been delivered to 
 Colonel Forbes, should be transmitted to the 
 Government of the United States, as soon as they 
 were'selecled; a promise, at I have befgire ob- 
 served, yet unfulfilled. 
 
 Tlies(" orders of tin Captain Gel-ieral to the 
 commanders of East and West Florida, are fur- 
 ther remarkable by the omi-^sion of any direction 
 inthcm forthe delivevy ofthe archives and docu- 
 
 the.m'the privilege of a protracted infraction of ments. It nad been expressly agreed by 
 
 him, with colonel Forbes, tliat th.'.- order for the 
 delivery of East Florida should include that of 
 the archives. But it was not sufficient for Gov- 
 ernor Mahy to avoid the performance of this 
 
 the treaty, by requiring them forthwith to de- 
 part from the province. To justify him in this 
 requisition, neither arrest nor judicial trial was 
 necessary or proper. The facts were of pub- 
 lic notoriety, and could not be denied. The 
 Tjroclamation onlv reauired of them the execu- 
 
 promisc. 
 P,v the letter frcm Colonel Butler to General 
 
304 
 
 Tacksoii, of the Jist January kit, a copy of the peremptory postponement of Colonel (yop 
 
 wli'.cli I ha.etlie lonor to enclose, it appears ping'cr, to deliver up any ;!ociimcnts or records 
 
 that, with regard to the greatest and most im- relating t> individual property; his enga(^f-iTk,-nt 
 
 portant part or" those docu'neiits, he had ex- that none of them should be removed, until he 
 
 pressly instructed colonel Copping'er not to de- should receive further instructions from the 
 
 liver them. And hence, when on the 18'h of Captain (Jeneral, and witliin one week after, 
 
 June colon 1 Butler, the officer of tlie United his attempt to pack up foi- transporUtion to Cu- 
 
 Statesautiior:zed to receive the province, noti- %)a, a large portion of them; and finally, his 
 
 iied colonel Goppinger tlut he had designated pretensions that many papers, manifestly iiaving 
 
 Major Cr'iss to receive the archives relating to' direct rela'uon to the' property of the province, 
 
 the soven ignty andindivilual property of the wereexcluded from del veiy, and his recurrence 
 
 province, he was an-vv^rd by colom 1 Ccp- to toe ///''<•«/ sense of his orders from the Cap- 
 
 pinger, •' as respects '.he delivery of the public tain General, with the verbal avowal to Colonel 
 
 archives, contauiing t' e records of individual Butler, of his own opinion tliat the documents 
 
 pr )per-y of this province, that will be ddayed, oagfit to be delivered, though he was forbidden 
 
 until VfJious doubts that occiir are cleared up; hy his instructions to deliver them: it was im- 
 
 butthey will not be removed until then, nor will 
 I leave this place until all matters are regUiated 
 ami conchided between us, that demand my 
 personal assistance." 
 
 possii.de for General .Jackson to close his ejes 
 against proceedings so unjustifiable and impro- 
 per. He therefore gave instructions to the offi- 
 cer commanding at St. Augustine, to take pos- 
 
 Thus, upon the pretence of doubts,. theJia- session of the papers which the treaty had stip 
 
 ture of which was not explained, Culonel Cop- ulated sliould be delivered, 
 
 pinger declined, positively, \p dehver up docu- The necessity for taking possession of them 
 
 ments conformably to the express stipulation of had indeed arisen before the instructions of Gen- 
 
 the treaty. Col. Bitler immediately proposed eral Jackson were received. Most of the re- 
 
 to him a conference on the subject, which was cor Is relating to individual property had been 
 
 held on the 21st of June. At that conference, left in possession of Don Juan de Entralgo, who 
 
 Colonel Coppinger told Colonel Butler, that 
 "as an individual, he believed these archives 
 should be given iver to the Uui'ed Stales, but, 
 that his orders prpvented lii*n from turning i!icm 
 over." Colonel Butler th<refore assented, a.s, 
 indeed, no other alternative seemed to be left 
 h!ni, that Colonel Coppinger should have time 
 to write to tiie Captam General of Cuba, forthe 
 decision of his doubts; and mentioned to him 
 the opportunity of a vessel then about to sail for 
 the liavana, when she wis to return to St. Au- 
 gu rtine, and might bring the :oiswer of the Cap- 
 talu General. Colonel Copping.-r, on the 2od 
 of June, informed Colonel Butler, that he had 
 that day written to the Captain General for the 
 solution of hisdoubts; and until lie received his 
 ans\vi-r, thcarciives should not be removed from 
 St. A.igustine, and shoulil reniu'n precisely as 
 they were. Colonel Buller by his letter of-2tith 
 June, agreed to reni.ims lent on the head of the 
 arcliiv s, until tlie answer should i)e reciived 
 from the Cuptain G. ner.d; but within one week 
 from that time, Co'on. 1 Butler received mforma- 
 tion, t'lat a large portion of these documents 
 were packed for transportation He wrote, 
 therefore, on the :>d of July, to Colonel Coppiu 
 
 on the preleuCC! tliat he had purchased at pub- 
 lic sales, under th.e Spanish Goiernment, not 
 only those documents, but the office of register 
 of them, 0)>tnly advanced tlie claim .-f retaining 
 the recwds .is his private pri)perty, and of con- 
 tinuing the exercise of tiie office, and receiving- 
 fees for grantmg copies of the same. 
 
 These pretensions were raised on the 5th of 
 September, nearly three months after the 
 doubts of Colonel Coppinger hail, with tlie con- 
 sent of Colonel Butler, been referred to the 
 Captain General and Govt^rnor of Cuba Long 
 before that time, the answer of that officer 
 ought to have bc-n received, ])eremptorily com- 
 manding the delivery of the papers. 
 
 It was impossible that tiie United States 
 should acquiesce in the claims of Mr. F.ntralgo. 
 They were unquestionably entltlcil to the docu- 
 ments: and whatever injury he might sustain 
 by the delivery of them, -it might give him a 
 fair demand of hidemnity from los own govern- 
 ment, but certainly not t'rom ti>e United States. 
 
 Yei the .Seci-etary and acting Governor, Mr 
 Wor h'ngtoii, allowed a furtl»er delay of luarly 
 a month, before taking the decisive mea.-<ures 
 necessary to obtain t!ie ilocinnents. He then. 
 
 ger, enumerating spLcificallv several kinds of on the Sd of Oct.ber, authorized tlirce persons 
 records, relating directly to the property of the of respectable character to obt.iin them, with, 
 jirovince, and d .daring that he considered them the use of force if necessary : but with all suita- 
 
 imong tho.se which were not to be removed; 
 the ri]>ly to which, by Colonel Coppngi r, is es- 
 pecially to be remarked, as expressing his opin- 
 ion, that sevi-ral of those documrnts were ex- 
 ■ ludid Jrnin diUiury. There- can be no reasona- 
 ble doubt, tlwit.all die papers specified by Colo 
 .lei Butler's letter, were of those which the 
 treaty had stipulated should be delivered up. 
 ^Vllen, therefore, General Jackson considered, 
 :ind compared together, the express and posi 
 
 ble delicacy and nsjject towards the persons 
 who had been the officers of Spain in the pro- 
 vince. 1 have the honor of enclosing, h' rewith, 
 copies of the orders from the Secretary Worth- 
 ington, to the commissioners ajipointed by him 
 to receive, and afterwards to examine .and assort 
 the papers, and of their reports to him, exhibit- 
 ing tlie manner in which i)oili those services 
 were performed. They will prove, '.tiat every 
 regard was shewn towards Colonel -'oppinger. 
 
 tive Qrdcr of the King of Sp:iiii, to the Captain and Mr. Entralgo, compatible witli the execu' 
 General, and Govcr.ior of Cuba, that he shoul<l tion of the duty; and after the assortment of the 
 t.uthfully .sec to the delivery of the documents; papers, all those which were not oi the descrip- 
 the pretences on which he evaded the ilehvery, tion stipulated to be delivered over by the trea- 
 to Colonel Forbes, of those which, were at the ty, have ever becn'J and vet are, ready to be re- 
 Havana, within his own control; \.hc^ promise turned to Colonel Coppinger, oi' to any persoi. 
 • hat he would direct the dcfivcry, by' Colonel dulv authorized to receive them. 
 Ci>ppi!igcr, of those that were at St. Aiigu.stine: ' "Jicnmndcr m vttr nc.d.J 
 
UNITED STATES' TELEGRAPH— Eatra. 
 
 This paper will be devoted exclusively to the Presidential Election, and be published weekly, 
 until tlie 15th of October next, for One Dollar, subject to newspaper postage and no more. ' 
 
 BY GREEN <§• JAR VIS. 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 WASHINGTON, JULY 26, 1828. 
 
 No. 20. 
 
 The Secretary of SiaittoUonJoaquan d'Anduaga. 
 (Concluded.) 
 
 Such is the view, which I am insti-ucted to 
 say, has definitively been taken by the President 
 of the United States, in relation to the transac- 
 tions which formed the subjects of your letters 
 of the 18th and 22d of November list, and of 
 that of Mr. Salmon, of the 6th of October. 
 He Is satisfied that by the proceedings of the 
 governor of Florida towards Col. Cailava, on the 
 23d of August last, and towards certain individu- 
 als, pB*sumingto act as a body of officers In Flori- 
 da, in contempt of the authority of the United 
 States, on the 29th of September, and by those 
 of the secretar, of East Florida,acti3igas govern- 
 or, on the 2d and 3d of October, towards Colonel 
 Coppinger, and Don Juan de Entralgo, no 
 intention of injury or insult to His Catholic Ma- 
 jesty, or his government, was entertained, and 
 that no just cause of complaint by them was 
 given. That^tiiose measures were all rendered 
 necessary, by the total disregard of the cap- 
 tain ger.eral and g'overnor of Cuca and the Flori- 
 das, and ofliissubordinaie officers in tI\eFloridas, 
 not only of ttie solemn stipulation in the 
 treaty, for the delivery of the arcliives and docu- 
 ments directly relating to tiie property of those 
 provinces, but of the royal order of their so- 
 vereign, commandiiig the said captain general 
 to see to the faithful execution of that engage- 
 jnent; an engagement, in the fulfilment of which 
 the rights not only of the United Sfcites, but of 
 every individual inhabitant of the provinces and 
 proprietor in them, were deeply and vitally 
 interested. 
 
 The mere enumeration of the documents, as 
 specified in the demands of them made by the 
 officers of the United States, before resort was 
 had to any measure of rigor for extorting them, 
 proves, that they were indispensable for the es- 
 tablishment of public rignt, or for the security 
 of private property. To Spain, ncTt one of those 
 documeuts could, after the transfer of the prov- 
 inces, be of the sligiitest interest or utility. To 
 the United States they were all important. If 
 the Governor and Secretary had so little under- 
 stood their duty to the pubhc rights of their 
 country, committed to their chnrge, as to have 
 suffered the removal of records, essential to 
 oTiard the interests of the nation against tlie in- 
 satiate greediness and fraudulent devices of 
 land speculators, they had yet a sacred duty to 
 perform to the people of the country, by retain- 
 ing the common vouchers of their estates. 
 What individual would have been secure in the 
 lenure of his land,in the evidences of Ills debts, or 
 in the very shelter over his head, if Col. Cailava 
 could have carried to Cuba his own judgements 
 in favor of the Vidals, because their father, 
 when ahve, had been an auditor of war; and if Don 
 Juan de Entralgo, could have transported to 
 the same island all the title deeds of East Flori- 
 da, because he had bought his office of recor- 
 der at public auction* 
 
 The delays of the captain general of Cuba, 
 with regard to the fulfillment or the royal order, 
 transmitted to him by Col. F-.rbes, were so ex- 
 traordinary, and upon any just principle so un- 
 accountable, that the minister of t'le Un ted 
 States in Spain, was, by letters from this de- 
 partment of 13tli and 16th June last, instructed, 
 u])on his return to Madrid, to represent tlie same 
 toyour gr>vermncnt, and to reqriest new andper- 
 emptory orders to that officer, forthedehveryof 
 tlie archives Inhis possession, conformably to the 
 stipulation of tlie treaty. The renewal of the 
 order was declined, upon the ground of entire 
 confidence on the part of your government, that 
 the captain general would, befoj'e it could be re- 
 ceived, have completed the delivery of the ar- 
 chives and documents, as he had been com- 
 manded by the king. 
 
 I regret to be obliged to state, that this just 
 expectation of his Catholic majesty has not yet 
 been fulfilled. 
 
 Captain James Biddle, commander of the Uni- 
 ted States' frigate Macedonian, has therefore 
 been commissioned to repair to the Havana, 
 there to receive the documents and arcliives, 
 which col Forbes was obliged to leave; and 
 which ,it is hoped, the Captain general and go- 
 vernor of Cuba will cause to be delivered with- 
 out further delay. 
 
 I pray you, sir, to receive the assurance of 
 my distinguished consid«ration. 
 
 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 
 
 Don JoAaUIN.D'AjfDUAGA, 
 
 Envoy Eairaar dinar y, &c. 
 
 MR CLAY. 
 
 The Winchester Virginian of the 2!rth idt. 
 says: "The Secretai7 of State has at last put 
 off to the west. He lodged with our friend. 
 Long, at the sign of Gen. Jackson, In Newtown, 
 on Monday night last, and resumed his journey 
 the next morning. Some of his friends at 
 Washington, say that he means to take Nash- 
 ville in his route, tnat he may " beai-d the lion 
 in his den ;" but we rather think he will pro- 
 ceed at once to Kentucky, where Metcalfe is 
 greatly in need of his assistance. By the way, 
 if Metcalfe should be defeated, we suspect he 
 will remain there. It would scarcely be worth 
 while to return just for two or three montlis, 
 when he can draw the pay and stay at home." 
 
 Mr. Clay has probably reached Lexington, 
 and we may, tlierefore, expect to hear from 
 him In a few days — in a stump s])etch or dhmer 
 oratien, designed to answer electioneering pur- 
 poses. Metcalfe is indeed, in need of the scr\ ices 
 of the '• table orator," and he will continue to 
 need them, as the election of the Republican 
 candidate, Maj. Barry, may be considered cer- 
 tain. 
 
 The Editor of the Virginian is deiieived, if 
 he believes Mr. Clay will remain in Kentucky. 
 His feelings and sympathies,have long been alien 
 to those of the freemen of this State, and he 
 
«0f5 
 
 will, n\ our opinion, abandon Kentucky when- 
 ever he discovers tl'at he must ccute tu rule fhv 
 citizens. The approaching August elections 
 will satisfy him, that he is no longer " lord of 
 Ihe ascendant" here; and, as his ambition would 
 prompt him to "reign in hell, raihcrthan serve 
 in heaven," he will probably seek to gratify it 
 where he ia not so well known. — Louisville Fub- 
 !ie Advertiser. 
 
 which enables you to vindicate your reputation 
 and your conduct. They must, therefore, be 
 permitted to urge their request, and to indulge 
 the hope, that if there are no circumstances of 
 which they are not apprised, rendering a com- 
 pliance exceptionable, you will not hesitate^to 
 act in conformity to their wishes. 
 Respectfully, 
 
 J. HARVIE, Chairman C. C 
 
 Ho-. H. CtAT. 
 
 MR. CLAY AND MR. KENDALL. 
 
 Frankfort, Ky. April 14, 1828. 
 
 Deau Sir: Your enemies, discomfitted in 
 their efFor's to establish any thing dishonorable 
 01" criminal upon you, in the various inquisitions 
 they have instituted into your conduct, upcn 
 the late Presidential election, have, in their des- 
 pair, fastened themselves, as a last and only 
 hope, upon the refusal of Mr F. P. Blair, to 
 disclose to the Senate of this State, the contents 
 of a letter alleged to ha'v'e been written by you 
 to him some time in the month of January, 
 1825; and upon the statements of Mr. Amos 
 Kendall, to tl»e same body, in reference to un 
 overture you had made to him to remove to the 
 City of Washington, and accept of a clerkship 
 in the D^partlnent of State. Although Mr. 
 Blair, at the instant, declared that his silence 
 ■svas not dictated by any consideration of the ef- 
 fect it might have upon the controversy, one correspondence with that gentleman was fnend- 
 way or the other, and that the refu.saleman.ated ly and familiar, and sometimes sportive. It is 
 from his sense of tlie sacredness and inviolabili- chaiacterized by a freedom of language wliich 
 ty of confidential correspondence yet the bitter is occasionably admi.ssible in private and friend- 
 and unsparing spirit of your persecutors eager- ly intercourse, but which would not be decorus 
 ly embraced the occasion to instil into the pub- towards tlie public. Mr. Blair has himself re- 
 
 Washin-gton, 5th June, 182S. 
 
 Sir : Youi" letter of the 14th ult. as Chairman 
 of the Central Committee of the friends of the 
 Administration in Kentucky, requesting for 
 publication, copies of my correspondence with 
 Messrs. Blair and Kendall, w:is received shortly 
 before I made a late visit to Philadelphia. My 
 absence from this city, the press of my business 
 incident to the close of the session of Congress, 
 and the feeble state of ray health, have combin- 
 ed to prevent an earlier reply, 
 
 I preserved no copies of my letters addressed 
 to either of those gentlemen. Mr. Blali- has 
 furnished me with copies of several of those di- 
 rected to him, including that upon which, 1 un- 
 derstand, a reliance is placed to establish the 
 fact of my having made a comipt agreement, in 
 relation to the late Presidential election. My 
 
 fused to exhibit the letter in question, or to 
 testify concerning its contents, upon the prin- 
 ciple that he will not, voluntarily, consent to 
 the violation of private correspondence. That 
 principle must command the respect of all hon- 
 orable men. So far as regards the charge against 
 me, the publication would benefit instead of 
 injure me. Such is the opinion of several gen- 
 tlemen to whom I have shown the correspon- 
 dence, and such is my ov.'n. But I will not avail 
 
 lie mind suspicions that the contents were mau- 
 spicious to your reputation, and replete with 
 proofs of illicit negotiation and arrangement be- 
 tween Mr. Adams and yourself. 
 
 The Central Committee raised in this State, 
 to promote the elevation of Gen. Jackson to the 
 Presidency triumphantl}' announced this cir- 
 cumstance, is irrefi-agablc and conclusive evi- 
 dence of your guilt, and cxultingly suggests 
 whether Blair, your friend and correspondent, 
 
 would have declined divulging the letter, had myself of this advantage, at the sacrifice of 
 the contents contained no evidence of bargain a principle, the preservation of which is a ne- 
 and corruption. Tlie statement of Kendall, al- cessary guara'ilee to social cwifidence and in- 
 ihough on its face fi-ivolous and unimportant, is tercourse. I could not, r iorcover, publish mj 
 made subsidiary to tlie same object. The Cen- own letters to Mr. Blair, without some of his, 
 tr.al Committee appointed by the Convention of shewing the sense in which he understood mine, 
 the friends of the Administration, assembled Althougii he has given me permission to publish 
 here in l)eceml)er last, reposing the most en- bolh, he tliinks they ought not to be pubhshed; 
 tire confidence in your patriotism and virtue, and 1 will not, on the defiance of a profligate 
 feel it a solemn duty incumbent on them, to editor, be the first to set a miscliievous exam- 
 repel these unmerited and illiberal imputations, pie which the other party to the correspon- 
 by requesting of you, for publication, copies of dence has refused to establish. 1 must decline, 
 your correspondence with tiiose persons, in re- therefore, authorii;ing the publication of our 
 
 correspondence. But the Central Committee 
 is at hbcrty to exhibit to the inspection of any 
 gentleman, of any party, all such portions of it 
 as relate to the late Presidential election, and 
 I will do the same upon any such application 
 
 ference both to the one and the other of those 
 matters. The Committee are aware of the deli- 
 c»cy and impropriety of exposing to the public 
 gaze and animadversion, private and confiden- 
 tial con-esnondence. They arc conscious tli»t 
 the practice would become liateful in the e.^pe- being made to me. 
 riment, as it ^s indefensible upon principle. My conespondence with Mr. Kend.all stands 
 They cannot, however, give into tiie belief that upon different grounds. That gentleman ha-. 
 the inviolability of private correspondence, im- assumed the tripple attitude of my accuser, tlie 
 poses on you atiy obligation to submit in silence witness to establish the accusaf-on, and the pub- 
 f^ t>^!^ -^^utnn'iffi, or to withhold the m^Rrs l-sher^fitto^hr-^'orW, ^brou^htbepaperwhi 
 
 hi-'- 
 
so: 
 
 he edits. He has not scrupled to violate privul e 
 correspondence, and to misrepresent ciy mo- 
 tives, and the better to enable him to accom- 
 plish his purpose, (as I am compelled to be- 
 lieve,) he states that he has destroyed my let- 
 ters. If he has ve.'JIy destroyed them, I relict 
 it vci V .aucJi, because I should have pvcfcrred 
 their speaking' for ihemselvesj instead of tlieir 
 
 or abated by the fact oi his talcing a part in the 
 local politics of Kentucky, which my judgment 
 did not approve. I have never allowed my pri- 
 vate feehng's towards individuals, to be afl'ected 
 by a mere difference in opinion on political sub- 
 jects; when thcppiuicii opposed to r^.yown is 
 believed to be honest, and is maintained witli 
 proper attention to truth and decency. That 
 
 contends being- perverted by hi? enmity and- interest in the prosperity of Mr. Kendall v/as 
 
 prejudice. Shouki all or any of them be i)ere- 
 after found to have been preserved from the 
 flames, he is at full liberty to jjublish them. Not 
 content with misrepresenting me, I am informed 
 that he has given, in the Argus, an erroneous 
 and faithless version of the testimom- delivered 
 befoi-e tlie Senate of KcHtucky, in tnat most ex- 
 traordinary inq^ijiry which was instituted before 
 that body at its last session. 
 
 The obhgation to respect the confidence 
 v/hich is implied between man and man, intiieir 
 private correspondence, must be reciprocal. 
 One party cannot* be bound to respect, wlidst 
 the other is free to violate it. Still less can 
 such a one-sided obligatjon exist, v.hcn one of 
 the parties has not only violated it, but misre- 
 presented the purport of the correspondence. 
 Mr. Kendall iias therefore absolved me fiom all 
 
 n)oreover, kept nlive by frequent expressions 
 from him, of dissatisfaction with liis condition 
 as an editor of a newspaper, and intimations of 
 his desire to change it for some more eligible 
 piiblic service. 1 have no recollection of liaving 
 ever written to him any letter prior to the late 
 Presidential election, offering to aid him in pro- 
 curing other public employment. Applications 
 to me for sufih aid, were, however frequent, 
 whilst 1 was a member of Congress, as they have 
 been since; and it is quitii possible that I ma}' 
 have written to him on ihni subject. But if I 
 ever did, all inference from any friendly expres- 
 sions of mine, that I was subsequently to be ap- 
 pointed to the Department of S'ate, and that I 
 would then provide for him, (and such I under- 
 stood to be the impoit of the insinuation, con- 
 tained in his testimony before the Senat:^ of 
 
 duty of withholding from the public any portion Kentucky, ) are as malignant as they are utterly 
 of the corrcspondeiicewinchh'us passed between groundless. 
 
 us; if it had ever possessed a character of high- After, and not until about a month after, I 
 er confidence than that which was actually was appointed to tlie Department of State, be- 
 stamped upon it. but I will not avail myselt of lieving that Mr. Kenda.ll v/ould make an useful 
 the privilege which his conduct has thus con- subordinate clerk in that dcpartm^^nt, I offered 
 ferred, farther than is necessary to vindicate him an employment in that character, with a 
 myself agahist him and his tesumony- Before salary of $10U0 per annum; but as the campaign 
 I proceed to notice the letters from him which for that yeai- was just opening in Kentucky, on 
 are now communicated, it is pr. >pev tiiat I should her local politics, I annexed, as an indispensable 
 take a rapid sm-vey ol the relations which ex- condition, that, if he determined to accept, he 
 isted betv, een us. . should not quit the field until the campaign was 
 
 Mr. Kendall had been educated at Harvard terminated. My motive for -this condition can- 
 Univetsity, which ;s among the most respecta- not be mistaken. The offer led to some cor- 
 ble, if it be not tlie most celebrated, of the insti- respondence and conversation between us, in 
 tut.ons, dediculed to education, in the Uvi:ted the' course of which he expressed a wiUingness 
 
 States. During my absence irom my country, 
 on its public service, he was engaged by Mrs. 
 Ci.ay, as a private tutor, to instruct my children. 
 Upon m}' return 1 understood that he had been 
 attentive to the dischirge of tiie duties of his sta- 
 tion, and I ascertained that they had bencfiUed 
 by his instructions during his residence in my 
 family. Parent; know how to estimate such a 
 relation. My personal :.cquaintance with him 
 was never great, he.iiavingleftmy house prior to 
 
 to accept of a place, provided a salary of $1500 
 Vr'as attached to it. As I then had no such place 
 at my disposal, tlie negotiation terminated. — 
 How fortunate the public and I have been in 
 such an issue, let the world now judge 1 
 
 Among other m.odes of Mr. Kendall's appeal 
 to me for aid in his embarrassed circumstances, 
 was that of his endeavour to prevail on me to ef- 
 fiict or make a loan of money to him. I liad a 
 sum of Commonwealth's b;mk paper, belonging 
 
 my return, and my oppiirtunilles of seeing him to tlie estate of Colonel Morrison, of which I 
 
 having been chiefly hn.it^d to my occa.sional pro could not use in the course of its administration, 
 
 fessional vibits at Piaiikf rt, where he resided. . I reE:jlvcd not to sacrifice it by a conversion of 
 
 After he became the editor of the Argus, I took, it into specie, at an enormous discount, foresec- 
 
 and generally read his paper, which I thought ing that it would certainly appreciate in value, 
 
 exhibited some talent and much diligence. I if our state siiould not be afflicted with unwiso 
 
 have never spoken in anj- boasting or reproach- legishition. Mr. Kendall applied to mi to bor- 
 
 ful spirit of ho.spitalltcs or kindness, received row a part of that paper. Iloancdhim in 1825, 
 
 by him tmdcr my roof. If they ever create any for one year, $1500, and took a mortgage 
 
 obligation, it is cancelled witenever they are for the reimbursement of the loan, witli legal 
 
 trumpetted forth by those who dispense them, interests in the same paper medium. The 
 
 He has chosen himself publicly to advert to tliis mortgage was committed to record, thereby de- 
 
 subject, and I leave him to the undisturbed en- monstrating that I had no wish to throw any 
 
 complacency. another year, on the condition of his p.iyii>g the 
 
 The relation v/hicli I have described, created arrear of int-.-rest. At the termination of thi£ 
 
 a strong interest on mv part, in the personal other year, he was still luiable to pay. I infor- 
 
 -•• elfai-e of Mr. Kendall 'it was r.ot extinguished med hinj t^at the matter n?.-4St '^c closed, but i 
 
S&A 
 
 inste:uctea iny agent t« extend to him ev«ry in- 
 dulgence, consistent with the security of tlie 
 debt, about which I entertained some apprehen- 
 sions. He has paid a part of it, by the sale of 
 some of the mortgaged property; and, at the 
 date of uiy last advices, a considerable balance 
 remained undischarged. If I had retained the 
 paper unappropriated in my possession as I 
 did retain a large sum, the estate would have de- 
 rived all tho benefit of the anticipated apprecia- 
 tion in its value, which has, in fact, been reali- 
 zed, without risk of the loss of the capital Tlie 
 sole eilect produced by (he loan, (on the suppo- 
 sition of its ultimate re-imbiirsement;) wdl be, 
 that tiie estate will acquire interest upon the 
 sum loaned. This innocent pecuniary affair lias 
 been represented as a disposition on my own 
 part to bribe Amos Kendall; and I have been 
 held up, at the same time, as a bankrupt and 
 griping creditor, seekmg to conipel my UTifor- 
 tunate debtor to pay in specie, dollar for dollar, 
 that which he had borrowed in paper; and rob- 
 bing the estate of a deceased friend of tlie bene- 
 fit of tlie operation! 
 
 Of the three letters of Amos Kendall, here- 
 with transmitted, the first bears dale the 21st of 
 .January, 1825. In the letter he states that C^n- 
 eral Jackson was his second choice, but adds, 
 *'if our interest in the west can be promoted by 
 any other arrawgement, I shall be content. At 
 any rate let us have a President. I would soon- 
 er vote for any of the three: than have a Vice- 
 gerent for four years. Do what you think best; 
 the Argus will not complaini because it has 
 FAlTii that you will <Io nothing to compromit 
 theinterestsof the western country, or the na- 
 tion." What Mr. Kendall meant by promoting 
 eur interests of the west, by any arrangttment 
 other than the election of General Jackbon, he 
 does not explain; and never did explain to me. 
 That at the date of that letter he had not tieard 
 from Mr. Blair, or from any other person, that 
 I had made a corrupt agreement "o obtaii\ the 
 appointment of Secretary of State, is manifest, 
 from his explicit avowal of faith in nie, and 
 that I would do nothing to compromit the in- 
 terests of the western country, or the nation. 
 
 The committee will bear in mind that Mr. 
 Kendall states, in his testimony before the Sen- 
 ate, and has repeatedly otherwise asserted, that 
 he obtained information from Mr. Blair, in Jan- 
 uary 1825, of the existence of a corrupt barg-.tin, 
 by which I was to be made Secretary of State, 
 in the contingency of Mr. Atlam's election. I 
 have shewn, from his own letter, that he could 
 iKjt possibly have received any such information 
 up to the 21st January, 1825. The next letter 
 from him, herewith transmitted, bears date the 
 *20th Feb. 1825. In this letter he saj s, " There 
 is much inquiry," [at Frankfort, whure both 
 he and Mr. Blair rcsideil, and where he pretends 
 he received the alleged information,] "whetlier 
 you will be offered, or will accept the Secreta- 
 ryship of State, and much diversity of opinion 
 as to what you ought to do, if it is oflcred. It 
 seems to me, that no man here can tell what you 
 ought to do; because it is impossible for us to 
 know all the circumstances." That which is 
 known, is not ordinarily a matter of speculation. 
 If it were known at Frankfort, to Mr. Kentlall 
 and others, on the 20th February, 1825, that 1 
 was to be appointed Secretary of State, there 
 <'n\.rid have Ijcen no doubts, no uncertainty, no 
 
 speculative inquires about it. This inference 
 appears to me to be fair and irresistible, from 
 the context of his letter. 
 
 But if any one can hesitate yet to believe that 
 Mr. Kendall never entertained any opinion un- 
 favorable to the purity of my ];ubllc condvict, 
 and that his charge is a gi'oss fabrication, 1 in- 
 vite the attention of such a .spertic to the re- 
 maining letter from him, which is now transmit- 
 ted. Before it is introduced, on.- word of ex- 
 planation is necessaty. I have heard, in the 
 summer, or September, 1826, tnat a report had 
 been put in circulation in Scott county, that I 
 had sought to bribe Mr. Kendall, andto^juy him 
 off bv a clerkship in the Department of State. 
 I addressed him a letter in consequence of it, in 
 September (;f that year, communicating the ex- 
 istence of the report, expressing my surprise, 
 and enquiring of him about it. I kept no copy 
 of my itUer, and therefore speak of its purport 
 from memi ry. His reply bears date lUe 11th of 
 October, 1826, more than twenty months after 
 the period when h*- alleges that he had '-eceived 
 from Mr. Blair the information of my iiaving 
 made a corrup' bsu-gain. In this answer, be 
 stales that he had not heard of the report; that 
 it had ne vcr received the shghtest color from any 
 dechiration of his, and that he will make pnmpt 
 measures to put a stop to it. And he adds, 
 •' whatever course I miay feel constrained to take 
 in relation to the administration generally, I trust 
 I shall not be the means, or the occasion, of 
 cast Wig any imputation upon your INTEGRITY 
 or HONO'lt." 
 
 Such is a faithful account of my relations 
 and correspondence with Mr. Amos Kendall, 
 so fur as the public cas feel any interest in 
 knowing them. Had there not been a call 
 upon me, from so respectable a soiu-ce, it 
 woidd never have been communicated to tlie 
 public. This IS the only notice of him that 
 I shall ever take. I will not descend to the 
 Uvel of a ncwsp:iper controversy, with one who 
 has shewn himself destitute of all principle. It 
 belongs to my ti mperiment to think tavorably 
 of my fellow men. But I have notb( en .so often 
 deceived as some of m^v Kentucky fnends ima- 
 gine, in re.specl to the dispositions of men to- 
 wards me. I have long known that several 
 jiromincnt individuals in that State, now my 
 open enemies, cherished, during many years, 
 amidst the most friendly professions of esteem 
 and admiration, a s-cret hostility against me. — 
 Some of these have labored to heighten the ef- 
 fect of their j)resent enmity by the affectation of 
 a former warm friendship. But I .acknowlcdga 
 that 1 have been deceive din Mr. Amos Kendall. 
 The regret which the development of his want 
 of veracitv and integrity has occasioned, i.-^rniti- 
 gat' d by ihe conviction that his malignant shafts 
 arc harmless and impotent. 
 I am, with great respect. 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 H. CLAY. 
 John HAaviK, Esq. 
 
 &.C. &.C. &c. 
 
 Fkaxkfoht, Jan. 21st, 1825. 
 Deak Sih — Our legislature is gone, put have 
 left us no repose. \Ve have a prospect of a 
 contest more embittered than ever. I regret it, 
 and would gladly escape from it; but the fates 
 seem to order it otherwise. I may mistake; but 
 
309 
 
 1 think the legislature will be sustained. The 
 excitement is among those opposed to removing- 
 the judges by any means. 
 
 As I infovmed you, the I'esolut'ons requesting- 
 you to vote for .lacksoii passed, and you liave 
 doubtless received them. Jackson is m}^ se- 
 cond choice^ al] ci'cumstances being cqiial be- 
 tween him and Adams. But if our interest in 
 the west can be promoted by any other airange- 
 ment, I siiall be content. At aiiy rate, let us 
 have a President. 1 would soonirr vote for any 
 of the three than have a Vice-gerent for four 
 years. Do what you ihink best — the Argus 
 will not complain, because it has faith, that you 
 will do notliing to compromit the interests of 
 the western country, or the nation. Sincerely 
 vQur friend 
 
 AMOS KENDALL. 
 
 Fhankfort, Feb. 20th, 1825. 
 
 Dear Sik: — Since the enclosed was written, 
 we have received the news of the result of the 
 Presidential election. It creates very little sen- 
 sation here. In Frankfort, prol»ably half, or 
 nearly so, approve the course of our representa- 
 tion. Jackson's original friends are louil in 
 their complaints, and several who were for you 
 join them. I think in some sections of the 
 country, there will be a considerable stir; but 
 if the Administration is prudent, it will die away. 
 I speak of Kentucky r.nly. T!:ere is much in- 
 quiry whether you will be offered or will accept 
 the Secretaryship of State, and much diversity 
 of opinion as to what you ought to do if it is of- 
 fered. It seems to me, that no man here can 
 tell what you otight to do because it is impos- 
 sible for us to know all the circumstances. 
 
 Is there not a probability that Jackson may 
 oe elected by the people at the end of four 
 years!* Will not Clinton unite his interest with 
 Jackson's, with the expectation that he will 
 succeed him in the Presidency; and will not 
 such a combination he too powerful to with- 
 stand^ Will not Adams, for iiis own safety, re- 
 tain Crawford, and tliei-eby conciliate his inte- 
 rest' I know nothing of these m.itters; but on 
 viewing at this distance, the posture of men and 
 parties, indicated by these queries, have flitted 
 through my mind. 
 Your friend, 8cc. 
 
 AMOS KENDALL. 
 
 Fhankfort, Oct. lltb., 1826 
 DearSir — -Yours of the 27th ult. is this moment 
 received, and Itliank yo most sincerely for the 
 information it contains. No statement of the 
 character mentioned, as having been made in 
 Scott, ever received the slightest colour from 
 any declaration of mine. To severid who in- 
 quired of me relative to the rumors mentioned in 
 a letter written by me to you last year, 1 have 
 stated tlie simple facts, and generally added, 
 that I should have accepted tlie offer, had the 
 salaiy been '11500. I do not know whether either 
 of the gentlemen named were of that num- 
 ber. 
 
 I have not before heard of this report, but 
 shall take prompt measures to put a stop to it. 
 Whatever course I may feel constrained to take 
 in relation to the administration generally, I 
 trust I shall not be the means or the occasion of 
 casting any imputation upon yonr integrity or 
 >iDnori 
 
 After a dreadful attack of the flux, wiiich. tu- 
 tally disabled me for six weeks, I am barely able 
 to move about and write a letter. 
 Your friend, 8cc. 
 
 AMOS KENDALt^ 
 
 Letter V. 
 
 TO HENRY CLAY, ESQ. 
 
 Secretary of State of the United States. 
 
 Sir: — I am well aware of the inequality of the- 
 contest which I wage. High in office and ciotiied 
 with power, the dispenser of an extensive pa- 
 tronage and the anticipated fountain of golden 
 streams, lumdreds of subservient presses speak 
 at } ourbiddlng.and thousands of obedient voices 
 echo your words. What ami? The humble 
 editor of a weekly newspaper, scarcely read be- 
 yond the limits of a single State, not friendless 
 but powerless, struggling with adver.sity and a 
 host of enemies, with nothing but truth for my 
 sword and integrity for my shield. Already the 
 mercenaries which follow at your heels, elated 
 at one thrust of 3^0 ur puissant arm, raise every 
 where the shout of victory. I remember to have 
 read of a band of Philistines, who exulted when 
 their giant champion defied the armies of the 
 living- God; but not many days elapsed before 
 they saw him slain by a beardless boy. 
 
 For tlie use of my private letters, you have 
 deemed it necessary to urge a justification. — 
 This \ ou endeavor to find in the detail given by 
 me before the Senate of Kentucky, of the con- 
 tents of siniilai- letters from you. For my act I 
 migi'.t find a justification in the fact, that I was 
 put cnder oath by a tribunal, a majority of which 
 was made up of your fnends to tell " the tiuth, 
 the wiiole truth, "and not'Mug but the truth." — 
 But I do not rely upon that. All the facts there 
 detailed, had been long before related by me t» 
 many individuals, w ith your knowledge and con- 
 sent, clearly implied, if not exprcssl}' given. 
 
 On the 4th October, 1825, I informed you by 
 letter, that In consequence, I pnsumed, of some 
 intimation given by yourself, a report was cir- 
 culating through the country, which I had heard 
 directly from Squire Turner, and indirectly 
 from George Robertson, that I had been bought 
 up to go to Washington city as a writer in fa- 
 vor of Mr. Adams au' I yourself. I apprised you, 
 that, under such circum.stances, 1 must feel my- 
 self at liberty to explain what had passed be- 
 tween us in relation to the clerkship, whenever 
 I might think proper. To this I received a re- 
 ply from you, dated 18th October, 1825, of 
 which the following is an extract. 
 
 «« With respect to what has been or may be 
 said about the desir* which I had to engage 
 your services in the Department of State, I 
 should be sorry if it gave you any concern. To 
 me it Is utterly indifferent. It is enough for me 
 to know, that I was influenced by no impropei- 
 motives, and that I was guided solely by the 
 consideration that your industry, capacity and 
 invegrity might be beneficially employed for the 
 public in that department." (See No. 1, here- 
 to annexed.) 
 
 You did not deny that you had given tlie in- 
 formation from which sprung the, remarks of 
 Messrs. Turner and Robertson. You did not 
 object to mj- explaining the whole transaction, 
 AVith your assent thus given, I detailed to seve- 
 ral inilYidtiars tke facts wkic'h i stated nndsr 
 
3i0 
 
 oath in the. Senate. The last of my letters re-as^evtin 
 ■which you h.ive piibUslied. written a year after- 
 wards, expressly refers to the letter of 4th Oc- 
 tober, 1825, and informs you that I had given 
 this detail. Its lung'uage is as follows: 
 
 " 'I'o several who inquired of tne rt-latlve to 
 '.he rumors mentioned in a IcUer written by me 
 to j'ou last 3'car, I have s'atcd the simple facts, 
 and generally added, that I would have accept- 
 ed the ott'er, had the salr.ry been $1,500." 
 
 Hence, you assented, in 1825, to my disclos- 
 1 ing' the facts stated by mc in the Senate of Ken- 
 tucky. In 1826, you were informed that I had 
 made the statement to "seticral." Youfound 
 no fault with my course; it did not draw fi-oni 
 yoii a lisp of censure or dissatisfaction. But 
 now, because I have detailed the Rhme fkrng.i, 
 when put upon my oath by your friends in the 
 Senate of Kentucky, you say " I have not scru- 
 jded to violate private coiTospondence," and 
 make it the apolog'y for violativg private corres- 
 pondence yours, If.' 
 
 Sir, your "private correspondence" has never 
 been violated by me, any further than 1 was 
 .iiistified in disclosing it by your own consent. 
 Of all I did, I informed you, and it did not meet 
 with your disapprobation. To find a salvo for 
 your own violated hnnor, you have falsely im- 
 peached mine. I appreciate your fcidings. — 
 Humble as I am, I had drivan the g-iant to t'le 
 
 ^, by reff-rence to the ai>ove quotn- 
 tion, that he did tr-ll me, in Junuarii 1S25, that 
 Mr. Jdrtms, if elected, would maJte you Secretary 
 of States. 
 
 "JtTLT2d, 1828. 
 
 " Dear Sir: In reply to your note, I refer to 
 a statement made by me in the Senate, in tlie 
 investigation before that body, as published in 
 the Argus.- Tlie substance of what I said is 
 there correctly reported. F. P. BLAIR." 
 
 Instead of hurling your shafts at me, xvV.y do 
 you not asic Mr Blair who or what authorised 
 him to give me this information? Does your 
 course look like innocence' Dare you not meet 
 the subject* Bold as 30U are, and pure as you 
 pretend to be, dare you not ask .Mr. Blair the 
 plain question, " by ichat authority did you tell 
 Mr. Ke.nduU that Mr. Adams, if elected Presi- 
 dent, vjould rnahe Mr. Chy Secretary oj StateV* 
 
 Having establis\ed the truth of my statement ' 
 and brought you back to the point from which 
 you ha%'e endeavored to escape by a wanton at- 
 tack on me, I might here stop. Upon your 
 palpable evasion, in turning upon me wlieiv 
 you should have- called ujjon Mr. Bl.yr to estab- 
 lish the truth of his assertions and give his au- 
 
 thority, I might rest the question of your guilt 
 or innocence with an impartial world. But I 
 sh:d] not stop here Your breach of honor has 
 left mc free to show that I am not that faithless 
 << 1 
 
 wall. Tvng he.sitating what to do, feeling the man and " profligate editor" which you repre- 
 necessity of saying something, and not daring sent. The substance of my letters which you 
 to call on M"-. Blair, you have at last sought for have published, I had bfeore stated to the pub- 
 
 an excuse to assail me, and thus evade the point 
 to which public inquirj" was directed. 
 
 Your sole eflfbii, apparently, is to prove that 
 I did not receive such inf;rmation fi-om >Ir. 
 iBlair as I had stateil. Why do you affect to 
 doubt my veracity on this score? You know 
 that iMr. Blair has publicly admitted in the Sen- 
 ate, that my statement was true. In the pro- 
 ceedings before t!)at body you have read the 
 following: 
 
 "Mr. Blair begged leave to explain. He 
 said, in substance, in reply to IVIr. Green's re- 
 marks, that .Mr. Kendall's letters to Mr. Clay 
 had pointed out him to the public as one who 
 knew sometliing in relation to the subject now 
 before the Senate These Utters refeiTrd to 
 a conversation v/hich he hod with Mr. Ken- 
 dall in January, 1825, in which he .stated 
 that Mn. Clay wocld be SEcnET.vnT, iv .Mn. 
 Adams wkiie vapf. Presmiekt. Mr. Kend.all 
 suppos^'d that the iiiformatfon was received in 
 letters from Mr. Clay to IVTr. Crittenden or mv- 
 self; and as Mr. Crltienden had declared lie re- 
 *:eivcd no such letters, it had pointed inquiry di- 
 rectly to him."— " He liad not ommunicalrd 
 to any one tlie grounds on wliich he had made 
 his .^laiemtn' '1, M,-. Kendall," J.c. 
 
 Tims, witli Mr. Blair's admission that I spoke 
 tlie truth before you, do yoii charge me with 
 
 lie; but I sliall no'v imfold a fotv of yours, the 
 contents of which, when your attack on me ap- 
 peared, no eye- but my own had ever seen. 
 
 I had a favorable opinion of Mr. Adams. You 
 sought suscessfully to destroy it. In a letter to 
 me, dated, Washington, 8th January, 1820, you 
 say : 
 
 "The Missouri question is that which en- 
 grosses most of the thoughts and .ittention of 
 the members at present. Tiiere is a profound 
 interest felt on that question h^rc. The sub- 
 ject has been started, it is believed by many, 
 fo- the piii-pose of ;irraying one portion of the 
 United States :igainst .li. other, andthrre issomc 
 rcasim ti> appreheml that this sinister design 
 may be eff-cted." (See No. 2.) 
 
 This was w'll (inderstocd to allude to .Mr. 
 Adams. Pen. Hanlin, then a member of Con- 
 gress openly made the charge agai'isthim. The 
 object of the followinc 
 cannot be mihtaken. 
 from you, dated, Wnshingion, April 16th, 1820, 
 and relates to the Florid.i treaty. 
 
 "There is a rumour in the city which will 
 astonish you, in regard to the conclusion of that 
 treaty. It has been asserted by a member of 
 Congress as coming from high authority, tliat, 
 prior to the conclusion of the treaty, it was 
 known to Mr. Adams, that we could have ob- 
 
 .j,, written in confidence, 
 It is an extract of a letter 
 
 uttering falsehood.^ Why,inst-ad of assailing tained more than « as conveyed to us; tliat is, 
 
 the Spanish negotiator was allowed, by his in- 
 structions, to grant us more; but that less was 
 t.aken, because the Spanish minister declared, 
 if he went up to his instructions he should be 
 afraid of some personal injury upon his return 
 home! What will you in the west, tliink of the 
 wisdom of that policy which consents to sunen- 
 der an important pari: of our territory from such 
 a motive!" (See No. 3.) 
 
 T '-'■••'.vfd that Mr. Adams, in ncTTOtiating the 
 
 3ne, did you not call on Mr. Blair forthe grounds 
 on which he made his sfatcment to me' Wny 
 did you not authorise and request him to tell 
 "the truth, the wliole truth,and nothing but the 
 truth?" Or why did vou not hold him respon- 
 sible for the falsehoofl he had told me ' You 
 dared not call on Mr. Blair. 
 
 To prevent all evasions, I wrote to Mr. Blair, 
 lequestinjj him t^ re-afiirm the truth of mv state- 
 ment. H" ha« r. ''irn",! t'^r ♦", .iio,vi„^ a„s\vrr 
 
31 
 
 iierida treaty, iiad compromiited the interest 
 of the western country; but 1 did not suspect 
 that he had wilfully and needlessly given up ouv 
 territory to Spain, until thus informed by you. 
 
 There is one subject upon which, judging 
 from known circumstances, you have a right to 
 suspect me of dishonor; and yet no impression 
 could be more erroneous. It was stated in the 
 Central Watchtower, ])rinted in llarrodsburg', 
 iust before 1 went to the eastward last full, that 
 I was the writer of certain articles signed 
 »'Wayne" pubhshed in a Cincinnati paper in 
 1822. Confident that 1 Itid never communica- 
 ted the fact to that editor, I was at a loss to im- 
 agine whence the suggestion came. When 
 Mr. Tanner was in Frankfort last winter, he 
 gave me an explanation. He lived with me as 
 a printer when those numbers were written, and 
 slept in a room where I often wiote. Perceiv- 
 ing apiece of manuscript laying on my writing 
 chair, and supposing that It was for the Argus, 
 lie read it. Instead of meeting with it in the 
 Argus, he ne?;t saw it in a Cincinnati paper. 
 
 This production, you will recollect, was wrlt- 
 isrtafier aconsulkitionv)Uh you at my house in 
 I^ankfirrt. I advised that the campaign should 
 be opened in New-York. Her canals were not 
 then finished; the spirit of Internal Improvement 
 was high; her hopes for future wealth and pow- 
 er were directed to the west; and as you were 
 considered the great champion of IntLrnal Im- 
 provements, 1 tliought that by avaihng yourself 
 of those circumstances, you migiit probably se- 
 cure the ultimate vote of that State which would 
 almost insure your election. But your immedi- 
 ate views were then -confined to uniting the 
 West. The numbers of "Wayne" did not spare 
 Jolui Q. Adams. They spoke of him as hostde 
 to Internal Improvements, cliargedhim with hos- 
 tility to tiie \Ve«t, declaring that at Ghent he had 
 pursued "■an unftdin^ policy, which would crim- 
 son our fresh fickk ivith the blood uf our border 
 brethern, and li^hl the. midnight forest with the 
 flames of their dwellings." These strong de- 
 nunciations of Mr. Adams were interspersed 
 with all due praises of your honorable self, and 
 your superior skill and sagacity. These num- 
 bers were sent to you at Lexington The fol- 
 lowing extract of a letter from you, dated, I-ex- 
 jngton, 23d June, 1822, acknowledges the re- 
 ceipt of them, shows how they got to Cincin- 
 nati, and pro^'es }'our agency in this attack upon 
 Mr Adams: 
 
 ** I received your obliging favor of the 20th 
 inst. and thank you most sincerely for the 
 friendly sf ntinients towards mc whicli it con- 
 tains. Mr. T. Crittenden h.ts retained the pro- 
 duction which accompanied it, and which he 
 has undertaken to divide and to dispose of in 
 his place of residence, [Cincinnati,] according to 
 OUR WISHES." No. 4. 
 
 You will recollect, that t!iis was about five 
 niontlis before tlie date of your letter to the 
 F^tora of the Nalinnal Intelligt ncer, declaring 
 that Mr. Adams's errors about tlie (ihent nego- 
 tiation were " no doubt uninttnlionai'" .' 
 
 Not long before This pei-iod, the duplicate let- 
 ters of Mr. Russell, with Mr. Adams's com- 
 mentaries, had made their appearance. There 
 were many, especially in Virginia, who charg- 
 ed you with having instigated Mr. Russell, witii 
 the view of destroying Mr. Atlanis, and you 
 were in danger of sharing the fate of vour col- 
 
 le.igue. 1 was simple enough' to bebeve >oa 
 superior to all these intrigues; and informing 
 you of the injurious suspicions which existed in 
 relation to yourself, I ottered you my pen and 
 my paper for your vi.idication. You declared 
 to me in reply, that you did not know such a 
 letter as Russell's to Mr. Monroe v/as in exis- 
 tence; that you would not have calkd for it, if 
 ysu had known it; tliat you would not have 
 comnmnicated to Cong-re^s such a private docu- 
 ment, if youj had beei- President; and that you 
 had not tlic slightost cci ccra, direct or indirect, 
 in the call for the letter. You adduce the fact, 
 that the letter does not allude to your opposV 
 tion to the proposition made at Ghent, as evi- 
 dence that } ou could have had no concern with 
 it. But you forget, that this omission is rather 
 calculated to excite suspicion, than allay it; be- 
 cause it is precisely what wa» necessary to give 
 tlie letter an effect on the mind of Mr. Monroe^ 
 injurious to Mr. Adams, and beneficial to you. 
 
 These denials were made to me in Kentiicky, 
 U'nderdateof2od June, 1822. Mr. Russell, in 
 a publication made in Boston on the 27th of the 
 same month, says — "To tlie only member of 
 the mission who had a direct interest in the case, 
 [meaning Mr. Clay,] 1 did show, at the ilma, 
 the letter written at Paris." (See Mr. Adams's 
 book on the Fisheries and Mississippi, page 183.) 
 Perhaps at the same moment you were writing 
 to me, privately, a denial that you knew such ji 
 letter was in existence, Mr. Russell was writing 
 a statement /w* the public, that he showed it to 
 you when it was written. This public statement 
 you have never controverted nor denied. Be- 
 sides, I have now other reasons to believe that 
 allthese denials were the eflect of tlie most pro- 
 found hypocrisy; tliat the origin and existence of 
 that letter were well known to you, and that 
 you so rnanaged as to have it called for, when 
 even the gentleman making the call was uncon- 
 scious of the secret agenry by which he was ac- 
 tuated. In the same letter, you observe : "For 
 your kind offisr of yjur pen and your paper, I 
 am inlinitely obliged ; and ?io doiM I shall have 
 occasion for the friendly employment oj both." 
 
 I stated in my e\ idence before the Senate, 
 and in my pubhcations, that previous to writing 
 my letters to John Quincy Adams, reviewing 
 liis jjublication upon the Fisheries and tlie Mis- 
 sis.sippi, there was one point upon which you 
 and myself disagreed, and that you satisfied me 
 I was m error, in a personal interview at my 
 house The follov/ing extract of u letter from 
 you, dated Washington, 16th February, 1833, 
 clearly states the point of diflerence, and alludes 
 to the subsequent interview : 
 
 " With respect to the question, ■whether, 
 after the conclusion of the ti-ealy of Louisiana^ 
 the right did not accrue to the Ilritish, under 
 that of 1783, to navigate the Mississippi in it^ 
 whole extent, 1 hope 3'ou will not commit your- 
 s?lf until L see you. My opinion is very strong, 
 tliat it dill no; ; and although your suggeaiioifS 
 are Ingenious, 1 do not tiiink them concliusive." 
 After going iiito some argimient upon thq 
 point, you say : " When 1 shall nave the pleas- 
 ure of seeing you, we will further disciissthir. 
 matter." 
 
 In the same letter you say: " Mr. Tali ot pry- 
 rhised to-day to send you one of Mr. AdutDf.' 
 books, which I never saw until 1 came here — I 
 will spf-th^titisdotip." Youppcceed: "Judg" 
 
312 
 
 ]ng from prfiseat appearances, the contest will 
 qe between Mr. Adams and me." (See No. 5.) 
 Upon your return you called on me, and after 
 an arg-ument of some length, 1 was convinced 
 tiiat yours was the better opinion. At the same 
 time, you gave me all needful explanations rela- 
 tive to the negotiations at Ghent. Being now 
 furnished by you with ammunition, and assured 
 that the contest was to be between you and Mr. 
 Adams, I commenced the war upon him with 
 all the vigor of which I was master. A series of 
 letters was publislied in the Aigus, reviewing 
 his publication, charging, and 1 humbly think, 
 eonvicting him of hostility to tiie West, violation 
 of instructions, duplicity, falsehood, and almost 
 every thing that is dishonorable and base in a 
 public man. You approved of these letters 
 during the progress of their publication. I do 
 not know that you proposed Xo me to print Ihem 
 in pamphlet; but you conversed with me on the 
 subject, and offered me fifty dollars towards de- 
 fraying the expense. They were afterwards- 
 printed in Lexington, by Mr. Tanner, to wiiom 
 you paid one hundred dollars on tiiat account. 
 You had an agency in distributing them, as is 
 proved by a letter from you to me, written in 
 December 1823, of which the following is an 
 extract : 
 
 "Sevepa] inquires have been made about 
 your pamphlet on the Fisheries, by members of 
 Congress, and I have promised to request a 
 copy to be sent to Mr. David Sloane, of the 
 Ohio Senate, at Columbus; anotlier to the Hon. 
 Henry R. Stoirs, and another to the Hon. John 
 Sloane, here. Will you be good enough to 
 have them forwarded." (See No. 6.) 
 
 It has been supposed by some,that a prelimina- 
 fy & contingent arrangement was made between 
 you and Mr. Adams, in the winter of 1823-4. I 
 I find, in one of your letters dated Washington, 
 iSth March 1824, a remark which I do not un 
 dei-stand; unless there was then some under- 
 standing or some prospect of one, between you 
 and Mr. Adams. You say: 
 ^ "New-York continues to be a contested 
 State, My decided opinion is, that it will give 
 Its support to Mr. Adams or to me, or perhaps 
 divide it between us. In that case, Mr. Crawford 
 cannot come into tlie House. Mv iriends are 
 confident in the belief, that if 1 enter the House 
 as one of the tliree highest, no matter with what 
 associates, I sliail be elected. If, contrary to 
 all probability, Mr. Crawford should obtain the 
 vote of New- York, the contest for an untrj into 
 tlie House will probably l»e between Jackson 
 and me."— «« Without enterm^r into ftulher par- 
 ticulars, my opinion is, that my friends have 
 every motive for vigorous, animated and perse 
 vering exertion." No. 7. 
 
 I'his letter is in style and substance so like the 
 Circular of your VVasliinglon Comnr.itee, issued 
 in the succeeding May, that they must both 
 llave come from the same hand. Rut how 
 could you, in March 1824, anticipate that the 
 vote of New- York would be divided between 
 you and Mr. Adams, unless tlver« was an exist- 
 ing or expected concert among your friends' 
 
 The electoral election took place and you 
 were excluded from the House of Representa- 
 iives. 
 
 Vor the honorable purpose of painting me as 
 a kind of beggar soliciting -Ad from your influ- 
 v'ncc and bounty, you have represented me as 
 
 applying for your assistance to procure me soHie 
 public employment while you were a member 
 of Congress. To the best of my knowledge 
 and behef, I never hinted to you such a thing, 
 until you bad notified Tie of your disposition 
 and intention to aid me in that respset. I 
 thertfore pronounce your insinuation false, and 
 call on you to publisli any private letter you 
 may have from me soliciting such aid, or hint- 
 ing that it would he gratefully received, written 
 before the last presidential election. You first 
 put the thought of public employment into my 
 head. Not long before that election, you wrote 
 me a letter expressing your intention to offer me 
 a situation at Washington contingent upon some 
 event which was unexplained. 1 took it as an 
 expression of your intention to aid me in that 
 way, if you should have it in your power, and 
 gave it no further thought. 
 
 Ab<»-it the same time, I received from Mr. 
 Blair the information that Mr. Adams, if elected 
 President, would n.ake you Seciet;uy of Slate. 
 Operating on my devotion to you, and urging 
 the further argument that Gen. Jackson, if 
 elected, would not make you Secretary of 
 State, at the third effort he persuaded me to 
 write to Mr. White requesting him to vote for 
 Mr. Adams. I iiave no doubt 1 wrote to him 
 and you on the same day, and I perceive that 
 my letter to you is dated 21st January 1825. 
 
 I did not, as you have falsely alleged, state 
 that Mr. Blair told me there was" a corrupt a- 
 gree?neni" between you and Mi-. Adams. He 
 never told me how it had been ascertained that 
 Mr. Adams would make you Secretary of State. 
 Mr. White, or Mr. Johnson, or Mr. Trimble, 
 might, for aught I know, have demanded this 
 pledge of him in obedience to what they suppo- 
 sed to be the wishes of their constituents. If 
 it had been thus procured, there certainly would 
 have been no corruption in it; for the people, 
 and their representatives acting in obedience 
 to their will, had an undoubted right to pledge 
 the candidate for President in reference to Iiis 
 whole cabinet. But you will have ,it, that if 
 there was any understanding at all, it was "a 
 corrupt agreement between you and Mr. Ad- 
 ams " Not pe'*mitted to ioubt the existence of 
 an understwiding, }'our conduct has satisfied me 
 that on your part it was corrupt. 1 admit, that 
 my letters jniblised by you, prove that 1 did not 
 think so as late as October 1826; but do they 
 prove that such was not the fact? I iiave a bo- 
 som friend whom I believe to be pure and ho- 
 nest, and write him letters expressing my confi- 
 dence in his ^'honor and integrity," it turns out 
 that he was a th;ef and had the stolen goods in 
 his possession when I wrote to him; could he, 
 when arraigned by me before a judicial tribunal, 
 turn roui;d and produce my letter as proof of 
 his innocence' My letters to you prove only 
 the purity of my own motives; not your inno- 
 cence. In fine, those letters contain jirecisely 
 what 1 had before stated to the public, and the 
 only thing which gives them the least impor- 
 tance, is your vindictive ammtnfarj/. 
 
 When I wrote to Mr. White I did not intend 
 to take any part against the administration, be- 
 cause 1 had *• faith that you would do nothing 
 tocompromit the interestsof the Western coun- 
 try or the nation." Not long after the election 
 1 received a letter from you declaring your in- 
 tention tp offer me some situation at Washing- 
 
313 
 
 \Dn City; but the nature of the situation was not 
 described. I si-.ewed tiie letter to your friends, 
 F. p. Blair and U. White, Esq'rs. and request- 
 ed them to say what situation they supposed 
 you intended. They concuired with me in 
 opinion that you wished me to write in support 
 of your.':e]f arid Mr. Adams. I replied to you, 
 that I would accept of no situation in which it 
 would be expected of me to take up my pen in 
 favor of Mr. Adams. You afterwards person- 
 ally oifered me a Clerkship with a salary of 
 $ 1000, which I declined, expressing- a wiiUiig- 
 ness to accept one with a salary of $ 1500. A 
 correspondence ensued relating- to that and 
 other subjects, upon the close of which I burnt 
 all your letters which related to a situation or 
 Clerkship at Wasliington, and informed you by 
 letter that they were burnt! Yet, with a liltle 
 ness which I could not once have expected in 
 Henry Claj, you now pretend to doubt that 
 fact. You do not doubt it; for if vou did, you 
 would not dare to make the assertions which are 
 contained in your attack. 
 
 Messrs. tiJair and White remember iny show- 
 ing or mentioning to them your letter which 
 n spoke of your intention to offer it'C some situa- 
 ton at Washington, arid by their evidence I am 
 able to sustain that i^art of my statenient. That 
 you did offer nie the same offico a second time, 
 is proved by the f.)llow ng extiact from your let- 
 ter of October 18ih, 1825: 
 
 " No change has occurred in the office since 
 my return; and unless a Clerkship should be cre- 
 ated or become vacant,i do not know tiu'.tl could 
 ofteryo-a any other than that which you thougtitit 
 your interest to decline. As it was originally 
 made without reference to your agency in the 
 K. politics, or to the then state of itiem, the re- 
 cent change would have no effect on my wishes 
 to engage you m the public service." 
 
 It was again declined, with a (ieclaration tliat 
 I woidcl accept of no office whicli you could 
 give me un'il I liad fought another political cam- 
 paign in Kentucky. Since 1 have seen your 
 charges for extia clerk hire, I have wondered 
 whether, in reality, a Clerk •^hip was kept open 
 for me from tlie first of March until November! 
 I very much t'oubt it. 
 
 I was absorbed in State politics and little or 
 no correspondence took place between us dur- 
 ing the next year. On the lltii October 1826, 
 1 received -i letter from you, alleging- tbat R. J. 
 Ward, Esq. and one of the Messrs. Johnsons 
 in Scott, had stated, that you had made an un- 
 successful attempt to buy me up to go to U ash- 
 ington Cit}'. I smiled when 1 read this letter. 
 The preceding year when the rumor circulated 
 in a form degrading to me, you were wholly in- 
 different!' But now that it had taken another 
 shape, you were very sensitive. It was in reply 
 to this, that the last letter published by you was 
 written. It proves that I had tiien no intciition 
 to make any attack on your " integrity or hon- 
 or," as I have before stated to die public. 
 When in Frankfort the preceding summer, 
 you had in your room at Weisiger's, endea- 
 vored to persuade me that it was my inter- 
 est to snjjpi-rt the administration, and for 
 my disregard of your wishes and rebellion from 
 my all' glance to you, which you issisted 
 should also bmd me to Mr. Adams, you took 
 from me the printing of the laws of Congress. 
 It was fitting that an appointment which I had 
 
 received iioni my enemy, 11 r. Adaras, should 
 be taken from me by my friend, Mr. Clay. It 
 proved what you meant by friendship, and 
 shov/ed that ne man need expect even justice 
 from you, unless he was ready to support Mr. 
 Adair.s and the established succession. Still, I 
 had no intention of attacking your " integrity 
 or honor " But last year you satisfied ine that 
 you had neitiier. Dishonorably you procured 
 at Wheeling a copy of General Jackson's letter 
 to Mr. Beverly and threw it before the public. 
 In violation of integrity, you denied things 
 whicii I knew to be true, and made eharges 
 against General Jackson which you knew to be 
 untrue. These things made me suspect that 
 you had not been so p'.ire and honest in the pre- 
 sidential election as you would make the w orld 
 believe. I determined to ascertuin,if practicable, 
 whence Mr. Blair got the information he gsve to 
 me. On copying from the Kentucky Gazette the 
 first article which ajjpeared in relatii.in to the 
 letters written to Mr. White by his constituents, 
 I wrote to that gentleman a letter of which I 
 have lately procured a copy. Though not in- 
 tended for the pubhc eye, I subjoin it that the 
 W-. rid may see my private thoughts and suspi- 
 cions at that time. (See No. 8. j 
 
 In allusion to the letters -written to Mr. White 
 I say, "If I understand the m&tter correctly, 
 tliese letters were not written at your solicita- 
 tion, but in consequence of the agency of one 
 more interested." In conclusion, I say, •« 1 
 know who scilcited me to write; but I did not 
 know who set him to work." 
 
 This drew fr'>m Mr. \\]\\te a declaration that 
 he had n^.t solicited the letters to be written, 
 and ti.at if there had been any management in 
 the busines-s he was entirely ignorant of it. 
 
 I could not then doubt, that you or some 
 friend in whom you had entire confidence, had 
 given Mr. Blair the information he communi- 
 cated to me, with the view of operating on Mr. 
 White through some of his c<institueiits to act 
 in accordance with your views. Believing that 
 I could force out the truth, I commenced my 
 pLiblic letters to you witi^ that view. That an 
 understanding existed between you or yoiu- 
 friends and Mr. Adams, was plain; that Mr. 
 Blair knew it, 1 could not doubt; but the point 
 to be investigated wat, from w liom did he get 
 his information? Periiaps 1 should never have 
 drawn out the facts but for the aid oi vow sim- 
 ple or faithless friends in the Senate of Ken- 
 tucky. Witiiout iheir aid, 1 could never have 
 placed Mr. Blair In an attitude before the world 
 in which he would be obliged to disclose how- 
 he got tlie important infor. nation, or by stand- 
 ing mute, reduce you to the necessity of call- 
 ing on him for an explanation. To their folly, 
 and not to my management or skill, may you 
 ascribe the jiainful attitude in which you have 
 been so long placed; and I doubt whether it is 
 not more vexation at them than indignation at 
 me, which ever and anon makes a volcanic burst 
 from yom- heart in all the fury of " war, pesti- 
 lence and famine." 
 
 You felt the agony of your situation. The 
 eyes of the nation were turned upon you and 
 Mr. Blair, rriends, relying upon your inno- 
 cence — foes, convinced of your guilt, with one 
 voice called on you to release Mr Blair from/ 
 the confidence of private correspondence an^ 
 lav bare the hidden trath. Did you prompt 
 
;^14 
 
 lake this step, so necessary to exiiiWit a con- 
 scious innocence.' No. Yon ^ent to Mr. Blair 
 for copies of your letters. The frank aTid bold 
 Henry Clay darsd not call on him to state the 
 facts to the world, witiiout first ascertaining pre- 
 cisely what lie had written. Did this look Hke 
 conscious innocence? Did it not rather look 
 like conscious guilt, seekinjr to ascertain pre- 
 cisely how far it stood committed, before it 
 could determine on the grounds it would be 
 prudent to assume in defence.' 
 
 You have frien<ls who will declare that nig'ht 
 is day, to flatter your hope.>j and promote your 
 ambition. To some of these you exhib ted the 
 copies of ymu- letters to Mr. Blair. They de- 
 clared th.it those letters wc re entirely harmless 
 and contained not tiie slightest intiiiiation that 
 there existed any understanding between you 
 and Mr. Adams. Y'our friend, Charles Ham- 
 mond, on his return from Washington last 
 spring, declai-cd that the friends of Gen. Jack- 
 son would see them publislied when they least 
 expected it. Tliere was every indication, tiiat 
 you had resolved on that course. But week 
 after week and month after month rolled away, 
 and we heard nothing, except the word of pro- 
 mise and the indistmct din of prcpar.ition. At 
 length evcrj- thing was ready; you had WTiltcn 
 to Mr. Blair and obtained his consent to the 
 publication of his letters in explanation ofyou^s; 
 .■*11 wai prepai-e.l for an explosion. We listen 
 .for the thunder; we look to see where the bolt 
 will fall, llbin-sts — and whiit have we' Tlu'ee 
 private letters of Amos Kendal!, with an attempt 
 to prove that i did not hear wi.at Mr. IJlair in- 
 sists he .midto mc! What if I did not hear it; 
 Mr. Blair declares tliat he said it. Instead 
 of attempting to prove that I did not fiear 
 if, why did you not demand of Mr. Blair by 
 what authority he ."aid it. 
 
 Do you expect to escape by such <i pitiful 
 evasion' Does the honorable Secretary of 
 Stjite of the United States think the world will 
 pronounce him innocent and c^cu.-e lilm from 
 publishing his It m-r or calling on .Mr. Blair, be- 
 cause I had confidence in his honcr and intcgri- 
 :y for twenty months :ifter thousands had pro- 
 nounced him corrupt atid sold' Do vou not 
 Icel humbl. din<!eed, when, to sustain vour sink- 
 ing reputation, you adduce tiic friendly expres- 
 sions of one v/hom j ou declare to be destitute of 
 veracity and integrity ' Sir, 1 make no pre- 
 tensions to t!iat chivalry which seeks by fash- 
 ionable murder to iraintain Msq. Iionor; but 1 
 luustsink immcasurablv below t!)at self respect 
 which I now feel, before I re.sort for a vindi- 
 cation of my character to the kind expressions 
 of those who weieonce my friends but are so 
 no longer. 
 
 You decline iJtiblishing your li tters 1o Mr. 
 Blair because they are "notdecoms tow.mls the 
 public. '' Yet you tell the public that thcv iray 
 lall on you or yourConmiittce in Frankfl)rt bv 
 whom Ihey will bo exhibited. That which i's 
 not fit for every body's eye is fit for any body'.-, 
 and yon call on the people to cume aud see wbnt 
 you tell them is lu^f Jit to be seen.' There is 
 .•Jome :u-t in this. You want as few to sec the 
 letters as possible. The mass of the people 
 must derive il,i;ir information from the news- 
 papers, and having control of a large porticn 
 >f not a maiority of the presses, you will make 
 vQur fr;ent<<! h'h.vc v !<-♦ yru please in rela- 
 
 tion to these letters, andby bold assertion sirauit: 
 the truth, and cast doubts, even into the minds 
 of candid men, upon cveiy correct repre.';enta- 
 tion I doubt whether you really intended that 
 copies should be seen at all, at least for the 
 present. The next day after the publication of 
 letter which gave permission to } our Commit- 
 tee here "to exhibit to tlie inspection of any 
 " gentleman of any p«rty, allsuc'iijportionsof it 
 " [your correstiondence with Mr. Blalr] as re- 
 " htes to the Presidential flection," a gentle- 
 man called on tlie Chairman and re<iuested tl»e 
 sigi't of the documents. T/iey /urd nam to show.' 
 They proposed applying to Mr. Blair for copies, 
 but could ycu have expected that after rcfcmng 
 to your committee for a sight of copies of your 
 letters, instead of Mr. Blair who had Uie origin- 
 als, tliat gentleman would give copies without 
 your special request ? You had left the affair 
 in such a condition that the letters weje not yet 
 accessible, and there is good grounds to sus- 
 pect that it was done designedly. But Blair 
 ver}^ properly, and I believe unexpectedly, re- 
 plied to the application of your committee by 
 sending copies of the letters. 
 
 At last, these famous copies are accessible. / '» 
 have seen them. The one is dated January 8th, 
 1825, an ominuim day, the other, Januaiy 29th. 
 The former only is of material importance. It 
 is perhaps unfortunate for you that it is not ac 
 compatiied by those letters from Mr. Blair, 
 " showing in what sense he understood them," 
 to which you allude ; fur 1 aver, tiiat no candid 
 man can read it without a perfect conviction 
 that the vote of Kentucky was given to Mr. Ad- 
 ams for the piupose of promoting your personsd 
 aggrandizement. Indeetl, it is impassible for 
 me to conceive how aj\y other construction c^m 
 be put upon tlie le't^r than that the friends cf 
 Mr. Adams had promised you the first office in 
 his g'ft witl\ their future support ; that your 
 friends had determined to vote for Mr. Adams 
 on tliat acoo'int ; and that you were vising per- 
 sonal exertions to bring the members cf Con- 
 gi-ess into your views. 
 
 Not wi.sbing to expose myself to the shglitest 
 imput^lion of misrepresenting the cont'-nts cf 
 your letters, I d<;teririined to make no remarks 
 on tb.il of the 2')ih January, and wrote to the 
 Chairman of the Administration Committee, the • 
 fbllowing note: 
 
 FiiANKronT, July 2d, 1828. 
 Sir: I intend to use c.-rlain parts of Mr. 
 Clays letter to Mr. Blair, dated 8tJi of January, 
 1825, in my reply to the attack made on me hy 
 that gentleman tluough yciu- Committee, audi 
 deem it more proper, and m'U'c just to binii, 
 tliat it sho.uld he pubii.shtd entire, with all the 
 views which it coHtains, than that the public 
 .should have only my recoilectioufof sotne ol 
 its most prominent p.ussages. Presuming 
 tbat your Committee will feel at liberty to 
 adopt a step which can only tend to guaitl 
 Mr. (;lav against misconceptioris and misrei-Te- 
 senlaliona, I have to request tliat you will fm~ 
 nish me witli a copy of that letter. This re- 
 quest is confined to the iKter of the 8th of Jan- 
 uary, 1325, in which I do not perceive any ex- 
 pression " notdecorous towards the public." — 
 An answt.T o:i this d;iy or early to-moriow mora- 
 iiig, is solicited. 
 
 Votirs, f^c AMOS KENDATJ 
 
SI 5 
 
 I'he Chairman received the note witli that 
 suavity and politeness for which he is so justly 
 distinguished, kindly remarking' to my fn<„nd 
 who bore it, that if tks letters had been l-^ft in 
 his possi-ssion, I bhonld not have had a S'ght of 
 them — much kssacnpy; bvit he niially proTuised 
 to lay the apphcation before the committee at 
 their next meeting'. As 1 cannot, from the feel- 
 ings evinced by the Chairman, expect any thing- 
 favorable from the deliberations of the commit- 
 tee, I feel compelled to resort to my recollec- 
 tions for the substance of )'our letter t-o Mr. 
 Blair. 
 
 Let the date be recollected — it is January 
 8tk, 1825. You commence by giving Mr. Blair 
 yoiu" opinion upon a work by Lord Byron wljch 
 you say you have sent him — ffranked, I pre- 
 sume. J You then enter into the subject of the 
 presidential election, and say, that the time has 
 now arrived when you must begin to think se- 
 riously for whom you are to vote. You state, 
 that the friends of all the candidates enttrtained 
 the opinion thut on you rested the decision of 
 the contest, and that your situation was singu- 
 lar and amu.sing. You say that the friends of 
 the several candidates accost von in turn; that 
 a fnend of General Jackson says to you, My 
 dear Sir, my hopes are upon you — do not dis- 
 appoint us — our partiaUt}' was for you next to 
 the hero — you know the anxiet}' we all had for 
 a Western President: That a friend of Mr. 
 Crawford comes and says, tiie hopes of" the re- 
 publican party are upon j'ou; you and Mv.Craw 
 ford were the only republ.can candidates; had 
 you been returned to the Ho-use, we should all 
 have concentrated our force upon you. The 
 language of Mr. Adam.s' friends, you give in 
 nearly the following words: 
 
 "A friend of Mr. Adams comes to me "with 
 tears in his eyes" and says — Sir, Mr. Adams has 
 always liad the greatest respect for you, and the 
 highest admiration for your talents. There is 
 no station to which you are not equal. You 
 were undoubtedly the second choice of New- 
 England, and I pray you to consider whether 
 the public good and )'our own future interests 
 do not distinctly point j-outothe course which 
 you oaght to pursue." 
 
 You then give some reasons why Mr. Adams 
 should bf prefrrredto General .Tackson, among 
 which I remember only the statement that the 
 Ohio delegation had detirmmed to vote for .Mr. 
 Adams, the alleged waut of qualification in the 
 General and his military propensities. You 
 then declare distinctly, and in nearly the fol- 
 lowing words: 
 
 " My friends entertain the belief that their 
 kind wishes towards me, will, in the end, be 
 more likely to be accomplished, by so bestow- 
 ing their votes." 
 
 You then declare, tlut you have urged them 
 to be governed by their views of the public good 
 alone, and aver that you have been influenced 
 only by tliat consideration. In conclusion, you 
 use nearly the following words: 
 
 " Your repr.';sentative is inclined to concur 
 with us HI these sentiments, and as I knov/ his 
 respect for your opinion, I request, if you con- 
 cur in our views that you will write to him by 
 return mail to strengthen him in his inclinations. 
 Shew this to CrlUenden alone." 
 
 Y'ou say you could not publish this letter with- 
 O'rt publishing lptt?r« from Mr. Blair, to .show 
 
 how^ he understood it. I'his was •written on the 
 8th of Januar}'. About the 20th he must have 
 received it. I have stated, and he has admit- 
 ted, that about the 20th, he told me that Mr. 
 ,8dams, if eleded, would make you Secretary of 
 State. Does not this shev/ how he understood 
 it> 
 
 Tl'.e letter concludes by saying, " shew thi.^ 
 to Crittenden alone.'* Doubtless it was shewn 
 to him. On the 19th January, Mr. Crittenden 
 wrote to "our representative," as foUows: 
 
 " Ti>iuking as 1 do of Mr. Clay — of his great 
 integrity, his lofty American spirit, and his con- 
 summ:ite ability, I believe it to be highly im- 
 portant to the public interest that he should oc- 
 cupy a distinguished station in the Executive 
 Department. Under all present circumstances, 
 my first wish in regard to this subject (snd it is 
 one dictated both by my personid partialities 
 and considerations of the public good) would 
 be, that Jackson should be the President and 
 Clay his Secretary of Jdtate: And I really do 
 believe, that the common good is more coiv 
 cerned in Clay's being Secretaiy, than it is in 
 the q-iestion whether Jacksonj or Adams shall 
 be the President." (See No> 11.) 
 
 Does not this show how he undevstood it f 
 On the same day, Mr. Blair wrote to ^'our 
 representative" as follows : 
 
 " You have it in your power to vole not only 
 with a view to the first officer, but probably iu 
 reference to the whole adminstration. Under 
 some circumstances, the latter consideration 
 might deservedly be more influenti:d tlian the 
 first, as the selection of the managers of the de- 
 partments not only involves in a great degree, 
 the conduct of public aiTa'rs througliout the 
 presidential term, but probably will decide the 
 next presidential election. " Again — ' • if it had 
 been thought that Mr. Adams wo\dd be elect- 
 ed, and if elected, woidd give Mr. Clay th« 
 highest place in his cabinet, tUcre is scarcely a 
 d'jubtlhat the vote [of the Kentucky Legisla- 
 ture] would have been in favor of Mr. Adams." 
 Does not this further .show how h: undei- 
 stood it ? 
 
 You say in youv It-tter to Mr. Blair, tluit your 
 " frier.ds' entertain the belief, that tWeir kind 
 wishes towards you would be most likely to be 
 accomplished by voting for Mr. Adams. Wiiat 
 were their ^' kind ^t/ifhes ?" Doubtless the 
 '« kind wishes" of your iViends in Frankfort and 
 Washington, were the same. VVe have seen 
 that the •* kind wisb.es" of Messrs;. Bl-air and 
 Crittenden were, that you should be Secretaiy 
 of State, as a stepping stone to the presidency. 
 Mr. Trimble sail, after he came homt-, 
 that he "voted for Mr. Adams because it was 
 distinctly ascertained, tliat he v/ould make you 
 Secretary of State." This shows wh.-^t were 
 his " kind Avishes." ' 
 
 Gen. Medcalf said, they "co'd not possibly 
 get Mr. Clay made Secretaiy of State without 
 voting for and electing Mr. Adams." This 
 proves what were h.is kind wishes." 
 
 Mr. Fr. Johnson said, he "voted for Mr A- 
 dams to get Mr. (Jiay made Secretary of State." 
 This shows what were his "kind wishes." 
 
 Mr. White was not qviite "A/m/ enough, and 
 you undertook to get letters from some of yo'jr 
 friends among his constituents to "strengtiicn 
 him in his inclinations." and warm up his "kind 
 wishes." :' 
 
SI 6 
 
 ol 
 
 My "kind wishes" did not extend to your 
 election and excepting' of an office under John 
 Quincy Adams, and it took your friend Mr. 
 Blair, some days to j)crsuade me to aid in the 
 kind purpose of making you Secretary of State 
 by his election. 
 
 That the world may see how perfectly Messrs. 
 Blair, Crittendt-n and myself finally concurred 
 in our '* kind wishes" and views, I annex my 
 letter to you of 21st January to theirs of the 9th 
 to Mr. White. (^See No. 12. ) You say, I nev- 
 er explained to you what I meant by" promoting 
 our interest in the west by any arrangment other 
 than the election of General Jackson." True; 
 but did you not well understand my meaning' 
 Read the letters of Crittenden and Rlalr, which 
 you doubtle.ss ssav at the time,aud you willsee.as 
 you already know, that it consisted wholly in my 
 "kind wishes" towards y(»(i, whose elevation we 
 all considered as identified with" i«" interest in 
 the west." 
 
 After the close of the investigation in the Sen- 
 ate of Kentucky, Mr. VVhite, our former repre- 
 sentative, made a ])ublication in wh'ch !'e deni- 
 ed any knowledge of a bargain between you 
 and Mr. Ad.ims, and said — "When I gave my 
 vote to Mr. Adams, 1 did it und-r the firm 
 persuasion, from the information 1 had re- 
 ceived through many intelligent gentlemen of 
 high political standing witliin my disuict, that 
 I was acting in strict conformity to the will of 
 my constituents." 
 
 This publication excited a feeling among 
 many of his constituents which is described in a 
 letter from me to liim of wiiicli 1 have lately 
 procured a copy, an extract from vthich is an- 
 nexed. (See No. 13.; In compliance not only 
 with my request, but with tiiat of many others 
 of his foimer consliluents, he has sent n)e a fur- 
 ther explanation accompanied by copies of the 
 letters received by him from Messrs. Blair and 
 Crittenden. (See No 9.) It will be perceiv- 
 ed, that the information to which lie alluded in 
 his former publirauon, was contained in these 
 lett' Ts and many others of a simdar import, arid 
 tliat it was notl;ing more or less than tluat he 
 should so vote as to secure to you Ike office of Sec- 
 retary nj State lis u mfans of /iritmotirt'.r your fu- 
 ture views m rclaliini l^, the presidency. ' In 
 speaking of these letti^-s, Mr White "says — 
 "Thatl was confirmed in my vote by their 
 suggestions, I do freely acknowledge ; and, 
 therefore, as I have often herrtof.ire frankly 
 avowed, I now state, that I voted for Mr. Ad- 
 ams with a view to jjromote Mr. Clay's future 
 prospects for the presidency" 
 
 The justification of Mr. White is complete. 
 Ignorant of your mmagement, he received the 
 letters «s the spontaneous effusion of his consti- 
 tuents and had no re:ison to doubt that they 
 spoke the will of the people. If indignation be 
 deserved by any one for the manner in which 
 the vote of this distinct was given, it is by Henry 
 Clay and not by David White. 
 
 Ill what attitude do these facts place you in re- 
 lation to that gent k man ^ He was your friend 
 and colleague. While, as you say, you were 
 urging him to be governed in his vote for Presi- 
 dent by the pubhc goofl alone, regardless of all 
 considerations personal to yor.i-sclf, you tvere 
 secretly taking steps to influence his course by 
 the agency of your pei-sonal friends among his 
 constituents. Surely, you could not have offer- 
 
 ed a grosser insult to his integrity or to his un- 
 derstanding. It im])lies that ih your opinion, 
 he had not honesty enough to do his duty, or 
 not sense enough to uniierstand it! 
 
 It is of no avail to say, that your letter to Mr. 
 Blair does not mentio'. the office of Secretary- of 
 State, or say in so many words that an under- 
 standing ! xisted between you and Mr. Adams. 
 The manner in which it was understood and the 
 purpose for which it was written, fully explain 
 its meaning. But if we had to rely ontue words 
 of the letter alone for the motive by which you 
 were then actuated, it would be difficult to im- 
 agine sentences conveying a more direct infer- 
 ence that you and your friends were acting with 
 a view to your own personal aggrandizement. 
 Though you and your fi-iends have endeavored 
 to make an impression upon the public mind, 
 that General J.ackson's friends appealed to your 
 interest for the purpose of securing yoiu- sup- 
 port, it is remarkable, that by this confidential 
 letter it appears, that such appeals were made 
 only by the fritnds of Mr. Mums. You repre- 
 sent General lackson's friends as appealing to 
 you through the hopes of the West, and Craw-,\ 
 ford's through the hopes ofthe republican party. 
 They give no assur.-^nce of respect and admiration 
 from their rcspecti\'e leaders — no declarations 
 of your fitnoss for any station — no predictions 
 that you will in future profit by your course. 
 But the friends of Mr Adams are all flattery and 
 promise. Scarcely does "public good" find 
 a place in all they say, and then only that the 
 appeal to "your own future interests" may not 
 be too abrupt. "Mr. Adams has always had 
 the greatest respect foi- you and the highest ad. 
 miration of your talents; tliere is no station to 
 which \ou are not equal." What does this 
 mean but that Mr. Adams will bestow on you 
 the first office in his gift? "You were undoubted- 
 ly the second choice of New-England." What 
 does this mean but that New-England desires 
 to see you in the second office now, and will 
 STipport you for the first when Mr. Adams has 
 served out his eight years' "1 pray you to con- 
 sider, w hetiK r the public good and your own 
 future interests do not distinctly ])oint you to the 
 course you ought to pursue." What is this, but 
 saying that yoiu' future interests will be promo- 
 ted by supporting Mr. Adams — we will make 
 you Secretary of State and then President' 
 These appeals touched the sensitive chord and 
 roused in your bo.som the flutterlngs of hope and 
 ambition. You understood them; your friends 
 understood them; they saw how their " kind 
 wishes" towards you were to be accom- 
 plished; they made Mr. Adams President and 
 he made you Secretarj' of State. 
 
 But you protest that you were governed by 
 the pul)Hc good alone. 1 undei-stand you. In 
 your letter to me dated 16th April, 1820, .after 
 detading the means resorted to by "every preten- 
 der to the presidency," to impede your progress, 
 you say, "Now it may be very i^ood for them to 
 do so, hut in it for the good people of the United 
 Stales?" You think the public good requires 
 that Henry Clay shall be President ; and hence 
 in every step taken to secure his elevation, you 
 are governed " by the public good alone.'" 
 Why, sir, no tyrant ever usurped the liberties 
 of a (leceived people without finding an apoljgy 
 for his usurpation in his notions of the " public 
 good." For the public good, Csrsa;- suppressed 
 
^17 
 
 the factions which tiistiwicted Rome and with 
 them extinguished Roman liberty ; for the pub- 
 lic good, Cromwell dispersed his Rump Parlia- 
 ment and assumed dictatorial powers ; for the 
 public good, Napoleon overturned the blood- 
 bought liberties of France and made himself 
 Emperor. It is not, therefore, surprising, that 
 you should find, in the public good, an apology 
 tor violating the will of the pes^ple abandoning' 
 the principles of your whole life, and by patron- 
 age, conupiion, threats and violence, seek to 
 make yourself President. 
 
 in your letter to me dated 8th January, 1820, 
 speaking of the Florida treaty, you say, " At 
 the commencement of the session 1 do not be- 
 lieve there were ten members who ccncxu'red 
 in the i-ecommendation of the President. Even 
 yet I do not believe the number to be great. — 
 Still, the injluence of the Executive is almost irres- 
 istible, and it is possible it may idtimately per- 
 suade a majority to believe tliat tlie treaty is 
 binding, and even that it is for our interest to 
 execute it." At the same time, you and all 
 your friends were denouncing the Secretary 
 succession as dangerous to liberty. You were 
 t^en attempting to orgai\ise an opposition to 
 Mr. Monroe's admhvistration, for the pur;iose 
 of beatmg Mr. Adams in the next contest for 
 the Presidency. In all your efforts you were 
 met only by mortification and defeat. Despair- 
 ing of beir^g able to storm the citadel of power 
 by the unbiased sulT'iagesof the people, you 
 determined to make a lodg'ement on its ram- 
 parts, and tuni upon the people thai " clmod 
 irresistible influence" whicti you could not over- 
 come. You leagued with your old enemy, 
 agreed to enter the fortress witli him, to fight 
 under his command, to support and be suppor- 
 ted, to pronounce '* dangerous examples" a 
 " safe precedent," and " by power and patro- 
 nage make yourselves popular." 
 
 It is remarkable, that in your letter to Mr. 
 Blair the *' American System," which has since 
 cut .such a conspicuous figu. e among your rea- 
 sons for preferring Mr. Adams to Gen. Jackson, 
 is not so much as mentioned! Not oidy have 
 you failed to notice this principal groimd of de- 
 fence, since assumed by all your western friends 
 who voted for Mr. A<lams; but you liave kil- 
 led dead, not only that, but all their other ar- 
 guments which you have been at so much trou- 
 ble and expense to collect and embody in your 
 addresses, by declaring that they were influen- 
 ced by ' ' their kind wishes towards yi>u. " V/hat 
 are all the long letters cf your Mctcalfes, your 
 Trimbles and your Johnsons wortli now' We 
 have your confidential decla'-ation early in Jan- 
 uary 1825, not that they had determined to vote 
 for Mr. Adams on account of liis friendship for 
 the " American System," but to accomplish 
 their " kind wishes" toward you ! 
 
 Sir, I have now fully exposed your duplicity 
 and a portion of your Intrigues. If I liavc mis- 
 represented your letter to Mr. Blair, it has been 
 unintentional, and bejanse I coul 1 not procure 
 a copy for publication. If I have attributed to 
 it effects which spiung from other causes, it is 
 easy for yoii to rectify the error. I am not sure 
 that I have even yet probed this thing to tlie 
 bottom. You have copies of .Vlr. lUair's let- 
 ters, and he has consented to their publication. 
 Let us have all the correspondence which pass- 
 ■■^i\ between you diu-ing tlie month of January, 
 
 1826. 1 doubt not, it will give a full and uue 
 account of the whole transaction. Call on Mr. 
 Blair to give all this to the public, with all ne- 
 UL-ssary explanations to lay bare the whole truth. 
 I ask no more. 
 
 I look back upon my farmer sunport of you 
 With shame and contrition. I am asfiamed that 
 I adliered to you for one. moment after j ou came 
 out in the National Intelligencer, in November, 
 1822, and declared that Mr. Adaitis' errors at 
 Ghent were "no doubt unintentional," al'hough 
 you had been for months, perhaps yeais, en- 
 gaged in disseminating tlie idea that they were 
 wilful and of an atrocious character. For lend- 
 ing the slightest agency to efloct the coalition 
 betwe^i you and Mr. Adams, I sincerely as/,: 
 pardon of God and my country. Next to " war, 
 pestilence and famine," are the evils which that 
 disastrous event has brouglit upon tiie Ameri- 
 can people. I know not of which to think the 
 worst Mr. Adams, or yourself. Had both or 
 either of you been good men, you coaid never 
 have come together. It was the union of two 
 ancient enemies, in v,hose breasts mutual dis- 
 trust and hatred rankled deep. With no bond 
 of union but a common interest; with no prin- 
 ciple but to get power and keep it; every ef- 
 fort of your administration has been directed to 
 secure "the re-election of Mr. Adams, and mako 
 you his successor. Tlie public patronage is 
 bestowed with a professed view to political sup- 
 port; the money of the people is used to cor- 
 rupt them; the streams of public information 
 are poisoned at their fountains; a deadly blow 
 is aimed at the usefulness of the press, bj- fill- 
 ing the newspapers with known fidsehoods, 
 while those which pa^ any regard to truth, are 
 lied into discredit; mutineers and deserters, in- 
 famous rogues and savag-e nmrderers, j'wstly ex- 
 eoited for their crimes, have been transfonned 
 into martyrs; g-lorious victories bought with 
 Americanblood, have been pronounced cold- 
 blooded ma=sacrcs; patriotism and self-devotion 
 are proscribed: an unspotted life cannot shield 
 even female virtue, and the brightest gloiies 
 of our liistory are blotted from its pages. Our 
 puijlic functionaries roam like madmen througli 
 the land, neglecting their piblic duties, raving 
 at dinners and public meetings, and invoking 
 from Heaven, -'war, ])estilence and famine," 
 in preference to the defeat of their ambition. 
 Such are the acts and the materials of the ad- 
 ministration which now scourges our country 
 with its whip of scorj}ions. 
 
 T liave endeavored, as some atonement for the 
 trifling agency I had in forming it, to expose its 
 misrule and corruption In doing this, I have 
 incurred hatred, deep and mahgnant. Some- 
 times I hear of threats towards my office or my 
 person. I do not regard tliem. " What is a 
 public man — what is any n.an worth, who will 
 not hazard himself forthe good of hiscoimtry?" 
 I will not withhold one truth which may be ne- 
 cessary to cut short tlie reign of intrigue, cor- 
 ruption and terror, tliough I may know that the 
 next hour the bh'.dgeon m.iy be aimed at my 
 head or the dagger at my heart. 
 
 If a man who has purclia.scd the Sccretar}-- 
 ship of State with liis vote and influence, can, 
 with power and patronage thus acfpiired, con- 
 quer the pubic will, force a reelection of the 
 President he has made, and secure to himself 
 the succession, then does American liberty ex- 
 
6iH 
 
 1st no long'er. We are degraded to tbe level of 
 dcg-enerate Romans, when the imperial purple 
 was brought and sjltl with a sum of money paid 
 to the praetorian kijioiis. 
 
 T'lis is the fovirth of July. I iiear the rolling' of 
 tbe drum and the thunder of the cannon. I see 
 citizens soldiers ananpinjj themselves under 
 their country's banner, to celebrate the birth day 
 of American liberty. It is by such men and 
 such means — by the citizen seldier, the musket 
 and the cannon — that liberty was won and must 
 be defended. These thoughts and this scene 
 cheer me with the hope, that in calhng to the 
 presidency the farmer soldier from the banks of 
 the Cumberland, tlie people will soon cut short 
 the career of profligacy and corruption, and 
 prove to aspiring- politicians, that they are not to 
 be deceived by falehoods, brought by patron- 
 age, nor intimidated bv power. 
 
 AMOS KENDALL. 
 
 Julyith, 1828. 
 
 P. S. Since the former part of this letter 
 WHS in type, 1 have received a letter from Mr. 
 Tanner, giving a detailed account of tho manner 
 in which he became acqtiainted with the fact, 
 that I was the writer of " Wayne." His recol- 
 lections, in many respects, are more minute 
 than mine, ard I will give them publication. 
 
 Nos. 1, 2, 3 and 5, referred to abov^, are laid 
 over until next week, for want of room in this 
 day's paper. 
 
 (No. 4.) 
 
 Lr,xiNr.To.v, 23 June, 1822. 
 
 Diar <S'(V — I received your ublging favor of 
 the 2Gti» iiist. and tl:ai% you most sincerdy ir)r 
 the friendly sf ntimcnls towards me which it 
 contains; Mr. T. Crittenden has retained the 
 production which accon'panicd it, and which he 
 has imdertaken to divide, and to dispose of in 
 his place of residence according to our wishes. 
 
 I am also greatly obliged by your kind com- 
 munication of the contents of the letter from 
 Virginia. The etTcct produced at Richmond 
 by the letters of Mr. Russell and the stric- 
 tures of Mr. Adams, was the first impres- 
 sion. That it should have been unfavora- 
 ble to the former, is fjuite natur.il. For un- 
 doubtedly Mr. U. owes it to his ov/n character 
 to explain, most satisfactorily, how the discre- 
 yiancy has arisen between h"s original letter 
 and the duplicate; and Ifhclail to vindicate 
 himself, the prejrulice to him must be perma- 
 nent. With respect to the alleged suspicions 
 that I have had some agency in bringing forth 
 those letters, they are soimworthy of me, and 
 are so unfounded themselves, tliat 1 do not 
 think that I ought myself, or any friend for me, 
 to t;t.ke any public notice of them wli.-.tcver. 
 The truth is, that I did not know that such a 
 letter wiis in existence ; I would not hav6 call- 
 ed ffir it I had known it ; I would not have com- 
 municated to Congress such a ])rivate docu- 
 ment, if I had been the President. Iliad my- 
 self not t he shghtest concern, direct or indirect, 
 in the call for the letter. There is one reflec- 
 tion which must suggest itself to any person 
 upon reading it, that it is c:dcul3ted to make 
 tlje iniprcs>ion that Mr. Russell, nnd not mo, 
 was the. ])romiuenl person in opposing the Mis- 
 sissippi proposition. My name, cr my opposi- 
 "■?n. i? rot. 1 l'('ri'v>«. hinted fit in the wIk>'c 
 
 
 letter. Is it likely therefore, that 1 should haMj 
 been anxious to bring out a letter which thus 
 keeps out of view my own strenuous opposi- 
 tion, and puts forth that of another > The sen- 
 sation at Richmond must have been the result 
 of indignant feehng excited by the disagree- 
 ment between Mr. P. i'^.«flVs letters. fI-,'.'e%Lr 
 that m.ay injure him, if he do not explain it, 
 there ought to be no benefit nor prcrjudicc to 
 other'i arising from the circumstance. 
 
 Should these suspicions, so unjust towards 
 me, assume a shape of more consequence here- 
 after, it will be time enough then to repel them. 
 For your kind offer of your pen and your pa- 
 per, 1 am infinitely 6bliged; and nc doubt I shall 
 liave occasion for the friendly employnient of 
 both. 1 am aware of the jealousy, from a cer* 
 tain quarter, to which you refer. I am inclined 
 to think with you, that it will not burst out upon 
 me, but if it should not, I know that I shall be 
 indebted for its restraint to yourself and other 
 friends. I 
 
 I will without reserve, communicate freely to j 
 you any information that may be useful, in re- j 
 gardto the object on which my friends place so j 
 much solicitude. That which 1 am constantly j 
 receiving, is most encouraging. 
 
 With great regprd, 1 am faithfully yoiu-s, 
 
 H. CLAY 
 A. Kexali, Fsa- 
 
 (No. 6.) 
 
 Bear Sir: Several inquiries have been made I 
 about your pamphlet on the Fisheries, by mem- ' 
 bers of Congress, and I have promised to rc- 
 (juest a copy to be sent to >Ir. l)avid Sloane, ot 
 the Ohio Senate, al Columbus; another to the 
 Hon. Henry R. Sturrs, and another to the Hon. 
 John Sloane, here. Will you be good enough t" 
 have them forwarded? 
 
 There is an effort making to get up aCaucus. I 
 I doubt its success. Mr. Adams is weaker to 1 
 the North than I supposed him to be, if one is \ 
 to judge from what he liears at this place. My 
 prospects are very good. 
 
 Yours with great esteem, 
 
 H. CLAY. 
 
 Washington, \7th Dec. 
 
 (No. 7.) 
 WASHiirGTOx, 18th March, 1824. 
 
 Dear S'li- — I thank you for your favor of the 
 3d In.stant; of the kind and friendly suggestions 
 contained in which, 1 will make the best usf. in 
 my power. The attack ui)on }ou by Cowan 
 was most unjustifiable, and terminated as all 
 such appeals to violence should do. 
 
 N~%v York continues to be a contested Stat 
 My decided opinion is, that it will i^ive its 
 port to Mr. Adams or to me, or perhaps divide 
 it between us; in that case, Mr. Crawford can- 
 not come into the House. My friends ate confi- 
 dent in file belief, that if I enter the House as 
 one of the three highest, no matter with %hat 
 associates, I shall be elected. If, contrary to 
 all probability, Mr. Crawford should obtain the 
 vote of New York, the contest for an entr) into 
 the House, will probably be between Jackson 
 and me. In Maryland, Delaware, and New 
 Jersey, 1 have reason to count upon some sup- 
 port. Without fntering into f'lrtber pcrtirj 
 
 Itale. f 
 sup-i 
 
^ly 
 
 lars, niv opiiiioii is, that my frieiKis Siave every 
 ' molsve'for vigorous, animated, and perseverintj 
 exertion. 
 I am faithfally your friend, 
 
 H. CLAY. 
 Amos Kesdam-, Esq. 
 
 (No. 8.) 
 Fhankfout, August 22d, 1S27. 
 
 Dear Sir— You see, or will see, that the inci- 
 dents preceding the last presidential election in 
 this quarter, have got into the papers. I wish- 
 ed to consult you before I copied the article 
 from the Gazette; but could not, without a de- 
 lay, which on the whole, I did not think neces- 
 sary. I have always deemed your vote perfect- 
 ly justifiable; because, from the letters written 
 to vou, there was g'ood reason to believe that 
 the people of your disti ict preferred the course 
 you took, to the election of Jackson. This 
 ground I had taken in my "remarks," but 
 struck out the paragraph, until I could hear from 
 you. If I understand the matter correctly, these 
 letters were not written at your solicitation, but 
 in consequence of the agency of otic more hitcr- 
 T csted, operating on his friends here. If I am not 
 mistaken in this, your justification is complete. 
 T'his matter will evidently cut some figure, and 
 you, as well as myself, may be awkvvardl}' situ- 
 ated. I wisli to have your views: for as you are 
 310 more blameable than many of the friends of 
 .Tackson he^e, I, "as one, do not intend that you 
 shall suffer in public estimation. 
 
 I wish to get from 3'ou a copy of my letter to 
 you on the s'ibject of the pr^ sidcntial election. 
 If it be what I think it is, and they push me too 
 hai'd on the subject, I will publish it. I know 
 who solicited me to write; but I did not know 
 \\^o had set him to work. 
 
 Very respectfullj', your friend, 
 
 AMOS KENDALL. 
 
 David White, Esq. 
 
 (No. 9.) 
 
 I^Awnr.xcEBxrnG, June 27, 1828. 
 Ikar Sir: Your note of the 25th inst. re- 
 questing me to send you for publication, copies 
 of certain letters addressed to me by Messrs. 
 J J. Crittenden and F. P. Blair, on the subject 
 of the late presidential election by the House of 
 llepresentatives, and just previous thereto, 
 has been received. These letters, with many 
 others of a like import and on the same sub- 
 ject, were received by me between the last 
 of Januar,' and the 5th of February, 1825. 
 My corespondents were numerous, and from 
 the coincidence of their views and senti- 
 ments, I had reason to believe that it would be 
 ' most agreeable to my constituents, and strictly 
 consistent witli the wishes of a majority of them, 
 to adopt the course which I did finally pursue. 
 That such communications, voluntarily made, 
 from highly respectable and iiitelligent gentle- 
 men, differing on local politics and leaders of 
 ])arties at that time, on a subject of such deep 
 interest and pressing emergency as that of the 
 election of a Chief Magistrate, should h?.ve a 
 powerful influence on my mind, is perfect nr.tu- 
 ral. That I was confinned in my vote by their 
 suggestions, I do freely acknowledge ; and, 
 ■■.H-';r°for'e, 33 I have ofr.^n h';rctof'>re frankly 
 
 avo% ed, i now state, that I voted for Mr. Ad 
 ams with a view to promote Mr. Clay's future 
 prospects for the presidency. In confirming 
 this avowal, I do not mean to say, that others, 
 either in or out of CougTCss, were or were not 
 influenced by the same motive. So far as I was 
 informed on the subject, everj' circumstance 
 tended to rivet on my mind the impression, that 
 the people of Kentucky, and particularly of 
 my district, looked forward to the advancement 
 of Mr. Clay's future success with a more intense 
 interest than to the success of either of the can- 
 didates then before the House of Representa- 
 tives; and whatever might have been my ow« 
 inclinations and prefei'ences on the occasion, I 
 felt that I was bound by a duty paramount to all 
 others, which was to give the vote according to 
 the will of a majority of my immediate consti- 
 tuents. Mr. Chy's promotion out of the way,, 
 it is not probable that Mr. Adams would have 
 got the suffrages of the State of Kentucky in 
 Congress; neither would I have been advised to 
 support Mr. Adam.s, with a view to Mr. Clay's 
 preferment. I would not have voted for the 
 present incumbent, under any other circum- 
 stances than those which I had reason to be- 
 lieve would have met the approbation of the 
 people. 
 
 It was rumored, and was the subject of gene- 
 I'al conversation at Washington about the time 
 and perhaps before I received my information 
 from Kentucky, that in the event of Gen. Jack- 
 son's election, he would offer Mr. Adams a con- 
 tinuation of the place of Secretary of State; and 
 the same rumor said, that in the event of Mr. 
 Adams election, Mr. Clay would be offered the 
 appointment. Bat. by wliat authority these 
 things were spoken of, or whether there was 
 any understanding between the parties to thai 
 effect, 1 do not know. Such conversations, no 
 doubt, produced Mr. Kremer's letter to the Edi- 
 tor of the Columbian Observer, and induced Mr. 
 Buchanan to seek aa interview with General 
 Jackson. 
 
 The letters addressed to nne on the occasion, 
 were numerous and containing neai'ly the same 
 statements, and determined me in the vote 
 which 1 was about to give. As they liave been 
 the subject of much in^'estigatioa and newspa- 
 per speculation, and also, as I am frequentlj' 
 called upon to explain the subject, I had de- 
 termined to publishjsomeoftliemfor my own justi- 
 fication. It is, Iiowever, unpleasant to me, unj 
 dcr any circumstances, to obtrude the names of 
 individuals upon public notice ; but, as these 
 communications relate exclusively to the dis- 
 charge of a public trust, and as their publicity 
 has become necessary to my own vindication, I 
 will comply with your request, without offering 
 any utiier apology than that ot" necessity. You 
 are, therefore, at liberty to publish this state- 
 ment and the copies hereunto appended, if vou 
 shall think it expedient. For my own part, I 
 can safely aver, that I acted on the occasion 
 with honest intentions. If I have erred, it was 
 for the want of coiTect information of the view." 
 of those whose servant I was. In a government 
 const'tutcd like ours, I consider that tiie liberty 
 of the people depends for its perpetuation upon 
 a. strict responsibility on the part of our public 
 functionaries to the people ; and in every caec 
 of wilful abuse of delegated power, the trans- 
 gressor c-srht t'^ '^o ruiv.'ihf.t' bv .".'". ilh(lr.-v.-j?. 
 
J50 
 
 made by his adopiion of sound principles. It is 
 upon this grouiul, and helleving as I do, that 
 the doctrine of tlie present administration, tiiat 
 *' the representative ought not to be palsied by 
 the will of his constituents," is anti-re pnbhcan, 
 and strikes at the fovindation of trie funvlameti- 
 tal principles of the con dilution, taken in con- 
 nexion with many obviousand palpable attempts 
 on tiie part of those in power to infringe upon 
 the right of free smTragc tiiat I am opposed to 
 the re-election of Mr. Ad„ms, and in favor of the 
 Jackson ticket. My vote cf-rtiitdy is not im- 
 portant to either of tlie rivals, and my opinions 
 perhaps may be considered of even less weight; 
 yet I only exercise tlie privilege of a freeman, 
 leaving all others to think and act freely for 
 themselves. 
 1 am, respectfully, yours, Sec 
 
 DAVID WHITE. 
 
 Aaros Kekdali, Esq. 
 
 (No. 10.) 
 
 .i literal copy of a letter from J. J. Criitenden to 
 David White, dated, 
 
 I-HANKFOUT, January 19t]i, 1825. 
 
 Dkar Siu : "All compliments and shows of 
 courtesy aside, lamre.ally very much obliged to 
 vou for your regular correspondence; and I 
 ought to be the more so, when .t is considered 
 how poorly you are to be requiN-d by any thing 
 I have to conununicRte, for all the important 
 and interesting intelligence y>u give me. 
 
 Tiie information you have given me concern- 
 ing the presidential election, dissalisfiis me 
 more and more with the cours.- pursued i>y our 
 Legislature, in instructing you t) vote for Jack- 
 son. Without much r-.-asoning about the mut- 
 ter my preference was ^'or Jackson; but still 
 that preference was altogether unmingled with 
 any condemnatory or vindictive spirit towards 
 those who should take a different course. I 
 felt that it was a subject of vital consequence, 
 and that there were many considerations which 
 rendered it important that you should be left 
 with entire liberty to represent and act for us 
 on the occasion. I was totally aveise to the 
 instructions given you, and desired that you 
 should be left to your discretion and respimsibi- 
 lity. I urged that you were alias welt acciuain- 
 ted as the Legislature were, with the sentiments 
 of your constituents, and tliat the members of 
 our Assembly ought to be satisfied that you 
 would support J:u;kson, but for some vtiy good 
 reasons — reasons that might arise out of fiicts 
 and contingencies that they neither did or could 
 know. You know that in this country we al- 
 ways believe most confidently, and never suffer 
 our minds to "lag with doubt;" and the truth 
 of llie case is about this, that our Legislature 
 had taken it for certain that Jackson was to be 
 the President, and they were ambitious of hav- 
 ing a hand in the matter — of substituting them- 
 selves in your places, and of having the scem- 
 •ng honor of conferring the Presidency. Tliis 
 is just about the whole of it. 
 
 From what I have said, you will readily con- 
 clude that you have no cause to expect my con- 
 demnation for any course you may think proper 
 to pursue; nor do I believe ynu have any thing 
 to apprehend from your district. Your Senator, 
 Charles Allen, was violent, as I am told, aguinst 
 
 the instnictions. I am, it is ti-uc, an advocate 
 for the right of instruction; and it is moreover 
 true, ceteris paribus, thaH prefer Jackson to Ad- 
 ams. But it is also true, I prefer my country 
 to either of them, and that I do not consider 
 every rf.yuea/ of the Legislature, as .i binding in- 
 struction on arepiesentative of thepeople- Pre- 
 ferring Jackson personally, as I do, I feel that 
 many considerations might arise which would 
 make me forego that preference, and the request 
 or instruction of the Legislature v.ith it. I 
 would not hesitate, for instance, to give my vote 
 ■or Mr. Adams, if it was necessary tr^ prevent a 
 failure in the election; for of all the results that 
 could grow out of this contest, none is more 
 obnoxious or more to be deprecated than 
 that of devolving the chief magistracy of 
 the nation upon the Vice-Prcsideirf. The 
 people expect a President, and wdl not be 
 satisfied wth a siibaltem. It would be a re- 
 proacli to the Kciju'dic, and an ill omen of the 
 future, if it should a]9 pear that we have become 
 too (iiaunited and too factious to agree upon a 
 Chief Mugistrate. I would, therefore, do almost 
 anything to avert it. Again; much as I like 
 General Jackson, I know that he has not had 
 that sort of conversancy with business and pol- 
 itics, which is bestcalc'ulded to qualify him for 
 the discharge of the high and arduous duties of 
 the presidency. The character of his adui-.nis- 
 tration v/lll be Idicly, therefore, to depend very 
 mucii upon tliC chr.racter of ins cabinet or coun- 
 sellors; and Of course, it wowld be very ir.flueu- 
 tial with me it 1 could f v.-esee or antiri|»atc who 
 they were to Oe. Thinking as 1 do of Mr. Clay 
 — of hisg'-eat integrity, his lofty Ar.ericau spi- 
 rit, and his consum'nate ability — I believe it to 
 be higidj iuiportiint to die |Hiblic interest, that 
 he shoukl occupy a distinguished station in the 
 Executive Department. Under all present cir- 
 cumstances, my first wish in regard to this sub- 
 ject)and it is one dictated both by my personal 
 partialities and considerationsof the public good) 
 would be, that Jackson should be the President, 
 and Clay his Secretary of State; and I really do 
 beheve,' that the common good is more con- 
 cerned in Clay's being Secretary, than it is in 
 the question whether Jackson or Adams should 
 be the President. 
 
 I have written you so long and tedious a let- 
 tei', that 1 can hardly recollect what it contains. 
 This I am sure of, that there is in it a great deal 
 of hasty and trasiiy politics, which L wouKl not 
 willingly have any other t'-an a fiiend to look 
 upon, and which you would therefore regard 
 ace nhngly. 
 
 By your last letter, you express some friend- 
 ly apprehension that you may have given me 
 pain or offence by what you had previously 
 written aljout Calhoun. Dismiss, my gooti 
 friend all such apprehensions. Mr. Calhoun 
 has seen, but dors not know me ; and I know 
 very little of him. He cares nothing forme, 
 and as old Lear says, I owe him «« no subscrip- 
 tion." I voted foi him, it is true, as Vice Presi- 
 dent ; but I did it because 1 thought he was the 
 abler man. If I had thought Clay's interest 
 would have been advanced a hair's breadth by- 
 voting against Calhoun, it wotdd have been 
 done. 
 
 It is growiag dark, and 1 have not lime to 
 read over what 1 have wi-ltten. Excuse all in- 
 of public confidence, at least until atonement j? 
 
UNITED STiVl'ES' TELEGRAFH— ii^'^/^^i. 
 
 *rliis paper will be ik^'otetl eschisivelv v.o thv Prasidentiai Election, and be publiblied week]}., 
 mltU the 15tli of October next, for One Dollar} subject to newspaper postage, raid notrmr' 
 
 BY GBEEN fy .h^RVIS, 
 
 VOL. 1. 
 
 WASHINv^TON, AUGUST 2, 1828. 
 
 No. 21 
 
 ricciu'acies, and continue to write very frequent- 
 ly to your friend, 
 
 J. J. CRITTENDEN. 
 
 Hon. D. White, Washing-ton. 
 
 (No. 11.) 
 
 iBxtract of a ktter from F. P. Slair U Dca:ld 
 JJ'hile, daletl, 
 FEAiTKFOE'r, January 19th, 1825. 
 
 3Ii/ Dear &>.• I liave not hitherto troubled ymi 
 V/ith communications, being ssensible that your 
 iuimeroirs .coiTespondenls would detail to you 
 jiiore satisfactorilv t!ian 1 could, our local news 
 aiul state politics. But since our "General Aiisem- 
 bly h"s thought fit to fiTV/ard a rcquett on the 
 subject oftlie presidential question, calculated 
 to limit your -riews, and counteract, possibly, 
 'intentions best adapted to promote the ver%' in- 
 terests which it was desisted to serve, I have 
 supposed thiittlie opinions of any of your imme- 
 diate ccn.stituents on this interesting topic, 
 might not be unacceptable to you. 
 
 •Upon tl-e niiked qaestion on which our Le- 
 cnslature voted — " which of the candidates now 
 •before the House of Representatives do the peo- 
 ple of Kentucicy prefer as PreeidenV," I have, no 
 doubt they decided in coribrmily to the public 
 will. But tKs subject must come before- you, 
 with many additional accompaniments which 
 grow out of cu-cumstances of which CUV Legis- 
 lature coidd hav no uifonjiation, and wiiich may 
 •and ought to 'oe greatly iaflue.nti:d with you. 
 Your nearer position, may enable you to see be- 
 yond the elevated point v/liich alone iina^attiact- 
 cd our attention, and (as the saying it ) to know 
 !how tJie land lies al'..ut it. In a word, you 
 havfc it in your powf^ to vote net only with 
 n view to "the first oflicer, but probably in re- 
 ference to the whole udminisUation. Under 
 t;oine circumstances, the later consideration 
 miirht deservedly be more influential than the 
 fu'st, as the selection of tlie man:ig;er3 of the de- 
 "lartments not only involves; in a great degree tUe 
 vonduct ofpublic affiirstlirouijl'io-jt the presiden- 
 tial term,but ma/, ci. probably will decide tiie next 
 presidential contest. Views of this kind could not 
 enter into the question broug^ht by the resolu- 
 lioj>» before our Leg-islature. The)' could notj 
 indeed, with propriety, have formed, however 
 interesting, fit topics ofdi.scussion, much less of 
 decision; and if they had been appropriotc, 
 there was no information, not even a conjecture, 
 tis to tlie intenti'His of the rivals, with regard to 
 their projected cnbinets. Many liilluenced by 
 these circum.^t?.nces, were dispose<l to let the 
 subject remain in the hands of our delegation, 
 unbiassc<l by any vote of the General A.sscmbly 
 i sincerely believe t'rat this v/a^ the wish of the 
 majority,' but the resolutions, having been for 
 some time rcpress-ed by such consld'.rationp, 
 verc at last introduced and urj^ed upon the 
 House, by an individual who w,is al\^:'.ys oppos- 
 ed to Clay ami /.ealmis for JacTc'Tin; 
 
 • / ' 
 
 They would have been then, 1 think, indefini- 
 tely postponetl upon the single consideration, 
 that Mr. Clay's future prospects might be soD>i:'* 
 whet jeopardised by them, if the importunity ot 
 Jackson's friends had not practiced on the zeiC 
 of both parties, eut^-iged in the war of staly 
 politice. 
 
 Mr. Clay's eentiraeutson tlie Judge questior., 
 IIm ali absorbing sub^^^ct for tie present, weH, 
 helddutto the majority as hostile to their own. 
 Thi^ produced considerable alienation amons;' 
 them, and the feeling th.us engendered \r:i> 
 greatly increa.sed by the lats denunciations !»: 
 the ■' Reporter," which, it wfjs iaslnuated, spok'i 
 from feelings derived fro.ii a Lighsv source thr.i^ 
 the editor. This temper in the House, so over- 
 ht-ntedastn be wrought into a weapon of auT 
 th&pe, if to be employed upon tlie oppcsitipn,- 
 was worked upoii successfully by the IVicnds of 
 Gen. Jackson. Rowan, Daveiss, SI'Afee, and 
 diners leaders out of the House, gave the direc- 
 tion to the current of party feeling. The oth«?i' 
 side, conscious that their opponents Y>"onId Irfe 
 glad to employ a triumphant nam'? agr.inst tliem, 
 (for all went on the supposition that JacksoiJL 
 would be elected witli or without our %'otc,) div 
 tennined to elude the chase by joining- : n the cvj,'. 
 Thus, tiie resolutions were interwovenin our pai': 
 ty qijestions at home, to liavc cllcct during the 
 next election, in which judge breaking, ifis 
 thought by the anties, will make a still more 
 forniidable figure before the public, thanherE/ 
 tofore. Gftiiifi d.ouljtlt's j* yoi; arc apprised; fn? 
 you have, I expect, been amply supplied wi'.h 
 preambles, rcsponses, protcbt;;, &.o whiclt g'-v.t: 
 <• dreadful note of preparation. ■*' But notv/itlt. 
 standing the adverse circum-stanee tliat Mr. CJu^ 
 waa iiidentined with the minority, wlrich, witl* 
 the judge-breakers,(of whom I eun spe:ik f'reelyi 
 bcmg one myself,) was considered in the fm'or 
 roused feelirig as almost being an encimy; yet. 
 if it had been certain that liis future prospects 
 for th.' presidency would be malcihdly jifTectcd 
 by it, I do not believe that tlie vote on th-e i-c:;0r 
 hitions would liave parsed. Or if it had been 
 tl:ou'ght, that Adnms would be elcctt^d, and if 
 elected, would give Mr. Cl.iy the highetst pli.c*^, 
 in liio cablnc*^, tliere is Q&arcely a doubt but that 
 tlie /ote v.'ouid have been in favor of Adams— ~ 
 But the vote was taken undei* vei-y dnicrent sup- 
 positions. 
 
 I'or my own part, I havo no hesitation in sa}:- 
 ing that altliotigh JacksoM b persoriully prefcV.- 
 red to A'lains l.'y tlie people, (an incUn:'<Jon t 
 feel in commci. v.iLh them,) yet if 1( w-re known 
 that Jackson ivoiudgive such diitction to ihk 
 coiuse of his administration by his appaintUKUits 
 Gr.otherwi.se, as t<) foster Adams' Atttire viev,.-^ 
 in preference today's, there would bo imton^^ 
 sentiment among the supporters of the- latter ii.i 
 Kentucky. They would consider It as a desert 
 t ion ot" the true Wcstcni iP.te;ests, v/lilch th(\- 
 feci vitally connected with the great piiiicW,-?. 
 
3iiii 
 
 ceuv« iu a great measure depend for their con- 
 summation upon the success of his future exer- 
 tions. If, therefore, it should be perceived that 
 the tendency of General Jackson's measures as 
 President, would be to supplant Mr, Clay by 
 promoting- the views of Adams, then I have no 
 doubf that tlie voice of all those who are in fa- 
 vor of Mr. Clay weuld be, "If wo are doomed 
 to have Mr. Adams as President at some time, 
 let us have Wm now; if he has General .lackson's 
 preference, let the General himself maki; way 
 for him. We should rather have him now at 
 the expense of Jackson, than hereafter at the 
 expense of Clay. But if Jackson gives earnest 
 that he will throw his weiglit into the Western 
 scale, then let us throw our weight into his." 
 Tliis, I beheve would be the decision of three 
 fourths of the people of Kentucky. 
 
 (No. 12) 
 Fhankfoiit, Jan. 21st, 1825. 
 
 Dear Sir: Our Legislature is gone, but l>ave 
 left us no repose. We have a prospect of a 
 contest more embittered than ever. 1 regret it, 
 and would gladly escape from it; but the fates 
 seem to order it otherwise. I may mistake; but 
 1 think the Legislature will be sustained. The 
 excitement is among those opposed to removing 
 the judges by any means. 
 
 As I inf(/rmed you, the resolutions request- 
 ing you to vote for Jackson passed; and you 
 have doubtless received them. Jackson is my 
 second choice, all circumstances bemg equal be- 
 tween him and Adams. But if our interest in 
 the west can be promoted by any other arrange- 
 ment, I shall be content. At any rate, let us 
 have a President. I would sooner vote for any 
 of the three than have a Vicegerent for four 
 years. Do wh-at you tiiink best — ihe Argus 
 will not con^plain, because it has faith that you 
 will do notliig to compromit the interests of 
 the western counti-y, or the nation. 
 Sincerely your friend, 
 
 AMOS KENDALL. 
 
 (No. 13.) 
 
 FiiANKFOKT, March 8th, 1828. 
 
 Dear Sir.- Yours of yesterday was received last 
 night. But for my absence for most of the last 
 week, should have written to you on the subjeot 
 towhicii it relates. 
 
 Many of your friends here have felt dissatisfac- 
 tion with your .address to the pubUc, much deep- 
 er than I have expressed in the Argus. They 
 have urged me to procure proof ofj our decla- 
 rations; but as I do not wlsli to lake a step which 
 would injure you by shovvmg a seeming conflic- 
 tiunbetwcenyom-ptihlic and private statements 
 I liave put tiiem oil" by telling them I would write 
 to you for a tivther explanation. If you are guil- 
 ty of an> tiling criminal, so urn I, Blair, Critten- 
 den, and many otliers. We knew tliat Clay 
 was to be Secretarj^ and for that reason promot- 
 ed Adams' election. You did no more. Clay's 
 denunciations have deterred me from avowing 
 my agency; for llieir was no harm in it. . 1 have 
 always thought your best defence was an open 
 aTowal of the facts. Clay has made them crimin- 
 al m huuseir;by his own denunciations; but why 
 should you place yomself in the same attitude 
 hut he has* W^hy .-jJiould y(ni give to the world 
 
 a statement which conveys the impression that 
 you were not actuated by any regard for Clay's 
 advancement in your vote for Mr. Adams' J. T. 
 Johnson tokl me, under, the impression tliat he 
 should be called out in tlie Senate, that yoa 
 told him you were in a caucns, and questioned 
 Mr Clay as to his relit on with J-ckson and Ad- 
 ams, and whethei tlir latter woulu mak. hina 
 Secretary of State; that he then retired, and 
 from his ans- ers and oiher circumstances, you 
 made up ycjur mi^id to vote for \li Adams, hav- 
 ing no doubt that he would mc-k;; Mr. Clay- 
 Secretary. In Barry's' room last winter, you 
 made a similar statement in presence of m' self, 
 B. Johnson, G. E. Russell, Dr. Sharpj and 
 many others. To many of us you have often 
 said, that you voted for Mr. Clay and not for Mr. 
 Adams. 
 
 God knows'I do not wish to do you any injurj*, 
 especially as you have been so brutally perse- 
 cuted by knaves whom you honertly aided in 
 accomphshing their purposes. It seems to me 
 that a plain nuirative of the facts and circumstan- 
 ces which led you to conclude that Mr. Adams 
 v.'ouldmake Mr. Clay Secretary, with the letters 
 from your constituents, would form a complete 
 and triumphant vindication. 
 
 Your friend, AMOS KENDALL. 
 
 Letteu V. — Concluded. 
 TO HENRY CLAY, ESQUIRE, 
 
 Secretary of State of the United States. 
 The following are the documents omitted last 
 week for want of room, to which is annexed 
 the letter of Mr. Tanner. The circumstances 
 detaded by him as occurring in 1822, I had to- 
 tally forgotten; but I have no doubt of their 
 entire truth. I did not remember that a living 
 man, except Mr. Clay, knew fliat I was the au- 
 thor of " Wayne," and if Mr. Blair was appris- 
 ed of the fact, I know not how he got the in- 
 formation, and if I ever did know, I liave for- 
 gotten it. The world will now have seen, that 
 had] been dis;osedto "violate private corres- 
 pondence," 1 could hive furnished the Wash- 
 ington Jackson Committee with some facts 
 whicli would matei-ii'.llv have aided them in 
 their '• Reply" to Mr. Clay's Address. 
 
 (No. 1.) 
 
 WASHi:»BTojf, 18th Oct. 1825. 
 Dear Sir: I received your obliging letter of 
 the 4lh inst. With respect to what has been or 
 may be said about the desire winch I had to en- 
 gage your services in the Department of State, 
 1 should be sorry if it gave you any concern. 
 To me it is iltteriy inditlcrent. It is enough for 
 me to know that I was influenced by no impro- 
 per motive, and that I was guided solely by the 
 consider.ation that your industry, capacity and 
 integrity might be beneficially employed for 
 the public »n that department. To guard 
 
 agaim: 
 
 .r suspicions, you will remem- 
 
 ber that I told you, if you came into it, I did 
 not wis^i you to enter it until after the close of 
 the late political camp.aign in Kentucky. I had 
 known you for a long time — from Mis. Clay, 
 Clay, as a menaber of my family — and person- 
 ally, as the Editor of the Argus. Although I 
 believed you to be wrong in your State politics, 
 no difierence iji opinion between us on that sub- 
 
a23 
 
 lect, could prevent my making a fair estimate 
 of your endowments. 
 
 No change has occurred in the office since 
 my returnv and unless a clerkship should be 
 created or become vacant, I do not know that 
 I could offer you any other than that which you 
 thought it j'our interest to decline. As it was 
 originally made without reference to your ag-en- 
 cy in K. politics, or to the then state of tiiem, 
 ("he recent change would have no effect on my 
 wishes to engage you in the public service. 
 
 I regret extremely the prospect which you 
 describe, of a renewal, \yith increased bitter- 
 ness, of our unhappy local controversy. I think 
 your party is wrong; that they should hasten 
 to forget the past, and unite, for the future, in 
 advancing the true interests ef the State, with- 
 out indulging in unavailing regrets. As to the 
 calumnies of which you and they believe them- 
 selves to have been the object, you should des- 
 pise and outlive them. Besides, no doubt many 
 calumnies have been levelled at individuals of 
 the opposite party, and up-* i the wliole they 
 probably neuti-alize each other. The cau.ses 
 which led to the ascendancy of your party were 
 in their nature, temporary, and they have gone 
 by. If you presevere, I have no doubt that the 
 result of the next election will be, to place you 
 in a still smaller minority than you now are. — 
 And the very effort which is making to thwart 
 the recent decisive expression of the public 
 will cannot 'fail to augment the present majori- 
 ty. I know hov/ a defeated party deludes itself 
 by assigiiing to sinister causes, rather than to 
 the true one, their loss of, or failure to acquire 
 the ascendancy. It is the same thing every 
 vvhere and in all times with the losing party. — 
 A strong illustration of this remark is furnished 
 by the Argus-ef the 6th instant. You there la- 
 bor to show that, by a small change of votes, 
 in a few counties, where the majorities of your 
 adversaries happened to be small, you might 
 have prevailed. But, my dear sir, take the op- 
 posite side; suppose a small change in some of 
 the counties whei'e your m.ajorities happened 
 to be small; do you not see how the present 
 number in the H. of R. against you might have 
 been augmented' 
 
 As to the intention of some of the relief gen- 
 tlemen to attack the administration, and espe- 
 cially me, I cUn only say that it is their cleai* 
 right to do it, if they please. If, by the allega- 
 tion that I have interfered and contributed to 
 their defeat, they only mean that my opinion 
 was against them, on the act of tlie last session, 
 and that I did not conceal my opinion, they are 
 perfectly coirect. If they mean any thing else, 
 they eiT. I certainly wished success to the 
 party which has prevailed on that question. But 
 during my last visit to Kentucky 1 neither had 
 time nor inclination to do more than express my 
 opinion, which was not very often done. It 
 w.as veiy well known before. I count in the 
 relief party, many of my best personal and poli- 
 tical friends, and I can never believe that the 
 wish to assail me extends beyond a few, whom 
 I well know. If it is imagined that Gen. Jack- 
 son-can be elected against Mr. Adams, no cal- 
 culation, in my humble opinion, will Ije found 
 to be more erroneous. I believe that, in a con- 
 gest between those two, (always carrying along 
 'hat the cc'ui-se of adminis'.raiion sJnil ho ••■ivii- 
 
 I believe it will be, during the next tlu ee years,) 
 Mr. Adams will prevail by a majority of two 
 thirds of the Union. He will succeed, in my 
 judgment, against any competitor : but there 
 is another much more formidable than Gen. 
 Jackson. 
 
 In frankly expressing these sentiments, it is 
 not my intention to discourage you from the pur- 
 suit of what you may deem to be your duty. — 
 I thought they were due to the friendly relations 
 which have subsisted between us. ■ I certainly 
 am anxious to see harmony and concord once 
 more restored to our distracted State; but if a 
 sense of duty impels the combatants to continue 
 the strife, I can only deplore a state of things 
 so inauspicious. At a distance, and full of other 
 cares, I shall look on as a spectator, reser\ing 
 always the right, upon that and every other hu- 
 man occasion, freely to express my thoughts. 
 I am truly yoia- friend, &c. 
 
 * H. CLAY, 
 
 AjMos Kexdaii, Esa. 
 
 (No. 2.) 
 
 Washington, 8th Jan. 1820. 
 
 Dear Sir : I duly received your obliging fa 
 vor of the 24th idt. The day before it arrived, 
 I had written to Bibb and to Mr. Smith of tht: 
 H. of R. authorizing them to give any publicity 
 to the fact that they may think proper, that I 
 did not wish to be considered a candidate for 
 the next Governor. It would have been very 
 gratifying to me to have been lible to comply 
 with the wishes of those estimable friends who 
 urged me to offer; but it appeared to me that 
 the same considerations which I think requira 
 me to .'eave Congress, Ave equally opposed to 
 my acceptance of the office of Governor of K. 
 
 The Missouri quesiion is that wh.'ch engross- 
 es most of the tiiouglits and attention of the 
 members at present. There is a profound in- 
 terest felt on tliat question here.. The subject 
 has been started, it is believed by many, for the 
 purpose of arraying one portion of the U. States 
 against another; and there is some reason to 
 apprehend that this sinister design may b« 
 effected. 
 
 Our Spanish aifiiirs have given' rise to many 
 diversified views of the course which this go- 
 vernment ouglit to adopt; and I have never seen 
 less coincidence in opinion among the members 
 of Congress. At the commencement of the ses- 
 sion, I do not believe there were ten members 
 who concurred in the recommendation of the 
 President. Even yet, 1 do not think the num- 
 ber gTeat. Still, t!ie influence of the Execu- 
 tive is almost irresistible, and it is possible that 
 it may ultimatjy persuade a majority to believe 
 that tiie treaty is binding, and even that it is for 
 nm- interest to execute it. With regard to the 
 Patriots, all tlie premises of tlie President poin- 
 ed to one conclusion; that is, a recognition of 
 them; yet he recommended the passage of fur- 
 ther laws to enforce our neutrality; in other 
 words, further laws against tlicm. 
 
 I am anxious to know what o\\T Legislature 
 will do to relieve the country. 
 
 With great regard, I am cordially yotir.'j, 
 
 H. CLAY. 
 
 t*. "^ Do n'>t publish this letter. 
 
^:m 
 
 \v'ASHixr,To.v, IGtlj :Apf'i), 182 
 
 >.K\ii .-1.1; I receive.'', your favor of tiie U.-a. 
 '.j\. requestin,^ u copy of Mr. Lancnster":; book, 
 vhicli communicates b'.s iiictliod of iiistmction. 
 !;VjI knowing whtre to oSjluin it, nor indeed whnt 
 particular work of his you refer tp, I have writ- 
 fen to Mr. lAiicaster iiiinsclf topmcTU'c: it, and 
 whejj obtained, it 'iiiall be fjrwanled to you. 
 
 You will see from tho papers, tiuit T havD 
 1^i'i)it;rht fonvurd tiie 5ii!)ject of the Florida trea- 
 ty. I believe I niuy venture to s^y^ that a larg-e 
 iniajority of the House: of Ii.?pre'5entalivc.s con- 
 (Hirrt^d with rac in opinion re.spedino; that treaty, 
 otlll there were miuiy who, whilsit they con- 
 demned it, did not think itrij^litto anticipate 
 the subject and expreiin disajjprobation. Under 
 liiese cu'CiimstanccM, I thotig-l>t it most prudent 
 Tiot lo press t!ie resolutions to a vote, but to 
 /cave them uiidccidcd, believlp.,^- th.it tiie d|g- 
 cussion of' the subject alone would be produc- 
 tive of g-ood, both on t!ie tiegotation and in '.he 
 i-iatton. Tiiere is a. rumor in the City which 
 ^vill a<ito;ii.sIi you, in rei!;ard to the conchisiou of 
 'ihat tfcat y. ]t has been asserted byamoniber 
 i.fCongres.s, ascon.inft-iVom hioh authority, iTiat, 
 prior to the conclnvion of the treat}-," it was 
 ■jcnown to Jur. Adams that we cculd have ob- 
 ■taiRe<l more than wi..~. (•onveyed tsi us; that is, 
 ihatthe S|)anish n'ig'ctiator was allosved, by his 
 5rt3£ractioui>, to c^i'ant Ui? more, but iLat less was 
 taken, because the- Spanish minister declared, 
 'f he wenl up to his instnictious, he sh luld be 
 afraid of some personal injury, urnn his return 
 ;iomc_! What will you, i'n die \\est, think of 
 •'he wisdom of that policy which consents to 
 isurrender an importuat part of- our territory 
 ii-om such a motive!' 
 
 You will see that an abortive attempt at a 
 if;aucus has been madcv How it was got up, by 
 \vhoni, and for wliat piu pose, is not kisowr.. The 
 t'lvenlufj proved b.id, and it was thinly attended. 
 5t uould iiave been defeated; if the n'ght Iiad 
 been otherwise. About the period tliat it was 
 Jirst taWced of, I und..'rstood that my name whs 
 irsed as Vice-President, on the cijiting-ency of 
 Tompkins' election as Governor of New York. 
 Ihal circunistnncc of coin-.se impos::d certain 
 rcstraint.j Uf/',ji me,;inJ I did n(}t attend the mcct- 
 .nf;. As soon, however, as it was known that 
 .f the Caums cxpre.<ise(l any opin'on it would be 
 .:» my favour, the frieiidR of every jiretendcr to 
 ■: lie pre.siucncy got to work to defeat the Caucus, 
 and to defeat my recomnicudation. They saici, 
 it wont do ;o put Mr. Clay there; he will be 
 ab^-east wjtli us, if pot before us; and it is 6e.t 
 »o cirf^uTUb^ribe the field of competition. Now, 
 it may be very po'-d tor tiiem to'do so; but is it 
 lor the fjood people of the United .States? 
 ^ After all, I am a-^smcd by well inforn.'.d fri?nd:3 
 <hai, if tiiere luul .been any recommeiKlation in 
 t;aucus, 1 would l;ave been supported by a ve- 
 ry decided mijority. 
 
 C^aucuscs arc instruments siieceptible of very 
 f^ro.il abuse. They ouftiit, thcrcf.)rc, if ever 
 Vised, to be but seldom employed. It is, howe- 
 ver, a little amjisinj,- to .see our Virginia friends 
 iowaj'ir.ly re-;.v<;baiiiiff them. There was no 
 objcctioino ttiem, on tJiei;- part, when any risk 
 atter.ded Jir. M.'s election. There will be no 
 --.b>ection to them, a.^ain, when a cilir.cn of Vir- 
 happcfwto b? proposed fcrdlfl c>Ftha 
 
 liighcst offices, and he is i.n cmyiixzaxd cX'ioaui^ 
 ' i '. election. 
 
 I w'ri;.e you confidenatilly, and of cour.'uj do 
 Tif)t wish wliat I do write to be publisjiod. 
 
 M'e shall adjourn from the ist to Ij'th.Mav. 
 Yours faithfully, II. C;.AV" 
 
 Amos tijesnALi., Esa- i 
 
 (No. 5.) 
 
 ■WAsniyoTojf, 16th Feb. 1823. 
 Dear Sir: I have just received your favor of 
 the 2d inst. I wrote a few days ag'o to oiU' 
 friend Cnt+cnden, and mu.st refer you to that 
 letter for some topics not touched in this. WttU 
 rosp'ict to the question wliether, after the con 
 clu.sion of the treaty of Louisiana, the rif^ht dul 
 not accrue to the British, under tiiat of 178.3, tea 
 navigate the Missls.sippi in its whole extent, t 
 hope you v/ill not comm-t you«e]f until I see 
 you. My opinion is very stror.g tluat it did not, 
 and'alt'iiougli your su;;';<'estions are ingenious, l 
 do not think themS{>)nclusive. I have not tinifi 
 here to discuss the question. But I would ask 
 if more can be pxanted tlian the grantor has; 
 \Vhat had the United States to grant In 1783 > 
 What w?s the consideration which tlio Rritisb. 
 paid? Although in .lamc it was a prrant of tlie 
 right of navigation, in the whole extent of the 
 river, the grant must be interpreted, not by it.s 
 ivof'Js, but by the power to gr.int. The equiva- 
 lent given, was measured by what wasrcceived- 
 The case of a grant of a right of way by a pri- 
 vate individual v. ill not illustrate tlie arr;iiment, 
 because the srrantee might havv.- been deceived- 
 Here England was not deceived, because she 
 Ic-iCW how fir we had power to grant. We 
 procured from Spain a right of deposit by th^v 
 ti-caty of 1795. Did that also inure lo England' 
 If, v,'i\cn we g;ot Apart of the suijject, she couh', 
 not claim to be let in under the treaty of 17oJ., 
 how can she assert the claim when we got the 
 whole? If England had tendered to us a part 
 of the IJfteon millions which we paid for Louis- 
 iana proportionate to the right claimed by her 
 to navigate the river, vitliin t!ie former limits ol' 
 Spain, &hc might then have made out a case, 
 not of right, but strongly addressing itself to 
 our cc^uity. | 
 
 I'he treaty of Louisiana furnishes another 
 Etrong illustration. France by it v.'as to be pui, 
 on the footing of tUe most favored nation. Af- 
 ter the convetjtion of London in 181J, Fi-ance 
 chimed to be put, i.i rcgr.rd to the tonnage oC 
 tlic respective countries, upon tiie same footing 
 with England. But our government, through 
 Mr. Adams, said, no, we have received pay fron\ 
 England for that privilege, and when you pa}' 
 us the same (that is, adopt the principles of re- 
 ciprocity) you shall I:e admitted as the ves.^^t:^ 
 oI' J'.ngland are admitl;-d. 
 
 ' Do you put it on the ground that tlieinhabi- 
 tajitH of the head of a stream have a right to foL. 
 low it to the ocean, although its debonchemein,. 
 belongs to anotlier power' England at least 
 could not take that ground, because she refuses 
 to allow the application of tiic principle to the 
 ca,s»' of the Ht. Lawrence. 
 
 Winn [ shaU liave the pleasure of seeing you, 
 VrC w.il AirtJicr discuss this matter. 
 
 Mr. T;iib(,t promised to-d? y to send you onf; 
 oi .Mr. Adarujj'j* btx-ks whiof, 1 never saw lo'-.l 
 1 rarna here, f '"ill «ee that-it 'n rton<- 
 
8^^ 
 
 . o'uciging I'uCni pieseJ^l appecteuces, the ccn- 
 •iest will be between Mr. Adams arid fiie. Mr. 
 I Crawford's prospects have greatly and evident- 
 iy declined within the last three months. Still 
 ■Jitere may be other plwscs exhibited before th'; 
 vjucstio^ is settled. 1 tjiia];:, therefore, that the 
 'policy of my fri-inds should be thut of main- 
 taining at least respectful relations with the oth- 
 er p^entleraen and their friends. That is the 
 T>est coiirse under all circurnstances. Yon may 
 Tely upon it, that New York is perfectly un- 
 committed; tliat Mr. Crawford dOes not sta.nd 
 better there than I do, if so well now; that iriy 
 vause is gainin:^ v>'l\:lst he' is lo.sing- ground in 
 taat State; and that in Pennsylvjinia '.Dy pros- 
 pect is far better than either his ori^Ir AduifW'. 
 in two of the three great Spates, y,dth Which 
 I he decision of the cjuestion now mainly rests, 
 i stand better than Mr. Crarford, and in tu'o 
 better tlsan Mr. Adams. Mi-. Calhoun in gene- 
 rally thought to be entirely out of the tjuestion. 
 
 Our Virginia business has talien a most unex- 
 pected torn. Whilst I certainly shoidd regi'ct 
 that the seeds should have been soun of aner- 
 rninent ahenation between the two States, 1 do 
 t'.iink that we have been so •ight aiu! they so 
 wrong, that some notice ought to betaken iii 
 our papers, in pretty strong terms, of the re- 
 ,';eclionoi the guaranty. lam not sure, that it 
 might not have good effect on the very ques- 
 tion, respecting which your sclitade exist;;, for 
 tJ:e preservation of the hartncny between the 
 two States. 
 
 In your notices of Mr. Adams, I need scarcely 
 repeat the idea of the great advantage whiih 
 will attem' a perfectly decorou:i course. I do 
 not know that I can add any Euggestloiia that 
 v.'iU be useful. As I hope to beat home early 
 in the spring it will be then time enough to 
 :nake any that inay occur. 
 
 The prospect of war between France and 
 "^pa'n seems to have diminished. 
 
 The rumour of a cession of t^'uba to Engl:ind 
 I do not believe is well fovuided. 
 
 V/ith greet regard, ). am faithfully' vou?.t, 
 
 II. CLAY. 
 
 .;.:m:os Kkxdall, Esq, 
 
 MR. TA^^NER'S LETTEP.. 
 
 Ii Aiir'jitijirHi;, July 1st, 1S28. 
 
 Dear S7r — You ask me to inform you how I 
 crime, to the knowledge that you were the writer 
 of the publications signed " Wayne." In an- 
 swer, I will briefly state, that at the time you 
 .vere writing- those niiinbers, I was in your em- 
 ploy as pfinter, boardc-d in yom- house, and 
 olcpt in the room you o^-.cupic-d as an office. Ac 
 one of tlie comjjpsitors who worked on the 
 newspaper, 1 always was permitted to hive free, 
 access to your mannscript It was in th? exer- 
 '•,ise of this permission, tliati noticed these com- 
 munications, and believing them to be in- ended 
 10 be published in the Argi's, I r^ad liiem. I 
 then discovered that tliey were not intended to. 
 "ppear in your ow)i paper, aiid asked you to 
 explain their object, \'ou informed rne that 
 they had been written atthe request or /or Mr. 
 Clay, and that they were first to be publisi^ed in 
 Ohio. You mcTitioncd the efiect that they were 
 ".ntended to product, and that you h;id made 
 them as strong as possible; but liiformeil mc 
 • .hH Mr. Clay di'J not vish it known tiiat tbev 
 
 ^#»;-, 
 
 V/ere wril{euiiyy<ivf, and ttiaii neca a^y nothing", 
 about it. I was then young, and of course no*6 
 much acquainted witli tlie devices of jjoliticai 
 men. I had viewed Mr. Clay as a very great man, 
 and was a little stu-priscd that he sliculd get you 
 to write communications y^^y, /»?«.. • I so ofte[>. 
 thought al)0ut it, that it rnade a lasting impres-. 
 sion upon me. i^efora these p.ipers were take] ', 
 from your oi?iee, Mr C'la> supped with you. 
 If I do not mistake, ^Ir. Josiah \Vheeler (riow- 
 of Oldham county) and his lady supped witti, 
 you that evening. I supposed, when I saw hinj 
 at yoiur house and kae-^v that he had been v.itl.v 
 you a'.l the evening, tliat he hud been e:vaniiiH 
 ing your comrnuju cations, and 1 presum'5 I wa;'. 
 right; for tl'ey were not next day in the room, 
 it was some time after that before they maxL^ 
 their appearance in the Cincinnati Gazette. I 
 believe I. was tiie first, Ivov/eve;-, tliat recog- 
 nized them and told you of it. You then puij- 
 lishc-d them in tlis Argus, and the piany con-ec- 
 tions wliich you tr.ade in them a little astonish- 
 ed the hf nds in the office. 1 alone knew why 
 you t.'ok that libertyj but di4 not mention the 
 circurnsiavice.. ' .^ 
 
 Although t';e tircumstances of that publica- 
 tion V. ere rdwajs vivid in my recollection, wheii 
 thinking of Mr. Clay's claims to the Presidency^ 
 I did not advert to it, or mention it to a single? 
 individual foi- sow.e year.s. I lo";g after thatVe- 
 tallied niy i^ritran'on, as I may term it, for his 
 taler.ts and his political cha:ucter. I, after that, 
 deceived froiri him s^me little patronage, and at 
 one time a complimentai y letter of recommen- 
 dation for a commevciai friend in Louisville- 
 vvhere I lent to him v.vy feeble support wiiilJ 
 the conductor of a Ticwspaper. Through all 
 t^'CSi vicissitudes, however, 1 never forgot the 
 " Wayne" communications. I thought that tc» 
 pvocv.;e the pen <4'anotJicr jnau to abuse with- 
 out n>easure a politicul rival, exhibited a spc-' 
 cies of i".trigue tlvit my maiden knovvledge of 
 pohtical men h;.d not entirely convinced me 
 was lu accordance with the most honr^rablc con- 
 duct. Tlut I still tiiought it was nothing lYioro 
 tiian others would do under li?ce circumstances, 
 and I overlookrd it. And i. was not until Miv 
 Clay hiul voted for the man that I knew he had' 
 lavisiicd !?,uc]i abus:; on as is contained in thost; 
 numbers, that I- could net recon.cile such daring 
 profligacy. Those connnunications and yo'iv 
 letters ])ubli:^hed by me for Air. Cby, were the 
 foundation upon which I mahily rested my ob- 
 jections to Mr. Adams. I thought vhat lieniy 
 Ch.y would not misrepresent him, and if iie did 
 not, Mr. Adams w^s a bad man. And afte;- 
 th)-;, to see him make a in-an Tresident, whom 
 lie had taught me to disli!i<?, I could no longci' 
 pa'j'ate h's cn^duct. M) venerati(>n wui- diy 
 solved. 
 
 It was in giving niy rcjuons for withdrawini;: 
 my nTecl ions from Mr. Cay a^ a politician, thai; 
 I sometimss spoke of the publications of 
 "Wayne." I mtrudnced the subject into ifty 
 newspaper last fall, and called your attention 
 and ()t;u-rs tc; iljr.nt v.intcr.- You recollect ho\ir 
 much you were surprzed when 1 mciitionecl^ 
 the !,ubj(ct to you, and you tliKMight there wasi^ 
 no person who knew any, thing joout it. Wiicrt 
 I related soma of llic circum-.t;inces here ic- 
 pcated, you thin v. nicmbercd them. I be- 
 lieve, howevcj-. Ml-, jilair was aI»o acquainted 
 vithlhe fact-s of the publicatrof,; v'litthv; ■. '. 
 
3i>U 
 
 laiued iroiu you or Mr. Clay, 1 cannot saj-. 
 Repectfiilly vours, 
 
 WILLIAM TANNER. 
 Mr. A. Kenuail. 
 
 Extract from the Introduction to the unpublished 
 Anus of Mr. Jefferson. 
 Tn these three volumes will be found copies 
 of tl»e official opinions given in wiiting by me to 
 Gen. Washington, wliile Secretary of State, 
 ■with some times the documents belonging to 
 the case. Some of these are the rough 
 draughts, some press-copies, some fair ones. 
 In the earlier part of my acting in that office, I 
 took no other note of tlie passing transactions; 
 but, after a wliile, I saw the importance of do- 
 ing it, in aid of my memory. Very often 
 therefore I made memorandums on loose straps 
 of paper, taken cut of my pocket in the mo- 
 ment, and laid by to be copied fair at leisure, 
 vhich however they hardly ever we^ e. These 
 scraps therefore, vagged, rubbed, and scrib- 
 bled as they werCj I had bound with tl\e others 
 by a binder who came into my cabinet, did it 
 under my own eye, and without the opportu- 
 nity of reading a single paper. At this day, 
 after the laf.se of 25 years, or more, from their 
 dates, I have given to the whole a calm revisal, 
 when the passions of the time are past away, 
 and the reasons of the transactions act alone on 
 tlie judgment. Some of the infomiationsl had 
 recorded are now cut out from the rest because 
 i have seen that they wer»incorrect, or doubt- 
 ful, or personal, or private, with which we have 
 nothing to do. 
 
 » * » W 4 » 
 
 But Hamilton was not only a Monai-chist, but 
 for a Monarchy bottomed on corruption. In 
 proof of this I will relate an anecdote, fof the 
 truth I attest the God who made me. Before 
 the President set out on his southern tour in 
 April 1791, he addressed a letter of the 14th of 
 that month, from Mount Vernon to tlie Secreta- 
 ries of State, the Treasury and War, desiring 
 that, if any important case should arise auriiig 
 his absence, they would consult and act on 
 them, and he requested thjit the Vice President 
 should also be consulted. Tliis was the only 
 occasion on which that officer was ever request- 
 ed to take part in a Cabuiet qiiestion. Some 
 occasion of consultation arising 1 invited those 
 gentlemen (and tlie Attorney General, as well 
 as I remember) to dine with me in order to con- 
 fer on the subject. After the clotli was removed, 
 and our duestion agreed and dismissed, conver- 
 sation began on other mattrrs, and by some 
 circumstance, was led to the British • Constitu- 
 tion, on which Mr. Adams observed "pmge 
 that Constitution of its rorruption, and give to 
 its popular braorh equality of representation, 
 and it wovdd be the most perfect constitution 
 devised by the wit of man." Hamilton paused 
 and said, " purge it of its corruption, and give 
 to its popalar branch equality of representation, 
 and it would become an im practicable go^ ern- 
 jinent : as it stands at j)reseiit, with all its sup- 
 posed defects, it is the most perfect govcrn- 
 j'nent which ever existed." And this was as- 
 suredly the exact line which seperatcd the poli- 
 tical creeds of these two gentlemen. The one 
 was for two hereditary branches and on honest 
 elective one : the other for a hereditary King 
 Tvitha house of Loi-ds and Commons, corrupted 
 
 to his wiilj and standing between hm. and lUc 
 people. Hamilton was indeed a singular char- 
 acter. Of acute undei-standing, disinterested,' 
 honest and honorable in ail private transac- 
 tions," amiable in society, and duly valuing 
 virtue in private life, yet so bewildered and 
 perverted by the British example as to be 
 under a thoro' conviction that coiTuption 
 was essential to the government of a nation. 
 Mr. Adams had originally been a lepublican, 
 the glare of royalty and nobility, during his mis- 
 sion to England, had made him believe theu- 
 fascination a necessary ingi'edient in gov- 
 ernment, and Sliay's rebellion, not suffi- 
 ciently understood where he then was, seemed 
 to prove that the absence of want and oppres- 
 sion was not a sufficient guarantee of order. 
 His book on the American Constitutions having 
 made known bis political bias, he was taken up 
 by the Monarchical Federalists, in his absence, 
 and on his return to the U. S. he was by them 
 made to believe that the general disposition of 
 our citizens was favorable to Monarchy. He 
 here wrote his Davila as a suppliment to the 
 former work, and his election to the Presidency 
 confirmed his errors. Innumerable addresses 
 too, artfully and industriously poured in upon 
 him, deceived him into a confidence that he was 
 on the pinacle of prosperity, when the gulph 
 was yawning at his feet whicli was to swallow 
 up him and his deceivers. For when General 
 Washington was withdrawn, these energumeni 
 of royalism, kept in check hitherto by the dread 
 of his honesty, his firmness, his patriotism, and 
 the authority of bis name, now mounted on the 
 car of State and free from controul, like Phae- 
 ton on that of the Sun, drove headlong and wild, 
 looking neither to rigli-t nor left, nor regarding 
 any thing but tiie objects they were di'iving at: 
 until displayng these fully, the eyes of the na- 
 tion were opened, and a general disbandment 
 of them from the public councils took place. — 
 Mr. Adams, I am sure, has been long since con- 
 vinced of the treacheries with which he was 
 surroumled during his administration. He has 
 since thoroughly seen that his constituents were 
 devoted to republican government, and wheth- 
 er his judgment is re-settled on its ancient basis, 
 or not, he is conformed as a good citizen to the 
 wjil of the majority, and would now, I am per- 
 suaded, maintain its republican structure, with 
 tlie zeal and fidelity belonging to his character. 
 For even an enemy has said " he is always an 
 honest man and often a great one," but in the 
 fury and follies of those who made him their 
 stalking horse, no man who did not witness it, 
 can fi'rm an idea of their unbridled madness, 
 and tiie terrorism with which they surrounded 
 themselves. The horrors of the French revo- 
 lution then ragingaided them m;unly, and using 
 this as a raw head and bloody bones they were 
 enabled by 'heir stratagems * * • * 
 their tales of tub-plots, ocean massacrees, bloody 
 jH»ys, and pulpit lying and slanderings, and 
 mftniaca] ravings of their Gardeners, their Os- 
 gooils and Parishes, to spread alarm into all but 
 ihe firmest breasts. Their Attorney General 
 had the impudence to say to a republican mem- 
 ber that deportation must be resorted to, ot 
 which, sai<^ he you republicans have set the ex- 
 ample, thus daring to identify us witlr the mur- 
 derous Jacobins of France — These transactions, 
 uow recollected but as dreams of the nigh' . 
 
^27 
 
 uere then sad realities, and nothing' rescued us 
 from tfieir liberticide effect bat the unyielding 
 opposition of those firm spirits who sternly main- 
 tained their post, in defiance of tenor, until 
 their fellow citizens could be aroused to their 
 own dang-er, and rally, ajiu rescue ihe standard 
 of the constitution. Th's has beeri happily done. 
 Federalism and monarchism huve languished 
 from that moment, until their treasonable com- 
 binations with the ericmies of their country dur- 
 ing' the late war. Thtir plots of dismembering 
 the union, and their Harttord Convention, has 
 consigned them to the tomb of the dead; and I 
 fondly hope we may nov truly say "we are all 
 republicans all federalists," and that the motto 
 of the standard to which our country will for- 
 ever rally, will l)e "Federal union, and Repub- 
 lican Government," and sure I am we may say 
 that we are indebted, for the preservation of 
 
 this point or ralHanre to that opposition * 
 
 ******* 
 
 Much of this rela'ion is notorious to the world 
 and many inti;nate proofs of it will be found in 
 these notes. — From the moment, where they 
 end, of my retiringfrom the administration, the 
 Federalists gut unchecked hold of General 
 Washmgton. His memory was already sensibly 
 impaired by age, the fiim tone of mind for 
 which he had been remarkable, was beginning 
 to relax, its eae-'gy was abated? a listlessness of 
 labof, a desire for tfanquility had crept oi\ iiim, 
 and a willingness to lei others act and even think 
 for him. Lik..' the n-st of mankind he was dis- 
 gusted with the atrocities of the French revolu- 
 tion, and was not sufh.iently aware of the differ- 
 ence between the rabble who were used as the 
 instruments of tlieir perpetration, and the stea- 
 dy atii rational ch:iracter of the American peo- 
 ple, in whicii he had not sufficient confidence. 
 The oppo-sition *.oo of the republicans to the Bri- 
 tish treaty, and zealous support of the Federal- 
 ists in that unpopular, but favorite meastire of 
 theirs, had made !iim all their own. Under- 
 standing moreover thut I disapproved of that 
 treaty, and copiously nourished with falshoods 
 by a malignantneighbor of mine, who ambition- 
 ed to be his correspondent, he had become 
 aleniated from myself personally, as from the 
 republican body generally of his fellow citizens; 
 and he wrote the letters to Mr. Adams, and Mr. 
 CarroU, over which, in devotion to his imperish- 
 able fame, we must for ever weep as monuments 
 of mortal decay. 
 
 Tfi, JEFFERSON. 
 Feb. 4thi 1818 
 
 V 
 
 From the LouisvilLj Advertiser. 
 We insert below, the promised letter of John 
 PopK, Esq. whic'i, as will be observed, was 
 written in reply to a letter from us, on tlie sub- 
 ject of the pproacbing election. Mr. Pope's 
 views of the subject are able and unanswerable, 
 and we are happy to add, that he is acting on 
 them — zealously supporting the election of Bar- 
 ry and Breathitt, in private conversation and in 
 public addresses. 
 
 3Ir. Penn — Owing to my absence from thi."? 
 county during the last winter and spring, indis- 
 position and my necessary attertion to private 
 bnsiness, I xBf not able to give you very satis- 
 factory information, of the state of public senti- 
 
 ment in this quarter, in relation to the candt» 
 dates for Governor and Lt. Governor. I ea« 
 tertain no doubt that two-thirds, probably more, 
 of the voters in this county, are in favor of the 
 election of Gen. Jackson. There appears to 
 be some division in the Jackson party about 
 the candidates for Governor. An opinion has 
 been circulated with great industry, that the 
 election of Governor has no connection with 
 that of President. Mr. Underwood a few days 
 ago, in a public speech, with great candor and 
 propriety, told the people that he considered 
 the old and new court question settled. The 
 people begin to understand that this unpleasant 
 controversy is disposed of, and that we are 'nor 
 now trying the validity of the reorganizing act. 
 On this subject tlie partisans of the administra- 
 tion have played a most dexterous game, but 
 their success will be temporary — it will not 
 last until the first Monday in August. 
 
 The administration convention, in December, 
 selected Gen. Metcalfe as their candidate for 
 Governor, and he must be considered identified 
 with that party in his contest. He w^s one of 
 our representntiv^-s in Congress who voted 
 against Gene-al Jackson contrary to the will of 
 the Rtate, as expressed through the General As- 
 sembly. 
 
 The new court law was decided on by the 
 people -:ever-al years ago, has been repealed and 
 the old state of things restored, and is not now 
 a question in the pending contest. It must be 
 clearly understood that the administration party, 
 in presenting Gen. Metcalfe as their candidate, 
 put the question directly to the people of Ken- 
 tucky: " Do you or do you not approve the 
 conduct of your representatives in voting at the 
 last Presidential election agauist General Jack- 
 son, in opposition to tlie solemn, urgent and al- 
 most unanimous declaration of the General As- 
 semb1\^?" If the peopl ■, in the present aspect 
 of the'controversy, elect Gen. Metcalfe, it will 
 . be claimed, and very properly, not only as an 
 acquittal by Kentucky of the charges agamst 
 Adams, Clay, &c. but as a triump*i of Mr. Clay 
 and his friends, upon the very principle in con- 
 test. It must be so viewed here and by the 
 people of other States. The eyes of the nation 
 are upon us, looking with anxious sohcltude to 
 the result of the present contest for Governor 
 in Kentucky. The election of General Met- 
 calfe vvill be deemed an approbation by Kentuc- 
 ky of the vote of her representatives in Con- 
 gress at the last Presidential clectioix. The 
 friends of General Jackson.ehould examine and 
 consider this matter well before they decide, 
 and sufTer a defeat, which may be fatal, not 
 otily to his cause in Kentucky, but have an 
 imfortunatp influence in other States. — Can 
 Jackson men, consistently with their profes- 
 sions and the ground they occupy in relation 
 to the Presidential contest, supoort the election 
 of Gen. Metcalfe > The constitution provides 
 that, when tiie electors fail to make a choice, 
 the election shall be made by the House of Rep- 
 resentatives from the three highest voted for 
 by the electors, and in making the choice they 
 shall vote by States, each State having one vote. 
 Whether the re])resentatives of a State, in mak- 
 ing the clioice, should regard the will of the 
 State represented, is the leading subject of in- 
 quiry now presented to the consideration of the 
 Republican people of Kentucky ' I understand 
 
I.iit:"ac{aaiu3tiaiiyn ^dWy tS coiueiul, Uiattbeve- 
 j^Vesentitircs Lave tl»e right of choice, regaid- 
 Jcss ortbe v.ill of tlie State — the Jtickacu party 
 insist that the Keppcr.entativcs ought to have 
 t(g;»rdetl that will. This seema to be the great 
 jiiiTicipIc in contestati(Mi. When the electors 
 vote, il;ey act in confonnity to the will of the 
 people represented, and when the election is 
 made by tlte States, the representatives in Con- 
 gress should exercise the power in conformity 
 -0 the v/ill of the states represented. Some, 
 indeed, contend, that the representatives bear 
 ijo relation to the States, but are to look to the 
 fjarticular districts they respectively represent, 
 'i'he absuix'ity of this vill be spparent upon a 
 single s\ig^jrestioii: — Suppose, from sickness or 
 other cause, a majority of the representatives 
 •of the suite had lieen absent when the election 
 'c»ok place,, and only one, two crv three mem- 
 bers had been prescnj: to give the vote of Ken- 
 tucky? — when called on to give the vote of this 
 State, M-as it their duly to give the vote of one, 
 two or three diytri;;ts, or the vote of the State ' 
 Ibis subject is the more interesting, when it is 
 '■Dnsidercd th it the elec'.ton by electors is made 
 In December, and the cleouon by th^ House of 
 Jfeprcientatives on tlie 19lh of February follow- 
 ing. Unles3 the will of the State be made 
 known through their General Assembly, it will 
 be impracticable to obtriin it in any other mode, 
 :ind the docti-ine advanced in the Circular of 
 the Clay Cooimittee, in 1024, must prevail. We 
 were told in tViat faqious dccvunent, that, if the 
 filection slwuld come before Congress, the voice 
 -if the people w, ::ld no more be heard, and that 
 <-verj- tiling wo'jIJ be curried , by tlie influence 
 und inlngtie, barg;r.n and m.'\na;^ement' — aiicl 
 ire the freepeopk of Kcntccky prepared t» pv.t 
 their seal of approbation' on this doctrine by 
 electing one of dioae who, by his vote at th.e List 
 I'residential elecUen, gave it countcijance^— 
 Tliii li n;rt a contest about men, but iinpoi'wnt, 
 vital principle. Were the candidates alone 
 concerned, rslioiiM take no part in the contro- 
 versy. ThcJr relative merits and qualifications 
 ire of minor iutpcrtancc— they are all i believe, 
 highly respectable. A late Address of the 
 rpicnds of tlie adminislratioi\ to the people of the 
 Onited States, ments the particular attention of 
 f.he .facfcson parly. In this Address, the pend- 
 ing cOnterJt in Kentucky for the office of Gov- 
 cTi.or 19 noticed with much interest, and a hope, 
 ifideed a conhdeut expectation evprcssed, of 
 '.hesucoosAof Gm. Metcalfe, the administiT.tion 
 ' (.andi'late, and of the great ii.Huence his .'.access 
 will have on tiie I'r. sciential elcctioii. Can llic 
 friend.s cf the Jackson ciiuselend tljeiraid toac- 
 r.nmphbhwhatt!)C fiicnds of the auraini-tra'.ion 
 \) A diet •will l.av« an inportant eflect in dcfoat- 
 
 I -the eleclJonof Gen .lackson.' Can they ba 
 
 .utird in such a co.itf:»t? V.'iiatever use the 
 iuhnini.stri.lion party ni.iy maki: of the old .'.nil new 
 court question, to divide a-ul weaken the Jjick- 
 z.-xn force, itiscvidcn% not only from tlic candid 
 
 ■ ' ' if Mr. Undexwood, but tliO acts of 
 
 it/tlicydo not consiiler tliat qucs- 
 t'lMunow iictl'ie the people in this contest. — 
 lastjeiu-, in th« county of Woodford,, where 
 ' '. re is a majority of old court men, ati old and 
 :i new court man ww selected by the administi-a- 
 tion party .is casididatcs for the Lcgisla'ttU'e. In 
 
 ' man was elected. 
 
 islvallon iTai'ty. la Hertry cOi&"nl>-; JlL*. Challeiv 
 Allen, a decided new court man, is a prominen': 
 candidate on the side ot tlieadminUtration. One 
 of the Adams elrjctoral ticket is a prominent and 
 and decided new corn t m^n — and iVIr. Kendall, 
 ^idiile exerting his Editorial powers in support 
 of the re-organizing act, received an offer from 
 Mr. Clay o^ a situation in the Department of 
 9tate;nor did Mr. Clay visit him vv^ith any spe- 
 cial mark of lii.-? displeasiire, until the new cour(; 
 pr-rty v/as prosti-ate, and he indicated his inten- 
 tion to oppose the ».cmini.stration. 
 
 Gen. Metcalfe decs not seem to have any very 
 high claim to public con;ideration on account of 
 his course on the old and nsw court question- 
 The diflerence between him and Major Barry 
 consists in thi-) — that while Barrj' openly met 
 the cdiiim and rcBponsibihty of the mcasurey 
 Gen. Metcalfe observed a profound if not mys^ 
 teriotiij silence- 
 
 With regard to th.e occupant question, whicli 
 seems to be very foreign to the subject in con- 
 test, I have only to observe, that I have not the 
 journals to enable m.e to understand Maj. Bar- 
 ly's votes eighteen or twenty years ag'o, upon 
 the various propositions to alter or modify out 
 occtipantlav\s : but it is due to him to state, 
 in 1821, when I was a member of tfee House of 
 Repri;senti tives, he was a zealous supporter of 
 the measurer, then devised in opposition to the 
 decision of the Supreme Court of the United 
 States' declaring our occupant laws iniconstitu- 
 tional. I-'rom the tenor of some ofthti haml- 
 b)il3 and publications circulated by the admin- 
 istration purty, it v/ould seem that .•'11 their sym- 
 pathies are awakened for the poor suffering oc- 
 cupants, and that their s..curity is tlie cardinal 
 ooject of their solicitude : and yet I suspect: 
 that, if a friend of llie occupant and of (icneval 
 Jackson was put in eompetillow for ofiice, witi'. 
 an enemy to the cccupaat .ind a fri;.'nd to the 
 adminLsiration, it would not be diffic,ult to deter- 
 mine which 'he administration party would sup- 
 port ; and, it ii; probable a new court adininistra^- 
 tion man v/ould find si!;}poit against an oUl 
 covn-t Jackson man. I do not mention these 
 thing.i in a spirit of reproach, but to expose 
 the futilit}- of such objeciioivp arid the insincerity, 
 of their authors. They ought to be lo.st sight, 
 of, in the magnitude of the contest now penduig 
 at tlie biir of the notion. 
 
 It is well known that I did net approve the 
 selection of the camlidate presented by the Jack- 
 f5r>n party for the oflice of governor, i really 
 feared th.at the cotiapicious attitude he had oc- 
 eu|)ied in the n^w rouVt rank, uoiO-l render it 
 uiliicult to unite the Jackson party i'or him. I 
 am consious I wcis ;.ctu.'''<.d by no selfsh or 
 pei"S(mal consideration. Some circiun-tances 
 counectcd with the nomination v.-ould foibid my 
 interference, did I not believe that the go<jd of 
 tlie Jackson cause demanded my exertions. 
 
 I will not di ^cuss the rc-ktive merits or qualiii- 
 cations of Gen. J.ickson <>r Mr. Adams. In 
 so.me respects Mr. Adams nry be belter inform 
 cd and qualified than Gen. Jackson — in oUiei-s, 
 I have no doubt (icn. Jackson woidd make :-. 
 better President tlian Mr. Atiams. They ar*- 
 both distingiushed and tdentcd men, and either 
 quaiiticd lor the oliice. 'I'iie cant phrase oi 
 ".military chftftaiii" would net deserve notice 
 but f'.rtbe grave nranner in which it is urgec' 
 i.^^t'ntJie crsn^it^envlio'i of the A»^(|^'^nrec'-' 
 
'32S 
 
 Aii experience has proved, 1 Ihiuk, that gve&t 
 aiilitary men an- generally best siiUed for eseca- 
 five stal'icns. Tiieii- mnilary habits unu feelings 
 incline them to {ill the public ofnces with the 
 Tnost fit ineii,.and their firmness and deslsion of 
 character, aJford to the people abetter g-uaran- 
 tee against rnubdniinisti-ation, than is to be found 
 ^■1 iutrig'ding' and po]}ularily hunting poruicians. 
 'ITie apprchenuoiis of danger from the elec+'.on 
 of Gen. Jackson is, to my miud, idle snd imag-in- 
 avy. Can anj- inan in bis sober seiises believe, that 
 one who has foisj^ht for the hiiertiesofhis coun- 
 try, from Iiis j'out'i to ohi aj^e, would suddenly 
 en.^g^ in a Quixotic scherv.e to overturn them, 
 and at- the very moment v/hen he is re- 
 warded with the first honor in the gift of 
 ihe people? %¥hat renders this alarm the 
 tnore ridiculous, is, that the President has 
 !io pov/er to declare wai", to raise armies 
 or revenue — 'liese important powers bein^ 
 Tested in Congress. No sir — the people have 
 JUOi-e to fer.r from intiigue and jnanagement in 
 ;he feprescntatii'e body ; the want of fidelity 
 thezv. is the canker t^iat covrodca the purit}' of 
 <.f the body politic and opens the gates of the 
 city of freedom to some duing usurper. The 
 r?ma3'ks of an cnli^'iitened commentator on the 
 rcvgn of Henry YHI of EnciancL^ the most cruel 
 •flid tyrannical Frlnce that cve-r disgraced tl\e 
 iinghsh throne, merits the sericu'? consideration 
 of every reflecting.statcsman. This reign [says 
 he] teaches us the most alarming of all political 
 truths ; that the most absolute despotism may 
 prevail in a State, t.n i yet the form of a free 
 constit'.ition remain. Ifenry never attempted 
 to abolish the Parliament, or even to retrench 
 Us doubtful privileges. The Parliament was 
 ■•.he grand instnircciit of his tyrannifs. Tiie 
 conclusion lie drav/s from the histoiy of this 
 leijtn is, that, if JJiltons should ever be slaves, 
 such an event is not likely to happen, as in 
 TFTance or Spain, by the abolition of Ihe nation- 
 al assembly, but by the c"iTuption of its mem- 
 bers — by making the sii;-posed hidwark of lib • 
 '-.rly, as in ancient Rome, the means of slavery. 
 We should bear in mind, that when by any con- 
 trivance or man^g-emcnt, an election is defeated 
 in the firt,t instance and carried into Coni;re=;s, 
 the election is to be made by the States of tiie 
 "Pinion, each State, wlth.out regard to its ))opula- 
 lion., liaving one vole. The last election v^^as 
 made by twenty four votes — on'e from each 
 State — tlie Representatives of each State gave 
 the vote of the State. To guard against the 
 rbuse of the power vested in th.at body, it is of 
 more importance to maintain the controlling in- 
 fluence of the pub*ic v.il! of the States, than 
 seems to be gerierally conceded. When a State 
 acts ?.s a State, in its cort5or.atc poiitical char- 
 s«ter, it must act and S;)eak by and through its 
 repres?.nt itivo body—that is the appropriate and 
 only practicable mode of action. 
 
 The General Assembly is t';e medium iST'ex- 
 pressirtgthe sovereign will of the State. Wheth- 
 er the sentimeiit con'.a'ued iatbe address of the 
 <Jjay committee, tisat, when the electio;! is to 
 be made ly fyongress, the voice of the people 
 is no more to be heard — whether our represen- 
 tatives in Congress at the last election ought to 
 h'ive regarded the will of the State s.s declared 
 ijy the Ciener.al Assembly, and especially if they 
 believed the declaration to !)e true, are matters 
 :*"dcep and vital jmport, s.kI nov/ ^<reclly:)ie- 
 
 sented to tlie sjjeciai con&i'deratiim of ivenluckyv 
 and upon'whicli the people are called on to ex- 
 press their opinion, at the approachmg electioii. 
 The official alliance between Messrs. Adams 
 and Clay — the personal and selfish motives 
 which may have inftuenced the vote — are but 
 circmistanccs of aggravation. The main qu£S* 
 tion is — ought the public will to have been re- 
 garded? The more v/e reflect on the theorjv, 
 and observe the practical operations of thia 
 great confederation, the more we shall be im- 
 pressed with the necessity of preserving in -he 
 State represcntaUve bodies, efficient checks 
 against the esicroachments anil abuses of federal^ 
 power.. — They are not onl} necess.iry, but in- 
 dispensable bulwarks to the dtiration of Ardeti- 
 can freedom. Before the American revolutiaii 
 the British parliament claimed the rip-ht of tax- 
 jng the colonics without tlieir consent. This 
 arrogant pretention was resisted bj- the colonies 
 through the representative bodies, assembled 
 in various mode? - -and the representative bodies 
 were the efficient ag'enls through which public 
 sentiment wr.s desplayed and a etand made 
 seamst tlie principle contended for 
 
 Oarsisarepresentativegovei'ntnent, and, wh^rj , 
 we act; as States, we rnu.«t act through our i:s= 
 sembled representatives. There, the j>ubll<i 
 will must be embodied and produced — nor does 
 this doctrine conflict w th the rigatof the peo- 
 ple to act upon their representatives by petition, 
 address or remonstrance, or any other practi- 
 cable and orderly nicde of expressing their 
 opinio;is on public a'l'airs. The parliaraenE 
 claimed the i-ig-lit to tax the colonies without 
 then- consent — the colonies resisted it by a seven, 
 y^ars wai'. Vv'hat is no^^v claimed for our repre- 
 s.^ntatives In Congress, when ttie election of 
 President is devolved on that body' — that the 
 voice of the people is no moiT. to be heard 
 —and although reprepenting the St?.tcs, they 
 have a right to make a President without the 
 consent of the States, and against their will,, 
 expressed through their constitutional rcpre- 
 seutati ,-e assemblies ! Are those who protest 
 against this extrav.'tgant assumption to be called 
 a factious, v.-ickrd combination? Let the peo' 
 pie v/eigh these things vnth deliberation^ and 
 dcr 'e with firmness what ground cnlightcr.':v- 
 freemen should occupy in the pending struggle 
 The principle Involved is one of no ordinary, 
 magnitude, the force of which ought not to in'- 
 obscured or v/'eaTc'ened, by discussing' the pro- 
 ]>il'ty of furni-^hinr^ the Indians with hkenessc?^ 
 or blacking tlielr shoes or mockasins. 
 
 I win not descend to tlie task of exan^ining i\i 
 dclad and defending 'Gon, .tackson against the 
 assassin-like attacks made oii his feelings and -i 
 pride, in cofl-In-hand bills and pamphlets; call- 
 int':' nun a cruel tyrant and murderer, t'h mili- 
 tary deeds have not been done in a corner, but 
 in the face of ilie nation and of the public ene- 
 my. His conduct has passed the ordeal of his 
 government, and received the plaudits of his 
 country. The name cf .Tackson is associated 
 with the glcry of this republic throughout the 
 civilized \Yorld. Is there one honorable msi' 
 o{ nny parly, who feels as an American should 
 feel, whose bosom is not fj-ed with indignati(m 
 rft these wic!:ed rnd malignant attempts to ^\Q^ 
 ^7i"ade this great aihl distinguished hero who ha^ 
 ■shed so !'iiir.h I i.-trc (,;i ,,gv national character? 
 triicthf ■ ■ . < '.c virtoiT of >rc".- O'- ■ 
 
3^ 
 
 ieaita to tjie consnmmste skill ana g^C!iiixs of the 
 Amencan commander, or consider hi m & cbcsen 
 JDstramait of hearen, to save us in the loost 
 gloomy and perilous moment of the war, he 
 is equaSj entitled to our reject and consideta- 
 ticm. 
 
 I intended to have ^^^:tteIl roa a A<Mt letter, 
 in answer to touts received a few days ance by 
 the way of Fiinkfon, but the interests a:wakened 
 by the subject hasled n>e to esplort the grcand 
 of coritroversj mo:ie at large than I anticipated. 
 Before I coaclude, I must remin.i vou of an 
 egregious errcr committed by the advocates of 
 the JacksoDcaiue. They have esagerated too 
 souch the prospects of >Iaj. Barrj", and thereby 
 lolled their friends and induced supir.eness, in- 
 difiereoce and neutrality to an alarsning degree. 
 The rantage ground gained last year, can'only 
 be preserved b^- ri|f,lince »nd exertion. Sev- 
 eral gentlemen of the administration partv have, 
 ■with great apparent confidence, claimed for 
 Gen. Metcalfe a majorirr of 5000 votes, and 
 some calodlite on 10,003. The Jackson parti- 
 sans, oo the contrary, claim a majoritv of 5, 10 
 and even 15,000. A verj inlelhVer.t Jackson 
 roan told me, the other day, that Bam and 
 Kvathitt vould be elected by a majority rf 
 7000 votes. Now, sir, 1 believe none of these 
 calculations. I profess to have some koowie dg« 
 rftbestatecfr '^ V \nd ^eel as- 
 
 aired in my o\t :essf'jl can- 
 
 didate, wbe: .. r\ or MetCAife, wll not; in 
 
 all probabiLn , • -.ain a iriajorrt^ of more than 
 3000. I have believed that there was a majority 
 of $ or 400? tlection of General 
 
 Jackson, ? ±id be united upon 
 
 "*e J* - tneir success mig;ht 
 
 ^witic^^.- .-.-^le certainty. It may 
 
 bepolicy inammortyio exagerate ihe'r force, 
 to enc«irage effort, but a majority should rath- 
 er oodetntc than overrate their sj-ength. 
 
 It cannot — at least, it ought not to have escap- 
 ed the (dwerration of the Jackson party, that 
 thefhenis of liie administration, whether new 
 «■ old court, are one and imDvisible. 'With 
 them there is no bickernig, or heart-burning a- 
 bo- -d old court — ibis distinction in that 
 
 p»r --^ed- Not one of one buodred — in- 
 
 deed, I might say of five hundred, whether 
 Xkew or otd court, of the admiaistraiion party, 
 win v«e for the Jackson candidates. I find 
 ^at, viken a new. co«n lan grres ir. his 
 
 adhesion to the admici.^.. .^ ,„, he meets with 
 X ready absohitioo from his re-organizinp^ sins; 
 aadahhou? of the old court admia-stra- 
 
 tioa aen n.- sTeal alarm about the new- 
 
 ceort questioQ, yet it is not improbiible that Gen. 
 Metcalfe's near approach to a re-or^amzer, coi>- 
 sdtuted a strong' motive for his selection. The 
 fiieods of Gen. Jackson o-i^t to be warned, 
 aad sokmnly warned, that, upon thei* mo 
 depemd* the success of his cause ia Kenfjcky. 
 If new and old court can unite OG the adminis- 
 tntion ci..idJdates, why will the friend* of Gen. 
 Jackson dnx^ ? Are they less heart>- in their 
 cause '. They must present an aiidi\-ided and 
 yigoroos front to their opp<meiit&, or defeat b 
 inevitable. Let them only tjute, and display 
 the same ze^ and energy in the cause of Jack- 
 son, that Kx did in the cause of his countrv. and 
 all will be wefl. I think you but calculate, 
 •9iA tolenble certainty, on' a tnajority of four 
 or ftre hundred in this cormty far Marar Barrv, 
 
 and it is cot improbable that he will recei\-e j. 
 naajoriri- of seven or eight hundred. As I am 
 not disposed to disguise or conceal my senti- 
 ments, and entirely willing to act my part in 
 the fece of day, and under the respoitsibility 
 of my iiame, you are at liberty, if you think 
 proper, to give this letter a place in your paper 
 Yours, kc J.' POPE. 
 
 TVoi/iinsfon Countt/y July 8, 1828. 
 
 • Fror^t he Richmond Enquirer. 
 
 PLOT E\ TKE SOUTH! 
 
 The friends of the .Administration still insist 
 cfK <- up "a plot for the Dissolution of 
 
 the 1- They are continually bawling out 
 
 a Plot! a Plot! — A plot is on foot to rend asun- 
 der the Union. The citizens of the South are 
 concerned in it. The South Carolinians are to 
 sound the tocsin, ajwi the South is to fall into 
 the ranks. The opponents of the Tariff are to 
 rouse up the people by the magic of that ob- 
 noxious measure. The fiends of Jackson are 
 to hurry thtm on to extremities. Rowan pre- 
 dicted there would be a dissolution. Steven- 
 son pred"cted it. Parker threatened it. There 
 can be no doubt of it — of a secret combination 
 to dissolve the Union. The gunpowder is ac- 
 tually deposited; the train is ;aid — and it only 
 reouire? t.he hani of some modem G-.v Fawkes 
 to ipply the spjirk, and blow this federative re- 
 public inio aTons. 
 
 We are not fond of tfuizzing our readers — 
 thougb the Virginian, who is noy sitting quietly 
 under his wn vine and fig tree, will scarcely 
 believe how many grave faces are put on, and 
 how many bold assertions are made upon the 
 occason. The fashion cf the A 'mini5trsticn 
 gentlemen is to cry out— a Plot to dissever the 
 Dnion! If there be a Plot no where else, they 
 rausi concT-ve to have one in ilie newspapers. 
 Nothing as yet has put down Gen. Jackson — 
 no lies, no csiumnies, no attacks upKHi his wife, 
 no generous attempts to strip the honored lau- 
 rel from hit ' - .^ of his conspiring 
 with Burr, n _ . _ : succeeded in stem- 
 ming the current of his popidarity. No wile, 
 no invention, has touched his character. It has 
 defied the ingenuity of Coffin handbills — and 
 and the au " ' ^' • ' ^ ' rs. It is 
 proof agair^ _-'-'■• -^.s a 
 desperate reson, they are turning upon his 
 fiiends— charging them with a serious design of 
 subverting the Union, anJ plunging tbeir coun- 
 try : ' ' ' 'd. 
 
 T J are not' iwthe habit of reading a 
 
 Tanety of newspapers, will scarcely believe the 
 active efforts which are makii^ to alarm the 
 public mind and prejudice the cause of Jackson, 
 ^>n. — We shall seize only a 
 :s insidious system. The 
 Nati-nrl IntcDigencer asserts *' that there is a 
 project on foot for a virtual dissolution of the 
 Union — that the originators of tliis scheme are 
 anKmg his (Jackson) most decided supporters; 
 nay, more, that they are his mod ekva i t d an d tal-, 
 eniid advoealtt. " 
 
 The New York American, after quoting the 
 expressions {hat have been ascribed to Rowan 
 and Stevenson aoA* Judge in Virginia, breaks 
 out into the following strain: " When to these 
 seiitimi;nt5 of grave a^Mtors and judges, are 
 added the inflammatory re«>'utions ?.T>d pro- 
 
-i;il 
 
 <-eeciing's (.■; ^-.»....;i Uioiiii-i.- ^.^ .:.^^Lii Carolina, 
 the open invitation to a separation of the Union 
 contained in some Jackson journals of that state 
 — and when it is found that in every instance 
 these sentiments are indulged, tliis most flagitious 
 tone is held by partizans of" Gen Jackson, and 
 by them only, can t be unfair, unreasonable, 
 or unjust, to impute the doctrines thus broach- 
 ed, as the doctrines of the party .',As such then 
 we hold them up to the people. We proclaim 
 *« Disunioii" as the creed of Jacksonism — to nils 
 or ruin, as their maxim." 
 
 The U. S. Gazette of PhiladelphLi pIso cants 
 about "the sepai'ation of the state," as if it 
 were "subject of famihcr discourse and calcu- 
 lation" But the administration men of Balti- 
 more cap the climax of this mock drama. The 
 Baltimore Maryknder, under the flourishing 
 title of " God save the Onion," gives the pro- 
 ceedings of a '* crowded and highly respectable 
 assemblage oi' Xht. friends of the General Govern- 
 ment and the Union of these Staies on the 24th 
 inst. to take into consideration the late inflam- 
 matory proceedings in South Carolina and eA.-;- 
 where." They put "the venerable Collector 
 ^F tlie port of Baltimore, the Jiero of two was, 
 James H. McCuUoch," in tiie chair; he address- 
 eds the meeting — he gravely tells them •' that 
 it had been lus undeviating practice of late years 
 to abstain from ail interference in political mat- 
 ters, but that he regarded the exigencies of tlie 
 present moment as so important, and the busi- 
 ness upon which tliis meeting would be called 
 deliberate so momentous, that he was compelled 
 to make this case an exception to his general 
 rule, and to forego the comforts of home and a 
 quiet for this occasion." — " This address was 
 received with the most rapturous applauses — 
 And aft^r aH these attempts at effcd, Mr. J. S. 
 Tyson produces his preamble and resolutions, 
 which were " un mimousfi/ adopted" We have 
 no space to spare for such effusions — the reso- 
 lutions alone will shew the spirit in which they 
 are conceived. 
 
 " Resolved, That tlie principles inciilcated in 
 the Colleton Address, as well as those avowed 
 in the speech of Mr. George M'DuiHe, are hos- 
 tile to the constitution, treasonable in their 
 spirit, and tending to rebL-lHon. 
 
 *' Jlesolved, fhat as v.'e love the Union — the 
 constitution whicli binds it, and the sacred mem- 
 ory of those whose blood and treasure were 
 drained to establish the independence upon 
 which that Union was fv)unded, we will support 
 it to the last, and assist with our lives and for- 
 tunes the General Government, whenever it 
 shall become necessary to punish treason and 
 suppress rebellion. 
 
 ^^ Resolved, That the editor."; of the various 
 newspapers of this city and all others friendly 
 to the perpetuity of this Union, be respectfully 
 requested to publish the above preamble and 
 resolutions." 
 
 All other (Adams) papers will be sure to 
 catch the cue, and sound the tocsin. — And pur- 
 suing the earnest advice of the loyal " Marylan- 
 der," that the exampleofthc Baltimore Meeting 
 '• will be followed throughout the country," 
 we may look out for similar meetings elsewhere. 
 If the good sense of the people does not stop 
 the idle farce, we shall hear the Adams party 
 breaking out into a full chorus of deuiinciation 
 and "reprobation " 
 
 It IS tkui that trick after trick is played oft; — 
 for where is the necessity of such seriou.? ap- 
 peals to the People r Is there one impartial ?ian 
 who apprehends disunion? Where are th<J evi- 
 dences of the plot.' 
 
 Do we find it in the interests of Andrew Jack- 
 son himself? A man whom the pubUc voice is 
 bearing on to the Chief Magistracy — and who 
 will certauily prefer the whole to a divided em- 
 pire. 
 
 In the declpii-ations of Mr. Rowan? When 
 there is no proof of his having uttered them — 
 and when he himself is directly at points with 
 the citizens of South Carolina about the tarift^ — 
 said to be one of the great bonds of tmion amoHg 
 the conspirators. 
 
 Shall we rely upon any general declarations 
 of any gentleman, sent out to the world and 
 stript of all the circumstances which qualify and 
 explain them? Can we beheve that any man 
 would boldly divulge a plot which requires the 
 utmost discretion to ripen it — or that he who is 
 indebted to the Union for one of the highest of- 
 fices within its gift, would be mad enough to 
 promote a plot, whose success would prostrate 
 his own honors and his own interests' 
 
 Will they rely upon any anonymous report of 
 the conversations of a gentleman whose whole 
 character is at war with the alleged declaration, 
 and wlio lias himself contradicted it? 
 
 They bring up sone musiy letter written "29 
 years ago, and ch'^rging Mr. Giles with express- 
 ing a "desire to see a seTjaration of this State 
 from the General Union." Mr. Giles (the 
 present Governor) peremp eerily denied the 
 statemeiit at the time; denied explicitly what he 
 did say in conversation; and now declares that 
 he did not then, nor does he now, nor did he 
 ever desire to see a separation of the United 
 States — nor did he ever express, or hear any 
 other pei-son express such desire, to the best of 
 liis recollection. 
 
 Where, then, are the proofs of this treason and 
 rebellion' Why, they must at last point us to 
 some anor.ymous paragraphs in South Carolina-=- 
 a few hot to;iSts at public dinners — some party 
 remarks of Mr. McDuflie and the resolutions of 
 2 or 3 pu'nlic meeting. — But ought these to im- 
 plcate a whole State in a grave conspu-^cy? Or 
 do they admit of any other fair interpretatioH 
 than that they express the feelings of compara- 
 tively a few citizens, some under the goad of 
 oppressio'i, and *vho are likely to recover their 
 temper with the first moment of returning re- 
 flection. 
 
 We ask again for the"most elevs^ted and tal- 
 ented ndvociwtes" of * -disunion" among the 
 fi-iends of Gen Jackson. — Where are they' 
 
 Governor Ta\ lor is no Disunionist — He has 
 frankly set his face against rcsii-tance to the lavs 
 — he refuses to convene the Legislature— and 
 bears testimony to the general moderation of 
 his fellow citizens, lie tells the people of Col- 
 It-ton, that no other meeting has come to him 
 with an application simibr to theirs, and "it is, 
 therefore, fairly to be inferred, that the measure 
 you ask me to adopt is no where in our State de- 
 sired but by those on wliose behalf you have inadt 
 your communication to me.*' 
 
 The National Intelligencer was the first to 
 ciT out that Governor Taylor "has given the 
 quitixis to the fearful plot." — Its official col- 
 league, the "National Jom'nal."avcred before 
 
-aa;^ 
 
 iiaird, that if " liov^fi-nor 'fayioi' shaii tlecline to 
 assemhie the Legiblature, we may hope that 
 ■^his storm will blow over without i'ijuvy" — and 
 yet J^ctti these .Journals still continue to Iiarp up- 
 on fyc- plot for u dissolution of the Unioti. 
 
 ?llr. VicePfcsident Callioun trusts to "the 
 f^iKlscusf and virtue of the people for ^'. reme- 
 dy" — :tnd helices tiiat the present "eicite- 
 uie\\t will he restrained within the bcmc/s of mod- 
 trntion.'" Of ccurse, he is no Disunionist. 
 
 Mr. Mitchell (a member of the W. cf R.I at 
 ;i p\iblic dinner Jd Charleston given by the old 
 HcvolutlonajT Society on the 4th July, invites 
 them to "make every constitutional opposition 
 to this most uncoustitutional law, and htwure oj 
 Kiolmt and hecdlecx measures." 
 
 Mr. Martin, another member of Congress, the 
 decided oppon^jnt of the Taiiffon the Cornrr.it- 
 tee of Mai.vificiures, and another deciuf.d fii;.nd 
 ofJuck.'ion, writes to his friend in Washington 
 City: «« nm friend Gales is neither fair nor can- 
 did, when he nttcmpts to ma[;nify it as he does, 
 lor a particular purpose. If he" really depre- 
 cates the consequence^, which he poartraj-.s, as 
 he affects to do, he ought to recollect,"^ that 
 Such afiairos o^*en acquire importance, v/hich 
 never co-.i!d ha. e belong-ed to them, by their 
 bein;j used, precisely as'he is using- this. Tnere, 
 ii no serf of danger of disunion, i'cesrj.077, rchpl- 
 Ii(m, &c." 
 
 The idea of .".'i-iy rftbellion or disunion, under 
 the circMmstancc-.of thf eoTiutjy, is the merest 
 farce in tlie world. And yet we hare seen aiid 
 shall see it most ^avtly urged, to answer *' a 
 particul.ii purpose." 
 
 lint v.-e !>eg- leave to call into court, on the 
 present occasion, two very- disinterested wit- 
 iKSses— two Kditoi-s of the New York papers 
 who take no active part in politics, and are real- 
 ly neither Trojans nor Tynans. They are im- 
 )iartial spectators, who see the wiiole of the 
 j-jame tliat is g-oing- on, and know wiiat to tliink 
 of it. Tlie first wc shall inu-oduce is the; " Nev.^ 
 i'ork Statesman," who gives us not only disin- 
 terested opinions but real facts. 
 
 " Sentiments of the Sontk. — We ycsterd.v/ 
 conversed with a gentleman from Columbia', 
 South Carolina, the ser.t of t'le late, acts of vio- 
 lence in tl.at state, and obtained from him some 
 particuhirs in regard to the feelings of the peo- 
 ple, which cannot be gathered f om the news- 
 •M;per.s. He states tliat the s;reu( hu'iy of the 
 jdnnfcrs end otJt'T rapcdfthle rnnmUrsof llif rom- 
 iiunitji/ discountc-n.-xncc the violent proceedings 
 "fintenjperate politicians. Few persons oi any 
 • landing in soc-cty v.erc present at the d'sgrace- 
 .al scenes inCoIiimbia, and tiiose fe\7 were al- 
 lr.ictrd IjV nier? curinsitv. 
 
 "fhir inforninnt adds that the people of South 
 C-'irollni.-v arc adopting the most disci-eet, cfficn- 
 oious and patriotic of ail modes of counteracting 
 the influence of the Tariff— /'/q; of dtvelopittq 
 (mdrrf^'ingontftrircwnrcsvurctr. The mountain- 
 'lus cli.stiicls of the state possess excellent w?1er 
 . rivllcgcs and peculiar advantages i'or liianufi-.c 
 uring. ^ Public attention has becij nir'^cted on 
 liis subject, as stlso to the r.ai.sing of cattle up- 
 cn lands now unoccupied. The laUer cxi)e 
 cjient will relieve the Carolinians from t?:<- puy- 
 mentof.". large amount in cash to the western" 
 Mates for bc.-ves, iiorscs ^nd i-iulrs, witkouUny 
 ?ciprocity ill trade. ,-' 
 
 ' ^' i- but juslirt tc remark, thai the Ptate of 
 
 Vu'giniaj nu.cn as siic Is ajvposea to inC t;uin 1 
 has manifested a degree of moderation on the 
 subject, worthy of her dignity and influence hi 
 the Union. Her example has probably had a 
 salutary eifect on the warmer tem.perament of 
 some of her soutJieni neiglibors. Her citizens 
 have had the judgment to adopt a system of 
 rigid domestic economy and self-dependence, as 
 the only legitimate means of meeting a policy to 
 vrliicli they iir(* opposed. 
 
 '^VVc rejoice at these indications of i^od seai&e 
 and S'Mnd palriotrsmf in ike Southern States.- fbv 
 we are not the ad^ ocates of tlia Tariff, as a poli- 
 cy designed to enrich one section of the Unite<i 
 States, at the expense cf another, but because 
 in our view it is calculated to render us inde- 
 pendent of foreign natiotis, cheri.'-h the domes- 
 tic industry, and promote the permanent pros- 
 perity of the wh.de country." 
 
 The next is the N. Y. Journal of Commercs 
 of the same date (the 24th) and expresses it- 
 self in the fo]loW;rg manner: 
 
 " SotrTHEUN Sentiments. — We are real!;;* 
 sorry to see tat manner in which some of oir 
 papers arc continuing ro notice the niurrnuvj; 
 and movements of the South against the Tariff". 
 We £\v of the South — for so they speak. — tho' 
 it is really oirly'S. Carohna, favd ind.:ed onJi/ 
 c sinrll pari of that, J that has made any sliov/ 
 of oppoi^ition in the cise. The other States of 
 tiie South, aiiii narticnlaily S'^irginia, which \s 
 the van of them, are aU as nuiet and lata! aa 
 wccnutd wish. They feel, to be sure, the evil, 
 and as they thing, the injustice, and inequal.ty, 
 and unconstitutionality of the sjstem — and of 
 the late aggravation of it. And they talk, too^ 
 about encouraging their own domestic msmu- 
 factures, and setting their slaves to making- 
 coarse stuffs, a;ul thing;; of tliat sort. Still ym:- 
 do not hear them speak of resistance, or diiun-.ort, 
 or an;/ thing of the kiml. This is wise, and 
 proper, and becoming. Hut in South Carchna, 
 h is true, the people, (or some of tiiem,) have 
 not been cllogeiher as peaceable and prudenf. 
 .IS they might and should have been, and some 
 of them have uttered and published some raslx 
 and .siliy th-ngs which, taken by the letter^ 
 might mean tr^ ason — or any thing ckc — (for 
 we do not pretend to be able to interpret such 
 ebullitions of feeling very exactly. We *• un- 
 derstand a fury in the words, but not tic 
 words.") And those have been seized upm?, 
 with great avidity by our party writers, and 
 magnfficd and hoirifjd, m their way, till wo 
 could almost fa.iry ia reading their rrpresenta* 
 tions, that the wliole of our Southern States, 
 from the I'fitomac down, were ripe and read*' 
 for a dissohifon fjf the Un:on! Jind fhis they d\) 
 purely to shc'i! their zeal for the constitution and 
 ikr ronfd/^rciinn., and tlieir anxiety to preserve 
 them in all I'trir forcp.' 
 
 ♦'Now, for our part, ve think tjiat these g-ro^s 
 exaggerations aiid misrepresentations of the s'atc 
 of public sentiment in any quarter of our country, 
 accompanied as they usually are with invidiou?: 
 and insidtjng "geographical distinctions," a^j 
 a thousand times more dangerous to the peace: 
 and \relfare of our Union, than all thr.t they af- 
 1 tit to condemn. And we really wish that those 
 who imdorlakc to enlighten and direct pubFic 
 npinior could he J#»dc .sensible of the gross fol- 
 ly of ]», '^^ding in this way, to inflanae the 
 pa^rsio.is which 'h*-- ough' to compose/ and in 
 
3'tr3 
 
 c;-fiase, qv, \jt.Iiapji, create Uie vei-> evils which 
 fhey pretend to deplore In the mean time, 
 we are glad to sec hy our late accounts front 
 the Soutl), tliat i-j, from Souvh Carolina, that 
 the " good people" of that State, (with the ex- 
 ception of a few <« ardent spirits" among them,) 
 
 are going about their business in a very psacea- ^ . 
 
 hleand orderly way. and wearequite s'nre, ftom been irriput,-d to him, and that jt bas^ " 
 the iust and generous sentimentsthat are hrealc- been contradicted" by him. When the? 
 
 fco niucli sei'ViCO to u, us uiC oiipoyliOii, aHdhv^v 
 tiiity oi such politicians as Johm Lowell. ^ 
 
 Mr Lowell denies that he was the author Oi 
 " the celebrated Esisays in the Boston Centmef^ 
 in favor of the disav)lution of the union." He 
 adniitH however, that the charge is not one in- 
 vented by the Statesoian, that they have often 
 
 " nevei* 
 
 Ef- 
 
 se 
 
 high reputatio-n 
 
 ingfrom them in all dirc-ction-:, that ive shall have says were written, they had a h.gh 
 
 'neifhtr war, nor separation, from ikem, lhi.sti?ne, botii in Old Exgland and N£W Es(;la>. ». Mr. 
 
 nwfaraknigtimetocome. We refer more particu- Lowell had th-'- credit of ihCm, and had the p^inn 
 
 teJy to the patriotic speech of Oiov. Taylor, (at a of the fede;-al party succeeded, had the Ne^v 
 
 dinner on the 4-th of July,) wlucit we suppose, England states obtained a release fronj the irori 
 
 V.-* may regard as the vo'ice of the State, and a rule of democracy, and been brought back un- 
 
 partofwhichv/e .aust give our readers in. these der the mild yoke of th British monarchy, lie 
 
 words." would have been thought worthy of a peerage. 
 
 Now, this as it should be. The Eiiltor has as are wai-d for those essays and bis political wr 
 sense enough to see what is passing, and knows 
 vhe exact ciiar-ac'cer ovtliosc who talk in Soutli 
 
 tnigs. 
 
 (GaroJiua, and those who conum nt upon their 
 proceeeh\gs elsev/uere. — We lay &-;! th?-se mat- 
 ters before our re?.ders, and leave them to draw 
 their own comments. But there is one passage 
 in the Speech of Henry Baldwin, Es-.i, deliver- 
 cd at Pittsburgh on the 4tli July, which he ap- 
 plies to Mr. Clay's "War, pestilence and fatu- 
 ine" Speech, so very gerrnain to the present 
 subject, tliat we cannot rL-sist the desire of ex- 
 tracting it : 
 
 " Frightful pictures may be con;. ired up as 
 lougaboos to alarm cl'Lldr(.-n : but they are truly 
 contemptible when brouglit to operate on a 
 fjreat nation. 
 
 raged — tiie Repirblican party were reviled 
 the .T leobinical 
 
 It is a little singular tiiac >Ir. L. sliould 
 nave been wilUng to be praised so long for wri- 
 tings, t«/?icA //£?;ei'fir ivrofe. \h\ Lov/el! says 
 th;i'the ' = condemned and r-gretted" tha puij^l- 
 cation of those essays. He also a signs as a 
 reason why he " never contiadicted" the report 
 that he was their author, that he felt "an entire 
 indifference to it." How do'these two thing;', 
 ciiime? Could "5.tr L. have "felt an entire in- 
 dii'n^rence" to what he " condemned and regret- 
 ted" P Ifhe felt such an '''csntire indiU'ercnce". 
 about these essays " in favor of the dls-fotuUon of 
 the union," his'condenmation couki not have 
 been lo'id, nor his regret deep. 
 
 Lowell tv;I!s tis thathfc " opcnh.;, condemn- 
 
 _, Mr __ ,. .. 
 
 rh;r?y- years a?-o the satTie spirit ed and regi-etted" their publication. He doe.s 
 - '^ •' ■ not say that he "openly tondemncd and regret 
 
 ted" tlieir puI)lication on account of their dan 
 gerous doctrines, but on account of tlie adv.-ui 
 
 as 
 I>eirg actuated by the .T leobinical spint of 
 France — no abuse v/as loo outrageous, no epi- 
 thets too vulgar or severe to apply to them. 
 The advocates of the elder Adarns not cnly pre- 
 dicted the destruction of the government, by 
 .-he eltction cf Mr. Jcliei-son, but e.-en the 
 christian religion was to he prostKVtcd before 
 the moloch of Democracy. Such is the clamor, 
 the hue and cry of all men in power, wh^m the 
 ;;ceptre is about to pass from their hands — -such 
 
 is the course of all admini'^trations. who have , , ^ . 
 
 iostthe conadence of the people, and such it act. of his, in opposition to tne coui^e ot^con- 
 v.ill ever be. I3ut freemen wiil disregard it— duct pursued by the Uartfora Convcn.ion .edc- 
 they have seen the follv and weakness of such rail-its, and wliich the late lamented (,ove.rn(;- 
 vmworthyattemptsto influence public opinion— Eustls, so truly and boldy denounce,], m In:; 
 ■hey have seen their impotent eiTovts— they able inaugural speech, responded to by the an- 
 ^ - ' . . „ sv/er of the riouse of Representatives, and by 
 
 which the atrocious con luct of the federal par 
 tv, was put upon an enduring record, to tf<- 
 lirtgdeddown topO?iterity, fo: ' ' ' "' 
 
 hnr^:fice. 
 
 ed " tiiose Esjays, or any of ;he violent feel- 
 ings and measures of the federal ]»atty of Ne\7 
 Eng^a^d, during the late war. I kr.ow as well 
 as Mr. Lowell doeSs all the piiijliC conduct ot 
 the federal leaders, and I throy/ the challenge. 
 in histeetli, to prodnce sl public speech, vote or 
 
 . th '' — 
 
 nave once snatched the cnn.itituiion from usur- 
 jTution — they will do it again, and find the coun- 
 iiy as much benefited by putting an end to the 
 .-•drninistration of the one, as the other Adams." 
 
 their 
 
 From the Boston Statesmai; 
 Mil. JOHN LOWELL. 
 
 This veteran politician of the Essex Junto would have prevented tho.-^ 
 
 elcrnai ao.- 
 
 It is u'tiict known to tlie whole conn.- 
 
 ti-y that John Lowell's influeiice at ihni time, 
 
 Willi the federal party was so groat, that— to 
 
 say nothini; (,fhi.<* open condemnation— a word, 
 
 'sign, a look of disapprobation, from him, 
 
 Pchool, and Hartford Co ivcntion Stamp, has it 
 f.eems after four or five years, been abb to make 
 liis appearance once more in the poiitical cock- 
 ^jit, clap his wings, and show fight His last 
 ' • demoi;stration" in political wfirfarc, as.TohnO. 
 
 measures which 
 vAlnoiv disown, and all now are obliged to con- 
 demn, and wliicii sunk, as witii a mill-stonr: 
 about tlieir necks, t!ie Hartford Convon'.ion 
 party, in the depths of a sea of infamy. Dm! 
 John Lowell, on the day tiuu he was join'tjig in 
 
 Adams says, gave him little to be proud of, for the Te Deum at XU^ iCn^ s Chapel, [on tha : 
 his .attack upon the Boston Patriot. w..s repuls- d..y resuming its old name] opv,nly conde,m| 
 ed with such spirit and ability bv its editor Col. the hoisting of tue hve stnp.rd flag— me Koyat 
 Jarvis, that the ='UebtI" has not jjeen since in S.-dute at noon-tht; N:\v hngia,ict Si\Mii.e a. 
 fighting triin^j^y^glad that he h.a: 
 pcgainst the Sf!Rcr>nran, for 1 like- the 
 •fsrcpii-hilcnnpi.-iirciplef-; and iiothirwf 
 
 been since in S.-dute at noon-im; ix.w i-.n.m-.vvi «..m„.^ ... 
 lias come out five guns at sun-feet, by t!ie Silver '.>vey V- 
 he paner. and roes of NewburypoH. where tncy tlire;»tened \^ 
 hir«c ca-n he of ^n-Bsi«i. ev*5n unto '.'--d n,<' H-i ^ "•'■ • 
 
oS'ii 
 
 openly cyndemji, and regTet the Tc Deuin 
 which he assuficd in getting up in honor of the 
 victories of England, our enemy, then desolat- 
 ing our country, and the H6\y Alliance, the 
 avowed enemies of all republican g;overnments? 
 Did John Lowi-ll openly regret and condemn 
 the conduct of Governor Caleb Strong, when 
 he unlawfully refused, being sustained by h<s 
 federalJudges, the call of tiic General Govern- 
 ment for the Militia ' Did John Lowed openly 
 condemn and regret Sti'ong's infamous procla- 
 nfiation, declaring our enemy England, the mod- 
 ern Babylon, " full of her abominations," who 
 drove our fathere over the wide sea into this 
 wilderness, to seek for the enjoyment of civil 
 and religious liberty — thk bttiavark or the iik-' 
 iiBiojr WE phofess ? Did John Lowell openly 
 condemn and regret the resolution of Josiah 
 Quincy, since expunged as a disgrace to the re- 
 cords of the Senate of Massachusetts, that it was 
 tinbecoming a moi-al and religious people to re- 
 joice in the victories of their countrymen ? Did 
 John Lowjll openly condemn James Lloyd's 
 
 I letter to John Uandolph of Koanoke, insisting 
 
 that President Madison should be ^'compelled to 
 
 resign"} Finally — did John Lowell openly 
 
 condemn that execrable measure to barter olf 
 
 / for *' innocent ribbands" for our Yankee Nobili- 
 
 ,tj% the "common people" of New England, as 
 slaves to the British Crown — the ILvHTronu 
 CoNVKNTioTT > We appeal to the whole coun- 
 try to say whether John Lowell "openly con- 
 demned," or *' npen\y" ccrun/enanced, the no- 
 ted measures of the federal parly of New Eng- 
 land, during the war. The whole tendency of 
 Mr. Lowell's writings and conduct was to sus- 
 tain the federal party. And the whole aim and 
 tendency of the measures of that party were to 
 produce "a dissolutton of tub union " To 
 <leny the abominable object of the Hartford 
 Convention is now usekss. The sentence of 
 time has passed upon it, which is irreversible. 
 
 Mr. Lowell boasts of his zeal and exertions in 
 the federal cause, and he is still proud of his 
 federalism. We wish that his nephew, in whose 
 behalf Mr. Lowell has stepped forth so gallant- 
 ly, and the other amalgamation gen'dem/n, 
 would be so frank. Mr. Webstir, who has ta- 
 ken the helm of the federal party,frointhe Low- 
 ells, the Otiscs, &c. is the head of the amalga- 
 mation party in which Mr. Lowell's nejihew 
 holds a subordinate station. Now the amalga- 
 mationists have abjured the >iame but not the 
 Tmnciples of federalism, and they are so asbani- 
 ^d of what Mr. Lowell seems to be so proud oi', 
 that they protest that federalism is dead, and the 
 state represented insolvent. Mr. Lowell, who 
 conceives that the federal party is Uving, that 
 he is proud to belong to it, :ind Mr. Webster 
 and his underlings wl\o say that it is d?ad and 
 buried, may settle this matter between them. 
 
 Mr. Lowell, also, inthe transport of his admi- 
 ration for federalism, loves it more when its 
 supporters are out of power, than vhen in pow- 
 er. In this taste, the people ov the United S. 
 agree w ith him, and probably it is the only po- 
 litical matter in which thev and Mr. Lowell can 
 agree. The great mass of the people of the 
 United States love the federal party best when 
 outofpowe\^ for then they cannot oppressor 
 do mischief. In order, too, that their love for 
 ♦he federalists may nut be abatcil, they mean 
 ahx'aya to hnp them out ofpcuer. As Mr. Low- 
 
 ell loves them best when in trouble, he wilt 
 love them better than ever — after the next 4tU 
 of March. 
 
 Mr. Lowell also tells us how independent he 
 is of the people, and how little he regards popu- 
 lar favour. This is the cant of all rundown pol- 
 iticians. It was o-nly when the grapes were be- 
 yond his reach that the fox called them sour. 
 
 Mp. Lowell asserts his devotion to our govern- 
 ment, and in the same breath boasts of his 
 prompt, and constant exertions in the glorious 
 cause of federalism. This seems to be a little in- 
 consistent, for it a well known fact — that the 
 great object of the federal party, has ever been 
 the establishment of a Monarchical fonn of g^»v« 
 ernment, on the ruins of the Republic. Their 
 zeal for the adoption of the Constitution of the 
 United States, was merely because they saw it 
 in the^'«rni,and hoped soon to see tlie substance, 
 of that "most stupendous fabric of human in- 
 vention" as the FiufiT AnAMs called the British 
 Constitution. They intended that we should 
 soon have the substance of the British Constitu- 
 tion. The obnoxious measures of John Adams's 
 administration, were all with this view. Had he 
 been re-elected, God be thanked he was not, it 
 was intended by Gag laws, the Bank influence, 
 and a standing army, to force upon the people 
 of the United States a Kixkly GovEnNMESx. 
 When by the civil revolution of 1301, the plan 
 was defeated, the next plan was a dissolution of 
 the Union, and a Northern confederacy, under 
 the protection of the British Crown, and under 
 the government of a British Prince. This was 
 the "daring plot to dissever the Union" of which 
 Mr. Jefferson says "i^ Hartford Convention was 
 asubsenuent Chapter." This plot and "/^e ^reas- 
 onuble designs of ih^!: federal party of that d/iy'* 
 were disclosed by John Q. Adams, who impeach- 
 ed his old associates, as is provecl by the letter.^ 
 of Governor Giles and Thomas Jeffefson..^ 
 
 Jlr. Lowell says, as 1 have already observed, 
 that he has never contradicted the story of his 
 being the author of those Essays, and that he 
 hasf.lt "an entire indifference to it." Does 
 this look as though he " openly condemned and 
 rrgi-etted" those Essays, or does it look like as- 
 sent and approbation? It is too late in the day 
 for the leaders of the Federal party of New 
 Englan<l in 1814 to hope to throw of the load of 
 reproafcii which rests upon them. The very at- 
 tempt only makes them despised by those who 
 btfnre (miyA/7erf them. The people have set 
 a mark upon them, and they will uc\er trust 
 them, nor believe them. Mr. Lowell has told 
 us what he has not written. A man who is so 
 proud of w)iat he has done for the federal cause, 
 can siaely have no objection to informing thj 
 public what he hers written during the last war, 
 whether he is not the author of the " Road to 
 Ruin," "the Boston rebel," and many ess-vys 
 in the Boston papers against Samuel Dexter 
 when a candidate for Governor, on account of 
 his opposition to the conduct of tlie Hartford 
 Convention party. 
 
 Mr. Lowell assigns as a reason for coming 
 out agamst the Statesman, that it was ]yA on his 
 account, but on account of his nephew. The 
 best service**vhich Mr. L. can render his re- 
 lations in the political world, is to pro^oke no 
 examination of /;/s past political conduct, and to 
 maintain a discreet silence on il^<t subject of his 
 connexion'!; besides Mr. Lovell's nephcv vn',h 
 
a35 
 
 never be of so much importance, as to provoke to scatter the mists of deceptioii, in relation to 
 an attack sufficiently serious as to require in his Peiuisylvania, which are hovering' over other 
 defence such an able champion as Mr. Jolm States, and to ask, in return, as we now respect- 
 Lowell, fully do, from you, such information, as it may 
 Mr. Lowell speaks with no small degree of be supposed Pennsylvania must be anxious to 
 complacency of the services which he is con- receive. 
 
 stan*ly rendering the public- He probable 
 means as an agricultui'alist, and I concede to him 
 gi'eat merit in this particular I have no doubt 
 that in consequence of his exertions, our bulls 
 at the Cattle Shows make a far more magnificent 
 appeai-ance than formerly, and that our puinp- 
 kins have greatly improved in size and flavor. 
 Had Mr Lowell been as good a politician as he 
 is a fai'mer, and had not sowed more fares than 
 wheat in the political field, he would (lave en- 
 joyed more of what he now seems to despise, 
 popular favor, than has fallen to his lot. In tiiat 
 event he probably could have set a higher value 
 upon it. 
 
 In parting with Mr. Lowell, I must repeat my 
 
 With an earnestness, such as men should feel, 
 who respect themselves, and covet tlie regard 
 of otliern, we assure you, tiiat the fidelity of 
 Pennsylvania lo the incorruptible patriot, whom 
 she, first of all the Stnites, hid the honor to pro- 
 pose for the presidency, remuins unsliaken, that 
 she glories in the position, wliich she iield and 
 holds; and that this spirit will bt; manifejted by 
 a majority, which, we believe, will :;e greater 
 than tfiat which any individual has ever had, at 
 a contested election in Pennsylvania. 
 
 It is true, thatj especially in the district in 
 which we reside, demonstrations have of late 
 been made, calculated^ as they were designed, 
 to create an impression abroad, that tnere had 
 
 inti'oductory congratulation, on finding him, by been a change in public opinion: but those ex- 
 
 theaid of Judge Marshall's strengthening plaster, hibitions have been altogether scenic and facti- 
 
 for which Mr. Lowell sent all the way to Rich- tious; our immediate opponents rest upon no 
 
 mond, Va., so much recovered from the bruises common basis, nor are they connected by any 
 
 which he received from Col. Jarvis. I hope he common tie, so far as political principles aie 
 
 will recommend the use of this plaster to Mi*, concerned ; they embrace the aristocracy of the 
 
 John Adams, a "fellow liufferer,'' in the same federal and republican parties of this district, 
 
 cause, by the same hand. XENOPHEN. but they want the honest, however erroneous., 
 
 , consistency of the former, and are utterly desti- 
 
 CIRCULAR ADDRESS ^^^^ of the great and guiding principles of the 
 
 r^ ,• T> ir ,• ■,, en j latter; with the people of the State at large. 
 
 Of the Republican CommUtee of Correspondence ^j^ey have not the smallest sympathy, while 
 
 amongst themselves they comprehend the most 
 
 for Pennsylvania 
 
 Fellow Citizens: — 
 
 The convention of delegates, from the various 
 counties of Pennsylvania, which assembled at 
 Harrisburg, on the 8th of January last, and, in 
 obedience to the will of their republican con- 
 stituents, recommended Andrew Jackson and 
 John C. Calhoun, as candidates for the presi- 
 dency and vice-presidency of the United States, 
 
 discordant and severally repulsive elements. Of 
 the prepoixlerance of their hopes or fears, you 
 may form an estimate, from the grossness of 
 their invect ve, and the intemperance of their 
 proscription; they affect to respect the right of 
 opinion, and yet denounce the mass of those 
 disagree with them as a faction; they labour to 
 affix upon the friends of Andrew J.ickson the 
 
 did us the honor to appoint us a committee of reproach of violence, yet they are sensible that 
 
 correspondence, for the second congressional their own associates and favorites are the only 
 
 district of this state, — the city of Philadelphia, persons, who have sought to quench their po' 
 
 We are not aware, that it was the desire of litic?! resentments with human blood; they 
 
 the convention to limit the sphere of our action, feelingly speak of the odiousness of calumny, 
 
 or that we deviate from our proper course, in although their own partlzans have violated the 
 
 thus addressing our friends in other states; but, sanctury of the domestic heavtii, and have bro- 
 
 if we err, an apology, we are sure, will be found ken the silence of the tomb itself, to gratify 
 
 in the zeal, which animates our hearts in a their iuKatiable lust of defamation, 
 
 righteous cause, that of the purity of our insti- • Such combinations, the people of Pennsylva- 
 
 tutions, and their transmission unimpaired to nia can never fear; such means, th<'y ever will 
 
 posterity. abhor; and, accordingly, we are insensible of 
 
 At the present crisis, indeed, the agency of any diminution of our strength: on the contrary, 
 
 committees of coiTespondence seems to he in- we confidently hope, that in this, the most aris- 
 
 dispensably necessary, to the dissemination of tocratic district in the State, wo shall triumph 
 
 truth: formerly, much reliance could be placed at the ensuing election. 
 
 upon the ordin.ary organs of information; few, if May we not, indeed, without incurring the 
 
 any, of the conductors of the pubhc journals, penalty of self-praise, appeal to the uniform 
 
 had the audacity to utter, for effect abroad, 
 ■what was known at home to be absolutely un- 
 true, but, during the existing contest, the adhe- 
 rents of the administration seem to consider the 
 misrepresentation of our condition at home, as 
 
 character and conduct of republican Pennsylva- 
 nia, as a refutation of the slander, that she is ca- 
 pable of deserting her old principlcsaiid friends? 
 She has not had tiie honor to ofii'crtothe Union.a 
 Washington or Jeffcrson,Clinton or Jackson; but 
 
 the principle foundation of anticipated success she has given to those distinguished patriots hex- 
 in other states; and hence it is, that even Penn- cordial support: she has never been seen, con- 
 sylvania has been classed among states faithless tending in the arena of state ambition, but has 
 to themselves and to the union. clung wit!) fondness to tht; union, as the sure 
 It seems, therefore, to be the dutj of some of basis of safety at home and reputation abroad, 
 those, who have a stake in the duration of our Why, then, should Pennsylvania be supposed 
 institutions and the general welfare of society, capable of apostacy ? Surely, .she is not temp- 
 ^0 give their own tesUmony to distant friend's; ted by the knowledge, that, by a double cc 
 
*6U 
 
 4.i.a', between iiitliciro hoslile partisuus, and vali:>ta, In a lettev Ji:it '.vits i£;vis-eil, coi'i:ecied o/ 
 leopectfully reviled aspjnuus, the people l\ave modified by him, in his own band writing, and 
 Let-n filched of their rights, which were pur- by which he stipulated, in the event of his clec- 
 chased by the bloo<l of their fathers! Surely tion, not to «* pursue the p<>tic.y of excluding;' 
 she is not allured by 0. standard, which rallies th^ federalists from oJHce," lias been lieretofoit; 
 around it ail those pt-rsons, w't-'O have been at »o often tdludfd to in th-s paper, *hat we per 
 all times anxious to abridg'e human liber rv, and haps owe an apo'ogy to oiu ivadei-a for ti-oub ■ 
 to erect upon its rains the fabric of privileg'ed ling* them furiber in relation to it. It has boen 
 classes! publicly alleged in tliose columns, that araong:st 
 
 No! Pennsylvania is faithful; her dcepestanx- others to whom this letter was shown, was the 
 ^tynow is, that her sister stites shnul.l ti-ul}' late Mr. liichard Stockton, of this State, andav. 
 understand- as she persuadus herself she does, extr.n.ct of a letter from that gcnllcmar.j relating' 
 the nature of tlie pending contest; that it is n-at thereto, has b-en laid before our readers. This 
 a mere conti'oversy about men, but a mighty cliarge, we are fully aware, is a very scriousonc 
 
 and failing to show reasonable grcxmus to sub- 
 stantiftte which, we fi-ankl}' idmit, that we 
 should forfeit the coflfideiKc of our party ancf, 
 of tiie public. There is not an in^iividual in thu 
 wide bounds of oiu- repubUc, of correct and 
 manly ientimen+s, who would not reprobate tlui 
 conduct of the candidate for the prc.sidenc}\ 
 
 <3trnggle for principles; that tlic success of on. ,- 
 candidate would proclaim the supremacy of .ivn - 
 xupUon, and the i-a^jidity or tiie republic's dc~ 
 cliiie; whilst the succees of the other woidd ro. 
 deem theriime of a free governr.cnt, and trau:*- 
 mit, unimpaired, to oui ^inmediato successors, 
 Ihe great legacy held for die ;n and their pcster- 
 Htj. 
 
 We fondly fancy, that we hear Peu|(Bylvania 
 applauded, by her sister states, for thfe stea Ji- 
 ness with which she resists tlie current of offi- 
 cial influence, whicli rolls impetuously through 
 the state; but prcud as she may be of the apprc- 
 bation of others, she seeks no sticii tribute; she 
 well knows, tlut the inestimable blessings of 
 SVeedom, as they were the reward of toil and 
 xigibnce, aro not to be preserved without the 
 constant exercise (if those duties, sl-ie is not 
 dismayed s.1 the ambition and :\varice, which 
 j)roduced the present cri.sis, for si.e knows tijat 
 tliGse evils were foreseen by the founders of the 
 Ilepubhc, and are incident to t!ie ir.iperfection 
 cf human beings ; and she is sensible that, tisin 
 all other free States, the pendiiig conflict is be- 
 tween the a-spiring few, who seek to pervert 
 power to tlieir own seiHol) purposes, and the 
 
 who could stoop himself to make such a bai-gai 
 as wel) as that of the wvetcii v/tio couid cause- 
 lessly L\v such a sin to his charge Lut the 
 charg? has been made pul)licly; it has been re- 
 iterated from .'JaJne, to Georgia; and yet the 
 se\ ei-al pci-sons referred to .<is being cogni?:ant 
 of the facts, have remained silent. Jlr. Walsh, 
 inder J, Jias given an cxpasition of the matter, 
 which goes very far toi.vai-ds substantiating all 
 that has been alleged. He denies the truth of 
 tlie Siockton letter, it is true, and in one htllo 
 mont!\ afterwards he admits t]>e truth of every 
 material allegation contained in that letter. His 
 version does not at all r< lease Mr. Adams from 
 the charge made Hgainjit him ; on the contraiy, 
 it coniirms tlie existence of the letter, conceni- 
 ing whicliibc authorized Mr. King to give tho 
 most unequivocal denial, when the charge was 
 •first made. Tiie letter remains linconti-adicted 
 
 inass of our freemen contending for its exercise- excei>tby the si ri])le btdicf of Mr. R. F. Stock 
 
 lyr the common good. 
 
 It is undev such impressions as these, be ns- 
 Stired, 'Iv.t Pennsylvania acts, and tiiercfore we 
 cannot eiT ir, the anticipation, v.h.cli will soon 
 be gloriously r.?ahzed : this sUitc will maintain 
 the only distinction to which she has ever as- 
 pired, that of being true to tho^c principles, 
 upon an ydhcivnce to which, under Heaven, 
 ournational safety and inUi,idu.d happiness de- 
 fend.} 
 
 We greet you, not Only on the v»ew thus pre- 
 sented of Pennsylvania, butupon the indications 
 .jf triuroph rtianitl-stcd in otlier States; that we 
 Truv receive of any intelligence e.pally chcei'- 
 M>g from your own neighborhood, we fondly 
 jn.IK": Addre=9td to our chairman, Ja.^eph Wor- 
 ."cl, Esq., it wi!l be gladly received by 
 Your sincere friends — 
 
 JOSEPH WtiURlvU-, "^ 
 WILLIAM DUNCAN, 
 WH.LLVM KOVl). 
 IIV,NKY TOLAND, 
 JOHN WlJllTS, )►; 
 
 WH.LIAM J. Ht^^VNE, 
 WILLLVM J. LK!PP:U, 
 CHAULES S. COXKt 
 THOMAS M. PETTIT.J 
 Philftiklphia, July 17th, lS2)i. 
 
 Frofh the BuIIalo Kepijblican. 
 Mr. Ad'tms and the I-'tdTuHnLs. — The subject 
 of:;h»< nk'lg:oi»Ki.de,I>y Mr. iy'aipfv to*heft<V- 
 
 
 ton, and is supported by the evidence of nume 
 rous lndividl:aLs in tlus city [Trenton] and i: 
 other pajtfs of the State. Among others wl; 
 are cogni;jant of the facts staled in that lettt^ 
 we call upon Mr. 'Webster, Mr. Snuthajd, 
 Messrs. Hopkinsonand Walsii of Philadelphia, 
 Mr. Stockton of the navy, Mr. Thompson, thci 
 Roivin-Liw oF the late Mr. Stockton, M.-. U\~- 
 pham of I'rcnton, >L'. Armstrong of Woodbmr 
 each and every oneof ibem, to suy whether they 
 arc not subst;uiti;Jly true. The disputed letter 
 was addressed to one of the gentlomen named, 
 and if we arc not mishifurracd, it has been seeji 
 by nvo others. We defy them to a contradic- 
 tion, and the terminatiim of the controversy 
 f]\:d\ be the productionof the letter in question. 
 We are not to be trified witir. nor wdl we keep 
 our readers longer in snspeu.s,;. Another word 
 of abiLse and contradictiou, and we will •' a 
 round (invarni^hod tale deliver," which it will 
 not be less pleasant for the coalition to hear, 
 than it w ill be for us to be compelle<i to relate . 
 Nothing will Si. tivfy tiie public, but the pro- 
 ductionof "tiie famous VNtI>ster letter." Uar.- 
 gaining and tampering in relation to the presi- 
 deiicv, ai-e ch:ii gen that rests upon Mcssi-s. Ad- 
 ams and Webster, i ndasyet ihcy a:r uncontrH- 
 dicted. Wc »lo not despair of yet bringing thi ^ 
 letter to Itght. A copy of it we have once seen 
 and handk-d, and our readers may ere long e - 
 nert tr? i»»'.ve A spread before (n.em 
 
 
IjlSlTED STATES^ TELEGRAPH.. ..£a/^r«. 
 
 This paper ^rill be de^-oted exclusively to the Presidential Election, and be publislied, weekly, 
 iindl the 15th of October next, for One Dol/ar,- subject to newspaper postage, and no mot.e. 
 
 BY GEE EN S,^ JARVIS. 
 
 VOL. L 
 
 WASHlNGTOxN, AUGUST 9, 1828. 
 
 No. 22. 
 
 THE MARYLAKD ADDRESS. 
 
 The tiilented and patriotic writer of the Ma- 
 lyiand Aad^-ess, at tlie instance of the Con-es- 
 tonding Committee, has revised that able pro- 
 duction, and appended lo it mu:>h additional 
 matter which the late developements of the bar. 
 gain have brouglit to litrlit. We invite for it an 
 attentive perusal — parucularly oftliat})artwlilch 
 examines the dangerous tendency of an election 
 of President by t lie House of liepresentalives, 
 and the duty which devolves upon the repre- 
 sentatives of States under the Constitution as it 
 now is. 
 
 It is a remarkable feature of the present con- 
 troversy, tlint while the friends of Gen Jackson, 
 like our fathers of the revolution, contend for 
 great principles identified with civil liberty, 
 the advocates of Messrs. Adams and Clay ad- 
 here to powei", like the tories of that day. 
 
 ADDRESS 
 
 or THE 
 
 •TACKEOI? STATE CONVESTTZOIT 
 
 TO THE 
 
 PEOPLE OF MARYLAND, 
 
 Oriihe lale and approaching election of President. 
 
 (SECO>-D EDITIOX.) 
 
 Fsilow Citiztns: Ilavingbeen appointed Dele- 
 gates from the several Electoral Districts of the 
 State, to meet in Convention, in this city, for 
 the purpose of considering the course, which 
 Kiluty to our country enjoins upon us, in relation 
 to the next election of President, we beg leave 
 to lay before yoQ the result of our deliberations. 
 
 After taking into our most serious considera- 
 tion all the circumstances of the last Presiden- 
 tial election, we are, on mature reflection, im- 
 pressed with a solemn conviction, tiiat although 
 the forms of the constitution were observed, 
 the spirit of that sacred instrument was vio- 
 lated:— 
 
 That the Chief Magistrate wa? elected by the 
 votes of tiie Representatives of States, against 
 •Jie will of the people of those States. 
 
 That if the votes of those States had been 
 given according to that will, when the rejil con- 
 test lay between Gen. .lackson and Mr. Adams, 
 us the spirit of the constitution dictates, the 
 rbriner would have been elected President of 
 the United States, instead of the latter. 
 
 Tiiat, therefore, the will of a majority of the 
 Slates, as well as of the ptopk of the Union has 
 been defeated. 
 
 That the President, having thus obtained the 
 Chief Magistracy,rewardodliisprinclpal assistant 
 in defeating the voice of the nation, by the high- 
 ",st office in his gift, and has since employed the 
 patronage of government, for the furtherance of 
 liis personal views, and to secure his reelection. 
 
 That before his election by the House of 
 Represent4<tives, ?.Ii-. Adams ajiprovcd of an 
 anicndmeirt of thcconstituthr.), in order to t-j^kc 
 '■hQ pcv\-cr of (:hoos"ng the President from th?.t 
 
 body, and to give it directly to the people, lor 
 the purpose of preventing in future, not only 
 al! corruption, but all suspicion of corruption. 
 
 But that, since his success with tlie House ol 
 Representatives, in defeating the will of a ma- 
 joritij of the people and of the States, he has not 
 'only disappointed the iViends of the purity of 
 our government, by declining to recommend 
 tliat aJnendment to the adoinlon of Congress^ 
 but his friends in lh.at body, when it was brought 
 forward without his recommendation, opposed 
 and defeated it. 
 
 In support of these opinions, we wdl state the 
 facts, which have wrought conviction on our 
 minds. 
 
 In the late Presidential election, mnetij-mne 
 electoral votes were given to General Jackson; 
 eighty four to Mr. A&dms, forty-one to Mr. Craw- 
 ford,' and tfiirty-seven to Mr. Clay. 
 
 Had the election been sent back to the peo- 
 ple, and the choice restricted to the two highest 
 candidates, as it virtually was in the House, 
 tliere is no one, who was v.ell acquainted with 
 the state of public opinion in the Southern and 
 Western States, wliere nearly all the votes for 
 Mr. Crawford and Mr. Clay were given, who^ 
 would not be obliged to acknowledge, that of 
 the seventA'-elght votes received by those gen- 
 tlemen, at "least thirty -tv.'o, the number which, 
 in addition to the ninety-n>"e already received 
 by Gen. Jackson, was necessary to his election, 
 would have been given to him. According to 
 this test, therefore, a wiajorlly of the people of 
 the United States, were opposed to the election 
 of Mr. Adams, (a) 
 
 A majority of the states, it Uielr wishes had 
 been complied with, are also opposed to his 
 election. He succeeded in the. House by a ma- 
 joritv of one state only; and it is notorious, that 
 in contempt of the will of their constituents, who 
 had given unequivocal proofs of their in-efcr- 
 ence of General Jackeojj over Mr. Adams, tlie 
 representatives in CongTcss of several of the 
 western states, gave their votes for Mr- 
 Adams, b. 
 
 In political intrigues, written instruments arc 
 not exchanged, nor witnesses called in by the 
 parties to attest the conditions of their compact. 
 Positive testimony on the present occasion, is not 
 therefore to be expected. CircumsUmiial evi- 
 dence however, often as irresistible as positive; 
 testimony, has established beyond a reasonable 
 doubt, that the voles thus given to Mr. Ahams . 
 by Representatives in contempt of tlie will of 
 their constituents, were obtained for him chief- 
 ly through the instrumentality end influence of 
 Mr. CtAY. In proof of this fact, we sdicityour 
 attentive consideration of the foUowing circum- 
 stances: 
 
 During the contest for electors, Mr. Clat 
 and his friends had opposed Mr. Adams more 
 violently than any of the other candidates. (2) 
 ']"he grounds of objection to Mr. Ada.iis, njiost 
 warmly urged, were : 
 
 That a President ought to be elcc'ed from 
 Ihc Tf'cs'.: 
 
;8h 
 
 rhat hlv. Ai'AJtU) was unineaicily to Weitlcja 
 interests.- 
 
 That he had attempted to sacrifice them in 
 ffivor of his Eastern Brethren in tiie negotiation 
 at Gj^ent. 
 
 Mr. Clat himself charijed Mr. Adams in his 
 lepresentation of that negotiation, with *' eiTors 
 Ijoth as to matters of fact and matters of opinion 
 relating- to the navigation of'tlie Mississippi, and 
 certain liberties, claimed by the United States 
 in the fishei-ies" — anvl in allusion to the excite- 
 ment of ihc pending presidential contest, stated 
 that "at some time more propitious tiian the pre- 
 sent, to calm and dispassionate consicieration, 
 and when tliere coidd be no misinterpretation 
 of motives, he woiikl lay before the pubic a nar- 
 rative of those transactions." c. 
 
 In tlie circnlar address of Mr. Clat's friends 
 inOhio, it is stated, that "it was the first object 
 (U'the fnends of Mr. Clat, to keep from the 
 Presidential Chair, one of tite present Cabinet," 
 and to elect some person, who was out of the 
 Cabinet." The doctrine, that it was nccessury 
 10 break up the '■'succession Secrctur its" totiic 
 rresldcnc}', or tiie ^'Sccretari/ dynasty," so cal- 
 led, was urged througho;:t the West by Mr. 
 Clay's friends, d. 
 
 At length the contest for electors is over. 
 .\!r. Clat is net returned to the House ofRe- 
 ijvesentatives, and could not himself therefore 
 any longer be voted ibr. 
 
 Another Western man howe\er, of great tal- 
 ojits, splendid service and unquestioned inti-gri- 
 ty: and a man moreover, who did not bi long to 
 the Cabinet, was returned to tlie House, byja 
 larger number of electors than Mr. Adams, and 
 under ciicumstanccs, tlu-.t left no reasonable 
 doubt, a:i has already been shown, that when the 
 jc.al contest lay between him and Mr. Adams, he 
 was the ciioice of a large majority of t!ie peo- 
 ple of the United States. 
 
 The elevation of Genera! Jackso.v, however 
 to the Pres'dency, by satisfying the chiim ofthe 
 West, would operate against tlie fut\u-e pros- 
 pect!? of Mr. Clay, which on tiie contrary, 
 would be strenglhentd by tl;t; eli-ction of an 
 /^'astern man, especially if it could be seen by 
 the East, tliat t!ie boon was conferred upon 
 tlieni by his exertions and influence. 
 
 Mr. Clav therefore, and his ])arliians with 
 him, suddenly adopt a new set of opinions to 
 slrit altered circumstances, and tliink it in con- 
 formity M'ith "SAFE piiKCKnF.XTs" that another 
 Secretary should be elected President: 
 
 That an Eastern rnan, wiiom tlu-y hud de- 
 nounced as unrriendly to Western interests, 
 was nevertheless to be preferred to a West- 
 ern man — and notwithstanding their late vio- 
 lent and bitter animosity and opposition, and 
 in defiance of the known wislies of their 
 tonstituents, vote for.IoiiN Quixcr Ahams, and 
 make him President of the United States. 
 
 As soon as Mr. Adams is thus made Presi- 
 dent by the vote and influence of Mr. Clat, he 
 rewards Mr. Clay for his services with the high- 
 < St oflice in his gift, makes him Secrcl.ary of 
 State, and places him in tlie line of '* safe prece- 
 dents." 
 
 Mr. Clat gives his waiTncst support to Mr. 
 A,u*Ms' administration, and forgetting his pub- 
 i c pledge, is as silent as the grave about the 
 « ibjent ncgociatiou ! 
 
 fan vo'K Fr.i.LO'y Citizkns. have slrongcr 
 
 proof of aPOLlilCAL BAUUAIN, by wiiicl. 
 the rights ofthe Fecrplc have been set at naught , 
 and personal interests have triumphed over tlie 
 spirit of the Coustitution and the fundamental 
 principtes of republican govcmraent ? .> 
 
 Power, thus obtained by "influence and iu- 
 trigue, bargain and management," with the uu- 
 faitliful agents ofthe people against the will of 
 the people, must of necessity be mamtained and 
 continued l>y the same means. Hence all the 
 selfish passions of political opponents have been 
 appealed to, and high ofiices have been lavish- 
 ed upon those v.'ho were most conspicuous 
 amongst th-.-m, to purcliase their support and 
 neutrah^e the eRbrts of their friends 
 
 Hence the papers under the immediate con- 
 trol of llie government, have teemed witti ca- 
 lumnies without number upon the distinguishes, 
 and patriotic men, who have liad the courage to 
 stem the torrent of executive influence, to ex- 
 ercise and maintain the freedom of speech, 
 and opinion, and to aid in an attempt to punish 
 the violation of tlie spirit ofthe constitution. 
 
 Hence ilr. Ci.ay has attempted to punisli the 
 independence of other p.ipers, by witlidrawing 
 the publication of the laws from them, because 
 they were not entirely subservient to his views, 
 and by transfemng it to those of comparatively 
 limited circulation, although the object of that 
 publication is to diifuse a knowledge of tiie laws 
 as v/idely as possible, amfingst the people. 
 
 Hence, tfie papers vv'hich supported the cleC' 
 tix)n of Mr. Adams most v.armly before the peo- 
 ple, while it could serve the interest of their 
 jvation, recommended arid applauded the propo- 
 sition to change tlie mode ofciioosingthe Presi- 
 dent, so as to take the contingent power of 
 electing him from tiie House of Kepresentitivcs, 
 and give the electlondircctly to tiie people, and 
 assured the people lliat Wx: Ada.ms, if elected, 
 wor.ld use his influence in favor of the change, 
 have, since his rejection by tlie people, and liis 
 eicction by tlie House of Representatives, 
 thrown obstacles in the way of that proposi- 
 tion, e 
 
 Hence, although Mr. Adams himself immedi- 
 ately after his election, while the oblig-^tion of 
 former declarations and the assertions of his ad- 
 vocates and friends, were fresh upon his mind, 
 in Ins answer to the committee of the House of 
 liepretentatives, that waited uponhimto inform 
 him of his election, avowed Ins approbation of 
 the proposed change in the following words : — 
 "Could my refusal to ace. pi ofthe Presidency, 
 give an immediate opponiiuiiy to the people to 
 form and express, with a nearer appioach to 
 unanimity, the object of their preference, I 
 should not hesitate to decline the acceptance of 
 that eminent charge and submit the decision of 
 this momentous question again to their determi- 
 nation," and by assigning as hi.-^ only reason for 
 not domg- so, that "constitution itself had nor 
 so dispo.-ed of the contingenc)-, which would 
 arise in the event of his refusal," oflcred a 
 pledge of his support to a proposition so to 
 cluuige the Constitution in respect to the forms 
 ofthe Presidential election as to t.ike it from 
 the House, and give it directly to the people ; 
 jet, notwithstanding this pledge and tlie gene- 
 ral obligation gi" duty, imposed by the Constitu- 
 tion itself, io recommend to Congress such mea 
 sures as he may deem the public welfare to re- 
 quire, he h-<is hitherto declined sending a mo^ 
 
339 
 
 sage to Congress to recomir.oid t'li.t change. 
 On the contraiy, when a measure for that pur- 
 pose was introiluced into Congress whhout the 
 aid of his expected recommendation, nearly all 
 his friends in that body arra\'ed themselves 
 against it, and all his Nea^ Eiig/un(i frleuds with- 
 out a single exception, voted agahist taking the 
 election from the House of lli.-presentutives. / 
 
 Tiie foregoing statement demonstrates tiiat 
 Mr- Adaiis, having obtained [iovvcr hy violating 
 the spirit of the Constitution, is euiplo} ing all 
 the means, which his situation gives him, to 
 maintain it and to secure are-election, and gives 
 us the solemn admonition tliat the period i^as ar- 
 rived in the operation of our government, when 
 it belioves the PEopLKto recin* to fihst I'lu^cl- 
 rLEs, and to enc^uireif the foundation on which 
 thciv polilic-'l libtrty rests be not wnlcr mined. 
 
 The fundi: mental principle on which otir 
 whole system rests, is tlie political EauALrrr 
 of the c'tizens. 
 
 From t'liis political equality, nccessariiy re- 
 sults the doctrine, that tlie tv II of the majority 
 shall prevail. 
 
 The ob ject of all the forms of our Nation-.d and 
 State Governments is to secure tlie fair and un- 
 biased expression of ihat will. 
 
 The only etiecliial security against the abuses 
 of the Supreme F.xecutive Power, is the direct 
 i-e.'^ptmsibilitj/ of him, who exercises it, to the 
 people over wiicm it is exeicised ; and tl;e only 
 cificient mode, b\' which that re?;)Onsih!}ity can 
 be enforced, is by making IheHClfef Mrgi.^trate 
 dependant upon the I'l^ople forjhe possession and 
 Ike contimmnce of his power. 
 
 We hold it to be undeniable, that according 
 to the theory of our constitution, tlie election of 
 ttie l-'resi<lcnl of the United States, was intend- 
 ed to be tlie ccl of the .Bmerican people, and that 
 the electors are hound to vo/c accord' ng to the will 
 of their constitnenls. 
 
 We also hold, that when the election of the 
 President devolves upon Congif ss, the repre- 
 sentatives of the Several States, in tiie discharge 
 o? their clicloral duty, are by the spirit of the 
 consiilution, which they are sworn to support, 
 bound, r.ke the electors to arry into tjffct, v.o 
 far as practicable, the will of their constituents. 
 
 And we are of opinion, after tlie most dispas- 
 sionate and deliberate consideration of all tlie 
 circumstances, attending tlie late pre-idenLal 
 election, tiiat the foregoing fundainental }>r)nci- 
 pies were violate (1 ill tne election of .loa\ Quis- 
 lY Adams to the Chief Magi^traty by tlie House 
 of Kepresentatives, in which the votes of several 
 States were given by rejiresentatives contraiy 
 to the known will of the y>eople .of those Stales. 
 Such, fellow citizens;, ^je the essential and fun- 
 damental principles of liberty in our govern- 
 ment, according to our con.-.triictioii of the con- 
 !>titution. Sucli are the great principles which 
 have been violated. 
 
 The supporters of Mr. Adams endeavour to 
 
 avoid the oilium of that vioh.tion hy giving a 
 
 totally diflerent interpretation of the constitu- 
 
 .ion. Tliey justify the onditct of those, who 
 
 ■oted against the will oftlieir constituents, by 
 
 naintaining the al«rinii)g doctrine, that the 
 
 !»etnbers of th(; House of Uepresentatives in the 
 
 , Lation of president, may tluow oft" all refcr- 
 
 I'.ice and regard to tiio opitiioiis of the people 
 
 nd tlie states, and tuider tile nha ui' "intrrro- 
 
 jtidgrnent and wishes, gencraily the oftispring of 
 then' interest, in opposition to the disinterested 
 Vvlsiies .tnd will of their constituents, g 
 
 Tiils d>:clrine is maintained in the face of the 
 very words of the constitution, which directs 
 that when the election of President devolves on 
 the House of Representatives, the vote shall be 
 taken by States, and the representation of each 
 State shall be entitled to one vole, and a majori- 
 ty of all the States shall be necessary to a 
 choice. 'I'iie natural and j>lain construction of 
 tlie terms rote of a stale, means a vole expressing 
 the will of the people of the State, and not the 
 personal vote of the representatives from the 
 state. — It was intended to preserve, in the se- 
 condary election, the yerftrtt/a'C character of the 
 General Government, by giving to each State an 
 equal ircight and injlauice, v.liich object would 
 be entirely defeated by gi\ingthe representatives 
 a personal discretionary vole. This feature of 
 the Constitution was inserted iii imitation of tlie 
 provisions of the old Contederation, according 
 to which the vote vvas always taken by States, 
 and it is well known, that the delegates in con- 
 gress from tiie states under the C(;nfedcratiou 
 were completely under the control and subject 
 to tlie instructions of the Legislatures by whicli 
 they were sent and by whom also thy were re- 
 called at pleasure. 
 
 The reasoning then, from the intention of 
 t!>e franicrs of the const, liition, as well as from 
 analogy is strongly in fivor of the construction 
 for which v/e contend. 
 
 And we beg evcty citizen who is attached to 
 liberty and his country, to pause and reflect se- 
 riously upon tile fatal consequences of giving 
 the latitudii'.aiian consta-uction of the constitu- 
 tion contended for by the supporters of Mr. Ar- 
 AJis. Adopt this construction and you throw 
 wi.'e opei. the dnorto corruption.and the election 
 in the House will inevitably, to adopt the lan- 
 giia.;e o' the circular uddress of Mr. Clax's 
 fiieiKL :!( Kentucky be determined, "iy influ- 
 ence and intrigue, bargain and munagsrftent." k 
 
 Genera! Jackson ;.■; the last of the revolutiona- 
 ry heroes, who cai;,i;e m tlie couise of nature, 
 a candidate for the Presidency, and fiom the in- 
 crease of po])ulation and the multipheation of 
 the states, we must expect, after the next elec- 
 tion, that so many candiflatcs will be set up that 
 the primary (dection vvlU rarely be conclusive. 
 It will become a matter of course for the elec- 
 tion to devolve on the House ofllepi'esentatlves. 
 — Their Hall, instead of being a seal of inde- 
 pendent legislation, will become a theatre for 
 electionneeiiiig and intrigue from the period of 
 one election to another. The ainbilious men, 
 who aspire to the Presidency, will generally be 
 members of congress or of the cabinet, and will 
 have the opportunity of lay iiig their plans delib- 
 erately and pursuing them peiseveringU.-s*- 
 All the arts of personrd address, of flatter. ng 
 attentions and entertainments wdl be resorted, 
 to. Tlie sordid will hope for oHices of profit 
 for themselves or relations as a reward for attach- 
 ing themselves to the cause of some one of theso 
 P''esidentiai Candiilntes. I'he ambitious will 
 look for promotitni and distinction. Those, who 
 desire no appointment for lhimselv''s, will hojie 
 to obtain an influence in the distribution of the 
 l^atroirige of the govcrnrncntv and have it in 
 their Dower to f- ratify thtjr friends, t^elflovo 
 
34'rt 
 
 selves, tliC true "iiatut'e-ot the iaf]iu.en,ce \irulibr 
 v/hich they a.ct, and a whole circle of interest- 
 ed motives, V. m have fiil! scope for action under 
 the appearance of a desire to serve friends, or 
 ]jron>ote tlie interest oftheir neighborhood, or 
 perhaps tlie interest of tiie country at larg-e. 
 
 Nor ought we from false delicacy to deny the 
 jtict, that hii^ti and respectable as the station of 
 j'nember of Conjjress is, tiiat occasionally men of 
 the most venal and con-ujjt charactei- attain it: 
 aiidwlieti we reflect tliat tiie wliole number of 
 Votes is only twenty-four: — that the votes of one 
 or two individuals in consequence of divisions 
 among' it ther(]n'esentati', es of even larg'e states, 
 will often decide the vote of tliose states; and 
 Ihat the votes of several small states are actual- 
 Iv held by individual members: — when we re- 
 llect further that thishit:;hest honor on eartii will 
 often rest upon the decision of some /lalf dozen 
 pr even a less number of persons, pcriuips otic 
 in a body composed of more than two hundred 
 uxembers, and place before us the fact, that the 
 successful candidate will have tlie distribution of 
 W'ealtli and distinction, in the nomination to ten 
 thousand various offices, we must tremble for 
 the liberty of oar country, unless we wilfully 
 shut our eyes to all the records of liistor}-, all 
 the lessoiis of experience, and all the deduc- 
 t'rons of reason. 4 
 
 Let it not be said we dishonor our country b}' 
 reprfiS-i'iting Congress as liable to corruption. 
 We have a just confidence in Congress. We 
 believe that the members are as virtuous and pat- 
 riotic as ether men: we will admit, that tlieir 
 educatJcnj character, and sluvions in life place 
 them as much above the reach of improper in- 
 fluence, as any equal number of th<ir fellow- 
 <itiLen3 — perhaps even more. It is not because 
 they are lers virtuous than others, that we look 
 Hi them with (tistrusl, when they come to exer- 
 cise tlie functions of elcttoi-s of the Ciiief Mag- 
 istrate; l)ut it i;: becau.^e the)' ai-c men, and iiif.n 
 exposed to the ulro/i^cd and tnont scduclice'lenip- 
 fatious disc^iiisi'd in the vtost alluring and delu- 
 •.site Jhnus. ^^'e Khould be traitors to trutii and 
 hliow our.-ielves iiic:ipable of instruction from 
 'li£ whole histoiy of our race, nay, insensible to 
 ilie dicLites of coinmyn scirse, if we should from 
 spunous patriotism or any othel' motive, give 
 »;uuntenance to tlie idea, that Congress is so 
 fkure unddi:,interested, and so elevated in char- 
 :tcter, that the small number of iiiembtrs gen- 
 erally necessary to change tlie fate of tiie dec- 
 t lOii, may not be found, who arc liable to be in- 
 lliicnceil in the vote they are to gi\ e, by person- 
 al interest, not api)roaeliiiig tiieiii in the revol- 
 ting iili;ipe of a duect bribe, but in the enticing 
 J'orm of liLstinciion amongst their fellow-citizens 
 «tnd reward for p;itiiotic services. 
 
 So long then as the forms of the constitution 
 in relation to the election of President remain 
 as tiiey are, tlic most dis:islrcus consequences 
 Wili ilow from the construction contended for 
 iiy the supporters of .Mr. Adams. 'I'lie most 
 ijllllering ])r':zc, that ambition can seek, v. ilh 
 all iLi acooi ii)anying all'jrements, iscveiy (ouv 
 years to be llirov.n mto the midst of tv.o hund- 
 ^■cd fallible men to distract and excite them- 
 men too, who are cut loose from the wholesome 
 /cstraints of a safe constrHction of the constitu- 
 tion, wiiich turnishe ; a sure and certain guide 
 ibr thdrcon'I ic. > tV st-:!! (/ tin !r c'-.;i'*.it'> 
 crfS. 
 
 A dicisJou under sacli circumstances wili 
 rarely if ever inspire tlie nation with confidence 
 in the President — tliat confidence, which is so ne- 
 Cixmry to the ind/pcndent and salutary exercise 
 oj the executive axiifioritij. 
 
 Under this dangerous and anti-republicaa 
 construction of the constitution a justification i^ • 
 attempted of the most flagrant violation of its 
 spirit, and exhibits in the strongest point of 
 view, a necessity for a change oi its forms, which 
 shall place its principles above all misconstruc- 
 tion. We earnestly entreat you, therefore, 
 Fellow-Citizens, not to believe, as those, who 
 have obtaiued power at the expense of your 
 rights would persuade you to do, that tlie en- 
 suing Presidential Election is a simple congest 
 between two eminent citizens for the Chief 
 Nragistracy, in which their pci"sonal merits and 
 past services are alone to he considered. Great 
 as they may be esteemed by the friends of Gen. 
 Jackson and Mr. Adams respectively, they are 
 as dust in tht balance, and dwindle into utter 
 insignificance, when conrjiared with the impor- 
 tance of the great constitutional principles* 
 which are at stake. No conflict of parties since 
 the commencement of our Government has in- 
 volved jfuch vital interests as arc now in agita- 
 tion. It is not a question v.hether a few cents 
 more or less duty upon Woollen or Cotton Man- 
 ufactures shall be imposed: — it is not a question, 
 whether Internal Improvement shall be prose- 
 cuted under the authority of the General Gov- 
 ernment or abandoned as either inexpedient or 
 unconstituti'^mal: — it is not a question, whether 
 (Commissioners, or Ministers Plenipotentiary, or 
 no agents at all shall be sent to Panama: — it is 
 not a question, whether the trade with the Brit- 
 Is!! West Indies, (important as it is to our ship- 
 ping and agricultur:d interest) h:is been lost by 
 neglect or mismanagemant. These questions, 
 interesting as they are, are nercrthcless of lit- 
 tle consecpience compared with those, which 
 you are now called ujiou to decide, involving as 
 i/ui/ do in the maintenance or surrender of the 
 fund'imenlal principhs of the constitution, end 
 the vital interests of liberlt/. 
 
 The great questions now In agitation are, 
 whether the (^-h ef Maigstracy shall be obtained, 
 by " influence arid intrigue, bargain and man- 
 agement," or be awarded to merit and public ser- 
 vices by the unbought suflVages of the people: 
 — whether the influence of Governmental pat • 
 ronage sliall susti'in a tninorily in power against. 
 t!ic will of the miijorili/: — whether the forms 
 l)resrri:)ed by the constitution, legulating thu 
 election of the Chief Magistrate, origimJly dc- 
 signed to give eflect to the will of the m:ijority, 
 hut which have been fotmd in.idequate to the 
 j)urpos?, sh;dl be abolished, axid the election l,c 
 given directly to the I'eople: — and whether the 
 people themselves have sjiipit and intelligence 
 enough to eject from power, those who have 
 obtained it under V^e forms of the Constitution, 
 in violation of its spirit, or whether they arc 
 pi-epared to submit without resistance to usur- 
 pation. 
 
 Those 4vlio are Interested in maintaining ex- 
 isting abuses, :ind oppose that change v.liich 
 would juit an end to them hereafter, seek to at' 
 tract exclusive attention to the 7?if.7st;rc.s of tlie 
 Administration, and to draw itofTfrom the vio- 
 lalion of great and fundamenfa! principles in 
 their elevation to rower. >\'li;te this violatior. 
 
11 
 
 6 with US the principal groan J, u])oii which we paying a JiUy of tivo fwj'ncca piuindon tea,tli.ic 
 
 o-ppose the re-election of Mr. Adams, we see induced our ancestors to resiiit Great Britain,, to 
 
 nevertheless, stronij reasons for opposition, in defy her power and brave all the hazard of thci 
 
 the manner in which lie was exercised by far revolutionary war' — Xo, fellew-citizens, it wa,^ 
 
 the most impoi-tant of all tlie functions of the the principles upon whicli that mc^iiuse was jus-- 
 
 ^xecutive authority — we mean the power of titled and adopted — it was the rig-ht claimed-ot'' 
 
 appointing to office and didrihuting the pat- controling- us by law, made without our consent; 
 
 fonnge of the Govtrnni^nf. Tiie use, tliat has — in other words ag'tinst tlie ?(•/// of a majaritj/ 
 
 been made of this to buy up political opponents —it was tlie princijile of tyranny — it was 1h.) 
 
 and control the fmedom of tiio press, deserves usurpation of power which our revolutionaiy 
 
 and receives our unqualified reprobation, fatjicrs resisted: Hael they stopped to weigh tlih 
 
 The next mo^t important branch of Execu- measures of the British administi-atinn, and coni- 
 
 tive duties relates to the reg-ulation of our in- pare the grievance of the tax, with Uie burthen'^ 
 
 tercourse with foreign nations. Thefiiends of and perils of the war, withou^t reference to a. 
 
 the administration ascribe gi-eat diplomatic tal- /?/-««c/;j/f, the surrender of which was a virtual 
 
 ents to the President, and yet on the most in- surrender of liberty, opposition v.ould not hav.c 
 
 teresting- subject of negotiation, which has oc- been made, our glorious revolution would not 
 
 curred since his election, he has been guilty of have been achieved, and an experiment of self 
 
 a palpable neglect of duty, to wh'cli we do not government, which vi-e are now makinfr, and 
 
 tliink a parallel can be found in the liistory of upon the successof which the hopes of freedom".-; 
 
 our exterior relations, and to which we are in- frienil;--, throughout the world depend, would 
 
 debted for the loss of one of the most important never have been tried. 
 
 and profitable bi-anches of our commerce — we V»'e would ask those who pass over without 
 mean our trade with tlie West Indies, so essen- the remark, violation of the principles ot" the 
 ■tial to the prosperity of Maryland and the other constituti.in, by which Adams ascended to pow- 
 grain growing States, as well as to the shipi)ing er, and ask us to regard his acts only after ob- 
 interest. Notwithstanding a minister was dis- taining it, v/hat would they say, if ttiking pos- 
 patched to England at great expense to the na- session of the President's ^iouse at Washington, 
 tion, all the nace-;sary instructions were omitted he had claimed the executive autiiority in riglft 
 to be given in relation to this trade, aiid no re- of b^rth, his father having been Pi'esiiient be^ 
 eommendation of legislative measures was sent fore ? V/^uklthey then fold tlieir arms and say, 
 to Congress to meet those of the British Parlia^ let us wait and see what use he makes of hi-i 
 ment, the terms of which our Minister, now power, and estimate him by the measures wiiich 
 ■when it is too late, is instructed to comply wit!', he recommends? No! every voice, and every 
 and an attempt is made to cast tlie Ijlame on liaud would be raised to put down the usurper. 
 Congress for not acting Mtitliout Executive re- because t!ie forms as well as the spirit of thii 
 commendation, althougli it was distinctly in-i- constitution would have been violated. In the! 
 mated to tlie chairman (^«^ of tlie Committee ])re&ent case we admit as the forms of the con.- 
 on Commerce in the Senate, and througli him stitution have been complied witli, Mr. Adams 
 to that body, that the Administration prefen-ed must for the time be regarded as constitutio;ialty 
 to arrange that part of our foi-eign trade by nc- invested v/itli the executive authority, and it i's 
 jjotiation. the duty of every patriotic citizen iu reference 
 
 Another expedient resorted to by the sup- to those forms, " to sustain the wholesome 
 porters of Mr. .Vdams to divert attention from operations of the government," and "support 
 the manner of his obtaining power and to misrc- all the measures essential to the prosperity of 
 present the grounds of our opposition to his re- the countr}'," but it is equally his duty to pro> 
 election, requires our notice. claim from the house top, tlie violation of the 
 
 The most strenuous eftbvtsare made to excite principles of tlie constituticn in the last ?I"cs';> 
 prejudiceagainst the friends of Gereral Jacks Dii dential election, and to exert every power un- 
 by representing them as oppoed to Internal der tliose forms to punish tlie men who hav.c 
 Improvement and Domestic Manufactures: al- been guilty of it, by refusing to continue to 
 though it is well known that many of his warm- tliem lieyond the constitutional term, the powej: 
 est advocates are amongst the most decided sup- thus iinproperly attained. We believe it to b.« 
 porters of t!iose great interests, and the consti- peculiarly proper, tliat atonement sliould b'j 
 tutional doctrines upon whicli their protection made to the violated constitution by the eleva- 
 dep&Tids. tion to t!ie chief magistracy, of Gen. Andi-ew- 
 
 fVe utterbj deny that these measures are the Jackson, the patriot hero, llirougli whom the 
 liyia of separation between the supporters of Mr. constitution has been wounded. His cause at, 
 Adams and Gen. Jackson. th". l(it,ttkction rested upon great ■SA.Lr.s-fA, exem- 
 
 The friends of Mr. Adams diifcr with each plnry v\ttxio-vi?,^i unquestioned lyrvr.GniiY., end. 
 otlier on tliese questions, so also do tlte friends splendid sehvicks. // hrisnoiv become idcalifieU 
 of General Jackson, but are held firmly togeth- untU the C.iC'SE of the CONSTITUTION, of 
 <:v by the commoii interest whicli ivc ail feel iu LIBERTY, and the COUNTRY' 
 preserving the great and fundamental principles The enemies of Andrew Jackson call him :i 
 •of the constitution, and while we are engaged in " Hftilary Chieftain." — We reply: So was 
 repau-ing tiie shattered timbers of tlie vessel of AVasjiimjtov, the F.vtheu of 'lis country. 
 State to prevent it froin linking, we do net sto[) They .say l>c ha.^ i^ot been a forcgn Minister'-: 
 to dispute about t!ie course she siiall take, when — ueither had Washi.ncto.v nor >Iamsov. 
 the danger is over. I'iieysay, there are no great speeches mad;; 
 
 Wc say tiien, let the adminihtration be judged by him in Congress qn recctd, to attest his po 
 by the principles and tlie mean.-, l)y wliich they lltical talents; neither arf- ?biitanyof AVasii- 
 obtaincd their power. ixirro.v, nor J.-ffeusc Mr.Aai.Ms.', 
 
 SVa^i'^, think yiu, the heavy grievance of sett". 
 
i^lZ 
 
 Tliey Moui(lper»:i;ule }ou tliat Jackson lias 
 Jiatl no experience in civil (ijfairs, because liis 
 most brilliant services have been of a inil.'/arj/ 
 character: yet he rose to distinction us a lawyer 
 at the bar of Tennessee, became her Attorney 
 <jeneral— was a leading' and most efficient mem- 
 ber of the Convention that friimed the Constitu- 
 tion — served as her first Representative in Coi.- 
 g-ress — as a .liidg-e of her S-ipreme Court; as 
 Governor of Florida; as a member i.ft^e Senate 
 oftiie United States at two difiei-fn periods, 
 and had had the offer of u f^ireign emi)a-s\ : tlnis 
 actualh occupying s'x diflTerent clvi! offices du- 
 ring a nerif'doftw nty 3 ears, and only one mili- 
 tary office, ' nat of Ofiier 1, {ijst i:i tiie m'litia of 
 T; nncssee, and afterwards m the Un ted States 
 Army. 
 
 Mrs ene7nies say, iiowever, that he rcsigjied 
 all his C'n/api)(!inl;uenis; butth;'\ forget 10 tell 
 you, it was usually at the call of h's country to 
 higher stations; ;.nd that he also rcsgned his 
 niil'iUry cnnmand, when tlie circumstances of 
 the countiy tlid not rend t his services any 
 longer indispensable, thereby showing that a 
 desire to render real service, and not a love of 
 emolument or oificial dis'inetion, was his only 
 motive for acccptihg or retaining office, civil or 
 military. No one, iiowever,i!as ever shown that 
 he 'lid notpeiform the duties of all the numerous 
 offices he has iilied, whetlir civil o;* niili',ar\-, 
 with efficiency ai.d zeal; nor has any one dared 
 to call in question his em nent services, his de- 
 Voted patriotism, his unspotted integr ty, or to 
 deny to him gr. at elevation, decision, a'vl firm- 
 ness of character, a vigorous and powerful uitel- 
 lect, aufl clear and solid judgment, and mi ex- 
 Iraorclinary sugm-.iy to (iisceni and appreciate the 
 rfiaracler undtclsnf ofoHicrf;; a talent, which v. e 
 esteem the most essential of all the q-i.ilifica- 
 tionsof the Chi-f Magi.stj'ate, w'lose most diffi- 
 cult and "^Dg duty consists intiie sclccti' n Oi" 
 m •■ for office. 
 
 Tlie epie.:.ts of Gen .Tack"-on have a doub e 
 object in calling him a 'udil'^ry Clii"f:u}n. The 
 first is, to niake tiie mipression th-tl he has no 
 experience or reputat on \n c/i-v'/afiairs; — The 
 second, that he is regardless of the Laws. This 
 charge of violence has arisen from the many em- 
 barrassing situations in which he has been 
 placed, where none but the most energetic 
 mejisures of xefinin^ violenet-, but rea/ necssi- 
 ty, and cool delibtrat.on c(»uld extricate his 
 country from di.sastcr and disgrace But those 
 who make this charge omit to tell you of the 
 niHgnan'mous exami)le of submission to the 
 laws, wh'ch he set inunediatelv after the battle 
 «f New Orleans, when nrra.gncd beio;e a court 
 of justice for a writ of II tbcaf Corpus during t!ie 
 o.istence of martial '.aw. As theaccotint of his 
 rlcmeanor on the occasion displays one of the 
 noble>-t characteristics of tlu; man, we will state 
 it in the words of an eloquent •* VixDiCAToii" 
 of his fame in the "\Vi st: 
 
 " Duimg the existence of Martial Iaw at N. 
 Orh-ans, and whilst theBritib'.i Army still, quad- 
 ruple «;f ours, hovered wllliina few hours sail of 
 the city, and whilst mutiny and dissatisfaction 
 were making progress, Cien. Jackson arrested 
 a man, who m his legislative clj:iracti;r had be- 
 fore atiemp'cd to surrender the city to the Brit- 
 ish, and who continued to excite the .\mi.rican 
 .•irmy to mutiny by an incemliary publication. 
 
 ['e was aiTestC'! l'>.' I^l■I;«(l^ 'Mifl rrfnsci to 
 
 the order of Judge Hall, aiid the Judge himself 
 dispatched to a place of safety at some distance 
 from tl>c city. 
 
 Had Gen. Jackkox yielded to the mandate of 
 Hall, his army must have been dissolved and 
 within a day the streets of Orleans ha\e been 
 drenclied with American bloo'1. But wh<nthe 
 danger was over, Gen Jacksos, imna-di-itely 
 evinced " bis resp'^^ct fortli'. Lws," bv yielding 
 hims. Ifiipto Ihe civil a ithority, to pay ttiepni- 
 ulhj ofhav,n!f savr-.d hin count' y. He was sum- 
 moeed before Judge Hail, was refused atrial 
 ''VJury, and i;is c muiscI pi evented from r ading 
 his defvNice. He had thrown off his military 
 garb, with the hope of being ■md scovered m 
 the crowd, and repaired to the roirt ^: submit 
 10 whatever penalty his adv. rsary might inflict. 
 Fie had reached the bar unn .t'cei), when h'. was 
 at 1' ngfli perceived, at, 1 with a hr.jnlion beam- 
 ing in even- coun!ena>icc, and giatitu le speak- 
 ing in every eye, t'.e building echoed with rap- 
 turous sluuits of applause of Jacksox and men- 
 aces of the .ludgc: the flKRo rose and ad'lressed 
 the assennblagc. He told th m of " the duty 
 due to the public .authorties," and "urged 
 them, if they had a regar.! for him, that thev 
 would on the present occasion, forbear those 
 feeling?, and expressions of opinion." Thi" 
 terrfied Jidgi' was aijout to adjourn the coiu't, 
 when jArKso\ again ro-e and requested it might 
 not be dine, declaring, '^ tiiere is no dangfr here 
 — there rhtillbe none: the same arm that protect- 
 ed from dans^i-r 'his city, against the invaders of 
 tiie cdtinfry, iv-'ll shidd J7/d protect ttiis court or 
 p'^-ish in Ihrrjfort." The Judge ti.en proceed- 
 ed and fined him one thousand d' Uars- The en- 
 thusiasm of the people could be rtstmined no 
 lon^'v-r; hurryii\g hmi fore Idy aij-ainS' hs repeat- 
 ed ei;tr' aties, into a carriage, I'^ey bore iiim in 
 triumph to a pu'dic room, stdl menacing the 
 Judge. Order being at 1- ngtii restf.red, Gen. 
 Jackson rose and addressed them with great 
 feeling >aying, "that if thty had tlie least grati- 
 tude for his services, they would evince it in no 
 way so satisfactcrih', as by submitting, as lie 
 most cheerfully did to the decree, wliich had 
 just been jironounced against him — lliat the 
 evil was the. pnra mount andtupreme authority — 
 t/'jt su(}m!Ssion to the civil authority is Ihe. first 
 du'tjofihe rilizm. Had the peiialt)' reacheti 
 my utmost ability to !nee» 1', I sho>ild n(.>tha\e 
 mmuiured or conipla"ned."* 
 
 He immed ately paid the fine. The citi- 
 zens of New Orleans collected however and 
 ]-i!aced the a;Tiount to his credit in bank 
 anil notified him of it. He refused it in a 
 nianner the most delicate. In his reply he 
 declared he could not accept of it, yet as i": 
 was the result of the most generous feelings, 
 he solicited, that the; amount niight be applied 
 to the assistance and rcVief of thosi, whose re- 
 lations, during the siege, had fallen in battle; 
 t!'e proposition was acceded to and liie amount 
 sub-icribed, which had been designed t-xpressly 
 for his r( liif, was disposed of for the benefit of 
 the WIDOW ami FAK riUJtLE.SS." 
 
 In t!ic aiove rel.'tion, behold the genuine 
 characltr of the "Mthlnry Cliieflain,^' who is 
 represented as de.spibing the autiority oftiie 
 Laws and C«)nstitu'ion of his countrj' Let us 
 then rally rouiul Ihj.s Heroic Citizen. Let us re- 
 want his valour, his patriotism, his magmanimity 
 .ind tnilsfim" j-er\-'i-es !>y the highest honor a 
 
•'J43 
 
 ;!;!'ateiui jjccple can bestow; assured that /its 
 ^mccess i.s assoriafed wif/i the iritimph ofihn Cox- 
 sTiTCTiox, ofL.'BEiiTr and thec:tMPc cf our be- 
 loved CocxTitr. 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 a ^L'. Adams, at tiie las! election in the House 
 of Representatives, received tiic votes of' five 
 of the western States. l!i the nine western 
 states General Jackson received twcnty-njiie 
 electoral votes, and Mr. Adams only three; but 
 one of which was from tiie jjeoplc, wlier'jas 
 twei)ty-siK of t!ie Jackson electors were chosen 
 immediately by the people themselves. The 
 returns of the popular votes in the eight west- 
 ern states, as contained in the papers printed ;;t 
 the time, ar.d not contradicted, are f s follows, 
 x'iT.: — 
 
 JacJt-ion. Ad<!r>is. Clay. Crniffard. 
 
 From this 'I'abie it appear.=, Uial {jejietfai 
 Jackson's majority of the popular vote ro far as 
 taken throiig-hout tho tUiited States, ovei- Mj'. 
 Adams, was 47,6C8, and over both Adams ajid 
 Clay 
 
 qfii 
 
 Oliio, 
 
 Jventucky, 
 
 Alabam:i, 
 
 Jndiann, 
 
 Tennessee, 
 
 Mississippi, 
 
 Illinois, 
 
 Missouri, 
 
 18489 
 6453 
 9443 
 7343 
 
 2019*/ 
 
 3254 
 
 1901 
 
 987 
 
 12280 
 
 2417 
 309J 
 
 216 
 1694 
 1542 
 
 311 
 
 19255 
 
 167S2 
 
 67 
 
 5315 
 
 1047 
 1401 
 
 1680 
 
 119 
 219 
 
 Total, 63067 21555 43867 2330 
 
 Trom the above returns it appears, th.at cf 
 
 the votes of the people in eig-ht wtstern States, 
 
 Geiiaral Jackson received 46,512 votes more 
 
 than Mr. Adams — 24,201 more tnan Mr. Clay — 
 
 2^&^5 more than Mr. Ciay and A<bms together, 
 
 and 315 more tlian the wljole receivefl by all 
 
 three (.f the opposing- candidates. Supi)o,-e 
 
 the contest to huve hiid between Mr. At^ams 
 
 and General J.'ckson, an 1 the votes confined to 
 
 those two, is there any one, who looks at the 
 
 iibove .statement of the actual votes received by 
 
 ilr. Adains and rcfit;cts that Mr. Ci.iy's friends 
 
 had industriously represented Mr. Adams as 
 
 unfriendly to vjcstern interests, and that a Pre- 
 
 viident ought not ag-ain to be taken from the 
 
 £abinti, is there any one, we repeat, who will 
 
 venture to say tliat Mr. Adams would have got 
 
 one- ourth cf tlie votes of the nine western 
 
 Statesi" And 3et he received the votes of _/{>« 
 
 SUtes in Congj'ess, and General Jackson only 
 
 four. 
 
 The following are the results of the votes of 
 .such States, as arc not contained in the above 
 list, taken from the pap-crs printed at the close 
 of the PiVMdential election. They cannot vary 
 iAV from the official returns. 
 
 Jncla^cm. Jdams. Craiv'd. Clay. 
 -Maine, G370 2380 
 
 Massachusctt--, 30687 6616 
 Connecticut, 75^7 1978 
 
 ithode Ishmd, 2145 290 
 
 New [Ia:Tipsi!n-c, 4,107 643 
 
 Virginia, 2,861 3,189 8,489 436 
 
 iVew Jersey, 10,985 9,110 2,196 
 
 Peunsylv.inia, ZQ,Vd[) 5,440 4,206 1,690 
 
 N. Carolin;'., i;.0,415 15,621 
 
 Mai-yland, H-.-^S 14,633 3646 695 
 
 84,884 83,767 4.1,975 2801 
 Add Western 
 
 States. 63,067 21,557 2,330 43,867 
 
 ^(•^.il^T. p. 153.951 10.5,32247,30546,668 
 
 I'he return of votes from N. Hampshire, Vir- 
 g'inia and Missfiuri in the above tables arc not 
 entirely complete, the votes from some few 
 counties not being iiu luded. — These however, 
 coidd not vary the result 1000 voles, and sup- 
 posing tliat thousand be taken f:om General 
 Jackson, tlicre can be r.o question in the mind 
 of any one wiio recalls the state of jjublic opinion 
 in the States Delaware, N. York, Vei-mont, 
 Georgia, and South Carolina, where the electors 
 were appointed by the legislatures, that if tJie 
 vote of the people had been taken, there would 
 have been for Jackson, a much larger majority 
 than 1000 votes And if any one wdl recollect 
 the state of public opinion in those southern 
 and western States, wliere Clay and Crawfor<" 
 received the principal part of their votes, he 
 cannot, v/ithou; flying in the face of all reason- 
 able calculations, come to any other conclusion, 
 trian that,!':" tiie election in those states had 
 been by the people and the choice restricted to 
 Jackson and Adams, the majority of the former 
 over the latter, tlirougiiout the Union, would 
 have been greatly increased. And if you look 
 to the public opinion in the States where Craw- 
 ford and Clay received the votes, you will be 
 obliged to admit that if tiieir choice in the house 
 had been confined to Adams and Jackson the 
 votes of nearly all of them would iiave been lor 
 Jacksim, if the will of the peo}%U of these States 
 had been attended to by their repre sentative.s 
 in Cotigre.ss. 
 
 h AD the electoral votes for Mr. Adams were 
 received from the New England States and New 
 York, except seven, v.liich were received as 
 foilov/s: one out of three from Delaware — three 
 out of eleven in itlarydand — two out of five in 
 Louisiana one out of three m Illinois; that is 
 o/)iy 7 electoral votes out of 17 states, and not a 
 majority of the electoral vot.s in any one of 
 tiiose 17 states: yet in the House of Represen- 
 tatives he received t!ie votes of 6 of these 17 
 States. 
 
 ill confirmation of this view, the people of 
 Kentucky at the last Congressional election, 
 after Mr. Adams was chosen President, turned 
 out those who had voted for him, and returned 
 representatives, two-t]nrdsofwhom, arc friend- 
 ly to Gen. Jackson. 
 
 la Illinois, the majority of the people being 
 in favor of Gen. Jacksoi^, turned out Daniel P. 
 Cook, who h.ad voted aguinst their will for Mr. 
 Adams. 
 
 The same fate awaite.^ Mr. Scott, who had 
 violated the will of his constituents, and gavi^ 
 tiie vote of Missouri to Mr. Adams. 
 
 It is proved by the st.-itenr.ent of O. B. Brown, 
 Esq. tlrat in a conversation witii Mr. Scott, th*^ 
 latter in reply to tiie question, v.hcther '♦"liis 
 vote" (for Mr. Adams) *' would be po[nilar in 
 Missouri," said, tiiat ni neteen-i loentutita of his 
 cnnsiitiicnls would be ojrpo.^'d to it." He ad<led, 
 that '• it was auoertained, if Mr. Adams should 
 not he ckcfitd on tlie liMt buUot, he could noi 
 be elected aftorwaii'.s: tnat if lie had not vote. 1 
 for Mr. Adams, Mr. (Unin, of Ilhnois, would n;' 
 have voted for him, and that witliout both their 
 vote's he wmildnot ha\p hecr, c-lrrrte.d." T^-..v'<.?» 
 
^44 
 
 then remarked, that, as tlie eiecUcn iiad de- 
 pended upon him, (Scott,) he (Brown) sup- 
 posed, in case of his faihn-e at the next elec- 
 'xion, he would be otherwise provided for. To 
 this, he answered, thut "lie would accept of no 
 appointment whatever under tiie administration 
 pf Mr. Adams, fo/ it s/tould be regarded as the 
 reward ofhi.i vote. " Tin: rcioard however of lu- 
 crative appoint ineiitu were afterwards offered by 
 Mr Avxy.s, both to Mr. Scott and Mr. Cooic, 
 and by both accepted, as above stated. 
 
 (2) Since tlie hrst edition of this address, 
 an examination of tt-stimonv on catli was insti- 
 tuted before the Senate of Kentucky, in conse- 
 quence of the introduction into that hxly, by a 
 member friendly to the present Administration, 
 (iMr. PiEATTr,) of a Ucsolutton declaring-, that 
 " the charges if Iturgnin, .tale and corruptirm in 
 ''the election of Jonx Q. Adams, are utterly 
 false and Tualicintis.'" In this examination, a 
 variety of most Important facts, which establish 
 the barg'ain l^eyond all reasonable doubt, were 
 proved by witnesses of unimpeaclied and un- 
 impeachnhle character, a number of whom 
 were at the time members of the Kentucky Le- 
 gislature. These facts will be refeired to ia 
 subsequent notes. The object of this note is 
 tb shew the hostility existing between Mr. Clay 
 and Mr. Adams previoust o the lust Presiden- 
 tial election. 
 
 On an amendment of the above resolution, 
 proposed by Sir. Porr, a gentleman, who mar- 
 ried a sister of Mr. Adams' wife, which went 
 to declare — "that tl:e charges made a^inst 
 .fohn Q. Adams, before the last Presidential 
 election, in the western coiuitry, in the jiublic 
 prints and pamphlets, that he was hostile to the 
 rights and interests of the west, and tliat he at- 
 tempted, in the neg-otiatiou at Ghent, to sacri- 
 lice or prejudice the rii^hts or interests of the 
 western country, are utterly fidse, and were 
 brought forward and circulated to destroy the 
 confidence of the western people in the said 
 .lohn Q. Adams, and to promote the views of a 
 rival canchdate;" a debate took place in wliich 
 .Mr. Daveiss, from Mercer County, rose and 
 sajd — 
 
 " Th.it he could not vote for tjie amendment 
 oi]\-red by the honorable gentleman from Wash- 
 ington, as he had been tanglit to believe, from 
 every thing he had seen in the public prmts or 
 otherwise, that Mr. Adams had long been an 
 enemy to the ^^■est, and had .attempted to cede 
 aw.iy the n.ivigatiou of the Mi>siss'ppi to the 
 British Government, at the treaty of Ghent. — 
 These were the declarations of Mr. Claj' and 
 his friends anterior to tlie Presidential election 
 (Mr. D. WHS here interrupted I>y Mr. Wick- 
 liffe, who denied tlic charge of Mr. Clay's hav- 
 ing ever said any thing about Mr. Adams, and 
 Cfalled upon the gentlemiin from Mercer, (Mr. 
 D.avciss,) to furnish the House with some re- 
 sponsible witness to support the statement he 
 h.ad made.) Mr. Daveiss said that he had the 
 evidence at hand. I will take the liberty of 
 presenting to the House, certain numbers ad- 
 dressed to the people of Oiiio untler the signa- 
 ture of Wayne, which were published in the 
 ("incinnatti Gazette, in the year 18:2:-3, and a!- 
 .terwards republished in the Argus of Western 
 ^Vjnerica. These numbers, said Mr. T)., I now 
 hold in my hand. (Mr. Wicklifle ag-iin inter- , 
 J'upted Mr. Daveiss, by observing that he had 
 
 •■.ailed upon tlic gentle man for a vc^punsiljle wir 
 ness, whose name would be surrendered up.) 
 Mr. Daveiss said that he hoped the gentleman, 
 would have p.aticnce; before he was done he 
 would render the evidence complete. I state, 
 continued Mr. 1). upon the iviost unquestionable 
 authority, that these numbers were written by a 
 citizen of Kentucky, and the manuscript sent to 
 Mr. Clay. How they afterwards made their 
 appearance in the Cincinnatti Gazette, will bt; 
 for Mr. Clay to account. I am now ready to 
 prove tlie I'act, if the gentleman from Fayette, 
 (\^r. Wickliffe) requires it. The proof is now? 
 within the walls of this House. I pause to see 
 if the friends of Mr. Clay will call for tlie proof 
 ******" not daring to meet this pi-oof. 
 the friends of Mr. Clay, remained silent, when 
 Mr. Daviess proceeded and said, '* these nuir. ^ 
 bers, p.articularly the third and fourth, present 
 Mr. Adams in a mo.rt odious point of \iew to 
 the people of the West, and liad the cfiect to 
 prostrate him, in that State^ as wgU as Ken- 
 tucky. 
 
 The cctract from Watnt, then read, being" 
 two long for insertion at large in tiiis note, thft 
 following expressions, which are- sufficient to 
 shew the nature of that publication, are qtiote<I 
 from it Mr. AnAxs is amongst many other things, 
 charged with "an unfeeling. ptAicy," whicii' 
 ' 'would crimson our fresh fields with the blood nf 
 our border brethren, and liglit the rnidn'ght for- 
 est with the flames of their dwellings,-" with ''giv-t 
 ing our wives and. chili/ren f(rr fish, and bartering 
 the blood of our citizens for money " with being 
 "ignorant" of western interests, or "disregard- 
 ing " them. The proposition made at Ghent, 
 he declares to be a "fafcJpr'>/'ecf," an "atro' 
 cicrus proposal," "as strange as it is alarming.," 
 and that but for Mr. Clai's exertions, "the. 
 seeds of war mgihf now have been sowing, along 
 our northern and weiitcrn border.", tvhich, at no 
 distant day, would have produced an abundant 
 harvest of tears and blood." The publication 
 concluded by saying, in allusion to tlie alleged 
 ho.-itility of Mr. Adams to the West, as demon- 
 strated by the Ghent Negotiation. It show.s 
 the interest we have in placing a distiixguished 
 western man at the helm of the nation, and the 
 justice of distributing to cv-aiy section, its due. 
 sJiare in foreign missions, as well as in the cab 
 inet itself." 
 
 These publication5, signed Wayne, and re- 
 viewed by Mr. Clay before they were sent to 
 the press, may be seen at hu-ge in the Cincin- 
 7wti Gazette, where they fu'4t appeared, or in. 
 the drgus, where they were republished on live 
 14th and 21st November, 1822, 
 
 But the part which Mr. Clay bore in the pub- 
 lication of these numbers is proven by his own 
 letter. In an address to Mr. Clay, lately pu! - 
 lished, Mr. Kendall says: 
 
 " The;s numbers were sent to )ou at Lex- 
 ington. The following extract of a letter fi'Om 
 you, dated Lexington, 23d June, 1822, acknow- 
 ledges the receipt of them, .shoivshow they got 
 to Cincinnati, and proves your agency in this 
 attack upon Mr Adams: 
 
 " I received your obliging favor of the 20th 
 inst. .and thank you most sincerely for the 
 triendly sentinn nts tow;uds me which it con- 
 tains. Mr. T. Crittenden has retained the pro- 
 (luctiou which accompanied it, and which he 
 ha«« undertaken to divide and to dispose of in 
 
345 
 
 «)jS plac© of resider.ce, [Cincinnati, ] according 
 ;'oOUU WISHES.'" 
 
 In the abovcmentioned investij^atinn before 
 the Senate of Kentucky, it wnsprovcil on oath, 
 that, after the publication of Mr. ..\n Airs' book 
 upon the Fisheries, Mr. Clat called upon his 
 friend, the Editor of the Arj^us of Western 
 America, p-ibiislied at Frankf.rt, in Kentiickv. 
 gave him a narrative of the prooecdinp^sat Client, 
 and exphined the principles involved in tliem. 
 The Editor then took up the publication of Mr. 
 Adams, and reviewed 't in a series of nine let- 
 ter?, addressed to Jolix QriN-cy Adams. After 
 JTiost of these letters had beet; published in the 
 Argnis, Mr. Clat conversed with the Editor 
 '•' about publisliiufj thein in a pamphlet, and 
 offered to pay §50 of the expense. This was 
 <leclined. It v/:»s proverl, however, by the oath 
 of ?Hr. Tanner, a printer, tliat Mr. CtAT-iftcr- 
 M'ards conversed v.'ith him as to the expense of 
 printing- the pamphlet. Air. Tanner being- ask- 
 ed, " whether he printed it?"' he replie<l "that 
 lie did." And on being- asked " whether Mr. 
 Cr.AY paid any part of tlie expense ?" he replied, 
 *' that he did pay one hundred doflar.i." 
 
 The full extent of the charg-es against Mr. 
 Adams, contained in these letters, the materials 
 for which Iiad been originally fiirn' shed by Mr. 
 Ci-AT, as was proved by the oath of the Editor 
 of the Argus, in whicli tliey first appeared, can 
 only be judgetl of aft«r a perusal of the pamph- 
 let itself, which was printed in the latter part of 
 1823. The following extracts however, will 
 sufficie-ntly shew the nature and spirit of them 
 Mr. Adams is cliarred with *' bearivgfahs toil- 
 77CSS against hi-s nfghbor,-" with " falsehood" in 
 relation to the navigation of the Mississippi; 
 ^vith "weig/iing dollcws against blood,-" with 
 *' falsehoods" relative to the extent of the fishe- 
 ries, contested at Ghent; with " knenu'nglij 
 violating the va-y letter of his ins/ructioK.i;" with 
 pursuing "a course u<Jiollt/ sectioned" with at- 
 tempting to '■^nmkethe fVe/itcrn people pay an 
 exclusive fax of r'vnlsh'p, rear and hh d, for the 
 securilijof tho^ejiahcrnien, tcho frequent Hrllish 
 vjalers;" with " manufacturiijg f'.clsr^ v/ith as 
 serting '■'rtppnsite principles,-" \\'\th gross '^ab- 
 surdities, -f Inconsistencies, and cohtrudici'ons," 
 witli injustice to his colle-igues of tlic minority,- 
 ^vithtl policy promoting Indi;iu wars and massa- 
 cres; witli '^ a d^adljj hostilily, or a culpable, in- 
 tlJfference, to the interests of the Western country" 
 with hostlfity to the annexation of Louisiana to 
 the United Slates; with insincerity in the de- 
 fence of his vote?, in relation to tlie West; with 
 "adding insult and mockc^-y, to abandonment 
 (Did itijuslice,-" with being " an artful sophist, 
 a clums'/ negotiator, and vindictive man" with 
 *'' views too erroneous, feelings too sectional, and 
 temper too vindictive, for the Chief Magistrate of 
 a free people." 
 
 Thomas P. Moore, a memherfi'om Kentucky, 
 -who refused to vote against tlie wi'! of tlie 
 people of that State, to promote Mr. Clat's' 
 views, though at that period one of his most ar- 
 dent friends, in a letter to G..n. Van Ness, altir 
 saying he was, before the Presidential rlection, 
 " warmly attached to Mr. Clay, and decidedly 
 hostile to Mr. Adams," states, that he "had 
 denounced him (Mr. Adams) in all parts of the 
 chstrict represented by him, on the uuthorily of 
 fads, derived from Mr. Clav." 
 
 That Mr. Adams was aware of the hostility 
 
 of Mr. Clay, is {jcrlectly manifest from tlie fQt- 
 lowing extracts from his book upon the Fishe- 
 ries and the Mississippi. In the first page of 
 the introduction, Mr. Adams says : 
 
 "In the course of last summer, (of 1821,) I 
 was apprized by a f'iend, tliat rumors ver)-^ un- 
 favorable to my reputation, even for integritj', 
 were industriously circulatetl in the western 
 countrv. Tliat it was said 1 had made a propo- 
 sition at Ghent to grant to the British the right 
 to navig.ite the Mississippi, m return for the 
 Newfoundland fisheries, and th.at this was re- 
 presented as, at least, a higli misdemeanor." 
 " He said, the propov.al v.-as to be represented 
 (as an ollcnce) so that it was charged exclusive- 
 ly upon me ; and that I should hear more about 
 it ere long." 
 
 In his book, page S.^i^, he says : 
 
 " Since the communication of his (Mr. Rus- 
 sell's) letters ti the fsousc of Keprepentatives, 
 the uses for which it was supp-osed the produc- 
 tion of them was intended, and to whicli they 
 were adapted, have not been altogether aban- 
 doned in some parts cf the v.'estern countiy. 
 Tiic St. Louis Enquirer, has pursued t!iis pur- 
 pose in the simplest form, by publishing the 
 message of the President of the United Statc-J 
 to the House of Representatives, of the 7tU 
 May, and Jlr. Russell's private lettei', and b\' 
 suppressing the duplicate and the remarks. In 
 the Kettucky Reporter, publisi-.ed in Lexing- 
 ton, and in the Argus of V/estern Americ::, 
 published in Frankfort, various publications 
 have appeared, exliibiting similar views of the. 
 subject, representing the proposition made tsi 
 th.e British Plenipotentiaries on the 1st Decem- 
 ber, 1814, a.s a very grievous oHence, and a.s;- 
 crlbing it exclusively to me." 
 
 In page 254, h _• further says : " The perusal 
 of Mr. Russell's duplicate, disclosed to ine th>V 
 mistery of ruin whicIi liad been brewir.g ag-ahiht 
 me, from the very day after the signatlir^'cf 
 the treaty of Ghent. It was by representations 
 like those of that letter, that the minds of my 
 f( llow-cifizcns in tVs west, had for a succession 
 of years been abused :uid u'cerated :ij;ainst me. 
 Ti.at letter, indeed, inculpated the wh.ole ma.- 
 jor^tj' of the mission of GI.ent ; but subsiuiarv 
 slander had performed its part of pointing all 
 the guilt, and fa.stening all the re.sponsibiHty of 
 the rrime upon me." 
 
 The allusions to Mr. Clay, and the imputa- 
 tions cast on him by Mr. Adams, were too ob- 
 vious and too severe to pass without notice, ami 
 he cams out in tiie Intelhgeiiccr with the fam- 
 ous letter about tlie Ghent negotiation, from 
 which the quotation in the texf above is taken, 
 
 c Vide National Intelligencer, »ec.l7, 1821\ 
 
 d The Kentucky llerovter, a paper edited by 
 a near relative of Mr. Clay, and long known a ; 
 tlie organ cf his opinions, as early as July Isl 
 1815, in an article headed " Present state of 
 Parlies,'-' said of Mr. Adams, "he was noc 
 born or educated a republican; but on the con • 
 trary, his v/hole life has betn distinguLslied by a 
 decided attaehiuent for, and we believe, an in- 
 temperate zeal in support of, the principi'-s cf 
 Ills father, and the ariitociacy of the country. 
 It w true, he abandoned the service of his ohl 
 friends for the enjoyment of oflice, but we have 
 never heard that heabandodied his federal prin- 
 ciples to adopt republicanism." 
 
 'I'he same paper of .July 15lh, 1825, untletr 
 
i6 
 
 "tife he;id of " mxi chcfton of 7^/f, ..,, ,i., ' .-,.;> .-,, 
 *' The otlicr point wliich we deem very impoVt- 
 tint, and w'licli v.c hope t'l^'uin, is, thai he (Mr. 
 llcnroc) sliidl not be Bnffl-ed to appoint l-is 
 successor. Jcflerson and Madison have both 
 
 11! ;i;.;iLiu-." i-arn-'l ll.o . .j)k; uu'.i c.-is,il is&UiUu. 
 to be the first cl>ject wit!) Mr. (jlay's friends lo 
 prevent Osk of Tiir CAuiNF.Ttroiu being phic- 
 ed in the Frtsid'.nui.i Chair. 
 
 "It was particularly hoped that tlie IVestern 
 e 
 
 oxercsed tliia power, btit we trtisl the y^rfcfrff??^ country would Iiave presented an undivided 
 will be followed no fi:rther; it is t me to take phi.hii.x upon xhh trreat public quest.on, and it 
 Elarm, our ol>jection Tu^s chiefly to flic pniiciple, is i!a-ijli/ ngfciUd 1 hat (,mih(r candidate, should 
 though, if it were necessary, we could slate be n.imod nnd supported in tlie fFt.^/, with the. 
 some objections to tlu- man also. Rut in regurd same object f.nd iovihc samcpurpotie." 
 to him we feel indifT'erent. We should object Mr. ' Clay's opinions undergo a sudden 
 to any man as President, wlio was vol Ih: free clmnge after the election devolved upon the 
 (mdregiikrcluncr of the people. Mr. Adams is House of Hcprestntatives, from which he was 
 designated by tiie Presidti.t and his presses as excluded, as will nppear frnm the following ex- 
 the Imr apparent, tl)e next successor to the tract from his address to !)is constituents, being 
 Pi-esjdeiicy. Since the nrl:-,ciple was inrroduced, ah apologv for his conduct in voting for Mr. 
 there h'AS been a rapid df:renercc7/ in the Chief AdaiTi^ piihl slied in the National Journal of 
 Mofiisirah; and the PRO-TF.CT of still tiie 2Sth March, 1825- 
 
 I .sfiw in his (Mr. Adams,) election the es- 
 
 tab'isbment of no dangerous example. I saw 
 
 in it on the contrary onli/ conforniiti/ to the S AFE 
 
 1' {{EC KDENT,S, u-A/cA had been' e'<iollished in 
 
 it be Josiaii the instances o/ Mr. .TErcKKsos, Mr. J.!adiso.v 
 
 GREATER DEGENElJArV is STiJOXG and 
 ALAKMING. Admit the people should ac- 
 quiesce in the Presidential appointment of Mr, 
 Adams to this high 'ofiice; w!:o again will he 
 
 ohoosc as his successor? 
 
 Will 
 
 andViY. Miixuor,, ui-o had respectively fdlea 
 the same ofRce from vvhicii iie was translated.'' 
 
 Qum«3y. II. (;. Otis, or Kufu' K'ng> An .^m 
 focraf, nt least, if net a TuAiTon, will be cur 
 
 portion.-' ^-x vVhen the above addrecs was fu'st puh- 
 
 And the same paper of the next wc^ k, follow- lished in Mav 1827, tlie train of circumstances, 
 
 ing up the same subject says, "the selection of were known' to the public, ti-rminating in an 
 
 Mr. Adams, the r,on, to be Secretary of State iutercltange of the hij;lie.st political favors and 
 
 nnd successor in the Presnlency, a genthman servicesbetw<'en;5'-£i-;ou.<;/y //c/s/iVer/iv/s ar.d o»?- 
 
 who iswelhiiidei-stoodtohavei.iibibedtlie poli- iugonist in principle and policy, tlie one by his 
 
 tics of his father, was an indication, if the Intel- 
 Tigencer had not let out the fact, that Mr. Mon- 
 roe Venerates the administration of Mr. Adams, 
 dnf- ofcours? will take it for hi.'; modd " 
 
 vote and influence nudiing the othi-r President, 
 and receiving in return the highest office in that 
 Presidt-nt's ij'ft, was thought to afford the 
 strongest pro;n of a corrupt understimdingbe- 
 
 The same violent opposit on to Mr. .\dams tween tlie riartie:^., I'lat the nature of the trans- 
 was continued in the Rcp;r'evj,nd other papers action, which they would inst'mct.vely seek to 
 which supported Mr. Clay's prctcnsitms in the shroud in darkness, seemed to admit. Still 
 West, from the d.ite of t.he above publications rnor:- conclusive i-nrt pos live evidence, however 
 until the electoral election, and upon t!ie s:une was destined to be brought to light by the im- 
 .grounds which were asserted in the more f':rm- prudence of tlie f;icnds of Mr. Ci.at,' who by 
 .-d exposition of the principles and views of Mr. tlie introduction of tlie u^hite wahing rtsolu- 
 Clay's p:ir;irular fritnds, as will appear from Hons, mentioned in a previous note, into tlie 
 <hefollowing.— Evtractsfromacirc liar.Vddress Senate of Kentucky, render.-d the investiga- 
 ofu meeting held at Cohtn. bus, Ol.ic, tin- 1.5th tion, which took place before that body, una- 
 luly, 1824, fur the purpose of nominritlng H. voidable. 
 
 Chiy, for tiie Presidency. 
 
 *' The names of at least three members nf 
 Mr. Monroe's Cabinet, were pi-f'ity distinctly 
 prescnred to the public, as candidates to suc- 
 cc'd him. Heflectuig men could not but see, 
 that a struggle for the Presidency, between the 
 principal Secretaries was fraught with much 
 (rvii to the nation, inasmuch as it mie.t distract 
 .(lie harmony of lar councIl.<, if it did not endan- 
 fjcr the integrity oft'ie functionaries, and jeo- 
 jiardize her peace and her reputation. Pesidcij 
 <hcse miscliiefs, to select one of tlic Secretaries 
 
 D.->sirou3 that his friends in Congress, accord- 
 ing to the language of their circular, issued on 
 the 2oth of May, 1HJ4, in ca'-e of his being ex- 
 cluded from tlie House " shoiild be able by 
 concentration to ctrntrol the ^vtiit" of the elec- 
 tion, " and iiold in their hands the balance, and 
 determine between the c ppos'.ng and confiict- 
 ii^g interests: Mr. Cr..*Y, as early as the month 
 of October, 1821, according to th'- statement of 
 T. P. Momi::, a member of (!<>rgre.ss from Kcn- 
 tuchy, expressed at Fra^kfmt, " an ajipre- 
 hensinn. that he should be c:sc,h'dcd from the 
 
 was to continue the same infliien.ie in olHcc, House of Representative?," and cbserved v.-itli 
 
 ^vhich would virtually be a departure from the secsiing carelessness of in .nner, that ♦' it would 
 
 msxim, that rotation in rflice was essfntixl to he best for U3 (meaning hini.self an;! his fVien-ls 
 
 tlie prcservatonof the Republic. For, tochange in Congress) in that case lo remain «/<u>mroi7/rfl' 
 
 the man and lo retain the influence, would be as to our fecond choice. 
 
 to repose upon the phadow : nd abandon the 
 s.ibstance. The consVleration iiere briefly stat- 
 ed, determine:! many <.>f the most reflecting ci- 
 tizens cf the country to adopt tlv opinion, ll.nt 
 un menibcr of ttie Lj-< -.lUine Cabinet ought to 
 
 C. A. WieK.MFiK, another member from Ken- 
 tucky, slated in a h iter to tlie .I.icl^son coitcs- 
 pondiiigComn-.itteelorthe District ofColnmbia, 
 that Mr. Clait said to liira, at the same court in 
 Frankfort, tiiat in case he should be excluded 
 
 hefitlected to .«urcee<l Mr. Monroe, and this froj;i tiie House "lie thought it h<st, that his 
 
 ikterminaiion was formed wiihout any disre- friends .should not hastily cw.wiV lhcn;selves in 
 
 sped to the l:dent3 or character of tlie incum- their .second choiee." 
 bents themselves It re.stvd upon pu/)/;c priri- TnnMAS 13. Cauxeax., a member of the Ser- 
 
 ^•nrte and /i./AA- /.'r,/,, ^1,1 n.u,., rT.-^,^ „ln-. ,- •' ate of Kenluckv, stated in the invp stisrati'm b. 
 
.547 
 
 fore toat body, that Mr. Clay, afev, days before 
 he started for Was'i ngton in the Hill of 1824, 
 said, *' he did not like to be instructed by the 
 Legislature as to his vote," and tliut •' ia case 
 he were exchtded from the House, he was whol- 
 ]v uncommittedy as to liis vote and wished to be 
 left free." 
 
 Mv. Mi'onE, stated in a letter to the same 
 Cnnimitlee, that Mr. Clay after his arrival at 
 Washing-ton, called to see him, and told him in 
 crnphanc tern-is,,Vtiiit " he ha.^ llttl cdouhl, that 
 he was exchuh-.: fronithe HoviSe of Rejiresf-nta- 
 _ tives, and that all w--," (meaning the I'^entiicky 
 Delegation in t;ongi'ess,) "had jiovv to do, was 
 to hold ourselves uncmnmit'ed, as to our second 
 choice, declaring " that we could v.^te fcr either 
 of the three candidates and justifv ourselves to 
 oarconstiUtents." Majcj- K. P. Hiiyur, another 
 member of C<jngrcss from Kentuck}', now no 
 -^more, detailed a simdar conversation, v/hich had 
 taken place between himself and Mr. Cl\y. ■ 
 
 Notwitlistandmg the impression which Mr. 
 Clay was evide-.tlv desirous of making by per- 
 suading others to remain uncaminttted, that he 
 was liimself also nncommiifed aiid free to vole 
 for either of the three candidates returned to 
 the House, he, nevertheless, in his late Ad- 
 dress, page 1.5, says — " thistestimony establish- 
 es, that on var;0'.is occasions and times, begin- 
 ning in Kentucky about the 1st October, 1824," 
 (the very time he began to incidcate the d..c- 
 trinc o{' ncm-commilUd), "and continued in the 
 city of Washington down to ihe pi-riod v/hen 
 my determination to vo^e for Mr Adavs was 
 generady known in this city," ^Wa h ngt(jn) 
 " I uniformly expressed my conviction of (je- 
 ncral Jackson's want of qua! fication, and mij 
 fixed rtrsulution not to volt far him, if ! were 
 called uptm to g ve a\<;te." In page IT, he 
 says — " so unalterably fixed was my resolution 
 prior to my departiire for Kentucky " In page 
 '-'0, he says — " Here then is an unbroken cliain 
 of testimony, commencing early in October, 
 1824, and extending to nearly the end of the 
 year, establishing beyond all eontroversj, my 
 fixed 3.\\A unwavering decision not to vote for 
 General Jackson." 
 
 If this c/iain of i'slimo'ny be not In-oken 
 by the attempts above detailed to make the 
 impi-ession, that h.e was uncornrniHed, into how 
 many fragments is it not siiattered by tlse fol- 
 lowing unexpected blow fr<mi <ien. Floyk, of 
 Virginia? liiat gentk-maii, in a letter to Gen. 
 \'ak Ness, recently pubh^hed, states, t' tat in a 
 conversation, in the month of January, or tiie 
 latter p'.vt of the preceding montli, December, 
 whilst the election of the President was then 
 before Hie House of Reprfsentatives, Mr. Clay 
 said to him — " When I take up tlie pretensions 
 »)f .Mr. Adaxs and weigii tliem, arui lay them 
 down; then take up the prcte.n.sions of General 
 Jackson, weigii them ami lay them down by the 
 side of those of Mr. Apams, I never was as 
 mucii puzzled in my life, as I am to decide be- 
 tween tlicni." 
 
 The el'.'c to unravel the dark intrigue tliat 
 recjijared of its authi,r to present such diverse 
 iuid contrarient views o^ the Slate of his own 
 mind, tiiroijgn a pcriof.l of tliree months, that 
 he miglit be fvirnished with excuses, if not the 
 means of Justification, in taking wiiatever course 
 his interest m;ght ultimately dictate, is discloa- 
 od in the testimoiiv "f .u^■^\ s. IIitt, of Bovir- 
 
 bon, who slatetl before the Sei.aie of Kentuck} . 
 " tiiat in 182.5, on the 4th or 5th January, lie 
 went into Washington (;ity in the evening, and 
 was in company with Gen. Metcalfk, and ask- 
 ed him for information relative to t'.ie Presiden- 
 ti;d election? He said he knew little more than 
 when he first arrved, or t'lan witness; tl-.at the 
 friends of Jackson wo.':.'< come to vis and say, 
 we hear \ou are go^ng lu vote for Mr. Adams; 
 and the friends of Aha.ms. would come to us 
 and say, we uiidtr.stand you are going to vote 
 for Jack.son; and sf) of tlie fiiends of Cr-.-wford; 
 that we stand tuuontiniltcd, and we init^f Know 
 soindhing about how the cnhind iiio brfikd." 
 
 J. Dudley, a mcmbei, of the Senate, being 
 called on, stated on the floor of the Senate that 
 "in January 1825, F. P. Blaik," (the iiitimat-t; 
 and confidential correspondent and friend of 
 Mr. Clay, who, as v.as jirbved by anollier wit- 
 nets, had stated three or four weeks before the. 
 Presidential election, that Mr. Chiy v;oidd be 
 Secretary ot State, ./ Mr. Adams was mude Pre- ■ 
 bid^nt, and who had refused lo swear, when call- 
 ed on, upon tlee gnrund. that (.lie informatio'i 
 he had, was obtained in the course of friend!)- 
 c^m^mun^c'^Xlon'!'.■A^\(\puva!ecorn^.<lponde.nce,which 
 he decmtd confuknliid) came into the Senate 
 ChaTJiber, seated li msidf near me, and inquired 
 my opinion on the rc.sol ilions past r;-qiiestliig 
 our membei'S of Congress to vote for Gen. Jack.- 
 son as President of the United S.ates. Mr. B. 
 desired that I would write le:ters requesting tht; 
 membi-.is, auil particularly D. Wuitl, from this 
 dis'^rict, to coiistili w'.th Mi'. Cc.ay ami j)'//p os/te 
 night desire. To this I Oijtct-'i, and g.tve my 
 reasons therefor. ^!r. B appeared surprised 
 tliat I should raise an> dejections, pariciilar/y 
 as I was oppo.ved to t e rtsoiutions. He said, 
 tiiat a numoer of inen-.bers (;f botii Jiouses, who 
 voted for Uie resoluticm, hcd writl2n such Idlers, 
 and tliat I could do it with more j.-ropricty. He 
 said, tfMr. White cuuld he induced io vole for Mr. 
 Adamit, he would obtain ihe vote of Kentuck]/, and 
 I'jith it the votes of moslefiJie TVe-d^rii tStafe.^, 
 whicJi would elect klm,- in tchicit case Mr. Ciaij 
 would oblai II the appointment ofSecreturj/ oflStafe. 
 I then inquired iiow tiiat fact had been ascer- 
 tained'' His answer was, 'hat t'cltcrs Lid been 
 recdvcd from genlhincn of 'undoubted veraciii/, at 
 JVui:liinc:;lon City, contu.nuig such irformufi.on, 
 •.v.k\ I might re'y w tU confidence on that .^tatt- 
 ment. I replied tliat, idthough i was opposeil 
 to the resolutions, I had no doubt tii:.:y contain- 
 ed tile truth, anri therefore I corild not say one 
 word to induce our menibei-;i of Congress to be- 
 lieve otherwise." 
 
 It was proved, by Mr. Maons, thr.t afterwards 
 Mr. White, .said before tlie election came on 
 that "tie was not about to vutzfor Mr. Adams but 
 fir Mr. Clay. 
 
 Mr. MooTti; also stated, that he "received tWv> 
 letters from a cmifidcntud jritnd of .Mr Clay's 
 residing in 'Kentucky, urging him to vote, for 
 whoever v.^'/idd make Mr. Claij Secretary of Stale; 
 and init mating llial Mr. Adams unnilddo it. 
 
 After ascertai.ning, to use the words of (;en. 
 Mktcai.ff., how the (jobinet waslobefillid, tin; 
 nvpjority of tlie Kentucky delegation mac]'U]i 
 tlieir minds and (ful vote for >Ir. Adams; and 
 Mr. Clay was nvM\c Scrctary oj Stufc. In tfic 
 itivestigation before the Senate of Kentuekv, ii 
 was jiroved, that Fiiancis Johnson, a member 
 of Congre.':s f"om th-ft Htat-^'. being I'.vk"'', ■■<>^-. 
 
348 
 
 liis reliirn home by bouie of his constituents, 
 ."•'how he came to vote for Mr. Adams" .'an- 
 swered "t/tn( /le voted jor Mr. AT3x:^stoget Mr. 
 Clay ntfide ly-cretary of Slate." 
 
 It was proved, that Gen. MKTCALrr, on being 
 told that voting for Mr. x\TiAM'i would bean up- 
 ]»ill business in Kentucky, replied, " / believe 
 ive hwedone ioo much for our friend." After his 
 return home, he said to a constituent, as a rea- 
 son, why he voted for Mr. Ahaws, " vc could 
 not possibly act Mr. Clay in the Cabinet with- 
 out voting fm- andeltctmg Mr. Adams. 
 
 And finally, althoug-h it was established by 
 the testimony of more than a dozen witnesses, 
 that David Trimble, anotiier member from 
 Kentucky, had, previous to the late Presiden 
 tial election, in various electioneering speeches 
 :md conversation.s, and at different ti:r.es, ex- 
 pressed hi.sdislike :uk1 opposition to ?>lr. Adams, 
 jn the stroiigcst terms, and said, as he did in a 
 speech on the Court-house steps in Flemings- 
 burgh, that tlie elder John Adams was the most 
 <langerous man in government in his day, and 
 that young .lohn Q. Adams was a r.jiip of the 
 old block; if any odd?, worse; that in the treaty 
 :it Ghent, he wanted to barter aumy the naviga- 
 lion of the Mississippi, the ke\ stone of the 
 "Western coxiv.Xvy, fur a mas of codfish,- that he 
 ^vas always considered en apostate federalist; 
 that he always had been hoi.tile to the West,- and 
 that we never will hr.ve an equal chance v/ith 
 the Eastern pcopl- , until we get a H'e.itcrr Pre- 
 sident; tliat v.'e now have a chance i.\ the West, 
 for we have two candidates for the Presidency; 
 nnd that he thougiit Hkxiit Ciay was tlie 
 j>ti>onge.st; and if we could noi gel him, wc fitive 
 another chance in the IVc^t, to wit. Gen. Jack- 
 80X;" yet notwithstanding all these denuncia- 
 tions, and this decided exjjression of preference 
 ibr Gen. Jackson, next to Mr. Clat, he voted 
 fcr JoH.\ Qliscy Adams, and on being called 
 to account for it by his constituents, on various 
 occasions, and at different ] Jaees, assigjied nr, his 
 reasoTis for disregarding ilieir will, as w;is proved 
 by i;iGnTi;i:N' witnessi^s, some of whom were 
 members of tb.e Kent.-ick)- Legislature, that 'Ut 
 
 was DISTINCTLY ASCKKTAINED, that Mr. ADAMS 
 
 u-nald ma]-e Mr. (Jlat, tkcretnry of Stale, and 
 that Gen. Jackson Tx>nld not." 
 
 This proof IS sufHcient to satisfy an ordinary 
 mind, that Mr. Clay and his friends voted for 
 Mr. Adams, with a view to tin- appointment of 
 Mr. Clay to be Secretary of State. V< t Mr. 
 day, in an address to the public, dated at Lex- 
 ington, 29th of June, 1827, says: 
 
 "I neither ma<le, nor authoi'ized, nor knew 
 of any proposition whatever to eM!)er of the 
 tl'.ree candidates who were retiirne<l to tlie 
 House of Representatives ut the last Presiden- 
 lial election, or to the friemis of either of ihem 
 jbr the purpose of inthiencing tlic result of the 
 election, or for any other puipose. And all 
 allegations, intimations and inuendoc t'lat my 
 ^■ote, on that occasion, wa'- offered to be given, 
 or was in fact given, in coiVi;de:"ati<.n ot a.iy 
 stipulation or understanding, i-xpressor ui, plied, 
 director indi>ect, written or verbal, that I v.xs, 
 or that any other person was noi, tu be appoint- 
 ed Secretary of State, or th.it I was, in any otii- 
 cr niuniur, to be personally benefitted, a'-o de- 
 void ot all truth, and destitute of any founda- 
 I'ion whatever." 
 
 In the s-uiip ud'lre^'; Mr.- Cl:»V savs. 
 
 " It will be univer.saliy admitted, that the ac 
 cusation is of the most serious nature. Ilardlx' 
 anymore atrocious could be prefeiTed against a 
 representative of the people in his oflTicial char- 
 acter. The chai'ge in substance is, that delibe- 
 rate " propositions of bargain" were made by 
 my Congressional friends collectively, through 
 an autiiorized andldistinguishcd member of Con- 
 gress, to Gen. J a kson; that their object was, 
 by these "means of b.argain and corruption," 
 to exclude Mr. Adams from the Department of 
 State, or to secure my promotion to office; and 
 tli^t I was privy and a.ssented to those proposi- 
 tions and to the employment of those means. 
 
 Such being the accusation and the prosecu- 
 tor, and the issue between us, I liave now a 
 right to expect that he will substantiate his 
 charges by the exhibition of satisfactory evi- 
 dence. In that event, there is no punishment 
 which would exceed the measure of my of- 
 fence." 
 
 Unfortunately for Jlr. Clay's reputation, st 
 correspondence between himself and Mr. Blair 
 of Kentucky, and between Messrs. Blair, Crit- 
 tenden and White, confirms the chaise which 
 is here denied. Mr. Clay refused to publish his 
 letters to Mr. Blair — but gave kis consent that 
 a copy should be placed in the hands of his 
 political friencs in Frankfort Kei*icky, by^ 
 whi.'m thev were shown to Mr. Kendall the 
 editor of tlie Kentucky Argus. That gentle- 
 man in a letter to Mr. C!uy speaks of one of 
 il'.em as follows : 
 
 "Let the date be recollected — It is January 
 8th, 1825. — You commence by giving Mr., Blau- 
 your o;iinion upon a work by Lord Byron wiiicli 
 you say you have sent him — (franked I presume.) 
 You then enter into the subject of the presiden- 
 tial election, and say, that the time has now ar- 
 rived when you must begin to think seriously 
 for whom yoii arc to vote. You state, that the. 
 friends of all the candidates entertained the 
 opinion that on you rested the decision of tho 
 contest, and tliat your situation was singular and 
 amusing. You say that the friends of several 
 candidates accost you in turn; tliat a friend of 
 General Jackson says to you, My dear Sir, my 
 hopeiare upon you — do not disa])point us — oui^ 
 partiality was for you next to the hero — you 
 knov/ the anxiety we all had for a AVentern Pre- 
 sident: That a trie nd of Mr. Crawford comes 
 and SaV.s, the hopes of tJie republican party arcj 
 upon you; you and Mr. Crawford were the onL' 
 republican can(lidai;es; had you been returned 
 to the House, we sliould all have conccntrateci 
 our force upon you. 'Jhe language of .Mr. Ad- 
 ams' friends, you give ia iiearly the following 
 words. 
 
 "A friend of Mr. Adams comes to me "with 
 tears in his eyes" and says — Sir, .Mr. Adam> 
 has alw;iys had tlie greatest respect for }ou, 
 and the highest admir:ition for your talents. 
 There is no stati.)n to which you are not<-qual. 
 You were undoubtedly the second choice of 
 Ne»\- Knglaii;'., and 1 pr:iy you to consider 
 whether lite pubbc good and your own future 
 interests do not di-.iiiictly r.;.)int you to the 
 course wfiich yiiu pught to pursue " 
 
 "You then givosome reasons why Mr. Adam; 
 should be preJcTed to G<ntr:il Jackssii, among 
 which I remember only the stateinent tliat tho 
 (^iiio delegation hiul determined to vote for Mi-. 
 At'.ams, t!ie allt-gcd v;'-"' r.5'niiaVitii-ati<ir\ i'' 'Ue. 
 
349 
 
 'Senerftl and lii^ inUltaj:y propensities. You 
 then declare distinctly, and in nearly the fol- 
 lowing' words." 
 
 **My friends entertain the belief that their 
 tind wishes towards me, wiil, in the encj, be 
 more likely to be accomplished, by so bestow- 
 ing- th<(ir votes." 
 
 You tben declare, that you have urged them 
 to be g'overned by their views of the public yood 
 alone, and aver that you have been influenced 
 only by that consideration. In conclusion, you 
 use nearly the following words: 
 
 ♦'Your representative is inclined to concur 
 with us in these sentiment?, and as I know his 
 respect for your opinion, 1 request if you con- 
 cur in our views that you will write to him by 
 return mail to strengthen him in his inclina- 
 tions. Shew this to Crittenden alone." 
 ' "You say you could not publish tli is letter with- 
 out publishing letters from Mf. Blair, to show 
 how he understood it. This was written on the 
 8th of January. About the 20th he must have 
 received it. I have stated, and he has admit- 
 ted, that about the 20tli, he tokl me that Mr. 
 ddam^ if elected, would make you Sfcretary of 
 State. Does not this show how he understood it .'" 
 
 "The letter concludes by saying, *'shewtki.s 
 io Crittenden alone." Doubtless it was shewn 
 to him. On the 19th January, Mr. Crittenden 
 MTote to "ouy rcjjyesentative," [Mv. White,] :ts 
 follows:" 
 
 " Think as I do of Mr. Clay — of his great in- 
 tegrity, his lofty American spirit, and his con- 
 summate ability, I believe it to be highly impor- 
 tant to tlie public interest that he should oc- 
 «:upy a distinguished station in the Executive 
 Departitient. Under all present circumstances, 
 my first wii>^^ in relation io this subject (and it is 
 one dictated bodi by my personal partialities 
 and considerations of tiie pubhc good {would 
 /'£, that Jackson should be the President and Clay 
 his Secretary of State. And I really do believe, 
 that the common good is more concerned in 
 Clay's lieing Secretary, tlian it is in the qucs- 
 t'on wlietlier Jaclcscn or Adams shall be the 
 President.'' 
 
 " Does not this show how lie underi^tood it ? 
 
 " On the same day, "Sir. Blair wrote to " our 
 representative" ['^Iv. White] as follow:;: 
 
 "You have it in you power to vote not only 
 with a view to tlie fi.st officer, but probably in 
 reference to the whoh^ administration. Under 
 some circumstances, the latter consideration 
 niig'ht desen'edly be more influenti;il than the 
 first, as the selection of the managers of the de- 
 jjartments not only involves ii\ a great i\ci^i'iif, 
 the conduct of public affairs thvougliout the 
 presidential term, but probably will decide 
 tlie next prc^jidential election." Again — "if 
 it had been thought tliat Mr. Adams would l^e 
 elected, ainlif elcctc<l, would give M"*. Oay the 
 3i'ghest])lace in his cabinet, tiiv-ro is scarcely a 
 doubtthatthe vote [of the Kentucky Lcgibb- 
 tiircj would have been in favor of Mr. Adams." 
 
 " Does not this furtlier show hovv' he under- 
 stood it.'" 
 
 "You say in yo\n- letter to Mr.Blair,that yoiu- 
 "friends entertain the belief, that their kind 
 fvi.ihes toivards you would be most likely to be 
 accomplished by voting for Mr. Adams. \Vliat 
 were tlieir ^* kind ivishes''^" Doubtless th'j 
 '■^kind ?'j/&;^./?s"cr your friends in Frankfort an<l 
 "'Tiisliirrgton, M'ere the s-irtro. "\Ve have seen 
 
 that the "kind wislies" of Messrs. Blair and 
 Crittenden were, that you should be Secretary 
 of State, as a stepping stone to the presidency. 
 
 Mr. Trimble said, after he came home, that 
 he " voted for Mr. Adams because it was dis- 
 tinctly ascert:«ined, th;it he would niake you Se- 
 cretary of State." This shows wliat were his 
 " kind wishes " 
 
 "Gen. Metcalfe said, they "could not possibly 
 get Mr. Clay made Secretary of State witiiout 
 voting for and electing Mr. Adams." This 
 proves what were his "kind wishes." 
 
 "Mr. Fr. Johnson said, he "voted for Mr. 
 Adams to get Mr Clay made Secretary of 
 State." This shows what were his "kind wislt- 
 es." 
 
 "Mr. White %vas not quite '^kiiid enough, and 
 you undertook to get letters from some of your 
 friends among his constituents to " strengttien 
 him in his inclinations," and warm up his "kind 
 wishes." 
 
 Mr. White in a letter of June 2rth 182S, 
 says : 
 
 " My correspondents were numerous, and 
 from the coincidence of their views and senti- 
 ments, 1 had reason to believe that it would be 
 most agreeable to my constituents, and strictly 
 con.-.istent with the wishes of a m.ajority of tkem, 
 to adopt the course which I did iinally pursue. 
 That such communications, voluntarily made, 
 from higldy respectable and intelliger.t gentle- 
 men, differing on local politics and leaders of 
 parties at that time, on a subject of !?iich dee]> 
 interest and pressing emergency as that of tho 
 election of a Chief Magistrate, should have u 
 poweiful influence on my mind, is perfect natu- 
 ral. Tliat 1 was confirmed in my vote by their 
 suggestions, I tlo freely acknowl'-dcre ? and, 
 therefore, as I have often heretcf r , frankly 
 avowed, I now state, tliat [ voted for .Mr. Ad- 
 ams with a view to promote Mr. Cby's future 
 prospects for the presidency. In conllrmin:.;" 
 this avowal, I do not mean to say, that othcr.s, 
 either in or out of Congress, were "or weio not 
 influenced by the same motive. So far as 1 wa^ 
 informed on the subject, evei-y circumstanC'; 
 tmided to rivet on my mind the impression, thn : 
 the people of Kentucky, and particularly v,\ 
 niy district, looked forward to tlie advanceincr.t 
 of Mr. Clay's fUurc succes.s wi(i) a inc/re intense 
 interest than to the success of either of the can- 
 didates then before the House of Itepresenta- 
 tives ; and wliatever might have been my ow.x 
 inclinations and preferences o'u the occasion, F 
 felt tliat I was bound by a duty paramount to all 
 (Aliers, whicli was to give the vote a'-.cordiup; tu 
 the will of a majoily of my immediate consti- 
 tuents. Mr. Clay's p'-omotion out of the way, 
 it is not probable that Mr. Adams would hdxn 
 got the suffrages of the State of Kentucky in 
 Congressi neif her woukl I have been advised to 
 support Mr. Adams, with a view to Mr. Clay'.s 
 pret'trrment. I would not have voted for the 
 ]iresent irvcumhen', Tinder any other circum- 
 stances than tho::;- which I had reason to believi- 
 wouid have met the approbation of the ])cople." 
 
 I! ,a compar.son ofthese extracts and datt:s, it 
 will l;e found that it was the first wish oCsome, if 
 not all of Mr. Clay's friends, that Gen. Jackson 
 should be President, and Mr. Clay Secretaiy of 
 State. From tlie letters of Geiiernl Jacks:m to 
 Carter Beverl}', and Mi'. Buclianan's address in 
 repH', it r^ppeari' that Mr. Cay ascertained eai-lv 
 
35U 
 
 ill January, that Gen. Jackson would give no 
 pledg-e as to whom he would appoint Secretary 
 of State. On the 8th, Mr. Clay wrote to Mr. 
 rdair requ-^siing iiim to write to Mr. White to 
 strens!;lhen his disposition to vote for Mr. Ad- 
 ums — why' Not h(.c:in.se the election of Mr. 
 Ad.».nis would promote tlie " American Sys- 
 tem." Not becai:se it would protect "Domes- 
 tic Industry," or favor "Internal Improvement," 
 but because it would prnmoleMr. Clay's ^'future 
 inttrests " In accordance with these instruc- 
 tions, Mr. Blair and »r. Crittenden did procure 
 uumer'jus letters to be written to Mr. White, 
 expressly avowing the wish of the writers, that 
 Mr. Wiiite should g-ive his vote with a view to 
 secure the office of Secretary of State for Mr. 
 Clay. Mr. Adams was elected, a:ul Mr Clay 
 was appointed Secretaiy. Can aiiy one doubt 
 that, tliat there was an understanding; between 
 Mr. Clayaisd Mr. Adams? 
 
 If a.iy thing more were wantinjj, it is furnish- 
 ed m the following extract of a letter from the 
 Hon. John McLane, at that time a Senator in 
 Congress from illmeis, addressed to tiie Hon. 
 John H. Eaton. Mr. McLane says: 
 
 " The bargain of 18125, between Messr? Ad- 
 ams and Clay, I remember well, was freely spo- 
 ken of by many members of Congrew, alJiough 
 1 had no pei-sonal knowledge of any fact which 
 wwild warrant tlie belief /Aa/f thccontrad exhtfd; 
 besides the high estimation in which I then held 
 Mr. Clay, forbade my suspicions on any accu- 
 sations not .supported by poxit.ve proof; that 
 7>roof was n«(t afforded me, and I helJ him guilt- 
 less; yet there were snmt circunistnricts of ttn- 
 ■fhvorahk appturnnce, and which y as the frimd of 
 Mr. Cl'iij, I was t.nrnj luid cxislcce. The cir- 
 cumstances to which I allude, were the conthni- 
 id siknce and laigthij reserve oj Mr. Clay's 
 trends, in publishing ur Itltivy 7 ^f known how 
 Ihry wrnild vote; and the fuel that the Keniudfy 
 (lclegutio7i, who voted for Mr. Jl, hud n tn ^!'>iy^ 
 to determine upon t/ieir cofirse us J w:s info/jned 
 by one of tfiern, at whch, it was said to me, that 
 upon the q-.-eslion being proposed to Mr. Clay, 
 for whom, shall we role? H. answered, in su!)- 
 stancf, "that in care (ieneriil JjcJckiu should be 
 ehrted, he beUtvtd that the odminis'rat on, with 
 its wcit^hl, would be opposed to him, to prostmle 
 I»m\ that, sliould Wr. A. be elected, hefcltsat- 
 isfieil it would not h- so, but that he hoped no 
 peraonal r.07isidcrativn fo' hiiu, wmildinduee them 
 to ac! contrary to liteir d4sire." I'pon tliese cir- 
 cumstances, i have often remarked, that the 
 first was in charader of Kailuckiuns; that the 
 last was the .strongest apfalutlvch could be made 
 to a man's friends, and the h'cviest rc'jwisilion 
 vhick could be levied 'on their altachiwint." 
 
 e " The fact is notoriou.s, that durir.j the 
 >'car preceding Mr. Adams' election, the Na- 
 tional Journal was luiiversally recognized, both 
 by his friends and cjjponents, as the advocate of 
 his pretensions and t.io organ of h s views. Wc 
 lind nofaiiltwith him on tliis account; but we do 
 contend that when a candidate for popular favor 
 permits himsi;ll to be supported for the higliest 
 ofKce in the gift of the jjeopl.-, by a press direct- 
 Iv under his eye, upon the the express ground, 
 ■lilt he hold.v certain principloB, and will cn- 
 ileavourto cause certain measures to be adopi- 
 ;.-d; he is guilty of a (l.grant breach cf good 
 faith, if he ai"ierwards abandons those priujCiples, 
 
 •d •cM'-.rts h.'s irflv.^noe to def-.it those mea- 
 
 sures." Wc sliall be able to decide, lu tiic 
 following extracts how faithfidly .Mr. Adams 
 has adhered to the promise by which he ascend- 
 ed to power. 
 
 In the National Journal of the 10th of August, 
 1824, are these authorative declarations : 
 
 " If Mr \ "rfims should be elected, we tliink 
 we may .^-afely affirm our belief, that he will con- 
 scientiously and firmly do all that i: may be 
 proper for him to do, to secure the election 
 of the President in the hands of the People. " "If 
 Mr. Clay should be elected, he and his friends 
 will b'- bound by a regard for consistency, if by 
 no political considerations, to pursue the same 
 course. We sincerely believe that an election 
 by the People, in the worst pofnihle mode, that 
 could be devised by those whose object was to de- 
 vise th« best, would be infinitely preferable to 
 the best possible nwde of electing a I- resident, in 
 which Congress or the Slate Legislatures have any 
 concern." 
 
 Tlie Joernal of the 19th October, contains the 
 following. 
 
 " The chief magistrate, when elected, has 
 tiie whole patronage of the nation in his h.ands, 
 and may reward with honor or profit, those who 
 liave been active in his election. Thus when 
 the power of choosing is exercised by a few, 
 they may be tempted fi-om the path of duty, 
 and induced to vote in opjjosition to tlic popular 
 will. What a prophetic foresight of "coming 
 events!" 
 
 On another occasion (August 10) we have 
 this strong denunciation of conduct, siuce vindi- 
 c*ted by the same authority: — " When the 
 voice of the people is proclaimed, the ifp'-eacn- 
 tative, if he be true to his truit, is bound to re- 
 spond to that voice, and give if its full effect; if he 
 do not, he no longer represents tkt: people, but /* 
 an aristocrat ana usurper. ' And again, (No- 
 vem!)er 18,) " Is tlie public servant under no 
 o!)ligati;)n to respect the will of Ins constituents' 
 — Can it be iioubt(.-d that those who have thus 
 usurped and trauipled on t!\e riglits of the peo- 
 ple, would, were it in their power, put down 
 the Sovereignty of the People and confederate 
 with th^- Holy Alliance, to maint;iin tneir usur- 
 pation" Such are the unsparing terms in which, 
 .Mr. Adams, through his .scini-oMicial organ, un- 
 wittingly ch uounced, by anticipatmn, tiie means 
 by which he has '* usurp d u/id trampled on the 
 rights of the people." These are not our words 
 — "out of his own mouth we condemn him " 
 To shovir the strong :uid decided opinion for- 
 merly tnleiUined of the district system, wc 
 quote from tlie' Journil of 20ih No' ember : 
 " Let the right of choice be given directly to 
 the people, in districts; there can be then no 
 c;ivilii.-'g al;out what is, and what is not, the will 
 of the people ; and above all, let the mode of 
 elccti(.n, whatever it be, be uniform throughaut 
 the United States. It is thus only that the 
 riglits of the majority can be proi:>erly secured.'" 
 
 Such were the avowed principles of Mr. Ad- 
 ams while a candidate ; principles directly hos- 
 tile to hissub.scquent practices. 
 
 / Upon .Mr AlcDutfie's resolution, in April, 
 1{)J5, t.) refer tne proposition to amend the 
 Constitution, the vote stood thus ; 
 Maine. 
 
 Veas — .Messrs. Amlerson and L,incohi. 
 
 Nays — Mcs-^r?, Ki-Idcr, O'Hrien. Spvagucar.l 
 nernrlir. 
 
3ol 
 
 ^ew-hampshirt: 
 Veas— 
 
 Nays— Messrs. Bartlett, Brown, Eastman, 
 Healw and Whipple. 
 
 Vermont. 
 Yeas — 
 
 Na_vs— Messrs, Bradley, Jlallaiy, Mattocks, 
 Snd Wales. 
 
 Ehode-Island. 
 Yeas — 
 Xays — Mr. Pearce. 
 
 Massachusttls. 
 
 Veas — Messrs. Bailc}- and Baylies. 
 
 Nays— Messrs. A!Ien,Davis, Dwig'ht, Everett, 
 Crowninshield, I,ocke, Reed, Varnum, and 
 Ayebster. 
 
 Connecticut. 
 Yeas — 
 
 Nays — Messrs. Baldwin, Barber, Ing-ersol, 
 Phelps, T'oinlinson and Merwin. 
 
 Ntw-YorJ,- . 
 
 Yeas — ^Messrs. Adams, Ang-el, Ashley, Badtj- 
 &!, Cambreleng-, Deitz, Fofdick, Garnsev, Hal- 
 lock, Hofl'nian, Haydc-n, lluguein, Ilmn'phre}', 
 Kellogg-, McManus, Martindale, Markell, Mar- 
 vin, Millciy Porter, Uos<, Rose, Verplanck, 
 Ward, Whittemore and Wood. 
 
 Nays— Messrs. Hushbrook, Van Rennsalaer, 
 Sands, Storrs, Strong-, Taylor and White. ' 
 Ntvi-Je.rs'Lij. 
 
 Yeas— M-ssrs. Cassedy,Garrison and Tucker. 
 
 N'avs — Messrs. Condict.and Swann. 
 
 Delaware. 
 Veas — 
 Nays— Mr. McLane. 
 
 renn.ijjltwi'ni. 
 
 Yeas — Messrs. Addains, Biiclsanan, Edwards, 
 rindlay, Harris, Hemphill, Inshuin, Kremer, 
 Lawrence, Markley, Mitchefi,' McKean, On-, 
 Pliuner, Stewart, Stevenson, T'nompson J. Wil- 
 son, H. Wilson, Woll'and "Wurts. 
 
 Nays — Mr. Miner. 
 
 Maryland. 
 Yeas— Messrs. Barney, Kerr, Little, :\litchell, 
 Peter and Worthington. 
 Nays — 
 
 Virginia. 
 Yeas — Messrs. Alexander, Arin-itrong-, Bar- 
 joar, B-isseir, Davenport, Estill, Claiborne, 
 ohnson, Mercer, McCoy, Powell, Rives, 
 Smith, Taliaferro, Taylor, Trezvaat, Steven- 
 on and Crump. 
 Nays — Mr. Newton. 
 
 North -Carol.na. 
 Yeas— Mes.sT.s. Alston, Carson, Edward.^, 
 "onner, Hiiies, Holmes, Long-, .Vlang'iim, Mc- 
 seii. Sawyer, Saunders and Williams." 
 Nays — Mr. Bryan. 
 
 South Carolina. 
 Yeas— Messrs. Cartel-, Gi.st, Gorman, Ilamil- 
 :^n, McDuffie, Tucker, Wilson and Drayton. 
 Nays — 
 
 Georgia. 
 \ eas — Messr.-.. Carey, Haynes, Merriwether, 
 'attnall and Thompson, 
 Nays — Mr. Forsyth. 
 
 Ke-iuclcy. 
 Yeas— Messrs. Buckner, Henry, ,7. .lohnsoii, 
 ^. Johnson, Lecompte, Letcher, Moore, Met- 
 
 Inlfe, Trimble, Voang a.'r.l WicIdifiV- 
 >-'vs~M;- Clarke. 
 
 'ihnne^set. 
 
 Ye:.s— ^.lessrs. Alexander, Allen, Bkar, 
 Cocke, Isaacs, ^larable, ^^ltchel, Houston Bird 
 Polk. 
 
 Nays — 
 
 Oldo. 
 
 Yeas— Messrs. Campbell, l-'Indlay, McLeian: 
 Th'impson, Wilson and Woods. 
 
 Nays— .Messrs. Hartley, Beechcr, Bradlej ,• 
 Sloanc, Vinton, Whittlesey, Vance and Wright; 
 Louisiana. 
 
 Yeas— Messi-s. Brent, Gurleyand Livingshni"; 
 Nays — 
 
 Indiana. 
 
 Yeas — Messrs. Jennin.js, Boone and Test; 
 Nays — 
 
 Mississippi. 
 No Representative. 
 
 Illinois. 
 Yeas — Mr. Cook. 
 Na}s — 
 
 Mabama. 
 
 Yeas — Messrs. Moore and Oweju 
 Nays — 
 
 Missouri. 
 Yeas-'Mr, J. Scott. 
 
 Nays — 
 
 The force of public sentiment is made lUaiji-- 
 fest— in the New England States, where Mr. 
 Adams was popular, his fi-iend in Cong-re^s 
 voted against a proposition which he was pled- 
 ged to support, lest their votes in favor of sucU 
 propositi(ms siiould be u.sed as an argument, 
 ag-uinst the manner of his election. In Delaware 
 the tahmted representative was known co have 
 been opposed to Mr. Adams. He had not violated 
 the will of his conistituents by voting- fnv an WT- 
 popular coiiUitutional President, and desirous 
 to preserve the weight and influence of his 
 State, he was oppo-^ed to any .amendment whicU 
 might les.sen her Inlksence,' which under the 
 present constitution with one two hundred and 
 tliirteentii part of the representation, gave her 
 one twenty-fourth of the choice of a President. 
 Yet the Representatives of Missouri and Illinois, 
 States similarly situ.ited, and of Lou'^sianna, t»o 
 of whom had voted for Mr. Adams, wei-^ 
 impelled by public sentiment to vot- for the 
 refert-;ice. 
 
 'i'he policy of llie Administration and tlit 
 fi)rce of public sentiment are strikingly iliustra- 
 ed by the following table: 
 For thk AME.vnMt.NT. AcirrfST ir. 
 
 Maine, 
 
 New Hampshire", 
 
 ^■'e^mont, 
 
 Rhode Island, 
 
 Massachusetts, 
 
 Connecticut, 
 
 Delaware. 
 
 Ne^ York, 
 
 New Jttrsey, 
 
 Pennsylvani.i, 
 
 Maryland, 
 
 A'irginia, 
 
 Nortli Carolina, 
 
 South Carolina, 
 
 Georgia, 
 
 Kentucky, 
 
 Tennessee, 
 
 Louisiana, 
 
 Indiana, 
 
 Alabama, 
 
 Illinois, 
 
 Missouri. 
 
 g Mr. Cky, in a speech delivered ui Co- 
 
 -.-'is^cn the 14.th,»Knuary 1817. oii tiia r-peail 
 
35'2 
 
 liie t'amotis Compemation Laic, ai-aevts the 
 doctrine of obedience on tlie part of theUeprc- 
 seiUativeslo tlic will of tlifircoiistitnenls in the 
 following lanj^uage, eqt\?Jly broad and strong » 
 Mr. Clay said—" He agreed perfectly in tlie 
 sentiment, that instructions, given by tlie peo- 
 ple are obligator) on the Ucpresentative. .This 
 was a ])rinciple, consecrated by the Revolution, 
 inseparable from all free govenunent, and 
 which he therefore hoped never to see departed 
 i"romin ])ractjce under oiO-s. Whilst, then, he 
 had a seat on tliis floor, it was immaterial hcnc 
 he arrived at the will of his constituents, or 
 njhut loere the mclcnce.i of it ,- it was suj/icimf 
 that he should know it." Vide National Intelli- 
 jjencer, January 28, 1S17. 
 
 h Extract from a Circular published at AVash- 
 ington, bv tlie friends of Mr. Clay in Congress, 
 May 25, 1824: 
 
 '"'If contrary to all probability, Mr. Clay 
 should not be returned to the House, his friends, 
 having done their duty, will be able by concen- 
 Iration to control the event : — they hold in their 
 hands the buhinrt . — they will determine be- 
 tween the opposing and conflicting interests." 
 
 Extract from u Circular Address of a Commit- 
 tee of Correspondence appointed by Mr. Clay's 
 friends in the Legislature of Kentucky : " And 
 let them (tlie people) remember that, after the 
 ••choice of electo.s6nce "takes place, their 
 "voice will no more be heard in this contest. All 
 '•will be carried by iiijluence and intrigue, bar- 
 '■' gain and mana<itment. He who has the most 
 " extensive means of influence, and will pro- 
 '« mise the most favors, wdl Ir.ue the prospect 
 "of success; and the nation will receive the 
 " President, not from the pure hands of the 
 " people, but /row a club of political managers 
 *'■ and intriguers. " 
 
 The si'me committee proceed to say : " If he 
 "(Mr Clay; be. returned to tlie H.)use of Ue- 
 " presentatives, we have Utile doubt of his Ihial 
 flection i ! ! 
 
 (4) At the late election of President, in the 
 House of llepresenUitivcs, the votes of Dela- 
 ware, Illinois, Missouri and Mississippi, and the 
 casting votes of the grct State of New York, 
 und of Maryland, were held by individuals; so 
 iluit si.K individuals had the disjiosal of the votes 
 tif six States, which is one quarter of the whole 
 number. The rcpresetilativc — we should say, the 
 tncmbcr, v'ho held the vote of M ssnuri, Mr. 
 licmr, gave it against the will of his constituents 
 :ind they turned him out at llie next election- 
 hut Mr." An.VMs rew.inl^d him by a lucrative up- 
 jiointment. Tiie member, who held the vote 
 r.f Illinois, Daniel P Cook, voted against the 
 ^villoftlle people and they turned him out also 
 — but he v.a;. recompensed by Mr. Adams, by a 
 ^cc^ct mission to Cuba. Tue cisiing vote of 
 Kentucky was given by ruANcis .Iounson and 
 David TuiMULt against the will of their constit- 
 uents, who, at the next election, turned them 
 out. If the votes of these three States, which 
 were known before the election to prefer tien. 
 •lAcnsoxto Mr. Adams, and which have since, 
 by their votes, at the last Congressional election, 
 y>roved it, had been given according to the will 
 of the people, Mr. Adams could not have been 
 « lected. Three being taken from Mr. Apams 
 :anl given to (icn. J acksox would have made 
 Tlieir resjjcctive nutvbors cciua!, each having 
 \ en v-:'cs. And i'. is well known, Xhv^* vvhcn tli-.* 
 
 friends of Mr. Chawiohu, v.^h'o lield the \ot<.J 
 of Georgia, N >•• h Carolina, Virginia, and Del- 
 aware, had found n". : election hopeless, that the 
 Kepresentatives (;fat '<ast three of those States 
 — Genriria, N<n-ti. (a. -Una, and Delaware, 
 would have taken (icneral .Iacksox as their 
 second choice, which would have given hmi 
 a majoritv of the States; and it is well known 
 tliat Col'MiTcnr.LL, of this State, who voted 
 for Mr. -AnAMS, under a pledge to his constit- 
 uents, has declared that on a second ballot he 
 would vote for Gen. .Iackso.v and tluis have in- 
 creased the majority by the vote of Maryland. 
 
 i Mr. Llovd of Massachusetts. 
 
 * Such were the sentiments expressed by 
 Mr. Clay and his political friends, but a sliort 
 time before the election. Mr. Scott, of Mis- 
 souri, was a candidate for the nineteenth Con- 
 gress, and in July, 1824. addressed a circular 
 iftter to the people of that State, from which 
 the following is an extract: 
 
 " You are apprized, fellow citizens, that 
 within my present t2rm of service, should tbe^ 
 election of President come before the House of 
 Ueprese6tatives, it is my bounden duty, and ex- 
 alted pnveledge, to have a voice in that elec- 
 tion. The occasion wherein this question would 
 have influenced you in electing me, who now 
 offers to represent you in Congress, is past, is 
 done, and cannot be undone. . If your confi- 
 dence is misplaced, as some would h.ave you 
 
 II' .^ • i »^»,i:«|..lf. Tint ♦« cntii^fv' 
 
 believe, it is now irremediable. Hut to satisfy 
 you who have confided to me this important 
 trust, and before wiiom I appear a candidate to 
 represent vou in the nineteenth Congress, 1 feel 
 a willingess and desire, when all motive to 
 conceal is past, to ejqircss, in thispublic address, 
 my course on this momentous subject. In 
 such an event (provided the election of elec- 
 tors is made bv the people) I have two votes to 
 give, one fv)r an eh.ctor for Presiden*; , another 
 for a President ; the fiist:is a citizen of Missouri, 
 the latter as the Representative of Missouri; 
 one in this Slate, the other in the House of Rep- 
 resentatives, in giving the former, my wishes 
 being such as may be reasonably supposed to 
 be cht^-rtained bv a western nnan, I shall be 
 governed by individual feelings, corrected by 
 inv bt-.st judgment. In giving the latter, I be- 
 come the organ of the p.ople, and the express- 
 ed will of the people will be my guide. I 
 vote not as a citizen of Missouri, but as the Rep- 
 resentative •)f Missouri ; the vote belongs to 
 the pcf.ple, and not to me ; and the voice oi' 
 Missouri, will, Insucli case, as far as practicable, 
 be the voice of her representative. These \yert- 
 my principles in 1822, and such are my princ- 
 pfes in 1824, and such shall be my vote iu tbc 
 hall of the House of Representatives on the 
 election of President, come when it may." 
 
 Yet Mr. Scott, re-elected to Congress under 
 tliis pledge, voted for .Mr. Adams, and after- 
 w.irds admitted to the Rl v. O. 15. Brown, as we 
 have before stated, th:.tjie knew tiiat nineteen- 
 twentiethsof his consliftients were opposed to 
 him. 
 
 .JACKSON Ri:PUIiLICAN. 
 
 A new paper, under this title, is published 
 
 in IJoston. \Vc h.ave received the first number. 
 
 Il i- neatly cxecaled,a»vl premises to be an able. 
 
 ;iusiliary in the cause cfthc pcop'c. 
 
UNITED STAIES' TELEGRAPH— iiaoe. 
 
 ' This paper will be devoted exclusively to the Presidential Election, and be published weekly, 
 iintil the 15th of October next, for One Dollar, subject to newspaper posta^ and zii>m<ife.. 
 
 BY GREEN ^- JJiRVIS. 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 WASHINGTON, AUGUST 16, 182S. 
 
 T ifc • T'Tii 
 
 No. 213. 
 
 • ' ~ 
 
 GEN. JACKSON AND GOV. SHELBY. 
 
 We to-day lay before oxu- readers a letter 
 from Tbo. H. Shelby, another from Wm. B. 
 Lewis, and the ti-eaty to which they refer. We 
 have not inserted the letter of Chas. S. Todd, 
 whose misfortune seems to be that he was the 
 son of a Circuit Judg-e, and the son-in-law of 
 Governor Shelby. Some men there are, who, 
 educated at the expense of tlie public, cannot 
 live without the patronage of those in office, — 
 such men are fit panders of corrupt politicians 
 in office. 
 
 The letter of Mr. Lewis is in corroberatidn of 
 General Jackson's known character, and con- 
 tains additional evidence of his sti-ength of mind 
 and courteous department. The letter of Mr. 
 Shelby if true, exhibits a jealousy on the part 
 of Gov. Shelby which we will not characterise, 
 and the declaration, that he would knock the old 
 rascal twenty feet, which the son puts into the 
 mouth of the father, if true, shows a violence of 
 temper on the part of Gov. Shelby, entirely dis- 
 reputable to him and altogether at war with his 
 subsequent conduct. If Gov. Shelby had con- 
 sidered Gen. Jackson 'fD be the "old rascal,"thG 
 *•' corrupt" man which he is made afterwards 
 to declare him to be, would he have visited 
 General Jackson's house on his return home ? 
 Would he have remained tSiere enjoying the 
 hospitality of General Jackson's amiable lady 
 until his portrait was painted by Mr. Earle? No, 
 Gov. Shelby was a soldier. He himself had 
 been slandered. His children cannot be 
 ignorant that in 1806, Doctor Hunn had 
 prep.aredan expose of Governor Shelby's re- 
 volutionary services, the publication of which 
 was suppressed by the great efibrts of Governor 
 Shelby and his prominent friends. Tliomas H. 
 Shelby and Chai-les S. Todd, cannot be ignorant 
 of the fact, that Governor Shelby was charged 
 with the improper embezzlement of property, 
 forcibly taken from the tories, during the revo- 
 lution — and we cannot believe, that with a 
 knowledge that charges had been made against 
 himself, Governor Shelby would, if living, 
 countenance tiie base attacks now made on the 
 character of General Jackson. The fact stated 
 by Mr. Lewis, that he, on his return, visited 
 Mrs. Jackson, in the absence of her husband, 
 is proof of his conviction, that the suspicions 
 which he had entertained, were unjust and of 
 his desire to atone as far as possible, for enter- 
 taining sucli suspicion, by thus publicly ex- 
 pressing his behef of Gen. Jackson's worth. 
 
 If we are correctly informed, one of Governor 
 Shelby's daughters, immediately after his death, 
 sent to the Hermitage, and had a copy taken of 
 the portrait referred to by Major Lewis. Why 
 SO!' Governor Shelby had no doubt spoken of 
 this portrait to his family. Was Governor Shel- 
 by a hypocrite? Would he receive the hospi- 
 tality and kindness of General Jackson in public, 
 and abuse and slander him in private' To do 
 so, would be to reveal his own disgrace to his 
 -family, while he sought to conceal it from the 
 
 world. Governor Shelby understood the valu'e 
 ofreptitatiou t^o well to do this. 
 
 But to sjit^\i?, what was General Jackson's 
 opinion upf/V^this subject, we quote a toast 
 given by hiri at a pubhc dinner in Nashville, rfhi 
 the 6th of SOtember, 1819. 
 
 r .'ll 
 
 " Isaac Shilby, the Revolutionary Patriot and 
 distinguished Hero." 
 
 No man, we believe, has charged Gen. Jaqlo- 
 son with hypocrisy — tliat, we suppose is to be 
 the last alternative. It is easy to see that th& 
 conduct of Gov. Shelby had been such as to 
 satisfy Gen. Jackson, that whatever unkind feel- 
 ing had originated at the treaty had been re- 
 moved, and this toast was given to show to Gov. 
 Shelby that Andrew Jackson was as courtecftis 
 as he was firm. 
 
 But it is objected that too much was given for 
 the land! ! This charge was intended to operate 
 upon Kentucky. So far as the people of Ken- 
 tucky are concerned, the charge will fail. Im- 
 pressed with the importance of locating a dense 
 population on the shore of the Mississippi, it 
 was always a favorite policy with Mr. Calhoun* 
 to extinguish the Indian title to the lands west 
 of the Cumberland^ and south and west of the 
 Tennessee rivers — by the treaty, Kentucky has 
 nov/ largfe tmcts of vacant land yet to be sold, and 
 the soldiers of the Eevolution are permitted to 
 enter upon the lands which were acquired in 
 the defence of our rights in the war of '76. 
 
 The grant to Colbert is objected to. Let \k. 
 be recollected that the grant to Colbert was 
 only a confirmation of a grant made in a previous 
 treaty. Colbert was a distinguished and ior 
 fluential Chief — he had done much to civilize 
 his tribe, and his influence could have defeated 
 the treaty. The reservation to Colbert was m 
 accordance with the vsages of the nation in its 
 intercourse with the Indians. We have before 
 us a treaty held with the Indians by Gov. Cass 
 and Thomas L. McKeimey, pet negotiators for 
 this diplomatic administration, approved by 
 John Qi'incy Adams, and published in tlie vol- 
 ume of the laws of the session before last. The 
 4th section of that treaty is in the following 
 words: 
 
 Sec. 4. It being deemed important that the 
 half breeds scattered througli this extensive 
 country, should be stimulated to exertion and 
 improvement, by the possession of permanent 
 property and fixed residencies, the Chippewa 
 Tribe, in consideration of the aflection they 
 bear to these persons, and of the interest which 
 they feel in their welfare, grant to each of the 
 persons described in the schedule herento an- 
 nexed, being lialf breeds and Chippewa by de- 
 scent, and it being understood that the schedule 
 includes all this description who are attached to 
 the government of the United States, six hun- 
 dred and forty acres of land to be located under 
 the direction of the President of the United S. 
 upon the Island and shore of the St. Marys riv- 
 er, whererer good land enough for this purposa 
 
354 
 
 can-he fouiui; and as soon a5,such locations ai'e 
 male, tlie jurisdlclian and soil thereof are lierfc- 
 hf ceded. It is the intention of tlie partiesv 
 that wtiepe circuitiata-ncfes will permit, the gfants 
 be ^veycil In the ancient French manner, 
 6tHindrhg not less than six arpcns nor more tlian 
 ten, ufion tl>e i-tvcr and running' back for qiian- 
 tityi«nd that where thid cannot be done,«such 
 Ep^nts be surveyed in any mannfet.tj\e President 
 may direct. The locatioire for OL\jiuguscoday- 
 wayq^ifii aTvd her desxemlents shall c (idjoinirrg' 
 rife lover pank of tlic mihtai-y reservation, ainl 
 upon the head ofSitgar Iskuid. '"he persons 
 to whom gT;ints arc made shall nothWe the pri- 
 vilege of conveying the samcj without tlie per- 
 niissioji of the President. 
 
 The schedule reCerrln^ to thte section is aS 
 folhiws: 
 
 To Oahaugrrscojiaw.ag'nna wiffe uf John John- 
 .son Esq.. to eacti of lier children^ and to euch of 
 iJcr ."^^and children one section. 
 
 To Fiaug;€Hia«qiia widow of tlie late John 
 IJaptlstc Cadotte ami to her children, LoursDn, 
 Sophia, Archangel, Edwai-d, and Polly, one 
 section each<- 
 
 To Kenceseqiip.-, ?\tfe af S^xrivuel Ashmnn, and 
 to each of Ivev children, one section. 
 
 To Tcej;;anshau, wift of Charles II. Okes, 
 aiKlto each of herchildi-on one section. 
 
 To Thomas Shaw,. son of Obimetunoqiia and 
 ta his wife Mary, beiKg aho of Indian desccnJ, 
 cacTi fuie section. 
 
 To Funny Leviikc^ daughter of Meeshwauqua 
 and to each of her grand children, one section. 
 To Ohay!J^^fl^moquotolh, wife of Francis Gooley 
 Jt. one section. 
 
 To OlTirttkackeclioc, wile of John HoUiday, 
 andfo*.Trch of fier cliiklren, ojie st-ction. 
 
 To Obmiegcezhigoqiia, wife r.f Jostpli du 
 Ohene^ Jr. ami to each of her cMklren, one sec- 
 tion. 
 
 To Monrdaqua, wife of Charles Clouticr, one 
 pecti<Vi' 
 
 To ^isan Ytrns, dairj htel* of Odanbitogeez- 
 htg^tia, c!TC section. 
 
 To Ilc:ir} SLiiycr, and John Sayer sorts of 
 doctTuumno<5j>ra euch, ojie section. 
 
 To each ot the children of John Tanner being 
 ijf Cltippewa (k-scent, one sectioju 
 
 To Wasskljrewnnoqna and to each of Irer 
 children by (ii><)rge JoUnspji, one section. 
 
 '!>) Mic'harl Cadi/lte seuior son of Equa- 
 '.raiTe, one sec'dun. 
 
 i'o Ecyinj-sayawy wife of Michael Cadotte, 
 seaiDr, and to each of her children Tiving within 
 the United States, one section. 
 
 To each erf the children of Charlotte War- 
 rcTs. widow of lite late Trnm.an A. Warren, 
 (Hu; Fcction. 
 
 To MUry Chapman, dau^jhlcr of Equ.ameeg, 
 and \v\Yc uf Bela Chapman, .and to each qf her 
 chiWron, om^ section. 
 
 To S-J?::»nnslicqtr\, wife of John IL Fairbanks, 
 ajid to cacl» (if htr chiklrcn, onfc section. 
 
 To Si:aiig!uinamuuc:e, wife of Wdliam Mor- 
 •■iS)!>> and to e.ich of her childrei^ one section. 
 
 locach of the children of the late Ingwaysub, 
 ,vife of Joseph Cote, orie section. 
 
 'I'o each of the children uf AngeViqite Cote, 
 ia'e wiTc of Pierre Cote, one section. 
 
 To P£r7:!iik\Tii'>;oriua, wife of William Aitkin, 
 l?Tiuto each of he r children, one section. 
 
 ■-'"a ?^L.-ap. P i-'!.p",-^. cr-^nri. d:»;igh'er of 
 
 Mishqj'iabunocittPj auuwife of Ambrose" Da vdh- 
 port, and to each of her chlHren, one section- 
 To Wanb(.UM;qin, wife of Augustin Belang^, 
 itnd to each of her cfiiWren, coie section. 
 
 To Charlotte Louisa .Moirison, wife of Allan ' 
 MMTison, and daugliter of Manitowedjcwting, 
 and to each of her cbildrcu, one section. 
 
 To each of the children of Eusttce Rous^air,' 
 by Sbauwanaubunoqua, Wauwausswnoqua and 
 Payshaubunoqnn, one section. 
 
 To Isabella Dingley, wife of Paniel Dingier, 
 ami daughter of Pimegeezhigoqua, and to each , 
 of her childien, one section. 
 
 To George Birkhead, beiHg a Chippewa by 
 descent, one sectioji. 
 
 To Susan Conner, wife of Thomas Comter^ 
 and daughtei' of Pimegeeshcgoqua, and to each 
 of her children, one section. 
 
 To the children of George Ermatinger, being, 
 of Shawrtec extraction, two .secliorts collectively. 
 
 To Ossinahjeeunoqua, wife of Michael Ca- 
 dotte, jr. and' to each of hot- children, one sec- 
 tion. 
 
 To Miuedemoseyah, wife of Pierre Dm-cmayy 
 one section. 
 
 Here we have diplomacy in sty Je!! If the? 
 coalition desire to find abuses, let them exam-' 
 Ine into the diplomacy of this diplomatic admin-- 
 istration. 
 
 '.♦ HEATY WITIi THE CHICKASAWS. 
 
 To settle all controversies, and to remove all 
 ground of complaint or dissatisfaction that might 
 arise to inten-upt the peace and harmony whicti 
 have so lojig and sO Iwppily existed, betwceif 
 the United States of America and the Chickasaxv"]^ 
 nation of Indians, James Monroe, President oP' 
 the United States, by Isaac Shelby and Andrew' 
 Jackson, of the one part, and the whole Ch'K*-- 
 asaw nation, by their Chiefs, Head Men, and 
 W.arriors, In full council assembled, of the other 
 part, h-ive rtgreed on the fonowing articles; 
 which when r.atifred by tlve President and Stn- 
 aite of the United States of Anterica shall form 
 a treaty binding on all parties. 
 
 AuT. 1. Peace and frieiKlship arc hereby 
 firmly established and m.vle perpctua.1 between 
 the Unitetl States of America and the Chicka- 
 saw n'ttjon of Indians. 
 
 Am'.. 2. To obtain the object of tlrc forego- 
 ing article, the Chickaswr nation of Imlian-^ 
 cede to the United States of America, (witli 
 tiie exception of sncli reservation as shrill l>e 
 hereafter mentioned) all CtfUm oi' i>i\c which 
 tl>e said nation has to the land Wing north of 
 the south boundary of the St.atc of Tennessee, 
 which is bouiTded soutii by the thirty-fifth de. 
 groe of north l.itittide, ami wliich lands hereby 
 ceded, lie within the following bonmlarles, viz: 
 lieginning on the Tennessee river, about thirty- 
 five miles, by witer, below Col. George Col- 
 bert's feriy, where the thirty-fifth degree of 
 nortli l.ithudc sti-ikes the same; thence dii-^ 
 west with sai«l degree of north latitude, to 
 where it cuts the Mi.ssissippi river at or nearth-i 
 Chickasaw -nlufTs; thence up the said Mississip- 
 j)i river to the mouth of the Ohio; thence up 
 the OhiotivTr; to the mouth of Tennessee river; 
 thence up the Tennessee river to the place of 
 beginning. 
 
 Art. 3. In considcraiiDn of the relinquish- 
 ment rf claim snd cession of lands in the precc- 
 
Sou 
 
 ding a'rlicic, and toperpelnate the iiapf/mc^s of 
 the Chickasaw nation of Indians, the Comirtis- 
 sioners of the United States, before named, 
 agree to allow the said nation the sum of twenty 
 thousantl dollars per annum, for fifteen s<>cces- 
 sive years to be paid annually; and as a further 
 consideration for the objects aforesaid, and at 
 the request of the chiefs of the said nation, the 
 fiommissioners agree to pay Captain John Gor- 
 don of Tennessee, the sum of , one thousand one 
 hundred and fifteen dollars, it being a debt due 
 bj'. General William Colbert, of Said nation, to 
 the aforesaid Gordon; ?nd the further Sum Of 
 two thousand dollars, due by said nation of In- 
 diana to Captain David Smith, now of Kentucky, 
 for that sum by him expended in supplying him- 
 self and forty-five soldiers from Tennessee, in 
 the year one thoiisand seven hundred and ninc- 
 tj^-five, when assisting them (at their request 
 antl invitation in- defending their tojvns against 
 the in-Tision of the Creek Indians; both of which 
 sums bn the application of the said nation) are 
 to be paid within sixty days after the ratification 
 of this treaty to the aforesaid Gordon and Smith. 
 
 Art. 4. The Commissioners agree on the fur- 
 ther and pM-ticular application of the chiefs, and 
 for the benefit of the poor and warriors of the 
 said nation, that a tract of land, containing four 
 Ihiles 8quai'e;to include a saltlick or spring on or 
 near the river Sandy, a branch of the Tennessee 
 and within tlie land hereby ceded, be reserved, 
 and to be laid off in a square or oblong, so as 
 to include the best timber, at tlie option of 
 their betoved Chief Levi Colbert and Major 
 James Brown, or either of them; who are 
 hereby made agents and trustees for the na- 
 tion, to lease the said salt lick or springs, on 
 the following express conditions, viz: For thti 
 benefit of this reservation as before recited, 
 the trustees oi' agents are bound to lease the 
 said reservation to some citizen or citizens of 
 the United States for a reasonable quantity of 
 suk, to be paid ai>.ually to the said nation for 
 the use thereof; and that, from and after two 
 years after the ratification of this treaty, no salt 
 made at the works to be erected on this reser- 
 vation, shall be sold within the limits of the 
 same for a higher price than one dollar per 
 bushel of fifty pounds weight; on f^iilure of 
 which the lease shall be forfeited, 4nd the re- 
 servation revert to the United States. 
 
 AttT. 5. The Commissioners agree that therfe 
 sliall be paid to Oppassantubby, a principal 
 Chief of the Chickasaw nation, within sixty days 
 ijfter the ratification of this treaty, the s>um of 
 five hundred dollars, as a full compensation for 
 the reservation of two miles srjuare, on the 
 north side of the Tennessee river, secnved to 
 him and his heirs by the treaty, held with the 
 said Chickasaw nation, oh the twentieth day of 
 September, 1816; and the further sum of twen- 
 ty-five dollars to John Lewis, a half breed, for 
 a saddle he lost while in tlie service of tlie U. 
 States; and to show tlie regard the President of 
 the U. S. h?s for the said Chickasaw nation, at 
 the request of the Chiefs of the said nation; 
 the Commissioners agree that the sum of one 
 thousand and eighty-nine dollars shdll be paid 
 to Major James Colbert, Interpreter, within 
 ■.he period stated in the first part of liiis article, 
 it being the amount of a sum of money t;iken 
 from his pocket in the month of June, 1816, at 
 the theatre in Baltimoi^e ; And the said Com- 
 
 mlssJoners, as a further regard ful* said natjoIJ, 
 do agree that the reservations made to George 
 Colbert a^id Levi Colbert In the Treaty hel4 at 
 the Council House of sa'id nation on the twen- 
 ty-six<th day of September, 1816, the first td 
 Col. George Colbert o'n the north side qf the 
 Tennessee rive"ri and those to Major Levi Col- 
 bert on the east side of the TombigT:<ee river, 
 shall ertUre to the sole use cf the said Colonel 
 Geoi-ge Colbert, and T-Iajor Levi fcolbert, their 
 heirs and assigns forever, with their butts .and 
 bounds as defined by said treaty, and agreeably 
 to the marks and bouniiaries as laid off and 
 marked by the surveyor of the United States, 
 where that is thfc case, and, where the reserva- 
 tions fiave, not been laid off' and marked by a 
 suijveyor of the United States, the same sTiall be 
 so done as soon after the ratification of this trea- 
 ty ds practicable on the application of the re- 
 servees, or their legally appointed agent under 
 them, and agreeably to the definition in the be- 
 fore recited treaty. This agreenient is made 
 on the following express conditions ; That the 
 said land, and those living on It, shall be sub- 
 ject to the laws of the United States,, and all le- 
 g^ taxation that may be imposed on the land or 
 citizens of the United States inhabiting the 
 territory where the said land is situated. — 
 The Commissioners further agree, that the 
 the reservation secured to John McCleisb on 
 the north side of the TcMrtessee River by tho 
 before recited Treaty, in coitsequence of hLi 
 having been raised in the State of Tennessee, 
 and marryiwg a white woman, shall ehure to the 
 sole use of the S9id John McCleish, his h«ir5 
 and assigns, forever, on the same conditions at- 
 tached to the lands of Col. George Colbert and 
 Maj. Levi Colbert, in this article. 
 
 Art. 6. The two contracting parties cove, 
 nant and, agree that the line of the South boun- 
 dary of the State of Tennessee as desT;ribcd ii» 
 the second article of this treaty, shall be ascer- 
 tained and marked by Commissioners appo^-rted 
 by the President of the United States ; that the' 
 marks shall bi' bokl ; the trees to ^le blazed on 
 both sides of the line, and the fore and aft trees 
 marked U. S ; and that the commissioners shall 
 be attended by two persons, to be desfgliated bv 
 the Chickasaw nation ; and the said nation shall 
 have due and .seasonable noti ..^ when said ope- 
 riition 13 to be commenced. It is further agreed 
 by the Cotnmissioners that all improvements 
 actually made by individuals of the Chickasaw 
 nation, which shall be cA-irl within the lands 
 ceded by this Tre;ity, that a fair and reasonabys 
 compensation ?ha}l be paici therefor, to tlie res- 
 pective individuals having made or owned the 
 same. I _, 
 
 Art. r. In con!ildcration of thp friendly and 
 coDcillatory dr:^osltion evinced during the ne- 
 gotiation of tills treaty by tlie Cl^ickasaw chiefs 
 and wamors but more particularly as a manifcs-' 
 tation of the friendship and liberality of the 
 President of the United States, the Commission- 
 ers agree to give on the ratification of tliig 
 treaty to Chinnubby, King of the Chicl^asaw 
 nation, to Teshuamingoy ■VVilliar-^ McGilverlr 
 Anpassarttuhby,, Samuel Seely, James Brown,- 
 Levi Colbert, Ickaryoncuttaha, George Petti - 
 grove, Imm.irtarharmicco, Chickasaw Clucfe, 
 and to Malculm Magee, interpreter to this trea- 
 ty, each one^hundred and fifty dollars, in cash r 
 and to Maj of AViilium Glover, Cohnel GooiJ 7 
 
. 'J5^ 
 
 Ccyi^ej-t, Mopuj'-euiauiniii^c, Inim^klusharhfp- 
 poyea, Tushkarhopoye, Hopoyeahaummar, jr., 
 Immauklusharhopyea, James Colbert, Cowca- 
 iliarthlar, lllachouwarhopoyea, military leaders. 
 One hundr'.-.l dollars each; and do further agree, 
 that any annuity, heretofore secured to the 
 Chickasaw, nation of Indians, by treaty, to be 
 paid ill goods, shall hereafter be paid in cash. 
 
 In testimony whereof, the said commissioners 
 and undersigned chiefs and warriors have set 
 their hands and .seals. Done at the treaty 
 ground, east of Old Town, this nineteenth day 
 of October, in the year of our Lord, one thou- 
 sknd, eight hundred, and eighteen. 
 
 ISAAC SHELBY, 
 ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
 I>evi Colbert, his X mark, 
 
 Samuel Seely, his X mark, 
 
 Chinnubby, King, his X mark, 
 
 Teehuamingjo, his X mark, 
 
 William McGilvery, his X^mark, 
 
 Arpaslienshtubby, his X mark, 
 
 James Brown, h.is X mark, 
 
 Ickarryancuttaha, his X mark, 
 
 Oeorge Fettigrove, his X mark, 
 
 Immartaharmico, liis X mark, 
 
 Major General William Colbert, li'is X mark. 
 
 Major William Glover, hisX mark, 
 
 Hopayahaummar, his X mark, 
 
 Immouklusliarliopoyea, his X ma:k, 
 
 Tuskalhopoyea, his X mark, 
 
 HoBoyahaummar, junr., his X mark, 
 
 linniauklushai'opoyea, his X mark, 
 
 James Colbert, hisX mark, 
 
 Cowemarthlar, his X mait, 
 
 llLickhanwarho])ciyea, his X mark, 
 
 Colonel George Colbert, his X m.ark, 
 Jh the presence of 
 
 Robert BtTLEH, MJ. Gen. and Scretartj. 
 
 Tu. J. SuKHDuuNF., JgcrU for the C/iickasaw 
 nation of Indians. 
 
 Malcolv McGee, Interpreter, his x mark. 
 
 MaHTIN CotBETlT, 
 
 J. C. BnojfACOH, Assistant Tnsp^r-Gen. »S'. D. 
 Tnos. fl. SuELHY, of Kentucky. 
 R. K. Call, Capiat?! U. S. Army. 
 KE?fjAMtx SMirn, of Kentucky. 
 RicnAHD J. Easteu, ^. D. Q. M- Gen. 
 M. B. Winchester. 
 W. B. LkC/is. 
 
 Extract of a lelttr from 'fliomas U. Stielby, 
 dated Grassland, April 28t/i, 1828. 
 
 My father set out on the 10th September, 
 1818, and arrived at Gen. Jackson's on the 17th. 
 \v1icre he remained a few days, and in compa- 
 ny with his colleague proceeded to Nashville. 
 In a day or two we set out for the treaty ground, 
 accompanied by eiglit or ten gentlemen, friends 
 of (Jen. Jackson, with all of whom, excepting 
 Col. Butler, my father was acquainted. Dur- 
 ing the journey little was said on the subject 
 of the treaty. 1 heard the General, on one oc- 
 casion, ask my father how far he was willing to 
 go for the Indian boundary. My father replied 
 ^that he was prepared to go as high as 1^300,000 
 i-ather than not efiect the purchase — but, said 
 he, " Gen. Jackson, 1 have not the least idea 
 that we shall find it necessary to give half that 
 sum." After this conversation, a profound si- 
 lence was obsei-ved by Gen. Jackson, and the 
 friends who accompanied him, on th? cjbjcrt of 
 the treaty", in my father's ni^sencc. At length 
 
 we arrived a;L tlie treaty ground ; itie Indians (lis 
 sembled. My father soon observed great in- 
 tercourse between the General and the Indians, 
 of which he spoke frequently to me. On one 
 occasion, the General and part of his suit were 
 absent from camp all night ; the General with- 
 held the motive of his nocturnal visit from his 
 colleague by studied silence on the subject. I 
 did understand by some means, that the General 
 passed the night with Colbert, one of the prin- 
 cipal Chiefs. My father expressed ♦o me his 
 suspicions that '• there was something not right 
 going on." Before any Council had convened, 
 the General iftfomied hia colleague " that sonie 
 of the principal Chiefs were violently opposed 
 to selling land, and that those fellows would 
 have to be bought over." At length a counsel 
 was called. Among other objections made by 
 the Indians to the selling of their lattd, it was 
 urged by them "tllatthe United States were 
 largely in aiTcars to them ; and ursit eld debts 
 were paid, they would not contract new ones."" 
 The Commissioners found it necessar}' to send 
 to Nashville for money to pay those claims, and 
 thus remove the main difficulty. In about a 
 week, the messenger to Nashville arrives — the 
 money is distributed agreeably to the census 
 of the nation, taken during his absence. A se- 
 cond council is convened. Gen. Jackson in- 
 quires of the Chiefs — 
 
 " What do you ask for this land ^' 
 Interpreter — " We don't know — what wiii 
 you give ?" 
 
 General J.—" We will give you $ 150,000." 
 Interpreter — " We can't take it." 
 General ./.—'« We will give you $200,000." 
 Interpreter — '• No we cannot take it." 
 GeneralJ.—" We will give you $250,000." 
 Interpreter — "No, no." 
 "f 300,000," says the General. My father 
 left the table and the council broke up. The 
 General observed to my father in conversation, 
 that the Chiefs contend ■. 1 for the privilege of 
 selling a large reservation of land to whom they 
 might think proper. My father objected to 
 this proposition ; he said " they might sell it to 
 the King of England." The General observed, 
 " that there was then a company of gx-ntlemeii 
 on the ground that would pay them down their 
 price, S20,000." My father refused po.sitively 
 to permit the Indians to sell land to private indi- 
 viduals. He contended that the Government 
 should have the option of taking tlie reservation 
 at the price stipulated, and the General and the 
 Chiefs were in the end obliged to consent to it. 
 My father told the General he had made the 
 Indians offers that he could not sanction. ••Why, 
 Governor, G(xi damn it, did not you say that 
 you would give f 300,000"' •• No Sir, I give 
 not authorize you to make a:iy such proposi- 
 tion." The parties seemed on the very point 
 of coming to blows, when I stepped between 
 them, laying a hand on each, and entreating 
 them to talk the matter over more dispassionate- 
 ly. My father told me afterwards, that it was 
 well for the old rascal that I interfered, that he 
 should have knocked him twenty feet. Not a 
 word p.assed between the Commissioners until 
 the next d»y, when the General broke out upon 
 his colleague in a strain, if possible, more rough 
 and boisterous than before. I again stept be- 
 tween them, and called on the friends of the 
 General to interfere. Old Iklajor Smith step- 
 
J 07 
 
 pedup and observed, •• Gentlemen, I am no 
 dictator, bat I will be moderator," and we kept 
 them apart. My father told the General "he 
 should leave him and go home." " Go, Gov- 
 ernor," replied the General, "by God I will 
 make the treaty without you." While our 
 horses were saddling-, the friends of General ur- 
 ged me to use my influence with my father, 
 not to go. He at last agreed to remain. Ano- 
 ther council wa3 called. The Indians demand- 
 ed the $300,000, and would treat for nothing 
 less. Finally, the treaty was made. My father 
 thought that Gen. Jackson's corruption and fol- 
 ly had cost the Government from 100,000 to 
 200,000 dollars. His mind under went no 
 -change upon this subject to the day of his death. 
 
 I haye thus given you a detail of facts, which 
 came under my own observation: you are at li- 
 berty to make v/hat use of it you may think 
 nroper. Your friend, 
 
 THO. H. SELBY. 
 
 Col. C. S. Todd." 
 
 From the Frankfort Ky. Argus. 
 
 TO THE KDITOnS. 
 
 GEN. JACKSON AND GOV. SHELBY. 
 Nashville, July 12, 1828. 
 Sin — Tn the supplement of Mr. Clay's address 
 to the public, published in December List, is a 
 letter to him from Mr. C. S. Todd of your State, 
 purporting to relate a convertation between the 
 late Governor Shelby and Mr. Clay, in July, 
 1824, upon the subject of the Chickasaw treaty 
 in 1818. Mr. Todd observes in his letter to 
 Mr. Clay: " In appropriate connection with the 
 preceding narrative, I can state the sub.stance 
 of a conversation of like tendency, had between 
 ' yourself and our venerated friend, the late Gov. 
 Shelby, at his residence, as early as the month 
 of July, 1824. He commenced the conversa- 
 tion, by asking what you thought of the pros- 
 pects of Gen. Jackson in the approaching elec- 
 tion. You replied by stating, that you did not 
 believe he would be elected, and spoke freely 
 and fully of his conduct and qualifications, very 
 much in the manner you had treated of them in 
 your public speeches — that you did not expect 
 from him or his counsellors, any friendly feeling 
 toward Kentucky, or the great western inter- 
 ests, which she had so prominently supported; 
 and that yoa had strong apprehensions his ad- 
 ministration would be a reign of fury and tur- 
 bulence. Governor Shelby then remarked, 
 that he concurred entirely in these views, and 
 proceeded to communicate to you what he had 
 never mentioned out of the circle of his imme- 
 diate family, the great change effecte<l in his 
 mind towards General Jackson, by his conduct 
 Si the Ohickas-AW treaty in 1818; that the high 
 estimation in which he liad herc*of'«'e regarded 
 the temper, the discretion, judgment, and d'-fiji- 
 terested patriotism of General Jackson, had been 
 greatly lessened by his conduct on that occa- 
 sion. He said, his rash, hot-headtd temper, if it 
 had not been restrained, would liave co,st the 
 nation double the sum iov which the land was 
 ultimately purcliascd; and he had so permitted 
 the integrity of his principles to be the dupe of 
 an intrigue, as to propose, on behalf of his per- 
 sonal friends then present, to secure for them a 
 reaei-vation of the Big Spring, and a valuable 
 tract of land around it. To this propo.sition-, hf, 
 
 GovciT.or Slielby, apposed an indignan.t retusa. s 
 but at length consented to its partial adoption, 
 with the understanding that the government 
 should have the preemption right, at the price 
 stipulated. He accordingly caused the neces- 
 sary information to be transmitted to the Presi- 
 dent, who promptly accepted the reservation on 
 belialf of the government," 
 
 I have no hesitation in saying, that the ac- 
 count here given in relation to the transactions 
 of the Chickasaw treaty of 1818, is greatly erro- 
 neous. I was present when that treaty was 
 made, and have, perhaps, as accurate a knowl- 
 edge of what was done, or proposed to be done, 
 as any other pei-son on the ground, not even ex- 
 cepting the commissioners. I feel myself fully- 
 authorised in saying that either Governor Shel. 
 by'£»recollection must have entirely failed him, 
 or that his remarks have been incoiTcctly report- 
 ed. I have in my possession a duplicate of the 
 secret and confidential Journal of tlie pi-oceed-. 
 ings of the commissioners, in the hand-writing 
 of their Secretary, Col. Robert Butler, and will 
 extract so much as relates to the proceedings of 
 the " Big Spring" reservation, in order to show- 
 that nothing unfair or selfish could have been at- 
 tempted. The Jounial says : " The reservation 
 made by the treaty of September 1816, to 
 George and Levi Colbert, was proposed to be 
 given in fee simple,— ^i\d that a conveyance 
 would be taken for the same for the benefit of 
 the government, if the Executive chose to ac.v 
 cept it ; that it should be made to an individual, 
 and placed in my hands, as an escrmv, until the 
 option of the government was had. The sum 
 proposed for these reservations was, in tlie first 
 instance $10,000; but would not be beard. 
 The confidential agent was then instructed to 
 offer $ 17,000, which made them listen," &c. 
 The commissioners finally offered them $- 20.,.- 
 000, which they agreed to take. 
 
 When I inform you that the coiifid^ntial agent 
 alluded to in the extract above, was myself, you 
 must be satisfied that no one on the treaty- 
 ground could have had abetter opporturaty of 
 knowing the natuve of the propositions which 
 were submitted or proposed to be submitted to 
 the Colberts, for their reservations; and I do 
 aver, that no other arrangement than \he one 
 recorded in the sc.n-et Journal was erer pro- 
 posed, or, so far as I know, ever contemplated 
 by either of the commissioners. It was believed 
 that the possibility even, of making a treaty, 
 depended upon the purchase of those reservn- 
 tions. The plan originated with Gen. Jackson, 
 and I believe he communicated his views to me 
 before he consulted Governor Shelby upon the 
 subject. The General observed to me, that the 
 commiss^.oncrs wore not authorised by the gov- 
 ernment to purchase those reservations^ but 
 that lie tliought it might be done by introducing 
 a cUuse into the treaty, should one be made, 
 autiiorising the Ind'.-anii to sell to an individual, 
 and the government could citlier sanction it or 
 not, when it should be laid before them for rati- 
 fication. This arrangement was proposed, not 
 for the purpose of benefitting personal Jriends, 
 "then present," but to enable the commission- 
 ers with more certainty to accomplish the ob. 
 jects of the government. The necessity Ot 
 some such measure was considered by Governoi' 
 Shelby himself, as indispensable, and he unhes'.- 
 f^tingly entered into the vtew^<rt' Gen. Jrnk.son, 
 
J5» 
 
 Tf M'as present vhen they talked upon the sub- 
 iectt there was no discrepancy in their opinions, 
 110 indignant rejection of propositions on either 
 side, as I heard; they accorded in their views, 
 and deputed me to wait on the owners of" the 
 Xeservations with the propasltiops e^iven in the 
 coniident^lJournal. If any thing selfish, un- 
 jfair, or improper, was intended by either of the 
 pommissif}ner§, \ was wholly unapprized of it: 
 pnd it does seem to me, that pone other than a 
 inind deeply tinctured with imwarrantabje sus- 
 picion, could have conceived such an idea. It 
 13 possible, that because the General spoke of 
 having the land conveyed, in the first instance, 
 to an ind»>idual, Governor Shelby, before an 
 explanation was made, mig^ht have supposed it 
 was de?igne(^ for the benefit of particular indi- 
 yiduals; but I could not have imagined, from 
 what passed between him and the General, in 
 my prese.nce, that such an impression could 
 have, remsjned upon his mrnd. I have no doubt, 
 (,iixAX uh^({ys so believed,) that both commis- 
 ^ionejrs were actuated, in the transactions of that 
 treaty, from motives of disinterested patriotism. 
 The objects to be acpoinplished were of vast 
 importance to the States of Tennessee and Ken- 
 tucky, and thpy, no doubt, wre willing to avail 
 tlicmselye^ of all fair and honorable means which 
 prorijjaed to crowii their eflbrts with success. 
 
 But Governor Shelby, according to Mr. Todd, 
 thought GeneralJackson was induced to pro- 
 pose this arrangement(concerning the reserva- 
 •sions) for the benefit of "personal friends then 
 'nreatnt.^^ If the Governor's allusion was to me, 
 as one of tlie General's friends, he labored un- 
 «}er a gi-eat mistake; fpr \ had resolved on hav. 
 \n^ nothing to do with it, unless compelled by 
 nty responsibility forthe paymentof the money, 
 in case tike government did not think proper to 
 take the land. 1 did not think the purchase so 
 f,'reat a bargain as some others did; I knew, so 
 iar frqm the reservation containing ai; entire bo- 
 dy of ricj kmd, that a lai-ge proportion of it was 
 poor, and the sum stipulated to be given was at 
 the rateof abc,iitone dollar pcracr^e, if my re- 
 cdllection doe.<» not deceive me. I did not ex- 
 j)ectto have any interest whatever in the pur- 
 c^jase; nor do I believe a, single individual on 
 the ground was in any manner concerncvl — 
 Those cr, whrtm the General relied to advunce 
 the moTkcy, in cvse the government declined 
 takinjf the land, wcr^ absent. The Govcrncu"'s 
 recollection was certainly very defective in some 
 respects; for he is represented ns locating the 
 Colbert reservation around the Big faring and 
 including a body oi valualk land. Now, I ad- 
 mit that if located at th.il Sprin^^, it would have 
 included a iiOiW of rich and valuable land; but 
 ils locality is not withiii Hftcc^ or twenty niiles 
 of it, and iucJudet", comparuiivcly speaking, 
 j>oor laucJs. The one I.-j on t^q" south, and tlie 
 otUci" is on Uie ntrth side oi" the Tennessee li. 
 vtr. 
 
 Itapptars also, that Governor Shelby is made 
 to find great fault with General Jack^gn'^ tem- 
 ■pcr. ''lie $aid, his »fl.s7j, hdt'hcaJfd JetuptT,, \i 
 .t had liothee)! rcstl*ained, winild have cost the 
 nation dyi\ble the sum for which the land W23 
 ultimately purphase J. " Here, I presume, the 
 Governor docs not speak in reference to the 
 merratu/n, but .the lands situatetl in the States 
 Of Tennessee and Kentucky. Whether Gen- 
 
 than Governor Sjielby himseii, in negotjalinji 
 that treaty, will appear from thfc foUowiiig facts 
 and circumstances. 
 
 It is true, that some difficulty did arise in the 
 conclusion of the treaty, and that the General 
 and the Govemoi' were both considerably ex- 
 cited for a short time. It must be in reference 
 to that unfortunate disagreement Governor Shel- 
 by speaks, when he objects to General Jack- 
 son's <««/)er. This was an extremely unplea- 
 sant occurrence, and the General and his 
 friends have always forborne to speak of it even 
 in their own *< immediate famihes," more on 
 Governor Shelby's account, however, than his. 
 They were willing it should be forgotten, nor 
 would it now be called up and presented to the 
 public, if a member ot Governor Shelby's fami- 
 ly was not attempting to use it to the prejudice 
 of Genei-al Jackson. 
 
 That you may the better underetand thci 
 ccrtise of this personal controversy between the 
 commissioners, I will introduce into this letter 
 another extract from the confidential Journal 
 In answer to a talk made by Len Colbert, the 
 speaker of the nation, " the commissioners told 
 him they would be liberal, as their Father, the 
 President, had told them to be so. Twenty 
 thousand dollars for twelve years was then pro- 
 posed by the commissioners, which they stern- 
 ly refused, remarking, they loved money wdl, 
 but they loved their land much better. It was 
 then proposed to add one year, which was likt- 
 wise rejected. General Jackson then observed, 
 to make all hearts straight, he would agree to 
 make the annuity fourteen years, and that he 
 hoped the Chiefs and the nation would consid- 
 er tliat a liberal price from their Father the 
 President. Levi Colbert then remarked, they 
 would consider of it, and then adjourned. On 
 meeting ag-ain, Colbert cnqnired if one cent 
 would not be given; and being informed thai: 
 the commissioners had gone to their limit, he 
 observed that the American nation is as strong 
 as iron — great, rich an.1 ttrong, and one cent 
 was nothing to it, and this wouhi satisfy the 
 nation. Gcn-raJ Jackson replied by asking if one 
 solitary cent would satisfy the nation, and the 
 speaker replied it would, obsen-rng that the 
 American nation was strong, and the >X)ung-- 
 er brother must therefore yield to the elder bro- 
 ther; on which tlu-y shook hands with thoconi- 
 missionersand parted. In a cojiversatlon short- 
 ly after, with the interpreter, he .said they shook 
 hands on fifteen years annuity, which wa-s not 
 the understanding of the commissioners; and 
 thus the thiug' rested, until the time arranged 
 foi- signing the treaty. 
 
 "The Cliicfs arrived this morning about 11 
 o'clock, and the commiss'oners attempted l» 
 explain how they mistod Inc meaning of thc^ 
 speaker about the cent; but they could not, 
 iii.i- would not understand it in any other light 
 than that his meaning was one additional amiuity, 
 on which they slioo'k hands, and that they hac^ 
 come prepared to sign tlie treaty a» agreed up- 
 on. 'i"he couimi;rsioner.s finding from the stern 
 inanp.er in which ihcy viewed an. attempt to ex- 
 plain away their uiulcistumUng of the annuity, 
 dcc«icd it prudent not to jeopardize the grand 
 object for the pHtanceof $20,0000, to be paid 15 
 }eais hence, and accordingly filled up the blaiilc 
 in tlic treaty with fifteen, and the instrumen: 
 was '■!;'Ti r'-:'v and «:ol<='m;;lv fTerti'''?d arid ".'■■ 
 
3»*J 
 
 tested, aftej- beir.g- re;ul and explained m the of them, tUuly-fiTO y^ars i^efiii'c tUa treaty wi^ 
 
 nresence of the ijum.erous coaoouvse of theii- made. . n . , ♦i,^ 
 
 vounff meii " GovernQr Shelby, w^en he teflected on tl;p 
 
 " At the end of this Journal, is the folio w% part he had acted at the treaty, became coi;- 
 
 fcertificate: " Examined and approved." vinced, no doubt, that his conduct had been 
 
 rSic-ned') IS \AC SHELBY, > ^ , hmiy, if not rash. This may be inferred trom 
 
 Cbignea; ^^^^^^^j^^KSON, $ ^"'"''- the clrcumstaiK^e of his directing Col. Butkrto 
 
 The controversy between General Jackson destroy the bond he had taken lor tlw puymefft 
 
 and Governor Shelby grew out of the misun- of the last annuity, before he reached N»sh^'nle 
 
 derstandin^r with.res-arxlto theOTiece;?^ The In- on his return. ^ . . , .. . j 
 
 4iaiK insisted that ttiey meant by one cent, ano- As Gen. Jackson's official duties prevented 
 
 .therannuitv,andthat no otherconstruction could his accompanying the Governor, on their return 
 
 fairlvbeput upon their meaning. Governor home, farther than Fl-orenee, they partecl at thaj: 
 
 ^\-Ahy pusithely refused to give the additional place, in perfect friendship, and the Goverr^or 
 
 anntnty, and the Indians as positively refused to called at tSie Hermitage, on lus way to Kentucky 
 
 cede their lands. General Jackson, who, until —remained there a day or tu^o with Mrs. Jack- 
 
 310W, had taken but liUle part in the dintrover^y, son, and left his portrait, taken by Mr. t.arlj', 
 
 thought the objects to be acquired bv tiie treaty for the General, which occupies the most con- 
 
 ivere of too high importance to be'lost by ttie spicuous place in his drawing-room. I^o one^^ 
 
 mere pittance of 20,000 dollars, to be palid 15 1 will venture to assert, has ever heard Genera, 
 
 vearsfrom that oatc, and was williiig to give Jackson, sirlce that peiiod, speak ot Governor 
 
 ihem the fifteen annuHes. The Govcvnor still Shelby in any other than terms of kindiress and 
 
 peremptorily refused. The General enquired friendsliip 
 
 of him, in the presence of the whole company, 
 if they had not, between themselves, agreed to 
 go as high as three hundred thousand dollar? 
 for the country. The Governor said they had, 
 but that he intended thit sy.m to cover also the 
 expenses of holding the treaty. G«:neral Jack- 
 son replied, that was not his understanding; 
 ^hal he considered tlie fifteen aimuities within 
 the limit prescribed to themselves in their pri- 
 vate conference, arnl that he was disposed to till 
 
 I think, sir, e.yery thing considered, that Goy- 
 ernor Shelby had but littie ground to complain 
 of General jaclison's temper. I will notMe;iy 
 but ttra.t the General was, for flie moment, 
 pretty much excited as well as the Governor; 
 but sftU he would not permit his feelings, fbr an 
 instajit, to divert his miiKi from tlic treaty. The 
 objects to be attained by H were of too greaj; 
 importance to the nution, to Tennessee, and to 
 Kentucky, to be atandoned, as he thought, for 
 
 up the blank with that number. Gov. Shelby the mere pittance of $20,000. Besides what 
 stUl obstinately refused. The General said he woald the nation have gained, \\ the treaty traU 
 itigretted such was his determination?; but still been broken oft' in consequ«jnce oi the com- 
 he would execute the tijeaty himsejf, on the i>.ssione/3 refusing to g've th-e additional au- 
 part of tlie United States, and send it to the gov- uuity? The expences ot holding the U-ealy 
 ernment, and they cordd ratify it or not as they amounted to nearly $20,000, which would hav*5 
 chose. Upon this Gov. Shelby became quite been a cl'ea;- loss to the govenmient il no trescv 
 violent, ordered his ^^rvant t6^et his horses, had been made. However, better counsel^; 
 and declared lie w^uld leave the treaty-ground. preva.iledj the treaty was made, and a tract ot 
 His hovses were accordingly brought out and country acquired thereby, that has given tt> 
 isaddled; and, finding that l>e was resolved on Kentucky four new counties, to Icnnessefc 
 leaving the ground witliout concluding the trea- fnurteen entire coiintyes besides severallargfe 
 ty, then ready for his signature, I determined, fractions of otlier counties, aiid to the naticfii, 
 if pos-sible, to remove evci7 olwtacle to its final it will in a few ye.irs more give a strong, d«ise 
 cfjnsummation, and, with a view to e-lfect that and enterprising population on the banks oi th^ 
 object, authorised Col. Butler, the S,ecrelarv, upper Afississippi, capable at a mom.ent*s want- 
 to 'speak to Go^^ S!>elby, and say to him that'if inf? of contributing largely to the detence and 
 the additional annuity wob the only objection to protection of the lower country, whenever i1% 
 tltc treaty, I would execute to \lh^, or ttirc I.x- Hghts shall be assailed by cither a foreign ex- 
 ecutive of tlte tJnited ^>tatcs, my bond fordie domestic f'oe. . 
 g20,000, with anysecm-ity that mi<,4it be re- The General evinced nf? disposition to g<» 
 <iuircd, lo be paid on condit»on the govei-nment beyond the sum agrted on as the ultimatum t.o . 
 should be unwilling to raUfy the treatv for more be given. He had frequently been engaged in 
 
 -" - • making Indian treaties, afiu in wliat instance has 
 
 he given douhk as much a^ the cL'iintry a-equ;;; 
 ed v.'as woi-th ? Tiie General was ahvay s dispose 
 cd to give wh-at he thought a fair price for laatls 
 purchased of the Indians, dealing justly with 
 them, without nianlfesting any dis[)oSiVioa to 
 lose sight of the interest of liis countii'. 
 
 1 do not v/ish, sir, to bo understocxl as cashing 
 and enter any imputations upon tlic veracity of Govcrikoi 
 Sh<-lljy, with regard to 1.1k; reniarks atlt Ibutcd to 
 him by Mr. Tud'.l. I have ii{> d<uil)t but t_h-at 
 the (jlii ger.tlcnian stated wliat were //;'•/( his iUi- 
 pres.slons; but I maintain that he had ibrjfo.ttfU, 
 the ciicuaManccsainnecled with the aurch.'is^f 
 totallv niisconc ..ved tlic 
 
 than fbvrrteen annuities. Col. Butler did wait 
 on Gov. SheJby wit!i my proposition, and re- 
 ceived ft>r answer, that tlie adcntioual annuity 
 was the only objectioH to the treaty; nnd, after 
 a fev/ minutes reflection, agreed to accept my 
 proposition. The bond wius accordingly exe- 
 cirted, deposited iatlie hands of their Secretary, 
 and the treaty signed by botli of tlie Commis- 
 sioners. I was iiuliiced to propos 
 into this arrai\gineiit, as well on account of the 
 State of Tcnnesseje, whicli was deeply interes- 
 ted in the success of this negotiation with tiiu 
 Chickasaws foi- their lands, as on my own ac- 
 coLiivt, and many of my perf.onal friends, who, 
 as well us mjtJflf, were )arg:ly interested in 
 lands situated in tluit section of the Slate, and 
 held ii'i''^>" ■'^''p'-Mi (''i-iilin'i frrart*-'. ■«-«'i/tI. rno'^t' 
 
 of the res' rvatioii, or 
 
 nature of l lie propositions uubipitted \ J'.ife Coi- 
 
 h-'-t. 
 
 •l^vz-vil J'i^k?"ii's '"'i" 
 
 \0 -•■!-. 
 
360 
 
 diaae the land, and if the government should 
 think the price too high, or refuse to take it, 
 he was willing to take upon himself the res- 
 pqnsiliility of finding individuals who would 
 take it at the stipulated price; because on this 
 an-angement he believed the ultimate success 
 of the treaty rested. I again aver, that I have 
 no knowledge of any other arrangement hav- 
 ing been proposed, or contemplated, with re- 
 gard to those reservations, than the one enter- 
 ed into and recorded in the confidential Journal. 
 This averment I feel confident will be sustained 
 by the testimony of Col. Ilobert Butler, who 
 was present, if I am not mistaken, when the 
 conversation alluded to, took place between 
 the commissioners. "With regard to the unfor- 
 tunate diiference between the commissioners at 
 the conclusion of the treaty, about the addi- 
 tional annuity, the circumstances detailed above 
 must be recollected bv every p«rson present, 
 to wit: Col. Butler, Gen. Richard Call, Major 
 William Eastin, Capt. David Smith, Major Ben- 
 jamin Smith, Major Winchester, Mr. Kerr, and 
 tnanv others. Respectfully, 
 
 W. B. LEWIS. 
 
 From the Vii-ginia Advocate. 
 JACKSON AND BURR. 
 
 In our last we promised this week to take that 
 notice of Judge Williams' statement, which owr 
 other engagements then prevented. It is our 
 purpose now to fulfil that pledge. 
 
 Most of our readers are already informed that 
 during the session of the Adams Convention in 
 Richmond in January last, a letter purporting to 
 have been written by Judge Nathaniel Williams 
 of Tennessee, to Mr. Kerr of this State, was ex- 
 hJbiled, circulated, copied, andmuch talked of, 
 in which the WTiter affirmed of his own knowl- 
 edge that there had existed a criminal connex- 
 ion between General Jackson and A'aron Burr, 
 "irhose who have obsen-ed with what avidit^v the 
 friends of the administration seize on every 
 charge against Gen. Jackson, which folly or ma- 
 lignity can invent, in the'vain hope that by their 
 ciamour against him, they may he able to divert 
 public attention from the corruption and inca- 
 pacity of those whom they support, will not be 
 tiurprised to learn that this siory improbable as 
 it is, wa."» most favorably received by them. It was 
 not indeed so far distinguished as to be allow- 
 ed a pLice in the Address, along with other ac- 
 cusations eq"ally unfounded, — but individual 
 enterfA-ize and partizan zeal were relied on to 
 give it circulation J and they have accomplished 
 the object no loss effectually, than if "thirty 
 thouaand" impressions of it also, had Issued from 
 the same mint, which stamped if it did not coin 
 many similar calumnies. By the adoption of 
 this mode it has too been so circulated, as to 
 preclude all enquiry as to its truth, all c.vpcsurc 
 of its fallacy. ^Va rejoice tliat its author has at 
 length ventured from his concealment, though 
 with every advantage which ihe «t'fr7«r»j/ of im- 
 material facts and the deduction frcm them of 
 those he wished to establish — which omissinu 
 and confusion of dates — and we believe, which 
 change of plot, induced by subsequent devel- 
 Opemcnts, may afford him. We are indeed 
 somewhat at a loss to imagine, to what projier 
 dause cati be attributed liis long silence. As 
 ^arlv as }'ebri»ai*v last, hf vr?.^ informed bv Gen. 
 
 Jackson, that the lacis understood to have bee. 
 communicated by him to Mr. Kerr, were untrue 
 and he permits them to remain in private circu- 
 hition from that time until about the first of this 
 month, without retracting or expliining what 
 he had said, or assuming the responsibility of its 
 truth. Such a course in our opinion cannot be 
 justified or defended . It is directly at war with 
 every principle of fair dealing and honorable op- 
 position. Our business however is with the ac- 
 curacy of Judge Wilhams* statement — not the 
 propriety of his conduct — and with the former 
 only shall we now concern ourselves. 
 
 Gen. Jackson having been informed by a 
 friend in Virginia of Williams' letter to Kerr, 
 addressed the following communication to him. 
 
 f GeneralJackson to Judge Williams. J 
 Hermitagk, Feb. 23, 1828. 
 
 Sru— Having received a letter from a high- 
 minded, honorable gentleman of Virginia, who 
 loves truth, and knouts how to appreciate charac- 
 ter, I lose no time in laying before you, tlie post- 
 script of his letter, which is in the following 
 wools, to wit: — " It may be well to say, that a 
 letter was handed about at the Adams Convm- 
 tion, I hear, accusingyouof being concerned in 
 Bun's conspiracy, upon the authority of a Judge 
 Nathaniel Williams of your State. The report 
 is, that this Judge Williams writes, when a 
 young man, he applied to you, then a Judge, to 
 sign his license as a lawyer, tliat you did so, bfet 
 recommended to him, as you conceived him to 
 be a man of promise, to pusli his fortune by 
 joining Burr, who was then in yeur house, pro- 
 mising, if he would do so, to procure for him a 
 commission as a Captain in Burr's army. This 
 story is going the rounds from tlie Adams Dele- 
 gates, who have returned home, notwithstand- 
 ng they ought to know that you was the first 
 person to put Governor Claiborne on his guard 
 against the schemes of Burr. VERBUM SAT." 
 
 The records of the country contradict this 
 statement, as it is well known that I resigned 
 my appointment of Judge, before Col. Burr 
 ever was in the State of Tmnssste. I cannot, 
 then, for one moment, permit myself to believe 
 that you, elev.ited as you are, to a seat on the 
 judicial bench of Tennessee, could give your 
 authority to such an unfounded falsehood. — 
 Duty to myself, as well as justice to you, there- 
 fore, require that I should, without delay, ad- 
 vise you of this libel upon my character, so that 
 you may at once declare whetrieryou are or are 
 not the author of this calumny, before I expose 
 it as such. 
 
 I am, and have been, well advised of a secret 
 combination of a base and ivickcdfeiu'm Tennes- 
 see, whose object is to slander me, but, until now, 
 1 have never heard, or had the least intimation 
 that you were of that s^roup. Nor do I now be 
 lieve that you, who must be so well satisfied of 
 the falsehood contained in the postscript of the 
 letter referred to above, as well as the rectitude 
 of my conduct since your acquaintance with me, 
 could be so lust to virtue and to truth as to have 
 originated and put in circulation so base a calum- 
 ny. With this impression I send J. W. D. S. 
 Donelson to you with thib communication, hav- 
 ing no doubt, as an honorable man, that you 
 will send me a frank and prompt reply. 
 
 (A copy. Signed) ANDREW JACKSON. 
 The Hon. NATHANiKt Williams, 
 
 .tndze of the Cirruit Cnvrti of Tennessee 
 
ci61 
 
 It will he obseiA-ed that whilst Gen. Jackson 
 refers to the time of his retirement from the 
 bench to disprove the truth of the statement 
 which he was informed hud been made, he ex- 
 plicitly denies the truth of the charge against 
 himself, independently of the circumstances de- 
 tailed in contiexion with it. He pronounces it 
 a '-'libel upon" his '* character," and a "calum- 
 ny ■" — and says, " nor do I now believe that 
 }'ou who must be so weU s-atisfied of the false- 
 liood contained in the postscript of the letter re- 
 ferred to above, as well as the rectitude of my 
 conduct since your acquaintance ivith me, could 
 he so lost to virtue and to trutli as to have ori- 
 ginated and put into circulation so base a calum- 
 ny. A more full and unequivocal denial of the 
 criminality charged charged upon him, as well 
 xis the truth of Williams' storj', could not \vell 
 have been framed. 
 
 To this letter, Williams'makes the following 
 reply : 
 
 r Judge Williams' reply to Gen. Jackson. J 
 
 Sparta, Feb. 27, 1828. 
 
 After copying from Gen. Jacksou's letter to 
 me, the report as stated in his letter, I wrote as 
 follows : 
 
 I can ver/ frankly deny ever having written 
 the letter spoken of by the gentleman wote 
 you from Washington, but I did write a letter to 
 a relation of mine, at that time in Uichniond. 
 The letter, if seen, would shovj that it was de- 
 signed as a confidential one. I do not at this 
 time recollect accuratelj' what the letter did 
 •contain; I believe, though,I can remembe-." a part, 
 if not the whole, of what 1 intended at the time, 
 and I will state it, as it is but just that what has 
 been by me means pri\ ately circulated, should 
 be publicly avowed under the necessities of this 
 •case. 
 
 Some time after Biur had parsed Nashville 
 once or twice, to th? lower country, before Mr. 
 Jefferson's proclamition, in riding from Gen. 
 Jackson's house to Nash\ille, Gen. Jacksou, in 
 reference to thatconspiracy, or what was after- 
 wards called by others a conspiracy, said to me, 
 *«thatl could, if I would accept of it, obtain a 
 commission of captain." 
 
 Afterwards, during the sitting of the County 
 Court of Sumner, at ati me when Patton Ander- 
 son told me that eitbei' ""iurror Adair, or both of 
 them, were at Gen. Jackson's house, in a room 
 ■of a tavern then kept by an Edmund Crutcher, 
 General Jackson said to me — I think Judge 
 Stewart was then in the room — " Take notice. 
 Gentlemen, you will find that a division of the 
 United States lias taken deep root ; you will 
 find that a number of the Senate, and a number 
 of the members of the House of Representa- 
 tives ai"e deeply involved in the scheme." 
 
 I am not certain that the above was contain- 
 ed in my private letter to Mr. Nathaniel Kerr; 
 but as I have made these statements privately, 
 it is but just that 1 sliould now avow them. 
 
 I am in hopes, sir, that this letter will be al- 
 together satisfactory to you, for, Gen. Jackson 
 may be a<jsured (the Presidential question aside) 
 no man can feel more bound to Gen. Jackson 
 than myself, for the great honor conferred by 
 blm on mv country. 
 
 N.\TH. W. WILLIAMS. 
 (Copy.^, 
 
 GF.y. .^NPHKw jACKsoy 
 
 Thi.s letter whilst it was so prepared as to u- 
 Toid asserting directly or by necessary infer- 
 ence, that the writer had not informed his coi" 
 respondent, that his conversation with General 
 Jackson took place on his applying to the latter 
 to examine him for a license, is manifestly so 
 worded as to convey that impression to those 
 who read it. The letter to Kerr, we have 
 never seen. But we have heai-d it spoken of 
 by many — as well in Richmond when it was first 
 exhibited, as elsewhere since — by some who 
 had seen it, and some who had not — and up to 
 the time of Judge AVilliams' publication, we had 
 always heard its purport represented in the 
 same manner, and to the best of our recollec- 
 tion, the conversation uniformly described as 
 having taken place at Gen. Jackson's house on 
 WilUams' applying to him for a license. Now, 
 Judge William.s seents to deny that such was his 
 statement, and we are told by those who sus- 
 tain and profess to believe him, that his letter 
 did not cont-iin it. If gentlemen who have 
 seen that letter make that assertion, we cannot 
 disbelieve them. But then the inquiry immedi- 
 ately presents itself, how did it happen that an 
 avowed "conjecture" of Mr. Kerr's (for such 
 we are now intprmed from several sources, was 
 its character) came to be represented by the 
 very gentlemen who heard it, in the very place 
 that it was expressed, and we imagine on the 
 very day of its utterance, as the solemn affirma- 
 tion of Judge Williams; and has been so repeat- 
 ed and circulated forsix months. What are we 
 to think of a party who if their explanation be 
 true, convert " conjecture" into proof — cu'cu- 
 late it as evidence establishing a criminal charge 
 against him whom they oppose, and are length 
 induced to confess its real nature, not from any 
 lingering sense of justice, but to skreen the 
 character of tneir witness? The defence may 
 possibly avail Williams — it assuredly deeply 
 criminates others. If however those concerned 
 be ambitious of the honor which such an ex- 
 planation unavoidably confers on them, it be- 
 comes not us to dispute their title to it. But we 
 will endeavor to show that though they claim 
 and enjoy it, Williams is not necessarily inno- 
 cent of having made the statement, which they 
 would now disclaim for him. 
 
 It must be admitted to be extremely impro- 
 bable that Mr. Kerr should have hazarded a con- 
 jecture of that sort at all, unless he has receiv- 
 ed information authorizing it from Williams — 
 for fi'om no other source could it have been de- 
 rived. How could he have known that Williams 
 had ever been examined by Gen. Jackson — or 
 if he knew this only, what could have induced 
 him of his own mere pleasure, without either 
 knowing the fact or iiaving any sufficient reason 
 to presume it, to stale even as a conjecture, that 
 the conversation occurred at Jackson's house 
 on his beuig applied to by Willian-.s for his h- 
 ccnse. Why nut have conjectured that it took 
 place at Nashville, or at some Court, or at the 
 memorable bull which Burr attended^ Such 
 conjectures would have been more probably 
 correct, because at the latter places, it might 
 have been reasonably stipposed that (ien. Jack- 
 son and Williams h.ad met. And if it he im 
 probable that Kerr should, in mere wantonness, 
 have hazarded as conjectural only, the state- 
 ment ascribed to him — how much more so is it, 
 that he should have mad'i it, not as a '^umiis'; or' 
 
So;^ 
 
 h,s OiWii, Lutiis dei-;;v:^u. tr*)in Williams liimself, 
 it* in fact he had no authority for the represen- 
 tation? That he did nrake it in such a manner 
 as to induce that impression we have heard from 
 xinquestionable authority; and indeed tlie act of 
 Itis party in circulating it as a part of the testi- 
 mony of Williams, should at least satisfiy them- 
 selves that he was generally so understood. — 
 >Jt'hen in addition, it is known, as we have been 
 informed was the case, that Mr. Kerr had seen 
 Judge Williams within a short time previous to 
 the receipt of his letter in January, it cannot we 
 think he doubted, th.at his statements — now al- 
 Je;gtd to have been his conjectures — were m:.de 
 iin the authority of Williams, whether contain- 
 I'd in his letter or p,ot. It is the only pesump- 
 tion warranted by the facts^the only one whicli 
 o.an he indulged consistently with the character 
 and integrity of Mr. Kerr and his piu-ty. 
 
 Assuming-. then, as v.-e may fairly do, that the 
 alleged conjecture oi" Kerr was in truth the 
 statement ot" WiP-iams himstlf, it, fellows us a 
 necessary consequeitce, that the inconsistency 
 — the contradiction between his fh-st and sub- 
 sequent representations, render both utterly 
 unworthy of confidence. We do not pretend 
 to assert — no man in his senses cau — that the 
 c;baracter of anv communication made by Gen. 
 Jackson to Williams was at all aftected "by the 
 ^)kux of it. If it W.13 criminal at his housje on 
 Wi,lliams' going to be examined by lilrn, it would 
 nave been equally so, if made at the .s.ame time, 
 on the road to Nashville or elsewhere. But 
 con^idq-ed i;\ relation to the credit of the 
 witness, we beg to know whjit foith can be 
 reposed ii; his testimony, who at one time 
 !»)catcs a criminal charge at one place, and 
 then at anothcr-rv/ho tirst detaif^ certain cir- 
 cumstances as attending the aef, and \yhen the 
 ;i,ukeftood of those circumstunccs in exposed beijond 
 oil questiou, substitutes others in their stead.^ 
 The criminality of a felon is in no manner de-- 
 ]iendent on the precise spot on wh/ich the of- 
 fence was perpetrated. Jt pan, however, 
 scarcely be questioned, {hat were a witness fo? 
 a pposecutlon to testify nt one time to its having 
 neon committed at a certain plifCe, iu\der ccr- 
 la'm vircumstanc^s, and afterwards to say that 
 It. was committjec^t another, and connected with 
 v!flFerent incidents, his tc«timony would and 
 <)Ugl)t to be v.holly disregarded, for this very 
 good reason — he must have spoken ignorantly 
 *^v falsely, cither an one occasion or the olhci-, 
 ;iiKl we can have no Kiiurancc tliat he has bc:e« 
 >H.'ttcr infoToied as to facts, oi- more o!)S'.'.n-5Ht 
 of truth, on otlier and more materia! points. 
 This principle, sanctioned liy tlic Lav^- of allcivi- 
 h,:td c(v;ntries, ;ind tlic feedings and common 
 .»;eitso of evejy intelligent humar. being, would 
 :n a case of .similar inconsistency oi) tlie Ji.U't rS 
 the witness ug.i'!nst him, protect thp veriest 
 \yretch who was ever dragged lo tlic liar of jus- 
 t/cc, loaded wltii i^nioaiiny aiul S|U.spiriun. May 
 v.e not tiiea claim its benclit in behalf of an il- 
 histrious man, ch.u-ged with a <;rir;ie, ag.iinst 
 which thf integrity of a long and usul'al ffv, 
 •^ Jrumpei-tongued" dejc-nd him. 
 
 Of ihewitness in this cjse, we knov.' nothing 
 pcrsoijally — we do not even kij(>w, UiQugh we 
 have th^ best reason to qelitvc it, thiii he. hus 
 mvolycd himseJf in the contradiction which, if 
 it exists, we say sli^iuld discredit him. iM' his 
 piotivcs too, w :■') klrowVvL iv 
 
 have heoti c.\ciied by maligjiity, or have bcci. 
 deceived by tlue forgetfuhtcss of age. But the 
 objection we have urged to the authority of his 
 testimony, we a:'e persuaded cannot be contro- 
 verte(}. 
 
 But waiving it — putting out of view that he 
 once asserted as we have attempted to show, 
 that the conversation refeired to with General 
 Jackson occun-ed at the h6use of the latter on his 
 applying to him for hi.;;>licens€, a:Kl now, since 
 it has been clearly estiiblibhed that at that time 
 General Jacksoaw'as no Judge and therefore 
 could ncit-have been applied to for any such 
 purpose, that it oc^un-ed during a casual ride 
 to Na.shville — adqiittlng that the error contaui- 
 ed in his represei\tation to Kerr, shall not afiect 
 the statements ira his letter to Gener;d Jackson, 
 — ^and tliat tliey .are true — What do they prove? 
 We confidently answer nothing in the slightest 
 degree implicating Gen. Jackson's character. 
 
 The letter of Williams, to Gt:n. Jackson, con- 
 tains but two averments— first that Gen. J. it k- 
 son, speaking in reference to Ihn-r's expedition, 
 said to him, that he •* could, if he would accep.t 
 it, obtain a Commission of Captain :" and se- 
 coiidly, that General Jacksx)n subsequently re- 
 marked to him, " Take notice, gentlemen, yoii 
 will find that a division of the V-, States has tak- 
 en deep root," Sec. Granting thes« observations 
 to have been correctly understood and report- 
 ed, which, bearing in minJ tl^tit Wilhams was 
 unable to recollect what ho had writteiUo Kerr 
 but two months before, is at least doubtful — it 
 may be easily shown that their character, and 
 of course their susceptibility of beingj construed 
 into the evidence of guilt, depend"- entire!^ on 
 their respective dates. 
 
 It is well known that for a considerable time 
 after BuiT had indicated his intention of eng-.tging 
 in a Southern exi)edition — atXcr indeed Irc had 
 notoriously commenced his preparations, his real 
 object was not suspected, but was suppi-essed by 
 almost every one, only to extend to an incursion 
 upon, or a settlement in the Spanish territory — 
 a project in which it v.as generally bclieved^lK; 
 was, if not encouraged, at least not opposed by 
 his own gorernmcnt. Under this impression, 
 many most patriotic atid respectable men joined 
 him ; and many more associared wilh luffi, and 
 paid liim the respect due to lugh standing, witl)- 
 outthe sligiitest suspicion of his treasonable \n- 
 tentions. U v,as indeed a consideralilc time 
 before his real designs became kno^vn. Thv- 
 stition which he had but recently occupied in 
 the government, his character, and his addrc.>->, 
 all conspired to croiitf and to eoniiniie the de- 
 ception. Gen. Jackson along with others was 
 ileceived : how he at Kngth became aware of 
 his real de,sigus, we shall hereafter have occ.i- 
 sion to show. 
 
 !f we be connect in tliis view of the subj.cc;, 
 or rather in this historic-.d detail, nothing mo\'(: 
 can be nc9e«sary to satisfy liie mi'uds of the most 
 prejudiced, that as we ti.sscrted, tite con.strtic- 
 tion to J>,e placed on these impute:l remarks of 
 Gi-n. Jackson, must dcpetul entiie)^v on tlyi 
 time wl;en they occunx'd. If Hje first was ex- 
 pressed before he became undeceived, arwi the 
 latter aft< rwafds. tlien all must udnnttliat tlJty 
 prove nothuig to his jjrtjud'ce. It is only by 
 assuming tmi tlie allegid olft-r of the captainc;; 
 to:)k place alter (ien. Jackson became acfiuaiiu 
 <--d with I'.nrrV dc.sign-i t5 "Tver thi^ Uni" 
 
sp 
 
 uthcr words, by coiinecUnii'Uis tv/o ausevvcuions, 
 t(i3t hVs guilt is inferred. We have as raiich 
 reason to say, as we coiTScientiousIy believe, that 
 al the lirae of the first remark, Burr's true object 
 was unknown to Gen. Jackson; and as these re- 
 marks are adduced in support of the charge, it 
 is clearly incumbent ou those who rely on them, 
 to prove that they occuiTed at the times assumed 
 by them, otherwise they afford no e^•;dence in 
 tlieir favor. No siich proof h;is been off-Ted, 
 and therefore, we have the rig'tit to conclude, in 
 tlie absence of all proof on the subject, that 
 thqy occurred at the times we believe them to 
 have taken place, and when they were entirely 
 innocent. But we will go farther, and express 
 the opinion that Williams's own statemeiit, if it 
 does not prove, at least clearly indicates that 
 these remarks were made at tlie times supposed 
 by us. As to the first, he expressly says, it was 
 ■' before ilr- Jefferson' s prudaviulion;" and tliat it 
 ivas in relation to what was ^'afterwards called 
 a ccmi'piraci/-" If at the time of its occurrence, 
 neither g>ovemment noi' individuals were appris- 
 ed of Burr's designs— if rumor even had not cal- 
 led his scheme a "conspiracy," we are utterly 
 unable to perceive how Gen. Jackson can be 
 presumed to have penetrated his object, and 
 Tipon this violent presumption be held responsi- 
 bie for an observation, which, at that time, any 
 (jther man in the nation might have innocently 
 made. As to the last renrark ascribed to Gen. 
 Jackson, Williams admits it was ^'afterwfu-ds" 
 timt is, after th# first; and therefore even if it 
 be corjceded that it was made, it assuredly can- 
 nat be connected with the first. If, ay must 
 have been the case, it occurred after he became 
 acquainted with Burr's object, it shows tlia,t he 
 vas the fu-st man to proclaim Lis designs and 
 warn bis friends si^iirst them. 
 
 This letter, then, admitting every word of it 
 tg be true, does not criminate Gen. Jackson, In 
 1 he slightest degree. In the language of Wil- 
 liams, it could not have been otherwise tns.n 
 * 'altogether satisf^tory" to the General, (so far 
 at least as it implicated his charac*.er,)thongh lie 
 ni.ay not have been sa tigfl eti us tc; the arcuravy 
 of its statements.* 
 
 • AVe have been informed tliat for many 
 years after Burr's conspiracy. Judge Williams 
 remained intimate with Gen. Jack.son. He couU 
 not, tlierefore, himself, have believed in the 
 <Jiar^ wiiich he now makes. 
 . it IS asserted by tl^ Knoxville Eiiriuirer tliat 
 Jiuige Wilhams, a few days after Jackson had 
 offered him a captaincy in Burr's army, v/rota 
 to ills relation. Col, John WUliam^, commuiii- 
 cating the fact. But Col. Williams, in a hitc 
 tlrcular, speaking of the suspicions which once 
 j)revailcd that Jacicson had been engaged with 
 Burr, says that, for his part, he " actc<l an tlic 
 principle which shall always govern" his *• coii- 
 duc-t, of condemning no individual ?//>o/?. rumor, 
 and wUhoxit tc^Jiinoiiyr," and therefore disrc- 
 gaid the suspicions. And yet, if the En- 
 quirer, the organ of Judge Willi.-in>s, speaks 
 truth, Col. Wilframs wtis informed of the fact 
 which is now relied on as evidence of General 
 Jackson's guilty in a few days »fter il3 occu!'- 
 rence. 
 
 A charge not believed by its author orliis re- 
 lation, \Vlio is said to be \\Vj, instigator alio, can 
 scarcely be believed by any one e.Lsc. 
 
 Oftiiii., Wliilanis and iiis inslig;Uox3 Wcl-j 
 well Jiware. For when after a lapfee* of four oi* 
 five montJis it wa.s determined to revive the cal- 
 umny contained in his letter to Kerr, and to 
 publish it to the world, in t!it hope no doubt of ^ 
 being able to affect by it the approaching elec- 
 tion in Kentucky, — we liud them not content 
 with repubhshing his letter to Gen. Jackson, 
 and relyiug upon the evidence which it affords ; 
 but the' following statement accompanies it. 
 
 •'Under l!ie belief that il is my duty to make 
 the followir.g statement, 1 nuike it. I moved to 
 Nashville, Tennessee, from the County of Pitt- 
 sylvania, Virginia, in the fall of the year 1804, 
 at the age of twenty five, that is, I movetl from 
 Virginia, in 1803, to Hav/kins Court-House, 
 East Teunessee, and from there I mpved to 
 Nashviyp. In 1306 or '7, these Burr ir.atter.* 
 transpired. I before protesting against the pro- 
 ceedings of Burr, had been frequently emplox- 
 edin Gen. Jackson's c,ollecti!>g bu.siness and 
 other suits. 1 think in the spring or fidl of 1806, 
 in riding from the General's liouse to Nashville* 
 near tlie Clover Bottom, he spoke to me in re- 
 lation to the Commission in Burr's army. And 
 in the same year, at Gallatin, ha made the dec- 
 laration in relation to the division of the Union, 
 as stated in our cojTcspondence. I not only 
 then determined that I would not agree to what 
 I believed to be Burr's schemes, but that i 
 would oppose him as far ics I could. Either 
 before or after Mr. Jefi'ersson's proclamation, 
 it was, as I Uiought, intended to impress the 
 public mind with the belief that a ball, then 
 on hand in Nashville, was intended as a 
 ma-rk of respect to Col. Burr- A number of 
 gentlemen in Nashville, to destroy this impre--. 
 .sion, and to shev/ their disapprobation of Bnrr. 
 determined that Col. Burr should not ai- 
 tend the ball, and so informed Colonvl 
 Burr through Judge .].ohn Overton, who relum- 
 ed with the information, as he told me, froci 
 BuiT, tiiat Col. }.UiiT had declined coming lotl'it? 
 ball.— With tliis We vvere satisfied. About iIr; 
 time the ball was half ever, I -.vasstanding againsl: 
 Tncv^-a^l, opposite the door of Cjilrance in tire 
 room, aud saw Gen. Jackson lead Tjuvrby tho 
 arm into the room, and intrcxluce b.ini, v>-.(;i 
 considerable form, to the ladies aiul gentlt.'neu 
 then present. I do not recollect at this \.Snr- 
 that Mr. JcfTei-son's proclamation had any efll.o\ 
 on tlie persons then about Nashville, wlio wci'ts . 
 from their conduct, justly liable to our sus|i+- 
 cion.s, and I think, 1 looksome pain*; \o enquire 
 in\o that circumstance. — Some time afterward.v 
 cur party; to show their furtlier iiKll.i^^wtvtiii, 
 buivnt Burr pubUcly in eliigy ; I have always Imj- 
 iievcd tiiat duri'i;gthi.s Burr matter, tliat .^t..,•.o" 
 TiJinan Dixini informed me, by let!tr, tliat Gta- 
 Cofice had been engaged in pi-ocuring boats an, I 
 ]n-o\'isions for I'.urr on Cun)jerlau<l i-»'cr, though 
 tlve ktter, if there was one, I cannot uow find, 
 and I have examined forit. It w-as my uii'kn - 
 staadirig at the time, that Col. Siokcly 1a Hayn 
 wcntofl'as one of litiiv":? rnen in Ins bo:kt^, and 
 1 have never heard it disputed .Vmce. Col. May .A 
 isanephcv; of Mrs. Jackson. Although Int- 
 ver was at Gen. Jackson's house with Burr, }"^' > 
 I am tolei-ahly well .satisfied according \.otr.>y \ 
 own recollection at this time oioccuiTci)ceatlK;n, 
 thut in thi- of 1806, and vii^tcr of 1o07, Bun, 
 and Gen. Jackson we;;e vciy'intimate; andtlii-v 
 Burr was frcouciilly ut tlie f>cnc"'if'9 bOus' 
 
^54 
 
 'Ihe above is a statenK-nt ot the inost prominent 
 facts as they are fixed on my recollection. If I 
 nm mistaken about any thing, it is about dates, 
 and about them I do not pretend to accuracy. 
 NATH. W. WILLIAMS. 
 »7 list of the gentel/nen in the ballroom at the time, 
 and wha were present on the public sqiutre at 
 J^^ashville, when Burr was burnt in effigy as 
 well as now recollected. 
 Geo. W. L. Marr, Attorney at Law, 
 Wm. Sinitli, Attorney at Law, and now 
 Clerk of the Circuit Court, of Wiliiamson'coun' 
 
 Thos, Swan, ofVirinnia, Attorney at Law, 
 (dead.) 
 
 Doctor Watkins, of East Tenn. 
 
 John G. Blount, of N. C. 
 
 .Tudge Porter, cf Louisiana, 
 
 N. Tunst.ill, of Pittsylvania County, Va. 
 
 E. S. Hall. 
 
 Curry, former Postmaster at Nashville. 
 
 I am not certain that the gentleman referred 
 to were present; if not they can say; the great- 
 er part I am pretty confident were present. I 
 very well know there were at the burning of the 
 effig-y from one to two hundred individuals. 
 N. W. WILLIAMS."* 
 
 _Thc only new allegationof importance con- 
 tained in tliis expose, relates to the attendance 
 by Burr of a bull in Nashville. The others had 
 been made beibre, or are now made with so lit- 
 tle certainty a.'ul precision both as to dates and 
 facts, a* not to merit or admit of refutation .— 
 And in regard to it, we are so fortunate as to 
 have the evidence of a gentleman present at 
 that ball, whicli proves beyoad all question that 
 Williams' statement on this subject is untrue. 
 The gentleman to whom we refer, is Dr. 'J'hcs. 
 G. Watkins of East Tennessee, one of those 
 named by Williams himself as present on the 
 occasion referred to. Dr. Watkins durin-- a 
 visit to Virginia last Spring, having dctailed^to 
 one of the editors of this pappr the facts'con- 
 nected with Burr's ggint^ [o this b^ll, was re- 
 quested by hmi t- commit them to writing; and 
 iu comphanc: with this request, addressed to 
 him the to, lowing letter; 
 
 * '"nis man has more recently addressed ano- 
 thev communication to the public. As, how- 
 e'.er, it contains no new fact, but is rather a silly 
 argunterit in supi)ort of his charge, we shall not 
 encumber our columns with his trajh. Accom- 
 panying it, is a letter from a Mr. John Hoover, 
 who states among other similar reasons for be- 
 lieving the charge, that the standing of Jackson 
 was Sit. that time at so low an ebb, th.it lie proba- 
 bly supposed he had nothing to loose, and therc- 
 t'ovf: might readily Iiavc eng.igcd in such a 
 sc^.icme. We should suppose tliis fellow has 
 «;) character to loose, or he certainly would not 
 /.lave stated so absurd a falsehood. It is well 
 inown that General Jackson in his youth, was 
 the Attorney General of his State, afterwards a 
 member of eitlicr House of Congress— had re- 
 5(igned recently a Judgship— and w:is then, as 
 Jie has always been, one of the most popular 
 mentn the State. Yet this Mr. John Hoover, 
 wiiom no one ever heard of, testifies that his 
 standing in life was then desperate. it woul 
 he difiicuU to say, whether this man displays 
 most fo'ly cr malignitv/J 
 
 Charlottesville, May 14, 18^B, 
 
 Deak Sin— In the winter of 1806 or '7, to the 
 best of my recollection as to the time, I was a 
 member of the dancing assemblies, for the seak 
 son, in Nashville. On one of the evenings pre- 
 ceding a stated meeting for the night, it was 
 communicated to the managers for the season, 
 two of whom I distinctly recollect, were the 
 present John Overton, L. L. D. of Traveller's 
 Rest, near Nashville, and the late Doctor Han- 
 son Catlett — that Col. Burr was in town. He 
 was immediately ticketed,- as Judge Overton in- 
 formed me, nem. con. I think by the managers. 
 Some one, I do not now recollect who, objected 
 to this act of the managers. Judge Overton re- 
 marked that he had concurred in the invitation , 
 from a conviction of its propriety — but, as he 
 acted upon delegated authority, he wished a 
 meeting, as full and general as practicable, of the 
 subscrihers to the assemblies, to be convened; 
 and if a majority of them disapproved of the act 
 of the managers, the invitation to Mr .Burr should 
 be promptly withdrawn. A meeting, a very full 
 meeting was called, and a majority sanctioned 
 the act of the managers. The ball went on 
 very hai'moniously ; Col. Burr, though some- 
 what distrusted by some, v/as considered an 
 elegant acquisition to it — and was treated ac- 
 coidingly ; a hospitable, and gracious smile from 
 the ladies, in return foi his very general, and 
 very elegant salutations, proved their happy ac- 
 quiesence, in the general arrangement. Gene- 
 ral Jackson resided about fourte«i miles from 
 Nashville at the time: if he and his^niable lady 
 attended on that occasion as they often did oa, 
 others — I have lost all distinct recollection of it, 
 which, I tliink I should not, if there had been 
 any thing more marked in the attention of either 
 to Col. Burr, tlian seemed to be generally awar- 
 ded to iihti by the company present. While 
 CTi this subject I will remark, that, sometime 
 previous to this Ball, ayouug gentleman who re- 
 sided in my family in Nashville, appeared anx- 
 ious to go with Col. Burr — he afterwards cooled 
 off. And questioned on the subject, by myself 
 or some cr^e <n mv prcscncCi be stated that a 
 Mr. Caffrey, 1 think was the name, hwl been 
 about that time advised — verbally or by a letter, 
 I am not certain which — by Gen. Jackson, to 
 have nothing to do with Col. Burr's expedition. 
 Respectfully, TH. G. WATKINS. 
 
 It is thus clearly shown that Burr was invited 
 to the ball — that his invitation was not recalled, 
 but sanctioned by the subscribers, — and there* 
 fore all assertions of insinuations that he was in- 
 troduced by Gen. Jackson against the consent 
 of the gentlemen attending, are without the 
 shadow of a foundatic-,1. From the statement of 
 Dr. Watkins, it is also extremely improbable 
 that Gen. Jackson, if present at all, showed to 
 Burr more attention than is usually paid to a 
 distinguished stranger, to whose prejudice, no- 
 thing is known; the assertion of AVilliams to the 
 contrary notwithstandmg, who, if his memory 
 be as bad as when it suits his purposes, he choos- 
 es to represent it, may well nave been standing 
 on his head in a corner, for aught he now knows 
 to the contrary, instead of on his feet "against 
 the wall opposite the door." 
 
 The statements of Williams — the witness so 
 much relied on by the Coalition — having been 
 disposed of, — it only remainr for us to offer a 
 f ■'w rpm9rk«! vnon th»* -charge itself, a^d refer 
 
o66 
 
 to ami exhibit such evidence in disproof of it, 
 as, in our opinion, conclusively shows its false- 
 hood. 
 
 The letter written by Gen. Jackson to Mr. 
 ■Claiborne, Governor of Louisiana on the 12Ui 
 Nov. 1806, is already before the public. In it 
 he says, »• Be upon the alert, keep a watchful 
 eye upon our General, and beioare of an aUack 
 as well from our oivn country, as Spain. I fear 
 there is something rotten in the state of Den- 
 mark. You have enemies within your own city, 
 that may try to subvert your government, and 
 try to separate it from the Union. You know 
 I never hazard ideas without good grounds — 
 you will keep these hints to yourself. But I 
 say again, be upon the alert; your government 
 is in danger. IJear there are plcnis on foot inimi- 
 tcdto the Union, whether they will be attempted 
 to be carried into effect or not I cannot say : but 
 rest assured they are in operation, or 1 calculate 
 boldly^" and again in the same — " 1 will die in 
 the last ditch befoi-c i would see the Union dis- 
 united." — In addition to this warning to Gov. 
 "Claiborne, given doubtless as soon a? he be- 
 came convinced of Hurr's intentions, it is also 
 Icnown, that about the same time, (suspicions 
 then beginning very generally to prevail,) nvmy 
 revolutionary officers in Tennessee of ^reat re- 
 spectability — men who from theirsituationsmay 
 be presumed to have known Jackson intimateh^ 
 and from their character cannot be suspected of 
 having participated in any treasonable designs 
 — made a formal tender to him as their com- 
 mander, of their services in support of "the 
 laws and constituted authorities" of the coun- 
 try. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson who was President at the time 
 and who is known to have been early informed 
 of Burr's designs, of all his preparations, and 
 of his associates, may be presumed to have had 
 better means of ascertaining whether General 
 Jackson was connected with him, than any one 
 else. His opinion therefore, from the mere 
 circumstance that he possessed this knowledge, 
 <;nd apart from that deference which might be 
 ^laimedfor liis judgment, is deserving ofparti- 
 ular attention. What that opinion was, is 
 •Well known. As early as the third of January, 
 182r, he said in a letter to General Wilkinson, 
 ♦' Be assured that Tennessee, and particularly 
 GeneralJacksony are faitufcl." This opinion 
 underwent no change. For to a gentleman 
 whom we knov/ to have been high in his esti- 
 mation, and to have had many long and unre- 
 served conversations with him on the politics 
 and political history of our country, he remark- 
 ed ojily a few years before his death — " You 
 may depend «pon it. Sir, tliat I had at the time 
 of that transaction the most satisfactory eviden- 
 ces of the vigilance, patriotism and integrity of 
 General Jackson on that occasion." 
 
 This observation evidently pointed to some 
 communications from the Western country — 
 among them,probably to one from Jackson him- 
 self. Accordingly, having ascertained tlic ex- 
 istence among Mr. Jefferson's papers of a let- 
 ter from this ever ready patriot, written at the 
 clo«e of 1806; we appUed to Mr. Jefferson's ex- 
 ecutor for a copy thereof. It has been com- 
 municated* aiKi will be found to be of a piece 
 
 *At the same time was received tlie foHowing 
 letter from Mr. Randolph — 
 
 with the rest of tlie gi-eat citizen-soidier's life. 
 In the man who in 1806, in a spai-sely settled 
 country, pledged himself to bring into' the field 
 at twenty days' notice three regiments of vo- 
 lunteers; we recognize the same Andrew Jack- 
 son who, in 1817, has established such a cha- 
 racter for energy and devotion to the public 
 weal, as to be appealed to by the Federal Exe~ 
 cutive.tolead his fellow-citizens into the Indian 
 country, and "terminate the conflict" which 
 was desolating theirfront'ers. 
 
 The Pbesidest of the United States. 
 
 Sin: — In the event of insult or aggression 
 made on our government and country from any 
 auAUTEn, I am so well convinced that the pub- 
 lic sentiment and feeling of the citizens within 
 this state, and particularly within my division, 
 are such, of such a nature and such a kind, that 
 rtake the hberty of tendering their services — 
 that is, under my command: — and at one mo- 
 ment's warning,after your signification that this 
 tender is acceptable, my orders shall be given 
 conformably. 
 
 I beg leave to offer to your view the enclosed 
 orders some time ago issued by me : since 
 which time I have not been furnished with 
 complete returns of the volunteer companies ^ 
 
 Edgekill, July 31, 1828. 
 
 Deaii Sir, — In answer to yours of the 29tli, 
 requesting a copy of a letter written by Gen. 
 Jackson to Mr. Jefferson in the winter of 1806 
 — I had some doubts as to the propriety of send- 
 ing it; but from its bei.ig intended to be used to 
 remove injui-ious suspicions against Gen. Jack- 
 son, I have concluded on complying with your 
 i;eq':est. 
 
 The papers of Mr. Jefferson having passed 
 into my hands, it is my duty to preserve, as sa- 
 cred andinviolate as he himself would have done, 
 the confidence of his private correspondence. 
 I have been the more sensible of the propriety 
 of this, from the manner in which his private 
 conNei-sations have been misconceived and re- 
 peated, and his private letters divulged; as pain- 
 ful to his fi-iends, as it has been cruelly unjust 
 to him. All who knew liim, know how evitire- 
 ly averse he was, — having himself retired from 
 the arena, — to an expression of opinion con- 
 cernhig the fitness or unfitness of any of the 
 actors tlien upon the stage; declaring his own 
 incompetency to decide upon that wliich was 
 the business of younger heads and more active 
 minds, conversant with the scenes and circum- 
 stances under which they played their paiis. 
 This is fully proved by the perfect doubt exis- 
 ting amongst his most intimate and confidential 
 friends, as to the object of his preference: each 
 thinking his own peculiar favorite the one ap- 
 proved by him. 
 
 I have been prompted to this digression, from 
 he deep mortification M"hich has been inflicted 
 upon the family of Mr. Jefferson, by the manner 
 in which he has been placed without the pale of 
 tlie common decencies of society, in the viola- 
 tion of his confidence, by the publication ot his 
 confidential letters, and divulging his private 
 and unguarded conversations so liable, without 
 the least improper design, to misconception and 
 consequent misstatement. 
 
 Very sincerely, youp'.s, 
 TH. JEFFEUSON UANDOLPH 
 
 J, A. G. Davip. Fsc 
 
aoo 
 
 t>ut froiii tlie uilbriniti'ton I tJossess, I lia\«e no 
 doubt that tlirec re^mcnts of volunteevs (to be 
 commanded by their own officers, and such as 
 may be recommended by their (General) CTin be 
 brougijt into the field, ready to march in twen- 
 ty days from the receipt of order.-). 
 
 Accept assurances for my feigli consideration 
 and respect, ANDHKW JACKSON. 
 
 JiJ. G. 2d Division, 'I^nnesstc. 
 
 [This letter is without date. It is endorsed 
 Irowever, in Mr. Jcfitrson's hand ivritinj^ and 
 invariable manner: "Jackson, Genl. And. 
 Tennessee, reed. Nov. 24, 06." The import- 
 ant words <' from any quarter," wc halve se( in 
 spvill capitals, for thfe purpose of drawing; to 
 them the especial jittention which they merit.] 
 
 Our column? are already too crowded with 
 this uiaitei, tu .admit at full length the " orders" 
 referred to in tliis letter. 'I'liey also, however, 
 contain a deeply significaii* passage. After 
 calling the attention to the "late conduct of 
 tl^e Spanish Governrhent, added to the hostile 
 appearance and menaCiogattittide of their arm- 
 ed forces" as making it " necessary that the 
 Militia under his command sljould be in com- 
 plete oilier and at a moments warning rea<ly to 
 inarcli,*' and impressing tlie truth "that our 
 good materials, our best of 7nen must be proper- 
 ly disciplmed; and in this way, the preperation 
 rannot be too great to meet the wishes of the 
 Gerreral, and the exigencies of our country, — he 
 nddresses his officers as follows: "Von are 
 tiierefore ordered, without delay, to place your 
 brigade en the most respectable footingf, and be 
 in readiness to furnish the cjuota required of yovi 
 :\t f])e shf«-test notice. All volunteer ccmpapies 
 well equipped will be :iccepted. If the full 
 cjuota can be raised by vnlu:ifary enlistment, it 
 will answer government a better purpose than 
 by pressing men from their families by draft; 
 but nit l>c discovered that this cannot be done, 
 wu u"ill direct that the effective men be classed 
 and that tl>c law in this lespect be particularly 
 attended to; and when the f>ovKHN:viE>T Axn 
 CoxsrrrcTEn AuTiioiiiTrv..>; of our country rfc- 
 qulro, they mujtbe in rr-iidincss tom\rch.'" • 
 
 if after this cxposlrion, any doubt still re- 
 main*!, which we caiuiot believe possible, it must 
 be dissipated, even with the most determined 
 ar.d inveieratcof Gen. .Tacks'on's maligners, by 
 the e\'ideucc which wc will now proceed to ex- 
 hibit. In Mairh last, J. llakcr, Ksq. of St. Mar- 
 tinsville, Louisiana, ^isitcd this neighborhood. 
 Til a crtnversation with two of us, in relation to 
 <;en. Jackson, and the various charges against 
 him, he Communicated to us information on the 
 .'^ubjcct ol'the particular one under considera- 
 I'.or, which we deemed important. At our ^r- 
 <^iiest, he addressed to nue of us a ktter, rc- 
 pcatiflg the statement which he had vcrb:dly 
 made, an^U^vh'ich we now puhlisii. Mr. Kaker 
 Ijiu-^ been loi>»^ and iiitimatcly known to one of 
 tl>e Kditors of this paper, and he hesitates not to 
 nfiirtrv, that no man is more respectable, ormain- 
 taiuH a more unimpe:ichod and unimpeachable 
 •"tiaractcr for veracity ;ind honor. ^\'hc;•e he is 
 known, no teslimonial of his respectability is nc- 
 f essary, and no doubt will he entertained of the 
 correctness of his statement. Mr. Cu(ir< y, to 
 - V horn lie refers, is, wc arc assured '>y him, a gin- 
 tTertian of hi-jh standing and great rcspcctabili-ty. 
 Thcugl) vcj do not pretend that >Ir. Bi»k.cr\« 
 
 stitem£nl w<udd be admissible, as slriciiy Icgai 
 evidence, it cannot fail to carry conviction to 
 (n'er\'mlnd, not impervibus to the light of truth. 
 
 April»8th, 1828. 
 
 Dear Sin, — You request me to send you tlie 
 
 statement in w'riting I nade <it Mr. G 
 
 about the JJurr affair. It Itas been so lon^ since 
 D<5nel3<yn CaHVcy, Esq of St. Mary'.s, I'Oi^iisiana, 
 made the same to mc> th::t I caVmot g^ve the 
 dates of the difierent transactions, nor the time 
 wlien Ihad the Conversition with him, but thmk 
 it was about the time of the last Presidei >.i.al 
 election. I did not treasure up flie facts £tnd 
 dates that Mr. C. communicated to me, be- 
 cause I did not then think, nor do I now think, 
 that any such proof was necessary fo repel the 
 idea of Gen. Jackson's having had any thing to 
 do with Burr's conspita'cy. Those who know 
 Gen. J. could not for one moment suppose him 
 to have been in any way engaged with Burr ; 
 and his acts .of a public character show too. 
 much patriotism for any one to believe suca a. 
 fabrication at this day. Mr. Caflrey's commu- 
 nication was substantially as follows: — Borr vis- 
 ited Tennessee, staid some time at Nashvill?, 
 and was often to see Gen. Jaekson. A friend 
 of Burr went to see Gen. J. and while in fatnil 
 iar conversation with him, asked him what he 
 would think of the man who had the talents 
 and means to seperate the Western States from 
 the Eastern, and make the mountain the divi- 
 ding line. The General replied that he would 
 consider him a traitor to liis country, and would 
 be one of the first to take his life. Here the 
 conversation ended. This friend of fiurrretur* 
 ned to Xashville, where Burr then was, a^d nt> 
 drtubt coTTimunicated to him Gen. Jackson's an- 
 swer to this oblique question. This conversa- 
 tion awakened Gen. Jiickson'a saspicions, foi- 
 he wrote to Gov. Clairborne, putting l^m upon 
 hiT guard against Bun*. Clairborne was theu 
 Ciovernor of the territory of Missrsslppi. Gen . 
 J. also recalled from the service of Burr all hi- 
 young relatives who had been induced to join 
 Burr under the befief that he was going to rev- 
 6hitionizethe Spaish dominions in North Amer- 
 ica. Mr. CiifTrey was one of them. I thank 
 (though I will not be positive,) that Mr. C 
 showeel me Gen. J's letter to him, advising him 
 to abandon Burr. 
 
 Your friend, JOSHUA BAKER. 
 
 In this letter we are persuaded, is contained 
 the true explanation of Gen. Jackson's alleged 
 cormexion with Burr, and the reasons which 
 first induced him to suspect his designs. Im- 
 mediately on discovering Ihcni, though he was 
 not aiithorix.ed by what had pa.ss€d, publicly to 
 procL'iiin Burr a traitor, he recalled his nephew 
 from his service, wrote to Claiborne putting 
 him on liisgnard, and to the President, making 
 a tender of his services to the government. 
 
 AVe have, we trust, redeemed the pledge wc 
 gave to refute this foul calumny whenever its 
 authors and abettors dared to produced the cvi- 
 tlence of which they boasted the possession. Ip 
 In poi'forming this task, v.'c have been reluct 
 antly led into greater prolixity than was desira- 
 ble or perhaps necessary. 'I'lic very weakness 
 of the case which v.e had to oppose, presenting 
 no one strong point (o be assailed, and the im- 
 perfect and conclusixTc nature of the evidence 
 on which it rests, conststing of vague riimpi-s. 
 malicious conjectures, and ur.foundcd inf(jren»' 
 
 1 
 
joy 
 
 es, 111 agreax aegree exposed us to this Incon- 
 '^iiience. But after undei'takiiij^ the examina- 
 
 ion, we desired to peiiise it effectually and tl\o- 
 roughly ; thotrg-h we were satisfied that a formal 
 icfutation of the charg-e was not necessary to 
 
 he viiTclication of Gen. Jackson's character. 
 Tie n>ay have been occaslonslly impelled by tlie 
 warmth ef his temperament and the peculiar 
 oircnmstances of his situation, to acts, which to 
 those who scan his conduct with harshness rath- 
 er tlian justice, may seem to have partaken of 
 rashness and excess ; he ir.ay in his zeal to 
 serve h5s couritr}% somctinres have overstep- 
 ped the limits of his authority ; — these arc 
 questions about which honest and intelli- 
 gent men may well differ. Eut when an at- 
 tempt is made by that party and those acting 
 with them, who havenhvays oppased the Govern- 
 ment unless when it was administered by them- 
 selves, whopreferreda dissolution of the Union 
 to sustaining the burthens and encountenng" the 
 perils incident to a state of war, who have iini- 
 fprmly " siuik as their country rose, and rose as 
 that desponding, lacerated, perishing, betrayed 
 country sunk,"— to prove Tueason on him who 
 vsuis an able and efficient member of the repub- 
 iican party in • 9S, who largely contributed to 
 win his valor the honorable peace which they 
 %vould liave pnrchasecf with national disgrace, 
 •who has been a corrsistent patriot from his boy- 
 hood, and an honest and honorable man through 
 life — the American people cannot require the 
 formality of a defence, to acquit him from such 
 a charge. It does in truth no less insult their 
 
 mdcFstandings, than foully, basely calumniate 
 one of their greatest benefactors. * 
 
 From the Artj-us of Western America. 
 
 SUMMARY OF FACTS. 
 
 From the condnct of the advocates of Johiii 
 Q,. Adams, it ts apparent tliat they do not rely 
 for success on his n^rcrit of the acts of his admin- 
 istration. Of the well founded objections to 
 him, both on the score of principle and con- 
 'luct, originating as well before as sinc6 his ac- 
 cession to the Presidency, they scarcely deign 
 to take any notice; but answer every new dis- 
 covery of priv.ate delinquency and public abuse 
 with some new charge against General Jack- 
 son. By this course of conduct, they conclirs- 
 ively prove, that the present men in power are 
 whofty lndefensil)le, and that their only hope 
 consists in renderirrg Gen. Jackson stiil more 
 obnoxious than they are. 
 
 They do not attempt to show that Mr. Ad- 
 ams was not raiscti in the principles of his father, 
 an aristocrat and moir.irchifit, who believed that 
 theie ought to be, and always would be, dis- 
 rinctioiTS in society, aiHi that the British system 
 of isirrg. I^rds and Commons, is "the noblest 
 v.-ork of human invention," the admiration of 
 'he world." 
 
 Th<;\' cannot pretend that he was not the rc- 
 ^iler of Jefferson, the foe of democracy, afld 
 • f )i>e of the leaders of the Ncw-Englund federal- 
 ists, until the latter part of 1807. 
 
 They do not deny that he secretly denounced 
 the federal party to Mr. Giles and Mr. Jeffer- 
 son, as traitors to their country- while he was 
 publicly seeking to retain their friendship. 
 
 The Jourmds show beyond contradiction, tliat 
 J5c vctcd against 3:1 umoudmcnt of the co"::'.it'.:- 
 
 tion in rEialioii to the eitciion' of Fresitient an^ 
 Vice-President, after having' learnt, by the cqji- 
 test between Jefferson and liurr, that it was fa- 
 tally defective. , 
 
 The same cvitlence, united with his vindica'^ 
 tion in 1812, prove.? that he voted against an- 
 nexing Louisiana to the United States, artd coi>, 
 sideredit wholly unconstifntional. 
 
 We have the authOT'ty of Mr. CTay, David 
 Trimble, Ben. Hardui, S:c. &c. for saying tha'; 
 at Ghent he di.fj)layed his hostility to the West,; 
 in attempting to barter to the Bi-itish tho free 
 liavigaticm of the Mississippi. 
 
 Wo have the authority of Mr. Clay and his 
 fi'lends, for saying, that he garve up Texas to 
 Spain witikotit necessity or equivalent, thy 
 Spanish minister being i^fstructed to conceile it 
 to us. 
 
 During the liist Presidential contest David 
 Trimble, tlte Reporter, and dll Mr. CTay^? 
 friends and ad^-ocates in this country,' represen- 
 ted Mr. Adams as an apost.ate federalist, a politi- 
 cal hypocrite, an enemy of the West, undeser\"' 
 ing of public honors and unfit for public station?. 
 
 Developmeiits sinte made, prove, tliat on the 
 Ghent mission, while our countiy was bleeding, 
 our treasury was empty and our army starving, 
 he was chax-gir.g for outfits, salaries, contingen- 
 cies and ^-ourneys never performed, a greater 
 sum pel- annum thati the salary of the President, 
 and pevishly complainings of our government as 
 "ff^cble and penurious, " because Congress 
 soiTiewliat obstru*:ted cupidity ami avarice. 
 
 It is admitted, even by hiis friends, that aftef 
 liis return homi", the books of the Treasur;/ 
 were falsified, to enable him to pocket a con- 
 siderable sum, to which he was not entilJed b}' 
 law, and it is impossible that it coukl havb 
 been done without his knowledge or connivances 
 
 When made Secreta!»>- of State, he took the 
 printing of the Acts of Congress in Massachu- 
 setts from a republican paper whfch had sup^ 
 ported the country in peace and in W"ar, an(l 
 g-ave it to Bcri. Uussell of the Boston Centinfel, 
 tlie leading advocate of the liar' ford Converfticii 
 and disunion. 
 
 He was made President by a double bargair. 
 Tlie federalists liated him because he had be- 
 trayed and abandoned themj but, to secure 
 their votes, traitbi-s as he had declared them to 
 be, he gave a written pledge, as one of t^m 
 has acknowledged, to appoint them to bfutes — 
 The western members hated him as the cncn^v- 
 of their section of t!ic Union; yet he gr>t the;.' 
 votes, becau^ie it war, •'distiiictly ascertaiiKci 
 that he would make Mr. Clay Secretary ot" 
 State." 
 
 By this bu} ing up eastern trai'tors and tl>e re- 
 prasentatlves of western patriots, he was mado 
 Presidev-t according tf) tlie form of the constitu- 
 tion, but in gross violation of tlic will of the peo- 
 ple. By the union of those two extremes, ofd 
 maxims have beenfliscarded, and old princfples 
 recanted ; dangerous examples have Irecomc 
 '♦safe precc<lents," and the Secretary succes- 
 r.lcwi, which «'it was the first object of Mr. Clay's 
 fi4ends to prevent," has now become the firstj 
 object of their desii-es: it is to furnish a conven- 
 ient substitute for Irereditary succession, an.4 
 like imperial Borne, we are to have our lirre dfi 
 Gaidars, cacli apjjointing his successors. f 
 
 AVhcn a Seiuaor dared to arraign this unnat- 
 
 ural 
 
 inr'^n ;n 
 
 ^;tc. Mr. Adorns fuffercd ii:'' 
 
S6b 
 
 yi-uuc uiiiiibier ana appointeti successor to call 
 him to the field and attempt to shoot him to 
 deatli. 
 
 By the terror of the pistol, by the influence 
 rf official station, by the power and patronage 
 of the government, have Mr. Adams and his 
 Secretary attempted to make themselves popu- 
 Jai-. 
 
 A billiard table was purchased and set up, 
 and is now standing in the President's house, 
 when most of the States have suppressed the 
 gtime, from its immorality. 
 
 Printers were procribed and deprived of pub- 
 lic patronage, solely because they dared to raise 
 their voices agsVinst tl* principles of the elec- 
 tion and the acts of the administration, and the 
 patronage of the government is avowedly bes- 
 towed only on those who support the men in 
 power. 
 
 A salary was paid to a friend of Mr. Clay, as 
 Secretary of the Panama mission, for several 
 months, while he was electioneering for the of- 
 iice of Governor of Ne«'-Ycrk. 
 
 The ill judged project of a mission of Pana- 
 ma, cost the fife of our valued fellow-citizen, 
 llichard C. Anderson, and about $80,000 in out- 
 fits, salaries, contingences and the equipments 
 of a public ship, without yielding the slightest 
 return in profit or in honor. 
 
 The superannuated Rufus King was sent to 
 England, and left without iastrnctions as Xo the 
 British colonial trade; and having pocketed an 
 outfit of 5.9,000 and a salary of about $9,000, re- 
 fumed home and left his son in cliargc of the 
 papers to whom was paid over r5, 000 for that 
 .service, about sixty days, contrary to all law and 
 in defrince of all justice. 
 
 Albert Gallatin was then sent to the same 
 post; and having pocketed an outfit of $9,000 
 and a salaiy of ;p9,000, he also returned home. 
 
 The British ofiTcred us their colonial trade on 
 terms which Mr. Adams rejected; afterwards 
 changing his mind, he offered the same terms 
 to them ; tliey also had changed their minds, 
 and deprived us of the trade altogether. 
 
 Tor a long time while our relations with that 
 government were of so serious a nature as to re- 
 quire of the President to order troops to the 
 frontiers of Maine to check British encroacments, 
 we were left wholly unrepresented at that 
 Couit! 
 
 At last James Barbour is sent out as our min- 
 ster, with his outfit of $9,000, who will doubt- 
 less return in one year, having pocketed a sala- 
 ry of $9,000, while $4,500 will doubtless be 
 paid the present Charge des Affairs for his out- 
 tit: making tlie outfits of that mission for four 
 years, no Jess that $30,000. 
 
 By neglect, he Frencli colonial trade has 
 been lost. 
 
 The independent State of Georgia has been 
 threatened with miliitary punishment, for daring 
 to survey her own territory. 
 
 The Secretaries, Heads of the several De- 
 partments, almost periodically, quit their pub- 
 lic duties, range through the country, making 
 speeches and electioneering to keep their mas- 
 ter in olfice, in the face of .all propriety, of ail 
 decency, contrary to the practice of all former 
 times and the instructions given by the revered 
 JefFei-son. 
 
 Uocununts from public officers have been so 
 di-'.r."ang':d whenb'd hsfore Con.Ln-essasto pro- 
 
 duce false niipressions, while some ot the most" 
 important have been suppressed, and aa well 
 the papers as the money of the people prostitut- 
 ed to the vilest electioneering. 
 
 Tiic pubfic money has been literally lavished 
 on partisans and favorites, and ingenuity seems 
 to have been taxed to devise ways and means to 
 extract it fi-om the Treasury. 
 
 John H. Pleasants, editor of the Hichmond 
 Whig, was paid $1,940 for carrying depatches 
 to Buenos Ay,es, when the Government knew, 
 that instead of going there, he sent his papers 
 by another hand, and went on a trip of pleasure 
 to England. 
 
 Theodore W. Clay, son of the Secretary of 
 State, was paid $1,205 for carrying despatches- 
 to Mexico. 
 
 These and many other messengers were al- 
 lowed six dollars per day, besides the paymeiit 
 of enormous bills for their expenses, making it 
 amount in some instances, to sixteen dollars pc" 
 day, when an honest man as ever bore a letter, 
 could have been hired for two dollars and thei- 
 actual expenses. 
 
 Messengers have been even hired to carry 
 despatches to New-York and Norfolk, where the 
 public mails run as swiftly as any messenger can 
 go, and would carry despatches as .safely. 
 
 In the Department of State alone, $ 15,000 
 has been paid for extra Clerk hire, in addition 
 to the salaries of a host of regular Clerks, some 
 of them have received considerable sums for al 
 leged extra work ; many thousands, in purchas 
 ingall sorts of books, few of which are in use in 
 the duties of the Department ; thousands for 
 medals and pictures of distinguished men — of 
 the President and Indians; more than $4,000 
 for boaidlng Didians in the most extrav.agant of 
 the City Hotels, hundreds for Englk-h wrUi7ti!: 
 paper with the crown stamped on it ; extrava- 
 gant prices for Port Polios, and every sort of fi- 
 nery and foolery, not for the people's use, but 
 to gratify the extrav.as:ancies of officers and 
 clerks ; more than $ 1,300 for buying, keep- 
 ing, recovering, &c. of horses and their trap- 
 pings ; various items for cleaning g^rass out ot 
 the pavement of the Secretar)'s oflTicc, and 
 pouring hot ley on it ; and $215 for cleaning 
 boots and shoes for Indians ! 
 
 Old Hezek'.ah Niles has been paid a $1,000 
 for subscription to his newspaper! 
 
 By these and many other exti-avagancles and 
 fooleries, the expenses of the government have 
 been increased during the last three years more 
 than c'fi;Jit milUms of dollars. 
 
 How do the advocates of Mr. Adams defend 
 all abandonments of principle and abuses of 
 power; this lack of patriotism and fraud on the 
 treasury, this neglect of pubfic duty and reward 
 of favorites; this contempt of public morality 
 and of the privileges of the people's represen- 
 tatives; this preference of foreign manufactures 
 and prodigal waste of public money. 
 
 They seem to have abandoned all defence in 
 utter despair. AVhcn a new abuse is discover- 
 ed, they get up a new cnarge against General 
 Jackson, or new vamp an old one, attempt to 
 draw off the attention of tiie people from what 
 is, toiohat inii;ht hr, and induce them to submit 
 to delected dishonesty, end abuse and corrup- 
 tion, through fear of M'orse evils, should tlie 
 Farmer of ■i'enncssec be placed at the head of 
 the natiuo. 
 
li^lTED SIATES^ TELEGiiAPH— iia;^rt^. 
 
 This paper will be. devoted exclusively to the Presidential Election, and be published weeljly;, 
 until the 15th of October next, for One Dollar; subject to newspaper postage, aitd no more. • 
 
 BY GREEN Sf JARP'IS. 
 
 VOU 1. 
 
 WASHINGTON, AUGUST 23, 1828. 
 
 24. 
 
 NEW PUBIJCATION3. 
 
 Among' the rare and exquisite productions 
 which the genius of the Coalition has given 
 birth to, is one entitled " MONUMENTAL IN- 
 SCRIPTIONS compiltd from official documents 
 communicated by the Department of War." The 
 precious IJttle volume in question, contains no 
 iess than eight splendid engravings, represent- 
 ing the tombs of those soldiers who were exe- 
 cuted (pui'suant to sentence passed on them) 
 on the 21st February, 1815. from the general 
 arrangement of th.e v>-ork we have no doubt that 
 •it was published at the office of the celebrated 
 .John Binns, of Philadelphia, whose skill and 
 taste in disposing of coffins, tombs, raw-heads 
 and bloody bones, &.c. on hand-bills, is not to be 
 questioned. The work purports to be compiled 
 from oiUcial documents communicated by the 
 Department at War. Page 1st opens on the 
 monument o^ John Harris, thus : 
 
 atrr^ to tijr jlWemovii 
 
 OF 
 JOHH HAHHIS. 
 
 ' rle was a Preacher of the Gospel of Christ to 
 
 • the heathen in the wilderness. To earn bread 
 ' for a wife and nine children, he entered as a 
 
 • substitute in the militia during the Creek war. 
 '•' He sought information from his Colonel as to 
 
 'his legal tour of duty. It was denied him. 
 'He was instructed by liis ofiicers that his legal 
 ''■ tour of duty would expire on the 20th Sep- 
 
 • tember. On that day he surrendered his mus- 
 -' ket to his Captain, took from him a receipt 
 ••for it, departed from camp, and returned to 
 
 • the v/retchcd hovel which contained his fami- 
 '' ly. Fearing that he migiit have erred, he vo- 
 -' lun tar ill/ returned to cuvip, and offered to do 
 
 ' duty if he had m'stakeh his rights. Yet for 
 ■ ' this he v.'as arrested, tried, and by the orders 
 " of Gen. Andrew Jackson, shot to death on 
 •' the 2Ist Febrnary, 1815. 
 
 "An outraged countrv erects this monument, 
 < .Tuly 4:, 1828," ' * 
 
 Page 2d opens thus : 
 
 ' ' This marble cell contains, the remains of 
 HUNT." 
 
 into a minute detail of his vir- 
 ■ ues, the inscription closes with this emphatic 
 sentence, in large letters: 
 
 " Shot to death by order of Gen. Andrew 
 .■'jchwn, on the 21st February, 1815. The mili- 
 tia of his native Siate have erected this simple 
 slab to his memory on the 4th July, 1328." 
 
 The Tcmaining monuments are erected to 
 :he memory of Edwahd Linskt, Jacob Webb, 
 IlEsnr Lewis, Davio Monwis, and Joun 
 Woods. The inscriptions magnify their virtues 
 and their service?, and close with the usual 
 fiuale — "Shot to death by order of C^en. An- 
 •!rew Jackson, on the 21st February, 1815"! ! ! 
 
 The rnonument ere'^'ed to ♦h'^; '^emorv of 
 
 gallant DAVID 
 After entering 
 
 John Woods, represents him as having been 
 shot to death for a strict adherence to duty. 
 We quote the iascription literally : 
 
 "And he was SHOT TO DEATH for stfi^Jt 
 adherence to duty, and for refusing compliance 
 v.ith an order which, if complied witlij must 
 have led to the same fatal end." ! ! 
 
 " The youths of the American Militia have 
 erected tliis monument to his memorv, Julv 4th; 
 1828." 
 
 By way of completing the gi-oup of monu- 
 ments, there is one to the memory of the mothe'r 
 of John Wood, and all that surprises us is, that 
 she was not jilso i-epresented as being shot to 
 death on the 21st Febi-uary, by order of General 
 Andrew Jackson. 
 
 So accustomed have the Coalition and Its sa- 
 tellites become to falsehood, that they could 
 not write an epitaph without betraying their 
 disregard for truth . We will take the case o'"Har- 
 ns, asthut appears first in the book — ex uno disce 
 omnes. We are first told that Harris "sought 
 information as to his legal toiur of duty, which 
 v>-as denied him," and in the very next sentence, 
 v/e arc informed that he was instructed by his 
 ofiicers that his tour of duty would expire on 
 the 20th September. So much for these epit.aph 
 makers for mutineers and deserters! We have; 
 heard of calling up spirits from the vasty deep, 
 but it is reserved for the administration of the 
 second Adams to go down into the cemetery 
 of felons, rake up their ashes, and erect ideal 
 monuments to their memory on the anniversa- 
 ry of our independence. We advise the Coali- 
 tion to change the title of the work, and call iti 
 ddams and Clai/'s meditations among the graves 
 ^' of felons!" The only truth contained among' 
 the v/lu)le of the inscriptions, is, that they wei'c: 
 executed on the 21st Feb. 1815 Harris was a 
 ringleader througlioiit the w^hole affair — did 
 nqt wait until the 20th September, but assem- 
 bled with others some days previous at the bake- 
 house, tore it down, and threw it into the river. 
 On the 18th September, at night, tlicy went to 
 ^the bullock pen, and killed as much beef »s 
 would last six or eight days, aijd divided it intr» 
 difiVrent messes, and paraded next mnrnihg. On 
 the 19th, he assembled with others at the Com- 
 missary's store, broke open the door, and rob- 
 bed it of as much flour and whiskey as was deem- 
 ed sufRcicntfor the journey, and marched off on 
 the morning of the20tb, at day-ligiit; Col. Pip- 
 kin endeavored to get them to leave their arms-, 
 under the expectation that he could then have 
 the mutineers inarclied to Head Quarters, — htii 
 thty retained them. So far from returning volnn- 
 Urily to camp, — Harris was arrested inthoChe- 
 rckce nation, and sent in irons to Fort Jackson-, 
 all of which fully appeared on the trial of these 
 turbulent and misguided men, and yet these: 
 peopla seek to mislead tlie uidettered, by 
 recourse to fraud and fiilsehood! 
 
 What better proof could we have of the des- 
 ponding cause of the Coal'tion- than^herescr 
 
'370 
 
 (0 sin^ii uitjimikal iiiut ;rjiu;iiuus nviar.s toslaiiu 
 tier tliat man whose Cliaratcter it profcssTd ut 
 one time to cegard as the moial jvpopeity of lb_e 
 nation ? We shall be much deceived, indeed, It 
 Such vUlany does not return to pltigue the inven- 
 tors. A more glaring insult upon the memory 
 of those gallant spirits that fell in tlie holy 
 stmgffle of the Involution, could not well be 
 ima^icd. I'ow indignant must the representa- 
 tives of those departed herocs feci, when they 
 Team that men at ijie head of tlie Government, 
 foJ'getting wliat is due to the nieraory of the 
 virtuous and patiiotic, conjure up monumental 
 rnscriptions in favor of felons who huve for- 
 f^ted their lives to the ofiended laws of their 
 covuitr)-. What must the relatives of tiiose pa- 
 triotic citizen soldiers who fell at Nortli Point, 
 defending their country from invasion, and to 
 whose memoi-y a monument has been erected 
 by the pubhc spirited citizens of Baltimore, feel 
 on auch an occasion ? What will the gallant 
 omcer,s of our Navy say, to whose brethren in 
 arjns> monuuaents have been reared to excite 
 emulation in deeds of chivalry and glory, wlien 
 they find fdony, mutiny, and desertion, finding 
 an advocate in the Executive, and ideal ?noiiu- 
 me/its erected to persons guilty of those crimes, 
 vMh a view to blast tho reputation of a citizen 
 soldier, who has done more for his country tlian 
 the whole combined tribe of pofitical con-up- 
 tionists who seek to defame Iiira? It would be 
 well for the presses directed to the cause of the 
 people, to put the uninformed on their guard 
 against such incendiary attLcmpts. 
 
 The following letter gives some details upon 
 iliis subject, in addition to those already before 
 tJie public : 
 
 BXLLEFONTE, Julv 21, 1828. 
 
 Messrs. Green ^ Jarvis: 
 
 Gt.yTLT.yiT.s : Your favor of the 20th ult. is 
 beffore me. Absence ftom home prevented me 
 from receiving it at an eiulier day. 
 
 For some time past 1 have seen, with some 
 «regre€of astonishment, the newspapers of tiic 
 dky filled with tiie statements of sundry indivi- 
 duals in relation to the Militia men executed at 
 Mobile in the spring of 1815. The case of a 
 ilr. John Harris seems to liavc excited greut 
 interest. Among many oUiers, there is a letter of 
 a John Harris, son of the old man, published in 
 the Knoxville Enquirer of May 21st, 1828. 
 Without any comment on that letter, or the 
 statement of any otlier, I will, in as few words as 
 possible, give a hi^ton.' of that transaction. I 
 removed from Virginia in the vvinter of 1814 to 
 Franklin county, Tennessee. Early in June, 
 (I think) a call was made on the regiment to 
 which I belonged, for its quota of men .to joit» 
 iiencral Jackson in the Creek Nation. On ihe 
 20th of June tiiey were mustered into service at 
 l''ayette\iUe, for a tour of duty for six months. 
 At the time the regiment marched under Col. 
 Pipkin, the situation of my family prevented me 
 from going on. I liired a man to take my pluce 
 until I could leave my f.iraily. About the 1st of 
 September I left home, and joinod my regiment 
 at Fort Jack.son about t!»c 5th or 6th of the 
 month. On my arrival I found the troops in a 
 state of confusion and disorder. I soon found a 
 ttetermi nation was formed hy a large majority, 
 to go home on the 20th of September, under 
 thoimnresc'oiv asth^'- nlhgcd. tliut t'l'M- \vor.^ 
 
 boutid li) s(ir.\.>j o^Uy ttUAit muatiis.; alliioug.- 
 they had been mustered in for s?x months. Be • 
 ing pei-fcctly satisfied m3self on the subject, 
 1 declared to them the law, and the cons'e- 
 quencc which would res-ult if they persisted in 
 their course. Col. Pipkin used every means in 
 his power to put a stop to it, but it seemed onl}" 
 to add fuel to tlic 'ire. In order to satisfy them, 
 he sent his^djutant, Mr. Hicks, to Nashville for 
 the liw. whether it arrived before the 20th or 
 not, 1 do not now recollect, 'i'hc mess to which 
 1 belongv-d, was quartered adjoining the one in 
 which Mr Harris senior and junior v/ ere, and 
 consequently became soon acquainted. I think 
 the seconrl night, I heard the father and son in 
 conversation, and hearing my name mentioned 
 I listened attentively. 'I'hc son told his father 
 that lie did not wi.sh to go; that he wa,s confi- 
 dent thai they, (tlie troops, , were bound to serve 
 six month;?, and referred to what I had said. The 
 elder John Harris replied that he (h'S son) 
 siioidd go, for he (John Harri.s,) was determined 
 to go; that he had got his pay from the man who 
 iiad err.ployed him. 'I'he son at lengtli agreed, 
 but with great reluctance to go. I then inquired 
 who, and what they were, and where from, and 
 learned they were from I'ranklin county, Ten- 
 nessee; tliutthe elder Harris v/as a substitutc,ancl 
 had received one hundred dollars for his servi- 
 ces, exclusive of llie pay from the United States. 
 
 Some few days before the 20th September, a 
 large number of tliose who seemed determined 
 to desert, assembled at the bake house, and tore 
 it down, and tlirew it in the river. Whether 
 John Hairis laid his hands on the building to as- 
 sist in its destruction, 1 do not know, bat he cer- 
 tainly was among t'le number assembled: it was 
 about 9 o'clock at night, and da'-k- As well as 
 J now recollect, on the 18th of the month, as 
 many as they deemed necessary for the labor, 
 went to the bullock pen, about a mile from the 
 encampment, killed as much beef as would be 
 sufficient for six or eight days rations thev 
 brought It in, and divided it out to the diffeient 
 messes on the parade. On the 19tli they as- 
 sembled at tlic commissary's house, broke open 
 the door, rolled out as )nuch flour and whiskej- 
 us they deemed sufficient for their journey. Oix 
 tlic morning of tlie 20th, at dayliglit, they as- 
 sembled and marched ort" in regul:tr oi-der. I 
 cannot say that Harris actually killed the beef, 
 or broke the door open with his own hands; but 
 he certainly was present, and gave his sanction 
 to all their proceedings, and in all the whole 
 transactii n was a principal agent, and was onr;. | 
 among the number who planned their difi'ercnt 
 movements, and whose opinion seemed to l>c 
 much relied on. On the sane d;iy they left the 
 encampment, I received orders from Col. Hip- 
 kin to go on into Tennessee, and, if possible, 
 have all the ringleaders taken at least. On the 
 next day I passed them, ami readied Franklin, 
 'I'en. some time before they did. After reaching 
 the upper forts, they found out my business, 
 and became alwmed, and the greater part re- 
 turned to Fort Jackson. 
 
 Having my eye on Uajris, my first inquii^ 
 was to ascertain where he lived. 1 then sent to 
 Fayettville for Serfjeaiit Salmons, and directed 
 him to g* on into tlic Cherokee nation on Battle 
 Creek, and take Harris. He did so, and re 
 turned with him in a levr days. I immediate!} 
 hadh-m ironed, wi'li £om'- oilicrs, and stortcc 'J 
 

 Viieui Oil to i-'ort Jacksoji undei" tlic ca're of 
 Salmons. A Mr. Harg-is, a very respectable 
 man and formerly a neighbor of Harris, came on 
 to Winchester with him, and was present when 
 he was ii-oncd. Harg'is (who is now my neigh- 
 bor) stated to me that Harris was or had been 
 coroner of the count}/ — and having' collected a 
 lar^e sum of money, made use of it, and in or- 
 der to prevent aa execution' from running 
 against his property, went into the service. I 
 saw Harg'is a few days ag'O, and conversed with 
 him on tlie subject; he recollects all the circum- 
 stances. 
 
 It was some days after Salmons started before 
 I followed him, owing* to sickness. When I 
 arrived all the unfortunate men alluded to were 
 ut Fort Jackson. When- the desertion took 
 place, they took their arms with them; if any 
 were surrendered, I have forgotten it. I recol- 
 lect one thing — that Col. Pipkin used some ar- 
 tifice to g'et tliem to leave their arms, with a 
 determination that if he could once get their 
 arms, that tliose that remained, would have it 
 in their power to marcli them to he-ad quarters 
 in pbce of their goiig home But they re- 
 tained them, with the determination, as they 
 alleged, to fight their way home. One of the 
 ring-leaders, a Mr. Hooper or Hooker, who 
 lived not far from Han-is, escaped, and ma>cle 
 his way goo<l to some other country. When 
 'diey were tried I was not presenti but was in 
 the camp wlien they were executed. If you 
 wish to make any inquirv, I refer you to the 
 Hon. J. C. Isacks of Ten' James C. Mitchell, 
 Col. J. M'Kee of Alabama, and Col. J. M'Kin-^ 
 Icy of the United States' SeniUe. 
 
 I am, very respectfully, yours, 
 
 CHARLES LEWIS. 
 
 Prom the Baltimore Uepublican . 
 
 GLORIOUS JACKSON MEETING IN WASH- 
 INGION SQUARE. 
 
 In pursuance of the call of the Committee ap- 
 pointed to prepare an address to the friends of 
 General Jackson in this district, by the resolu- 
 tions of Thursday last, a meeting of the oppo- 
 nents of the present administration was held in 
 this city on the otii inst. A rostrum surmount- 
 ed by a transparency, a fwll length portrait of 
 Gen. Washington and decorated with the folds 
 of the Amtrican flag, bad been erected in Wash- 
 ington square. Tlie crowd began to assemble 
 at eight o'clock, at vvliieh hour the lamps around 
 the stand and in rear o( the picture were iiglit- 
 cd, and in the space of a few minutes, the con- 
 se amounted to upwards of six thousand 
 persons. 
 
 The meeting was called to order by Col. 
 Samuel Moore, who moved the appointment of 
 lleverdy Johnson, as President, which being 
 '.manimousiy adopted, Ccl. Moore and Uugli 
 McElderry, were elected Vice Presidents, and 
 Joseph Branson, and McClintock Young, ap- 
 pointed Secretaries. 
 
 The purp')se of the meeting having been ex- 
 plained by the President, John V. L. McMahon, 
 was conducted tothc stand from wliejice he road 
 the address and resolutions prepared by him on 
 the part of the committee to whom that duty had 
 been assijjned. 
 
 Upon the conclusion of this address Mr. 
 McMah-o:: destanted v.-rv much a^, large upon 
 
 the pruminsu!- tojncs buggesteu by the pro 
 ceedings of the evening'. 
 
 The address and resolutions are given in to- 
 day's paper, and we would fcrestal all e.xress- 
 slons of the ^unqualified admiration which Wf? 
 feel for this; very able production by a refer- 
 ence to the document itself. It will receive a 
 currency throughout the United States, much 
 beyond that of any other paper of an exclusive- 
 partizan character, which tlie present conti'o- 
 versy has elicited. It is appropriate, sound, 
 and practical in its precepts, \ igorous in its style 
 — adapted to every comprehension — and forms 
 altogether a compendious, but nervous summarj" 
 of the principles upon which the present oppOd- 
 tion is founded. 
 
 The speech of Mr. McMahon connected with 
 these i-esolulious, was a master piece of popular 
 oratory, fraugiit with \-iitue, truths, and dam- 
 nin.^■ conclusions — char-.vtfteriscd by the bold> 
 indignant aiid expostulating spirit of the orator, 
 and'such, as if it had happly fallen upon the ear 
 of a supreme functionary who at the moment of 
 the delivery might have heard it if he pleased, 
 would like a certain ai'gument, in the olden 
 time, concerning "righteousness and judgment 
 to come" have caused the second Felix to trem- 
 ble. 
 
 ADDRESS. 
 The frleiids and supporters of tiie People's 
 cause within tlie city of Baltimore, have hither- 
 to reg-arded in silence, the efforts wl'.ich have 
 been made to identify their cause with the cause 
 of disunion, and themselves as leagued with 
 traitors in the siqjpoit of a Traitor. Confined 
 as tliey have hitherto been, to idle insinuations, 
 too ridiculous to be viewed as serious charges 
 against a party which can proudly challoinge 
 their opponents to a competition in all thSi 
 gives honor and character and usefulness, they 
 have been looked at as the intemperate efFu» 
 sions of zealots, who had gone in advance of 
 their party even in the insinuation. Ignorance 
 and causeless opposi'Lion to the present admin- 
 istration have been imputed to us; and we have; 
 regarded such imputations as the usual result* 
 of party strife. We have been characterised 
 by our opponent* as a discontented faction, 
 seeking only for place and power, and we have 
 smiled at tlu characteristic, as hen given by 
 those who are striving with desperation to 
 maintain places and power for themselves. Tlie 
 cry of foreign influence has been raised against 
 our party, which, as some of the adherents of 
 the administration allege, is composed of pre- 
 sumplious foreigners renegade Irisli, and igno- 
 rant Dutch; anil we have letl this allegation to 
 be answered by our Constitution and Law.=, 
 .vhich invite freemen of every clime to come 
 and dwell under them, and to partake of the 
 civil, political and religious Hboi-ty which they 
 offer, and by a proud appeal to the conduct of 
 otn- adopted citizens, who, in moments of danger 
 and dilTiculty, have been found in our country's 
 foremost ranks, seahngby their blood, the prin- 
 ciples they lia\e professed. 
 
 Wliilst we have viewed with regret such 
 charges and imputations, when coming from a 
 party, to nuuiy of the members of whicii intelli- 
 gence, virtue and patriotism, are cheeifiilly ad- 
 mitted to belong; we have always regarded 
 them as brethren imbued with the same princi- 
 ples of freedikm which we have prcfessedj wlit? 
 
ii'iU. 
 
 '.;_iic.*Cji U1..1 <v,;^,. '...u- , . ■-.--■ Uoiii' 01' peril, 
 and in detexice of our country, and our country's 
 ciuse, we should always be found by our ooun- 
 try'sside. We have therefore, read, witli extreme 
 surpriae and indijjiiation, tiie resolutions adopt- 
 ed at a meeting of the friends ot the adniijiistra- 
 tion, at Franklin Hull, on the 24th of July, for 
 the ostensible purpose of expressing' their dis- 
 approbation of the proceeding's of certain meet- 
 ings recently V.eld in South C'aroliivi, in relation 
 to the Tarifl". Had they been content in these 
 resolutions, to ascribe to these meetings, their 
 time and character, extent, objects and results; 
 and to express their disapprobation in terms 
 which were warranted by tiie consideration of 
 tliese, it would have been unnecessary for v.s 
 to notice them. We might have admired that 
 patriotism and valor M'hich waits not for the hour 
 of danger, or for the occurrence of difficulty; 
 but which o'erleaping all ordinary bounds set 
 forth in the true spirit of Knight-errantry, to 
 seek for dangers when none arc to be seen. Wc 
 might have been enkindled by this ardent and 
 •enthusiastic feeling in the cause of the consti- 
 tution, by the solemn pledge of lives and for- 
 tunes to sustain it which waits not until it v.'as 
 called for and goes fortli even when it is not 
 wanted. We miglit have been ti-ansported in 
 imagination to that age of lofty darini; and chiv- 
 alrous adventure, when it ',\as said of the sword 
 ofHudibnis — 
 
 It ate into itself for lack 
 
 Of somebody to hew and hack. 
 
 We miglit have bowed In defcj-encc to that 
 lynx-eyed apprehension, which with the true 
 T»tcFingal tact soaring beyond that vuig-ar vi- 
 sion " ivhich sees only icfi^l it to he seen," can 
 discover storms in the cloudless sky, and behold 
 darkness under the noonday sun — we miglit 
 jiave applauded that generosity which tenders 
 to our government, that whicli our government 
 has tlxe right to require — and »ve might perhaps 
 " have paused to inquire : why this assurance, for 
 hy whom had their patriotism been doubted? 
 
 The tenor of these resolutions has hov/ever 
 imposed on us the duty of e.jposing their rerd 
 designs. The occasion, the actors, the circuni- 
 -tances under which these resolutions were ush- 
 ered into the world, and all the sigus of the 
 times but toocleaily den)onstrate these designs, 
 rhcy form but a part of a system of efforts com- 
 menced witli the affiliated presses which sus- 
 tain the present Administration, to represent 
 our cause as identified with disaffection and 
 treason, and ourselves as ready to put! down the 
 Constitution in ruins if we cannot by its aid ele- 
 vate our amdidate to the I'resldency. In the 
 Preamble to these resolutions they inform us 
 '• that they have read with deep regret of the 
 " violent measures taken by the supporters of 
 '* General Jackson in Soutli Carolirui, in relation 
 " to the late Tariff:" aixl they declare "that 
 " they hold it to be the duty of all truepatriots, 
 " whatever coincidences of nohtical opinion 
 '• they may be disposed to recognise to pour 
 " upon the insurgent spirit of disorganization, 
 " and publicly to express their detestation of 
 '* tlie treasonous manifestations of a portion of 
 «• the Jackson party in the South." If these 
 'vvords have me3ning, what mean they but that 
 the .lackson party of South Carolina, as a party, 
 are arraj'ed in treasonable onposititin to the 
 
 gavlerji. I :..... ..u.a UiUL jcjciiiuii ij 'iin-ic vu 
 
 animating principle of the party wViich distin- 
 guishes them from the friends of the admhru-r- 
 tration . Tliese resolutions are ushered into the 
 world at a moment when by sly insinuations wC 
 arc informed through the governmental presses, 
 that the spirit of disafiection is among-st us all 
 — lliat he whom wc delight to honor by eleva- 
 tion to the Presidency, is a traitor, nr.urderer, 
 adulterer, and we, iiis willing instruments for 
 the prostration of :ill law and order to effect 
 that elevation. VfZlh the spirit of indignant 
 freemen, asjsaloit-v of our liberties and as rti^trd- 
 fill of our rights us the frietuh of t lie udniinistra- 
 tivn can be or have been, we embrace this occasion, 
 opcrdii " to renew our fealty to the great Ur.iun,"- 
 and to the h'^h and holy principles on tvhich vrc 
 reft our opposition to this aa' ministration. We 
 deem it proper, however, briefly to advert to 
 the recent occurrences in South C'."irolina, and 
 to the circun;:itaMccs under which the Franklin 
 Hull resolutions were passed only for the pur- 
 po'ie of demonstrating their true objects. 
 
 We say with our opponents — *' It is not now 
 necessary to enter into a defence of the Tarifl' 
 System — It is not now necessary to direct Frank- 
 lin HaH to a period but eight years distant, when 
 the spirit of opposition to it sustained by the 
 s.iTie objections which ;u-e now urged against it 
 in South Carolina, stotni triumphant in Faneuil 
 Hall, the cradle of Mr. Adams and his princi- 
 ple.s," r.nd tlie ^\'cbsters and all tliat race in 
 New England in whose mouths il is now the 
 watchword, were striving to be in at its death. — 
 It is not necessary to direct Franklin Hall to r. 
 period four years distant, wlien with excep- 
 tions too few and solitary even to constitute an 
 exception, all New F-ngland was warring against 
 it headed by Daniel ^Veb3ter of the Triumvinite 
 — It is not necessary to look back to its day of 
 tlarkness and difliculty, when the great body of 
 those who claim for Mr. Adams its merits wore 
 striving to strangle the infant in its cradle, nor 
 to the poKentous silence of their great chief 
 wlw has never lisped the word "Manufactures" 
 without kindly adding Agriculture and Com- 
 merce, or embracing the whole vmdcr the gene- 
 ral- term of domestic indnstry, \yhich means "«/.< 
 that man cuji do." — It is not necessary to hold 
 up in contrast tin: bold and fesu'less advocacy of 
 it by General Jackson in its moment of peril ;,or 
 to admire the Indian dexterity of our present 
 rulers, who {iinhng the Tariff system borne upon 
 the shoulders of the people, have leaped upon 
 it as a Palanquin to bear them softly into and 
 tlirough oifico — ■suffice it tos;iy, that il has been 
 established u|)on its present foundation by a 
 Congress liaving a majority of tlie friends of 
 Jackson in butb Houses 'I'hus established it 
 lias encountered soinc opposition in the South, 
 but tiiat otjposition is purely local; knows itr< 
 distinction of p-iities ; existed beibre (iencral 
 Jackson was even n-.uTieil as a candiilate for the 
 Presidency, and exists still without liic kast ix;- 
 lation to the principles on which he is support- 
 ed. Such being the nature of its opposition — 
 wh.at has been its extent ' One who knew not 
 the facts ujwn reading these resolutions would 
 naturally look around to see tlie spirit of Trea- 
 son abroad and in arms in our land, the flag of 
 Uebellion unfurled and the arm of the govern- 
 ment shortened that it could not save itself. He 
 would ask for the fbe.and who could refrain fmjv. 
 
'vs-' 
 
 atef \vnen direoceu to inc res^iut.'u-r.s of a 
 
 }itt!e District Meeting- in South Carolina. In fioinc 
 other portioiis ofthe State they have c.xeiclsed 
 the privilege of constitutional remonstrance 
 >vhicli as Freemen and Fellow-citizens, no man 
 dure deny to them. 'I'liey have resolved to wear 
 none but domestic fabrics, and so did the I.e- 
 ciislature of Maryland resolve .1 few years since. 
 They have resolved to manufacture for them- 
 seives, and that is llie very principle of the Tarifi" 
 system itself — Yet if disalfection v/as abroad in u 
 State so long- eminently characterised by patriot- 
 ism of the purest order it required not Franklin 
 Hall to quell it. It has found its correctives in 
 the good sense and virtue of the People of that 
 State, and it has been stifled in the moment of 
 its birth by the Jackson Presses, the Jackson 
 Party, andtiie Jackson Governor of that State. 
 We submit the following remarks of Governor 
 Taylor vv'ith the single observation that lie toa 
 falls within the sweeping denunciations of the 
 Franklin Hall Address. " If" says he *' I have 
 a^iv firmness, it will be exerted to preserve 
 '- the Union, to preserve, protect and defend the 
 '* Constitution of tliis State and of the United 
 "States. Ifitwcrean easy matter to dissolve 
 '' the Union, I would not for one forego a par- 
 " ticipation in the glory which our Fellow-citi- 
 •" zens of tlvc Union have achieved, \onruni- 
 " forms, your military array all I'emind me that 
 "you are brother-militiamen with those who 
 " fought on the plains of New Orleans, many 
 "of you the sons and grandsons of tliose M'ho 
 "stood in arms when the birth-right cfa nation 
 was to be sustained.'" — W'tih these facts before 
 their ej'es and ringing in their ears, which taught 
 them that there was no war in tl^e lai-id, but tlie 
 war of tile People agidnst this Ad-ministration. 
 No Union opposed but the Union of the Presl- 
 <lent and Secretary by which it was formed, no- 
 thing which required either lives or fortunes to 
 subdue it. The friends of the Adminis'raiiou 
 in this city come forward in the panoply of Re- 
 solution warfare, armed to the chin against the 
 Jackson party of South Carolina and ready to 
 propagate their patriotism jjy the sv.ord. 
 
 If it be patriotism to seek a div'sion in politi- 
 cal sentiment umcngst the people of these Unit- 
 ed Slates upon questions local and sectional in 
 ?:!ieir character, and to array, b}- their aid, the 
 Nortli against the South, or the l^^ast against tlic 
 West, we deny it not unto them — If it be Pa- 
 triotism to arouse foehngs of liostiiity by the 
 causeless and harsh imputation oftliem, or to 
 lash a free, gallant and virtuous, yet ardent Peo- 
 ple into madness, by the charge of crime and the 
 language of menace, wc deny it not unto them. 
 If it be pay:i''t'sm and brothei'ly kindnes.s, hnd 
 cliarity to Tan the fl.une of discord, and iitstcad 
 (if pouring the oil of kindiicss and soothing up- 
 on the troubled wave-s to uprouse tlie tempest, 
 we deny it not unto them. We have learned it 
 in another scliool — We have caught it from tlic 
 lips of our sainted hero WASHINGTON— list- 
 en to the language of his farewell address: 
 — " Ix coxTr.Mi'i.\Tj:;r, (says he) riir. cattsfs 
 WHi'-a MAT i)isTi:ai; oi.a Un'io:-, it occtits 
 
 AS A MATTKtt or SKIUOLS COXCEllN THAT AM 
 fi-mOCXD SJKItTLD UAVE IlEIlS FCIUflSHEl) KOU 
 CHAnACTF.mSISO PaHTIFS by nKOGIlAPIIICAr. 
 
 DiscaiMiXATioNS NonTiitnx and Soutukrx, 
 Atlantic anp Westeux, whence desioxino 
 
 TfEV M.vr. KXDKAVOn TO CKEiTR A BELITF 
 
 TilAr 'iHEilE l.S A liEAV, iiiif DKiISC K ui^ LuCAL 
 
 ixTEUirsrs axu viev.'s. Oxe of the expedi- 
 
 KXTS OK pAKTr TO ACIlUIKE INFI.rEXCE WITH- 
 IX rAKTlCULAll IlISTraCTS 13 TO JUSIIEPHESJSX^' 
 
 rnt: opixioxs and aims of othek distiiictS — 
 
 Yor CAXXOT SHIELD TODllSELVl'S TOO Kt'CS 
 ARAIXST THK JEALOUSIES AXn HEAIIT BCnXIXGS 
 WHICH SPUIXG FROM TllTSE MISllEPnESENTA- 
 
 t:oxk — TuET TKXn to kexdeu alien to each 
 
 OTHER THOSE WHO OUGHT TO DE llOCXD TO- 
 
 oetueii bt fhatekxal affections." Has not 
 tWASIllNGTON in these words dcstjibed the 
 very policy of the Administration party of tliis 
 dayi" 
 
 it is to us a source of deep regret, that we 
 should differ on this or any other question of na- 
 tional policy from our Southern brethnen, or 
 that in sustaining these dirtcrences the ardor of 
 opposition sliould carry any of them beyond the 
 language of temperate and constitutional re 
 monstrance. Yet our brethren of South Caroli- 
 na may proudly appeal to our History, and to 
 years of unerring Patriotism and valor which 
 place them in the foremast ranks amongst the 
 friends of tJie Constitution, to Sliield them 
 against the imputations of Treason. We have 
 not forgotten .that in wresting our birthright 
 iVom a tyrant mother, they were among thtj 
 iirst io tii'e onset and the firmest in the tighti 
 Their fields of victory crimsoned bj- their blood 
 and immortali/ied by their valor, are yet freSh 
 before youv '-yes. We have not forgotten tlrat 
 in the reign of Terocr v,-!;eH to speak the lati- 
 fuage of Fretmen was seditious, and to be a"u 
 "alien was disfranchisement. They were fore- 
 mast in defence of the principles of the Revo- 
 lution and in the prostration of tiie eider Ad- 
 am^. We look back to our second war waged 
 in defence of our rights upon the sea and in 
 vindication of our national honor and dignity, 
 and wc have not hvard them pnnumncing our 
 o-wernmeiit fecbk and penurious and UJiequal to 
 °t contest icitk the mercenaries of Europe. — TVe 
 have not heard ikcr.i declaring tha. it icas un- 
 rin-hieousto rejoics in the victories oj'oiir couninj. 
 — IVe have not seen them nirtving to tcmitih. 
 the lustre of our vidories hi/ pronouncing theru 
 not more honorable to m than defect icas io mr 
 enemies. Faneuil Hall was then the dwelling- 
 'ilace of Treason. Then she came not forth 
 embodied in rash and passionate exclamations 
 or in momentary ebullitions of passion which 
 evidenced no settled purpose, but she sat in 
 conclave under a Northern sky, meditating iu 
 Northern coolness the severance of the Union, 
 or she sought the pulpit to robe her dislo\'a} 
 doctrine.^, in the garment of sanctity. — Then 
 ;;he was manifest, not iu idle or hasty language, 
 hut by laying the cold an'l paralysing hand up- 
 on tiie resources of the government, and by de- 
 nying to it tlic supplier necessary even to its 
 support, and tiiattoo when danjjerwas nigh and 
 tin; cnen.y at the door. Then to lier the vic- 
 tories of enemies or their menaced incursions 
 were but so many allies to aid her in her un- 
 holy purpose. Whe.rc were then our brethrln 
 uf'Soutli Carolina? 'Their C.'.i.houx, their , 
 LowxDF„s and tiieir Cheves, fii-sl in the sup-/ 
 port of our country in the National Councils^ 
 against the Webster's and thv; Quincx-y's of the 
 Nortli, an I their People poariirg forth tjieir 
 blood and treasure with a spirit that outwent 
 f\on their powr. Th": day > nf th-^ Hi'ilfonJ 
 
37 i 
 
 fiter's tlic Olls's and the Quiiicy's, and all tliat 
 race of that day? First in the rants of the sup- 
 ]Vr^ers of llie present Admhiistration, lionorcd, 
 ;liricc honored, purified of all dibloyalty and 
 joining in the denunciation of the South for 
 its opposition to t]»e Tariff upon the very prin- 
 ciples which tliey were the first to nronuilg'e. 
 
 We go not with such as these to tlie rebulie of 
 our Southern brethren whose arms have encom- 
 passed our Constitution and Government in eve- 
 ry moment of danger and difficulty — Nor go we 
 \vith those who in the days of ihe liartford 
 Convcntionists sat silent ant passive under the 
 <h-opping.s of their doctrines. Nor go we with 
 alarmists who beat cvej-y busli to gratify their 
 appetite for terror. On all subjects of differ- 
 ence between us we would ayjproach them as 
 political brethren wiio in all tinics passed, have 
 sustained the Union and the Constitution 
 througli good and through evil report — We ap- 
 peal to them hj- the valor and patriotism which 
 has illustrated their deeds and the deeds of their 
 fathers in its defence — by the blood they have 
 shed— by the glory ti)ey have won — by the 
 blessings th.ey enjoy — by the love tliat v.'e bear 
 them — And when came audi an appeal toUhout 
 poiver to th hearts of this People ? They have 
 ji'Onc with us' in six trials, and v.dio dare insinu- 
 ate they woulfl desert us in tlie seventh ^ 
 
 If, however, some of our Southern brethren 
 had indeed fallen from their high estate — if re- 
 .sistjnce to the Constitution was uj) — if treason 
 was in the land, were the friends of the Admin- 
 istration in this city the cxclu^ive friends o*" 
 J)eace, good onlcr and union ^ They have 
 told us in their preamble that it is the duty of 
 all palirots, v/hatever coincidences of political 
 opinion they may be disposed to recognise, to 
 frown upon the insurgent spirit of disorganiza- 
 Iton. Why, then, were the friends of t!ie Ad- 
 ministration alone invited to quell this spirit, 
 andto join in this pledge of lives and fortunes ' 
 Why this severance of parties on a subjt/ct of 
 I'ommon concernment ? Are we not worthy to 
 be in communion v/lth them on this suljjcct ? 
 Arc we two political lepers who, if not infect- 
 ed with treason, must at least undergo a politi- 
 cal quarantine ? In our wives, our children, 
 our friends, our fortunes, and our liberties, v.e 
 too have a stake in this government. And if 
 it was the duty of r:!l true patriots to express 
 their disapprobation of the proceedings of a 
 portion of the Soutli, why were not all true pa- 
 triots invited ' We know not, unless the friends 
 of the Administration be the Lcvites, whose 
 peculiar duty it is to guard the Holy Ark of the 
 Oonstitution- 
 
 Disguised as these resolutions may bc: enrob- 
 ed as they are in the language of the I'atlier of 
 liin Country, they fall upon tl>.c ear with a mean- 
 ing not to be mistaken. Disguisi" the present 
 Administration asymi will, it is still the ])resenl 
 Administration. I'lyingfrom an indignant peo- 
 ple for the preservation of power, acquired on- 
 ly by the forniK of the Constitution — at one mo- 
 ment resting upon the Panama mission— at anoth- 
 er upon tlu- American S3 stem,wliielj they found 
 o'ershadowLiig tliem and claimed the merit of 
 ptanting--at another upon the tomb of mutineers 
 and desei-tcrs, v.ilh tears of compassion forthose 
 wlio h.id no compassion for their country, and 
 furdly seeking sheitcv lu^ler the I>nnnrr"of the 
 
 exclaim — "dndj/ou, too, Brutus!'^ Kmight well 
 ask where is my vital principles, tlie Klectlvr- 
 Franchise? Where is my purity which holds all 
 power illegitimate, but that which springs fi-oi" 
 the People? All public power, patron.agc, a»>tl 
 treasure, but as given and to be exercised fortlie 
 general welfare and common defence, and not 
 for the support of dependants and favorites' 
 Where are the rights secured by me to the small- 
 er Slates in the election of a President? 
 Where is my dignity that cajoles not for favor, 
 tliat rests with conscious innocence and proud 
 security upon iis deeds, and roams not ihiough 
 the land courting its vindication at dinner tables 
 and barbacucs' AVhere is my jealousy of tiie de- 
 pendants of the Executive fjower, so eloquently 
 and forcibly illustrated by the immortal JcfFer- 
 S0.1J Where is my respect for State, i-ights, which 
 elevates not those wliom the People liave pros- 
 traced for a disregard of those rights^ Where 
 are my principles, which know no distinction of 
 nations, and which invite freemen of all climes to 
 come and dwell under tlie droppings of my 
 ble.ssings? Tlieyiverc, and they arc not .' 
 
 We have long observed the studious efforts 
 of our opponents to divert the public mind from 
 the true question whicli divides us as parties. — 
 The practice is as old as the v;orId, when pi-ln- 
 ciples cannot safely be ass:ulcd, to assail tliose 
 by whom they are .supported. M'c have been 
 told by some of Mr. Adams' friend.^ that he 
 sometimes indulges in the practice of throwing 
 out a l\ib to the WJiak.' and from Ebony and 
 Topaz down to General Jackson's murders and 
 South Carolina rebellions, these tubs ail rest oil 
 the same bottom/ Thatthcy ma)- nolongeri-.im- 
 ble from the true question at issue between us, 
 we embrace this occasion of renewing our fealt\ 
 to the jirinclples upon winch we rest as a part} . 
 feWe hold these truths to bc the doctrines of our 
 Constitution, and the spirit of our Governmcnl. 
 
 Tiiat all power springs from the people: and 
 that all our rulers are the mere Tru.stees of the 
 people — respon.sH)!c to those who have entrus- 
 ted them v;ilh power, for its proper and faithful 
 exercise — the organs of their will, and bound to 
 give that will its fair and free r.\pres-sion. 
 
 That, in the exorci.';e of the elective power 
 in the choice of a President of these Unitctl 
 States, whether by electoral colleges or by Con- 
 g-ress, the fair and full expression of the will of 
 tJie constituent by the l{ep:esentative, can alom: 
 render it an election, according to the spirit of 
 the Constitution. 
 
 That the maintenance of a due sense of the 
 Representatives responsibility to hL^onstituenl, 
 can alone ensure the ])crpetuit^ aira full enjoy- 
 ment of the civil and political blessings secured 
 to us by the Constitution. 
 
 That tlie power cf bestowing the oflices and 
 di.spensingthe public tre.isuve of tiicsc U. States, 
 is vested in its President for the general welfare 
 and common defence of cur country. 
 
 Tliat all who ai"o recognized by our Constitu- 
 tion as its ciliy.ens, arc entitled to the free and 
 lull enjoyment of the privileges of citizenship. 
 
 That every jireccdent and ])ractice, not ex- 
 pressly sanctioned by our Clonstitution and laws, 
 when used as tlJ^ sole justification of an exer- 
 risc of power, or an apjjropriatiun ci' public 
 money, uiulcr X\v: Constitution, is unsafe aud 
 d'tiif err';';. 
 
o/ 
 
 5 
 
 Thatiji.ir Constltutian can !je p-re^a'veij la Us 
 •'rip;'in;tl force and puritj'-, only by opposing' the 
 l)e^irin;?}_<^sofevil — and by reslstiiig'. at tlie very 
 ihresliold, all cjiwoacliments, u])os it : and 
 thrat every such cncraichment, if winked at or 
 sanctioned, beeomes immediately " n saft pre- 
 csdenV tipon which some future usurper may 
 , take his stmd to destroy the Constitution itself, 
 tiiKierthe color of law. 
 
 And that the true principle for the reformation 
 of Government, consists in the virtue and intelli- 
 g-encc of a majority of the people of these U. S. 
 
 .Acting under these pr>ndpUs, wc are con- 
 strained to stand in opposition to tlie present 
 Adininlstration, for which let these facts speak: 
 
 It came into power by the votes of thc"^;; who 
 disre^ard6<l the will of tlieir constituents, for 
 the avowed purpose of advancing- to tlic office 
 of Secretary of State the individual who now 
 holds it : and of thereby placing- him by t)ie 
 rule of "safe precedent" in the line of succes- 
 sion to tlic presidency. 
 
 It came into power by votes tlius given in de- 
 fiance of the known and acknowledged, or ex- 
 pressed will of the constituent : and given und^.-r 
 the manifest or known ifiuence of the very indi- 
 vidual whose elevation to the offi.ce of Secretaiy 
 ofState could be ensured only by so bestowing 
 them. 
 
 It w.as organized at its birth by advancing to 
 the office of .Secretary of State, the very indivi- 
 dual to rt honi Mr. Adams is admitted to owe his 
 election: and by thus effecting an alliance be- 
 tween them in fortunes and fame, whidi placed 
 the present Secretary of State in subordination 
 to him, (v.ith whom in former days he had even 
 refused to hold a seat in t!ie Cabinet,) whicii 
 required by him an abandonment of all the prin- 
 cijdes on which his own pretensions to tlie Pre- 
 side-icy liad been sustaiiicd, and the suiTender 
 oftin hoitility founded upon avowed estimates 
 of character, aiul allegations of impropofr acts 
 designs on tlie partof Mr. Adams; which, if believ- 
 ed, proved him destitute of integrity, and im- 
 worthy of all public confidence: and which has 
 hermetically sealed the Secretary's mouth as to 
 his promised investig.atioas uf tho ofilcial cor.' 
 duct of Mr. Adams at Client. 
 
 It has been sustained since it came into pow- 
 er, by the du-ect denial of the proper o!j liga- 
 tions and re-sponsibility of those Repreeentatives 
 by whose disregard of their constituents' will it 
 cante into ejiistencc. 
 
 It has assailed the principle of responsibility 
 to the coniitJtuejit, by elevating to oiUces fif 
 profit and trust, those very Ileprescntatives 
 when hurled from power by the people, wh.ose 
 will they had disregarded: and b}' declaring that 
 there are occasions on which tlie Ilvpreficntat^ive 
 " ought not to be palsied by tlie will of his con- 
 stituent." 
 
 It iias suffered without rebulce, the active in- 
 terference of its officers in elcctioas. 
 
 It lui-s cjidtavori'd to preclude all sci-utiny into 
 its origin or acts; and to muzzle the Pres-s, by 
 witliholdirg all the jiatronage of tJie Gcvcrn- 
 meni from every press which has dared to ques- 
 tion eitaer its legitimacy or the propriety of its 
 measiires. 
 
 It has dispen.scd tlie offices and patronage of 
 the GcA'cniment, for the avowed ptirpose of 
 suppoi'tini^' those who arc f/r^rrclTy to ils co'fl'irfti- 
 ance in pov.'C'. 
 
 It has recalled the offices and patrcipage oftlif; 
 Government from those to whom no miscanduct. 
 or neglect of duty wasimputed— solely because 
 they have refused to beconie partisans in its de^ 
 fence. 
 
 It has ci'e^ted a secret office for objects w-hol - 
 ly unnecess.aryi and has bestowed the same up- 
 on a Representative, to whose vote,against the 
 will of his oonstituents, it owed its existeiice: 
 who was, both from the want of health and 
 qualifications, utterly unable to accomplish even 
 tile avowed object for whicli this office wascre^ 
 ated, if necessary. And it has created tills se- 
 cret office, and rewarded this individual with se- 
 cret service money of the Government, after re- 
 fusing to him an appointment which would have 
 been known to the People of tliis country. 
 
 It has bestowed this secret office in sucli a 
 manner, and under such circumatances, as to 
 render it secret, ratb.er with reference to the 
 People of tlie United States, than to the Peo- 
 ple amongst whom the objectsof his secret m'fs- 
 sion were to be accomplished: and after refus- 
 ing any but a confixlential disclosure of the diar 
 actcr and objects of tliis office, to a committee 
 of Congress empowered to enquire into these, 
 it has, after the adjournment of Congress, ailtl 
 when there was ho committee to cross examln'c 
 and to press th.i enquiry beyond the facts stat- 
 ed, pubhshed to the world its own account of 
 the transaction. 
 
 It has expended the people's money in pay- 
 ing "for constructive ju'urnies" and in rewarding 
 its adiierents and partisans at the most extrava- 
 gant rates, for services, which were known at 
 the time of payment, not to Irave been rendered 
 by tiiem. 
 
 ' It has suffered its members to roam about o.ur 
 country vindicating and eulogizing' theinselves,^ 
 and arraigning the conduct ana motives 5'f 
 those who are opposed to its continuance in 
 power. 
 
 It has drawn invidious and unjust distinctions 
 not sanctioned by the Constitution, between 
 natural-born and naturalised citizens. 
 
 It has sought t^ create and to snstaln itself 
 upon RccLional feelings, and local divisions, un- 
 friendly to the peace andharmony of ourcountry. 
 
 It has sacrificed our commerce by the arts o"f 
 diplomacy intendedto engross to itself the whole 
 merit of preserving it. In fine its whole course 
 has been that of :ui admiinsti-ation fearful of tht 
 original ground on which it rested— eager to 
 divert the public mmd from tlio manner ofiti; 
 origin, and seizing upon every question whic'h 
 might answer that purpose!— identifying itstflf 
 with those who violate the people's will bv 
 bringing it into existence, and rewarding aiiU 
 sastiiiniVig t!iem when prostrated by the peo- 
 ple—bringing all the force of govcrnmehtal 
 displeasure to bear upon those who dare to 
 difler from it, and besto'.ving all its power and 
 putronagewithan eye single to its continuaflce 
 
 In office. 
 
 Characterl.scd as it is, by these, a^ul many 
 other qualities and acts which ought not to 
 cluu-acterLse the administration of the govern- 
 ment of a free and republican people, we ar- 
 ray oui»elve« in opposition to it, in a spirit anfl 
 majiner which become freemtn and friends to 
 0111- country and to the perpctuiil union of these 
 United States. Appealing to \m ai-ms but th>; 
 ?5alMfio\, asking no priviltgc bui. <; e ^"".'- 
 
47 i- 
 
 uuii pure cxci-cisc ut tUc cicL,uvc iiaiiclijbe, \vc. 
 rely with entire confidence upon these for the 
 renovation of our constitutional principles, and 
 for restoration to the free, pure and constitu- 
 tional administration of our goverument. There- 
 fore 
 
 Remked, That as we hold dear the CoRstitu- 
 tion and Union under which wc live, and the 
 liberties we enjoy, we owe it to our forefathers, 
 to ourselves and' to our children, to preserve 
 and sustain them in all their power and purity, 
 against all open or insidious attack of foreign 
 foes, or internal enemies. 
 
 Resolved, That in the defence of these, ichen 
 aur Country calls, our lives and our fortunes are 
 ready to sustain them. 
 
 Resolved, That as freemen, jealous of our 
 liberties, it is our duty, to oppose the be^nnings 
 of evil, to resist the estabUshment of: "i«/e pre- 
 cedents"not sancioned by our constittution and 
 laws — and to support no Administration the man- 
 ner of whose origin and the direct tendency of 
 whose principles and acts is, to create a power 
 above the people, or to place our rules above 
 the reach of responsibility to the People, or to 
 apply the power, the patronage and the trea- 
 use of the Government of these United States, 
 to purposes not connected with the general 
 welfare, or the common defence of our country. 
 
 Resolved, That as in all times past our fellow- 
 citizens of the State of South Carolina, have 
 been found by the side of the Constitution and 
 the Union expending their talents, their trea- 
 sure and their blood m their support, it is our 
 duty as a brethren, to rely with unshaken con- 
 fidence upon their fidehty and attachment to 
 the perpetual Union of these United States. 
 
 Resolved, That as we have entire and undi- 
 ntinished confidence in the intelligence, the in- 
 tegrity, the patriotism and the republican prin- 
 ciples of Andrew Jackson, who has in all times 
 past, and under all Administrations, save the 
 present, been found worthy of his country's 
 <,onfidence, and honored with his country's 
 love, we will endeavour by all proper and con- 
 stitutional measures, to elevate him 'o the office 
 of the President of these Stales. 
 
 Resolved, 'That t!ie Editors of the varioixs 
 newspapers in this city, and all others friendly 
 '*to the perpetuity of tl»e Union " be respect- 
 fully reciuested to publish the above address 
 aad rcscnutions. 
 
 UEVERDY JOHNSON, President. 
 
 SAMUEL MOORE. > y p.c.hhn' 
 HUGHM'ELDERY, 5 *^ ' ^^'-'"'^"■ 
 
 J\»3EPa Bhanson, 
 
 M'Clistock Young. 
 
 Secretaries. 
 
 From the Richmond Enquirer. 
 DiPLOMACv oi the present Miiiinistration. 
 
 Mr. Adams has done so many acts, for each 
 of whch he deserves to be driven from tlie Pre- 
 sidential Chair, that if any writer were to tic- 
 vote an Essay to each of them, in a regular 
 train of discussion, he would make but little 
 impression upon the prolific catalogue before 
 the day had arrived for electing the President. 
 —The numbers of the "Quairist" have exhaust- 
 ed the list of " Conatructive Journies" — and 
 Mr. Aiiams miist have considered it as a higli 
 honor to be found in (he same company with 
 ''ookc. McKenncv. and .V IT. PJonsants 
 
 I'e it uiy pa.'i iw LiiiUi-rcakc, \:i i^iiii- ..ij^^v- 
 sketciies, Mr. Adam's pretensions to his mosi 
 boasted characteristic as a Statesman — of course, 
 I mean his diplomatic skill. Whether he has 
 not shown more diplomacy at home than abroad 
 — more skill in treating- with Clay, with TVeh- 
 sitr, and witli the masons of New Yerk, than 
 with foreign States, it is not my present pur- 
 pose to determine. The Domestic View of the 
 subject may hereafter form a subject fpr dis- 
 cussion. But ray present business is with his 
 diplomalic achievements with foreign nations. 
 
 Surely, Mr. Adams ought to have full credit 
 for the whole of his diplomatic skill — so far as 
 it has actually produced goodly fruits. But be- 
 fore according him this great boon, is it im'. 
 equally nght that some incontestible evidence 
 of this diplomatic skill, and its "practical 
 blessing.s," should be produced.? Surely it is 
 just to require some evidence of practical me 
 rit, before it is proclaimed and recorded. 
 Where, then, is this evidence to be found 
 of the " practical blessings" of Mr. Adams' 
 diplomatic skill ? The writer thinks, upon 
 close inspection, that this goodly diplo- 
 matic tree, will be found to resemble the tree 
 of Paradise — Its fruit, fair to the sight, bitter 
 to the taste, uud death to all who shall cat 
 thereof. 
 
 The first fact to which the attention, of the 
 reader is solicited, is the loss of t!ie British 
 West India trade. The loss of the British West 
 India trade is a plain matter of fact, undeniable, 
 and with it, the prospect of the loss of a great 
 portion of the remaining British trade. Is this 
 one of the goodly fruits of Mr. Adams's diplo- 
 matic skill? If so, is it not bitter to the taste, 
 and death to so much of our trade, and to all 
 concerned in it' If the loss of the whole Britisli 
 trade should follow, will it not be death, .t- 
 more than one half of our whole trade, and t 
 our farmers and merchants dependant upon it r 
 Is this one of the " practical blessings" of Mr. 
 Adams's diplomatic skill, and oF other kindred 
 measures of his administration' Let everj' farm- 
 er deteritiine for himself. Each one determin- 
 ing right in his own cose, must determine rigli* 
 for the whole. Have not these measures les 
 sene 1 the price of the produce of his own land 
 and labor, and incrca.'scd the price of every arti- 
 cle neces.sarily expended in cidtivation? Have 
 they not reduced the price of land itself to one- 
 fourtii of its actual vahiein 1800' If so, is it pos- 
 sible that tliis great loss can be compensated 
 by any gain whatever to other occupations? Is 
 not the principle of the whole sy.stcm, as dcs 
 potic in its character as that claimed by the mo.--r 
 despotic autocrat upon earth' Can any rescript 
 he found by the most despt^tic autocrat, by the 
 most cruel Roman tyrant, which ever produced 
 so great a mischief in so short a time' To strip 
 every landholdti- of three-fourths of the value cl 
 his land ' And has not this great mischief been 
 brought about, in part,oy Mr. Adams's diplomatic 
 skill' Has it not been done in a v.-ay the raostdi?- 
 graccful to himself, and most injurious to hi" 
 country' The British ministry, in a spirit of lib- 
 eral commercial reciprocity, offered to the U. 
 States a greaty relaxation in her colonial poli- 
 cy, than had e^er been done before, not doubt- 
 ing, it is presunicd, its acceptance by our skil- 
 ful diploinatic President: but, contrary to al: 
 -pa«onib]f ralc'lat'on. this mo«t important ri"^ 
 
'^r: 
 
 ■>obitiou :i rtC lu'bt ueg'iect^u, u;iu li.ialiy reject- 
 
 •^ cd. The British government, after waiting more 
 two years, an uncommon display of patience, 
 withdrew tiie liberal overture, and determined 
 to meet the American {government in a hostile 
 spirit of retaliation. The moment this dcter- 
 hiination is announced, Mr. Adams, receding 
 irom liis supercilious rejection, displays his; 
 great diplomatic skill in condescending' to ac- 
 cept the overture. It was then too lute ; and, 
 in turn, his acceptance is tauntingly rc-jected 
 by the British Cabinet. Hence goes the West 
 India trade, perhaps, all British trade; and 
 i/ence comes impoverishment and bankruptcy to 
 ao small portion of the United States. Congi'ess, 
 in the mean time, and in good time, propose to 
 pass a law accepting the liberal British overture; 
 Mr. Adams interpolfed his opposition, and pre- 
 vented its passage, relying upon his great di- 
 plomatic skill, to do the same thing in a better 
 way — lie failed altogether. — It is instructive to 
 observe Mr. Clay's taunting language on this 
 point. "Great Britain had pre.scribed the terms 
 on which we v/cre to be graciously allowed to 
 carry on that trade. The etiect of her regula- 
 tions, was to exclude ournavigation altogether, 
 and a complete monopoly on the part of tlie 
 British navigation was secured. We furbid it, 
 unless our vessels should be allowed a perfect 
 reciprocity. Great Britain stood out a long 
 time, but finally yielded; our naviguiion now 
 fairly shares vnt'h heri in the trade." " ^ye for- 
 bid it." "The British yielded;" " our navi- 
 gation now f:\irlyshares with hers the trade." 
 This was during the fastidious suspension and 
 rejection of the British proposition. Can it be 
 believed, that these hectoring diplomatists, 
 would be the first to retract, and to beg the 
 British Ministry io permit them to accept the 
 overture? Yet so is the fiict; and so ourjnost 
 skijful diplomatists became themselves humi- 
 liated and disgraced: and our country most es- 
 sentially injured by their vain Jastidiousness, 
 and ridiculous diplomatic blundering. — Judge 
 the tree by its fruit! And are these the goodly 
 fruits of Mr. Adams's boasted diplomatic skill? 
 What atonement can Mr. Adams make, to ai^ 
 injured and h.umiliated people for these diplo- 
 matic blunders, and the sufferings of <!;.€ peo- 
 ple under them? 
 
 The next pl.iin matter of fact, vv-hich will be 
 Slightly mentioned here, is the neglect of the 
 French decree for releasing their colonial policy 
 towards the United States. Tliis important 
 ovQi'ture remained unnoticed by the adminis'ra- 
 tion for above twelve months, and even then 
 the administration was reminded of it by a call 
 from the Sen.ate of the United States. This 
 neglect is believed to be unprecedented in di- 
 plomatic history, and is as unseasonable ;is it it 
 novel. But the reflection, whicli is the most 
 impressive from this plain matterof fact, is, tliat 
 during the long interval of neglect, Mr. Score 
 taiy Clay, under the sanction of President Ad- 
 ams, is most busily engaged in itinerant elec- 
 tioneering, in himting up dinner parties, and 
 barbacuesthrough the coiintiy to all'ord him op- 
 portunities of rnaking electioneernig speeches 
 in favor of Mr. Adams and himself.-— Ts this a 
 plain matter of fact? — Ts it not undeniable?-- -!.■* 
 it not of universal notoriety? If so, can any thing 
 be more disgraceful to the (hgnity of the Amer- 
 ican {Tovcrnm-^n*'' Can any thing h? more de 
 
 gradmg tu the representative principle: O: 
 more insulting to the great principle of the el- 
 ective francise > And in the execution of this 
 vmprecedented mode of electioneering, lias not 
 the patronage of the government been exerted 
 to its utmn.A influence > Have not the presses, 
 81 in number, been bought up, and placed u.n- 
 dcr the serveillance of this most corrupt influ- 
 ence? If these be plain matters of fact,_ will 
 not all adroit tliat corruption, in its v/orst form., 
 is already introduced into the administration? 
 And even found its way to the very core of the 
 government? Deplorable must be the reflec- 
 tions and anticipations for the fates of republics 
 founded upon the elective francliise, when cor • 
 mption is openly and publicly resorted to for 
 the purpose of influencing elections thenjselvcs, 
 and thus palsviiigthe will of the people. 
 
 PUBLICOLA. 
 0:j" No. 2— On the Panama Mission. 
 
 From the Richmond Enquirer. 
 Arts of the ♦' Affiliated Presses." 
 We have never seen the Press of our coimtry 
 moredcgi-aded,thanitis at the present momenU 
 Women attacked in the most insulting manner, 
 and a man, who, with all his faults, is a splendid 
 public benefactor and an honor to his country, 
 stigmatized as a murderer, a negro-ti-ader, a mu- 
 laUo, a conspirator, and traitor ! What falsf;- 
 hood has not been uttered .' What calumny not 
 invented :' \Vhat blackguard epithet has not 
 been ])Ourcd forth ? 
 
 Among vhe most contemptible of all these ma- 
 noeuvres, is the publication of remarks, attribn- . 
 ted to p»rticular gentlemen. Street reports of 
 hasty convcrt-atioiis are eageriy caught up, and. 
 thrown into the coahtion newspapers. Tins is 
 the desperate resort of the most vulgar mind?. 
 Richard E. Parker has characterized the conse- 
 quences of this jiractice in terms equally just, 
 .severe, and dignified. " We have not (says he;^ 
 been in the habit in Virginia, when we enter a 
 private company, of looking cautiously round, 
 to see if there was any reptile present, who 
 might report to some editor, and possibly per- 
 vert what lie hears or thinks he hears.'' Tliere 
 is no surer sii,^n of the desperate condition of the. 
 Co.dition, than the practice of snchmcan andin- 
 famous acts by tlieir partisan presses. They will 
 surely not be able to say with Francis the 1st, 
 " We have lost every thing but our honor." 
 
 Among those, whose convei-sations have been 
 draggeil' into the newspapers, are Andrew Ste 
 venson of the House of Representati^-es, and 
 Richard R. Parker, a .ludge of the Genera' 
 Court. Botli of these gentlemen have been long 
 and intimately known to us. We have had tho 
 most unreserved conversation with them on 'A- 
 mo.st every jiolitical subject,— and we under- 
 took to say, tliat never iiad we heard either of 
 them utter any thing like the remarks which 
 had been attributed to them— and v.-c were per- 
 suaded tliat th.ey had been grossly misrcprc 
 seiited or strangelv misunderstood— In confirm-^ 
 ation of tiiis opinion we now submit extracts uf 
 lettcrsfrum both these gentlenun, addressed to 
 one of the Editors of this paper. 
 Extract of a httcr frnm .Indreiv Stevenson, Esq. 
 dated Saratoga Sprini^s, Juli/ .31. 
 "Your letter of the 24th reached me to-day 
 V* thi.s T^lace. and I hast»>n *o ar^n-er and thark 
 
378 
 
 yvdim- it. 1 had seen, before I recc-lvecl you:* 
 letter, tlie ^iVs/ publication of the Whig, and I 
 ain indebted to vou for the second, containing; 
 
 the certificate of Mr . I need not, my 
 
 dear i>ir, express to yon my surprise and morti- 
 fication at this whole proceeding- ; tlie manner 
 in which it has been g-ottcn vip, and the use 
 M'hicli has been made of it. You were right in 
 supposing that 1 have been strangely misun- 
 derstood or misrepresented in this business, and 
 I hasten to put you in possession of the facts. I 
 do not know that it is at all necessary that I 
 should do tliis, but 1 am unwilling to sit ilown 
 quietly under sach imputat.ons, without at least 
 an unqualiticd disclaimer on my part. As to 
 the dtcluralion ascribed to me in the certificate 
 
 of Mr. , (separared as it is from the other 
 
 parts of the cor.versat:on,) I have been gros'sJy 
 mistinderstood by him, and take leave 'to .say, 
 that if it was IniRmkd by tiie publications whicli 
 have been .made, to convey the impression to 
 the public, that there is, or ever has been, any 
 design, or wish, or understanding, on the part 
 of the friends of Gen. Jackson (known to me) 
 to separate, or endanger the Union, in conse- 
 quence of Mr. Adams's re-election or Gener.al 
 Jackson's defeat, I pronounce tlie whole a base 
 
 calumny ! What Mr. may have supjioscd 
 
 or understood me to say, is one tl-.ing: what I 
 merjit to say and did say, is another ! It is true 
 that he iieard mc conversing upon the subject 
 of the Presidential election, and I have no 
 doubt that I did in the coiirse of the conversation, 
 expi-ess th.e opinion :— '♦ That the re-election of 
 Mr. Adams, under existing circumstances, was 
 to be de):recated and deeply deplored, as a na- 
 tional calamity ! 'I'liat such an event would, in 
 my opinion, go very far to impair the co'nfi- 
 deuce of the American people in our free in- 
 stitutions, and that measures would, inalfproba- 
 bility, ensue from his Administration and that of 
 Jus successor, which, in time, migiit endanger 
 the p. ace and tranquiility of tlie Union. That 
 principles and doctrines had already been 
 avowed by Mr. Adams and some of his politi- 
 cal friends, which, if followed out to their 
 consequences, would justify these feajs .ind 
 apprehensions! Tiiat the' election of Gen- 
 eral Jackson would, on t'>e contrary, produce 
 the happiest results!" F.aitiicr xhan this, I am 
 verysiue, I did not go. It is cxccedinglv pro- 
 
 bable, that Mr. did not he;v tiie whole of 
 
 thcsercmarks, and, of cou-< , lias stated the 
 general proposition whicii he understood me to 
 express, stripped of all the circumstances which 
 were intended to explain that proposition. The 
 sentiments I then uttered, I now j-epeat. That 
 i expressed any opinion at tliat time, or at anv 
 r>thei-, whicli could in the remotest degree justi- 
 ly the impression, tliat in case Mr A. should be 
 re-elected, there wa.s any intention or uiujer- 
 .'■tandmgor wLsli ,.n tlie p:nt of Gen: J. 'k friends 
 (so far as I am informal) to unite in anv scheme 
 topuU down the Union, or disturb ti'^e pe.ace 
 ;vnd tranquillity of the nation, is wholly untrue! 
 Sudi a ciiargc c;uinot, I sliould hope, be credit- 
 ed by any cmdid <ind unbiassed m\,v], and I 
 am sure it is not beheved by nwny of those who 
 trumpet ilfonh! Mv oi)iiuonsand feelings up- 
 on t.ie subject, r.s you well know, are at war 
 v.it.i any thing \\ki:di.sunwn and revolution; and 
 matter mvwlf that there has been nothing in 
 my past J.fc. which .:n„l,l givprol'^r. m.irh h's>; 
 
 justify, such an imputation upon my qharacter 
 and honor. There is no man living, who Iwis a 
 deeper and more abiding feeling of attachment 
 and devotion to tlie Union than myself, iior one 
 who would sooner scorn to let the storms and 
 strifes of party, hurry him into any schemt 
 again.st its peace and truiuiuillity ' 'Whatever m*.- 
 feehngs and attachment to my party and political 
 friends may be, and I admit they are vciy strong-, 
 (for it is impossible in lids country, indeed it is nat 
 in the nature of man to expect that we siiould en- 
 joy the ble.ssmgsof our free instituticns, without 
 the existence of parties, ) I can never suffer myself 
 I forget, that party is for a d-ay, the Coivstitutiou 
 and union of my country for ever. 1 have acted 
 upon these principles, and when I cease to do 
 so I shall be willing to be stigmatized, as false, 
 not only to my country, hx^ tlie peace of llrc 
 nation. However ardent I may be as a politi- 
 cian, and whatever difference of opinion may 
 exist between us as to measures or men, my 
 lirst wish is, and always has been, to see all par- 
 ties and sections of the country uniting sincere- 
 ly and devotedly in the solemn duty of cherish- 
 ing love for vniion, and a spirit of mutual fci- 
 bcarancc, conciliation and respect, for one an- 
 other: I regard our confederated association^ 
 as tJie safest barrier against dangers from with- 
 out, and the holy ark: that is to shelter us 
 agahist the tempests from within, sikI, next to 
 the Liberty of my country, I value its union! 
 Tliesc, my dear sir, as you very well know, are 
 my sentiments; and he is unworthy of the name 
 of American and the Libert}- he enjoys, who en- 
 tertains :i less exalted attachme'it to our Ixuppy 
 and glorious confederacy! It is under the in- 
 fluence of these feelings and sentiments, tliat I 
 am opposed to those who arc now in power, 
 and advocate the election of Andrew Jackson — 
 and, in his elevation, I feel a proud and patriot- 
 ic trust, that the peace, prosperity, and happi- 
 ncs.s of my country mav be most efiectually pro- 
 moted!" 
 
 Extract of a letter from Judge Ji. E. Parkery 
 dated Lcesburg, dag. 5, 1828. 
 
 " You had the best re.ason in the world fgi- 
 saying as you did, that if the allusion in the ai-ti- 
 cle copied into the N. I. was to the Judge to 
 whom it would be natundly applied, you could 
 undertake to say his sentiments had been grass- 
 ly misrepresented. You might have said it from 
 your intimate knowledge of my cliaracter and 
 principles, but you had a more direct reason 
 for it. I well remember mentioning to you that 
 a friend in Norfolk (personal not political) had 
 jocularly remarked to me, some time in April, 
 that he was glad to see I had at length been at. 
 tacked in the newspapers. And upon my ask- 
 ing an explanation, stated, that a Judge near 
 Norfolk ha 1 been charged with having said tltat 
 Mr. Adaics mu.st be put. out, right or w rong, or 
 by f lir means or fou!, or something to tlie same 
 cll'ect — and that I must be the Judge alluded to. 
 1 recollect telling you I iiad not seen the arti- 
 cle, which my friend referred to, but I beheved 
 it was contained in " \Ve tlie People," and ask- 
 ^il if you liad met with it, to which 1 think yoii 
 replied in the negative. I th<;n went on to s^y, 
 that the .allusion Could not have Ik-ch intended 
 for ii>e, becaufte the expression wa.s, "/jcr/rNtn-- 
 folk," and I was perfectly unconscious of ever 
 cxpre^^ing a S'"n'lmT^;i' any thing like th? o;ie 
 
»>i ,-7 
 
 uiunbuted tojthe JudgeV but tho.t, ii' it was in- 
 tended formc'.it was a malicious tUlseliood, or a 
 ,c;Toss misrcpr&se-.i'cation orso!T!etlu!>g- 1 had said 
 jocularly, or in llic heat of arg-ument — and th^t 
 lor both reasons I should take no notice of it. 
 It was therefore natural, that, when the stor}^ 
 M'as revived and applied to mc, you should un- 
 dfi-iakt to assert — that what I.]iad told you was 
 true; you relied on my assurances — upon which, 
 I trust, ynu will always find }ou may confident- 
 ly rely." 
 
 Judg"e Parker has addressed, upon the same 
 subjeci. the following- contradiction to a paper 
 in this City . 
 
 Leesburg, July 20th, 1828. 
 To the Editors of the IVhiir. 
 
 Gentiejtek — A friend has put into my hands, 
 3-our paper of the 23d inst. and drawn my atten- 
 tion to a jiaragraph, in whicli my name is men- 
 tioned. 1 liad previously seen, in the National 
 Intelligence!' of the 19th, t!ie cliarg^e repeated 
 from the Wiiig-, that "a .Tudfj^e of \he General 
 Court had declared at Norfolk, that if ]Mr. 
 Adams was elected by the voice of the people, 
 lie would be v.-ilhng'to assist in ptittms;' liini out 
 by force;" and believing- from the location of the 
 story, that I was the person meant, 1 addressed 
 •J. coium.unication to the Ed'-loi-s, because they 
 were most convenient to the place where I v/as 
 then holding' s special court, requesting- that ci- 
 ther they or you, would state the name of the 
 Judge, and the time when, the place where, the 
 pe:-sons before whom, and circumstances under 
 which, that declaration was made. 
 
 Your parag-raph having in part furnislicd tlie 
 facts I wisiied to ascertain, by giviiig' my name 
 us that of the Judre, wlio '*in a pubfic compa- 
 ny," uttered the obnoxious sentiment, and Mr. 
 Lamb, of Norfolk, as the person v.-lio ".card and 
 repeated it, I tliink it proper, without waiting- 
 longer, to take the only notice of the story 
 which it is now in my povs-er to take, by address- 
 ing to you this communication. 
 
 The charge rests at present upon the assertion 
 of some correspondent, whose name is not to 
 be communicated, that ''Mr. I_-am]) heard the 
 observations" ascribed to me, " or in substance 
 the same," and "communicated them to tiie 
 Rev. Ricliard L. Green, who, on the same day, 
 related them to your correspondent of )iig-h re- 
 spectability." Of course, neither Mr. Green nor 
 }our cone.spondent, Jieard these declarations 
 themselves; but the latter .?m/s, that Mr. Greeii 
 said, that Mr. Lamb did hear them, "or in 
 substance the same," ai-.d communicated them 
 to him. 
 
 With Mr. Green's rcspectalMlity,' and your 
 correspondent's,! have'nothing to do: but I take 
 pleasure in stating, that both .Mr. Green and 
 Mr. Lumb are as respectable as any g'entlemen 
 in Norfolk. J am ]>fi-su;;d.ed tliat Mr. Lamb 
 would say nothing of me, cr any one else, that 
 he did not believe to be true, nor do I knov/ 
 what he /wi.<! .said. Ikit if lie, or any other per- 
 sqn, seriously asc-.-iI)es sucli a declaration to mc 
 as is coniaini'd in your correspondent's letter, I 
 confidently affirm" that he is mistaken. The 
 .statement is so ablsoircnt to my judg-ment and 
 feelings, that without pretending to re-collect 
 every thing I may have said upon the su!/)eet 
 of the Prcjidenti-al election, jestingly or in the 
 heatofafgivment, 1 am rertain" thst'l ro'ifd rrdi:. 
 
 have \ittered the oiia attributed to nxe. i iu^je 
 taxed my memory, to endeavor to ascertain, 
 what 1 might have said at any time or p1ac.e>, 
 wiiieli coakl be tortured into such a declaration; 
 and 1 solemnly re-affinin that I can remember 
 nothing v.-hich bears any resemblance to it. The 
 only conversation I can call to mind, of an exci- 
 ting character, where Mr. Lamb was present, 
 occurred in the Rank of Va. several months 
 i)efore the date of your correspondent'.^ letter, 
 on the subject of the Georgia conti"ovei-s}', and 
 the conduct of the Administration in relatien to 
 it. I iiave a pretty distinct recollection of wliat 
 I said on iltat occasion, and am perfectly willing 
 it should be published to the wor'd; but it is so 
 unlike the remarks conta'ne<l in the letter, thfit 
 1 am at a loss to conjecture whether it fonns 
 the foundation of the jircsent story or not. I 
 am sure it has nothing stronger to support it. 
 
 Your correspondent's letter is dated the 4th of 
 April, 1828, and he says tliat my observatioiTs 
 were made "notlfmgsince." If hehad.said,how 
 long since, I mignt be able to prove that 
 he has reference to something which had 
 taken place many months beforc,not well undei^ 
 stood, or accurately repo'.'ted. I take this occa- 
 sion, liowever, to protest against the practice, 
 which I fear is become too common, of giving- to 
 the public the inconsiderate, unguarded, orjocu- 
 lar lemTrks of individuals, as evidence of their 
 opinions. If informatioris of tliis character arc 
 cimntenanccd, there is an end to all social inter- 
 cour.se and private coniidence. — Neither party 
 ought to wish to be tried by such a rule. 1 have 
 heard many expressions from my political oppo- 
 nents, v.-hich they would be very unwilling to 
 have caught up and. tran.sfen-ed to the types of 
 a printer, by some sly informer at their elbow. 
 1 have frequently heard respectable gentlemeii 
 assert, that Mr. Jellcrson was the greatest 
 scoundrel in the world; tliat Mr. Madi.son ougiit 
 to have been shot by his own troops at lil.idens- 
 burg; and that General .Iacks<-)n deserved to be 
 hanged on a g.alknvs as high as the one erected 
 for Mordecal the .1 cv. P.ut v/hut then ? These 
 were rash expressions, used in tlie heat of de- 
 bate, and no evidence of deliberate opinion. 
 We have not been in the babit,in Virginia, when 
 we enter a private company, of looking cau- 
 tiously arounfl, to see if there v,-as any veptiie 
 present, wlio might report to some Editor, and 
 possibly pervert what lie liears, or thinks he 
 hears. We t'lerefore often speak unguarded])', 
 v/ithout much attention to strict propriety, 
 rlictorlcal or otiierv.isc, and never dream tiwi; 
 for this we shall be .arraigr.ed at the bar of tlvo 
 public, upon a charge of entertaining "extra- 
 ordinai-y" oi>lnious. 
 
 Yet I claim not on the present occasion the 
 benefit of this rule. I mean to say emphatically, 
 that I never O!) any occasion seriously used the 
 expression in yo'.ir correspond* nt's lctt<,'r, no;- 
 any otlier incoi wist cut with my character of" 
 *' conversator of the peace." Without preteud- 
 ing to be more circumspect than my neighbors, 
 the fficncls with whom I am in the habit of con- 
 versing- most ficely and confidcnti.ally, of both 
 political partie:;, wiil, I am persuaded, confirm 
 the ]),"obab!e truth of this statement. 
 
 I Jiitil Mr. Lamb, or some other respectable aixl 
 responsible pfcrson, shall come forward and state 
 what be believes I did say, and Ihi. time, place, 
 nnd circ^m'itan-ces <*.o«i*«?.!*tpfl with th-e cotv\-T?rsa- 
 
►K^L' 
 
 ion, I shall rest saiisiied with requesiin"^ y ovi to 
 publish this coninuinication, and relj' upon it as a 
 Hufficicnt notice of tlie charge contained in your 
 papei* of the 23d, in its present aspect. I urn 
 drajjged very reluctantly before the public, hav- 
 ing enough to do to attend to my official du- 
 ties, but I have known how I could avoid it, 
 without submitting- to the imputation of holding 
 and advancing opinions wliich are foreign to my 
 H'elings. and condcn>ncd by my judgment. 
 Vour ob't serv't, 
 
 RICH'D E. PAU'KEK. 
 
 .so comments are necessary upon these se- 
 veral productions. They nail the bad money 
 ut once to tlie counter. They show the im- 
 propriety of violating the confidence of private 
 conversations. They show how I'ulile is tlie 
 testimony relied upon by the N. Intelligencer 
 ibr the support of tlieir ridiculous plot for 
 thedissohition of the Union. The reader will 
 see in what positive and emphatic terms Mr. 
 Stevenson contradicts the Intelligencer; and 
 that he has no knowledge (as was insinuated by 
 its Editors) of any svicli plot being entertained 
 at the last session of Congress by the leadej-s 
 oi" the Jackson party. — Mr. AValsh thus speaks 
 of the habit of getting up such statements for 
 tlie newspapers. 
 
 "A Mr. certifies in the newspapers that 
 
 Mr. Speaker Stevenson observed, in his hear- 
 ing, that if General Jackson was not elected 
 President, or if .lolm Q. Adams was re-clcctcd, 
 the Union would be dissolved. The man who 
 is ca})ab!e of ctrtif\ ing in this way, is scarcely to 
 bfi trusted. Mr. Stevenson may h.ave uttered 
 the phrase jocosely, cr in conm^xion with re- 
 marks, which, if stated, wo\dd give it a different 
 complexion or import; and he may have been 
 misheard by the relator. Every gendsman 
 ought to disTountenariCe such reports of con- 
 versations — 1 hey tend to destroy the safety and 
 confidence of social intercotirse ; jocular or loose 
 observations, which miglit be satisfactoril}' ex- 
 plained, are charged upon the utterers as serious 
 or deliberate propositions. AVe can imag-ine 
 but few cxsen, indeed, in whichaperstmof (ieli- 
 cacy and liberality, or a due sense of justice, 
 could be induced to testify in this Y.ay as to 
 cisual conversations, held without even the ap- 
 prehension of such a result." 
 
 (From the Washington Pa. ExamiiuT.) 
 MH. CLAY'S APPENDIX 
 
 P.VHT 1. 
 
 The following statcn\ent of Mr. Sample, Fldi- 
 tcr of the Reporter, published at this place, 
 having- — after probably being printed and pub- 
 lished in every stats of the Union, at lengtli tr.i- 
 vcllcd back to this good borough of Washing- 
 ion, in which it emanated, and being printed 
 and published by its author, in hLs own paper, 
 on Monday UkX, it has been deemed proper that 
 the witnesses whom !<.c cites, Ije heard. Not 
 knowing how this coidd be better dotic, than 
 througii the medium of ihe following correspon- 
 dence, it is subjoined without comment. 
 
 '^atcmeni of Hltlian Siiinplc, transmitted in a 
 
 Istttr to a. Claij. 
 
 On Tuesday, the 2'2nd da^ of March, 1825, 
 
 when ficu. Andrew Jackson was on his way 
 
 fTTTi Washington city 'o hia resideirco jn Ten- 
 
 nessee, he, witii a number of the citizens o? 
 Washington, Penn. and of the county, were in 
 tlie public house of Mr. Chambers, inn-keeper, 
 AVcst Alexandria, Pa. Mr. Edward M'Glaugh- 
 lin, a citizen of Do'iegall township, Washing- 
 ton county, Pa. called at the public house of 
 Mr. Ciiambers, in the town of West Alexandria, 
 for the special purpose of seeing Gen. Jackson. 
 Mr. E. MT.lasig.din was introduced to the. 
 General, and after the common salutation of 
 shaking hands, Mr. M'Glaughlin said, " well, 
 Ceneral, we did all we could for you here, but 
 the rascals at Washington cheated }OU out of 
 it." To this expression. Gen. Jackson made 
 the following reply: "Indeed, my old friend, 
 {hfivc was chcatcry aiid corruption, and bribery 
 too. The editors of the National Intelligencer 
 were bribed to suppress the publication of hon- 
 est George Kremer's letter." Mr. M'Glaiigh- 
 lin's introduction, was at his own solicitation, 
 in a public house, in the presence of a room, 
 full of gentlemen ; and the conversation also in 
 the same puldic house, in the presence of a 
 large and promiscuous company, SamuelAVork- 
 man, Thomas Morgan, Joseph Henderson, Jo- 
 siah Truesdell, Wm. Sample, and otlters were 
 
 present. 
 
 WAsaiNGTON, Washington County, Penn. 
 
 July 18, 1828. 
 
 Dear Sin — I have received yours of the 12tU 
 inst. in relation to the statement of Mr. Wm. 
 Sample of this place, representing to Mr. Clay 
 that Gen. Jackson had made use of certain ex- 
 pressions in reference to the last Presidential 
 election. Some time since, I heard tliat Mi-. 
 Sample had made a representation of that cha- 
 racter, to Mr. Clay, in which he introduced 
 my name, and that Mr. Clay had published the 
 communication. I was unable to see the docu 
 ment untij a few days ago — -.vhen, upon perus- 
 ing it, I found Mr. Sample had placed mc in a 
 situation, which required me publicly to state 
 the truth, or Isy my silence, to become a pas- 
 sive instrument in sustaining, what I believed 
 to be untrue. 1 could not, and did not, a mo- 
 ment, doubt — and when your letter -reached me, 
 I was awaiting a reply to one, 1 had immediate- 
 ly v.rittcn on the subject, to a gentleman to 
 whom Mr. Sample had also made reference. — 
 I'pon the receipt of your's,not having received 
 an answer, I went to Claysville — the resi- 
 dence of the witness, Josiah Truesdell, Esq. and 
 stated to him the object of my vL-^it. 
 
 U'i observed that he was opposed to Gen. 
 Jackson, and declined giving a written statc-^ 
 ment, as in tliat case he would appear in tlie 
 ranks against Mr. Adams, the candidate wLoni 
 he suppo: ted; and added, that he would tell me, 
 as he liad told otiiers, and as he would contin- 
 ue to tell all that should make the Inquii^' — 
 that Gen. Jack.son did xot make the reply to 
 Mr. M'Glaughlin, oo the occasion referred to, 
 represented by Mr. Sample — and that the re- 
 marks of Mr. M'Glaughlin and of Gen. Jack- 
 son, were in t!ie Sollowing words, or certainl)-, 
 to the samenmount — viz:— (Mr. M'Glaughlin) 
 " Well, General, the people here did all tliey 
 could for V(Mi — but they chcateu you out of it 
 ;it the Pedei-al City. "-^( Gen. Jack.son) "My 
 old friend,*asto tliese thing.?, you, the pcuplr, 
 have the power in your own hands, and can ap- 
 y>\y the remedy, by altering the constitution." 
 Mv own imnress'on is, thi»t Mr. Truesdell''^ 
 
38i 
 
 riLaiemeal, as abiiV-e, is trure in spivit and In sul)- 
 stance. 
 
 Mr. Truesdell was one of the only two per- 
 sons in his district, who voted for Mr. Ailams at 
 the last election — he still i-emains his finn sup- 
 porter; but he is too liig-h-miuded and honora- 
 ble, to make use of unfair means to promovc 
 his election, or to countenance it in otliers. 
 
 I subjoin the statement of Mr. M'Glaughlin 
 liimself, the party to the conversation with t.ien. 
 Jackson. Mr. M'G. has resided on the spot he 
 now owns, forty years and more; — he is a re- 
 spectable farmer — of unimpeachable veracity 
 and undoubted integ'rity. Annexed are also a 
 a copy of my note on t!ie subject to Samuel 
 Workman, Esq. and Ir.s ansv/er. I>Ir. Work- 
 roan is the brother-in-law of Mr. Sample — was 
 late Sheriff — and is now one of our members of 
 the State Legislature. Mr. Henderson, to whom 
 Mr. W^orkman refers is the postmaster at this 
 place — is now, and always has been, warmly 
 embarked against tlie election of General Jack- 
 Son. With great Esteem, 
 
 Your's, in haste, 
 
 THOMAS MORGAN. 
 
 io 
 
 -, Kentucky. 
 
 DOTTXKOAL TOWXSHIP, } 
 
 Washington Co. Pa. July 17th, 1833. < 
 Sill: In teply to your inquiry, whether the 
 statement made by William Sample and trans- 
 mitted by him in a letter to Henry Clay, and by 
 the latter publislied, of a conversation w'lich 
 took place between Gen. Jackson and myself, 
 at the public house of Mr. Chambers,Innkeeper 
 (on the 22d Miirch, 1825) at West Alexandria, 
 in this county, is true — 1 do not hesitate to re- 
 peat to you what t have heretofore declared, 
 that the assertion of Mr. Sample that General 
 Jackson said in reply to an observation of mine, 
 *' Indeed.my old^friend, tiiere was cheatcry and 
 "corruption, and bribery too. The Editors of 
 "the National Intelligencer were bribed to su]i- 
 ^' press the publication of lionest Geo. Kremer's 
 letter" — is absolutely and unqualifiedly false, 
 and without even the appearance of truth. Mr. 
 Sample came to me before the last March Court, 
 from Washington, and declared that he had 
 come tome in consequence of iiaving received 
 a letter from Mi*. Samuel Workman, a member 
 of the State Legislature, and then at Harris- 
 biirgh, desiring him to call on me in his name, 
 to request me to give a certificate of what Gen. 
 Jackson said on the occasion above I'cferred to. 
 Ihis, also, I learn from Mr. Workman, was ab- 
 solutely false. 
 
 EUVv^AUD McCLAUGIILTN. 
 To Thomas Murgan, Esq. 
 
 were pieseiit. as my recollection does ni/t 
 bear Mr. Sample out, I have thought that si- 
 lence on my part, would be leprehcnsiblc. 
 V/ill j'ou have the goodness to state your recol- 
 lection on the subject, and also, whctlier yoni 
 wrote 'to Mr. Sample, desiring him to call on 
 Mr. McGlaughlin to obtain his certificate of 
 what General Jackson had said on the occasion^ 
 — My object is, to give full and accurate infor- 
 mation on the subject, to a gentleman in Kew- 
 tucky, from whom I have received a letter ask- 
 ing it. 
 
 Very respectfully, voiij?, 
 
 THOMAS' MOKGA^. 
 Snmiiel Workm<in, Esq. 
 
 Washi>-ctw, Jui.r IS, 1828. 
 
 Dear Sik: — Your note of the Ifth inst. is 
 now before me, and in answer, can inform yovi 
 tliat I was present at Mr. Chambers' tavern, in 
 West Alexandria, when Mr. Edward JIcGIaugh- 
 lin, of Donegall township, entered into a con- 
 veniation with Gen. Jackson, respecting the 
 last Presidential election. I heard Mr. Mc- 
 Glaugldin, accost the General in this manner — 
 " Well, General, tlie people here did ail they 
 could fo;: for you, but they clicated you of it 
 at the Federal City." In answer to this the 
 General made a reply, but I cannot undertake 
 to give his vvord.«, but so far as my recollection 
 .serves me it v'as this, "Never mind, my old 
 friend, the people have the power in their own 
 hai-ids, atid can set about altering the constitu- 
 tion." 
 
 I have conversed v.-itli Josiali Truesdcli ar.il. 
 Joseph Henderson, EsquireSj v.dio were at Mr- 
 Cliambcrs' at that time, but neither of them wiii 
 bear Mr. Sample out. 
 
 In answer to the second inquny — '* TVhethcr 
 you wroic to Mr. Sumplc, desiring him io call 
 on Mr. McGlait^hlin to obtain, hi.3 cctifLcale of 
 what Gen Jackson had said o?i, th- occasion^' — 
 T am confident that nci such letter was ever writ- 
 ten by me to Mr. Sam.ple, nor did I receive a 
 letter from iiim on that sul)ject._ There, no 
 doubt, must be a misunderstanding bctwecii 
 Mr. Sample and Mr. McGlaughlin in this mat- 
 ter. 
 
 Verv res])ectfullv, yours, 
 
 'S. WORKMAN 
 
 Tuo?iAS Morgan-, Esq. 
 
 WAsaixar-):,-, July 17tli, 1828. 
 Dear Sih — .Mr. Sample in his statement to 
 ^r. Clay, represents Mr. E. McGlaughlin to 
 tiave addressed General .Jackson in tiiese 
 words, viz: "Well, General, we did all we 
 could for you here, but the rasco-ls at Washing- 
 ton cheated yoit out of it — and tlie General to 
 have replied — "Indeed, my old friend, there 
 Was cheatery and corruption, an<l bribery too, 
 the Editors of the National Intelligencer were 
 bribed to suppress the publication of honest 
 George Kremer's letter" In his slalcment, 
 Mr. Sample say?, that you, my='-:if. nnd otl^'-v^ 
 
 TO THE PEOPLE. 
 
 Fkllow Citizexs— Volumes are every day 
 published, upon tlie numerous questions wiiich 
 have arisen, in the course of the pending strug- 
 gle for the presidency: and such is the mass of 
 asserlion, argument, contradiction, and refuta- 
 tion, tiiat very few persons can truly say, thev 
 understand all the questions before ihcm. 
 
 If.therefure, there is any one point, yourdeci- 
 sion upon which would settle all the rest, it is 
 undouljtcdly best to devote attention to th;.*^^ 
 point in the first instance; and, if you tail to come 
 to a decision upon it, you n»:iy then enter upon 
 the field of general discussion. 
 
 I* has been contended, that the election of Mr. 
 Adams ami the appointment of Mr. Chiy, in Feb- 
 ruary 183.5, were the results ofu corrupt under- 
 standing between the parties: what charge 
 more grave tiian this, could be submitted to the 
 rf,--;7M:Ti '.f •! fr';c:>.!vl int'^Uigent peopl*:?' v/b; • 
 
Jb^ 
 
 q(Lrcj>i.ioii couiiliiiore ii.iiuiiilciy cuu-cci'iilhc par- 
 lies implicated, or the public? 
 
 If we could l;iy before you a written contract, 
 between Messre. Adams and Clay, the one bind- 
 ing' himself to give the presidency in exchange 
 ibr tbesccrelaryship, and the otlier enga:;;inij to 
 give the secTctary ship for the prc'sldency — if we 
 oould prove by witnesses tlie execution of such a 
 corrupt agreom^-nt — would not yonr minds be 
 then made up ? Would you consider it important 
 lo inquire into other matters? Would you not at 
 once resolve to deprive such persons cjf all honor 
 and confidence? The fate of Mr. Durr answers 
 the question — there existed no evidence ofcoi"- 
 niption on his part in 1801 unless lits resistance 
 to the known will of the people can so be con- 
 sidered; yet you ditipiissed him at once for liis 
 bare resistance. 
 
 The case of Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay is far 
 more obnoxious than that of Mr. Burr. ^Ve liave 
 not only proof that they resisted the known will 
 of the people, but that their resistance was to 
 promote their reciprocal advantag-c. 
 
 It was under these impressions, that we resolv- 
 ed, af^er rcadin;; an adtiress, recently prepared 
 jnthlscity,hy Messrs. Jchn Sergeant andother.s, 
 to call your attention at present, to one of the to- 
 pics onhj, that are mentioned in that address, and 
 to prove, as v.-e are confident we shall — that Mr. 
 J}dams v:as fkdcd, and that Mr. Claii was ap- 
 pointed, ttitdcr a corrupt tindcniunding; betivecn 
 the parties. 
 
 We shall perform this task in four letters to 
 the gentlemen who prepared the address, that 
 we have referred to — the rest of their address, 
 •wc shall notice afterwards. 
 Jlespectfuliv, yours, ?;c. 
 
 • ' JOSEPH "WOKUELL, 
 WILLIAM DUNCAN, 
 AVII.LIAM 150VD, 
 HENRY I'OLANl), 
 .lOHN WUllTS, 
 WHXIAM J. DUANE, 
 WILLIAM . I. LEIPKH, 
 CHARLES S. COXE, 
 THOMAS M. PETTIT, 
 Coni'.nlttC'.; of Correspondence for Philadel- 
 phia, appointed hy tne Ucpublican Con- 
 \ent:on, assembled at Ilanisbmij, Jan. 
 8tb, 1828. 
 .i-Jy l?8th, 1328. 
 
 LETTER !. 
 
 y}) John Sergeant, Manuel Eyre, Laurence Liiv- 
 fV, C C. Biddlc, and Joseph P. 2,'orris, J'^.squ. 
 — .luthors of an addras adopted at the adnan- 
 iatnition town ineelin^ of the 7lh July. 
 
 Gentlemen : — You deeni it needless, you say, 
 to notice *'the now exploded calumny of a cor- 
 rupt bargain," between Mr. Adams and Mr. 
 Clay: it is possible, that you think the charge, 
 which you call a calumr.y, exploded; hut wo 
 believe, that, if yovi could have cptablislied any 
 fact, indicative of innocence, you would not 
 have passed the question over with so mucli 
 apparent indillVrcnce: No, the ciiargc is not ex- 
 ])h)<lcd, and the best jiroof that it is not,, is tlie 
 fact, that the,suHjcct now occupies a majority 
 of the columns of the principal newspapers in 
 the Union. 
 
 In rctcr.. nee to this chargo,you speak of" the 
 
 assert, against lae ro.putalion of public lueii." 
 but you forgot that you were, at the same in- 
 stant, waging a ruthless war upon the reputa- 
 tion of Gen. Jackson: What! khallyou pry into 
 the recesses of his heart, in search of motives, 
 which he abhors' Shall you denounce him as- 
 a person who, if chosen president, would vio- 
 late the constitution, the law, and the rights of 
 his countrymen, altiiougli sworn to sustain 
 tlieni all? — .shall you say and ilo all this, and 
 yet call it calumny to investigate the conduct 
 of your own favorites? 
 
 You n-.Istakc, gentlemen, altogether, the na- 
 ture ol free discussion: you forget for what end 
 it was, that the founders of the republic guar- 
 anteed the freedom of speech and of the press. 
 We deprecate, as anxiou.sly as you do, the gross 
 abuse of tiie press: but, if as wc often assert, a 
 republic is a better inheritance than the gifts* ol" 
 transitory forturic, it is not only our right, but 
 our tluty, to investigate and expose those causes, 
 ■ which, if not removed, must produce the loss of 
 that inheritance. 
 
 We have no hesitation in avowing our delii,'- 
 erate conviction, ti»at the influence of Mr. Clay 
 procured tlie elcclion of Txlr. Adams — that Mr. 
 Clay gave i^is influence to Mr. Adams, with an 
 understanding that he would be made Secretary 
 of State — and, that Mr. Adams did make him 
 Secretary of State, in consideration of t'.ie in- 
 fluence used by Mr. Clay to produce his elec- 
 tion. 
 
 As lo the question, whether tliose exchanges 
 wore, in their origin, nature, or tendency, cor- 
 rupt, it was settled by iMr. Clay himself. In his 
 letter to Judge Brook, Jan. 28, 1825, he declured 
 that he luid consulied his conscience, and con- 
 cluded to vote for Mr. Adams;that he would be 
 assailed lor doing so, but would listen to all accu- 
 :-ations without emotion : yet, three daj s after, 
 when accused of med4t:\ting a coalition, he pro- 
 nounced the charge infamous, anQ threatened 
 to hold every man accountabld*to the " laws of 
 honor" wlio should utter it! 
 
 Jiideed, Iheanxiousand elabo.-atc pains taken, 
 for upw;uds of three years, by Mr. Clay and all 
 his friends, in table or.ilions, pamphlet-, and 
 newspapers, to prove him guiltless, sliow theu- 
 own bcitf that the people considered the trans- 
 actions corrupt, and tliata ncctssity existed for 
 removing that Inijiression. 
 
 We will not iKiitate your cxami)le, gentle 
 men, and assert, that a serious ch:u-ge is well 
 founded, without giving our reasons for our 
 convictions: nor, if you shall not come to the 
 same conclusion witli us, sliall we cer.sure you 
 — for belief is not a mattw of choice: but wd 
 will state the grounds of our belief, call upon 
 } ou to reply, and leave the decision to the peo- 
 ple: Any thing more than this would he un- 
 kind to you, any thing less would be unworthy 
 of ourselves." 
 
 I IV discussing the question, whether Mr. 
 Clay's gift of influence, and Mr. Ad.am3's gift 
 of office, were reciproc:d acts of a corrupt char- 
 acter, the friends oflhosc gentlemen usually be 
 gin hy asking, whether it is likely, that tw.; 
 ;uch men would act corru])lIy ? U[;rightmcn, 
 undoubtedly, feel a reluctance to believe that 
 :i factious coalFfion \\ as f(n"mcd. When wefir;-t 
 hear the accusation, we naturally ask ourselvcc, 
 is it likely, th;it men, aJrc;uly so high in nubli;. 
 f:-.';r. v.(^vl'l :'-k i'.^^'^pc' ■^VyuId '.licy •.••!;;•' 
 
 ii 
 
a.aa 
 
 *^iUy act la suoli a w.a), as, it'd£.U;cled, would 
 lead to the forfeiture of public confidence i* — 
 And yet, it is the investigation of this question, 
 that prepares the mind to j-eceive evidence, and 
 to pronounce upon the accusation. 
 
 Is there any thing unusual in the existence of 
 factious coalitions' Were there no such com- 
 binations between leaders in the rt-pui)!ics of 
 Greece' Were there no such treaties of alli- 
 ance between heads of factions in Rome? Do 
 the histories of France and Englajid present no 
 instances, in wiiich angry opponents su.'ldcidy 
 became ardent iricnds, to crush some rivul, who 
 threatened to stop the ambitious niai'cii ot botii' 
 What Iiistor}' does not record proofs, that men, 
 originally pure, have been converted into apos- 
 tates, and violators of tiicir obligations to their 
 country, by the intoxicating influences of avar.cc 
 and ambition' 
 
 What, indeed. Is a rej)ublic, but a system, 
 devised to guard the peoj)lc against the prone- 
 ness of public agents to violate their trusts ? 
 "Why, especially in relation to the election of a 
 ])resident, did the framers of tlie constitution so 
 anxiously erect the bai-riers, which we see in it? 
 Did they not foresee such scenes as the brief 
 history of the republic already records? What 
 ai'C constitutions and laws, but checks upoii the 
 inordinate lust of v/ealth and power? Wliy are 
 raen, elected for their merits asid honesty, still 
 obliged to swear before the Almighty, that they 
 will not betray their trusts — if the temptation to 
 betray them is riot almost irresistablc? 
 
 Have we had no men in our own country who 
 sacrificed themselves upcn the altar of ambition? 
 Have not men of the highest attainments in 
 other countries put a period to their oun lives, 
 when disappointed in political pursuits? In the 
 c*)unt".y from which, in particular, wc derive our 
 origin, and many of our laws, principles and 
 customs, have we not seen some remarkable 
 changes within our ov/n time ? D;d not Ed 
 mund Burke, a man oi the most transcendant 
 •abilities, in order to gi-atify his passion of ava- 
 rice or ambition, and to resent the tardiness 
 of the whigs in atisfying it, abandon his firct 
 principles, and die the pensioner of men whose 
 practices he had scorned, and whose profliga- 
 cy he had lashed ? Did not William Pitt and 
 Lord Castlercagh begin their career as whigs, 
 then put on the garb of apo-itaey, and at 
 last perish under a load of self-reproach and 
 disappointment ' If experience teaches all this, 
 should we startle at the supposition, that tiie 
 same causes must produce the same effects in 
 the new world as in the old' As has been well 
 suggested, has the constitntion necessarily 
 made our citizens patriots ? Why, then, should 
 we be astonished, that individuals here should 
 desperately risk the uncertain loss of public fa- 
 vor, i-ather t'.ian incur thf; certain loss of objects, 
 sought for in the utmost anxiety durinf a Ion'-- 
 life ? > ^ o 
 
 The Presidency of the United States h 
 
 the higliest source of Iionor, influence, and 
 emolument, in the republic. It is a station, to 
 whicli the greatest men that ever lived might 
 consider it honorable to aspire, and still more 
 lionorable to attain. With.in the last forly years, 
 but six persons have he'd the oflice: in the next 
 forty, even six may not acquire the distinction. 
 It lias been in many nistances reached with the 
 'itmost difficulty; the execution of great i-ervi- 
 
 ce?, or the development of p-eculiar charactens- 
 tics, in along- life, seem to be the only avenues 
 b)^ which it can be i-cached. 
 
 To gain such a summit, intense, then, must 
 be the avidity of him, who, after toiling through 
 life to reach it, lias already ascended all tin; 
 steps but one! And equalh' intense must be 
 his dismay, when he sees a rival with one foot 
 upon the last step, and ready to lift tl-.e other! 
 In such an extremity, he looks around on friend 
 and foe, »«witli tears in iiis eyes," imploring- 
 aid: the rcniembrance of past toils, the shame 
 of defeat, th-i glory t)f triumph, the intoxicating 
 iiiHaence of ambition and avarice, all combine 
 to make him prefer the certainty of ijrescntgra- 
 tiilcation, even at the risk of popular censure, 
 to the certainty of defeat v.-ithout public com- 
 miseration! 
 
 Can you doubt the fLdelity of this picture' 
 You, who have been at school, do you forget 
 your dread of inferiority, or your desii e for the 
 first rank, in juvenile competition? Have_ you 
 lost tile remembrance of your anxiety prior to 
 ticholastlc examination? If you recollect such 
 incidents, cast your eyes upon Mr. Adams and 
 Mr. Clay, and say whether their coalition was 
 inconsistent with liumau weakness, or worldlv 
 experience' 
 
 Have you ever been competitors ibr popular 
 favor' If you have, think of the sleepless nigjits 
 and resitessdays, v/hich you have passed, amidst 
 the hopes of success, and fe.U's of defeat: and 
 then say, if yori had nearly reached such au 
 eminence, whether you would not have become 
 giddy yourselves? IIov;- many amongst you 
 would have had the fortitude, whlcli General 
 Jackson displayed, and defied temptation? 
 
 . . .Is there any thing extraordinary, then, ii: 
 the conclusion, that Mr. Adam.'i, govei-iied by 
 such intense pHSsions, held out lures, tUrough 
 his friends, to Mr. Clay? Is it marvellous, that 
 Mr. Clay, impelled by passions equally strong, 
 listened \o friends of Mr. Ad.ims, and in his c\- 
 trtmity caught at tlic bait' 
 
 'rhe condition of }.l:. Clay was nearly as cri- 
 tical as that of Mr. Adams, or perhaps more cii 
 tical . He had seen the presidency filled, fur six- 
 teen years, by those v/ho had been Secretai-ies 
 of State in su'ccessi(m: the presi.lency had been 
 for twenty years tlie object of all his desires and 
 efforts: he "knew that the i'ouih and the Easl 
 had been honored, but that no President from 
 the /^Fi^Hiad yet been elected: he perceived, 
 that If the £'tt4/ should be now again lionored, 
 especially by his aid, the IVct^t would be more 
 likely to be honored, and lie w mid be more 
 likely to be the successful candidate, at the 
 next change — than if the West was ?i(Hy honor 
 cd, and Gen. .lack.son elected. He would have, 
 risked his chance a> a westi-rn cahdidate, if any 
 hopes of office under Gen. Jackson had been 
 held out; but that was not done: .and there- 
 fore, upon the doctpne of chances, and acconl- 
 ing to political or partis.in calculation, the suc- 
 cess of Mr. Adams was moie likely to open tii'j 
 door in IVl.), than thcek-ction of Gen. Jacksou. 
 
 Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay well understood all 
 this, without any sort of intercourse: and so un- 
 derstanding it, can any reasonable man doulj* 
 their readiness to meet each olhcr'sviews? Was 
 any thin;;- more cksy 'han to come to an unde/- 
 standing, sufficiently p!:i:n> by the aid liffri.-n ! •, 
 without the formalitv {\nd dang---.' 'ifj 
 
384 
 
 snent, express or even impiied, to which they 
 had committed themselves? 
 
 In what ether way cun we account for the co- 
 alltion> 
 
 In our next letter, we shall proceed to answer 
 tbis question: in vhe present, we think, we have 
 presented views, founded on human nature, ex- 
 perience, and common sense, fully descriptive 
 oFthc matter before us: we are, we believe, ful- 
 ly authorized to say, tiiat tliere is every likeli- 
 hood, that two such men, as Mr. Adams and Mr. 
 Clay, would, in their situation, form the coali- 
 tion which produced an election of the one and 
 the appointment of the other. 
 
 " The best idea I can give yoii of the manne.' 
 in which this nomination was received by the 
 Adams men, will be to g^ive the remark of one. 
 when he heard it — 'Now wcare all fone to h — 
 togetlier.' This is not more profane than what 
 was heard from others, nor more hopeless." 
 
 From the Albany Arenas. 
 
 THE ANTI-MASONIC CONVENTION. 
 ):xtract of a letter, dated Utica, Aug. 6th, 1B28. 
 
 " This morning, at 8 o'clock, the anli-ma- 
 sonic convention nominated Francis Grangef 
 tor Governor, .54 to 6, or about those number.s 
 —and John Crary, (of Wasliington co.) for 
 ]^ieut. Governor. James Buvt, of Orange co. 
 was also voted for; but Craiy had more than 
 two to one of the votes. There were about 
 75 deleg-atcs in all; but a part quit tlie gi-ound 
 when they found a nomination could not be 
 ;>rcvented. Such was the case of a part of the 
 ten deleg'ates from tliis county, wiio '.vere sent 
 ■ here not because the}' v.ere anti-mnsons, but 
 •o turn this feeling' to the advantag-e of the 
 federalists and Mr. Adams. 
 
 "Never was any body of men so wofully bc- 
 •^et by an outdoor influence, or, in ether wonU", 
 ':iy so strong a lobby, before. Weed was on 
 '.he ground; buL he h:id a double and conse- 
 quently a diHicult game to play. The :id- 
 rninistration on one side, and his standing 
 v.'ith the real anti-masons on the other, v/cre 
 '.nvolvcd in t!ie course he should pursue ; and 
 .uave made his condition truly distressing. Me 
 has acted with his usual cunning, but without 
 
 :.UCCCSS. 
 
 "John A. King has laboured day and night, 
 without intermission, to prevent a noniin:ition. 
 Last evening, as a hist effort, he made a sort of 
 ;i speech in Welles' bar-room, declaring all 
 'ost if they would not desist from tlieir purpose 
 +0 have an independent candidate. He took 
 Mie TeleOTaph s'age east, this morning, in ut- 
 ter despair. No more must be saiil about the 
 S4,500 outfit; for he has earned every cent of it. 
 !n addition to men from abroad, the whole 
 Adams influence in this quarter has bee!i 
 nroughtto bear upon the convention: but all 
 :'\ vain. 
 
 ••There is a faint liope expressed by .■^ome 
 'hat Granger will decline; but that he dare not 
 do — Dare not, because he would justly provoke 
 the hostility of those with whom lie has chosen 
 to act. It seems that he had written two let- 
 ters to different niembei"s of the convention, 
 one intimating' that he 'iould not consent to a 
 nomination, the other leaning to a different con- 
 f'lusion!! These were not publicly read, but 
 v.-ere handed about in the convention, and wrrc 
 both laid before the committee who reported in 
 favor of a nonunation, and were not considered 
 :i3 a refusal to be a candid.ite. 0\jr congress- 
 man (Storrs) has given some heed to this btisi- 
 r.ess, and is said to have spoken liarshly of tl\u 
 •■-<nvention for the course they hnve purs^^ed. 
 
 From the Charleston Mercury. 
 
 PPJNCE WILLIAM'S PARISH. 
 
 Tribute to Major MMES HAMILTON, Jun. 
 
 A meeting of the citizens of the upper part of 
 Prince William's Parish, was held on Saturday, 
 the 2d inst. at Captain Williams' muster fiekh 
 JOHN MULLIGAN, Esq. was called to the 
 Chair, and T. H. Colcock, appointed Secreta 
 
 The following Resolutions were then ofiercc 
 and unanimously adopted. 
 
 Resolved, That we sincerely regret the deter- 
 mination of our Representative in Congress, the 
 Hon. Jamfs HAMir.TorJ, Jun. to decline a re- 
 election : reg.nrding his absence from our nation- 
 al council, as a seri'ius loss to our country ; and 
 the deprivation of his valuable service, as a mis- 
 fortune to his constituents. 
 
 Resolved, That throughout the term of bis 
 Congreisional services, he h?,s discharged the 
 important duties of his office, fully to our satij-- 
 fiiction ; and that he vv^ill bear witli him into his 
 rctiremcT^t, the well earned meed of cur esteem 
 and gratitude. 
 
 Resolved, That we select for our special ap- 
 probation, tlic exposition of our feelings and 
 wrongs, made by him, upon the discussion of 
 the TarilF law recently enacted, and rely upon 
 his patriotism to co-oper.ate with us in our exer- 
 tions to resist the consummation of that oppres- 
 sion, the attempt at which he h:is va'.-jly .strug- 
 gled to arrest. 
 
 Resolved, That the.^ Resolutions be publish- 
 ed in ihe Charleston Mercury^ the Southern Pat- 
 riot, and the Beattfurt Gazette. 
 
 Tiie following Resolution was then adopted : 
 Itesolvcd, That these Resolutions be transmu- 
 ted to MHJor Hamilton, and that u Committee b''^ 
 appointed for that purpose. 
 
 Under this RcsolutiDn, the following gentle- 
 men were na.-.icd as the Committee: — The Hon. 
 William Jotneu, RoRr.ur W. Baiinwell, and 
 William BowKns, Jun. Esquires. 
 
 JOILV MUMJGAN, Chairman. 
 Thomas H. Colcock, Sec'ry. 
 The occasion being deemed a fit one to take 
 a vote on the Pit.sidential question, there being 
 about two hundred andlifty persons present, a 
 vote was ;iccordingly taken : when it appeared 
 tiiat Gen. Jackson was the unanimous choice of 
 the meeting. 
 
 Signu— Civil and Militar;;. 
 
 At a •'raising'* in Henrietta, Monroe county 
 Jackson had 18 votes, Adams 1, 
 
 Officer election in the town of Fiorida, J. 51. 
 A. 5. 
 
 Capt. Zielley's company o: cavalry, m Pa<. 
 aline, vnanimnu^ for Jackson. 
 
 At the nusnff ot a mill on Fall Creek, in Dry 
 den, J. 45, A. 1. < 
 
 At a raising in Dandv, TompVin? county, .' 
 :9. A, t> ' 
 
 1 
 
UNITED STATES' T ELEGR APR—Exlra. 
 
 This paper will be tlevotcd exclusively to tiie Presidential Election, and be published weekly, 
 until lite I5'l1i of October naxi, for One Dnllar, subject to newspaper postag^e and nomore.' 
 
 B Y GREEN <5- JAR VIS. 
 
 TOL. I. 
 
 WASHINGTON, AUGUST .^0, 1S2S. 
 
 No. 
 
 LETTER IL 
 
 To John Seff^eanf, Manuel Eyre, Lavirence 
 Lccvi.% C. C. BicfJfe, ai}d JnsepJi P.' Norris, 
 Es(jiu7-cs — Authors of an ad'lress adopted at the 
 adininisii-atioii town mee'ing of theTth Jalij. 
 
 Gentkmrn — We answered, in our last letter, 
 the defensive inquiry, often made by the friends 
 of Messrs. Adams and Cb.y — wlieUier it is like- 
 hj that two n^cn, su hig'h in public (iivor, would 
 ii-om a factious coalition'' We showed that it 
 was likely, from our iaiov/ledg-e of luinian ma- 
 ture, frnin experience, and from common sense, 
 applied to the past, the jirescnt, and the j>i'oba- 
 hle future positions of tlie parlies. 
 
 . . . .Two fiicts admit of no dispute, that Mr. 
 Clay's aj^ency made Jlr. Adaro.s President, and 
 that iitmiediately after Mr. Adam;; made l\v. 
 Clay Secretary of State. Tliemuin question, tlien, 
 is, why did 'Mr. Cl;<y make Mr. Adams President, 
 and loky did Mr. Adams make Mr, Clay Secreta- 
 ry. 
 
 That there was any direct af^rccmenl Iietwcen 
 Sir. Adams ar>d Mr. Cla}', we do not behevc; 
 but from the ars^umenls and facts before us, " e 
 arc of opinion, tliat an understanding- of some 
 kind, conipetent to the results, and calci'lated 
 to produce ihem, did exist — an undersiaixlintj 
 tliat mifjht effect every purpose, witivout either 
 party committing' I'.imscH'. 
 
 The viotivcs of Mr. Adams, for desirin-t;;-, and 
 for having- an understanding- witii Mr. Cla\', v.-e 
 Iiave already shown, were the strong-est that 
 could impel a man, influenced by ambition or 
 avarice — powe;-, inliuence, wealth, ]5ridc:, and 
 < 'read of shame, presented themselves in array 
 ajjainst patriotism and pohticai pi-obity. Without 
 ^Ir. Clay, Mr. Adams wouUl bo nothing; with 
 I'.im, he would g-ct caxtj- thing-, intensely covi-t- 
 ri\ thrniitjh life! 
 
 The n.'.';//rf.s- of Mr. Clay are '.-.s obvio'vis: lie 
 Naw that he would be, with Mr. Adams, in t!ie 
 road of succession, but that lie liad ncx overture 
 fj-om Gen. .lackson: He saw, that, if the IVest 
 should be now li<jnored with .lackson av; a can- 
 didate, tiie East, Middle, or Soul!!, mig-ht o!)- 
 icct to asuccession of western PiTsideuts, but, 
 that, if the west was postponed to lii33, to favor 
 the east, the west would then be more hkely to 
 be honored, andrcceivc Eastern aid to that end. 
 
 Before wc resort to evidence from other so;u'- 
 • ■es, we will apply the test of common sense 
 to the relations in wliicli t!ie parties stootl to- 
 wards each other. If there had been, between 
 Messrs. Adams and Clay, an accordance in po- 
 litical principles and views — if t!iere had exis- 
 ted between them an ijitimalefricndsliip — some 
 7nen would at once aiti-ibutc to tliosc relations, 
 the combination of 1825; nay, tliey would be in- 
 duced to palliate its political proilig-acy, by ap- 
 peals to some of the best feelings of the hearty 
 they woiilil consider it a. task ai)ove Jnimanity, 
 for two such dear friends to abar.:lon the ccrlain- 
 
 tion of Creeks ancl Romans as a f;ible: and mi£>-ht 
 even have gone so far as to consider Mf ssr.s, 
 Adams and Clay a second Dsraon and Pythias? 
 But, unliappily for j'our cause, g-entlemen, 
 the case was diametrically opposite — Mr. Clay- 
 had done all that a man could covertly do, to 
 blast Mr. Adams* fame, and Mr. Adams "had pub- 
 licly torn the mask of duplicity from Mr. Clay's 
 fiice ; No two men in the Union, up to 1824, were 
 so inveteratcly hosdle to each other as politi- 
 cians, and we mip,-lit prehaps say as men too, as 
 Messrs. Adams and Clay. So that, instead of 
 llie amiable .attitude oiT)amon and Pythias, ther 
 ])rosented a more striking- resemblance to Oc- 
 ta\ ius and Antony. 
 
 1. In the winter of 1814, 5, Mesj5rs. Adatns, 
 Ilayard, Clay, Callatin and Kussell, were neg(N 
 tialing t]je treaty of Ghent— in the course oV 
 die conferences, Messrs. Adams, Bayard, and 
 Call.-din were willing to ircognise a right in the 
 Britisii to navigate the Mississippi, in considera- 
 tion tiiat the British should recognise a riglit in 
 Americans to fish within the Britisli jurisdiction. 
 Messrs. Clay and llussell were o])i)osed to such 
 an exchange, and, finally Mr. Bayard joining 
 them, thf-y defeated the object. 
 
 2. In 1816, Mr. Monroe was chosen Presiden-f, 
 and Mr, Adams v/asappointerl Secretary of Sttite, 
 to the deep mortification of Mr. Clay: in 1820. 
 Mr. Monroe was re-elected, and Mr. Adams re- 
 appointed, in the line of succession, 'j'he scep- 
 tre was now about to p;iss from Virginia. Who 
 should succeed Mr. Monroe, was a (piestion, 
 which ."jet in operation all the vile jiassiojis, much 
 more violesitly than those of an honorable kind. 
 Mr. Clay saw, at a glance, the danger in which 
 lie was placed a'- •' competitor, by tlic influence 
 and the position of N'r. .\dams, and against him 
 he began to direct all his masked batteries. 
 
 .). In 1822, Mr Adams, findinghimself assail- 
 ed, and as he had nf> reason to doubt, covcrtiv 
 by Mr. Clay ; finding that pains -were taken to 
 render him odious in the eyes of the western peo- 
 ple, on account of the ])roposcd e\changc of 
 Mississippi navigation for British fisheries"; pre- 
 pared and published a book, winch may be call- 
 ed a defence of himself, and a bold attack upon 
 Mr. Clu)', his rival: the W(n-k is entitled " Ihi- 
 plka!r, Icttn-H, tkcjblifriea, and Ihc JTismsippi ,'* 
 Wu.'ikini;ton, Septrinh'-r 21, 1820. 
 
 It is nut possible in this letter, or in .several 
 letters, to exhil/it the full length ])ortrait of ;Mr. 
 Cl.ay, which this work presents to the American 
 people— it is a portrait, whicli, if faithful, and 
 Mr. Adams says it is, would snit a group of the 
 l)e Uctz, Metteriiichs, and Talleyrands of En • 
 rope. In tlie introduction, Idv. Adams slates, 
 amongst his reasons for publishing this v.-ork, that 
 rnmours iuul been indu.striously circulated i;> 
 the western country, prejudicial to liis refiutt- 
 iiun and even iutev^rily — tliat h 
 
 ami even lutet^nly—WVAt iieVrogeneous 
 and incongruous materials had been mixed up. 
 To excite the indignation of the western and 
 iy of mutual gratification, from a int-re love of soulh-wcstcrn sections of the Union against liirn 
 "^untn-j they would have laughed atthe'dcro- —The duplicate fof Mr Russell's letter, sa'-s 
 
3.SjG 
 
 Mr. Adam;i, pag:e was Uie hfs?t of ihoiie pa- 
 pei's seen by me; and, from " the moment of 
 my perusing it, I could be no longer at a loss 
 ipr the origin of the storm which a friendly voice 
 assured me, was to burst upon me from the west." 
 " It was difficult to suppose, that the Ghent 
 documents, and this (Mr. Russell's letter) had 
 been called forth from the shuiibers of seven 
 years, for any other purpose." (page 9.) "The 
 perusal of Mr. Russell's Jetter disclosed the 
 mystery of ruin, which had been brewing against 
 me, from the ver}^ day after tl\e treaty of Ghent 
 was signed. It was by representations like 
 those of that letter, that tljc minds of my fellow- 
 citizens in the west, had, for a succession of 
 years, been abused and ulcerated against me. 
 The letter, indeed, inculpated the whole major- 
 ity of the mission to Ghent; but subsidiary slan- 
 der harl performed its part, of ponting ail the 
 q;uih, and fastening all the responsibility, on 
 me." (page 254.) 
 
 . . . .AVe need not quote further from this se- 
 rious accusation made bj' Mr. Adams against 
 Mr. Clay. The book itself should be read."Mr. 
 Ctay isaccusedof having, from 1815, meditated 
 to strip Mr,. Adams of public confidence — of 
 Having impeached his integrity — of having mix- 
 ed up heterogeneous materials to excite the re- 
 sjfentment of the west and soutii ag-ainst him — of 
 having prepared a storm to bimst upon him from 
 the west — of having ulcerated the minds of the 
 western people against him — nay, he hints, that 
 It was at Mr. Clay's instance, that Mr. Russell 
 sent a secret letter to Mr. Monroe, clutrging- 
 Messrs. Adam^, Bayard and Gallatin, witli be- 
 ing ready to open the unoffending citi/^ens of 
 the largest portion of the Union, to British smug- 
 g'lcrs, emissaries, and all the horrors of Indian 
 warf'^re; and he says that subsidiary shndtr 
 asHrf '. ; to fix the whole guilt on him, Mr. Ad- 
 amf. The book defends with ability, and places 
 t)ie iiiuct of Mr. Clay in the most odious 
 igiit 
 
 4. Mr. Adams does not boldly say, " You, 
 Mr. Clay, aj-e a slanderer," Sec. but he assails 
 him in such a way as to unmask him to the peo- 
 ple, and make him come forth and defend him- 
 self. Accordingly Mr. Clay put on the cu'iv tho 
 hit was too palpable to bo parried by silence — 
 and, on the 16tli November following, he pub- 
 lished an address to the editors of the Nationid 
 Intelligencer — in v.liich, as if unconscious of 
 the storm of ruin wliichhe had gathered in the 
 wert ag.'jinst Mr. Adams, he expresses sentimen- 
 tal regret, at seeing his two colleagues at va- 
 riance! that he hopes he may not !)e drawn into 
 the controversy ! thinks Mr. Adams in error, 
 (unintentional of course; how coidd Mr. Clay 
 think otherwise of Mr. Adams?) and promises 
 at a more propitious moment to correct Mr. 
 Adams's errors. 
 
 5. Perfectly understanding the hollowncss 
 of these professions, and aware that tlic object 
 of Mr. Clay was to put off discussion, and fur- 
 ther ulcerate the public mind, Mr. Adams, on 
 the next day, published a most pungent reply: 
 in it, he says, he joined ^L•. Clay in regretting 
 controversy — that he had not souglit it — that 
 whatever ht had said or done, had been in tht 
 fact of day, and under his name — that he is rea- 
 dy to meet Mr. Clay now — that the whole con- 
 tent J of h'.iboc);Rre true! 
 
 . .V . Mr. C ay tlid not notice this challenge— 
 
 he was mute belore die pubiic> but he was tlie 
 more active in private. A series of letters, ad- 
 dressed to Mr. Adanw, were prepared in Ken- 
 tucky, under Mr. Clay's direction; they were 
 sent through his hands to be published in Ohio, 
 to avert suspicion of his agency : they were pub- 
 lished under the signature of "Wayne," and a 
 part of tlie cost of printing them in pamphlet 
 form was paid by Mr. Clay. In those letters, 
 every weapon that abihty or ingenuity could 
 wield, was employed to prostrate Mr. Adams, 
 and to exalt Mr. Clay: every thing was said 
 that could ulcerate the minds of the Western 
 people against Mr. Adams — eveiy thing was 
 done to attach them to his rival. Mr. Adams 
 was accused of pursuing a policy, that "would 
 "crimson our fields with the blood of border 
 " brethren, and light the mid-night forest witit 
 " the flames cff their dwellings" — "of weigliing 
 dollars against blood," &c. 
 
 [n the first letter, the writer says: 
 
 ''Ag:iinst Mr. Clay, you (Mr. Adams) have 
 made charges, which, if true, must degrade 
 him, in the estimation of his countrymen; and 
 if not true, ought to disgrace you. In addition 
 to numerous insinuations, scattered through 
 your book, (the work above referred to) you 
 have, in the introduction, charged him directly, 
 with having at Ghent "insisted in principle, 
 upon the sacrifice of tilt Eastern for the benefit 
 of the Western interest," — at the same timR 
 asserting, that the national interest, which Mr. 
 Clay thus insisted on sacrificing, was compare<l 
 with that for which the sacrifice was intended, 
 as "a million aga'mst a cent." This is a serious 
 charge ; if it !)e true, Mr. Clay has compromit- 
 ted the interests of his country, and does not de- 
 serve its confidence: if it be not true, you haA'e 
 "borne f\dse witness against your neighbor,'" 
 and deserve universal raprobation : that it is not 
 true we arc bold to assert, and will prove our 
 assertion by your own declarations." 
 
 Again — letter 9: ''We shall endeavour to 
 siiow, as well by this as by other transactions, 
 that you feel a direct hostility or total indifTei-- 
 cnce to this (the Western) section of the Union, 
 and of course you are not fit to preside over its 
 destinies." 
 
 Again — "To the presence of an able western 
 man (at Ghent) wo may attribute the defeat 
 and abandonment of the atrocious proposal (Mr. 
 Adams' exchange of Misisissippi for fisheries) 
 but for the exertions of Henry Claj', the seeds 
 of war might now have been sowing along our 
 Northern and Wcsiern borders, which, at no 
 distant day, would have produced an abundant 
 harvest of tears and blood." 
 
 Again — "On a repcrusal and strict compari- 
 son of your (Mr. Ad;ims') arguments and asser- 
 tions, the delusion will vanish; and instead of a 
 stern vindicator of violated truth, and insulted 
 virtue, you will appear only an able rhetorician, 
 an artful sophist, a clumsy negotiator, and a 
 vindictive man." 
 
 Such was the way, in which Mr. Clay 
 
 wxs ulcerating, with "subsidiar}- slander," as 
 Mr. Adams calls it, the minds of the V/estern 
 people against his rival — whilst at Washington, 
 under his own name, he was deploring, as if be 
 was a friend to both, the controversy between 
 Mr. Adams aotl Mr. Russell! 
 
 Thus, in the fall of 1822, .stood the rivals, £(e- 
 cusing- each other of faithlessness t» the repub- 
 
387 
 
 idC — oi trcaciier}' — want oi' integrity — duplicity 
 — falsehood ! 
 
 Now, if the strongest friendship could not 
 have excused an aiTangement, in opposition to 
 the public will, in what way can any iionestman, 
 npon any honest or pure grounds, account for 
 or justify a coalition between two pei'sons, one 
 of whom thus souiflit to blast the private and 
 the public reputation of the otiiev, and the other 
 of whom denounced those effort as malicious, 
 slanderous, and false? 
 
 Respectfullv, vours, &c. 
 
 JOSEPH WORRELT-, 
 WILLIAM DUNCAN, 
 WILLLWl BOYD, 
 HENRY TOLAND, 
 JOHN VVURTS, 
 \MLLIAM J. DUANE, 
 ■WILLIAM J. I.EIPEE, 
 CHARLES S. COXE, 
 THOMAS M. PETTIT, 
 Committee of Correspondence for Philadelphia, 
 appointed by tlie Republican Convention, 
 assembled at Harrisburg, Jan. Sth, 1828. 
 .Tuh- 29th, 1828. 
 
 LETTER HL 
 
 To John Sergeant, Manuel Eyre, Lawrence 
 Lewis, C. C liiddle, and Joseph V Norris, 
 Esqiiires — Authors of an address adopted at 
 the administration town meeting of the 7ti> 
 July. 
 
 \"ou have se^'n, gentlemen, that, in the lel- 
 tcrs signed " 'VVayne," written in the fall of 
 1822, under the direction of Mr. Cla}-, and 
 pri^ited partly at his expense, ^Ir. Adams was 
 denounced as a faithless agent, a bunghiig ne- 
 gotiator, a", artful sophist, a vindictive man, of 
 narrow views, sectional feehngs, ready to sacri- 
 fice the blood of the west to secure the fish of 
 the east. 
 
 To prevent the election of such a man, {lie 
 pedfftfc's hopes, fears, and principles were all 
 appealed to— it was represented that the ele- 
 vation of an eastern candidate would be follow- 
 ed by the most misciiicvous consequences, 
 whilst the election of a tvslern candidate would 
 have the most sahitary effects. 
 
 Nor did Mr. Clay confine bimself to assaults 
 upon Air. Adams, and appeals to the people 
 rrgminst an eastern, a.nd Jor a wafcni President — 
 in 1822, he took the solid gi-ound of principle, 
 as to the jjractice of cabinet succi'ssions — he and 
 his friends, s(j late as July, 1824, pronounced 
 the elevation of presidents, from the cabinet, 
 like popes from the cardin-ds, as umound inpoli- 
 ry, niiichitvous in tendejici/, and vinlen/lt/ hostile 
 to republican principles! — his friends besought 
 the people, by every ptiblic and private consi- 
 deration, not to sanction so odious and danger- 
 ous a precedent, by electing Mr. Adams ! In 
 Ohio, especially, it was procb.imcd to be ttie 
 main object of Mr. Clay's friends to break up the 
 cabinet succession! 
 
 Thus, the parties stood, in relation to each 
 other, until >lr. Clay reached Washington, after 
 the election in November, 1S2-1'. 
 
 And, now we recur to the question — Whjf, 
 on the 9th February, 1825, did Mr. Clay give 
 the presidency — 
 To John Q. Adams, whom he had denounced. 
 
 an enemy oi tue \. ^i^—a uung;im|f amySssa-' 
 
 dor — an artful sophist, &c. 
 To John Q. Adams, the eastern candidate — 
 
 against whom he had so loudly protested—- 
 To John Q. Adams, whose succession from the 
 
 cabinet was so hostile to republican princi- 
 ples, and so pernicious as a precedent? 
 
 We ask you, gentlemen, why Mr Clay elect- 
 ed him, whom he had for so many years sought 
 to prostrate, for the good of his country, as te 
 always professed, and to preserve republican 
 principles, as he always asserted ? 
 
 Can you, can any honest man, upon honora- 
 ble and fiiir principles, tell why he did so— ■ 
 That they werepoliticalir foes, and peronally es- 
 tranged, up to the winter of 1824, being admit- 
 ted — then we ask what it was that converteil 
 angry repulsion into sympathetic adhesion? The 
 change must have been produced hy someflims; 
 — to effect so marvellous and sudden a revohr- 
 tion, soir.eihing must have been said, and some- 
 thing must have be.endone — now, what was that 
 something; and ich.en, where, and by ivbom was 
 it said, and done? Men, who, with all their en- 
 ergies, labor to degrade each other on one day^ 
 do not spontaneously confer upon each other 
 the most signal advantages on the next. 
 
 This enigma has not been solved by any of the. 
 parties. Mr. Adams has throughout maintained 
 a sepulchral silence, strongly contrasted with 
 his avidity to defend himself in 1822 — he then 
 leaped into print with all the arms of rhetoric, 
 and all the arts of diplomacy. If it shall be said, 
 that A/s calmness is the token of conscious inno^ 
 cencc, will it be allowed that i\Ir. Clay's tavy is 
 the indication of conscious guilt? Does the con- 
 stitution, do the principles of honor, draw a 
 line between the obligations of a President, and. 
 tliose of a Secretary of State, to be silent or to 
 meet accusation ? 
 
 Mr. Clay alone enters the arena! Let us hear 
 him — what does he say ? Does he tell U9, 
 that he elected M. Adams for his virtues? Does 
 he tell US, that he elevated him as a friend to 
 the west? Does he tell us that he elected him 
 because he was of the last cabinet? Does he 
 tell us, that all he had published against him was 
 false i" Does he apologize for idcerating the 
 minds of the western people against him? Doe9 
 he say any thing about the suspended discussion 
 about the Mississippi? 
 
 No! Not one word like this does Mr. Clay 
 utter: what tiicn does he s.a} ' lie alleges — 
 
 1. That he had long intended to vote for Mr. 
 Adams. 
 
 2. That, after censuring Gen. Jackson, in the 
 (Jcbatc on the Seminole war, it would bt; 
 inconsistent to vote for him. 
 
 3. Tiiat he world not, by voting for a milita- 
 ry man, give an assurance that this repnb-' 
 lie woolcl marcii in the road that had led 
 all other republics to ruin. 
 
 These are the only apologies that Mr. Cla}' 
 has ever ottered to the people for voting /or a 
 candidate, whom he had denounced — an eastern 
 candidate, which he had deprecated — a cabii\cl 
 candidate, obnoxious to sound republican prin* 
 ciplcs; and for voting against u vtestern candi- 
 date — the highest in the jjeople's wishes — and 
 recommentled by the almost unanimous instruc- 
 tion of Kcntuck)'. 
 
 Now, let us briefly inquire, whether the es 
 
3. As 10 the fust — We need not quote the 
 aWe adtli-css of the Jackson Central Committee 
 of Wushinglon City, or tlie volume of testimony 
 nnnexed to it; a few facts will snifice: Early in 
 January, 1835, Mv. Chiy told General Floyd, of 
 Congress, that lie never was so much jMizzled 
 lio\v to vote, as when he compared the preten- 
 sions of General Juckson with those of Air. 
 Adams: on the Sth of the same month, he wrote 
 to Mr. Blair, in Kentucky, that he nust *'now 
 htgin In cmisidcr for v:/ion he would vole:^' on 
 the 28ih of tlie suine month, l^e lir'it, by a letter 
 to judf^e IJrookc, announced his decision: lie 
 intimates hesitation wntilthen, but states that, 
 on consulting- his conscience, lie had concluded 
 to vote for My. Adams ! W.'iat, after this, shall 
 we say of Wxa long determination? Wliat shall 
 we say of iMr. Clay's declaration at Noble's Inn, 
 July 12, 1827, that before he had left Kentucky 
 in the f.iil of 1824,he had made known his 
 fixed ddtrmincdion not to vote for General 
 .(sckson!! 
 
 ?,. As to the second — Mr. Clay pretends, that 
 he was appreliensive of censure, if he had vo- 
 ted for General Jackson, after the purl he had 
 taken in the deiiate on t'le Seminole war ! that 
 
 you, ^erj,i'eirren; und?eruketOi)o it r weniviic 
 you to the inquiry. It is not a fact that any re- 
 public lias been ruined by devotion to a.milita- 
 ry chief. Ncr is it a f;ict, even if the fii^t as- 
 sertion v.ere true, that (Ji-n. Jackson is the mi- 
 litary ciiicfimag^ntMl by Mr. Clay. When his 
 country was in peri), and her armies were sur- 
 rendered or repulsed in other quartere. General 
 Jackson offered his seri'ices as a volunteer ; he 
 left his farm, beat the enemy, and then return- 
 ed to his home ! Is this a military/ chieftain * 
 
 Tiic trutli necnis to be, either that Mr. Clay 
 has never profited by historj', or that he adapts 
 its pajjcs t« s-iiit his purposes, and according to 
 the exigency: Thus, when he was laboring in 
 Congress to prostrate the old Dank U. S. it 
 was necessary to alarm the weak and timid : on 
 that occasion, lie said — 
 
 " llepu!)hcs, above all other nations, ought 
 " n\ost scrupulously to gu.ard against/(//'e(V47j in- 
 " ftiience ! JHlhii<tor_q j)roves, that the iulerna'i 
 " dissensions, excited by foreign intrigue, have 
 •'])roduced t!ie downfall of ahnost every free 
 *' Governinent that has hitherto existed."* 
 
 j.s, Mr. Clay says, 
 
 he wished to be consistent : 
 
 let us sec, tlien, whetiier there was so inuch 
 cause for tliis apprehension. In his speech on 
 the Seminole w.ir, February, 1819, Mr. Clay 
 s.iid — 
 
 "Tovrards tliat distinguished Captain, (»]ien. 
 "Jack-ion) who has shed so much glory on 
 '•odr country, and whose renown constitutes 
 "so large a ]Jcrtion of its moral property, I 
 " never haJ, 1 never can have, any otlier feel- 
 *'ings thiMi thot:e of the most profound ve- 
 •''spect and of tlie utmost kindness: with him 
 '^ my licquiintancc is very limited, but :ui far 
 ♦'as'it has e\l;:ndcd, it ]i3-s b.un of the most 
 "ainuible kind." 
 
 Tnstc.Oil of Mr. Clay beii;g inconsistent in vo- 
 •.'xwKT for a m:in thus spoken oi", one would jsup- 
 pnse that the i:icon'jistency would Ijc in voting 
 against him. lUit, the fallacy of this apology is 
 sUown in sti"! stronger lights:— Vr. Clay pre- 
 tends, t'mt lie could not consistently vote for 
 (General .lack.son, after censuring his con;lnct ii\ 
 the Seminole v.-ar; yet he vo'e.l for Mr. Adain^ 
 who h;id in iiis cIoEet coolly considered and tri- 
 ii Bphantly defended every act of G«neral Jack- 
 ;:on, whicii Mr. Clay had censured. The gross- 
 iicss of siicli an ex".(!se appeaip, bcsidcrs, from 
 the facU which v.e have d.tailed, as to Mr. Ad- 
 aois; Mr. Clay s:iys, it wo(dd have been incon- 
 :Vislent, if he lu\d voted for CJen. Jackson, after 
 rensuringhim; yet lie voted for Mr. Adams, af- 
 ter having assailed him in every way calcuhUed 
 :o degra<ie iiim before the public! lie vot?tl 
 f(/r Mr. Ad:im>', fcr whom he had not iiad re- 
 spccj; or kindness, and against Gen. Jackson, 
 fur whnm lie h.ad > rw t ir.cd, and ever would 
 'iitertaavbodi! 
 
 ;\ A-s to the ///.'/(' c\rMS«- — Mr. Chiy says, he 
 fi.'an:d the election of Gen. Jackson wonld be 
 j^iving an iis.-iumncc, th:it this rcpitbhc would 
 -.narch in tlie same f:vt;d road that had led ail 
 (ilhcr republics to ruin. This apology has often 
 heien shown to be baseless — it has bcendenic.l 
 in and out of Congress, that history gives colour 
 ■rt such WW u^iserlion as is conveyed in this ex- 
 ^.,se — no Qpe b.".^ ever ventured to sustain Mr. 
 ''la'-, by reference to authority; will any qjf 
 
 * In the session of 1818-19, the famous resoIl^ 
 tions, relative to the Sem'.n'dc war, &c. were in- 
 trodncedin the House of Hcpresentatives U. S. 
 we have no doubt, under the flirection of Mr. 
 Claj', who was Speaker at the time, andappoint- 
 ed the co^imittee that introduced thena: The 
 objects of .Mr. Clay, we believe, were three- 
 fold :_/Zr.v.' to censure Mr. Monroe, who had ap- 
 pointed Mr. Ad:ims Secretary of State, contrary 
 to Mr. Cla.y's wishes, he desiring the appoitit- 
 ment himself — second to censure Mr. Adaais, 
 who had ably defended Gen. Jackson, against 
 all the charge.'^ connected with the Seminoh- 
 war — thirdhr, to ])ut Gen. Jackson out of the 
 waj', as another rival: Ids schemes were frustra- 
 ted, and the resolutions of censure negatived 
 by a vcte of three to one: Upon the debate, Mr. 
 Clity m:idc two elaborate and vehement speech- 
 es, in the cour.sc of which, he spoke of the dan- 
 ger to be apprehended from military chiefs, re- 
 ferring- to Cxsar, Cromwell, and Napoleon. 
 
 Gen. Ffoi/d, of A irginia, replied to Mr. Cl.nj' — 
 his speech is referred to by .Mr. J. Q. Adams, in 
 his bool: on tlie fisheries, pu^c 250; indeed Mr. 
 Adams seems anxious to be ccmsidercd as adfipt- 
 ing the Feiitirnvnts of Gen. Fio3'd. Tho.^ senti- 
 ments, bold, ti-ite,s.r\(] proplteiic, were as follows: 
 tlie likeness cannot be niisUikcn — let it be re- 
 memljcred, it was taken in 1819. 
 
 "The Hon. Spenker (.Mr. Clay) tells us, that 
 TJ'ime had her Ca:sar, Britain her Cromwell, 
 1 Vance her Napoleon, and may we profit by tlicir 
 example; I saw, or thought I saw, the impres- 
 sion tlio^-n d:mgers of military meiij seemed to 
 make upon the house; and I believe I am about 
 to haz:ird an opinii n, new in a degree, and vciv 
 opposite to that of the Hon. Speaker, which is 
 il):it no i^ovcrnnicnt hns ever Oecn dnfro>/cd by a 
 .''ucce.s'fui nvlUary chief tuin — I appeal to history 
 to support me, if my construction be right — if 
 I recollect the words of tlie historiau. "Cxsar 
 " having less reputation, like a wise champion. 
 " retired to a <lisiance, for exercise, whilst the 
 " f"o grealwl'actions preyed upon the liber- 
 " ties of Home; when every contest for places or 
 " power was decided in the forum, with the 
 " sword, and stained the capitol with blood" — 
 thsn, not til! t/ien, did Cssar return to Roir.C/ 
 
;iS!> 
 
 ■ • -But, when Ml . CLiV was prcssea tor cai 
 <;xcuse for voting- for ilr. Aduins, lie forget tliis 
 lesl'imony o'lallhistonj, and informed the world, 
 th-at everj' other republic, but our own, liad 
 been overthrown by devotion to milit:uy chiefs! 
 History, however, contradicts both the as-^er- 
 tjons of Mr. Clay:it sliows, thatiichtisirJs'.iken 
 the effect for the cause: to the success of civil 
 demagogues in deluding and b«t;ay'.n.g the peo- 
 ple' must be attributed the facility with which 
 foreign iniluence, or domestic despotism, has 
 prevailed: No people ever lost their liberty, 
 until after a succession of abuses, coalitions, and 
 corruptions, OQ the part of those chosen to be 
 their protectors. If Jlr. Adams, for instance, 
 should be re-elected, and if Mr. Clay should suc- 
 ceed him, many men would despair of the repub- 
 lic, and become indifiTerent; their descendants 
 would become more so; and at last, foreign in- 
 fluence, or a domestic usurper, would meet with 
 •ttttle i-eslitance — tlus is the fatal road, and no 
 other can be ti'aced in history! Tt will be the 
 road that will lead to American sen itudc,imless 
 ;he people bear in mind, that 
 
 ———those who would be free. 
 Themselves must strike the blov»- 1 
 
 Respectfully, vours, &c. 
 
 .idsEVH WOKREIX, 
 WILIJAM DUNCAN, 
 U'1LL[AM BOYD, 
 nUNRY TOLAND, 
 JOHN WURTS, 
 Wll.LIAJI J. DUANE, 
 WILLIAM J. LKIPEli, 
 CUAIJLES S. COXE, 
 THOJL\S M. PETTIT, 
 .Committee of Correspondence for Phila- 
 ^lelphia, appointed by the Republican 
 Convention, assembled at Uavrisburg, 
 Jan.8th, 1S28. '' •' 
 
 July 30th, 1828. 
 
 which, ever since the wars of Mariusand Sylla,^ 
 had known no liberty. Nor is the overthrow of 
 the British government attributable to CroiVi- 
 well— the speeches of parliament and the treach- 
 ery of members ]iroduced the revolution. 
 V/hen all was in commotion, Cromwel!, by 
 canting and ])reiiching, secured the stronger 
 party, and became tlie protector. Nor can the 
 3'rench revolution be attributed to any thing 
 hnt the iitsinceriiij of the ordurn i;i the Sttte.s 
 General, and to none in ah'ghcr degree than to 
 the greatest of orators, and worst of men, Mna- 
 bxjau. If, in afterlimes, as in all other revolu- 
 tions, Napoleon secured t!ie stronger parly and 
 swayed tlie government, he cannot l)c said to 
 have overturned it: — Did not every distinguish- 
 ed man in France rule as long as he v.-:is 
 popular with the stronger party .'—and did he 
 not cease to rule as soon as he lost his populaii- 
 Iv ^ This was no reproach to professed pnliti- 
 
 iiam\ but if a military man acipnros pow- 
 er by the .same means, he is accused of using 
 his rnililary character or ])0wer to overthi'oy.' the 
 government of his country; and by none is he 
 more donourxecl, than by disappuinied orators, 
 ■who had cxtrdributad to the downful of miini/ sue- 
 CESsive adniiuhtriitionis, with the hf/pc of one day 
 
 possessing power ihe'rustltjen.' No! Mr. Chair- 
 
 inan, our libevtics are not to be «ndangevcd by 
 3 succei^fiil chi^fni'n, returning to us with his 
 
 LET 1 ER IV .. 
 
 Ti)Jahn Serge/int, Manuel Erp-e,Laiorcncc Leiuis^ 
 C. V. Biddl>\ and Joseph f. yorrif, Esrpiin.^, 
 — Authors oj an address adopted ut the adrniu' 
 islration lott'n 7iieetiiig of the 7th Julij. 
 
 You know, gentlemen, that, in the defensive 
 speech, dtiivered by .Mr. Clay, on tlie 12th July, 
 IS*..', ut Noble's Inn, near LcKin^jton, lie said: 
 "No one has contended, that the proofs should 
 " be exclusively taose of eye-v.'itncsses, tes-.^ 
 " tifying from' the senses, ])0»itively and di- 
 *' rectly to the fact: — political, like all other 
 " offencts, may be established by circain- 
 " stantial, as well as positive evidence: — 
 " but, I do contend, that some cvitlence, be 
 " it v.hat it may, ought to be exhibited." 
 Undoubtedly the doctrine and the sentiment,, 
 thus expressed, are correct; and, unlcs-s evi- 
 dence of some kind exists, !Mr. Avlams and Mr.. 
 Clay have been treated as cruelly as Gen. Jaclc- 
 son has been. Whether the evidence that doe^ 
 exist, is sufficient to produce conviction, is a 
 question which every j::st man will determine: 
 for himself: it is enough for us, sentinels ap- 
 pointed by our fellow-cicizens, thut the evidence 
 is sufficient for cur own conviction, and justi • 
 iies our calling- upon them, a^ we do, to arouse 
 and right themselves. 
 
 We have endeavored to m.ike others tliiuk .as 
 we do, by the circumstantial evi Icnce^ which 
 Mr. Clay says is sufilcieiit; and, we proceetl 
 with furtiier jirocf, part of it of a chiiractcr 
 which may be called specific: — 
 
 To this fact we ask particular attention; tha*^, 
 often as Mr. Clay has spoken, and nuich as lib 
 has written, to excidpate himseif, he has neve;- 
 pretended, that he supported Mi". Adams on 
 account of any confidence in his principles cl- 
 respect for his merits: if lie had any sue!) apo- 
 logy to ofler, he would certainly have present- 
 ed it: on ti'.e contrary, he seems to have studi-. 
 ously avoided every thing o.f tiiat kind; and to 
 have desired the world to suppose, tiiat he liud 
 chosen the least of two evils. 1 h'xv, when at 
 Noble's Inn, he could not « vade this delicuti.;, 
 point, he said — 
 
 " 'j'liat I had some objections to Mr. Adams., 
 
 «' I am ready freely to admit; but these dlii 
 
 " not weigh a feather, iu comparison with 
 
 "the greater and insurmountable objec- 
 
 "tloBS long and deliberately entertained 
 
 '< against his competitor." 
 
 This admits all we ask for our argument, that 
 
 ?.Ir. Clay did not vote for Mr. Adams on account 
 
 of any meriis on his part, biUas the least obiivx- 
 
 ious of two obiio.\ious persons. 
 
 Dut, before we draw conclusions from this 
 position, let us sos whether what Mr. Cjay 
 thus said, in July ■\^>27, was true ? 
 
 gaudv costume, even after a hundred victories 
 ofNJwOrU.ans.— IT IS HEIiE. IN i'HE CA- 
 PITOL, ON 'iniS ELOOH, that mr l-btrti) isti. 
 be. sacrijked, — and that by the halhiw, InucJtLrou^ 
 eloqucnc, of soiiic itmbi'tious, proud, u.-^piiing DE- 
 MACOtiCE: And if, in tijiie.-i to come, wc 
 should hear n favorite ofiicer, (who l-.as exhaust : 
 ed his constitution in defence of his cciuuliy, 
 throwing wiealhs of victory at hcv feetjjeharged 
 with violafiou of her liberty, Itt us iwjuire, 
 wliether l/ie !,krnnrs3 uf hif: virUicf is '?■'.'< /'/;/ 
 greatest hlemifliy^ 
 
-390 
 
 Gen. i'ioyd, kjug a distinguished member of 
 Congress from Virginia, and in 1824 a friend to 
 •Mr. Crawford as President, whilst at Washing- 
 ton, in April last, addi-essed on the 4th of that 
 month, a letter to Gen. Van Ness, of that city, 
 Xi'hich was soonfafter published by the latter;'it 
 contained this staiement— that in the month of 
 January, 1825, or lute in December, 1824, whilst 
 the election of President wus before the house 
 of representatives, he called on Mr. Clay to as- 
 certain his determination as to Mr. Crawford— 
 that Mr. Clay said it would not do to elect Mr 
 Crawford, as his healtli was bad. 
 
 "He," Mi: Clay, (says Gen. Floyd,) "then 
 " went on to state, in the course of that 
 "conversation, and I think in these words: 
 •' when I (Mr. Clay) take up the preten- 
 " sions of Mr. Adams, and weigh them, 
 "and lay them down— then take up the 
 " pretensions of Gen. Jackson, weigh tliem, 
 "and lay them down by the side'of those 
 "of Mr. Adams, I never was so much 
 " puzzled in all my life, as I am to decide 
 •' between them." 
 That Mr. Clay made this declaration about 
 one short month before tiie el ction took place, 
 was thus publicly avowed by Gen. Floyd, in 
 April, ld28, at Washington city: Mr. Clay was 
 -on the spot,and has never ventured either to de- 
 ny or explain: tiien it is true, that, Mr. Clay, one 
 month before the election, absolutely, and with 
 the precision of a vendor of dia;nonds, wei-hed 
 the pretensions of Mr. Ad.amsand Gen. Jackson, 
 and found them so exactly balanced, tliat he 
 could not say which was tlie heaviest- Yet, in 
 July, 1827, he said at Noble's Inn, that the scale 
 ot .Mr. Adams did not contain a feather, in com- 
 parison with the enormous weight in Gen. 
 Jackson's ! He said in January, 1825, that he 
 was never before so puzzled, as he was thf-n, 
 between Mr. Adams and Gen. Jackson- vet in 
 July, 182r, he said, that his objections to" Gen. 
 Jackson had, long prior to the election,been de- 
 liberately entertained. 
 
 You know, gentlemen, Uiat the contradicto- 
 ry stones even of an ignorant and friendless 
 prisoner, are oft:n accepted by juries, as cm- 
 phatic indications of guUt : we pray you, there- 
 iore, to reconcile, if you can, the contradicting 
 statements of an acute Liwjer and influential 
 man, Mr. Clay. 
 
 Our position, observe, is, that Mr. Clay has 
 never pretended tliat he voted for Mr. Adams 
 on any other account, than that he was 
 the least obno.'dous of two obnoxious i)er- 
 sons. In this view of the mutter, what po- 
 sition would a man, with pure intentions, hav«; 
 ^„" [_. ^^ '"''"^^ s^'t' a^ the time of the election, 
 at Washington, and we tliink truly, that the vote 
 ot Nevv-York had been long doubtful— that 
 Gen. \ an Uennselaei's was the ca.sting vote of 
 that State— tliat he iiad to choose, as Mr. Clay 
 J»*l, between two obno.'cious persons-that I e 
 voted underthe exercise ofpowerfiil influences, 
 concentrated tothatend-th.it he merely voted, 
 and even then wept ! How was it with Mr. 
 Uayf^did he stand proudly aloof? Did he 
 droD into the ballot box a ticket wet with his 
 '■,... ' ''^ throw himself upon the dignity 
 
 x>t hi9 Station of Speaker, and calmlv await the 
 ^APi v'^ ^^^ resolve to retain liis po'st of honor, 
 and talsity the l)redictions, which in his «' card," 
 ne pronounced "inf:imous '" Did he refuse 
 
 oflic s under a man, in wii0':.e tavo:- lie could no. 
 utter one word— ag.iinst whom he had ulcerat- 
 ed the public mind "' Fapfroni it ; he became 
 the partisan of Mr. Adams, and by secret man- 
 agement secured tlie vote of Mr. 'D. White, of 
 Kentucky, if poi that of otlier members. 
 
 Now, if Mr. Cluy, sanding, as he pretended 
 he did, between two persons equally objection- 
 able, had, lik.' Gen. Van Ilennseiaer, voted for 
 Mr. Adams, and done no more, he would have 
 been censured, because he voted against the 
 spirit of our insti' utions, and the declared wishes 
 especially of Kentucky : but there are many 
 worthy persons, who would have defended 
 him, and claimed some latitude for what Mr. 
 Clay called Jiis conscientious scruples. But, 
 when he rushed into the first office in the State, 
 as soon as his own influence had given to Mr. 
 Adams the power to confer it, what honest and 
 rational man CO Id doubt the sinister nature of 
 the motives of the parties .'' 
 
 . . . But, gentlemen, let us again suppose, 
 that 3Ir. ( /oy reallyliad no alternrttive between 
 two obnoxious persons — that ht was compelled 
 to vote for one of them — and that, as the least 
 obnoxious, Ac supported Mr. Adams ; we par- 
 ticularly beg you to answer tliis question 
 
 was Mr. Jldams in suck a dilemnm? Why did 
 he appoint Mr. Clay ? Had lie a choice of evils ? 
 H.id he not millions of men, from whom to 
 choose the person he preferred to all the rest :■ 
 Had he no old' associates or new fiiends, no per- 
 sons with claims upon him for former services ' 
 Could he find but one man in the Union fit for 
 Secretary? Had he not given a pledge to Mr. 
 Webster to confer offices upon the heads of tlic 
 wo parties Tuimerically ? Had he not taken 
 for the Treasury, Army and Navy,persons claim- 
 ing to be republicans > — Was there no merit in 
 Mr. Hoijk.nson, Mr. Everett, Mr. Webster, .Mr. 
 Johnson, Mr. Stockton, Mr. Sergeant, kc. &c. 
 of the other party > — Why, then, we ask, did 
 Mr. Adams give the highest office in his gift to 
 the person, who, of all men, iiad done the nlost 
 to blast his political prospects ' IHiy, above 
 all his friends, did he select Mr. Clay, after hav- 
 ing tlrawn the portrait of him, which is contain- 
 ed ill tlie book on the fisheries' If it istrut-, as 
 " Wayne" says it is, and Mr. .Vdams' conduct 
 to Com P )rter seems to prove, that .Mr. Adams 
 is vindictive,, how did it huppi-n, that he not 
 only quickly pnrdoned Mr. Clay's manifold of- 
 fences, but conferred upon iiim the most signal 
 advantages? 
 In short, gentlemen, we ask your own frank opin- 
 ion, whether, ^f Mr. Adams had been elected, 
 hij the electors, he would have conferred on Mr. 
 Clay t!ie first place in his cabinet? And, if he 
 would not havo done so, then we ask vou, u7v.y 
 lie <iid;ippoliit him, when elected by the Housle 
 of Uepresentativcs ** 
 
 • The conduct of Mr. Cluy, prior to the elec- 
 tion, iiidicated his sense of error, or intended 
 error. Mr. Krenur's letter first publicly com- 
 phiined, but tiiat .lid not unpear until January 
 31— yit, Mr. Clay, in his letter to Judge 
 Hrooke, January 28, s.ud, he expected to be 
 assailed by malice, but would view its effusions 
 without emotion:" How did he know that he 
 would be assailed' Agjpn-Mr. Krcmersiid, "itis 
 now, (January 26) ascertained to acertaintv, that 
 Henry Clay has transferred his interest to" J. Q. 
 
iiU 
 
 la.tlie lifth ieltei, to vvhicU we relucLanl!\ 
 •jxtend this inquiry, we shall close our remarks 
 on this topic. 
 
 Respectfully, yours, Sec. 
 JOSEPH WORRELL, 
 WILLIAM DUNCAN, 
 WILLIAM BOYD, 
 HENRY TOLAND. 
 JOHN WURTS, 
 . WILLIAM J. DUANE, 
 V.'ILLIAM J. LEIPER, 
 CHARLES S. COXE, 
 THOMAS M. PETIT, 
 Committee of CoiTespoudence for Phila- 
 delphia, appointed by the Republican 
 Convention, assembled ut Harrisburg, 
 Jan. 8tb, 1828. 
 Jugustlst, 1828. 
 
 Adams;" on seeing this, Mr. Clay, three days 
 after he said he would hear accusation without 
 etnotion, denounced Mr. Kremer's letter a for- 
 geiy, and its author accountable to him, accord- 
 ing to *' the laws of honor." As to the parade 
 of inquiry that followed, what did it mean '> Mr. 
 Clay required Mr. Kremer to prove, in J.anuary, 
 two occurrences, that could not take place un- 
 til February 9th. 
 
 It is remarkable that, much, as Mr. Kremer's 
 letter was noticed, nothing was said of letters 
 written by Mr. Adams' friends: a letter, of which 
 the annexed extract formed a part, was written 
 at W'asliington on the very day on which Mr. 
 Kremer's letter was written, [Jan. 2G,] and 
 Was published at New York on the day Mr. 
 Ivi-emer's w.is pv.blished in Philadelphia, 
 {Jan. 31,] — it was published in an administra- 
 tion paper, the Commercial Advertiser: It pre- 
 sents a vivid picture of scenes in the Capitol of 
 a Republic- as v/as well s:iid at the time, men of 
 the river Raisin and of the Hartford Convention, 
 arm in arm, presented an appalling spectacle; 
 it brings forcibly to mind, the prophetic woi-ds of 
 Gen. Floyd-" No, Mr. Chairman,our liberties are 
 •■' not to be endangered by a successful military 
 " chieftain — it is here, in this Capitol, on this 
 " floor, that our Uberty is to be sacrificed, and 
 "that by the hollow, treacherous eloquence of 
 '• some ambitious, proud, aspiring demx.gogue!" 
 
 Exlract of a leticr, dated Wasldngton, January 
 26, 1825. 
 " What I wrote you last, as a rumor, has 
 been converted into certainty: Mr. Clay and all 
 his friends hoive formaU^ gone over to the Jdutus 
 standard. The knowledge of this event has 
 produced a strong sensation througliout all the 
 political circles, and given intensity to the con- 
 test. The hall of representatives resembled a 
 bee-hive, when the bees are preparing to swarm, 
 the next morning after the Claij movement v.-as 
 known: The hum of voices conversing in an 
 tinder tone, was like the sound of the ocean be- 
 fore a gathering stonn. All the avenues and 
 sofas were fdled with groups, telling or inquir- 
 ing the news, and calculating the consequences; 
 some say all doubt is now over; otiitrs still pre- 
 dict a long struggle. It is curious to observe 
 the new grouping of faces; men who were seldom 
 seen together, are now arm in arm,- or busily 
 whispering over letters or newspaper aiticles. 
 Mr. Clay appears cheerful, talks much, and has 
 the air of a •mm- rcHn-edfrom n btirderf '' ' 
 
 LETTER V . 
 
 To John iSergeemf, Mamid Eyre, Lawrence Lew- 
 is, C. C. Biddk. and Joseph P. I^orris, Eiqrs-.- 
 Authof)-s of an address adopted at the adminis- 
 tration town meeting of the 7th July. 
 
 Gentlemen: We now refer to evi» 
 
 dence of a specific character: 
 
 We have already shown, that about a month 
 before the election, Mr. Clay told Gen. Floydj 
 th:it he was puzzled, wliich to vote for, Gen- 
 Jackson or Mr. Adams. On the 8th of January, 
 one month before the election, Mr. Clay wrote 
 to his confidential friend in Kentucky, Mr. F. 
 P. Blair, giving him a description of the politi- 
 cal scenery at Washington at that time; he tells 
 Mr. Blair, that he (Mr. Clay) must now serious- 
 ly think for whom he would vote, thus confirm- 
 ing what Gen. Floyd says, and contradicting 
 what Mr. Clay said July 12, 1827— he tells Mr. 
 Blair, that the friends of the several candidates 
 regarded him as umpire, and addressed him iS 
 such: — Thus, then, we have Mr. Clay's oam ac- 
 count of what the friends of each candidate said, 
 if any friend of Gen Jackson had made any cor- 
 rupt overture, Mr. Clay would have carefully 
 stated it; but no flag of alliance came from that 
 quarter. What the friends of Gen. said might be 
 spoken v.-ith pride nnd honor before tlie whole 
 people — not so the declaration of Mr. Adams' 
 friends: 
 
 '« A n-iend of Gen. Jackson," sajs Mr. Clay, 
 " Siivs to me — my hopes are upon you — do not 
 "disappoint us; our partiality was for you, next 
 ' ' to the hero — you know the anxiety we all 
 " h.ave for a Western President." 
 
 V/hat could have been more manly than this? 
 It is an appeal to the public .spirit of Mr. Clay — 
 it reminds h.im of all that he had himself said 
 about a V/estern President — it wares him " do 
 not disappoint us," as if treachery was feared: 
 But it gave no earnest, as Mr. Crittenden wished 
 Mr. VVU'ite to get from Gen. Jackson, th.it he 
 would fliYor Mr. Clay's views of ofiice— and Mr. 
 Clay did disappoint the West. 
 
 Very different was the appeal of Mr. Adams' 
 friend: he touched the chord whicJi, in our 
 opinion, led Mr. Clay captive: — » 
 
 "A friend of Mr. Adams (s:iys Mr. Clay) 
 "comes to me, "with tears in his eyes," and says 
 «« — Sir, Mr. Adams has al\v:»ys had the greatest 
 " respect for you, and the highest admimtion of 
 " your talents; there is no station to which you 
 " are not equal: you were undoubtedly the se- 
 "cond choice of New England; and 1 pray you 
 " to considcr,whtther the pul)lic good, and your 
 " own future interests, do not distinctly point 
 "out the course which you ought to pursue." 
 This is Mr. Clay's own account of the ovcE<' 
 tures made to him one month before the elcc 
 tion: whatfurthcrraight have been said is matter 
 for conjecture; what is here admitted to liave 
 been said is sufficiently gross. Did Mr. Cliytell 
 the weeping envoy, that he considered such in- 
 timations an insult' Did he ask him, upon what 
 authority, he knew and told him Mr. Adams' 
 opinions of his talents and competency? Did he 
 tell him, that personal views could not influence 
 his vote.' Mr. Clay n»ay have ascertained, fqr 
 aught that appears," that the envoy spoke from 
 the Look — t)ut he docs not pnetend that he was 
 in the least olfended; on the contrary, patriot- 
 ism and personal honor seem tohave h^en nXtr-r- 
 
It 
 
 ii 
 
 ,iy j^uyJootcul liJsiouJofpu'jlii:!} ilenau;iuing 
 Ihts cbmjpt overture, Mi-. Cby consulted liis 
 frJeTTds! ! And he thvis tells Mr. Blaii- the ?c- 
 &ult of the conference: 
 
 " My friends entertain the belief, that tlieir 
 '■'kind wishL-s towards me will, in the end, be 
 '« more likely to be accomplished by so be- 
 ^ stowin.^ their votes. " 
 
 He does not Kiy, tkit, by votinq- for Mr. .\d- 
 ums, the honor of Uie country, tl.c welfare of the 
 AVest, or the purity of the Uepublic, would be 
 acconiplished — he does not saythat^bvsc S> - 
 .stowing their votes, dumber from a military cliief- 
 tain would be averted: i)ut, he savs, that by vo- 
 ting ff»r Mr. Ad.ams, the hud 'willies of ki^^ 
 Jriendj Liwards hutisJf, would, in iLe end, be 
 TOore likely to be accomplished, than bv vniing 
 for any body el«e ! 
 
 TVhal were the kind wishes cnttr.u neu 03 .'.is 
 friends ' Werotiiey to see him still in the Speak- 
 er's chair,, or soon after in the cabinet, and in 
 the end in the I'residency"' Does not the in- 
 dignant heart of ever\- honest reader answerthc 
 Cj^uestion!" Does not tlie voice of an intellig-ent 
 Jjeopk: reply Ja scorn? 
 
 But w-c are not left to conjecture: tlie 
 'HHends" of Mr. Clay lellus, explicitlv, f.-Juil 
 Xheir ''kiad wishes" were : 
 
 It see 1.9, tii.it Mr. D. While, a member of 
 Congress no n Kentucky, was only inclined, but 
 not decided, " to bestow his votcV' his vote was 
 ••xil important: Mr. Clay, therefore, goes on to 
 tell Mr. Blair, in his letter of January 8, 1S25 — 
 
 "Your representative (Mr. White) is inclined 
 *■•' to concur with us in these sentiments; and, as 
 *' I know his respect for youropinion. I request, 
 '_• if you concur in our views, thai you v,ill write 
 ''•to hi , by reiurn of mail, to sti-engthen him 
 *' lit his inclin-cttioiis. Siici-.v thU 'r, (''/Atcridcn 
 "alone." 
 
 - .. Thus we -tc •• lii'- piot t;.;ci^er,s'■' — the 
 honest Mr. D- White never fancied tliat he was 
 about to receive instnictions fro - Mr. Clav, sent 
 all the way to Kentucky, to be sent back by re- 
 turn of mail! Mr. Blair showed this secret let- 
 ter to Mr. CrAtcnden; and, on the 19th of Jan. 
 Mr. Blair and ilr. Critter.den MTo:e long letters 
 10 Mr. Wh:te,as if from iheTtsclves spontaneous- 
 ly, and as his friends and de^r constitufints! ! 
 
 Mr. r.bir telU hi , that he, Mr. Bluir. be- 
 Ifoed Kentucky to be for Jixkson, and that t!ie 
 resolution of the legislature, requesting the 
 members from Ker.tuclry to vote ibr !ii 5',a*cc')rd- 
 cd uith tlie public seiiti sent: but,tliatrac bers 
 of Congress, at Wasliington, uiiLst know wliicli 
 tias the best course, ris thti/ uuere not to clret a 
 I'rtsidenl, hit an udin' aUlration .' Mr. Blair 
 then hint*, that Cen. Jackson -iglit desire to 
 favor Mr. Ada 1 s rather 'ban Mr. C!Jy,an.'iliivre- 
 fore, im ' " 'J^ire ear.iesf nvu/ 
 
 Jhat h. ^. .. .-- ,.e into the western 
 
 ( Mr. Clay's) scale, it would be lietter to vote 
 fi.»r Mr. Alanjsl lie rdso Ulh Mr. W " ;t 
 
 the legislature of KmSiii Vv vniiM u^,: 
 
 c<^ the " ss, to 
 
 '•ote for ■ , ..._ _,;i,oied 
 
 that Mr. Adams would make Mr. Clav Seweu- 
 r>- of State: • 
 
 When it is coftsolercd that this I 
 uritt'ju by desire of Mr. Clay, and thai ii sujj- 
 fjestB an application to Cen.' Jackson to n^v 
 farn«..'of what lie —who c.in i 
 
 "^T s~' PfS bi;' V.'-. -I ^' '..■•. .-.I M. 
 
 aiVi'i, and Mr. Btichuiiaii anvl ■tten. Jackson— 
 and Cicn. Jackson's reply? 
 
 Mr. CnHejidcn's letter is equally to tlie pur- 
 pose — he, loo, prefers Gen. Jackson to Mr. Ad- 
 ams, provided Jlr. Claj' be made Secretary; but 
 , "if Gen. Jackson will nut make Mr. Clay Secre- 
 tiiy, tiien he pi-efers Mr. Adams, with Mr Clay 
 Secretary, to Gen. Jacicson without Ttir. Clay — 
 he also ass'ires Mr. Wnite, that the resolutions 
 of the legislature of Kentucky are not imtruc- 
 tions, but a mere tequest.' 
 
 In short, Mr. White, pressed at W:ishmgton 
 by Mr. CI;<yand his "friends," and, as he hon- 
 estly supposed by his constituents spontaneous- 
 ly writing to him, gave up his scrujiles, and de- 
 cided the vote of Kentucky. He thu«, (June 
 18J8,) describes his situation, February, 1825 — 
 " When I gave my vote for Mr. Adams, I did it 
 "iinder the firm persuasion, from information 
 *' I had received through many intelligent gen- 
 "tlemcninmy district, that I v/as voting in 
 " strict conformity with the will of my constitu- 
 '■ents." "As I b.xve often heretofore frankly' 
 "avowed, T now state, that I voted for Mr. Ad- 
 " anis, witii a view to Mr. Clay's future pros- 
 " jiects to the presidency." 
 
 A\'hat can be clearer than this' 
 
 The ncture of the "kind wishes" of Mr 
 Clay's friends, is further fully made known h\ 
 tliose friends themselves. Mr. Trimble, one ol 
 t!ie representatives from Kentucky, has said, 
 that he "voted for Mr. Adam.s, because it wa^ 
 Di5Ti.\rTr.r Asi-EUTAisEa that he uould mc^^e 
 Jlr. Cay Secretary uf State." — Mr. F. Johnson, 
 another friend and member, sa.id he " voted for 
 Mr. Adams to get Mr. Cl.iy made Secret.ini' of 
 State." Gni. Mtlculfe, another friend and mem • 
 ber, whose election as governor we believe Ml. 
 Clay is now in Kentucky to promote, said, the)' 
 " could not possibly get Mr. Ciay made Secre- 
 tary without voting for Mr. Adams." 
 
 ....We are, gentlemen, vitterly at a loss to 
 conceive what further proofs than these, any 
 honest an'' intelligent persons can require. Mr. 
 Clay admits that circumstantial evidence is suf- 
 ficient to establish what his object was, what his 
 means to eflcct it were, and v.-hethcr he effected 
 it or not' — Have we not given mure th;in cir- 
 cumstantial pioof? May we not contend, that 
 tiie evidence given l^that of" witnesses testif\- 
 ing from tlie .senses'" Has not Mr. Clay hinreelt 
 confes-cd — I. That personal advantages were 
 held out toliiir. — 2. 'I hat he consulted hisfrienda 
 — 3. That hi-s ft-iends concurred witlihim as to 
 tiic propri;.ty of so voting as to attaiu those ad- 
 v.mtnges — 4. That he wrote secretly to get tliC 
 constituents of a hesitating member to concur 
 in tlieir ^ icws* — It is not clear, 5. That letters U) 
 the wavering member were wiitti-n — 6 That the 
 vote of Kcntiick} was thus curried — 7. That Mr- 
 Clay waj made Seorelar}, and put in the road 
 of succession ^ 
 
 Xow, gentlemen, if we have erred in fact 
 
 or ai-gumcnt, as we are entirely unconscious of 
 ii, we usk you to point out any mistake, that wc; 
 may liave made — no doubt, you will consider it 
 to do so; but, if you cannot point out 
 , then we ittbinit to the public, wheth- 
 er you were or \v tre not correct, in stating, that 
 
 "gainj^fcWr. 
 [ calumny." 
 v'.juuHy. yours, icr. 
 
 <•!, 
 
ii)ii 
 
 I'O Tiil-'i PEOPJ.E. i;ros;;y he g-avc l'i£ v-oti'. of Missouri lo Mr-U; 
 
 V. c have thus, fellow citizens, h}' nrguments, ams! liis constituents dismissed him, andieii 
 
 ov facts, and by the testimony of Mr. Clay him- tiie Administration t^a-.-e hi in itn office, cin- 
 
 self;md his friends, endeavoured to prove, to the sp^ctor ofL^md Ofrices! 
 
 satisfaction even of our opponents, that the dec- If these facts do not establish the existere of 
 
 tion of Mr. Adams and the appointment of Mr. coi-rnption, we confess \vc are utterly atahsto 
 
 Clay, were the results of a con'upt understand- know, to what else tlian con uption such aci can 
 
 ing- between the parties: if we have not satisfied be attributed! We see /iw iieedyindivluals 
 
 ovu- opponents, can you, wlio are dispassionate, wielding in Congress an iniluencc ecjual t that 
 
 cut-rrtain a doubt? Many fact? and art^uinents of the g'reat States of Nev.- York and Pennrlva- 
 
 :m.un unnoticed, wliich we did not deem es- nia — we see them s'ivinp:t!iat influence in h'ect 
 
 seiitial to the developemcnt of the truth. The 
 inc'ination and the ability, of Mr. Clay to 
 intrig'ue, are proved by his own letters, now be- 
 fore the public eye. — In his letter to Mr. A. Ken- 
 ilal1,of Anilll6, 1820, he avows liisas^ency at that 
 
 opj)osition (o tlie will of the States they ?pre- 
 sent — we see them dismissed with scorn fr do. 
 in!^ so — and we see them tlien receive the ^ages 
 of their service, from the men tliey clevaedS 
 When you reflect uj^on such scenes asLhese 
 
 earlyday— describes an abortive caucus, and says — when you naturally desire to seethe coistitu- 
 
 ifit had recommended a.c.indidute, he would have tion so amended, as to shut up the aveiue ta 
 
 iiad a rruijority ! This, he says, is'on the authority corruption, which you see witle open — tie fact 
 
 of well informed friends: in anotlier letter to is all important, that the admlnistratioi lia;^ 
 
 the same person, dated March 18, 1824, he says, 
 that his friends believe, if he enters the hbuse, 
 no matter with what associates, he will be elect- 
 ed! and then he says, " my friends have eveiy 
 motive for a vigoi'ous, animated, and perse- 
 -wlio can doubt the iii- 
 power, oi the man, who 
 
 venng exertion - 
 tense aviditv for 
 
 hitherto resisted every attempt to amendnent! 
 It is, therefore, not increly Mr. Adaiss'src- 
 election, tl-.at you are now called on to resist, 
 but the election of Mr. Clay as his successor — 
 nay, it is the establishment of aaysicm, sibver- 
 sive of your rights and degrading to your lonor: 
 and when such is the stake, bear in niird that 
 
 Unis descends to intrigues and excitements, that you hold not only your own happiness, butti>e 
 
 would disgust you, if witnessed on tlie part even destiny of posterity in your liands, so far as you 
 
 of a constable seeking re-election? Who can 
 
 doubt, that, Mr. Clay calculated, if h-; ^''litei'ed 
 
 tiie house, to defeatthe wishes of the people by 
 
 .successful corruption? In what other way could 
 
 he have defeated all his a-ssocatesi" 
 
 Behold, what a contrast those intrigues of 
 Mr. Clay present to the conduct of Ccn. .Tack- 
 tion: No one ever heard of his intriguing — no 
 one oversaw him entering tlie lists, like a gam- 
 bler at a horse-race, c:dculating iiis chances, 
 with fair play or foul! Is it possible that the 
 American people can close their eyes against 
 sach light as this? — are they enamoureil or 
 charmed to appi-oach what must inevitably des- 
 troy them.? 
 
 Let us apph' wh.".t Mr. Clay says could be 
 .. .'I'ected, if he got into the house, to what was 
 done tliere, after his exclusion, :ind there can 
 exist no doubt as to the means taken to effect 
 the elevation of Mr. Adams. J/r. TooZ^ alone, 
 held the vote of Illinois; Mr. Sco/t held the 
 vote of Missouri, Mr. JVJuic's vote ' decided 
 Kentucky; Mr. fVarfircd's vote decided the 
 vote of Maryland; and Gen- Vu7i Ren-sehiers 
 that of New York. You have seen ht)w Mr. 
 White WHS secured: We have no doubt that 
 
 can affect them — nor is this all — you are account- 
 able to mankind for institutions, given toi your 
 care, as models for the world. 
 
 JOSEPH V/ORUELL, 
 WHXIAM DUNCAN, 
 WILLIAM 150Y1), 
 llEXliV TOLAND, 
 .TOHN WUKTS, 
 WILTJA.M J. DU.^NE, 
 . WILLL\M J. LLiPlUJ, 
 CHAIU-ES S. COXK, 
 
 THOMAS M. pK/nn', 
 
 Committee of Correspondence for Philadcl- 
 jil'.ia, a])»ointed l)y the Kepublicau 
 Convention, assembled at Iian':s!)';r;.';, 
 •Jan. 8th, 1823. 
 August 1st, 1828. 
 
 LETTEU Vr. 
 
 To John Sa-i^eanL Mnniid Eyrr, LmcrciKt Lcv> 
 U, C. C. Biddle, and Joseph F. A'urris, Entji^s. 
 .hifhonnf an address adopUd al the adminis- 
 trn/ion liiwii luecllng oftl^s 7lh July. 
 
 Geritkincn: — 1)> the address, submittedbyyoi!, 
 to tlie public, e.ar'iy in July 'last, we observed 
 
 Murylund and New York were gained bv a wiit- one assertion, wiiich seemed to demand especi;d 
 
 ten pledge from Mr. Adams to give ofBces to 
 Fcderali.sts numerically with flepublicans; Mr. 
 'Cook and Mr. ScoU had a power cqu;d to the 
 s!-T(y votes of New York and Pennsylvania! — 
 Mi: Cook had been in fivoroi Mr. Crawford as 
 
 notice; and weacconlingly :'.ddivssed to you th-..; 
 fi-ve lutter.% preceding ilie jireSciit. AVc now 
 pfO])Ose to refer to your addrcs.s iii detail. You 
 very truly sa}', that the flay, on wliieli tlic :>p- 
 proaching election for I'resident will be held, wiU 
 
 Tresident — his State, lll:noi>i, voted for General • l>c marked in the lii.-trtry of the country: A cr:- 
 
 Jackson; yet in Congress Mr. Ccok voted for 
 Mr. Adajns! His constituents dismissed him 
 for doing so, and tlien the Ad)nini.sti'ation gave 
 lijm five thousand dolkirs, feu- a sei'vice, the n:i- 
 ture of which has never been di.scloscd, and in 
 the performance of which, if ever i>erformed, 
 
 sis has, iiiileed, arisen, UDon the result of wliicli, 
 we are persuaded, it will depend, wlietlier th : 
 ])eopie shall b<; iieucerorth ruled l)y fuctioui 
 combinations, or shall retain t'le sovereignty iu 
 tlieir own hands. W-, also, entirely concur 
 with you, in youv exhortiition lo the people — 'J 
 
 Mj-. Cook was not engaged above one month! c(»nsider the exercise of the right of sufirag-e a 
 
 — Mr. Scuff representeil Missouri — ]i.e pledged sacred duty — to lay a.side passion ami ])rejudici- 
 
 himself, before he v^.'is elected to C >nj;Tess, to -—and to take counsel only of:ui eidarg-ed patri 
 
 vote foi' Gen. Jackson; if he IukI i f t ilone so> olisni. 
 
 he could not h:i-ie been olcrtcd: vt», in f Vr • If ^■nu. gentlemen, had regarded the jitdicious 
 
H^^i 
 
 acii'ice,\J;cti y uu Uius gav e lo oUiers, we shoviKl 
 have bed elieved from tbe obligation to notjce 
 your addiss: If you had avoided pr.ssion and 
 prejudicQand, taking: counsel from an enlarged 
 patriotisn^had subbtiliited persuasion for pro- 
 stription, jind facts for assertions, the public 
 would ban been instructed, and we sisoiild have 
 i'CJoiced ateuch demonstrations of coolness and 
 CMidor, inhese i-ude and intemperate times. 
 
 But wo ire constrained, by our respect for 
 truth, as ell as by our regard for the cause, 
 wtrtch we onestly espouse, to say, that we do 
 not see, irtiie general matter of your address, 
 dny iodicalDn whatevei-, that it was written un- 
 der the infl ences, which it professes an anxiety 
 to extend: )n the contrarj-, we think, that many 
 <Jf its assert )ns are'gTatuitous,that its inferences 
 •JiK drawn t trough the medium of ^' passion and 
 prejudice,' and that its anticipations are the 
 creatures olan Imagination that is diseased, or 
 an ambition that is dissatisfied. 
 
 Do not su)pose, that, in tlms freely declaiing 
 the impres! ons which your address lias made 
 upon our understandings, we med'.tate indigi'.itv 
 or injury to^ou: if not otherwise restrained, we 
 have had a ktson from your own intemperance: 
 }"ou liave bit ided all, who disagr- e with you in 
 opinion, uni er the common denunciation of a 
 faction, and lave assigned motives for their ac- 
 tions, and objects For their eflbrts, no less atro- 
 cious than those which merit public execration; 
 but,be assured, that v;c, and tiiose who act with 
 us, feel no linjury, much less resentment — on 
 the contrary, we hail this proscription, as such 
 a one was hailed by the republican party, thirty 
 years ago, as an omen of the fate of him whose 
 cause demands such an advocacy. 
 
 Nor, in thus addressing you, must any one 
 suppose, tliatwe aim, or expect to alter your 
 CDUTie: it is to the umierdimidnigs of those, who 
 are not excited, that we would respectfully ad- 
 dress ourselvc-s; and we merely adopt the form 
 of letters, to yovi, because a fair occasion is thus 
 presented, under the naancs of persons, known 
 to the public, to lay before them such facts and 
 Urg'aments, as, owing to the degradation <if the 
 press, they might be disposed to doubt or disre- 
 <gjard, if stated anonymously. We intend then, 
 io inquire into tlie truth and fairness of your as- 
 sertioHs and anticipations. 
 
 But, before we proceed to execute this task, 
 ■we will, in the present letter, notice your appeal 
 to those who are in the enjoyment of wealth; 
 i^our appeal is, i;i effect, an allegation, that there 
 is one portion of the comnuinit}, which has "the 
 " largest stake and the deepest interest, in the 
 "welfare of society, and the purity ofourinsti- 
 " tutions:" against the aristocratic character and 
 tendency of this doctrine, we protest, and we 
 ciill public notice to it, not only because it is un- 
 sound in itself, but because our fellow citizens 
 will be enabled to decide, what confidence 
 oug+it t) be placed in a party, wiiicli yecks to 
 establish sucli disiinctinns i-.i this free country. 
 
 We a>k, then, explicitly, whether there is 
 any particular portion t/f the community, which 
 truly has a deeper interest, or a larger stake, in 
 the public welfare and institutions, than any 
 other. Such a doc'j-ine, we believe, has been 
 always privately held by the aristocratic party, 
 to wliich you belong : it is in full opei-aticn in 
 En^and, as m\v be seen in the manner in which 
 
 our last Prejjiilenbalelecuon u as noticed tiiere;" 
 and it was deliberately advocated by a former 
 President A dam.5, in his work, singularly callezi 
 a defence ol" the American Constitution :j but 
 it is a doctrine, v/hich in this happy country, is 
 untenable to argument, and odious in appUca- 
 tion. 
 
 Wealth! What is it? It is that which gives 
 to its possessorthe superfluities of life, whether 
 he is the subject of a despot or tiie citizen of .1 
 republic — it is often acquired by the mere acci- 
 dent or birth, and sometimes accumulated bv 
 successful fraud — it contributes no new energv 
 to the mind, and often stifles the finest impulses 
 of the .'loul: it cannot give health to an unsound 
 body, or peace to a troubled conscience — and it 
 usually makes man look upon his brethren, as 
 you seem to do, as beings of an inferior order — 
 
 * In the British Aniuuil Register for 1825, it 
 is said, in reference to the <;iection of Mr Adams, 
 by the house of representatives — " As Jackson 
 counted amongst his partisans, the whole rubble 
 of the country, their rage at his defeat was ex- 
 treme ; and it was the more violent, as he un- 
 guesf!07iably had a majority of the people on his 
 side." 
 
 I The principles of Mr. J. Adams, and in 
 which his son Mr. J. Q. Adams was, no doubt, 
 educated, are deliberately explained in this 
 work. In Mr. John Adams's reply to the young- 
 men of I'hiladelphia, 1799, he averred, that 
 American independence was declared, " not 
 as an object of predilection and choice, but of 
 indispensable necessity." In the work on the 
 American Constitution.s, Vol. I,page360, Mr. Ad- 
 ams says — "The distiiictions of poor and rich, 
 are as necessary in a s^ate of considerable ex- 
 tent, as labor and good government. The poor 
 \ire destined to lal>or ; and the rich, by the a:i- 
 vaiitages of education, leisure and indepen- 
 dence, are qualified for superior stations."' 
 Again, at page458, vol. 3, he says, "The people 
 in all nations are naturally divided into two sorts, 
 the E^entlemen And the sintpkmen, a word which 
 is here chosen to signifj- tlie com???o« people." 
 "By the common people wc mean lauoiiek^, 
 nusiiAXPMKN, .MF.rHAMcs, aud MtncnASTS in 
 general, who pursue their occupations and in- 
 dustry without any knowledge in liberal arts or 
 sciences, or in any thing but their own trades 
 or pursuits." Again, at page 4G0, same \«1. 
 "If is the true policy'of the cummon people Ut 
 place the whole executive power in o«e man." 
 Page 461. " By Kings and kingly power, is 
 meant the executive power in a sinj^le person." 
 Page 060, •' There is not in the whole Roman 
 histniy so happy a period as this under their 
 kinfrs " Vol. 1, \y3-ge 70, " I only contend 
 that the F.nglish constitution (king, lords and 
 comm(Jns) is, in the theory, the most stupend- 
 ous fabric of human invention." Page 116, 
 "It the aristocracy) is a body of m?n which 
 contains the greatest collection of virtue and 
 abilities in a free government ; is the brighl&it 
 omanfnt and the glory of the nation, and may 
 always be made the greatest blessing of society , 
 if it be judicionajj' managed in the constitu- 
 tion." Page 28o, vol. 3, *' First Magistrates 
 and 'Senators had better be made uekkuitabv 
 at once, than that tlie Ptoi-i-E should be univer- 
 sally drbanched and bribed, go to loggerheads, 
 arVd fly to arms evciy year." 
 
J9;i 
 
 Aiid yet, why shall ail this be sor Is wealth 
 permanent in its v.iiture, or hereditary in its qua- 
 lities? Look around you, gentlemen, and ob- 
 serve tiie wrecks in our own vicinity ! Look back 
 upon the many persons, who, thirty years ag-o, 
 taunted the republicans of this .listrict, as you 
 unkindly upbraid their descendants now, with 
 Tiaving a small stake and a shallow interest in 
 o,ur institutions — where are those haughty per 
 sOns ? and wliere especially are then- cliildren ? 
 Bave they now a deeper interest or a larger 
 ^ke thaa the humble, but honest and inde- 
 pendent mechanic .' Or, are they not monuments 
 of the folly of their Withers; and of the grosser 
 absurdity of your imitation' Wiiat surety have 
 j.»u, gentlemen, that you or your children will 
 at all times ha^e the deep stake, so far as for- 
 tune can be so called, which you may now pos- 
 sess' Are not the mutability of fortune, and 
 the absence of iiereditary privilege, amonj^st 
 the happy characteristics of this countr}' — 
 checking the arrogance of some men, and arous- 
 ing the energies of others? Should not that mu- 
 tability have wariicd you to be tender to hum- 
 ble men, seeing' that your own ofl'spring may 
 have to earn subsistence by labor, and would 
 deem it harsh on tliat account to be denied an 
 et[ual interest in the institutions of their coun- 
 try, with those who may then be the possessors 
 of mere riches. 
 
 No ! gentlemen — the men, the women, and 
 the ciiildren, who re-ally have a large -stake and 
 •J. deep interest, in the welfare of society, and 
 ,the purity of our institulionsi are thoie who, 
 when society is depressed, truly suffer, and who 
 If our institutions should cease to exist, wou.ld 
 become the vassals of the worst of all govern- 
 ments, an upstart nobihty ! It is tl* humble 
 man, who should cling to a republic as the only 
 refuge from social and political degradation; to 
 the rich and the haughty, a change, far ' from 
 bringing affliction, would open new scenes for 
 the indulgence of appetite, and create those 
 distinctions, which, the father of your candidate, 
 said, exist between "the gentleman and the 
 impleman." 
 
 Think not, that, in thus expressing our senti- 
 ments, we propose to make conv.rrls of those, 
 whose prejudices have been nurtured from in- 
 fancy; much less do we expect to bring back 
 into the republican fold, some of tliose amongst 
 'you, who, as they have acquired a " deep stake" 
 in houses or Ktock, seem to be ashamed to re- 
 ,inain in the ranks of their old companions in 
 jpolltica! and persimal adversity. No! tlichere- 
 iditary arrogance; of the one, and the new-born 
 pride of the otiier, resist alike all efforts of ar- 
 gument or persuasion. 
 
 ' Nor must you suppose, hecaii.sc wc may ad- 
 mit, that tlie mass of wealth in th's city is on 
 lyour side, wearc insensibl-' ■ ."I'hcanct , 
 
 when contrasted wi'h the esiales ul' the great 
 bulk (-f the people of Pennsvlvania, who are 
 against you. 
 
 It is to the U!:soundnes3 of the d.jctrinc itsidf, 
 ;that we enter our protest. 
 
 JOSEPH WORUKLL, WM. J. DUANE, 
 WILLIAM DUNCAN, WM. J. LVAVVM, 
 
 :WILLIAM BOYD, 
 
 ^HENRV T0L.\N1), 
 <OHN WUKTS, 
 
 Com. ofCorres. forVhiladelnhia, ?;c. 
 
 CHS. S. COXK, 
 THOS. M. I'ETTIT, 
 
 LEi iEif VU. 
 
 Yo John Scrirnant, M^nud Ei/re, ij^iwrt-mt Lt. 
 is, C. C. Biddle, and Joseph F. NorHs, h- 
 quhrs — Aathom of an address adopted ttt se 
 adniuiidraUon town meeting of the 7(k July. 
 
 Gent kme.t.' The question before the peope, 
 is, you .say, whether faction sliall he permitted 
 now to begin its reign: we, on the contnu-y, .s- 
 sert, that the questicn is, whether faction shll 
 be permitted to continue its reign; and, thus, vt 
 have at once reached a point admitting a precse 
 decision. To arrive at this decision, let us n- 
 quire into, and understand, the true meaningof 
 the word faction; you will not, we presume, cm- 
 tend, that a majority of the people constitute a 
 faction; you will, on the contrary, admit, tha< a 
 faction is a minority, guided by seifish and ami. 1 
 tious pas.sions. 
 
 This being allowed, let us apply to this poi.it 
 facts, about whicli we must alUigree: you knov, 
 gentlemen, as well as we do, that Gen. Jacka3n 
 was not proposed by any caucus, or cabal— tlal 
 he had retired to his fai'm. there to spend tHe 
 remnant of his life— that he did n-^t mingle in 
 the crowds of intriguers and sycophants, who 
 pollute the a*mospllere of the seat of the nation- 
 al government: you know, as well as we do, tint 
 Gen. .Jackson iiad nooilicialststions, patronage, 
 or influence, at his commuid— that he had ujt 
 the purse, which Mr. Clay says can purchase any 
 thing — that he iiad no writer, as Mr Clay ha.l, 
 to blast the tame of any rival— that he ccntrii)i;- 
 ted no money, as llr. Clay did, to render odious 
 the very person, who:n he afterwards mad.- prtsi- 
 dent: von know, that Gen. Jackson was iir:^t 
 proposed for the presidency, by some ot the 
 yeomanry of western Pennsylvania— that lui 
 nomination was resisted, bv -he partisans of four 
 other candidates, tiirce of them In the cabmct, 
 and the fourth in tlie chair of the Speaker of the 
 House of Representatives: wel),then,gcntlemc^, 
 do you sec in these fuels iiidic:Uions of faction' 
 Do not those facts prove that all tactions were 
 opposed to Andrew Jack.^on. and tiiat t!ie peo 
 pie, the veomanrv of tlie country, were the tac- 
 tion, if such vou can call Micm, who upheld him 
 in deiiance of all the factions which had been 
 for years preparing for the contest? 
 
 Lot i>s proceed— You know, g-.ntleme!i, as 
 well as we do, that the whole number of elec- 
 toral votes was 261— that of these, Gen. Jack- 
 son receiv. d 99, .V.r. Adams but 8-1, Mr. Craw- 
 ford 41, and Mr. Cl.y but 37— Vou know, that 
 in the eight ti'a:lern States, the electors favoia- 
 ble to Gen. Jackson received 46,512 votes mor. 
 than Mr. Ad;mis ; vet, in eoi>grcsf<, Mv. Atlani.s 
 received /tus western Siatfy, and (ien. Jactsoii 
 but/(v!t/-— You know, thi.t Mr. Ada:ns receiver! 
 but three of the eleven ciertond votes of Mary- 
 laud, yet in congreSH he got the vote of Mary- 
 land—that he did not get one of the sixteen 
 electoral votes in Oliio; yet. In congi-e»«, Ucgot 
 the vote of Oliio— that Iw got I;Ut one of the 
 three eh-ctond votes of Illinois, yet in r nffrct^y 
 he got the vote of Illinois— that he got but one 
 of the three electoral voten of Louisiana, yet m 
 con''resi he got Hie vote of LouiBiann--that lie 
 did not got (,ne of the electoral votes of Missou- 
 ri, yet in congrcxs he got tlie vot<; of Missouri— 
 Vou know, that Mr. Adruns rcc.ivcd but four 
 votes out of New England, from ehciorsohfwcn 
 hv the people— thirt of the 84 clectowl «?ot«*» 
 
iOt) 
 
 wijicluc neccived, Imt 4r were given \iy clcc- 
 
 tbrsc'jsen by the people— whilst of the 99 
 
 ekcto il votes received by Gen. Jackson, 84 
 
 were {ven by electors clioscn by the people. 
 
 ^ Froji tliese facts, {jcntiernen, what is tlie fair 
 
 infercrie > Do you see in the facts the evidence, 
 
 that till friends cf Gen. Juck^oa were 'a faction 
 
 —or t! ,t they were a nrajority cf the people' 
 
 Can yo aitrlbute the elevation of Mr. Adams, 
 
 m oppnitioii to tiie spirit of our in3tlmtion!i, and 
 
 thewel known wishes of the people, to any 
 
 thing- b :t faction? Canyovi a.s men of truth sav, 
 
 that if lie vote had been taken by the people, 
 
 such w uld have been the resvdt?— and.'if such 
 
 would I Dt have been the case, to what are we to 
 
 attributit, but the pernicious hiflueuce, and 
 
 corrupt practices of faction ^ 
 
 B<u, -ou tvill at least admit, that, if unv doubt 
 jfbwit t e popular will existed in 1824,"all sort 
 of doiihj was soon after put at rest: On the lUth 
 of Fcbrjiary, 1825, wlien it was aniiounccil to 
 Mr. Adlms, th:it he hat'. I)een elect.-d by t!ie 
 blouse d' representatives, he replied, tliAt he 
 ^voulc' rjtiise to occupy the Presidential ciiair, 
 if, by (hung so, th«; people coul^l at once exprcs.j 
 their \-i]|, and decide whether thevdesh-edhin) 
 to be tlicir President or not: Mr. A.bnis did 
 not reii'n, he assumed t!ie reins; but the peo- 
 ple soon decided, in tiie oidy waj , wliich tune 
 and tlie constitution alluwccl — they dismissed 
 »Jie fuitjilesB rejn-esentatlves, who' hud g-ven 
 their vot^s for Mr. Adams; t!sev stript Mr. Ad- 
 ams, aiulhispai-ty, of every attribute which li;cy 
 ha<l i* in their ])0vicr to take away; they placed 
 the [)0W(rs of legislation in the li;mds of friends 
 to Gen. Jackson; unci, for the first time, per- 
 ]3ap«, in kny country, made the executive, and 
 his party l/m opposition ! 
 
 Ves, !,'-entlemeii, those, whom you kindir de- 
 nounce us a faction, are the veomaniy of the 
 country, represented by majorities 'in botii 
 houses of Congress: "the sword and tliu 
 purse have been, and arc now in the iiands «f 
 ticncrrJ Jackson's friends. }Iavo thev abus- 
 ed cither > Have they not relieved the vete- 
 rans of the revolution, and made unexampled 
 ;:Jv;uicrsin Internal lmpro\craenti' I'hey liavc 
 ivot, indceii, the handIinc;-of the monev,'or the 
 oonti'ol over tlie coiuinj'-ent and secret service 
 funds: li.eseare, still, at the dispo.-^al of the ex- 
 ecutive: but they have be:run to scrutinise the 
 purposes, to whlclj Uio^e funds have been up- 
 plied, and have ali-eaJy discovered ;huses 
 M'hicli would disivrare iho'oiipcarcliy of UnfjUuid, 
 <;:• wen Uie asrt nts of the holy alliance. 
 
 What iippeijation, then, belongs to a minoH- 
 ly, which j^ot the executive power into their 
 bands, by a fraud upon the people ' Wiiut sliall 
 we call the minority, at the head of wliich is a 
 President, who, v.-hcn elected, d<c!:»vd, in !ili 
 letter :icceptin^' the ofiice, that he owed it to 
 'Miie favor of the lions-.-," and did not iir.neiuf 
 to hold it, or to T'Xnrn tha.iks lor it. aj a f-ift from 
 the p<inplc> What, we say, are we to c-dl you, 
 gi«rntlcmen,andy<)ur :.ssociates;n the w.uue c..:isc.' 
 If we jhal! not use the word fttctlon, and apply 
 to .111, a ttim, which, wc are R:iii.sficd, appro 
 
 And if itidSQjthcii wc a5k3o:i, by y<iur respecu 
 for truth, and by your respect for the opinion or" 
 even humble men, whether your dennnciatioii 
 was not a.s ungracious as it was unfounded' 
 
 The question is not, therefore, as you say it is. 
 whetiier a faction shall beg-in to reign; but it is, 
 whether a Piesideiit, who avowed, that lie owetl 
 his election "to the favor of the house," and not 
 to the wislies of the people, as he v,^ould have 
 s-aid, if lie thought so, shall continue in office' 
 It is, whether he and his party shall retain power 
 in defiance of the will of a people, wiio have 
 done :dl that they could constitutionally do, to 
 mark their indignation at the success of inti-igue ' 
 It is, Vvhether a faction, which holds the execu- 
 tive reins tilone, shall be able .so to empLo\- 
 their official influence and the pubhc money, ai> 
 to mtimidatp, dciude, prater ilje, and buy up, such 
 a ]iortion of the people, as may, when added to 
 the faction, constitute a majority, and perpetu 
 ate tlie dyrjisty cf 'succession'' 
 
 Th*s, gffUemen, is the o.ueslion, and a mc 
 rasntousq- • f jtion it is, that isbefore tiie people 
 it is safeiiTf f eir hands —'♦ the generation Jiow oi. 
 the st.age," said Jeit'ri-son, "will, I ain Eurc, 
 govern as wisely as their predecessors." 
 llcspcctfullv, VOUIS, &.C. 
 
 JOSEPII WOHUKLL, 
 WILLIAM DU.XCAN, 
 WILLIAM LOYI), 
 IIE.\UY TOLANU, 
 JOHN WL'IMS, 
 WILLL\.\I J. DLWNK, 
 WILTJAM J. LEIPER, 
 CHAKLEy .S. COXE, 
 THOilAS M. PEiTiT, 
 Co.nmittee of Correspondence for Pliii:,. 
 d.elphia, appointed !)y the Hepublican 
 Convention, assembled at llarrisburg, 
 Jan. «th, 182o. 
 August 6t!i, 1828. 
 
 priately t>ebngs to " the !.a:iitig men," at l^-a.^. 
 you vnust admit, that ) our party .'t-j.Tuls before 
 the world as a luijiority, stript of every power 
 ftnd mfluence, whicli tirie ami the constiiutiou 
 have aji yet permitted the people to Uke away. 
 N :• not to'f \Ve aslj yirj, -(ei-iou:.-!^, isitnot sr,* 
 
 LilTTEIi VIII. 
 
 7o John Sfrgeunt, Manuel El/ re, Laiarcnre Lewis, 
 C. C. Bitidle, and Juntpli P. Aorris, Ksquira, 
 Aalliom nfan address adopted at the udniinistru- 
 ilon town meeting of the 7th Ju/j. 
 
 After asking, whether fiicti(m shall begin to 
 reign, you inquire — " tliall t.'ic presidency of 
 the Unitod States be won, hlcc a utvcrii bmw!, 
 by cotnbmations, force, and lawless violeure; 
 and hencefoi-tli be kept up, not as ;in office to 
 be fiiicd by tried and aji-proved btjitesnieii, fo • 
 the good of the jicojile, but a prize for persor, ■ 
 !il prowess, and a reward for military achieve- 
 ment — shall tiie swottl alone be suflicient (o 
 open t!ie i-oad to tlic highest civil ollicc in thi 
 republic?-" 
 
 When vou askc ..^.^ ii.i.s.ionr,, you di.l 
 not seek information, but )'oii sought, in th-,: 
 sh:ipe (if an inquiry, to insinuate, what you 
 would not \entui-cto a.sscrt: v.-asthis ingenuous.' 
 if you have a knowledge of the facts, state them; 
 but to impute, by inuendo, b-asc intentions to a 
 inass of im-n, ns patriotic as yourselves--, is not 
 the way to attj-act thft esteem of others, or to 
 preserve your own, /H'/o have soiiglit to gain 
 apolitic.ii cr..lJ>y " comt-iiKitions-" With whom 
 h-a\c the filiiiclsof Andi-cw Jackson combined ' 
 What alliance have t/iej formed'' Has Airdrc..' 
 J:;ck80n taken to his bosom tlie very jn-AU who 
 v.-;is 1 is TT>o.st bluer en,-mv.> Has h'f. <^n:nb\nc<.{ 
 
 I 
 
J 97 
 
 A iih r.icn, whain im iiad dejioiino'exi as mcdita- 
 .toi'3 of treason? — Have any persons whom lie 
 , so denounced, had the meanness to beconis his 
 abject flatlercre?— Did /^e give a written pledge 
 of ofiicial favors to the very men whom lie had 
 denounced as meditators of treason? 
 
 '• Combinations," u;entlenien when and 
 
 v.hetd, and by whom were they entered into? 
 if an^' such were tbrmed between Andrew Jack- 
 srm and othei-s, we challcnp^e you to make them 
 known to the people, and you v.'ill do so, if yon 
 C4n. But, if you sisould fail to sustain your 
 charge, what nnmtthc public tliink of your dis- 
 cretion, and of the loni^ preamble of professions, 
 with which your address bcs^ins? 
 
 We do not s^y, upon tlic faithof direct proof, 
 hat Mr. Adams ov/es iiis present s'ation \o two 
 jjverai " combinations;" but M-e do say, tliat we 
 believe such is tiie fact, as firinlj- as it is possi- 
 b-ie to believe any fact, insnsci'ptible of .such 
 ])rooJ': How can we doubt it? Has any one ever 
 vcnttired rationally to explain, vhif men, who 
 but lately beforcjpubliclj- denounced eacli cti^er 
 as unworthy of public trust or private confi- 
 deiicc, suddenly became mutual benefactors;' — 
 Mr. Clay giving- the presidency to his late ene- 
 my Mr. Adams, .and Mr. Adams making Ids late 
 enemy, ilr. Clay, Secretary '.f Stale' Nor 'do 
 we say, because wc have not seen the letter, that 
 Mr. Adams gave or sanctioned a written pledge 
 to Mr. "Webster, or to some other person, that 
 he would give public .stadons to nien of Mr. 
 "Webster's party : But we do say, that we be- 
 lieve that he did so, as firmlj' as we believe any 
 matter dependent upon circumstantial proof: 
 How can we doubt it ' The charge has been 
 publicly made., and ii.is been evaded, but not 
 denied: It will not be believed, that, if it was 
 unfounded, so profound a sik-ucc would be ob- 
 served by those, who, in minor affairs, are so 
 veady to embody cojitradiction in all the shapes 
 of pamphlet, bi!l, and ncv.epapcr. 
 
 What becomu's, then, of t!ie charge of *'■' com- 
 bination?" Let us si'c, gcntlemer., if you arc not 
 equally unfortunate in other respects, ^^'l)o has 
 resorted to force and lawless violence? Von 
 meant, tliat the readers of j'our address should 
 believe, but you had not the hardihood to say, 
 that Andrew Jacks-on or his friends songht or 
 iicek to attain political ends, by force or lawless 
 violence: Was this not so? and if it was, was it 
 fair, w.as it honorable, was it true' Yes, gen- 
 tlenien, we ask you, in tlie face of the connnu- 
 nlty, is it true, tlia*^, to attain political ends, force 
 or lawless violence have been resorted io at any 
 tintc, or in any ]>lace, by Andrew Jackson, or 
 5;is friends' If it is li-ue, we call on you to give 
 your proofs, ai\d you will do so, if you can — if 
 ;.ou fail, you will stand before the public con- 
 \ictetiofan oflenei, wiiioh will carry with its 
 e.-cposure, the most severe of all puni.';!iment3 to 
 generous souls, a sense of sclf-rejiroacl-.. 
 
 " Force and lawless violence!" — Such is the 
 i.nputation cast upon General .Jackson and his 
 friends ! Hearken, gentlen'.en, to tlie voice of 
 him, wiiom you have thus traduced. On the 
 lOrh rf February, 1825 — the day after .a "corn- 
 nation" had placed Mr. Adams in tlie Presiden- 
 tial Chair, or after he was placed in it, as he in 
 his acceptance stated, l)y •' the favcn- of the 
 house," General .Tackson was invited to a public 
 festival, b}' liis friends at Washington. Instead 
 
 oTmsnifcstir.i' tiic 
 
 ^rriiUj, Ino jjasaioK, tii:^ 
 
 resentments, said to be his characteristic; at a 
 moment too when the most phlegmaii ma1i 
 might be supposed to be aroused. Gen. Jicksoa 
 shunned a public en'.erlainmcnt, and tus ex- 
 pressed the sentiments of a patriot and age: 
 
 "I caiinot" said he, in h'ls reply to th< invita- 
 tion, "refrain from siiggesting to youindmy 
 "friends, tiic propi-iety, perhaps neces'ity, of 
 " forbearing to confer upon me, at this romcnt, 
 "anysucli prontincnt m.arks of your regard. 
 ""\'oi'. cannot, I am persuaded, nustke mv 
 *• jieuuing- — a deosion of a matter, abou whicli 
 "nr.h'i public feeling and concern lia^e been 
 ''mar.l!V:te«l, has very lately taken pla'.c- — any 
 "any evici.-.'cc of kin;incss and regard, such as 
 " }ou ])ro]iose, migiit, In' many, be vi:wed a.s 
 " carrying witii it exception, murmuriig, and 
 "feelirigs of complaint, which I sincerdy hopn 
 " belong not to any of my friends. Iwonid, 
 " therefore, beg leave tro suggest to y(U, that, 
 *' on reflection, yon may deem it proper to for- 
 ebear any covuse, to which, possibly, excep- 
 " tion might be taken."' 
 
 Such is the language of the man., o' whom 
 you say, witli a degree of modesty tiiatis ti'nl_\- 
 m:\rvciion';, tiiai you Jiavc no hope, f-om his 
 conduct in public or private life, that h2 would 
 be governed by any respeci for tlie consiltutioh, 
 the laws, or the rights of his fellow citixcns! 
 Such is the language of lum, who could have 
 had "the favor of the h.ouse," as he already 
 po:^scssed the hearts of the people, if he had 
 simply said, tiiat he vv'Oidd not appoint Mr. Ad- 
 ams to the first civil ofiice in tl\e government! 
 
 But, gentlemen, if it is utterly incorrect, as wt: 
 say it is, that force and !awie;is violence have at 
 any time been resorted to, by tiie friends of 
 Gen. .lackson, to promote his election, what is 
 the fact as to tiie fiier.da of Mr. Adams ? Have 
 you no knowledge of .any force and lawless vio- 
 lence o!i their part? Have you no recollection 
 of attempts to silence debate, and slo]) the 
 press with tiie pi.^lol ? No murmur is heard 
 against sucii act.s, .and jet you write sentiment- 
 ally about tl\e evils of force and violence ! 
 
 Wiiat think ye, now, of the .salutary counsel 
 which you give to otliors, to lay aside passioi'i 
 ahd prejudice? What but passion and preju- 
 dice could have induced you to sanction, witli 
 your names, as.^ertions which, upon reflection, 
 \-ou must confess are unfounded ? Wliat hi:', 
 passion and 7)rrjadicc could make you inseii.'^i- 
 ble of the indJlcucy, if not indecency, of re- 
 ]n'esenting him, w!;oni every one of our I'res't- 
 dents Inn honoied, :'.sa person, who, if elected- 
 woukl (V.srcgird t'ne constilntion, tlic laws and 
 tlie rights of his fellow-ciiizens ; Such, to use 
 your own language, " it the power of faction, 
 such the shapes it can asvuine, and the r.e:.! it 
 can ciiliht, to serxc its unlialiowed purpo.scs— 
 its ciiief iastrumcnt.s are pa.^sion and preJiHlice, 
 wrought upon by flattery and faliehood^ ; it.s 
 chief cn;l is to e.tcite and agitate - lo silcncu 
 the calm voice of reason and truth, by stirrint; 
 \\\t timudtii'.His an:l boislercus feelings, and thus 
 to subdue tht judfUicnt to its own views." 
 
 Tliat sucii are t:ie influences governuig jour- 
 sclvcs, gc-ntlenien, you may not l)e sensil)le,and 
 it h, therefore witli pleasure, that we h;ivc cn- 
 deavcrjtl, and shall strive to " tskke counsel onl}' 
 of an en!:u-gcd palrio'itm," ntid to avoid t'".'^': 
 
SJ 1 
 
 J9b 
 
 anj y ueiiuuclalions tij^ainsi ^, vju, >viiicii \ ou have 
 temperately directed against others. 
 HesqiectfuUy, yours,8c(; . 
 
 .TOfSEPH WORRELL. 
 WILLIAM nUNlJAN, 
 WILLL\MBOYD, 
 HENRY T0LA>;D, 
 JOHN WURTS, 
 WILLLWt .t. DUANE, 
 WILLIAM J LLIPER, 
 CHAlx'LES S. COXE, 
 THOMAS M. PETTIT, 
 LLoe or Correspondence forPliiladelpliia, 
 ipo'.ntcd i)Y the Republican Convention, 
 iwemblcd at Hamsburg, Jan. 8tl), 1828. 
 :ast 8lh, 1828. 
 
 PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 *.Olil 
 
 All 
 
 iiv( itcfTorts arc now making by the Coalition 
 prints to dciiKle their patrons into the belief 
 that t!c vote of this p;i-eD.t and patriotic St?vte 
 will r t be j^lven to <.Cenend Jackson at the ap- 
 proaciiu.q' Presidential election. The same de- 
 ccptioiwas practised last year; and the moiti- 
 frcatio I of the dopes of the Democratic Press, 
 t!>e In'idli^!^cnccr, the Ricnmon I Whig', and the 
 liurcati officers who edit the .Tournal, was inde- 
 :;cYi').iljlo, when they foun<l that the " woollens 
 hill," lyid the Harrisburg' Conveiilion, and the 
 " six inllitia men," and tlie abuse of Mrs. J."\ck- 
 son, an 1 every other stratagCTn, instead of ef- 
 f.ictiiiffltbeir purpose, liad increased the Jack- 
 sTJa nri or'.ty in tiiat State. They are now rest- 
 ing thejr hopes on tiio cnfHn handb',11, and will 
 ;»oon crqicriencc anotlier sij^-nal (hscoinritiirc. 
 
 To rebut the anonymous statements of the 
 Tntelligcncer and Journal, many of wliich, like 
 those they published last year, were doubtless 
 wi^ttcn.in the public oflices in th's city, wc 
 pre:-,cnt the following circular from the Corrcs- 
 jvmdini;; Committee in Philadclpliia, composed 
 of gentle I. en well known to tiie public, and 
 whose means of information enable them to 
 speak confidently on tiie subject. 
 
 PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 The following is a copy of a letter, addressed \f\ 
 the Republican Committee of Corresi)ondi;nce 
 of Philadelphia, to the Committees of Corres- 
 pondence of other Stales. 
 
 Fellow UUizens: — The convention of dele- 
 
 ry, totLc (irsse)r»i).tlIon of trutli : formerly, much 
 reliance could be placed upon the ordinary or- * 
 gans of infomiation; few, if any, of the conduc- 
 toi-s of the public journals, had the audacity to 
 utirr, for cfTect abroad, what was known at 
 home to be absolutely untitle; but, during the 
 existing contest, the adherents of the adminis- 
 tration seem to consider the misrepresentation 
 of our condition at home, is the principal foun- 
 dalicn of anticipated success m otiier States; and 
 hence it is, that even Peniisvivania ha? been 
 classed among States faithless to themselves and 
 to the Union. 
 
 ]t seems, therefore, to be the duty of some of 
 those, who have a stake in the duration of our 
 institutions, and the general welfare of society, 
 to (t've their own testimonv to distant friends; to 
 Rcatier the mists of deccption,in relation to Penn- 
 sylvania, which .ire hovering over other States, 
 and to ask, in retum, as we now respectfully do. 
 from you, such information, as it may be suppos- 
 ed Pennsylvania must be anxious to receive. 
 
 With an earnestness, such as men should feci, 
 \vlio respect themselves,and covet die regai-d of 
 others, we assureyou, that the fidelity ot Penn- 
 sylvania to the incorruptible patriot, whom she, 
 first of all the States, had the honor to propose 
 for the Presidency, remains unshaken; that the 
 glories in the position, which she held and holds; 
 and that this spirit will be m.anifested by a ma- 
 jority, which, we believe, will be gkeatf.!!. 
 
 THA>' THAT WHICH AXr INDIVIDUAL HAS F.TEU 
 HAD, AT .» f.ON-TF.STED KLKCTIOS JS PFXySTLTA- 
 XIA. 
 
 It is true, that, especially in the district in 
 which we reside, demonstrations Iiave of late 
 been made, calculated, as they- were designed, 
 to create an impression abread, that there had 
 been a change in public opinion; but those ex- 
 hibitions have been altogether scenic and fac- 
 titious. Our rmmcdiate opponents rest upon no 
 common basis, nor are they connected by any- 
 common tie, so far as political principles arc 
 concerned; they embrace the iristocracy oftlie 
 federal and republican parties of this dibliict, 
 but they want tiie iionest, however erroneous, 
 consistency of tlie foiTiit-r, and are utterly des- 
 t'litlf of the great and guiding principles 
 of the hatter; vntli the peo])!c of the State at 
 large, thoy have not the smallest sympathy, 
 while amongst themselves they comprehend 
 the most discordant and sevcndly repulsive ele- 
 ments. Of the preponderance of their hopes 
 
 i^ates, from vailons counties of Pennsylvania, or fears, you may form an estimate, from "the 
 wiuch assembled at Harrisburg, on the 8th of grossness of their invective, .and the intempe 
 
 Janviary last, and, in obedience to tiie will of 
 theirrcpublicun constituents, recommended An- 
 drew Jackson and John C Calhoun, .as candi- 
 dntes for the Presidency ami Vice-Presidency 
 of the United States, did us the honor to ap"- 
 ])oint as a committee of correspondence, for the 
 second congressional district of tiiis St.atc,— the 
 city of rhlladelpliia. 
 
 ranee of their proscription; they ."itfect to re- 
 spect the rit^ht of opinion, and yet denounce 
 the mass of those whc disagi-ee w ith them as a 
 faction: tlicy Labour to affix upon the friends of 
 Andrew Jackson the reproach of violence, yet 
 they are sensible that their own associates and 
 favorites are the only persons, who have sought 
 t() quench their political resentments with hii- 
 
 We are not aware, that it was the dcsh-c of m.an blood; thcv feelmglv speak of the odious- 
 
 the ponvcnt-.on to limit the sphere of our .iction, ness of cidumny, aIt,hough their own parti- 
 
 orthat wc deviate from our proper course, in sans hnve vi-date'd the sanctuary of the domcs- 
 
 tliusadth-essing our friends in other States; hut, tic heartli, aad have broken the silence of the 
 
 if we err, an apology, w«; arc sure, will be found tomb itself, to gratify their insatiable lust of de- 
 
 intliczeal, v.'hich animates our her.rts in a ritchte- famation. 
 
 ous cause, tiiul of the ptlrity of our institutions. Such cnmbin.ations, the people of Pcnnsylva- 
 
 and their transmission unimpaireil to posterity, niu can never fear: siich means, they will abhor; 
 
 At the present crisis, indeed, the agency of and, accordingly, we are insensible'of any dimi- 
 
 "^mmifteep seems to be indispensably uecessa- nmion of our'slrength: on the contrarv. we cop^ 
 
39D 
 
 'x 
 
 nJentiy hope, tTiat n\ iliU^ tlie moat ai-istocratic 
 district in the State, we shall triumph at the en- 
 suing election. 
 
 May we not, indeed", without iracumn]^ the 
 penalty of self-praise, appeal to the uniform 
 character and conduct of republican Pennsyl- 
 vania, as a refutation of the slander thf\t she 
 is capable of deserting her old principles and 
 friends? She has not had ti)e honor to offer to 
 the Union, a Washington or Jefferson, a Clinton 
 or Jackson ; but she has given to those distin- 
 guished patriots her cordial support: she has 
 never been seen, contending in the arena of 
 S-tate ambition, but has clung witli fondness to 
 the Union, as the sure basis of safety at liome 
 and reputation abroad. Why, then, should 
 Pennsylvania be supposed capable of apostacv'' 
 Surely, she is not tempted by the knowledge, 
 that, by a double contract, between hitherto 
 hostile partisans, and respectively reviled aspi- 
 rants, the people have been filched of the 
 rights which were purchased by the blood of 
 "their f^ithers! Surely siie is not allured by a 
 standai'd, which rallies around it all those per- 
 sons, who have been at all times anxious to 
 abridge human liberty, and to erect upon its 
 ruins the fabric of privileged classes! 
 
 No! Pennsylvania is faithful ; her deepest 
 anxiety nou- is, that h.ersister States should tni 
 ]y understand, as she persuades herself she 
 does, the nature of the pending contest ; that it 
 13 not a mere controversy about men, but a 
 mighty struggle for principles; that the success 
 of one candidate would proclaim the suprema- 
 cy of coiTuption, andtlic rapidity of the repub 
 lie's decline ; whilst the success of the other- 
 woidd redeem the fame of a free governmert, 
 and transmit^unimpaired, to our immediate suc' 
 cessors, the great legacy held for them and 
 *heir posterit}-. 
 
 We fondly fancy that we hear Pennsylvania 
 applauded, by her sister States, for the steads 
 ness with which she resists the current of ofHcial 
 influence which rolls impetuously through the 
 State ; but proud as she may be of t!ie appro- 
 bation of others, she seeks no svich tribute : 
 she well knows, that the inestimable blessings 
 of freedom, as they wci'e the reward of toil and 
 vigilance, arc not to I>e preserved without the 
 constant exercise of those duties : she is not 
 dismayed at the ambition and avarice wlncli pro- 
 duced the present crisis, for slie knows that 
 those evils v/ere foreseen b}- the fiHUT.lcrs of 
 the republic, and arc incident to the imperfec- 
 tion of human beings ; and she is sensible that, 
 in our own Republic, as in all other free States, 
 the pending conflict is between the aspiring 
 few, who seek to pervert power to their own 
 selfish purposes, and tlie mass of our freemen 
 contending for its exercise for the common 
 good. 
 
 It is under suck'irnpre.ssions as these, be :»s- 
 sured, that Pennsylvania acts, and thercfr>rc v/e 
 cannot err in the anticipation, wliich will soon 
 be gloriously realized ; this State will maintain 
 the only distinction to whioli she h;is ever as- 
 pired, that of being true to those principles, up- 
 on an adherence to which, under Heaven, our 
 national safety and inchvidual happiness de- 
 I)end. 
 
 We greet you, not only on the view thus pre- 
 sented of Pennsylvania, but upon the indications 
 o? triumph manifested in other States ; ■'Imt ••'•-; 
 
 may receive from you lateUigQjic/? iSqually 
 cheering from your own neighborh)o4^, we 
 fondly hope : Addressed to our chainnatj, Jo- 
 seph Worrell, Esq. it wiU be gladly re;cived by 
 vour sincere friends, 
 
 JOSEPH WORRELL* 
 WILLIAM DUNCAN, i 
 WILLIAM BOYD, 
 HENRY TOLANK, 
 JOHN WURTS, 
 WILLIAM J. DUANE, 
 WILLIAM J. LEiPER, 
 (MIARLES S. COXE, 
 THOMAS M. PETTI'P. 
 Committee of Corresj'ondence . 
 Phiiadciphia, July 17th, 1828. 
 
 In addition to the foregoing, we offer the 
 following from the Philadelphia '* American 
 Sent'iiel," a paper wliich last year was so pre- 
 cise in its tstimnlcs, as to vary scarcely any Irom 
 the election returns: \ 
 
 PENNSYLVANIA. ' 
 
 That our readei-s may have a clear view of 
 what arc .'lur prospects in ;-elation to Pennsj-hm- 
 nia, we submit the following statements for their 
 examination. In looking at this description of 
 tlie Jackson strength, it should be bome in 
 mind, that prior to the last autimmal election, 
 the administi'ation had circulated through the 
 State, every where, the celebrated forgery of 
 Harris' letter — they published that the six mili- 
 tia n)en had been ti-ied and convicted, as it n'as 
 said, after their term of service had expired. 
 Tiie documentary evidence was not then obtain- 
 ed from tlie department, that disproved the al- 
 legations of the administration hirelings in rela- 
 tion to the tour of duty— th'i matter of scandal 
 in relation to Mrs. Jackiion was also tlien circu- 
 lating through all the journals under the control 
 of tlic coalition. 
 
 With these slanders fresh before tlic public, 
 and some of them not as fully answered as they 
 have been since, the electirn day arrived. Tho 
 administration men were in raptures about their 
 prospects of success; so mucli so, that old Mr. 
 Poulson tilled his valuable siiect for some two or 
 tiu'oc weeks, v.ith the returns of the election, 
 bespeaking', as he supposed, the success of thtir 
 cause. Nor would the coalition be satisfied tJiat 
 they had not been gaining strength, till the legis- 
 lature assembled, — wlien it was ascertained 
 that the members in the Senate stood as fol- 
 lows: 
 
 For .Jackson — Burden, Hay, Herbert, Logan, 
 Sturgeon, (Speaker,') P>rown, McClure, Dun- 
 can, King, Hamilton, Hambvig'at, Ogle, Moore, 
 Wise, Ray, Hunt, Rowland, Audenricd, Ryon, 
 Scott, Miller, O.arber, Hawkins, Seltzer. 
 
 Tor Ad;'m.s— iverhn, Powell, l\eiH', Schall, 
 Fullcrton, Sullivan, Leech, Kelly. 
 
 In the House as foUoNvs; 
 
 For Jackson — Lehman, Meredith, P.onsali, 
 RiMianls, Kmlcn, IJinder,nakpi,Sny(Ur,H. M.ar- 
 tin, Pearson, Hergoshcimcr, Foulkrod, Harrison, 
 Matts, Fackcnt!i:dl, Ramsey, Porter, M'Camant. 
 Agnew, Ruyers, lleckcr. Cooper, Woolford, 
 Fisher, .Mter, Dunlap. Power, (iood, RertolcV 
 Rahn, I.c'wis, Rchrer, Dutz, Ihre, Eldred, Dil- 
 Inger, (1. Miller, Hcuddt r, Michllcswarth, DrieS- 
 bach, M'lleynolds, M'Creery, Workman, Kerr, 
 yi:,,T.iT, 1 "m;«/-]-.^1i |.''iiil,-iq. r.vaivj. Kr''pp5. 
 
r 
 
 100 
 
 Nio''lo^^Jl, "Itiwagc'c, MattliCiv^, I'y^c, Heck, 
 Sl^jiveu, Mathcv-s, Slemmer, l*"van.s, Ilobert'?, 
 l^'»tim:ii, AVolfei-sbcrjjer, Shindel, Kcad, Mat- 
 tli t'wso), nhiiv, Sliannon, AVilkins, I)c'ii:i\% Hea- 
 ty. Foil 
 jyove, 
 }-.(.py,<j 
 l.fcwi 
 Fov 
 
 er, Ihtlings, Patterson, Ikistiess, Colc- 
 IVhttbch, l}Iythe, Pftrlcker., Ilustinps, 
 unning'ham, lleTidncks M'Qaiild, Bel!, 
 
 _ , Kdams— A, Miller, Thompson, li. Mil- 
 ler, llJues, J'enoypiicktT, 15ix)bst, Tiitwiler, 
 llfuliti, Htyirjlds, Denivson, M:illory, W. Mar- 
 IJih, M'iherry, AVoolvLTton, Wilson. 
 
 Thishig-lit to have S'l'lsfipd every refleclint;; 
 n\aH> tojwhalcvcT party lie iniglit bcloiig, that 
 tlie Adlur.s dyriaslx could entertain no hopes of 
 Kiiccessj with us. In addition to this exhibit of 
 botii bijinches of the State leyislaturr, v/e also 
 Jajrb --•... 
 
 bers of 
 iec^ion . 
 
 ror 
 
 low, .1 
 
 re our reader.^ tiie names of tl\e nseni- 
 Cong'iess with their Presidential predi- 
 
 ackson — Wm. Addams, fstcphen Bar- 
 nes Buchanan, llidiard Coulter, Chan- 
 
 ccy Fo-ward, '.T;s!.ph Fry, Jr., Ii)iies Green, 
 
 Samucfl 
 
 ]^anl 
 
 D. Ingliam, Geo. Kren^er, Adam King", 
 Miller, .^o"m Mitchel!, Samuel .,Mc 
 Kesn, pM. Orr, Jr., \Vm. Kanasey, .John B. 
 Steins^ce, James S. Htevenson. .I.'icl B. Sulii- 
 c:i:ind,]Kspy Vaiihovii, (kn.. \VoIf". 
 
 I'or Adams — Saml. Ander.son, Joseph I,aw- 
 reiiv-re, (Sfliarles Miner, .lohh S<.rj;eant,' Andrev 
 Slev/arti James Wilson. 
 
 A^d Eiic)\ have been the arrajigements of our 
 tickets 111 the re.speelive Coi-.ijressior.al districts 
 for thisyear, tha'cit is confidently expected, that 
 tViei'e v.ill not be c1cclC<1 in Pennsylvania, one 
 AdaiXi'i ,rnember to the ne,\t <;on^Tess. The 
 Adatns li-cpreseutatives in Con.i^rcss from this 
 iS^.aic, ure .Mr. Sergeant, of Pii.iladelpliin, Mr. 
 Anderson, of Delavvurc, Mr. ilincr, oiChc-stt-r, 
 Mr. Wilson, of Adams, Mr. Lawrence, of Wasli- 
 irston, and Stew.irt of Fayette cour.t!t.«. Six 
 ou't of 2o. ^^■ith s'icli cloudy prospects before 
 them, they are btrivin;; to make the; peojjle of 
 other States believe that tKcy have sonic chance 
 of carrvi'nr tliis State. We, however, do not 
 .veni bl'Uevc 'diJ't they will cairy cjic member 
 ill the nc.\t (Jon;iTe5i.-i at this election. Stewart, 
 ofU'avetle, and Wilson, of Ciimberjand, arc 
 . !/ia:ly out of t!ie field. Lawrence is -dv^-un be- 
 foiothe pe<;ple of Washinj^'ton, to receive his 
 TiKrited dise tiom the repuMirans of that re- 
 spcC<:iMe couj'.ty. In C'iiestcr itud Delaware 
 ccTiutiesi, we tiiink the two adminislrati;>n men 
 will be left at home, while in th^ second district, 
 represented by Mr. Serijeant, we calculate, if 
 ournarlv sliall", astliey ou5,^iit"cvcry wl.ere, come 
 ',Othe noils widi tlu'ir wliole slivn^^lb liHitcd,- 
 •U-^y wi'i crtaiiily come oO'victoviprs. 
 
 OHIO poLuic.'. 
 
 t}em.in fur rt-c4ocUon. Tne foilovuii^- is GtC of 
 t!ie resolutions ad<ipted by the meeting : 
 
 liciohed, tlicrcfore, Thai we unanimousr. 
 concur in the opinion, that the honorable and 
 disinterested course pursued bv our Representa- 
 tive, Wi;.LL\MKUSSKLf.,'in the last Con- 
 jn-es-s, together with his proi)ity, virtue, and in 
 teiligence, highly recommend him to our cmr- 
 sideration, and give hi-n claims of t!ie strongest 
 character on the liberaUty of a magnaniaious aud 
 grateful pec-ple, v.'ho, we believe, will n^anifest 
 their determination to reward VIRTUE and 
 elevate MliUIT, spring from what source they 
 may, or iii wliatcver rank they niay be found, 
 by- their united support of him at the ensuing 
 election; and that they will, by an equally strong 
 test, manifest their disapprobation of those who 
 have found their way to power, and been eleva- 
 ted to ofTice, i5y trampling on tiie sacred rights 
 of the people, and prostituting all that is sacred 
 to the character of an individu.al, or of an inclt! 
 pendent GoverRment. 
 
 1 he following from the Indcpcmlent News 
 Letter, shows the state of politics in the/bwr- 
 tcenfJi Congressional districi, now j-epreseutcd 
 by Mr. Wood. 
 
 " The aspect of the times, in this district, i^. 
 •it leant cheering as relates to the election ot 
 William Gass, liie Jacksonian candidate. Thev 
 Adamsites are evidently divided, and hesitating 
 between several candidates. They will, how- 
 ever, cJjielly support Mr. Ii;irtley andMr. Wood, 
 who are the two prominent ca'.-.didates ; and un- 
 less they exclusively support one or the othe ■, 
 the Jacksoniaivs willsuroiy triumph. Mr. Bartle; 
 is not certain of more than one-third of the vote- 
 in his own count)-, and but a scattering few in the 
 other counties. Mr. Wood will undoubte<Ur i-c- 
 ceivc the principal part of the Adams votes in all 
 the counties except Kichland. Therefore the er. 
 .suing election, it is believed, hangs doubtful be 
 tvveen .Mr. G:issand Mr. '.Voo<l. The Jackson - 
 ians have little to fear on tlieir part, save a want 
 of exertion."' 
 
 .l>i!il rv\' 
 
 !^ nv.ine.'ous r.ieeting of Delegate 
 r.d counties in \.\\:: frimih Congressional ir)stric'., 
 11 )W represented by Mr. Vance, havg noniinr- 
 tcd tJencra! Jackson for President; .f C. Cat- 
 lioun for \1ce President; and John A. Alexan- 
 der to repre.s(L-nt that district in Congress. Ti-.eir 
 •.idilress to tl.e public is a;i able production, and 
 \/:l! be published so soon as we can fiiul roo'.n. 
 
 A meeting of Delegates fiom sevcr.i' counties 
 In the fifth Congressional district, now rcprc- 
 
 M.VINF..— In the Ci////ifr/;i(2(/ district of tlii^ 
 State, t!ie admimstiition party are so conscious 
 of tlitir weakiiess, that they have declined nom- 
 iiuling a candidate in opposition to the Hon ./. 
 Jinricn-im, tiie Jackson democrtuic candidate, and 
 one of the most <k'ci<lcdsupporters o! the "Far- 
 mer" in the lust Congress. 'Ihis district chooses 
 one of the fifiy-t)ne electors, wlrch by common 
 consent are givento Mr. Adams. No one thing is 
 more certain tb.an that James C Churchill, thft 
 Jackson clecter, will receive a JUHJority of the 
 votes of the freemen of this district. The Con- 
 jjressiona! election takes place on the Sth of Sep~ 
 ti-mbcr. We invite the Adauismeu to this sign. 
 ".Ve tliink it will undeceive them as tothc hopf. 
 cfreceivingthc undivided vote of New-Liiglaiid 
 fur tiieir idol. — .'biff^ 
 
 Wliat a fuss wus made about Mr. Kandolph's 
 V. earing, (is was soiiJ, one day, a hunting dress, 
 lie wiis crazy, the coalition part thought, al- 
 lliough they were obliged to say, as Polonius 
 did of ILamlet's madness, •' if this be madness, 
 there's mOThod in it." Sup])Osc Mr. Bandolph 
 on a Sabbath day, should have ridden from 
 Providence through the cuifntry, with a short, 
 jacket on arnia jorkey cap, what wo\ild people 
 
 h'^VC s:<id •'.'' ■■]'■ — p,'-'.>ii ,VV,//'> w/r-r, 
 
UNITED STATES^ TEhEG'RAFK—Mxlra,- 
 
 This paper will be devoted exclusively to the Presidential Election, and be published weeJcly 
 iMtil the 15lh of October next, for One Dollar^ subject to newspapei' postsg^ stiti M otojv..' 
 
 BY GREEN fy JAR VIS. 
 
 VOL. 1. 
 
 WASHINGTON, SEPTEMBER 6, 1S2S. 
 
 No. 2^ 
 
 LETTER IX. 
 
 Th John Sergeant, Manuel Eyre, J,mvrmce Lew- 
 is, C. C. Diddle, awJ Joeeph P. Norr-'s, Es- 
 quires — Authors of an address adopted at the 
 administriftion tovyn rr^eting of iheTth July. 
 
 Although, gentlemen, you profess to depre- 
 cate every I'-ng calculated to "exci':c and 
 agi^te — to silence the calm voice oT reason and 
 truth, by btirrin^ up tli\Tiultuou3 feelings," and 
 suspicions, weiiHvo never read nn address, bear- 
 ing s^ich internal evidence as yours does, that 
 you rely upon excitement, agitation, and sus- 
 picion, as your ablest agents. We are, indeed, 
 constrained to sa}-, that there is not novelty in 
 the matter, or in the manner of your address — 
 it barely echoes the surmises and the insinua- 
 tions a thousand tiroes uttered before, by those 
 alamists, who, being destitute of arguments to 
 convince men, resoit to such teiTors, as mischiev- 
 ous nurses invent to silence children. 
 
 You insinuate, that the friends of Gen. Jack- 
 son contend, that the only road through which 
 the pre«;idency should be reached, is the field of 
 battle; but you have not h.ad the goodness to 
 name a single person, who has ever had the 
 audacity to advocate, or the folly to suggest 
 such a doctrine. You labor to instil into the 
 public mind, that the friends of Genera! Jackson 
 consider the sword alone suflicicot to open the 
 door to the highest civil office in the republic; 
 btit you canno'i point out one man, so destitute 
 of patriotism and common sense, as to entertain 
 such a sentiment. What do you consider such 
 conduct as this? Is it manly, liberal, just' Is 
 it not exactly sucli a course of excitement, 
 alarm, and intimidation, as you pretend to cen- 
 sure, as the ge.nuine characteristics of faction? 
 
 But, although you will not venture to meet 
 our appeal to you, to name a single person who 
 .advocates any of the doctrines whicli you insin- 
 \iate all the friends of Gen. Jackson profess; 
 perhaps you will say, that onr support of Gen. 
 Jackson shov;s that such are our opinions. If 
 such shall be said, the quesHou will arise, whe- 
 tlicr Gen. Jackson has or has not qHalif.cations 
 besides those of a military character. You as- 
 sert that he has not, and we aver that he has- 
 
 How is this point to be decided^ Surely, not 
 by your assertions, nor bj^ om?, but by facts; 
 yet, -we in vain look for facts in your address; 
 you favor the public with assertions and infer- 
 enccionly. Thus, you assert, that Gen. Jack- 
 son retired soon, and without distinction, from 
 every civil employment which h* filled; but tho 
 force of this remark depends not merely upon 
 the meaning of the v.'ords ''soon" and "distinc- 
 tion," but on the motives of his conduct, whici) 
 }ou cannot know. Gen. .luck.son was district 
 .ittorney of the United States, for about seven 
 years, and then resigned — w.-^s that ''soon '" 
 Gen. Jackson c^fcuted, with skdl and integrity, 
 the duties of eveiy station wliich he filled — no 
 complaint wis ever made against him — was not 
 '.his serving with ♦'distinction?" or docs your 
 /"stimate of distinction ejnbrace the c'l.aractcrij- 
 tics of "PW'-iling orators" only? Your asscr.- 
 '.;on, at least, admits, that Gen, Jackson held 
 
 many civil offices, and of course he wasde<.-med 
 quaiiried by tlHwe who appointed him; it is of 
 no consequence, therefore, how long he held 
 appointments, his tenure oi'offic^ deper.ded o.a 
 his own pleasure. Far from inipaijri;^^" our con« 
 fidence in Gen. Jackson, wlia^. ; v: -issert on 
 this point increases it^you bring forcibly 'o our 
 recollection, that Gen. Jackson has not sought 
 offices, but that he has betn always solicited to- 
 hold thera — that, hkc W.^shington, he ha.^usua'- 
 ly served his country when called on, but has 
 resigned and re'ired to his farm when the ne- 
 cessity for liis service ceased ! Such conduct as 
 this is most remarkably dift'erent from that of 
 your favorite, we confess; it is for the people to 
 say, which couise of conduct they prefer. Mr- 
 Adams has been in office' about forty years — has 
 he ever resigned or declined an office ? Far from 
 it : he has gathered the emoluments of office 
 with a most greedy hand. Nor has Mr. Clay 
 been more modest — yes, he did on one occasion 
 resign the Speaker's chair to promiote his pri-^ 
 vate interests as a member of the bar. <i«n. 
 Jackson, however, never deserted a post, from 
 mercenarj' views — nor has he ever drawn money 
 from the pockets of the people, a.'* Mr. AdamP" 
 has done, for services never performed! 
 
 Such, tlicn, g'cntleoien, i.s jour evidence o€ 
 Gen. Jackson's want of civil qualific;\tions: do 
 you think it conclusive ? Or do you imagine 
 that the American people are incapable of see 
 ing the fallacy of such proofs? 
 
 Conscious of )'0ur weakness, on this poinV 
 however, you introduce a doctrine, to the na-- 
 ture and tendency of which we anxiously call 
 the public attention. In order to show, that 
 Gen. Jackson has no qualifications hut tJios& 
 of a militaiy kind, you describe the qualifica- 
 tions, which, you say, everyone should posse.'ssv 
 who is proposed for the presidency: The most 
 essential of those qualifications, in your opinion,, 
 is, ''an experience, or knowledge of public, 
 affairs, foreign and domestic;" and you say, tha*: 
 the only assurance, that an individual has such 
 qualifications, is, " the reputation obtained by 
 long and I'aithful services of a similar kind!" 
 
 Such is your doctrine — it does not surprise UT,- 
 as it accord-? wiUi tlic arislocr.atic charactori.stks 
 of your atttlress, in other respects. What i;* 
 this doctrine'' [t is what Mr. Clay once most bit' 
 terly denounced; it is what he now most sturdily 
 upliolds — cabinet succession! No man, you sayv 
 ought to be president, who is hot "a tried anil 
 apju-ovcd statesman," — who lias not an exten- 
 sive knowledge of public a'jair.s foreign and 
 domestic: .\nd no man, yon say, can have that 
 knowledge, w!io has not had long and faithful 
 service of a simil.ir kind: can any thing be plain- 
 er' No man shall bs president, who has not' 
 been in the ministry at home or abroad! 
 
 This, geiitlemcti, is the principle which yo;;' 
 <!esire to sec CEtahiislied: it in, no doubt^ \ei'y 
 •convenient to those who make a busine.w of 
 ambition, lial it is utterly at variance with th-ft" 
 genius of oin" institutions; and, we wi!>h wecouItL 
 say— with the practice undortheni; but unhappi- 
 ly , the people have in tliis case great tfauae fo" 
 
4{)il 
 
 Sifcll'rcjn'dacii i tiiey sanciioneu a most perni- 
 cious e.\anlj)le; they at andimcd principle foj-cx- 
 PedJcncyi tliey tolerated an abuse yesterday, 
 to-day it is a precedent, and to-morrow it will be 
 law, unless thepeoplcprotestagainstlhe fraud. 
 
 Did you intend, g-entlemcn, to go so tar i" Did 
 yfiu. suppose you \rere noi merely advocatinjf 
 the election of Mr. Adams, but that of .Mr. Clay 
 as Fiis successor— and not even the succession of 
 ^Tr. Clay, but t^at of Mr Clay's Secretary > 
 Your party was accustomed to taunt us repub- 
 jtcans, as Napoleou passed from first consul to 
 Pbnsul for life — and from consul for life to Em- 
 peror; ridiculi n.t?, asyyurpnrty did, the notion 
 of the durability of a republic! the doctrines, 
 ^^hich you now openly avow, are in accordance 
 ■■.vith old nentiments; and yet, g-entlenien, you 
 talk of dang-er to our'mstitutions from a "niili- 
 taF\' chieftain!" 
 
 It is most fortiinalc that selfishness andambi- 
 
 1 ion usually betray themselves: tlie people have 
 
 now one more incentive to action, and are in- 
 
 Hebted to you, gentlemen, foritsdevelopemeiit. 
 
 liesaeetfuiJy, yours, Sec. 
 
 .TOSEPH WORRELL, 
 \TILLL\M DUNCAN, 
 AVILLLVM BOYD, 
 yiKNRY TOLAKD, 
 •lOHN "WURTS, 
 WU.LLVM .7. DUANK, 
 WILLIAM J. LEIPER, 
 r,H A RLES S. COXE, 
 THOMAS M. PETTIT, 
 Ooraiailteeof Correspondence for Philadelphia, 
 appointed by the Rcpviblican Clonvention, 
 assembled at liarrisl>urg-, .Tanuarvyth, 18-8. 
 Ajiigus{ 12tii, 1828. 
 
 LETTER X, 
 
 7o John 'Scr^e,2ntf M(tnuclEijre, Laicrcncc Lav- 
 f", C C. Biddtc, and Joseph P. Norris, Esqrs. 
 dtiihors of an address adopt td of. I he adminis- 
 tration town meeting of the 7th July. 
 
 \vEXTi,r,MK.v : Tlie question, that v;e are con- 
 >sidering, is, whether Gen. Jackson has, of has 
 njot, qual'iications, besides those of a military 
 kJnd — ^j'ou say lie has not, and we aver that he 
 has. To prove his unfitness for the presidency, 
 Ajou Insist, that ionjj and useful service ofa simi- 
 lar kiiul is indi: pensable, and that Clcn. Jackson 
 ^as had no such service — on the contrary, you 
 *«ay, ho has not held civil otliccs Ion;;-, or with 
 distinction — this is the subbtuncc of your asser- 
 tions. "We have already sliown Uie pernicio.is 
 tendency of your succession argument; we shall 
 now "expose its fallacy, and sliow the stations 
 C^en Jacka-on has filled, and what has been the 
 cliiracter that he has established. 
 
 At wlut period, since the era of indcpend- 
 ■encc, were high qualifications mfist neccssasv' 
 Was it not, when the heaving- of the pohtical 
 waves still told that the storm of the res olu- 
 ^ion was scarcely over? What is not, when the 
 light of the constitution scarcely begfan to dis- 
 T>e4 the gloom of the confederacy > \S as it not 
 •vhen the national bark for the tir--t time floated 
 uponthe sea of experiment > If sucii wx*? the 
 crisis, most pregnant with event?, and most pro- 
 ductive of anxiety, whom did the people taiie 
 as theh-pllot' Where were tiien thojc cabinet 
 lired miiuster", who, alone, you say, have t'ne rc- 
 tils't>^ il-ialiticitio.is ' AVr, •;.; \v':r - \\v- iTi' n 
 
 ■who Bad been aJiibassadxsrs to kings, and v, i:o 
 had found their w-ay through tl»e labyrkiths rA' 
 diplomacy t Fraiiklin existed — be was ocre of 
 the glories ofthe age in which he lived — Ive was 
 as profoundly versed in public affairs, as he was 
 distinguished in the walks of science and litera- 
 tiu-e — he Mas remarkable for an intimate know- 
 ledge of human nature, and a capacity to apply hi.s 
 various acquirements to t!ie affairs of States, as 
 well as those of individuals — h" hud revKlercd the 
 most signal service?, in the hight st civil dcjiart- 
 meiits — yet, in preference to this pra'riot, states- 
 man, philosopher and s.age, the AnKTicnn peo- 
 ple selected ''amere soldier" as therr Prc«>i<lent! 
 You tell the people, that they shotdd imitates 
 the example of the hcroefi and sages of tlie re- 
 volution, and you sjiy that tliey were competent 
 to decide upon tlie qualificxi- ions of a candidate 
 — what, then, was their dcc:dion> They wei'c 
 almost all living in 1789, all were active in that 
 tr\ ing period, and of all me^i they preferred 
 ■Washington, whose prominent metit was his 
 success as a military commander — he had not 
 had the advantages ofa classlcid education — he 
 had never filled any civil station whatever — ho 
 Iiad barely acquired a knowietige of surveying"? 
 of farming, and of " the trade ofa soldier" — he 
 had never trodden upon a foreign soil — yet to 
 him the eyes and the hearts of t!ie people turn- 
 ed as their favorite. Will you, gertlcmcn, pre- 
 tend, that if Washington had not been " a milf- 
 tary chiefta-n," such would have been tLc re- 
 sidt? Can you aver that Washington had any 
 ofthe civil qualifications which you now say are 
 essential, and n.it to be acquired witttout long;- 
 ser\'ice ofa simdar kind' 
 
 Fortuniielv, Washlngttm himself decbred tlrc 
 truth: on the' oOth April, 1739, on tuklng the 
 oath of office as t'resident, alter expressing his 
 rel'.ictance at being culled from his farm, the 
 a'n lum ol'his declining years, ho said: " On th« 
 other hand, the mognitvide and difficulty of this 
 trust, to which the voice of my countr}- called 
 mc, being sufBcicnt to awaken, in the wii»est 
 and most experienced of her citizens, a distrust- 
 ful scrutiny into his qualificatior>s, co^ild not 
 but overwhelm with <lespundencc, one, who 
 inhcrliingmferior endowm nts from nature, and 
 un praetincd in the duties of civil adininifJraiion,. 
 ought !o be peculiarly oonscious of his own de- 
 ficiencies. In this conflict of emotions, all I 
 dare yver is, that it has been my faithful study 
 to collect mj- duty Irom a just appreciation of 
 csery ciroumstiwice by wlucli it might be af- 
 fected. 
 
 Such was the avowal of the individual, chosen 
 the fir.'it President ot this republic, a pei-son un- 
 pr.ictised in the duties of civil administration — ft 
 f:ict w.'ll knov.'n at the time to the people, as 
 the reply of thcU* rqiresentativcs in Congress 
 dccl.ired: 
 
 " You have long," said they, «' held the first 
 ]]Taoe in the people's esteem: you have often re- 
 ceived tokens of tlxeir aflection: you now pos- 
 sess the only proof that remained of their g^nz- 
 t if tide for your patil vertices. " 
 
 What past services ^ not those of a cabinet 
 minister — not those of an amb;i.'5sailor — not 
 those of *• a triecf'and approved statesman" — 
 not services of a civil kind, butllmse of "a sol- 
 dier" 
 
 W:is the republic disapjwiiited ' Was Wash - 
 i:ip-'i>ii '''."I'l'l irnoin'ietcnt ' If he wos compt' 
 
1U3 
 
 "ient iit sucU a oiisis, UiUy Hiioaiti r.vit viieneral 
 .Tacksan be competent iiowi" Our iustitutions 
 and oirr credit ai'e?now establtslied — 0<iT charac- 
 ter is higii in the estimation of tbe w^orld — our 
 citizens have not made tj^reater advances in 
 plumbers tban in intelligence — a President has 
 Several milfions of men, from \vhom to select 
 able counsellors — the people hold the purse 
 ^nd the sword in their ov.n hands: why, then, 
 should they distrust Genei-al Jackson? has he 
 ^\«er deceived them? in M-hat instance did aselt^ 
 iBh spirit guide him' v/liei'e has he ever acted, 
 Ijut for liJs country? what proofs of frtness did 
 Washington give prior to X7S9 ? he answers 
 liimself, none of a civil kind: what proofe has 
 Jackson given? his history proves, tht-t, besides 
 tliat given by Washington, he has ffiven raany 
 that Washington never gave. Wasiiinglon wa3 
 " a saccessful niilitaiy chief" — Jackson never 
 flailed to triumph over his country's eneniies. 
 Washington, before his elevation to the Pre- 
 sidency, never executed a civil trust — Jack- 
 son has executed nearly all the civil trusts in 
 he pov/er of the people or tiie government to 
 confer. 
 
 You perceive, then, (^entleinon, tiiat experi- 
 -ence proves the fallacy of your doctrine of suc- 
 v^ession, that no one shon'd be President, who 
 Jiad not been in the political ministry : and we 
 now proceed to show that Gen. Jackson has 
 ■other quaMcations, besides those of a niilitaiy 
 kind. 
 
 1. Gen. Jackson received a classical ednca- 
 Uan: was this no advantage? Some of your as- 
 sociates think it an indispensable requisite, for 
 public trust or private station. 
 
 2. He had, like rrankliu, to establish his 
 name, without the patronage of a single relative 
 or friend: if he had not had talents and virtues, 
 v/ouldhe not have n mained in obscui'lty ? Could 
 be have arrived at hrs present celebrity without 
 Ihem? How many in half a century have risen 
 over all impediments as he has done? How 
 ■;nany of his assailants could imitate his example? 
 
 .). In his 20th year, lie was admitted to the 
 bar, and leaving his niitivetStatc, South Caroli- 
 na, went to Nashville, to establish a character 
 and earn an independence amongst straagei-s. 
 Did this not evince strength of mind and talents ? 
 
 4. Such was tl;e reputation, whicli he esta- 
 blished, that, upon the organizationoftiie terri- 
 tory of the United b'iates south of t'lc Oliio 
 (now called Tennessee,) in 5Iay, 1790, Wash- 
 jpgtoii appointed hiin iJistrict Attorney,* a sta- 
 tion which Andrew Jackson held until elected 
 to serve in 1796, in the conveiuion for forming 
 a constitution for Tennessee: Was this no proof 
 of fitness for civil trusts? 
 
 5. In his 30th year he was chosen a memljer 
 hf the con\-ention for forming a constitution for 
 Tennessee: what stronger token could apeople 
 give of their sense of liis integrity and abilities? 
 
 6. At the same age he was elected a member 
 of Congress of the IJnitcd States; was not this 
 an evidence of good chanictcrand qualifications 
 for civil stations? 
 
 7. In his 31st year, he was elected to repre- 
 •sent Tennessee in the Senate of the United 
 t>lates, the most distinguished body of this, or 
 perhaps any country : what could more clearly 
 show a fitness for high ti-usts? 
 
 8. The next station v>hich he filled was 
 
 Hce: he held it I'qr ^^everai yeais: did Ihiaevinca 
 no civil qualiiicatidns ? 
 
 9. Having acquired a moderalfc estate; h(i. 
 retired from public life, and became a Tennes. 
 see farmer: what a contrast witli his rival '. 
 
 10. Whc'ii Congress authorized the cm* 
 ployment of volunteers to defend their ccuntiy, 
 in the last war, Andrew Jackson left his farm» 
 and appealed to his neighbours and cotliUry:. 
 men ; 2500 of them phced themsidv.s at his 
 disposal: what stronger proof of his patriotisni-r-' 
 what higher evidence of the attaclimcnt of hii 
 countryrasn — need be given ' 
 
 11 Afterhehad vanquished Ihr, cnnfedr.rated 
 Indians, and their more saviige allies, lie con- 
 cluded several important trei.ties with the form- 
 er, under the direction of government, not on- 
 ly to its satisfaction, but in a manner that com- 
 manded the gratitude of llie conquered tribes: — 
 are these no tokens of merit ? 
 
 12. He was appointed governor of Florida., 
 a station requiring the exercise of civil as well 
 as military qualifications: was not this a proof 
 that he possessed them ? 
 
 13. He was offered, by ^Ir. Monroe, a seat 
 in tlie Cabinet, as Secretary at War;, but he de- 
 clined it; was this no evidenc; of his talents — • 
 no proof of his being free fi-om selfiislv qr apit).i- 
 tions views? 
 
 14. Mr. Jlonrce a:sked him to proficSil to 
 Mexico, as Ambassador of the UnitefJ,S3'atts: — 
 was this no proof of his having the qvialiTfcatioiTS 
 of a statesman ? he refused to accept the sialia!\ 
 because he thought tliis republic ought nat to 
 sanction the milifciry usurp:ition of Iturbide, 
 by sending a minister to his court — waij this 
 such conduct as would distinguish a man, dis- 
 posed to become himself an usurper >' 
 
 Such, gentlemen, are fourteen facfe, ncJt 
 
 assertions: inive tliey no infiuwice upoij the 
 question before us' do they not contradict you', 
 wlien you say that Andrew Jackson has military 
 merits only? do they not support us, when w-u 
 sa}-, that he has quaiifir:it;ons from natuiv, edu- 
 cation, and experience, competent to the exe- 
 cution of the duties uf President? Axe not yout 
 partisans constantly boasting, that your candi- 
 date had the confidence of Wasliington and 
 other Presidents? if their confidence is a proof 
 of Mr. Adams's merits, v.hy shall i\ot the confi- 
 dence and applause of ^Vashington, Adams, ' 
 Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, and John Quinoy 
 Adams lujnsclf, he oroofs of General .Tacksan"-> 
 merits' 
 
 1 . Prcsitkrnl \> A ■-•!; i \r,Tor apijointcd And'.'i'y'' 
 Jackson to a high civil (rust, which he hcW for 
 nearly six years. 
 
 2. President Jonv AnAMii, in 1820 declare^', 
 th:it he hail been attentive to tlie character and 
 actions of Gen. Jackson — that he cortsidcred 
 him one of the greatest military characters that 
 North Amc;!ca had produced — that he was x 
 GHKAT MAX, to whom We were all deeply in- 
 debted, and whose bust ho would preserve as a 
 precious monument, for the contemplation o.t' 
 his, Mr. Adams's, posterity. 
 
 3. President Jv.FFKnsny declared, tliat An- 
 drew Jackson was an undeviating i-ATBtor, 
 whom he ranked with Washington, rrankfui. 
 &.C. — that he was a clear-headed, strong-mind • 
 cd man, with more of the Romaa in him than 
 aiiv man living. 
 
'U)4 
 
 \hc iipHiiinff e|ecUon, " fi'pni a recollection of 
 '*the relation in ■ahich he stood to Gen. Jack- 
 " son, whilst President, and of the proofs given 
 " h\ni of the estimation in which he v as held." 
 
 5. President MoirnoE said, '« my friendship 
 " fbr Gen. .T^ckson, and the strong- proofs of 
 "confidence tmd regaH ! hav; ^ivor, uirs 
 '• whilst Presidert, forbid my failing any part 
 »'* against him at lit- ensuing election." 
 
 6. President J. Q. Adams said, Gen. Jackson 
 " jusUy enjoys, in an eminent degr<^c, the pub- 
 lib favor : of his worth, talent? and services, no 
 jpne entertains a higher, or more respectful 
 QginiOQ, tljan myself" — " liis whole carctT .las 
 been aignali^^d by the purest inteiitions, and 
 ilie most elevated purposes, and lilr rtiTJces to 
 tRis nation entitle him to its highest rewards." 
 
 . . . .llere, gentlemen, are six move fach; not 
 nsserttans — have the^e no influence upon the 
 mtestion before us ' Is all that the s'.x Preai- 
 tWnts fta\e said and done false and croneous ? 
 Do you admit the competency of your own 
 tandidate, to decide, whether a man is or is not 
 w-ortliy of the Presitlency. If you admit his 
 c.ompetcncy, what becomes of all the slanders 
 ■upon Gen. .lackson — and your own objections ? 
 'John Q.. Adams declari^s that Andrew Jackson 
 deserves the highest rewards that Kui country 
 «;an bestow — 'what is the highest reward ^ Sure- 
 ly tTiovicpy station to which you modestly de- 
 clare he lias no claim. 
 
 R<!adover again, we entreat you, the address 
 \vhich you have signed: read especially this 
 >.tntence : " we are cor.strained It say, that, if 
 " his conduct in olHce siiould correspond 
 " with any known part of his conduct m 
 '• life, public or pwvatc, there •a no ground 
 *^ to hope that he would be governed by 
 '< any respect forthe constitution, the laws, 
 '• or the rights of his fellow-ciL'z^ns " 
 ... .This, gentlemen, is your solemn asscr- 
 li'bn in the face of tlie world ; woidd not a stran- 
 ger sjippofce that you allude to some high-w.iy 
 rtobber ? Would any one suppose, that the 
 ■man, whom you thus most indecently abuse, is the 
 same }>cfsoii whose character is written, not on 
 l\' by the hands of all ourPrc.sidvmts, but in the 
 h'eatts of a grateful people ! Shame — sh.ame, 
 ^'^po;l the viie passions that could dictate such a 
 Wbdi ! 
 
 \V)un^v Sec. 
 
 JOSEPH WORRF.LI., 
 WILLIAM DUNCAN, 
 WILLIAM ROYD, 
 HENRY roLANI), 
 JOHN AVIIRT/-, 
 WILLIAM J. I»UANE, 
 WILLIAM J. LLIPER, 
 <J^IARLES S. COXE, 
 THOMAS M. PETTIT, 
 Loiio/utief iij Uorresfondeiicefor fhiladc'phla, 
 ejijpoinhd by the llcpuhlicun Convent iov, as- 
 temblcdat tJarrhburg, Jan. Sth, 1828. 
 .Iiigust U(/i, 1828. 
 
 •. . . ."Toh.ivebeenrewardiHl, forthcsepub- 
 
 "t'lC services and others, by a commission 
 
 '"•.signed by W.H.shington, who never pat- 
 
 " ronizcd the undeserving, is a substantial 
 
 ' rcconimciMlation." 
 
 <iU.h war. the language of Mr. C. J- IngersoU, 
 
 it n, meeting of the bar of Philadelplua, August 
 
 "}, M'28-, cRllfed to p:n' a last tribute of respect 
 
 to the memory of tlie late Judge Peters. "VVas>ii' 
 ington never patronized the undeserving." 
 
 The following is the form of the commission- 
 given by Washington, to Andrew Jackson: We 
 are not sure that tlie date is correct, but we be- 
 lieve it is so, and equally con-ect in all other par- 
 *irii!ai."!: The district soutli of the Oluo, was or- 
 ganized underact of Congress, of -vlayiS, 1790: 
 Andrew J^ciison was appointed under it — 
 
 " Geoige WashinjTton, President f f the United 
 
 States of America : 
 To all who siva'l s-e these p; esents, gi-eeting — 
 
 " Know ye, that :*eposing speciiU trust and 
 confidence, in the in^t jtitj , ability, and lea -lUng 
 of Andrew Jaclison, cf Nashville, in (be territc- 
 i-y of the United Sistei,, south of the Ohio, I 
 liave nominated, and bv and with the, advice and 
 consent of tlic Senate, do appoint him attorney 
 of the said United States for the district of dit 
 said United States south of the river Ohio: and 
 d') authorize and empower him to execute and 
 fulfil the duties of that office accord.ng to law; 
 and to have and hold the same, together with 
 al! the power, privileges, and emoluments there- 
 to of right apperbiining, unto him the said An- 
 drew Jackson, during the pleasure of the Presi- 
 dent of the U. S. forthe time being: In testi- 
 mony whereof I i^ave caused these letters to be 
 made patent, and tiie seal of the United States 
 to be hereto affixed. 
 
 Given jn-'er my iiand, at the City of New- 
 York, the twelfto diiv of August, in the year of 
 our Lord, one thousand seven hundred and nine- 
 
 ty- 
 
 [t. s.] (Signed) G. WASHINGTON. 
 
 LETTBH X[. 
 
 To John Seraecnf^ Mrmud Syre, Laurrence Lew- 
 
 M, C C Buldis, aidJo^rpiil'. Nmris, Exjr.o. 
 
 JitUhnr-i of rm idd^rusni'mtcd at the admims- 
 
 tralion iatva meeting of the 7th July. 
 
 GuNTLEMEN : At the mectuig, which adopt- 
 ed your address, many correct obsf rvation.s 
 were nnade by Mr. Hepkinson: " To think free- 
 ly, to act freely, and ti» dksriiss freely," said he, 
 "are essentia! lights of repubhcanisin — but 
 tl«;y must be exercised with a kind, liberal, 
 and acccramc'datiiig spirit:" Yet this judicious 
 counsel was jc^uctly givcrij when you present- 
 ed your uddre.s.s containing this assertion : — 
 
 "AV«r are constrained to say, and we .say it 
 with reluctance, thai, if his (Gen- Jack- 
 son's) conduct in oflice should correspond 
 v/Ilh any known pai-t of his conduct in life, 
 ptiblic or private, there is no ground to 
 hope, that he. would be governed by any 
 Respect for the constitution, the laws, or 
 the riglits oK his follow citizens." 
 
 Is tj\is in a kind, liberal, or accommodating 
 spirit ^ Could malignity itself clotlie abuse in 
 any terras so well c.ilculated, as these arc, to 
 e/igend^r hatred and suspicion' — You .say, you 
 reluctantly uferer this prohcription, and seem to 
 think that your reluctance qualifies or excuses 
 irn indecency; but the very reverse is the case; 
 niMch th;;t is .'»aid, dtu-ing the excitement of a 
 popuhir ass?m^^y, siiould be forgotten and for- 
 given at Its di.ssolution; hut reluctance show.": 
 that yoii deliberated, and therefore no palliation, 
 exists. 
 
 That you ought 'to ha^'e been reluctant, who 
 can doubt? for you aver, that Gen. JacfcBon had 
 
406 
 
 Lvate iii'e and public career, violated vcjieiuie the avua u-holought their batUes,at»V 
 •A\e cojistitutlon, the law, and the rights of his materially contributed to the happiness of tlrtTi? 
 
 .: his privj 
 
 iellcw citizens, so often, that even hope of re- country— nothing,^ is more natural, than tnaJ 
 
 formation is extinct!— To make such a charge they should consider his enemy, as)nsomemea-^ 
 
 as tlus, every man ought indeed to be reluctant, sure theii- own. To operate upon the fe^e.uip ot 
 
 because he maybe required to prove it; and the people, therefore, you have made the above 
 
 iiecause such a charge cannot bat be regarded assertion, and the inq.uiry, that fiFst pres«yjts 
 
 for, of whom is itself, ii— whether this aascrtmi is true" " e 
 
 us an insult to a whole people 
 this pjctui-e given? a person old enough to be 
 the wther oi any of lus traducers — a man lion- 
 01«d with the confidence of all our Presidents 
 —a man, whom no public body, coui't, or jury, 
 §as ever censured — a man wtio .vas never fined 
 But o;ice, and then, like Aristides, for bein,^ 
 
 cannot hesitate, one. moment, in asserting, thaV 
 it is noi — it is not only unfounded <n itself, but 
 there is a suppreasion of truths, whicli, if pre- 
 sented to the public, wouki have shown ita no- 
 posture. 
 
 \% for ijistance, you had dhai-gi^d Gen. Wasli- 
 tme to hi-i country—a man, who encountered m^iXi witli shedding AmericAn blood m seve_- 
 " ^yar, pe.-«tilence, twid famine" to guard our ra) ins^unces, and had said no more, you woulO. 
 naked fro..Ut:-s, whilst tlie mass of his slandr r- uave treated him exactly as you have treatea 
 ers were resting on beds ot down— a man, who, Ron. Jack-;on— it would have been true, tliat. 
 •without patronage or fuinih, has raised himself Gen. Washingtonhad caused Amencan blooct to 
 from obscunty to the high^t place in the hearts be shed, but the further truth should have becTj 
 of his countrymen! " told, that the blood shed was that of tnutors 
 
 Such is the Individual, whom you denounce mutineer aiid deserters— and tluis ^all ottmii> 
 with a bitternet-s, '.bat no criminal judge would would have been prevented. So t.iav, even w 
 indulge in whr.n sentencing- the most hardened fame of Washington might thus be blasteu, b.^ 
 afF<mder! What mast the world think of a peft- the suppression of the facts material to an imn- 
 ple, who h'lve not only permitted an uniform est exposition. ^ ^ 
 
 %-iolator of all that is sacred, to go unpunlsried, Is such a course as this " K-md or »'»®™r 
 6ut have conferred upon him the higliest trusts. Is it consistent with the habits ot.o'iv c-ommu.u-, 
 £or nearly forty years?- or, what must they ty> Is it honorable to yoursdvcs or .o inc caus.- 
 think of vou, "if they prefer the testimony of which you espouse' 
 
 the country to your imputations? American;! glory m the n-vme.>; !.; .tu.m iia. - 
 
 Upon that contrast alone, we might rest the coct, Samuel Adams, and Edmrnicl i e«<^ " ..' 
 
 question- whether your representation is true —the two first were proscnbed by Jie uuu^n 
 
 or not; but, we prefer an open exposition.; we 
 ilssire tiiat no doubt may exist of our ability, 
 or inclination, to prove tlsat the estimate of 
 ©en. Jaoltson's character, formed by his coun- 
 tiy, is correct, and tluit your description of it 
 is baseless — that his country hiis been just and 
 ggneroiw, but that you are cruel and ungrateful . 
 Ilere, at tiie threshold, however, we are 
 stopped by your own default: yea have made 
 one of the most serious chai'ges ever preferred, 
 and yet you have not stjitcd a S'Ugle instance, 
 jh the private hfe of Gen. Jackson, of any want 
 of integrity, or of any outrige on constitution, 
 law, or llie rights of hb-. fellow citizt^ as. You 
 content yourselves witli a aeries ot us.-.ertions, 
 cullea from a catuioj^jue of purchased cjilumnics. 
 
 miuistiT, at the diiwnof the revolution, and the; 
 Litter was one of the most distinguished whigt. 
 of Vii-ginia. What would you have said, it, on 
 the death of such eminent men, Andrew Jack- 
 sun had voted against paying to their memories 
 ♦' the cheap tribute of crape" for tlurty days" 
 iJight you not, then, have some apo.ogy 1 JV as 
 serting, that he recorded his hostuity to then- 
 venerated names> If such a vote ought to de- 
 .n-ade him m the eves of his countrymen, wnat 
 di- vou think of your own candidate? ItNN-as 
 not'A'idrew Jackson, of Tennessee, but J. Q. 
 Adams, of Massachusetts, who thus vecorde I 
 bis i.ostilily to Samuel Adams and Edmund 1 cn- 
 
 ILid the vote of Andrew Jacksan to which 
 
 such 
 
 gjyen a vote at variance v/itti iepu!;li;;an princi- 
 plfts' has he ever detitmcd the cointiy, from 
 which he was at the time d».-riving honor and 
 eradament ? has he eve- been an apostate for 
 ^^ce — a common informer for promotion' Let 
 its se^; v/hat are his offences' no^jody will 
 
 but h'sown rarhest bent factor 
 
 kVhat, ilvn, is the fomulation oi'your cnargcr 
 
 i>..r. Washington h-iving delivPreJ an adr'res.ii 
 
 to Congre.Hs. a reply on the pan of Uu- House q1 
 
 J{epveseniutivcs was prepared by Mr. l-ishcv 
 
 Aine:i-this reply, instead of bcmg a.>eral and 
 
 ^ factii us and insulting to many o\ 
 
 doubt your z-.-al in exposing them: wk^t, then, patn-tic, way ,..,„„ ,l>e jinestion 
 
 are they? You refer to three po-iods only in his the members of the ""^'"^^"P"^ \\^.;! " Ar" 
 
 politicrd career: 1-in 1706. as a member of whether such ^ '^"-T X «'!"^1^^,,^' ..\^ ^'\\^'^'^ ."l,^ 
 
 ■ - - _.^,i,i .ii-fw Jai-.kson recorded his opposition, y us iiirs. 
 
 hostllitv to W:.;;hingtoii? If it was.thcn tin- wlugs 
 of I'eimsylvanJa were hostile to him, and th(y 
 included men, respect fcr who.ic memory ought 
 
 Oongress: 2— in 181.5, at New Orl ;ans: 
 aubsequently, in the Seminole vai-. 
 
 1. xVs to the first: «» Ainericans," you say, 
 
 *' gloiy in the name of Wa.shingt'>n. General .mv-.v^.w 'v, . e- . i n„,.,.t.ol i .,.l-«»n 
 
 "» Jackson has recordedhis hostility to that ven- to have protected their friend ^^"^■''^ /j'^'^!""'- 
 
 "eraled name."* ut least from your censure! Yes, it is true. 
 
 The design of this assertion is palpable-no- that so early as 1790, Amlrew Jackson w;« .. 
 
 thing Is more naturaUhauth.t Am-' -V...'-! M,. .nnv^ r uiks with Jefle-on. Ch,ftot>. Ung 
 
iOb 
 
 floii, Mixcu)), Giles, Monvuc, Smtlic, \ enable, 
 l)uval, Butler, Mason, Wliitehill, and otJicr dis- 
 tinguished republicans — and it i» true, that then 
 :ind by them was coronieiiced the opposition 
 (not to Washington, but to an aristocratic far- 
 lion) whtcVi ended in the banishment of Mr. 
 John Adams to liraiutree ! Is this a crime, in 
 The eyes of republicans? No doubt it is in yours, 
 iCentlemcu, for your princii>lcs are aristocratic ; 
 but it c;innot be in theirs ; o.n the contrary, you 
 have placed in a new light this early claim 
 w+iicli Andrew Jackson had upon the gratitude 
 of his countrymen. 
 
 Gov. Giles, one of the minority, with whom 
 tlcn. Jackison voted, in a letter dated May 5, 
 1828,. gives a faithful history of the vo'e, to 
 Vhichyou object: 'SV!r. Ames," says lie, "might 
 * ' without diflicuUvjhave obtained an unanimous 
 " and heart); vote, in ftivor of his answer (to Gen, 
 " Washing'ton's addres.">) if his sole object had 
 '*' been the plaudits of Gen. TVashingto^y how- 
 *'' ever highly wrought or extravagant — but this 
 " would not content liim or his parly: the iiu- 
 '■' mihation of their political antagonists seemed 
 •' to be tlie most acceptable portion of his uu- 
 " hallowed incense: Jlr. Ames made tlie most 
 '■'artful an'? cutting thrusts at them v/hich the 
 "occasion invited." 
 
 Thus we see that tlie republicans, including 
 Gen. Jackson, v^•ould have heartily and uiiani- 
 riiously recoiled praise and gratitude to Wash- 
 ii>gton, but that would not suit Mr. Ames and his 
 party : and who was Mr. Ames, and wha 
 \yere the principles of his party ^ 
 
 *' It is in the nature of white birch slakes," 
 sriid Mr. Ames, " to fail in two years : and 
 " A nv.riBLir wears out its morals, almost 
 '■* as sonn as the sap ofa wliite birch rots the 
 '■' woo<l.'' — M'oTks of Fisher Jimes — p. 514. 
 
 -■ <")ur countiy is too big for union — too sor- 
 " dill for patriotism — too democratic for 
 '• liberty."— 6a;a/:— p. 48:5.1 
 
 -•Our disease is demoqi-acy: it is not the skin 
 "that festers, our very bones arc carious, 
 '•and tlicir marrow bhukens with gan- 
 '■' grcnc."— iSt///ic. 
 
 Such were the sentiments cii" Mi-. Ames, tlie 
 l)f; tended friend of Washington: but what were 
 •J'c prbiciples of Washington?" 
 
 ■ Accustom yo'ur.seljVC3,".saidIie, "to//,i«A-aiid 
 ■ • sueuh of your union as the palladium of 
 *,'youT poHtical safety and prosperity." 
 " is there a doubt whether a common gov- 
 "ernmenlx:an embrace so large asplierc? 
 • ' — let experience .solve it;to li.steii to spec- 
 '• lilation in sucli a c.<se were criminar' 
 " Juterwovcn as is the love of liljerty with 
 "cverj" ligament of your hearts, no recom- 
 •• mendalloir of mine is neceiigarr to fortify 
 ''' or conf.rm the att:ichmerit.' 
 W'.iijch, gcntli-men, do you pro.'e.'^s, the doc- 
 IvincsofMr. Ames, or tho-ic of (ien. Washing- 
 ton' ,}f the latter, can yoti be .'ourprised, that the 
 lepjiblican parly, including Gen. Jackson, rc- 
 I'uscd to .sane '.ion an address, penned by Mr. 
 .Xmei— an address, not approbatory of Washing- 
 ton, but masking the lioslility lA' .Mr. Ames to 
 the true friends of the Union? With wh:it truth, 
 theh, do you assert tl»at Gen. Jackson was hos- 
 tile to Gen. Wa.shington! is it not maniiest that 
 it Was Mr. Ames, wlio was in principle hoslile 
 to him * have not the party, to which you bef-ing', 
 
 sy.slematicaily acted in direct Loaliiify to Gov ■ 
 Washington's farewell address? 
 
 . . . .The conduct of Gen. Jackson, at New 
 Orleans, which, collectively, will form animper 
 ishublc monument, not only to his own fame, 
 l)ut to the glory oi'liis country, has been, ne- 
 veitheless, tl;e fi'uilful topic for defamation. 
 I'he people, and tlicir representatives, havepas- 
 sed upon it, and by both the gratitude, due to 
 patriotic devotion, has been added to the hon- 
 ors conferred on military skill. 
 
 Is not this true? And, as you know it is, is it 
 not an ample reply to your reproaches? Or 
 have you tlie vanity to suppose, that a garbled 
 statement, nwde imiler factious excitement, is 
 to outv.'eigh thedetails which ah-eady cunstitutcv 
 grave history'? 
 
 You asBLit, that Gen. Jackson turned th& le- 
 gi.slat .re out of doors, but you err in s.iyinge^^n 
 tliat: it is a mi.stake, he simply caused a suspen- 
 sion t>f delibevatio;.3 ? — And why did he adopi 
 ti\£! course? because the legislature proposed to 
 surren-ic/ to tlie enemy a city, wn. ,': it was the 
 duty of Gen. Jackson t'> defend: \»i-'4id yjti, 
 gentlemen, have surrender-Nl the city? If no', 
 then you must approve of the only : nurse by 
 v.liichthat calamity could have been averted. 
 
 You assert, that of ter peace, ivas hnoion to have 
 lieen mudc, Ckm. Jackson fettered tiie press, 
 imprisoned a judge, arrested a patriotic mem- 
 ber of t!ie legislature, &.C. but you surely do 
 not mean to say, that this, or any part of this^ 
 was done, after the existence of peace was 
 known at New Orlmns .' Y'our Lingiuige ia 
 ambiguous: it seems to have been designed to 
 convey an impression, that this was done by 
 Gen. .lackson, after he knew that peace exist- 
 ed—but we are uuv, -Lling to attribute to you a 
 design, that would disgrace the vilest of thti 
 many vile slanderers of General Jacks-on- you 
 cannot nie.in to say, that General Jackson knew 
 that peace existed, because such an assertion 
 would be inconsistent with truth: What, then, 
 are the f:icts ? Gen. Jackson was responsibh; 
 lor the fate of New Orleans, and had declared 
 martiallaw — if he had not done so, New Or- 
 leans would beenbetra}ed by spies and traitors 
 and the conscquDnces need not be described, 
 if martial law was an indispensable measure,, 
 then it became the dutj' of the General to sec 
 tliat it was not a dead letter; to see tlwt even 
 judges and legislators should not betray their 
 country! The defence is, therefore, brief, .15 it 
 lias hitherto betn triumphant. 
 
 Uu>, gentlemen, if Gen. Jackson re.ally did, 
 and you s.iy he did, commit such outrages upon 
 <■ institution, law, and personal rights, is it not 
 mcrveilous, that tt»e Congress of the Union, 
 whilst the events were fre.sh in memory, in th • 
 session of If 15, passed resolutions of thank.'?, 
 and voted gold medals, to himj- — Nay, gvntJc- 
 nie/i, we will bring ihe matter stili cIosit to 
 youiMclves: you know that every member of 
 C(jngres5 swears to support the constitution; 
 you know that a member, who has a knowhuigc 
 tliat a public ofllci-r violated the constitution an'l 
 the law,:ind yet omits to call him to account,ishim- 
 self guilty of a breach of trust. Let us then apply 
 these fiicts to one of yourselves, Mr- John Scr- 
 <;-cant: he was in Congress, perhaps earlier tli*n, 
 but certainly in la^; all the acts done at N Oi-- 
 loans in 1H15 werethcn as well knownasthey are 
 )iow, what r»re wt- to think of a Ronrc??r.tat"ivc. 
 
407 
 
 vkliO then (iV^'laakeU tjje uutrages whicli his 
 pen now describes in such appalling' colors '— 
 i3id Mr. Sergeant neo:lect his country ibcn, or 
 is his present alarm factitiousi? Is it true, that, 
 ■with a knowlcdg-e of tlio existence of peace. 
 Gen. Jackson did trample on constitution, li'^', 
 and personal libt-rty-and if it irs, \vl\y did not V}r._ 
 Serg-eant calL for inquiry a!id for punishmpnt? 
 And if Mr. Scrg'eiint did not call for inqu'ry, 
 as he was bound by the most sacred obligations 
 to do, is it not conclusi'.e fbat, in 18iS, he di<l 
 not b-Jieve thai uny such outrages had been 
 committed? Ard if he did not then believe so, 
 b»>'V hsis tiie onviction to the contrary been 
 since producsed? No, gentlemen, allow us to 
 say, without ineaning- disrespect, that you act 
 under fcxpiteiaeiit — you write under excitement 
 — and it is not in voir power to convince an m ■ 
 telhgent peopl-, of the fairness of representa- 
 tions, in whicii, in moments of reflection, you 
 -cannot yourselves confide. 
 
 The third branch of your censure shidl be no- 
 ticed in our next letter. 
 Tours^ S;c. 
 
 JOSEPH WORllELL, 
 "WILLIAM DV'N'CAN, 
 WILLIAM BOYD, 
 HENPA' TOLAND, 
 
 JOHN wuirrs, 
 
 VriLLIAM .1. DUANB. 
 WILLIAM .1. LKiPF.ll, 
 CHARLEo :•). COXK, 
 THOMAS M. PETTIT, 
 
 .Committee of Correspondence for Plilla- 
 delpliia, appointed by the Itepublican 
 Convention, assembled at Hrarisburg', 
 Jan. 8th, 1828. 
 August 15tb, 1828. 
 
 * Tliere are not, in Pennsylvania, two more 
 violent opposers of Gen. Jackson, than Messrs. 
 Abner Lacock and Jonatluin Roberts the 
 
 thrown up iox tha profcecliPU oj, Nevi" or^au*. 
 and thereby obtaining a moH signal vittpry 
 over the enemv, with a disparity of loss, oi\liiS 
 part, UNEXAMPLED IN MILITAIU A-N 
 
 NALS. , , w * M 
 
 " Resolved, That the President of the LniteC. 
 States be requested to cause to be struck, a 
 Coid Medail, with devices emblematical oJ this 
 splendid achievement, and presented to Major 
 General Jackson, m ate^iniony ofthehi^.istn^s 
 entertained by Comrr.ss of hi, JUDICIOUS a«c/ 
 distir^iilihcd conduct on tfmt numorabk „'-c.as,on 
 '^Resolvrd, That the President of the Umteu 
 Bta*.=s be requested to cause the fcref^omgreso' 
 lution»tobe communicated to MAJOH-Oh.N- 
 ERAL JACKSON, in such terms as he ra«y 
 deem best calculated to give eflect to the (TO- 
 jects thereof." 
 
 LETTER XII. 
 
 To John Sergeant, Manuel Eyre 
 
 journal of the United Stat's Senate, of January, 
 1819, records their hostility to the venerated 
 name of Washington in these terms — on a mo- 
 tion to carry into eifect a resolution of Congress, 
 of August?, 1/83, for erecting a statue to Wash- 
 ington, the YEAS were 30, the txxys 6, including 
 in this lank minority Messrs. Lacock and Ro- 
 Irerts!! 
 
 j The following resolutions will be foiind 
 among the laws of the United States, adopted 
 in Pebruary, 1815. 
 
 " Revived, By the Senate and House of Rep- 
 resentatives of the United States of America, 
 ■n Congress a.ssembled. That the thanks of Con- 
 jiT^iSS, be, and ihe\ are Ik reby given to MA- 
 JOR-GENEilAL .fACIvSON, and through him, 
 to tlie officers and soldiers of the regular ariny, 
 of the militia, and of the volunteers under his 
 command, the greater proportion of which 
 troops cousistfd of miliUa and voluntcer.i, sud- 
 denly collected together, for tlieir cvifohm 
 f.Ai.LA-Tiir and GOOD CONDUCT, rar».>73/cM. 
 oiislu dLontoyed n^rainut Hit enemy, F^JO.M THE 
 TIME OF Ills LANDING 15EFOUR NEW- 
 ORLEANS, UNTIL IDS FIKAL EXPUL- 
 SION TIIEKEFROM: and ji'rri'cuL-rhj for their 
 vjilor, skill, and'^ood condad on tiu- fif^hik of 
 Januarij last, in re|>ulsing, with great slaughter, 
 ,-i nu-mcroii8 Britl.'^/i army of rhos-n veteran 
 tPOOps, when attemT)ting, by a bold :.nd daring 
 attafck to carrv by storm, the works hastdy 
 
 Lm;Ten{\': 
 Lewis, C. C. Biddle, and Joseph P- Mn • 
 i:s.juir^^, Authors of an «'^*^"^^«f f '^f ^ f' 
 .Idniinislration tomi rueelmg of the 7th 'fM-^-. 
 
 G.>-TLK.rKN : In the speech of Mr. Ilopkn;;, 
 son. to which, in our l=^st letter, Nve took th. 
 fiedom to refer, that ^^^-^^-"^V^S^^.: 
 ]y .said, that the sense ot the V^«P .^/^ "f^^^ 
 b^e ascertained from " the ^'^^^^--^Pf ^^^^^^'^^ ^ 
 es of self-died, meetings, ^f ^^^^ '^.7JJ:;,^,'J!^■ 
 uer■lte harangues of inflamed and s\v elk. ^ou, 
 inf^ I would, mdeed, be a blot upon the re- 
 putation of Philadelphia, if any V-^^^\^- 
 
 Lnmunity ^^ ^^^:r::::^u 
 :;::x;iti^;'^4-mbi..cetoui. 
 
 act; of our citizens, cahidv executeu th^u tlu. 
 
 haran.mes to which Mr. '^-lfXi^^'S,^:, 
 do to the exalted fcehngs of tne pi^pte «. 
 
 even vou, gentlemen, take, in y'^f "" ,| 
 
 your address ? you were =^PP"'"^ ^ "'^,^ ^^^ 
 spot to report an address ; your chairman. Mw 
 Sn.geant,^ produced one ^^'^^'^^J^ 
 which nonL of you, -.vs a <;«'^^"^f.',f^ 'iVincil 
 even considered ; in the haste ^^^^^^^^f^^^^^ 
 dent to the meeting, the address ^* as- leaa y 
 
 dent to me meeuiii^, ...iv. c — .-• , .u^e^j, 
 vou, or perhaps not read at all j ^^^^'^ ^J^f^'^^t'- 
 ception of vour chairman, vou had no sort ov 
 
 consider the nature o 
 
 f the: 
 
 opportunity to i.<.....>.vi^. "— _ ",.•,„, yotl 
 charges made in it ; but,- rely.r.g on h m. > J ^ 
 acreed to report the instrument as youi dcW 
 
 •eport me i-isnui-.v...- — ^ 
 
 e?at. act! 'The -^1<---11^ ^ -^ ^ JeP 
 adopted in mass the harangue of > ^ "^^^f ^^.^ 
 a„thor! aud thus gave the word ^^^^^^ 
 mo-.t OToss prod.ictions that the intcmpti 
 ance ot'ai.y faction h-.s ever ^■^"cUotied. 
 
 Is such-a course consi.stent with >'<^ ™;^j^^. 
 ter of Philadelphia > Is it such as, ^« P'^ j^ 
 l,f.«, anv of you would venture to P>"-^''^^^ ,V 
 
 ...one of vou, even the cha ruun hunseU 
 who would charge any fellow-c.-.-^en w'thvvan- 
 tonandd.r.hcrare murder. > l"^")" "^ y^.^j- 
 heved that any murder.s had been commatcd. 
 woul.i you not consider it a solemn duty to pui 
 
 sue the oftlndcr ? , • •. .u., vmi ins- 
 
 Upon what principle, then, .s.t hat you jns 
 tiiV I<,ur doing as pohticians wha you ^ould 
 „„t ;iire, m- what you would blush to do. as pv^ 
 vate me; > ^Vould you not feel yo^^^^l^'"^^. 
 awkw:u-d predicc..iner.t, if -- ailed upon to su^ 
 
K)vS 
 
 '■><ttt!iU-'i'* lic.ivj.'c u jun, Uio loui <j,iuic.s yvxi \m^ 
 3liUe to (icn. Jarkscii before the public ' But, 
 j^C'ntJemcn, you fancy that you are safe, because 
 conscious innocence is a yhicld sufHciently am- 
 ^to pi'Otect Gen. Jackson from a11 aspersions, 
 because liis country has already refused to cen- 
 sure him, and you really were not aware of tlie 
 extent of your own denunciation — is it not so ? 
 
 Per our own purt, wc entirely acquit all of 
 .vou, except your chairman, of responsibility 
 iT)r youT addrcuc ; ue do not believe that, your 
 t.liairman excepted, any of you understood its 
 ^eal cnavkcte», and wc siiaJl be able to show 
 ^hatyour cLairman hinigelf, either did not be- 
 jievc what he lias now, when inflamed, writ- 
 i>;n, or that if he did believe it, he has most 
 ^■o&sly abused tlie confidence placed in hira by 
 iTiis district. 
 
 The third branch of yom- address embraces 
 occurrences bubsequent to tlie peace of 1815, 
 ^"n the Indian and Spaiiiah settlements. You 
 iire not, indeed, as precise as men writing- on a 
 solemn subject, and appearing before tiie [mb- 
 iic, ought to be. You do not mention dates, 
 places ov persons ; but in sweeping terms, you 
 assert that Gen. Jackson has looked upoii blood 
 ■and carnage with coinposui-e, if not enjoyment; 
 •and that he has eaj^-crly caught at evei-y oppor- 
 tonity to shed American blood, w ithoui any au- 
 thority but arbitrary power ! This picture, 
 •you must confess, could not have had a hijjjher 
 colouring : history does not pre*ent a ruffian 
 Avhose propensities were more atrocious than 
 those attributed to Gen. Jackson i Such of 
 •you, genth-men, as really desire to be esteem- 
 ed and beloved, as good and intelligent men, 
 cannot but feel some "compunctions visitings," 
 :isyou look upon tiie hideous object, which an 
 inflamed temperament has thus seduced you to 
 'Itjrcsent to the public ej'es ! At lea,"!! you ought 
 TO have inquired — and compared— rand given 
 /acts and evidence -, but you disdain the pcr- 
 fornsancc of such duties, ai^d offer bare asser- 
 tions ! 
 
 •Xow, you must be aware that it is utterly ira- 
 2>ossible for us to meet a .sweeping allegation, 
 except by a positive dciiial of it.s truth. If you 
 iiad given dates, names, and places, we would 
 have entered upon the inquiry ; but there is 
 viot a man in the penitcntiaiy who would not 
 "iislly consider himself injured atid abused, if 
 you had ajjplicd to him the terras which yoti 
 vecklessly employ against a patriot who stands 
 liighett in the hearts of his co':nti-\Tnen. We 
 fling back, then, all such imputations as foul 
 suid slanderous. 
 
 . . . .AVhen Gen. Jackson had defeated, on the 
 .^^in (if Orleans, the best -inpoiiilcvl army ever 
 'embodied in America — when his r,v,n :irmy, un- 
 jjijercd, saw the rerLntnt of tlieir eneiniei in 
 ^iso'der and flight, and soujjhl topu)«ur them, 
 what was ihe cond'ict of (ien. .'ackscn * Did 
 lie, '-vlio you say, enjoys the sight of blood, 
 llicn assent to tho wh-iifs of h^s troops ? Did 
 Lo desire, in ptu-suit of military renown, to 
 daughter the fugitives of a panic-snicken ene- 
 my } A^'hat commander, all circumstances con- 
 i-idered, wouhl have Checked his own and his 
 .army's thirst for still greater results ? iar from 
 indulging any such vain-gloiious and cruel in- 
 clinations, he forbade all pursuit — and by doing 
 so, he incurred the resentment and dispJoftsurc 
 of some of his ^^\•n afd^nt tixjop.s. 
 
 ^^ c. iifxl see Iniu ciiteriiig upwi u ciiiupaigli 
 ;tg(iinst the ruthless Indians who give no quar- 
 tjfl' — and their more cruel allies who aroused all 
 their ferocious passions. Instead of suffering 
 his troops to obey the law of retaliation, he thus, 
 in h'rs orders to them, inculcates the soundest 
 principles of humanity and di.'xlpline: — 
 
 "How shall a war," said Gene^l Jackson, 
 " so long forborne, and so loudly called for by 
 retributive justice, be waged ' Shall we imi- 
 tate the example of our enemies, in the disorder 
 of trieii movements, and savagcn'.-ss of their dis- 
 positions ? Is it worthy of the character of 
 American soldiers, who take arms to redress 
 the wrongs of an iryur-.-d covmtry, to assume 
 no bette." model than trat fiirni.shed them by 
 barbarians' No! fellow-soldiers — gi'eat as arc the 
 gcievariced that have called us from cur homes, 
 we must not permit disorderly passions to tar- 
 nish tlie reputation we sliall can*}' al.jng with us; 
 wc must and will be victohou-s — but we must 
 conquer hs men, who owe nothing to chance; 
 and who, in the midst of victorj', can still be 
 mindful of what is due to hununity " 
 
 Let us not, however, appeal to the public 
 addresses of Gen. Jackson to hit troojw, empha- 
 tic as they are. Let us inquire what his coun- 
 try thought of iiis acts when t!iey were fl-esh in 
 memory, and closely scrutinized. Let us see 
 what your own candidate, Mr. J. Q. Ajiams 
 said; M'hat w.as the solemn conviction of 
 Thomas Jkffkuson, whom you, gentlemen, 
 joined in eulogizing — and what were the con- 
 duct and opinions of your own chalrmait. 111'. 
 John Skkgeaxt. 
 
 Tiiere seems to be some excuse for the Span- 
 ish Mhiistersandthe British journalists who cen- 
 sured the conduct of Genei al Jackson in the war 
 in the Indian and Florida settlements — but it is 
 difhcult to make an}' sort of apology for those 
 Americans, who have exceeded all foreign 
 agwits and journalists, in the abuse of tlieir own 
 officers and government. Fortiinately for the 
 reputation of the country, Gen. Jackson's con- 
 duct has been subjected to every ordeal calcu- 
 lated to expose fciiminality or proclaim inno- 
 cence — with the reputation of his country', Geii. 
 Jackson's has esc.aped unhurt, and to no cham- 
 pion is he mora indebted than to your own can- 
 di.late, Mr. J. Q. Adams — that gentleman, in an 
 otRclal letter to our minister ai the court of 
 Spain, said: 
 
 «' In passing unnoticed this and other iiivec- 
 "lives agai.ist an officer (Gen. Jackson), 
 " whose nerficex to this nation tntifle Mia tu 
 " iht.'r Kia;fi.(s* rewardx, <md whose whole cu- 
 " rccr htm bf.zn aignahzed hy ihe purest »n- 
 ' ' teii!ioii», and the moat eUvjfcd wtrpmcn, 
 "I wish to he understootl as abstaining 
 " from observations, which, however 
 "jus»ifie«l by the occasion, could bat add 
 <«to the unplj:is:int.-.es3 of the dfscus' 
 " sion." 
 Again — -Mr Adams said. . . . 
 " Rut the President will neither inflict pun' 
 " ishment, nor pass censure upon Generu' 
 " Jackson, for that conduct, the motives oi 
 " which were founded in Xhc pared patrial- 
 '- ism; of the neitssiti/ for which he had the 
 " most immediate and cflcctual means of 
 "forming a judgment; and the vindication 
 " of which is written in every pagt of 
 
i$^i 
 
 **■ tUE lav. s ot' iiatioiio, as \. cil as the tirst 
 <* law of nature, self-defence."* 
 To the testimony of Mr. Adams, we add 
 hat of Mr. Jefferson: 
 *' Thomas jBFFEHSoy returns his thanks to 
 '* General Jackson, for the copy he has 
 " been s© ijood as to send him, of the vim- 
 "'dication of the proceedings in the Sc- 
 " niinoie war. If doubts of those proceed- 
 " ing^ have existed in candid minds, this 
 *• able vindication can scarcely fail to re- 
 •' move them. In addition to what had 
 '•been laid before tlje pubLc, it brings 
 ** fbrvvard some ne\r views, and new facts 
 *• of great weight. On the wiiole, he c;in- 
 " not doubt, but that the gratitude of h s 
 " couftti^', for fonier achievemerits, will 
 *• be fortified by those new pi"oofs of the 
 *' salutary enegies of thcii* great benefactor. 
 •'He salutes the General witi assurances 
 " of his conslaii.t and affectionate attach- 
 "mentand higli respect." 
 "Nov. 1820." 
 It is notj however, upon the testimony of Mr. 
 Jefferson, given in his retir^^ment, or on that of 
 Mr. Adams, as Secretary of State, that we 
 need rely: we have the soiemn decision o*" the 
 House of Representatives U. S., of which one 
 of you, gentlemen, (Mr. John Sergeant,) was 
 at the time a member. In January and Feb- 
 ruarj', 1819, all the great questions, upon which 
 you now ?eek to agitate the pubhc mind, were 
 fully discussed — at that time i*ll the information 
 now had, was ful'y possessed — let us, then, see 
 ■what the grand council of the nation deter- 
 mined. 
 
 After a deb.ite, that continued for a month, 
 January, 1819, the following resolutions were 
 thus decided upon in Committee of the Whole 
 } louse: 
 
 1 . " Resolved, That the House of Represen- 
 tatives of the United States disapproves the 
 proceedings in the trial and execution of Alex- 
 ander Arbuthnot and Robert C. Ambrister — 
 
 For this resolution 54 
 
 Against it 90 
 
 2. " Nesohed, Tiiat the Committee on Mili- 
 tary Afiairs be j sistmcted to prepare and report 
 a bill to this House, pi-ohibiting in time of peace, 
 or in the time of war, with any Indian iribe or 
 ujbes only, the execution of any captive, taken 
 by the army of the U. S. witnout the approba- 
 tion of such execution by the President — 
 
 For this resolution 57 
 
 Against it 98 
 
 3. " /iesolocd, Tljat the late seizure of the 
 Spanish forts of FensHCola and St. Ciirlos <!e 
 Baitinca:, m West Florida, by the army of the 
 U. 6. was contrary to the con:ititution of the 
 United States. 
 
 For tlus resolution fi5 
 
 Against it 91 
 
 And when the subject was finally disponed 
 of, oo the 8».h of Febmary, 18 19, the several 
 q estiou-s were thus detcnnined: 
 
 For disapproving of the trial and execution 
 of Alexander Arbuthnot: 
 
 Ayes. . . .62, 
 
 Noes ...108 — inchiding Mr. John Srrgeant. 
 
 For disapproving of the trial j.nd execution of 
 R. C. Ambrister: 
 
 Ayes 63 
 
 Noes, v .10/' — including Mr. John Sergeant. 
 
 Mr..^obb theii ollerect tliis reioiuuon — 
 "Resolved, That this house disapprove of tlic 
 " capture and occupation of Pensacola and the 
 
 • It is remarkable, that, whilst the pai-tisans 
 of Mr. Adams now condemn the acts of retri- 
 butive justice, performed by Gen. Jackson up- 
 on the domestic and foreign savages, who deso- 
 lated our fror:tlerb, they keep entirely out of 
 sight the memorable fact, that Mr. Adorns cool- 
 ly, in hi^lowet., dinended every r,nc of them: in 
 one of his letters to our minister in Sr-ain, Mr. 
 Adams enu.'icratod some of tiie utrKsifies, now 
 wholly kept out o'{ vi.'W by his friends, and 
 quaintly asked, wiiether such laota were not 
 Rv.fH'jient to coc'i the sympatfiiea t.xciced in be- 
 hjilf of siAch monstere as he descr-bes ' 
 
 " The Spanish government is not at this day 
 to be informed, that, cruel as war in »t» mildest 
 forms must br, it is, and necessarily must be, 
 doubly cruel when wa^-; i with sa\'igee; that 
 savages make no prisoiiers but to torture them; 
 that ihey give no quaiters; that they put to 
 death, without discrimination of age or sex. 
 That these ordinary characteristics of Indian 
 welfare, have i)een applicable, in thfir most 
 he;irt-sickening hon-ors, to that war left us by 
 Nicholis, as his legacy, re; nsti gated by Wood- 
 bine, Arbuthnot, and Ambiistcr, and stimula- 
 ted by the :i.pprobation, encouragement, and 
 aid of tlie Spanish comman^lant at St. Marks, is 
 proof required ? Entreat the Spanish Minister 
 of State, for a moment, to overcome the feel- 
 ings, which details like these must excite, and 
 to reflect, if possibk, with composure upon the 
 facts stated in the following extracts, from the 
 documents encloeed: 
 
 Letter from sailir.g- master Jaiiiie Loofcis to 
 Commodore Daniel f. Patterson, 13th August, 
 1316, reporting the destruction of the negro 
 fort: 
 
 •'On examluing the prisoners, they stated that 
 Edward Dmiels, O. S. who was made pnsonei- 
 in t!ie boat, on the 17th July, was tarred and 
 burnt alive." 
 
 Letter Irom Archibald Clarke to General 
 Gaines, 26th February, 1817. (Message. V. 
 U. S. to Congress, 25tU .March, 1318, p. 9.) 
 
 "On tlie 24ih inst. the house of Mr. Garrel, 
 residing in the upper part of this county, ne.ir 
 the boundiu-y of Wat ne county, (Geoi-gia,) was 
 attacked during his absence, near the middle ot 
 tKe dav, by this j>arty [of Indians,] consisting of 
 about 'fifteen, who'shat Mrs G.iirrt in two 
 places, and then despatclu-d lier by stabbing and 
 scalping H;r two chddrcn, one about three 
 years, tlic oth^rtwo mondus, wert; alsomui-der- 
 ed, and die eldest ?v.-!i>ed ; and the house was 
 tbiT. phindered of every article of value, and 
 
 set on hrc." 
 
 Letter from P. ter B. Cook, ( Arbuthnot V. 
 clerk,) to Fliza A. Ciirney, at Nansau, dated 
 Siiwahnee, 19th January, 1818, giving an ac- 
 count (if their opinations wit'.i the Indians, 
 against the Americans, and the massacre of 
 Lt. Scott and his party. 
 
 " Tliere was a boat that was taken by the In- 
 dians, tliat h:ul in it tliirty men, seven women, 
 four :,mal! children. There m ere six of the mcr> 
 got clear, and one won>an saved, and all tln- 
 rest got killed. The children were taken by 
 the legs, and thC'- hm"-/: d-.sh.-d n-it ;iraiiist tV, ■ 
 bo;it." 
 
•ilu 
 
 '* lurtress of Barrancas by the army of the U. 
 
 '* S. ajul the establislimciit of a civil govern- 
 
 '■« ment therein vithout the authorIt^• of Con- 
 
 • ' grcss — 
 
 For this resolution 70 
 
 Ag-aindtit. . . .100— including Mr. J. Serg-eant. 
 Thus, after an ardent debate, in whicli all the 
 passions and feelinprs of the members were ap- 
 pealed to, in order to Censure Gen. Jackson— 
 and in the course of which all the acts oi" Gene- 
 ral Jackson, m his campaigns, v/ere referred to 
 —he Wiis tnuraphantly released from all cen- 
 sure, With the full concurrence of Mr. John Ser- 
 geant, himself, acting under the moit solemn 
 obligations! 
 
 To Khow that the charges now ma.le, were 
 then made, it isbarelv necessarv to refer to tlie 
 debates themselves: Mr. IMmca, for instance, 
 said_"lt will requireprettv strong proof to pro- 
 ^ cluce conviction, that Gen. Jackson has inten- 
 tionally done wrong: at his age, crowned with 
 " the honors, and loaded with the gnuitude of 
 •" his country, wJiat adequate motive could in- 
 ♦• duce him to tarnish his glory bv acts of cra- 
 " elty and revenge?" 
 
 No proof was givtn— no conviction of error, 
 much less crime, was produced, and Gen. Jack- 
 son came forth, released from censure by an 
 overwhelming majority! 
 
 Which, then, aie we to believe— 
 
 1- Thomas JefFerson. 
 -'. John Q. Adams. 
 
 o. James Monroe, who, af^er this decision 
 conferred appointments on Gen. Ji^ckson. 
 The U. S. Senate, which coi.firnied those 
 appointments. 
 
 Tne House of Representatives, including 
 Mr. Jolin Sergeant. 
 
 4. 
 5. 
 
 Or 
 
 1. 
 
 Mr. John Serg-canl. 
 Mr. Manuel Eyre. 
 ■''. Mr. L. Lewis.' 
 ■ .Ml-. C. C. Riddle. 
 Ci. Mn J. P. Koii'is, jr. 
 
 is it tobc bilieved. that Mr. Sergeant was ig- 
 norant in 1819> Is it to be credited, th.at he 
 was then <'estltale of patriotism and humanity 
 aho> Was not every fact then known, that is 
 knov>n now ' Was tliere a single act of tk-ncnU 
 Jackson's career, which was not eagerly drag- 
 ged into a protracted and ardent del)atc> !Io\v 
 Iiappcncd it, then, that Mr. Serijcant invariably 
 >oted in fivor f)f (,cn. .lack-.on/'' 
 
 li Gen Jackion hr.d, in the course of Iiis ope- 
 rations, eagfi-ly ca-ighi at tve.r\ opportunity to 
 slied American blood, upon his own arbitrary 
 M-ill, why ilid Mr. Sergeant suppnjt him ? }f 
 Gen Jackson had sho*n a cornj)Osiu-e at blood 
 andcaiiiige, why did Mr. Sei-geant invanal))v 
 :tct uith his fnends in /lis behalf.' 
 
 If it w:ts true, that Gen. Jackson h:id b('cn so 
 prod.-gal of bloiKl, Americi-nbiood. as to slud it 
 with eagerness, and illegally, w'ny did not Mr. 
 Serjeant proclaim tlif; f ^ct to Congress i" Why 
 did he not demand an inquiry ' W by did he not 
 jn-oti-sf aj^iinst an honorable acquiUal.' Why 
 <!id he solemnly record his own voles, in oppo- 
 pi'ion to Mr. Clay and his faction, in favor of that 
 acqulUal' 
 
 'I o theuc questions we make no specfic rc- 
 7jly— that task we leave to a dispassionate pub- 
 I'c, abstaining, as we do. even f:frm thoso com- 
 
 ments which seem to he demanded by respeQ^ 
 for the principles of retributive justice-. 
 Vours, &c. 
 
 JOSEPH WORRELL, 
 WILLIAM DUNCAN, 
 WILLIAM BOYD, 
 HENRY TO LAND, 
 JOHN WURTS, 
 WILLIAM J. DUANF<, 
 WILLIAM J. LEIPEU, 
 CHARLES. 9 COXE, 
 THOMAS M. PETTIT, 
 Committee of of CoiTespondence for Phih" 
 delphia, appointed by the Republicari 
 Convintion, assembled at Barrisburg, 
 Jan. Sth, 1828. 
 August 18th, 18i8. 
 
 LETTER XIU. 
 
 To John Sergeant, Manuel Eyre, Laxurence Leu> 
 is, C. C. Biddle, end Joseph P. Norris, Esqrs. 
 ^utfwrs of an address adopted at the ad/ninis- 
 traiion toxvn meeting of 7ih Juljj, 
 
 GjvNTi-iiMEir : You have incoiporated v.'itli 
 your address, the speech delivered at your meet' 
 ing, by Mr. Hopkin.son, and made it, Itke your 
 address, a fair subject for comment. We pro- 
 pose to notice one part of it, in connexion with 
 your own sentiments on the same topic. 
 
 Ycu attribute the opposition that is made tp 
 Mr. Adams, to a variety of personal considera- 
 tions— byt Mr. Hopkinaon asserts, that the ques- 
 tion doers not turn on the merits or qualifications 
 of candidates; it is, says he, "a struggle be- 
 tween a .southern and northern policy — betweea 
 a man of the north, and one of the south." 
 
 It must be confessed, that the position thus 
 ttiktn, is a very important one — it is an asser- 
 tion, thj^t Mr. Adams is the representative of 
 u hat is called a northern policy; that his friends 
 i^iont are tlic friends of that policy^ that Gen. 
 .Jackson is the re])risei.tativc of a southern poli- 
 cy, and t!u' friends of that policy aj-e his only sup- 
 poit-rs — this, we take it, lathe substance of the 
 position there assumed. 
 
 " One of the expedients of party," said Gen, 
 M'ashiiigton, in his farewell addi*ess> "to ac- 
 quire influeiKC within particular districts, is to 
 misrepresent the opinions and views of other 
 districts." 
 
 We do not attribute to Mr. Hopklnson the 
 design hue referred to — he, no doubt, enter- 
 tain.'t llie opinion that he expresses, crroncoris 
 as it is; and it is because such men do express, 
 such opinions, that it becomes necessary to show 
 th-?ir CTror. Although such is the case, in re- 
 lation to Mr. Ilojikiiison, we can make nd snch 
 a'.lowar.ce for many others — we have no doubt 
 tiiat the aims of the people ol tl%e south are 
 grossly misrepresented in Pennsylvawia, for the 
 purpose of acquiring influcnco there, produc- 
 ing tiiose jealousies and heart-burnings whicb 
 \Vashingtfin so pathetically depreoites. Patri- 
 ots and men of sen.so would have seen, as Mr. 
 llopkinson did, in the late ebullitions in the 
 south, nottiing but a momentary fceling; but 
 you, gciulenicn, under excitement, attribute 
 ihcui to nothingjiess than treason! 
 
 It ;;])pe:u-sto u3tT> be a fallacy, to say^ that 
 Mr. Adams is the representative of a policy 
 which he has never h:vd the manliness to recom- 
 TTiP'.^l; nrthat Gcrn. J'nckspn li cftrnpsed to <\ 
 
Ill 
 
 poliy whicli he iias upheld by; lus vote and p::efcrciice ofllie one, Qroljjeotioniolheolne)', 
 
 \\;riUen det^laration— so that, in trulh, if the theyure stnig-g-ling for a Southa-n, or against a 
 
 question befure the people is, as Mr. Hopkinson Nortiiern nolle}-. All who know the capacity 
 
 ifjivs, a mere question of policy, the American of the g^i:ntlcm;in who iirg-es this doctrine^, 
 
 S-ystem> it rs tiie north that^oug-ht to support Gen. niust be coiivir.ced, that, if any facte or argni 
 
 ments to siippoi-tthis position fexisted, he could 
 have produced them : and all, who know his 
 zeal, must admit, that he would Iiave produced 
 ihem: but we in vain seek such authority in his 
 ad, IresG— instead of it, he asks a scries of ques. 
 tiOus, leaving his hearei? to make such replieB,|a3 
 their several dejjT'pes of iuteiligonce, candor, or 
 
 swoi-e, tliat he would faithtvdiy execute whai prejudice, might enable or preinpt them ta - 
 the constitution enjoined. Is the American sys- give. 
 
 Jackson, for his sentiments are avowed. 
 
 The constitution of the United States, 2d ar- 
 ttcle, Sd section, declares that the President of 
 the United States " aknll, from time to lime, re- 
 Ct)mmendtothe ccnsideraiiou of Congress, such 
 measures as he shall joag'e necessary and expe- 
 dient" — and in his oath of office, Mr. Adams 
 
 vtm nece.'isary or expedient'' If it is, wliy has 
 3Mr. Adams refused to rcconwnend iti* He must 
 have violated his duty, if he believed it neces- 
 sary or expedient, and did not recommend — or, 
 jf he refused to recommend it, because he 
 '.Ttemetl it unnecessary, then he is not the friend 
 of the nortliern policy. We sliall be glad, gen 
 
 If, says Rtr. H- it is not a st]-uj;;'gle between 
 the northern and sonthcrn policy, why does 
 Virginia now support , Gen. Jackson, after op- 
 posing him four years ago> v/hy do presses, that 
 then censured, now applaud him' 
 
 A simple answer to these inquiries might be 
 mtde, bv asking, whv "\irginiu and certaui 
 
 demen, if you will enable us to decide,- on preGses, which four years ligo opposed ^ix. aci- 
 
 Nvhich horn of this dilemma yo«r candidate is to ams, should now support him^ if Vu-gm:a aucL 
 
 t)e fixed! certain presses had tiien supported Mr. Adams^ 
 
 No such dilemma exists in the case of Gen. it might well be asked, what had produced tha 
 
 Jackson. When he came to act upon his oath, change ; but, astlu-y have been coniistent c/i op- 
 
 shun the question as Mr. Adams dkl vonfhn to Mr. Adr.ms, we are at a loss to con- 
 
 he did not 1 
 
 The father of the tariff of 1824, Mr. Henry ceive why tliev should be rebuked. 
 
 Ualdwin, thus speaks on this subiect: Or, is it pretended, that, because men 
 
 " We supnort as oar candidate the man, who, e>,ange, their motives must there.ore be un- 
 
 ih every cmeigencv, risked his life for his coun- worthy ' if this is insisted upon, v.-hat are we tu 
 
 try, ana who, a.sregarding all considerations of think of Mr. Clay ' who, with or without cliai- 
 
 loc.il popularitx", took iils stand in tlie south, in acter, in the South, ever assiulcd ^en. JaCkson, 
 
 favor of ike Jtmcnca.1 Sydem, and with th.e as bitterly as Mr. Clay assailed Mr Adams lu 
 
 'same firmness with which he had often foiled t!ie West? who flung at Gen. .lacicson, such a 
 
 '''Heaven smiled uppn, and gave us libtrly Do yoii; ps-alcmen, 1^"^'^^ "» P'"^^"':"' '\'''^; t 
 
 " iiT\d ivdcpendeiicc. The same Providence four yetrss^c, covered Mr. A<Jam> \vn.n \uig. i 
 
 "has blessed usj with the nmiua nf national opprob'.iu"^* that now eulogize hiin : 
 
 ^^indq)crulm(X and national defence. If wc the question, in each case o ctiange, i ^ 
 
 ■'omit, or refuse to u.se the gifts which yie what were ihc wf/.'/fcsof the purties. amwc- 
 
 »v has extended to us. we deserve not tlie co ding to this ruie, the southern S'lPP^'^^ ^J 
 
 '• continuation of //w blessings. He has fill- Gen. Jacicson is as hnnorabiy anu maniv . as x le 
 
 "ed our mountains and our plains with mine- suppovtof Mr. Adam*, by his .ormcr ie.uci>> 
 
 t*<n;ls -v/itli Imd, iron rmdotppsr, and given is mean and mercenary. 
 
 ' m war. 
 . .v/lio has written more than Mt. Adams > 
 
 taxation, uiii. "n"-"'> v ' , , ' , i^ o.wl 
 
 C;.n no motives of a natioual, honorable, and 
 
 v;Uois{^)nd<7ofapp^ri^gin'printth:mhcis> personal kind, he assigned for ihe support ot 
 he has even taken the pains to proclaim, that ^^^ •'-;:^"^;';f;^2 have been invariably 
 
 of the" republican narty : their JefiVr.^ons, Mjt 
 
 cons and M(mrots h,ul, at a memonude epocli. 
 
 ard-nt friend in Gen. Jackson. Is it not lu- 
 
 jie iit'>-er will be a five-mason ! and, yet, no 
 !p.an has ever seen an avowal from his ]>en on 
 the subject of a tarifi'! Is it not illusory, then, 
 trt, pretend that he is identified witli it, or with 
 -.\:)v fixevl principle on the subject' 
 
 ' . . .Let us return to the position of Mr. Mop- 
 kaison, and consider it in rcftrc-ice to the 
 Sourh ; in cflect, it is' this— that the South is hn- 
 pcllcd by influences of a sectional character, 
 :md not by pah-iolisui, in its support of Gen. 
 J'utkson: th1it, instead of supporting Gen. Jack- 
 
 tura!, therefore, th.t th.y .should pret.rhnn tu 
 Mr. Adams, whose pJilical principles have at 
 all times been at variance will, 'heir own 
 
 Men of the Soutli are di.s'.ingui: aed to. a 
 patriotism that never calculate., aiKj tor a spu.r 
 that is s<.mewhat chivalrous. What tlicii i. 
 more natural, tlun that they should prefer i. 
 
 Ti, f^r 
 
 .^:r;v::::T '^r-^ZZt gaiiiu^t defVi;.!cr of his muntrv, to a pots., 
 
4i^ 
 
 wiiase -Mza uas beeu oflice iov tlic sake of its 
 v^moluments > They saw Jackson pledq-ing his 
 estate to raise money to defend liis counU-y, at 
 the very moment when Mr. Adaiiis v/as' ex- 
 actjngf fifmi that coiintiy the uttcnnoKt cent, 
 to invest in Riiseian stocks ! They saw Mr. 
 Adams coolly calcukting' in Rurope, the down- 
 f al of his coiintiy ; and, they beheld General 
 Jackson averting the danger, and defesting his 
 couwtry's enemy ! ' They saw Mr. Adanis, in 
 Burope, sai-caKtically scoffing at the miHtia as 
 cowsuyU- an i runaways — and Gen. Jackson gal- 
 lantly ]e<dir.g the militia to triumph over tlie tw- 
 my, which Mr. Adams predicted wotdd cru.'di 
 us at a blow ! 
 
 Men of the South have too much virtue 
 
 ■and pride to enter the political market, to traffic 
 away thc^ rights of their countrymen. Of all 
 the Aincrlcan people, they are the !e-ist «xpwt 
 at iTiHtin^- bargains, from a natural repugnance 
 to what M decepti us : Frr.m the dawn of the 
 revol'.ition to the present diiv, no Judas h•^s been 
 found in their ranks. When the PrcMdency 
 was pet up to the highest hid.le:-, no envo)', 
 " with teai-s in his eyes," was despatched by 
 them to chaffer for olnces — no pledge was a.sk- 
 cd or held by them, as if the agents of the peo- 
 ple "had become swindlers. Is it M'onderful, 
 then, that the men of the South should support 
 Jackson, wi>o preferred tliat the earth should 
 swallow him rather than owe his elevation to 
 corrupt means — ard oppose Mr. Adar.i.s, who 
 succeeded by a double contract of a corrupt 
 <:liaracter ? 
 
 Men of the South are liistinguished for 
 
 sincerity and numly frankness: They know 
 that Mr. Adams has never ventured publicly to 
 advocate a tariff, and that he has been equally 
 cautious not to opiiose it—they cannot recon- 
 cile silenc« on such a topic wiih pubhc duty, or 
 personal honor : Thcv know that Gen. Jackson 
 Noted for the tariff of 1824, and that he disdains 
 to conceal his anxiety for all national advantages : 
 They know that he will not, if President, seek 
 to sacrifice the interests of one quarlei' of the 
 Union to promote those of another, as Mr. Clay 
 had said Mr. Adams did at Ghent. What, then, 
 can be more p.itj-iotic or prudent, than the pre- 
 ference of a national statesman ? 
 
 . . . .Besides, is it not very natural, that men 
 of the South should honor the West, which has 
 alway-s u-eated them with kindess, rather than 
 t\iL. Kost, wliich has alNV ays treated them with 
 ingiatitude and obloquy — 
 
 " For eight years," "says Mr. Mathew Carey, 
 in his Olive Branch, "the most unceabiiig 
 endeavors have been used, to poison llie 
 minds of t! e p'-ople of New-Enghnd to- 
 ward.", and to ak-niate them from, their fil- 
 low-citizc.is of the Soulliern States. The 
 people of the latter section have been 
 portrayed as demons incarnate, and des- 
 titute of all ilie qualities that dignif> or 
 adorn human nature ! Nothing can exceed 
 the violence cf tliose caricatures, some of 
 which would liave suited tlie ferocious in- 
 lubitants of New Zealand, rather than a 
 civi|jz«d or polisljed nation."— p. 253. 
 •'The unholy and demoniac sp.;it that in- 
 spired the writer ofthcabo.e vile libel, 
 
 C -sign^'d Pelham, 1800) has been 
 
 Irom that hour to tlte present incessanily 
 emplovedto excite hostility bet,ween the 
 
 ditierent Ejections oi the Union. To sUcU 
 hoiTible lengths has this spirit been carried, 
 tliat many paragraphs have occasionally ap- 
 peared in the Boston papers, intended and 
 calculated to excite the JiegroeeofthesouUiern 
 States to rt9€ and massacn their masters ! — 
 This will undoubtedly appear incredible 
 to the reader ; it is nevertheless sacredJg 
 trae : It is a species of turpitude and hase- 
 neae, of which die world hw pi>oduccdfew 
 example« !" — p. 254. 
 Mr. Carey t'en procteda to re£tt to official 
 documents to prove tlie relativt commei-cial 
 standing of the Ea&tam State*., in oontntsl mtU 
 fill Southt*o States ; and .lays — 
 
 " I am tired of tliis expobiiroi — I sic^cen for 
 the honor of the human speciee: what idea 
 must the world form (jf the arrogance oi* 
 the prct.'.nsions of one side (Eaiiietn Staftea) 
 and, on the otiser, of the folly and wc-k- 
 naas of the rct>t of the Uiiioa, to have so 
 long suffered them to ptss without expo- 
 sure or detection." 
 " The naked fact is, that the demago=^es in 
 the Eastern States, not SBtisfie.l with de- 
 x'iving all tlie benefits from the Southern 
 States, which they would from so many 
 wealthy coloniee — with maidn^j princely 
 fortunes by tiie carriage and trauspOitation 
 of their bulky and vaJuable productions — 
 and supplying t)\em with their owa tnonu- 
 fectures, ar.d the manufactures and pro- 
 ductions of Europe and the East and West 
 Indies, to an enormous amoiuit, and at an 
 immense profit — have uniformly treated 
 them with outrage, insult and injur//" — jj. 
 269. 
 " I repeat it, and hope the solemn truth will 
 be borne ifi constant remenJirauce, that 
 the Southern States are virtually colonics 
 to those States, whose demagogues have 
 nevey ceased slandering and persecuting 
 them."—/?. 280. 
 .... Such is the pictui*e of the Eastern sec- 
 tion of the Union, drawn by the pencil of Mr. 
 Carey one of your o\\ n present partisans: Is it 
 calculated to attract Southern admiration' Is 
 it surprising that the South refuses to honor 
 tho.se who h:ive treated them so long with inju- 
 ry and insult' Lot it not be said, tiiit cither 
 times or men have, within a few years, trliangcd 
 — the very demagtjguos, who thus reviled the 
 South, who sought to poison the minds of their 
 countrymen, who, according to Mr. Carey, p. 
 252, sought to diwolve tlie Union so long ago 
 as 1790, are now unanimous for Mr. Adamj — 
 v-hilit the i-epubitcan minority ofNew England, 
 always faithful to their country, are opposed to 
 him ! To which does Pennsylvania h-uu ' To 
 the Kastcrn demagogues or to the Union' To 
 the Middle, South and West, or to a faction, 
 that are tMv.nts in power, and disposed to be 
 traitors rothtr tlian n«t rule the Union' 
 
 The people of Pennsylvimia cannot mi.s- 
 
 take the question before them: if the quoi*tion 
 is connected Mith the tavifi', then they have the 
 vote »tid tlie written decl.iratio:v of Gen. Jack- 
 son on one sidaf and the utter iolence of JUr. 
 Adams on the other: But it is not tlic question 
 of a tariff, that is now to be decided; matters of 
 higlier moment are to be settled. We are not 
 inquiring, whether, this or that particular poli- 
 cy is to be pursned — but, whether the conffHu- 
 
41^ 
 
 ;:wii and the Uaitn <u-& ia txi&i,.- loi" it is idle to 
 pretend, that the constitution or the Union can 
 exist, if the people shall sanction the sale of the 
 Presidency in the capitol. Who will not despair 
 of a republic, if the people shall calmly look 
 on, whilst their dearest rights are stated up."!n 
 a political gaming-table, to become the prize of 
 the most desperate dealer in corruption. This 
 is the question, and not local or sectional poli- 
 cy, which is now to be determined; and if it is 
 true, as Mr, Jefferson asserts, that, io preserve 
 the constitution itself, t'le law may on an emer- 
 ^ncy be over leaped, who .« not prepared to 
 make local or perflonsl sacrifices, to preserve 
 that constitution!" It would be a poor consols- 
 tion, to have a twiff, without a constitution, or 
 to nahitaia a local policy without a bund of na- 
 tiona 1 union : but wiih the ComtituUcv. find 
 Union, tve shall jtrcservt till that is dear to man. 
 
 Respectfully, yours, &c. 
 
 JOSEPH WORRELL, 
 WILLIAM DUNCAjST, 
 WILLIAM BOYD, 
 HENRY T-QLAND, 
 JOHN WURTS, 
 WILLIAM J. DUAXE, 
 WILLIAM J. LEIPER, 
 CHARL«S S. COXE, 
 THOMAS. M. PEiriT, 
 Committee of CoiTcspondence for Phila- 
 delphia, appointed by the Republicin 
 Convention, assembled at Harrisburg, 
 Jan. 8th, 1828. 
 
 From the Rochester Daily .Advertiser. 
 
 qUID PRO QUO — THE BAIrGAlNING 
 SYSTEM DEVELOPED. 
 
 MR CLAY -GEN. PORTER— AiVD THE 
 NEW-YORK LEGISLATURE OF 1824. 
 
 The sr.i*prise excited throughout the State by 
 the selection of General Peter B. Porter as 
 Chief of a prominent Department of the Nation- 
 al Government, is a {juavf.ntee that the fjllow 
 ing will meet an attentive and general perusal. 
 'J'he causes of an appointment so sing\il;<j — the 
 services for whicii this dlstinguisiied station is the 
 reward — are delineated, in part, by an individual 
 v,'hose station rendered him familiar with the 
 Jact-s a( the time, and wliose ciiar;icler forbids 
 the supposition that he has wilfully misstated the 
 particulars. 
 
 In connexion with the developments made by 
 Jlr. Kendall of Kentucky — a former confiden- 
 tial friend of Mr. Clay — this statement exhibits, 
 in all their naked deformity, the means unsuc- 
 cessfully pursued by Mr. Clay, throuph his 
 Agents, for bringfing' himself before the House 
 of Representatives aa a candidate for the Presi- 
 dency at the hst elcctinn. The substance of 
 Mr. Kendall's exposition, copied from tlie Al- 
 bany Argus, is submitted to our readers on the 
 first page. To such of them .a?, have not rea(< 
 it — to such asi seek materials for estimating the 
 character of Henry Clay — to such as honestly 
 believe in his political purity — to such, we re- 
 peat, these expositior.s f^hould be fully under- 
 stood. It is not to be supposed that t!ie polili- 
 ciau who could thus scheme and electioneer for 
 himself with tlie Rcpresentative.'i of the People, 
 would shrink from burg^inir;^' with a rival can- 
 
 didate, wken no otiier means wei-e left, to parti- 
 tion that power between thenrselvCT which the 
 People designed for a tiiird person. 
 
 The facts narrated below are such as should 
 command public attention. The system of bar- 
 .i^inand sale, consummated by the K'wt'Presi'icn- 
 tial election, has received less consid-.-ation than 
 it deserves. The transactions in the ^'cw-York 
 Legislature of '24 foiTOno inconsiderable featuro 
 of that system. They are placed in a striking 
 light by the plain, unadorne^l detail, '"•ami.shed 
 by our correspondent. 
 
 It is only ntcLSsarif to refer to Mr Kendall's 
 exposition, co cslabl'sh tht fact rhal Gmeral 
 Porter wof. giiided in all hix twifc-tV^^j^^ far ad~ 
 m->icing Mr. Clip's 'ntcrxts. btj thi plans and 
 itistructimis nf i luiihirrvitlf ! He 'i^s literallv 
 the pi:ppe'c of Mr. Clay, to whose gratitude '.i"o 
 IS ROW iudf^bted foi' the Sccretjiy^h-.p of War. 
 He obeyed the impulse of that calculating po- 
 litician, with a zeal and precision mote credita- 
 ble to his docility than his honor. Tlie 
 abstract of Mr. Kendall's exposition, furnish- 
 ed by the Argns, contains the following pas- 
 sage in relation to this aubject. It will be seen 
 that, in a letter to Mr. Kendall, dated eight 
 mmiths previous io the ch«iee. of electors in thr. 
 state of New-York, Mr. Clay had planned the 
 game tchich was io he pi^ formed by his few 
 ffie-nd^ in the Legislature nf Nno- York! 
 
 We entreat the reader, to attend particul.';rl3- 
 to the terms of Mr. Clay's letter, and compare 
 them wi^h the course of General Portir in the 
 Legislati re of 1824, as detailed by on'- corres- 
 pondent. They ae^rte in every pa:ticiUarf j»nJ. 
 indelibly fix upon Mr. Clay and Gen. Porter the 
 char.sife of bsving' secrdiy conspired to divide^ 
 distract, or divetf the elecicrral vote of the 
 State of Nfw-Yn^k, in any channel whicIi 
 mighf hrsf subserve the ambitious schemes of Mr. 
 Clxy ! 
 
 (Xj^" Look upon this picture.' .TO 
 From the Albanj Argus. 
 " To the people,- of this S*ate, tlie most e.t • 
 traordinary and the most striking of these cor- 
 rupt acts, is the deep game played by Mr. Cla) 
 and his friends in the New York legislatiur- ol 
 1S24. In these scenes of intrigue, no doub^. 
 his present very befitting associate, the Hon, 
 the Secretary at War, fully enacted his part. 
 The fact dsclosed in the letter of Mr- Clav to 
 Mr. Kendall of the 18th of March, 1824, will 
 strike the republicans of New York, at least., 
 witii surprise. In that letter, Mr. Clay — ihn 
 pure, the modest, tlie d'sintercstedi:cst, ihc pal 
 riotie Mr. Clav — calculates thus closely on man 
 .^ging the Electoral Votes of the State of New- 
 York. Vc says: 
 
 "New York continues to be a contested Stat''. 
 My decided opinion is, that it will g-ivc its sup 
 port to Mr. Adams or to me, or perhaps dirvde if 
 between us In timftease, Rlr. Crawford canno' 
 come into the House, M} friends arc confident 
 in the belief, thai, if I enter the Umise .is one of 
 tlie three highest, no matter VMth what asiocialen, 
 I ihnJl be elected. If, contrary to all probabjiity, 
 Mr. Crawford slioiiM obtainthe vote New York, 
 the contcbt for an entry into the Hou.=e will p;o 
 bably be between Jackwn and mc. In Mary 
 land, Delaware, and New Jersey, I have i-eason 
 to count up .some; support. — ^Vithout enterin;, 
 :''^" ''■"'"~'" DarticitJa'' , r- - r pinion is that T'- 
 
Ill 
 
 friends iiav's tVeiy'uipuve loviggicmMurmatliJ, 
 dnd persevering exertion." 
 
 Mark the fad.' liighth months before the 
 vtrte of this Stale was given, Mr. Clay predicts 
 that it ^-WWiQ difvided between hinimlf and Mr, 
 vWaffi«— a result which, owing to thechoiceof 
 electors by the legislature, was deemed by the 
 honest and uninitiated, scarcely p;)ssible, but 
 which nevertheless «f/Ma//y Irnkpluct > Who 
 Avill doubt that Mr. Clny and his agent were ac- 
 tively engtiged, during all the sun,mea', in bar- 
 gaining lor u divi»4f)n of tlie votes here, :uul that 
 they ultimately ellected it, for the jnu-pofie of 
 enabling him to get into the House of liepre- 
 scuttitivcs, where (from hj-s skill in intrigue) he 
 seemed to feel confident of success, "who ever 
 were his associates?" And who will doubt, 
 when, with all his eftbrts, he was excluded 
 fpom tlie House, he bargained and coalesced with 
 Sir. Adams for the Secretaryship, as a stepping- 
 stone to the future attainment of what he had 
 already sought by such shameful means ^" 
 
 {fj- Jliid then upon this ! S^ 
 To the Edllms of the Daily Aduei-tiscr. 
 
 Gsntlt:ihex: That H. Clay was instrumental 
 in making Mr. Adams President, and that Mr. 
 A. in return rewarded him with the highest of- 
 licein his power, are facts of public nutoricty. 
 But that there was any corrupt understanding 
 between the parties, is of course denied by both 
 principals and their partisans; and in Mr. Clay's 
 anxiety to exonerate hunself e\i:n from the sus- 
 picion of being actuated by inlerei^ted motives 
 hi supporting Adams, he has v/rittcn books, and 
 made many coalifion, lunch, anddir,nar apceclus, 
 for which he is famous. 
 
 As he is expected to be in this State soon on 
 the same errand, accornpaniod by another of 
 the heads of departments, [Gen. Vorter] it may 
 be due to those gentlemen t- apprize them that 
 they are suspected [Clay as pri.^.cipal, and For- 
 ter as agent] of unfair and dishonest efforts to 
 obtain, by bargain and management, one half 
 of the votes of this ist;;te for ("lay during tlie> 
 last presidential election — that Porterjthe agent, 
 ill his anxiety to serve his ])rincipal, made pro- 
 posals to the friends of both Crawford and Ad- 
 ams to divide the votes of tiiis State between his 
 principal and them, and that these negotiations 
 were pending bctivcai both at the same time. 
 
 1 shall proceed and state tlie facts and cir- 
 cumstances as they occurred; and in so doing, 
 if I should fall into any errors in the detail, 1 
 will thank any individual who will correct me; 
 or if I shall mention the name of any member of 
 the Legislature of lii^A; I trust it may not be 
 attributed to any want of respect, but as neces- 
 ccssary in givmg that truth to the public to 
 which they arc entiih d, pariicvilarly on a sub- 
 iect which so materially affects the pailics con- 
 cerned. 
 
 It will be recollected by tl.ose familiarly nc-^ 
 quaintcd with tbe pohtics of our State in the 
 w inter of 1H24, that a warm .struggle was main- 
 tained between the friends of Ciawl!)rdand Ad- 
 ams, the two prominent candidates for the Pre- 
 sidency. The friends of Crawford, at the com- 
 mencement of the session of the i.egislatmc, 
 undouhtediy had a miijority in tJtis State, but, 
 hv i!1-devised measures, the leaders of that p.'U*- 
 
 hecame unpopular: stil! they held a decided 
 
 sins'. i\.lj.htft)g-li Jacksnik urid 6i9.y w-Cit; uiUU 
 candidates, so little was said about cither, that, 
 during the s-ession of 1824, no apprehension?? 
 were entertained by the friends of Crawford or 
 Adams that the few partisans of Jackson or Clay 
 seriously intended lomake .an efi'ort to obtain any 
 portion of the voters of this State for their favoi- 
 ites; but, on the contrary, supposed thnt tbeV 
 would attach tnemselves to on<. of the two priu 
 cipal candidates. Thi.s belief prevailed until, 
 the meeting of the Legislature for tlie purpose 
 of choosing electors, which took place on tho 
 2d Nov. Cien. Porter arrived in Albany tike 
 last of October, and located at the 1-lagle Ta- 
 vern, where he was ready to meet tiic membef.'t 
 of the Legislature ss they severally airived. II« 
 commenced organizing the friends of Clay, and 
 probably increa.sing their numbers, which vm^ 
 the more easily effected, as it was allowed that 
 the friends of neither party could give there<\ui- 
 site number of votes to choose electors; and 
 therefore the friends of Clay, by being organis- 
 ed, could control the election. As much per- 
 sonal feeling h.id become enlisted m the contro- 
 vci-sy between the friends of Ad:ims and Craw- 
 ford, it was expected that either party wotild 
 the ir.ore readily listen to terms, v.'hich, if they 
 did not give them a complete victoiy, would at 
 least defeat their opjjonents. On the even'mg' 
 preceding the meeting of the Legislature, a 
 meeting of the friends of AJams and Ciay— 
 merabiTS of the Legielaturc who ha^ arr ved 
 in Albany — was attended at the Eagie Tuvem — 
 where the proposals were fii'St ma^le of uniting 
 the friends of Clay and Adams, and divi<£n^ 
 the vote."?. A more full and genei-nl meting' 
 was agreed ui5on for the next evening, which 
 accordingly took place. After t!ie me«?tmg 
 was orguaized, Gcncr.il George McClure mado 
 some general remarks on 1 he peculiar state of 
 the parties— the importance of uniting ther 
 friends of tlie people— of defeating those whf» 
 trampled on their rights, &c. and concluded 
 bv proposing to give Clay and Adam.'-, the votes 
 of the State, equally divided. He was follow- 
 ed bv Mr. Ogden of tlie Senate, who, after oc- 
 cupying some time, closed by offering a resolu- 
 tion' for the appointment of a committee, who 
 should sirlcct from the several d-stricls of this 
 State su'tdble pcrsoi.s for electoi-s, tme half of 
 whom sho\il( be friendly to Henry Clay, and 
 the othcrto J. Q. Adams. Several other gen- 
 thimen addressed tlie meeting, all assenting to 
 the proposition, alllw' assigning different rea- 
 sons. Mr. Heniy Whcatou, a paiticular friend 
 of Mr. A., was the hist and most decided ad- 
 vocate for the measures pr''po3ed. He address- 
 ed the meetmg, and urg^d an immediate pas- 
 sage of the resolutitms, aihging, among other 
 reason.s, the ability of the friends of Clay togivft 
 the majority to either candidate. One indivi- 
 dual addressed the meeting, objecting to tlkc 
 question being taken on the resolution at that 
 time — alieging that it was actmg without du« 
 dclibeni'ioii— that no necessity exi.sted for such 
 pr'-cipitancy— tl#t if a bargain was necessai'y» 
 Clay had not stock enough to entitle hi:n to balfi 
 and finally protesting agunst being a party to 
 the arrangement. Without going into further' 
 detail, the meeting adjourned; and although 
 the proposition was (kvorably received, a few- 
 dissenting voices were sufficient to defeat it, 
 ■iiu' ('ip llii"! rrsu'*; wa* therefcr? doii'itful TliC: 
 
41l» 
 
 ,'same o^ungf "fl'uesiasyf ^ *fov- j tw>e off t!re ConTnuUce, wlio he espect-edwd'C liicii la wait' 
 
 friefuU of Mr. Clay proposed in the Senate ing in the Capitol, desirous of conferring with 
 
 ttuunber, when the friends of Crawford had as- the friends of Mr. A' lams. The Committer: 
 
 ^embled, that in forming an electoral ticket, re- presented themselves, and desired that a Com - 
 
 Jcrcnoeshould'be hud to the interest of Clay. His mittee should be nam'^dby the friends of Mr. Ad- 
 
 fnend urged that, as there was no probability of ams, with whom they migiit confer. This wag 
 
 a President being chosen b)' the colleges, they objected to; but a mtjoritv, frorn motivt- s of 
 
 should insist on a few votes, witich would ena- courtesy, con.sentecl, and a committtie was ap- 
 
 ble him to gt) before Congress ; and, if I mistake 
 i}ot, thej' proposed to be contented with eleven, 
 deeming that number sufficient. Some of Mr. 
 Crawford's friends were disposed to listen to the 
 projxjsition — others were averse to a divided 
 
 pointed, and retired for a sliort time. When 
 thoy returned, they reported that the fHends af 
 Mr. Clay had nfiTered nothing new; but renew- 
 ed their original proposal- for half of the votc.<;. 
 The committee vas directed to inform thu 
 
 ticket. The meeting adjourned, no vote being friends of Mr. Clay, that any such proposal wa^J 
 
 taken on the question. The neg'otiation was 
 tirg«d, and solicitations to both parties for a di- 
 vision of the N'otes wer<; cjntinued, with great 
 earnestness, for some days — when a written 
 communicatioii from the friends of Mr Clay 
 
 inadmissible. On Monday, the l-ith November, 
 Gen. Porter called personally on Mr. Flacg, 
 and urged iiim to postpone the coiwidcration of 
 the resolution offered by Mr Follet, for a fo^ 
 days, eaid meanfime see if nn cn-rutigemenf could 
 
 was made to the friends of Mr. Crawford, and 7iot be ejfecfed. This request was not complieil 
 
 read in caucus. The contents of this I cannot with, and the n'.solution was called up the samci 
 
 now repeat. 1 however recollect that, at the da}', T[the IStli) and pa-ssed, 62 to 55. This put 
 
 time, I understood it to be a withdrawal of ctr- an end to General Porter's iiopv's ft)r obtaining 
 
 tain individuals from ihe Crawford party, and by any direct negotiations and bargnins, the half 
 
 declaring t'K;ir preference for Clay; and for.iial- tiie votes of this S< ate for Clay; but efforts to 
 
 !j- urging his claim for a portion of electoral 
 votes. The measure was then ascribed to Gen> 
 Porter, whose solicitude and exertions kept 
 pace with the importance of his object. On 
 the 11th of No%'eniber the Senate nominated 
 electors fViencIly to Mr. Crawford ; and the As- 
 SCTnbly, [never before able to ascertain who the 
 
 obtain a few votes by indirect mcaiis were snc- 
 ces;;fully continued. The result of ^^e final 
 ballotting f<>r electors in this Sta^c, excited so 
 much interest at the tune as to make it unncce.'t- 
 sary forme to refer to it now. My object is t<i 
 give the facts. The public will d.aw their own 
 inferences, and be enabled to account forthfe 
 
 for hi: 
 
 due share in the transaction. 
 
 GENEBEE. 
 
 iriencte of Clay were, cr rather what were thoir very extraordinarj' appointment of Gen. Porter 
 
 number,] proceeded to ballot for electoi-s, and as Secretary of War, and give credit to Mr. Clay 
 
 found the vote to stand as f>)Kows: Adams 50 
 
 Cta\vford43, and Clay 32. On the 11th, Gen. 
 
 Gooi-ge M^Clure brought forward a resuhUicin, 
 
 prop(«ingthe sum.; list of electors, at the head 
 
 of whom was Samuel Young. The iriends of 
 
 Crawfoi-d and Adams voted against the adop- 
 
 tioji. The vote stood 95 to 32. Several sinii- 
 
 Ijir pesoh'.tions were offered by the friends of 
 
 the other candidates. The result of the votes 
 
 on which, differed but little from that given oil 
 
 the hrst ballot. 
 
 The friends of Afr. Crawfo'-d, finding them- 
 sdves disappointcrl in the I'opes which they 
 had entertained, that the few honorable and 
 high-minded men who had been seduced by 
 Gen. Porter to abandon their party, wouh!, on 
 a little reflection, see the impropriety of di- 
 viding the vote of the State, Mr. FoUet of the 
 
 Assembly, (a decided friend of Mr Crawford) 
 
 on tlie 12th November, introduced, a resohition 
 
 embracing the names of the Mams electors pre- 
 viously offered and rejected. He was instantly 
 
 assailed by the friends of Mr. Clay, and asked 
 
 if be woukl finally vote for the names propo.sed, 
 
 &c. Mr. Follett explained, and his condv.ct 
 
 was justified by Mr. Plagg, who reftiTi'dto the 
 
 <:ourse pursued by Mr. Clay's friends with great 
 
 severity. The resolution was laid on the table. 
 
 Itnmediutely previous to the adjournment, there 
 
 appeared an anonymouinotice calling the friends 
 
 nf Mr A together in one ofthc Committee rooms 
 
 r.\ the Capitol, at five o'clock in the afternoon. 
 
 There was a full raeetingat the hour appointed. 
 
 h was organized. On inquiiy being made by a 
 
 meuiber, wliatthc object of the meeting was ? 
 
 or by whom called!' no answer was given; and it 
 
 was about to be adjourned, when a member 
 
 ^rom New York observed tliat he understood 
 
 «i'at th? friend? *' y- •"'•''- f^-' "n-'.--'.-! •• 
 
 The Nashville Republican of the 19th ultiniQ, 
 contains the fuUowing notice^ 
 
 BuKs Asn J-vcKSoi". — Rritented culls have 
 be.en made on the So'ihdU''. Committee and 
 Niishnille Republican, by the Coalitroi; prints, to 
 " comp. out" on the su.'-ject of Gen. Jackson's .al- 
 l.'jged participation in the Burr conspiracy. 
 Sn' cr:5, and 'aunts, und challenges h.ive bicn 
 used without stint. These we reg;i.r(hict. But 
 we take this oppurtun.ty of .vxyingto the friends 
 of Gen. Jackson throufjhoutthc Union, thatthn 
 charg • irillbc met — Iriumphartihj met. A fall 
 expose of Gen. Jackson's acquaimancc ami con- 
 nexion with Aaron Burr, will in due time b • 
 made, which shall cause his friends to cMiU, and 
 cover his enemies with shame an I confusion- 
 one, that shall show to thf Amfricui people t::o 
 utter falsity of th^.- foul cii.irgo w;iich has hrvu 
 sougiit to be fastened on their greatest Jefcu-' 
 der. 
 
 A short time ago, a relation of Ge.n. Wool, of 
 the army, residing near \lbany, called on him, 
 and demanded :i loan of soui- money. Tho 
 (ien. refused the loan — and the applicnnt imme- 
 diately d:*ew a pistol and attempted to kill liirn 
 We hare wondcrid that this attempt to ossas-sl- 
 nate Gen. ^Voo1, h-xi not been el.ariy.jd by tlm 
 tools of the coalition upon lien. Jarkson. V. 
 hf\d as much connexion with the politics cf tltc 
 «.,'.', as the Aagellation of Dr. Armstrong h.id, 
 wlio was cha.stiscd by the MessrH (iilchrifts fo;- 
 slandcri-ng their fatli'^r, a patriot of the rcvol.j- 
 
116 
 
 When Mr. A<iam"s uas ih tJ» lineo? "8af« 
 pjccod.^nt," and advocating the doctrine th»t 
 tttt Jidniinistraiifm cm^M do no ivrong, (a doc- 
 trine which the tnttmgencer then combatted, 
 thoiig-h it has ever since Realonsly supported it, 
 lie was reminded by that press of the homely 
 proverb, • * W}ie» we want tn beat a dog, it is an 
 east} nvUlcriofinda sitc/i." So it app^-nrs, when 
 a calumny is to be disseirtiiiated. it :s <in easy 
 matter to find witnesses to support it; and tlie 
 cBaliiiofl have never lacked them; thoug'h, un- 
 Ibrtunattly for ihem, all they have cited have 
 beeaof such quesuoiable veracity, that t!i;ir 
 slandei-s have rarely ou«Iived the hour which 
 sjavc them birth. On Monday last, the InteHi- 
 gencer breathed nothing bi't horror al the idea 
 that tho Legislature of N. York should alter the 
 elcvtoi-al law, and give the vote of that State to 
 Gevi. Jackson. This measure, it asserted, was to 
 be brought about by Mr. Van Buren, and tbe 
 editors "had information on which thej placed 
 entire reliance," that Mr. Van Buren "had hint' 
 }^elf written to th^t effect." Well, on yester- 
 day, it had more signs, which the editors would 
 have US to believe, were full sa portentous as 
 those that affrighted Calphuraia the night pre- 
 ceding Cscsar's asswsi nation; and they submit- 
 ted the "crmfirmaiion strong" of the conspiracv 
 to obtain the vote of New York, elect Jack- 
 son, and subvert the Constitution." And what 
 does the reader suppose was this conclusive 
 testimony? Why,an extract fron) the Cincinnati 
 (Ohio) Gazette, a paper conducted by Charles 
 Hammond, which ori^ina>d and circulates 
 those foul and detestnble sbndei-s ag-ainst that 
 excellent, ac^'ed, and unoffending lady, Jlrs. 
 .Tackson, and which is sunk tn so low an ebb of 
 infamy, that few of the Adams prints now quote 
 it. And yet this is the evidence on which the 
 
 Intelligencer relies to support its charges. 
 
 How fallen has tins journal become, let its pre- 
 sent course speak. We only wonder why 
 Judge Williams and Col Jlndreto Ertvin, of Ten- 
 nessee, have not been resorted to for their cer- 
 tiScates on the subject. 
 
 The New Hampshire Gazette, published at 
 Portsmouth, in commenting upon the result of 
 the late election in Louisiana, makes the follow- 
 ing just remarks: 
 
 But the great cause of boasting, according 
 to Daniel Webster's organ, uas Miat Mr. Liv- 
 i?rGSTOx was defeated, as "a punishment for 
 the backsUdings of thirty years," — tiio " otdsin- 
 Tio-,"— the friend of Jefferson, — of whom this 
 departed patriot spake, so late as 1824, as hav- 
 ing been so useful .\ member of ;he old school 
 of democracy in Congress. — O Daniel ! didst 
 thou suppose a single pilgrimage to Monticcllo, 
 and thy culogium on the death of this revered 
 apostle of domocrucy, would cover thy inveter- 
 ate hatred of his principles, amllcad his friends 
 to call thee brother > Nay — thy malignancy to- 
 wards these d-mocimtic s^7meri lies too deeply 
 rooted, l hou d'dst, in earlier d;\ys, accuse this 
 patrot of falsehood and duplicity, and his ilisci- 
 uleswith •'blaspheming Hcivcn, .^nd moctinj^- 
 it V. ith diabolical gratitude. " And by thy crafl 
 and (louble-dcaling, ever didst evince thy dire 
 Jiostility to (he rights of those whom Ihoii call'st 
 " menof ydcrdnn," and whom thy iiitlc scam- 
 bling, prating Jaclrall represents •• to have th' 
 'Jfrontrift — iW unhlushing impudence, to call 
 
 tbemstkta naabUdots.'^ Tite tAina of Hckvet. 
 will never oJcach the Ethiopian's skin, nor.' 
 change the leopard's spots, — so neither wouW 
 an annual pilgrimage of forty years to Montice?- 
 lo'fl shrine, with peise [not boil'd] witliin thy 
 shoes, to make *he',' suffer penance, ever makff 
 the.^. seem, to those who know thee, what 
 thoi'it not. in gr^in, — a dcrnorrat. 'Choi didSt 
 once essay, by ih' whitewash c.i ania'n;a»T.atioiT, 
 like Johnny Q. to make the democrats believe 
 thou wast their friend, and like him seemed to 
 join with them, to urge them on, and sang thy 
 paro.dy so technical, — " Our country, our whole 
 country, .ind nothing but our Cv^untry." Thi3 
 was ambition's ladder, on which thou di<l9t ex- 
 pect to rise to influence and power with prowp'^cts 
 fair ; first to St. James', there to pay thy court 
 to royalty, rolling in state, and like thy proto- 
 type, to spread tliy " godlike" fame in foreign 
 parts, and show them "immortality." — Thence 
 under ^og-gtw^ Harry, *' into line of precedents 
 
 so safe" — ar,d then';t> bux " where are now 
 
 those dream.s of greatness i"' Blasted in tbe bud. 
 Corrup'ion, bargaining, intriguing, all exposed:, 
 all hopes to sway the sceptre of tl;e Union van- 
 ished; Where's "our whole country" now? 
 Now thoucswy'st to raise th' indignant cries of 
 yaiikees 'gainst the south,and call those recreants 
 who do not join thee. "New England, the 
 whole New England, snd nothing but New Eng- 
 land," is the cry, and thy myrmidons denounce: 
 the early friends of Jefferson as the old backsli- 
 ders in the days of '98. 
 
 The Louisiana Avlvertiser of the 5th ult.^ 
 makes thi^ following pungent remarks on one of 
 the /ac/.» detaded by the present Hon. Secreta- 
 ry of War, in his "New York ad.ministralion 
 address," which seems to have been considered 
 by Mr. Adams a jor/rc essffy entitling its author 
 to a reward from the Coalition. 
 
 Another lie detected. — None of the addresse.'' 
 published by the Atlams conventions, that of 
 Richmond not excepted, contains so many 
 gross falsehoods as that which was lately issued 
 by the Hartford party in New York. Among* 
 thousand other lies, we, in Louisiana, who wit- 
 nessed all Uie events of a campaign so vitally in- 
 teresting to us, were forcibly struck by the un- 
 blushing assertion that Governor Claiborne v/as 
 arrested by ord<.T of Gcneial Jackson, andigno- 
 miniously dragged through the streets of New 
 Orleans by an armed force. The people of 
 New Orleans know this to be an absolute false- 
 hood, and we defy any mercenary of the coaFi- 
 tion in this City to assert that this calumny of 
 the New York tories has the slightest founda- 
 tion in fact. This is a sample of the regard 
 which the coalitioo have for truth— and we; 
 fearlessly a.ssert that ail the accns-ntions against 
 General Jacksos, whenever their inventors 
 have been compelled to give them a local habi- 
 tation, ha"e turned out to be enualiy ground- 
 less with this charge respecting the alleged av 
 rest of Governor CUiibome. 
 
 Taimi of ttreenbu.^h, Hensselaer Vouniy.—'l'hf- 
 meeting of the republicans of Greenbush, Avn.'- 
 most numerously attended; and the most grati- 
 fying zeal and animation in the goofl cause were: 
 manifested. The democracy of Greenbush wiil 
 shew a proud I'esnlt at the polls. — ^Ib. Jlrgxi^"- 
 
UNriEJ) STATES' TELEQRAVU— Extra. 
 
 t»- 
 
 Ttiis ptvpcr will be devoted exclusively to the Presidential Election, and be publishetl weelcly, 
 until the 15th of October next, for One Dollar^ subject to newspaper postage and nomvrex 
 
 BY GREEN c^- JAR VIS. 
 
 VOL. L 
 
 WASHINGTON, SEPTEMBER 13, 1S2S. 
 
 No. 27, 
 
 Tor the United States' Telegraph. 
 
 TO JOSEPH GALES, ESQ. 
 
 Sir: If it be true, as some have alleged, that 
 'tny language is too plain, and my denunciations 
 too strong, the public* must bear with it ; for I 
 cannot comprehend that rule which enjoins U3 
 to speuk one way when we think anotiier; ajKl, 
 indeed, if I could comprehend it, I would not 
 conform to^iV. 1 have yet to learn how to make 
 my tongue and soul hypocrites to each Other. 
 To the duplicity of the court, where men are 
 taught to speak with '• candid tongues," and 
 in set and studied phrases, I am a stranger, and 
 hope ever to remain so. I would not, if I could, 
 divest myself of those principies which I im- 
 bibed in the spring time of my life, which have 
 adhered to me through the summer, and still 
 abide with me now, in tlie autumn of my days — 
 principles whicli have always impelled me to 
 the cultivation of honest feelings, and the frank 
 and fearless utterance of them. No, Sir, I thank 
 fortune, that she has cast my lot iu the whole- 
 some and moral atmosphere of the countrv, 
 amono- men whose tongues uttet only what their 
 hearts feel — plain, blunt, honest farmers, 
 •' Who have not those soft parts of conver^aUon 
 *' That men of intrigue have." 
 
 Sir, v/hen I see a man eagerly catching up, 
 and publishing, tlie malignant tales which idle 
 rumor with her thousand tongues is propagating, 
 and v;luch he knows to be false, too — that man 
 I will call a Cat-um-viatoh aiid a Liah. When 
 I see him, hke the cameleon, changing his hue 
 v.-ith every change of the admini-stration, and 
 adaptinghis shape and character to every change 
 of party, as they alternatively attain to power, I 
 will c\\\ him a Uxxeoabo. When I see him ad- 
 vocating a band of iiolitical intriguants, wlio, by 
 treading on the necks of ihe people, have stolen 
 into power, and who arc now endeavoring, by 
 arts the most vile, to keep the people down, 
 and perpetuate their own dominion. 1 will call 
 him a Thaitou. When 1 see him stealing in- 
 {lidiously on his intended victim — his hideous 
 form wrapped in a cloak of disinterestedness, 
 with a poisoned dagger concealed in its folds, I 
 will cry out, Av AfiSAssiN! hr.wnre. of him.' 
 When I see him made frantic hy the hopeless- 
 ness of his condition, witlrling with desperate 
 hand the flaming torch of discortl and disunion, 
 and inciting the people to rebellion, I will lift 
 ,up my voic?, and exclaim, Am Incemhaht! 
 Av I?fCEVDi>»nv! Sir, shall we be afraid to 
 speak now — now, when our country demands 
 of us to speak out, even at the hazard of om- 
 lives' I know not what others may he di.-posed 
 to doi but for myself, as I live — 
 
 " I will speak, liberal as the air; 
 
 " Let tim.id boys, men, and devils, lot them ail, 
 '• All, all, cry shame against me, yf t I'll speak." 
 
 Whatever others may think, surely you can- 
 not object to the terms I use, and the epithets 
 I apply; for you know that every fact i htate, 
 and almost every argument I employ, in refuta- 
 
 tion of yduT slanders on General Jackson, are 
 derived exclusively from your own columns. 
 The epithets are mere inferences, which force 
 themselves irresistibly on the minds of all who 
 read the fiicts. If I prove conclusivel}-, and by 
 his own testimon}-, tliat a man has told a lie, 
 would it be a. fault to sa}-, that, therefore, thai; 
 man is a bar? If it be a fault to employ suc'i 
 terms, then, sir, you are responsible for them ; 
 for you have, by your wreckless course, ancl 
 egregious inconsistency, v/iitten them on tht; 
 minds of all your readers, in characters too deep 
 to be easily erased. 
 
 You have engaged a new hand, though an 
 old workman, to toil with you in your labora- 
 toi7 of defamation . It was not necess.an,', how., 
 ever, that you should expend half a column in 
 vouching for his cliaracter; for Lacock is thf» 
 man of famgjis contract memory, well known a;? 
 the venal Senator, who was vuiiversally denoun- 
 ced as a dishonor to his state, and a disgrace to 
 his country. And besides, if he were not so 
 renowned, you ought to have knov.'n, that a 
 letter of credit from a man who is notoriously a 
 bankrupt in veracity, always casts a deep shade 
 of suspicion on him v/hom it is intended to 
 serve. You know that a bad endorser will vitiato 
 a bill which is good in Itself — 'tis so, too, in 
 politics. You ought, therefore, to have with- 
 held your testimony, for your recommendatiott 
 will serve a man as little in pohtical traffic, as 
 your endorsem.ent will in mercantile. But if 
 you do not find him a verj' efficient coadjutor, V 
 am sure he will prove a very willing and zeal- 
 ous one. Avarice is his ruling passion, and so 
 malevolent and reveng'cful is his temper, that, 
 in confederating with jou, he seems only to be 
 fulfilling the designs cf nature. — Far nnl/ils 
 fralrum! 
 
 Lest, however, there may be some who know- 
 not this co-slanderer of yours, and may be dis- 
 posed to allow to his evidence some degree of 
 credit, because of their ignorance of the man, 
 and the mere circumstance of his having been 
 once a Senator, I will apply your own, and his 
 .standard of evidence to <letermine his character, 
 and the motives by which he is inllucnced in 
 thus assailing the private reputation and puhlif. 
 conduct of Genfral Jackson. I>y your own and 
 his standard of evidence — " I mean rumour not 
 contradicted," "current reports," for you both 
 .allege, that tlic silly story about cutting oil 
 Senator's ears, was generally spoken of and nov 
 contradicted, and that, therefore, it must bi- 
 true. To be judged by this test, surely neith^- 
 of you will object, for you cannot complain oi' 
 the application to you of that rule which you 
 apply to others. Andheic I must acknowledge 
 my oblig.ation to you, for hirnishitig me with 
 this standard of evidence, .as I .sliall find it of 
 givat use in the course of my numbers, in deli • 
 neating the character and motives of one, fo: 
 whom > OM feel a deeper interest than you do for 
 Lacock. c 
 
 Then who i<3 thJ3 Abner Lacock' Toinmcn 
 
4i8 
 
 ruaior wijj-ehenls hiiu us a niun yi auch inordi- 
 iiate avarice, and such vindictivcness of temper, 
 that all his obligations to his neighbor, his state, 
 dnd his country, are made subservient to the 
 gratification of those passions — that even the sa- 
 crcdness of a Senator's oath is inadequate to 
 restrain them, and that while in the United 
 Slates' Senate, he was d-stinguished only for 
 prostituting the dignity of his office to the ad- 
 vancement of liis personal interest, and the grat- 
 ification of his private resentments. Rumor de- 
 signated him as the man who abused the confi- 
 dence of Mr. Monroe, and •' purloined from his 
 table a private letter, with a design to use it 
 ig^-ainstGe-neral Jackson. 
 
 These ares the characteristics which all who 
 know him ascribr, to him. The black cata- 
 logue of specifications which constitute them, 
 were the " common topics of the day," " cur- 
 rent rcport.s," and were implicitly believed by 
 all who heard them, and knew tlie man. Surely, 
 sir, jQjii remember tiiem. Do you not reroUect 
 a certain Mr. Orr, between whom and Mr. La- 
 cock there was an intimacy which could In no 
 ■way be accounted for, except by\an identity of 
 ifttcw.sl — t:VAt thu shado-v and the substance 
 ^ere scai'Cgly mor - i'tseparahle than tney were' 
 Uoyou not remember that this Mr. Orr obtained 
 large contracts for furnishing the army with 
 supplies, and that while he remained in Wash- 
 ington in daily attendance upon the Depart- 
 ments, with Abner Lacock, that Atlas Lacock, 
 THE SON OF Abveh, was engaged as principal 
 agent for procuring and furnishing the provi- 
 sions? Do you not remember, that when Mr. 
 Orr and his agent, Atlas, the son of Abner, 
 failexl to supply Gen. Harrison's army, accord- 
 ing to the terms of t!ic contract; that Gen. H. 
 ordered his commissaries to purchase provisions 
 and charge the expense to the contractor, giv- 
 ing him credit for the contract price of the ra- 
 tion only — that Mr. Orr and Abner Lacock 
 were active in circulating reports to the injury 
 of General Harrison, and industriously endea- 
 vored to create, at the War Department, and 
 elsewhere, an opinion, that he had effected the 
 riiln of Orr to promote his own private interest? 
 Do you not recollect that Abner I.acock re- 
 mained a considerable time at Washington, 
 after the adjournment of Congress, and by his 
 obsequious and suppliant importunity at the 
 War Depariment, ultimately prevailed on the 
 Secretary (General Armstroiigj to disregard the 
 conditions and penalties of the law, and settle 
 Mr. Orr's account without ch-argirg liim with 
 the cost of his shameful delinquency, thereby 
 jrffbrdiii^g to him the benefit of furnishing his 
 ralions, during the summer and fall, at an im- 
 mense piiJit, and imposing on the government 
 •he heavy expense of furnishing supplies during 
 the winter, aiid, indeed, incurring the danger 
 of starving the army, or leaving the North 
 Western frontier unprotected' Do you not re- 
 member, tliat Mr. Orr, whose chief agent was 
 Atlas, the son of Abner, was thu.s, tJirough the 
 importunity of Abner, the father of Atlas, re- 
 lieved from a responsibility of one kutidred and 
 secen thousand dollurx, and that, as if by magic, 
 he became suddenly rich, purchased lots in 
 Waslung-ton, and erected <:pler\did buildings — 
 tlrat the same power of enchantment seemed to 
 operate on Abner's circumstances; that the man 
 ,t" ■•en- rrpv'r-vfti/^ r^rlimi ^-'j-: .cii.l.'ViiK- ir,ofri- 
 
 morpliu-ioi Mm ^ gtwat iip-ecutalui' ni Jaiiiis unj 
 a buildop of bouses? Do you not remember, 
 that this same Mr. Orr, notwithstanding his fail- 
 ures in his North Western frontier contract, ob- 
 tained another for supplying General Gaines's 
 army in the expedition against the Seminole In- 
 dians, and that the first expedition of that gal- 
 lant ofllcer was rendered wholly abortive by the 
 failure of the agent Atlas, the son of Abner, to 
 snpply 'his army, and that the government was 
 thereby compelled to incur the expense of the 
 second expedition under General Jackson? Do 
 you not recollect, that General Jackson was too 
 intent on his cnuntiy's good, nnd tlie preserva- 
 tion of the lives of his frontier brethren, to tole- 
 rate the abominable frauds and delays of Atlas 
 the agent, or place any reliance ou one vrhosn 
 delinquency had nearly starved the army, ami 
 cost the government such immense sums, even 
 though that agent was a Senator's* son — that he 
 did not step to consider whether that Senator 
 himself was not interested (sub rosa) in the con- 
 tract, or what injury he might do him at Wash- 
 ington, by his m;;lignant revenge ' Do yoxi not 
 know, that General Jackson, hav.»»f^ no confi- 
 dence in the contractor, or iiis agei. , appealed 
 to the enterprise anj patriotism of such mea aiJ 
 thr; gallant Gibson, whv> now presides with so 
 much, credit over the Subsistence Tcpartrnent 
 of the Government — that tlie Army was sup- 
 plied — a most perilous expedition completely 
 accomplished, and that since, no Indian toma- 
 hawk has been raised in all the South agaisst a 
 white man? Sir. you well recollect the indus- 
 try of both Lacock and Orr, (an industry which 
 betra3ed a personal interest,) in endeavoring to 
 prevent Congress from changing the mode of 
 supplying the Army, as has since been done 
 with such great advantage. You know, that 
 ever since he left the Senate, Lacock's nilintj 
 passion has exhibited itself strong in the eager 
 pursuit of public contracts. You remember, 
 too, that, in all his conduct and conversation in 
 r.datiim to General Jackson, he always betrayed 
 a malignancy and vindictiveness of feeling, 
 which awakened and defied conjecture, till th": 
 incidents of the Seminole campaign were 
 known. Then, indeed, astonisliment at his 
 r;»ncor gave place to dcrison and contempt for 
 his meanness. lie became the common object 
 of scorn and butt of ridicule to all in Washing- 
 ton. They despised his revengeful ravings 
 and were amused with his dastardly apprehen- 
 sions. His own state mortified, nnd indignant 
 at the base and sordid conduct of their Senator 
 — to mark it with reprobation, adoptcil, on the 
 2rth March, (a few days after his famous rt- 
 pert,) by an almost unanimous vote, tho follow- 
 ing resolution: 
 
 •« Renohrd, That the conduct of Major Gen. 
 Andrew J.ickson, in the late war with Great 
 llilUiin and his savage allies, and in the late 
 Seminole war, is marked with er.crg}', skill, and 
 patriotism, not surpassed in the annals of our 
 country; and inasmuch as the approbation of his 
 country is the highest rew-ird that a hero and 
 patriot can receive, they, therefore, approve of 
 the conduct of General Jackson, and the decision 
 of Confess thereon,- and that the Governor be, 
 and he is hereby requested to present the thanks 
 of this commonwealth to Major General Andrew 
 Jackson, in a manner that h*; m?y deem proper 
 '^a th": occasior.'' 
 
41^ 
 
 isucu, tilt;!!, ib Abuer Liiciwk:, wijosc uiisera- people or tiieir Represeiitativcii. Aa,niirat>ie 
 ble slanders you publish to the world, and ask lo^c! conclusive and triumphant! 
 the people "to credit them. And now, sir. After having thus emitted his venom on the 
 having sketched his character and motires, I private reputation of General Jackson, he calls' 
 will proceed to notice his fan-ago of idle and upon the people to reason with him, ana 
 Jirrogant abuse of General Jackson. I will judge presents himself as the advocate and champion 
 
 ' • - - - ' ' r,f those murderous savages, who stained our 
 
 border hnts with tlie blood of our fellow-citi- 
 zens, and marked it with the smouldering mi n.s 
 of tlieir huts. He asserts, that it "is certain 
 the white men committed depredations on the 
 Indians, and that they retaliated — that the dis- 
 
 it chiefly bv facts and opinions stated by your- 
 self, and authentic documents taken fron; your 
 columns; in the course of which, I will dev^l- 
 ope another of your glaringly impudent false- 
 hoods. 
 
 He begins by a billingsgate attack on the 
 priTate character and reputation of Gen. Jack- turbance at length became serious.— the Indians 
 son. Syyeaks of ^'hrs former crimes and crrorf!,^' 
 •suid " the deformed and heinous picture (f his 
 private eife." But what tliose " crimes and er- 
 rors' 
 
 are, or of what acts or features this " hor- 
 
 were beaten, and fied >nto the Spanish territo- 
 ries for shelter, pcvh^ps fov protection." Here« 
 sir, is a pictwre highly discreditable to his own 
 government; and even if it be true. Gen. Jack- 
 son could have no agency in it. But it is false, 
 .ind Mr. Lacock knew it. It is a gross and in- 
 famous slander on the white men and the nation, 
 for which he ought to be held in universal de- 
 
 rid picture" is made up, we are left to conjec- 
 ture. Nothing is specified — it is sweeping and 
 gratuitous denunciation -no specification of his 
 having violated the sanctity of an oath, for the 
 
 gratification of a mercenary disposition — of his testation. 
 
 having prostituted his official power and dignity The President, in a communication to Con- 
 to the indulficence of malevolent private resent- gress on the 25lh March, 1818, says, " I lay bc- 
 ments, or of his having abused the confidence ifore Congress all the information in possession 
 of a friend, and stolen from him a letter, for of the Executive respecting the war with the 
 purposes the most base. No, sir, this arrogant Semlnoles, and the measures which it has 
 and abominable denunciation Is belched forth, thought proper to adopt, for the safety of our 
 without a shadow of evidence, either positive fellow-citizens on the frontier, exposed to their 
 or circumstantial, to support it. ravages. The enclosed documents show tkot tf^ 
 But, sir, I am not more surprised at the bold- hosfilifres of this tr^he were unprovoked, the o^- 
 ness of his invective, than at the potency of his spri;>i^ of a spirit lonp cherished and nflen mflwr- 
 logic. After presenting this horrible picture fesfed tmvurd.^ the Uniied States,- ^ndthyit,mQic 
 of General Jackson's private life, he alleges, prer.ent instance, it was extending itself to other 
 
 that, in consideration of his mZ/tVa/-?,' .sfrwces, the 
 people ''passed over his former crimrs and er- 
 rors with impunity, and spread upon them the 
 almost impeneti-able mantle of oblivion and for- 
 getfulness." And yet, for these verj' m'iitary 
 services which obtained for him a pardon for 
 the many heinous sins of his private life, he is 
 «'.enounced by you and Mr. Lacock as a traitor 
 and a murderer! Is it not strange, sir, tliat acts 
 deserving such epithets should expiate former 
 crimes and errors, and wipe from tlie picture of 
 his private life those hideous and deformed fe.at 
 
 tribes, and dailv assuming a more serious as- 
 pect." Now, sir, it is absurd to suppose, that, 
 he had not read this message, and the docu- 
 m'^nts accompanvlng t. He therefore stands 
 convict e.l of a *ii;.:; falsehood, and malicious' 
 slander on uis own government. 
 
 General Jackson is charged with a vioUtion 
 of the constitution, In substituting "volunteers 
 for Militia, and Horsemen for Infantry, and ap- 
 pointing officers to command them." It i5 
 true, sir, that he Invoked the aid of those g^J- 
 lant men who had accompanied him tlirough 
 
 and who 
 
 xires which before stood upon t!ie canvass in the dangers and toils of the Creek war, a 
 bold relief ? In denouncing Genend Jackson's had gathered laurels on the plains of New Or- 
 leans, to iolnhim in defending the h\es of t.ieu- 
 frontier brethren ; but the appointment of the 
 officers was, in all cases, made by the men thus 
 
 private life as a "deformed and lielnous pic- 
 ture," and his mlHtar}- services (which he says 
 atoned for, and gave impunity to his private of- 
 fences,) as traitorous and murderous, Mr. La- 
 cock has branded himself a slanderer — let liim 
 take either horn of the dilemma — let him wrltlie 
 and distort himself imder the agony of the 
 charge, still it will .stick to him, as did the poi- 
 soned tunick to the back of Hercules. 
 
 But murk, again, what an admirable logician 
 he is. HeAserves: " In short, he was before 
 the nation as a military officer fucrely, and hence 
 it was, that the rcpnrt made to the Senate, and a. 
 similar one to the House rf fifpresenta fives, vas 
 jiot welt received hy the people or their Representa- 
 tives." Indeed! VV'hv, what was the subject of 
 the report, and for what was he arraigned be- 
 fore the nation ■• Was it for offences committed 
 as a Foreign Minister — a Representative in Con- 
 gress, or a Head of a Department' No, sir, It 
 was for acts done as a military officer, and be- 
 cause he was charged as a inilifary offker foral- 
 
 brought into the field, and sanctioned by the 
 proper authoritv. This fact is sustained by the 
 deposition of Col. Butler, which deposition Mr. 
 Lacock has read. 
 
 In relation to the charge of having substituted 
 volunteers for drafted militia. " Gen. Jacksou 
 had to choose between two modes of i-aisingtbc' 
 requisite force; the one productive of pernl- 
 cioii:? delay, and calcuiatod to ensure uUiniatf; 
 defeat; the other more simple, IciS expensive, 
 and creative of an army fraught witli anient en- 
 tcrprir^e, and willing to endure every privation^ 
 in g'ving saft-ty to their br.'lhren of tlic South. 
 It was a choice between defeat and victory — 
 the full perfr rmance of uu urgent duty, or the 
 disgi-acc of th(- Gcner.il, and the destruction of 
 Ills aimy." He advised the Governor of Ten- 
 nessee of the measure he had adopted, who not 
 only approved it, but added to his force a com- 
 
 leged militari/ offences, Mr. Lacock complains panv of mounted volunt^ccrs Gen. Harrison, 
 "hat the report nas not well ref-elvcd bv th'> dntlng th" hl^ w.av., was joined by a body r>fvr. 
 
^iD 
 
 iuiiteci'-, ied by Ccti. Jol'uisun; inu Governor 
 Shelby atithorized him to form them into corps, 
 and appoint sucli ofticers as the men might 
 fjlcct. Ar.othcr body of volunteers, from Ohio, 
 vtiined Gen. Harrison on the march, for the re- 
 lief of Fort Wayne, without any authority, and 
 not commissioned by the State Executive. It 
 ■^vas volunteers who followed Gen. Jackson into 
 the Creek nation, achieved The victories of 
 Teledega, Emuckfaw, and the Florse Shoo ; 
 ■penetrated the swamps of Florida, covered Mo- 
 bile from British visitation, defeated Welling- 
 ton's veterans on the shores of the Missis&ippi, 
 and saved New Orleans ft'om. pollution. Was 
 the raising- of volunteers then deemed unconsti- 
 tutional, or did Conferees approve the measure, 
 and make appropriations for payint;^ them'' 
 Throug^hout tlie whole discussion in the House 
 oF Representatives, wiiich continued more than 
 tliree weeks, not a breath of disapprobation 
 was uttered as to this part of his conduct. 
 Away, tlicn, with the ridiculous charg-e. Do 
 you imagine that the people wdl censure Gen. 
 Jackson for doing that which saved the lives of 
 their fellow countrymen, and tlie monc} of the 
 government > 
 
 Dut here, too, Mr. Lacock makes a stab at 
 Mr. Monroe, fur General Jackson advised tlie 
 Department (jf all he had done, and on the 29th 
 Januarj', 1818, the Secretary at War thus writes 
 10 him: " Your letters of the 12th and 13th in- 
 5-tantare received. The measures you have ta- 
 Win to bring an elfxcicnt force into the field, are 
 approved." And again, on the 6th of Febni- 
 p.iy: " I hive the honor to acknowledge the re- 
 ceipt of your letter cf the 20th ultimo, and to 
 ;tc(iu:.int you of the e::tire apprcbutihn of the Pre- 
 sident, of all tlie measures you have adopted to 
 terminate the war witii the Indians. The honor 
 of otir army, as well us the interest of our coim- 
 try, requires that it should be as speedily termi- 
 nated as practicable ;_and the confidence reposed 
 ill your .skill and promptitude, assures us that 
 p<;aCG will be restored on such conditions as 
 will make it lionorable and PERMANENT.'' 
 Jf, tlien, tins was a violation of the constitution, 
 *hc President and Cabinet were obnoxious to 
 the charge. • . .. 
 
 It is alleged, ifi iurther support of-thTs ch~irgc, 
 that Gen. Jackson employed an Indian force, 
 amounting to about 1300, and that he appointed 
 a Hrigadier General, and a vast number of sub- 
 ordinate offic-.TS, to command tliem. Now, sir, 
 Mr. Lacock knows this to be false, and, know- 
 ing it to be so, he gives it publicitj'. He knows 
 thiit this force was furnished upon a call from 
 ^ Oen. Gaines, and was organized by iiim, Uct'ore 
 <U:n. Jackbon took command of the army. He 
 knows, too, that Gen. Giiincs apprised the De- 
 partment of it, ;ind that it was not disapproved. 
 Mr. LAcock proceeds — "With this fflrce, 
 lorcadded to the regulars. Gen. Jackson and l»is 
 nrmy, above 4000 strong, mirciied into t!ie 
 Spai.isli TcrrlTory of Florida, in pursuit of the 
 drfi'afed and fugitive Indifins and runaway ne- 
 groes, whose whole force, if embodied, would 
 ii.it amovmt tirlOOO men." W'lat Mr. I.ac:>ck 
 designs to elTert by this, it isdidicult to ima- 
 {rine. Gejieral Jackson v.:is iightittg for his 
 ••oun'ry, not for f;une. Throngliout his whole 
 ilfe, liis motto h.is been, "pro pninq." In 
 every glorious achievement ju whioh lie has 
 beenconccnicl ' ' been assiduous in dis- 
 
 claiming mcjit. for hiuiicii", and ascriijin^- it to 
 others; and if, at any period of his life, he had 
 been capable of hazarding the interefit of his 
 country, and the lives of liis fellow-citizens, to 
 gratify his ambition, tbc motive must have been 
 inoperative then; for then his brows were cover- 
 ed with laurels, and there was a halo of lustre 
 about him, which nothing could render more 
 efTulg«'nt. Yet here, too, as in all his other 
 charges, Mr. Lacock was not disposed to in- 
 quire into the fact, or if he did, he was notdis* 
 pose^i to sprak the truth; for you, youreelf, on 
 the 5th Msrch, 1818, say.s, that information ha3 
 been received, that the Seminoles and Creeks 
 are 4000 warriors .strong: that they have de- 
 stroyed their towns, placed their women and chil- 
 dren, stock and provisions, m a fortified camp, 
 situated in the midst of an immense and almost 
 impassable mai-sh." But whether it be true or 
 not, what will the people think of the modesty 
 of Mr. I^acock's demand upon them? viz: tt» 
 censure General Jack.son for taking with liim a 
 force which bethought would ensure a victory? 
 
 Rut it seems that Gen. Jackson in his iraJ 
 ambition, usurped the power of Congiess, aod 
 declare* war by the invasion of Florida, and 
 that he defied andMisobevt-d the orders of the 
 President by the capture of St. Marks and Pen- 
 sacnla. Mr. Lacock is peculiaily unfortunate 
 in all his assaults on Gen. Jackson, for every 
 thiMLSt he aims at him, misses his object and 
 strikes tlie President. You are aware Sir, tha^ 
 Gen. Gaines was empowered in repeated order.'? 
 to cross the line, and that the continued indiscri- 
 minate ard bloody slaughter of old men, women 
 andchildi-en — the deeolation of our borders, with 
 fire and the tomahawk, could not have been pre- 
 vented or avenged, without pursuing tho.se ruth- 
 less SJiv.igfs into their ver)' fastnesses, where 
 they lay in imnginci security, like the Anacon- 
 daj gorged wHh the blood of our fellow-citizens. 
 Whv Sir, to have protected our citizens without 
 crossing the line, would have required .i force 
 of 100,000 instead of 4,000 of which Mr-Laccck 
 complains. But it is not my purpose to demon- 
 strate the exped'cncy of the act, it is sufficient 
 iff prove, that it was autliorized. 
 
 The depiedations of those monster.«, bail be- 
 come so terrible, and the means resorted to, so 
 inadequate to prevent them, that tlie Govern- 
 ment under those dis:istrouF circumstanceB, hwl 
 recoui-se to the well established energy and 
 talents of Jackson; and alliiough he had fought 
 with the veterans of Europe, and conquered 
 them; yet at the cull of his country, he repaired 
 witli alacrity to the post of danger, with a mei-c 
 handful of men, to combat with a dispicable and 
 treacherous savage foe. Sir, he has never refused 
 a cwli of his country, wlun honorabh service 
 could be rendered, and he nf'ver disappointed 
 the high expectations which his well tried patri- 
 otism auvl wisdom, insp'red the nation with. 
 
 So great was the confidence which the Gov- 
 ernment reposed in him. that tlie fir.^t orderthey 
 give him, commanded him m terms positive, to 
 invade Florida, aiul vc.-.tedhim with a discretion 
 as to ulterior operations. It inferracd him 
 that Gc-n. (Jain^, under !iis command, h.id been 
 oidered "to penetrate f:om Amelia Island, 
 Vinniirh Fluriihi to tiic hcniinole towns," and di- 
 rects him to '•concentrate his ftircc, and adopt 
 the nereasan/ meaaurts to tettninate the. can/lJct.'" 
 C;\n there be a doubt sir, that the tt-rms of M.j 
 
■mi 
 
 AJider ve&ted hixii wiui a discretion ? "S^'hat, 
 *' tije necessary measures to termlnute tlia con- 
 flict" were, are net detailed. It is miinif'esi tiiat 
 thev were only to be ascertained and determined 
 by circumstances to be developed in tiie prose- 
 tiiitionof the wariwhat, therefore, appeared to 
 i^cn. Jackson, necessary trt this object, he was 
 jK)t only authorized, but bound to adopt; that 
 it was designed by tl>e Department itsf If, that 
 this constructum should be g-jven it, is evident 
 from the Secretary of Wars letter to Governor 
 Bibb on the 13th May, 1818, wherein he says; 
 *' General Jackson is vested with full poi^cns fo 
 ■CG'/iduct the tea r in ih e meui ncr hi incq/ j udge best , ' ' 
 The President in his message to Coiiiireas, en 
 the 35th klarcli, 181S, siiys that Gen Jackson 
 *nvas ordered to tie tUcati-e cf action, charged 
 with the managenjent of the war, and vcKted 
 with the powers necessary to g-ive it eilect." It 
 is true, iiovrever, he states that "orders have 
 been g-iven to the General in command, to re- 
 spect tlio Spanish autiiorit}', laha-evcr it is main- 
 tainedf" but, in the same messag'e asserts that, 
 that authority is no where maintained; he says: 
 ■**as almost the whole of tliis tribe inhabits the 
 country within the limits of Florida, Spain was 
 bound, by the treaty of 1795, to restrain thorn 
 from committing' hostilities against tlie United 
 States. We have seen with regret (hat her goi- 
 emmcnt h:is altogether failed to fuifd this obli- 
 g-ation, nor are we awave that it made an cfibrt 
 •to that effect. AYhen v/e consider her utter in- 
 ability to check, even in tlie sl-'giitest degi-ce, 
 lite movements of this tribe, by her very small 
 and incompetent force in Florida, we are not 
 disposed to ascribe the failuretoany oVucr cause. 
 The inability however of Spaij) to maintain her 
 authority, over the territory and Indians within 
 her limits, and in consequence to fulfil the trca- 
 v), ought ijot to expose tile United Statesjto other 
 andgreaterlnjuries. When tJie authority of Spain 
 ceases to exist, then tlie United States have aright 
 to pursue their enemy on a priiiciple of self dc- 
 jence. In this instance the right is more cum- 
 ylete and obvious, because we shall perform on- 
 Jy what Spain Wits bonnd to perform herself. 
 'I'o the high obligaJion and privilf-^ea of this great 
 end sacred right of s,:.lf drfenu ,vji!lthe movenients 
 of our troops be striclly confined." And in his 
 messajre acthe commencement of the session in 
 1818, he says that m the prosecution o\ the war 
 "facts were disclosed rcspec'ing the cor.duct 
 ■of the officers of Spain, in authority there, in 
 encouraging the war, furnishing munitions of 
 vvar, and other supplies, to carry it on, and in 
 other acts not le?s marked, which evinced their 
 participation in the hostile purpo^of that com- 
 bipalion, and ju.stlficd theconhdcnce with which 
 it inspired the saAages — that by those officers 
 they would be protected." Now, Sir, I oliaU 
 lenge uny candid man, to read this evidence, 
 and anive at any other conclusion, than (ii:it, 
 <ieneral Jackson was not onlv authorized, but 
 bound to inv.^de Florida, and lake ponsessioa 
 of St Marks and Pcnsacola. 
 
 But lest you and IVIr. Lacock may (juestion 
 the evidence I have adduced, 1 will present you 
 •with that, which you will have some diflicully 
 in denying. Mr. Lacock himself, says that t'jc 
 Indians " fled into the Spanish territory for 
 ihelter and protection," and you Sir, on the 19tli 
 Eyeptembcr, 1818, tell us " that tac post of St. 
 Marks is a militiry post, remote from any popu 
 
 lation^ surrounded by horiijCS of desperate i.i 
 diansand negroes; it is the only barrier against 
 their ravages and incursions. To evacuate it on 
 the mere demand of any Spanish agent, deput- 
 ed tg receive, or to a force incompetent to liold 
 it, would be to evacuate it to the Ir.dians;for vve 
 have the authority of the la»e Spanish command- 
 er of it, for siiying that the Indians coiiirolled 
 him, and not he them. Self preservation is the 
 first dictate of nature; and there is nothing in 
 the kw of nations, most rigorously construed, 
 whicii requires a nati^iu to prostrate any part of 
 itii population, at the meicy of an infnriated and 
 savage enemy. We have daily accounts, tliat 
 the Seminole Indians remuining unsubdued are 
 embodied in fall; this check withdi-awn, aiid 
 they miglit sweep our borders." And again ou 
 the 23d of June, 1318, yea say — <'Ifthe Indiaiis 
 in arms against us, led the \ray to Pensacola, 
 there can be no doubt of General Jac1:son's be- 
 ing Justified in fcjilowii'.g and dislodging them." 
 Now Sir, you iiave the deposition of Col. But- 
 ler, whiOT states '- that General Jackson re- 
 ceived information at St. Marks that, tliere 
 were about six hundred hostile Indians at Pcn- 
 sacola, who received ammunition and provisions 
 from the government. 
 
 Wouldlt be believed, aiter all this Sir, that 
 you could be so regardless of tlie truth — so 
 reckless of reputation, as to assert, on the irili 
 ult. that you " never did agree vv'ith .Mi'. Adams 
 on th.e subject of the Seminole war!" And yet, 
 as incredible as it may appear, it is nevertheless 
 ti'ue, that veil did assert this most daring and 
 detestable 'falseht;od. Oh impudence, thy r.um;-; 
 is Ju.scph Gales!!* 
 
 If Mr. Manroe was justified by Congress, the 
 countrj- and yourself, for the capture of Arnclia 
 Lsland from a law European ad\ enturers, witli a 
 view to prevent some slight embarrassment to 
 our Cij;nmorce — surely, he will not be censured 
 for tailing possession of Florida from a band cf 
 desperate runaway negroes, and infuriated sav- 
 ages, with a view to prevent the liorrid massu 
 ere of our fellow citizens. 
 
 I must here notice, a pieceof dLsgracefuldis- 
 ingeiiUOusne.-iS on tlie part of I, acock, eminently 
 wortliy of him. He asserts that the "Presi- 
 dent ordered the line to l)e crossed, if neccasa- 
 ry,but especially dircctcd,that if the Indians took 
 refuge under a Spanish fort, not to disturb 
 llifm.butto report the facts to the DepartmcnV 
 of War." It is plain that he here design?, that 
 the public .shall undej-stand that .such an order 
 was given tv Gen. Jackson. Yes Sir, he evi- 
 dently designs that i.\m iinprcs.sion shall bo 
 made, although he kr.ows it to bt false. Such 
 an order might possibly luive been given to Gen. 
 Gaines, but none such was ever isjued to Gen. 
 Jackson, and even if the orders given to Gen. 
 Gaines before Gen. Jackson took the command. 
 
 * Here I admit myself guilty of idagiarism — 
 this beautiful and sublime e.Kclamation, is bor- 
 rowed from Mr. Gales, who, on the28th uliimu. 
 when speaking of the inconsihtcncy of the Ilicb- 
 mond I'nquirer, in a jiaroxysm of poetic inspi- 
 ration, exclaims 
 
 •' Oh Fithleness thy abode is Richmond.'" 
 
 But I believe tliat Mr. Gale.<J m.'\y be convicted 
 too, of a literary theft, for Shakspcue sayp, 
 
 I. (>}i i-...,;i.. .i,y jjame is W'^mnn*'" 
 
4^^ 
 
 Nvei-e biniding on Imn, this order (it" sacL was 
 g-iven) was completely abrogxited by the orders 
 which Geii. Jackson subsequently received from 
 the Department. The meanness of this attempt, 
 35 so glarings and the design in itself, so disgrace- 
 ftil to our friend Abner, that I could not make 
 llie one 7iu)re manifest, or incrtiase the measure 
 of the other, by any thing tliat I could add. 
 
 Sir, I designed when I commenced tiiis, to 
 take some notice of Lacock's Lame:«T4Tions 
 on the death of Arbuthnot and Ambvister, and 
 Francis and Hoomocheco ; and of his dastardly 
 re*rs And Joamings about the silly story of Gen. 
 Jackson's threats — but I am tired sir — really so 
 tired that I have not inclination to revise this 
 letter. I will perhaps advert to them, in some of 
 iTjy subsequent numbers, when I will add to his 
 title of Base Sxandeeer, that of Pitipci Poe- 
 TTioo.^. A MARYLAND FARMER. 
 
 For the United States Telegraph. 
 TO JOSEPH GALES, ESQ. 
 
 Sib: It is a beneficent order of Providence, 
 that a man with great depravity of heart, seldom 
 possesses that skill and discretion necessary to 
 the accomphshment of his designs. The perju- 
 rer betrays his guilt, by his efforts to conceal it. 
 The assassin excites suspicion, and defeats his 
 own purpose, by his stealthy pace; and the bra- 
 zen visor whicli the Liar puts on for conceal- 
 ment, often proves the cause of his detection. 
 Thus the very means which man resorts to, ss 
 auxiliaries to his baseness, are converted by Pro- 
 vidence into instruments of his expos"ire and 
 punishment. — Doyou want examples, sir^ Your 
 own history abounds with them. You will en- 
 counter no difficulty in the search, for so recent- 
 ly as the 12th inst. you present an illustration, 
 clear and conclusive. 
 
 You doubtless imagined that you had pla)(d 
 ofl'upon the pubhc a very ingenious trick, when 
 you alleged that " a Jackson friend in a neigh- 
 boring public office" had requested you,in "an 
 anonymous letter, "to publisli the evidence I ad- 
 duced to convict you of a wicked and impudent 
 falsehood. Rut, sir, if you had possessed com- 
 mon sagacity, you would have known, that the 
 veriest tyro would detect the pjiltiy artifice, 
 and despise the poltroon principle whit h could 
 induce a resort to it. It was indeed a contempti- 
 ble trick, and cruel as contomptilile — it w:i9 
 ■vontemptible, because it was false without being 
 aitftil; and it was cruel, becaust- it was designed 
 to call down iipon the clerks an unprovoked 
 vengeance, which would involve in its impover- 
 ishing infiucnce their wives and children. 
 
 I knew that conscience had ceased to exert 
 un influence over you, yet I did suppose that 
 you had adroitness enough to avoid an expe- 
 dient, the meanness and mendicity of which, 
 must be apparent to your most unintelligent 
 reader. It seems, howevir, that I gave y.iu 
 credit for more talents tlian you possess. Tiie 
 difficulties of the crisis have tested Lhem, nn<\ 
 proved that, with the disposition to play the 
 caitiff, you have not the art lo do it successfullv. 
 The .summer's sea, on which you h.ave been 
 60 long and so buoy'<ntly swinimirig, is now 
 tossed by a ten-ible tempest, and you are too 
 ■weak to buffet it. Your road, heretofore, has 
 been so plainly marked, that you coidd not miss 
 your way, and no temptation has assailed you 
 
 acquired a fictiliuwi '/■ejiutauoiii whicn iS uoi-' 
 your only resource. But, Sir, this will no longer 
 avail you. I have dragged you from behind 
 that barrier of mock dignity, which your "high 
 blown pride" had erected, and where, like a 
 Coward, you had entrenched yourself; and be 
 assured, that, before we part, I will tear from 
 your back the lion's skin in which you have so 
 long been enveloped; and exhibit you to the na- 
 tion as a mere braying ass. 
 
 You had been so much favored by a bhnd 
 foitune, and pampered by successive adminis- 
 trations, that many who had not the indu.stry to 
 investigate or the intelligence to comprehend, 
 believed that you really had some merit, and 
 were disposed to allow to your opinions some 
 degree of influence. Y'ou grew vain, and attribu- 
 ted to your own skill that for which you were in- 
 debted to accident exclusively. I had been con- 
 tent to remain silent, and suffer you to swell and 
 strut inyourimaginedimportancc, and enjoy your 
 bloated reputation, while that influence which 
 a too credulous party had invested you with, 
 had not been exerted to distract and ruin a free 
 and happy people ; and even now I engage in 
 the work of disrobing you with unfeigned reluC" 
 tance, and shall pui-sun it with unaffected pain. 
 1 lament the necessity while I yield to its force. 
 
 The panther's cry in imitatioH of the wallings 
 of a child, excites no alarm when all know the 
 source from whence it proceeds ; but, when 
 the unwaiy, deceived by| the artifice, are hast- 
 ening to the supposed rescue, we are irresistl'bh' 
 impelled to interpose, and tell them that it is a 
 monster who allures, only to destroy. We can 
 view without trepidation, the child caressing 
 his lap dog, and amused with his playfulness — 
 but, when we see tlie pet with frenzied eye 
 and slavered jaws, ready to seize thehand which 
 fed, and tear tlie bosom which caressed it, we 
 are involuntarily constrained to cry aloud in our 
 terror, and warn the careless victim of his dan- 
 ger. 
 
 Sir, you came among us from a foreign land. 
 Whether you were actuated by u spirit of en- 
 terprise, or driven by the retributive vengeance 
 of offended law!«, we inquired not. We receiv- 
 ed you witii that feeling which distinguishes a 
 generous people — a bold and unsuspecting con- 
 fidence. AVe .spread over you, for )our own 
 protection, the mantle of our laws, and offered 
 to your enterprise and your industry, all the re- 
 sources of our l.wd. With what success you 
 .ivailed yourself of these advantages, let your 
 former history testify. With what black ingra- 
 titude you abused them, your recent conduct 
 bears lamentable evidence. 
 
 The paper which you know conduct wa.s, 
 when under the auspices of your predecessor, 
 adopted by the Republican p:\rtyastheirorgan. 
 After the battle had been fought, the victory 
 won, and the power of tlic parly established on 
 a hasis so sure as to require but little talent or 
 effort to sustain it, you succeeded to the control 
 of it. They deslVd only to <lisstminate know- 
 ledge amongthelpeople to give them but light.To 
 this purpose, fidelity and a moderate degree of 
 industry alone were necessary. It was supposed 
 that you possessed these, and tliey gave you 
 tlieir countenance. The)' niised you from ob- 
 scurity to em'nence, — from poverty to affluence 
 — tlicy cherished you long.and bestowed on you 
 
ISO 
 
 ^iderabl£ jatnoii the asceudincy of the party re- 
 mained unconteated, and no circumstance tran- 
 spired to test your principlea, or devclope yoirr 
 baseness; during the while you rioted in their fa- 
 vors, and derived a bloated consequence from 
 their siipport. Sir, how did you repay their 
 kindness? When the enemy, disguised as a 
 friend, stele into our camp, andby his arts spread 
 distraction in our ranks, did you sund firm, and 
 bravely-fight in our cause' Did you endeavor to 
 repel the invader? Or did you, seduced by his 
 power to compensate, prove recreant to your 
 trust,and basely desertus? Ay , sir, you did more: 
 you exerted the very power which we j^ave you, 
 for our destruction — you strove. With a fiend-like 
 spirit, to stiib the bosom that warmed you into life; 
 and you are now laboring, with frantic zeal, to 
 array in doadly hostility the North against the 
 South, and spread over this happy land which 
 afforded you an asylum, an universal death ! 
 
 Sir, you present a picture mere revolting than 
 that of the unnatural son, smiting, with mortal in- 
 tent, the bosom of his mother. — His, is the re- 
 sult of defective organization, or frenzy produc- 
 ed by disease: your's, the deliberate and hellish 
 spirit of the arch-fiend, afraid to make the onset 
 boldly, but striving by exasperation to entrap, 
 that you may slay the more securely. — He, is 
 furiously impelled by madness without a motive 
 — you, are deliberately incited by the base hope 
 of pecuniary reward. The tale is so unnatui-al, 
 that it would be rejected as incredible, were it 
 not for the weight of irresistible evidence to sus- 
 tain it. 
 
 You advocated the interest of the Soutli and 
 the Southern policy— was engaged in a warm 
 controversy with M. Carey, the great champion 
 of the tariff system ; and you alleged in 1823, 
 Ithat he manufacturing community was the on- 
 y prosperous conmmnity in the country, and 
 hat it was pampered at the expense of the al- 
 ready starving Agricultural and Commercial in- 
 *^ererit3 of the nation. You lauded all the acts of 
 Gen. Jackson, and defendedhimv/ith great zeal 
 against the malignant aspersions of his ^f r^ona^ 
 foes. You denounced Mr. Clay as one, to whom 
 you could never give your support, and asserted 
 that he knew it too. You charged Mr. Adams 
 with possessing and advocating raon.irchlc.il 
 principles, and assailed liim with a spirit indica- 
 tive of personal as well as political hatred. You 
 did all this, sir, 'till the usurpers consummated 
 their plot, and brandished before you the pap- 
 i^poon of the Treasury— then, like a base J\idean, 
 you threw your former friends and principles 
 away,— and, to cram your hun{-,r}' maw, engaged 
 in tlie work of defaming your friends and dis- 
 tracting the country. 
 
 Sir, I intended when I took up my pen to 
 prove all this, out of vour own mouth, and to 
 demonsti-atctliat, in your effort on tiie 12tb mst. 
 to wipe from your forehead the hidc.ius mart 
 which I had fixed there, you only nvetted it 
 tlie firmer; but I shall be too late for tlic post. 
 In my next "I will a rouud-unvarmshed tAle 
 deliver," and like Actcon, who wai chased oy 
 his own dogs and devoured, you shall be pur- 
 sued by a pack of vour own opinions, a"<i "T^r- 
 wbclmk A" MARYLAND F.\UMER. 
 
 For the United States Telegraph. 
 TO JOSEPH GALES, ESQ. 
 
 Sth-— It *rft*!n happens that m incidenr tn- 
 
 fting in Itsclt; givesa direction to a in4u*s x^io^ 
 future course, and conti-ols his destiny. His 
 gradations in vice, althongh sometimes imper- 
 ceptible, are almost always certain. Impumly 
 gives encouragement, and detection destroys 
 restraint. Conscience, once deposed, seldom 
 regains its hold on the helm of man's fife. He 
 dashes 01 the sea of infamy, reckless of the rocks 
 and whirlpools which beset his way, and unless 
 a power more than hum.in interposes for his 
 sa<'etv, suffers unavoidable shipwreck. Sir, you 
 have launched your bark upon thLS perilous 
 sea— you have degraded conscience, and £tiu. 
 your eves, upon the polar star of ti-uth— and you 
 are fast h/astening to that terrible doom, which, 
 without the intervention of a supcrlmmaa ct-- 
 fort, is inevitable. 
 
 Although vour present state of remorseless 
 deprrvitv, excites in me feelings of the deepest 
 indignation, yet I frankly confess that, in the 
 contemplation of the events which led to it, I 
 cannot resist the emotionS of pity. I saw you 
 shamefully abusing the prodigal munificence ot 
 the party which sustained you— indulging In » 
 course of pomp and profligacy, beheving tha. 
 the favors of fortune which yovi had so long eii» 
 joyed, and without an effort too. would Jv. 
 eternal. 1 knew that the day of rial woulu 
 come, and I trembled for tJie issue-that day of 
 trial, that fatal day did mdecd come-ami tieu 
 ensued the conflict between avarice and hones- 
 ty. I watched the alternate indications with 
 anxious interest. I was aware that m your fe^ 
 ings of pride, habits of ^^^^^^S-'^"^^.;^"^^^; 
 barrassed condition, avarice would IJnd mo-''' 
 powerful auxiliaries; yetl knew, too, tlut herp 
 were men who would rather be "steep d b 
 n poverty to the very l.ps" Uian y eld to its do. 
 minion, and I hoped that you might Pjove youv- 
 Slf such a man-but, how vain the hope!^"iaii 
 surrendered at discretion; but with a reluctancp 
 Xch seemed to say, «' My poverty, butnotnti' 
 
 will, consents." , , 
 
 Yes, Sir, all your public acts, your whole po 
 litical course, and every considei-ation of consJsV 
 enoy, urged ymi to advocate the people s cause, 
 and to resist with all your might the usurpations 
 of Messrs. Adams and Clay: but your pnv^te 
 profligacy had imposed upon you iiccesB.ties 
 'x^^^c f vou had not virtue enough to resist, and 
 doomed you to a state of wretclied serv.tude 
 hJcaiJe of those whom you had formerly 
 abused. Mr Chy had practised upon you Ws 
 seductive arts, before; he had cndcavoui-cd to 
 persu de v'ou io unite with him in opposition to 
 Mr Monroe's administration; but he wa3 defi- 
 ant .1 that power which alone could mduCC 
 voTto ield-the power of compen.iatmg \m 
 Were not willing to take his promises, depe.^ 
 deut upon an issue by no means certain; and ac^ 
 inVu'"oathat discreet maxim "°^ ^^/'^.^ 
 ccTta i'n advantage: for that wlucli was doabtlu , 
 
 voa riisted his wiles, and adhered to that par 
 Jv ofwhose power to reward you Wc.-c well 
 p^ -ured. Provoked by your senH.ty. and cx- 
 rsnerited at his failure, Mr. Clay publicly as^ 
 saSed Tu in the House of K.-prescnlatives. and 
 charged vou with a mean dependence np- 
 o those 'who distributed " irea^ry pap. 
 H-^ contempt of you. and your h.,.std.ty to him, 
 vercopcn Tnd undisguised. Your P-rUier dv 
 rlarcd to Colonel .lohnson, 'O^he Scn^c Chrtm 
 
121 
 
 iourdai/Ou, and NEvf.a could have; that youhtew 
 Mr. Clinj too tcell, anh Mn Clat kxew this 
 
 lACTTOO WELL, EVER TO BE TOUR FUltVD." 
 
 111 your controvci'sy with Mr. Adams in 1824, 
 you assailed him withchargesof such a character 
 »s to render a support of him impossible, unless 
 at the sacrifice of every honorable feeling. You 
 uenounceJ the sentmients he avowed, and tiie 
 principles he advocated, as " Movarchicai. 
 Motions,'' «i AxTi-REruBiiCAN Doctrtsks," 
 •' New Doctrinf..s," " Ultiia Doctrines," 
 and endeavored to provoke him with vour s)iecr3 
 and contemptuous manner. On the 'l4th An^. 
 1824, in reply to Mr. Adams, vou say: " T7iis 
 dtsingenuunsncis is of a pi'cce with all the 
 treatment we have received from the party, axd 
 
 ^VE EXPECT FROM TREM NO BETTER. jt IS tO 
 
 ot feared tliat tluy have not even grace enough to 
 blush at the detedion of their sophistry." And the 
 Nvhole controversy is marked by an asperity so 
 bitter, and a hatred- so deep and fixed,, as" to 
 banish for ever, all licpe of a reconciliation. 
 
 Such was the relation in v/hich you stood 
 towards Messrs. Adams and Clay. How differ- 
 ent was the attitude in which ^'ou stood towards 
 Gen. Jackson! His whole oifficial conduct vou 
 had not only approved, but praised; when assail- 
 ed, you stood forth and defended IHm with an 
 ardor which bespoke your admiration of his cha- 
 racter and his talents, and against him never did 
 you utter a word sf cen^ire or disapprobation. 
 Sir, I repeat it, r.cver, no, never did yon permit a 
 word of objection against Gen. Jack.son to e^eaue 
 you, until you lost the print his; of the 'S.-nate' 
 
 With this view of the case, "an honest man 
 would deem it an insult to his understandin.tr, to 
 be asl.ed v.hoin j ou would advocate, and wha^ 
 coursoyou would pursue? He would not be 
 able to conceive how political preferences, and 
 pnvate regards, such as you had manifestelubr 
 Gen. Jackson, could, without even a shadow of 
 ^justification, be discarded— he would not be able 
 to comprehend the ait of now, lauding a man 
 lor h:s acts m terms of the hrghest admiration 
 and defending him with a zeal indicative of tlu' 
 warmest trieiulsiiip— and then, for tlie very 
 same acts, assailing him in tlie language of vul- 
 gar and vituperative abuse, and with a rmcr 
 denoting the most venomous hostility ! In valri 
 Mould he try to believe it possible, that political 
 aversion and personal animosities, such as you 
 had exhibited towards Messrs. Adams and Clay, 
 «.:ould,withcut some show oi reason, be suhdueili 
 and that Uie men whom you had boldly de- 
 nounced and defied to their verv beui-ds." and 
 finecvcd at contemptuouslv, could become the 
 idols of your homage, l)efore w horn vou would 
 bow down willi obsequious flatterv andfiiwning 
 supplication! No, sir, he would be indignant at 
 the supposition; and dec^are, there were none so 
 base! But let him truce yotvr lii.story a httle far- 
 ther— his doubts will vanish: and. Willi me, he 
 will lament, that a m;-.n should, by ' his 
 J)ride and proftigacy, create necessities so 
 strong, as to malic all the obligations of honor, 
 of morality, and religion, subservient to tiiein. 
 
 Even after you had vielded yourserf up to th^s 
 ,iire necessity, some gleams of remorse, scane 
 flickerings of conscience, would occasionally 
 gho«v themselves, and a blush of shame, in spite 
 of your efforts to conceal it, would flit across 
 your sheet. It gave to your iViends a faint hojH , 
 that there . us spme honor still 'abidin£r with 
 
 you. Lut this hope was of brief liuratlon; ioi\ 
 on the 10th of October, '27, it fled shrieking 
 away, when, with the desperation of a convict- 
 ed Catlff, vou BOLllT.T COSFESSED, THAT YOU 
 
 HAB WILFULLY Eiit'T xouR j;yks vrox thj: 
 
 TEt'TH ! 
 
 *' why should lionor outlive honesty r 
 ' Let It'go all!" 
 
 Then, the gleamings of departed conscience 
 shone out their last — then, yrm cast away the 
 innocent flower, .ind exposed the serpent that 
 ^urked beneath it — you shut up the passage to 
 remorse, and determined that no compunctious 
 visitings of nature, should siiake your fell pur- 
 pose. We saw no more of the limid culprit, 
 starting and blushing at every step in infamy, 
 or the trembling as!,assin, wiping to stab, yet 
 afraid to strike — but the brazen-faced calumnia- 
 tor stood forth, with the hidoous mai-k of Liar 
 on his forehead, fixed there by his own confes- 
 sion, resolved to lie on without blushing! 
 
 Sir, it would have bfcn better — infinitely 
 better, for .vou to have continued to avail your- 
 self of the plea of having wilfully lied, tlian to 
 have attempted, as you d d on the 12th inst. a 
 justificAtion v»'herehy yoi exposed your guilt 
 by your efforts to conceal it; and in your strug- 
 gle to avoid the odium of one lie, not only con- 
 victed yourself of that, but Incurred the crime 
 of others. I have already spoken of the piti- 
 ful and mendacious expedient you resorted to, 
 that you might notice the charge; and I will 
 now show, that as p tiful as it is, it is not an 
 much so as the argiuncnt yoti use to acquit 
 yourself. But " it is to ke feiU-ed that you have 
 not even grace enough to blush at the detcctiou 
 of your sophistry." ' ' , 
 
 You asserted that the execution-' of Arbiith- 
 not and Ambristcr was a scene of blood 
 and carnage, which \'ou could not look upon 
 witli compf'sure, and that you expressed your 
 horror at the transaction, at the time of it. — 
 I pronounced it to be an odious, wicked lie, 
 and demanded of you to produce one article, 
 one sentence, yea, c\en one word to su.staiii it; 
 and promised that, if you did, I would publicly 
 confess that I had wronged you. I told you 
 I had searched your columns for evidence, and 
 gave you the following extract, a.s going as far 
 to sustain your declaration as any thing you had 
 written on the subject : 
 
 ' We are bound to presume that these facts 
 ' were proved i for Arl)uthnot and Ambrister 
 
 • were tried before a Court Majtial, of which 
 ' the discreet and gallant Gaines was President, 
 ' and composed of officers of the highest clia- 
 ' racter and standing. The .sentence was ap- 
 
 ♦ proved by Jackson, whose humanity, as v.xll 
 ' as his valor, has often been tested ; from 
 
 * which character the energy that distinguishes 
 ' hit, conduct surely cannot detract. If we had 
 « know n nothing of Gen. Jackion's cliiiracter 
 ' before, the generous indignation he manifest- 
 
 ♦ ed at the imwarranted destruction' of Cliehaw, 
 
 * interposes, between him and the charge of 
 « cmelty. It has been said that Gen. Jackson 
 
 • ought to ha v^ a waited, the decision of the l*re- 
 « sidcnt on the fate of his prisonei-s. On thi.s 
 < head the la.w hai; placed iji the hands of Gen 
 
 ' Jackson a discretionary power, and if he be- 
 » lievcdit pi-opcr, and it might have been i>ece.s 
 « saiy, perhaps, to the .safety of lus army, it \\-Ji, 
 
\:2k> 
 
 ■^Vis ciuLV to cany iHto etl'cct a s^nl^jnce iiitend- '• We v. cU remeiribev tlia^ or. the lif^L j^ianct 
 * ed to operate more as an exumple than a pvr.i- at the proceecUners of that tribimi.1 which doom- 
 
 ' ed those /ucAi/ts* forcisjuers, we briefly noticed 
 
 the subject in this paper, csp ressi ni^ our /^/.<- 
 
 • ishmcnt.'— iW/if. Int. 19fh June, 1818. 
 
 Sir, you felt the charg-e, and felt it keenly, 
 too. Look at your miserable efforts to evade 
 it— and blush, if bUish you can, at the (glaring 
 falsehoods and .sophistry you have iiidul;^ed in. 
 
 Yoii pretended to comply with tlie request of 
 a " Jaclcson friend" to publish the extract, and 
 then availed yourself of the circumstance to 
 make explanatio)i.s,wh\ch. you thought might, in 
 the opinion of some, acquit you of the chSu'g-e. 
 lou state that Gen. Jackson was assailed f;)r 
 the act, and that you endeavored to avert tl:ie 
 rising sentiment against him, and ask — 
 
 '* And how did we do it ? Did we justify a 
 cruel and sanguinary disposition in him ? No : 
 we sought out the case of generous indignation 
 
 once exhibited by him, and we turned it to 
 good account by considering it as ware 
 the imputation of cruelty of character." 
 
 f'iisifattliem, siying (m these nr equivalait words,) 
 If this be military law. Heaven long preserve ui 
 from being subject to its s^vay !" 
 
 Now, Sir, if you had bcsn honest, and de- 
 signed net to impose upon the people, why did 
 you not give the ve/v words of the declaration 
 to u'hich you hcin; advert, and the d.ay on whicli 
 you made it, th.at they might construe it tliem- 
 selves, and not take your sense of it, or what you 
 deemed an ••tv7u/w;&rtf' meaning? Is your re- 
 putation of so little value, th.'vt you will not take 
 the trouble to refer to your columns and give 
 proof to sustain it i Or do you deem yourself of 
 such mighty consequence, tiuat if yo\i but asseit 
 it, it will be b< iieved.' No, Sir, you were coi'- 
 
 j ^. ., . . J- £c sclous of vour guil', and had no remedy, but to 
 
 good account by cons.dermg it as warding- off ^^^^^^ another lie, in the desperate hbpe that 
 
 some credulous creatui-e v/ould believe you. 
 
 I will, however, deal fairer with the peo])Ie. 
 I will give them the declaration itself, and lot 
 them judge. It w.as made on the 9th of Decem- 
 ber, 1818, the day on which you published the 
 proceedings of th^ Cor.rt Martial. Here ills! 
 "JWith respect to the evidence before the Court. 
 
 AVhy it was never alleged that you justified 
 a sanguinary disposition in him — for in all 
 your remarks in relation to his character 
 and his conduct, you ascribe exactly tl^e re- 
 verse to him But, Sir, will it not require a 
 more than ordinary effort to believe, that this , . . 
 
 act, whic.h,in 1818, and whicii you now. style an in tins case, our respect for the character of tlio 
 act of ''prnieroits ■'ndignation," and which you Officers composing it, obliges us, litlle-conver- 
 used to vv-ard ofi'the charge of cruelty ofcharac- sant as we have professed to be, (and may we 
 
 which you shuddered! Ay, Sir, as strange as it tide, apprehending that .sonie doubt may sirtse 
 
 may appear, 'tis true. Turn to vour sheet of as to the propriety of the prnceedinjrs o/ M." 
 
 that day, and the fact will stare you in tlie face. Court, you proceed to justify the cxe.cution^ on 
 
 and drive the natural ruby from your cheeks, another plea, and.say — "0:i the pnnciple Ol/-i'- 
 
 Thusj like a perjured criminal, whose drer.dful ialiation recognised by all i:-.ui(jn5, ihese persons 
 
 apprehensions overpower his memory, in your we conceive might have been lawtully pu: 
 
 blind and convulsive struggle lo" escape one to death. They had identified themselves 
 
 charge, vou encour-ter another more appalfn-^. witii the Indians; and though clainnng to b.- 
 
 You proceed, and say: " la regard to the par- British subjects, did not prove themselves 
 
 liculai- question atissue, we .said, that if it was to be such; and were, nccovdlngto ourdocir'.'.- 
 
 necessary tr, the safely of h's array, it was ju^ on the subject of alkgianct^, actud!'. 
 
 lifiable. And this was ti/7 that v/e could say in tcl. The militarv practices of lu.l . 
 
 favor of it." And die..i, having very modestly 
 li^umed this, you proceed to d'scuss the ques- 
 tion, whether it was or was not necessary to the 
 safety of his army ? Now, Sir, this is downright 
 
 trary to the laws of war, the oo.iini:aulli.; 
 era! had a ch^ir right to retaliate. He (i:_i ^ ' 
 in the case of the Indian chl<fs, and he nuj^la 
 have done so in thu cai-se of -Irbuthnot and Am- 
 
 limacv- It is not only nota//, but i7o/'-',/?7^that bristcr." >, > t r i 
 
 youdldsav. You said tiiat "if he believed it On the 11th of Decembef, '18, you defciiu 
 
 proper, it was his duty to carrv ii.to effect the him on the same plea, and in relation to tlw; 
 
 sentence." And all that is said about its being obj<rctions which may he made to the procee*.- 
 
 necessarv to the safety of hLs armv, is a mere ings of tiie Court,' you alh g<- that it is st:»toit 
 
 conjectural reason of your own, superadded to that Gen. Jackson designed that the Couii. 
 
 the other, which was "in your opinion suiTicient sliould only ascertain the fucts, and that it wiu 
 
 to justify the act. Read' it, and sa\- If, by the upon thft f«rrs. thus asccrtainetl, th;»t he acted. 
 
 most forced construcf.ou.it cnn be made tomeati On the ^'Jl'.i of Dec<-mber, you invito the {U 
 
 what you as.seiL. Supply all that vou can pos- tcntion of yotir readers to an able article >h 
 
 sibly contend to be understoo<l, and you make vindication of (ien. Jack>4ou, cnpied Inuu tin. 
 
 nonsense of it. "If he believed it propcf, and Kasteru AvguH, and .>bscrvc-: "Thi.9-a:-ticie dis- 
 
 cribe such unmeaning stu;." to vou. Yon pre- by a j.117, r:»ther than U court of otllcers sum- 
 sume too muc-h vpoi. t'.e ignoi-ance of your moaed for that purpose- '» t'"^ ^'l'^^ "' ♦"f- 
 i-caders. casa, though wc iJo not cease to wish the oc • 
 
 ■ Yet this is not all. You exhibit, in the follow' currencrfc ririnl) had nerer taken place, l]ic /c- 
 3ng sentente, taken from the same 1 
 stance ot bold and dauntless dishonest'^, 
 .'has no narallf.1. 
 
 in the follow' currencrfc flriHl) Had nerer lanen piacc, \iif; tc- 
 : aitcle, an in- g(d objt;ctions to it are greatlv lessened, if not 
 3ncs^^, which entirely oWioted. It is one of the least of tli. 
 
 rroun'. "*" '^"" "'^'''■■'^* in ••cf",:*. 1 to tl' • trc • - 
 
42ib 
 
 -» 
 
 ^cuoii, tkut it has, as we foresaw it would, 
 been seized on as the means of producinsr an 
 Mnpression on the public mind, unfavorable to 
 his character, iy those who had reasons for dis- 
 hkinfr Gen. Jackson of an eurlisr date than the 
 ^tmi/iole wiir." Where now is the dissust— 
 where the hohhor— where is the scene of bloovl 
 and cani;ige which made you shudder, and burst 
 lorth in such a\/ful ejaculations to Heaven?— 
 \Vhepe are thev > Can you see them ' Then for 
 pity's tfake, show theTi to me, for I am really 
 weary in searchni^ for them. Meti\inks you 
 AVill see more honor in this exposure, than you 
 did 111 the execution of these savape incen'dia- 
 nes! ° 
 
 "lut ag-aln, on the 12lh inst. vou say: " From 
 Uat dity to this, 'no expression of approbation 
 ot the manner of the execution of Arbuthnot. 
 im ever been hearri from us." Why, Sir, no 
 charge of this kind wa» alleged against you. 
 ^ou had declared, tJiat at the time of the exe- 
 Ouuon, you had expressed your disanprobntion 
 and dtsgtut at it. This I asserted to be false, 
 and cliallenged you to the proof, and thus you 
 pi?ad to It. But are you seriously anxious to 
 make your readers believe that you did disap- 
 prove ot it > Althoujchyou really seem to be, 
 I can h.ardly bela-ve it; for admitting that you 
 Uia, what can you possibly accomplish by" it'' 
 iNoiie, I am sure, will concur with vou in the 
 opinion. But us you seem desirous they should 
 think so, I will annex afew remarks, taken from 
 yoiir columns. On the 4th of June, 1818, I 
 i.ud the lollowmg:-'. i„ viewing tiie end of 
 Arbuthnot and Ambiister, the mind can expe- 
 rience no other sensation than complacency, 
 that guilt so full, so unexampled as theirs. hL 
 received its merited punishment. And, indeed, 
 what pity do they deserve, who, born and edu- 
 cated in the bosom of civihzedsociftv, have iden- 
 tihed themselves with cannibals, thirstinr after 
 Imman blood! who could excite, applaud, andre- 
 •rompensft their deeds of ferocity"' 
 
 On the 5th of June, 1818-" the comm.^nder 
 of Uie OlacAs (Ambnster), an Knglishman who 
 iiad served as an eng:ineer under Colonel N^chok, 
 was tsken, tried by a court martial, and shot- 
 Arbuthi.ot was hung on the 24th of April." 
 
 On the 19th June, 1818. vou sav: •' In ree-ard 
 to these executions then, cur inVormation ex- 
 tends only to the fact that two Imlians, the per- 
 petual foes to the American race, .-ind who 
 are said to have violated every obligation 
 of nature or of law, hv savage treachen-, were 
 hung by Gen. Jackson, and that two white 
 persons were tried by a court martial, and pun- 
 ished with death, on chai-g-es of treachery 
 and deliberate incitement of Uie savagr.s to acts 
 of barbarity. We have not the official annunci- 
 ation ot these faqts; m^ither the pnvcecd'n^s of 
 the court martial, before whom the Utter were 
 tried. Bui tve have ctwu^k t-o certifij us, thai 
 these per^om, if gwVq of the offences alkffed 
 iiganust them, ottritrd their fate. » ' » • We can 
 well conceive, that a painful feeling might be 
 awakened in the breasts of many, nav, most of 
 <>ur leaders, on heaving these 'circi'imst.^nccs. 
 Tbe feeling is natural. The mi.sei-able wretch, 
 whose life h forfeit to the laws for the offence 
 of horse stealing or highway robbery, is not 
 launched into etL-rnity without commiseration. 
 We would at tliat moment save him if we could 
 WuT in Thp highest exci»(«ment of that feeling. 
 
 who ever censured thejuiy thtt decided, or the 
 Judge who pronounced the law, or the officer 
 of the court, whose unfortunate duty it \j-as to 
 Rce it executed' Yet the degree of the crime 
 thus atoned bears no proportion to the enormi- 
 ty of that, of which he is guilty, who educates a 
 whole tribe to murder and rapine; puts the in- 
 struments into their hanck, and even heads the 
 bands which have slaughtered our fathers, bro- 
 thers, wives, and helpless infants. Their crima 
 was horrible if proved, and the ineasun ofjustic- 
 not ovcrkaptd! .'" 
 
 On tlie 17th October, '18, you say. "The war, 
 with all ^ts horrid consequences, is imputable 
 then to his (Arbuthnot's) interference. What- 
 ever may have been his motives, he has perish- 
 ed amidst the massacre and conflagration which 
 he instigated." 
 
 These are but a few of the remarks ia 
 your paper on this subject. It has never, I 
 believe, been asserted by any one, that these- 
 men were not guilty of the crimes for which 
 they suffered; and if you can derive any plea- 
 sure from inducing the public to believe that 
 you expressed disapprobation and disgust at the 
 execution of these "LUCKLESS FOUEIGN- 
 ERS," — why, Sir, enjoy it— I would not rob 
 you of a gratification of that kind ! 
 
 You further say. on the 12th inst. »' We con- 
 sider the whole proceeding as having been con- 
 trary to the spirit of this government and of this 
 people." Sir, you did not entertain this opin- 
 ion when you published the President's message 
 in 1818, which justified, in the strongest terms, 
 and to the fullest extent. General Jackson's con- 
 duct in the Seminole war; for in relation to that 
 message, and with direct reference to this sub- 
 ject, you say on the 21st of November, "we may^ 
 safely say, after the exposition tlius officially 
 given, the course of this government stands on 
 that vantage giound of justice and security, 
 which we hope it will always occupy in its re- 
 lations with foreign powei-s." 
 
 Again, you s.iy: " It was this incident, with 
 some others which occurred ab'mt the same 
 time, that awakened a feeling in regard to Gen. 
 Jackson, which gave us great pain, though it did 
 not diminish your (our) disposition to lookupOii 
 him, and whatever he did, witha fiivorable eye." 
 I confess. Sir, that I have endeavored, in vain, 
 to comprehend this. You asserted, but a few 
 d;iys ago, that it was an act, which, from \ our 
 .■nability to look on blood ami cainage with 
 composure, you could not contemplate with- 
 out fselings of hoiTor. and that, "a/ the 
 time of it," you expressed your objcctiuti to 
 it. And in the sentence iinracdiutely pre^ 
 ceding it, you say — "we briefly noticed tU;i 
 fiubject (at the time) in this paper, exjiressliig- 
 our dit^s^iisl, &.C This is looking upon it with a 
 favorable eye, " with a vengeance!" How you 
 could thus look upon it, .and express your horror 
 and disgust at it, is a question beyond my ca- 
 pacity to solve. It was doubtless an erratum; 
 i\)r ex-presscd vc should read suppressed. 
 
 D'lt it seems that you continued "to feel 
 towards Gen. J.ackson this favorable dispasitiou 
 as lon^s he was a private man. But when Irc 
 came to be proposed ks a candidate for the Presi- 
 tlency, you (we) felt a surprise great as, &c. 
 Here, sir, is evidently another mistike. Your 
 memory fails you. It was not when Gen. Jack- 
 son was proposed for the Pre.sidenrr, that you 
 
4;i7 
 
 t;it surprise. It was wheii you lost the printing' 
 o the Senate — it was then, Sir, — then that you 
 I'ere " ttedrififd J" it was then that with "sor- 
 ow's eye, glazed with blinding tears," you ex- 
 
 I pressed vour surprise in strains so doleful as to 
 nake "e'en ang-els weep." Surely you re 
 nember that Gen. Jackson was a candidate for 
 he Prejidency in 1824, and never until thai fa- 
 al election in the Senate, which occurred in 
 L827,did you evon whisper a woi'd of objection 
 o his temper, his acts, or his qualifications ! 
 
 What mighty miracles did that election 
 rt'ork! It turned complacency to horror, ho- 
 ey to g«ll, fond love to deadly hate — day 
 nto nig'ht! Oh, 'twas indeed a terrible event ! 
 NTever shall it " part from my heai't; whene'er 
 [ would be sad, I think of it." 
 
 Now, seriously. Sir, do you not think it 
 [would have been better, to liave confess- 
 icd, as you did on the 10th of October, 
 1827, that you had Ns-ilfully shut your eyes 
 upon the ti'uth, than thus to have ag- 
 Ifravated your guilt by such a horrid accumula 
 tion of falsehoods ' 
 
 I had transcribed from your columns a small 
 
 volume of evidence, but enough I am sure has 
 
 been said, to sliow on your forehead the odious 
 
 motto. — " He that will give most, shall have me." 
 
 A MARYLAND FARMER. 
 
 August 25th 1828. 
 
 TO THE PEOPLE. 
 
 EiiLLow Citizens — !•: the administration ad- 
 tlress to which we are replying by letters, ad- 
 dressed to its autliors, great Stress is laitl upon 
 the conduct of Gen. Jackson, m undertaking to 
 act against, or without law, at New Orleans es- 
 pecially — this objection was noticed in our ele- 
 venth li^tter, and we should have presented with 
 that letter, the papers, which we now laj- be- 
 it)reyou, if they had been in our possession. 
 "We offer them now, and ask for them your par- 
 ticular consideration. 
 
 The ^/*s/ is a letter from the late President 
 .'lEFFEUSON, written m 1810, the principles 
 of which are most remarktibh' applicable to the 
 c*mergencies in which Gen. Jackson W3!> called 
 to act five yeai-s afterwards — those principles, 
 unless sound in themselves, could rot be ren- 
 dered so even by so high an authority as Mr. 
 Jefferson — upon a dispassionate consideration 
 of them, however,lthey will be found in accord- 
 ance with the patriotism of him who acted up- 
 (Tn them, as well of him who sanctioned them. 
 
 The secniidii the patriotic and appropriate 
 speech, delivered by Mr. C. J. Isrkhsoll, the 
 r^pi'esentativc of this city in Congress, in 1815, 
 when thanks And a gold medal were unanimous, 
 ly voted to Gen. Jackson. The spirit of this 
 address was, at the time, the spirit of the na- 
 tion; and, we doubt not, is the same spirit, 
 which still animates a large majority of the peo- 
 ple, and will ensure the triumph, of their cau.se. 
 
 The AtheniaiLS, who sacrificed Aristides for 
 the sternness of his virtues, who allowed Vlilit^a- 
 des to perish in prison for a sum less than the 
 cost of one of their dr.amatic cTchibitions, and 
 who permitted tlie greatest philosopliersto be 
 n)urdeied under the mask of devotion to the 
 (jbds, were already prepared for the yoke of the 
 thirty tyrants. It cannot be the dc sire or the 
 interest of A mencans, to imitate the example 
 of a degenerated people. We cannot conceal 
 
 from ourselves the fact, that the age, iii which 
 we live, is pregnant with political good or evil 
 to mankind; the course of events is only check- 
 ed in Europe; to this country, the eyes of all 
 liberal men are directed — for the sake of our 
 fime and our prosperity, let us beware of sol- 
 emnly sanctioning by our votes, the success of 
 a corrupt combination — let us beware of sacriti- 
 cmg a man, whose life has been devo+ed to the 
 service of his countrv. 
 
 JOSEPH WORRELL, 
 WILLIAM DUNCAN, 
 WILLIAM BOYD, 
 HENRY TOLAND, 
 J OHM WURTS, 
 WILLIAM J. DUANE. 
 WILLIAM J. LEIPER, 
 CHARLES S. COXE, 
 THOMAS M. PETTIT, 
 Comnjittee of Correspondence for Philadelphia, 
 appointed by the Republican Convention, 
 assembled at Harrisburg, Jan. 8th, 1828. 
 August 29. 
 
 MR. JEFFERSON'S OPINIONS. 
 To Mr. J- B. CoLvix. 
 
 Monticelloy Sept. 20, 1810. 
 
 Sib : Your favor of the 14th, has been 
 duly received, and 1 have to thank you for the 
 maiiv obliging things respecting myself which 
 are said in H- If I have left in the breasts of my 
 fellow citizens a sentiment of satisfaction with 
 my conduct in the ti-ansaction of their business, 
 it will soften the pillow of my repose througl> 
 the residue of life. 
 
 The question you propose, whether cu-cum- 
 stances do not sometimes occur which make it 
 a duty in officers of high trust to assume au- 
 thorities beyond the law, is easy of solution in 
 principle, b.it sometimes embarrassiHg :\\ prac- 
 tice. A strict observance of the written laws is 
 doubtlesss wa of the high duties o{ a gwd citi- 
 zen : but it is not the highcat. The laws of ne- 
 cessity, of self-preservation, of saving ourcoun. 
 try when in danger, are of higher obligation. 
 To lose our country by a scrupulous adhertnc" 
 to written law, woidd'beto lose the law itselL 
 with life, liberty, property, and all those who 
 are enjoying them with us ; tlvus absurdly sacri- 
 acing the end to the means. Wlien, in the bat- 
 tle ofGermantown, General W^'shingtou's army 
 was annoyed from Chew's house, he did not 
 hesitate to plant his cannon ag;i;nst it, although 
 the property of a citieen. When he besieged 
 York Town, he levc^Ued the suburbs, feelmg 
 thai the laws of property must be postponed to 
 the safety of the nation. Wiiilc that army wa^ 
 before York, the Governor of Virginia took 
 horses, carriages, provisions, and even men, by 
 force, to enable that army to stay together liU 
 it could master th^- i»ublic enemy ; and ho was 
 justified. A ship at sea, in distress for provisions, 
 meets another having abundance, yet refusing a 
 supply ; the law of self-preservat.oh authonzes 
 the disU-essed to Uke a supply by force. In all 
 these cases the unwritten laws of necessity, ot 
 .self-preservation, and of public safety, control 
 the written laws of meum and tuum. Rirther 
 to exemplify the |)rinciple, I will .state an hypo- 
 thetical case . Suppose it had been made known 
 to the i:xecutive of the Union in the autumn ot 
 1808, that we might have the Fh^ridasfor a rea- 
 «;«Hable sum, that that sum liad vot Jndf^ed been 
 
\rl>^ 
 
 top ttpprojjiiuicd by law, Ijul uiui Cougres.-. wc-re 
 t6 meet witliin three weeks, and inijrht appro- 
 priate it on the first or second day of' their ses- 
 sion. Ought he, for so great an advantage to 
 lais country, to. have risked himself by transc^nd- 
 iiljC the law, and making the purchase' Tjie 
 pubhc ad\'ftntage ofTered, in this s'lpposed case, 
 tvas indeeii immense: but a rev( rcnce for Uv, 
 and the probnbility that tlie advantage mipht 
 still be k^ly acconiplisljed by a delay of only 
 three weeks, were powerful reasons against 
 hazurdliig- the act. But suppose it foreseen tliat 
 -J •***■»«**•« ». ^ould find means to protract 
 tJie proceeduig on it by Congref-s, until tiie en- 
 buing Spring, by which tin»e ntwcircamstances 
 M'ould change the niind of the otlier party: 
 Ought the Execuiive, in that case, and with that 
 i'dreknowledge, to have Beciu'ed the good to his 
 countT}', a:>d to Itave trusted to the:r justice for 
 the transgression of the law? 1 think he ougiit, 
 and that the act v/ould have been approved. 
 After the fclTair of the Chestrpeake, we tliouglit 
 war a v-ery- possible result. Our magazines were 
 jlly provided with some necessary articles, nor 
 !iad any appropriations been made for their pur- 
 chase. We ventured.jhowcver, to provide them, 
 nnd to place our counliy in safety, and stating 
 Che oftse to Congress, they sanctioned tl\e act. 
 
 To proceed to tlie conspiracy of Burr, and 
 jiarticulai-ly to Gen. Wilkinson's situation in 
 New Orleans. In judging this case we are 
 bound to consider the state of the information, 
 correct and incorrect, which he then possessed. 
 lie expected Burr and Ins band from above, a 
 iirrtisli fleet from below, anl he kn»-w tlure was 
 ii fon«idal)le conspiracy within the city. Under 
 tl)cse circumstances, was he jr.stifiabie, Isti In 
 seizing notorious conspirators? On thi.s there 
 can be but two npin;on.s; one, of the guilty :uid 
 their accomplices; the other, tiiat of ail ho- 
 nest men. 2d. Sendiiig them to tlie seat of 
 g-overnment when the wraten lav/ gave them a 
 rjglii to trial m the territory? 'riic danj^cr of 
 their rescue, of their continuing their machina- 
 tions, the ;,-\rdine6s and weakness of vhe law, apa- 
 thy of tlie Judges, activ.. pHironag.- of tlie wliole 
 tribe of lawyers, unknown disposition of the 
 _iuries, iin houi-ly expectation of fhe enemv, sal- 
 vatjon of the city, and of the Union itself, 
 wh'ch would h.^ve been con\utscd to its ceiitiv, 
 had that conspiracy succeeded; all these consti- 
 tuted a law of necessity and seif-pri^servation, 
 and rendered the saJiispopuli supieme over t!ie 
 ■written law. The ofiicer who is called to act 
 on this superior ground, does indeod riik hiin- 
 tidf on the juHtice of tlie roiitrollin)r powoi-s of 
 the Constitution, and his station makes it His du- 
 ty to incur that risk. But those controUingpow- 
 crs, and his fellow-citizens genendJy, are bound 
 to judge according to the circnmstancf c under 
 which he acted. They arc not to traiisf«-r the 
 iuforniation of this place or moment to the time 
 and place of hJi action: but to put tiiemselvcs 
 into his situation. We know here tlint there 
 never was danger of a Brtish flf-et froio below, 
 and that Buir's band was cruslied before it reach- 
 ed the Mii:ii!isippi. But Gen. Wilkinson's in- 
 formation was very difFt-n ii. m. T li'<- r-irl-l •>'♦ 
 on n»i otlier. 
 
 Ymm these examples ami pr.r.cjjie-;, ) ru nuiy 
 see what I think on the question proposetl.— '- 
 They do not goto the case of persons charged 
 with petty duties, vhcre con=,'^niir-rrs -iro t;-.'. 
 
 Jiing, and lune allowed tor a legal course, uo.p^ 
 to authorize them to take such cases out of thx W 
 written law. In these the example of overleap j-n 
 ing t!ie law is of greater evil than a strict adhe Jift' 
 rence to its imperfect provisions. It is incum |no! 
 bent on those only who accept of great charges, Qicl 
 to risk themselves on great occasions, when the W 
 Bafety of the nation, or some of its verj' high in IK' 
 terests are at slake. An officer is bound to obey pre 
 orders: yet he would be a bad one who shoulvlp 
 do it in cases for which they were not intended, f* 
 
 and wliich involved the most important conse- 
 
 tb 
 
 quences The line of discrimination betwec 
 cases maj' be difficult; but the good ofHcer ■ 
 bound to draw it at his own peril, and thrcv 
 himself on the justice of his country and the rc 
 titude of ins motives. 
 
 I iiave indulged freer views on this questic 
 on yonv assurances that tliey are for your o\v. 
 eye only, and that they will not get into the hands |l( 
 of newswriters. I met their .scurrilities without. P 
 CO icern, while in pursuit of the gnat intercst3|(l5 
 with vvhicli I was charged; but in my present r 
 tiremeut, no duty forbids my witih for quiet. 
 
 Accept the assurances of my esteem and r 
 spect. TH: JEFFEUSON. , 
 
 : 
 
 Substance of Mr. Ingei-soli's observations ou 
 tlie pa=!sage of the resohstions expressive of 
 the thanks of Congress to Gen. Jackson, Jcc. 
 Mr. i>'peal.-er~l legret that these resolution.'! 
 require any amendment. I am persuaded, how- 
 ever, that their final passage will be unanimous. 
 Tlie house wil! excuse mt , 1 hope, if I indu!t;e 
 myself in a few observations on tnis occasion, i- 
 speak impromptu, sir, v/ithout premeditation — 1 
 have found it impossible to think — I have been 
 able only to feel these last three days. The un- 
 expected, the gratefid termination of the glori- 
 ous struggle we h.Avejust concluded, is calcula- 
 ted to excite emoti<ms such as can be understocd 
 by those only who can feel them. For the firsl 
 time duringthis long, arduous and'trj'ing session, 
 we can all feel ahke — we are all of one mind — all 
 heartitleap to the embraces of each other. Such 
 a spectacle as that now exhibited by the Senate. 
 and House of Rcpresfntativcs of the United 
 States of Am'-rlca, w:is never presented to the 
 world before. While the Scnat.- are ratifying u, 
 treaty of peace, tlie House of Representatives arc 
 voting heart-felt thanks to tlio.se noble patriots, 
 those gallant citizen .sol 'icrs who have crowr.c; 
 that peace with imperishable lustre. The term,, j 
 of the tjcaty are yet unknown to U9. But the 
 victory at Orleans haa 'eiidered them glorious 
 and honorable, be they what they may. They 
 must be honourable under se.ch a termination of 
 the war. Those Comn:issionei's whohave afibrd- 
 ed us such signal credentials of their firn-.ne^s 
 heretofore, cannot possibly i.ave swerved. The 
 governineiit has not betrayed its trust. The 
 nation now cannot be discredited. It has done 
 \U duty, and is above disgrace. Within fivo 
 and thirty yeaisofoui" natiimal existence, we. 
 have achieved a uecoad acknowledgment of our 
 n:itional sovereignty. In tlic war of tlie revolu- 
 tion we Ind with allies — in arms— reinfcrcements 
 fr ini nbr^d on our own soil — and the wishes of 
 ;.ll E'lro'^on our side. But in this late conflict 
 we stood single handed. Not an auxiliary to 
 support us — Not a bosom in Europe that dared 
 beat ill our behalf — not one but wasctmstrained 
 in :*''(^r- i;? Iifi'if.; "fit r ntf»r(a;r!ed :inv !) 0",r f" 
 
■m 
 
 \ 
 
 Th& ifEiiXy Signed at PariS on ihe 13th of 
 St May placed U9 in a situation of the utmost 
 nergency. Englandhad triumphed over Franco 
 and she turned upon us with her hands full 
 the implements of destruction — her heart al- 
 ost burstipg- with veng-eance and fuiy — male- 
 ction in her manifestoes — su^-jug'ition on her 
 I'ord. We have already voted thanks to those 
 sroes of (he North wlio, in Canadfi, faced and 
 roka tne spell of En.^lish invincibility. From 
 le north the tempest rollrJ on to tiiis iieig'iibor- 
 |.K)d: and it was in tke mi. 1st of the ruins — the 
 ndere — of this capitol, wh'ch became tlie mo- 
 lOfttary prize of a successfiil incursion — it was 
 fa period the mc st awful, under difficulties the 
 ,ost apoallin?;", that prapiirations were made to 
 leet the final, ths concentrated onset at New- 
 rleans — the most remote, the weakest point of 
 IV territoines — the most vulnerable — the hard- 
 ■A to hold— and the hardest to regain if once 
 ist. For the capture of that city a mostformi- 
 ible force was embodied. All the disposable 
 •oops to be spared by England from Europe, 
 te detachments scattered along our coasts, all 
 le^msons andtruops t'lat c(nildbe collected 
 ■oni the West India Islands, were concentrated 
 )r this la-t and grand object. The gallant and 
 enerous inlisbitants of the west flew to :u'nis. 
 ; was not their fire-sides they liad to defend. 
 : was in many cases more than a thousand, in 
 1 more than five hundred miles from iiome 
 ley were to seek the scene of their exploits, 
 'hey Went with an imu:ortahzing alacrity of pat- 
 otism. Every man of them is entitled to a 
 ani^gyric. TUere is no distinction but that of 
 mk to be made between them, and their 
 :^ve, their wary, their consummate command- 
 '. Hardly arrive<l in New-Orleans when the 
 lemy appeared, they instantly attacked him — 
 id in the niijht time. The result of this 
 iiaiediate intrepidity was their striking a 
 ilutary respect into the invaders. The con- 
 uerors of Europe sent the flower of their 
 i-mies un^ler the most eminent of their co:n- 
 ,an.lers, on this expedition. On the 28th De- 
 jmberand the 1st of Janu.iry, attempts were 
 lade to caiTy the American lines — but without 
 iccess. Withovit impression. Finding that 
 leir men had learned a reluctance to attack 
 om thes« experinicnls, the British officers, on 
 »e memorable eighth.threw themselves into the 
 ontand led on the charge. It is this that alone 
 m account for the enormous effusion ofofli- 
 ;;^' blood. Not relying on the example thus 
 ;t, they atlded moreover thoso enticements, 
 hid), at BadajoK and St. Sebastians, had se- 
 uced the soUhers to success, Tliey offered 
 eauly and booty — rin other words, rape and ra- 
 ine, as the reward of victory. Thus I;d and 
 ms invited, the Hritish army made lU storm, 
 heir discomfiture is without example — never 
 as there such a disparity of loss. \V'ith the 
 dings of tWs triumph from the south, to have 
 eace from the east, is such a fulness of grati- 
 cation as must overflow all hearts witli grati- 
 ide to the (.Uver of all good —to that Being 
 lio has saved us from the enemy, who has 
 ivedusfrom all harm.s. Nyt to be grateful 
 ould be impious — not to triumph, cold and 
 huTlish indeed. England has conquered I'u- 
 ipc. In the miilst of iier conquests, she is dis- 
 Dnterited and unhappy. Europe, relieved from 
 renrh dominion, !■< already enslaved !»frt'>ih. 
 
 cruelly easiavcu. Foliitd, the ricIiekijlTnesf. cou;', 
 try on that continent, with a population roman- 
 sically free and patriotic, is annexed to Russia. 
 After fighting the battles of France for the pay 
 of emancipation, Poland falls under the RrtSHiaii 
 yoke. Saxony, one of the mofrt ancient andre- 
 tpectable of the sovert-ignties of Europe, issnb- 
 joined as a province tn Prussia, the most recent, 
 the most deijpicsble of all the European power:! 
 — a kingdom whi-^i^foiind a tranaient conse- 
 quence in the geniufl of the great Frwlcnck^ 
 which never can be considernble without such a 
 genius to sustain it. The Italians are torn fronj 
 their homes to serve in Austrian armies. Nor- 
 way dislocated from Denmark to be forc«d ir.to» 
 the arms of Sweden — France is unsettled— Spain 
 convuhcd — Holland swelled into an ephofRera! 
 mignitude. Wtiat a contrast with this happy, 
 tlu'iving, blessed country! Who does not reijoic^ 
 that he is not an European! Who is not proud 
 to feel himself an American — cur wrongs aveng- 
 ed — our rights recognised, for 1 repeat that; 
 no matter whi^ tlie terms of the treaty may be, 
 the effects of this war must be permanently 
 prosperous and honorable. The catastro- 
 phe at Orleans has fixed an impress, has sealed, 
 has consecrated die compact beyond t^e pow- 
 ers of parchment and diplomac}'. At sea a tida 
 of triumphs — by land a continent on which the 
 enemy could gain no foothold. Your navy tran- 
 cendrnt in achievements — your ai^ny at lengtli 
 equalling your na/y. Mr. Speaker, for the rich- 
 est kingdom in Europe I would not exchangR 
 my American citizenship — for the most opulent 
 endowment I would not surrender the deUg^t: 
 which I derive from the feelings of this moment. 
 Let us then pass, let us vote by acclamation, the: 
 thanks of Congress to Gen. Jackson and his 
 companions in victory. 
 
 I cannot resume my scat, sir, without a worJ 
 of mcrtted eulo.giurn cm'an individual not com- 
 prehended in these resolutions; but to whom the 
 nation is greatly indebted for this success. I 
 mean the firesent Secretary at War. From the; 
 monumental dilapijatinns of this capital, witli 
 enemies lo provide against on all quarters, those 
 arrangements werf made and those aids afford- 
 ed by the government, which mainly cnntribo- 
 ted to the glorious re.sult at Orleans. — Jackson, 
 to be sure, and h'.s cohorts banded togethei' 
 from all regions, by his powerful ascendancy, 
 were the executors — but the able and hones^: 
 statesman, who now holds the War Department, 
 wastlie author and originator of the prcpai-atiuns. 
 Let us therefore — I hope all will agree to it — 
 let U3 consider him, too, in our applause. 
 
 LETTER XIV. 
 
 7'oJohn Ser::;e.ant,Manuel Eyyc,LaiLi'enct Ctids^ 
 C (-■ Blddlr, anrt Jnfrp'i P. i\'nrri\ F.squireH 
 — .'hitfiors of an nddrcus adopted at ihe admin- 
 istralion town meeting of the 7lh Juli/. 
 
 Gkktlkmew : If it is true, as is constantly as- 
 serted, that tiie people of this country are not 
 01. ly free but eniigliltncd, it nuist l)e the in- 
 terest of those, v,ho;vj cause is good, to rely 
 upon facts and fair argumentj »o that, when 
 bare assertion, insinuation, and intcmperatR 
 pvo?criptl(m arc resorted to, wc m.ay justly 
 doubt the soundness of the cause liiey are pro- 
 duced to support. 
 
 In such a community a." oun?, wliat Could 
 
i3W 
 
 .ja\ic ut:t;ii .11/ Mtci.itl as il tkij" C.KJkQsUion of Ihc 
 
 irterits of your own candidate? Yet, it is i-e- 
 Ijiarkable, that all you say about him, is cm- 
 Ijraccd in a 6inp;le line! — whilst columns are 
 iilled vith invective against his rival! 
 
 We have shoau that your atatemcntn, in re- 
 lation to the qiialijicaiiims of Gen. Jackson, are 
 peremptorily contradicted, hy a series of civil 
 .strvicts, performed by him, in the course of 
 iorty years: and ve ha%'e shown, that your as- 
 sertions m rclatlon to his coJiducf, are erroneous, 
 according to the testimony of all the functionu- 
 Ties by whom it has been canvassed. 
 
 It is now time to inquire into the merits 
 
 of your own candidate, as you have studiously 
 shunned that subjectyourselves: it is time to ask, 
 whether tlie political education, principles, ci/n- 
 iud and measiirct of your own candidate, entitle 
 him to the conftdence of afrce «nd virtuous peo- 
 ple.' All inquiries of this kind you carefully 
 supply by a single assertion — that he is an "il- 
 lustrious patriot!" Now it is remarkable, that, 
 if Mr. Adams merits this illustrious title, you did 
 jiot lay some evidence of his deserts before the 
 public! Such a title is not easy earned — a long 
 tram of circum.stances most precede the acquire- 
 ment of the greatest Tionor, that, in a republic, 
 can be had: but no such foundation is laid by 
 you, and for the simple reason, no doubt, tliat it 
 \ihuld not be done. 
 
 " An illustrious patriot!" What do we mean 
 Tiy such an appellation? is it not a man, who, at 
 peril and sacrillcc, has laboured to serve his 
 CDuntr3> if it is— what claim has Mr. Adams to 
 the title ' what peril has he ever encountered, 
 what sacrifice has he ever made, for his country-' 
 .is not an illustrious patriot, a man who has been 
 liivariably devoted to theprinc'pks of civil liber- 
 iif, and to the promotion of the happiness of his 
 4:outitrijmen? If such is an Illustrious patriot, 
 what are the claims of Mr. Adams > 
 
 Ye.s, we call upon you, gentlemen, to point 
 \A\t to the public, what services Mr. Adams has 
 ever performed, what prineiplts he has ever 
 acted upon, which give him the character of a 
 patriot, or any claim upon the gratitude of his 
 coimtry. 
 
 It is, indeed, with amazement, that we regard 
 the position, now held by Mr. Adams, when we 
 dispassionately a.sV ourselves — n^hat have bt^en 
 hid principles'? what has he done? Nay, it will 
 be with amazement that even ynu, gentlemen, 
 "uill regard those questions! answer them, you 
 tannot! 
 
 When any one says "the patriot Washington," 
 the mind never pauses to consider the truth of 
 the appellation: tlic generous tlevotion and the 
 disinterested services of that vcnei-atod mail are 
 id ways present to our contemplation: but when 
 you say " the illustrious patriot John Q. Adams," 
 the heart and the head at once resist and detect 
 the imposture: In every page of our history, we 
 find the proof of the patriotism of such men as 
 ■\yashington, Franklin, Hancock— and in the 
 Iiistory of his distingtiisked services, we recog- 
 nise tlie patriotism of Jackson: but in what 
 p:ige is written, or ever will be written, the cvi- 
 ffcnce of the patriotism of Mr. Adams? 
 
 No, gentlemen, it is a mi.s(akc; your candid- 
 .ite is not, and never will be, regarchnl a-* a patri- 
 ot: his education and his principles have been 
 nnti-patriotir. and icJf-aggrandizctrtenf lias been 
 
 the reguiatiu^ piis^ion of his hte. ,i ^^w . 
 prove it. 
 
 1 . The circumstance, that a father enter^ 
 
 tained anti-repubhcan principles, ought not b 
 mentioned, wh-n we canvass the principles o 
 a son, unless the conduct of the son can b 
 siiown to be in accordance with the fathers 
 doctrines: but, when that can be shown, it is 
 fair to refer to the doctrines of the father, as the 
 foundation of the principles of the son. Whati 
 then, were the sentiments of the fathft*, in re< 
 laGon to the two grmt events, whicli^distinguisu 
 the ose\n which we live, the AiiWican an 
 French revolutions?' v.'liat are the dq^trines d' 
 liberately advocated in his work on the Arae. 
 can'constitutions? 
 
 It is very true, that Mr. Adams signed t». 
 Declaration of Independence; but it is equall; 
 true, that he afterwards contradicted w^hat tha 
 instrument asserted — the declarition pronoun 
 ced all men equal, but Mr. Adams, in the worl 
 Referred to, asserts that men are naturally divi 
 dbd into two classes, the gentlemen who aT 
 dftstinsd to govern, and the simplemen who ar 
 destined to labor! The Declaration of Inde 
 pendence asserts, the long discontent of thi 
 colonie*!, at the oppressions of the British gov 
 crnment — its language is "in cveiy stage o 
 
 * oar oppressions, wo have petitioned for re 
 'dress in tiie mo.st humble terms — our repeatcj 
 •petitions have been answered only by repeat 
 *ed injury— a prince whose character is thu 
 
 * marked by every act which can define aV 
 « rani, is unfit to be the ruler of a free peoph 
 
 Mr. Adams, however, in his asswer to tl 
 addi^essofthe young men of Philadelphia, 179 
 says.... 
 
 "For a long course of years, before the bii 
 ' of the eldest of you, I w:is called to act wi 
 
 * your fathez's, in concerting measures the moi 
 
 * (Ksagreeable and iangerous ; not from a dcsir 
 ' of innovation — not from discontent at the g% 
 ' vernment under which we were bred and boni 
 ' but to preserve the honor of our country, an 
 ' vindicate the immemorial liberty of our ance 
 'tors. In pursuit of those measures, it becam 
 
 * not an object of predilection or choice, but 
 ' indispen.sible necessity, to assert our indepcii 
 'dence." 
 
 What avowal can be more explicit than thld 
 The m-asures concerted in 1776, were, n 
 doubt, attended with dimmer, but what patrio 
 could consider them dis.igrexjbk, when the 
 were essential to the liberty of his country 
 Who, that truly desired to escape from oppre 
 sion, would say, that necessity, and not choic 
 dictated measures for relief? Who, that spoi 
 truth, could say, that the revolution, to tliro 
 off the yoke of oppression, did not originate " 
 discontent at tlie oppressors? If it shall 
 sai'l, that, it is absurd to suppose, Mr. Adai 
 ine.int to say, that discontent ai the conduct 
 England did not exist ; then, there is but oi 
 other way in which his words can be interprcte< 
 and that certainly is in accordance with his pi 
 Iitic;d principles ; he declares, that measures ft 
 indcp'-ndence were not concerted from discoi 
 
 'The French revolution, says Dr. Priest 
 arose from thes;ime general principles as tl 
 of Arfterica, and in a great measure sprung fro 
 it.^icr/fr to Edmuni Burke, 1791. 
 
•l;>i 
 
 '.^i.i. ^L Uic t^Cvci'uiiiiiijt, uiciining" the ibnr> or 
 g^overnment, king, l»rds and commons — be his 
 moaning-, however, what it may, the avowal is 
 not that of a ])atriot — it clearly appears, that 
 Sir. Adarns lamented the necessity which pro- 
 dticed the cutting of the knot. 
 
 As soon as independence was estublished, the 
 political doctrines and views of Mr. Adams 
 were unfolded, in a manner subversive of all 
 doubt. The convention to form a constitution 
 of the United States, met in Philadelphia, in 
 I78r — and on that memorable occasion first 
 ijtppeared, the first volume oF Mr. Adams's 
 work, stranji^ely styled a defence of the Ameri- 
 can Constitutions. The time, the place, and 
 the circumstances of ptiblication, clearly show, 
 that Mr. Adams designed to control public 
 opinion, then in favor of a repre»entative de- 
 mocracy; and to prevail upon the convention to 
 ingraft, in the constitutiou the principles of 
 royahy> nobility and vassalape. 
 
 He lays down these principles — that men are 
 divided hj'^ nature Vvith two orders; 1. nobility 
 or gentlemen, who are well-born and possess 
 wealth; and 2. simple-men, destined to labor; 
 that between these two orders, a contention 
 must be constantly arising; that, to prevent 
 such a contention, three branches of govern- 
 ment* ought to exist, one representing tl»e gen- 
 tlemen, another the commonalty, and a tliird, 
 a single person to control the Oihei"s, with a 
 jjow.T to negative all laws proposed by -them. 
 Whether those three branches, says he, are 
 called king, lords and ct.mino'-s — or president, 
 senate and house of representatives, is "but 
 the whistling ofaname!" To protect the aristo- 
 cracy, says he, from the madness of the people, 
 give them " a regal power to appeal to" — and 
 to protect the people from the illegal designs of 
 one man, the regal power, let them have "an 
 independent ally in the arlstocialical assembly," 
 the lords. 
 
 To illustrate his principles, Mr. Adams vefei-s 
 to, and eulogizes th<r British Government as a 
 model, and laments that Americans are not dis- 
 posal to give the Executive the power to nega- 
 tive acts of the legislature. 'In future ages,' 
 says he, 'if the present States become g;-eat na- 
 ' tions, their own feelings and good sense will 
 ■« dictate to them what to do — they may make 
 
 * tronsitimui to a nearer resemblance to the British 
 ' constitution, without the smallest interruption 
 
 ♦ to I'.bert}-.' ' An hereditary Cliief Magistrate, 
 " at once, would perhaps be preferable to elec- 
 ' tions by legislative representatives.' Again — 
 '• The disiinctioni ofy/ocand rich, are as ncccs- 
 •^ sary in States of considerable extent, as labor 
 
 • and good government: the poor a^rc destined to 
 ' labor; and the rich, by the advantages of edu- 
 
 * cation, indcp.endciicc, and leisure, an; quali- 
 ' fied for superior stations. ' • Tl>e higher rank/! 
 ' will never exceed their inferiors, but in acer- 
 ' tain proportion — but the distinction tliey are 
 -* absolutely obliged to keep, or fall into con- 
 
 • tempt and ridicule' 
 
 The framers of the constitution rejected all 
 such regal and aristocratic projects, and expe- 
 rience has sanctioned their course: Outths sen- 
 timents of Mr. Adams remained unchanged: — 
 Even after he was elected President, he de- 
 clared, that " he hoped and expected to see the: 
 "d^v, wlrcn Mr. Tavlov .ind Mr. Cc.hi. ''d's'in 
 
 *'guisheil repuishcans oi \irgjuia) VkuiUu Lr 
 " convinced that the peopl's of America woultl 
 ♦' not be happy, without an hereditary chief 
 "magistrate, or at least for life." 
 
 Such, gentlemen, were the principles of Mr. 
 J. Adams, during, and subsequent to, tht^ 
 American revolution, the first political convul- 
 sion which distinguishetl tliis age: Thus you 
 see him instead of seeking to raise mankind to 
 a state-of independence, laboring to maintain 
 the doctrines of feudality! You see him con- 
 tradicting the " truth self-evident " of the de- 
 claration of independence ! You see him resist- 
 ing even the purposes of the Creator, and im- 
 piously contending that the largest portion ot 
 his countrymen were "destined" to labor, in 
 order to keep the few, in riches and leisure, to 
 rule over them! 
 
 Lest it should be supposed, that our represen- 
 tation, of the doctrines of Mr. Adams, is in the 
 smallest degree, exaggerated, besides rcferring 
 to his book in all our libraries, we ask public at- 
 tention to what was said of it in England, imme- 
 diatelv after its publication. In the British 
 Monthly Review for 1788, the work of Mr. Ad- 
 ams is particularly noticed — to the following 
 parts of the review, we especially refer: 
 
 " The s^reat point, that Mr. Adatns wishes to 
 establish, is, that a dimncracy, if such a go- 
 vernment could exist, is the very worst form 
 of government; that those devices, which 
 have been often recommended as of such 
 essential consequence for preserving liber- 
 t}- — such as frequency of elections into the 
 general council — a general right of voting 
 among the people; rotation among persons 
 in office, &c. are of very little consequence 
 to raankiid; and that freedom can only be 
 preserved, by establishing proper checks 
 on the different branches of administr.ition, 
 or, as he calls it, balances — and by dividing 
 the legislative from the executive power, 
 and rendering the judicialindependent of 
 cither: — in short by making it in every res- 
 pect as much as possible the same with th.' 
 actual constitution of Great Britain." 
 Again — the review says — 
 " Though the judicious reader will perceive, 
 that these observations (of Mr. Adams) are 
 the dictates of sound sense, groundctl on 
 experience, yet, if we judge of the senti- 
 ments of the people of America by the writ- 
 ings that are popular anifingst them, we 
 fear that such remarks will not, at the pre- 
 sent moment, be roccived with all the cor- 
 diality wliich he may wish: the author seem?, 
 himself, to think so; and, if we mis'.a'Kc not. 
 ha has e.nploycd hi.^ utmost address to ex- 
 fi-cssthem si cs not to give iisgit-st. I'roiju- 
 bly, many of those passages, which we con 
 sider defects, may be ascribed to this cause, 
 The regal authority, it is well known, is ex 
 ccedingiy disliked by many of the Ameri- 
 cans; anil nil hereditary nobility is looked 
 on as little less destructive to tiie communi- 
 ty: yet, it is plain from innumenible parts 
 of this work, th.it Mr. Adams consider-: 
 those two classcb of men, <J>ing nndnoblt-i 
 :n l)elng, Tinder certain circumstances, no- 
 only harmless, but most useful, as bulwark'* 
 of freedom. Oi)enly to avow those prinri 
 pics must have frastratcd his view, and *• 
 
43a 
 
 f-upprcss ias imlions on I'uat Ijotu, •■vonl;! 
 iiave been mean and flisinjjenuons. Me has 
 chosen to steer a middle coui:; 
 
 A;^in — 
 
 »• From tliese extracts the reader will be. able 
 to foiTD an idm oi'tlic g"«neral 'endeucy of- 
 this work, and the mndcofrCRSonsMjT adopt- 
 ed by the amhor It is not, incited, as its 
 title says, a defence of ttie American Con- 
 stituti'mi-., b'jt it th :\ waroi dtrtcnce of the 
 Ccnst-.tution of Gr<;at Britain. It is the best 
 Hnti-iemocrRlic trratise that v.'e have ''ren, 
 for Mr. Adams "leerris to dread tlint Ikai is 
 the extreme to which his countrymen vr\\\ 
 
 ■ A CACTION- 
 The h-icttisof GeneralJaclisoa 'Sit caatioueii 
 3.::jainsta tiick which, it is understood, is to be 
 tlie dicrnier resort of the Ebonites, when they 
 find all their other machinr.tion=; to fail. It is 
 understood tliat about the time of the election, 
 or so near it, th:it t)ie report cannot be contra- 
 dicted, one simultaneous movement will be 
 made thi-onj^'nout the United States. It will be 
 reported that fiRXKRAt jAricaaN isDK*D. It is 
 useless to point out the e.iect which this w*»dd 
 have on the election if bflieved. It would go 
 to establish tliat, which, of every thing would bt^ 
 
 the most disag'reeable to the friends of Reform : 
 naturally lean, and he has exerted h;s best j^ y,yf,yy\^\ promote John Qriincy A<l:ims to the 
 eiibrts to obviate that evil. "_ Presidential Chair. But wc caution all our rcn. 
 
 Sucli are the opinions of Enj^lishmen, in re'a 
 'ion to the work and doctrines of Mr. Adam.s: 
 •ttliat the real doctrines of Mr. Adams were, if 
 elisclosed, may be conceived from what he ha.9 
 ventured to avow. 
 
 <;onsidtT all those doctrines of Mr. Adams, if 
 vou please, matfcrs of opinion .- He hi»d an un- 
 doubted ni^ht to f.ssert and support them by a:- 
 jnument or persuasion: We censure lio man fc- 
 differhig' from us in sentiment upon any topic: 
 3?\it, when a man, who maintain:? anti-republican 
 docti'ines, seeks to be the mnt^islrate of repub- 
 licans, it becomes a solemn duly to resist him — 
 .ind this was the case in \797. At that time,^ 
 /iowevLr, when Mr. .fohn Alums was elected, 
 as his son has subspqtient been, soixiewhai by 
 cii:ince, and much t© the surprise of the nation; 
 wiiat was his conduct in thf 
 
 dera ag-ainst the hellish project, and not to suf- 
 fer themselves to be imposed upon by it. It i- 
 our intention to kf-ep th.s article at the head of 
 a column in our paper till after the day of elec- 
 tion; and we ca!l upon a'l those Jackson editor': 
 "with whom we exchanpfe to warn their readers 
 in the same manner. — &d. Cincinnati Mcertiser 
 
 r r.NNKSSEE. — We have been furnished 
 with a letter, '^' which the following is an ex- 
 tract, from the son of a respectable German, for- 
 merly of Lebanon county in this State, but fo:-" 
 many yf ars a citizen of Tennessee, to his broth 
 er in Lebanon. — Amer>cwi Sentind. 
 
 " Sumner Cowiit,', Tenn. June 16M, 1828. 
 '•I shoidd like to know Vv'hether there is any 
 Presidency- r Dlil stir in your neighborliood. 1 feel considerabl'.- 
 
 he abandon his doctrines? far from it— his whole mterested, as one of tlie candidates (Clen. Jack ■ 
 
 administration was the nat ural result of his prin- son) is my ne!;?hb<nir. I have been nused with- 
 
 riples or prejudices: an alien law, a sedition in fourteen miles of hun. Father has often sa* 
 law, a st:»ndin'? armv. p-.-rsecution of the repub- "as a juror, and heard him plead !aw: but he has 
 
 licans, abuse 'of the" Frcncn revoi'ution, attach- long since quit ;t, and went to f.tritiinff, his f*- 
 
 ment to Er.eland, hosdlilv to France -such were vorite occupation He is a plam, steady oh' 
 
 th'' char.HCteristics of " the reij-n of terror ?" f;u-mer, and never leaves his farm only whei; 
 
 Can you be astonished, wlicn you reflect up- 
 on sue!) facts', that the American people, in 
 180tJ, dismissed Mr. Adams' Is it not marvel- 
 lous, that he ever Yeachert the presidency? — 
 Ami, what is oiir condition now? Ti>>.vc the 
 ]irlnc'p!cs and the rmrdwd of the .sora differed 
 from those uf the falftrr? We shall show you, 
 that, of t!.e two, tKe fii'bcr was the most sin- 
 cere, and of course the least ds\nfrerous. We 
 shall sho.v you, tJKit, what tlie father would 
 have held by open activity, the son ha.s)if:iined, 
 and seeks iv) liold, !)y hypoci-isy and cotTuption. 
 "We do not a^'srrt this merely, we will pive i^ood 
 reasons for our convictions, without the slight- 
 est xmkind feelin.^ towards Mr. Adams person- 
 alij', but under a serious sense of our duty to 
 the public. ,. 
 
 Eespectfully, yortrs, 8ic. 
 
 his country needs hi» services. The men that, 
 served under him in the army love him as a fa- 
 ther. You have, no doubt, heaitl the stoiy of 
 the six militia men that were shot. There werf, 
 many of my nei^'hhours hi the army at the time 
 —they all believed then, and yet believe he did 
 rijT^ht in that case. Dunni? the war, seven- 
 eijj^hths of t!ic men of Sumner county served un- 
 der him, either as volunteers or <hafted men, and 
 he will not lose twenty men in the county, and 
 such as arc opposed to him are tliose that wer^^ 
 opposed to the war and Mr. Mtidison's adminis- 
 tiation. 1 hope you' will vote for the Jackson 
 ticket. 
 
 WM. J. DUANF,, 
 WM. J. LKIF'r,!£, 
 CIIAS. S. <;OXE, 
 
 jo.sEPn womtFJ.L, 
 
 WILLIAM DUNCAN, 
 
 WILLLVM DOYD. 
 
 HKNUY TOL.\Nl), 
 
 JOHN WUIllS, 
 
 Committee of Corrc-.pnndotice \^'>r rliilidel- 
 phia, appointed by the Jlepublicun f'Mi- 
 vention, assembled at llamsburg, Ja 
 
 Au^nist 25lb, 18CG. 
 
 • The doctrine of three branch!. . ^ . 
 
 IS as old as 'I'acitus — but even 'J'"<^'*^*'* admii ^ 
 
 and several' other coalilionists have sc 
 dov, n I'iog'a county, (Penn.) for tlie administra- 
 tion. It gf»es to show what p;rounds they rest 
 on. There certainly is not a county in the Stat 
 more unanimous "■ "■ • question than Tioga is 
 for Jackson. 
 
 Binn.f in his last paper calculates on 28 elec- 
 toral voles in Pennsylvania for AiUims, and in 
 North Carolina, 15! !— AV/Aem JJan. 
 
 •■.■i>it iuii/ii- — -V i.iin, ;iiii,i' uliii.xiii " 
 
 , .j): i; ntiy of cold water, in one of our citic.- 
 
 .•;»s noon relieved Irom j^rcat distress by di 
 
 ^c)|vinp^ hafr an ounce of cami>h<)r in a gill <> 
 
 br.iixly, \\hich wa** divided into three part 
 
u^ill'ElJ t^'l'ATl^S' TKLEGiiAPH— iitr/vYz, 
 
 'his p;u>er will be devoted exclusively lo the Presidential Election, and be publihhed weekly 
 until the iJth of Qctobcr next, for One Dollar; subject to newspaper postage, ah(J mmvre.': 
 
 BY GREEN %■ JJiRVIS. 
 
 VOL. 1. 
 
 WASHINGTON, SEPTEMBER 20, 182S^ 
 
 No. 2«. 
 
 LETTEK XV. 
 
 To John Sergeant, Man itel Eyre, Lawrence Lew- 
 is, C. C. BiddUy and Joseph P. Xorris, Esqrs. 
 .4iUhors of an address adapted at the adminis- 
 -tration town mseiing of the 7ih July. 
 GiitfTLEMKN : In the absence of all explana- 
 .louon your part, we are inquiring into the j90- 
 f'fical principles, servic£^, Ai^d measures of your 
 candidate. We referred, in our last letter, to 
 the political principles and actions, of the futhci', 
 :is the models of the son; and we shall now in- 
 quire, whether thut example was not faithfully 
 ibllowed. 
 
 We knosv no w?.y, in which the political 
 pi;inciplesof a candidate can be so well tested, 
 as by ascertaining- his .sentiments in relation to 
 Viie American and rrench revoiations. Upon 
 the questions involved in those g-reat events, 
 there could have been no . ?jeu//-G&,- every man 
 must have been either a friend to reform, or in 
 favor of a perpetuity of existinti' establishments. 
 As to the American revolution, the doctrines of 
 Mr. John Adams alone can be referred to; and, 
 we h.'we shown ti;at ihose doctrines were hos- 
 tile to the declaration of independence. It wus 
 at the dawn of the French revolution, that Mr. 
 John J. Adams arrived at maiil2,ood; and, v.e 
 shall show, that he adhered to the doctrines of 
 his father. 
 
 . . . .Even among-st the enlightened people of 
 the United States of the present day, an aston- 
 ishi.ig- prejudice prevails, respecting the cunses 
 and character of the French 'revoluticn. The 
 pensioned writers of Europe, and their servile 
 lopyists in America, have so gTossly misrepre- 
 .scnted its origin, progix'ss, and end, that it is 
 often s])oken of as a sort of irruption of barba- 
 rians, rather than as the effort of ii. gallant peo- 
 ple to assert their independence; we seem to 
 forgt;t, that our own revolution was the sjiark 
 
 which kindled the flame of freedom in Europe; 
 that, if we had failed in o\ir object, we should 
 have been treated as rebels — and that the failure 
 of the French is attributable, not to the un- 
 soundness of tneir cause, but to the combined 
 influence of the money, pens, and bayonet of 
 Eux'ope. 
 
 The cause of the French wtis, in fact, the 
 cause of mankind, the struggle of the oppress- 
 ed against 'he oppressors — it involved the 
 same c[ucstions which had been but lately be- 
 fore settled in America— the same cfliestions 
 which have since agitated Spain, wliich now con- 
 % Ince Portugal, and which must continue <o be 
 discussed, so long as any part of mankind sliall 
 pl-efer the safety and honor of freedoni, to the 
 daJiger and dishonor of vas ;aLige . 
 
 It we, of the present day, dcire to know 
 what were the feelings of America, at the dawn 
 nftiie French revolution, we have only to con- 
 sider our own sentiments, when the Kiegos and 
 Quirogas, of Spain, shook oif the yokes of Fer- 
 dinand and the incpiisition — and if we desire to 
 know what was thought of the Freneii revolu- 
 tion, six years after its commencement, let us 
 consult the testimony left to us by Washington. 
 AVlien France, iu January, 1796, prcsente<l her 
 standard to the United States, \Vas!;ingtoiLmude 
 
 this eloquent reply to the minister of that couu- 
 try: 
 
 ....♦' Born, Sir, in a land of liberty; having 
 early learned its value;.having engaged in a pe- 
 rilous conflict to defend it; having, in a word, 
 devoted the best years of my life to secure its 
 peM-nvment csta'dishuient in my own country; 
 my anxious recollections, my sympathetic feel-- 
 ings, and my best wishes are irresistibly excited, 
 whenever, in any countr}-, I see an oppresicll 
 Hation unfurl the banner of freedom : but, above 
 all, the, events of the French revolution ha.ve> 
 produced the deepest solicitude, as well as the 
 highest admiration. To call your nation brave, 
 were to pronounce but common praise : Won- 
 derful people! Ages to come will read, witli 
 astonishment, the history of your brilliant ex- 
 ploits! 
 
 "I rejoice that the period of your toils, ani 
 of your immense sacrifices is approaching: I re- 
 joice, that the interesting revolutionary move- 
 ments of so many years have issued in the for- 
 mation of a constitution, designed to give per- 
 manency to the great object, for which you have 
 contended. 1 rejoice that liberty, which you 
 have so long embraced with enthusiasm, and of 
 v/hich you have been the invincible defenders, 
 now find;! an asylum in the bosom of a regular,, 
 organized government— a government, whicli^ 
 bemg formed to secure the happiness of the 
 French paople, corresponds with the ardent 
 wishes of mv heart, whilst it gratifies the pride 
 of every citizen of the United States, by its re- 
 semblance to cur own: on these glorious events, 
 accept. Six", my sincere congratulations. 
 
 *' In delivering to you these statements, I ex- 
 press not my own feelings only, but those of my 
 fellow citizens, in relation to the commencf »!<■«/, 
 tne progress, and the issue of the French revolu- 
 tion; ami they will cordially join with me ill 
 purest wishes to the Supreme Being, that the 
 citizens of our sister republic, our ma.^nan^mous 
 allies, mav soon enjoy in peace, that libertyj 
 wiiich they have purchased at so great a price, 
 and all the happiness that liberty can bestow. 
 
 " I receive, Sir, with lively sensibility, the 
 svmbol of the triumphs, and of the cntrnnchise- 
 
 n'lent of your nation — the colors of France^ 
 \Vhic1i you have now presented to tlie United 
 States. The transaction will be announced ta 
 Congress; and the colors will be deposited with 
 those archives of the United States, whieh are 
 at once the evidences and the memorials of their 
 freedom and indci)cndencc. May these be per- 
 petual, and myy the frieiidship of the two re- 
 publics be commcnsurale with their c.xi.-.tcnce." 
 
 S„cj, ^vtre the sentiments of Washing'- 
 
 toii— such were the feelings of the American 
 people. What were tiie sentiments and the 
 feelings of Messrs Adams, fatiicand son' Di;i 
 Ihey concur with \V:t.sirmgton andthc.r rnmitiy, 
 in favor of France and freedotn— or enrol tiicm- 
 selves in the ranks of the enemies of both' Let 
 us idthongh out of tlie order of time, ascertain 
 the sentimV-ntH of the father in the first place, 
 •aid then consider the conduct of the son. 
 
 In little more than one year, after Washjngf 
 'on delivered the foregoing address, Mr. John 
 
431- 
 
 Adams became loejjiutui, ;uru, Uctuife tl)eendof 
 t\wo years, he involved the "s'lstef i-epublica" 
 in hostilities! To sustain liis popularity, a Se- 
 ijes of addresses were got up from varioire parts 
 of the United States, and in his replies to them, 
 Mr. Adams indulged in the most offensive in- 
 vectives against our ' • mag-nanimous allies." If 
 he had confined himself to censures upon the 
 public agents of France, the friends of freedom 
 would not have had so much occasion to com- 
 plain; but he assailed not only tlie French rev- 
 olution, but all who approved of it — in his reply, 
 in 1798, to an address of certain citizens of Ver- 
 mont, he said — 
 
 " 1 have seen in the conduct of the French na- 
 tion, for tl>e last twelve years, a repetition of 
 their character, displayed under Louis XIV. 
 and little more — except the extravaganc es, 
 which have been intermitvgled with it, of the 
 v.'ildest philosophy, which was ever professed 
 in this world since the building of Kubel." 
 Thus Mr. John Adams wrote, in less than 
 Vko years after Washington i»ad exulted at the 
 origin, progress, and end ef the revolution in 
 France : Washington saw, in that revolution, aa 
 oppressed people unfurling the banner of free- 
 dom — Mr. Adams saw in it an extravagant philo- 
 sophy, like tiie building of Babel: Washington 
 saw in the resistance of France against the ar- 
 mies of the allies, the brilliant exploits of a brave 
 people fighting for liberty — Mr. Adams consid- 
 ered the triumphs of tke French as no more 
 than the ambitious projects of a despotic King! 
 Can any one doubt the political principles of 
 Washington, who reads his addres-s! Can anv 
 one doubt the nature of Mr. Adams' principles, 
 who contrasts his replies with the addre^'s of 
 Washington? Letusr..,/ ii.,^u.ri- ,iilo tiio cju- 
 duct of Mr. J. Q Ad„;ns. 
 
 .. . .The natur;-! coriSiq-.tcnT* -..' tne ic:.: .n 
 of abuses in France, was to caH the attention of 
 the people of England, in particular, to tlie cor- 
 ruptions that had crept into tlieir own country, 
 and to produce a diirusion ol intelligence and 
 spirit amongst them. The celebrated Dr. Price, 
 the steady friend of America, and the enlighten- 
 ed coirespondent of Franklin, was amongst the 
 lirst to proclaim to his countrymen, the import- 
 ance of reform in Britain: On the 4lh Novem- 
 ber, 1789, he delivered his "discourse, on tlie 
 love of country," in which he maintained the 
 doctrines, asserted in tlie declaration of Ameri- 
 can Independence— that the end of govern- 
 ment is the happiness of the people — that all 
 civil governors are but the servants of the peo- 
 ple—that the people have a right to cashier 
 their agents, and choose others — and that they 
 fiave a right to frame a government for tlieni- 
 selves. 
 
 In 1790, Mr. Edmund Burke published his 
 _ •♦ Reflections on the French Revolution" — a 
 Y.ork in which, .-^hnost every principle, avowed 
 in the Amcric:in Declaration of Independence 
 and constitutions, isscolfcdat and denied: It 
 is immaterial to our purpose to rcfor to the op- 
 probrious manner in which Mr. Burke spoke of 
 the French people: v,hat we have to do is to 
 show the unsoundness of his doctrines, and to 
 do so, it is barely sufficient to enumerate them: 
 He contended, tiiat the people of England had 
 na right to alter the form of their government — 
 that the Kings of England did not derive their 
 -■?rbt m the rrown from *!ie choice of the peo* 
 
 pic, and were luit j>caj;Oiisiixui tx» liicjii-— iiiat t 
 the revolution of 1688, the people had abdicat- 
 ed for themselves and posterity all rigiit to elect 
 their Kings — that tfie principle of hereditarj' 
 succession was sacred — tliat "the very idea of 
 ♦' the fabrication of a new government was 
 «' enough to fill one with disgust and horror" — 
 that an cstabhslied church was an essential part 
 of government. 
 
 To this work of Mr. Burke, replies were pub- 
 lished by Dr. Priestley, Mr. i homas Paine, Mr. 
 Capel Lofl\, and others, in 1790 and 1791: 
 
 •It is with very sensible regret,' says Dr. 
 Priestly, Mhatl find Mr. Burke and myself Qii 
 ' the opposite sides of any important question, 
 
 • and eipecially tliat I must now no longer class 
 ' him among the fricads of what I deem to be tht 
 ' catise of liberty, civil and religious, after hav- 
 'ing', in a plc:ising occasional intercourse of 
 'many years, considered him in this respect:iblc 
 'light. Th.it an avowed frier.d of the American 
 < revolution, should be an enemy to that of the 
 'French, wltich arose fiom the same general 
 •principles, and ina g;-eat measure sprung from 
 
 • it, is to me unaccountable." 
 
 M"-. Thomas Paine, in his " Rights of Man,'" 
 re-asserted the principles avowed by Dr. Price, 
 a. id which bad been controverted by Mr. Bi'.rke : 
 in a comparison betvv-een the French and the 
 English systems, he gave a preference to the 
 French constitution, because it guaranteed civil 
 and religious liberty to all men, aud the free- 
 dom of speech and of the press ; it took from 
 the crov.^n the power to make war, without the 
 coisejit of the legislature: it abolished game 
 laws, monopolies, and seigniories : it declared 
 the people to be the source of all .luthority : it 
 6 jC'ired the trial by jury : it i)rohibited minis- 
 terrs o'' l!ie crown, placemen and pensioners 
 ..\)m houling se;Us in the legislature : it abol- 
 ished imprisonment, except by due course ot 
 law : it established ;the principle, no taxation 
 without representation. 
 
 Such, gentlemen, is a \cry brief exposN 
 
 iion of tite controversy produced in England, 
 by the French revolution. The wl>igs of En- 
 gl;md, headed by F^irl Stanhope, Mr. Fox and 
 others, cordially congratulated the French up- 
 on their politic:d reformation, and advocated 
 a coiTt^ctioii of abuses at home. The tories, 
 headed bj' Mr. Jenkinson, afterwards Lord 
 I/iverpool, Mr. Duiidas, a:id others, to arrest 
 reform, jjlunged the nation into war against 
 France. In short, there were thet^ as there 
 ai-e now, but two p;irties, t!ie Liberals and the 
 JIb!>olules. 
 
 . . . . Wliat part did J. Q. Ad:ims t.-xkc at tha^ 
 crisis ? On this question he has siiown sensi- 
 bility — he feels it is a tender point — he appear- 
 ed in the public newspapers, upon this topic, 
 in 1822 — he admitted that he did take a part, 
 as writer of eleven letters signed Publicola, but 
 denied any design to oppose the rights of man 
 if he had pleaded youth or inexperience, no 
 one could with propriety push the matter fur- 
 ther ; but he made no excuse, and asserts now, 
 what he asserted in 1791. 
 
 To answer the question, what part he took, 
 it is simply enough to assert, what no one can 
 contradict, that there were Burke, Pitt, and 
 .lenkinson on one side; and Price, Priestly and 
 Paine on the other : if the principles advocat- 
 ed by the lattier, ha^ been supported bv Mr 
 
4ii 
 
 a 
 
 Aoiiaib, n<i would luii c auiU so« and every body- 
 would have given him applause ; but he could 
 i>ot say so, for he bad actually taken part with 
 the former. Ur. Priestly ceased to reg^ard Mr. 
 Burke as a friend to liberty, as soon as Mr. 
 
 tatives, just as iuiig- as tlie Jjariiameut may 
 choose, — sevanty years as well as seven? 
 
 What fuvtlicr proof is needful, to show the 
 real principles of Mr. Adams? Is it wonderful 
 tliat bis essays, as be admits, drew down upon 
 
 Burke's book appeared ; Mr. Adams did not him torrents of censure* why did his country 
 enter the list against Burke, but ag-ainst his an- men in 1791 so bitterly complain of tlie letters 
 
 tagoiiist, Paine — and from that moment was ob 
 noxious to Dr. Priestley's objection. 
 
 No one can with truth controvert what we here 
 say — the evidence, is in all our own respectalile 
 libraries: but it is only by consulting tlie evi- 
 dence throughout that the truth will fully ap- 
 pear: for it is certainly a fact, that tlie argu- 
 ments and statements of Mr. Adams are so -lis- 
 g-uised, that all the parts must be scrutinizvd 
 and contrasted with sound principles, fuily to 
 comprehend the drift of the whole. The main 
 question, as we have stated, was, whether the 
 people of England had a rig-ht to reform their 
 g-overnment — on this, Mr. Adams throws his 
 whole weig-ht into the scale of Mr. Burke, and 
 almost in his woi-ds supports his anti-revolution 
 doctrine: in his third letter, he asserts, that, in 
 
 of Publicola, if they were not hostile tocivilli- 
 I)erly ^ in tliose letters, hexleclared tliat the Bri- 
 tish constitution had long- been the admiration of 
 the world! that he hoped such an excellent sys- 
 tem would not !)e abolished, merely because it 
 was not, like a deed,in a written form ! Speaking- 
 of the American revolution, he said it was the re- 
 sult of "an unaccountable necessity!" and 
 speaking of tlie Trench revolution, he said, that 
 people in America could not decide, whether 
 t!ie condition of liie French was such as to war- 
 rant it ! 
 
 Surely comment is not necessary ! Can any one 
 doubt what were the principles of Mr. Adams 
 in 1791— re-asserted in 1822?— AU the world 
 knows the causes of the American Revolution— 
 but Mr. Adams ascribes it to an unaccountable 
 
 power to alter the constitution 
 be said, that this was mere matter of opinion, 
 v/e answer, that it was an opinion against the 
 whigs, and in favor of the tories, of Bngland— 
 that it was an opinion against the principles of 
 civil hberty: If Dr. Priestley was right, in re 
 fusing to consider Mr. Burke a friend to liber- 
 ty, afterha had advocated sucli doctrines, sure- 
 ly we are justified in coming to the same conclu- 
 sion as to Mr. Adams. 
 
 The whigs of England, and Mr. Paine their 
 advocate, alleged that the constitution of France 
 was better than the system of England — 
 Because — it secured religious toleration ; Mr 
 Adams does not advert lo this superioiity. 
 Because — it placed the power of war and peace 
 in the legislature and not in the crown: Mr. 
 Adams defends the Enghsh system, giving 
 the power to make war or peace to the 
 king — 
 Because — it prohibited ministers, placemen and 
 pensioners from sitting in tlie legislature: 
 Mr. Adams advocates the Enghsh system, 
 under which ministers and pensioners rule 
 the parhament. 
 Because— \i prohibited the legislature from crea- 
 ting monopolies, or passing g:unel.iws: Mr. 
 Adams defends the English sy.stem, and in- 
 
 ness is not to be expected: we aim to prove the 
 anti-republican doctrines and tendencies of Mr- 
 ,T. Q. Adams — tliat be is not " an illustrious pa- 
 triot" — and that he ought not to fece^.ve th6 suf- 
 frages of a free people. 
 
 Kcspcctfully, yours, kc. 
 
 joseph wohhell, 
 william duncan, 
 william boyd, 
 henuy toland.. 
 john wurt?, 
 
 WILLIAM ■ DUANE, 
 WILLL\;i I. LEIPER, 
 CHARLES ?>. COXE, 
 THOMAS M. PKI riT, 
 Committee of Correspondence for Philadel- 
 phia, ai)poiiited by the Republican Con- 
 vention assembled at Hairisburg, Jan. 
 8(b, 18138. 
 August 28ih, 1828: 
 
 LETTER X\i. 
 
 2h John Hergcanf, Manuel Ei/rc,LaWicuce Lewif, 
 V. C. B'ddk, and Joseph P. A'urrin, Esqrs.— 
 .'hilhnrs nfan ac/t/rcnn adopted al the administra- 
 tion town mcitiiig of the 7th July. 
 
 Gkntle.'mk.n : — Our inquiry into the political 
 
 bists that it is right to reserve the power to principles of Mr. Adams, extended, in our last 
 
 make game-laws. letter, to the year 17"J1: Ashe was, soon after. 
 
 In the 7th letter of Publicola, Mr. Adrunsad- invested with a public employment, our atteii- 
 
 vocales the absolute transfer by the people of all lion \ylll now be directed to his ^crciccs as well 
 
 their power, to toe Kmg, lords and commons ; -di, principles. _ 
 
 and in support of this gros.i docliinc, advances In 179-1, Mr. Adams was appointed nnnister 
 
 the most powerful argument, that could be ur- to Holland, and subsequently to Prussia, from 
 
 power, 
 
 wuw.., which would enable a corrupt purlia- or a writer; yet wc know ot no act or incidenl, 
 ment upon their own assertion of danger, to de- which shows th:it Mr. Adams had the smaller 
 ->r;ve the neople of thsir rigl^t to elect represcn-. sympathy wi'h the InoiuU ot freedom 
 
h^^ 
 
 Ccn years, coiisl&tcd of Iclferjs written in Prussia, 
 and addressjfl to his brotlier in tlio United 
 States, desciiptiv'e oia joviirrcry into Silesia:-- 
 'those lettej;3a?e remarkably sterile of comment 
 or allusion, m relation to the great drama, then 
 T;erforiiiin;;- on the political theatre of Europe; 
 iji the ir.ost prominent inst.^nc.- , in which refer- 
 ence is made to tiie belligerents, Mr. Adams 
 Jeans against republican France. Describing- 
 Silesia, he represents n::ip.y ofthe people of the 
 country as serfs, laborers sold with the land, and 
 transferred from master to master — compelled to 
 perform the labor often days in six— and habi- 
 tually askint^ from trayellei-s even the smallest 
 pittance; and yet, at the clo.se of his letters he 
 pronounces a pompous encoraium upon the des- 
 pot, who had held the Sileslans in this deplora- 
 'bfc condition! The Edinburgh Review, vol. 5, 
 }jag*e 182, very justly si'.ys, in reference to the 
 Jettei-s on Silesia, "Mr. Ad.ur.s has many recol- 
 •'lections of his native country, but his feelings 
 "■ about it, ntore re.'-:c;nble ttie loyal acquiescence 
 '* of a subject, than tiie personal interest andar- 
 ''dor of a republican." 
 
 You have, jjcntlemcn, called "Mr. Adams "an 
 illustrious patriot," r.nd he is often styled •' an 
 able statesuian:" it is not difiicult to apply such 
 titles, but the appelh.tinn doe.q not establish the 
 fact. If, indeed, success in obtaining: appoint- 
 ments, principally fiom his father, wlien Presi- 
 dciU, constlt'jtes li tith- to statesmansiiip; Mr. 
 Adams is a statr .sman — i»c had appointments to 
 Portugal, ilolhmd, Sweden, and Prussia: Ilut 
 men of .sense look beyond the mere tenure of 
 oifi,ce, for raulLs: We asic you, then, what :u1- 
 vantagea did his co4uitry derive from the diplo- 
 macy of Mr. Adams, up to 1801? Whilst rc- 
 rciving his salary, as resident minister at Berlin, 
 he drew outfits and salaries for other stations; 
 311 appointment to Stockholm, for instance, 
 conferred in Marcri, 1798, by his fither: for all 
 the emoluments, tlius acciunuluted, what actual 
 bcrvice did he render^ What had he done, to 
 merit this monopoly of diplomatic fortune? 
 What advantage, in reputation or trade, did tlie 
 country derive from iiis statesinaBship? In vain 
 do we look fur proofs oL" benefit — a treaty was 
 renewed, b;it not disctissed: no new principles 
 were cstabh.sljcd; on the contrary, some, that 
 were essential to the reputation and the rights 
 of neutral America, were abandoned! In 1785, 
 Dr. Franklin had negotiated a treaty with Prus- 
 sia, in which tlic.se principles were recognised 
 — 1. Tkit if eitlitr sliould he at war with a 
 third power, the trade ofthe neutral .should not 
 be interrupted v.-ith t!ie belligerent: 2. That 
 the neutral flag should protect the goods ofthe 
 bcliigercju on board the neutral vessel: 3. That 
 the neutral flag should protect ail persons, ex- 
 cept soldiers in service: Tiiis treaty, by limita- 
 tion, was to expire in 1795; and, wlien then i-c- 
 newed by Mr. Ad.ims, he ga\e up all those sal- 
 utaiy principles, and, as is statc<l in the treaty, 
 for tiie very reason that ought to have prevent- 
 ed their abandonment — namely, that the belli- 
 gerents had not respected them. (Sec lav.s 
 U S. vol. 1. p. 2;?4.) 
 
 We have no evider.ce, therefore, that up to 
 the year 1801, >L-. Adams rendered such ser- 
 vijc:;s as give him a claim to the distinctions of 
 patriot and statesman, or to Iris country's grati- 
 "udc. 
 
 On Uije eliyiUij!* ol ilt. vkifct**" ^v tU^ ^X*^^ 
 sidency, in that year, the embassy to Berli/i 
 was include^l in the number of attunes correeied, 
 and Mr. Adams returned to the United Statesw- 
 V-itli all the resentments, produeetl bj' the rCr 
 moval oFhia father from power, and the stop- 
 page of his ow** diplomatic career. Instead of 
 observing the moderation which a sense of per- 
 sonal delicacy demanded from an individual just 
 recalled, and the son of a President just reject- 
 ed; Mr. Adams, on h.is return to Boston, became 
 the prominisnt leader ofthe Nev/ England fac- 
 tion, which, according to the autiiority of Mr. 
 Mathew Cai'ey,. had been laboring, since 179^0. 
 to produce a dissolution of the Union ! Soofi 
 after his return, he was placed in the Senaft; 
 of Map.sachu»etts: and, in 1803, a vacancy hav- 
 ing taken place in the representation of tha"^ 
 State, in the Senate; ofthe Union, he was pro- 
 j^osed as a candidate, in competition with Mr. 
 Timothy Pickering, of iiis own party, and with 
 (ien. Skinner, the candidate ofthe republicati 
 party. 
 
 As Mr. Adams has claimc-d to be of the re- 
 publican party, and as in Pennsylvania especial- 
 ly, his friends desire to take advantage of tiiis 
 imposture, it is necessary to expose it. The 
 iJoston Centinel, (the same paper in which Mr. 
 Adams publi.slied his Pubiicola, in 1791, which, 
 in 1814, was the organ of the Hartfonl Con- 
 vention, and which upholds Mr. Adams nov/,) 
 published this statement on the 5th Februarj', 
 1803= " Ttie federalists of Mi\ssachusetts se- 
 
 • lected tv%x) persons, both of whom have been 
 « the o!)jects of democratic persecution, the 
 ' Hon. Timothy Pickering, late Sccfetary of 
 ' State, and tlie Hem. J. Q. .\dami, late Minis- 
 ' tcr to Berlin" — to fill the vacancy in the Se- 
 nate United States : «* When circumstance.-; 
 ' place two such men as candidates for the samx- 
 
 • oflice, it is not an easy task to give a prefer.- 
 »ence." 
 
 The task v/as, indeed, difficult — four trials 
 by ballot, were made before a choice was eftect- 
 ed; the republican members of the Massachu- 
 setts legislature, in each instance voting for Geji- 
 Skinner, and the federal members dividing, 
 some for Mr. Adams and some for Mr. Picker- 
 ij)g', until the fourth ballot, when Mr. Adams 
 w:is chosen. This result speaks a language 
 that cannot be misundersloo<l — ardent an oppo- 
 nent of the republican party as Mr. Pickering- 
 had been, Mr. Adams was by federaUsts prefer- 
 red to him— a fact, which shows the extent of 
 his zeal for theiT!, of their zeal in his hehalf, of 
 his subsequent trcaclicry, or of the subsequent 
 meanness of many of them. 
 
 ....Here, tiien, gentlemen, v.c find Mr. 
 Adams for the first tnne in Congress — in tire 
 Senate too, as tlie re])resen.tative of federal Mas- 
 s.ichusctts — a field sufficiently ample for the 
 display cf all thequalitiesof tlie most iliustrimis 
 patriot or able statesman. Was his conduct 
 there th.at of a patriot, or factious leader' Can 
 you refer to any bill, motion, resolution, or vote^, 
 which deiioted p:Uriotism' Why do you, the 
 frieixlsof Mr. A-dams, oblige us, his opponents, 
 to search, volume after volume, to test the ac- 
 curacy of your encomiums upon him? Surely, in 
 tiie Senate, U. States, Mr. Adams could not 
 have been an idle member. — What, tlien, were 
 his actions, denoting the patriot and statesman' 
 !? it not evident, that, if any meas'ore had been 
 
4.3r 
 
 .>;oposeclj ovanj' vole had been glvcji by hinij 
 ••alculated to confer lionor upon him, you would 
 ha .-e been glad to make it known ? C>an your 
 Titter silence upon such vital questions, be attri- 
 buted to any thing else than your inability to 
 jiustain the chai-actcr of patriot, which you a> 
 s'vg-n to him ? 
 
 But, gentlemen, if ^'cuwiil not execute tlie 
 duty, tee must inquire ; and therefore we pro- 
 ceed to examine seme of tlie actions of f.Ir. Ad- 
 ams, in 1803 — 4—5 and 6. 
 
 1. Whatevei-, gentlemen, may have been 
 your prejudices in relation lo Mr. Jefferson, you 
 are now, we presume, disposed to do justice to 
 his merits: you will confess, we think, that lie 
 c^vinced "illustrious patriotism" and s;atesm:iu- 
 sbip, in the acquisition of Louisiana; to use the 
 language of the writer of able letters, published 
 in the Albany Argus, in reply to an address of 
 Oen. p. B. Porter of Nev>- York, and to which 
 'iveare under obligations — '» the importance of 
 ' the acquisition is now unquestioned: to the 
 ' \ycstern States, its value is so great, that it 
 ' cannot be brought within the limits of ancsti- 
 
 * mate. Witlioul it their access to llie ocean 
 
 * would h.we been obstructed, they would have 
 ' been destitute of a market; and the continued 
 ' occlusion of I\ew-Orlean3, by depriving them 
 ' of the stimulus of industr)', would have produc- 
 
 * ed a most pernicious effect on the moral char- 
 ' acter of the people; they would either have 
 ' been comjicllcd to surmount tiic mountainous 
 -' barrier, which separated tiiem from the Atlau- 
 ' tic, and return to theli" original liomes, or to 
 ' take the city by force, and by Vv-aging war se- 
 ' p.ara' ely , to have j^roduced a virtual dissolution 
 ' of the confederacy. — Deprived of a commcr- 
 ' cial intercourse with the Atlantic States, the 
 
 * Union would have offered but few advantages 
 
 * to them, and the m:;st trifling accident v/ould 
 ' have broken the connexion between tliem and 
 
 * the States of the Atlantic. The acquisition of 
 
 * Louisiana identified the interests of the East 
 ' and the West: A commercial coiuiexion mutu- 
 ' ally advantageousjdestroyed the gernvs of jeal- 
 
 * ousy, and feelings of a kindly character were 
 ' soon cultivated between the people inhabiting 
 
 * either extremity of cur common empire: It rc- 
 ' moved all fears of a foreig-n invasion from the 
 
 * West, gave us an influence over the savages, 
 ' ccnimanciing and absolute, bounded us on the 
 ' Gulf of Mexico, and opeTied the trade of the 
 « world to the remotest inhabitants of the intc- 
 ' rior: It g^ve us both banks ofthe most magni- 
 ' ficcnt river on the earth, from its sources to 
 « the ocean; It gave us a territory boundless in 
 » CTctent, and with it, capacities of increasing 
 ' grcat;>ess beyond the most siuiguine anticipa- 
 ' t'ions ofthe bvolder.t imagination. 
 
 ... .Is there the least excess of colouring in 
 1his pic.'nre .' If it is a fiir representation, as 
 routnufit admit it is, what can you offer as au 
 apology for the opposition of Mr. Adams, in a 
 m'.nor'ity of three, (Adams, Plumcr tuid Wells,) 
 to the acquisition of those immense advantages ? 
 vcu cannot urge his own .-ipolegy nt the time, 
 for he has himself .since abandoned it. Where, 
 Ihoii, was hi;i patriotism and his statesmanship 
 in 180t ? 
 
 2. On the same occasion, when the detiils of 
 thp bills in relation to Louisiana, were con.sidcr- 
 ed, Mr. Adams voted, that no person shoidd be 
 f>ligibiff as ft reprv's'^ntn^ive. wlio did rrnt hribl 
 
 iuh.isown nglit ono hundred aci'£2 ojLir.d iu 
 fee simple, ov a house and lot in New-Orleans ; 
 and thuc no pcj3on should vote for a representa- 
 tive, who did not hold a freehold of fifty acres 
 of land! Was this a token of his repid^lican- 
 isni ? 
 
 3. When the imperfection of the Constitu- 
 tion, Hudthe intrigues of Mr. Kurr in 1801, had 
 BjU'cad :darm throughout the Union, eveiy pa- 
 triot, and indeed, every considerate person, de- 
 sired to see the constitutipn so amended, that 
 tiie electors might (iesignate the candidate they 
 preferred for the I'resideiicy, and the candidato 
 tlicy preferred for the Vice-Presidency — on thi.i 
 great question, Mr Adams voted agJiinst the 
 popular v/ill : upon what pretext, gentlemen, 
 can you justify tliis act r was it patriotic, or tht; 
 efi'i-ct of prejiulice against Mr. ,Teffersf)n .' As 
 we shall hereafter show you, the New-Englarid 
 members, in 1801, preferred a convulsjon to th-e 
 election of Mi". Jefferson ? 
 
 ....la short, in the session of 180.3-4, M" 
 Adams voted invariabi}"^ ag:iinst the me.asnreS 
 recommended by the Jefferson administration, 
 without proposing ariy measures himself, indi- 
 cative of high capacity or exalted views- In 
 the succeeding sessiou, he continued his hos- 
 tility. 
 
 4. A bill was introduced, to prevent the wag 
 ing private war, v/ithout national authority, 
 agiilnstthe people and commerce ofotherStatcs* 
 upor. what pretest could a measure, to prevent 
 such outrages be opposed? v/hatcoiddbe more 
 humane, just, or polilie, t]i;m an effort thus to 
 prevent aggression by our o^n citiicns, and to 
 :ivert the resentment of other States? yet Mr.. 
 Adams voted against it! 
 
 5. A bill, of a similar paclnc tendency, W3t; 
 proposed, at the instance of Mr. J.-fferson, to 
 prevent the violation ofthe laws, and outrages 
 upo;] the rights of strangers, by ve&^els of the 
 United Statics, within our own jurisdiction: 
 against this also Mr. Adams voted., in a minori^' 
 of tliree! 
 
 h. At the same session, 1804-5, Mr. Jeffersoi) 
 cidk'd the attention of Congress to tlie canducl 
 of belligerent vcsels hov. ring on circoasts and 
 harbors, seeking, cor.trary lo the laws of na- 
 tions, to assail enemies thei'e: Mr. Adams voted 
 in a minority of three (Adams, Pickering, Plu» 
 mer,) against even the reference ofthe suhject 
 to the consider.--iion cf a committee! 
 
 I'lic first instance in which Mr. Adam? 
 
 voted with the rcpuldicans, in the Senate, was 
 on the 15th April, 1SC6, on a resolution to f.us- 
 nend the non-importation act, until November 
 i:i the same year: — a vote, .attributed, as we 
 think justly, 'to the change in tlie politics of 
 Massachusetts, and to the desire to cojiciiiatc 
 the ascending republicans ; Nevertheless, in 
 the session of 1806-", he voted in the Senat*^. 
 very generally with his old friends; and, findinj; 
 the politicil current running strongly in thcu- 
 favor on his return to Roslon, in Marrh, 180r, 
 he presided at the federal raucu", wiiich nomi- 
 nated Mr. Caleb Strong f'.r.Clovf riior- tlicsam'' 
 Caleb Strong, who assembled the legislature ot 
 Massachusetts i -. loll, wh.;. ih- Jlritivii burnt- 
 V.'a'- .-'tori, not for the purpts.: of aiiling thc 
 Unien «t that . ■ ! "; but to elect dcK-gates to tlK*. 
 Hartford Convention! 
 
 We have -thus shown, gentlemen—*. 
 
 thnf frrim 1704 to 1801, Vr \d-.msliv.M vi-'m»i^ 
 
4SH 
 
 >iip.;.u.ii;uio uj/puinlmeiits; j ickliiig- great clnolu- 
 TTicn^ several at one and tlie same time, no 
 j>ublic advaiitag"cs from which hiive over been 
 shown to have been derived; and that, in one 
 instance, Mr. Adams a1)andoued principles, im- 
 portant to America;— 2. tliatfVom 1801 tol807, 
 he was the leader of the New Ens^land faction, 
 which, according to Mr. M. Carey, had been 
 conspirii'g', ever since 1796, to dissolve the 
 Unioit: — 3. -fliaf, as :i Senator, he had opposed 
 all the measures, rig-ht or wrono;, of Mr Jeftfer- 
 son's administration, without p'opo<:ing' a single 
 measure, indicative of patiiotism' c.v slatesman- 
 .ship— ifwe err in this infevcncc — if xMr. Adams 
 <Iid perform any action indicative of patriotism 
 or statesmanship, we ask j on to point it out. 
 
 ... .In 1807, a crisis had arrived: arepublican 
 administration was chosen in Massachusetts: 
 Then, and not until then, did Mr. Adams evince 
 indecision! tlien, and not until then, did he de- 
 termine to go with tlie current: TV/iaf. produced 
 ffiis change '■ 
 
 ■\Ve ask you, gentlemen, what produced the 
 decision of Air. Adams, in 1807, to abandon the 
 federal parly, and attach himself to the republi- 
 ■an' That he belonged to the federal party--- 
 that he had uniformly written, .spoken,and voted 
 against republican principles, measures, and 
 men, from 1791 to 1807, no man of Inilh will 
 deny— that he had iieadcd the fedeial party after 
 his return to Boston, in March, 1807, no one has 
 •ever ventured to contradict: whi), then, did Mr. 
 Mr. Adams suddenly abandon his old friends, 
 and go over 1o those whom he had uniformly 
 J-eviled ? We shall consider these questions in 
 our itexl letter. 
 
 ' Respectfully, } ours, Sec. 
 
 .lOSEPII WORUEI.l,, 
 WILLIAM DUNCAN, 
 WILLIAM nOYD, 
 HKNRY TOLANJ), 
 .]CHN WVUTS, 
 AVI L LI AM .1. DUANC, 
 WILLIAM .1. LKIPEH, 
 tlHAULLS S. COXE, 
 i UOMAS M. PElTir, 
 \;omniittcc of Corrcsj-jondcnce for Phila- 
 delphia, appointed by the llopubtican 
 Convention, assembled at J!rtn'i<^l)V'r"-, 
 Jan. 8th, 1828. "^ 
 
 August ."jOth, 1828. 
 
 ClUCULAR. 
 
 To Lhe Jackson Commillecs nf Corrcapond-cncc of 
 Pennsylvania. 
 
 Pei.t.ow CfTizr.Ns — Although we were ap- 
 ]>ointed a Committee of Coirespondence, for a 
 single district only, as that district embraced the 
 city of Philadelphia, xhd point at which infor- 
 mation is most quickly received, and from 
 whence it is most extensively circuhxted; we 
 tlid not hesitate to address the OommitUes of 
 Correspondence of other States, giving to them 
 our opinions in relation to the political pros- 
 pects of Pennsylvania, and sohcitingfrom them 
 mformation respecting their own. 
 
 We iiave thus received, within the past 
 month, a mass of cheering inform:ition, upon 
 the fidelity of which we can rely; and, as the 
 sentiments, contained in several letters to us, 
 must be g-rutifvimr tn vmi. wi^ onncx extrncts. 
 
 I-'rom all ih<": .-oinccs or miciiigencc, wiliui. 
 oui- reach, we present the following table — 
 
 Jachson. Mama. Boubfful. 
 
 Alabama .5 
 
 Carolina N 1.5 
 
 Carolina S 11 
 
 (lonnecticut 8 
 
 Delaware 3 
 
 Georgia 9 
 
 Illinois o 
 
 Indiana 5 
 
 Kentucky 14 
 
 Ltniisiana 5 
 
 Maine 8 1 
 
 Mary land 5 4 2 
 
 Mussachusetis 15 
 
 Mississippi 3 
 
 Missouri .'^ 
 
 New Hampshire 8 
 
 New Jersev 8 
 
 New York.' 24 12 
 
 Ohio 16 
 
 Pennsylvania 28 
 
 Rhode" Island 4 
 
 Tennessee 11 
 
 Vermont 7 
 
 AHrginia 24 
 
 155 66 40 
 
 The view, which wc thus present, is not de- 
 signed for effect — we have no wish to intimidate 
 our opponents, or to create a pernicious confi- 
 dence amongst our friends: wc simply present 
 this table as the residt of our information. 
 
 Undoubtedly, we are encouraged, to antici 
 pale a great and honorable triumph, at the elec- 
 tor.al cfi.'btion on the .31st of October next ; and 
 we have no cause to suppose, that Pennsylvania 
 will change the proud position which she held 
 four years ago: but we protest against the pre- 
 vailing sentiment, deceptiously circulated in this 
 state, that exertion is needless: we belie\e it to 
 be nt'cdlcss, as to the result; but wc aver that 
 exertion is demanded by every consideration, 
 connected with the purity of our institutions, 
 and the honor of Pennsylvania. 
 
 When we anticipated danger, four years ago, 
 wc deemed exertion a sacredduty ; the danger, 
 U\cn f/ircalf^ned'vnW, is uov.- fell — and is tliis a 
 lime to relax' The safety and [)urity of our in- 
 stitutions depend upon zeal at all elections: but 
 the election that is at hand, will be the most im- 
 portant ever held in this or any other countr\' : 
 tile present contest is, in fact, vital ! 
 
 In 1776, a foreign tyranny exercised its pow- 
 er openly and withoutdisguise, and it wastlierc- 
 fore more exposed to resistance air.l defeat: In 
 1798 a domestic tyranny was ecpially undisguis- 
 ed m its objects and actions; anil was, therefore, 
 with comparative facility, met and overcome: 
 but our present opponents, taking counsel from 
 experience, now rely upon carruption and not 
 force — upon fraud rather than intimidation. 
 Our c:uididate and his active friends are, indeed, 
 proscribed, as the whigs were in 1776, and as 
 the republicans were in 1798 — l)ut the main and 
 pervading power, now employed against us, is 
 MoNKT — that instrument, whicli, in Europe lias 
 overcome all opposers, and which In America, 
 Mr. Clay has told us, c:ui accomplish any pur- 
 pose whatever! 
 
 Yes. fellow citizens, the effort is now made. 
 
4-311 
 
 fui iue first time i!\ llii-s republic, to cflcct^a 
 mij^hty revolution, by the employment of the 
 public money, and the contributions of those 
 who maiiilain themselves by public abuses! Is it 
 enough, that such a scheme should be merely 
 defeated i" Do we desire: to terminate evil now, 
 or push oft' danger to our jiosterity? Would it 
 not be odious, to hand to them an inheritance, 
 with an incumbrance that nuist produce its loss? 
 If there ai-e any, who doubt the foul means by 
 which the present administration acquired pow- 
 v?r — let them be indifferent, if they please; but, 
 who can with honor or safety be passive, who 
 reflects upon the scenes before us? 
 
 lias not the will of the people been as corrupt- 
 ly set aside, as if purses of gold had been the 
 )nediam of exchange? What constitutes cor- 
 ruption — the quality of the bribe, or the fact 
 of its acceptance ? Sliall we scorn the debasing" 
 practices of European politicians, and lament 
 the condition of abused nations in tlie old world, 
 and yet tolerate the very practices here that 
 must degr<ide us to the ss'.ne condition ^ 
 
 Will it be no triumph to our opponents — no 
 stimulus to their future exertions — if, rcljdng 
 upon the g'oodness of our cause, and our known 
 strength, we gain but a meagre majority ? Shall 
 we in 1828 be content v.'ith twenty thousand, 
 when we can give forty tiiousandi" Look at 
 ■our opponents! is there any effort, fair or foul, 
 which they are not employing; and is this a time 
 for us to be contenting ourselves witli certain 
 hut mere success? Is it enough to be strong' — 
 should we not show our strength at such a cri- 
 ST3 as the present ? IJ3 [jolltical cflTort, are we 
 riot promoting our own welfare, and the happi- 
 ness of our po;;terity, even more than b}' the 
 .accumulation of dollars or acres? The liberty, 
 xhat we possess, cost much blood and treasure — 
 are a few days devotion to the l)uslness of elec- 
 tion, in each year, too much to pay for its pre- 
 servation? 
 
 We are told that our condition is prosperous — 
 ■vhom have we to thr.nk, if i* is so? Have we not 
 to be grateful, next to Providence, to those who 
 Iiave gone before us, and left us a p-rccious pa- 
 trimony > How long will that patrimony rcirriin 
 v/ith us, if we remain unmindful of om* duties ' 
 !t is said that our trade is prosperous, but truth 
 contradicts the assertion— the market of the 
 West Indies has been shut against our bread- 
 btuffsby the neglect and improvidence of the 
 administration. It is said, that our pul)nc debt 
 :s reduced; but who lias the merit of this^ not 
 those now in power, but the administration of 
 Jefferson, which laid the foundation of frugali- 
 ty- : as well might a collector of tolls on a turnpike 
 take to himself the merit of a good road, as the 
 administration claim thanks for the mere re- 
 ceipt and payment of moneys, provided by a 
 republican policy : There can be no deception 
 as to the general run<ls of the natien, but what 
 is the condition of the moneys left at the particu- 
 lar control of the administration ' It is applied, 
 not for public uses, but to pay and reward po- 
 litical partisans. 
 
 Ii\ the ttays of Jeffecson, Madison and Mon- 
 
 •III 1824, Pennsylvania gave to 
 
 Andrew Jackson .3G100 
 
 g. Q.. Adams 5440 
 
 W. II. Crawforr! '!20<; 
 
 roe, noboJ} saw taem, ui- tiicir ofi'ice;'s, travel • 
 ling througk the country, partaking of politii 
 cal dinners, or making political harangues, to 
 secure their election; When we see their suc» 
 cessors departing from their e.vamplc, is it no.i. 
 tlwe to arouse* lo avoid all intercourse with 
 the prominent men of the Union, General Jack- 
 son resigned liis seat in the Senate of the United 
 States, and retired to his farm. He never sough* 
 the Presidency; he does not now seek it, for iiis: 
 own sake: he wa.s appointed by the President 
 and the Senate, iu 1823, Minister to Mexico,| 
 with the right to put eighteen thousand dollars 
 at once in his pocket — but he refused the sta- 
 tion, because he would not iie Minister to ar. 
 usurper: no act of his life sliows a desire for ser- 
 vice, for any other end but utility to his coun- 
 try — every act of his riv.il shows his olijcct to 
 I'.ave been always mercenary: What, then, can 
 give to General .Jackson higher claims to oui" 
 gratitude and regard? 
 
 In whatever light we consider the pres&nt 
 contest, therefore, in relation to jirinciples or 
 men, we are impressed with a conviction, that 
 it is the serious duty of every freeman to be at 
 his post: we should not be waiting for others, or 
 excusing ourselves by their bad example, hut 
 act as if the result depended upon our own votes 
 — and tints, and thus only, will Penn.sylvania 
 preserve the distinguished position, whicl) she 
 liolds, of being the fir.st to nominate, and the 
 Tuost un.animous in support of the Farmer oi 
 Tennessee. 
 
 We offer these ob.icrvations to you, fellow- 
 citizens, with a frankness, that becomes free- 
 men: We see in the conduct of many of our 
 friends, not merely the confidence, which is the 
 result of conscious :;trength — but an inactivity, 
 which, when contrasted with the ardor of our 
 opponents, is holy unsuited to the crisis. We 
 respectfully suggest, therefore, that the several 
 committees of correspondence, appointed by 
 the republican convention of the 8th of Januaiy 
 last, .should take prompt measures to convince 
 their fellow citizens, tliat the republic expects 
 every man to do his duty. 
 
 We ought to direct oui" attention with equal 
 zeal to the general election, on the 14th, and 
 tlie presidenti;d election, on the ."Ibt of October 
 next: the result of the first may have an influ 
 ence upon the second, in other Sl:ites, and wc 
 should leave no fair and honorable effort unem- 
 ployed to secure a great triumpii on each occa- 
 sion — we have only to will a great triumph Ip 
 secure it. 
 
 We congratulate you upon the bright piYiS. 
 pects in the West ! In preferring principlea lo 
 men, Kentucky has presei'ved Iier iormer stand- 
 ing in the UiiioH, and merited anotlier tribute; 
 of gratitude from the Hepublic : her triumph 
 must have :i permanent influence upon tin* des- 
 tiny of our free country ; it has sliown, that ta- 
 lents and services, unaccompanied by political 
 hono.^ty, cannot control a virtuous people ; llir- 
 lesson is salutary to electors and candidate's. 
 
 f /Vnwi {he National Intellif;tnccr, Jan, 23, 182 J 
 Appointment by the President of the United 
 
 States, by and with the advice uad cojisent ol' 
 
 the Senate — 
 
 A:»nKr.w Jacbso:*, to be Knvoy Kxlraordiiia- 
 
 vy and Minister Plenipotentiary of the Itiit-* 
 
liO 
 
 GVeiy \vJicre : Mi: Jc'T'ersori rciieci upon his 
 ••^vorite west," as the sheet anclior of public 
 liberty, — and we glory in the conviction, that 
 this anticipation will be realized ! <• 
 
 ' It is for us, in Pennsylvania, to keep onr^istin- 
 g'.uished position, as "the great prop of the re- 
 publican cause :" No doubt must exist of our 
 ■continued devotion to those pr'.ncipk-s, whicli 
 are essential to our political sr»<V^y and personal 
 advantage. 
 
 Yotirs, verj- respectful i^-, 
 
 JO.SEPFl \VORRELL, 
 WILIJA.V. DUNCAN, 
 WILLIAM BOYD, 
 HENRY TOLAND, 
 JOHN WUilTS, 
 WILLIAM J. DUANK, 
 WILLIAM J. LEIPER, 
 CHARLES S. COXE, 
 TIIO.'rLVS M. PETTIT, ' 
 opmmittee of Correspond(^ncefor Philadclpiiia, 
 appointed by the Republican Conventioi>, as- 
 sembled at Han-isburg, Jan. 8th, 1828. 
 Stptcmbcr Isf, 1828. 
 
 Tetrads of Letters from, Committees of Corres- 
 pondence, &c. 
 
 ■VIRGINI.\. — " The members of our legisla- 
 ture, acting in their individual capacity, api)oint- 
 edacemval committee at this place, (Richmond) 
 'and committees in each county and principal 
 towii in the State, to promote the election of 
 Gen. Jackson and Mr. Calhoun: tliose commit- 
 tees have not been unmindful of the tnist con- 
 fided to them ; in truth, however, little was ne- 
 Cessai-y in this State ; the people had taken the 
 subject into their own hands, and Vvfill support 
 the republican ticket of electors, toHh a zeal 
 and unanimity unexampled in cnir pnlilicnl en- 
 itals. We have one liundrcd and five counties,- 
 besides boroughs in this State, entitled to rep- 
 resentation, and of these not more than /(//p/^^n 
 will give a majority for Mr. Adams, and in scve- 
 taI of these tliere will be strong minorities, 
 ^mong the Jack.son counties are some of (he 
 largest in the State, and in many of these Jlr. 
 Adams will not obtain more than oO or 40 votes: 
 In the aggt'egatc in the State, (icn. Jackson will 
 receive five votes to one for Mr. Adams. 
 
 "We arc fully aware of the misrc;presenta- 
 Vions made by some of the friends of the admin- 
 istration, as to their strength in varinuH parts of 
 the Union ; thus Pennsylvania, New York, and 
 Virginia have been alternately claimed: But 
 these devices, so often exposed, like tiic un- 
 funded charges against Gen. Jackson, have 
 defeated tlie purposes of their authoi-s. 
 
 «' In rclat on t ) PiiirssiLTAKTA, no man at all 
 acquainted with oui j>r>liticnl history could en- 
 tertain a doubt of her ^^msistoncy : From the 
 time of the election of Mr JcfTersoM to the pres- 
 ent 'in?, yc/'^ g--int dnd patriotic Slnic has been 
 the most arm supporter of correct principles, 
 and every well informed politician has looked 
 upon her as//.c great prop of the rcpjth'.'c/trt 
 cxiuse: Pennsilvasia, which was tiie fir.-t to 
 support the election of Gen. Jackson, will be 
 the last to relax in his cause: VinoiNrA will be 
 found side-by-side, vith her valued and respec- 
 ted sister Pknnsylvania (as she has frequently 
 been) supporting republican principles, s»>cb as 
 prevailed in the auspicious era of Mr. Jefferson's 
 election The r'prvtJ"al conunittee most mrdiallv 
 
 reciprocate cnngi-atui.iiions .onlhe liappy pros- 
 pect cfa glorious triumph." 
 
 NEW YORK. — " We are not surprised to 
 hear from you, that the great State of Vr.ss- 
 sylva-ma, * tlie key-stone of the federal arch,' 
 is true to Gen. Jackson — that is, the cause of 
 Rtfr-nn and Liberty. She v.'as the first to appre- 
 ciate hii eminent services to his countiy, and to 
 express her grateful estimation of them; and 
 upon this, as on all questions of imporrance to 
 the«epul}lic, h^r course ha.s been equilly pa- 
 triotic and disinterested. Im N(;tv Yoh'C, she 
 v/iil fi:ui a firm and zealous auxiliary in the same 
 gi'cat c:u'isc — 7uver was the republican party in 
 our State more united or powerful, or success 
 more certain or triumphant. 
 
 " We liave intelligence from every part of 
 the State of the- most pleasing nature, which 
 we shall recapitulate at the close of this letter 
 — we cannot be mistaken in saying', there is no 
 possibility of the Tennessee farmer and patriot, 
 h.aving less than 24 eipctoral votes, and we are 
 not without licpes of giving him more. 
 
 IIKCAPITULATIOX. 
 
 Dis. Counties. J. ,1- Df- 
 
 1. SuHblk and Queens 1 
 
 2. Kings, Riclimoiid & Rockl-and 1 
 
 3. New York 3 
 
 4. Westchester and Putnam 1 
 
 5. Dutchess 1 
 
 6. Or.nge 1 
 
 7. Ulster and Sullivan 1 
 
 8. (Columbia 1 
 
 9. Rphsselaer ^ 
 
 10. Albany 1 
 
 11. Green and Delaware 1 
 
 12. Schoharie and Sclienrctadv 1 
 
 13. Ot.sego " 1 
 
 14. Oneida 1 
 
 15. Herkimer 1 
 
 16. Mcn'gomery 1 
 "iT. Sarato^-a 1 
 IS. Washiiigton 
 
 19. Franklin, Clinton, Essex an;l 
 
 "Warren 1 
 
 20. Oswego, Jefiorson, Lewis ar.d 
 
 St. Lawrence 
 _21. Ch^nango and Bootie 1 
 
 22. Madison and Cortlandt \ 
 
 1 
 1 ' 
 
 25. Tompk.ns and Tioga I 
 
 26. Ontario, Seneca, Wayne &. Yates " 
 
 27. Monroe and Livingston I 
 
 28. •'Caitaragus, Steuben and Allc- 
 
 gliancy 1 
 
 29. Gcnessee and Orleans 1 
 
 30. Coalauque, r'rie. and Niiigura 1 
 
 22 7 4 
 >Ini"/itv gives 2 additional electors 2 
 
 24- 7 4 
 
 23. Onondaga, 
 
 24. Cayuga 
 
 NEW JERSEY. — " Y'our communication of 
 the flattering propcctsof sue re.ss in the cause in 
 which we are unUed heart and liand, has been re- 
 ceived, for which wc tenrler you our thinks. 
 Your assurances of Pennsylvania art a further 
 proofof what we never could entertain a serious 
 doubt. We could not do such injustice to her 
 character, as to suopose «!he wOidd sibandoii th^ 
 
441 
 
 :uari ot her ile^bcraie choice, wulisiich increas- madjn musUncrcase wnii tiiyir iieuiai,.:. Un 
 
 ed inducements to sustain him; altliough we confidenlly believe we shall prevail: our oppo. 
 
 cannot look forward with equrd certainty of sue- nents are alarmed, and not without cause. O: 
 
 ecss in New Jersey, yet our prospects are traly the 30i\\ (Aiig-ust)ths citizens of three counties 
 
 flattering-, r.'id many think this State will go for will mtct at tins place: v,-e siiall notice the " tra- 
 
 Jackson. This opinion has net hecn Imstily veiling- cabinet," althou^jh the peoole seem dis- 
 
 formed, but rests on information received fi-om g-usted enougii at it alre'adv." ' 
 
 tlifferent parts of the State, we think, can be re- _' 
 
 lied on. Perhaps in no part of New Jersey has KENTUCKY.— " Tliere were 77,271 votes 
 
 the chanpe been greater than in the county of giveji for Governor: Gon. Metcalfe h':isbut CG9 
 
 Essex. The candid among- our opponents liave inajorit v ! our Can.didate for Lieutenant Govcri'- 
 
 estimated the majoi-ity with whic'i they started or has iOH7 nxajoi-it\'. Rest assured, no event 
 
 of 2500 to six or seven, and we confidently il-.ink in the womb of tiin'e is more certain, than th:it 
 
 they will not have five hundred: sliould such be Jackson will "-et the electoral vote of Kenluck v." 
 
 the result, and our int'ormation from other paa*ts 
 of the State be correct, we must succeed. The 
 following- is our present calculation. 
 
 
 
 M.a 
 
 orities. 
 
 Majorities 
 
 Counties. 
 
 
 Jathami . 
 
 Adams. 
 
 Cape May 
 
 - 
 
 . 
 
 
 100 
 
 Saleni 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 
 - 100 
 
 Gloucestc*, divided - 
 
 - 
 
 
 _ 
 
 Cumberland 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 250 
 
 . 
 
 Burlinglon 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 
 - roo 
 
 Momnouth 
 
 _ 
 
 - 
 
 400 
 
 ^ 
 
 Hunterdon 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 800 
 
 , 
 
 "VV'arren 
 
 . _ , 
 
 
 4-00 
 
 - 
 
 Somerset 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 250 
 
 - 
 
 Sussex 
 
 » 
 
 _ 
 
 1000 
 
 . 
 
 Middlesex 
 
 - 
 
 . 
 
 
 - 150 
 
 Essex 
 
 - 
 
 , 
 
 
 - 500 
 
 Morris 
 
 - ' . 
 
 - 
 
 SCO 
 
 . 
 
 Berg-en 
 
 - 
 
 
 
 50 
 
 >100 
 
 1600 
 
 MISSOURI. — " Your application- for infor- 
 m.itioii is recehied : we reply v.'itliout a resort 
 to conjecture or opinion, by stating- the fact, 
 thato-ir gener.il electionis just (.\ui,'. 17) over, 
 that the presidential question was broug-'i* 
 to bear upon it, and that the result is a clcur 
 majority of about 3000 votes: This, however, is 
 not the entire strenglli of the Jackson cause i-i 
 this State; circumstances, not necessary to be 
 stated, prevented the peifectunioit of the party 
 ."vt the la-st contest; we shall g-ive the elector:!! 
 ticket at least four thousand majority."' 
 
 MARYLAND. — "Oin- san.u.uinc friends siiy 
 .seven,- we say m'.v electoral votes for the Tennes- 
 see Farmer, certain; tiie timid say five. The 
 result of the whole election is important, not 
 only to om-selves and posterity, but positively 
 to tile civilized wcrhl: the men, who have g-„t 
 into the house at the back door, hold on with 
 
 You observe this result renders lhe election theg-rasn of a drownhif>- man on the last planl; 
 a close one: v.e think it will be so: but in many but out th.^-v nii:<;t iro." 
 
 lany 
 
 of the counties where we expect majorities wo 
 have put th.em less than we anticipate. We feel 
 satisfied that we are constant!;,' g-aining-, and 
 should nothinpf occur to produce a re-action, 
 qur numl'crs will increase before the election." 
 
 ^ LLTTEllXVn. 
 
 To John Ser^eanl, MnnuclEyrc, Lnivrerice Lfu: 
 is, C. C. niddle, and Joseph P. 2\i!>rr'i!>, Jr. Es- 
 quires — Authors of an address adopted nf ilir 
 administration toi::n mcdint' ofilic 7th Juli'. 
 
 Gr,XTi.7.Mr.?r — The question, towiiich, in th< 
 present l-ltcr, we he.c;- leave to call 3'onr ov.-;i 
 
 OHIO. — " Your circular has been g-'.adly re- 
 ceived; Assure A'oursclves of our faith.ful co t.p- 
 *^ration: the conflict in this State is a -aarm one, 
 
 but, encourag-cd by the ex:uT!plc of tiic friends imd tfie public, attention, is tiiis. . .'. /T/.-y did 
 of liberty in other States, we continue to m;un- Mr. Adams desert the Federal partif'.' To sup- 
 tain the cause of the people with inci-en.s'ng pose, that you, the ardent .vlvocates oF Mr. AfK 
 prospects of ultimate success. We can positive- ams, and one of you his confidenti-tl frieml, cm 
 iy assure you, that our cf^use is gaining- ground be ig-nor:tnt, upon tjic most extrao-.-dinary event 
 throughout the whole we.stern country: Onto is in his poliiicnl life, is to do violence to all par- 
 n6w the field of great efforts: the whole pf>wer ties: he v.'ould not think of soliciting, or of j)ro- 
 and patronage of the government is openly fitlng by, your zeal, v/ltliout conurlcncc on his 
 brought to bear upon us, but we strive to turn part; and. surely, yoii would not support him, 
 their weapons back upon them. As to Kkntu;;- whilst loaded with suspicion: Vi'e pray you, 
 Ki^ — Although'AIr. Me'.calfe is elected, it is, yoti then, to remove a veil tJiat h:is iiit!ierloconc'..d 
 s£c, by an insignific.arit majority, whilst a majori- cd transactions, luvolvln;;- not nu.rr-Iy t!ie repii- 
 ty in both iiouics of the legislattire are for .Tuck- tation of Mr. Adams, but the poliiicHl int(-giify 
 son, as well as the Lieutenant Governor: Judge rmd p:rsonnI lio»ior of a consiilcrafdc portion o'l' 
 Barry lost his election on new court principles: the people of the United Stutcr;. 
 
 there will no doubt be a majority for Jackson of In our la-^t Icttc r we readied the sprinif of 
 
 from 7000 to 10000 votes.— Ir.r.i.vois has elected I807,lhc fortieth yc:u-, we think, of Mr. Adams's 
 all her officers, gencrjvl and State, from the life: At that time, we saw him, hkca detci-niln- . 
 friends of Jackson. — Indiana has re-clec-tcd a ed and skilful gener.al, marslialiing tlie fi-der.al- 
 Jackson Governor, and a large majority in both ists of Mas-sachusclt.s, in preparation for the iin- 
 houscs of the legislature; notwillistancf n^^ t!»e portant Stale election, then at IkuhI: 'I'iic elco<. 
 Congress results spoken of, nobody doubts that tion took phice, .viid, for the fir-it lime, in .Massa- 
 this State is decidedly Jacksonian. — The contest ehiisetts, the enti:'c fcleral force w.ts routed; 
 in Ohio is now do-.ibtful: both j)ar11e3 claim a and the positions of g..\crnf>r, legislature, and 
 majority; our own impressions are that we siiall all otlfrs d-.-pcndent upon them, fi II into repub 
 siucceed: the people are awakened to inquiry, lican hands, Thi- joy ttiat bevncd upon the 
 ■hat is all we want, and our cfjor's to give irifor- rountenaii(-«^sof on'- n;u-tv, wassiir'ialh.- cDntra';*. 
 
iii 
 
 etl with the gloom Uiul overcast these of tl\c 
 other. The muss of tlie fecleriUists, eveiy where, 
 iiigardcd Masi.ac'au.selts as their citadel, and 
 v/hen that fell, many among- tliem relinquished 
 all hopes of future political ascen(Llncy. 
 
 Nor were these prognostics confined to the 
 state of things, in Massachusetts: No indication 
 WU3 g-iven any where, that an attempt, even to 
 nominate a ftcU/ral candidate to the i.rts'deucy 
 wotild he made — public opinion had settled down 
 upon Mr. Madison, as tiie successor of Mi:. Jef- 
 i'erson? and althovvgh thete were some vagrant- 
 wishes for Gforj^L- Clinton of New York, liis rc- 
 jiublican integ-rity t;uaranti.-ed a pursuance of 
 the Jcflerson policy, in public aflair?, foreign 
 and domestic. 
 
 Such, then, was the condition of the two i>ai'- 
 ties in ] 307 — the rcpuljlicans every where tri- 
 umphant, with a <ertainty that power wovdd 
 rest in tiicir hands until 1816, at least: Thcfc- 
 'lervilists, every where in tiie minority? and, al- 
 thoug-li, with their ag-gregate minorities, still re- 
 spectable in numbers as well as energy, desti- 
 tute of the ];ower, whicJi alone attaches nierce- 
 •lary men, to pa}' in ofiiccs for integrit}' to their 
 cause. 
 
 It must be confessed, tliat, at such a time as 
 this, no man of good and generous feelings, to 
 say nothing of political honesty, would sit down 
 and deliberately weigh t'ic cliunces of personal 
 !)ene{it, fr<im an adherence to old friends, or a 
 (feserli'Mi to hereditary enemies. Tiie wreck of 
 a once poweiful and in talent at least respecta- 
 ble, party, now scattered upon the political 
 breakers, would have ."voused the sympathies, 
 even of opponents, to jirotect the scattered 
 crew from injury and insult, ralhi-r than to 
 ]iluck from tlum the only treasure that they had 
 been able to preser\e. 
 
 And if such s!iould have been the conduct of 
 republicans, in relation to Ihcir now powerless 
 opponents; if it would have been f)atriolic, ;uul 
 kind in them, to conciliate men long estranged 
 •i— to prove that ddference in political senti- 
 ment did dot render the heart callous, what 
 ought to have been the conduct of Mr. J, Q. 
 Adams? If he ]o6ssesscd any power, influence, 
 or vveallh, to whom was he inilebied for it' — 
 Was it not to the very ])arty which lie nov.- saw 
 in the deepest adversity' If that parly had 
 h'unk into public odium, h:id not the passions of 
 liis own father greatly contributed to their fall? 
 Had they not, but lately before, giv( n him a 
 most striking" proof of confidence and favor, by 
 h'endinghim to the Senate of t!ie Uuilcd States, 
 in preference evm to their \cttran, Mr. I'ltker- 
 inj! : • - " 
 
 Vet, unmindful of rdl this, it was in this hour 
 >>f deep despondency, that Mr Adams Tied from 
 ike colors of iiis jioiiticaj hou^e, and entered 
 the ranks of its imiform opponents! 
 
 Let it not be supposed, gentlemen, that we 
 'ensure theabamloimicnt of measures orof men, 
 found to be nuschie\<)us: let no one sii}', that 
 we object to the conversion of those wlio dif- 
 I'lJr from us in political sentiment: on the ron- 
 ffury, we hail honest conversion ;is beneficial to 
 the political Institutions, and to the social hap- 
 piness of our coiuitry: we know many, very 
 many, who, having l)ecome convinced of cnor, 
 as lo the views and feelings of the republican 
 party, are now attached to it. Hut wc aj-e not 
 mHIh to fpo. in the lif'f. jirivciplty, or nrfs. of Mr. 
 
 Adams, those indications whicli precede, accotn- 
 paiii/, amlfpHou: conversion: we have not seen 
 in him a convert, but an informer against one 
 party, in order to be received into and destroy 
 anotlier — a deserter, not disgusted with his old 
 principles, but alarmed at ttie politiad naked- 
 nes.s of his old friends — an ally, not attracted by 
 republican simplicity, but by the capacity to 
 gratify his insatiable lust of ambition and avarice-. 
 
 ....Weliave already siiown, that, from his 
 youth to his foilieth yc:u', Mr. Adams wrofef 
 spoke, and aclcd against republican principle."., 
 measures, undmcn: Ilehadnever, we beheve, 
 from weakness of nerves, or mildness of dispo- 
 sition, halted between Lwoopiniuns: he had ne- 
 ver been known to change a sentiment, as men 
 of mwleration do, gradually — or asmen of ardent 
 temperament do, suddenly: .so far as wc cair 
 judge, he had been, fr<;m nature and e<lucation, 
 what is termed obstinate, dogmatic: and in jioli- 
 tics especially, he had been wivatis well under- 
 stood by the term an ultra: so keen were hSs. 
 resentments, that, it has been alleged, he even 
 indulged in the most offensive invective against 
 Mr. JefTerson, under the poet's mask. 
 
 It is a matter of public concern, and not of 
 mere curiosity, then, to ascertain what produced 
 one of the most extraordinary political meta- 
 morphoses, whicli the annals of party describe. 
 If Mr. Adams had gradually retired, and relin- 
 cjuished former principles and associations, all 
 men would have acknowledged tlie sincerity of 
 conversion: if he had sought to ass<iage the vio- 
 lence of his former partisans, or merely to ex- 
 pose tlic pernicious tendency of their course, 
 lic wovild liave merited tiie gratitude of his 
 country: if, when he saw them on the verge of 
 mischief and punishment, he had sought to ar- 
 rest the one, and prevent the other, the good- 
 ness of his Iieart would have been manifest. 
 l]ui, in vain df we seek such tniits as these: 
 Mr. Adams' change was sudden and unlimited: 
 and, to all appearance, his antipatliics and his 
 att.ichmen*'S were at once given up, with as 
 much com])osin'e and tact, as a veteran come- 
 dian exhibits, in tlic preparation for various 
 parts of the pLys in v.-hich he acts: He did nor 
 cliange fiom :in extreme federalist to a moder- 
 ate federalis., or even to a moderate republican 
 — but to an absolute zealot in the ranks of the 
 parly by v/fticli his father and himself had been 
 deprived of all power, and against wliich his 
 fatiier and himself had written with pens dipped 
 in gall. 
 
 Can you explain to us, gentlemen, how tJiis 
 most singular result was brought about? Were 
 tlie motives uf Mr. Adams pure and p.ttriotic:'' 
 if they were, what can so well promote his 
 cause now, as to make them known to the peo- 
 ple' You must be aware, that many good men 
 of both the parties in our country, object to 
 Mr. Adams, espi-cially for his conduct in 180r-B 
 — wh:itcanbesonecessriry,then,tohisownfame, 
 and indeed to your own political reputation, a 
 HIS supporiers, a."! a iii.iinv v.:.\j.>i;tnam./ii oi tiM- 
 rmisrs of ills change of iiolitical party > But, if 
 all such exi-lanation shall be refused, we must 
 of necessity form our own conclusions — and, in 
 that case, what think you, gentlemen, of this 
 sentiment of Mr. John Adams: — 
 
 "If a iiinajly, which has been higli in ofiice. 
 " and splendid in wealth, falls into decay, 
 ■' ^'rrtxfk profligacy, folly. vi'-e. or misfortun,^', 
 
4'Jc 
 
 ' liiey g'eueruiiy lun» democrats, and court 
 "the lowest of the people, with an ardor, 
 ''an art, a skill, and consequently with a 
 "success, whicli no vulgar democrat can 
 "attai!)." Cunningham Letters: VI. 
 ■ . . .Do j'ou recng'iiise no features in this pic- 
 ture, that bring Mr. Adams to 3oar contempla- 
 tion' His family had sunk into decHV.from causes 
 wiuc!'. need no explanation ; his political family, 
 too, had lost all influence, in tiie disposition of 
 power. That he turned democrat, is his own 
 boast ; and that he lias since done what has 
 brought blushes into niiuiy democratic checks, 
 the i)istory of the times establishes. For in- 
 stance. . . . 
 
 1. In March ISOr, Mr. Adams presided at 
 the great federal convention in Massachusetts ; 
 in tlic next month the federal party was routed 
 in the State: in the next October, Mr. Adams 
 resumed his seat in the Senate of the l.'. S. : 
 on the 13th December, Mr. Jeit'erson sent his 
 message to Congress recommending an embar- 
 go: in the Senate, Mr. Jefferson had a large 
 majority of polit-cal, and many personal friends: 
 some of them asked to putolFa decision of so 
 inomentous a subject, even for one day: if it 
 was right to jiroceed, as Mr. JeiTerson de- 
 sired, at once, he had friends able and disposed 
 to say so, and did not stand in need of the sup- 
 j>ort of Mr. Adorns — but Mr. Adams had fail- 
 en into decay, and now saw the moment, at 
 which to turn democrat: lie arose, and said, not 
 merely tljat he was for proceeding at once, 
 but. ..." 1 would not deliberate — I would act; 
 ' •■ doubtless the president possesses such further 
 "information, as will justify the measure:'' no 
 dependant upon the will of a despot could de- 
 scend lower than this: — even from a republi- 
 can confidant of ?.Ir. Jefferson, such a senti- 
 ment would have been impolitic, unsound, and 
 unmanly; but from Mr. Adams, it must have 
 been listened to with amazement, as v/ell as dis- 
 gust. But tl)us he " courted the people." 
 Soon after, ahhough Mr. Jefferson had tiic 
 pens of hundreds of able men to defend his acts, 
 Mr. Adams volunteered in his cause, and wrote 
 u labored defence of the embargo! 
 
 2. Hut theie acts, bold as they were, did not 
 limit the zeal of Mr. Adams : " lie most unex- 
 ' pectedly, but avowedly," savs* Go\'<.rnor 
 Cilcs, " made a complete political somerset 
 ' from the federal to the republican parly." 
 " IIov/ was this done '' It was first done b}- a 
 ' most solemn communication to myself, and af- 
 
 * terwards to Mr. Jefl'erson, as I am well in- 
 ' formed." "At the ti;ne Mr Adams made a 
 ' disclosure to me, he imposed no i^'jinction of 
 ' secrecy wluitevei' : he spoke of the occasion, 
 
 * however, as one of awf d magnitude — nothing 
 
 * less than hazarding the severance of tlie 
 ' Union.'' After quoting a letter from Mr. 
 Jefferson to him, on this subject, Mr- Giles pro- 
 ceeds : " Ilencc the following facts cvi lently 
 ' appear : that Mr. Adams m:ide the disclosure 
 
 • to me of his intending to desert the federal 
 ' party, in the winter of 1807-8 — to the best of 
 
 • my recollection, a short time previous to the 
 ' first embargo : that it was made und'-r the 
 « most solemn assurances of his patriotism and 
 
 • disinterestedness, and of an e;itire cxoniption 
 ' of all views of personal promotion by the par- 
 « ty to which he had proselyted. Mr. JefTcison 
 
 •' states the grounds nf this charge, ao rommii- 
 
 ' nicated by Mr. Adams himself, to hci/ie Ireu' 
 ' s,onuhk vkifs of the Jcchral par!]/, and those 
 ' treasonahle views extended to disunion-" 
 
 In short, gentlemen, as you know, Mr. Ad- 
 ams arcuserl the federal party of being engaged 
 in a consnirac}' to dismember tile Union : and 
 marie this the pretext for his conversion' 
 
 3. Although Mr. rVdu'iis professed disinter- 
 estedness, in all this, who can believe him ? A 
 man who desurts any c:uisc, must, if he has any 
 feeling at all, prefer retirement to exposure, if 
 for no otlier reason, to avert suspicion as to his 
 motives : no such senlimciit seems to have 
 ruled Mr. Adams : lie did, indec'l, when the 
 federalists in Massachusetts, in 1808, unexpect- 
 edly regained power,rcsign hi,s seat in the Sen- 
 ate of the United States; but in doing so, he 
 sought to persuade the republicans that he 
 v/as a sort of political martyr, and he certal'aly 
 produced the de:iired elFect I 
 
 4. Mr. Jefferson, to whom Mr. Adams madr- 
 his disclosure of the treasonable designs of the 
 federal party, profited by the disclosure, we 
 presume, so far as to watch the movements in 
 Massachusetts cspecialh' — but he gave no re- 
 ward to the informer! 
 
 5. No sooner, however,, wa:; Jlr. Madison 
 elected, than, on the very day of his inaugura- 
 tion, Murch 4, 1809, he nominated Mr. Adams 
 minister to Russia: tlic Senate did not confirm 
 the nomination; and it was not until the extra- 
 ordinary session, in the same j'ear, that Mr. 
 
 -Adams' ascended the iirst step lo Republican 
 promotion. 
 
 6. In 1814, he was minister at Ghent: subse- 
 quently at London, and at last in 1820, entered 
 the cabinet, having thus with "ardor, art, and 
 skill," sviccessfuUy rcaciied a point, lo v/hich 
 many distinguished rcj.a{t>licani;, even Mr. Cla>' 
 himself, aspired in vain. 
 
 7. Wiiilst Secretary of Slate, he delivered an 
 oration on I'ne annivers:u-y of independence, 
 which brought blushes into the checks of every 
 l»epublic:ui, who respected his country or him- 
 self — much ast'\e !ir publicans had always dread- 
 ed the contaminating influence of England, ami 
 greatly as they dislikid the Kngllsh form of go- 
 vernment, thoy were shocked and disgusted at 
 the strain of invective in Mr. Adams' oration, 
 against a nation, with which v/e were at peace — 
 an oration, in whicli the in.^anity of the king of 
 i^ngland wa-i referred to with a levity, if not 
 pr'ifan^ness, unworlliy of a generous na^i(m ; 
 that it was intended to " court the lowest of l lie 
 people," may be true, but we know no people 
 in tll*K country, so debased as to be gnitiiicd 
 witii such aits. 
 
 8. Alter his elevation to tiie Presidency of the 
 Union, we witnessed another such res«-mblanci 
 to the picture drawn by Mr. J. Adiuns: we idi 
 remember the toa.st, so offensive, not to the me- 
 mory of General IJoss, not to llie IJrilisli nation, 
 nierel)-, but to every gvnerou'J sj/nit! with a 
 coldne.'s and rancor, unworthy of the "low- 
 est of the- jieople," we heard the I'residem 
 of this great country speak of speeding a 
 bullet into ihe breast of a brave foe! — for wh.at 
 was all thi.s but to "court the lowest of the 
 people!" 
 
 9. The spirit whiidi actuated I'< rdinand an'' 
 the inquisition of Sp.tin to p<;rs«:<.ulc a body of 
 men, called free-masons, having unaccountably 
 reached thi?: rnuntrv, wh*»re it his bfen btwly 
 
14 i 
 
 pVu^uaiteu t.JcJei-tionc-ci-i:;},' piirjiosci^; apcvscn 
 in the interior of New-York wrote to Mr. Adams 
 recently, to know whether lie was a free-mason, 
 nnd telling hlin if he was not, it would help his 
 (•icction to make it known— instead of throvv-- 
 inij such a note under the table, Mr Adams, 
 with the zeal of Ferdinand himself, set down 
 ai:d wrote a reply, saying, not merely that he 
 wasnot amason, but that' he never would be 
 one ! 
 
 10. It. woidd be below tlie character of letters 
 like the present to describe other instances of 
 popular co(!itship: we saw Wr. Adams stripping- 
 ofiiiis coaL before a mnltitude, merely to per- 
 form the ceremony oi lifting a root: we saw him 
 ride. . . .we forbear. 
 
 But, gentlemen, lot us not furtl-.er di- 
 gress : Mr. Adams fell into decay — he turned 
 democrat — he courted "the lowest of the 
 !)eopIo," as well as their agents, " with an 
 ' • ardor, an art, ' skill, and consequently, with 
 *• a success, which no valgur dcm.ocratcan at- 
 "tain." 
 
 Is tills the povlrr.it which we must look upon 
 as faithful.'' If the likeness is true, is the original 
 worthy of our soifrages' If the resemblance is 
 not faithful, why do yon not point out the dissi- 
 milarity? 
 
 .... If it was not the iiitnxlcating influence of 
 anjbition and iwaricc which induced Mr. Adam.s 
 to make so sudd'^n and so surprising a change — 
 what'elsc was it.' If Mr. Adams did not desci't 
 one party a!id fly to ar.other for mere mercenary 
 ^■iews, v.-hi' did hi- dtnr!? Is it fruc, tluat the 
 federal paYty wa:; con^pirinp; to sever the Uni- 
 on.' Mr. Adams si'.ysthey were; and Mr. Adams 
 is your candidate! It is not the republicnns, 
 who charge the federalists with being conspi- 
 rators: the charge of conspiracy to sever the 
 Union is made by Mr. Adnms himself! Ts it intr. 
 that th.e federal party did conspire? Iflhcy did, 
 then we call on tl:o people of the Union to 
 look and bchohl the mass of the same federal 
 party now the main prop of Mr Adams's fall- 
 ing house! Jf Ihry did not conrpire, then we 
 rail on the people of the Union to look and be- 
 hold th.c mass of th? same federal party, which 
 Mr. Adams thus denounced; cheering him as 
 their candidate! 
 
 The Kpcetiulo is positively app.alling! there 
 is nothing likt- it, in the histiiry of this, or pcr- 
 hips in that of any cotmfry: Wilhthe exception 
 of a Acry few federalists, few v.hen compared 
 with t!ic mass — the p.irty which Mr. Adams 
 abandoned, which he denounced as conspira- 
 tors against their countiynieii, is now armyr d 
 inhis support! ?»Ir. Oti.v, Sir. Quincy, Mr. tfeb- 
 ster, Mr. I.oufU, 7»Ir. Dwig'nt — besides many 
 members of the Hartford Convention, are unit- 
 ed to elevate the man, who skimped •• conspi- 
 rator to dissolve the Union" upon their fore- 
 heads! 
 
 Canyon, gentlemen, explain all this? Did 
 
 Mr. AdaniK conspire with federalists, to go over 
 to tis rcpiiblicaiiK. in order to betray us' Is the 
 union nov.* existing between Mr. Adams and 
 the federalists of New England the consumma- 
 tion of such a coTi.spiracy ' Or, did Mr. Adams 
 
 turn democrat to jircmotc his own ends' Or, 
 
 did he tady acruee the federal parly' Or, 
 
 did he ftlsely impute to them treasonable de- 
 signs? These arc questions to which we crave 
 vour attention. 
 
 I he point to which we call public attention i.-^. 
 this: a cordial union now exists between THr. Ad- 
 ams and the mass of tiie party, which, Mr. Ad- 
 ams declared, con.spired to dissolve the iJnion: 
 Is it safe or honorable, to elect a person, who, 
 according- to his own account, must have had 
 i^ full knowledge of a conspiracy, who did not 
 betnty it until the republicans had got the pow- 
 er into their o\i,-n hands, and who has now again 
 thrown himsclfinto the arnisofthesameconspi- 
 ratore' 
 
 ... .As to the federal party of New England, 
 for we consider the mass of the federalists of tlve 
 rest of the Union to be the disciples of Wash- 
 ington, rather than the slaves of an ciistt.rn aris- 
 tocracy, who can doubt that they deserved the 
 ciiaracter given to them by Mr. Ad:ur,-s" 
 Would any man of spirit, or of common hones- 
 ty, support the person, who h.ad (alsely acciiseit 
 him? 
 
 Yo!i, gentlemen, can sst aside nil doubt and 
 suspicion ; JT7ty did Mr. Adaim daxd ihtfrdrrn} 
 party? 
 
 TJcspcctfullv, -.ours, SiC. 
 
 .10HEPII V. ORRELI<, 
 WILLIAM DUNCAN". 
 W1LLIA51 BOYD, 
 HENRY TOLAND, 
 .TOIIN WURTS, 
 WILLIAM J. DUANE, 
 WILLIA.M J. LEtPRR, 
 CHARLES S. COXE, 
 THOMAS M. I'ETTIT, 
 Com.mittee of Corrcspondtnce for Phila. 
 dtjphia, appointed by the Republicai^. 
 Convention, as.sembled at Ilarrisburg, 
 Jan. 8th, 1»28. 
 Sept. 8, 1828. 
 
 To , Joint Serffranf, Manuel Eyre, Lrrurrenre Lnv ■ 
 in, C. C. Jiidd/t; and Joseph 1'. JS'orn'p, EfG" 
 - — Mufhor^ of an address adopted at the admin - 
 isfratlon town meeting of the 7th July. 
 
 Gkvtlkjsett: —In the letters which we havf 
 addres.sed to you, we have, we believe, said, 
 that wc were not aware ofeiTor, and our readi- 
 ness to correct it, if di^icovered. 
 
 Our a'tcr.tion lias bctii called to our tenth Ict- 
 t(-r, in \vhich we referred to the civil oflVces con 
 feried on Gen. Jackson. 
 
 In that letter, we stated, t!iat Waslxington 
 liad appointed Andrew Jackson attorney of the 
 district, now Tennessee, under the act of Con- 
 gress organizing that territoj-y, of M.ay 2G, 
 1790, and then. In a note, we presented tlic 
 form of a commission to Gen. .'a-^ks^n asd;-' 
 trict attorney. 
 
 It has been represented — 
 
 1. Tliat the statement made by us, as to \h.(t, 
 appointment, is ui. founded: 
 
 2. That thi* form of a commission, annexed 
 in a note to our tenth letter, vras presented 
 by us for purposes ofxleci-plion : 
 
 1. ..^s to ilie first assertion, we s.iy: we regard- 
 ed the fact of the .appointment of Andrew Jack- 
 son, by Washington, historical and undoubted 
 it had never, to our knowledge, been contradic'- 
 f d. although long before the public: In the lif« 
 of Andrew Jackson, written by John U. Raton, 
 Esq. it is.st:tfcd — th-.it Gen. .Tpckson bad settled 
 in Tennessee in 1788 — that he h.id estaLlishpd. 
 h'msrlf there as a lawyor— and 
 
145 
 
 "aiivi-uy iiucrvv-amSi i^P v>as appointed, by 
 " Washingtoi), Attorney General for tlie 
 " district, in which capacity he contiuudi 
 " for several years— 
 As Gen. Eaton had not fixed the time of ap- 
 pointment, we referred to the laws U. S. an:l 
 irom the date of the orgauizaiion of the districl-, 
 and the statement of Gen. Ea'on as to the tiiire 
 when Gen. Jackson cstabiiblied himself, con- 
 cluded that Geu. .Jackson was the fii'Sl attorney. 
 2. ^istothe setcnd assertion, we say, that it is 
 contra<iicted by the very note objected to; V'/e 
 had no sort of do'jbt of the correctness <ft!>e 
 grave declaration of Gen. Eaton-, we iinphc-tly 
 believed, and we stili believe, that Gen. Jack- 
 son was appointed by Washington : To show, 
 in as prominent u way aj we could, what it was 
 that Washing-ton had done for Gen. Jackson,, 
 we gave, in a note, appended to our tentii let- 
 ter, tlie form of a canimission, (copied from an 
 onginal commission of 1789, from Washington 
 to a district attorney) giving the name, place, 
 and date as we believed they must be in tlie ori- 
 ginal, which we had no doubt liud been given 
 to Gen. Jacksoii. In our note, we did not give 
 the paper as t'ne coniTnrssion given to General 
 Jackson: we did not give it as the copy even . 
 we gave a fomi, just ;is we believed tlie origin- 
 al to be; and designated its character, not only 
 by the nam.c given to it, but by o!ir statement:, 
 that wc could not be certain as to tlie date. In 
 sliort, we intended to present, if v.'e may so say, 
 the picture of the appointment which we be- 
 lieved had been given. 
 
 Gen. Eaton, who is the autinn-ity forour state- 
 ment as to tile ai)pointment, v.-ill be able to re- 
 HJOVQ doubt, if doubt exists: For ourselves, we 
 have given the facts as they were and are — not 
 sonscious, and, as we knov/ ourselves to be, not 
 '"apable of unfairness. 
 
 Uespectful'v, vours. See. 
 
 JOSEPH WORRELL, 
 WILLIAM DUNCAN, 
 WILLIAM BOYD, 
 HENRY TOLAND, 
 JOHN WURTS, 
 Vv'ILLIA.M J. DUANE, 
 WILLIAM J. LEI PER, 
 CHARLES S. COKE, 
 iHO.MAS M. PETll'i', 
 Committee of Correspondence for Fliil;'.- 
 delphia, appointed by the Republican 
 Convention, assembled at Ilarrisburg, 
 Jan. 8th, 1828. 
 Sept. 8, 182o. 
 
 LETTER XSIK. 
 
 To John Hergeimt, Mcmuel Eifre,Itnwrence Lewis, 
 C. C. Bid die, (tnd Josepk P. Nnrris, Jan. 
 J^squira, — Jlutliitrs oj an address adopted (d 
 the adriihii&lTalion town mcdin^ (f the 7tk 
 JiJy. 
 
 Gkntlkmln — Tiic remarks, which wc pro- 
 l-jose to iTKike In tiie present letter, although^ 
 deserving, as v.e trust, the attention of men of 
 all parties, arc particularly designed for that 
 portion of our fellow citizens who declare them- 
 selves federalists of the Washington school. 
 DifiTerence of opinion will exist, and dilfcreiicc 
 of Opinion will produce a variety of designation; 
 hut it is the extreme of tyranny to frown upon a 
 fellow citizen for his exercising the right, whi':h 
 
 it is iheboaat of us aj.i lu pasbcsa. I'lie »aui»u- 
 ncss of a man's political sentiments and pro- 
 fessions is to be tested by his actions — no one 
 would dare to doubt the purity of tlie intentions 
 of tiiose, wlio, in an hour of peril, would risk 
 life and fortune fur their countiy; but, tlie pa- 
 triotism of tliose may well be doubted, who, in 
 the moment of danger, icould convuhe their cquti^ 
 fri/, and cover it wiih blood, rather than not gra 
 tify their selfish views. 
 
 That tlicre have been, and arc, two descrip- 
 tions of federalists in this country, no man of 
 discernment can doubt — the first consists of 
 those wiiom Mr. Jolin Adams calls the " high 
 oligarchy" — men swolkn with wealth, and 
 g-oaded by the desire to exhibit its ])osse8siou 
 by all the pomp and jircumstance of aristocratic 
 state — men, who consider them;;elves born to 
 guide the dt-stinies of a nation — men, who 
 tiiink a republic a sort of viiiionary sciieme, 
 that has never lasted, and that nc.er can last 
 long — men, v.-ho would convulse their country, 
 to dispel tliis political mist, as they consider it, 
 which obscures the brigiitness of their own 
 fajicied superiority. 
 
 Tlie other party consists of sound ar.d dis. 
 erect men, who really loye liberty, but stil', 
 from the hnpressions made upon them by the 
 first class, conceive that there is a tendency in 
 the republican party to run into the abuses of 
 a government purely popular — tliej', liov/ever, 
 cherish tlie union of th<^ States, and upon all 
 occasions of dangt-r otl'cr tlieir purses anil per- 
 sons in their country's cause. 
 
 It is to the sober minds and the pure hearts of 
 this last description of our fellow citizen^, tliat 
 we now address ourselves. They are mistaken 
 in supposifig- that there is any tendency in the 
 republican party to run into abuses, which, in 
 fact, cannot exist in our representative systtm — 
 tiiey are mist:dcen in supposijig that tiie rcpuh 
 licans willingly exclude them, as the Catholics 
 of Ireland are excluded, from places of trust, 
 profit or honor— tl^y are mistaken if they sHp- 
 pose, that the repe.blicans have any other wish 
 or interest, but to promote the political union 
 of the States, the permanency of the constitu- 
 tion, and the substantial welfare of all the peo- 
 ple. 
 
 lint, if it is asked, why the republicans Inivc 
 appeared to be intolerant, ive point at once to the 
 cause — the republicans ha\ e rarely seen the mo- 
 derate or /(6cr«/ federalists separate tiicmselvcs 
 from the ultra federalists. AViien Mr. Jefiersor. 
 came into power, :dthough he said the people 
 were "all federalisls — all republicans," he was 
 rc.'>trained from coiiftrriug political stalion.9 r.j;- 
 ou both, by public opinion, which )>ointed to 
 the extreme doctrines and actions under Mr. 
 Adams, as denoting anti-republican tendencies. If 
 the s')und men wii.)eon>ult the counsel of Wash- 
 ington, l;ad alw.iy.s luidthat counsel before their 
 eyes, they would not hav,^. thrown their influ- 
 ence into the scale of a New England aiis(<5Cra- 
 cy, that has hmg meditated h separation of tho 
 Union — an evil, of ullotlicr.s, whicii WuKhington 
 ileprecated. Let us hear his voice first, and 
 then see how it was attended to : 
 
 " The unity of government," (s.iid Washing- 
 ton, in his farewell ;iddr<-ss) " which constittites 
 '• you one peo])lc, is also dear to you. It is 
 ♦• justly so; for it m the main pillar in the cdi- 
 " lice of yoioi- independence, t!ie support of 
 
wo 
 
 ■■ w<u. uancjUiiiiivaiiioiuc, your peace ahi-oatl; 
 " of your Siifety ; of your prosperity; of that very 
 " liberty which you so hit^bly prize. Kut as 
 "it \s easy to foresee, that from different 
 '• causes, and from diflerent quarters, much 
 "pains will be taken, many arllfics employed, 
 " to weaken in your miiuls the conviction of 
 " tliis truth; as tliis is the pi/uit iu your political 
 " fortress, against which the batteries of inter- 
 " 7ial and external enemies will be most con- 
 "stantly and actively (though often covertly 
 *' and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite mo- 
 " ment, tiiat you sliould properly estimate 
 " the immense value of your national union, to 
 " your collective and individual happiness; tliat 
 " you should cherislva cordial, habitual, and 
 ■ ' immovable atUichment to it ; accustoming 
 " yourselves to think and speak of it as the Pal- 
 " ladium of your political safety and pro^^erity; 
 " watching for its preservation w itli jealous 
 " anxietv; discountenancing whatever may sug- 
 '' gest even a suspicion that it can in any event 
 " be abandoned; and indignantly frowning up- 
 " on the first dawning of every attempt to 
 "' alienate any portion of our country from the 
 " rest, or to enfeeble the sacred tiea, wliich now 
 " link together the various parts." 
 
 . . . .Such is the advice of him, whom all aver 
 a veneration for: Who have followed this coun- 
 sel' v.'iio have rejected it? 
 
 Have the republicans of the east, middle, 
 south or west, ever, in the slightest degree, 
 souglU to enfeeble tiie sacred tics uniting the 
 States? 
 
 Have the federalists of the east, or of any 
 other quarter of the Union, conspired to destroy 
 the Palladium of our polilical safet}' and pros- 
 perity? 
 
 We put ihtsc question n (o all good men. M'e 
 sav, hi answer t- 'h-^ first, tiiat liie republicans 
 are guiltless ofthis sin. In answer to tlie second, 
 we sav, on various authorities, to wl)ich we shall 
 refer,"that the federalists of the east have di;;re- 
 garded this counsel of Wiishington, and conspir- 
 ed to sev^rthe Union. 
 
 1. In tlie preface to Mr. M Carey's Olive 
 branch, 2d edition, page 6, it is thus written: 
 
 •• It cannot be any longer dou')ted that there 
 rxistsa conspiracy in New EnglanJ, among a 
 few of the most influential and wealthy citizens, 
 to effect a dissolution of tlie Union :it every 
 hazard, and to form a separate confederacy. 
 This has been asserted by some of our citizens 
 for years, and strenuously denied by others, de- 
 ceived bv the mask the conspinitors wore, and 
 their hollow professions. Uut it requires inore 
 than Uxotian stupidity and dulncss to hesitate 
 on the subject, after tlie late c.vtraord.inary 
 movements, wliicii cannot possibly have any 
 other object. It is eighteen years since this 
 dangerous project was promulgated. (In a se- 
 ries of essays published under tlie signature of 
 Pelham, in' the Connecticut Courant, 1796-) 
 Trom that period to the present, it has not been 
 one hour out of view. And unholy and perni- 
 cious as \vas the end, the means employed were 
 .•(t least as unholy and pernicious: falsehood, de- 
 i-.eption, and calumny, in turn, have been called 
 in to aid the design:" Stc. 
 
 The pages of Mr Carey's work are adorned 
 v.ith the political portraits of Mr. Webster, Mr. 
 J.ov.'ell, Mr Oils, R- Quincy, and others nov.- 
 
 aclively i)rojiujiJng, with tlio iueniue,.-> oi tin. 
 Hartford Convention, tlie re-election of Mr. Ad 
 ams — the same Mr. Adams who promulgated 
 to Mr. Giles and Mr. Jefferson, the existence 
 of a conspiracy in New England to dissolve tlis 
 Union. 
 
 2. In the Cunningham Letters, Boston edi- 
 tion, page 66 to 70, will be found a letter from 
 Mr. John Adams to Mr. ('unningham, dated. 
 " December 13th, ;L808," containing thesie 
 v/ords: 
 
 " I may mention to you in confidence, that con- 
 ♦siderable pains have been taken to persuade 
 ' your friend John Q. Adams to consent to be 
 'run [for (iovernorof Massachusetts] by the 
 ' repi'.blicans. But he is ntterlt/ averse to it, 
 •and so am I, for many reasons, among which 
 ' are (for 6 of them see book) — 7. It would 
 ♦produce an eternal separation between him 
 'and the federalists, at least that part of them 
 ' who now constitute the absolute obligarch}'. 
 ' This, I own, however, I should not much re- 
 'gret, for this nutian has more to fear from 
 ' them than any other source." 
 Thus, we see, that although Mr. J. Q. Adam.s 
 denounced this very olig;»rchy, to Mr. JetFer 
 son, in the winter of 1807-8, he still clung to 
 them in December 1808, and would not act 
 witii the republicans — We see him balancing, 
 as the political thermometer varied: And above 
 all, we see, on tlie authority of Mr. John Ad- 
 ams, that from the New England faction, now at 
 the head of Mr. J. Q. Adams's supporters, nhis 
 nation has more to fear than from any other 
 source.' 
 
 3. We next refer to the message of the 
 President of the U. S. to Congress, communi- 
 cating the disclosures, made by John Henry, 
 the agr:nt employed b\' tlie Governor General of 
 Canadf, £tc. to proceed on a political mission 
 to the United Slates. 
 
 Extract from J . Henry'' s mtmoricd to Lord Liver' 
 pool, of tlie loth June, 1811. 
 
 " Soon after the affair of the Chesapeake 
 frigate, when his Majesty's Governor General 
 of British America had reason to believe that 
 the two countries would be involved in a war, 
 and had submitted to his Majesty's Ministers the 
 arrangements of the English jiaity in the United 
 States for an eflicicnt resistance to the General 
 Government, which would probably terminate 
 iu a separation of the Northern States from the 
 general confederacy, he applied to the under- 
 signed, to undertake a mission to Boston, ivhere 
 the whole concerns of the opposition were managed. 
 The object of the mission was to promote and 
 encourage the federal party to re.si.it the mca- 
 su.ci if the general government; to offer ussuran - 
 cf.v of aid find support from his Mijesty's govern- 
 ment of (.'ttnadu; and to open a communication 
 between the leading men engaged in tJiat oppo- 
 sition, and the Governor General, upon such a 
 footing as circumstances might suggest; and fi- 
 nally, to render the plans then in contemplation 
 subservient to the views of his Majesty's gov- 
 ernment." 
 
 E.clract of a later from John Henry to Sir James 
 Craig, governor g' neral of British Jlmerica, da- 
 ted Bo^n, March 7, 1809. 
 "SiB — I have already given a decided optiiion 
 
 that a declaration of w'-i.^ ""t to be expected 
 
•i4r 
 
 iiui, cuiiu^ir} to all rcasuiiuble caculatioiis " Do our men ot niiKieiulioii ihiiik tiiat f/y/zo- 
 
 sihonlil the Congress possess spirit ai-sd iiidepen- si/fon ?n all its horrors will nottlicn break out in 
 
 deuce cnougli to place their popularity in jco- New- England?" 
 
 pardy by so strong a measure, the Legislature of <i Could it be supposed, that tlse members of 
 
 Massachusetts will give the tone to the neigh- t!ie New-England Convention would return each 
 
 boring States, will declare itself permanent un- ^^ ijjg home, witiiout proposing some measures 
 
 til a new election of members; invite a Con- g„ing to our full relief and security ' Who does 
 
 gross, to be composed of Delegates from the 
 Fedei-al States, and erect a separate Govern- 
 ment for their common defence and ccmmon in- 
 terest." 
 
 f 
 
 Extract Jrom the samelo the. same, dated Boston, 
 March 20, 1809. 
 
 •'Since theplan of an organized opposition to 
 the projects of Mr. Jefferson was put into ope- 
 ration, the whole of the New England St:^tcs 
 hive transferred their political povver to his po- 
 litical enemies; and the reason that he has stdl 
 
 so man%' adherents, is, that those who consider ... ■ , , j 
 
 the only true policy of America to consist in the sever the Union. Are they not both already 
 cultivation of peace, have still great confidence, vu-tually destroyed? 
 
 that nothing- can force him (or his successor, ''Throwing off all connexion with this waste • 
 who acts up to his system, or rather is governed fi.d war — making peace with nur encmij, and 
 ^y it) to consent to war. open'.ng once more our commerce with the 
 
 -' " A war attemnted without the concurrence world, would be a wise and manly course. The 
 
 occasion demands it oj us, and the people at large 
 
 are ready to meet it. " 
 
 5. In proof that the advice of the agent of 
 
 not foresee, much as they are respected, that 
 the sufferings of those who look up to them for 
 blessings, will embitter their coming days, and 
 dai-ken their latest hour?" 
 
 " Citizens of New England — With numerous 
 consequences conjured up before your eyes, 
 there are still a few who have started at the sound 
 of an Eastern neutrality, and a treaty of com- 
 merce with England. They trembled too at the 
 name of a convention." 
 
 '• It is said, that to make a treaty of commerce 
 with the enemy, is to violate the Constitution and 
 
 of both parties, and the general consent of the 
 Northern States, which constitute the bone and 
 muscle of the cou!Urv,must commence v.ilhout 
 
 hopes, and end in disgrace. It should, therefore, England was acted \ipon, and every effort made 
 he the peculiar care of Great Uritain, to foster a.o irritate tlie Nortli against the South, we again 
 division between the North and .S'ow//«; and by shc- refer to "Sir. Carey's hook, chapter 52: Mr. Ca- 
 
 ceedir.g in this, she may carn|f "into effect her 
 own projects in Europe, with a total disregard 
 of the resentments of the democrats of this coun- 
 tr)'." 
 
 4. W'e all remember the gloomy period, Au- 
 gust and Sept. 1814, when Washington city 
 was burnt, when a British army 14000 strong, 
 tinder Sir John Prevost, was marchingto Plall-;- 
 bugh, and when the army under Gen. Ro.s, to 
 divert attention from the North, was approach 
 
 rey asserts, that the demagogues of the Eastern 
 Stales had "uniformly treated the Southern 
 ' = States, witli outrage, insult, and injury" — page 
 269: :md that the Itoston jjapers contained arti- 
 cles " intended and calculated to excite llie nc ■ 
 "groes of the Southern Slates to rise and mas- 
 " sacre their masters"— /;cfgc 254. ^ 
 
 6. In 1801, the constitution U. S. did not au- 
 thorize el'ctors of President and Vice President, 
 as it now does, to designate the person they prc- 
 
 ing Baltimore: at that period, there was pub- ferred as President, and the person they prefer- 
 lished, in the Boston Centinel (to which Mr J. red as Vice President: the electors gave m that 
 Q. Adams has given the public printing, before year an equal number of votes to .Mr. Jellerson 
 
 held by a repuhhcan paper) a series of essays; 
 '.lie object of which may be judged from t'.iese 
 extracts: 
 
 " She (New-England) will now meet every 
 danger, aufl ^o through every difficulty, until 
 iier rignts are restored to the full, and settled 
 too strongly to be sltaken. She will put aside 
 all half-way measures; she will look with -an eye 
 of doubt on those who propose them; in the 
 rause of Ncw-Englnnd Independence, they must 
 Jo it in the spirit of New-England men." 
 
 " Those who startle at the danger of a sep.ar- 
 ation, tell us that the soil of New- England is 
 hard and sterile: that deprived of the produc- 
 tions of the South, we should soon become a 
 wretched race of cowherds arid fisliersicn: that 
 our narrowed terrltor}', and diminished popula- 
 tion woidd make us an easy prey to foreign 
 powers." 
 
 " Do these men forget what national energy 
 can do for a people? Have they not read of 
 Holland' Do they not remember that it grew 
 in wealth and power amidst contest and alarm: 
 That it threw off the yoke of Spain, (our Vir- 
 ginia,) and its chapels became churches, and 
 .•s Door men's '"ottages. Priiices' nalacf"' ' 
 
 and Mr. Burr,- but it was well understood that 
 Mr. Jeficrson was intended as President and Mr. 
 Burr as Vice-President: the election, howevci.. 
 devolving on the House of Representative"', the 
 New l/Ugland faction undertook to obstruct the 
 popular will: altliongh Mr. Burr was a republi- 
 can as well as .Mr. Jellerson, they pushed their 
 support of the former, almost to a civil war, and 
 if tlie federalists of the middle Stales had to 
 the end adhered to them, that wotd:l h:ive been 
 the result. The Stales then voting were six- 
 teen. 
 
 The public understand the character of the 
 late .Mr. .lames A. B lyard, who then repre 
 sented and gave the vote of Delaware: we hav< 
 now before us two original letters, wrillcn by 
 him, at the memorable crisis referedto: the ba! 
 lotmgs were carried on by night as well as day, 
 fr)r many days and nights, producing al.irm and 
 gloom throughout liie Union: the fu.^t letter is 
 tlated, one o'clock at night, February 12, Chjmi- 
 ber of Keprescntatives, and slates, that the 
 ll(m.se was tticn in ses.-iion, balloting — that 19 
 times the ballots h.id been given in, and pro- 
 duced the same result, 8 votes for Jefferson, 6 
 for H'^rr, and two divided: " bow ov when th-- 
 
148 
 
 a!ia!:' v.iU end/ iia^s ;Mr. iiayard, •' we know Ifs'ich couiibci ;<j -vk C Ji.ue giVeji htiuli L»eui?. 
 not:" (he balloting- continuicl until the irth regai-ded, at least wc shall have done our duty. 
 
 l'*ebruary; on that day Mr. Bayard wrote the 
 stcoiKi letter before us, announcing that Mr. 
 Jefferson was elected: and this letter contains 
 these memorable words: 
 
 "■' TheKcw EUj'jlr.r.dg'er.tlemen came out, and 
 " declared, tlicy luant to g"o ivithout a con- 
 "stitulion, and take the riskofach'il war." 
 Such a declaration was well calculated to open 
 the eyes of men ulio rcr.liy respected the coun- 
 -sel of Wasliington ; iuid Mr. Jelurson, the can- 
 didate intended by the people, was place-d ia 
 tlie presidency. 
 
 "VVc have tiras j,-iven our proofj of the dis- 
 position of the New England fact'cn to disre- 
 gard the advice of VVasliiii.^ton: and v.e now ap- 
 peal to all discreet men to .say, '.\hether die dis- 
 traint of federalists cntert/^ined by repuiilicans is 
 to be wondered at ? " The ambitious dema- 
 "•■ g-ogiies of Boston," says Mr. Jii. dnxy, page 
 COG, ''Ilivc been the g-uide of federalists through- 
 ••out tl!<; Union: they have lead them a dc- 
 *' vious course, froir. the p:ahs prescribed by 
 ■' Washing-ton: they have allured to tlie "bi-ink of 
 "insurrection, civil war, and horrible devasta- 
 " tion, v.'liich are all syiia:iyinous witii u disso- 
 " lutioii of the Union." 
 
 Is it surprising', then, v,-e ask, if ic|j>.ii/iicur,s 
 T)ave hetiitaied to put offices antl power into 
 .the huiuls of pei-sans who permit themselves 
 to be thus led away? Let eanuid nien reverse 
 the scene, and for the iustaiU suppose, tiiat the 
 demagogues of the west had acted like tiiose 
 of the east had done, and that the repulilicans 
 of Pennsylvania had sustained tlie- western mis- 
 conduct : would not complaint be made witii 
 justice! If the Union is dear to us, if ])eace is 
 so desirable, why cling to Ti faction ;t!iat has 
 threatened botiiJ' 
 
 To the discreet men, to ;he r^al disciples of 
 Washington, we, therefore, say, come out from 
 amongst them: show that you tru'y love your 
 country, and not a section of it merely: that 
 NKMi ;ire, in truth, tljc admirers of him, whose 
 services and wisiies emb!'.>.ced the whole Ame- 
 rican family. The jieople of New Fmg'.and at 
 liirge, are vu'tu()u.s, i..teHigent, and fuiuifal; but 
 it has imaccountably hap|jeneJ, that they have 
 not had tlie resolution to resist a pre.ssure tipoii 
 tliein, from an interested luistocracy: but th.c 
 federalists of other States give them an e.xample, 
 and they will cease to be guided as hcrctc/fore. 
 
 between Anih-ew Jackson and Jolm Q. 
 
 Adams there is a striking contrast, inviting the 
 support of the former, on the part of u,cn of 
 principle — The one has always acted for his 
 country — the- other for jiimself. Tlic one has 
 :dways'becn of the republican party, and yet 
 he has openly •j.vowe<l his desire to honor :ind 
 confide in men of all jJiirlies, who are true to 
 their country in hours of danger. Mr. Adanis, 
 on the contrary, has been of every party and 
 faction, and broken failli with them all. He is 
 now undoubtedly the candidate of tlie very 
 faction front which iiis lather said the country 
 has more to fear tV>an from any other source. 
 "We ask, if, without the New Kngland aristocra- 
 cy Mr. Adams would have twenty votes' M'e 
 ask discreet federalists to »ay, whether they are 
 
 Ivespectfully, your^s, &.c. 
 
 JOSEPH WOKIIELL, 
 WILIJAM DUNCAN, 
 WirJvlAM BOYD, 
 flKNIlY TOLAND, /" 
 ^VILLIAM J. DUAN*M 
 WILLIAM J. LEIPKT?, 
 CHARLES §. COXE, 
 THOMAS M. PETTIT, 
 Committee of Correspondence for Philadelphia, 
 appointed by the Ucpublican Convention, 
 assembled at Harrisburg, Jan. 8th, 182&. 
 September 10th, 1828. 
 
 THE POSTMASTER GTBNERAL. 
 
 Shortly after Mr. Clay was in Kentucky, .">! 
 lo27, Tlio-'oas Carrey-, known as an assistant 
 Editor to the Kentucky Reporter, came on to 
 this city, and report says, we know not how 
 truly, is now supported on the bounty of the 
 Secretary of State. Ke is, we arc credibly in- 
 formed, one of tlie wrjicrs for a scurrilous print 
 published in tiiis city under the patronage of the. 
 State Department, wiiich, s;)caking of the Post- 
 master General, uses t)je following language: 
 
 " It may be a painful duty to dismiss him. 
 ' but Mr. Adams must screw his courage to the 
 ' sticking place, and do it. 'i'he Iiiielligcncer, 
 
 * wide awake t» the political opposition of Mr- 
 ' McLean, propwrcs, In- way of a genteel rid- 
 « dance, to tender him the vacant Judgeship on 
 
 * the bench of the Supreme Court, lately filled 
 
 • by Mr. Trimble, deceased; but we have no 
 ' idea of any middle com-se in the matter; whilst 
 ' tlicrc are real frituids of the yVdministration-, 
 « who would accept the appointment, it should 
 ' never, witli our consent, be given to a.?Aa//u 
 ' friend. The Intel hg-enccr must be joking. 
 ' Mr. McLean has had the weathcr-guage long 
 ' enough against tlie Executive: and if he has 
 ' any polit'.cal uieiit to reward, we are ignorar.t 
 ' of it. These are parly times, and we speak 
 
 • and feel for our Jiarty, wlio are Straining every 
 ' nerve to maintai:i tiie good cause. With sur- 
 
 ♦ face politicians, and double-dealers, we have 
 ' nothing to do." 
 
 And tlie sitme paper asserts — 
 
 "However, we do not wonder that some 
 « men make common cause with Jackson, be- 
 
 * cause they know they are doomed to stand, or 
 
 • fall, with the hero." 
 
 Vi'c have long known that it was the iulen 
 tion of .Ml-. Clay to force the President to re- 
 move Mr. McLean. Notliing but the remon- 
 strance of bis ii'iore prudent friends prevei-ted 
 Mr. Adams fi om committing that act of political 
 suicide last spring, and we nov.- have the open 
 dechoation of one of his official organs, that he 
 waits only to be confirmed m pow-rto constini- 
 njale iiis purpose: For, says the Cvurt paper, 
 speaking of the Post Ma-ster G;u;;ral and two 
 of his Clerks: "They are doomed to stand of 
 tall with the Hero." ' 
 
 Siffii in Madiion Cou?itt/, N. Y. — At an offi- 
 cer drill oi the rifle regiment commanded by 
 Col. Wilhams, on the 2rth uU. in the village of 
 -.rep-acpd to be again "guided" to the verge Hamilton, a vote was taken on the Presidential 
 of mischief, or -.vill act for their country-' (|uestion:— For Jackson 51, Adams 2'..', 
 
UNITED STATES^ TELEGRAPH.... JUtra. 
 
 This paper will be devoted exclusively to the Presidential Election, ami he p\il.lishcd,.vveelvU 
 ' ulitil the \5i\\ of October next, for One DAkir; siil^jecl lo newspaper posla-c, nr.d ;;o jnor?, , 
 
 BY GREEN 8,^ J.'IRVIS. 
 
 '\YA S H I NGTON, SEP'i^J^M I3ER 27, isgs 
 
 \^0L. I. 
 
 From the New York Evening Post. 
 
 Jir ..Idams's pohiica/ d^nrr^cUr .—Wc comro^nce 
 to tlay the publication of n series of nunihen 
 lately received, on the political ciiaracter of 
 John Qtiincy Adam<!, examined p?.rtic'd;>rlv in 
 relation to his claim,, upon tl>e support oi'tlie 
 rctleral party. We pjive them to the public with 
 the ir.ire p!e.^stlre r.ot only becau-^e they enable 
 Its to fulfil, bet' er than v/e could do o^irntdvet-, a 
 r.ort of promise under wlcich we lio to tal-c up 
 this subject, but becivnsetlieyapijear frccn intiin- 
 sic evidence to be the work of m common or 
 obsc'.'.re hand, and no immature or inexperienc- 
 ed i'idc^m"nt. We are gratified at this new 
 proof, forsucli it seems t(( us, that we R'il! ' eti'n 
 -the confidence of tliose men of eminent tnlents 
 and loftv and enlightened integrity, whose par- 
 ticipation ^ivesdi^pitv to political controversy, 
 C.nd whose opinions add weight lo the cause to 
 which thev incline. 
 
 Tl'C public life of Mr. Adan-.s from tlic time 
 when he al;andoned the federal p^r'y, up to Iiis 
 election aspiesident of the United States, lias 
 been passed in such a manner as to aVoid, in a 
 ^ood degree, a strict public .scrutiny, li.id he, 
 instead of receiving a series, of executive ap- 
 pointment?, been a cindiilaSfefcr ofllces in tlie 
 gift of the citizens, tliere are mr.ny passages iu 
 rds political history with wliicli ihe public 
 would be much more familiar than they are now. 
 The industry of political rivals woidd have 
 i.rought to light, and pre6.«ed n.pon theattention 
 of the community many thinjrs row obscurviy 
 rememberctl. The essays, of which we i.ow 
 commence the publi ration, sapt.'Iy t'lis di-fioien- 
 cv. We recomuT^nd tisem to the particular no- 
 tice of our federal readers, to wliose bosoms we 
 l!iink they cannot fail of cariying the sironge5t 
 conviction that Mr. Adams is a man wholly uii- 
 wo-thr of li'.eir political confidence or support. 
 Our correspondent \^ho has de»-ired us to enter 
 into tlic nx-amination of his c'aims upon the fede- 
 ral party, will find the su'jjcct discussed with 
 an ability seldom brought to tasks of this kind 
 
 No. yiv. 
 
 and if they sliould abandon tlie one and join 
 the other.'in such the offence, if any, would be. 
 vonia'. Not so willi tiio.se v/b.o have reci.ivctl' 
 high official trusts from a party, and have s'larefV 
 their confidence and Mieir palronagv. The vio- 
 kUion of fidelity in t'lom is as di-:grac<.ful aS i^.- 
 woida b..' in a general to bejray the a:my whiciv 
 he co-r.manded. A general has an i-jiquestion- 
 able right to retire fiom his command when the 
 service becomes disagreeable. — So a slate.srnau' 
 having received a hii,^b oilice fro-n a party has 
 an unquestionable right to rciign, when he is- 
 coiivinc'd that the measures wiiich his p:-.ity 
 favourare injurious to the great interests of his 
 country; but an honorable man vA)uld never r.-; 
 main in office to injure ihe parly wl'.o placed 
 him there. The violation of these honorab!:^ 
 oblig.it.ons has occasioned, in some great m nd-^. 
 such an agony ofremor.se as lo induce, them Ui 
 seek relief ficmi a miserable exist^ence in u ve 
 luntarv leath: such was the fate of Lord Chan, 
 cellor" Yorke. " He v.as a inuii of S[)ir:t, (wt- 
 are told,) he liad a quick sense of shame, and 
 death redeemed his char.icter." The jealousy 
 which the peoplfi always entertain of tlics- 
 statesmen who aband n the weaker to join 
 t!ic stronger party, is wise, salutary, and gencr, 
 
 0U3. , 
 
 Parties, it is true, may b.e very opposITe in 
 their p-inciples; yet, the individuals _<;i cncb 
 may cherish an ccpial degree of attaciimcr.t t.. 
 their common country; and if the di.flereuce be . 
 t\-ccn them be anab,>;cd, it may, perhaps o -. 
 d'scovt-red, that it consists more in a d frercnCti 
 of oninion as to the best mode of promotmg the 
 public good, f.'.an in any radical hostility to the 
 national institutions: — muc'n mischief may rc.-.ul: 
 from doing proper act.-; in an improper manner, 
 but the motives of each party may be equal:.- 
 pure. It is tlie dutv of all hone;,: men to imst 
 none but tho most "honest of ihcir party rsso 
 ciatcs. the be.st av. I moMt tailhfal friends— and 
 it is equally their duty when some member of a 
 rival parly shall have rendered groat ar. I dlias 
 trims services to that country, which is the 
 
 Tl.ecoiKluctof Jo!tf<irTxcv AkaMs consider- common parent o( bo-h o awa d to a n th. 
 edinhis relation?, political and mora!, to- ^-^H measure of gdory and c, gratrld.e.Mp^^^ 
 
 Xo. 1. 
 riio morA zealous party man 
 
 , ..^ , , _, in tlicse times, 
 
 ♦,vill not contend that the measures, opinions, 
 
 :md conduct of any party are right in all thing.'?. 
 
 The most moder.ate party man will admit that 
 
 the priaciplas of party fid. d!ty ought to be re- 
 
 ..necied, that it is strongly allied to honor, and 
 
 has a powerful influence over honorable minds, 
 
 that it cherishes m.anv virtues and occasions cii, ) procei-u m u.^.. ,>^...^..-.,-^^—-- -•. . ^ 
 
 but fcvv f-uilts. Themais of men do not (except cd by feel^Dg or principle, feaniig the hlij,lilc.'>.. 
 
 t «„„»,.T«r.o.^ ;..ri.,itT» ;« nt.v ctrnnr ,v» Si.t ion r..»v risk then- ult;i::i*''- »ucce»K, ij-e. 
 
 on some great occa.sions) indulge in any sfron 
 party feelings, yet in a republic every one has 
 ii-s preference of parlies. TiK«e who have la- 
 ken no trusts or honors from them, wlu) have 
 ciierished no sM-ong feelings of jsarty attachment 
 or party antipathy, although they have gen"--- 
 rally (accidcntully perhaps) been as-tociited 
 'ith on" partv. !;r.- still free to choo.'se cmotb.C!' 
 
 ous n.ind vroiild not wllhhuld one t.ttle of up 
 plausc from Uic paM-iot who has illustrated the 
 national charauer i)V glorious achlvvntents, al- 
 though he rnay lind just grounds to dibcrJroni 
 the party witli which the hero or the patnot t* 
 
 aSS')c'3<e<l. _ . , ,» n 
 
 The political Arithmetician?, who, like JJ.ir- 
 rers, in llic Prencli convention, sre constantly 
 balancing probubilUie.s, and cuuntliijj chances, 
 and who, (when their calculaiions arc oan.p.et 
 cd,-) proceed in tb.cir hcarlle.>s course iin>werv 
 cd by feerqg or principle, fearing the slightc.-; 
 (levialitm may risk their ultic:;*'.'- miccc.k, ij-e, 
 of all those who cjcage in public allairs, tliv 
 TTO.-.t dangerau.s. 'i'Jiey look upon men »s thf Jr 
 roifr.'.Ts, and nr>v.r lusitate in the purmiit Ol' 
 iicrsonal objects (o < iil ihroujch all the tier. 
 r I.H h ought li> bind man lo nmn, leaviiiff he- 
 liind them the traces of ip.cratitude, W^*?liOi. 
 
 ^: I.-,.,/-... Ill 1 ♦r-^- :-|ii-.VV S';"']! II)' !■ IvCf 
 
•154 
 
 iia*e lOrgottcii 3 oat' ajjciicy lu bi-iij^inj; about 
 the memorable cmburg-o; but if they have not 
 fyi-gDtteii it they certainly have torpiven it. To 
 forgive private injuries is commenJaljlc, but to 
 Ibrgive a statesman who ruined the great inter- 
 ftsta oj the State which he was delegated to pro- 
 ■t£ct, requires a degree of forbearance not en- 
 joined by any principle of charity or religion, 
 au miwisc ami fatal lenity productive of little 
 }jood, and dang-erous to the interests of the com- 
 ruunity. 
 
 "In narrating'your conduct on this question, 
 i shall follow the account of Col. Pickering-, 
 und I wotdd premise that when the •' last of the 
 1 "Oman's" uiidcrtakes to state facts from personal 
 Knowledge, I would yield to his statement t!ie 
 same degree of credit as I would to the evidence 
 of my own senses: — to those wlio doubt, I can 
 only say, ihat his testimony is completely corob- 
 orated by other evidence, by public documents, 
 and by your own appeals to the public. 
 
 The documents submitted to Congrrss with 
 tire Messag^3 of President Jefferson, i-ecommend- 
 ''il^ the embargo, were — 
 
 No. 1. A i;roclamation dated Oct. l.'J, 1807, 
 IJy th'^ King of Great liritain, requiring his na- 
 tural born subjects, seafaring men, to return 
 home. 
 
 No. 2. An extract of a letter dated Sept. 18, 
 .ISO7, from tlie riench Grand .fudge. Minister 
 cf Justice, to the Imperial Auvocatt- General for 
 the Council of Prizes. It w as an answer to some 
 questions which concerned the execution of 
 the Berlin decree. 
 
 I'he ]?erlin decree was issued by the Kmpe- 
 i-or I'.'apoleon at Berlin, November 21st, 13CG, 
 then in the plentitude of his po.ver, hy vlilch 
 the Britisli Islands were declared in u state of 
 blockade, all commerce and correspondence 
 with tliem prohibited. All trade in Eng'ish 
 rnerdiandise forbidden; and all merchandise 
 belonging to Kiig'land or coming from its manu- 
 lactories and colonies dcclarei la .v ful prize. 
 
 The c:;tract from the letter consisted in a 
 question and answer. 
 
 1st. May vtssels of war, by viitue of the im- 
 penal decree of'tlie 21st November l.ist, seize, 
 on board neutral vessels, either English proper- 
 ty, or even all merc'sandise procetdng from 
 the E.nglish manu''aclorlts or territory. 
 
 Answer. His Majesty has intim:ited, tliat as 
 i»e did not think proper to express my excejj- 
 tion in his decree, tiicre is no ground for making 
 any in its execution, in relation to any \vhoniso- 
 ever. 
 
 2. His Majesty has postponed a decision on 
 the question, wliellier armed French vessels 
 ought to capture ncut.al vessels bound to or 
 I'rdin England, even when they have no Eng- 
 lish merchandise onboard." 
 
 (Signed; IIECNIEU. 
 
 '•Uol. Pickering' says tiiese two papers, or the 
 substance of them, had been made public for 
 some time pnvlous to tiie message, but had 
 '' excited but little if any concein amongst thoic 
 most interested — our U'crchants and seafaring 
 people: they saw in tlie proclamation, not an 
 increased, but a duninishcv; danger of imjjrcss- 
 ments; and French oi-ulsers pn the seas were 
 ih-enfew in number." 
 
 "The third paper was a letter, dated Sept 
 ;??•, 1'^'^"'. fT*",-Ti Or?'^'"'! Arrr«froTT*o *'^'^ Frcii'^h 
 
 Minister of Foreign Attaus, (Jiiainpagny, asi: 
 ing him whether the report he had just heai'd 
 was true—" that a new ajid extended construc- 
 tion, highly injurious *:o the commerce of the 
 United States, was about to be given to the im- 
 perial decree of the 2l3t November, 1806." — 
 [Berlin decree.] 
 
 " Tlie fourth document was Cbsimpagny's 
 answer to Armstroiig, beai'ing datu October 7, 
 1807, substantially like that of Kegnier. The 
 imperial minister concludes his letter in these 
 v.oids: "the decree of blo'-k.ide has now been 
 issued eleven months. The principal powers 
 of Europe, (meaning Holland, Spain, and the 
 other powers which the arms of France had 
 subjected to her control,) far from protestinfj 
 against its provisions, have adopted them. They 
 have perceived that its execution must be curii- 
 pletc to render it cJfcctuaV 
 
 " The commerce of the United States sur 
 pa.ssed that of all the other neutral nations ; and 
 witli tlie British dominions was vei^ extensive, 
 and of vast importance to both. To render the 
 blockade of the British Islands complete, the 
 commerce of neutrals with them mu.st cease. 
 'lliis object, in respect to the United States, 
 could be accomjilished only by an embai-go." 
 
 " Such %verc thi- grounds, or pretext for the 
 embargo. The President's Message, and the 
 four papers accompap.ymg it, were referred to 
 a committee, of which John Q. Adams was one. 
 In a short time they reported the bill for layin;:; 
 an embargo. It was read once. — A nwtioii 
 made to read it, immediately, a second time, 
 was objected to ; it was repugnant to a stand- 
 ing rule of the Senate, wisely formed to prevent 
 hasty decisions." The rule was suspended. 
 " The bill vvas then read a second time as in 
 Committee of the W'liole. and reported to the 
 House without amendment. Then the bill, 
 having been quickly engrossed, was read a 
 third time, and passed." 
 
 " The time occupied in this business, from 
 tlie reception of the President's Message, to the 
 pasMUg of the bill w;is about four hours. It 
 was Friday. A motion was made to postpone 
 the further consideration of the bill imtil the 
 nfxt Monday : It passed in the negative. On 
 motion of Mr. Crawford — that the bill be post- 
 poned till the ne.\t day, it passed in the neg-a- 
 tive, yeas 12 — nays 16. Mr. Adams was 
 amongst the n:iys. No memb'.roflhe Senate dis- 
 pluycit equal zeal fur the pas^sin^^ of the hill. In 
 opi osing a postponement, %) obtain fuither in- 
 formation, and to consider a measure of such 
 moment, of such universal cuncrn, Mr. Adams 
 made this memortble declaration: " The Pre- 
 sident hits recommended this measure on his hi^h 
 responsibilily : I would not consider — I uould 
 lint dt liberate: — 1 uould ad. Doubtless the 
 I're.ildent possesses such further inf>rmati'/ti as 
 v:illjuitifi/ the meastii-e." This sentiment (con- 
 tinues Col. Pickering) was so e.vtraordinar}', 
 ilia't I instantly wrote it down. // shoc}:ed even 
 Mr Jefferson's d'voUd partisans. " However 
 1 may vote Ca member was heard to remark) that 
 is too much foi- n.e to say." I'or my own part, 
 I originally viewed, and I still view, the senti- 
 ment as so abhonent to the principles of a free 
 government, so derogatory to the character ot 
 a Uiomber of Congress, such a dereliction of 
 duty, and so disgraceful to a man of sense, that 
 1 a'li ii''"'^ilb'''-' "-"t" ^1 ■r'^'eis'ir.rr of T'^■ '^'^•ifitt; 
 
Ida 
 
 balance in official iionorsandeiuolumeiits. Au 
 embassy, a judgeship, or the Presidency, to an 
 honorable and independent mind, would, in the 
 comparison, be "as a drop in the bucket, and 
 the small dust in the balance." 
 
 "Tlic sentiment expressed by Mr. Adams re- 
 solves the whole business of legislation into the 
 will of the Executive." - 
 
 Ag"Jiin — " In the year 1807, the registered 
 tonnage (if tlie United States employ' d in for- 
 eign trade, amounted to 848,306 tons: of this 
 Massac) iusetts owned 310, 309 (on-. 
 
 •'Inhisietter to Mr. Otis, Mr. J. Q.Adams 
 intimates a reproach to me for spending my 
 time, wlien a senator, in writing the Irtter to 
 Gov. Sullivan, while he was assiduously devoted 
 to his senatorial duties But where was his re- 
 gard to 'lis duty as a legislator for the Union, in 
 advocating and voting for a law which paraly- 
 zed all the business of the nation, when by his 
 own admission, it liad only four ciphers for its 
 basis' Where was his attention to the rights 
 and interests of his constituents in Mivssachu- 
 sctts, when his utmost exertions were made to 
 impose the law on them'" 
 
 Again — '• whether J. Q. Adams really per- 
 formed his d;ity in thus advocating and voting 
 for tlie emhiugo, or abandoned it, whether he 
 guarded the interests of his constituents of 
 Massacliusetts, or betr:i3-ed them, the reader can 
 now form a pretty correct opinion, but if he 
 will accompany mc as I proceed, he will see the 
 latter completely established." 
 
 " Col. I'ickering then adverts to the letter 
 written by you to the Hon. Harrison Gray Olis 
 in justification of the embargo. He says — " In 
 this letter .Mr. Adams took new ground on 
 which to rest the embargo; th«? Br.tish orders 
 in council of the 11th Nov. 1807, issued to re- 
 taliate the French Emperor's Berlin decree." 
 
 Again — "these were the orders which ,J. Q. 
 Adams has s;ud "stood in front of the re.il 
 causes of the embargo. To argue (said he) 
 upon the subject of our disputes with Great 
 Britain, or upon the 7/ioiives for the emburgn. and 
 keep than out ofninht, is like laying your finger 
 over the unit before a series of nci'^giils, and 
 then aritlimetically proving that tliey all amount 
 to nothing." " Now, (says Col. Pickering) I 
 will show, that when the embargo was recom- 
 mended, and when the bill passed the Senate, 
 those orders in council were, in fact, out of 
 sight of the President, out of sight of the Se- 
 cretary of State, out of sight of the Senate, 
 and out of sight of .Mr. Adams himself." He 
 then proves that yoar bol<l assertion that the 
 orders in council was a cause of the embargo, 
 was untrue. 
 
 1st. By showing that Mr. Jefferson's mes.sagc 
 lecommendmg the embargo contained no allu- 
 sion to the orders in council, and that he resteil 
 his reasons on the contents of the four papt rs 
 alreaey mentioned: '| and, say.s lie) there is 
 not the slighte.-il reason to believe th:it he 
 th.jught of their existence. On the contrary, 
 forty-six days :ifterwards, viz: in his message 
 to Congress of February 2, 1808, laying before 
 them the orders in council, he say:!, " I ir-.mj- 
 niit them to Congress as u further prooj of the 
 increasing dangers to our navigation and coin- 
 incice, which led to the provident measure of 
 the act of the present session, laying an cm- 
 biH'g') on cur own vassclj "' 
 
 2d. Mr. Madisoi), ju bis letter of Deceinuel 
 23, 1807, the d:iy after the embargo law was 
 enacted, to William Pinkney, our Minister in 
 London, says: " I enclose you a copy of a meat 
 sage from the President to Congress, and thei- 
 acl in pursuance uf it, laying an immediate em- 
 bargo on our vessels and exports. The policy 
 and :azt'>e.'- of ths measure are rxplaiiud in the 
 mis^'tge i'sdf." 
 
 3d. (Col. Pickering continues) '«! have said 
 that as to J. Q. Adams hin.self the orders in 
 council were out of sight, when he zealously ad- 
 vocated and voted for the embargo. This is 
 a nlain inference from the facts I have already 
 stilted. When hard pressed for adequate causes 
 for the embargo, and not finding liiem in the 
 four documents conimnnicated with the mes- 
 sage, Mr. Adams, it will be recollected, had re- 
 course to the Presidency's highly responsible 
 recommeiidalion of the r^ieasure, and the possi- 
 ble information lociicd up in his bosom, to jus. 
 tify the passage of the law. Now if the ordei'5 
 in council furnished the great and prominent 
 cause for the embargo, and if, compared with 
 them, the four papers assigned by the Presi- 
 dent as the only causes for an embargo were 
 but four "naughts," is it possible that "those 
 all devouring instrimients of rapme," as Mr. Ad- 
 ams calls the orders in council, should never 
 have arisen in theii- terrific forms to his view ^ 
 That he should not have so presented them to 
 the view of the Senate.' And tliat they should 
 not have caused h m to pour forth a deluge of 
 his appalling metaphors, in describing ihcni ? I 
 hesitate not to pronounce it impossible. " Out 
 of the abundance of the- heart the mouth speak- 
 eth." Should he assert the contrary, no man of 
 common understanding can believe him. At 
 all events it is ch ar, from the President's first 
 message and locunif nts, and from the quota- 
 tions already made from his next message, and 
 from Mr. Madison's letter, that neither Mr. 
 Jefferson nor he had the orders in council in 
 their minds, wher.assigning and mentioning the 
 causes ofthe embargo." 
 
 4th. " It is equally clear, that no other Sen- 
 ator in voting for the emb;ugo, contemplated 
 the orders in council, because no one adverted 
 to them in the discussion." 
 
 Such is the lucid statement of Col. Picker- 
 ing respecting your conduct and agency in the 
 imposition of the embargo. 
 
 Wh:it reflections does this iiiu-rative occasion.' 
 
 A Senator of Miissacliusetts refuses to allow 
 the delib. nitlon of a single night to a measure 
 which annihilated th, whole shipping interest 
 ofthe United States (and of which the Slate 
 which he represented in the Senate owned uiore 
 than a third!) A Senator of Massachusetts im- 
 poses on his own constituents a wider destruc- 
 tion than the Boston Port bill! And why did 
 he do it > The President recommended it. — 
 That :ind that only induced him to support it! 
 Well might the rejjublican Senators be shocked 
 at tliis monstrous abasement of the legislative 
 character. Well might Col. Pickering say 
 that no office, not the Presidency it.selt, would 
 be any compensation for such slavish subservi- 
 ency- . . 
 
 " Odious as your conduct was in this memor- 
 able trans:iction, it would admit of excuse if wc 
 could beUeve that jouactctl from a high hutmis- 
 ;ikcn f.eiis':" cfduiv ; but vnucanuvt plead t!'.'! 
 
in^ 
 
 .;■ .r iii>ira to his Uj>-'.<r.<lHig' \\o;inrls. la vu'in 
 vitig'.il a JIuH, a Decatur, a Bainbrklj^e, or a 
 Stewart, show tliclr pjlnrious ftug^s t)-imnpliant in 
 ;'rtany .in ocean battle. In vain might a Pcriy 
 6r a MacDonotif^h, open a new .scene of glory 
 amid the soFitude of the lakes — the^i;spicion re- 
 muifiecl, ami fedenJism and treachery were yet 
 synonymous. 
 
 " Time br:n^3 many dark transactlonsto light : 
 tlie foul slandsrcr of the federal party, who i'nfu- 
 .snlhis poison iiito the minds of the three hast 
 Preaidfnts, now stands revealed in tlie person of 
 one of tiie most cherished of its sons. II was 
 I(fl for goii to nccitse the fderalbts of a can- 
 
 under tJi^ proicrJion ofX^rf.at nriturnf 
 
 " Oan yor. deny that you made such a disclo- 
 sure to President J ctTcrson ' Dare you deny it ? 
 The proofs -which have been g-Iven'to the pub- 
 Jid by Gov. Giles-, under the sanction of his 
 name,, the allus-on in liis spt-eches at the time, 
 she recent letter of Mr. Jefferson disclosing a 
 knowledge of the same f.<ct, the spceck of Mr. 
 rtandolph in the Senate tlircc years ago [fhe re- 
 j)ori of which was .ruppre.ised,] the silence of your 
 tedcral friends in tliat body when tlu-y were 
 CompeUed to listen to the vindication of the in- 
 tegrity of tlreir party from a veteran republican, 
 the inflexible enemy of your father and your- 
 self, j/niir own Kilence, and the silence of your 
 ollicial editors, who scream in tJie agon'v of 
 their puc^^shnass and anger when charges of a 
 characver far less infamous th.an tins arc liiiited 
 in the oppofsition papers, would produce an ir- 
 resistible conviction in any unprejudiced mind 
 t|iat you did make that disclosure You cannot 
 fin a case like this] liide behind the throne and 
 plead your privilege. You have accused vour fel- 
 hw citizens of plotting treason! That you made 
 such an accusation; is asserted by the Governor 
 of a State, a veleran statesman wliose name is 
 known as far .as yours, and wlio has been before 
 tlhe public inhig'i office for forty yeai-s, and who 
 speaks from per.sonal kr.owh-dge. 
 
 ♦• Adm't the disclosure to have been true, it 
 woliki iiave come witl^. a bettor grace f/om any 
 Oll)£l- pewon in the United States than from 
 }au. You waH the political friend of the men 
 whom you accused. They v.ei-e y-our patron."?. 
 They h ul given you the bread which jou had 
 eaten. Their '« houses, tabU^s, fortunes, all 
 were yours." .Vs to you, they had committed 
 !T0 odorjce. There liad not been the least in- 
 termission of friendly intercoui-se between you. 
 They hid abandoned their best and ablest men 
 TO gtve their offices to you. Your knowledge 
 of tneir treasonable intentions implies an intcr- 
 oour.'^e of the most confidential kind. Men do 
 not (TO into the streets to ptoclaim the treasons 
 wlficU they intend to commit. ' TIic fart couid 
 not Iravc come to your knowledge, urdesi from 
 u communication of the mn.st secret and s.-.cred 
 rharaater. The oflloo which gave to your dia- 
 closure its consequence and iiBcrcdir, Ind been 
 given to you by tlicm. It waa the revelation 
 nf a Senator of tho TTnited Sta'cs to the 
 In-csident of tiio United EUatcs. When Gov- 
 ■ernor Giles pressed )ou to the di^iclosiu-e, jou 
 were in groat dkttrcsp. Your face wor.- its 
 gloomiest Aspect. Vou was douljtful as to vour 
 '»"tv. but yet ynur bo<>om mvhl find no n^xm 
 
 ior ir.crcy- Vou lo\ed your luuiitry so weU 
 that } fiu could not spare your friends! The 
 sacrifice was great, but patriotism required it! 
 
 " TIu' sccrec}' which attended tliis mysteriou'? 
 disc!osiu-e, belies its truth. Vour ciiargcs against 
 the federal party v/ere not of a vague and gene- 
 ral character. Your information [it would seem] 
 was p<iaticular. The namv's of those who were 
 concemsd, the ^names of tlie foreign agents 
 with whom this treasonable intercourse was 
 holden, were submitted to the Pres-deht. Youp 
 facts were carefull)' arranged, witl fir more at^ 
 tention to acciu'acy and piMbability than those 
 which your gr-.;at prototype, I>r. Gates, sub- 
 mitted to the ministers of Cha-lis II. Ilis in- 
 famous crudities illled Pint^iand with dismay, 
 and stained her land with the blood of inno- 
 cence; but here there was no investigation of 
 this alarming ar^d dangerous conspiracy. Mr. 
 Jefl'er.son was po.ssessed of the names of the New 
 Kngland conspii-ators. No m.es'^agc v.as sent to 
 Congress. No judicial investigation v.-as or- 
 dered. The public papers (which are seldont 
 backward on such occasions) never brouglit 
 forth the name of a single individual in connec- 
 tion with this plot. 
 
 •" Did Mr. JefFer.son doubt the truth of youv 
 disclosure i' Was pcciesj' imposed en him ? 
 Was he restrained by his promise of honor' 
 Did 3'a#i stipulate f]c;r the safely and concea!'= 
 ment of those whom you accused ? Did your 
 dark policy suggest to youi* mind the expe- 
 diency of infusing the susp'cion into tl-.e mind 
 of the President, and yet .staying the avenging 
 ar.m of tlie g-overnmcnti* The disclosure woidd 
 prove your devotion to j'onr country. Your 
 stipulation for favor would be attributed to a 
 feeling both honorable and amiable. In this 
 way you might propitiate the favor of the admin- 
 istration, s-'C'ire their confidence, and conceal 
 tlie falsehood of the accusation. The concep- 
 tion was worthy of Machiavel. Yet Mr. Jeflor- 
 son was wary — he never trusted you. He re- 
 ceived your information — he listened to youj* 
 d'sclosures— ye^ he nrvry trusted i/ou. 
 
 ,^n'ion:ifst the t-doralists who were before iha 
 public In those days, the perstm who was tlicr 
 most op.-n to suspicion of treasonable d>.'signs, 
 was your friend and kinsman, (the worthy re- 
 presentative of an illuatrious father, as you now 
 say.) the honorable^ Josiah Qumcy now M.ayop 
 of the cit)' of Boston. The violesice which cha^ 
 racterized th.n d -poitmcnt of tiiis gentleman ij; 
 Congrcss,the style of his attacks on Mr. Jefferson, 
 so obnoxious to your friend and premier Mr. CLv 
 as to draw from him the memorable expression 
 "that he soiled the carp ^-t on which he trod"' 
 — his un.snppn"ted motion to imj)each him — hi^i 
 bold denunciation of tlie Louisiana treaty — his 
 cKtraordin.ary doctrines at the tin.e of the admis-- 
 felon of that country into tiie Union — his assei . 
 tion on the floor of Congress that its admission 
 woul,l "justify a revolution" — his bold ax-uwal, 
 in the same place, of a deliberate op nion, that 
 ihe p.assing of the bill v/liich provided for its ad. 
 mission would be a virtual dissolution of the. 
 I nion, ihat it won 1 1 fi'ee the States from all 
 constitutional a1!r;;i:ince to the general govern- 
 ment, "andlf'tat it ivouUbe thcrii;IUofall, arid 
 ihe tl'ifi/ of some to jrtrpttre definitely f,r a SEt-> 
 AllJlTIUN, atnicabiy if the;/ couM, forcibly if 
 Iheij >?JMv/ ."'liis incessant warnings against thi 
 Trnrr.»m*anff, vcsteir influenr?,— ar.-i the irs'''"'' 
 
4^3 
 
 hi'abrg i-esoiatioj^ ■wthic'Ii tie Bu'pniittfctl la tiie 
 Senate of Massachusetts, that it was imbecamin^ 
 a moral and religious people to rejoice at our 
 Jiational victories, — are all circumstances which 
 would render him more liiible than any Qtlier 
 federalist in the United States to the imputation 
 of desij^ns of the character cf those which you 
 tommuiiicated to Sir. Jefferson. Had Josiah 
 Quincy plotted in dark cabal the disniembej-- 
 jnent and degradation of hiscountiy.with a con- 
 science as sensitive as yours, apatriotibm which 
 sternly cut asunder all the ties which bind man 
 toman, the ties of gratitude and frieiidslii]), as 
 i2t)n-hearted us that of the elder Brutus, you 
 would have slirunk from the fellowship of a 
 traitor. But your good understan linf? with this 
 cherished relation was never suspended: there 
 was not even a momciuaiy coolness between 
 you. Tlie very doctrines which he put forth 
 with saich astonishing boldness in Congress, 
 were derived from ycu, and were sanction<'d by 
 your opinions. You have lately taken, public 
 occasion to express you)' admiration of his ex- 
 alted worth, before the peo])le of Boston. No 
 one believes — no one dares to hiat, that Josiah 
 Quincy was ever eiigaged in anv such tr;insac- 
 tions as you have,charged upon the federal par- 
 ty. And is he anv lesi guilty now lh?n he was 
 in 180r? - 
 
 "The federal party have R riglit to demand .a 
 full disclosure from you. They have a right ?o 
 the names. Even if this tale Is true, it is due to 
 justice, it is due to your country to separate the 
 innocent from the guilty, and not to suffer a 
 suspicion of treason to rest uijon all the indivi- 
 duals of a great and respectable party. — Come 
 forth, tliou coiner of falsehoa.i! Anticipate Gov. 
 Giles. Give ns the nsmc^: Abandon yowr 
 cowardly reserve, your treacherous secrecy. 
 Come forth v/ilh tlie facts, give them the sanc- 
 tioa of your name. Proclaim the traitors! f, a 
 federalist, dare you to the disclosiu'e. I tender 
 you the issue with the whole American people 
 for a jury. I dare you !ot!ie trial. If yoti leave 
 your covert, I will strii) you bare. I will show 
 you as you are, a vile informej-, a false informer. 
 Titus Oaieij liacl the horriljle e.xcust* of anungra- 
 tifiedrevenge: tlie Jesuits had expelled him fiom 
 St. Omer's. You had nothing to revci-.go. We 
 imputed injustice, and wrong, aisd uncharitablc- 
 ness to Mr. Jefferson, and yet, was be censura- 
 ble for believing the solemn asseverations ol'the 
 inos^ trusted chief of our ]D3rU.' If he dWi be- 
 lieve them, we have little to for;jivc, and much 
 to admire. He. requires no forgiveness for be- 
 lieving one whom we all believed, and if he tlid 
 believe hini, we have to admire him for his fov- 
 bcarance. ■ ' 
 
 " But you, you, ought to be holden in detes- 
 tation by every man wiio bc3i"s the name of fbcl- 
 eralist. Alter your family had led the federa- 
 lists into all those measures wliich produced 
 their downfall, after they hadm'nistercd to your 
 ambition by bestowing on you tlieir hut gift, af- 
 ter you had infused into ihem a spirit wliich 
 hurried them along in a course of opposition, 
 now acknov.ledged to have been too violent — 
 was it fv»r i/ou to slander their good name ? Was 
 there no tongue but your's t) calumniate 
 them? One would have thought that an 
 iissociation of thirty years, distioguibhed on 
 their ])art by unvarying kindness and I'espi'ct, 
 
 if it did not froiny-oui-rejipachea. It W^sin lUj^ 
 wane of our fortunes, wheu our power had de. 
 parted, tlut you sought tliis interview with Mr. 
 Jefierson, to whom, you had .not spokea foi' 
 years, to v,-hom, attached as you are to the punc- 
 tilios of etiquette, you had never tendered the 
 official civilities of a senator to the chief magis- 
 trate, but had brooded in sullen despondence 
 over the political misfortunes of your family, 
 cherishing at the bottom of your heart a deep 
 and inveterate hatred to all who had been in 
 strumental in effecting- their overthrow, and 
 avoiding eveii the common social intarcouise 
 v/hich exists in societies ever so discordant: then 
 it was, that you might have been seen gliding 
 in the obscurity of tiie twiliglu iiloiig Uie Penn- 
 sylvania avenue, purposidy shunniirg the li^ht 
 — your bosom tortureil witli unholy ambition 
 — *-e' ft-eling, perhaps, some natural pangs, 
 the forciimners of that remorse wliirji niusl 
 follow the commission of a drshonorabhj 
 act— premeditating the deed, find conning 
 the falsehood — stealing wai-ily fiud cautious- 
 ly into the pal.ace, and finiiiig yourself iij 
 the presence of the hated rival of your father— 
 the man who had eci'psed his gruiidetir, and 
 had driven him into retirement, the foul slaTidev 
 v.'is whispered in liie dark, and ere the noctur* 
 nal lamps were lighted you had perpetrated 
 this monsti-ous ingratitude, this suicide of your 
 honor, — and you stood in the moraJ.u orld like 
 the deadly Upas, shedding blights and poasons 
 over God's fairest works! 
 
 " Soon did we ascertain l^^e extcjrt :f t!ia.t 
 devouring ambition which souglit its objects th 
 despite ot" the obligations of honor, gratitude, 
 and truth. Your messureis against Scn-ator 
 araith (if the statement of Mi-. Randolph is 
 to be credited) were undoubtedly initiatory 
 to proceedings against Chief Justice Nlar.sbiUl 
 by impeachment. Yes, to establisli yourstlf iu 
 the confidence of the ruling party,you were will- 
 ing to disgrace and dislionor this ancient atii 
 distinguished friend of yoin- father, the colossus 
 of hi.s administration, by a lejfis'lative impeach- 
 ment: -and yet he, too,— John Mar.-,h-all, the 
 chief of thc'fcdcralists,he too, adheres to van 
 — he too, comes forth, to teU the public that lie 
 will now exercise a rigid, to aid your election, 
 which he h.id abandoned for thirty years! llis 
 ancient loyalty is rekindled, — your insidts and 
 your injuries have faded li'om bis memory, and. 
 he ij now ready to exclaim, like Lord Crawford 
 when King I.ouis XI. was assailed by the bold 
 Duke of liurgundv, " I have fought for his fa- 
 thf.r, and hv.St. Andrew, end the nutter as tt 
 will, I v.-ill iiot fail him at this pinch." 
 
 CATULLUS 
 
 I'roiii the N. Y. Evening Post. 
 CATULLUS— No. III. 
 The reader of the following numberof C'.ilni 
 lus will find some jjiist events recalled to bis 
 recolleclinn, which, for any other purpose th.iii 
 that of exposing flagrant profligacy and a total 
 want of principle, might as Well have been suf- 
 f-jred to rot in oblivion. , 
 
 The conduct of JmiN (Urtsvr Adams consider- 
 ed, in his rclaiiouH, politicul and ifioral, to- 
 wards the Fr.nEn.vL Pahtt. 
 
 ..^ J _. , -- , 'J'liciiaiuc.1ddies.^cmtlinued. — " I ciucc thonglii 
 
 •ould h;>vc s-x\cA tl.cm ii";:.'. vou;- sUndcr.«. 'hn*. (be ne'nd-.- of N'.--,v England would n»v<r 
 
4dU 
 
 ite seldom t/tu&kd lung. Like Barrtrt they 
 may escape punishment, but they cannot long' 
 escape the scorn and contempt of honest men of 
 all parties. 
 
 There is also another class of worthless and 
 dangerous politicians. Fisher Ames, some- 
 where, says: — "Some very vain men, and some 
 very great hypocrites pretend to be oi' no porti/-, 
 ivhilcthey arrog-atc to themselves a d.scernnitnt 
 superior to both parties, tliey affect to be n<-\\- 
 tral and undecided between them. They claim 
 the title of truest patriots, and to love their 
 country wiih the ardor of p;'.s-ion, yet they in- 
 consistently condemn the violence of both par- 
 ties, and expect to have both believe that the 
 fire of their zeal subsists pure and unexpended 
 in the frost of moderation. Such men are of- 
 ten flattered as Federalists, more often used as 
 democrats, but always held in contempt, that is 
 never more hearty than when it is discreetly 
 suppressed ." Afi- r Mr. Adams had served r.nd 
 ' used, and betrayed the Federal party: after he 
 had served and used, and betrayed the Repub- 
 lican party, he places himself at the head of ?jo 
 party, and calls to his standard the apostates of 
 all parties to form a neio parly and a personal 
 party, vithout any basis of principle or policy 
 except individual interest. Tie told the people 
 of America, "that there still remained one ef- 
 fort of magnanimity, one sacriHce of prejudice 
 and passion, to be made by individuals through- 
 out the nation, who have heretofore followed 
 the standards of politjc-d party — tlmt of di^jc.ird- 
 ing every remnant of rancor against each ether; 
 of 'embracing as countrymen c^id friends, and of 
 A lelding to talents and virtue alone, that confi- 
 dence, wliich, in times of contention for princi- 
 ple, was bestowed only upon those who boi-e 
 the badge of party communion." These are 
 ver}- amiable, but very heartlfiaft words—such 
 as ambition has ahvays used, wiiether by the 
 mouthsof Caesar, or Cromwell, orRicliard HI. 
 —and I shall soon shew how much the conduct 
 of this climber of "ambition's ladder" has 
 comported with 'the spirit of his declarations. 
 My present object is to exhibit the manner and 
 the temper with which Mr. Adams embraced 
 the republican party: the extent of his obliga- 
 tions to the party which he abandoned, and his 
 conduct and treatment to them after it was in 
 his power to confer, and wlicn he was not un- 
 der the necessity of asking favours: and how 
 far his "change" furnlslics evilence that he 
 is in the. " practice of all the mora! virtues."* 
 
 The transition of Joiin Qiiincy Adams from 
 the federalists to the republicans, has marked 
 his political life with its most striking trait. — 
 Party history in America, had presented no such 
 incident in any character of eminence. It was 
 so unexpected, so strange and so alarming tliat 
 men began to doubt whether such a qiuility as 
 political lioncsty was cherished amongst states- 
 men. Man\ became apprehensive of t]jeefl\ct 
 of the example upon the morality of the nation, 
 when a distinguished leader of thefede.-alists— 
 the son of John Adams, the defi-nder of their 
 measures and the shurer of their patronage 
 
 • General Porter, in his late Address, said of 
 Mr. Adam?, "Learning, exper encc, a s:)nnd 
 mind and chastened temper, cddal In the prac- 
 iipc of all ihe moral virtue.?, define him the s.nfe 
 depository of powin a fr^e governnifn^ "' 
 
 when in power, and afterwards a' chieftaiii of 
 the opposition, without any apparent cause^. 
 abandoned and denounced them. 
 
 If some venerable federalist, whose hairs had 
 whitened while his party waned; who had sup- 
 ported the elder Adams in the energetic mea- 
 sures of ' 98, and by his side had encountered 
 tlie storm wliich drove him from office in 1801,- 
 who, having shared his prosperous fortune did 
 not desert him in his downfall; whose tongue 
 has not yet learned the soft and courtly lan- 
 guage of his younger brethren; — in whose vo- 
 cabulry apostacy has not yet usurped the name 
 of msgnarjmitv; — wlto cannot yet be induced 
 to believe that unprincipled ambition is stern 
 Integrity;— who cannot yet confound the dis- 
 tinctions between selfishness and patriotism, 
 falsehood and truth: — if such a man should now 
 address him, we might presume the style of his 
 rebuke would be somewh.at like this: 
 
 "You have now attained the highest station 
 that is accessible to an American citizen. The 
 place from which your fatlicr was expelled has 
 been regained by you: this event might be sup- 
 posed to oftier some alleviation to the wounded 
 pride of those who had shared his disgrace, and 
 some consolation for the political misfortunes 
 and disasters which they endured for him. 
 
 "Yoti was nurtured in the bosom of the fede- 
 rJ party. Tiiey who had done so much for your 
 father; "elevated him to a station second only to 
 that of Washington, and afterwards gave Iiini 
 th.at, illustrated and almost consecrated by the 
 virtues and wisdom of the first President, feel- 
 ing the strong impulse of hereditary affection, 
 turned their eyes on yon, as soon as your years 
 rendered you constitutionally competent to re- 
 ceive the trusts and the honors of the republic. 
 
 "In your early youth, we cherished the fond 
 hope that you would, on some day, succeed to 
 your father's honors, :uid although you had giv- 
 en us no proof of any eminent qualification for 
 high office, we took you on trust; — it was our 
 influence which removed you from your hum- 
 ble lawyer's office, ("into which no client's 
 feet were ever known to stray") and sent you 
 on an honorable and important mission to F.u- 
 rope; — we gave you the office by which the 
 foundation of your ample fortune was laid; a sit- 
 uation whicli afforded you the necessary leisure 
 f "■ literary pursuits, and enabled you to mingle 
 with the literati, statesmen and nobility of tiie 
 old world at'd relieved yon from the burthen of 
 encountering the toil and odium which fell up- 
 on us in our fruitless endeavor to sustain your fa- 
 tlier's i^d'uinistration, and relieved you too,fiom 
 the "painful duty " (as you would now have 
 this nation believe) of " opposing your father's 
 administration!" Yes, we did attempt to sus- 
 tain him without your aid, and your pen so pow- 
 erful in " intimidJvling Jacobins "confined its 
 powers to courtly notes and complimentary 
 conununications. 
 
 • We dally saw that our cause was becoming 
 m:)re ('espeiate, yet, we continued our support. 
 We saw our most faitliful and trusted leaders 
 s:i:rificed and disgraced, not for the interest of 
 tiie party, but for "your father's pcrson:d interest. 
 We saw the honei,t and able Pick', ring and the 
 amiable Mcllenrj' dismi.xsed from their places 
 witiiouf an alh.'gatTo!! or a pretence of miscon- 
 duct, .and still we ikcrc true to him. We wit- 
 nessed his " foreed retreal*' from ]Tnwer,and we 
 
451 
 
 ;'iver tkitereo m oui' alUichnienl. His succes- 
 sor addressed us in the language and peace and 
 conciliation, but we preferred the friendship of 
 John Adams, a private citizen destitute of pow- 
 er, to the pavronage of Thomas Jefferson, 
 President of the United Slates. Yet, we were 
 charged with luke-warmness, neglect and in- 
 sensibility. We endured the reproaches of the 
 fallen statesman in compassion to his ajfe and 
 political misfortunes. He would have infused 
 his fiery passions into our bosoms. He would 
 have rekmdled ihe flame" of p*rty animosity 
 which was smoulderng in the asl»es — he would 
 have fanned the expiring embers until they bla- 
 zed into a conflagration w.de enough to con- 
 sume h:9 rival and all who supported him. 
 
 ♦' You returned from Europe. Our political 
 hopes revived. The age of your father render- 
 ed him uneq\uil to the exertion and the 1-ihoiu- 
 which was required in the chief of a party. We 
 hailed your return with heart -felt gratulati<ins. 
 Our sinking hopes were animated by your pre- 
 sence, and we saw a new chieftain of the still 
 idolized house of Braintrte. A seat was im- 
 mediately given you in the Senate of Massachu- 
 setts. We spared no exertion to drive out of- 
 Congress the popular Eu.stice, a veteran repub- 
 lican, and revolutionist, and. to give his seat to 
 you. Wc failed, but the closeness of the con- 
 test discovered the extent of our efforts. This 
 defeat only strengthened our attachment, and 
 vou were chosen soon after by the Legislature 
 of Massachusetts to the high and honor.ahlc of- 
 fice of Senator of tlie United J^tates. Under 
 what circumstances were you elected' Y'ou re- 
 ceived no support from the republicans. They, 
 at that time, would as soon have thought of 
 Lord North in connexion with that office as 
 any member of your father's family, but they 
 were a minority. Who were our candidates? 
 Tliey were no ordinary competitors, no com- 
 mon-place sti'.esmen, no party lumber. 
 Amongst them was Tunothy Pickering.a revolu- 
 tionary ofncer of high distinction, honored and 
 trusted by General Washington, who had succes- 
 sively held the offices of Postmaster General, 
 Secretary of War, and Secretary of State. 
 Henry Knox was another, a celebrated revohi- 
 tujnary general, the first Secretary of War, dis- 
 tinguished for every aocomplislnnent civil and 
 military,who not only shared tlie councils but the 
 affections of Washington, — wiio not only sUared 
 his affections but was emphatically the man of al- 
 others whom Washmgton loved — apohtical phi- 
 losopher as wellas a milita-y iicrn, with manners 
 so affable, so digi.ifud and so frank, tliat tlicy 
 would have graced tlie most pol'shed court, a 
 practised debater and an eloqiu.-nt orator. Sam- 
 uel Dexicr wasalsoacanduaic, one of the most 
 (extraordinary men in the Un ted States, who 
 will long be remembereil as tlje pride anil orna- 
 ment of the American bar, distinguished for liis 
 cloqtience in (Jongress, a veteran statesman who 
 had filled two Oihces in tlie cabinet. Wo reject- 
 ed them all— the faithful and able I'ickering, 
 the gallant and accomplished Knox, the match- 
 less Uextcr did we reject, because there was an 
 ,Vdam3 10 be gratified! 
 
 " In this way the federal party opened the 
 road to all your greatness. They presented you 
 to the nation as a distingui-.hed statesman . Vou 
 adhered to our cause and our party with unwav- 
 ering fuIHitv. until wf. loot our powrr jn fh»^ 
 
 State of M:c"isau.iu.-t. wIj, u-.J until lUe uerriooi»Uii- 
 ascendency was established throughout the 
 Union so univct-sally, and to all appearance so 
 fi.«f.il\- tliat we were left without hope. It was 
 in that sad and fatal hour of " dim eclipse and 
 disastrous twilight," "when the glory of ouv 
 house had departed," and nothing was left to 
 our political poverty but the proud consolation 
 of having, according' to our liglits and our opin- 
 ions, served our country with truth and fid- lity, 
 that we were destined to experience the deep- 
 est and most painful wound tiiat was ever inflict 
 ed on our feelings. 'I'lie shaft by which it w.is 
 inflicted was launched from a hand which we 
 had grasped in friendship — an.l it was poison- 
 ed." CATULLUS 
 
 from tne New York Evening I'os*. 
 CATULLUS.— No. 2. 
 
 If there is one federalist of the Il.^mutti: 
 school yet left, whose bosom swells with lh( 
 remembrance of the days that arc past, he U 
 invited to peruse the ensuing number.. 
 The conduct of Jonx Quikcy' AnA.tis, consid- 
 
 ei-ed, in his relations, political and mQ:u\, 
 
 towards the Fkdeual PAnrr. 
 
 Same address continued. — " We had hitherfo 
 stood in the glory of our ancient honors; like 
 some venerable tree, once the pride of the 
 cn-ove, which had endured the blast (jf a thou 
 sand wintry storms, jet still continued to weyr 
 the green hvcry of it.s youth, though its trunk 
 was indented with lightning marks, and its 
 liiT.bs twisted and torn by whirlwinds— and, like 
 that too, we found our ruin in the worm, the • 
 vile worm, which lurked at the root. Our op- 
 position to the administration of .Mr. Jeffersoii 
 had been disting:iished by much excitement of 
 fet'ling, but in none were violence and uncom- 
 promising hostility more distinctly manifested 
 than in you. However, in the parly conflicts of 
 tiiat day, the combatants would sometimes pau;ic 
 to let the people know that they had some re- 
 spect for each other. But their warfare soon 
 assumed a character of unyielding animosity, of 
 deep and inveterate rancor. To you may be 
 trrvced that stern spirit of hostility, that enduring 
 suspicion, which for twenty years lixs been cher- 
 ished amongst the great dcmocr.itic p:uty in tire 
 United States against tlieir federal brethren; a 
 spirit fur transcending the or.linary animosity ot 
 political rivalry, a .spirit whicli has even blasted 
 the prospects of many noble minded and t.alrnt 
 ed democrats, who had been so unfortunate as 
 to receive federal support, and so unwise as r • 
 accept it. 
 
 " Con.scioii3 of innocence, yet matter ot accr. 
 satlon was found against them in their most inm. 
 cent acts. Huspectcl and distrusted, they hvcd in 
 their own country like strangers in a foreign land 
 like the .lews ill Palestine, like the Greeks in 
 the once proud Peloponessus, now tlic Turkish 
 Morea. They lived on the hands of their fatlicrs 
 whose graves were scattered around them, bu* 
 their pcnates were unknown gods. Deemed by 
 their opponents to be uuNvoithy of honor or 
 trust, because they had ph.ticd the dismember- 
 ment of the confcdcrac). they deemed thcTT^ 
 selves the victims of opprcHSion Suspicion 
 hung over them like a cloud, as pcrnianenl as 
 those which etcniully brood over iha far-distmr 
 F.ea-' ff «h.« South. In '"'" tni?!.* a V.m H-"--'' 
 
4aG 
 
 c&hnot quibble, evade, or prevaricate. Tmtli is 
 as much, a habitude Willi him as decency. In 
 Mour letter io Mr. Otis, you assert that tho 
 British oi-dcrs ia council was the principri 
 r.iuse of yo!ir vote f(jr tlie eniharpfo. The 
 Ftatement of Ccl. I'lckering is demonstration. 
 The orders in council could not have been the 
 r.awse, because i>o one in America knew of 
 their existence at the tim-j of the passage (,f the 
 ffict! Some men (it is true) 'ni.tflit have forg-ot- 
 Ten the fuctH, ;u, 1 so conib'.iuded the reasons. 
 •Tiie transaction at the time of the date of your 
 J^lter\\vas too recent— youv memory -s too len- 
 jxcioos, nnd too accurate to admit the possibility 
 t>t fi:rgetfi|]ncs3 on this subject. You did not 
 .iVn-g-ct. You for^-et notlilng- buttlie obligations 
 j/f gratitude and ttdelity. 
 
 "It may suit your purposes to represent 
 .t"c30 as the opiiiions of some odd, eccentric, 
 discontented or unprincipled Federalist, wdiich 
 arc repudiated by the good scnso and true pa- 
 -trictismof thepr.ity j-puerallv. To show that 
 jr is not so, I will produce a few witnesses out 
 of-a multitudr, tmd I will take them from "your 
 T)'.vn Newlwig'land." 
 
 1st. The lute Mr. Dexter, whom you always 
 ]>i'Oiosscd to hold in high respect. 
 
 2. Your favori'e and cherished friend and 
 kinsman, Jos'r.h Quincy. 
 
 3. Tristam Burgess, \our champion in the 
 Jvstional House of Ui.-'presentatives. 
 
 4: Uuni<?l Webster, your Ajax in the Senate. 
 
 3. The Legislature of your native State of 
 Massaclnisetls, the stronghold of your power 
 jmd influence 
 » fl. The City of Boston, now so devoted to 
 your interests. , 
 
 ■Speakinf^ of the r.cslrlctivc System Mr. Dex- 
 ter says: '« 'ihat he bel'.eved— 
 
 1st. That it Overleaps the bounds of constitu- 
 tional pov/cr. 
 
 3. That it is impossible to execute it. 
 
 3. That the raiempt to da sn corrupts us, 
 1>J' destroying; the correct habits of our mer- 
 chants, and rendering perjury familiar. 
 
 4. 'l'h.it it would be ineifectual to coerce 
 fyxeign rations, if executed. 
 
 .5. Th;.t it is unjust aird opjircssive to the cnm- 
 mercial par' of 'the community, as it destroys 
 . Tvaluable jiilercsts which the government 
 is bound to protect 
 
 G. 'I'hat It completely sacrifices our only con- 
 .'.'.dbraLle source of revenue, and reduces us to 
 depend o;i a nicaijrc sujiply from intermd taxa- 
 tio.!, or to accumulate an enormous public debt 
 Ijy loans procured on hard terms, wliicli govern- 
 .'nent has. no adequate fufsds to reimburse. • 
 
 r. I'Jiat it aims a fatal blow at our uncxam- 
 j>l'ed progress in wealth and g-enen;! improve- 
 ment. " ^ 
 
 "SucTi were the strong and conclusive oh- 
 i-ictions of Mr. Dexter to the Restrictive system. 
 J'he whole Federal party en this question cn- 
 ei'taincd similar sentiments. And after this 
 «»pcn avowal in a public address pending a gu- 
 ;.-rua»orial controversy, (and himself .i "candi- 
 date,) the whole r-pablican p'uSy supported 
 him. Neither did this avow.tl lessen him in llie 
 tstimution of ,\l:\ Ahulison, under wliose ;idinin- 
 islration thisl'eder:.; gentleman was offered i.!.e 
 Kigh oftice of Minister to Spain, "and (it is sr.;d) 
 1 >.^T. ■., ji,^ cabim ts 
 
 -•' As io Mr. Q.unjiiy, la: lias prftsj&uhc.eu tni..' 
 measure in Congress and out of Congress, by 
 night and by day, at all times and in all plaees, 
 as unconstitutional," unjust and wicked; of a 
 character hO oppressive and odious as to justify 
 forcilile resistance. The evidence is every 
 where, and it is only to recur to the journals of 
 the day to find it. 
 
 Mr. Durges, in a public address applied this 
 language to tlie Embargo: 
 
 "'I'liis single measure more impuverishetl 
 the nation tiian our eight re.nrs w.v with Hritiiin., 
 itcutofi" <'ur r.evenue; discouraged our indus- 
 try: wa-sted our capital; rrunedoui* fisheries; ex- 
 iled our seamen, and scattefe'l them to thefoof. 
 winds of Heaven. Had our govenune^iit invited, 
 to a war of depreduti.jn upon us, all the pirates 
 of Barbary, of France, of England, and at the 
 same time let loo?e t'le tawny sons of the wil- 
 derness on our defenceless frontiers; less, inca!- 
 cuhibly less, would have been the injurj-. If 
 tlie administration had openly taken couivsel ot 
 France, siie wculd first of all have advised a 
 perpctuid Embargo; for that must, by abohsh- 
 ing our government, dissolve our union, de- 
 stroy our national character, and reiluce ii.T 
 back to the tame condition of colonial slaver}'. 
 Surely there is a singular ooincidenct between 
 French and American policy. God forbid, that 
 a riband of legionary honor, or a cross of the 
 empire, should solve that dark political riddle— 
 tlie A.nericun Emb.trgo." 
 
 " This is the language of the Hon. Daniel 
 Web'iter, on the floor of Congress: " The f;.itlv 
 of this nr.iion is pledge-i to its commerce, form- 
 ally and so'emniy. I call u;)on you to redeem 
 th'it ]>!edge ; not by sr.criticlng whilo you 
 profess to regard it, but by unsh^ckhng it, ami 
 protecting it, and fostering" it, according to your 
 ability and the reasonable exj)ec<ationsof lhoo"t; 
 who i'ave committe<l it to the care of govern- 
 ment. In the commerce of the countrj' tlic 
 constitution of the covaitrj' had i < jirth. In the 
 extinction ofth-it commerce it will find its grave. 
 I use not the tone of intimidation or menace, 
 but I forewarn you of consequences — Let it 
 be rememh.^red that in my pl.ice, this day, and 
 in the discharge of my ])ublic duty, I conjure 
 you to alter your course. 1 urge to you the 
 lar.gunge of entreat)'- I beseech you by your 
 besi. hopes of \ our countr) 's prosperity; by jour 
 rT;''.<i-<l for the prcatwati'.-n of hci government, 
 and her union; by your own anibition, as hon- 
 o'-able men, of leading hcre.after in the councihi 
 of a great and growing Empire: — I conjure you 
 by e\ery motive which can be addressed to the 
 mind of man, fJiat you nh:indcn your ntjultm of 
 resliicf/onfi; that you abcmdjii it ut once — and 
 abundon it for ever." 
 
 " Mr. Webster fl<-3.he<l his maiden sword by 
 writing a strong and eloqueut pamjihlet at that 
 day to jirove the Embargo \vrv.s cnnctcd in the 
 very teeth of the Const'lution. 
 
 "The Legislature of Massacliu.ectt*, in an 
 address to the people, after d-splayiiig in the 
 mist vivid lang'iaga the ra;no;;s t 'fetts of the 
 Emb.irgo upon tlie commerce and nnvigation of 
 the Unit.-d States, and |)ari;c.dar!y upon the 
 St.'.te of Massachiisett.s, which na-.igation in 
 1S05 they represent to have a>nounted to 
 ],14),;)GS tons, of which Mas-.;tchusetts owned 
 •l^a,^©, in i^jjuding to the South, use these 
 wt^rd-s: " I'h'-^o 's irjt ti greater diver.sitv ot" 
 
-I5T 
 
 v.-l 
 
 ipievests bebveeii tlieiU (the people of the 
 Soutlj) and yourselves, tliaii will be found in the 
 iistant provinces of all great Empires: none, 
 ndeed, that a truly national administration 
 cannot reconcile. It is believed too, that many 
 of your Southern brethren accord with yoiT in 
 their estimate of the true interests of their coun- 
 try, and are inclined magnanimously to sacrifice 
 local prejudices to national safety and honor. — 
 This happy result, maij be expedtd, v/ten ^cw 
 Bnghtnd/faitlifitl to her true int^reds, shcihpeak 
 (Cuh one toice, and eiclui/e from her roiin^i/s 
 ''hose who, from misapprckension of those inle^ 
 •tsis, or any other cause, are adoocates rf tkeprs- 
 |sc7rf des-tj-uctive system." 
 
 '♦ New Eng-land does indeed now speak with- 
 Qne voice, but it i^ to utter the sentence of po- 
 ittVcal condemnation against all those v/ho v.Wl 
 not renounce their settled convictions, and yield 
 their venal support to the principal ad'-'^cate of 
 Lhut destructive System. 
 
 "And, again, tlie same Le^slature in < • 
 |)o:t, accepted by them, made on the mcmor-r.. 
 df sundry towns in Massachusetts, concluding 
 with a resolution that the embargo was uncon- 
 flitutional, and tliat it violated the rights of tlie 
 people, say -■ 
 
 •' This act is denounced by all the memorial- 
 ...ts in the warmest and most energetic language, 
 »i a gross and palpable violation of the princi- 
 ples of the constitution; that itifannot be sab-_ 
 initted to without a pusillanimous sun-ender of 
 those rights and liberties, which their ancestors 
 Drought to these shores, which they fo>ight and 
 bled to mainfain, and which we, their descen- 
 dants ought to be ready to defend, at the same 
 expensa and hazard, or forfeit the chai-acter of 
 freemen. 
 
 •* V.'ith .^iuch a display of grievances, suffer- 
 ings and apprehensions before them, couched 
 in'tea-ms of affecting eloquence, and breathing 
 a spirit of tinnness and resolution to procure, 
 by some means, competent relief, your commit- 
 tee cannot but be forcibly impressed. They 
 believe in the existenee of those grievanccfs.and 
 the causes to which they have been ascrib.jd." 
 Tiicy fuithsr say — "A power to regulate com- 
 merce is abused when employed to destroy it, 
 and a manifest and voluntary abuse of power 
 sanctions the r>ght of resisUince as much as a 
 direct and palpable usurpition." 
 
 " Mr. auincy has be.-itowed every epithet of 
 abuse on this m'eusure,v.hich his teenfmg imagi- 
 nation could supply. _ 
 
 " Mr. Bui-ges pronounced it the most afflic- 
 tive of all evils — worse than the revolutionary 
 v.-ar — worse than a war with France, L:ngland, 
 ♦he Carbary powers, and the Ir.dians, united — 
 to bo accounted for only fron» tiie existence of 
 some deep and wicked plot to change the form 
 of the government. 
 
 '• >Ir. Webster prctilcted the dissolution o. 
 the Union frc?m its continuance, and urged h'.s 
 'prophetic warrJngs upon Congress, in terms 
 almost as solemn and emphatic as those by 
 which tliat great prophet, whose nama he bears 
 r.;ino'jnced to the impious and trembling king 
 of the Assyrians the approaching destruction of 
 his empire. 
 
 •« And vet all these gentlemen arc now your 
 chosen friends, your trusted champions, the or- 
 o^ies of vcurrarty. tlie r,il!ai<> of the thronrj— 
 
 witiioul their support your ill-g'otteU power 
 would be prostrated in a week ! 
 
 " Thfe Legislature of Massacluisetts were n6 
 less decided in their opinions as to the injustice 
 and unconstitutionality of tiie embargo. They 
 appointed fast after fast to deprecate the ven- 
 geance of Ile.aven for the " deep damnation" of 
 this .act. They .s;)leiunly advised liie peojile to 
 exclude from theii councils and confidence "a// 
 the advocates of ihal deslrwtivc sy.slon." The 
 LegL-ilature cftliis same Slate of Massachusetts-, 
 in their headlong career of infuriated loyalty, 
 are now ready to visit all those unfoitunate citi- 
 zens v.ith their ofhcial vengeance, who venture 
 to doubt whether John Quincy Adama is thy 
 greatest of men, the most disinterested of patri- 
 ots, and the best of Presidents \ 
 
 " Boston, tlie city of Boston, who put her 
 newspapers in mourning, and called her pro- 
 ceedings in Faneuil Hall " the second rocking 
 of the cra'lle of American independence" 
 
 ,.ho, in town meeting, by an overwhelming ma 
 iorit)-, resolved, "that they would not volunta- 
 -I'v aid and assist in the execution of the em- 
 b.v.'go laws, and that all wlio did ought to hi 
 considered as enemies of the.constitulion of the 
 United States and of the State of Massachusetts, 
 and hostile to the Uberties of the people" — now 
 consider all who ventuRc to oppose yonr re-elec- 
 tion as unworthy of all respectable assocuition, 
 and slum them as if their characters had been 
 blasted by the imputation of crime— as if they 
 had been g'ven up to public infamy by the in< 
 fliction of disgi-accfiil pun.sl.Tnent. 
 
 «' This act,'so ruinous to the private mterests 
 of the federalists of Ma.ssachusetts, (for in com- 
 merce and navigation they were at that tunc 
 deeply interested,) exhausted then- patience 
 and furbearancej and, in choosing a Senator to 
 CTve after the fouith of March, 1S09, tliey 
 elected Mr. Lloyd, and, kind even in their ani- 
 mosity, thev gave vou an opportunity to p-ead 
 persecuticn, as a claim on the adnnir.stratior. 
 if they did not continue your ofTicial homu.-;, 
 they gave you (what was far more imp utant to 
 your ''interests) the opportunity to represent 
 yourself as a p.liticul ni.u-tyr. Vou resigned 
 the frngment of your senatorial tf-rm. and tlic 
 f-deral'ists, afier "suffering from the inHiction ot 
 your anti-commercial legislation, were dcstuied 
 to f<'el the w.-igh't of a pen once .so dreadful to 
 the iacohins!" CATULLU.^. 
 
 From the New- York Evening Tost. 
 CATULLUS.— No. IV. 
 Those readers who admire to sec just aiul 
 elevated sentiments, ornamented with all th« 
 adv midges of a beautiful .and polished style, are 
 assured, that in the iiUeie.stiiAg number wo no\7 
 ofl". r them, the writer of Catullus hns not f.Hg- 
 gpd a single line in his towering flight. 
 The cmduct of John Quiniv Auama consider- 
 ed, in his icl.itions, political and moral, t^.- 
 \s a; (Is the Feukual I'autx. 
 T/f same Jlddres.1 continued.— "The bright 
 spirit of F.sher .\nu-i h.ul left its morul part to 
 the .larkness of tlie tomb, and ha.l ascended to 
 its Maker. Hy a •« posthumus attack on hir. 
 memory, ihe fedendists were to he u^undcd. 
 •md you assumed the unholy (a,k. Vou Ins 
 profe'ssed friend. .Krided his talent-s, and de- 
 nounc'd h-s prinripl-s. V-ni approached ht- 
 
Hll - 
 
 )u;- T.ue Liu'.c'.i .-^I^'ic^s' Icietjrajjii. 
 
 1 lie Jackson Committee of Convspondcnce 
 i*f Philadelphia, have placed In fore the public 
 f'ye, a series of letiers, on nearly all the topics 
 Tiow discussed; and yet, the advocates of the 
 administration have ventured to notice a part 
 only of a single letter. Even if the committee 
 had erred in one particular, it need not excite 
 surprise; but I am about to show, tliat the Na- 
 tional Journal is mistaken, even as to that par- 
 ticular. 
 
 The Journal, in lang'uag-e suificiently gross, 
 I confess, asserts, that Andrew Jacks' n nover 
 was appointed l)y Washington, Attorney of the 
 District, now TenncKsee: that the Philadelphia 
 Committee forged the paper appended to their 
 tenth letter: and insinuates tliat the whole was 
 done xinder the gu'dauce of some unseen di- 
 rector! 
 
 As to the paper appended in a note to their 
 tenth letter, it is expressly stated to be a form 
 of a commission, the date of which is net 
 thought correct, but that it is believed to be so 
 in all respects. The object of presenting this 
 torm IS obvious— instead of merely saying, 
 " Washington made Jackson an Attorney of the 
 United States," it shews in the form, ^.v'hat the 
 act was: it shows that Wasliington expressed 
 confidence in Jackson's ?£w/?v7?5 and hitegrHi/, 
 and from this, the people have a true idea of 
 the tiling done. That such was the f.rm, to a 
 letter, of the commissions given to district at- 
 tornies, I have positive knowledge; so that, if 
 Andrew Jackson was appointed attorney, he 
 must have got a commission c.xa' tly in the form 
 given, and no evil is done by laying that form 
 before the public. 
 
 The main question then, \s—tuan Andrew 
 Jackson appointed by Wa'shlngfon? If he was, 
 I suppose the Journal itself will not complain 
 of the rest. 
 
 That Andrew Jackson was appointed attor- 
 ney of the district, now Tennessee, by Wasli- 
 ington, I propose to prove, not only bv the 
 strength lif affirmative prooi, but hy ihe abso- 
 lute weakness and :ibsurditv, if not falsity of 
 the negative evidence of the Journal. I pro- 
 pose to do this without speaking to a human 
 being, or applying in any way to any person 
 lor information— to p.pply to Gf.i. Eaton is not 
 possible for early use. 
 
 1. In the Life of Gen. Jackson, by John H. 
 Eaton, Ksq. it is stated, that .\ndrew Jackson, 
 in October, 1788, went witli Judge McXairy to 
 Nashville— that lie established himself as a law- 
 ycr in good business there- and that he was 
 " shortly afterwards .ippointed by Washington 
 ' attorney general for the district, in which 
 ' capacity he continucci to act for several 
 ' years." 
 
 This testimony, uncontradicted until now, 
 and now only by tiie Journal, is enough 
 for all reasonable men: but I proceed — 
 
 2. In the letter of Judge John McNairy to 
 the NasJiville Jackson Committee, dated "Nash- 
 ville, May 7, 1837," lie says— ' Gen. Jack.son 
 ' and myself have been acquainted more than 
 '_ 40 yeaii, I tliiiik 44 or 45 ycar.s; part of the 
 •' time we lived together; and the balance in 
 " the immed'atc neighborhood of each other. 
 
 I We moved together, from North Carolina to. 
 ' this State, and ar^ivr-d in Va<:!ir:]l». in Orta-' 
 ' bpr. 17SS •• 
 
 3. Tiie Jotirnai atimiLs iiut liic (Uhtiici, uow 
 Tennessee, was organized for judicial purposes, 
 underact of .VIay':<?6, 1/90: and it admits that 
 John McNaiiy was appointed ITnitcd States 
 Judge under that act, on the 9th June, 1790. 
 
 4. In the letter from Judge Jolin OTeitoii 
 to the Naslivi le Jackson Co.Timittce, dated 
 May 8, 1827, he states, that liav.ng completed 
 tile stiid\ of the law, he went to si ttie in 
 he country, now called West Teiinesse..*; and 
 then pr-jceeds — • Mr. A. Jackson had studied 
 '.tlie law at Salisbury, North Carolina, as i un- 
 
 • derstnod, and had arrived in this country with 
 
 • Judge McNairy, &.c. all lawyers, seeking their 
 ' fortunes, not more than a month or two before 
 ' my arrival. ' ' .lackson went down the river 
 
 * from Nashville to Natchez, some time in the 
 « winter or spring of 1791.' 'Previously to h\s 
 ' starting, he intrusted all his \a\v business to 
 
 * me.' 'He decended the river, returned fi-oiir 
 « Natchez to N:ishville, and was at tlie Superior 
 
 ' Court at the latter place, in M.ay, 1791, attend- . 
 ' ing to his business as a lawyer, and !SoUcHirr' 
 ' General for the Government.* 
 These facts are therefore evident; 
 
 1. That A. Jackson was at Nashville, Octc 
 ber, 1788. 
 
 2. That the Territory wa.s organized for judi- .* 
 cial purposes, after May, 1790. 
 
 3. Tliat tlie Judges, McNairy, Sac. were ap- 
 pointed June, 1790. I 
 
 4. Tha A. J.ickson was the Government So- I 
 licitor (ieueral, as Judgi.' Overton calb it, in 
 May, 1791. 
 
 All this is independent of Major Eaton's posi- 
 tive declaration, in the biography of Gen. Jack- 
 son, tljat Gen Washington appointed him At- 
 torney, shortly after his establishment at Nash- 
 ville; and as the Court was not organized until 
 Mav, 1790, it must liave been after that. 
 
 In the face of tti'S afrirmative proof, the Jour- 
 nal spserts, tliat dn. J;ickson was not :ippointed 
 by Waslungton. Let us see what evidence i* 
 gives. It says: 
 
 1. May 26, 1790, the President signed " An 
 net for the government of ilie territory of 
 the United St ites, south of t"ie river Ohio. 
 See Laws U. S. Vui 2, p. 104. 
 
 2. The first section of tliis act ordains, tLri' 
 "the government of the said territory soutli 
 of the Ohio, shall be similar to that which 
 is now exercised in the territory north-west 
 of the Ohio. 
 
 3. Tlie form of government prescribed (v 
 the territory - nrth-wi-st of the Ohio, wii 
 he found in the ordinance of Congi-ess, c; 
 the loth July, 1787 — See Laws U. 6'. IW 
 1, p. 476. 
 
 4. The ordinance provides for the appoint 
 meiit by the United States, of a Governor, i 
 a Sccrilary, a Court, to consist of three \ 
 Judges, and (when there should be a certain 
 number of ihhabitants in the territorj-,) of 
 
 a legislative council, consistuigofhve mem- 
 bers. // dos not authorize the appointment 
 of an Attornty of the United Stales. 
 This, then, is the evidence of the Journal — 
 but the Journal is not content with this — it goe- 
 on to assert, that no Attorney was appointed 
 and how does it prove this.' Wiiy, by anolhe: 
 assertion flf its own, that no officers, but liics;' 
 it names. Governor, Seeretanj. JudsTef nn'X O'^n-" 
 rJl, v.vre .tppo'r ■'"-!.' 
 
4jb- 
 
 , u-uiu, tliis IS a pilitiil nguic whicu tue great 
 •nal of the Governincnt cuts— a paltry equi- 
 ttion— a wvetdied apology for the pompons 
 lav of names and dates! 
 he position of the Journal is this. Jackson 
 not appointed, because the ordinance did 
 enumerate an Attorney among-st the officers 
 )e appointed. J:ickson was not appointed, 
 ause a Governor, Secretary, and Judg-es, and 
 ncil were appointed, 
 hisis the mighty proof! 
 he answer to all this is perfectly simple. All 
 ;t agree, that three Judges, constituting a 
 rt, were appointed, for business within Uni- 
 States jurisdiction. Has any body ever heard 
 I Court of the United States, without an At- 
 ley of the United States.^ I might as well 
 if any body had ever seen a coach travel 
 lout horses"' The fact is, the organization 
 lid have been imperfect without a rcprescn- 
 le of the Union. Ay, but says the Journal, 
 ordinance did not authorize an appointment 
 .n Attorney. Indeed' this is marvellous! If 
 
 Journal will look at page 71, vol. 2, 
 vs of the United States, it will find a key, 
 t will open a door to necessary knowledge on 
 ! subject. " An act to estabhsh th.e judicial 
 irts of the United States," section 35, sp- 
 ,ved September 24, 1789, says: "In all the 
 irts of the United States,- the parties may 
 ad and manage their own causes, personally, 
 by the assistance of such counsel or attorney 
 aw, as, bv the rules of the said Coui-ts respec- 
 'ly.shall be permitted to manage and conduct 
 ises therein. And there shall.he appoinled in 
 h district, a meet person, learned in the law. 
 Id' an Attorney for the United States in s'.:c,\ 
 trict, who shut' be sworn, &c." 
 Can any thing be plainer' In 1789, a general 
 
 was passed, directing attorneys to be ap- 
 nted in all the Courts United States. In 
 30, a Court U. S. was organized in the dis- 
 -t, now Tennessee: in the organizing law it 
 Is useless to authori/.e that to be done, which 
 t general iudiciarv act already directed to be 
 ne: sothat", unless Washington neglected hisdu 
 anattornev for it was appointed: To suppose 
 (it no attorney was appointed, is to suppose as 
 loss a piece of absurdity as stupidity could en 
 nder. Wio, then, was appointed ' The 
 jri.al has access to all books and papers. I 
 ve not: if any bodv l>ut Andrew Jackson was 
 pointed, let the journal tell us who it was, and 
 e matter will be settled: But I aver that An- 
 ew Jacks;-n was appointed,and nobody else— 
 emn display of knowledge on tl-,e poml, ot 
 2 Journal, to the contrary notwithstanding. 
 
 AN ENQtilKblt. 
 
 Delaware iv.id Lo.vcr Deik\\arc Wards, now re- 
 presented bv John Sergeant. In this district, 
 Mr. Hemphill will be the opposing candidate to 
 Mr. Scri^cant. Although we put it down as 
 douhtfui, Mr 7/e7«/j/H7/(tbe Jackson candidate) 
 will he elected. 
 
 The Third /)tVrJd, now represented by Drt- 
 niein. Miller, is composed of the Nortlievn Ij- 
 bertits, Kensington, Pcnn 'I'ownship. German- 
 town, Roxhorough. Bristol, Oxford, Byberrv, 
 Moreland, and Lower Dublin townships Inth.a 
 district the opposition admit we will liavc a ma- 
 jority. 
 
 Thp/7rsi!and third districts arc made up of 
 the cowU.^ of Philadelphia and tlie three lower 
 wards of the city, viz: Pine, <;edar and Nc-w 
 Market. In these three wards, last year, the 
 Jackson maioritv was 58 votes. The remain, 
 in- part of the two districts, is formed out of the 
 coZnt^ of Philadelphia. There Binns admits, 
 bv his estimate, that the Jivckson paity w-iH re 
 c^ivelOOO majority: Con^c^_ncxx\\y,headmxf~. 
 that t\^o first andthird Congres,icnaldis'rnts wul 
 go for JacJi'^on. 
 
 The Fourth District, now represeT.ted b« 
 Jame. Buchanan, Charles Miner, and Samue. 
 Anderson, pomposed of '• Lancaster, Chester 
 and D< hxware counties." Of the pr«ent naem- 
 bers, Messrs. Miner and Anderson are for the 
 administration, and Mr. Buchanan of^amst^.- 
 l-or th.c approaching election tne tickets aie o 
 nominate!! as to make the ^^^^'^^'^/ '^^\f '^'Z 
 Presidential election. Messrs. '^f 75,"."' ^J. 
 Delaware, Haines of Chester, and //ci^^v-^ 
 Lancaster, arc on the A^i'"'"'-''^''^^'^" ;^J'pK- , 
 Messrs. B»r/mnnu of Lancaster, Evan- f^^'l';^ 
 ter. and Leipcr of Delaware, -^'^ °''.^'\'^ J^^^^!^!^ 
 ticket. The Presidential question ha., .lOt b.cn 
 slSmitted Lefore in this cii.-trict upon the con _ 
 gressional election. Both, par .es c aim he ma 
 jority in it. The election will be f"n.^l) con 
 tested and the majority on wliichevcr side it 
 may be, will not be groat. Our opinion is, 
 S the Jackson party will carry thenMicka. 
 in which c:xse, we will gain two Jackson mem 
 bersin the room of Messrs Mmcr and And'.r- 
 
 S021. 
 
 The Fifth Dislrid, " Mcntgomeiy Count) . 
 now repr/sented by .John B. Ste^gcre, fr.endl 
 to the eh-ction of Gen. Jackson. U J3 sa... 
 
 that he will he nominated »Kf "Vof'oO to" 
 be re-elected by a ma ..r;ty .at cast ^f ^ M) ^otcs, 
 over his opponent Jo.np/i lloy>r, an Adan.^ 
 
 "^The Sirth District, composed of •• Daupl^n 
 and lebinon cou.ites." H-re Judge irrcrn 
 "e ples^nt representative, a Jackson man, will 
 
 ^'-i'^'^St//. DiMriri, composed of "U.e 
 coun ?es of Berks, Schuylkill anu i-c^.^'V' »; 
 p^c^ent npresented by Messrs. A,h,n^ «nd . ny, 
 1"^. ' , ' Ti,,. firket for thi.H dis^r.ct 
 
 l,otli Jacksoniaiis. 1 he ticket toi i 
 
 From the American Sentinel. 
 THE VOTE OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 Congressimal Districts. botl. .lacKsoniai.s. ■";—;"" " j^„ ctrndi-iute 
 
 id New M.arket wards in the City of Ph.ladel- 
 nia " In tins district, the Jackson .-k-ctoral 
 :ket will have a majorily of at lea.st .SOO. 
 
 The SerjTnd Dislrid, composed of " Locust, 
 
 ock, Walnut, Chesnut. High, M.d.Ue, South 
 •„r.hMu1b"rrv, South Mnlh-m'. North. TIppo. 
 
 cMion: Bum:,' estimate concede* th.» diK 
 
 trict to Jnck^on. • , „r,,,»,-roiiii- 
 
 Thc Fiirhlh District, composed or U^ecot. -^ 
 
 ties ..f Bucks. Noithampton, ••h.'-J'* ^^'^'^''^a 
 now represente:! by .'^amucl », /"K'';'.%^^- 
 ,.. 11- I'Um.- \\.\\\\ic rc-<'l<cliu Dj .» »i-» » 
 George A\ o ■ ^ ''^>., V, ^nM th- J .rfc.on «:lec 
 
460 
 
 tia^^jiit 111 i.ie uieo viho iju^e biougiil Ua to tids 
 perilous condition.' And ag-ain: — ' Resolved, 
 tiiat representatives be chosen in the several 
 counties, discreet vnen, tViends of peace. Th.ese 
 reprcsentitives can cofrcsOond or confer with 
 <:ach otlier, and r.o oprraUiuii h Ihe fr'etids ofpfftce 
 ia our fia/rr iSlriiif, in devising iind pursiiin;^; 
 such constitutional measures as maf secure our 
 iiidepeniience anil preserve our Union, boiii of 
 which arv- end:ingered by the present war.'" 
 ^ Youranswerto the coinpluininjj anddi:;sD.ti:;- 
 xicd republicuus may be iniajvinetl. 
 
 " I profess to be governed by tlie us:'ge.i of 
 ti'^ Republican parfy, and I am not coiv-cious of 
 departing' frooi them. I have appoii)te,d no Fe- 
 denilist to ofEce. i liave extended the piitron- 
 »^e of the government only to tho.se of the true 
 faith. Gov. Clinton wa.? a Republican by bivlli 
 mid education — lie was never eyen called a !"e- 
 drrdist. lic has dlirereJ in some of his opin- 
 ions from some of the Republican.?. Wiiat tlicii'' 
 Have not^r, the Chief of the Hepu!)lican party, 
 ditlered from that dii>tin^ui;ihed leader of the 
 "SVeslern Republicans, A5r. Tlay? It was only 
 a tcrnporary ditlcrence: — it has'beSn easiiv and 
 ^-ppily reconciled. 1 mean to harmonize, tl-.e 
 l?ep;iblica;i parts', aiid to efl'ect jin union as Firm, 
 sim;ere and invincible as that wlsicli e.\i.3ted ii> 
 1801, when we prostrated tiie aristocracv and 
 terminated the reig-n of tcrrm-. 1 nicsn tn re- 
 store the g'oiious drys of .le/Terson. Can it be 
 rupposed that { lir.ve been licevlies.i of my fa- 
 ther's precepts.^ You know with v/hat z&J he 
 labored to prostrate that moivstrou:? system 
 vhicii was sustained by alien an.l be(hlio?i^awa. 
 — In that (,dur ous undertaki»!c Gov. Clinton 
 vasa fellow laborer, and you might as vrei! un- 
 *lcrtaketo impeach the repuhlic.-.n principle of 
 my tathcr or myself, a;; ot' l)e Wilt Ciinton. 
 
 "Mr. Ilin^ ha."; been chosen ahno.-it unani- 
 mously by the Rejjubiicans c+'Kew York a Sen- 
 a.tcr of the United Slater: his patriot; ;n iias been 
 proved by the very lio:iora!>!e certificate of Vice 
 Fresident Tompkins; hi.s sona Iiave {,'-iveu irrc- 
 f r:ij:able proofs of their conjidete de\ otion to the 
 repvd)Ilcan p:irty, and have -ro f,.r thrown o(F 
 their early ari.stocratic notions as even t.>, assume 
 the name of "people's men" and to discard tho 
 ]M:<)ud iobririui* of "pinks of cliivahy." The 
 f'nher was particularly patronized by Mr. Van 
 ]]'iren and received from hiu\les.ians in p<.>Iitlcal 
 science and repubHcim policy. Can you doubl 
 Ills republicanism when you exan-.ine liis eon- 
 duct rctlative to the ap|)o:ntuient of deputy 
 Vost-mahter at Albany ? bolomo'j Van Ilenssc- 
 laer had .some claims on pt)pular gratitude,— his 
 blood hud often flowed in hi.s country's battles. 
 — but !ic was a federalist. It was on this occa- 
 iiontliat the republican jjrinciplcs of" Mr. K'n.if 
 v/crc disjdayed in u far nioi-e sttikinc;' iT)anner 
 tban tho.se of .Mr. Van I3uren. Tlu; latter was 
 neither the jiohlicul nor per.sim.il friend of Sol, 
 ^■an Rensselaer, and had Incui'rcil no obligations 
 cillier for acts of frlendsiiip or 'political support 
 — Sol. Van Rensselaer liad been the zealous po- 
 litical friend of Mr. Kin^^ but the latter faithful 
 t(j the republicui parly, abandon-d his friend! 
 (an you have a stronij-..'r proof of devotion than 
 ^\us} There were otiier advantages seemed to . 
 riie republican parly by tliis appointment : — Mr. 
 .lohn A. Ivin.i;- 1 itely a repuljl.can assemldy-maii 
 of the State of N. York, a grave, wise, deep-read 
 nfu'. clr'Tvev.t civilian, <-^nde>ce:-,ded to act in 
 
 the humble ca^iicJiy at beCl'«:iar\' to his is^ 
 with the 'Aitfit of a Charge only!" 
 
 "It is impo.ssible to suppose that the 
 " .Tonathan Dickinson Sergeant, who put 
 self at the head of the republicans" in '98,. I 
 republican.^ who in the slanderous nomc 
 ture of the Federalism of th.it d;\y wcrestyl 
 " mob,")could ever have been a Feder 
 He scorns their n;une and as,sociution. Althc 
 at the late election in Philadelphia he rece 
 four-fifths of his votes from tliem, and lhe( 
 tion was in their hand:?, yet, with that sten 
 dependence for which he is so much di.sting-i 
 ed, lie contented liimself with the sol-d ad^ 
 tage of their votes, aftd nobly refused their 
 dered nomination, which he gracio.islv 
 grateful'v accepted from Capt. Jones, Jc 
 Diuns, and Markley!" 
 
 "After making tlicss appointments }bu l 
 came frightened even at the gentle mujn, 
 of the republi:t;an papers. You stopp 
 ciice. Vou withdrew your oftered hand , o 
 tiie Federalists. The stream of your b' 
 a;<'ain chilled into ice. You threw tliem <■ 
 The pledge was violated. The Federal. .~i 
 wiihout realizing a'solitary I'avor, v/erc again !e 
 to chci'isli iio'pe,aad experience (Hsai^point: 
 and to prove the sincerity of jourdcn.ocr.-'r. 
 the Pennsylvanian.'!, Albert Gallatin was sfl| 
 fb the court of St. .fames'! Vain are the hop| 
 of the Fcderalis's. Mr. Warneld will ncvi 
 surmount the Ar.des. Mr. "\VeI)ster will nev) 
 A-Vjit Eiiglai-.d as your plenipotentiarv. Y<ii 
 dare not appoint iiirn. You wait a rc-clcctioi 
 lie may hive occasion to call hp hia rccullc< 
 tions of Shakspeare — ■ 
 
 " There is a tide in the affairs of men^ 
 AYhich, taken at its flood, Iciids on to fortutij 
 Keglccled, all is lost." |' 
 
 V/iicn you was put to the test — whcji th 
 real Fedeialisls were recommended for jud 
 cial offices in which purty character is not ger 
 crally so nuich leg-aiikd — wlien Richard Slocl 
 ton, (acknowledged by all to have been th 
 first jurist in New Jersey,) was a candidal 
 for the t.fFice of District Judge in that Stat 
 and received the undi\i<led .support of the F'eci 
 erali.sts, and no one ventured to deny his cm. 
 ncnt quuhiicaiiynS, he was rejected, bccaus 
 his character as a Ft-deiulist was unequivocai 
 and the oflrcc was given to the Saddler. Whe 
 the same ollice became vac int in the north'di.' 
 trlctofNow York, were the Federalists con 
 suited as to the appointmeni of a successor 
 Was not the reCQmmt ndation of Gov.'clinto: 
 of itself snfticicit to secure the appointment c 
 Mr. Conkliu'' The duty again devolved uijoi 
 you to supply another vacancy in this State 
 But a few months had intervened since the ap 
 pointment of Mr. Conklin, and yet the interes 
 of Gov. Clinton was gone. The seven reyiub 
 lican representatives in Corrgrcss from this Slate 
 once contemned and de&pise<l us liuckt.ails 
 were considered t!ie real represeritatives of tin 
 greyt republican part) — their recorumendation 
 jiad been unnoticed and neglected — they wen 
 suddenly invited, courted and coaxed to recom 
 mend a new judge. After experiencing one win 
 tcr of slight ?c neglect, they were remunerated Ir 
 another of flattery and caresses, and t!ie Fede 
 ralists and Cliiitonians experienced a.vicis.situd< 
 in cfrirr^iitvo;-, and fout;u ihcnis'-hics i'l a nc 
 
4(n 
 
 U^>ih.W 
 
 A'! election ii:\'J iiitcrvfMed, nnii the snciate, tlio:r.sc-lvcs u-ita Agg-, U'lini unci ilift 
 
 ai! or llepublicun party hadj^'Hincd both Kickapoo^ If ^hedeliiMoii sIsouUl bo (lissipatedj 
 
 les oi'the Stite I.e;;-i!.lat!ire, the Lieuten- if tliey slioiild uhanciOii tlie spor.tatc and fty 
 
 ovcriior, and a nia)ority in the viational from dishonor; if Ihcy sho:il,! rally ronnd some 
 
 of Kepreseiitativps. Tiiis change in the veteran who liad served Jhe:n faithfully an^ 
 
 Slate" produced a corresponding chanf^'c truly, in prospcr^^y and ailversity, and give an 
 
 ing-s and opinions at Wasliing'!.on. The lionnrabl' support to an lionoralde man, they 
 
 iican members d:-c!iiied to reonimend a nvg'htpulldowDthepillarsof youriiltonstrurteu 
 
 The claim of Ciiancellor Kent was 
 rted by the Clintoniana and F<'derallsts5 
 reat zeal and earnestness. The repuldi- 
 ulniitted that tlie Chancellor was possess- 
 the higliCfit qu.<ri{!cations that he was 
 tent to the duties of any jndiciid oiTice, 
 s integ'rity was incorruptible, andhischa- 
 vitho'.it stain or blemish; but so great was 
 w-born attachn:enttothcI>uckta-l'--,thulthe 
 laiiP.s oftiiis eminent and illustrious lawyer 
 (isregardcd.and the ofiice wasbestowedon 
 etts, much his junior invcarsand abiiitief?. 
 
 temple an! bury you in its ruins IJettn-, far bet- 
 ter to hazard tl.eir p'uitical existence n\arig-hl- 
 eous efibrt than to live dishonored. 
 
 ■O'-.e would thirdc tiiat the monument whi'^li 
 fcdt^ral gratitude has reared to h*. nor the memo- 
 ry of Ilamiiton in Trinity (Jiiurch yard, would 
 fall ap;irt wlien federahsts s.lia!l nK)\e along-^ 
 ISroadway, to sv/e!l the train and t!;e triumph of 
 one who imaged him while living, and reviled 
 him when dead. One v.-o-.^Jd think thatthc. 
 siiadowy form of Fislier Ames would come forth 
 from the tomb, and if a blush could redden on 
 i vacillating; courtsliip of the partie.s which the pallid check of a di'sembodied spirit, his 
 ilternately predominated in this Stnte, you y.'ould frive one indignant sign of vir:<l.'v when 
 tisregarded and neglected the h'':'hest in- 1;;. witnessed the throng who now follow yonr 
 of the nation, and have rejected jurists chariot wheelss throuf^h the streets of Hoston, 
 ■jally acknowledged to possess ihe most iak;r,a. your dust, shouting your praises, and 
 it qualifications to secure objects person- j-evelliu-g in the exuberance of their loyaltyj^ 
 selfish. aiid who once,,in tlie agoni/.cd ijitterms-* «t 
 
 what a miserable situjiticn ha-/e the once their grief, iia.l poured out r.t his grave the tcars^ 
 f^leralists degraded themselves? T!ie of the heart! — And is this ihe sad condition of 
 lists, widiout whone aid you never could human nature? Are thenrL'est and mos'. gcne» 
 each.ed the Tresidenc)', without ft-hose reus affections to be suffered for ever t'l run to 
 )u cannqt lf<i su;i<ained, are the Helots of v.'aste in sei;seless and headlong loyalty? The 
 larty. One would thinkthat yonr o\vn ii 
 
 s, to which you are al'.vaj's sensitive, woidd 
 
 e yoM to treat them with more considera- 
 
 ■\V'ithhout them, you rovdd not even siunv 
 
 gmeslofa party, and yet you have not 
 
 l.lslory of the federalists was vvritu-n long ago, 
 The English Jacobites roused from the slumlierS. 
 of half "a century, to follow t!te son <!f the he- 
 red; tvv^ monarch; those who shared h.is pnsou 
 .-..ther than desert him, were spumed from h'.s 
 
 lirit to acknowledge the "existing connex- presence and treated with iv:suit ; their cour.cls 
 Ithough every onej^erceives it. Devoted v^ere betrayed to the Elector nf Hanover; theiv 
 I (with few exceptions) having amongst j.ves were in constant dangerfrom the treachery 
 men of ti)e first grade nf talent, of the of the time--=ervers and fipostates, to whom alone 
 genius, of tlie iiighcst capacitv to serve }-,e gave his confidence. He overlooked tho 
 tition in great afHurs, thcv, like the Jews «-..;^->-i fidelitv of those v.- ho surved him fr-^^ p^" 
 
 tachment, and gave the mtmagement ot );.^ s..- 
 f..ir.<j to hiH enemies. Kven his Secretary wai 
 the pensioned agent of King George. /'<-'/'«'.'^ 
 htfi utrms; I'wf^" iv!llrmo"ri,'. ivnd permitted ni? 
 most fiiitiiful feilo wcr:; to beg • 
 
 And is the parallel to be comjdeted? Arrt 
 );; it sicl'ci'.a the heart" to see this lofty ^^^ ill-f^tcil federalists doomed to iin 1 theiv 
 , who opptjsed and defied for more than g,^p^.ty |,j' their insignificance, r.nd to receivf^ 
 ■' ■ ' " ■ -" '"" immunity fvom the contemnUipus pirv-, rathe t» 
 
 than from the magnanimous admintjon ot gene- 
 rous enemies? Are they satisfied to crpui-amal^. 
 their fortun<-s with the fortune. »'7«'',» V'""^ 
 Ad'ams, and without ary~iuinord>lo d.r.tM.ct:on 
 
 ipi, have no consolation but in the hope 
 promised land. They feel the neglect, 
 liate and scorn while they serve you. In 
 t corners amongst their.iselves the outpour- 
 :f their iieaV's discover their burning sense 
 siiame of ilieir deirradation. 
 
 to act a3 the memaU rf a beilr^h spoliate, to 
 serve in his ranks without commanrt, not to 
 fh ire t!)c honors and the advuuta;-;es of t!<.e vie- 
 
 ind (Iis;i»lcr5 OS th'- 
 ; Dfy<"l. 
 CATUTJ.''-- 
 
 years the mo<it powerful and jjopular 
 
 rlent^j^ whose aspirations were of no hum- 
 
 ;!iaracter: whose prc'.tci beast was tVmt in 
 
 ranks were embodied tlu"' wealth, talent 
 
 hiva'ry of tl'.e nation; who comj^roni'sed 
 
 rinciplf's, insensible alilc? to j.-ersuas'on, 
 and ambition; who, like the fiVe-vor- 
 
 lers of Persia, continued to cherish tlje sa- _^^^ _^ 
 
 flame, and worshipped as their fathci-s had ^^'.^^i butot;iy the disgrace and (lis;i»l 
 
 )it)pcd. Ves, — it does sicken the heart ^^{^^i^} ffrrc I t'ike '"/ J^"'"' ^' '^'"V'^'' 
 
 to see them cowering to the craven, and ' O.'VK} 
 
 ug the apostate! It <I-)es s'cken the heart 
 
 ■ tiiem bending in lowly reverence before , 
 
 lonored-man; satisfied to i-i^- the mute ou A ■n.m.pcr.-.Mr. Solomon Clarke, of W.» 
 >famc stage where they once "enacted the ville, happenhi'^, in I.eNmg'on a slr-rt tim« 
 i of l-.eroes;" drxily discovering by scm? new since, wa« introtluced to I lonvy c.«y, n* i-o o.i« 
 i!feionstrous assoGiation an increr.sing abaso- costed him to thw eficct: «'Irny, X r. rmrM. 
 1 of character, and a wider departure front in c»'^e oi" Gen. Jackson d ele.l.on. what ohuxs 
 1 r.-.b!e pride; finding in tiic lowe.v depth of v.-ill he cor/euipon Col. Uc.uUm ond his inen. 
 V derridution a deep still lower. Car. it be Tom Moore >" •« Oener:.! .lackson m nr>t m th 
 » ibie that great and renowned men, ^nen of habit of ,naldn-u,i>pomlmenh foojpr^ /">- <> 
 ;, n^in-ls o^-d of honnrsh!^ r.l:arfirtV?> ran a?- rhfionr' r^U\vn<'(\ Ci;»rke.— ^tw. fl"'' 
 
10& 
 
 eiuve, and iiuiUted Lib dusi. ^o :,ncient re- 
 minvscences allayed the vindictiveness of your 
 «« posthumous" resentments. Your unsparing 
 malice induced you to represent the eloquent 
 '-ffusions of his matcliles.'-; pen as the outpour- 
 ing's of infuriated insanity ! \V lien that tongue 
 was mute which had infi'ienced a sen-ate and 
 animated a nation— when that hand was cold 
 which had written volumes of pol.tical wisdom 
 
 yo 1 ventured on the ungracious deed, ami 
 
 dared witit audacious revihiigs to iiisidt one 
 when dead, from wliom, when living, you would 
 have shrunk as from a thunderbolt— whose in- 
 dignation would have withered you into no- 
 thing, or left ) ou as a blasted monument or the 
 avengino- power of genius! But you was safe- 
 no Ames remained— the pang was inflicted on 
 an unhappy widow and giievlng orphans. Al- 
 though floods of tears had fallen on h:s cofhn— 
 although kindred genius had poured forLli its 
 elegiac eloquence, and men were proud who 
 had grasped his living hand in friendship— no 
 avenger appeared, and you were left unmolest- 
 ed to the gratification of your miserable revenge 
 on the federalists, fiy assailing the meniory of a 
 man, whom they had uonore-d as a leader when 
 Irving, and lamented when dead. 
 
 '« Vou received your reward, and went 
 through a course of European diplomacy, with 
 outfi's and salaries, and the payment for jour- 
 nics actual and journies constructive, and many 
 other contingencies, which fill the purse and 
 lessen the honor. You returned Secretary of 
 State, and was placed In the Una of " safe pre- 
 cedents." What fcderalLst experienced your fa- 
 vor or shared your patronage? Some govern- 
 ment printing, indeed, was given to Jlr. Ku".- 
 sell, of the Uoston Centlnel: but even in that 
 paltry appointment the prevading selfishness of 
 vourchaructc-r was still apparent. Mr. Russell 
 was a trusted and influential personage with tlie 
 federalists of Massachusetts, and there that par- 
 ty was yet predominant. Without Massachu- 
 setts," small indeed was your chance of gaining 
 the Presidency. — But when their ascendancy 
 had terminated, tiic democratic papers in your 
 interest, to give more eflect to their invectives, 
 ii\troduced your opinions. Traitors and tories 
 were the mildest terms in the catalogue of vitu- 
 perative epithets, which spared not even Mr. 
 Crawford, who was accused of cherishing some 
 liberal feelings towards men wiio were so un- 
 fortunate as to bear the name of federalists, and 
 to be in a miiu)rlty; and it was proudly pro- 
 claimed, in all your papers, that there was none 
 who held the federalists in more scorn and con- 
 t.Mnpt than vou. 
 
 "Hut at length the federalists, contemned 
 and despised for so many years, became like the 
 Coss.<c» to Napoleon, " important from circum- 
 stances." The clfction of President devolved 
 upon the House of ll.presentatives. The votes 
 of four States were in their hands. Massachu- 
 setts and Delaware were repiesentcd by federa- 
 lists, and they controlled New-York and Mary- 
 land, — they could have neutr.dlzed New York, 
 —they could have given to Gen. Jackson the 
 vote of Maryland- l hree of Uiese Slates were 
 to be gained lo secure your election. It does 
 not require the ds'-crnment of:4 De Ketz or a 
 Uichtl.eu to understand the arts by which you 
 -cured the I'rcsidency. 
 •Th>' lid vi'nl^traiion p;vrty lK«-e been uncom- 
 
 monly sc!i::Jtive ai the bhghtcst impulalM} 
 having gained that election by bargains, s»\ 
 (inderstandings, or promises of favor. Mr. ^ 
 hi made speeches without number, and 
 written books to prove his innocence of 
 chargei-. He has ransacked the United S' 
 for witnesses. He has excited the hono 
 sympathy of Chief Justice Marshall. Hi 
 put forth the most solemn decla;mci-s. H 
 denied the cha-ge so earnestly and so luUig 
 Iv, that it is apparent that he considers i 
 tabllshment and verification by mcontrove: 
 proof as the ruin of his reputation, and th 
 structlon of his prospects. If innocent, th 
 feet to clear himself of the imputation is ho 
 blc to his character. But can Mr. Adam; 
 that he never endeavored to secure vote 
 promises of favor' Can he say that on thi: 
 icct he had no communication with Mr. 
 ster? If Mr. Clay has exculpated himsel 
 charge still remains good against Mi'. A< 
 It was just as censurable in the latier ba 
 with the federalists to secure pergonal ad\ 
 ges, as it was to bargam with Mr. Clay. I h. 
 ties who had knowledge of ihls transaction 
 been named in the public papei-s. Mr. t 
 denies his participation, and well he migtit 
 W^ebster would never have trusted Bailey 
 negotiation of this character. But will M: 
 
 Lane and Mr. Hopklns«m deny it ' Has n'; 
 
 Walsh admitted and justified it.' Has Mr. 
 
 ster denied it? Howstauds the fact' Att. 
 
 Representatives of Kentucky, Ohio, Illinois 
 
 souri and Louisiana (all which Statea had 
 
 their electoral votes against youjh.ad been . 
 
 ed, your success was still doubtful withoi 
 
 federalists. Ten of the thirteen represent; 
 
 of Massachusetts were federalists, and sev 
 
 them at leasts uncommitted. Mr. M i^ai 
 
 presented Delaware, Gen. Van Rensselaer(f 
 
 erin-law of the illustrious Hamilton) whos. 
 
 tilitv to you was well kno-vn, and Mr. Wa 
 
 equally hoslile,could neutralize and comr- 
 
 vo'esof New Yo:k and Maryland:— both h 
 
 peatcdly and publicly said that they pre! 
 
 either of the candidates to you:— you had 
 
 cd six of the nine AVestein States, and your 
 
 pects were good if you could gam the fc 
 
 ists. In this "pinch of tiie g:une" (accc 
 
 to the current report ) appearc.l Mr. \Ve 
 
 He discerned t'ne crisi.s, and determined tl 
 
 importance should not be lost to his fn 
 
 He was uncommitted. He had refuse^ to p 
 
 himself to your support, and took tiie haz 
 
 an election (even in Boston) without co 
 
 meat, and he had been opposed by ihe 
 
 whi h required pledges in your lavor. 
 
 decided and manly course had s-eured to 
 
 powerful influence over the i-cmnant of th 
 
 eralists, and it was with no small pride tlia 
 
 beheld a man of the most commanding t 
 
 willing to sh:ire their humble ftrtune.s, ai 
 
 wear the badge of a powerless party. 
 
 " You commenced a negotiation witl 
 Webster. (1 f<llow the uncontradicted 
 tion of the public papers.) You commer 
 negotiation with .Mr. Webster. He kne 
 nun. He trusted nothing to words; ai 
 though he received the sirong.st assui 
 from you, that if you were the Presiden 
 proscription sliould be removed from the 
 ral parto', and that tiuaUfications and moral 
 wou3 J l>e the on'.v test with yon, and that 
 
151' 
 
 names should no longer be aa objccliou lo cor*!- 
 pfetent men, ~yei, he preferred a written vouch- 
 er to a treacherous memory. He embodied 
 your assurances in a letter to a party friend, 
 intenduig, doubtless, that the pled<^e should re- 
 main with the pei-son. He submitted the lette* 
 to your inspection. He foresaw ti\at if a mis'iu- 
 der>tiinding' should arise as to the terms, the 
 
 idence could be produced. If you deni<-d 
 ithe fact, you would put your veracity in compe- 
 tition with. N.is, and ;n tiiat trial as to the weii^-ht ' 
 of credibility, he wellknew the advantage of a 
 good character. Bat you savtd him from this - 
 contingency. In your eagerne«s to secure the 
 id, you gave %vith your own pen a morj' deci- 
 ded character to the " words of the pi'omise." 
 
 " With this " written pledge" thus sanction- 
 id by yourself, the deep rooted prejudices of 
 the Federalists were overcome: —their wound- 
 ed feelinvjs were soothed; — their firm detcrmi- 
 lations were abandoned, and their open decla- 
 rations falsified; and although the high-souled 
 listened not to tiie voice of the tempter, yet the 
 deep-rooted prejudices of Gen. Van Rensselaer 
 and Mr. Warfield were removed, their stern 
 hostility was molified; in an unfortunate moment 
 they yielded to a delusion, and were found in a 
 r.very whicli they had scorned. 
 
 *' You who had practised every art to gain the 
 electoral votes, whose papers had been fdled 
 with p'edgcs of your scorn and hatred of the 
 federalists, you could seek their support, when 
 necessary, by counter pledges! You wlio have 
 won your way to the chair by •'doubling on 
 your track," anJ with a temper vindictive even 
 to the di*ad, (for this object) associate yourself 
 on terms of apparent friendslnp with your most 
 deadly l:vl,ig enemy, and so far soften the sullen 
 obstinacy of your nature as to become tlie pliant 
 instniment of your ms^st hated rival — you who 
 have " moved heaven and earth to carry your 
 point," and gain tlie presidency, iiad then the 
 bold hypocrisy to declare to the representatives 
 of the American people, that if "your refusal" 
 to accept that office would ." give an immediate 
 opportunity to the people to form and express, 
 with a nearer approach to unanimity, the object 
 of t.ieir picfercnce," you " would not hcsita'e 
 XodecHnc the acceptance of thatcmincnt charge, 
 and submit the decision of that momentous ques- 
 tion again to their determination." How forci- 
 bly does this briitg to recollecion an observa- 
 tion of VVhitaker in his masterly Vindication of 
 Mary — <' An habitual hypocrisy frequently be- 
 trays its(df, by eserci-singits powers where they 
 lire totally unnecessary, by a wanton d splay of 
 its deceptions, and by an inperlinent affectation 
 of scrupulosity >" Kevcr was observation more 
 applicable. 
 
 Your muugural speech contained the procla- 
 mation of amnesty. You told the federal |)iuty- 
 you told the world "there still remained one 
 effort of magnanimity, one sacrifice of preju'lice 
 -and passion, tube made by individuals through- 
 out the nation, who have heretofore followed 
 the standards of political party — tRat of discard- 
 ing evciy remnant of rancor against ei.ch otner; 
 of embracing rs countrymen an:l friends, and of 
 Yielding to talents and virtue alone, that confi- 
 dence which, in times of contfMition for princi- 
 ple, was beitowcd only upon those w!io bore 
 [■hcbadge of party comnmnion." 
 p ** This. declaration thtt.s solemnly made in th". 
 
 presence of au a:>.seuibied naiiou, revivca w 
 hopes of the desponding Federalists, and 
 glimpses of light began lo break in on the 
 darkness of tlwir prospects. They embraced 
 your cause with zeal, and were once more ral- 
 lied under the banner of an Adams. 
 
 " You selected your cal/met. No Federalist 
 wa;s invite. 1 lo aid in your councils — some sur- 
 prise was manife.sted: many h.id s-upposcd that 
 the distingu'shf-d character wlio had rendered 
 Such important services, and to wliom you owed 
 the presidency, would have been called to a 
 seat in your cabinet, for he certainly was com- 
 petent to the duties of any office; but as he did 
 not complain, liis party were silent. Soon after 
 the mission to St. James' was offered to the late 
 Gov. Clinton: he declined. The same appoint- 
 ment was offered to Mr. (vufus King, wliich he 
 iccepted. Mr. Sergeant w:is s.-nt to Panama, 
 and no other appointracius to offices of any im- 
 portance have l)een made of any to whom Fed 
 eralism could with any colorable pretence be 
 imputed. A very clever political manager 
 somet mes oven-eaches himself. Should the 
 Federalists require the fulfilment of tUe pleiJge, 
 and complain of negk-ct, your answer was ready. 
 I have offered to Gov. Clinton the appointment 
 to an office of the first import;ince: this is con- 
 clusive evidence oT my regard to the claims of 
 your party. This honorable notice of a man 
 who has been your candidate for the office of 
 Governor of New York — who ha3 received 
 your unanimous support when a candidate for 
 the President's office — cannot fail of being sat- 
 isfa.-tory to you. Gov. Clinton's refusal gave 
 m2 the opportunity of appointing Mr. Ktng to 
 the same ofiicc. Tliis gentleman has been your 
 candidate for the ofiice of Governor of the 
 State of New York ag.iiust Vice-President 
 Tompkins. Tlie Federalists of Philadelphia 
 }>j- repeated elections have manifested their 
 confidence in tlie talents and integrltv of Mr, 
 Sergeant." CATULLUS 
 
 Fromtlic New- York Lvcning Post. 
 CATULLUS.— No. V. 
 
 The conduct of John Qtixcr Adams consider- 
 ed, in his relations, political and moral, to 
 wards the Fidluai. Pauty. 
 S::ntr address amcluded. — "If some veteran 
 republican had atUlrcssed you in the language 
 of cf)mplaint and remonstrance, and had press- 
 ed his inquiries and remarks in a style like 
 this — " Y"U profess to be a member of the re 
 p iblican party, and liiendly to our usages 
 How could you viohite your party obligations, 
 and depart from tliosc usages, by ofiering iiigh 
 offices to Governor Clinton, Mr. King, and Mr. 
 Sergtant' .Mr. King may he r;'.-pected by his 
 friends — he must be obnoxious to us. Can 
 vou suppose that we would tolerate the man 
 who reported to a federal meeting, shortly 
 idler the commencement of li)e last war, resolu- 
 tions in substance like these'— -' We are irre- 
 sist'bly drawn to the conclusion that tin- Ameri- 
 can people will, itnder th»; name and form of 
 an alliance, be submitted lo the will and power 
 of the French I^mpcror. In this view of X\\( 
 Kul/ject, th'^ question of peace or v.ar involves 
 all that is dear and valuable to man on titis sid'. 
 the grave. Wc are therefore under lli«. 
 •lire necessity of declaring that wr^ havft ti<>co|i' 
 
 -^J»' 
 
401 
 
 roriil ticJcet v.lil get a majority of upwards of 
 
 r.bo'o. 
 
 The Ivinfh Diftrict, composed of " the coiiii- 
 tics of Union, Nortlmrnherlivrid, Cohiml/ia, I.u- 
 Zjerne, Susquehannn, )?rndfor(1, J.\coiuing', Ti- 
 o^a, i'ottcr and M'iveaii" 'I'iii-i district is now 
 rejif-sented Ijy Gen. Sumud itl! KiXu, Genrgc 
 Krennr, and Esp;/ Ftmhom. The ticUet has 
 not yet been ai^rerd upon, tjut no pei-son can be 
 chosen m that distrlrt, un!c-ss he vs friendly to 
 the election of the Farmer of Tennessee. The 
 fnajority at the electoral election will he very 
 ^^rcut. The cenlral committee estimate it at up- 
 wards of 7UQ0. It is worthy of rcvnark, that in 
 this di.^trict, the administration party do not tiik 
 n\' putting an Adams man in ikt fuld for Con- 
 
 The Tr'nth Dislnc!, composed of" the county 
 of Yorli-," Dr. .iMjin ICri^, tlie present .lacic- 
 son represent;it;ve, \<\\\ h<i redcded. The ma- 
 jority for the Jackson electoral ticket will be 
 large — yet Hiniig claims for the administration a 
 2n.»jor-ty of 300. 
 
 The Eleventh Distncf, composed of the coun- 
 ties of "A^lams, Frar,'.di.), Cii-nhcrl-ind, and Per 
 ry" new represented by >Fm. liumsct/, of Cum- 
 berland, ai-id ./.tmes Wtlsnn, of Adams. Mr. 
 Jfamsay is for .lackson, an! Mr."^ Wilson for Ad- 
 urns. In consequence of his goinjj for the ad- 
 ministratton, Mr. Wilson will be left at home. 
 The ticket has not yet been srtlle^i; Mr. Rum- 
 sey will be one of tiie candidatt s, and will be 
 re-elected. The Jack.son ciectoial ticket will 
 succeed by a nnrority of 2500. 
 
 The Tivclflh District, composed of the coun- 
 X\ci: of '« Huntingdon, JLffiin, Ceijtre, afld 
 Oleariield," now represented by John Mitchelly 
 a friend of Jackson. I1.,m-c a Jackson man be- 
 yond a doubt will be elected. The Jackson 
 ■dec^oral ticket will succeed by a n^jority of 
 iV-om twenty-fou- to twenty-seven hundred." l;i 
 ihis district no Adams candidate v/ill b.c no'T>i- 
 fi.ited for. congress. Itinns' estimate admits 
 ijluit Ji.cks.jn will ha-.-e a m -jority. 
 
 The Thirttenth District, composed oC the 
 "•• cbuntler, of IJedford, Somerset, and Cambr'a," 
 represented by Chaunrxij Forwird, a Juckso- 
 iiJan. I'hc Jackson ele;:toral ticktt here w^ili 
 set upwr-rds of 3000 r.-njority. No opposition 
 f>y the administrailoM. ninns' estimate g^ives 
 this d-.strict aLo to Jar.:ks(i!i. 
 
 The Fourtcentk JJi:;ln'rf, compmcd cf^th"" 
 COimties of Fayette an ! fireenc," represented 
 l;yAndrcfv Siciiyirt, an A '.1ms man. l$mns s.iys 
 wc wdl g'-.t a majority in t!;c district. We s':k 
 'yS'jO »n:iiorit\'. 
 
 The I'iftienth Dlxlrlct, composed of " Wasli- 
 ington county." now represented be Jb«. Law- 
 7e)7Cf, an Adams man. Our majority for die 
 olectoral ticket will be about 2000'. liiniis 
 
 admits by his estimate that we will get a nvijor- 
 j>yl)ere. ' 
 
 ^ Xhe i7x/ffrjA'< /^/Vac.', composed of the coun- 
 .Ces. of Allegheny, Beaver, Dutlor, and .\i m- 
 f Cron;^, now repivsented by Juntos S. tSfennson 
 and liol/trt Orr. We ci.iim a majoriiy for the 
 Jack.son electoral ticket of 2;iOO. 'Ttieadmiius 
 tratioii mm havi; only d.tred to p.ut one Con- 
 gresMonal candidate in the field — thret; out of 
 llic four eandidutes running for (Jongrcssbeiog 
 foT Jackson- 
 
 The Hn-r.ntienlh JXsl-icf, composed df ' the 
 •"■^•intiesof Westmoreland, J id-nna, «rA JefTi-r- 
 
 son,' now represented by lUcnctrd Coifiio j 
 friendly to Jackson; the admini.stiation men 
 have not ventured to nominate a candidate in 
 opposition to Mr. Coulter. Our majority for 
 tjie electoral ticket will be 2500. Binns aka 
 concedes this district to Jackson by his calcula- 
 ti >n. 
 
 The Eiff.'tleaith District, composed of 'the 
 cour.ties of Erie, Crawford, Mercer, Warreu, 
 and Venango,' now represente<l by S^e]ifuii 
 Barlo-iv. We will have a iar^c majority ui this 
 district in favor of our electoral ticket. 
 
 We have prepar.'d Uiis estimate with grca*. 
 cr'.re, that our friends nhrcad, as well as : 
 home, may learn the roal stremjth of Gc/. 
 Jackson in this State. . . 1 
 
 In m.iny of. I he congressional distrlclSj it will 1 
 be i)erc(ive<l, that even Uinns, in h^s estimate^ j 
 of the vote o{ Pennsylvania, concedes that we 
 will liavc majorities for Jackson. It will a'oo 
 be perceived, tliat in many of the distr.cts, no 
 administratioa candidal es are likely to be put 
 in nomination, so overwhelming is the JaC'kso.i 
 vote in them. 
 
 In concludiiiif this ailicle, we request the ad 
 min.'stration echtors throughout tlie St:ite, :unil , 
 the Unio;», if tlicy please, to take notice of tliia ^ 
 opinion in relation to tlie ::pproac!ung congrcs- 1 
 sionul election in Penn.sylv.iuia. We ask it to 
 be recorded, as our opinion, tJiat at the congre 
 sional election in October, the administratic. 
 will ifct have a probable cfiance of carrying 
 more tJian two districts in this State, viz. ti>c 
 second an 1 fjurlit. In those districts, everv 
 inch of g-round will bt w anuly contestt- d ; and 
 such is the entlmsia^^ni of the friends of Jackson, 
 that it is confid'^ntly believed, by maMy of the 
 most inlcHigciit of our frieads, tha.t even ift 
 them our canHidates viil be elected. For our- 
 selves, we bdievc, that the chances arc, on tlie 
 whole, in fivour of the Jackson candid.ncs. 
 r.ut if \vc fail, it v.-ilf be by a very small vote :• 
 :\nd the administration will have but /uo dis.- " 
 tticts ont of eightecHi into which the State istFr-. 
 •lided. 
 
 Contempt tt)lc — The Mew- Vork National Advo- 
 cate, gives the i^amesoftlic menibers of th? le- 
 gislature of thi.s State, "opposed io a repeal of the, 
 electoral law." 'Mils "list," which cmbracesi 
 all the federal administration mei-nbei-s.and just 
 ciiouLjh of tlie rcjjublicar J:ickson meifibers to 
 make r.p a bare majority ir> bolli houses, the. 
 AdiVQcate pretends " lias been compiled out 
 \-Ih. much csrcl" Tliis is a very contemptible 
 avtlf.ce, quite worthy of its source, and very 
 much in tlic manner of Joh;; llinns and the Na- 
 tional lu'eUgencor. The design is to conve>' 
 the inipressio!»that .nil the members whose names. 
 ;irc hot inclmled in the "• li>t," ure in fuvor of;-, 
 repeal. Tlie N.ation.al Advocate is challenged 
 to nan^e a single Jackion member of eitl.cr. 
 branch of the Lgi.slature w!»o is tiof opposed to 
 a rep- al of the electoral lavt-. A good cauoC 
 can scarcely require th-: aid of such tricks: An;l 
 thcv accelerate the dowiddll course of a bad 
 AUinni/ Argus. 
 
 caus^ 
 
 Sliik tj t/our Ciindidute. — A Jackson and an 
 Adams mA.i> inet the other day — '« Hurra for 
 JacL^un," xaid Uie first. " Hurra for the Devil," 
 saidtht sprmkv co:Uilionist — " Very well," v- 
 torted the .'acksonian, "you "tick to your t 
 didate, and I'll stick to rri\n(y.'' —E'npnriuTti 
 
UNITED S^rATBS^ TELEGRAPH— £^w^, 
 
 Tjiis paper will be devoted exclusively to the Presidential Eleclion, and be publiaJied weekly 
 until the loth of October next, for One Dollar; subject to newspaper poilagc^ aiy iti.more 
 
 BY GREEN c^- J.2RVIS. 
 
 VOL. 1. 
 
 WASHINGTON, OCTOBER 4, 182S. 
 
 No. 30, 
 
 GEN. JACKSON AT NEW ORLEANS. before our readers the following- appropriate 
 
 Among- the attempts to destroy the ch;iracter ^^"^^ ^^^^^ vindication, from llie pen of the venij-- 
 
 Of Gen. Jacicson, made by the National Intclli- "tc'^ Jefferson: 
 
 g^encer, tiie publication of a letter v/ritten to Extract of a iMer from Mi: JeJ/asun to J(/f:ri 
 
 him by the Acting- Secretary of War, in tlie B. Volvin, Esq. 
 
 :^ring- of 1815, in reply to complaints from the « Xo proceed to the conspiracy of Burr, aiTvl 
 
 ihsafiected at New Orleans ,_anu the suppression particularly to Gen. Wilkinson's situation in 
 
 of his answer, is not tlie least remarkable. — 
 That letter speaks of complaints against Gen. 
 Jackson's exercise of military pon-'er, and at 
 the same time tliat it expresses the high confi- 
 dence of the President, (Mr. Madison,) calls 
 upon Gen. Jackson to communicate tlie reasons 
 ior his conduct. We say that the Intelligencer 
 h:is suppressed his answer: because it is not to 
 l)e believed that Mr. Madison would have re- 
 tained him in command of the army, or that 
 Mr. Monroe Vvould have confcn-cd additional 
 offices upon Gen. Jackson, if lie had refused or 
 neglected to give a satisfactory answer to such 
 a letter. The files of the War Department are 
 open to the Editoi-s of the Intelligencer; they 
 
 New Orleans. In judging this case we are 
 bound to consider the state of the information, 
 correct and incorrect, whicli he then possessed 
 He exp -cted Burr aiid his band from above, a 
 IJritisn fleet from below, and he knew there 
 was« formidable conspiracy within the city — 
 Under these circumstances, was he justifiable; 
 1st. In seizing notorious conspirators- On this 
 there can be but two opinions: one of the guilty 
 and their accomphces: the other, that of :Ul hon- 
 est men. 2d. Sending them to the Seat of 
 Government, wlien the written law gave them 
 a rig-ht to trial in the Territory ' Tlie danger of 
 their rescue, of continuing tlie machinations, 
 the tardiness and weakness of the law, apathy 
 
 are closed against us. We do not laow that of llie Judges, active patronage of the whole 
 any letter from Gen. Jackson is on file. But tribe of lawyei-s, unknown dispositions of the 
 we are bound to presume thai: the letter of the jia-ies, an hourlv expectation of the enemy, sal- 
 Secretary of War was sathfadorily answered, Vatiou of the city, and of the Union iiboll, which 
 otherwise it would have been the duty of the would have been convulsed to its centre, had 
 President to have ordered the arrest and trial ti,at conspiracy succeeded, all these constituted 
 of Ger.. Jackson. Instead of which, all know ^^ j^w of necessity and self preservation, and 
 tLat he was a favorite of VIr. Madison's and also rendered the salus populi supreme over tht- 
 
 of Mr. Monroe's administration. 
 
 Mr. Adams himself, long after this, -said of 
 him, that he was 
 
 " An officer, whose services entitle him to 
 ilie highest rewards, and whose wiiolc career 
 has been signalized by the purest intentions and 
 the most elevated purposes." 
 
 The Editors of the Intelligencer know, that 
 that letter was prepared for the eye of those 
 v;lio had made complaints agamst Gen. Jackson. 
 One of the most invaluable propertiesof our form 
 of government is.that, whatever might liavebeen 
 the motives of those- opposed to Gen. Jackw^n, 
 it was a3 much the duty of tlic Prcsi ent to ex- 
 amine into clvargcs preferred by the disaffected, 
 as if tliey had originated in the purest p-4trlot- 
 And the Editors of the Intelligencer 
 
 popi 
 written fa-.v. The oflicer who is called to act on 
 thij superior ground, d les indeed risk hinisolt 
 onthe justice of the controlhng powers of the 
 Constitution, and hib station makes it his duty to 
 incur th.at risk. Uut those controlling powers, 
 an<l his fellow citizens generally, are bound to 
 judge according to circumstances under which 
 he acted. -They ai-e not to transfer the iuForma- 
 tiou of this place, or moment, to the time and 
 place of this action: but to put themselves mto 
 his situation. We know here that thci-e never 
 was danger of a British fleet from below, and 
 thatliurr'sband was crusiiedbelore it reached the- 
 Mississippi. But Gen Wilkinson's information 
 was ver>' different, and he could act on no other, 
 " From these cximplcs and principles, you 
 mav see what I think on the question pro;-<>.;:d. 
 
 know, that it is usu.al to f\u-nish the accuser.; They do not go to the case ol persons cliaiged 
 with a copy of siich communication to the per- with petty duties, where conbcquen'-^-s are tnr- 
 .-.on accused, in answer to their complaint, and ling: and time allowe.l for a kgid course, nor 
 hence it is more than probable, that a copy of to authorise them to take such cases out o| tlu- 
 Mr. Dallas's letter to Gen. Jackson was trans- 
 mitted to his accusers. And the fact that it 
 was intended for them as well as for •him, will 
 explain the terms in wliich it was writtcii.. 
 
 wiiiten law. In lliesc the example of overleap- 
 ing the law, is of greater evil than a strict ad- 
 herence to its imperfect provisions. It is \n- 
 cumbent on tliose only wlio acccp' of (^cai 
 
 But did Mr. Nfculison prosecute the subject charges, to risk themselves on great ocra.ions. 
 further? No. Whv did he not do so' We .are when the safely oH he Nation, o^ ''on.e of .t, 
 constrained to believe that Gen. Jackson's an- very high intcr.-sts ;u-c at fx/^'-- -^'| Z"^, 
 
 swer was satisfactory. 
 
 We do not know what tliat an.'wcr w:iis; but 
 in the absence of tlie answer itself, wbicii the 
 Sewetary of War refuses to us. ;il Iiougli he 
 admits Mr. Gales to examine tlie trrifrin. U, ye 
 
 bound to obey orders— yet lie would be a bad 
 one wlio should do ii in cases for wliirh U»ey 
 werr- not inten,h-<l, and which mvclvcc Uie 
 most i :;.porlanf const qiieiicos. Tlic lines OJ 
 
 dis-fcriniiiialion bclweeu'cxies, nviy be dimcuU; 
 h;;e published Gen. Jackson's defence before but the good f'l^;;'^ ';;;;'":;. f;:!;-',;;;^:;,,;': 
 Tudg^Hall. WeinvHef^rthiselonuentdocu- -;^^P-;^,^;^^^-^;::;;;;^M'hi; m^lJi^' 
 
 m'^nt thitt ]terii'.:i1 whirh if m-rit«— :iud phifc 
 
46(5 
 
 Vjom the Louiaiaua Gaiiette. 
 
 Answer, submitted by Major General Jackson, 
 on a rule, to show cause why an altacliment 
 for contempt shovild not issue against hiui. 
 
 Th'.s respondent has received a paper, pur- 
 porting- to be (he copy of a rule of the district 
 court of the United Sliites for Louisiana; in a 
 suit entitled " The United States vs. A. Jack- 
 son; command'ng him to kUow cause why an 
 attacli nent should not issue a,^<iinst him, for 
 divers alleged contempts of the said court." 
 Before he makes any answer whatever to the 
 said cliarjjes, iie deems it necessary to protest, 
 and he does hereby protest against, and reserve 
 to himself al! manner of henefit of exception to, 
 the illegal, unconstitutional, and informal na- 
 ture of the proccedinn^s inss'tuted against him; 
 it appciaring by the s;i:d proceeding- — 
 
 I. 'I hat witnesses iiavi; been su.Tim.oned by 
 proce:-.s of subpccna, in a Kuit or j)i'osecut!on of 
 the United St.itesiigainst him, when, in fact, in 
 tnith there was not t!von any sucli suit or pro- 
 secution legally pending' in <; '.id court. 
 
 II. That the said rule was obtained at the in- 
 stance of tlve Aitor!iey of the United StateF, for 
 the di:itrict of I^coulsiana, w'\o had no r'/g-hf offi- 
 cially to ask for, or obtain ii; \hc duties of the 
 Attorjiey bciuij, by law, restricted to t!ic prose- 
 cution of "all delinquents for crimes and qff^^n- 
 ecu, cognizable under t!»e authority of the Uni- 
 ted Stiites, »r Jid all civil actu)ns in which tiiey 
 shall be concerned." As this proceeding is not 
 ■pretended to be a civil action, to bring- -.t with 
 in the pui^icw of iiK- du'icsof the Atiorney, it 
 must be a prosecution f ^r a ciinic or offence, 
 cog-nizable under t!»e autlumly cf the'United 
 States. But the f ict stated in the rule do not 
 
 'constitute any "crime or offence, cognizable 
 under this authority." The courts of the Uni- 
 ted States have no common law jurisdicticm of 
 rrimes or olfences; if therefore, the facts stated 
 in the rule are not made sucli by statute, they 
 are not cognizable by tlie co-uts; but the sta- 
 tutes h-ave been searched, and no such provision 
 can be found; thcreibi-e, t!ie ficts charged a!-e 
 ijot ofTcnces which ire either cog-niz.ible by tiiis 
 court, or liable to be prosecuted b}- the Attor- 
 -uey for the United States. 
 
 ill. That if t'ids be a prosecution for a crime 
 or offence under the authority of tlie United 
 States, the mode of proceeding is both uncon- 
 siitutiona! and illegal; the Tth ;uvl 8th amend- 
 ment to the Constitution contain na ly provi- 
 sions direct!}- contrary to the mode of proceed- 
 ing by att;ichinent, f.»r contempt; particularly 
 the 7tli amendinent, that no person shall be de- 
 prived of liberty, or pioperty, without due pro- 
 cess of law: and oftltc 8th, 'th..t, in a!l c-.-lmimd 
 prosecutions,, the accused shall cnjv->y the right 
 uf a speedy trial, by an im]jartial 'jury; and 
 in the3'2d section of the law/;r puu'iA-.'i'ing cer- 
 ioin (Times ugulnst the Uniled States, is contain- 
 ed a conclusive implication, if •..A an expressed 
 jjrovlBion, that no offence can be prosecuted, 
 except by information or iiKJlctme.nt; neit'.ier 
 lit which liave been fdud, in this instance. Tlie 
 lespondcn', therefore, conchidtstho.,-^ ht-avl- of 
 exceptions, by the ddtnima, that, if the pro- 
 i:,ecdin< be a prasecution for vl ci! me ar ■offence 
 epgnlzuble by the authority of tSe United 
 felates,it ia bath uncon.titutional ;'.nd ill. -gal in 
 /ts jpre-rnt form: and- if i» be r'>' such a ppocp. 
 
 cvjflon, then has the Attorney of the Un-.led 
 States no right to institute it; his ministry, by 
 law, extending only to them. 
 
 IV. That this court has no right to issue an 
 attachment for any contempt whatever, or to 
 punish the same, in any other cases than tlio.se 
 prescribed by the 17th section of the judiciary 
 act, w'lich confines such authority to tiie pun- 
 ishment, by fine an;l imprisonment, for contempt 
 in an}- cause or hearing before the auine, — where- 
 as, by tlie rule, nor the affidavits, does it ap- 
 pear, that the .alleged c(>iitempts were offered 
 in any cause or hearing before the said Distaict 
 Court; on the contrary, all the acts complained 
 of as contempts, are stated to have been done 
 in relation to an ex-parte ajiplication made to 
 thejudge of the said court, at his chambers, at 
 a time when b.i.s court was in vacation, and not 
 in a canfse or hearing before the court. 
 
 y. That no :>tiac]mient r ight to issue: for 
 r.cglectlrig or refusing a return to a habeas 
 corpus, issued and returnable out of court; the 
 statutes on tiiat subject, both in England and 
 in tlie United States, wherever th'^y hav-a been 
 re-enacted, contain express penalties for this 
 offence; doubtless for the reason that s'lcii neg- 
 lect or refusal, in relation to an act done, not in 
 :i caiise in- hearing pending in coui't, but in an 
 ex-parte proceeding at a judge's clumbers, 
 couli not be punished, by attac.iment, as a con- 
 tempt. 
 
 VI. That no act in relation to the writ of ha- 
 be.as corpu.s, or the allov.-ance of the same, iu 
 the case mentioned in the said rule, can be coti- 
 .Vidcred as a contenij)t;bccau3e the judge of thin 
 honorable ccurt, by tlie 14th sectioa of the ju- 
 diciary act of the United States, is expressly in- 
 hibited from issuing an} writ of tiabeas corpur.. 
 except in case.s of prisoners 'in custod}-,' undf , 
 or by color of the authority of the United State.', 
 or committed for trial before some court of the 
 same; or who are necessary to be brought inti 
 court to testify,- neither of whicli circuiriStances 
 appear, eitlicrin the writ, the allowmce of the, 
 same, or the affid:*' it on which it was founded. 
 'I'li's court, tiien, having no jurisdiction of the 
 case, according to a decision of tlio Supremo 
 Court of the United States, this respondent had. 
 a right to consider the service as a trespass. 
 
 V{[. 'I'hat, by the siid writ, no place was de- 
 signated at which the sam;; sliouldb* returned. 
 
 VI n. That the writ was served on the re.=i- 
 pondent, long after the return thereof, by rea- 
 son whereof he could not iiave complied with 
 the tenor, luid he been so disposed. 
 
 IX Tlie sa'd writ of habeas corpus was issued 
 in an irregular manner, and the respondent was 
 in no wise compelled bylaw to ob?y it;' inas- 
 much ai the name of the judge, allowing the 
 same, was not signed oti the writ with his prc- 
 ])er hand writing; nor were the words, "accord- 
 ing to the form of the bratule," marked there- 
 on — both which are positively requirt-d, by the 
 statutes regulating the issuing of such process; 
 and wiihoit which they need not be obeyed. 
 Should it b.' objected, that tl»e Kngliih st.itutes 
 are not binding here, it is answered, that the 
 U. Sta'es are without a stittuary provision O'i 
 the sul>ject ; and tliat the introduction of the 
 wiit of habeas carpus generally, mu>t introduce 
 it, as it stood at the time of making the constl- 
 tatijj;v" 
 
 \ Tha*- irth** allowaTT'o nn ih/» lijirk of the 
 
467 
 
 iiflidavit, contrary to the express words of ilie 
 statute, be cleerned suflicier.t, yet the respoirl- 
 eiit was not bound to i>ny any attention to tlis 
 writ of habeiis corpus, because the same \v«s 
 not issued in cont'ormity with the allowance 
 R-ivcn on the fifth duy of 'Mai-ch; th:2 \va? tor ^. 
 
 sudilen rsUacl-c, tliin capii;u v'.ouiu, l.ieav, lal; an 
 easy sacrincc." " 
 
 On ihe l^th of the same month, the respon- 
 dent was told — 
 
 " On the nstivc Americans, and a vast majori- 
 ty of the Creoles ct the cr"'",tr;.', 1 place mnch 
 writ returnable on t-he liext day, and afterwards confidence, nor do I doubt the fidelity of many 
 altered, so as to bear date on the sixth of the Km-opeans, wl.o have loiij; resided in iflie coun- 
 sarr.e mon'h, returnable on the succeeding- try; but there arc ethers, mucii devoted to the 
 mornjno-, which wunld have beer, the "tii; int<;vest of Spain, a-il wliose pariiality to the 
 xvhcrc^as the writ actually issued, bore date tlie Enplish is not L ss observable than tlicir dislike 
 and wa-; retinnable tlie same day — thus to the American !:70vern'nenl ." 
 
 6tli, and wa"; 
 
 varying m-.iteviahy froiTi ttie a'lov.'ancr. This 
 circuinstance is an excellent illustration of the 
 wisioi:io"'t".!e statuary p'ovision, which rt^quires 
 that the writ itself be s'gnfdby ihe jidg'e. 
 tJnder all whicii protestations and exceptions 
 -■without su^uiittintr to the iurisdiction i.f ihe 
 
 ed, I shall put myself at the head of such of my 
 n-iilitia as will follow m•^ to the field, and, en re- 
 
 I need uoi as. 
 
 In a Utter of th-' 24th, the sume ideas arc re- 
 peated — 
 
 " i3e assured, s-ir, that no exertions shall be 
 wautiiig, on my part ; hut I cannot dlsf^uiso 
 from you, ttjut i liave a very difiicalt people to 
 
 ^ manajje: to tiiis moment, no oppos'.tion to Iha 
 
 said comt, or ackmrwledtcing the regtd iriiy of requisition has manifested itself, but I am nor 
 the pr-oceedioiT;), but ^-pre^sly denying the secondcl with ilwi a'dcnt zeal, wliich, in my 
 eame. This respondent, in order to give a fair opinion, tlie crisis demands We look with 
 and true expositiojv of his conduct, on eveiy great anxiety to you'- movements, and place our 
 occasion in which it m.ay be drawn into ques- greatest reliance for safety, on tlie eiierg'y and 
 tlon— pitriotism of the Western States. In Louisiana, 
 
 S:iitii tl-.cre are many fa.lhful citizens: these last per- 
 
 That previously to, and soon after, hi^ arrival suade themselves, that Spain will soon repossess 
 in this section of "^he 5=eventh military district, herself of Louisiana, and they seem to believe, 
 he received several letters and communications, that a combined Spanish and^Enghsh force vv-ill 
 puttin.;^ him on iiis guard asjai'ist a portion of soon ap]>car on our coast. ^ IfLou:s;ana ismvad- 
 tlie tuiiu')vtants of the State, Ihe Leg-islature, 
 and foreit^n eiiiissarios in the city. Tlie popu- _ 
 lafion of the country was representefl as divi<led ceivins;, shall obey your crdtrs. 
 
 hy ' ' " ■ 
 
 own"'cour/try"and slrnn as" totally unworthy of common defence ^ but, sir, a cause of indescrl^ 
 
 coiifidence. 'I'he niilitia w;,s described as re- bal)le chag-rin to me is, that 1 am not at the head 
 
 sistinL' the authority of their C<-mmander-in of a wilhng- and united people : native Amen- 
 
 chief, and encouraged in tlieir disobedience by cans, native Louibian'.ans, Frenchmen and ispan- 
 
 the Letcislature of the State : that LeKisla- iard., with some lln-hshmen, compose the 
 
 ture chkracterized as politically rotten; and the mass of the population— amon- them, tlierc cx^ 
 
 whole State in such a situation as to make it ne- ists much jealousy, andas great dstlerences m 
 
 cessary to look for defence prmnipally from the political sentiments as in their language and 
 
 i-epuJar troops, and the mditia from oiher States, habits. But, nevertheless, sir if we are sup- 
 
 \mon^ those representations, the most import- ported by a rcspc-ctable body of regular troops, 
 
 ^nt, from tlie umdal station of tlie writer, were or of western nvlit.a, I trust I ff^^^ /^^k ^o 
 
 those of the Governor. On the 8th of August, bring to your aid, a vahanl anc iaithl\.l corps 
 
 1814, he says— of Louisiana mditia ; but if we arc kit to itly 
 
 '<■ On a late 
 to acknowle 
 
 tion from Gen. J'lournoy; 
 
 tv havincr. for the most nurt, resisted my orders, anre." - ,. - -^ c y .,r 
 
 being encouraged in their disobedience by the On the 8.h of September, the spu.t of d..af- 
 
 Legbhture of^the State, then in scssion%ne f^-^--'^-^'''?'^-.^^'^^')':;:^^^:^::^^ 
 branch of which, the Senate, having declnre.l _U.e country is said to be f.hed with .y.fs aiid 
 
 ypoliiical parties" and national pr'.Judxcs; a sure you of my entire confidence m vt^ti, as a 
 reat portion of th.-m attacried to foreiurn pow- commander, an<l of the pleasure I shall expcn- 
 rsand disalFected to the government of tueir cncc in stipp >rting all your measures tor the 
 
 ^.s_ of Louisiana mditia ; but it we arc leiiioieiy 
 
 'te occasion I had the mortification princlpall,/ on our own resources, \ fear c.^slmg 
 
 =.V-e my inability to meet a leq-iisi- jealousies will lead to a distrust so general, that 
 
 ■en. nournoy;thecovp.of th s ci- ic shall be abk to r.iake but a Iceblc resist- 
 
 th^ rerjuhUion illegal and oppressive, ami the tradots : - ' -vu.-v miv \od I trust 
 
 ' - - " • . •— - cctcd a lat.- ffencral orders. 1 lie> m.a> , ana i trust 
 
 Inclosed you ha\e 
 ey 
 
 copi 
 
 of inv 
 
 th.smomuu, ..eaie m a >u.v _^ 1 i ^^ ^ ,^^^ ,vp«. nee of the seventh regr.iioiit, at or uear 
 
 defenceless 
 «jf defence rer 
 
 rema'n unoccupied, an'! in '-ase ot .< "v w'>n(n 
 
-468 
 
 ihe iJaniso.a here at. present, is alarmingly 
 •\\teak, and is a cause of much regret : from the 
 gfeat mixture of pf^rsoi^s, and characters, in 
 this city, we liave as much to apprehend from 
 ^jA'ithin as from without. In arresting the inter- 
 course liptween New-Orleans and Pensacola, 
 you have done right. Pennsacola is, in fact, 
 an enemy's post, and had our commercial inter- 
 course with it continued, the supplies fiirnislied 
 to the enemy woidd have so much exhausted 
 our own stock of provisions, as to have occa- 
 sioned the most serious inconvenience to our- 
 selves. I was on the point of taking on myself 
 the prohibition of the trade with Pensacola : 1 
 had prepared a proclamation to that ettect, and 
 would have issued it the very day T heard of 
 your interposition. Enemies to the country 
 may blame you for your prompt and energetic 
 measures ; but, in the person of every patriot, 
 you will find a supporter. 1 am very confident 
 of the very lax police of t'lis city, a!id indeed, 
 throughout the State, with respect to the visits 
 of strangers. I think, with you, that our coun- 
 try is filled with spies and traitors : I havf writ- 
 ten pressingly on the subject to the city auiho- 
 ijities and parish judges. 1 hope some efficient 
 regulations will speedily be adopted by the 
 Arst, and more vigilance exerted for the future 
 fey the latter." 
 
 On the 19th of September, speaking of the 
 iUrafts of militia, he says : — 
 
 ♦' The only difficultj I have hitherto expe- 
 'l\ienced in meeting the requisition, has been in 
 this city, and exclusively from sonie Ewropoan 
 Erenchmen, who, after giving their adhesion to 
 ILouis X>'I1I, have, through the medium of the 
 J'^rench Consul, claimed exemjjtion from the 
 drafts, as French subjects. The question of 
 exemption, however, is now vmder discussion, 
 before a special court of inquiry, aneLl am not 
 without hopes that these ungrateful men may 
 yetbebrought to a discharge of tiicir duties." 
 
 On the necessity of securing the couniiy 
 4gainst the machinations of foreigners, he, on 
 the 4th of Nov. informed the respondent — 
 
 •' You have laeen informed of t!ie contents of 
 iin intercepted letter, written by Colonel Coricl, 
 a Spanish officer, to Capt. Morales, of Pi-nsa- 
 c'ola. 'J'his letter was s\i!)mitted for the opinion 
 6f the Attorney Genirmi of tiie State, as to 
 measures to be pursued against the writer, l he 
 Attorney-General was of opinion , that the courts 
 uDuldtake no cognizance of the same; but that 
 the Governor might order the writer to Uave 
 the State, and in case of refusal, to send him 
 off by force. I accordingly, Sir, oidered Col. 
 Coriel to take his departure, in I'oriy-eiglit 
 hours, for Peusacola, and gave him the neces- 
 5firy passports. I hope tliis measure may rnvti 
 your approl)Ttioi). It ii a just retaliation for the 
 conduct lately observed by the Go\ ernor of 
 Pensacola, and may induce tlie Spamarda lesd- 
 j^g among us, to be less communicittive upuu 
 those subjects which" relate to our militaiy 
 movements." 
 
 Wi'.h the impressiofis this correspondence 
 Was calcuLitcd to produce, the re spondeiit m- 
 rived in this city, where, in diHurent ronversa- 
 tlons, the same ideas were enforced, and he was 
 advised, not only by the Governor of t!ie State, 
 but very many influential persons, to proclaim 
 MABTiAi, i.A.'^r, us the ojdy means of protlucing 
 unfOTi* Ovc^nJming disaffection, .iletecting 
 
 treason, imd callui,;^- forth liic energiea oi ui; 
 country. This measure was discussed and re- 
 commended to the respondent, as he well re- 
 collects, in the presence of the Judge of this 
 honorable Court, who not only made no objec- 
 tion, but seemed, by his gestures and silence, 
 to approve of its being adopted. These opin- 
 ions, rispectable in themselves, derived great- 
 er weight fi-om tl>at which the Governor cxpres- 
 .sed of tiie Legislature then in session He re- 
 presented their fidelity as very doubtful; ascri- 
 bed de.sign to their prolonged sessioi., and ap- 
 peared extremely desirous tliat they should ad- 
 journ. 
 
 The respond, nt liad also been informed, that 
 in the House of Rjpresentaiives, the idea, that 
 a very ci'nsideraiile p irt of the St-.tie belonged 
 to the Spanish Government, and oug'.il not to 
 be represented, had been openly advocated, 
 and favorably heard. The co-operat:on of the 
 Spaniards with the English, was, at thai tune, 
 a prevalent idea. This information, therefore, 
 appeared higlilv important. He detei ^uned to 
 examine, w.'tli th- utmost' care, all the fa:tsthat 
 had been communicated to him; atid no to act 
 upon the advice he had received, until the 
 clearest demonsti ation should have determined 
 its propriety. He was then ;diuoBt an entire 
 stranger, in the place he was sent to defend, 
 and unacquainted with the language of a ni.gor- 
 ity of its inhaMtants. While these circumstan- 
 ces were unfavorable to his obtaining intorma- 
 tion, on the one hand, they precluded, on the 
 other, a suspicion that his measures were dic- 
 tated by personal friendship, private animosity, 
 or purty views. Uniiifluence 1 by such motives, 
 he beg'au his observations. He sought fi.r ,n- 
 fornmtion, and to otJtain it, communicated with 
 men of every description. He believed that 
 even tiien he discovered those Ingli qualities, 
 wliich have since dis'ingu slied those brav de- 
 fendei-sof tiieircoui.tiy; that the variety ot lan- 
 guage, the ' tVerence "f liabit, aiid even the iia- 
 t^.'nal prejud.c> s, which seeuitd to divide the 
 lnhubit:mt's, migti* be cnad., if |)roi)erly direc- 
 ted, the source of tlu, most honorable emula- 
 t on. Delicate attentions were necessary to 
 foster this d.spf)s;tion; and tUe highest fuergy, 
 to restrain the effects, that sucli an assemblage 
 was calculated to jjioduco; he determiut-d to 
 avail himsr If of botii, and wiih this view called 
 to his aid, the inaulseot national feeling, the 
 higher motives of patriotic sentiment,' and the 
 noble eiithu.siasm of valor. They operated m a 
 manner which histoiy will record; all who could 
 be influenced by those feelings, rallied witliout 
 dehv, miiud the standard o1 their country. — 
 Their effort.s, however, would iiave been unri-. 
 vailing, if ihe dis;!ffected had been per.ni'ted 
 to counteract them Ijy their tveasoi-, and the 
 timid, to jjiiralyze tiiem by their e.\a'i pie, an<l 
 both to .standi aloof in the liour of danger, .;iiid 
 enjov tile fjujt of victory without pan cipatini^' 
 in tlif dxne'er of defeat. 
 
 A disciplined unil powerful army was on our 
 const, commanded b) oflicers oftrie'l \:doraiid 
 coiiiumn. ate .skill; ihcir fleet h;<d ahvady de- 
 stroyed the feeble defence, on which, alone, 
 we could rely to prevent th ir landing on our 
 shores. Their point of attack v.'as uncerlain — 
 a hiwulred inlets were to be giiaided, by a force 
 not suflicienf in number. for one; we had no 
 lines of defence; treason lurked among us, and 
 
i^iiM 
 
 OlU>' waited the nxomeiit at' expected defeat, to 
 show Itself 0|)enly, — Our men were few, and of 
 those few, not all were ai'med; our prospect of 
 aid and supply was distant and uncertain; our 
 utter ruin, if we faded, at hand, and inevitable; 
 .every thing depended on tiie prompt and ener- 
 getic use of the means we possessed — on call- 
 ing- the wiiole force of the comnuinity into ac- 
 tion; it Was a contestfor the very existence of 
 the State, and every nerve was to be st''ained in 
 its defence. Tiie physical force ofeiery indi- 
 vidual, his moral fac ulties, his property, and 
 the energy of his example, were to 'je called in- 
 to action, and instant action. No deUiy — no 
 hesitation -no inqnir) abmt riglits, or (ill was 
 lost; and evL-ry t'ling di ar to man, his proijerty, 
 life, tlie honor of his fa "Hy, Ids country, its con- 
 stitution and laws, were swept away by tlie 
 avowi d principles, the open practice of the en- 
 emy with whom we had to contend. Fortifica- 
 tions were to be erected, supplies procured, 
 arms sought for, requisitions mad", the emissa- 
 ries of til' ciiern\ watched, lurking treason 
 overawed, insubordination punished, and the 
 contagion of cowardly example to be stoppi d. 
 
 In this crisis, and undrr afirm persua-sion that 
 none of those obje<^ could be eff cted by the 
 exercise of tlie '.rdiiary powers confided to him 
 — under a solemn conviotioi that the coun'ry 
 committed to his care could be saved by that 
 measure only, from utter ruin — undera relig'ious 
 beliet, that iie was performing the most impor- 
 tant ani sacred duty, the respondent proclaim- 
 ed martial law. He intended by that measure, 
 toViperrede such civil -powers as, in their ope- 
 j-aiion, interfered with those he was obliged to 
 exercise. He thought, in such a moment, con 
 stitutiona forms must be suspcn-ied, for the 
 perri'ian;-ni preservation of constitutional rights, 
 and that there cor.ld be no question, vvhetlierit 
 were best to depart for a moTient, from the en- 
 joyment ot our dearest privileges, or havetliem 
 wrested from us for ever He knew, tluit if the 
 civil magistrates were permitted to exercise 
 their usual functions, none ■ f the ineasin-es ne- 
 ces=ar\ to avert the awful fate tliat tlircatf'n d 
 lis, could be expect' d. Personal liberty can- 
 not exist at a time whtn eveiy man is reqi red 
 to becomi- a soldier. Private property cannot 
 be secured when its usi- is ind'spcnsabl''- to the 
 public safety. Unlim ted liberty of speecit is 
 Incoiiipatlble with the discipline of acaa.p; and 
 that of the i>ress more dangerous >.till, when 
 made the vehich' of convoAiiig intrUigence to 
 the enriny, orexciting mutiny among 'lie troop-; 
 To have suffered the uncontroUv*:d enjoyment of 
 any of those rigiils, during the time of the late 
 invasion, would have been to abandon the de- 
 fence of the country: the civil magistrate is the 
 guardian of those rights, (tnd the proclamation 
 of martial law was, therefore, intended to su- 
 percede the exercise of his authority, so far as 
 it inteifered with the neces.sary restriction of 
 those rights — but no further. 
 
 The reS])ondent states these principles ex- 
 plicitly, becaiise they are the basis of his de- 
 fence, and because a mistaken notion has been 
 circulated thSl the .tlecluration of marti.al law 
 only subjected ihe militia in service to its ope 
 ration. This would, indeet^mve been a very 
 useless ceremony, as such persons were already 
 subject to it, without the addition of any other 
 art.' Besides, if the proclamation of ni.u-tial lav.- 
 
 were a measui-c of nec€*sijy,-^ii mtaavif e, witii- 
 out the exercise of which the country must an* 
 questionably have been conquered, then does 
 it forna a complete justification for the act. 11' 
 it do not, in what manner will the jirocecding. 
 by attachment for contempt be justified* It is- 
 undoubtedly and strictly a criminal prosecution;, 
 and the constitution declares, that in all crimin- 
 al prosficutions, the accused shall have the be- 
 nefit of a trial by jury; yet a pioseculiou is even 
 now going on in this court, where no sucli bene'- 
 fit is allowed. — Why? From the alleged ne- 
 cessity of the case, because com-ts could not, it' 
 is S'lid, subsist without a power to punis'U 
 promptly by tiieir own act, and without the in- 
 tervention of a juty. Necessity then, may, in. 
 s:nne cases, justify a departure from tlic coDsti- 
 tution: and if, in the doubtful case of avoiding 
 confusion in a court, shall it be dcQied in th'p 
 serious ine of preserving a country from con- 
 quest md ruin' The respondent begs leave to 
 explain, that in using this argument, he does 
 not mean to admit the existence of necessity ii> 
 the case of attachment; but to show that the 
 jirinniple of a justification from neces-sity is ad- 
 mitted, even in the weaker case. If the Icg'iSr 
 lature of the United States have given to courts 
 the power to punish contempts, it is no answer 
 to this defence, for two reasons — first, because 
 the words of the la- do not necessarily exclude 
 the intervention of a jwy; and secondly, if they 
 do, the law itself is contrary to the words of the 
 constitution, and can only be supported on the 
 plea of necessity: to whicli head it is referrefl 
 by the Engliah writers on the subject. 
 
 Tiie onlv respmsibihty which has been in- 
 curred in the present case, is that which arises 
 from necessity. This, the respondent agree?, 
 must not be doubtful ; it must be apparent 
 from the circumstances of the case, or it forms 
 no justification He submits all his acts, there 
 for." , to bf- tested by this ride. 
 
 To the forcible reasons which he has detailed, 
 as impelling him to this measure, he ought to 
 add, that lie has since, by the confession of the 
 enemv hi-nself, received a confirmation of the 
 op"ni'ns, wtuch he had then good reason to bcr 
 heve; that there were men amongus so deprav.- 
 ed as to give da ly and exact information of our 
 ■movements, and oin- forces; that the number 
 of those persons was considerable, and their ac- 
 tivity tmceasing The names •<' tiiose wretches 
 willprobablv be discovered; and the respond- 
 ent persuad.-s himself, that this tribunal wdl 
 employ itself, with greater satisfaction, in in- 
 flicting the punishment duo to tlieir crimes^ 
 than it now does in investigating the measures 
 that were t;iken to counteract them. 
 
 If example can justify, or the practice o 
 others serve as a proof of necessity, the rcs- 
 pon(h nt has ample materials for his defence; 
 not from analogous construction, hut from the 
 conduct of all the diifcrcnt departments of the 
 State Government, in the very case now under 
 discussion. 
 
 The legislature of the State, having no con- 
 stitiitiotiid [lower to regul.atc or restrain com- 
 merce, on tiie day of Deccmbtr last, pass- 
 ed an aet layin/ an embargo— the executive 
 sanctioned it; and from a conviction of its ne- 
 cessity, it was acquiesced in. The same legis- 
 lature shut up the courU of justice for four 
 months, to all Civil suitors — the same cxeCMtivf?' ;_ 
 
470 
 
 ShiiiL-iioiied il-al law, ana liie judicimy Hot oijly 
 icqtiiesced, b»it solemnly approved it. 
 
 The Governor, as appears by one of the let- 
 ters quoted, undertook to inflict the punish- 
 ment of exile upon an innahiiunt, witliout any 
 form of law, n»crely because lie thought that an 
 individual's presence n^ight be dangerous to the 
 public safety. 
 
 I'he Jud^e of this very court, duly impressed 
 T.ith the emergency of the moment, and the 
 necessity of employing- ?.'verv means -if defence, 
 consented co tl>e diicharg-e of men committed 
 and inflicted for lap.tal crimes, witiiout bail, 
 and without rccognizanoe; and proiiubly uui'.er 
 an impression that the exercise of his functions 
 would be useless, absented himself from the 
 place where his court was to be holden, and 
 postponed its session during a regular term. 
 
 Thus the conduct of the legislative, execu- 
 tive, and judiciary branches of the Government 
 of this. State, have borne, the fullest testimony 
 ci the existence of the necessity on which the 
 respondent relies. ' -• ' 
 
 The unqualified approbation of the Legisla-' 
 lecture of the United States, and such oftne iu- 
 ciUidual states as were in ses.sion, ought as also 
 to be admitted, as no slight means of defence; 
 inasmuch as all ihesc respectable bodies were 
 fully apprized of his proclamation of martial 
 lav/, and some of them seem to refer tu it, by 
 thanking him for the encvgy of his measures. 
 
 The respondent, therefore, believes he ha.s 
 established the necessity of proclaiming martial 
 law. He has shown the clTects of that declara- 
 tion; ami it only remains to prove, in answer to 
 the rule, that llic power assumed from neccbsi- 
 ty, was not abused in its esercise, nor improper- 
 ly protracted in its duration. 
 
 A^l the acts mentioned in the rule, took place 
 after the enemy had retired from the position 
 Ihey had at first assumed — aficr they had met 
 with a signal defeat, and after an unofficial ac- 
 count had been received of the signature of a 
 treaty of peace. Each of these circumstances 
 might be, to one wlio did not see the whole 
 ground, a sufRcitnt reason for supposing that 
 i'urther acts of energy and vigour were vinncces- 
 saiy. On the mind ol the respondent they had 
 a diti'orerit effect. 'I'he enemy had rt tired from 
 their position, it is Iruc; but they were still on 
 tlic coast, ana *ithin a few hours sa-lof »hti rity,- 
 They had be^n defeated, and with a lo>s; but tlie 
 losi was not to be repaired by expected rein- 
 forcements. Tlieir numbers still much more 
 than quadrupled all the regular forces M-hlch 
 the r<»spondent couid command; and the term 
 of service of his most ffficient militia force was 
 about to expiie. Defeat, to » powoiful and ac- 
 tive enemy, was more likely to operate as an 
 incentive to rencved and increased exertion, 
 than to inspire them with despondency, or to 
 paralyze their eflorts. A treaty, it is true, had 
 iieen probably signed; yet it might not be rati- 
 lied. Its consuls had not transpired, and no 
 reasonable conjecture could be formed, diat it 
 would be acceptaljle. Th.e iuHuer.cc wIVich 
 tiie account of its Si^^nature had on the arm}-, 
 was deleterious in the extreme, and showed a 
 necessity for increased energ}', instead of a re- 
 laxation «f discipline. Men, who hud shown 
 themselves zealous in the jireceeding part of 
 the carfipaign, now became lukewarm in the 
 SCTvicCt Those wh^m no danger could appal. 
 
 and no labour discourage, couipsaiiieu oi Ui . 
 hardships of the camp. When the enemy were 
 no longer immediately before them, they thought 
 themselves oppressed, by being detained in ser> 
 vice. Wicked and weak men, who, from their 
 situ^'ion in life, ouglit to have furnished a bet- 
 ter example, secretly encouraged this spirit of 
 insubordination. They aflected to pity the 
 ^iirdsh'ps of those who were kept jn the field; 
 they fomented discontent, by insinuating that 
 th * T)rt ts o) t'iost to whom ti:'^y addressed 
 themselvt-s, had not been sufticienily i. .;cid or 
 applauded; aiid to .so high a degree had the d'?- 
 ordcr at length risen, tiiat at one period, only 
 fifteen men and one officer, ou- of a whole regi- 
 ment, s.ationedtoguardtheverj avenue through 
 which the enemy had penetrated into the coun- 
 try, were found at tlieir post. At another point 
 equally important, a whole corps, on which the 
 greatest reliKuce had been pl.iced, op^rai^ed up- 
 on by flie .icts of a foreign agent, suddenly de- 
 serted their po.st. 
 
 If trusting to an uncertain peace, the respon- 
 dent had revoked his proclamation, or ceased 
 to act under it, the fatal securitj', by wisich we 
 were lulled, miglit have\3estroye<l al! discipline, 
 have dissolved all his force, and Icf. him with- 
 out any means of defending the country against 
 an enemy, instructed, by the traitors within our 
 own bosom, of tiie tiine and place at which he 
 Plight safely riakc; his a'tr.ck. Isi such an 
 ev^nt, his lift might hive been oflVitd up; yet 
 it wouhl have been but a feeble expiation, for 
 the disgrace and nuser\ , into wkich, by his crim- 
 inal negligerce, he had permitted 'he coun- 
 try to he plunged. 
 
 He thought peace a probable, but by no 
 means a certain event, if it ha.i really t^ken 
 place, a few days must bring trie official advice 
 of it; and he bcIieTCfl ithetter to submit, during 
 those few days, to the salutary rtstiaints impo- 
 sed, than to put ev^^ry thing dear to ourselves 
 and country at risk, upon an uncertain contin- 
 gency. Admit the chances to have been a hun- 
 dred or a thousand to one in favor of the ratifi- 
 cation, and again.''t any renewed atlemi^ts of the 
 enemy, what should we say or th.nk of the pru- 
 dence of the m.an, who would stake his life, his 
 fortune, his country, and Ins honor, even witli 
 such odds in his 'rn or, against a few days' anti- 
 cipated enjcj.'mrr.t of the blessings ef peace' 
 The respondent couhl not bring hiuistlf to play 
 so deep a hazard; uniuHuenceti by the clamors 
 of the ignorant anr the designing, he continued 
 the exorcise of that law v;hlch necessity had 
 compelled hini to proclaim; and he still thinks 
 hiuisclf iust'.ficd, by the situation of aftuirs, for 
 the course which ht adopted. md pursued. Has 
 he exercised tills power wantonly or improper- 
 ly!' If so, he is Uable; not, as he believes, to 
 this honorable court for contempt, but to his 
 govcrriment for an abuse of powei , and to ihose 
 individuals whom he has injured, in damages 
 proportioned to that injury. 
 
 About the poncd last described, t'<e consul 
 of France, who . p7>ears, by Governor Clai- 
 borne's letter, U' '.iivii emb.irrassed tiic first 
 di'afts, by his claims in favor of pretended sub- 
 jerts of his k'iVg, renewed his interference; his 
 ccrilticates were given to men in theranks of the 
 army; to some wl'o luul nevi^r ajjplied, and to 
 others who wished to use them as the means ct 
 obtaining" an ingloriotis exem'^t'on from dang^' 
 
17 i. 
 
 1 he liiiUiUiaiydc lived from these ually to do tliii, wai lo pbce the Jutlffe ui asiU 
 
 certificates not only thinned the ranks, by the nation in which liis interference could not coun- 
 
 withdrawal of those to whom they were g-lven, tciact the measures of defence, or give counte. 
 
 but produced the desertion of others, who nance to the mutinous disposition tha'l had shown 
 
 thought themselves equally entitled to the pri- itself in so ;i]arming a degree. Mere!y to have 
 
 viloge; and to this cause niustbe tracedthe aban- 
 donment of the important post of Chef Menteur, 
 and the temporary refusal of a relief ordered to 
 occupy it. 
 
 Under these circumstances, to remove the 
 foixe of an example which had already occasion- 
 ed such dangerous consequences, and to pun- 
 
 disregarded the writ, would but have increased 
 the evil, and to have obeyed it, was wholly re- 
 pugnant to the respor.dcnt's ideas of the public 
 safety, and to his own sense of duty. The 
 Judge was therefore confined, and removed be- 
 yond the -ines of dcfciic?. 
 
 As to t!ie paper fiicntioned in the rule, which 
 
 ish those who were so willing to defend Avhat the respondent is charged with taking and de- 
 
 they were so ready to enjoy, the respondent is 
 sued a general order, directing those French 
 subjects who had availed themselves of the con- 
 sul's certificates, to i-emovc out of the lines of 
 defence, andfar enough to avoid any tempta- 
 tion of intercourse witli our enemy, whom tlicy 
 were so scrupidous of opposing. This meirsure 
 WHS resorted to, as the mildest mode of proceed- 
 
 taining, he answers, that when the writ was 
 produced by the clerk of this honorable court, 
 the da e of its issuance appeared to have been 
 altered from the 5th to the 6t!i. I;e w-i; i'.. ".- 
 tioncd respecting the appaient aUe-;itioii, ^.ud 
 acknowledged it tiad hecii dme by Judge 
 Hall, and not iu the presence of tiie party who 
 made the affidavit. This material alttratlon, in 
 
 jng against a dangerous and increasing evil; and a paper that concerned him. gavr me respond 
 •^.he respondent had the less scniple of h,s pow- cnt, as he thought, a ri^ht to datain it for furthei 
 
 er, m tnis instHnce, as it was not qn.te so strong 
 as that which Governor Clairbor.ie had exer- 
 cised, before the invasion, by Ctic advice of his 
 attorney general, in the case of Col. Coliel. 
 
 It created, however, some sensation, — dis- 
 contents were again fomented, i'romtlie source 
 That had first produced tliem. Aliens and str;in- 
 gers became the most violent advocates of ference, and activity, i» behalf of a man charged 
 
 tner 
 investigation, which he accordingly d'd ; but 
 gave a certified copy, and an acknowledgement 
 tiiat the origir.al was in his possession. 
 
 The respondent avows: that he considercJl 
 this alteration in the date of the affilavit, as it 
 was then explained to him by t!ie clerk, to be 
 such evidence of a personal, not judicial inter- 
 
 Constitutional rights, and native Americans 
 were taught the value of tlieir privileges, by 
 these who formally disavowed any title to their 
 enjoyment. The order \ras particularly oppos- 
 ed, in an anonymous publication. In this, the 
 author dehberale'y and w ickcdly misrepresent- 
 ed the order, as subjecting to rtmoval, all 
 j'renchmen whatever, even those who had glo- 
 
 •with the most sei^ious oflence, as justified the 
 idea then formed, that the judge approved his 
 conduct, and supported his attcmpti to excite 
 diafft'Ction among the troops 
 
 This was the conduct of the respondent, and 
 these the motives which prompted It. They 
 have been fairly and openly exposed to this tri- 
 bxinal, and to the world, and would not have 
 
 riously fought in defence of tlie country : and been accompanied by any exception or waver 
 
 ifter many dangerous and unwarrantable decla- 
 rations, he closes, by calling upon all French- 
 men to flock to the stamlard of their Consul — 
 thu3 advising and producing an act of mutiny 
 and in.Mibordinatioii, and publishing the evi- 
 dence of our weakness and discord to the ene- 
 mv, who were still in our vicinity, anxious, no 
 doubt, before the cessation (f hostilities, to wipe 
 away the late stain upon the'i" inns. 'I'o have 
 silently looked on such an oftence, witiiout 
 making any attempt to puni h it, would have 
 been a formal surrender of all discipline, ail or- 
 der, all personal dignity, and public safety. This 
 could not be done i and the respondent imme- 
 diatelv ordered the arrest of tlie offender. A 
 writ of habeas corpus v/as directed to issue for 
 liis enlargement. Tiit: very case which had 
 been foreseen, the very contingency on which 
 martial law was intended to operate, had now 
 occurred: the civil magistrate seemed to tJiink it 
 his duty to enforce the enjoyment of civil rights, 
 although the consequences which have been 
 described, would proljably ha\-e resulted. An 
 hnbending sense of what he seemed to tliink 
 
 of jurisdiction, if it had been deemed expedient 
 to give him t'lat species of trihl, Lo which he 
 thinks himself entitled, by the constitution of 
 h'S country. Tlic powers which the exigency 
 of the times forced h'-m to assunie, have been 
 exercised ex'-l'isivcly for the public good ; and 
 by the blessing of God, they have be^:n attended 
 w'.th unparalled success. Th< y have saved th^ 
 country ; }<nd wh;itcvtr may be the opir.ion of 
 that country, or the decrees of its courts, inrc- 
 hition to the means he has used, he can never 
 regret that he employed them. 
 
 ANDREW JACKbON". 
 
 For tlte United States Telegraph. 
 
 Will they give them up ? 
 Give up whom ? Adams, Ct:iy Si Co. ' 
 Why is Mr. Adams like a IJnck-maker ? 
 Bec:uise he moulds C'/«y to his wishes. 
 Why is Mr. Adams on titrklish gToun<l3 t 
 IJecausc he stands on .tUpperi/ Ctuy, leans on 
 a Riinh, and hopes something from the •'Soulhard. 
 W'hv has .Mr. Adams an aversion to the Fost- 
 
 his station required, induccil him to order the m:istcr General > 
 
 liberation of the prisoners. This, under the rc- 
 iipondent's sense of duty, produced a conllict 
 v.'hich it was his wish to avoid. 
 
 No other course remained, tiian to enforce 
 rhe principles' which he had laid down as l.;; 
 guide, and to suspend the exercise of this judi- 
 cial power, wherever it interfered with tlic ne- 
 ' e33:u-y ms^ns of dcf :nc^. 1 he only way efl'.'ft- 
 
 Ueeause he has :i dislike to mah'C clean 
 (McLean) the Auge:in Stables. 
 
 Why is Mr. Aibmi like a Carpenter ' 
 
 Because he is not :i Mason. 
 
 What will Mr. Ad ims do on the next 4lU of 
 March > 
 
 /,>/,„ Mai. '.. 
 
 Yoi't-, BILLV HLACK. .Iv- 
 
47^2 
 
 ifC ('■ Bifid le, ^ JosnpJi. P. Norris, Jr. 
 Esquivts — Julfiors of an address adopted at 
 tjie adndnistnifion town meeting of flie 7th 
 July. 
 
 ©i!NTr.i:MF.?r. . . .In our sixteenth letter, we 
 •.vere incjuiring info \.hc services as\<\ measures of 
 Mr. Adams, in order to ascertain tlie correct- 
 trjjss of your reprt^scntation, that he is an ilkis- 
 ioous patriot and statesman: and we had inten- 
 <lfcd to pursue the inquiry, minutely, in suc- 
 ceeding letters: the desire, hovrever, to publish, 
 Th a pamphletf rm, what we have already writ- 
 t^, interrupts our progress, and we shall at 
 present notice those topics in a very brief man - 
 ifer. 
 
 ' It cannot escape public observation, that, 
 Ui.ere is, throughout the addresses in favot of 
 the administration, a dearth of information res- 
 p'octing servicts and measures: So remarkable 
 !ih. uniformity could not have been accidental: 
 V^earc justified in supposing, therefore, that it 
 f-eally was the result of a want of adequate ma- 
 tSriaJs. — Up to 1809, we have already accom- 
 panied Mr. Adams, in his diplomatic carerr, 
 v.'itliout finJiiig any result, honorable to the 
 t^me, or useful to the interests of his counuy; 
 £et us s*ie whether he was nnorc distinguis4i- 
 ed subscfjuently. 
 
 From 1809 to 1814, .Mr. Adams was in Rus- 
 ^a: We have no knowledge, we never have 
 iTcai-d, that his services extended beyond a resi- 
 dence at St. Petersburg!!: He was greedy in 
 the accumulation of the large sums paid by his 
 " penviritKvs " coun'rv; but we have yet to 
 learn that any return yf national benefit was 
 made. 
 
 In 1814, we fmd Mr. Adams at Client: in the 
 9Xecution of this trust, if we are to believe Mr. 
 €;l.ay, there was not displayed, by Mr. Adanis, 
 either piitriotism or statesm.mship: On the 
 eTjntrary, he was anxious to give up national 
 Pnterests to purchase a sectional advantage for 
 the East. I.etthe friends of those gentlemen, 
 however, settle this matter, if they can: A d.ay, 
 we hope, will arise, when the veil which hides 
 the " secret night" trasuctions at Ghent, will be 
 rent, and salutary trutas made known to an 
 abused people. 
 
 Mr. Adams sub: equently proceeded to Lon- 
 don, and remained there until 1816. There 
 were many matters, dependent upon the trwaty 
 of Ghent, which demanded efficient itttntion, 
 but we have no knowledge that any of them 
 t^ere it this period adjusted. 
 
 Here ends the career of Mr. Adams, as a 
 tbi'eign minister: It is incredible, that, if, in the 
 course of tweflily years, he really had effected 
 any object of moment for liis country, an utter 
 silence rcs]>ecting it would be observed: On the 
 cbntraiy, when so much is said pompously and 
 gHAtuituusly, we may well conclude, that the 
 biibject will not bear examination. \Vc have 
 no doubt, that Mr. Adams was a constant and 
 voluminous correspondent, but we have no 
 knowledge of results of his diplomacy, deno- 
 ting patriotism and statesmanship. 
 
 Let us then, hastily, pass with him through 
 the cabinet, from 1816 to 1825. The field, 
 here opened, was sufHcicntly extensive for the 
 diSfilay of every talent, natural or acquired: and 
 
 if tb.e dati"S3 t;!A»Jljri:i5.ndjUJ^ liiS':aiy '■^ tt^'If '-^.i 
 elaborate, and often elegant tiompositiohs, ^'ue 
 sTiould not hesitate to confer high prarse: litrt, 
 if sound advice and salutary actions, are tht 
 tests of a minister, we must refuse to place Mr. 
 Adannsin the rank, which is claimed lor him. 
 
 What, in the who^e course of his ministr)', 
 did he effect with /Vortcf.? If the government 
 of the United States had released France from 
 responsibility, for spoliations prior to the pui> 
 chase of Louisiana, at least indemnity was dufc 
 for the losses of American citizens, by the out- 
 rages of France subsequent to that period- 
 Those losses in all probability exceeded twenty 
 millions of dollars, yet it does not appear that 
 any efficient effort has been made to obtain r?.- 
 muneration. 
 
 On the purchase of Florida from Fi-ance, an- 
 iilustrious patriot or statesman never would- 
 liave pursued the course taken by Mr. Adams ; 
 it was wholly immatojial to France, how the 
 purchase money shovild be applied, that ques- 
 tion rested with the United States alone; a faith- 
 ful Minister, in fixing the amouot to be applietf 
 to the payment of losses by his cou!lt^ymer^J 
 would have taken sucli limits as would embrace 
 eveiy fair claim: Mr. Adams, however, limited 
 the indemnity for losses to five millions, where^- 
 as the actual claims amounted to twenty raif- 
 lions: the injurious effects of this ari-angement; 
 were severely felt, upon tiie decision of the 
 commissioners. According to the principle.'' 
 of justice and sound policy, there ought to have 
 been no limit, but the extent of the fund, and 
 thus all honest claimants would have been in- 
 demnified. 
 
 The United States had been the first to ac- 
 knowledge the independence of iSbw/A America 
 and Mexico, they wei-e sister republics in tlie 
 game hemisphere; we bad clainrs of gratitude 
 and sympathy to prefer; yet we have seen the 
 diplon^cy of England stripping us of advanta-> 
 gen, politically and commercially important. 
 The incapacity and failure of Mr. Aaams, itt 
 this respect, were exposed by Mr. Chiy him~ 
 self, in the debates in 1820, upon the Spanish 
 treaty. 
 
 In the negotiations with Spain, Mr. Adams 
 evinced a want of capacity, or zeal, which af- 
 forded Mr. Clay an opportunity to rebuke him 
 before the no.tion. It has never been explained 
 wliy, in negotiating with Sf>ain, the tcn'itory of 
 Texas was given to Spain — a territory which, 
 according to Mr. ('lay, Spain herself had agreed 
 to consider within the boundaries of I.,ouisiana— 
 a territory comprehending six degrees of lati- 
 tude, from the 26th to the 32d N. and about nine 
 degrees of longitude, from tlie Riodel Norde to 
 the Sabine. To an-est such a transfer, and tf> 
 rebuke Mr. Adams, Mr. Clay laid these resolu- 
 tions on the table of the I^use of Uepresenta* 
 tSves. on the 2Gth Marcii, 1820. 
 '• Resolved, That the constitution vests in con- 
 gress, the power to dispose of the territorv 
 belonging to the United States, and that no 
 tre^aty, proposing to alienate any portion 
 thereof is vjdid, witliout the concurrence of 
 congress: 
 *^ Jiesolotd, That the equivalent proposed to be 
 given by Spain to tlie United States, in the 
 treaty concluded between them, on the 22d 
 day of February, 1809, for that part of Louis- 
 iana, lying west of the Sabine, was in«d&- 
 
^73 
 
 iUiivcj EUui ■itiiii ij. \i-GUild Ue iaaxj»cdient to ber of CcMigress ironi Uiinois, aw iutiicienJ. (o 
 
 piake a transfeifthereof to an}' foreign power, explain this fully : 
 
 OP to renew the aibresaid treaty." 1. Mr. John A. King. The act of Congress 
 "SfaCTe resolutiorrs spoke a language not to be of May 1, 18' 0, (section 2, page 309, of vol. 
 iri^nderstood : tliey show the conviction of Mr. 4, laws U. S ) expressly declares, that no com- 
 CTay in 1820, that Mr. Adann was either incom- peni^tion shall be allowed to any charge clfs of- 
 p«tentorunf'aithful: the debates, on the subject, faires, who shall not have been appointed by' 
 s'et all doubtF at rest: Mr. Clay charg-ed Mr. Ad- the President United States, by and with th'b 
 ams with subserviency to foreign policy, in re- advice and consent of the Senate, or by the 
 gjird to Spain and hei^ate colonies, and said that President during a recess, and afterwards ap- 
 a single expression of Lord Castlereagh had proved by Senate. No one has ever pretend- 
 guided the course of the United States: lam cd that Mr. John A. King was embraced Lo 
 
 qjjite refreshed, said Mr. Clay, at reading a pa- 
 ^er fi-oin the pen of Count Nisselrode, "after 
 ' penwing those ( he was soiry to say it, he 
 ' wished there was a veil tliick and broad enough 
 » to conceal them forever) which this (the Span- 
 -' ish treaty negotiated by Mr. Adams) had pro- 
 ' duced on the part of tlie government:" The 
 Valuable territon', however, was given up — 
 AV'hether owing to Mr. Adams' infidelity or in- 
 competency, we leave the friends of Mr. Ad- 
 arns and Mr. Clay to decide : that the territo- 
 
 either of these cases, yet Mr Adams directed 
 $5,258 15 to be paid to him for 62 days pre- 
 tended services, and it was paid to him, in ope]\ 
 violation of law. 
 
 2. Mr. John FT. Pka^antf^, an administratioTi 
 editor, received 1,940 dollars as the bearer of 
 despatches from the United States to Buenos 
 Ayres, although he has himself confessed that 
 he never went to Buenos Ayres ; that he gave 
 the despatches to the captain of a vessel bound 
 there; and that, instead of cxeeuling the duty 
 
 ty was k)st by one or the other is indisputa- for v.-hich he was paid, he made a pleasant tour 
 
 bte. in England! 
 
 Pursuing our inquiry beyond the period of 3. Mr. CooA; gave the vote of Illinois to Mr. 
 Mr. Adams's election, we see the same incom- Adams, contrary to the will of his constituents; 
 petency or indifference as to our relations with his constituents dismissed him; the administra- 
 England. The Colonial trade had been the tion then gave him a secret agency to Cuba, at 
 topic of discussion for many years — if it had not a cbmpensatioii of 5500 dollars, of whicii he 
 been considered important to the United States, received 1500 — he w.as in bad health, did not 
 this would not have been the case. The Writ- understand the Spamsh language— was but a 
 Ish minlsHry, departing from their usual policy, few weeks at the H.ivana— from whence he re- 
 offered to relax their Colonial system in favor of turned, without efiecting any object whatevei'! 
 the United States, not doubting but that the In this case, for the first tivne since tlie forma- 
 proposal would be met in a spirit of liberality, tion of the government, the Executive refused 
 leading to gi-eater results— the offer was, how- to disclose to Congress the object of a mission 
 ever, so gi-ossly neglected, and the excuses for — the constitution imperatively <^irects the Prc^ 
 'he neglect were so contradictory, that the Bn- sident to give information to_ Congress; a coni- 
 
 tish ministry withdrew the overture, and Mr 
 Canning explained the act in a rebuke, highly 
 inculpating the government ofthe United States. 
 It is extremely probable, that attention to elec- 
 tioneering, produced neglect of public duty in 
 this case — from July 1824, to Jujie 1826, tliere 
 
 mittee of Congress asked it; it was rcftised, 
 without any pretence, that the public interest 
 domar:ded concealment! 
 
 When such a!)uses as these are considered, it 
 Ls not sur})nsing, that the contingent expenses 
 of the executive dep;irtment, in 1825-6-7 un- 
 
 M-as a neglect either to renew negotiations at der Mr. Adams, exceeded the like expen-^es un-^ 
 
 Washingt .n, or to send the necessary instruc- der Mr. Monroe, in 1822-3-4, in the sum oi 
 
 lions to Kngland. ' §306, 506 dollars! 
 
 With regard to the mfasure.i of the ad- We have not ventured, to present our 
 
 ministration. What new principle, or measure, naked opinions, in relation to services and men- 
 
 has Mr. Adams ever proposed, to promote the sur-s, but to refer to the absence of proof: l^is 
 
 interests of agriculture, trade or manufactures > well known, th:it Mr. Jefferson set a very difie- 
 
 What has he done to develope the resources of rent estimate upon the qu.difications of Mr. 
 
 the country from its soil, mines woods or fish- Adams, from that fixed by his friends; Mr. 
 
 eries* Has he suggested any new source of Jeflerson considered Mr. Adams merely a fine 
 
 revenue, or anv improvement in any that exists? hdlis kltres .ichohr, but that, if he wa? called on 
 
 In the entire oVganization of the existing sys- for the exercise of his jui/q-.-JJCH/, it was a cross 
 
 tem, are not things exactly as Ihcy were planned and pile chance whether he was right or wrong 
 
 and left by his predecessors? What'an absurdi- This opinirm accords so rcmark:djljj^ with thay 
 
 ty, then, to claim a merit for the administration of Gov Odes, a gentle nan long conversant ^-ltl) 
 
 from anv existing prosperity— the boast of the public aff.iir; and men, that we clos- our letter 
 
 fly on the chariot wheel, that its agency pro- with an cxtr.act from his address ofthe 28lh of 
 duoed the motion, is not more ridiculous. 
 
 No pei-son of candor can have reg-arded pass- 
 ing events with any sort of care, without being 
 entirely satisfied, thr^.t the great interests ofthe 
 nation'have been merged in tiie anxiety of the 
 men in power to keep it, if at all practicable — 
 the committeeof retrenchment made develope 
 
 Febru;irv last: 
 
 " 1 beli.'ve (says Gov. Giles) that Mr. Adam? 
 does not possess the necessary useful practical 
 talents, for administering any government what- 
 ever, and tliat titn. Jackson's talents UjV that ob- 
 ject arc incomparably greater than Mr. Adam's' 
 "WhilslI ant willing to admit, ih.at Mr. Adams 
 
 ments, which, in any 
 
 individual case, would may be, more than Gen. Jackson, the poet /wr», 
 
 menis, wnicn, in any nuiiviuuui i .i»e, »>..iini. mi.i_, u.,......^ . — 
 
 have stripped any man of t lie conH(h:nce of hi.s and more the .scholar mude ; I he he vc Mr. 
 
 ■ -- - • ■ Adams not to be a wise man, that he poK 
 scsscs v<r\ ftw of the att.iihui'^"' of wi?doir 
 
 emjiloycrs — the three cases of Mr. John A. 
 King, Mr J H Pleasants, an I Mr. Cook, mem- 
 
474 
 
 i iijuat aiick. lo Uty uerimtiua of Lenns. I l^e- 
 lieve Mr. Adams is not wise ia conduct — not 
 wise in actions. 1 believe he is not blessed witii 
 tlie Iiapp}' talent of choosing the best measures; 
 nor the best means of carrying' )iis chosen mea- 
 sures into i-ffe! t. To be in the fasliion, particu- 
 larly witli " the Anti Jacicsoa Convention," I 
 must, co'n a word to convey my ideas of Mr. 
 Adams in this respect: ! believe Mr. Adams to 
 bean anli-\,vi:e man. 1 be whole liistory of his 
 life will prove tiie correctness of these convic- 
 tions, but I will fj^jecify a few cases only, in de- 
 iiion-ilration. II-s k<tci to the committee, be- 
 f.>re quoted, grounded, 'I tliink, upon fallacious 
 mi.s"cpTCSentr.tioiis, extend'ujj even io a point of 
 incredibility : His various efiorts in various pa- 
 pers, but purlicuUuly in his fn'st mess3f;e lo Coft- 
 gress, to derive pov/ers to the ffeuevul {govern- 
 ment f;-om sources parainounttothc constitution, 
 or from hi.^ own peculiarly eccentric intorpretu- 
 tion of the constitution. Ilis conduct in the 
 whole of his intercourse with Great Britain, by 
 which we liave not only lost the West ludiu 
 trade, but diminiihed the lest i«i" our liritish 
 trade, and liazav.ied the whole — a trade amount- 
 ing to move than one-h:df of oiu- foreign trade, 
 and tlius introducing a state of impoverislunent 
 in the Un'.ted iSiales unknown here before. I 
 think Mr. Ada^^s has been pavt^.idarly anti- 
 wise in ail his most important diplomatic nego- 
 tiations, paitioularly so in his treaties of limits, 
 both with Spain and Great Dritaijj : in the one, 
 he lust the Texas ; in the t'.ner, lie has rt-duced 
 us to the disgr.iceful arbitrament of a foreign 
 power, for a territory on her north-casicrn boun- 
 dary, equal, pcriiaps gTca'er in oxt^'ut than liie 
 whole State of New-llamp.shu'e. I conceive 
 Mr. Adams partictdarly auli-wise, in hia claims 
 to fcxtciitive powers, especialiy in relation to 
 las competeiKV to oriijinate foreign miysions 
 witliout tlic consent of tiic ue'-.ate ; p ivticuLirly 
 as lli'tt question was settled in his t)wn persoii 
 against suchrig-iit, about tlie clos;; of Mr. Jef- 
 ferson's Administration. V/itl>out imfuj^nintj 
 attlxis time th.e policy of Ids I'uiKuiia ^iiss;o'.l, I 
 think one o.^ the reasons he assitfued f<:r it the 
 most an'.i-wise tlial cou! 1 l);ivo vnttred into the 
 lij.ag'.nation of man — to ILberahze the South 
 American Cathoiic:», on the score tif religion. 
 This most eccentric notion has perhaps, tend-, 
 cd more than av.y tiling- else, to deprive »is of 
 ilie valuable favor of the South American Tie- 
 ^lublics. This catalofpie of anti-wise measures 
 nmst siiuice, aUhotuf^li if h- bitljiist begun." 
 licsp'jctrully, yo'.u-s, Sec. 
 
 WM. J, nuANi:, 
 
 WM. .). I.ElPKb", 
 CM AS S. COXK, 
 TkH):i. -M. I'KTTlT. 
 
 .JOSIVPH WOUUF.rj., 
 AVILCIAM DUIv'CAN, 
 WILIdAM r.OYI), 
 HEMiY TOLAND, 
 
 Conimiitec t>f Correspondence for l'!»il idel- 
 phia, sppointcd by the Uei)ublica!» 
 Convention, assembled at Ilarrisburg, 
 .Un.ath, V^2ii. 
 Sept. 15th, l{i28. 
 
 IJvTTEK XX. 
 
 Tojoitn Sirgenn', Munuil Ei/re, Laioenc Leiv- 
 J", C. C BidxHc. ami Jmcpk F- Horrid, I2*qr^. 
 Auihrrrs of an aildrrsfi ailtipled at the adinlniS' 
 tiution town iiiccling vf the 7th Jufy. 
 
 Gentlkmex — The field cf di.Tcussion, which 
 "sye had intended to traverse in .every p:irt, h;'.s 
 
 been ciicumschbed: tUe detail, in relatiou ^o 
 tlic services and measures of Mr. Adams, into 
 wljich we had designed to enter, has been con- 
 Uned to a very few ])o;nts: and we now proceed 
 to close the letters, wliich it became our duty 
 to write. 
 
 .Duty,- we say, called upon us to write them ; 
 for, according- to the spirit of our inst.tutions, 
 we conceive, that no man can, with pr^ priety, 
 sl^rink from tlie executiQU of a trust, conferred 
 upon him by any considerable portion of hin 
 fellow-citizens. 
 
 K convention of repulilican delegates, from 
 the various coimties of Pennsylvania, which as- 
 sembled at Ilsrrisburg, on the S'.li of January 
 last, to nominate an electoral ticket, favourable 
 to Gtn. A. Jackson, and Mr. J. C. Calhoun, ap- 
 pointed u« a com nittee of corrc-spor.dtnce for 
 this city: Custom had long rendered it the du- 
 ty of such comtnittces, to sustain the cause, pro- 
 posed to be promoted ; yet, it is certainly tru- 
 that we did not imticipate a necessity for ai 
 olh^ r atteut.io!j on otir part, than that wh-i h 
 would b;S required, in maintainirtg a coricspo::- 
 dencft with o'lr owii political friends'. Th - 
 presses, wc tl-.ought, were suflicienlly numer- 
 ous, and tlieirconductoi"3S.;:Tlcicntly zealous, to 
 «;n;:ble tlie people at lirg-e to obtaui all the in- 
 formation, nectssury to the e-iijosldon of truth. 
 But you, jjenilenien, tiiought, as you had an 
 nndoufited right, to think didtrently: You 
 deemed, ihe ciuise o. the administration .?o weak, 
 or its etlitoi-ial suj)portcrs so unworthy, as to 
 d-v.'mantl tiiR exercise of your own persoaal 
 taleu's aiid itirmerice. 
 
 Totliis, no one could, with the least proprie' 
 ty, have olij' cted ; on the contrary, if you had 
 explained i.h-^ principles, services, and mea 
 sures, of Mr. Adams, even in the language of 
 high panegyric, v.e do not believe that wc 
 sliould hKve coiisidered ourselveti bound to at- 
 tempt to ^.frip him of a .single ornament. 
 
 Very difTertiit, howevc r, was the coiir'^c piiv 
 slied: upon tl-<- -anniversary of the nation's hi ;lr. 
 the best feelings were pcrvcr'cd, from its sc- 
 Icmn;^.it,ion, to the <levelopment of party \yis- ; 
 sions;and ere the cxcitcmt.-nt, then ]>rodu^ i '. 
 had ceased to operate, it was dee ■.■cd politic to 
 convene a general assemblage of your partisans. 
 Thjsi', wlio have been observers of men -jud 
 things, sav.' in this poptdar assembly a depar'uro 
 from tsic former principles and practices of 
 many of tiiose, who now attended: It had lonar 
 bteu tlieir opinion, that more, evil than ad^ : 
 t-kge r< -altcd from town-meetings ; and so ilr 
 the meeting of the Tth July is to be tlie nit. 
 rfon, t!ie sentiment is undoubtedly sanctio!=t 
 Ilarangi cs wore pronounced, on that oc- 
 sion, v.til CKlcui.ilcd to reconcile jncongnious 
 roaterlals lo cacli other, and to rouse them to 
 unity in action against the rest of their fellow 
 citizens: Yet, if the proceeding's had ended 
 tiicre, we should not have had a desiieto inter- 
 rupt your course: the sober reflection of many, 
 wlio were i)rcseiit, would, we were sure, suc- 
 ceed an unnatuial cxcitenunt, and produ 
 even regret at such an example cf popular < 
 ctss: We saw the youth of your party tread ■ v 
 the footsteps of their fathers, .and rival tliem y.: 
 zeal to tear all the honors, conferred by i 
 cnuntry, from t!ic hoa-y lic.ad of a public bci.- , 
 factor; and wc bcruvc'd, tlyit fathers would not 
 Cfpon reftcctjon, deem such rudeness ti* Jnc'".- 
 
47 
 
 wAiiou ot iut-urc u'sciuliiess, a.i\y tnoie than at 
 present niodest\\ 
 
 But the ebullition did not end with the meet- 
 ing; an address, avowedly from gentlemen in 
 all respects entitled to rejjiu'd, was ushered to 
 the world, not only accusing' the candidate of 
 our cjiolce of the most atrocious crimes known 
 in savage or civdized life, but de-nonncintj Ills 
 friends witliOut distinction as a faction, influ- 
 enced by th'j worst p-issions, und seekiiig' to 
 Igi-atify them by the basest means ! 
 »".<; r.'.lt ourselves hi'und, {herefoi'f, by re- 
 spect for public opinion and for ourseives, to 
 tlefend our cxixlidiue, our principles and our- 
 sfelve?. '-Ve took up the pen, just as the re- 
 publican com>-iittce of 1799, did,' >ipon a similiir 
 occasion, when the late Gov. M'Kean wasas- 
 I sailed, aiid addressed ourselve" dired'y t'> those 
 who, by t! -"r names, as the a>il,. . ''.-.<, 
 addross, pl>rlgcd themselves to the pubjio for 
 US correctness. 
 
 . . . .To notice an adih^es's, such as, in momehts 
 of calmness, you must confess yours to be, was 
 not an easy la-k — v»-ith the ut;iK>st desire to 
 avoid excitement on our part, it was almost m?- 
 cessarlly produced by a sort of contact w:th your 
 own; an) with r>li possible desire to respect voui- 
 motives an?* feelniij^, it uas <rifTir.uIt to refrai)! 
 from severe censure upon yoiu- acts: If, in any 
 instance, we pa3> -d the true line of so.ind discre- 
 tion, it mvist have been be cause you na<l brokf n 
 down the distinctive boundi-.rics, and laid all 
 •vraste before you; but, we have noremeinbrar.ce 
 {^f excess on our part, and if there was any, v.e 
 lament it sincerely. 
 
 In short, gchtlemr n. as we have stiid tlu'ough- 
 C,ut, we forbear to assig'n invidious motive:^; we 
 sLltribute your conduct to an excitement, alto- 
 : gslher fictitious. Wfiat else could excuse si>cii 
 ^"xtveo'ie intemperance? Thirty years ago, in - 
 J:^inp'ora!ice equally ^reat was dlrecte'.I against 
 'tup late Go.-ernor M'Kean and the late Presi- 
 tlent Jefferson; yet we saw the meraories of 
 those pi'triots hunoi'ed by many oftlie vcrj' per- 
 sons who had been amynfjst their revilcrs. In 
 the tiaiural course of things, you, gentlemen, 
 vill long survive Gen. Jackson, and we shall 
 ;ot be at all surprised to see you, anxious to 
 atone in death for the great injustice done to 
 him in life! 
 
 No doubt it Wag yoiir ri(;ht, nay yotir duty, to 
 "^yutiuTxe his conduct and chavactor — but, in 
 ibing so, it became you to kiquire dispassion- 
 ately — to cous'der v.hcther it was likely, that 
 nearly all the distinguished men in tiie south 
 and West, to say nothing of t!io mass of the 
 pvople there and in your own State, were all 
 (Icceived ' Or whether it was iK;t more likely 
 that you were vourselv'cs mistaken ? At least, 
 some di»gree of oalinncss would have been thus 
 produced. 
 
 But, instead of that, yo\i ran with the raging 
 current of detraction ; ami now, in truth, it may 
 well be asked, wiieiher one of the causes of 
 C'cn. Jackson's election, for elected he certain- 
 1V will be, will not have been — the cniel and 
 relentless manner in which he has been assail- 
 (*d ? For it cannot be the interest or the wish 
 of any man, who loves his country, that it .'hotdd 
 ■^Tesent the spectacle which you have aided to 
 jiphold. On the contrary, it seems to be the 
 strious duty of good men to resist tlie torrent 
 •yhich .'ifccjk': to overwhelm cxll tho con-)ider?- 
 
 tions that proJueo respect abroid o.r charity aI 
 liDmc. 
 
 If tiiis is not so, what mu"^t be the rerJuUs ^ 
 A'iituous men will refuse to be candi^lates. — • 
 Thus? who look to i'ne gratitude and honors t<> 
 be conferred hyr the country, for faithful scr\ 'CO 
 will cof.se to haie sucn incen'ivts : IleputatioJV 
 and capacity will no longer be vuluahlc, if pub- 
 lic slations are to be gained by disgusting hiero- 
 glypiiics, and not by sound arg'.uuents, by ap- 
 peals to tho vih'st passions, r:itlier thun to th>i 
 sober disci-etion of the people. 
 
 Are tlie citi^f us of die United States anv- 
 ious for siicli i race as this? If sucii races :ufi 
 to be ••u'.i, must they not at last terminate in fa- 
 vor of the most profligate?. What distinguis!;- 
 es the scenes now before us iVotn tlic mobs of 
 LcgeniJfe, but the absence of a donso popuh'- 
 lion' In spirit, therriod,' of opposition adopted 
 against Gen. .lackson, is the same whicii co^'ci'* 
 ed Paris with blood — age and sex are no pro- 
 tcct'on, and tl.e grave ilscdf is cabled to give U'l 
 its dead, not ffir the Htir scrvitiny of public cha'-^ 
 acter, hut in search of the fecuicnt malcri-Js of 
 personal slaude:-. 
 
 . . . -In reverting to what duty has called up- 
 on us to lay before tiie public eye. wc re;oir->. 
 to find, th if temptation to retaliate did not in- 
 duce us to paoS the boimdary of fair discussioi,: 
 We are not conscious, t'mt Vi^e apprcachedUi ; 
 cmnnes of private reputotion, or that we vv- 
 properly sought in unworthy motives lo fiiul 
 t! o sources of public actions. We have indeed 
 desired, Jiy argvi.nei't and cxplamuior', tosh.ow 
 that ambiilous and seh'ish passions have bee;i 
 the governing impulses of Mr. Adams and Mr. 
 f;lay: — whether our argument; have been ade- 
 qsiate to th.e proposed end, our.feliow-citizcns 
 will decide. 
 
 V/e ha^v'e dfefended Gen. Jackson, by exp'^- 
 tiiig the unf.iirnevs, and the fall.icy of the chn'-- 
 ges agaiint nim; h / ^ho>viiig the c.or.ii leucc ri-- 
 posed in iiiin by . . our presidents: byexhibi'- 
 ing his uniform diKinterestedness, and generous 
 devotion; by proving the uniformi'y o/'hi.s pri'- 
 riples, and their li'ier.ility wilhal; by showing 
 that lie is not in favor of tretiling any of h'.s . 
 countrymen as the Catholics of Ireland are tren"- 
 ed, without jcoi.fulence o; hf)nor, buttliiith^ 
 deems it patriotic, jtist and politic to "judge 
 of the tree by its f'uit^," and to regard all men 
 as equal in claim? to public trusti, who nre trwc 
 to their couniry. We liave shov-n, that he nev- 
 er was, anil is not, at the head of any f:\clior; 
 that he never has sought power, but has often 
 refused h'gli stations yieMing great emolu- 
 mc.'its; that he has, from principh-, shunned ii.- 
 Icrctiurse or actscalcnjated to give the oppor- 
 tunity to create iiilluence: M«' has made no con- 
 tracts', lie has nosiiccetsnr designated; he will bo 
 the president of a nation and n:jt of a section rf 
 it, the father rif a whole people, nut the patr.)i\ 
 of aT;fvorcd cl;iss. 
 
 We have also inquired into the principle^, 
 services, and mca'JUies of Mr. Adams, and liavj 
 f tiled to iuhI the evidences of the patriotism and 
 statesmanship, which his frientls assign lo hint : 
 His whole cii-eer has bciuumarkcd by a regard 
 to his p'-rsonal iiiteresti: we ki.o.v no instanc 5 
 in whch he made .» single .sacniice fi^r his coun- 
 try: whilst Jefferson, Clinton, and other pa- 
 triots have sunk into the tomb, leaving no in- 
 
•J 
 
 'a^on, Mr. Aa;ims\iHt n;a\c the public service, 
 after having- amassed an immerse fortune ; 
 And i'or all this what will he have left, that will 
 syrvivc him? — Tiiere \vill he volumes of com- 
 position, remarkable for (goodness of style ra- 
 tiier than soundness of instruction, foi- brillian- 
 ^y of lang^uag-e rather thansolidity of jiHg-ment; 
 vDlumcs that will give hut m- 'mpe ifct lipfht 
 upon the future natS in diplomacy. What rrc/a, 
 \yhat results, will appear upon the pag-e of his- 
 tory ? 
 
 Personal considerations or merits, how- 
 ever, are of minor import: The question, now 
 to be settled, is vital: " Never'^' said .Judge 
 Rowan of Kentucky, in his mf>s' able letter, 
 'never will the people hy nn unhiufi^eil vole, elect 
 
 • rmothtr president — if Mr. Jdums shall h" rc- 
 ' elected: The sfrttegle, on thepnrtofthe admin- 
 ' istrrilinn is to sustain itself in the violation of 
 'the public will, and to perpetuate its ill {gotten 
 'power, bv amis-exorcise of the p'ltronai^e be- 
 
 • lonj;:inff to it: 77je ejfort on the part nfihe pen- 
 'pie, is to assert the p(nver of their will, and to 
 'sindicate its nredo:iiinaiit nutliority: If Mr. 
 ' Adams shall be re-eleted it will be an evi- 
 'dencethat the power of the patron.xgc of the 
 " g-overnment Is too strnng' for the power of pub- 
 *Iic sentiment: The contest will never be re- 
 'newcd, on the part of the people, under hap- 
 ' pier auspices; tliey never can again expect to 
 'select an individual from umon'^' therasc'ves of 
 'more deserving- that Gen. Jackson — one to- 
 ' wards whom the publicesteem, gratitude, and 
 "affection so obviously and intensely converge. 
 ' If the power of the government, with its strat- 
 
 • agems and intrigues, sh:dl, in this instance, 
 ' prove too strong for the violated and insulted 
 ' will of the people, // will, at every subsequent 
 ' occasion, be found still .stronger". ... 
 
 . . . .And, if it will increaic in force, what will 
 follow? This is a question, which we put to all 
 good men; Wliat will be the conseqiunce, if 
 corrupt factions shall triumph' Can the repub- 
 lic subsist^ Will it not become a prey to an ol- 
 igarchy? What will be left to the people, but 
 the odious liberty left to the Poles, — of regis- 
 tering their own debasement. 
 
 Against such a calamity, we ask all good men 
 to protect their country — and, from tlie shame 
 of producing such a bond:igc, we ask all good 
 men to release themselves. 
 
 .JO.SKPH WORRKIJ,, 
 WILLIAM DHNCAN, 
 WILLIAM KOYD, 
 II' N'KY TOLAND, 
 ,TOHN WURTS, 
 WILLIAM .L nUANK, 
 WILLIAM .1 LKrPER, 
 CH Ab'LKS S. C'OXE, 
 THOMAS M PF.rriT, 
 Committee of Correspondence for Philadelphia, 
 appointed by the Republican Convention, 
 assembled at Harri.shurg, Jan. 8th, 1828. 
 September 16th, 1828. 
 
 Mr. CLAY, 
 rhe Delaware Patriot suggests, that Mr Clay 
 desires a .seat on the Supreme Court Bcncli. We 
 have no doubt that ho desires to be placed beyond 
 the reach of the people, but we mistake thf 
 character ot the Senate of the United S'tales, if 
 that body permits Mr. Adams to impose (/.•)// 
 partisan tipon that elevated station 
 
 From the *o.voii SJ.ateiri-iaii, 
 
 Mn. Chi..KNF. : A late number of the Ba&tCid^- 
 Pnlriot, in a feel)le attempt to accuse Mr' Jarvis; 
 of political inconsistency, introduces the follow- 
 ing a-^se; i.''>n; " Derby's affidavit whicfi few per- 
 sots believed," Sec — lam that •« Derby," and my 
 affidavit published in the IJoston Siatesman in 
 November, 1824, is the affidavit which, accord- 
 ing to the Patriot, " few persons believed." I 
 think it my duly to notice this assertion, not for 
 the purpose of proving its y«/!sj7«/; that is known 
 to ev(-ry reader of the opposition papei-s for the 
 last four yeai-s; — but because the Patriot, with 
 characteristic mcanness,has repeatedly suppress- 
 ed part of tlie evidence in confirmation of my 
 affidavit. — This is the second time that paper 
 has intimated that the ch:irg-c against Mr. Adams 
 of " a design to destroy the democratic party" 
 rests on my testimony alone,- and then by calling' 
 me an interested witness, with admirable com- 
 placency it pronounces the charge repelled. 
 Siicli conduct is worthy of a journal once the 
 scorn of that jjarty which it now caresses, the 
 federalists, and now the ungrateful assailant of 
 consistent republic>»ns, its old and generous pa- 
 trons! I speak of the paper,- for I am ignorant 
 who ??oio mixes the ingredients of the sleeping 
 potion d^ily in its pages administered to the 
 public; Nor do I feel myself injured by any of 
 its scurrilous remarks. On the contrary, the 
 '« Ro.ston Patriot" has so lon-g been notorious for 
 its slanderous attacks on the most patriotic and 
 illustrious citizens, that it is an honor to an hum- 
 ble individual not to be thoug>lit unworthy of 
 its hostility. 
 
 Many persons Vvlio knew the oilgin of ray 
 affi'lavlt in 1 824, have probably forgotten the 
 fnc.t^ connected with it ; and many who then 
 gave them little attention, may now be induced 
 by the 'excitement of the moment, to con- 
 sider tb.em more attentively. Trutl'i must and 
 will ultiriiateh/ prevail : it is of the utmost im- 
 portance that it now prevail. At the last elec- 
 tion Mr- Adams was not the choice of the peo- 
 ple. That sin lies not yet at their door. But 
 »?rt>«ifheis re-elected, it will be the deliberate 
 r.ct of the people ; a calamity which ( I consci- 
 entiously believe) every friend of the constitu- 
 titni, of republican principles, of political integ- 
 rity, h.mor and fidelity, should supplic.nte Heav- 
 en tt) avert. I trust, tlierefore, that I shall not 
 he thought impertinent, if in reply to tlie asser- 
 tion of the Patriot, that "my affidavit" of 1824 
 " was belicvcf'by few persons," 1 state briefly 
 tlie history of that affidavit, and disclose some 
 netP fads tending to substantiate the charge 
 madi- against Mr. Adams. 
 
 Duriilg the summer of 1824, certain essays! 
 by " one of the ]jeoi)le" appeared in the Amer- 
 i(fan Statesman, published at IJoston, in oppo- 
 sition to the election < f John Qulncy Adams- — 
 In one of these essays, the writer made thefol- 
 Imvlng charge against Mr. Adams: — 
 
 " About the same time, (viz : in the spring 
 of 1807,) at the table of an .illustrious citizen, 
 now no more, he (Mr. Adams) lamented the 
 feaiful ])rogress of the democratic party, and of 
 its principles, and declared that he iiad long 
 meditated the subject, and had become con- - 
 vinced that the only method by which the demo- 
 crufic party could he destroyed, was by joining 
 with it, and uiging it on withthe utmost cner- 
 reluctaiUly, hut with an unprejudiced mind, I 
 
 •*■•*<».■.. 
 
4/ 
 
 'ame forvvard with my testimony. 1 published 
 n the Statesman of Nov. 9, 1824, my affidavit 
 inder oath, of which Ihc following- is an exact 
 opy: 
 
 '•I, John B. Derby, of Dedhani, lateof Med- 
 leld, in the county of Norfolk, of lawful age, 
 estify and say, That one evening in the summer 
 of 182}, being- at tiie house of Horatio Town- 
 seiid, Esq., of Dedham, conversing with said 
 Townsend on the political character of John Q 
 Adams, and objecting to Mr. Adams on tlie 
 ground of his desertion of federal principles, said 
 I'ownsend asserted, that Mr. Adams was at heart 
 -J federalist although acting with the democrat- 
 ic party, and for proof thereof stated, that he 
 (Mr. Townsend) b'jing many >:ears before in 
 company with Mr. Adams anil otiier distinguish- 
 ed federalists, previous to Mr. Adams's politi- 
 cal conversion (I think at the late Chief Jus- 
 tice Parson-s') Mr. Adams in speaking of the in- 
 creasing power of the democratic party, used in 
 substance the expressions attrib-.ited to him !iy 
 the author of " one of the people," pid)lished 
 i 11 the Statesman in July last . Afterwards i n the 
 .sprlng-{ I think) of 1822, said Townsend being 
 at m}' house in .\IedfiL;ld, on my again introdu- 
 cing the discussjanof the same subject, repeat- 
 ed to me the same declaration of Mr. Adams in 
 similar language. That John Q. Adams ever 
 m-A.de such observations I do n >t kuow, but i 
 was constraujed to beheve that he made thr-m, 
 by the frequent and confident ;issertions "f Mr. 
 Townsend. TKat Mr Townsend said in sub- 
 stance wha*^^ 1 have tiare stated, is confirmed by 
 the Hon. James Uicliards'.m, who says t'lat oh 
 hearing the extract from "one of the people" 
 read to him, he immediately recollected having 
 heard Mr. Townsend, in substance, so express 
 himself in convers-ation to him, once at said 
 Townsend's house, and also at his office, and 
 that it occun-ed to him before he (Mr. U) knew 
 that he was designated as one of those to whom 
 the above statements of .Mr. Toi^nsend were 
 addressed." — John B. Derby. "The pieces 
 .signed "one of the pci>pk" are written with so 
 much talent that it is hardly necessary for me 
 to add tliat I am not the author."' 
 
 Norfolk, ss. Nov. 8th, 1824. Then the above 
 named John B. Derby declared on oatli, that 
 the above statement, by him subscribed, was 
 true. ERASrUy WORTIHNGTON, 
 
 Juitice oj Peace. 
 
 [Sec Slatesmaii, Nov. 9t!i, 1824.] 
 This aflidavit was confii-medby the testimony 
 of the Hon. James Richardson, formerly a Sen 
 ator of Massacimsctts, then and now Presid^-nt 
 of the Bar of the county of Norfolk, a gentlrman 
 of great respectability, and unsuspected veraci- 
 tv. lie stated as follows — 
 
 Di'.DHAM, Nov. 8th, 1824 
 I have read the part of the within affiflivit 
 which relates to myself, and declare it to be 
 substantially correct. 
 
 JAMES UH;ri.\IJDSON. 
 
 It will be remarked that the assertion made 
 by me, that '« I am not the writer of the essays 
 by " one of the people" is not included in the 
 body of the afiulavit. I intended tliat il sho;dd 
 beapai-t of it, and I now solemnly disclaim be- 
 ing the author of those essays. 
 
 In the " Patriot" of Nov. 9, 1824, appeared 
 the following aflidavit of Horatio 'I'ownyond, 
 
 Esq. which the infatuated zealots of the AdaiiU 
 party construed as a denial of the charge in the 
 Statesman, but which the cool-headed men of 
 all parties considered as a full but rtjuctant con- 
 fession of its truth. 
 
 Deduam, 6th Nov. 1824. 
 
 Norfolk, ss. 
 
 I, Horatio Townsend, Clerk of the B'lpreme 
 Judicial Court and of the Covirt of ConiMion 
 Pleas, &c. for tliis oounty, having this day 
 heanl read to iTte th? article in the American 
 Statesman mid City Register of this date, head- 
 ed "explanatory," hereby make solemn oath, 
 that I have no recollection of ever having dmed 
 at the table of the late Honorable Tht-opiiilus 
 Par.sons in company with Mr. John Q lincy Ad- 
 ams, nor do I believe that I ever did. Nor do 
 I recollect or believe that I ever met Mr. .\d- 
 ams in company with the late Ciiief .lastico Par- 
 sons at any time subsequent to my leaving Mr. 
 Pai'sons' odke as a stiid'-nt ii the spring of 
 1788. HOUATFO TOWNSEND. 
 
 NonroT.K, ss. Nov. 6th, 1824. 
 
 Then the above named Horatio Townsend 
 made oath to the trutl) of the foregoing affiJavit 
 bv him subscribed. 
 " Before me, THERON METCALF, 
 
 Justice of Peace. 
 
 It was supposed that the testiniony of two 
 witnesses (V«v. Iliciiardson and my.self) wiiosc 
 credibihTystoodimimpeached, and one ofwiiom 
 sustained a cTnspicuousr.ank in tne community, 
 would be sufficient to convince all reasonable 
 men, th.it Hoi-a'io Townsend had actually re- 
 ported to us and atti-ibuted to Mr. Adams die 
 sentiments .-dU'ged by "one of the people."— 
 More especially when it appeared that Town- 
 s<-nd hi his affidavit, avoided all direct deni;d of 
 the fact, and confined himself to dir.prov ng a 
 collateral and unimportant circumstance. But 
 tiiei^e are times when mt-ii " i.train .it a gnat and 
 swalloA-ac-.imel!" There are mult-.tiuh* who 
 cannot he convinced that the man who once be- 
 trayed and calumniated his party for political 
 advancement, could be so dishonoi-al)le as to 
 meditate a stcon'l treachery, and yet will readi- 
 ly believe that a fortuuafe General, who at the 
 head of a victorionsand devoted urmy preserved 
 the c.orn'ii.fulion and navtd the cnnnt- if, waits orl>- 
 the acquisition of civil power to effect their de- 
 struction! 
 
 One axiom in morals seems to have becom' 
 obsolete, viz: Thiit compunctious visitmgM arc 
 kss poignant on the ^petition of an oflence; and 
 th.at he who noblv resists a powerful temptation 
 aids strength and s.-curity to his virtue. 
 
 The "Boston Patriot" would have it hchcv 
 cd that mv uffid ivit stood nlone and unsupport- 
 bv any confirmatory tC'timonv. Did the edi- 
 tor of 'ihin pnper never read in the Stales'.nan ok 
 Aug. 9th, 1821, the following ■ xtrnct of a let 
 tcr fron a c-^n'h-mnn of a distant State of ••xalt- 
 cd character and worth>— " There is a p.<-c^ 
 in the Boston Statesman of the 2.M m jian'. • 
 (the essay 1)V "one of the pcph', helnrc 
 (luotrdj "which Im brought to ...y rccollcc- 
 t'on an information that I rec",ived from a gen- 
 tleman of verv high stun.lingin New York maiiy 
 years past, and which I !i:»vc fr.quently thought 
 of since. The saux: g.-nlh.m.n lias shown him- 
 self a warm advocate for Mr. Adann— he said 
 that Mr. Adam-* called on him, either going o - 
 
478 
 
 letiuniiig fiom Congi'ess," (probuUl}' ia ISJ") Mr. Towiiscud. After reading" ii uUciitiveJy ■ 
 Mxl sii'ui: — It was in vain to t.ontciid with the l>e made several erasures, and inserted conside- i 
 itemocratic party as a paKy, — tlie people were rible new mutter, and I now hold that paper, 
 \i'ith them, — and to i.uccecd ive iivtst take si/fes eo corrected by him, nearly one half of which 
 imfft fhem ; cnr talents will induce them to cm- i-i in his writing-. This gentleman is the learn- 
 l--race us — we should in t!>at case be bronsflit in- editor of Yelverton's Reports and Starkie's Evi- 
 1 o power, and the goveninjcntmny then be made dence, a distinj^'uished juris* and accomplished 
 to conform to our vicwu; and tfth if: the cminie I scholar. I g-ivc a true copy of that paper, ilic 
 viienn fopurstie, and tliat which I recommend to correct itm^i being piinted in italics, 
 you." — The answer was " jiou may, but /wiil " Horatio Townsenrh told Alexander Towns- 
 ■Hcvcr pursue such a course." (See Rt.itc-sman end, a( tiie time said A. visited Horatio for the 
 of August 9, 1824.) This comnTiunicaticn was purpose of procuring l»is affidavit, which after- 
 suffered to pass in silence. I do iu>t rcmcmljev wards apnenred in the I'atriot, that he did re- 
 i hat either the " Patri-jt," or Centinel, or Na- collect having- a conversation with John Q. 
 tional Tournal, or any other Adams proper called Adann, the year previous to his secession from 
 on the Statesman or its corresporident for proof t!ie federal party, tiiat he (II. T.) h^d on rc- 
 cif this assertion. Surely a charg-e. of so g-rave a flection — *« dxibied whd'ier he ought not to have 
 nature, so confirmed by svibseq'icnt events, and cunsidered and treated thr convrmfion as co.vri- J 
 undoubt-edly s-.iKceptible of proof, requ'redsome rsNTf At, though there teas no suc/i injunction or ' 
 extenuating notice f-om the conservators of the undr^sfandinsrat the time\ but vvh-at lie had corn- 
 Fre.sident's political repu'ation. liere are sub- niun'c.-.ted gave color for tiie statements ivhicli 
 sfantially tlie s.inie sentiniev.tF, tittered at about hud been made re^^pecting it." 
 t'le same time in New York, with those di.sclos- To those who were acquainted with the late 
 ed to Mr. Townsend in Massachusetts, und by Horatio Townsend, it is unnecessary for me to 
 tiie man who s->nn afterwards reducc-d theso m.;k? any contments on the above statement, 
 sentiments to practice! Of this corroborative 'lyi&y w\W vsa.d\]y understand that such admis- 
 testimony, I was utterJy iirnarant, till I sa^.*- the. lion's from a man of his remarkabli; pertinacity 
 
 See also tl>e of temper and subtile mind, arc equivalent to a 
 fviil confession. To those who knew not the 
 nian,T s-aggest a fevv reflections. Townse«d 
 in the above statement admits that a conversa- 
 tion did take place between .lohn Q. Adams 
 and himself. VVhen.^ — The jear before Mr. 
 Adam's political conv'-r.sion. What \yas the 
 purport of that conversation i* He is silent re -^ 
 ppectiiig it, but discovers, after an interval of 
 more tlian eij.ylitecn years, tliat it w.os of a nature 
 to be con.sidjrcd and treated as a ccnjidtnliai 
 conversation. \Vi>y? Have we not a right to 
 infer because as an'clrction of President was at 
 
 c >mmun!cation in the Statesman 
 ytatesman, Nov. 27, 1824. 
 
 It jdJttional evidence is required to ihe ntass 
 idready accumulated, to establish the facts con- 
 tained in my affidavit, tlierc are other witnesses 
 to thcjleclarations of Townsend, wi>n are.^)ro- 
 bably deterred from a public testimony by tlie 
 t-on%-icti j.n that speaking- iii<.\veloo;n^ truths in 
 these days subjects che ofFendL-r to relentless 
 per.secutl()n. I couUl point out the:je persons, 
 but I will not by publishing- tlieir names, bring 
 upon them so great and ceilain an evil. N;-,r 
 <loes llie case require it; Townsend b-mself\lr- 
 
 tually confe^ses its truth, and I now procsed to liayd, and .Folui Q. Adams n candidate, a disclo- 
 produce !.is further testimony, not only as provj sure of that convorsalion would be injurious tv> 
 inghis declarations to myself,but (as I conceive) his' success .>—Vi.t Townsend confesses that he 
 c-'ipporting nnd fortifying the positions of " one had communica'.ed that confidential conversation 
 :'!."on onlc." or apart of it — and for aught appeiU-s, to Mr. 
 
 ^y, expat 
 Th's evidence I omitted to pnb'i.sh in 1S24, in fariVoin it Townsend confesses that his commu- 
 
 c<mwec[ucnce of tUe vtnoxpccled termination of 
 tliat controversy. I withheld It in tl'.e expecta- 
 tion that a reply v.Oiild be atemptc'l to n>y lunt 
 pubficttion in the Statesman, and designed iiia 
 future communication to produce it, to the utter 
 
 nications authori/.ed thoic statements. 
 
 If it be as* eJ w hy, as -Afiidtrchsl,! am opposed 
 ti) M:-. Adams, 1 an'swer, fiecaiise ftderaliin>, (as. 
 I ever understood it,)incnlcated pure republican 
 principles, and honorable and consistent j^ollti- 
 
 tliscomHture of the cnt-my No reply appear<.^'d cal cor.duct. Tliose of that party whom 1 have 
 and no opr.ortunity has oflVred till the prespiif, known from my youth, v/ere g,.neraUy men. of 
 wherein I coald p.iblisli it witho.U seeming to exalted integiily, ardently devoted to the cause 
 i-Urudo mys'lfon thepublic. The paper c;ime of t^e constitution and of rational liberty. There- 
 into my posses.sion in the following manner: — fore I consider thecahnnnies vented upon them 
 A few days af.er the publicalion of llor.Uio by Mr. Ad.-.ms, at th.; time of his pretended con- 
 Townsend's alFidavit in the Patriot, (a copy of version, to require of them as a sacred duty 
 which 1 have in.-^erted above) the Justice of the which t!)cy ow • to themselves, to pobterity,and 
 l^cace by whom tliat afB.lavit was taken^ voliin- to Mielr couiitry, a firm, united and untu-ing op- 
 tarily infor^ned m.: of ct rtairi p.diiiissions ma;lc position to al' the- aspirations i.f his ambition, 
 by 'i'ownsend, in his presence, at the time. I Oan sacti ofthat'pa-.ty us now rally in h". support 
 look^down lii» information in wriiing, adopting (and, alas! they are numerwvis 1 p-alh-.itc the 
 lis langa:ii;-c asclo.scly as I could riColUct. The charge, that by so doing they confess the truth 
 1 ejit morning 1 called at his oflire antf present- of his i'ccusatious and seal their own infamy 
 inghim the w>iting, n-questel him to crasf> eve- Again.should it be asked (admitting Mr- .-^d- 
 1 </ cr-.oneous word, every sentence too sM-ongly ams' i politic -al desertion to he ftiirned^ and lu.s 
 « A-press -d, and to put it in a form tliat stiuulil declanil'in;* to Townsend, to disclose I ti>> true 
 ^\\e. T'-rbnUin, if p'K'siblc. I'lo aHini'^.^en-. of srntiinffn'.^'* whv I rnni<Mi'i,t to h'-s aid ir, l-.!« de- 
 
479 
 
 ii.^'ii oi' leslorii.*^ >.nr. federal pjrty to pov.-i:r i;y 
 tj-eacker,nisl)/ rritVc'.ing t^..e ruin oi' thcu- ibinier 
 adversaries '^-I shouid ti-.ink it foul scorn in any 
 one to pres'ime 'o ssi^n-sstso base -an a(;tio;i, 
 and ill t!ie language of Kvan Dhi:, slioiild reply 
 " that he \v\\o could ask suc'i a quostion, kons 
 little of the Iicart" ofa fedcialisi, " or t'ui hnnoi- 
 of a gentleman." 
 
 JOkN ». DKHBV. 
 Bedham, Mti;s8. JIugiist ISifi, 132S. 
 
 For tlie United States' Telcqraph 
 CIVIL CHIKFTAJNS. 
 
 Mr. Ck 
 
 ■J > 
 
 who seems to liave trianccd over 
 
 the pages (if ancient history fc-r the piirpo.'.e ef 
 satisfying- himself that no man wh> h'dZ risked 
 his life in defejice of his conjilry, is worthy cf 
 a civil trust — has laken care to ^-ludy/in tiie .same 
 jjag-es, tlie lessons taiii^ht in liie solio.;! of fhr. 
 Ofu/or-':,- but without rctlec'^ins^ that llie art of 
 printing- lias enabled liie people to " vcigh" 
 *he principles, and the professions, ;4nd the ac- 
 V ions of aspiring-deroagcg-jes, he iia'i notprofited 
 by the destiny of the Orator.:, whose vanity 
 prompttd Ihetp. to treat the people as their 
 p:.'ptrty, whicii thev could trioisfer \.o .iny 
 ma-iter tijcy mif^-iit be paid io serve. 
 
 Dctninsthents seems to hrtve been tiie model 
 which Mr. Clay h.as end?.avored to imit.ate — and 
 he has chosen a siifiicieritly sordid example. 
 Bemosthenes took pay from both pai-ties to a 
 «uit for debt due to the putjlrc treasury: lUr. 
 Clay, on the floor of Coiigrsss, pronounced the 
 Bank of tl>e United Stiites unconstitutional, and 
 tlang-erous to the liberties of thecountrv^-yet 
 he afterwards became the hired advocate and 
 supporter of that Bank- Df-moslhenes wrote 
 ..* an oration ag-ainst his riva' jEschmeb, Jar be- 
 irayivp; kls trust as antba&s-idDr:" M''. Ciiy has 
 caused a series; of e?;says to be vvrittei-i and pi;b- 
 lished against his rival, John Q. Adams, fir be- 
 irdi.'lng /lib- trust as an ambctssador! The points 
 of similarity are strongly developed in many other 
 vesp;cts — but it is unnecessary to cite them. 
 Let the following example of tiie faith and 
 honor of u " mere orator," sufiice for the pre- 
 sent. 
 
 rlutarch states that iEschines, envious and 
 iealous of Demosthenes, impeached him pub- 
 licly; but Demo-sthenes w.as iionorably acq lil- 
 ted — wHic-renpon, '« iEschines im:nedi<tte]y quit- 
 ted Athens, and ipent the r^•st of his tiiys in 
 teaciiing Rhetoric at llhodesand in Ionia." The 
 histfiriun then proceeds: 
 
 "It was not loni^- ancr thi.^, that Harpalus 
 came from As'.a to Alht-.ns.* H'' had fled fioni 
 the service of Alexander, both because he was 
 conscious to hi i;seif of having fds.ued his trust, 
 to minister to his pleasure, and because he <lre2d- 
 ed his m.a-.ter, who was now become ttnible to 
 his best friends. As he applied to the people 
 of Athens for shelter, and desired protection for 
 
 • llarpalus had the charge cf AJexandei '.<• 
 ia-ea^ure in Babylon; and, flattering bims'^lf 
 that he would never return from his: Ind'iui ex- 
 pedition, he gave in to all manncrof crimes rnd 
 excesses. At last, when he found that Alex- 
 ander was really returning, and that he took a 
 severe account of such people as hiir.s<.lf, he 
 ihoughi proper to march or; witli 5.000 tdcuts, 
 Pijd 6,000 men. into Attica. 
 
 ills sliip.iand treasures, aiost of //vf Onifurs [tiit- 
 Wr.iisrr.iis, £ic] hud an ekk iu'on tub oold, and 
 supported Ills aiqilicition \v\th uif Ihei'r interest- 
 l)e nosthenes at lir.-t advised them to order Har- 
 palus off immediately, and to be particularly 
 careful not to iinblvc the city in war again, 
 \-.itIiout anv just or necessary cause. 
 
 "Yet a few d'ys irfier, wh'-!i they were tak- 
 ing an account I'ftlie treasure, Harpalus ijcrceiv 
 ing that Demosthenes w:x3 mucii pleased with 
 OIK.- of the King\'t cups, [a very '-Safe Prece- 
 dent!"] and stood adiniring the v.orkinauship 
 and fashion, desired him to take it in his hand, 
 fndfrel ihi: uuu]u;lii uf the i!/-ld.\ U^-mosthencs 
 ix.ing surpiisedat the weiukt, and asking liar- 
 pahis !iow mucli it might bring ii'n, he smiled 
 and s:tid, " It will bring "iV"' Iweniy talems." 
 And as soon as it v,-.i.ynigh'., lie sent him the cup, 
 with tiiat sum . For Hupalus knew well enough 
 how to dist,ingu;:->lj a man's passion fi,r gol I, by 
 his pleasure at tlie sight, and the keen /rw'-« fm , 
 cast upon it. Demosthenes could not resist the 
 temptation; it made all tiie impression u])on him 
 th.at was expected ; he received tlie money. 
 
 Those wlio have heavd Mr. Clay tell the" ad- 
 venture^ of one of his coileagirs at Ghent,with 
 the Inmdsome Flemish ^rl, un lers'.and who was 
 inteiuled to be designaUd in his leiter to Mr. 
 THair, by the man " with tears in his ryrs," who 
 iirired him by a regard for his VU I'UKK IN- 
 TEREST to vote for O'VIr. A'lams. The hint 
 was und.eratood by ihe gentlemen who wrote to 
 I'r. Wliite, at tlie iusta'nc'e of Mr. Clay. 
 like a garrisfui. into his house, and went over lo 
 H't int^^rcsts uf ffarpiilas. Next day, _ he cam"-- 
 into the asse'mblv with a quantin of WOOL!, 
 and bandages about his luck; ai.d when the 
 people called upon him to get \\\i and speak, 
 hsmade signs that he had lost his voice Up.'ju 
 which, some that were by said, " It was no com- 
 mon h'.Mirseness ['jnhiry] that lie had got in th-. 
 night; it was a hoarseness [ry^iMCi/] .occasioiu d 
 bv' swallowing ^oW and siL-er." Afterwards, 
 when all the people were apprized of li:s tulmtg 
 the bribe, and he wanted to speak in Ills own 
 defence, they would not suii'cr him, but ra;.- i 
 a chmior, and expresse<l their indignation. At 
 the sa;ne time, somebody or other [a Ivii>;mi;ii ot 
 a fellow, no doubt,] stood up, and si.ld, sneer- 
 inglv, " Will i/ini not liMnn to t/;t: mwi with Ihe 
 cil'u'^" The Alhenians tiien imme<liatcly sent 
 Harpalus off; and fearing they might be called 
 to account for the mon.ry with \vhu;l. t».e Orators 
 liad been corrupted, they made a strict inquiry 
 after It.and searched all their houses except th.it. 
 of CtdhcJes, the son of Arrenide.s; whom Ihtv 
 
 f V.v- Clay said to Mr Floyd, (..f \'a.) pendmg 
 the rresidential ehction in the Hous.: of Ifeiuf- 
 sputatives— «• When I take up tlie pretension.s 
 of NJr. Adams, and wr.jcii them, and lay them 
 (lown— then take up the pretensions oft.encral 
 .lackson, wtmu them, and lay them down by 
 tlie side of those of Mr. Adams— I never was as 
 much puzzled in all mv life, as I am tod<c.ide bc- 
 tweoji th(un."--N'> doubt, if Mr. ».d.ui:-.' H end. 
 «' with tears in his eyes." had not cast the gold- 
 en cui) ♦' safe precedent," into the S'vde With 
 Mr A f/ams' pri-t<-nsions, the wisJi.-s of the peo- 
 ple (f K( ntuckv, and the other Western Slates, 
 would have b.Vn gratified in the elerti-m ofth..;- 
 fa-vr.lte— fif n. .1 ick'.'m. 
 
 ■ A'",' n lVi>f>llrn!> ffif 
 
480 
 
 tpaieil, as riieopcMnpLi.s says, because he was 
 newly married, and his bride was in his hoii&e. 
 *«At the same time, Demosthenes, SEEMING- 
 LY with a des/'^n to prove liis innocence, moved 
 for an order, that the aflnir should be brought 
 before the Court of Areopug;us, [Congre.f.i] and 
 all persons jjunished who should be found guil- 
 ty of taiung- bribes. In conse<iuence of which, 
 he appeared before that Court, and was one of 
 the first that was convicted. Being sejitenccd to 
 pay a fine of fifty talents, and to be im- 
 prisoned till it was paid, the disgrace o^ his 
 conviction, and the loeakness of his c/>n.ititution, 
 Which could not bear close confjklmkxt, de- 
 termined him to fly; and this he did, undis- 
 covered by some and assisted by others. It is 
 said, tliat when lie was not far from the city, he 
 perceived some of his late adversaries follow- 
 ing, and endeavored to hide himself. But they 
 called to him by name; and when they came 
 nearer, desired him to take some neccssa'ry sup- 
 plies of money, which they had brought with 
 thera for i bat purpo.se. They assured him ihey 
 had no other design in following, and exhorted 
 him to take courage. But Demosthenes gave 
 in to more violent expressions of grief than 
 ever, and said— «' What comfort can I have, 
 when I leave enemies in this citv, more gene- 
 rous than it seems possible to find friends in 
 any other?" He boi-e his exile in a ven/ weak 
 and effeminate manner. For the most part he 
 resided in .ilginaor T.-czene; where, whenever 
 he looked towards Attica, th.e tears fell from 
 his ei/es. In his expressions there was noihiiig 
 of &rat'onal firmnesa, nothing answerMble to 
 the bold things he had said and done in his ad- 
 miriistralion. U'hcn lie left Ailiens, we are 
 told, he lifted up his hanjs towards the citadil, 
 and said, " O, Minerva, goddess of these lowers, 
 whence is it that tiioty dclightest in three such 
 monsters as an owl, a drago'i!,and Tut People!" 
 The young men who resorted to him for instruc- 
 tion, he advised, by no means, to meddle with 
 affairs of state. He told them, «• that if two 
 roads had been shown him at fiist, tlie one L ad 
 Jng to the ros/r;/m and the bu.sincss of the As- 
 sembly, and the other to certain destruction; 
 and he could have foreseen tlie evils that await- 
 <d him in the political walk — the fears, the 
 envy, the crdumny, and contention — he would 
 have chosen that road which led to immediate 
 death. "_Pr/^fi 62-64, Plutarch's Lives, ih,1. 5. 
 Printed at Worrester, Mass. by Isaiah Thomas, 
 .//■. ,7. D. I SOI. 
 
 PHILO PLUTARCH. 
 
 From the Ithaca Journal. 
 MR. ADAMS AND MASONRY— AGAIN. 
 We have no desire to pjolong this subject; but 
 .since the publication of the Russell correspond- 
 ence, which was a mere addenda to that of Mr. 
 Adams liimself with Oliver Ileartwelt, we have 
 received from Boston an rxplunntori/ letler, 
 which places Mr. Adams' friend, Major Russell, 
 in something of a predicament. \Vc don't see 
 Jiow he is to extricate himself from it. The Ma- 
 jor had declared, that he faw Mr. .Idanis made 
 ntnason. He afterwards said, that he was m/.!- 
 fakea . it was Jusiah Qtiinci/, Instead of John 
 Quincy Mums, that he .saw initiated. It 
 7WW turns out, that he did not see Jo-uah Quijict/ 
 initiated : nivl [ho filr ;nFp"'>tir;c j-^, tli:it i(vt\ist 
 
 he Mr. Adams.' But here is the letter, wiiichv^ 
 take the liberty of publi.shing, with the single 
 remark, that upon the staleme'nts of Mr. Greene, 
 our readers may place the most implicit reliance. 
 
 Boston, September 6, 1828. 
 E. MACK, Esq. 
 
 Dear Sir — I have seen in the Ithaca Journal of 
 August 27, Major Russell's letter of the 9th, 
 and mine of the 7ti) of August, together with 
 your comments. I think a little explanation 
 neceesary to a right understanding of Majoi- 
 Russell's letter I am not myself a 'Mason, and 
 have no particular bias for or against the institu 
 tion ; but I am informed that a record is kept ol • 
 every lodge meeting, of their proceedings ; of 
 the names of those entered, passed, and raised : 
 and also of the names of tiic m.cmbers .and vi.s-. 
 ters present. Hence, if Mr. Adams were mad- 
 a mason in St. John's Lodge, it would appear 
 on the records ; and hence, perhaps, we ma; 
 account for the absence of the records. Majo 
 Russell says, that "some time last spring, Mr. J 
 John Robert.s, known by me to be a mason, ' 
 called on me to enquire if I had any knowledge 
 of Mr. Adams' being a free mason, and I ex- 
 pressed my belief that he had been made one 
 in St. John's or Massachiisetts lodge, many j-ear.-; 
 since, and that I was pre.sent at iii.s"initiation as 
 a visiter." • * * * * » « 
 
 * * * "Having immediately made 
 due inquiry, I found that Mr. Adams had never 
 been made a mason, and was satisfied tliatthe 
 initiation I had seen, was that of JosiahQuincy, 
 and tiiat I had mistaken him for John Quincv 
 Adams." 
 
 When there was no political effect to be pro- 
 duced, MHJor Russell's recollection was dis- 
 tinct, that he saw John Quincy Adams made a 
 mason ; and I am told oy masons, that one 
 would not be likely to make a mistake in this 
 matter. He now, however, says, hed\d mistake; 
 and that it was Josiah Quinct/ whom he saw ini- 
 tijfed ; so that it was doui>ttess one or the other 
 of them he saw. Now, the records of the lodge 
 ai'e deficient for a Piumber of years, about the 
 time Major Itussell tliougUt he saw Mr. Adams 
 made ; so that we cann.^t get the proof to con- 
 front him with, on this point ; but, fortunately, 
 the records of Josiah (^Jw/ncy'A initiation cfo exist. 
 He was made in St. John's lodge: and on ex- 
 amining the records, beliold! Major Rusaell was 
 NO T present, either as a visiter or member, or 
 in any other cai)acity! 1 will leave it to you to 
 clr:«w the iiTesistable inference from these facts; 
 and to the Adams men to cxjilain the mysteri- 
 ous deficiency in the records of St. John's 
 lodge. 
 
 Respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 
 NATHANIEL GREENE 
 
 Cy The only POTENTATES of the present 
 age who rail against and persecute the Freema- 
 sons, a'socicty whose foundation principles are 
 Philctnthrophy and Charity, are King Ferdinand 
 of Spain, who sheds the blood of the .S])aiiish 
 Patriots, and embroiders a pettic-oat for the Im- 
 age of the ^'irgin .Mary, and King John 2Md of 
 the V. States, who rides througli the counfrj' 
 on the Sal^ath day in the disguise of a lIon«E 
 .1 n ( ■ K r. r . — y^osfov i'^fntf.''man . 
 
UNITED STATES.' rEJuE aRA¥K....ExirM. 
 
 fflus paper will be devoted exclusively to the Presidential Election, and be pubUsTiea, weelcV 
 unAl tbe ISllx of October nertt, for One Dollar,- subject t.> newspaper postage, and no^more. 
 
 BY GREEN Sr JAR VIS. 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 WASHINGTON, OCTOBER 11, 1828 
 
 No. 3i. 
 
 NASHVILLE COMMITTEE. 
 
 Ffom the Nushville Republicajl. 
 TO THE PUBLIC. 
 
 ^^staitinaii of the cvidtnce of fuels candijiferen- 
 cEs deJiMilk tlicrefrom, by the Nashvili.k 
 CoSMiTTBs, in rpfutalioit of a charge, t7i the 
 public prints, imputing to Gen Jitckson apar- 
 iiclpation in the affair umally calltd Burros 
 Conspiracy. 
 
 Neaily at the close of a contest for the Pres- 
 idency,unparal]e]led in tiie number and atrocity 
 of the calumnies heaped on one of the candi- 
 dates, whose only offence is, to have met witli 
 jiiach unboug-ht favor aad support from the 
 great body of the citizens of these States, we 
 
 ance of the union of these States by the AUegd- 
 ny mountains; the other an attack on Mexico. 
 A third object was provided, merely ostensible, 
 to wit, the settlement of a pretended purcliase 
 of a t-act of country on the Washita, claim^ 
 by a Bwon Baatrop. This was to serve as the 
 pretext for all his* preparations, an alluremen\ 
 for such followers as really wished to acquire 
 settlements in that couutr>-, and a cover undei; 
 which a retreat in the event of a final discom, 
 fiture of both branches of his real design. 
 
 •« He found at once that the atta'^hroent ot 
 the Western Country to the present union wa« 
 not to be shaken; that its dissolution could not. 
 b€ effected with the consent of its inh-abi- 
 tants, and that his resources were madcquate,' 
 as yet, to effect it by force. He took hjs cours- 
 then at once, determined to se'^e on Nc^v-0^ 
 
 <■ee a last despei-ate effort made, to blig^ht the '■'len *'■"'"'.'"' "t""'il"""i, ti,.^..* T-.n>;tp<!c; liiniseU-' 
 honor of thiJman, and impair the Jus? confi- leans. Pi""!- ^ \e/-J^^,^'\rorU W m 
 
 dence reposed in his patriotism and integrity, 
 by his countrymen. He is charg-ed with the 
 Ibitl crime of treason; of having been connect- 
 ed with Aaron Burr in a conspiracy to sever the 
 Union of these States. 
 
 Before we proceed with the e\ idence, in re- 
 futation of this unprincipled calumny, we will 
 premise, that Gen Jackson, while in the Sen- 
 ate of the United States, became well acq'iain- 
 ted with Col. Burr; that then, and lonj^ after. 
 Col. Burr stood high in the fivor and estima- 
 tion of the repubhcan party in the United States; 
 that iie had acquired the good feelings of tlie 
 AVest, by his great attention to its interests, 
 and particularly of Tennessee, by his activity 
 in procuring her admissioii into the Union; and 
 that up to the month of November 1806, noth- 
 ing like suspicion of treason, or of any pr<yect 
 unfriendly to the peace or integrity of the 
 
 of the military and naval stores, and pi 
 on his expedition to Mexico, and to this objec. 
 all his means and preparadons were now du-ecl- 
 ed. He collected from all the quarter., where 
 himself or his agents possessed ^f^f^H^f: 
 the ardent, restless, desperate, and disaflectec 
 
 ready for any enterprise 
 characters. Ue seduced 
 
 try; tliough Mr. Jefferson^ in Ixis message of after the receip 
 January 22d, 1807, say-s — 
 
 persons who were 
 
 analogous to their i ^„„ 
 
 good and well meaning ^^V^^"'' fiT',. "'of tw; 
 Lees that he possessed the confidence of the 
 government, and was acting under it*, sect ct- 
 natrona^c- a pretence which proc«red some 
 cS Iromthe state of our differences wit.; 
 Spat: and others by offers of land n. Ba.trop', 
 
 ^^r^^ -s^t^^tf sSeof my it^mation ^ his. 
 nroceedings, about the la.t of November; af 
 KchUmt,' therefore, it w.s <^-M>o-.ble o 
 
 take specihc ---- ^ -^^,t!' tw J"^: 
 
 nsou's intorma. 
 
 "'Not apprized, till very late, that any boats 
 ^cbuiS on Cumberland, the effect of thc- 
 Snado^l^ad been trusted to for som. 
 
 were I 
 
 United States, had any existence in this coun- proclamation of,^';^^,'"''"'.^^ 
 -^ - - after the receipt of Gen. \V iiiti 
 
 tion, was now issued-'' 
 
 " Some time hi the latter part of September I 
 leceived intimation that designs were in aglta- 
 tioii in the western country, unlawful and un- 
 friendly to the peace of the union, and that the 
 j>rim3 mover in these was Aaron Burr, hereto- 
 fore distinguished by the favor of his country. 
 The grounds of these intimations being incoD- 
 clusive, the objects uncertain, and the fidelity 
 of that country knowti to bo firm, the only 
 measure taken wa.s to urge the informants to 
 use their best endeavors to gel furtlicr insight 
 into the designs and proceedings of the suspect- 
 cfd persons and to communicate them to me." 
 
 And again he says : — 
 
 " Tlie General's [Wilkinson's] ktter which 
 come to hand on the 25th November, as has 
 been mentioned, and some other information 
 received a few days carher, when brought to- 
 gether, developed Burr's general designs, dif- 
 ferent parts of which only liad been revealed to 
 different iirformaiits. It ap])csrcd that ho con- 
 templated two distinct objects, which might be 
 curried on either jointly or sepjiafely, and 
 either the one or the other, first, as cucumstan- 
 ,%•«; sh<Tittd di'''''''T On*^r>f tl>v^<' ^wa* <hP spvcr* 
 
 boats 
 
 proclamation l.ad been trusted « /^f /°J^^\ 
 lime in the State of Tennessee ; but on thclitk, 
 
 of December, similai- <^°"^"^"'}'^,*,^'^ '/^^le ' 
 slructions, with those to the ^'^f'^.^'ll^^^^^!- 
 were despatched by express. ^" 5 1«. ?«; ^^X' 
 Jd:ii!cneralojnceroftl,c Western Ihxnswn of tbr. 
 Sate-^and on the 23d of December our con . 
 S;i "gent left Frankfort tor N-^-H^.;;.. 
 
 put into activity, the means "^ »';'^,\S,*^^° ^!!°:„ 
 ^ Although some might su.spect Col. Burr to 
 be e g.g.-d in schemes of pecuniary or perso.u^l- 
 
 gg a5dl.cment, and might disapprove of them 
 ami he might then have become a sui^ject oj- 
 
 uiiclon to .ome extent, yet no one «"«i>ecte^ 
 them to be, in any degree, ''O^^''-^ ^^ '^f, fj 
 ernment of the United States; and mo«t pe/ 
 so si^ the West, believed that his designs were 
 rount^nanced, a'nd. in th.ir "C-''-' --^ 
 he supported bv the government. 1""^ '^^ 
 
 wts s.l^p'porte.1 by ^^f ff^^ fZ^^':;^^ 
 tions with Spain, and die bd.ef ^''"^ * J.^Vl?'' . 
 that power was in,pwd.ng-a ^^ar which o 
 that time. ^-sr^M hav^ b'-r-n pop^ilar ,n the \v 
 
'182 
 
 Wc will now intiDduce Gcucral Jackson's 
 "cttei- to Gcovf^c ^y. Campbell, then a repre- 
 sentative in Con.a^rcss from Tennessee, dated 
 Mannary 15t!i, 18U7, not because it is firsl^. in 
 date of the several documents we shall present, 
 but because it contains a connected and con- 
 tinuotis relation of Gen. J-.icksoa's knowledge 
 and conchict, with regard to Co). Burr; a plain 
 atid manly n;lrrat^^'e, containing in itst- If-a vin- 
 dication, wliich must prove satisfactory and con- 
 Olusive to every honest aixl well constituted. 
 jTiind; fi'«)m which sopliistry and incrctliility 
 ■will alike shrink, back, fo'led and overcome; 
 and which, wh.en snpoor'.ed in all material, 
 points, by. other direct evidtnce, which shall' 
 be giveri, must carry conviction to the nicwt 
 prejuihcd of liis foes. 
 
 Copy of a letter front ^Inrjretij Jackson- to G: W, 
 Ccmpbt:ll, January ISfh, 1S07. 
 
 " Sib : — The Inte denunciation of Aaron Rurr, 
 Rsa traitor, has excited greafsnrprise, and gen- 
 eral indignation. Still, from the opinion pos- 
 sessed of the accuser, m:my there are w!)o wait 
 for the proof, before they will pronounce him 
 ffuihyofthe ciiar^c. One thing- 'is generally 
 Weiieved, that if 3>uit is guilty, Wilkinson has 
 participated in the trr=ason. Tii public mind 
 Jias been much agitiled from yarioiis reports, of 
 Burr having been iinet at the m!>uth (vf Cumber- 
 land river, with 100 boats and 1000 arined men; 
 and ;t was stated as a fact, that the Cap'.am ;it 
 Massac and all the men were gning w'ith him. 
 Subsequent reports stated they had gone. An 
 express which 1 started on the receipt of. the 
 .Secretaiy of War's letter of the — uU. has re- 
 turned, and st'.'tes that Burr left Massac on tlie 
 ;'.d ul». in company ten boats, six men on board 
 each, without arms, or any thing that can aflToi'd 
 .sirspicion; and that Capt. liissell has been doing 
 liis duty as a vigilant oflicer. I had ordered 
 «;ut 12 companies of voluriteers on the receipt 
 of the Secretary of War's letter to check the ad- 
 \entures, which on return of express I dismiss- 
 ed. I have no doubt but from the paiiis that 
 have been taken to circulate reports, it will be 
 rumored that I am on full m;ucl-. to unite with 
 I'.urr. This 1 know jou never will bclieve-un- 
 +il you hear it from myself; or from such a 
 source that you ktiow cannot err. Siiould you 
 ever hear Lliat I am embarked in a cause, inimi- 
 cal to my country, believe it not. Should you 
 jictU' that treasonable intentions have eome to 
 my knowledge, and that 1 have I)ec;i silent, be- 
 lieve tlicm not; or tliat 1 would not put any man 
 '.Hit of existence, who would name such a thing 
 Ui me, without on the ground of discovering it 
 to the proper authorities. If Burr has any trea- 
 sonable intentions in view, he is tiie basest of all 
 human beings: — 1 will tell you why lie al- 
 ways held out the idea of settling \V.ishita, un- 
 less a war witl\ Spain, in that event, he held 
 out the idea that from his intim,?e\- with (he Sec- 
 retary of War, he would oh ».n an appoint- 
 ment, and if he did, would revolutionize Mexi- 
 co. About the lOlh of Novemb'^r, Captain 
 
 called at my hoiLse, and a^'ter the stay of 
 
 a night, and \y.n-t of a duy introduced the sub- 
 icct of the adventurers and in part stated, that 
 their intention was to divide tlie Union. I stern- 
 ly asked how they would effect it, he rcplieil 
 by seizing New Orleans and the Hank, shutting 
 the yior+, corK^ntring Mcxi'-o, and unitmg the 
 
 western parts oi" tlie Union to-,thc coinjueretl 
 country. I, perhaps witli warmth asked him 
 how this was to be ciTectcd; he replied, by the, 
 aid of the federal troops, and the general at 
 their liead. I asked if he had this from the 
 Cicnerd, he said he had not. I asked him if 
 Col. Burr was in the scheme; he answered he 
 did not know, nor was he :;iformed that he v/as 
 — that he barely knew (Jcl Burr, and never 
 had any conversation with him. I asked him 
 how he knew this, and from whom he got his 
 
 information; he said from in N>v.- York. 
 
 Knowing that Col. Kurr was well acquainted 
 
 with -it rushed into my mind like lightning, 
 
 that he, (Burr,; wa-; at the head, and from tin; 
 colorings he had held out to me. Generals Rob- 
 ertson and Overton, uni.! the hospitality I had 
 shown him, I viewed it as base conduct to us 
 all, and heightened the baseness of his in- 
 tended crimes, if he really was about to be- 
 come a tiaitor. I sat down and wrote to Gene- 
 ral Smith and Doctor Dickson; I wrofc to Gov- 
 ernor Claiborne to put his c^tadef in a slate 
 . of defence, without naming any person except 
 Gen. Vv'ilkinson. .When this was done, I wrote 
 Col. Burr in strong terms, my. suspicions of him 
 and until they were cleared' from my mind, no 
 further intimacy was to e ^ist between us. I 
 made my suspicions known to Generals Robert- 
 son and Tatum, with some others. Not long 
 after, I received his answer, with the most sa- 
 cred pledges that he had not, nor never had, 
 any views inimical or hostile to the Unitetl 
 States, and whenever he was "charged with the 
 intention of separating the Union, tlie idea of 
 insanity must be ascribed to him. After his ac- 
 quittal" in Kentucky, he returned to this coun- 
 tri', and to all who named the subject, made 
 the' same pledge, and said that he had no ob 
 jectsin view, but such as were sanctioned by le- 
 gal authority ; and still said, that when neccs- 
 5>ary, he would produce the SecreUary of Wai-'s 
 orders — that he wanted only young men of tal- 
 ents to go with him, with such he wished to 
 make his settlement, as it would have a tenden- 
 cy to draw to it wealth and char.acter. For 
 these reasons — from the pledges made, if he is 
 a traitor, he is the basest that ever did commit 
 treason, and being torn to piece's, and scattered 
 to the 4 winds of Heaven, would be too good for 
 him. But wo will leave him for time and evi- 
 dence to verify his hue. I have given you ihe 
 outlines, and in a few weeks will give i^e proof, 
 
 A. JAC:CSO.>i. 
 
 "It is hereby certified that the origir.al let 
 tor here referred to, was submitted to .Mr. Jef- 
 ferson, then President of ilie United States, im- 
 mediately after it v/as received, frfjm which, af- 
 ter perusing it, he desired permission to copy 
 such parts as related to tiu- affair of Burr, be- 
 in.gthe same con':ainodin the foregoing extract,^', 
 which was freely given, and when the letter 
 was returned to the undersigned, he under- 
 sto(Kl from Mr. Jelfcrson he i.:,d taken a copy 
 as he proposed doing ; and those parts of 
 wh'chthr foregoing is a copy, beingall that re- 
 lated to said affair, were underscored while in 
 his possession. 
 
 G. W. CAMPBELL. 
 
 April the 3d 1S28." 
 
 This Itttor w.ass!iown, immediately on its re- 
 ceipt to Mr. Jefterson, and by him copied. 
 Trom this we sec the reason wl)y Burr's nairf* 
 
48;3 
 
 f-as not ijiciitiunediniUo IcUev >oi tise lith Nov. 
 1806, to Claiborne ; the informaUon obtained 
 hy Jackson extended only to tl»c commander of 
 the U. S. troops ; the connexion of B-irr with 
 Jiiro, was a mere conjecture of his own ; 1 here- 
 fore it is also, that in the lettr-rs of Gen. Smith 
 nndDr. Uickson, Senator and Representative in 
 Congress, he speaks of iiis apprehensions o' an 
 attenint to sever the Union, and with refer- 
 ence to BiUT, in separate parag:ra})hs. 
 
 Every act and sentimciit of Gc-rt. Jackson's 
 life is marked witli the deepest horror uf any 
 opinions, or acts, or persons, favoring a sever- 
 ance of the States ; and upon this subject he 
 ahyays has displayed a more than ordinary sensi- 
 bility; no wonder then, tiiat hemay before Judgx; 
 Wiihams and othei's, have expi-e'ssed, m strong 
 iang^tiajTc, his apprehensions in relation to it, 
 when ho was communicating- every week »he 
 same fears and anx eties to thie general g-cvcrn- 
 ment through our memberv: of Congress. P,ut no 
 man, not even Ju.ige Wiiliams. who will he dis- 
 posed of presently, has ever dared to testify 
 that Jackson ever expressed approbation of 
 such designs, or that he e^'c^ expressed any 
 other senti.nent than that whicli he announced", 
 emphatically, to Gov. Claiborne— " I will die 
 in the last ditch before I would yield a foot 
 *'> the Dons or seethe [Jaion d-sumttd.''* A 
 heroic and sublime annunciation, which subse- 
 quent events have stan;ped with tl>e seal of un- 
 questionable verity, and proved to be no vain 
 flourish; and that v*hctiier the encnty of his 
 country was the Don, tiie Suvage, or tlie Bviton, 
 }iis life was always ready to be offered up as a 
 '.villing s.ic'.-ifice for her safety an j glory. 
 
 M'e now give extracts from Jackson's letters 
 to Gen. >Jmith and Doctor Dickson, dated Nu- 
 %cmber 17M\ and 2rth, 1806. 
 
 Exlracl of a L-ttfr from Gen. Jnclsan to Ike Hon. 
 Daniel Smith, Senator in Congrens. 
 
 IIuRr.iiTAOr;, Nov. 17, 1806. 
 
 Dear Sir: By the last mail I wrote you lengdi- 
 iiy upon a subject on which T have heard noth- 
 ing s'lKie. My mind is still as firmlv fixed in 
 ibe belief as it possibly can be in a tiiii.g of 
 which it has not positive proof, liowever, cir- 
 cumstances may arii;c that may bury the pioject 
 iu oblivion. 
 
 I have nothing- new since I wrote you last. — 
 Report says Col. Biirr has been arrested in 
 I'rankfort, Kentucky, on a charge for raising 
 men to invade Mexico; whether lliis is the fact 
 I cannot say, but from the cliannel Ihrongli 
 which the report has come, I believe it tide tli:.t 
 Le has been arrested. 
 
 Ki-tracl of a letter frnm tliKunmi'. to Dr. Willinni 
 Dickson, P.cprc.\entotivc in Corifrrc^x, dated 
 i\W. ir, 1806. 
 
 Since my last, I have heiu'd iiOthing more on 
 tiic subject I wrote (ien. Smith; but my mind 
 is as firmly of the b-^lief thai th<' project w:ts in 
 view, as it can he wilhoul positive proof; cir- 
 cumstances may arise, though, whii;i» may put 
 an end to it altogether. 
 
 Report says Col Burr has been an'Csted on a 
 ■warrant, issued from the Federal Court of Ken- 
 tucky, on a cliargc of raising men to invade 
 
 • See Gen. Jackson's lettei* to Governor Clai- 
 borne umler date Nov. 12lh, 1806. 
 
 -Mexico. Wheuicv this is true ojr not I cannoi 
 say— It appears to be pretty antbentic. 
 
 From the same, to the Hon. Danid Sinilh, Scniu 
 tor in Congrc^. 
 
 Nashville, Nov. 27lh, '00. 
 
 Dear General.- J have nothing since my last, to 
 infori'i you— notliingeillier to confirm or lesseq 
 my suspicions on the subject named in my first 
 K Iter to you. A little time will give us room to 
 form a more conclusive opinion on the subject 
 and points therein alhuled to. 
 
 These letters show that about the 12ih of 
 November,! as slated in his letter to Mr. Camp- 
 bell, General Jackson h.id written to Smith and 
 Dickson detailing such information a3 he pos- 
 sessed. The letter.': of the r2th to those gen 
 tlemen cannot be found, altho' the executors of 
 both (both being dead) have made diligent 
 tearch for them, and General Jackson rctainc<i 
 ni) copies, j 
 
 In further support-of the facts as stated in 
 Con. Jickaon's Utter to .Mr. Campbell, W6 
 shall append and refer to the letters of Gene.mi 
 Robertson to General Smith, dated Dec. 23ii, 
 1SU6, and February, 180", and the' letter of 
 Judge Stewart, (then district .ittorney for thr. 
 United Statcsj to lien. Smith of January 3], 
 180/', and t'le filatcmcnt of Dr. Felix Robert".. 
 son.^ 
 
 We now inti-oducc the testimony of GcnerdI 
 CofTee and Col. Ward, completely explanatory 
 of all Uic circumstances connected with build- 
 ing hosts for Col. Burr; the ostensible designs 
 and otjjects held out bj him, the reasons of his 
 favorable reception in Tennessee by Gen. Jack- 
 S'li, Gen. Robertson and many othci- distin- 
 guislied persons of tlie country; the origin and 
 ext( nt of the suspicions as to his o'ojccts; his 
 last vi.sit to the Clover bottom, near Gen- Jack^ 
 son's, in Deccmbci-, 1806, his reception, &i.c.ii 
 
 •'N.ISIIVILL!., Aug. 23, 1828. 
 " By request of the Na.sliville Committee, 1 
 do hereby state, that Col. Burr, when in Ten- 
 nessee in 1805 and 6, repn scnleil his view.9 tfi 
 he the settlement of iancls to the soi;t1;, on the 
 Washita river. He spoke or the probaliility of 
 a rupture between the United States and Spain, 
 in uhich e^ ent, the impression was, that he 
 (Col. Burr) would ha\e command of an expe. 
 
 f Certainly on this day, as will appcaV In- 
 Gl-u. Jackson's letter to G. M'. Campbe]!, Es(| 
 of that d.ite in which he say.s •' I sat down alii' 
 v.rotcto Gen. Sniith and l)v Di'-ksnu" S;c. fcr. 
 
 i i'robai)Iy handed to Mr. Jellersoii and h\ 
 iiim rctaineil. 
 
 <j Sz-e appendix from one to four inclusive. 
 
 ;i With a view to sliow the state of pubVi 
 opinion in this Stale witt> regard to Col. Burr, 
 ahont tiiiH time, the following article is copied 
 from the Impaiti.tl Review, a paper printed in 
 Na^hville, dal<.d Oct. 4iIj IKOG. 
 
 " Col. Aaron Burr, Ih'; si'-ady »nd firm friend 
 of the State of Tenncstarc arrived in this pl»rf 
 on Friday 28th ult. and on the next <I.iy. n din- 
 ner wah given liim nt Talbot's Hotel, at which 
 were ronvf ncd manj- of the most rcspcrtahlr 
 citizens of Nashville imd its vicinity. Thcr>.' 
 appeared an nnii>n of Hcntimenton thirtOcc-i- 
 sion ; mai'.v appropriate toasts wei-c drank, and 
 a few of the most suitable sontp given, whf n 
 the commrTk' retired qliite grsrriiitd.'" 
 
4'SA 
 
 Uxoiity o/ the United States. Sometime after 
 hff had been in Teiinesse& in 1805, and left tJ^is 
 .imprc'ssion, letters were received from him, as 
 :ny impressions now arc, by Gens. Jackson and 
 Jlobertson, requesting them to make out and 
 ibrward to him a hst of such enterprising 
 young men, as it was believed would serve ti>e 
 countiy well in the Impending anticipated con- 
 test with Spain. Gen's Robertson and Jack- 
 son, witii sundry others of the old respec- 
 table citizens, did, for that pui-posc meet in 
 iJashvillc, and made out sticli list and aa I sup- 
 posed sent it on to him. Colonel Burr's then 
 .standing' in the western country (having latelj' 
 filled the second office in the g-ovtrnment,) for- 
 bade tlie idea that his contemplated measures 
 were apart from the knowledge and approba- 
 tion of the government. — On his ariival here, 
 and for some time after, marked attentions were 
 by all extended to him ; and no suspicions were 
 entertained, that his plans and views vrere at all 
 difi'erent — from what they were reprfsented by 
 liimself. With a view to tl»e building of some 
 boats, and procuring some provisions, there hjgd 
 been remitted to Gen. Jackson the sum of three 
 thousand and five dollars, which was placed in 
 my hands, with a desire expressed tliat 1 would 
 attend to the request made by Col. Burr. 
 
 *'Tlus agency I accepted and performed, 
 and made arrangements, for purchasing some 
 provisions, and the building by different per- 
 .sons of five flat boats, and the purchase of one 
 Jicel boat. Subsequently, a further sum of five 
 hundred dollars was put into my bunds. 
 
 "Part of the fimd.s, to wit, seven hundred 
 -dollars, a.s. appears by reference to the memo- 
 randum of the expenditure, was paid over to 
 <Jol. William.P. Anderson ; wherefore, and for 
 what account, this advance to Col. Anderson 
 was made, I have not now a sufficient recollec- 
 ^tion to spe.ak with certainty. 'Suspicions liav- 
 [ng subsequently at4sen, relative to the real ob- 
 ject and views of Col. Burr, my agency in his 
 affau"3 ceased, except to discharge the contracts 
 that had previoualy been entered into. The 
 Balance of the remaining funds in my hands was 
 paid over to Col. Burr on his arrival in Tc-nnes- 
 c/ee on the last visit he made here, in the montli 
 'pf December 180G. I was at that time engaged 
 m mercantile business, and these services were 
 performed by me for Colonel Burr, as they 
 •.vould have been rendered to any respect-tble 
 mai>, for I^ nor any one else, that came to my 
 knowledge, believed that he had objects to 
 bCrve, other than were reprcseiited by himseU. 
 
 " Tlie particulars here detailed, are founded 
 Cm papers now in n)y possession, written at the 
 time, and in my own hand writi.ig. — In the 
 month of December, 1806, Col. Burr returned 
 fp Tennessee, where he was met coollv by 
 those who b;.forelud a-^ted differently towards 
 yim. He perceived it, mhI n mark( d : lo me ; 
 my reply to him i'\. substance was, that suspi- 
 cions reMed ag.Vmst liim, ai)d until they were re- 
 fnovcd, nc thing different was to be ejcpccted. 
 
 "A.t the Clover Bottom, nine miles from 
 Nashville, where I then did busines.s, and 
 Which was the nearest point on the river to 
 whtr© his boats were, there wa.s a tavern, and 
 Co this place Col. Burr came and remained about 
 •J. veekjuntil he had gotten every thing in read^ 
 :t>.en far Ms d^narture down tlie riv^i*. On 
 
 hi,s firiit arriyaliji Teime&see, fiu iiis iaat ^^slt it 
 Decentber, General Jackson was absent from 
 home; having returned within a i'ew days afler- 
 wards, the General came in company with Gen^ 
 eral Overton, to the Clover Bottom, where Col. 
 Burr resided. An interview look place be- 
 tween them and Col. Burr, at which they in- 
 formed him ol' the suspicions and distrust, that 
 vvere entcrtamed against him. Burr repelled 
 them, and expressed deep regret that there 
 should be any such, ar.d remarked thai he could, 
 and would be able to satisfy every dispassionate 
 mind, that his views and objects were friendly 
 to the Government, and such aa he hud repre- 
 sented tiiem to be In a few days after, he left 
 the country. 
 
 "A son of Colonel Hays, about seventeen 
 years of age, as has been represented, nephew 
 to Mrs. Jackson, went along. His father had 
 become reduced in his circumstances; had been 
 personally known to Col. Burr, during the Hev- 
 olution, and his bon a young man of promise, it 
 had been proposed to the old gentleman, that 
 he should lake him and aid him m his educa* 
 tion, wliich was consented to by his father. — ■ 
 General Jackson gave him lettei-s to Governor 
 Claiborne, and instructed young Mr. Hays, Bis 
 I understood at the time, that should he discov- 
 er Col Burr's views to be at all inimical to the 
 United States, or adverse to the designs of Gov- 
 ernment, to leave him and place bnnself under 
 the protection and cure of Governor Claiborne^ 
 
 '« Between General Jackson and myself, 
 there has always existed confidence and friend- 
 ship; and there was nothing ever perceived in 
 him by me, that could in.'.uce the behef that there 
 was any man in the country who would go filr» 
 thcr, and make greater sacrifices, to dci'end 
 and maintain the integrity of the Union; — on all 
 occasions his conduct and declarations have 
 stiimped upon my mind this conviction. 
 
 JOHN COFFEE. 
 
 " At the request of the Chairman of the Naallr 
 ville Committee, I make the folio ^ving state- 
 ment. Tiiat Gen. Thomas Overton deceased, 
 informed me within a few days after the occur- 
 rence, that so soon as tlie rumor reached this 
 country, that Col. Aaron Burr had treasonable 
 designs! against our government, he, (General 
 Oveiton) and General A. Jackson waited on 
 Col. Burr, who was then 1 think at Clover Bot- 
 tom, and informed him of tlie rumor, and re- 
 quired of him to state to! hem what were h5>5 
 views or designs. This answer was made, as 
 he said, on the honor of a gentlt-man: •' That 
 he hatl no views inimical to the Government — 
 none but what were known to the G^ve^nment 
 and vif;wed with comphusancc." And as well 
 as my memory serves me, shewed tiiem a com- 
 mission in blank, with .Mr. J etlV-rson's signature 
 to it. KDWAHD WARD. 
 
 Nashville, Sept. 2d, 1828. 
 
 This testimony requires no commentarj'; it 
 is full and decisive. 
 
 To show what views were expressed by Col. 
 Burr to Gen. Jackson and othera, so early as 
 the spring of 1806, and to cxpluin beyond the 
 reach of cavil and dispute, the time, nature and 
 import of any possible conversation which Gen. 
 Jackson may have htld with Judge Williams, in 
 relation to a commission, connected with any 
 designi Or view«! of Col. Burr, we giv^ f'\. 
 
485 
 
 iiifi;!? ii'mti 3 iejAPji \w'aten by ium to ueav Jack- 
 son, dated 24th March, 1806, Washington city. 
 After speaking of some general poUtical 
 •objects, and of the strong probability of a rup- 
 ture with Spain — " If these apprehensions (says 
 lre)8hould be justified by events, a military 
 ibrct on our part would berequsite, and that 
 fbrce might come from your side of the moun- 
 tiius. It is presumed that West Tennessee 
 oiuld not spare more than two regiments." 
 ^'I lake the liberty of recommending to vou to 
 fnikc oat a list of officers, from Colonel down 
 to Ensign, for one or two pegimo^nts." " If 
 j"OH \rill transmit to me this list, I will in ca«e 
 troops should be called for, recommend ii to the 
 X}epar'.ment of IPar, and I have reasin to be- 
 lieve, [that on such an occasion, my advice would 
 bo listened to." Gen. Coffee says, "that in 
 Consequence of letters, from Col. Bun' to Gen. 
 Hobertson and others of similorr inc^mrt, a meet- 
 ing was held in Nashville by Gen. Robertson, 
 Genera^ Jackson, and otliers of the most res- 
 pectable men, and a list made out of sucii enter- 
 prising young men as it was believed, would 
 serve the co\intry well, m the impending cou- 
 fest with Spain." 
 
 This brings us naturallj' to the consideration 
 of Judg'e Williams' statements — and here we 
 cannot forb'^r for one moment, to remark, on 
 ^he dang-er, the foUj', and the wickedness of at- 
 tempting to bereave a man of his fame, and 
 *^harg-e upon hira one of the foulest crimes 
 known to the law, upon loose, vague i-ecollec- 
 tions of a casual convei-sation ,said to have taken 
 place upwards of twenty yeai-s ago, witii- 
 out any statement of the convei-sation in 
 Context with it ; without any date, except 
 with reference to a range of nine months 
 of time; without any relation of the circum- 
 stances which led to an insulated remark, so 
 atrange and incredible, if taken in the sense at- 
 tempted to be attached to it by Judge Williams 
 and many of the administration prints; state- 
 ments made by a man who, by his own admis- 
 sions, his own showing, and yet more, by xvhal 
 ♦i;e shall show, is subject to the most inaccu- 
 rate recollection: when the change or omission, 
 or addition of a single word, or the nature of 
 the preceding or succeeding remarks, would 
 -entirely change the whole meaning and sense 
 of what is stated to have been said. 
 
 That ample justice may be done in Judge 
 Williams' mind, consistency, and conduct, we 
 'low republish all that he has written or 
 publ-.';hed in relation to this conversation and 
 to Gen. Jackson,* and also w'.iat has been pub- 
 lished to be the substance ot the letter written 
 by him to his friend in Virginia, as a copy of 
 tiiat leit-^r has been, as we understand, called 
 for, and withheld from publication. 
 
 Taking the whole of these documents, we 
 have some data from winch to estimate cnrrecl- 
 Iv, how far the clearness of Jud{.':c Wiliams' 
 mind, and tlie impartiality of his feerm>;s, quali- 
 fy him for deposing accurately and fairly. We 
 will look at them, first, with a view to the ques- 
 tion, how much reliance is to he reposed in the 
 accuracy and fairness of iiis statements and mc- 
 morj'; and then, in prosecution of the same in- 
 quiry, produce some additional evidence. Se- 
 condly;— we shall shew the extreme improba- 
 
 ' fee apnctidi.x fVom N'o ^ t'^ ^ \rr-Uc.\-,- 
 
 biijty, fron) ^ViUiiini,'i' otfiiSWAftUiCilL UiSit • 
 Jackson ever could have made smy pr5^_„ 
 tions to him, in reiefence to any illegal or trea^. 
 sonable project; and lastly, tl»e fallacy of the in.- 
 fbrencea which his preUndedfriendSj attempt to 
 deduce from what he has eaidt and show what' 
 Judge Williams has really stated as Gen. Jack- 
 son's conversation with him, and what tlie coru 
 versa tion (if, indeed, there evei' was one of anj!. 
 such nature) related to. 
 
 In his letter lo Mr. Kerr' Judge Williams, 
 says, the conversation occurred upon Ixis eju " 
 amination by G«n. Jackson, then a Judge, a^^ 
 to his fitness to receive a license to practise 
 law; but when he discovered by tlie records qI^ 
 the State,x that it would be proved, Generifl. 
 Jackson was not, and had not, been a Judge for 
 several years before this time, the convcraatioii. 
 is divested of this circumstauce in his sabse; 
 quent statements. Ixx tlie letter to air. Ken> 
 Judge Stewart is said to have heard this con- 
 vprsation as to the offer of a commissiou; but 
 when Judge Stewart not only does not recdl^ 
 lect anv such conversation, but is sure none 
 such was held in his presence;? the sr.ene of 
 the conversation is then recollected by Judge 
 Williauvs to have been a solitary ride fr«m Gen. 
 Jackson's to Nashville. In his letter to Gen. 
 Jackson, Williams rays, '^ Gen. Jackson, in re» 
 ference to that conspiracy, or what was aflei- 
 wards called by others, a conspiracy, said to me_^. 
 that I could, if I would accept it, obtain a com- ^ 
 mission of captain." In his last statement 
 made, and published in the Knoxville Enquirer 
 of.\ugust 6th 1828, he suys, '« in riding froia 
 Gen. Jackson's house to Nashville, near the 
 Clover-bottom, he sjioke to me in relation to a, 
 commission in Burr's army," leaving out ,ihr. 
 material idea of a reference to what was ufitav- 
 wards as he says, called a consph-acy; sliewing: 
 there!)y, that in these statements. Judge Wil • 
 liams does not pretend to detail with accuracy, 
 the wcyrds or terms used in the conversation, 
 but only the general impressions, and that 
 those imp'cssions are indefinite and very va^cc: 
 and are the mere lloating and broken romini«;» 
 cences of a feeble and shattered memorv-.— 
 Judge Williams savs, that from tlie best ofhi^ 
 recollecHon, Mr. Smith, Mr. Curry and 
 Dr. Watkins, among others, were present 
 when Buit's effigy was burnt. Mr. Smith says 
 he was not present either at the ball or at the 
 burning of the cffig}'. Mr. Curry§ says tha-. 
 he was not present at the cereoiony of burning 
 Col. Burr in effigy, and considered it a dis^ 
 graceful act; and he also says in further confir- 
 mation of Judge 'Williams' feebleness of mciii 
 ory, and the pr<>I>able rcccntness of his present 
 impressions, tliat "Mr. Williams cnlled on mc 
 frequently after Burr became nn object of sus- 
 picion, and conversed freely on the subject, and 
 a,-, )■ then thought, wilhheld'notliing; yet he nov> 
 ur told me that (icn. Jackson wanted to enliM 
 him to fight Spaniards, nor ever mentioned his 
 
 •See Appendix No. .'>. 
 
 tSec Journals of tlie State LcgislalU^^ at thP 
 July Session 1H0.'>, heretofore pubhshcd in the 
 Richmond Knquirer. 
 
 iSee Judge Stewart's letter dated March Is' 
 1828, lately published in the Joiii-nals of Mo 
 
 day 
 
 ^Sr>o. 3i*f>eiVlis N'os. 10 and It. 
 
lb(» 
 
 ".(aUic as connected with, or knov. iii}j to any nf 
 Jiiirr's schemes.!! These andothcr contradictions 
 anddiscrepancies,i-cfen-edtointhcappcndix,arc 
 mentioned not to shew any wilful -or corrupt 
 lU!3-3tatemcnt on the part of Judgt- W iii'-i'ii-, 
 ^how far they may lend to that point we leyve 
 •/Jiers to infc?) hut lo sView how I'ttlc- credence 
 qv triiKt can he placed on the recollections 
 (even if sUted in the utmost p^ood fiiith) of a 
 xncntory, mis'taken in so many circumstanct-s, 
 ^nd persons, and things, wlven it copK^s to de- 
 tail a conversation, in which a single word 
 \vo;ild wliolly transform its meaniiMj;- and con- 
 sfrtiction. Eat to dispose of Judge VViUiams 
 at once, and to shew what dfg-i";e of confulence 
 is due to wiiat he may relate, either as to fuels 
 or the conversations of othe-s — wliethcr tijis 
 want of confi;lciiCc arise from preat unsnund- 
 ?iess of tacniori/, or other cause — and also to 
 show how far Jndg^ WiUiaiHi.' feelings as to 
 C^&i>cral Jackson, entitle him to the character 
 qf a cool aiid impartial witness; and also in 
 still further elucidation of Judge Williams' 
 candour and consistency; and to show how 
 far his declarations in his letter, that " General 
 Jackson may be assured 'Jlie Fresideadul qttcs- 
 ■'Lon aside) no man can fed more bound io Gen. 
 ^fopjfson than myself, for the great honor coi\fer 
 
 fcxtract cf a puhlicatiunof Judge Williams, da- 
 ted " McMinnvillc, June 2Slh, 1823, 
 
 "Stale also, if you please, Mr. Editor, that 
 Ml the town of M'Minnville, there Hvcs a man 
 hy the name of 'I'heoderic Barton— a man of 
 truth and rcspcclaliility, as 1 have lieard here— 
 he states tliat in 1805, he icttsone of Burr's men, 
 a id was mustered into service at the Clover Rot- 
 toif, with arms in their hands— that about scven- 
 ty-l^-e^ men signed the hst of enrolment at the 
 (Sa'me time with himself — that at that time Gen. 
 Ja ;kson aiid Aaron Burr, were on the ground, 
 an '. that I'atton Anderson was his Captain. liur- 
 ton say.s, vvhcm tlic men under Anderson septra- 
 ted, it 'vas under an agreement, as to t!ie time 
 when tliey were to march off' with fturr, as his 
 men— and tliat before that time came round, 
 the matter burstcd This is a condensed view 
 ot what Mr. Burton says: who refuses lo give a 
 wnttcn statement. Now, when Gen. Jackson 
 was summoned as a witness to Illch^ond against 
 liurr, if he had called on Uurton as anolliel- wit- 
 ticss, the Government would have been enah]e<l 
 to have pi-nvcd an overt act of trea.son on Burr. 
 Trcaiioii when connected with Gen. Eaton's and 
 Commodoic Truxton's Evidence. — Why, let 
 me ask, did he fail to do so' When I recollect, 
 tha t the destruction of the A.-nerican Institu- 
 trons was the objoct of the Burr Conspiracy, 
 nnd that Gi*n. Jackson was in the. possession of 
 facta and circumstances whicii would ha\ c con- 
 violt'd ihc Conspirator.-;, and yet improperly 
 »■, '.ihlield thea, v'.fM 3Ui!n!>..i4-'d to Uidimond 
 10 give icstimo.iy, thereby enabling them toes- 
 rapd frtinl punishment, 1 am (illcd with aston- 
 isliment, that the American Nutlon should think 
 for a moment, of supporting his pretensions to 
 the highest office in the gift of the pouple. — In 
 view of this sl:ile of things, 1 (lemLle for my 
 country's hciiorand ::afety. 
 
 "^^ec arfricndjx No. IT 
 
 '•If Mr. JelVcrson !.r.-estcd as he was with 
 Kuch political power and aoth-irity, had been rA 
 IViendly to Burr's schemes as Jaeiijc.ii i-. believ- 
 ed to have been, it is imjjossible for the n;ind of 
 man to conceive, the disasters that would have 
 threatened the safety of this Union. 
 
 NATII. W. WILLIAMS.' 
 Compare this statement with that of Mr Bur- 
 ton, (no gentleman rcfeiTcd tb in the above re- 
 marks ■'>f Judge Wil!iaH)S, as " a mar. of truth 
 and ref-jiei-^.bUiiy," which is as follows: 
 " Tolfie Ed'lorsufilia Itcpuhlkan. 
 
 Gkvtif.mk?/: — I.'i as much as Nathaniel W 
 Williams, in a late newspr.per publication, ha-i 
 taken the liberty to advert to my name, and to 
 give me as authority t"or facts in relation to Gen 
 Jackson and Col. Burr, which I never stated to 
 him, or an}' one else, and which in truth I never 
 heard of before; it is due to my character, hum- 
 ble as it may be, and to Gen. Jackson, the de- 
 struction of whose private and honest reputaticu: 
 he seeks, to declare to the world that 1 was nev- 
 er mustered into Col. Buir's service, at the 
 Clover Bottom, or any where else, nor did I 
 ever so state to Judge Williams. 
 
 W^hcn Col. Burr, was in this country, ma- 
 in' }'ears ago, ( the particular year or seaso.u 
 of the year, is not now within iny recollection,) 
 i resided with Maj. Tilman Dickson, Patton 
 Anderson passed through the neighborhood 
 anel was eng-aged in recruiting a company, as 
 he said, for the purpnse of m-iking a settlement 
 in the Washita country. Being a young man, 
 I u as prevailed on by Mhj Dickson and Pattoa 
 Anderson, to join the c<;mpany, and did actu- 
 ally enroll n;yself under Anderson. I know 
 not how many men were engaged besides my- 
 self, nor do I remcmbev any-one of my acquaui- 
 tauces or neighbors, who did join the compa- 
 ny. ITerc, however, the matter ended. I was 
 never mustered into service at the Clover Bot- 
 tom, uor did I ever receive any arms, as 1 am 
 matle to say most untruly by Judge Williams, 
 to whom I declare I nev.-r made so unfounded 
 an assertion; nor did I evcrsee any military pa- 
 rade of any company of pei-sons. whatever, at 
 the Clover Bottom, or any where else, at the 
 time referred to and as slated bj' tho Judge. 
 
 "I remember once to have seen General 
 Jackson and Col. Burr at a race over the Clo- 
 ver Bottom turf; but su far fron^ sus])ccting thai 
 they wore concerting any schemes against th.e 
 countjy, 1 saw no apparent intimacy between 
 them. 
 
 " So far from wishing, or intending from any 
 thing and every thing I knowon the sulijcct of 
 Col. Burr and his alle;.7cd coii-^pirucy, or in an\' 
 conversation with Jvidge William.s, to condenui 
 Genera' Jackson, or to connect his name with 
 any scheme, unfriendly to tiic trt)vevimicnt, I 
 wi.-iii to be understo(»d as declaring to the world 
 that I believe him to he an injiued patriot, in 
 many tbinp,s — in nothing nx.-re cruelly, than in 
 ih-; attempt io make liim a conspirator. 
 
 ,*'Itis ri.',''lit and jjroper to add, tliat when 
 Judge \\ iljiams heaixl of my complaint.'^, occa- 
 bionetl !>y Jiis unauthoiizcd use of my nansC) ho 
 wished to avoid the censure that awaited him, 
 by I'Cgging me not to give this sUitement, but 
 to li Mve to liini to cxhonc! ate himself, by cor- 
 recting his jjublicatinns. I le:ive the world to 
 form their opinions of such conduct. Tor my- 
 
 = :'!'. ! i'l'.-t ••l-S:'!,! • VV- r ■',->lr fi^'lV, «!;,;• I'st of 
 
-187 
 
 Gcuciai Ja-cksuiVs rel>iU!.I.;bS arul c"ui:;l perse- 
 cutors. THEOUEHICK IJUKTON. 
 JiVJIinnviUe, Warren, counly, Tenn. Sept. 6, '28. 
 
 After this comparison, and after the concliul- 
 !.)]§■ remarks and facts exhibited in Jlr. Bur- 
 ton's letter, we niig'ht securely consign Judge 
 Wiiliauis, his mind, liis meniorv, his accuraf^', 
 •and his ci-edit, to be estimated as the people 
 may think meet and proper. 
 
 iJut we now submit to the good sense of all 
 reficcting' men, the extreme improbability, 
 that under the circtimstances related by Judge 
 Williams, any treasonable or illegal projiosi- 
 tion, could have been made to him bj' Geu. 
 Jackson i a proposition, pregnant witli the most 
 fearful and dangerous consequences to the jjro- 
 _jector; made without any previous ascertain- 
 ment of the man's viev.s or feelings to whom it 
 ^ya9 addressed; witliout any promise or even 
 requestof secrecy or concealment; without ex 
 planation or developement of the nic-ans to be 
 employed, or the objects to be attained; made 
 in a casual and careless conversation, made to a 
 VQung man of nuich less than mediocrity of in- 
 lelltct, u!id who had nothing to bring In aid of 
 such 'a high and dangerous entciprize, but 
 want of tfdent a.i;d Want oi' prudcncci: — contains 
 a series of improbabilities, which amount to ab- 
 solute c.Ttainty, and which the most credulous 
 und prejudtceil, we believe, must reject. 
 
 But when we come to examine wliat Judge 
 "Williams relates of this conversation, we find 
 that if any such ever did occur, it uiust natural- 
 ly and necessarily be referred to the legal, fair 
 and publicly avowed views'of Cc!. IJurr; to 
 the tv/o regiments spoken of in his letters to 
 licxi. Jackson, Cc-n. Kobevtssn and otliers, to 
 be organized and commissioned by the govern- 
 jueiijt; to llie force and arms to be employed by 
 tbo United States, in the anticipated wai'-with 
 Spain, to the li.jt of young men sp<ikcn of in 
 <,'()] Burr's letters, and which was to be laid' 
 l^efore the Secretary of War; in short, to the 
 urmed force, at the head of which, CIol. BtuT 
 held out the belief, he waste bo placed. by gov- 
 ernment, in the event of a v/ar with Spain. 
 Judg-c VViihams docs, not j>retend that Gen. 
 Jackson disclosed to him, any treasonable or il- 
 legal projects; does ;K)t pretend that the cfter 
 spoken of, was preceded by any conversation 
 gfiT communications by Gen. Jackson or any 
 traitorous or illegal _ cOiispiracy, agttinst the 
 peace or inteji,Tity o'f tlie United States. If 
 such ccmniunicaticms had been made to Judge 
 Williams, and he had failed 1o reveal thorn in- 
 stantly to the proper authorities, he would stund 
 an infamous and avowed traitor in heart, and 
 iiiuvorthy tiie confidence of any honetit manor 
 flue citizen. But he does not say any sn^^h 
 ])l.ins or plots were communicated to him; in 
 justice of Judge Wiliiams, and in coni'ormily 
 with truth, we must sa}-, noiie such ever were. 
 
 In his letter to Gen. Jackson of February 
 27 th, 1828," Williams says, ".some time be- 
 fore JcH'etson's proclamation, in riding from 
 r.jn. Jackson's hcuse to Nashville, General 
 .lackson, in reference, to thai cun^ijiructf, or irliot 
 iccwi afterwards called iy (jllars a cuiispirrici/, 
 t^aid to me, " that I coidd, if I would accept it, 
 obtiiin a commission of C;iplain." This is the 
 only one of Judge WiUiaifis' several statements, 
 
 * Pee Arinnndix. > ■ 
 
 in whicli he uses any term even ii/ipii/in^- wi'oiig 
 or illegality; the wor<l coimpirocij, and llie only 
 words attributed to lien, .fackson arc, " (Jen.- 
 Jackson s.ud to me, "I could, if I would ac- 
 cept it, obtain a commission of Captain." He 
 says that tills was said by Gen. Jackson in re- 
 ference to that conspiracy. \V'li;it c()!)spirucy ? 
 Did it refer to any pr-vio-M conversation devel- 
 oping a conspiracy' Judge AVilii;.ms iocs not 
 say so. No stato of fac'H then ex.'slt-il, even in 
 /ii,s mind, to wh: '; the term conspiracy/ was by 
 fuin then attached; but it was what was after- 
 wards b>i others, called so. f This is not left to 
 reasoning, however cimclusive and satisfactory 
 that may be, for in his subsequent and mature 
 statement, published, as he avows, from a*^j.«; 
 of did}/, he says, " in riding from (icit. Jack- 
 son's house to Nashv ille, ne-nr the Clover-Bot- 
 tom, he spoke to me in relation to a commission 
 in Burr's army'," and this was some time in the 
 spring or fall of 1806. Here tiie olTcr and cou- 
 versrAion is in reference to " Burr's army;" — 
 Vv-hat army, and for v/hat objects > Beyond all 
 ([uestlon,'the army spoken of by Burr, in his 
 letter to Gen. Jackson of March ISOO; the ofli- 
 c^'tstobe com miss tuned by the Secretary at 'War, 
 and to be emphiyed tigainst Spain.^. We no^s- 
 dismiss Judge Williama. 
 
 f See Judge William's genuine letter to Geiv. 
 Jackson, published originally in the Uiehmond 
 Enquirer, and varying from that publlohcd iii 
 the Knoxvillc Enquirer. 
 
 ■i Sec thest;itementofthc Hon. \ViUi3 Alston^ 
 M. C. underdate Feb.'llth, 1828, in the Ap- 
 pendix, No. 13, in which Gen. Jackson is re- 
 ported to have " a-sked of Mr. Jeifei-son (then 
 President of tlie U. S':) the views of the gov- 
 ernment, tendering his services If wanted, to 
 make a descent upon Mexico, as stated by Burr 
 — but if Burr v/as not authorir.ed by the gov- 
 ernrnent to carry on his enterprise us stated, 
 then he (Jackson) was re.'idy to arrest him." 
 See also the President's message of January 
 22d, IfJOr., in which he says— '• lie (Burr) se- 
 duced good and well meaumg citizens, some by 
 assurances that he possessed the confidence of 
 the government, and was acting undor its sc- 
 cret patronage; a prt-lence wliich prociu'cd 
 some credit, from our diirercircos with S|>ain,; 
 antl others by oiTei-s of land in Bastrop's claim^ 
 on the Washita." Tiie above conversation of 
 Mr. J. with Mr. Alston, is presumed to have 
 taken jilace,' when the supposed conspiixxcy 
 was on the tajiis, during the Prr-sidcncy of Mr. 
 .)t>(rerson. .Vgain; Doct. M'atkius detail.i ;i 
 similar conversation; he says in his letter of 
 A«r^ist iGth, pubhshe<l on the '^d\ iu Uic. 
 Knoxvillo Ik-gistcr — "in a cttnyevsutiou with 
 xMr. JeObrson ir. his chamber, when con\'Slts- 
 cei.tfrom a dangerous spell of sickness, in 
 which lattend'-d him in the autumn of 18l'.>, I 
 vcmarktdthat seme had expressed doubln of the. 
 conduct of Gen. Jack8>n, in relation to Col. 
 Bun's allaiv. Mr. JefVtrson mobt promptly and 
 explicitly replied, in us nearly as leanrecolk-et^ 
 these express words, "you may depend upon 
 it. Sir, lliat I have the most twtisfactory evi- 
 deuce, that on that occasion, Grn. Jack-sou 
 was vi.-;iant, faidiful, ami p;drioiic.'* 
 
 See'also Gen. J's letter to Mr. Jencrsnn, 
 received l»y '•'»" "" ^''"^ ~'^''' N<JVember, 18Ut>y 
 nublishedin the Mrginia Advocaf; Au^usJ 2^. 
 
488 
 
 111 cAi^iiiULUJii ot Csi. S. B. liars' ics'ccnd"- 
 irip to Katchez with Col. Burr, we submit the 
 statements of General CoSee and Col. Hays 
 himself, § which are not only satisfactory, we 
 think, !;s to that matter, but also throw addi- 
 tioual iigbt in showing the strict propriety and 
 correctness of all Gen. Jackson's acts and inten- 
 tions towards Col. Burr. 
 
 In conclusion, v.e shall briefly recapitulate 
 the most mateHal fuels and circumstances, prov- 
 ■en by the foregoing testimony. 1st That Gen. 
 .Tackson only ieceive<'. and treated Col. Burr as 
 a generous »n.^ hospitable gentlemaTi would re- 
 ceive aiwJ treat a guest and acquaintance, who 
 
 .5". thai, after iuajuciwus liau u^iji -G^LtUeii 
 against Col. Burr, or after the letters to Gover- 
 nor Claiborne, Gen. Smith, and Doctor Dickson, 
 Col. Burr never was invited to Gen. Jackson's 
 house; but that v.-hen in the state of Tennessee, 
 in the month of Dec. 1806, he remained not at 
 Gen. Jack.son's, but at a tavern at the Clovei> 
 bottom, several miles di.-tant^ near which his 
 boats w«tre; that he was received with a mark- 
 ed change of manners and coldness by Jackson, 
 and others; that an interview with Burr was 
 sought by Jackson, and had in the pret»ence of 
 several gentlemen, when Ihirr most sokmnly 
 avowed his innocence, and disfivowed all ob- 
 
 then, and los^g had held a di.'itingiiished rank as jects hostile tothe union or government; and that 
 
 ja statesman aud man of talents, in the estima 
 ^on of the great Republieaii party in the United 
 ^tat©s; who had isecently licld the second office 
 ^n the governmeut; and with whom the honora- 
 ble v-xnd the good migiit associate without pe- 
 proacli, anfl as a man, in Mr. Jefferson's Ian 
 
 the President's proclamation was not received 
 at Nashville until the 27th December, 1806, 
 five days ifter Colonel Burr's departure, with 
 only two boats. • 
 
 6. That from the unliappy inaccuracy of 
 Judge Wilfian\s' memorj' and recoflectioiw, no 
 
 ,5ua^% ♦' heretofore distinguislied by the favour reliance can be placed on his statements: but 
 
 of Bis country 
 
 2. Tiiat Gen. Jaoksoh communicated to the 
 governmeut and its officers, fully and explicitlj', 
 'SO soon as he had inlbunation of any kind. 
 
 3. That Col. Burr never did communicate to 
 'Sen. Jackson any designs treasonable or liostile 
 to the government of the United States; butal- 
 
 'Wiys avowed desig-ns consistent with its inte- 
 '^st, and averred by him to be supported by 
 jts countenance and authority. 
 
 4. Fhat the first public suspicions, as to the 
 fegallty of Col. Burr's projects, were allayed, 
 and to a great degroe destroyed, by the investi- 
 
 ftrons in Kentucky in the beginning of Decem- 
 p, 1B06, by the finding of the grand jury, 
 which was evidently calculated to have this ef- 
 .fact, and wtiich effect is proven by Mr. Jeffep- 
 .f^on's message of January 23d, 1807, to have 
 Seen produced, where he says, " In Kentucty, 
 
 that if any suc^ reliance could be given, it is 
 shown that the offer and conversation he speak^i 
 of, related above to the public, well knowir, 
 an'l 1<-gal objects held out and spoken of by Col-, 
 Burr. 
 
 We do not feel perfectly sure, that in the 
 oouvse we have pursued, we shall not be con- 
 sidered by some, as manifesting a want of pro. 
 
 this place, that Col. Burr had left Lexington, 
 Joseph H. Davi©fl,Att()rney fortheUnitedStates 
 for this District, appeared in Court, and aftci' 
 some preliminary obser\'ations, calculated to 
 encite great expectation, read the affidavit which 
 appears in this paper, and moved the Court for 
 a capias against Col. Bnrr, and for compulsory 
 process to compel the attendance of witnesses.'" 
 
 ' These events having circulated rapidly 
 
 \he premature attempt to bring Burr to justice throughout the country, and generally mingled 
 
 without sufftcient evidence for his conviction, with eiTor and exaggerstion, excited great stj- 
 
 n^i. produced a popuhr impression in hia favor, licitude and eipcrtation. On Wednesday 
 ■^nd a genci-al disbelief of his guilt. "O ' -- . - 
 
 morning, (yesterday, I2th inst.) this town was 
 crowded with persons fVo.n all q".\arters, beyond 
 €ofltee*9 any former example; all was eagernes? and im- 
 patience. The witnesses who h.-ul been s»im- 
 moned, attended without an exception — tne 
 Court was opened, the Grand Jury was called. 
 
 ^See Appomlis, No. 14, and Gen 
 ^frtcraent. 
 
 DPnAWKTOBT, Dec. 5th, 1806. 
 
 <ToL. Uphb. — The Grand Jury are Iwppy fo 
 mform the Court, that no violent disturbance of ami appeared; just as the Judge was expected 
 }ho5 public tKinquillity, or broach of the laws, to deliver his charge,Mr. Davies rose,and moved 
 
 fiai come to their knowledge 
 
 AVe have no hesitation in declaring^ that 
 .Taving Careftilly examined and scrutinized all 
 the tcsljmony which has come before us, as well 
 -on the charges against Aaron Ihirr, as those 
 •tootained in the indictment preferred to lis 
 a^nst John Adair^ that there has been no tes- 
 iimony before us, which does in the smallest de- 
 gree criminate the conduct of either of those 
 yersons; nor can we, from all the inquiries and 
 investigations of the .subject, discover that anv 
 thing improper or injurious to the interest of 
 the government of ilie United States, or contra- 
 ry to the laws thereof, is designed or contem- 
 plated by either of them.— [/"'rc/m Uie Intnartial 
 licview of Dec. 13th, 1806-. 
 
 Piom the Frankfort (Ky.) Pallndium. 
 ''Republished in the Impartial Review, Novem- 
 ber ^ytii, 1806— Nash viUe.') 
 
 " On Wednesday, the 5th inst. when it was 
 •'^Trcn'Tv reported ?»pd gcnerallv Relieved in 
 
 that the Grand Jury mii»l>t be dismissed, de- 
 claring that he was not prepared to proceed 
 with the inquiry, by reason of the absence of a 
 witness, whom he deemed material. The dis- 
 appointment and chagrin of a crowde<.l au- 
 dience may be conceived, but the ridicule and 
 laughter which followed, was univc i-sal. The 
 public sentitiieiU uhicfi had all along been strong- 
 ly in favor of Vol. Burr, now burst fort fi without 
 diagtti^ic. There is not time to comment on 
 these transactiorts; but two or three facts may 
 tend to disclose the motives which are generally 
 viewed as n persecution." 
 
 Let the above extracts be compared witli the 
 following remarks from a leading administration 
 print in Virginia; 
 
 *«Ontlie 5th of November [1806] Burr had 
 been arraigned of high treason at Lexington, 
 [Lexington!] Kentucky, and (hough discharged, 
 no man doubted his guilt. " / 
 
 •«*c R» 1>. Currcv'ssfntcment. 1^0 -11 
 
iHy 
 
 aC^' Ij'jlit lu Vuc eiiligiiiftiied iiilelllg-evito, ami 
 f.tre noble aiitl confiding natures of the Ameri- 
 can people; a;id whetber it might not be lhou{^ht 
 a mope than sufficient answer to the base sur- 
 mises, the unworthy suspicions, and the feebly 
 labored arguments, which have been circulated 
 with so much itidustri-, to point with emphasis 
 to a long life devoted to the sex-vice of his coun- 
 try; his boyhood given to the war of the revo- 
 lut'ion and to the achicvemetit of licr independ- 
 ence; bis mature manhood to the honest and 
 faithful dlschHrge of all the duties of her high- 
 est civil employmeutsj and his Lvte years, when 
 age might claim an exempticn from to 1 and 
 dang-er; — when these, hisaccusei-s, were to be 
 found in the courts a?id paleces of K'Ugs, or re- 
 pttsmg in the lap of ease and luxury, he was 
 only to be found in the wilderness and on the 
 "field of battle; only in the pursuit or in thefkcc 
 of the enemies of hh ctnmlry, exjjosed to eveiy 
 peril, to eveiy prixation, to every sufTering. be- 
 fore w!>joh the cowai-d or the traitor's heart 
 would have quailed or been subdued. This, 
 '.night be relied on as a stifiicicnt reply to the 
 charge, that General Jackson was tainted with 
 a-eason, and that he was leagued and connect- 
 ed with trait-'rs and enemies to ids country; — 
 and how ill-timed and ungraciously, tliis charge 
 comes at this Isite day! Theie was a time of all 
 others, when if »i'ue, or if colored by the sem- 
 blance of truth. It should have been urged 
 and kHully trumpeted; in the dark and stormy 
 period of iHlS and 1814, when tr;;ason was 
 much spoken of and much feared; when a 
 severance of the Union was not darkly hint- 
 edat, but boldly spoken of in the caj)ltol: 
 not about to be effiscted by two e npty flat 
 boats, and half a dozen unarmed men, but 
 urged, countenanced, and supported by the 
 tnust powerful nation on earth, then our foe, 
 and hanging on all our coasts and frontiers, with 
 her victorioirs and numerous fleets a;)d armies; 
 then was the time wlien traitors sh'.nld have 
 been denounced; when Jackson, if suspectetl, 
 should have been bi-u:-.dcd with infamy, and all 
 power and confidence withheld from him; then, 
 when he was to take the command of one divi- 
 sion of the armies of the United States, to be 
 invested with unlimited military power, then 
 should he have been held up as shrouded in 
 suspicion, and uhwortli}' to be trusted. lUit did 
 a whisper, a murmur, then, of doubt, oi' dis- 
 trusf, bre ik fjrth? All looked to him as a 
 fatherand fnend, with whom in tliat fearfid iiour, 
 the safety of the naiion and irs highest powers 
 TCOuld be deposited vvitii the utirosr security. 
 
 But having the pn.-ofs. we deemed it best to 
 present them, which not only positively and 
 (hroctly disprove this charg'c, in all its firm's, 
 an<l expose the propagatoi-s of it to sharne and 
 confusion; but will shed a(ldili<mal histr- on 
 the endowments both of the head and heart of 
 this distinguished benefactor of his country; and 
 prove the truth of that elevated and nianiy sen- 
 timent expressed to his friends, in lefcrencc to 
 this subject, when loose scr.ips and notes writ- 
 ten in haste many years ago, i-nd long forgotten 
 were niked up and published: "I recollect 
 them n.)t; but this I do know, and avow, that 
 never in all my life. did I cntcilain even a thought, 
 that 1 would not checrfidly submit to the judg- 
 ment of, the American peoph;-. md s<an.l or fall 
 •their decision " 
 
 Al»PEN»k\. 
 
 Exlracl oj a Iclfer from (ten. James RoitCj'i'ifui 
 to the Hon. Daniel Smith, dated — 
 
 Nashville, Dec. 23d, 180f>. 
 
 Sir : Great anxiety appears to prevail in thii? 
 place to see the President's message, as it will 
 give so!ne information how ovu* )-elations .-ire 
 with the European powei-s. Col. IJurr left 
 this yesterday, with two large boats, in order 
 to descend the Missi.ssippi river. Many conjec- 
 tures are formed '•especting his designs. 1 can- 
 not harbor an opinion that he has any views in- 
 imical to the United States. I did not see him, 
 though he was tiirte or four days in this place ; 
 but last fall he dined witii me, and I was several 
 times in h)scom]mny. He tlu-'U toid me ha ex- 
 pected to mukc settlements wrth his son-in-law 
 on the westfrrn waters. I endeavored to find 
 how tl>e Executive of ovir government was 
 held with ; but he was so guarded, I gained 
 but little satisfaci ion, but I thouglit he spokfc 
 rather in favor — this might have been his 
 knowing my opinion. T, from that time, have 
 had some doubts of his friendsliip. 
 
 [2] 
 
 Extract of a Idter from Gen. Janies Rolmison to 
 
 Gen. Daniel Smith, datrd — 
 
 NASimLLE, Feb. 2d, 1807. 
 
 We are all quiet at present, but there was an 
 uncommon bustle for several weeks after the 
 President's proclamation appeared here, and if it 
 had reached tliis place before Hun-'.s d.-parture, 
 he would have been arrested, not\nthstanding' 
 his acquittal in Kentucky. 
 
 You know before thr- exposition of l\is scheme-S 
 he was held in high esteen by the citi«;nso. 
 this place, on accoiuit of the exertions he made 
 in the Senate of tlic United States at the time 
 of our admission as an independent State into 
 the Union. But when the proclamation ap- 
 peared, the general cry was, let us to a man go 
 in a mass to suppress such base projocls, ami 
 bring Burr and his adherents to tlie bar of 
 justice: and! believe i* would not have been 
 difficult to I>ave raised a thousand vohmteersto 
 have gone to Natciic-z or I^fw-Orlcans from 
 West Tennessee. Burr, as I understand, at 
 his leaving Nashville with two boats, still insist- 
 ed that his intention wa» to settle in lower Lou- 
 isiana, and thut he was t!.king provisions to fur- 
 nish liis son-in-law, wiio would ^ with him 
 from South-C.uvjlina. 
 
 Extract of a tetter from Tiiouias Ntiart, Eaq. at 
 tliat time attoniri) for the United States, to Gen. 
 Daniel Smith, Senator in Cnugresi, daUd^ 
 Nasuvii.lk, Jan. 2i\, 1807- 
 Sin: I received yoiu' letter of D.^c. 15ti(. 
 180t). Cohinel B':rr's transactions have madt; 
 mucii noise nt re ulso, Vo.i request me to in- 
 fjrm you wiiat is known ri ..it .subj ct m Jcu- 
 neBscc. On this p )in i win iiblc to give you 
 very little satisfaction. H has vlaited Nash- 
 ville and its vicinity . . the course of this 
 winter; he has been '. •- " •• .ith resoert. id at- 
 tention by many of the oili/ens -he had two or 
 three boats liuilt iipo i -t -lie's r'\-r, iikI ^ta^teJ 
 in one of tiani from Nas''v;l.e down Cumber- 
 land river, .ibouta week ago, wiHi eight hands, 
 without .inns. supplii«l with convu.t< ncrs lor 
 desrending the Mi.ssib.sipiii. I understand hii 
 ..iIkt boat." arc l'> take in pork at Str.ne'a river, 
 
19 U 
 
 and ihiit he hus ;iincb:uiid a cansidarable quan- 
 tity of purk at Claiksville. The enclosed, 
 taken fiom Eastin's paper, shows how he ij 
 \-iowcd by some of the citizens of" lliis place. 
 [That extiM^t alhides to the hurniii|j of Burr's 
 efiif,-y, 30th December, 1806.] 
 
 Stokely Hays and a son of Capt. Harney's, 
 have fj^'oiie dowrv with him. His ostensible ob- 
 ject; 1 imde.i'stand, was 'die colo!V/;>tion of a 
 larg-e tnict of land on the Washita; hd*: thecir- 
 CUrnstaiicc-3 did not app'jur to (it that. A cer- 
 tain air of mystery in his conduct exc.tcd sus- 
 picloii; tliis suspicion was contirined by his 
 Iiavin^j liecn suspected elsewhere. The paper 
 called the "Western World," held him up to 
 public view as a conspira'oi-, connected witti 
 AVilkinson and Scbj-.tian. When men attenint- 
 td (o view his objects, tliey found themselves 
 surrounded witii darkness; tJieir imacjinations 
 were let loose, and to many he became an ob- 
 ject of horror. 
 
 I am coiifidc.it that uo scheme could be more 
 unrvcrsally execrated here, than a separation of 
 t.hc State of Tennessee fi-oin the <Jiuou. I hc- 
 Ifevetl'.e idea of Llie conquest <)f Mexico, unoon- 
 necied with the uther, would have been very 
 popidar some time ago, and that a war widi 
 Spain was wi^hed; hut I believe many people 
 have cliang-ed tlieir nshids on that point, owing- 
 to a very g-eneral distrust, now prevailini,'-, of the 
 irdelity and integrity of him who would conduct 
 the operation. A Kusssdivilic paper states, that 
 a Davis i-'loyd, sheriiF of Indiana county, oppo- 
 site Louisville, had descended the river, with 
 .'"00 men, to join Tiurr; but I am persuaded Ive 
 will never mnko many conquests wilh the sol- 
 diei'she will raise in Ohio, K.-ntucky oi-'l'eiuies- 
 see, 1 e.vpjct Burr's real views were disclosed 
 to veiy few, if any, in this counliy. Before 
 Uurrca.no to N'a-ihviile the liSt time, he had 
 been tried by the Grand Jury in Kentucky, and 
 must have satis.led those who continued here to 
 nvat him wilh lioiiiitulity, of the rectitude of 
 his intentions, ilemustlune been very cau- 
 tious in Kentucky in d^sclo^ini^ his real views, 
 for among: the numeious witnesses examined her 
 fore the Grand J(u-y, triuiy of them aiiparently, 
 his p:.;'t!cular iVier.ds, none could testify against 
 him. I have been frequently urged to com- 
 mence a prosecution apjMiust him heie, but I ne- 
 ver Gould fiud any cvidcnee a;^a;nst him, except 
 public opinion. I think it very pn bable if he 
 had been here wl'.eu th.- President's proclama- 
 tion and Gen. \i'iliia;r. Katon's statement arrived, 
 he woidvl have been assassinated. The volun- 
 teer militia of Tennessee arc in moiicu. 
 
 [4.] 
 X>U. RODERTSON'S STATKMKXT. 
 NAS'tviLi.K, July 20th, \S2S. 
 Dear Sir: — Your note of tlie ISlh instant is 
 received, making- inquii-y relative to my rtcol- 
 leclion of Col. Bmr's visit to this neij^hboriiood, 
 &.C. Tile fir;;* time I ever saw ("ol. i?urr, was 
 in tliis plHce, in September, JP.Oil. H-'; was re- 
 ceived, both publicly ancf privately, with mark- 
 ed distinction. It was {j^cnerally understood 
 and believed, that his object was the .settliiifj fif 
 >>ome l.mds, he claimed on the bordcisofl^ouis- 
 fcna, Ouachiui ; but if a warbtiween .'Npain a\ul 
 the United States, look place, then to seize on, 
 and rev<)lulioni;5e the a Jjoinini,'- olony of 
 Spain. This scheme was \Cry popular in this 
 .,.,„.,j..v ^'_ <'i;i'; t;-ne. n" ! riiccur.'.3-cd by most 
 
 of the leiidiui; .... .i. Coi. 15 urr circulated liic 
 report that odr g'ONeinment wf.- favorable to- 
 wards his views, and intimated tliallt was prob- 
 able the g-overnmcnt troops, stationed near the 
 Sabine, would tillimately co-operate with him. 
 The public feelin.!^ on the subjcQt, altliisjunc- 
 tiu-e, indicsited tha? he would receive much aid 
 from this qurutcr. He staid here but a few 
 dnys ; went to Kentucky, where he was shortly 
 after an'csted, under tliechaig^;; of treason; tried 
 and acquitted — and again in December made 
 his appearance in Nashville. His reception 
 was very difi'erent now from tb:it in Septembei'. 
 He was very generally neglected, and even, 
 siiuuiied. r>ut even at tliis period., very few 
 persons witli whom 1 convei-sed, beIie^•ed that 
 he had any treasonable designs against his^'gov- 
 ernm.ent. Suf^icion, however, hung aljout him, 
 and the people discovered that he had decived 
 them as to the feelings of oiu* government to- 
 wards his enterprise, and lost confidence in 
 him. He hastened his business to a close, and 
 left the neigiiborhood in a s'lort time, with bare- 
 ly men ennucih to w-ork Jiis biTals out of the ri\- 
 er, instead of the splendid arinamcnt, which ap- 
 pearances on his fii-st visit had led him to ex- 
 pect. — I imdcr.itood he left tiiis countiy appa- 
 rently great moitificd ; comfdaining of the ne- 
 glect he Irad encountered in this hist visit. 
 
 1 kno%v of no circumstance, in this matter 
 which could point .susi)ic!on to General Jack- 
 son in preference to any other prominent man, 
 unless it be that Col. S. D. Hays, [a nephew of 
 Mrs. Jackson] accouipanied Burr to tlic lower 
 countiy; and w'th those who knew the young 
 man, this could have no weight. 1 alwaj's un- 
 derstood that Mr. Hays went against tlie advice 
 and wishes of General Jackson. 1 have been 
 'intimately acquainted with Col. Ha} s from his 
 infanry, and know he has always hee.i in the 
 habit of relying on his own judgment, and dis- 
 posed to exec.ite its decisions, independent of 
 the opini(ms ofotiTtr.s. 1 saw Geseral Coffee a 
 few days after Biu-r's departure, who told me 
 he went ofl'comolaining of the treatment he had 
 received from General Jackson, and most 'of his 
 other r.cqiiaintr.ncc of the country, lie had be- 
 come so extremely peevish, that General Coffee 
 said he coujd do nothing which seemed to please 
 him. I never have tmder.stood, tliatCol. Hays' 
 trip witJi B\irr had "mjurtd him in tlie public es- 
 timation. I'e is at this time, a hijjhly res[)ecta- 
 blc citizen of this State. Vtrv resptctfullv, 
 
 i-'FiLTX »oui:rtson. 
 
 To the Chairman of the Nushvillc Commitlet: 
 
 . [P-] 
 E.v'r'jct of a hftcr from Jud'^e Nufltnntrl U . 
 
 TT'illlai'in, of Iciui^f^scey to 'Na/hanitl IV, I','. 
 
 Kirr, F.-^q. doled 18/?i December, 1S27. 
 
 " Mr DkaI! S;«: — It is madness to think of 
 Jack'jon for President of the Uniled States. 
 This Uurr matter I cannot be mi.stakeii" 
 about — rny eves and ear.s arc my witnesses, lie 
 (Jarkson) offered me a C(»mmission ofCaptit'u 
 in Burr's armj', or told mc I could get one if I 
 would accept. An 1 duripg this affair he said to 
 
 mc, in the presence of Judge , (who though 
 
 u'-iiV s.ays lie doei not reinc-mbcr' it) "depend 
 upon it, gentlemen, the division of tlie United 
 Staler, has taken deep root. You will find a 
 number of the Senate, ;Uid a number of the 
 members of theHouse of iteprcccntative? deeply 
 '■• ■" ■•• thi&scbcra-^"' 
 
lyi 
 
 0. 
 
 Gen. Jaclison to Judge iViiliainx. 
 
 llEnwiTAGE, Feb." 23, 1828. 
 
 'ora — Having received a letter fiom a high 
 linded, hoTiorabli ge.i'lonian of Virijinia, who 
 'ves truth, cmdicnoivs ''■•'.■•fnapprix'ate character, 
 iQs* no time in laying beiur*- y.)!! vhe postscrij.it 
 Ph sifittev, whirli is in the following' vvorJ??, it> 
 
 it: "If may be well to f •> *- ? a lette. \vu9 
 anded uboat at Llic ^idum? c -' itivn, Ih^tr, 
 
 casing- yOii of being' coacorncl in f5nrr's coii^ 
 piracy, upon trie aiithurit} of .Jiuig-e xVirthaniel 
 '/rfliams ofyour State. The rspor* is, iliat tills 
 udgfe TTilliains writes, when a j'oimg man, he 
 pplied to you, then a Judge, to sign liis hcense 
 J a !avi-3'cv; that yon did so, bat reommended 
 ) him, as you cohceiv«-d hlin to be a msn of 
 romise, to push his fortune by joininj^- Burr, 
 •/to teas thai in your hnit:x; promising-, if he 
 
 ould do sn, to procure him a commission us 
 •aptain in Eurr's army. This stoiy is g-oing- tlie 
 3unds fbom the Adams deleg-atcs, who have re- 
 irned home, notv/ithstauding- they oiu:yiit to 
 now tliat j'O'ji WTis the first jjei-son to put (iov- 
 rnorCIaiborue onhis guard, ajra-nst the schemes 
 r B urr. ' ' VE llB U Al S XT. " 
 
 The records of the country contradict this 
 atement, as it is well known that I ref>igT.ed 
 ■y appointment of Judge before Colonel Burr 
 cer tcrj'i rn the Stale of Ihinessse. 1 cannot, 
 len, for one moment, permit mj'seifto believe, 
 iiat you, e'evHted as you are, to a seat on the 
 
 dicial bench of 'i'cnnessee, ctruld jjive your 
 uthority to such an unfounded falsehood. Bu- 
 
 to myself, as well as justice to you, therefore, 
 ^nii'es that I should, without delay, advise 
 ou of this libel upon my cqtu-acter, .'jO tliatyou 
 na} at once declare whether you are or are 
 X)t the author ofthhj calurtiny, bcfcue I expose 
 ; as such. 
 
 I am, and have h'^rn, well advised (.f a sc- 
 ret con;bination of a base and wicked few in 
 'ennessce, whose object is to slander me, but, 
 r.til «otr, I have never heard or had lite least 
 rtimation that you were of that irnrnp. Nor 
 o I no;/ believe that you, who must- be so well 
 itisfied of tlie f.dsehood cor.'ained in tiie post- 
 c--int cf '.he letter referred to above, as v.-ell 
 s the rectitude of my joiuluct since your ac- 
 quaintance with me, could be so lost to virtue 
 p.d frttth as to liavc originated and put in cir- 
 -jlation so bnse a CHlumriv. AA'ltli this impres- 
 ion I send 1). S. Dunelson to you with tliis 
 ohimunicHtion, having- no doubt, as an h-'>nora- 
 )le man, that you will send me a frank und 
 rompt reply. 
 
 (A copv. sirred) ANDRKW .TAClvSON. 
 'he Hon. NATiiAXirr. Wim.jams, 
 
 Judge of the CIrcuil Court of Tennessee. 
 
 ["•J 
 
 Jud-'C JVilliavis^ reply to Gcinmf Jiiei.sm. 
 S-'AtiTA. Fell. 27th, \^2H. 
 
 After copying from General .lack.son's letter 
 ;o me, the repoi-t as stated in his letter, 1 \i mte 
 IS follows: 
 
 I can very fi-jnhlvdcny ever h.'ivmg written 
 .he letter spoken 'of by the |,'er,tlenun who 
 Ai-Dtc you fr0!Ti ^Vashington, bul I did v/nle a 
 etter to a relation of mine, at tlrat time in iCich- 
 noiid. The iellcr, if seen, would show that it 
 ivas designed ns a confidential oaf.-. ' ':-n)'. 
 
 at tills tivi\e, recoiled accurately u liut uic let- 
 ter did contain; I believe, thoug-ri I can remem- 
 ber a part, if not the whole, of wliat 1 intended 
 at the time; and, I will state it, as it is bnt just 
 that what h.is l>ecn I.y my me.irrs p riv ate I v cir- 
 culated, should be publicly a\os\ed under the 
 necesisilies of tiils c.tsc. 
 
 Some time after Rurr had passed Nislivillc, 
 once or twice, to the lower country, before Mr. 
 .lefl'erson's I'rocl-amHtion, in riding from tien. 
 Jackson's house to N;whville, Gen. .lackson, irj 
 refei-en<-.e to that conspirjicy, said to me, " that 
 1 could, if I would accept it, obtain a co.TimiS- 
 s'-on cf Captain.-" 
 
 Afterwards, during- the scttiniF of the county 
 Court of Sumner, at a -time when Patton An- 
 derson told me that either LSiirr or Ad:»lr, or 
 both of them, were at Gen. Jackson's house^ 
 in a room cJl a tavern then kept by lidmun'd 
 Cnitclier, Gen. Jackso^ said to me — I think 
 Jud;.5-e Stuart wastlL-n in the roo-.n — '*Take no- 
 tice, gentlemen, you will find that a division of 
 the LTnit^d States h:is taken dst-p root- you will 
 find th-at u nuinberof the members of the flouss 
 cf Heprcsx-ntatrves are deeply involved in the 
 scheme." 
 
 I am not certain that the abm-e was contained 
 in my private letter to Ku*. Nathaniel Kerr, but 
 as I have made these statements privately, it is 
 but j;ist that I s'lould now avow tliem. 
 
 lara in h)pes, Sir, tliat thi'? letter \iill be al- 
 together .s'.jfisfaciory to }'ou, for Gen. Jackson 
 muj ije .;sj-.i-cd (tlie Presidential question: a.iide) 
 no man can feel mire bound to Gen. Jackson 
 than myself, for the great hon'Tr confciTed by 
 him on rnv countn'. 
 
 (Copy.) N.\TII. IV. Wrr.LIAM?. 
 
 Ge:n". AxiiUKw Jacksox. 
 
 ■ [«] 
 JUDGE WILLIAMS' STATEME-X l . 
 Undei; the belief tliat it i.s my duty to make 
 the following statement, I m::ko it. I moved to 
 Na.s'j, ille, Tcnn. fr^m the county of I'lttsylva- 
 nia, Virginia, in the; fall of the year 1804, at the 
 age of twenty-five, tltat is, I moved from \'iriyin«- 
 iu, To 1303, to Hav/kins Courthouse, East Ten- 
 nessee and from there I moved to Nashville. 
 In 1306 or '7, thcse-I5nrr matters transpired. /, 
 before protesting again.-rt the proceeding- of 
 Hiirr, had been frequently employed in Ger. 
 Jack.so .'s collecting business end <ither .suits of 
 hi.s. I think in the spring or fall of 1S'>5, in ri- 
 d"ng from th;- General'.- lioii-.e to N'ashvllle, near 
 the Clover IJoUoiii, he spoke to nie in relation 
 to a commission in Ihui-'.s army. And in the 
 same year, at t;alLt:r!, he mrule itic deel.'ir.itior.s 
 in r.,-btion lo tliedivi.sion of liic Union, as sta- 
 ted in our correspondence, I not onh then <!c- 
 terniined tlta*. [ would not agree to what I be- 
 lieved i(. be IJiut's schemes, but that 1 would 
 oppo.-e linn .".s laras I could. Kitlier Jjcfore or 
 after Mr. J- ffer-son's proelamalion, it way, as f 
 thought, intended to imj»n ss the public niir.J 
 V. ith ihc belief that a ball, then r«»i hand in N.islw 
 ville, was intended us a mark .<f respect to Col. 
 Unrr. A number of j.-entlcmen in N^uhvillc, to 
 destroy this lmp.-Cs:;-on and lo show their disap- 
 probation of Ihur, detc.-mi.icd that Col. Hufr 
 sh'iuKl not alien I the IJall, and so .iif'.rmedCol. 
 ilurr through Ju;lge Ji»!in Uverton, who return- 
 ed with the infonnatio'i, as he told mc, from 
 J ,. ■I,.,' r.,T V •'■- '. !■' il'-cline''. ' om;:'.g tj tli" 
 
49i^ 
 
 Bail. Will h tuis we \j»«ii'ie satisfied.* Atojit t'ae 
 time the ball was half ever, I was standing 
 against the wall^ oppositfe the door of en- 
 trance in the rcjin, and s%w Genei-ai Jack- 
 son lead Burr by the arm into the room, and 
 introduce him, with considerable form, to the 
 ladses and g'cntlemen tlien present. I do not re- 
 tollect at this time that Mr. Jefferson's procla- 
 mstion had any effect on the persons then about 
 Nashville, who wcie, from their conduct justly 
 liable to our suspicions, and I think, I took some 
 pains to inq.iire into that circumstance. — Some 
 time afterwards our party, to show their further 
 indignatioB. burnt Burr publicly in effigy. I 
 have always beleved that during this Burr mat- 
 ter, that Major Tilman Dixon informed me by 
 fetter, that Gen. Coffee had been "ingnged in 
 procuring boats ai>d provisions for Br.rr on Cum- 
 berland iliver, though the letter if there was 
 one, I cannot now find, and I have examined for 
 i*. It was my understanding, at tlie time, that 
 Col. Stokely D. Hays went off as one of Burr's 
 men in his boats, and I have never heard it dis- 
 puted since. Col. Hays is a nephew of Mrs. 
 •Taclcson. Although 1 never was at Gen. Jack- 
 son's house with Burr, yet I am tolenibly well 
 satisfied, according to my recollection at this 
 time ofoccurrenc.es then, that in the fall of 1806, 
 and winter of 1807, Burr and Gen. Jackson 
 were vcjy intimate, and that Burr was frequent- 
 ly at the general's hriuse The above is a state- 
 ment of the most prominent facts as they are fi.x- 
 on my recollection. If I am mistaken about any 
 ihing, it is about dates, and about them I do not 
 i*ctend to accuracy. 
 
 NATH. W. WILLIAMS. 
 
 .7 Usl of genilemen in the bull room at ih.e time, 
 and who were present on the public square of 
 Nafihv'lh; when Burr wa^ burnt in cfftgy, as 
 well as now recilhdtd. 
 
 Geo. \V. L. Mctrr, Esq. atto. at law ; Wm. 
 Smith, att ). at law, and now Clerk of the cir- 
 cuit ct. of Williamson county^; Tho. Swann^r of 
 Va. atto. at law, (dead) ; Doct. Watkins, of E. 
 Tenn. ; John (i. Blount, of N. Carolina ; Judg;^ 
 Porter, of Louisiana ; V Ton.'rtall, of Pittsylva- 
 nia county, Va. E. S. Mall; Curry, former 
 
 Postmaster at Nashville. 
 
 I am not certain that the gentlemen referred 
 to were present, if not 'bi y can say ; the gr<-at 
 er part 1 am pretty confident were present. I 
 very well know there were :ii the burnin r of 
 the efBgy trom one to two iiundrod individuals. 
 N. W. VVILLL\MS. 
 
 From the Sparta Review. 
 Jackson and Burr- — In your last number of 
 ' he Keview you defend Con. Jackson, or vou 
 
 •Judge Overton has no recollection of having 
 undertaken this ungracious rrrtind, aft^r Col. 
 Burr had been invited by Mie M.magevs, as sta- 
 ted by l)v. T. G Matkiiis, in his letter of the 
 1-tth o^ M.iy, 1828, published in the ViT-ginia 
 Advocate of the 2d Augu5t, which gives an ac- 
 count of this Ba!', believed to be subsiantially 
 correct. See also the statement of KoSt. B. 
 C»irre\ , h.tt Postmaster, wliicli shows that J adije 
 NVllliums must be nnbt.ken; especially when'it 
 is considcr;-<l that it is somcwh:'.t different from 
 ihe account first published by him in iKe Spar- 
 allcvicw — markc<l No. 11. 
 
 ia9| 
 
 say, the Tel«^;'Aph dejentis iiuii,. uii viiCi {i;i'o^ii 
 that a number of respectable veterans of thj 
 revolution (Col. Rob't Hays, among the nuni 
 bcr, the brother in-law of Gen. Jackson,) a^ 
 dressed the General with a view to aid him i 
 his efforts to suppress the degraded A^ron Bun 
 The Telegraph does not fix the time at whid 
 the address was made, but says it was made 
 few weeks after Jackson wrote to Gov. Cla 
 home . Claiborne's Letter, you sa)', was on tlj' 
 12th November 1806, and a few wee.ks afl« 
 that time would be about the 1st of Deccmbe 
 1806. It would he important to know wher 
 Burr was at that time — M.e /tme of Jackson's Ie( 
 ter to Claiborne. At what part of Camberian* 
 his boats were bviilding — whethei- at the mouti 
 of Stone's river, or higher up the Cumberlam 
 River — nearer to Gen. .Tackson's hous-e. I 
 would be material also to know, who the Gen.^ 
 friends, and relatives were, who were prepariivj 
 to go off with Burr, and who did in fact go ofl 
 with him ! See a <Jopy of John Hoover's lette< 
 here enclosed. 
 
 Now, from Burr's trial, it appears that 
 conspiratoi-s on the Ohio, fled from Blennerl 
 set's Island on the 10th December, 1806, and 
 were at the roouth of Cumberland, as soon ai 
 they could conveniently get there: where thc^ 
 met with Col. Burr, who harangued the men, 
 and toid them he would develope his schemes 
 to them more fully, than he could with safetj 
 to his interests, do there. So it ia believed, tlial 
 at the precise time when this letter was address, 
 ed by Col. Robert Hays, and other revoUuiona- 
 rv veterans to the General, Aaron Burr was in 
 the neighborhood of Gen. Jackson's, building 
 boats; and many of the General's near relations 
 and friends were preparing to go off with him. 
 The Telegraph makes Col. Robert Hays express 
 the language in the address at the precise time 
 wiien his son, Stokely D. H-.iys, was preparing 
 to go off in boats built for Burr at the mouth ol 
 Stone's river, a point on tiie Cumberland, neat 
 to Gen. Jackson's house. I lived in Nashville 
 at the time when that address was first published 
 in the pajiei-s, and according to my recollection-, 
 it was before tiiere was any talk of Burr's con- 
 spiracy. It now occui's to me, that it grew out 
 of the prwpoct of a Spanish war, and Uie rela- 
 tion of Wilkinson and the Spanish army, on the 
 riv'T Sabine; sjid I bell^'-ve it had at the time oj 
 its first publication, no other connexion witlj 
 Co!. BuiT. He Is believed thcngl., to hav.- been 
 somewhere in the Western country — perhaps 
 near N^sln iile. I remember to have held a con- 
 versation with Judge John Overton, on the .same 
 evening, or the next morning, after Gen. Jack- 
 son led Burr into the ball room at Talbot's ta- 
 vern. Overton, Jackson, und myself, and othei 
 friends before t'lat time, had been on tenns ni 
 t!)e strictest \ntimacy, and it was the office ol 
 Judge Overton, on tiiat occasion, to remonstrate 
 with me, onaccountof the part I was then takintj 
 against BiuT. I recollect distinctly in that con- 
 vei-sation, his reference to this company of old 
 men, whose address had been signed and <leliv- 
 crcd long before to Jackson, ar.d asked me if I 
 supposed such men were inimical to the cour.< 
 tr)-, r^nd wdling to commit treason. Iff answered 
 any tiling, I must have answered as I now be- 
 lieve, that that address had no connexion with, 
 or allusion to Burr. Ihis conversation was per' 
 li.Tns tjv^ vrr\' evening .'udgc nvcrion rame t'-> 
 

 mii 
 
 witii tixe intbrnution Uiat L'ol. Bun- would 
 attend the ball, as his company would be 
 
 igreeable.* 
 
 tate also, if you please, Mr. Editop, that in 
 
 Judge Williams says — " When this letter 
 1 addressed by fjolou'rl Robert Hays, and 
 or revolutionaiy veterans to tlie g-eneral," he 
 ived in Nashville, at the time, when thaf ad- 
 33 \^as first published in the papers, and 
 rding to my recollection !t was before 
 re was any talk of Burr's consniracy." 
 re, again, ths Judge's mi-.-nory fails hini. 
 e aditr^'sft of " Ihs revolati'yu'iry vciertny' 
 sfii-st p-:blished in the Impartial Review, the 
 ly newspaper then in Nashville, on ilie lOth 
 u.arv, 1S'J7, immediately afverit was deliver- 
 to Gen. Jackson, as is understood aad be- 
 ved — cei-tain it is, that it was after the arrival 
 the President's Proclamation of the 27th 
 >v. 1806, which \vas on the 27th of Dec. 1806, 
 er Col. Burr left Nashville the last time (same 
 issdge) for which see Doctor Fhos. G. \Vat 
 ns' letter under date of August 16lh, 182i). 
 the Editors of the Knoxville Register of Aug. 
 th, f.nd Robert B. Currey's statement, Ap- 
 mdix No. 11. Besides, it is known to many 
 rsons in society here, that this address was 
 livered after the arrival of the Proclamation, 
 hicti was the first authentic information of 
 urr's schemes; and the face of the address 
 liinly indicates a knowledge of tiie fact. Being 
 lus imder an erroneous impression in relation 
 J the date of this address, it follows as a neces- 
 iry consequence, that Judge Williuins is"m er- 
 ar, in attributing to Judge Overton the con- 
 ersation respecting an affair which did not hap- 
 en for nearly three weeks after the Ball, when 
 his conversation is stated to have taken place. 
 jrhisBall was a regular obc of the season, which 
 /as held montiily, *ndthe one which took place 
 n December, 1806, was on the 19i»h of the 
 nonth. Gen. Jackson was one of tlie regular 
 lubscribers to these Balls, which, for the pro- 
 notion of social intercourse, he then usually at- 
 ended. See Talbot's Ta^'ern Journal. Gen. 
 rackson came from his residence in the country, 
 md was at this Ball. Col. Burr was invited by 
 ;he managers, and was also there. It appears 
 Tom the Impartial Review that he arrived in 
 N'ashville on the 17th, and the Ball took place on 
 he 19th. Judge Philips, one of tliis commil- 
 lee, states that he was also at this Bail — that in 
 .he evening, previous to its commenceuicnt, he 
 ivas in company with Mr. Nathl. Williams (now 
 fudge Williams) when the conversation turned 
 3n tlie subject of the amusements of the even- 
 ng, and respecting Col. Burr's being at the 
 Ball, when it was di.stinclly understood by the 
 ;ompany that Col. Ilurrwas to he there, liaving 
 been invite.'i by the managers. He has an indi* 
 fmct recollection that Mr. Williams ra'sed tiie 
 [question as to the propriety of his being mvitfll, 
 but It seemed to be conceded by almost every 
 person, that Col. Burr was entitled to the com- 
 mon civilities of social intercoiirse, usually tib- 
 served towards distinguished (<r respectable 
 strangers. When in the Ball room, Jii.lg'; Phi- 
 lips did not see any marked attentions on the 
 part of Gen. Jackson towards Cel Burr — if there 
 were any such, it has escaped his rccv^Uection. 
 See also on this subject Mr. Currey's statement, 
 marked No. 11 
 
 tiie towii of M'MiimvilJe, lucre ilves a tiiai* i/- 
 the name of Thcoderick Burton— a ma^of truthh 
 and respectability, as I liave heard ere — hen 
 states that, in 1805, /le was one of Bitrr^s ot«u 
 and was mustered into service at the Clover 
 Bottom, with arms ii\ their hands — thai about 
 seventy.fivc '■oen signed the list of enrolment at 
 the same lime with liimself — th.at at that time 
 Gen. Jackson and /Varon Burr, were on the 
 ground, and tlial Patton Anderson was bis Cap- 
 tain. Bt.rtoii says when th'- men under Aadcr- 
 son separ,'it«<i, it was muler an sgrt-^inent, as 
 to '.he ti've when they were to march ott' with 
 Bmr, as his men — anrl that bifort that •.iare 
 came round, thi- matter burs^ed. This is .i con^ 
 densed view of what Mr. Barton says, who re- 
 fuses to give a written st;it,.ment. Now, when 
 Gen. Jackson was summoned as a witness to 
 Ri'.iimontl against Burr, if he liad called on 
 Burton as another witness, the Government 
 would have been enabled to have proved an 
 overt act of Treason on Burr — Treason, when 
 connected witii Gen. Eaton's and Commodore 
 Tru;:tun's evidence. Wliy, let me ask, did he 
 fail to do so? When I recollect, that the de- 
 struction of the American Institutions was the 
 object of the iUiiT Consjiiracy, and that Gen. 
 Jackson was in the possession of facts and civ 
 cumstances wihch could have convicted the 
 Conspirator.s, and yet improi)erIy withheld then) 
 when summoned to Richmond to give testimo- 
 ny, tht-reby tnablingthem »o escape from pun- 
 ishment, lam filled witli astonishment, that the 
 American Nation should think for a moment, of 
 supporting his pretensions to tlie highest officj 
 in the gift of the people. In view of this state 
 of things, I tremble for my country's honor and 
 sixfty. 
 
 If .\Ir. J.fFerson, invested as he was with such 
 pohtical power and authority, had been as 
 friendly to Burr's schemes as Jackson is bthev- 
 ed to have been, it is impo.-.sible for the niin.i of 
 man to conceive the dtsasters that would liave 
 threatened the safety of this Union. 
 
 NAIII. W. WILLIAMS' 
 [10.] 
 WILLIAM SMITH'S STATKMENT. 
 
 FHiMii.iN, A.ig. 27th, 1828. ^ 
 DkaU Sni: In answer to your note, whicii 
 came to hand on the evening of yesterday, re- 
 questing me to state wl>at I recollect of Aaron 
 Burr being at a b.all at Nashville, iTwny years 
 ago— what transpired on that occasion, and also 
 as to his having been liuined in effigy in that 
 place, 1 would remark, tliat 1 was not present 
 at tlie b;\ll Judge Williams speaks of, neitlitv 
 was 1 in Nashville on the evening O' the hall. 
 I afterwiinls understood that Col. Burr attended 
 *t, and that the company gone rally, and the 
 ladicb particularly, were much plea.scd with his 
 gentlemanly and courtly deportment I do not 
 recollect liavMig hear-.l that any objections were 
 made to Uic pn)[)iiety '.if the attendance of Col, 
 Burr at th's Bail — if such existe.l at t;iis lime, 
 they were confined to the persons entertaining 
 them, as leasl%o far as I know, never having 
 head of tliem. 
 
 1 do iKft recollect luiving Ueai<l Judge Wd- 
 liams express himself uitfricn<lly to Col Burr, in 
 his enterprise, until ;.fter cmjccture .-.nd rumour 
 had iussured to it a treasonable character. Somf- 
 short time after Burr left Nishvill.-, (when h" 
 M'ns on hi-j wav to \V IV rv! ■•..-.« T h 'e' c."^ ''"r" 
 
J94 
 
 i 
 
 i;siscr,g burned l.ii^ in cmi;;> . l was iiot in 
 "Xasljville when this took place, but heard that 
 .some few individuals caused the c-fiigy to he 
 made, and procured some persons to take it to 
 the public square and set it on fire; but who 
 made it, or who committed it totiie flames 1 do 
 not know, but tliiTik' Jiidijc- Williams informed 
 me that he h.\d some hand i/i the aiTiir. 1 would 
 observe, in conchision, thiit it has been so long- 
 s.nce these thing's occurred, that many minor 
 pr.rtJculqi'K nu.y, :»nd doubvltsss hnie, esc,i|'ed 
 my recolicclion; but of tlie correctness of the 
 preceding- statement I liave no doubt, so far as 
 iixemory, (aJ'tei- a lapse of manv years.) may be 
 l-elicd upon. 1 am, Sir, yours, &c. 
 
 VV. SMITH. 
 
 [11.] 
 
 Mil. CUKKEY'S STATE^IENT. 
 
 NiSHvitLE, Aug-. 25tii, 1828. 
 
 Having seen in the public prints a statement 
 of N. W. Williams thiit i was present at the 
 buriiing- of Col. Burr's efngv,.and knowinjjthe 
 same to bedcstituLe of truth, 1 was led to ex- 
 iJmine into 'the accuracy of some of his other 
 a-ssertions, and am astonishetl that any person 
 liaving- pretensions to condor, should- hazard 
 statements w) inaccurate both as to dates and 
 inattcr.s of fact. 
 
 The U;:I1 which he now would wish to be 
 considered .ns having been jj-ot up as a mark of 
 respect to Burr, after the receipt of the Trcsi- 
 <lent's proclamation, was in fact one of our re- 
 ^ttlar A^^s€lnb]y Balls; and thoitgh .ludg-e Wil- 
 Jrnms may have lost the recollection of my g-ivcn 
 name, as \yell as other tl-ing-s of more imnort- 
 ancc, yet if he has a lucid moment, the Judse 
 must^ recollect ho cr.llcd on me tl)e day preced- 
 ing- the Ball, to address the muiuigers to cx- 
 vlude Col. ISurr, which he said I could do witli 
 more propriety as one of the original subscrib- 
 ers by the season, (which I think he said he 
 was not,) and that J positively objected, and 
 gave as my reasons, thit it would be vi..l;iting- 
 the hospitality already oft'i-red. on mere rumor, 
 vhv, mig-ht or might not be trne. 1 believe 
 that the performance of this piece of etiquette 
 was not imposed on the manai^ers — Col.. Burr 
 attended, and was politely received, as far as my 
 observation extended. 
 
 l!! g-ivinj,' liic following st-itemont, my recol- 
 lection, thoujjh it perfectly ser\es me, is sup. 
 ]->orted by a reference to a con-espondrnce with 
 the Fostmaf.ter Ceneral on the subject. The 
 message and prockiuiation of tiic President, uc- 
 companied by Gen. Eaton's connnimication, ar- 
 rived at Nashville onth(-2rth Dec. ISOf),' seve- 
 ral days after Col. BnVr descended the river, and 
 not before ; and it v/as on this occa^iion that t!ic 
 effigy of Col. Burr was burnt. It was conjecs 
 
 • Extract of a letter from James S.%und«'rs to 
 Ocn. Daniel Smith, Senator in Congress, dated 
 1st .Jar.uary, 1H07. 
 
 " By the las< papers I have received the Pj-e- 
 sident's mesj;i!:fe— also his proclamation, which 
 1 suppose was produced by Xl\c a<Ss of Aaron 
 Burr." 
 
 By reference to the books of the Postmaster, 
 Jt appears that the Northern mail ai-rived in 
 Nashville on the 27th December, 1806. Of 
 course this was the last mail rfcrred to in Mr. 
 
 .SaundciV letter of the 1st .Kanuan , 1807 the 
 
 mail aiTivingbul onf.c a wTok. 
 
 tured tncu that Col. Burr must have reuvji-^ 
 the Ohio, and mi,tjht be on the Mississippi, it 
 not detained. 1 w,as not one of Mr. Williams' 
 party at tliis effigy burning, as he asserts, not 
 did lever wit'iess a ceremony of the kind, be. 
 1 eving that such n^easures were better suited to 
 the ignoriint, than an enlightened communltv of 
 f''Oeir.cn, whose lav»'S antl ballot box are open 
 fijr th'; punislrment of offenders ; nnd find that 
 in mentioning this efJig^ in my letter to the 
 Postmaster General (for the credit of our tow t) 
 1 deemed an apology necessary. These com- 
 munications were m.vle in compliance with in- 
 strnclloKs from the Postm.ister General to in- 
 form him of the state of affairs, &.c. Stc. I w.-is 
 not commissioned Postmaster for some tinic af- 
 ter this, but had been tlic acting Postmaster for 
 several years. 
 
 .S*;lh Pe:ise, Esq. arrived here early in Janua^ 
 ry, 1807, and shoa'cd me his instructions fi-om 
 tiie Post >!a.ster General, requiiing my co-ope- 
 ration in inquiring into Col. Burr's projects, fcr. 
 After remaininj;- as long as he deemed necessa- 
 ry, he set out for the >!iss:ssippi Territory; be- 
 ing then or shortly after, appointed Surv^-)or 
 General of that Territory — Mr. Pease, wliil- 
 here, was persevering; min.gling occasionally hi 
 mixed companies in cognito. He told me be- 
 fore he left thla place, tJiat hewas perfectly sat- 
 isfied if Col. Burr ii«d any treasonable views he- 
 had not discloserl them here ; but that he had 
 imposed on some by false pretences, of ao ex- 
 pedition against Mexico, in which he was to b'^. 
 aided or at least sanctioned by our C.o^. 
 ernmcnt, that if tiie U. S. Army then on the lin' 
 shouhl fail to co-operate, and they were over- 
 powered, it would cover their retreat, and the-}' 
 could fallback, settle on Baron Bastrop's grant, 
 and wait a mr.-re favorable opportunity, as a wa" 
 with Spain wa-4 inevitable: and tiiat he impose . 
 OTi others, by the p'-omis.e of Washita lands, in 
 ducmg them to believe that Ins views extended 
 no furttier than a peaceable settlement there. 
 
 Mr. Williams called on me frequently afte' 
 Col. Burr became an object of suspicion, andiu 
 my ofMce, cotiveiscd freely on tise subject, an(t 
 as 1 thought witJiheM nothing, yet he never 
 told rr.r ti;at Gen. Jackson wanted to enlist him 
 to fight the Spaniards, nor even mentioned his 
 npme as connected with or even knowing to any 
 of Col. Burr's schemes. 
 
 It would appear superfluous in me, a private. 
 fhongh an old citizen, to offer my testimony oi' 
 the innocence of Gen. Jaekson, further than 
 knowii facts may serve to defend his well caj-rc 
 ed fame from* foul aspersions: Tliosc who kno>v 
 me, know him, anil I feel confident that no one 
 who dues know him, can conscientiously and 
 fiolemnly say, that they believe or ever did be- 
 lieve, that he ever knew of and apjjroveri, or 
 even conni red at trea.=<ui — luj; hut rather that 
 his firm integrity in snprxn-t of the ('nion, tin; 
 cons^ut'on, :uid our republican institutions in 
 their pn.'ilv, has v.hetted the envy of his oppo- 
 nents because of the contr.ist. 
 
 ROBEUT B. CURREY. 
 
 [13.] 
 
 MILI.1=! ALSTON'^ STATEMENT. 
 
 I hereby certify, tiiat in a conversation with 
 
 Mr. .lefl'erson, then President of tiic United 
 
 State*, respecting tii- movement of Col. Burr 
 
 in tho West, 1 observed that the rumour of the 
 
 d:iv was, that General Andrew Jackson Ii.t^ 
 
195 
 
 uxjUIT. Not SO", or, not true, saiu Mr. .Tef- Col. 'WiiiiauisiJU., I can ii)f(jrm you wiiut I suju 
 
 n, for I this dav received a letter from him to Viim, and will always say, when called on, to 
 
 1. Jackpon,") inrorming iv.ethat hehadseen wit: — That at the time Col. Buir was bviildinc; 
 
 ', and that Burr s^id his entevpi-ise was a boat on Stone's river, orncar the mf;uth of it, 
 
 tiov.cdbv the p,-ovcrnmrntj and he, Jackson, there was a rumor among the people that ho 
 
 feen tendered a high command by IJnrr, wanted forty or fif;y, or moj-e, yoiii^s n^en to 
 
 isked cf >lr. Jefrerson the views of the g-o with him to some place not knuun, and that 
 
 irnmcnt, tendering his services, if wanted, he would give lilierwl wages. A young mai>-,^ 
 
 ake a descent npon Mexico, as stated by Mr. llutherfprd K-.uland, had some notion of 
 
 , but if Bnrr^aH not aiithorized by the going with Burr, hut seemed unwdiing to em- 
 
 ;rnme!itto carry on h's eiiterprise as .stated, 
 he, Jackson, was rea<iv to airc^t him. 
 
 WILLI K ALSTON 
 haml'tr of the H. R- prC--ir.nfative.i, i 
 Februari/ llth, 182«. 5 
 
 (14) r 
 
 COL. HAYS' LETTER. 
 C^airmcm if the Jad;son (^omm'dtee 
 JVimtrilk. 
 
 at 
 
 bark unless he knew his intentions, and could 
 receive some certain assurance of the amount of 
 wages. As I was going to Nashville in compa- 
 ny with the said Kathcrford Kutland, we found 
 Gen. Jpckson atastore near Tlie Clover iiotton', 
 and I t!iei-e remarked to Rutland that he liad 
 better ask Gen. .lackson if he knew Burr's in- 
 tentions, befoi-e he engaged himsulf to descend 
 tiie river with !iim. L'.^ did so, and the Gener. 
 rn — Tn answer to your call on me, for any al answered in a very prompt and defildcd maii- 
 •mai.ion in my possession in re'ation lo the ner, that he knev,' nothing- of Burr's intentions. 
 
 and advised him to stay at home. 
 
 '.TOMN G. GRAVES. 
 ,TNO. CVKrvTON, Chuir.ncn. 
 R. C. I'OSTEK, 
 K. WSIYTF,, 
 J NO. CATRON. 
 G. W. CA"v?PBELL, 
 Til. CLAlBOKN'i:, 
 
 btisivess, I h.ave to remark, th;it Col. Burr 
 an intimate friend and brother ofticer of my 
 
 r, during the revolutionary war. He visited 
 m ISO'i or 5 — became acquainted witli me; 
 tssed to be much pleased witii me, and cn- 
 d my feelings for liitn. He requested my 
 ?r to permit me to go with him to Neu' York 
 •<;tudy law. He objected, on th;-. ground 
 
 DAN'L. GRAHAM, 
 JESSE TflLUlTON, 
 JOSLM! NICIiOL, 
 EDWAt^l> WAIID, 
 WM. 15. LIi\N iS, 
 L. ItiiOWN, 
 
 ! was too young, and had not advanced suf- F'X. R0B.'<:R'»'S0N, WM. L. «i{O^^N, 
 
 ntiy in mv Academical coiirse. T.ut it was JOS. t'.iHLlPS, \VM. V.-niTE, 
 
 >ed and understood tlsat I should go in the JNO. SHELBY, ALFRED BALCIL 
 
 b-e of two or three \ears to finish my '- duca- D .\ N'L. GKAHAM, Secretary. 
 
 with Col. Burr. In the winter of 1S06, T, -; r: ° . , ^.. ^. „ -^y^^i 
 
 Col. came to Nashv lie, and sent for me l' 'o™ ^'^^ .^^^' ^ °' '^ ^-^ ^^'^'"^ ^'^'^ , . 
 
 •n at school, near (here, and on meeting hhn, Tlie following is taten from, tne Penns-vlvar.- 
 
 •,iaimed the piom.ise which Irad been made an. a weii conducted weekly p^per, pub ished 
 
 •m on his first visit— but stated he was going in PhiLuleiphia, devoted pnnc.pally to htcra- 
 
 ' .... • "- -ntroducmg po- 
 
 lof a father. 1 observed to him, that I must ted in the article beiow are u.iquestior.ahly au- 
 
 and consult my friends, before I gave my thentic, an.i we recommend >tto ihe sober con- 
 
 1 consent. On advishig with them, some sideration of the slanderers of Gen. .Jackson s 
 
 bt of Mr. Burr's objcr.t was sutrgesled, but character. 
 
 l-.avi)i- pledged his word of honor, that bc^ Characteristic ^necdote.-\ young rnisS!on.irv 
 
 nothin- in v-ew hostile to the best iiiterest.^5 from 'he Dutch Reformed Church, whde on his 
 
 he United States, I determined to go with wav some years ago ton.s station among- so:r,c- 
 
 T\Ir. C. C. Claiborne was at that time of the western Indians, fell sick near Nasiivi. .-, 
 
 -ernorofLouisiana, anda:-. oidfriendof my Tennessee. His funds were smad, ana tlio 
 
 er's, and h.ad requested him to permit me Clas.sisof Albany, or thereahouis, from which 
 
 o to New Orleans as If'S priv.atc Secretary, he came, were slow ni Ins remittances, tu.. 
 
 him Gen. Jackson wrote a letter, and gave money soon went away or 'nedicme ^"^ |;;^'-<;- 
 
 todelive!-,ur---:tonme,inthemostearn.. ing; his horse followed; and atlcr a ^^hl.c he 
 
 manner, to leave Burr, if at any time I should had little remaining of the things ot this worl.l 
 
 i.t with hiin do\vn to the mouth of Hayou 
 rre, where f loft bun, aiul saw him no more, 
 eptat a ball in W.ashington, Mississippi, and 
 his trial there before the Court. 
 Jespccttully, your obedient servant, 
 
 S. D HAYS. 
 
 0II>' OVKUTOX, 
 
 Chnirinan NashvUlr Commiltcv. 
 [15.] 
 
 i,ETiER or ^H^ graves. 
 
 Cap'. Andrew J Donckon, 
 
 living inm.de of '.he tavern, 
 the I'lOj^e of compensario;. io. those around bun. 
 'fhe innkeeper was embarrassed; for Ids own_ 
 .shnder means did not invite to the exercise ol 
 costly hospit.alitv; vet his couscience refuse.l to 
 tnrn'ihe .sick stranger from his house. A pUm 
 at last struck him for the relief of both partus: 
 '• You must be carried, he said, to the Herma- 
 age, to (kneral J:ick.son's." Jt was, indeed, a 
 severe tr.al for the young mlsMcmary, to bccom'- 
 the volunteer iruest of so formidable a per.son- 
 
 r,lr-In answer to your verbal inquiry thro' age, the murderer ot Arbuthnot and Am.n si i 
 
4y6 
 
 'Wlio uuug Uie prufuifii; l-'i'uncj::;, and shot the 
 six militia men. But there was no alternative: 
 he had no rig-ht to remain where he was; and 
 \vhen the General's carriage arrived to convey 
 Jiirnaway, he entered it with a determined feel- 
 ing of a martyr. His disease was violerit and 
 obstinate; hut after a fortnight of almost unre- 
 mitting- delirium, during which his imagination 
 vas busy with scnlps and tomaiiuwks, and deeds 
 of blood, his constitution triutf.phpd. Awy.k- 
 ' ing to a consciousness of hi? situationj he found 
 himself in an airy, comfortable apartment, wnere 
 every thing was quiet, simple, and unosteiita- 
 tio'is The elderly matron, who sat watcliing 
 isilently by his pillow, might have served for a 
 model of tiiat charity, which suffereth long and 
 is kind; and hervenerable partner, who came in 
 soon after, had nothing about him of the fierce 
 and vindictive expression, with which a morbid 
 fancy had pr^inted him. As his strength return- 
 ed, the stranger had many opportunities of stu- 
 *3ying the character of his host, and of observ- 
 ing the •_ stimation in which others held him. 
 He saw him frank, intelligent, and kind-heart- 
 ed; the guardian of tlie orphan, the advi.sei* of 
 the friendless, and the flivorite depository of all 
 those trusts, which are considered most i-irspon- 
 fiible and sacred among men. lie fouiid his 
 house the refuge of the widow and the poor, 
 und his table the pattern of the simple ijut cor- 
 dial hospitality of the west. He stood with him 
 in the morning and evening clfcle of family de- 
 votion, and heard him pray for the forgiveness 
 of his enemies. He smiled at his own delusion, 
 as he contrasted the excellent old chi^rf with 
 the portrait whicli his imagination had deline- 
 ated. Some four weeks afterwards, the young 
 clergyman was seen, renewed in health, ^wel I 
 mounted, and his purse well filled by the Gen- 
 eral's liberality, plodding his way to the mis3i< n- 
 ary station. His fust l_Htcr to' his friends told 
 of all these things and invoked the blessings of 
 heaven on the good Samaritan, who had reliev- 
 ed him in his hour of need. 
 
 From the Hartfr>rd Times. 
 
 As the election approaches, the Adams men 
 are reviving tiieir often told slanders against 
 lien. .Tackson, and in order to carry their points, 
 it is not to be doubted that every species of cal- 
 umny will be resorted to, until the election takes 
 place. We would put our friends on their 
 guard against giving credence to what may be 
 asserted by them, for we shall not be surprised 
 if they put in circulation on the very eve of the 
 election, r?)DortB that he is dead or that som.' 
 Calamity has befallen him. Those wlio could 
 print and issue the coffin handbills, who can 
 put such vile constructions on the motives and 
 conduct of some of our best men, tliat .hickson 
 and his friends might be iajured, are capable of 
 any species of fiaud that malice and intrigue 
 can invent or propagate. 
 
 It ha- been unfortunate for the Adams paitv, 
 tliat Ihey commenced their falsehixidsat so early 
 a period. They have been met and cxposeif, 
 and those whom they have once deceived, will 
 be CAutious, and guarded against futtu-e impo- 
 sitions. 
 
 The administration zealots have recently had 
 much to say of danger of evil examples, in pub- 
 he men, and are telling their friends to beware 
 of .Tackson. If elected he wo'!]d not go gal- 
 
 loping through Uie couuLvy on the suhoau.. 
 dressed in the garb of a jockey. He woidd 
 not lend his influence to fan the emhers of a 
 fanatical excitement against the masonic insti- 
 tution, or v/rite letters for jfrivaic circulation 
 against a body of men, many of whom in point 
 of patriotism, talents an<l ev(My civil or moral 
 qualification are nnmeasurably superior to Mr. 
 Ada'us. 
 
 Nor would he call to his cabinet or retain nA 
 Si ctetary of State, a man wiio could clMilien{;c 
 to the field of mortal cotnbat, a senator oi the 
 United S'ates, in violation of the constitutioi- 
 and the laws of God and man. Mr. Adams b. 
 .shown himself t]\e friend and patron of duellisi 
 He has protected and taken to his conHtien' 
 Henry Clay, and that too under the cSrcun. 
 stances (setf!lg aside the b.ia-gain and sale 
 which no other man would have doe.e, who re 
 pectcd himself or the laws. The following is 
 the BriniKlonc cpistk of Henry Clay issued on 
 the 31st of January, 1825. Within tittle inorc 
 than thirty days from its publication the same 
 ip.dividual, who challenges the v.'hcJe world, 
 who holds his adversary as he does himself re 
 ponsihie to all the laws wliich i^overn and reg 
 late men of honor, is nominated by .lohn Quin< 
 Adams toTilie second office of the Governmei 
 
 *'v2 Card. — I have seen without any other 
 emotion than that of ineffable contempt, the 
 abuse which has been jjoured out upon me by 
 a scurriious paper, issued in this city, and by 
 other kindred prints r..nd persons, in regard to 
 the Presidential Election. The editor of one 
 of those prints »ishered forth in Philadelphia, 
 called the Columbian Observer, fbr which I do 
 not sub^icribe, and which 1 have not crdered, 
 has had the imp>idence to transmit to me his 
 vile paper of the 28th inst. In that number is 
 inserted a letter, purporting to have been writ- 
 ten from this city, on tlu 25th iust. by a mem- 
 ber of the House of Representatives, belong- 
 ing to the Pennsylvania delegation. I believe 
 it to be a forgery; but, if it be genuine, I pro- 
 nounce the member, wjioever he mr.y be,a f^ase 
 and infamous calunmiator, a dastard and liar; 
 and if he dare unveil himself and avow hi.s^ 
 name, I will hold him respoi^ible, as I here ad- 
 mit myself to be, to all the laws which govern 
 and regulate the conduct of men of honor. 
 
 2lst Januarii, IA25. H. CLAY." 
 
 Not satisfied with this general challenge, Mr.. 
 (3lay the following year ca'led Mr. Kandolph to 
 the field. Tht-re is a clause in the constitution^ 
 that constitution which both Mesws. Adams and 
 Clay had sworn to defend and maintain, which 
 s.'iys that, members shall not be held responsi- 
 ble for words spoken in debate. Mr. Clay, 
 however, found it convenient to set this clause 
 aside — Mr. Randolph had justly censured him 
 in tjie Senate, and Ls held responsible therefor. 
 We will not stop at this time to compare the 
 high minilcd and honor.ible conduct of the Vir- 
 ginia Senator, \^ho -juffered himself to be the 
 maik of the Secretary c)f State without return- 
 ing his fire — with that of the imtable and ex 
 cited Mr. Clay. The whole fighting part o,f 
 the duel wa» performed by Mr. Clay, and Mr. 
 Adam-, approves his conduct, still retains him 
 as Secretary, and makes common cause with 
 him. Who after thi^ can say that Mr. Adams 
 is opposed ^o the principle or practtr<* nf duF-"" 
 ling' • 
 
 J 
 
'I'.'iis p:ij)cr wul be fii'T^itcd excluslvclv tu the PrcsiJential ElecLlcm^ aiul be poJjliKlicd wceknr 
 ifittilthe I55ii Qi'Ocl«^cr n<ixt, <(;r Ll/if Dollwij subject to newap^^er pusla^j^ l5l9. 'SUni'rci^ 
 
 BY a RE EN ^' J.2RVI^ 
 
 VGL. 1. 
 
 WASHINGTON, OCTOBER 18, 182S. 
 
 HENUY CLAV AND TlIE BAHGAIN. 
 
 A ntw uiciv uf the old nturij of the bHri^aiii; 
 
 " Letivhvg' not iine loop to h:injwj^ doubt uj.on." 
 
 " Oh tb:it QT]?. would lienr uie .' Keb* Jd mi) 
 
 No. 32 
 
 Ills (IcpeiukuUs of the type, t)nt the mo- 
 ment he is attacked, tboiisam'.i of proQ.sc quilh 
 fly to his rdlicf; but the writer conlidci.tiy piita 
 at dciiance, M the goose quills of the nation tu 
 attefnjjtiiit;- to relieve Mr. Clay from the inanj 
 
 disire is, (bal tlu: Jliui^lay would aitswer mt;; eat^i<flenVcnt3 he has incautiously ihrDwn np^ 
 .Biul that iiiine acU'crsio-y buxi ic-iifat a bo-jt," — q,j him3v!C by menus uf his voluminous publlca^ 
 
 ,3ub, chap. xxxi. vej. 35. 
 
 Sir. Chiyhaa u-riltai tbrec book.s, and m.idc> 
 ;E':ndrv c1^clion(«yiufr sjx'eciies und^-i- thopre- 
 -lext of vinlicatin;::;' hiuTJc'f H!^iiifs.t the clni:»:o 
 ,of plactntj himself hi li'.s nr^^fr.t G^^ic^•, by 
 niicarts of li lia!"^!: uitli iir. Adunig. 
 ~ Tho writer Uiiuks that thc*coiitents of these 
 :i><)oks a'ld speeches, connected wiih cci'taiu 
 knouimnd estr.l^Ii-sliv-^l Ticts, prove, unqucrstion- 
 
 ticn's. Mr. Cluy •■iddrc-ssus his fir^l book ty his 
 cl;;,-*";tuc::tf • o"- tlio ~5th of March iS.'cJ, frotnf 
 \v!uch thcfoiluv.'ingis «n o;..'J"aci •" 
 
 K.it t- kri-:..*-u to yoii, thj. ,ny T^rflTie liad l)c:e3ti 
 presented, by the rer.^cctable States of Ohiq, 
 JCeTitiicky, L(5uis-/r_,^^ and MissouiijArthe ofTiccr 
 i;f Prcisklci^t., U\ t',\ii consideration of the Am^r* 
 icin public, un .7 tliat it luul attracted some ex- 
 tent lOn in oth ,v quarters of the Union. AVhe.^^ 
 
 tf'nly, tiie reality of tliutbarg-:iiu; espcciaiiy at\er ea;ly in November last, I took my departure 
 
 .«iie new developements m.-vdc in Mr. Clay's from the jistrict to repair to this city, tlieissuti 
 
 letter to Mi-, l^lair; the disclosure of the secret <ir the ?readential election before the peopl'e 
 
 bargain \^ith. Mr. Cook, and written pkxjge to \v:c3 uy.known. E\ cut.«, hovi-cver, had thsxn so 
 
 Mr. Webster. These p.-.jjers.. connected v, itli far '.ranspired as to render it highly probr.blo 
 
 /ether disclosures frcm ."dr. Clay liims-jelf, pre- '.nat there v,otdd be no election by the people, 
 
 sent new aspects, and new culu^inp;.^ to tiio and tliat I should be excluded frojn the flousv 
 
 harg-iin, wiiich stamp its reality with perfcc'. oniepresentatives. It became, thcrefcrc, my 
 
 certainry. I'he vritcr his, for a l(m_i^ time, ob- duty to coni.lder, and to tnake up an opinio'u 
 
 rvtd -vvstli iui prise, tiie lavlsli waste of pen, on^ihe respective pretensions of the tliree gen- 
 
 anfurtiinate eficct, arising- from this counie of Frankfort, my detcrml!tati<ja to support .M^A 
 
 proceeding, has betn. to divert the public at- Adain.i m prej"ercnce to G>n. Jackson. I wrot^ 
 
 lejitior. fruni Mr. Ch.y's own statement-s, and to to Charley Hammond, Ksii- ot Cmcmniti, about 
 
 jntrmlucc unavailing- disputations tdjout the ere- tlio sums time, and mentioned certain obje-e- 
 
 aibiiity uf witnassc^, wiiich would be uaneces- tiou:; to the electjcm of Mr. Crav.ford, (aniaaj^ 
 
 sary -^ere Mr. Cluv liie sola witness. His evi- wiiich wa^,that of his contlimcd ill health.) that,- 
 
 dL-nc'.-, the -vritor' thinks, ubundantlv sutiicient api.eared to me almost in-jiiperablc. I)urni;u 
 
 nfitacir, t', prove the r^-afitv of the bargaiuiand my journey hithcT, and up to near Chn;,lma5v 
 
 'o prove mu-^h nnre ! ! * Tirat Mr. Clay .stoop- iv remained uncertain whether .Mr. Crawfora c/ 
 
 ^■d to employ deception, peihdy, duplicity, I would b^ returned to the IloiLSc of Ilq»rf:.. 
 
 .-.^mtnidiction and intn(?uc, as imsU-uments for sviit.V.ives. Up to- near Christmas, all our i.u 
 
 < [lecting fhe barg-ain ! ■! ! The writ/'i- thinks fQ:mation made it highly probable that the voJ,"r 
 
 iha't th^s deeplv interesiinj,' subject loudly calls of Louisiana would bo given to mq» and llraVX 
 
 lor evcj-y view' cf it, which may servo to elicit shouM consecpiently be i-cturncd^ to the cxtiTu-, 
 
 ■ di'mcc to hi.s sense of duly siou of Mr. Crav.f.ml. And, whiU that probji* 
 
 the truth; and in obesli 
 
 to the puhfic, he win proceed to ]verfo:-ni that biiiiy wasstron;^-, I commumnatca o sir. sena. 
 13' k This shall he <i<>y.^ by a simple analysis tor Jolm.ston, ot Louisiana, my rciulution n«t t(> 
 (/the co.nte.nts cf Mr. Clay's'own evidence; re- 'Alov; my name, in consequence ot t.»e small 
 
 .;jirdl;j*s of its ju.st inllvier.ce upon Mr. Clay's 
 own standinii- iii society. Tiio writer will tyke 
 caic to avoid tin; pa^s;bllity of doinjf injustice 
 to Mr. Clay, by jnesentlny the evidence in Mr. 
 Clay's own words; so that, if he should uninti-ii- 
 t!^)in»Uyhave <lo,\o an injury to M;-. C^ly in his 
 co-nstiMctiun of the; evidiii.:e, ho will, at tlia 
 ji.imc timo, furnish tlie pidilic witii llie means 
 of c<^)iTt-ction. But whil.-,t nolhinj^ could siiock 
 tiia writer more, than doi»^ aai act of injuciicc 
 r>) any human beinif, he I.t not ;:l ;;11 apprehen- 
 sive of havinjj it in lii; puv/er ;o do a-.;y to hU: 
 «;lay, if he -^ouid. Mr- Clay ha:; made the pub 
 
 number of votes t)y wiiich it would be camei* 
 into the House, if I -.verc returned, lo consututc 
 an obsUcle, for one moment, to an tleclrou ^\^ 
 tjje Uo»ise of Itepre.scntalives," 
 
 The mcr,t superfi^ iul reader, Cjannot but cb» 
 s£-rvc, that in this quotation, Mr. Clay suggest* 
 two itKOnrpuliUi pn,Luf>ilUics, in relation to un 
 unknown evi-nt, existing at the same time; uJid 
 each probabilitv. at the Mamc time, formed u 
 motive for -Mr. 'Cby'H contradictory ciaducU 
 The one pi-obabihty wxs, that eally in Novoa.- 
 brr, 1824, cv.:i.ts hadtranspirol, whicU rcndcis 
 edit "hltjldy pi.>bahh-" that Mr. Clay would 
 
 Ifc Vvowal. th..U.e wUl en.ploy h.s ofUeiai p.i- be c.vclu<led fro.n the louse ot 1^7'"^,',^ "^V^" 
 
 «>*it'^ to the utmost, for the promotion of hi, by the votc^ of the electoral coUegM. 1 Uo 
 
 ow^obiect3. This influence iicliiefly exerted other was. that, at th. time, und n^y^J "P ^ 
 
 over th^ rrrcas; »!«! is n)t)na to be so f.Tetf'. ^^^ Chxr^^^;. t^C ^L^ ^}-^^- '^^ r>ind«xa a^. 
 
4^8 
 
 tuflt, a«d continue^' f^ J^ox 
 ^Hhorr*??'"l»cr, 1824, 
 
 ': higkly jjjabuble,' lb:.t the >^w^ Mi'. Clay, 
 would iioV be excluded from tlie House of Re- 
 'piasscntativRsby the same clccioiv.1 votes. Hei'c, 
 tfiicn, are presented, two "l»if,li probfibiilties,V 
 existing- at tlio same time in vt. intion to tlic same 
 «vent; and eacX "hii^h probubility," in spite o 
 }t3 antagonist '' hig'b iM-obaljliity," is a:5serU-(l 
 by Mr. Clay, tofoi-m am-.itive with hiin 'or his 
 conduct at the san2e momt nt. \Vh;>t could be 
 aKpectedfrom Mr. Clay's conduct, i.nviunded 
 jipon contradictory probabilities, cxi<itin;rat the 
 iSllQie time, but contradictions ar.d absurdities.'' 
 The write* WiH rlespatch, at once, his i:>::iTP.ma- 
 tion of the cotiduct, which ^r. Clay h.:d per- 
 «nptonly marked out for hi^ onscrvanct- upon 
 the occurrence of tbe second "hijjli prob;'biU- 
 ^»" whick was then stronger tliir. it* ^fitagr>- 
 
 )\v stronger, \mtil the 
 that iT--. f''\r.y ^'r>"id 
 not be excluded frcT»» the Ho'ist* of Representa- 
 tives. In that event, .>?r Clay says; " whilst 
 that probability was strong, I commut^icated to 
 iVlr. Senator Johnston, of Lcvisiana, my resolu- 
 tion, not to allow my nami-\ in conseqv.enca 
 of the small number of vo.^*;s by wliicii it 
 '.vould be carried into the Flouse, if I were re- 
 turned, to constitute an obstacle, fvr one mo- 
 ment, to an election in tlie House of .Uepresen- 
 fatives. " Wonderful resolution!!! Pbtonic, 
 beyond all belief!! AVhy would you not, Mr. 
 Olay, allow your name to constitute an obs^u- 
 cle? for one moment, to an election in the House 
 of Representatives' Answer — in Mr. Clay' own 
 AVords: " in consequence of the small iuiml;er 
 of votes by which it would be carried into the 
 Ilouse." Mr. Clay here voluntarily excludes 
 himself from the benefit which would have ac- 
 crued to him, if broug-ht into the House of Ue- 
 presentatives, inconsequence of the very s'reat 
 plurality of votes given to two of his competi- 
 tors, over himself; gioundi- g his positive ex- 
 clusion solely upon the principles of plurality, 
 in the degret of d-spar fy ix tween the 'compe- 
 titors. Ci'uld any thing be more pun-, patri- 
 otic, and platonic!!! A perfect juilitical pin no- 
 TTienon, in tht se degenerate da\ s: ! ! One, strict- 
 ly *' sui generis!" Cut, wonderful as this claim 
 to purity and immaculacy is, Mr. (May's gixaier 
 liberality to one ol his competitors, is still more 
 wonderful!!! Whilst his own platonism applies 
 tTie prinaple oi exclusion jiositively to himself, 
 his liberality induced him to appl} ii only arjru- 
 mentatively to one of his least favored compe- 
 titors; and that is done, under circiimftances 
 more unfavorable to tliat one titan to himself. 
 How many votes brouglU Mr. (;rawford into 
 the House' — 41. How many votes wotdd have 
 brought Mr. Clay into the House, if he had se- 
 '^ured the votes of Louisiana'' — 42. Yet Mr. 
 Clay professes to make aprinci])le, arising sole- 
 ly from the small nuinber of votes whicli would 
 have been g^ven to him, positive, in relation to 
 Himself, and applies the principle oy\\y partially 
 f{) Mr. Crawt'ord, havitig 41 votes. 
 
 Sear Mr. Clay's reasonings upon this princi- 
 ple in his own words: 
 
 " The first inquiry which it behooved mo to 
 Tpate was, [after the COth Dtc. 1824,] as to the 
 FaSiience which ought to be exerted on my 
 j^dgmet^t, by the relative state r.f the electoral 
 \Dtes, which the three returned candidates 
 Brought into the House, from the colleges. — 
 <:',fr\ev'\\ T&fTtson obtained 99, Mr. Adams S-l-, 
 
 and Mr. Crawt'ord -ll. Ought the tact oi a p 
 rality being given tj) one of the candidates t(jj 
 have any, and what, weight? If the Constitu 
 tion had intended that it should have been de- 
 cisive, tlie Constitution would have made it de 
 cinive, and interdicted the exercise of any dis 
 cretion on the pari of t!ie House of Represen 
 tatives. The Constitution has not so ordained; 
 but, on the contrary , it has provided, that 
 " from the perst;ns having the highest number.^; 
 not exc'.ediitg three, on the li.st of those voted 
 for as Prcsideni, the -House of R pre.teutatives 
 shall chorisr, immediaiely, by ballot, a Presi- 
 dent." Tliue, a discretion is necessarily in- 
 vesied in the H"usi, 'or choice implies exaiui- 
 nation, comparison', judgment. The fact, tlicre- 
 fore, that one of the three persons was the high- 
 est returned, not being, by the constitution of 
 llic C'JUntr\', condunne upon the juvl^'ment of 
 the Hoii.se," it still reii,»;;iS to determine what is, 
 the true digr^ of v.'t-';;':t 'Mt-aOiiKiUK ^o il?" 
 
 Mr. Clay most plaionically makes the degre 
 of disparity which could justify a posit've ex 
 elusion, in his own case, 42 to 84 — 99; an 
 most liberally refuses to make the prmcipl 
 of exclusion positive, in the case of Mr. Craw 
 ford, upon a disparity of 41 to 8-4 — 99 votcF 
 Besides, Mr. Clay's reasoning goes to show con- 
 clusively, that no disparity of numbers woiJd 
 justify the principle of positive exclusion. Whj-, . 
 then, voluntarily make the principle of exclu- 
 sion positive, in relation to himself, and itot to 
 Mr. Crawford? And whence all the anxiety 
 iTiHitifested by Mr. Ch'.y himself, that he shouM 
 be brought into the House, when his own reso- 
 lution to exclude himself, if brought in upon a 
 small number of votes, put him in a worse cor. 
 dition, than if he had been excluded by th> 
 electoral colleges.* For, in the one case, hi 
 would have been excluded from a vote between 
 the Other competitors; in the other, he would 
 not; and tlie manner he did exercise his right 
 to vote, inccntest'biy proves the high value he 
 put upon the right itself. But hear his own 
 ri-asoning in relation to .Mr Crawford, in his 
 own words: 
 
 " For Mr. Crawford, who barely (-ntrred th'^ 
 House, wUh only four votes more than one car 
 didate not returned, ami upon whose cas( . 
 therefore, the argument derived from the fa^ 
 of plurality, nperated luHh sfronrr, Ihmt^fi n, 
 decisive foroe, ( hnvr ever fdt much persmial r. 
 gard. But 1 was called upon to perform a s( 
 Icinn public duty, in which my private fceling- 
 whether of affection or aversion, were not i 
 be iu'iilged, Imt (he gnnd of my counfry ntti 
 consu/led. It appeared to nie that the jirecar- 
 ous state of that gentleman's health, although , 
 I paiticipate<l witii his best friends, in all their jj 
 regrets and sympathies, on account of it, w:: ■" 
 conclusive against him, to say nothing of otht 
 considerations, of a pubhc nature, wiich wool 
 have deserved fXamination, if happily, in th;, 
 respect, he had been diflerently circumstanccii 
 He had been ill near eighteen months; and a- 
 though 1 am aware that his actual condition wa 
 a fact drpcniling upon evidence, and that th- 
 evidence in reg-ard to it, which had been pre 
 seiited to the public, was not perfectly harmc 
 nioiis, I judged for myself upon what I saw an-i 
 heard, rte may, and I ardently hrpe, will, re 
 cover; but 1 did not think it became me to as 
 slst in thnKnltting the ExccTTtivc adminisTratTrii 
 
1^9 
 
 ^ency of the restoration to heahh of a gentie- 
 inan wlio had been so long' and so seriously ;■/- 
 •flicted." 
 
 If Mr.CLiy had made the principle of exclu- 
 sion positive in re'.aiion to Mr. Crawford, as he 
 did in relation to hiniscli,' a!l inquiry about his 
 heallli, qiiahties, or quaiificitioiiv, v. ouJd l^ave 
 been wholly unnecessary. He would liave been 
 previously exclui'.eil from the sniull nun.herof 
 votes wiiich carried him into the Hojise. The 
 principle of exclusion beiiig' (he same \n its ap- 
 plication to hoth, its refuial to Mr. Crawford, 
 could only liave been founded on persons! on- 
 siderations — That Mr. f;l y aetuaHy loved ilr. 
 Crawford more dearly thun he did himself!!! 
 "IVouid not that be wonderful? Is it n(.t abso- 
 lutely incredible, when, upon every other occa- 
 sion of his life, Mr. Clay, it is thought, presents 
 himself the must devoted ( gotist upon earth? 
 The letter "I" istue most favorite one in the 
 %vhole alphabet, with Mr. Clay. It is fortunate 
 for him, tliat it is a monosNl'able, and occupies 
 little more space than a li.^'lit line, otiierwise, 
 its frequent use \vouidadd g-reatly to Mr. Clay's 
 Tabors, in liis voluminous wiiting-s. The v.riter- 
 believes, from long and f -equt nt observation, 
 the favorite letter " I," occurs oftencr in Mr. 
 Clay's writings, than those of any other writer 
 u'ho ever wielded a peu t.-> il.c v.::m<i fextcut. 
 Under v-'hat circumstances was tins platonic 
 resolution comniunicatt-d to Mr. Senator .Iol\r.- 
 ston? It Was wJien "every probabilit\" >.vas 
 in favor of the happening of the ev.nt of Mr. 
 Clay's being' returned to the House— which 
 would te^vt Mr. Clay's sincerity in his p'atot'.ic 
 pT'ofessl.cns Here Mr. Clay's resolution was 
 positive, not to let Imh narr.e constitute an ob- 
 stacle, f^,^ one mo'.jient, to an election by the 
 House! But in Mr. Chiy's second book — Dec. 
 1827 — he seems to be uiidtr an im])rcssion tiiat 
 he- had carried liis plutonism too far; and he 
 Again introcruces the subject, as if to show 
 . there was some latent mental reservation, which 
 would be inconslatent witii such prisitive reso 
 lution. 
 
 Mr. Clay saj's — " I stated in my address to 
 my constituents, thu-t if I had received t!ie vote 
 of Louisiana, and become one of the three can- 
 didates returned, I lund irw/fa/ at a tin»€ wlien 
 tliere was ' everr/ p)-obabilifi/' ofniy receiving it, 
 ■fhati would not allow my name, in couscqiience 
 of the small number of votes by whicli it would 
 be carried into the House, if I w.ls retiu'ned, to 
 I'onslitule an ohr.tucle to an election." Mr. John- 
 ston says — " Vou replied, that you wouici not 
 j^ermit tlie coujitry to be disturbed a <l;iy on 
 your account; that }ou would not aJl""' your 
 name.- to interf'ci'e with the prompt dec :<iMn of 
 the question." 
 
 Hero seems to be some intiinatioi 
 Clay did not n;ean to apply tlic prirr 
 itlve exclusion to litm-.e.f, m ii)ei->.' ^ 
 
 getting the vote of th<' House, by gen..r..i .iccla 
 matioi":; butmerely firu tt woul-i no- pen- it 'he 
 country to be disturoed on his a^ c'i>.,nt l^such 
 %veie Mj-. Clay'.« secret r' liance, i' cnmph.lely 
 talc! savvay all tiisbossted platoni'.ii , I'.nd rr -T^ers 
 his p.-ofess.ons tb his friend .(ohnston pcrftdious 
 in the highest <ie'^ee. It will be seen here, hov/ 
 Sweetly his bosom friend chimes in witli Mr. 
 Ctivff^f h^s c^xpltn-. •••-->' o^iv-'-L Treble and 
 
 tenor — n.osi iiarmoniousy sympUohiz/ag— lias^ 
 (base) enough symphonizing with both. 
 
 'I'h.is communication was made to Mr. Senator 
 Johnston, when every an.xiety was manifested 
 by Mr. Clay, to be returned to the f louse, and 
 w!un, if tie adhered to his posiVive platoi\ic 
 resolution, he would have put Kims- If mto a 
 worse ctsndit'on, ill rilat,i;n to b's iuH'jcnce in 
 tlie elecio!! than if he were excluded by the 
 eleclov;d vote. Wnence, then, tlie anxiety not 
 to be excluded? 
 
 It was made' when there was a general im- 
 pression more strongly pel haps up-on N!r. Clay's 
 mind, than on that ot any other person's, tliat 
 if he u-e'-r returned to the House in any way-if 
 by hook or by cro^k — he would be elected to 
 the Presidency by the p irtial favor of the 
 House. Mr. Clay describes his impressions in 
 that respect in the following words: 
 
 " During the month of December, and the 
 gre.iter ])art of .Tantiary, sfrono- piofessions of 
 h'gh consideration, and of unbounded admira- 
 tion of me, were made to my friends, in the, 
 greatest profiision. by some of the active friends 
 of all tiie returned candi.l^.tcs. Even body pre* 
 fes-,ed to regit-t. ^J'er 1 was excluded from the 
 Hous'N Ihp.t 7 hud not been returned to it. / 
 seemtd to be the favoiite of evuy body. 
 Descri'jing my situation to a distant friend, 1 
 saidt.t> him, '/am enjoying, wiulst alive, the 
 postumous honor> which are usually awarded 
 to the venerated dea<l ' 
 
 •' A person not acquainted with human na- 
 ture, would have be n surprised, in list< ning to 
 these praises, ihat the obj> ct of them had not 
 been elected by <r(neTaL accinnution. None 
 mate more or warmer manifestations of tliese 
 sentiments of esteem and arlmiration. tiian .some 
 ofthc friends of Cent ral Jackson. None were 
 so reserved as those of M . Adams; under an opin- 
 ion, (as / have 'eaint since the election,) which 
 tlv.y early imbibed, that the western vote 
 v/oiild be' only influenced by_ its own sense of 
 public duty; and dint if its judgment pointed 
 to any o her than Mr. Adams, nothing which 
 the v could do would secure it to him. These 
 professions and manifestations were taken by 
 vie for what they v.-cre worth. / knew that 
 the sunbeams would quickly disappear, alter 
 fny opinion .should be ;iscertained, and that 
 they would be suceeded by a storm; alUiough 
 /did not foresee exactly how it would burst 
 upon nty \nwv head. / found myself transform^ 
 edfroin a candidate before the people, into an 
 elector for t)ic people. / dt liber.atcly ex- 
 amined tl'.e duties incident to this new attitude, 
 and weighed all the facts before mc, upon 
 wliich w;/ judgement w.as to be formed or re- 
 viewed. If the eagerness of .-iny of the heated 
 pai-tjsarfsofthe rtspec'.v candidales suggestcfl 
 a tardiness in the dcalaration of my int< iiiion, 
 / believed that the new relation, in which / 
 wiis placed to th' subject imponed on //i« an 
 ol'ligjiiion to p;iy some rrsp.c 'o clelicicy and 
 dec'irim." {I--i>u- — or w^—tuenty-one times 
 int.s quciatiin.j Eg^itism en .ugh! 
 
 Under thes circunist.i.c «, i.s Uiere one hu- 
 man i;eing who can belli VMiin the sincerity t)f 
 Mr. Ciaj's positive n-iolution 1o exclude him- 
 self from' an elect on by the House, when his 
 election to the Presidency by Uiat Hou--e was 
 thought to be certain' An election which 
 would h»vc consummateBl afl tbf fon I -hf»p* 
 
.i. 
 
 omf 
 
 f 
 
 r,>' Mr. fJlay-'-s cxti.enical an.bitiuu, iiiul aifonU-cl 
 liim full « ompensatioa for all Ihc nnxlous iii- 
 Tricriiis of iiJs l.iborioiis drivK, nncl sleepless 
 iiig-hts! AH to be s.iorificed wUh.oiit ciuise, cx- 
 rcj)t the ynrc gratincitilo:; (..■I' JJr. Cl.jy's clisiti- 
 fercsted p5itr'oli''ni! Aiid liow do all these pla- 
 "tonif st'nsiUlitifcS r^^d patriotic professions, 
 comport \virf> the fcllowiniLC expressions of Mr. 
 Clay's anxiety 'io he brr.ir^hi ir.t(, the Jlodse, ii) 
 vliich event, hi.s e!ect-<}ii lo tiie I'resi.ienry 
 >v-)iildh!ive; been rendered certain, no matter will* 
 what associntes; and his iirgev.t recommcricla- 
 tion to is'r "i-nds to persevere i;i ijringiiig him 
 intojilie iloiise? 'i'lie fV.i'cji'ir.;-' is &•>. extract 
 iVoTi Mr.Cl.wto Mr. Ke}ui..I, recently b:x-ught 
 toliR-lit. Mr. Kendall smvs: 
 
 " I find in one of your letter^ dated Wasii- 
 in^'toji, 18th Matc'u, iii:-i, a. reiiiaik which [do 
 not understand, linle^iS there was tlien some iin- 
 derstandinj? or some prospect cf one, between 
 you ^n(\ Mr. Adanvs. You say: 
 
 "New Yoik c.intin:ies to be n contested 
 Rtate. My decided opinion h, that it will give 
 jt.s siippoitto Afv. Ad;ir,!Horto me, or pcr".i;ips 
 <rividc-it hetwe. n us. Ir. th:U case, Mr. Craw- 
 ford cannot come into the IJoi!!,;-. Ivly friend-5 
 ^'•e confident in the bciicr, that if I enierilie 
 House as one of the three liitjhest, iw mutter 
 w In what associates, I fhall "he elected, if, 
 contrary to all probability, Mr. Crawfor.^ Kboiild 
 «bt;dn the vote (/f New York, the cor.test for an 
 entry intotlie IIo;:se will probablv be between 
 ."tacksonandmc." — " vVit hnut entering- into fiir- 
 ther p.irtic'daiT, my opinion is, tiiat v.y friends 
 have e^■rTy Tn»tive for vifjovou.s, animated, and 
 pei-severinrf exertion." 
 
 Ur.der the.se circiim.stanccs, it is not possi- 
 lj!e for any human being of sound mind to be- 
 lieve ^?r. Clay's platonie, jiatrioiic profesnionr.. 
 if not— if his sincerity be utterly di'^credited, 
 <Ioes not liis avowal to .Mr. Senaior .lohnston be- 
 ibre the e%ent, and his disclosure to th- public 
 after the event, even after writing this letter to 
 liiaft-iend, Mr. Kcndnll, present an unparsHeled 
 riiample of duplicity, perftdv, and hvpocrisv, 
 lirst tow.ards his bosom frie'nd, and ' throug-'i 
 him, touHrds the public ! ! ! No! It is lie 
 j-e-.ed ^M•. Clay's case is not tmparal!clfcd. 
 .\ paraiiei one may be four.d in Mr. Ad;',ms's 
 solemn declaration to the Americnn people ^ 
 f Mat it WMactiKiiiy his wish to set aside his own 
 vlectina vo the Presidency, and to submit 
 tt ag'aiii to the deci.bion of the people. 
 
 Jlear him, in his own word.s! 
 
 •' Mr. Adams positively, and unequivocally 
 asserts, ill subhlniKe, tliaf in coiiscquonce of ail 
 his predecessors in the hif;h station to which 
 iPie selection of the //w.ye hiu! colli d l,!m, havin'.; 
 liad a majority of the votes of tile prunarv clecf- 
 toral sufi;-:i;;es, whil.-,t it had f d!en to liis' lot to 
 liave a niiiiority of votes; and stiil worse, one of 
 Jiis competitors for the c.ifice havin;^ even a 
 irreatev minority than himself, •' he should not 
 licsitate to decline the acceptance of the emi- 
 nent charge, aud to submit the decision of this 
 momentous question a^ain to the determination 
 ot the people, provided his refusal to accept 
 thft trust dcle^ared to him, wouhl g-ive an im- 
 mediate opportunity to the people to form, and 
 to express, with a nearer approach to unanimi- 
 ».V, the object of iheii preference." ~ 
 
 Au election, whieh had been secured by 
 '"Verr sneered of «vJi Pee. and intcijriie br Mr. 
 
 AdiUis! ilis baift'aiu With Ciay, iio\i reducei; 
 to a certainty — his written pledp^e to Webster. 
 ' Was there ever before an exhibition of two 
 n5.-jre consummate Macliixvalsin political moriil.s 
 tlian the one here presented in the persons of 
 Messrs. Adams and Clay .' Were there ever 
 more shallow, un!)lushing'attif!cesand practices, 
 th'^n tho.se chosen by the SJach'.?:v;dsfor the ma- 
 riifestation of their political mornlsi' Are these 
 two unprii-cipled Macliisrvals to be elected b\' 
 the free voice of tlie American people" T'lie 
 one their President!!? Tlie other their Se- 
 cretavy of State !!! Oh ? dtame"! ! ! Worse 
 than .Sodom and Gomorrah of old!!! Cannot 
 two linnest men be found to rave this great 
 youthful nation' Hut th:s is the 7east important. 
 'exarni!i:Uion of Mr. Clay's preposterous, decep- 
 tive disclosures, and ridiculo'.is prevarications. 
 Look at his declared course of conduct, and hrs. 
 motives for it, as well before as after the Vnp- 
 pening- of the /7rA/ h!gh prof)abilVi/. The first 
 observation, Vrliich occurs in the examination 
 of Mr. Clay's cour.se ofconduct, under the/r*:. 
 hig-h probability, that Air. Clay would be ex- 
 C'tided from the House, is his prepos'>erou3 al- 
 ten.nt to prove ' the publicity of a fact,' against, 
 'public nr.torietv.' Mr. Clay undertakes to 
 prove, Jhal earlyin Oct. 182-1,'he liad declared 
 liis vincliangealiie detcrrain.-ition substantially to 
 vote for Mr. ACu.rr^; P.'>d b.e ''.oe.s prove by some 
 ten, or a dozen, of his .symplionizing compu! 
 p.tor.s, that he had apprized them of lh.-\t fixed 
 determination; but lie does not prove by t^ny 
 on" of them; that he made the communication 
 v.it.h the intent to have it made public, t-orthat., 
 ;., f..^.«-j it was made public; but merely with an 
 intent to his friends, -pi-ivate gra'iti cation. Thii 
 is <;ufTi.;iently ol)vious, from the iuct, that each 
 of his friends kept the sacred dcpo.^ite to him- 
 self, and did not trratify the public anxious cu- 
 riositv with tlie informa'ion iutrusccdto him by 
 Mr Clay. Amongst other witn-ss»^, Mr. Clay- 
 has taken th° trouble to send to l"<-ance. for ti^e 
 purpose of introducing General ^,nfiyette, sm? 
 one of his witnesses; but I,afu\ette proves ^rwt- 
 tiveh/, tliat the information tlisclosed to him 
 was to a private, and not a public interest and 
 Mas co.isidercd confidential by him. This 
 comntunication was made aliout the last of l)c- 
 eenfaer, 1824: Mi. Clay has taken great ]^^\n<i 
 to prove, that it v.-as after the 20th of Ucccn. 
 bei-, IS2Z. 
 
 'fhere' scerns to liive been a confusion oi 
 ideas, and of blimderingcontradic'uoiis, on the 
 pari of .Mr (;l:iy in tliis trans.'ictioii, that is abso- 
 lutely unaccourstable, upon the su;.'position ot' 
 the ordiuiry exerei.'ie of Mr. Clay's mental facul- 
 ties. Whilst his object is to pro\e that as early 
 as Ocioi.er, 1824, he liad coiimninicated to somoi 
 cliOfcn friends a f:ict, with an intent to have i' 
 made public through them, he calls upon Gcu. 
 Lafayette to prove, that Mr. Clay communi- 
 cated the satne fact to him, //» conjidtncc, aftei- 
 the 20th of December, 182-i!!! Confidence is. 
 the anfipr.;ies of publicity; aud proves, not onh' 
 that the fuct was not public, hut not intended 
 to be made public by Mr. Clav, as late.as20tli 
 l)ec. 1824. Here, then, Mr. Clay's proof faila. 
 him entirely in regard to his uiidisguisecl publi-- 
 city of a fact in Oct. 1824, which he considered 
 as confidential after the 20th of Dec. 1824. For 
 a confidential communication of a fact of pub- 
 lic notorietv, js a. jrolecism in itself — beside;. 
 
'•jx^k. 
 
 Uiii juiJiiii ;i.riA>eij iu i>,6 ijiTuKn^'tl Ck "tL^t very 
 fact, is now, and was then, mattec of jnihiic nti- 
 torict} ; and this public notoriety, Mr. Cl:<\ has 
 the preposterous Iiaidiliood to attcmjit to dis- 
 prove by his symphonizing' compurg-ators. 
 
 But as this is really a matter o*" curiosity, as 
 Well as ef interest, hear the evidence as given 
 \)y Mr. Clay himself, audGen. Lafayette. 
 
 2-Ixtrucl Frorr. Mr. Clay's address to his consti- 
 tuents. 
 
 " And at i/mi carii/ pcrtrio', (tlie early part of 
 Xov. 1-829,) I staled to Dr. Drake, one of tlie 
 l?i'ofesso!-s iii the Medical School of Tran*;} Iva- 
 nia University, and to John J. C-J-itteiiden, 
 3%sq. ofrrankfort, my determination to su]iport 
 7»Lr. Adams in preference to Gen. .lackson. I 
 v.rcte to Charles Hanitnond, Esq. of Cincinnati, 
 ubout the saine time, and mentione<l certain ob- 
 jections to the election of ]\lr. Crawibrtl, (among' 
 which was that of his continued iil-hcalth,) tlsat 
 appeared clinoit insuperable. Durinjj my jour- 
 ney hither, and up Ctj near Christmas, it remain- 
 ed uncertain whether Mr. Crawford or I would 
 be retumexl to the House of Representatives. 
 tJp to near Christmas, all our information made 
 it hig-h probable tiiat tlie vote of Louisiana would 
 be given to me, aud that I should consequent- 
 ly be returned to liic exclu.sion of Mr. Craw- 
 ford." 
 
 Extract from Mr. Clay's address, Dec. 1827. 
 
 *' This testimony establishes, that on various 
 occasions and times, beginning' in Keiitucky as 
 eai'ly as fkbout the l.st October, 1824, and cr,n- 
 tinXicd in the City of Wasl^ing-ton down to the 
 p.;riod when my determination to vote for Mr. 
 Adams was f^enerally known in this City, I uni- 
 formly expressed my conviction of Gen. Jack- 
 son's want of qualification, and my fixed resoki- 
 tion not to vote for him, if I were called upon 
 to give a vote. These sentiments, long'clieiith- 
 erl, were deliberately expressed "to gentlemen 
 of the highest rcspecfaL-ility, most <?f them my 
 personal and particular friends, in all of whose 
 estimation I must iiave stood dishonored, if I 
 had voted for Gcu. Jackson, conli-ariJy to my 
 declared purpose. This purpose was avowee" 
 immediately preceding' my departure from Ken- 
 tucky to attend Congress, arid iminediately on 
 my arriv.d Iiere, after the termination of the 
 louriiey. David Trimble Esq. states tluit about 
 tlie first of October, 182-i, he held a conversa- 
 tion with me at Erankforc, in Kentucky, on the 
 fiubject and pros:{)ects of the pending electioii, 
 which he details uiiimtely, and that in thccour.^e 
 of it, I said: "that T cou'd not, consistently with 
 myprmciples, vote for Gen. Jackson, UJidcrany 
 possible circujnstances." 
 
 Extract from Gener.al Lafayette's letter to Mr. 
 Clay. 
 
 " ^Ty remembrance concur.^ with your own 
 on this point, that in the latter cud of J}ecemhcr, 
 {.•ither before or .after my visit to Annapoli:^, 
 vou being out of the Presidential candidature, 
 after having expirsscd my above-mentioned n.o- 
 tives of forbearance, I, by way of a confidential 
 exception, allowed myself to put a simple un- 
 quahfied question respecting your electioneer- 
 ing guess, and your intended vote : your answer 
 was, that, in your opinion, Uie actual state of 
 liealth of Mr. Crawford had limited the contest^ 
 to a choice between Mr. Adams and Gen. Jack- 
 son ; that !t claim founded on military achieve- 
 
 ments ulii iiCi m-:pt }'o.iiriii-VJatin(;e.,' ami tha-: 
 you lind concluded to vott for Mr. AtJams. 
 Such has been, if not tite literal woiding, at 
 least the precise sense of a conversation wliich 
 it woid>l have been inconsist'.rit for me to carry 
 any farther, and not to keep a .i^.crct, while: a re- 
 collection of it to assist your mcuiory, I should 
 not now deny, not only to you, n'>, my friend, 
 but to any man in a similar situation." 
 
 riere t'len is seen (ieu. LafayelU:'3 state- 
 ment, that the conmmnication made to him af- 
 ter the 20th December, 1824, was contidoutial:. 
 and by him kept secret. 
 
 M:-. Clay himself declares : 
 
 Exb-act from Mr. Cl.ay's pamphlet, of Dec- l&2r- 
 
 " It was the policy with which the political 
 r„tm])aign was conducte<l in the winter of 1824, 
 '25, by the forces of the Cieneral, in the tirsfc 
 instance to practise stratpgem with my fricr.d.-i 
 and me. Accordingly the arts of persuasion 
 and flattery were eni5)loyed. But as I did nox 
 hasten to giv^ in my adhesion, and remained 
 most mysteriously ^--'-nt ; in othvr words, had 
 not converted myself into a boisterous and zeal- 
 ous partisan of Gen. J., it becsme necesr-ary to' 
 change \.h:>i policy, and to substitute intimida- 
 tion for blandislvment." 
 
 Mr. Clay's proof, oo far as it was intctided to 
 make an impression of his having fairly and 
 openly declared nis determination to vote fot- 
 Mr. Adams fnmi October, and even after his 
 an-ival at Washington, aga'U oompletely fails 
 him ; and iiis proof of his maliing that dcclara* 
 tion for individual gratiiication, can be of no sciv 
 vice to him whatever. Uesides, if in fact hf; 
 had so made up his mind unchangeably to volft 
 for Mr. A''-"!9t 98 e«rly as October, it was tbor 
 plain and obvio'.is dictate of duty, frankly and 
 honciJtly to havA s.-tid so to the public, and no.r: 
 to -wmc fi-w frieivl-i onl_v — not to remain " most 
 nu-sleriously silent^" during the winter of 182-t,. 
 '25. Hear >.Ir. Clay again, in coutratiict'.on of 
 himself : 
 
 E\-tr2Ctfrnm his 2d Rook, 1827. 
 
 *• I chall.^nge the production of such a paper? 
 I do liOt believe my iuteiition to vote for Mi-. 
 Adams was announced in the newspapers open* 
 ly and avowedly du.Sng the whole month of 
 January, or at any rate, until late in the month. 
 The only avowal of my intention to vote for 
 him, which w.as publicly, made in the new.*- 
 papcrs prior to the election, is containt;d in rxrv 
 letter to Judge Brooke, which is dotted the 28tl» 
 of January. U wasCrst published in the Enquirer 
 at Richmond, sometime in the ensuing month, 
 I go farther: J do not believe an)' newspaper ht 
 Washington can be prod.uccd announciiTg be- 
 fore the latter part of January the fact, whether 
 upon my avowi.l or not, of my intention to volt? 
 for Mr. Adams ! ! " 
 
 Could any thing short of lunar inRucnce, c.r 
 lucid intervals account for Mr. Clay's difianc* 
 to the world to show that his intention to vot': 
 fur Mr. Adams had :ippeared in die newspapers 
 before the last of January, 1825, when he had 
 taken so much testimony to pnne, and so stre- 
 nuously insislt-d upon his having given that vc 
 ry intention pubhcltv, as early as the Ist of Oc- 
 tober, 1824' 
 
 ytiJl worse: Mr. Clay persevered in this cliT- 
 palde, «' most mysterious silence," being ; 
 
 icctly compati' Ic "vjth his defiance, to 
 
 per. 
 
 bUcv 
 
o%U 
 
 that his mtcuiiou apfseared in the ncv/spajscrs 
 till the last of Januar ?, or beginning of Febntary, 
 t823 ; perfectly incompatible with his fraiik 
 disclosure of the sanje intention, made as early 
 as October, 1824, >/iih a full knowledge of its 
 deprecated cons^rtiuencesto hims. If He says : 
 
 "Iknewthit the sunbeams would quickly 
 disappear aft. ^r my opii.ions shouM he asccj- 
 ta . xl, and <hat they would be succeeded bv a 
 Storm." 
 
 This, most infatuated declaration proves, at 
 QncQf, that Mr. Clay wdl knew he had concealed 
 firoii) the public his (IrtcrminalK n to vote for 
 Mr. Adams, under -.ny circumstances which 
 could possibly take place, if, U).!ec-<1, ht had 
 tietei'mined, it beirtgcUar that he :iad u'^f, and 
 acoflscinis convictioi. th.it He wa's i:'.i;g- wronj^' 
 in presepvmg the *' mi>st m^'Steriou.s silence" 
 upon a tiiafe^ which he ouglil fraukh and 
 openlyto have comnumicjittd to the riublic ; 
 and which, if done, would have relieved him in 
 •a moment from all the conseo'j<rrices of the 
 stoi-m he then anlicipatc'l — ^aii the horribU ef- 
 fects of which storm Mr. Clay was wilhng- to en 
 counter for the prize he had m view, althotigh 
 he could not tell Uow it would " burst over tus 
 poor head." All this vast parade of proofs, 
 then, ushered forth to tiie pubhc, when fairlj 
 analyzed, goes only to show^ that Mr. Clay told 
 some of his symphonizing compurgators, 
 under the spell of coufider.ce, that he had 
 conclusively made up his deermmation to 
 vote for Mr. Adams, from the early pari of 
 October to the last of December, 1824, and 
 even up to the time of actually giving- the 
 vote. But this is no proof wLat'ever, that. 
 Mr. Clay's mind was unalterablv f,xed in 
 its purpose. It provrs only, ' iiui he told his 
 friends U wa5. That by no mcn/is ptovcs that 
 it was so in feet. Mr. Clav proves positively 
 and unequivocally himself, that it was not so 
 fixeil in fact; and describ -s is state of mind to 
 be absolutely incompatible with tuai fijicd de- 
 femiinatiori. 
 
 Hear hiro, in his own wonis: 
 
 '* 1 found mys<rlf transformed from a candi- 
 date before the peopU-, into hii clec'orfor the 
 people. (Hinc lUae laclirymae.) t deliberately 
 examined the du'ies inciiUiit to this new atti- 
 tude, and weighed all the f.icts before me u'j)oii 
 which my jud^re ne/ii was to be fo imil, (>i- re- 
 Uewe.':'." \V«i;n did this most deplorable dis- 
 doi^ure lake place? 20tii Dec, 1824, by the 
 annunciation of the vote ot Louisiana through 
 Mr. Senator Bouligny. What were the instant 
 eifccts of this disclosure' 
 
 First, it converted Mr. Clay from a candi- 
 date before the people, into an elector fo • iht 
 people. Second, this new atti ade imposed 
 new duties upon Mr. CUy. W iiat wert these 
 a-'W duties, incident to tins new altitude, delib- 
 erately to be examined by Mr. Clay? They 
 Mere, to weij^h all the tacts before him, upon 
 which his judgement in the Pre^iden'ial elec- 
 tion was to be fbrmevl, or reviewed. All this 
 was to be dou« after the 20th Dec , 1824, and 
 of couffle could not have been irrevucabl) done, 
 before that time. Ls this not proof ,,oaitivc by 
 Mr. Clay himiclf, that lu liad nut, in fact, and 
 in Irulli, imaitetably made up his nund, nearly 
 to the 1st of October, to voir for Mr. Adams. 
 
 3 not (he 9^\e of mind, here d^stjabed abso- 
 
 lutely i^icoij^patible with a pre^Iousiy tixcrl dc^ 
 tcnnination? What were the duties to be p€jv 
 formed by Jlr. Clay after the 20th of Dec.'., 
 1824' To weigh all the facts before him upovi 
 which his judgement was to be, tliereaftcr, 
 formeil, or reviewed Now, if these very du- 
 ties had been irrevocably performed,Jas early 
 ;.s the Ivt ()et(,ber, 1824, could they remain i6 
 bf- performed after tlie20ili Dec, 1824^ But 
 Mr. Cby tell:; the public huriself, how he pro- 
 ceeded to perform the lery duties after his ar- 
 vival at Washington, wliicu he hnd irrevocably 
 perFoimed as early as the 1st Oct., preceding. 
 Notwithstanding Mr. Crawford was excluded, 
 both h\ the suiall number of votes which carrj- 
 c<l hni inu) the House. upoi« Mr. Claj's jirinci- 
 |de, ?.pj)lic.tr>l. to h.inselfi and by Mr. Clay's 
 irrevocable determination to vote for Mr. Ad- 
 ams under any circumstances wliic!) could post 
 sibly occur; Mv. Clay took Mr. Crawford's 
 case into consideration after his arrival at Wash* 
 ington lie state.s, in 9ub.^'*ncc, thdt not will- 
 ing to tnist to rumor, iie waited on Mr. Craw- 
 ford in person, to determine on the state of his 
 health, and found it su:h as to put him out ot" 
 the question. His remaining duties to be per» 
 formed, w re, to wcijih all the facts before liina 
 in relation to Mr. Adams and Gen. Jacks'in's 
 pretensions; and in the discharge of these dii* 
 ties, he remained " n»o<t mysierionsly silent," 
 in rclali(m to his final detenniiiation between 
 them, as well as Mr. Crawford, until his opin- 
 ions in that respect were generally known in 
 W.tshiiigton, some time in the latter part of 
 Jaiuiary, or beginning of FebrinuT, 1825. Thi?! 
 duty was equally unnecessarj, if his determina- 
 tion had l)eeii rrevocablA fixed as early as Oct., 
 1S24. Now, in the first pl..ce, is not this most 
 mysterious silence, absolutely mcompatible 
 wth a state of publicity in relation to the ob- 
 jects of it? Does it not prove incontes'.blv, 
 that >Ir. Clay iiad not given publicity to those 
 obj. cts? Does not his preposterous attempt 
 to prove that he had given them publicity, 
 throu.Lch his frank communications to his sym- 
 phonizing compurgators, prove his own convic- 
 tions that he ought to have made it public? 
 Does iKit his most mysteiious silence prove, 
 that, notwithstanding those communications, 
 he had not irrevocably made up his mind re- 
 specting his vote for the Presidency; or if he 
 had, that he did not wish it made public? For 
 if lie so wished, why not make it so himself 
 Is there a human being, who pos.sesses more 
 facilities in giving publicit}' to any thing he 
 may wi-h? lint in that case, what is to become 
 of the positive evidence of his partial partisans, 
 that he told them, he had so made up his mind' 
 And that he stood pledged to them to carry his 
 determination into effect; or if he failed to do 
 so, he mubt stand dishonored in their eyes' 
 What a hoax' Wiierc is the difficulty in the 
 solution of these questions? As it regards the 
 first, it only goes to show, that Mr. Clay had 
 so told his symphonizing compurgators; not that 
 it was so in fact, as now {iroved by himself Ts 
 there any tluiig miiactilous, or even strange, in 
 this' How inan\ stand conspicuous, in his 
 written effusions, now under ex.imination? Per- 
 haps not oiu half will be introduced here; but 
 oul> count those which shall be enumerated^ 
 and all seeming dilhcultics on that score will 
 instantly vanish. 
 
 h^^ 
 
5i^6 
 
 ijjLiii less <iitacui}^' wiJl attend the soiutien of 
 ■Jis othei' difficuUt. The only task hnposeii 
 'ijion Sir. Clay by Itis disclosuros to liis devoted 
 pr.U'tisan'jj was to rcconciie thenf to any ciumg'a 
 he 'night make in his vote subsequently lo these 
 disclosures. Suppose then Mr Clay had finally, 
 iii'ter his long most mysti rious silonce, voted 
 for lien Jackson, instead of .Mr. Adams; how 
 could he save liis honor with his own devoted 
 partisans ? The only conc^ ivshle ol'ject witl» 
 ill". Clay, for this most mysierious silence, was 
 to secxu'e to himself tlie office of Secretiiry of 
 State. That was the great boon in request, both 
 by hims-elf and fr- ; 's. Suppose tlien Mr. 
 Clay had ascertained after these communjca- 
 tioTis, that in the event of Gen. Jackson's elec- 
 tion, Mr. Clay would be Secretary of State, 
 where would then have been the difiicultv of 
 i'L^conciling- tiicn to this chanpfe of conduct ^ 
 Would not Mr Clay have fDUndcomplcte jissti- 
 ficatioQ with them, intlif; assurance Uiat he had 
 .secured tlse i^reat object they had in view ? to 
 vit : that hi this event of Jackson's election, he 
 woTild be Secretary of State ? Mr. Clay would 
 cnly have had to say in his justification, that up- 
 on full deliberation, after his conver?a'i'>n with 
 them, he had concluded, that it would be bet- 
 ter to have a Western President, with a M'est- 
 ern Secretary of State, than to have an Eastern 
 President, eit!ier with or without a Western Se- 
 cretary of Stale ; and when, thnt Ettstern 
 President was the mosv obnoxious person- 
 ^gti to the Western people, in the United 
 States, rendered chiefly so hy Henry Clay, and 
 his competitor the most ]iopuIar! Would lie 
 not have found much less difficulty in reconcil- 
 rng some dozen ssvect symphonizing' friends to 
 the an"in!i'ement,than h'- has found in reconcil- 
 ing the Vv'esrern jjeople with the arrangenient 
 he didactually mnke, against tlieir will, although 
 lie did thereby get the great boon for himself 
 and the Westei-n people. Doubtlessly mtich less. 
 Indeed, by critically examining a!l Mr Clay 
 has disclosed upon the subject, it may be clear- 
 I3' seen, he had in that event, already anticipat- 
 ed this ground ; and that Mr Clay, notwith- 
 standing all that passed from iiim in relation to 
 Gen. Jackson, would neverthele'-jfjiave voted t"or 
 Gen. Jackson in preference to Mr. Adan.s. could 
 lie have previoush ascertained, that in so doi-jig, 
 he would be Secretary of State; and this for the 
 most obvious reasons ; because he would tiim 
 have eliected his object without hazardir.g his 
 own populaiity. in the West, which with him 
 was an all-important coiisiderat-on, v/hereas, in 
 the daring, lia/,ardoiis .-ittcmpt he has made, lie 
 lias completely and most justly sacriiiced his 
 own standing in the West. It is peifectiy clear, 
 tiiat Mr. Clay apprehended a storm from ine 
 V/ est, in consequence of the course iu- pursued 
 for his own piomotixn ; and that he did not de- 
 cide U|)on it until after the disclosure made by 
 Mr. IJ'.ichanp.n, of the honorable refusal ot Gen. 
 'uckson to comproriiit himself in any respect 
 whatever; and then evidently in a state of tre- 
 pidation and reluctance ; for he says, t must be 
 presumed, in conscf^iience of thi.smost hazard- 
 us enterpnze, he r.nlicip ited tiie most liorri- 
 i)le storm " would burst over his poor heid." 
 There is no doubt but that Mr. Clay thoiight 
 •:jen, that it woiUd be much easier .0 n concile 
 iis most partial friends to his voting for General 
 t-ickson, than ♦" rccongjlft th-- Western people 
 
 to his voting- Ipr Mr. Ad»ijj.t ; and he. Hjioy/s s'j^ 
 now. 
 
 Is it possible to divine piiy ether ojjject^ 
 Clay could have had in vifv/, bv hid loug, ct 
 pable, mysterious silence, but the :t.-icertain- 
 ment of the liand from which ha would mosC 
 certainly receive the office of S cretary of 
 State ? and thus avail himself in future, of the 
 " safe precedent '" What- effects were this 
 mysterious silence calculated to have upon the 
 partisans of the dlflerent competitors ? Whitt 
 eU'ects did it actually have, according to Mr. 
 Cl.ay's own .showing ? Was it not equivalent in 
 its effects, to an* open public advertisement? 
 " Wenry Clay up to the highest bidder !" or to 
 a label in large lloman capitals upon his forcr 
 head' "Henry Clay to let." A frank, iionestdfii^ 
 clostii'eof his intentions in the begHnning, must 
 have saved him from-allthc consequences of his 
 culpable, my.sterious silence- The sole object 
 of this mysterioTis silence was sufficiently ob- 
 vious before the pviblication of the substantial 
 contents of Mr. Clay's letter to Mr. Blair. That 
 p\iblic;ation le:aves it without a doubt. Hoar 
 Mr. ( ;Iay upon this most important point : 
 Ex/ met from Mr. Extract from Air. 
 Cl'jri/s Mter to Mr. Clay's address to Ims 
 
 Bluir, us published constituents, April 
 by Mr Kendall 1, 1825, mudi Qt 
 
 " The Chairman re- large. 
 ccived tfie note with " During the montii 
 th:,t .!uavity and polite- of December, and the 
 nr«s for \<'hit:hlie is so greatest part of Janua- 
 justly distingi.ii^iedj ry, strong profaKsions 
 kindly remarking to of high consideration 
 my friend who bore- it, and unbounded admi* 
 that if the letters had raiiCT^; of me, w«re 
 been left, in his posses- made to my friendn, in 
 .sion, I should not have the greatest profiieiona 
 iiad a sight wf them — bj' some of the active 
 much less a copy; but friends of all the retum> 
 he finally ])romiscd to ed candidates. Ev«rv 
 lay the application be- body professed to re- 
 fore the committee at gret.after /wasexclud- 
 thcir nextmecting. As ed from the House, that* 
 I cannot, from the feel- /had not been ret«meft 
 ings evinced by the to it. /seemed to be the 
 Chairman, expect any fiivorite of every boo}'. 
 thing favorable from Describing my sitaa 
 the deliberations of the tion to a distant ftien*, 
 coirmittce, I feel com- /said to him, / ainpm- 
 pelled to resort to my joying, whilst aliv^the 
 recollections for the posthumous honon^ 
 substance of your let- which areusuallvawar- 
 ter to Ml . Blair. d'-d to the veiicratcfl 
 
 I^et the date be re- dead. A person not 
 collcctid — {' '» Janu- acquainted with human 
 cry sTii, 1825. You nature would have 
 co'rmence liy giving been surprised, in list* 
 Mr Blair your o|)inion ening to these praises; 
 upon a work k^ Lord that the object of th«n 
 Byron which _\()u say had not been clectefl 
 you have sent him — by general acclamation, 
 f flunked I presume. J None made more or 
 You then enter into warmer manifestations 
 the subject of the of these sentimrnts of 
 PreBidential election esteem and adnilratiOQ, 
 and say, that tiie time than some of liiefrienaa 
 hab now arrived, when of Gen. jHrkxiin. Non6 
 yoii must begin to were no rcHcrved ffs 
 tliink seriously for those of Mr. Adams; 
 whom you are to vote, under an opinion, (aij / 
 Ym'i statr tha» the have Ij-arnt siiiv^ f"H5i 
 
 ^!7v: 
 
W-^ 
 
 dccuytf,; vUircTi ilicy 
 feaily imbibed, that the 
 w'Cstenn vofcMTaiMbc 
 only inSumccd by its 
 own sense of public 
 duty; and tliat, il" ifg 
 ,fu«3ireirteiil pointed to 
 any other man Qtan 
 Sir. Adams, nntliing- 
 M'hic'i ihcy cnid.i do 
 ■vi'cul.l ffecuro it tc him. 
 T ii<!se professions and 
 iiranifcstutions M-ere 
 takrn by we for what 
 they were worth. I 
 knew that tho sitn- 
 beanrs would quickly 
 disappear, aficr ray 
 opinion should be ca- 
 scptcd, and that thcv 
 would be succeeded 
 byaslor.T.; although / 
 did notsiecexa-crty how 
 it would b'vir:it upon 
 rr/y poor head, /found 
 mj'sclf transformed 
 ffom a candidate be- 
 fore tlie people, into 
 an elector for tho peo- 
 ple. 7 deliberately 
 exnmined the duties in- 
 cident to this new atti- 
 tude, and weiglicd ^H 
 the facts bc'ibre jtic, 
 tapon wiikh tru/ judge- 
 ment was to be formed, 
 or r.><iewcd rf the 
 CAg'erness of any uft'ie 
 heated partisims of the 
 respective candiiuitos, 
 sirg'g^sted a tardiness 
 in thcdccluiT.tion oimy 
 intenHons, 1 believed 
 that tlic new relation, 
 in which /was placed 
 to tlie suhjsjctji.-nposcd 
 on me. an oljlifrfttion to 
 ay some re:«pec t to <le- 
 and dcccrum." 
 
 ^iC\l3J?of ;iilthe c^'n^ 
 didates entcttalntd the 
 c^nion that on yOu 
 rpsted the dccbion of 
 the contest, and that 
 >50ur situation- was sin- 
 
 f)!Ar and amusingx 
 ipli say tltat tho 
 f^leiTiTs of the rcj-eml 
 cSiTdidrJes accost yru 
 m tiir«K that a fiiend of 
 TjeflSTal .TacksuTi says 
 •^ j'otj, my dear s'r, 
 Tn_v hopes arc upon 
 yjin do iTot disTippornt 
 «p — mir partiality was 
 for you ncr.t t© tho 
 ^eco — ^jroiv know the 
 Fn^i'-iy -vJ'e ail had for 
 a wcijiern J're^dent; 
 XtciX a friend of Mr. 
 Cl'awford Comes snd 
 SU-vs, the Iropes of the 
 j^cyubljta:! party are 
 npon-you ; you aird Jlr. 
 <^ira\vfori were the on- 
 Jj cepubiican candi- 
 unles; ftid you been 
 returned to the Ilotise, 
 \Vft shoiild have con- 
 d^ntrated our fbi~ce 
 upon you. The lan- 
 g^iage of Mr. Adams' 
 r'lentlg, you give in 
 nearly (he foilowii>.5» 
 v.'trds: 
 
 "A nicnd of Jlr. 
 Adims eoineg t^ r,(- 
 • with tturs Jri 1h3 eyes' 
 {thd says — Sir, Mr. 
 Adams lias always had 
 fjio greateit respect 
 for yoir and the higli- 
 est admiration for your 
 talents. There is no 
 s'afton to which vou 
 are not equ.al. You 
 were undoubtedly the 
 second choice of N^^ 
 *JTi)gIand, ajtd I pray 
 you to consider v.h-c- 
 thiis- tho p^ablic g'aod 
 and your own futuTe 
 Interests do not drs- 
 tlactly point yo\i to ih.Ti 
 rours« whrcli 3'oiT 
 ottrht to pursue." 
 
 Che diftercnceinlbcsiirjsaiiree, iiCinnOr, and 
 spirit of these two recitals, imr^i strike tl-.e at- 
 tention cf tbc most superficial observer; — the 
 ii*oat proiniiieut und operative of them or.iy, 
 shall fee introduced here. The letter to Mr. 
 itlair was written before tho election, and nre- 
 Jparutory for it. (8',h Jan- 1825. ) 'I'hc address to 
 5I>. Clay's cdiistitut-TJtH after the i lictlon, o\- 
 planatorj- of hi.'5 motivts for his vote, mid c<>i>- 
 itiicl ... J^ic election (March lB2i.) Tr)e r.cit- 
 afs a"TCe substantially ; that after il wjs ascer- 
 tained, that Mr. Clay wxs exchuled from tlio 
 I»onsc (2Uth Dec. ISJ-t,) new duties devolved 
 Jipon Mr. Clay, arising from his change of att'- 
 tutle, towards the people ; bcin^ transformed 
 /Vvm "a canduUte before the people in'o rtti 
 
 paysE 
 licacv 
 
 cleciov fur lliSs pcfififc.''- — la his" toUev U) WK- 
 Rial.-, Mr. Clay says: ♦'Tljc tifiieisnowafjaved, 
 when he must bepf^*! to think «crioti«ily f6r 
 whom he is to vol'e." Strai^gv! that Mr. C^x^'. 
 shotdd not till th6n (f5th Jan. 1835,) begin to 
 think Seritrifly for whom he sliould vote ; since 
 he has st"!TCrtetl, ami proved pn«!itivcly, bv hin 
 symphoniziny compurjfaton*, that \\\s tolil t^em, 
 be had irn-vocably d-etcrmincd, k^ ecrJy sw Of*» 
 tobcrr 1 824 to vof e for Mr. Adairr* ; aod llrtxl he 
 had openly, and frankly told hta frietkds bd, 
 w^th a view to its ptihl city, if the communrca- 
 tiou be at all available for hi;? object, both be- 
 fore, and aftrr he Irad readied Wrifshrng^an, 
 (witJter of ! 8iM — '25. ) IT thesx; facts had really 
 been so, whence thetrouble and anxiety of wer^ii- 
 inq^ all the Gets before him, to ascertain ft-)"' 
 whom he should vote rWct the 20th Deccfnbfr 
 1524^ and after it had been irscertained tltat he 
 W'iis most ur.t:iiJecledly excluded from thft' 
 House? Surely Hy. Clay himself most, upon 
 thi.i review, ncknowledg'e that he r§ eiitan^ctl 
 in an inoxtriciblo web, spread by himself. But 
 the e^seuti.il difTcreiices coirsist i)i the recitals 
 of the d'Hcrent over'.iUTS mads to ilr. Chiy by 
 the partrsnns of the difltrent comp'^titars. In 
 reLtion to ♦hrxse made by tho fnends of Mr. 
 Crawfoni, and Gcni. Juctcson, it is necessary 
 only to remark ; that in his, IJlair's letter, they 
 contain notliinpf d'shor-wrable ; whilst the ovcr- 
 tuT^s made b)- Mr- Adams' friends contain the 
 pith, and substance^of the subsequent bttnjain. 
 Mr. Clay pays: " a friend of Mr. Adams comes' 
 tome "with tears in his cyc%" and says: " Slrl 
 Sir. Adanrs always h:id t>ie hig-hrst resper-t for 
 ynu, and th«> hipfhest adnriration of }onr talcTits^ 
 thrrre is no siiuaJt'on. to xvldch ijoii, ore ?wt cqttaL 
 you R?o undoubtc^lly the sv-cotid chocice of 
 New Engfiaml, and I pray }ou ^) consider 
 whether the puhTc flood, and your own futuro 
 interests do not distinctly point out, the com"su 
 you oup;ht tn jnirsue?" Can there be a clearer 
 indication of a quid pro quo sug(^«ted to the 
 option of Mr- t;lay * In his jKldrtrs?! to hhcon- 
 slitucnts, Mr. C';iy say^: *• T'hesE profcs*slon^ 
 and inanircstatio'-,« were taken by mo for whr.r 
 flicy were worth." This Is almost tho only 
 tintth M.-. Cl.ay tells h'rn constituents in reJatioit 
 to the overtures made him ; nnd this lr.f=i cvcrv 
 appearnnco of a " laps.irs linj^nia." >Jh Cl\;> 
 seenm perfectly to have iindci-itocd tlicir worth 
 rcs4it»ctivi'Iy. 
 
 Those of J3«kst3n, or Crav.fai'd, bchig'mcr'"- 
 ly complimenUiry, were not worth a ctnt. 
 Tho=?e, from Mr. Adam-*, wen? worth tlic PresV- 
 dcncy to h'm, and to Mr. Clay, the olTTce of 
 ■Sccri:tary of Sf;(te : the otie, the coiftideT:ilioi> 
 of the ofl^•^^ ; and .Mr. Clay sfeems to have av- 
 car,t«d the over/iu'c with a\!irity, after bavin;;- 
 f dly aTcrtsined. thst .Ta-ckson would n(;ttraflic< 
 Dere thet), is a p:ctui"c drawn in his letter t<» 
 Mr. Hlair, by Mr. C*:»y himst' If. Look ivow at 
 Its contrast, its drawn by .^^.-. CTay for h'fi» con- 
 stitueiits' " None were !^ reVervejl as thasc 
 of ?.Ir. Adaniv, un.'ier an (Tpir.ion (as I have; 
 };'ar;i» siTire the election') w!ii(h they oaily im- 
 bibe 1, flvtt tho Western voti", wo<ild be on\y in • 
 fluenc<Ml I)y its own smse of inibTc duty ; Mnd 
 fbat if it.s judf;mf<it poin'e-l to any other, tinui 
 Mr. /\d:im!», nothing- wliicf* they cotd<l <lo, would 
 secure it to liim." Look upon tKis invcnttil 
 p'ctiire of human deformity ; and weejj over 
 Il man dkrpravity ! ' ! Was tlT^p.^ Tver ckartr 
 
oOo 
 
 t-.'M3entfi ol' a r.iadc \\p Ulc, uwa .1 dearer ile- 
 teclfon of a more unprincipled attempt at r!c- 
 <;eptlon!!! fs it po<r,ible after all these detec- 
 tion^ tWs rpcit uiiftntnnate mrcn can be kept up 
 ■'much lorg^rr in bts hold, unblushing' career, in 
 tho inanifesttiticM\ of his public vices, and pri- 
 vato immci-a]lt:es! :! But perhaps cbjsctioni 
 TTTay bo made to the introduction of Mr. Chiy's 
 Jatfier to Mr. Blaiv, thi-cug^h tin; leprtjscntatioa 
 ■af Mr. Kecda!!, 2t a depaitaiv fh-i'c the oi-ip- 
 iral promise to pr«r«the bai-jjuiji, i)v i!r. Clr.x's 
 -i:)\vn evider.c^. Siicii ofe-jcr-ction.^, if mad'-;, will 
 he sliown to ba witV.o^it the siuidou" of prt^ext 
 bj' Mr. (:la_v iiimscff. 5Ir. Cb.y admits the c.x- 
 iitaacre of such a leJtci- ti) ilr. llh*ir, but recuses 
 tbhive it made p•!l^i;fif*. ll-^ adrr^its k. copy of 
 ii, js placed in the liands of tho Adarrw CVnlr.il 
 •committee i-f Kentudiy -, and that the cQZirr.It- 
 tee ara at liberty to ahoxv the copy 'o any gtn- 
 tleirran, wlio wotild <raii on tlit-m for tlic pui*- 
 yose r,C iiTspectin;,'' it. Mr. Keiidall iu cocn- 
 pBancc v^ith thH pirmission crdled on ihff 
 committee fi.r 8:1 inspection oi" th.e copy^ 
 Jtnd makes his sJitemtmt to tlm pnblx from 
 the same cop}-., (u-sdcr raark" of qootatiou 
 lipon tht3 pfjint; and plcdc'cs hiiTiK If to the pub- 
 lic; that it is si;b5tant!ud!y correct — Mr. Clay 
 slatea, th:it he h in po3ses.-.ion of anr^ther copy 
 ^■ifhis original letter to ilr. Dlair, and decIr.T'es 
 ills readiness to s'iow it to aTiy gc"t!em;n who 
 •shall ."^pply for the purpswc of inspecting' it — 
 ?^ithert-->5 neitiier, ^Ir. cfay'scomn>i't<'e, noi-hiin- 
 seir, Iras denied the covrcx;tnef5 of Mr. Kendn'.ls 
 ^state-meut — It is ?i.nou-!i to be a fixed rulo of Wx^ 
 in case •& p.irty sliull be jjrovc'd to be in ^a'^r.cs- 
 sion of any writinp', which ho refusr^sto produce, 
 that.any reprcscntf.tion msds of the contents of 
 STjch ■OTiting', sliail be Goiistnjed m'Jit s!ron;^iy 
 cf^alnst llie party withholding' cr conccaJ.ir^ il ,• 
 — becarj'ic, it h at oil times in hh powt r to re- 
 j?cve I'.iirficlf from .nay possible ii jury r.risir.jp 
 l>-om mrsconatrHction., by the production ^^flile 
 writing' itself. This rule, so Tiif and just in or- 
 dinary cases, applies v.-ith accumulut •<! fcixro in 
 ihe <?;ise of >!r, Ch-y. This same rule applies 
 also in full force t-> ttx; written pledpe fciv-n to 
 ift". Wt^bsttrr. iJe.".;- .*.{r. Cliy's own a;i;ni!?5:nii3 
 in thccrtse, and hi^s most qui^ical, rdliicioin rca- 
 SofiH forrefusin-^ puijlicity to th^i letter. 
 
 " My correspondence with tlxat gentleman, 
 v»s friendly and familiar, and sometimes, sjioj-t- 
 :vc. V.ii cliar.»ctcri/^ed by a frccd.om of lan- 
 j^ttagc, u'liich is occar,ion«lly admissible in prj- 
 vile arrd fViciUlty iiitcrcouvsci but whicit would 
 Tij3t be dccorou-s towards the p'lbiic. Mr. Rla'r 
 ^a3 himself ivfus.-d to exiiibil the letter in que-t- 
 tron, Or to tcirtiry corcccrning' ita contents; tipoii 
 tl»e principle that lie will! not volunt.irily con- 
 sent to the viol.at:o!i of private correspondence. 
 'Ldiat principle must coinmaml tlie respect of 
 III! honorable men. '^o f.u- a-s legnrds the charg'c 
 gainst me, tho pub'icalioH would bent (if, in- 
 -Teaj of i»ijur'.n;j me. Such is the opit/K/U of 
 -Vcral gentlcraeu to whom 1 have sh'.v.n the 
 '■Qrre*;poiidc'i!ce, and such i.s my own. lU;t 
 I v/ill not avail myself of this .idvanlafcc, at the 
 ^X'^riiice of principle, l!ic preservation of whieh, 
 "is a nocessary f^uaiautcc to .social coiifidcnce 
 -a»d intercoui-se. J coidd not moreover publi.'^h^ 
 »«/ own letter, to .Mr. IJl.iir, Without srmie of 
 •""is, showing tho .si;use in wiiicli he under.stoo<l 
 *^ine. Although, he ha-i (jiven inc permission 
 ''-<'pubr:sli boti*, hctliinkstliey cug;hl. mi to bo 
 
 jjublislicd; arui i wiU no.'^ in Uu; uuwVi'c i.i . 
 proflig-ate editor be the first to set a misciiiev 
 ous e.v.i'mplc, wb.Ieh the other party to the cor- 
 r<~^pondepce h.'vs refnsCi! to establish; I I'nitst de- 
 cline therefore autho!r;;'ng' the publication of 
 our correspondence. Ilut the Central (l^ommit^' 
 tee .arc at liberty to exhibit to the inspection of 
 anv gctitieman of any party, all sudi poition^ 
 .Tf it, :!.srcJ.T.te to the Prciidential election, and 
 1 will do tho «;nrnc upota atiy such application 
 bein^ m**de to me." 
 
 Here then, .Mr. Clay admits the possession Off 
 
 ft copy of the orijjinal letter, b(;th by him.'^cir. 
 
 and the Centi-.d-ComiTdttee, ami iitither thtr 
 
 one DCr tfio eihcr has coi;*radIctcd N!r. Ken- 
 
 dal'a statci-'^ent, v.hich, he ple<l;.je-« himiwlf, to 
 
 be es.pj-'aaed ill term?, not so strong' ag-aie.et Mr. 
 
 C?--v, as tiic terms cr^.-^.\.^■l iu the eopy, IVom 
 
 which it ii made. S-lirtly, the letter uctn.^ frcio 
 
 Mr. Clav himself, and the contents not dcnieil, 
 
 nor published Ly i'lr. Clay, tiie evidence is 
 
 sttic'lv, >!r. Civ'sown evidence. Rut pray.» 
 
 re."dcf, attend fo the m'^enible, silly quibbles, 
 
 andartificc^, which Mr. Clay ;);in<»3 forward, tr>, 
 
 justify his refusr.l to pvdd.sh the letter. 'Mr. 
 
 <:!;.y'3 claims to credit, for hi^ pkuouic s/lf-d.> 
 
 nial to publish the letter, wiicn its pubiicatioij 
 
 v.-ould be to hii advmlage, hrc ludicr?— 
 
 enou'gh, for if t'le contents of the letter, bear 
 
 the least resemblance to tho cinteu'.-? c.f Mr. 
 
 Kendid's statement, is there a man in the world 
 
 credidousenoufjh, to believe that Mr. Clay, cv 
 
 his most p.i-rti'v! pariiznn, can think their publr- 
 
 cation would bo any ai^vantA-g-e to Mr. Clay, in 
 
 any respect wlisi^cv'er"' But why is it, .^rr. Clay, 
 
 that vou will thu-? most gx-neJ-ously fore^m thft 
 
 ad>-aritar\,- to voorself, atteiidaiit upon its pub- 
 
 licuLion'"? l'!-?v, I'.car hitn, in hi.^ own wor' - 
 
 I5ul T wiu not avail T:rr.;eir c-T tlie ndv.antago 
 at the s-^cHdce of juincipk', the preserv;itiou rf 
 which, i« a r.ccessarv- guarantee to s(,cbl cond- 
 drncc an.I ii tervonrsc." How cimsiderate !! 
 How liberr-.l! ! H->Av generou.s to snciet;, ! ! IIi...- 
 pavcl! Moti' disinterested'] il-.w erne), t/> 
 hims.lf!.' Wh.at prhiciplc is it, Mr. Cliy, th--. 
 you hold so sr'.'.-rcd, th'.it you would sulkr 
 poliiical :r.;ir(vru>jm, ralber tiian violate' It 1* 
 a prifieiple kid dowr. I'V Mr. T-lair, H.r his ob- 
 scrvauee— to wii: "That lie will not voluntarily 
 consent t.-) a violation of priv:4te correspon- 
 dence." A most saci-ed .pi'i'.'.cple, it 's t:i:e; 
 but it is a princi[ile, not beai'i«!< the real rel. - 
 tlou to Mr. Clay's own ease. The prir.fii \: ap- 
 pliculile to Mr. Clav'.s own case, is not— « id 
 vou vrdnr.tariiv consent to a puLl.c.,lion e; 
 Mr. rdair's coJTC5>pnndencc ate*'"""' '"^ ^* J'' 
 There is no such deirand nta<l<- on Mr. C!a\ ; 
 but will vou consent to lave your own 
 lctt<u" to ".V.r. rda-r made public ' Con-* lU- 
 in^ to this prieclpks ct;uM Lo no v.ul;.«!ou 
 of the ptinciple laid .h)wn by Mr. Bl;u:'--.t"ls .1 
 mere renucst, na.le to Mr. Clay, to take th-. 
 V.hertv witf. himsilf, to liavc his own letter to 
 Mr nlair mad'* public. U is bthcvcd, tliM 
 micht be rf ;u'..:v done, without the Uasl I«a;:- 
 zarl to "social' cunad.-.<ce and intercoiir:ie. 
 Heside-? Mr. Hl-T presents Mr- CMny w.th lin" 
 honorable principle, which is sir.ckly ap- 
 nlicabh- 10 Mr. Clavs own ca.se, wh l.^l ihf othc 
 honorable principle is not. Mr. Clay ft.ys. Mr. 
 i;t li- Ins L'lven me pcrm"ss.uu^(> iiuhlis.i hot.v, 
 to«il, Mr.Clay's.indMr. lil.d.'«letlerH. I.Mhrrc 
 a.tvthinp dibhonorabJc in 'lis rcnn:sMr.»?Jloe» 
 
 i: 
 
 M^ 
 
3^6 
 
 ;,t cgnUm any tkiiig' so aiariuiug? uwJ d^sliouera- 
 tjle, tliat a compliance with it, would liazard all 
 '■'social corrfideuce and' intcrcotirse"? • Yet 
 this is the case which is exactly npplicahle to 
 Sir Clay's case. Mr. l?!air hnncrahly consents 
 to have hi.'?, own letters to Mr. Clay published 
 — \s'hy will not Mr. CInv follow IiIr h^'norahle 
 c'xaiT»plf, in consentinu' to hnvo his own letters 
 to Mr. Blair made piihlic.'' Sure 1\ he could do 
 this witl.out any violation of "social confidence 
 or intercourse." That tins is al' that ever has 
 been requested of Mr. Clay. Vv'll yo\i consent 
 fo liave joiirovvn letters to Mr. Mlair made 
 public? Is'ot, wil! } on consent to publish Mr. 
 Blair's letters to you ag'ainst his wilP Mr lUair 
 has honorably consented to have Lis l^»**r!'& to 
 iJr. Clay made CuUlk'. Tar fron> followinfr 
 this honorable example, .strictly applicable to 
 Mr. Clay's case, lie dishonoiobly refused to 
 follow this honoval)le example, and founds the 
 Ju^tificulion of )»;s refusal, upon his anprcbat'on 
 of another honorable principle, obsened by Mr. 
 T*lajr. Tliis refusal to publisli Mr Clay's letter 
 to him, against Mr. ('lav's will; which is in no 
 rGspect whatever, applicabh to Mr Clav's case, 
 av.d of course, no possible jii^tification of liis re- 
 tTl^a* lo give pub!'<uty to liis letter.^ to Mr. Illair, 
 nil the subtleties and artificer, employed bv Mr. 
 Clay in disguiang' hi" ferd tnotitives for ids re- 
 fusal to consent to tiie publication ofhislettrrs 
 to Mr. Blair, consits s'mply, in the attempt to 
 shift the quesHon, the chief art emp5nyed hv 
 Mr. Clay, in all his superficial, fallacious, de- 
 ceptive reasoi^ings. What vanity, what egoti'^m, 
 is here displayed by Mr. CIhy! Wliat disre- 
 f-pcct, what c ntempt for the imderstandings of 
 the pc-'.'p'e.. Aitcr all. how rash, how weak, how 
 superficial, liow contemeptible are all tliese shifts 
 subtilties, and inventions. The whole evidence 
 of the overtures made t' Mr. Clayb) Mr. Adams, 
 or his partisans, "with tears in tlieir eyes," is 
 now in review, at one glance What has been 
 the result, as proven by Mr. CI:iv himself '' Tn 
 :«T. Clay's electonccriiig dinner speech at 
 I'iltsburg, he makes the following assertions and 
 " precious coifersions."- 
 
 ^' 1 ha\ c difi'c red only once with Pcnnsylva- 
 7(13, and that was a difference in relation to men, 
 not measures. It was not anioTic 'he most in- 
 considerable reusoi-s which irduccd me on tb.at 
 occasion tf> make 'he selection wliicl. T did, that 
 I tlioiigbt the measures which Pennsy'vatiia ap- 
 ])rovcd, woidd be safe imcUr the a Iministratior. 
 of our present Chief Magistrate. 1 knew his 
 fjpinion.s, and I hav<- not her n disapponted. I 
 didrvot cerluiidy know the opiiiH.ns of bis great' 
 rival. I liad my tears, and succi eding events 
 liavc not been of a nature to qviet lliem." \^'hat 
 have we here? " Precious contcssions," indeed' 
 Tliese " precio\is confessions" dcm.onstratively 
 prove, that all the overtures made by ^'r. 
 Adams's supplicatcrs to Mr. filay, solemi.izcd 
 with ' tears in tlicir eyes,' were not without tho 
 most decisive and fatal rcsuits. Mr. flay him 
 self, makes .these "precious confessions." 1st. 
 1 hat he had ascertained Mr Ad.'»ms's ( p'nions 
 icspectlng the Penn ylvania policy, the "ariff. 
 "I know his opinions." 2d. Tliat tlie T'enn- 
 sylrania policy, the tarilV, would be safer in Mr. 
 Adams's hands, t^an in (i( n. Jackson's. Sd. 
 That he did not rert;unly know " the opinions 
 of his great rival," positively implying, that he 
 did certainly know Mr. Adams's opinions. 4th. 
 
 'I'Uat Mr. Clay had not been disa.|>j<»ii. ted. 5X0.. 
 Tliatthis knowledge formed a motive with Mr. 
 Clay, for voting' for Mr. Adams. Now, let it be 
 asked, in what way coukl Mr. Clay have come 
 to this certain knowledge of Mr. Adams's deter- 
 mination to support the tarifT? It could have 
 been done only in two ways. T'irst, from Mr. 
 Adams liimself, either verbally, by personal in- 
 tei'view, or by written nssurances. Second, 
 from Mr. Adams's weeping negotiators and 
 supplicators. Let it also be asked, at what 
 titr.e was this certain kriowledge obtained 
 from Mr. Adams.' It was obtained t.me enough 
 to form I'.n inducement with Ml'- t;l-y» " *^ 
 make tlie selection he did." Now pray, rea- 
 der, take these results, as proved by Mr. Clay 
 },;;r..';clf, niid recoliecting the natural and obvious 
 crurse of cause and eflcct — then ask, if they 
 are not the n''ces.s9i7 results from tlie adoption 
 of Mr. Adams's overtures l)y Mr. Clay. The 
 existence of tliese overtures, were made as ear- 
 ly as the 8th of .lanuary, 1825. One result was, 
 the ascertainment of Mr. Adams's determination 
 to s'.ipport the tariff. The knowledge of tliSs 
 f;ict was obtained, in time to form a motive with 
 Mr. Clay, in voting for Mr. Ad;»tnsi and he ac- 
 tually did vr*e for Mr. Adams, under the influ- 
 ence of that motive. From all this proof by 
 Mr. Clay himself, can tberc exist a doubt, but 
 that so much of the bargain had been made, as 
 to pledge Mr. Clay to pl:!ce Mr. A.dams in the 
 Presidential c' air, provided Mr. Adams would 
 place Mr. Clay in the cliair of the Secretary of 
 State. Tlie pledge of Mr. Adams to support the 
 Pennsylvania policy, the tar ff, must necessarily 
 have been the cont;equence of previous under- 
 standing of the other points, audit is fkir,tocon- 
 clude,uasmucb more dfiicultto obtain, tbanthe 
 pledge to make Mr. Clay, Secretary of State. 
 Mr. Adams' swn office depending upon that 
 pledge, whilst it is well known, that Mi-. Adams 
 is secretly and at heart opposed to the tariff, 
 andtbewliol abominabh doctrines upon which 
 it is founded; wliilst Mr. Adams has never, up 
 to this day, lisped a sentence in approbation of 
 that measure. It is known that he liad expressed 
 the strongest opinions in hostility to it, in 1823. 
 Mr. Adam in Ids icstrm tions to our Minister at 
 Colomi)ia, Mr. Anderson, lays down the follow- 
 ing iust and liberal principles for his guides, in 
 forming a Commercial treaty with Colombia. 
 
 " Ihf arrival of Mr. Salazarmay be expected 
 from day to day. In tlie niean time, we are } ct 
 tinacquaintcd with tin particular objects of com- 
 mercial intercourse whicli ilie Colombian Gov- 
 ernment wishe:; to regulate with us by Treaty. 
 Tlie onh/ objict v:ttirh ivi xlinll/invrniuch At heart 
 ft} f/ie negotiation tr,// b" iJie sanction hy soletnn 
 compact oj'llr broiid and li'iti ;il pr- nciplet- oj inde- 
 pendence, equal faror.i, and rcciprocili/. Witli 
 this view I recommend to your particular atten- 
 tion the preamble, and first four articles of the 
 first Treaty of amity and commerce between the 
 United States and Prance, c(mch'.ded on ihefith 
 ofFibniary, 1778. . 'I'he preamble is believed 
 to be the first instance on the Diplomatic Uec- 
 ord of Nation.s, upon which the true principles 
 of all fair con.mercial negotiation between Inde- 
 pendent States were laid down and pioclaimcd 
 to the world. That jyrcumih tvcx lo t/iejormda- 
 lion of our conuncrciul inlrrcditrs- tuitli iJtc rest 
 of munland, what the JJtcU.ration of Jndcpcn- 
 ikncc v.'Of to fliat of our internal Governmtnl. — 
 
 V^ 
 
 
o9' 
 
 tie iico ummiiiifUc:- an etjjiavLt c/Qneanii the sjdinc 
 '/'dfnn, rnafarcd bi/ Ions and anxious ddlberalian 
 t' the. founders of this Union in the ever memoru- 
 It Congress of 1776; and aslfie Declaration of In- 
 ependencn it.'ns the founttdnrf nil mtr municiple. 
 i'f/tutions,-thcp7-eam(>letothe Treaty with France 
 lid ike- corner stone for nil our subsequent trans- 
 Cfions of in'erconrse with flirei^n nit.'ons-. Its 
 rincipks shmtld be therefore deephj imprt-sstd 
 pon the inmd of every stniesmnn <^ri ne^ofialin- 
 ftkis Union, and the first fntr articles of the 
 ^reati/ with France, cnnlu'm the practical expo- 
 'Hon of those principles which may serve as mo- 
 els for insertion in the- projected Treaty, or in 
 \\y other that we may hc^r^.^fter neg-otia'te with 
 ny oftherisiiiR- Republics of the South. 
 
 There is indeed a principle of still more ex- 
 nnsive liberality, which may be assumed as the 
 asis of commercial intercourse between nation 
 nd nation. It is that of placing the foreigner, 
 1 regard to all objects of navigation and cnmni'rce, 
 pan a footing tf equal favor with the native cit- 
 :en, atid io that end, of abolishing all discrimi- 
 "Silng duties and charges whatsoever. This prin- 
 ipk is altogethtr congrrri.U Ic iLt spirit of our in- 
 fitutinns, and the main obstacle to its adjypl'on 
 onsistsin /Lis: t/iat the fairness of its operation 
 'epends upon its being admitted universallif — 
 "or, while two maritime and commercial nations 
 hould bind themselves to it as a compact ope- 
 utive only between thcnr., a third Power, mig-ht 
 vail itself of its own restrictive and discrimina- 
 mg reg-idations, to secure advantages to its own 
 'eople, at the expence of both the partiesto the 
 Ye^y. The United Stales have neverthhss 
 lade considerable advances in their pi-oposah to 
 ih-er nations towards tlie general rslablishm^nt 
 fthis most liberal of all principals ofcommerciac 
 ;itercourse. 
 Agtiin, in the same instin:rtions: 
 '• Let her look to comnic ;•■;.• and navigation, 
 nd not to empire, as her mf:ir.s cif commimica- 
 on with the rest of the hunian family. Tlu-sc 
 re the principles upon which our confederated, 
 ^public is founded, and they arc those upon 
 ■hich wc hope our sisters of the southt rn conti- 
 e«!t will ultimately perceive it to be for tlu-ir 
 \v-) wehare, no less than for that of tlie world, 
 lat thf-y should found themselves.'' 
 
 What was Mr. Adams, and what his ]>rorc?.- 
 
 ,ons in 1833' lie then professed to be a re- 
 
 ublican of the old school. The devoted ad- 
 
 ocate of the ttien true American system. Free- 
 
 om to the citizen — freedom to commerce — 
 
 ■ritten restraints on g'ovei-nmcnts. W'^nt did Mr. 
 
 dams become in 1825, and what were then his 
 
 vofessioiis' The devoted advocate of p;ovcrn- 
 
 lents of unlimited will — of the monopolies and 
 
 riction of despotism in every form and eflVct. 
 
 iiis p1ed>je was obtained l)j' Mr. Clay froin .Mr. 
 
 dams, wlien Mr. Adams stood reproac!i'-d bc- 
 
 )re tlie world i)y Mr. f^lay, *' xs an luiprinci- 
 
 Icd political a.ssociate;"' and Mr. Clay stood re- 
 
 i-oacl)cd befor.! the world i)y Mr. .\dams, as 
 
 an unprincipled holiow-Iicarted demaffoji-ue." 
 
 et Mr. Adams yielded up his objections to the 
 
 uifT, as well as Mr. Clay, for the /^litter of the 
 
 esiikiitial chair -and Mr. Clay yielded up iiis 
 
 ostility to Mr. Adams, for the sjjlcnilor of the 
 
 ecreVary of State, bein}j a "safe procc<leni." 
 
 IO not these overtures, and these res'ilts, 
 
 roved by Mr. Clay himself, undeniably de-on- 
 
 ratc the reality of th'- bargain: or, if thcff 
 
 shoiildbeurunaiiiiiig-iiuuBt, will not the 'kno'WD 
 and estabhslied facts, di«*ipste every vestage of' 
 a doubt' That Mr. Adams was in fiict plac<Hl 
 in the Presidential chair by Mr. C;Iay; and Mr. 
 Cl.'^y placed in the chair of Secretary of State by 
 Mr. A'lams. The two avowed objects of all 
 the previous overtures and n'.-R'otiations, and tliH 
 natu'-al and obvious eff< cts il rectly resulting' 
 tU-;'refroni. Sur-.-ly notiiin.^ <'an be wanting to 
 prove t!ie reality of the f) irpain to a certa'nty, 
 yes, to every possible certainty, 
 ' Lraving not one loop to hang nni- doubt u]>on.' 
 So far as relates <o the pledge of tiie writer, 
 to demonstrate from Mr. Clay's own cvidi-nce, 
 tlie reality of Uie bargain, he thinks, he might 
 safely slop hi-re, <vith t!ie most perfect coi>fi- 
 dence in having redeemed liis pledge; buttlierc 
 are ot!>ri'*:xp»iji*:on5> in Vlr. Clay's bo'iks.wliicH 
 display so much corruption ofmir^l, and jiroflj- 
 gacy of character, in th'>s presumptuous lofty asr- 
 pirant, that they ought to be e.vhibited, in full 
 relief, to the view of the American people; 
 who, from strjinge foituitous circumsiances, 
 have become deeply intiM-ested in Mr. Clay's 
 political destinies. Ml" Clay has peremntorily 
 deniedj that •' Ml". Adams ever m;ide ofTet^ Tt»' 
 to h-m," or tliat any overtures, of any sort cr 
 kind, respecting his vote for President, ever 
 were made to him by other.s, in any way or 
 form whatever; challenges the world fiir the 
 proof, and boldly demands "tlie witness." 
 The writer promptly accepts the challenge, and 
 confidently presents tlie witness in the person 
 of Henry Clay. Hear Henry Clay, in his t)wn 
 words: both in regard to his (hiring defiance, and 
 the facts respecting the overtures: 
 
 E.xtract from Mr. Clay's second book, Decem- 
 ber, 1827. 
 " Thus, it appears, iliat in March, 182J, at 
 various places, in the presence of many persons, 
 Cicn. Jackson took upon liim^^'If to represent, 
 that Mr Adams liad made oilers to n;*?, antl 
 that, if he bad made similar proposals, he, and 
 not Mr. Adams, would have been <derted Pre- 
 sident. With what trutli t"en, c;in he asS' rt as 
 he has done, tliat the " origin" of his ch:irgo 
 was two years afterwards at his own fire-side? 
 or that '• he has not gone into the ITgh-wav-s 
 and marki't-phtces to proclaim his opinions'" 
 K^tract from his electioneering speech, at Nc- 
 hle'.s, .lidy, 1827. 
 
 •' Wc stand confronted before the American 
 people, pronouncing llic charge:;, as 1 again do, 
 destitute of ail founthiiion, and gross nHjicr-iions, 
 whether clandestinely, or openly i-.sin-<l, from 
 tlie I alls of the Capit.il, the saloons of the Her- 
 mitag.^, or by press, by pen, or by tongue, and 
 siiftly resting on my conscious integrity — I de- 
 mand the witness, and await the event with fj'ar- 
 IcES confidence — tlic issue is fairly joined — the 
 imputed offence does not ompr hcnd i» finglo 
 frien !, but the coUcctve l>0"^y of my friends in 
 CongrcHs; and it accuses them of olFering, unci 
 not with sanctioning corrupt pr<ipositinns, dero- 
 gating from honor, and in violation of the most 
 Sacred of duties." 
 
 Agiin, from the si-me «ipecch. 
 
 ".Mr. Adams and myself are ho' h guilty, or 
 we are both innocent of the i-nputpl arrange- 
 ment b'tw< en u» — his innocence is abBoluti-ly 
 iiT' coiicilabl- with iny gu.lt — na iilv admitte<t 
 to be a self-evident postulatrnn " 
 
 > 
 
o^ 
 
 Mr. Ci.i} lik-ci Cii.vc la }>iaci; iiiiU;it;If ucder 
 tl:e old adage •' companj' is pood, even to the 
 ^•allows." Sliould t!iat elevation be awarded to 
 Mr- Clay, or sliouUl be condemned to a ^ess ele- 
 vated doom, for •' sanctioning' cojTiipt jn-oposi- 
 tions; derogatory from honor, and in violatiunof 
 file mobt sacred of duties," he seems determin- 
 ed to be attended with a brilliant train of p;-ood 
 Compr.ny. Mr. Adams leading' the van, and all 
 liig devoted friends in Congress, bringing- np 
 the rear — a bandoffoimdihle R',^pporters,;^rclied 
 npon by ^ir. Clay, ns participaiors in his own 
 vices, and thus lessening' the odium, i>y its <li- 
 vibion. But tt:e most proHigatc d;sclo£ure in 
 the forcgoir.g quotition, is founded in the most 
 minute, and peremptory denial by jlr. Clay, 
 tiiat any overtures of any kind or sort wliut- 
 cver, eitlicr from Mr. Adams, or any utlicr per- 
 son, in any way or form whatever, were ever 
 made to him, and demanding the witness to that 
 charge. Now, hear Mr. Clay, scbstantially in 
 Jiis own words, in his letter to Mr. Blair: 
 
 "The language of Mr. Adams' friends, you 
 give in nearly the following words: 
 
 •A friend of Mr. Adams corpes tome'witli 
 tear.- !'* h:s ore-' ;^";t .'?ays— Sir, Mr. ^d-iins has 
 ni'ra.v.'? had ihe greatest respect foryot! &vA the 
 highest admiration for your talents. There is 
 no station to which j-ou are not equal. You 
 were uiidouhtcdly the secon<l choice ofNew- 
 Kngland, and I pray 3011 to consider v.'Iiether 
 the public good aiid your own future interests 
 do not distinctly point you to the course which 
 yoi: ought to pursue.' 
 
 ~- You then give some reasons why 5Ir. Adams 
 .«<he'Uld be >)rcferred to C>sn. .lackson, amonp,- 
 which 1 vemembtronly the statement that tiie 
 Ohio (If lejjiiii;)n had dctcririncd to vote for ?.Jr. 
 Adam«, the alleged want of qu.-dificalion in the 
 Ceneral and hismii;tary [iropensiti^;. Von tlien 
 deciare distinctly, and ill nearly the f(i] lowing 
 words : 
 
 •ily fviends entertain the belief ti'.at their 
 kind wishes towards me, will, in tlie end, be 
 riore V.kcly to be accnnplished, by s>) bestowing 
 their votes.' 
 
 You then declare, that }ou liave urged them 
 to be governed by their views of the public 
 good alone, and aver that you have been in- 
 fluenced only by that consideration. In con- 
 clusion, }'ou use nearly the following words: 
 
 « Vo-.ir H( ])rcsi.nlative is inclined to conciir 
 •v\'itli lis in liiese sen'inicnts, and as I know lii.', 
 respect for your opinion, I request, if you con- 
 cur in our views, tinit you will uritc to hiin by 
 return mr.il to sti-engthen him in his inclinations. 
 Show thi:sto Crittenden alone'" 
 
 CoHiment is unnecessary here. Mr.Cl.ay here 
 r.t:-tcs himself in tile mobt itncq^nvocal terms, 
 lh:it a friend of Mr. .\dam3, not only made ovtv 
 tures, sr)lemnized by tears in his e_\ cs, but he 
 states the overtures themselves, in geneial 
 tetms. lie does more. He urges bis friends 
 m co-cperale with lihn, to enable him to coii!- 
 T)ly with the condition of the overtures on his 
 part, iiarlitularly to fix the vote of a wavering 
 member in f ivov of .Mr. Ailams. lie docs still 
 more. Me dcchires, in his I'lttshuig speech, 
 tlr.tthe had a«:ccrtaincd to a cerl.iinly, that Mr. 
 Adams, if elected, wou'd supjiort the Penn.svl- 
 vania polic}'. Hear him again, in his oun 
 words : 
 
 "f hare diilVred only onci with I'ci'.rsylva- 
 
 nla, and thai z'.i.'i a <.U{iiuern^ ia VQiMtor. lu- ii^u 
 not measures. It wa.s not nmong the most in- - 
 considerable reasons which induced me on. that 
 occasion to make the selection, which I did, 
 that 1 thought the measures which Pennsylva- 
 nia approved would be safer under the adinin- 
 istralioM of our present Chief Magistrafe — T. | 
 knew his opinions, and I ha\-e not been disap- 
 pointed — I did not certainly know the opinion" 
 of his great rival — I had my fears and succeed- 
 ing events have not been of a nature to quiet; '. 
 them." 
 
 This is an obvious and natural consequence 
 from the overtures describetl. lie does still 
 more. He accepts the corrupt proposition- 
 and it ia msst unfortunate for the pecjple and 
 g'lvc! nment of the United States, actually ca: 
 ried into practical t-fi'ect. Was there ever a moi- 
 daringund unblushing dcCance' Was there eve:- 
 one, more completely detected and exposed ' 
 And that too, by the evidence of the profligatt; 
 challenge'' him.self. But a still more repre- 
 hensible conduct, if possible on the part of 
 Mr. Clay, consists in the insidious attempts he j 
 has made, uiid-r the nrctcs'- or defending him- | 
 self, to a'r«:iii iiic reputation of Genciid Jack- 
 n-^n, v.-:Th the. n^ost disingeinious vindictive mal- 
 ignity — and this attack made upon the poin*. 
 of overtures, in which, Mr. Clay himself is 
 most vulnerable, and culpable — and Gen. Jack 
 son most cons))'cuously honorable. lIcAr Mr. 
 Clay. Extract from his speech at Nolles'. 
 
 " When the alledg-ed overture was madr , 
 the election remained undecided. Why did 
 not (jcn. Jackson then, h.old up to univei-sil 
 scorn, and mdignalion, tiie int"amous benrtT of 
 tlie ])i'o;iosal, and these who dared to insul' 
 his honor and tamper with his integrity? 1: 
 he l-ad at that time dencunced all the infamons 
 parties oiicerricd, d.ei.iandcd an inq':iry in xh': 
 House of liepres-entatives, and establishexl by 
 satisfactory pr.iof the traih of his .accus-ation, 
 there miglit and probably would have been a 
 different result to the election. 
 Ag:»in, fiom the same speech, 
 "if he had rendered the ilisling'.iishcj mem- 
 ber of Congress, a little more distingnishcik 
 by instant! V ordering him from hrs presence; 
 and by forihwith denouncing him, and the in- 
 famous proposition, which he bore to the Amer- 
 ican public, we should be little belter prejiarcd 
 to admit the claims to untarnished in'cgrity, 
 whi-h t;ie Ceiieral so m;)ih.slly puti forwsrii. 
 But ace. "ding to his own account, a corrupt 
 and scundulotis proposal is m.ade to him, tiic 
 person who conveyed it, advi..ies him to accept 
 it, and } ct that person still retains the friend- 
 ship of (Jen. Jackson, who is so tender of his 
 ch.iracter, that his name is carefully concealed 
 and reserved to he hereafter brought forwai-d 
 as .". witness. .\ man wijo if he be a memiicr uf 
 the House of lle],re3entativcs, is doubly infa- 
 mous — infamous fcr the advice which he gave, 
 and infamous for his willingness to connive at 
 the coriuption of the body, of which he was a. 
 sworn number, is the crciiible \\-itncss, by 
 whom, Cien. Jackson st.uids ready to establisli 
 the corruption of men, whu.ie characters were 
 never fjuestioned." 
 
 At the time these cold disengcnnous charges 
 were issued against (Jen. J:icJ;son, the sub- 
 st:uice of Mr. Clay's letter to Mr. Blair, wa.- 
 not known to tite public: since its pi!blicati'?n. 
 
oOb 
 
 Mr.Ojay, uy iiis o'.ni 'precious coni'cssioiis,' is 
 !)lacctl precisely in the situation, in which he 
 i'alsely attempts to place Gen. Jackson. 11 now 
 turns out; that he not only rcceired overtures, 
 hut receiveil them under a peculiar soieinnizH- 
 tion — bathed with tears — why did not Mr. 
 Cluy preserve tiie tiohie, ftonoriblc conduct, 
 which he urges upon Gen. Jac'cson — why <l:d 
 he not hold tip this whir.ir.sr. weojiinpr adaniite 
 to " pu!;lic scorn, and indij;'nation.'" M'hy 
 not do it nowi' And who is that whining sup 
 plicator in favor of Mr. Adams? Since the 
 publication of the substance of Mr. Clay's let- 
 ter to Mr. Ulair, outflu nt;t the j>uhl:c' to de- 
 mand the name of tiiis winning, weepinii;' in- 
 triguer? Oug-ht he to ren-ain concea'ed, and 
 hold his station in socictv' Oug-ht not eveiy 
 friend of Mr. Adams' couanpr within th^- impji- 
 <iation to demand the name of the culprit, to cx- 
 t'jnpt himself from the suspicion, hoverin^' over 
 idl? Surely this weepinc;' supplicator out^ht 
 not to be longer concealed? Is it true that 
 there was one' Is it true, tliat there were ma- 
 il} ? In cither case, according' to Mr. Clay's 
 own denunciation against Gen. .iackson, tlie 
 •uue, or the many ought to be instantly- unmas- 
 ked, «nd to stand before the public in all their 
 horrible deformities. Suppose it not to he true 
 in rclaiion to o;:o, or to many. ^V■here is Mr. 
 Ciay'a boasled honor and veracity '' Gone! 
 Gone forever! Uul instead of this h. -oniblc 
 ■ctmrse, what Cv. ;-se did Mr. Clay actual; pur- 
 sue? He arcepied the overture with coinpla- 
 cancy, ami directed it to its iniquitous ends. 
 ile actually succeeded, by unwearied exertioi, 
 5.n;l intriguer to carry it into practical. ('fTect. 
 Adams was made Presider'. Ijy Clay. And. Clay 
 Clay made Secretary by Adau.s What wj-.sGen. 
 Jackson's conduct, when from the: commei'rc. 
 ment of a communication from Mr. 7Juo!i.<i);in, 
 ho thought leading' to a overture ? lie honorabU' 
 s'ranii^led it in its cradle. Upon this first 
 blush of an overture, or even a conversation 
 Je-adiug' to it, Gen. Jackson in a frar.k and hnn- 
 or.ahle manucr, crush. ed it in the bud. Hut what 
 was the nature of .Mr. Huchanan'-s comm'.mica- 
 lion? It was merely to inform Gen. Jackson of 
 tlie intrigues then carrying' on !)y Mr. Adams 
 and his friends, and to considt him upon (he 
 means of countcraccion. These intrigues of 
 jMr. Adanis and his friends, are n^vw unde- 
 iLiablv proved by the evidence of .Mr- Clav him- 
 i.elf. ' 
 
 " The writer's heart ha:i become sick of the 
 Jtsclosure of sonmc'i In.mian vice and human de- 
 pravity. He will terminate the dis^mstiuif cata- 
 logue, with only one more exposui-e of pcrlidy 
 and duplicity from Mr. Clay toward.^ Mr. Adams. 
 ^Ir. Cl.ty peremptorily denies the charp^es of 
 t-mbitteicd hostility existing' at the tiuie, be- 
 uvecn him.=;elf and Mr. Adams. He al-o denies 
 all rcsponsii)ihty for pamphlets and newspaper 
 essays publislicd l)y his friends in Rentucky 
 ^f^ainst Mi. Adams; or that he over did .any 
 :lun{? against him, "inconsistent with a fair and 
 honorable competition." Mr. Clay also labors 
 to meliorate the embittered fe< liiif^s of hostdity 
 existinf^ between himself and .Mr. Adama, hv 
 reducing it to somethinj^ like an inno-mt dif- 
 ference of opinion, botli in relation to fuct and 
 princfpte. but all this difference with the. best 
 intentions on both sides. Hear his own mvcn- 
 ■*ive expx)?^ in his own v-n^d"- 
 
 Extract Iroi-.i Mr. Cia} 's own rcliiicr.cc to vtiL 
 National Intelligencer, 1st of Mar<;h, 1816. 
 " \Vhcn the Uritish Commissioners demand- 
 ed, in their projet, a renewal to fircat Bintain 
 of tl\e ripflit to the navig-.ition of t!ie Mis3issip^>i, 
 secured by the trtat> of 17^3, a biirc majority 
 of the American Comuiissioners oflVi-ed to I'C- 
 new it, upon the condition tliat the liberties in 
 question w. re renewed to us. He was net orre 
 of tliat maji;rity. I!c v..".;;!d iiot trotihle tne 
 Committee with his reastms for beinjf opposed 
 to the ofl'er. A majority of his colleajjucs, oc- 
 tuaUd he btlicvcd lijj the best' mutivee, made, how- 
 ex er, the offer, and it was refused by the Brit- 
 ish Commissioners." 
 
 Now heni- him in an extract from his addresa 
 to his constituents: 
 
 "The relations in which I stood to Mr. -Ad- 
 anis con.stitnte the next theme of the a<ldress« 
 whicli 1 shall notice. I am described as hayiiiff 
 as.sumed " a position of peculiar and decided 
 hostdilv to the election of Mr. Adams," and 
 cxpressitins towardis him arc attributed to me. 
 wh'ch I never used, lam viadc aho irspc>j»-j'- 
 hle ''forp.iJiipiikfs andeisays nf griaf aMilt/,''- 
 puhlishcil hif imf fncnd.'i in Kciitucki/, in tJ<c 
 course of thf. canvuas. The ir.jv\>f.ce of the prii:- 
 ciple of holdinf^ ^^ ^^''^ answerable, may be 
 tested by applyinjf it to the case of Gen. Jack- 
 son, in reference to publications Issued, for cr- 
 ample, from the Columbian Observer. That I 
 was not in favor of the election of Mr. Adams, 
 when the contest was before the people, is mo?': 
 certain. Neither was 1 va favor of that of Mr. 
 ta-awford or Gen. Jackson. Tnnl 1 ivrr duiain^ 
 thin'T against Mr. Ji'Jaim, or either of the other 
 "•n/lmicn, viconsi.^/cnt with a fair and honorc 
 Ih companion, I nllcrbj dmij. My relations _ta 
 Mr \dams have been the subject of much mis- 
 conception, if not misrepresentation. 1 Irave 
 be^iX stated to be imdor a pubhc pledg-e to es- 
 pose some nefarious conduct .;f that t-.-n-h-mAi. 
 dui'inE-ti.r- negotiation at Ghei.t; which wo\ild 
 prove him to he entirely unwo.lhy .'1 ptibhc 
 co.nfidence; and that, with a knowledge of lus 
 perHdv. I nevertheless, voted f.n- him. U these 
 imputations arc well founded, I shotdd mdced, 
 be a (it ohiect for public censure; but if, on the 
 contrary, "it shalfl be fot.nd th.at others imm.c:n 
 both to him and to me, luive sub.-^tituted then 
 own i-.itcrested wi;*!us for my puhnc promi^-^ 
 
 7 trn.st th'.it the indipnation v.hicli they — 
 
 e.\cite will be turned front :..c-. My letter ad- 
 dressed to the Eilitors of tlie Intelligencer, un- 
 der d'lte of the I5th Novemh'^r, 18'22, is made 
 Ihc occasion for ascribing to n.c the promise 
 and the pledge to m-ake tho.st- treasonable^ dis- 
 closures on Mr. Adimis. Let that hlter speak 
 for itself, and it will be seen how httle justih- 
 cati.n. there is for such an assertion. I adverts 
 to the controversy which had ansen between 
 M.s.r.. Adams and Russell, and then pr-'cccd' 
 to sta'e lh-.t, "in the course of sever.d pubU- 
 cations of which it han been the occasion, and 
 ;X.larly. in the appendix to ^ l-^P'^^,' 
 'which ha.l l>e.-n recently pnbhslud b> 'l'_^ » J^- 
 
 ,f ,he Mis.siss)ppi. and '■^^•';»»'" '''"V,^ '/.•;'''' ^ 
 t,y the United States m fishcneo. .rrK 
 
 by -..- 
 
 7W'" thmw tr^m^rrrhnn!' 
 
ulO 
 
 iijnce these mveiitlvr, dcccpUve cxpciitioiic, 
 it has bepn positivtly proved, that Mr. Clay not 
 only verbally repic sented Mr.*Adains in the 
 OoiTect terms, but furniyhed the materials for 
 these same newspaptr essays, urge- d the lepub- 
 lication <>f some of tb( m in a pamphlet fovm; 
 approved their contemts when piiblisln d, con- 
 tributed to their cinuVition, and actially con- 
 tributed' SlOO to dcfniy t)ie e.xpcnses (rf their 
 pubiicaric;)'. That the pamphlet :ind news- 
 paper essays, contained the most iinpnncjplec^ 
 opprobrious and dt-gradinfi;' charg'cs ag-ainsl Mv. 
 Adnms — nnd und<r epitHetp, the most coarse 
 :ind ofieiisive, whieli the Entflisl^ langiiaj^e af- 
 forded, accnsing- Mr. Adams of every species 
 of public vice and private immoniiity — while 
 these hostih, vindictive proceeding's were c!an- 
 destmely carrying- on under tiie invisible influ- 
 ence of Mr. (;lay, he was h< Iding out a very 
 different hmgnag-e to the public, and to Mr. 
 Adams, pvS he now publicly avossv, reducin,q-this 
 active, invetcratf hostilit\, to a mere niHtter of 
 difference of opuiitni, as (o matter of fact and 
 principle,- and in this stare of things, Mr. Clay 
 .solemnly pled.q-es himself to his coiistituentF, 
 and to the world, that he never did any thinp 
 rigainst Mr. Adams, inconsistent with fair and' 
 lifmorahle competition. What notions n.ust Mr. 
 Clay indul^ce as to the character of fair and 
 honoralile mf-ans to eff;'Ct a favoi-ite end? A 
 perfect Machivael in principle, all moans are 
 lawful, provided the end be good; all means 
 are fair and honorable for the good of placing 
 Mr. Clay in the Presi-^ential chair; :md when 
 that failed, the like means m.\v be employed to 
 make liim Secretary of State— with the advan- 
 tage of a Si,fe precede nt. How jirofligate!! 
 IIovv deplorable!! But perhaps it may be r b- 
 Jected, that resorting to this evidence of otlicrs, 
 resp( cting this pont, is a departure from tiic 
 promise of die writ«-r_, to re?ort for his proofs 
 to Mr Clay's evidence alon--. Perhaps it ni:iy 
 be asked, where is tlie evidence of Mr. Clav's 
 own admis.sion of these farts? So far as his fiir- 
 nishing n.alerials for thf newspaper css^^iys and 
 pamphlets, and C(m:ributing to their circulation, 
 will be seen ill his let'crs 111 Mr. Ken;l.ill; and 
 so far as relates to the proof of his contributing 
 $100 for defraying the expenses of their publi- 
 cation, tiie proof, although from another, i.-^ of 
 character to throw the bMrtuen of a denial on 
 ilr. Clay. The gJOti are pi'oved to have been 
 paid bv oruT" on Mr. Clay's friends, or agents: 
 so that, if the charge be not true, Mr. (J lay is 
 in possession of the means of exposing the falsg- 
 hood. This he has ot atten»pted; nor has he 
 denied the truth of the statement! .This re- 
 fusal to deny, is an admission of the truth of the 
 charge, by Mr. Clay liimsclf, and makes the cvi- 
 dence Mr. Clay's own evidoice, under the rule 
 of law and comnion sense, to which reference 
 has heretofore been made. Now, reader, you 
 have a fidl review befor<- you of a part of "the 
 evidence, in rdat'iui to the imputed cornint 
 bargan betwen Messrs \dams and Clav, un- 
 "jr itQ new asp' c's and coloring, fiimisiied by 
 * *^kv himself, either in hLo own words, o'r 
 ^ancj, (►,.(] „^, i,;j, :,flmis^ion8— and does it not 
 bar! completelv prove the realitv of tlie 
 
 drjub,'"' ''"''^'"P '•'^^ ""^ ^^op to hang one 
 Th-it'"^°'^' Uoes it not prove much more? 
 dirfmn'"*! ^''""''cs o<" perfidy, duplicitv, contra- 
 ■- "• l.y-pocnsy and intrigue, have been em- 
 
 jdoyed, fust lo dicci it; and lijcjj It. cuncc.aliii , 
 If so, what a scene of lamentable reflections is' 
 here opened to view? It has heretofore been 
 admitted by all parties, that if the cluu-ge of the 
 cori'upt Invgain tie found to be trtie tiie infamy 
 of the transaction ought doubtlessly to e>:<rludu 
 the parties to it, from their present h'gh sta- 
 tions, and fr'iTTi all confuience in future, and it 
 is l)elieved, tliat no one hss stHmped the trans* 
 action, if true, more intlelhbly with the seal of 
 infamy, than Mr. (lay lumsvif Now if, contrary 
 to all former admisKion.s, these two Machievals, 
 were to be re-elecled to their present high sta- 
 tions; what would be it.s most obviotis effects 
 upon the people, and government of the United 
 States? Would it not go to sanction their polit- 
 ical hcrisics, and corrupt practices, with the 
 approbation ol the people.' What have already 
 been the effects of titese heresies, and corrupt 
 practices'" They have already corrupted the 
 public morrJs, and destroyed the written con- 
 stitution of the United States. If the measure.' 
 producing these depreciated effects, be sane, 
 tioned by the public approbation, can there hv 
 tile shadow of a hi^.pe of the restoration of th^ 
 pul)lic morals, and the renovation, aTid reinvigo- 
 valion of the written constitution? Under the 
 best auspJcieSj from the administration of other;, 
 there can hardly be a hope indulged of efficiriTt'- 
 ly producing tlicse blessed results, but the re- 
 election of the Machievals, would fix, fovccnUi 
 ries, the seal of destruction upon the publii 
 m rals, and the written con.stitution; and the 
 last ventage of hope for the rights and liberties 
 of the whole human race, would be swept awfl} 
 forever with their names!!! 
 
 Trom tlic Ithaca Journal, Aug. 27. 
 
 MK. AUA.M- .^ND MASONRY. 
 
 In t. e Journal <if J>dy oUtii, we took occasion 
 to notic the efforts making by some of the sup- 
 P'^rlcrs of Vtr. Adam.s in thl.s quarter, to pervert 
 tiie anti-masonic excitement to his advantage. 
 We then stated tiie fact, thac most of the mem- 
 bers "1 liis cabinet, as well a.s many of his present 
 supporters in this state iind count), were ina.- 
 suns ; .ind our conviction that Mr. Adams was 
 also himself a mason — hence arguing the incon- 
 sistency and the per/iff J/ of urging on tiiisunhap 
 py excitement to promote the election of Mv. 
 Adams. As one proof th.at Mr. Adams was a mem- 
 ber of the fi'atcrnily, we staU.l tliut M:;-i.T Rus- 
 sell, editor of the 13o.slon Cenlinel, had declar- 
 ed, that fic saiv Mr. jldcms made a mason, some- 
 years ago, in a lodge in that city. It sccras lli;tt- 
 a partisan of .Mr. Adams in this village, has com- 
 muni-caled our article to .Major Kusscll, tviih 
 whom we do not exchange, and (mis procured 
 us the favour of a letter from him on thesubjcc;. 
 This letter, which M.\jor R. requests us to jiub- 
 lisli, would have been Entitled \o our rcspecttiil 
 as well as j)r<>mpt attention, excepi for a circum- 
 stance notmuvli, we conceive, to the credit of 
 tJte writer At t!'.e same tini'- that he was ad- 
 dre -Slug us with prolestatio! - -fa peculiar n.i. 
 ture, an<i cntorcing them !■ nio>t delicate 
 
 appeals, he fur -ishes a cujn "ttcr to Da.- 
 
 vii> Woodcock, u mvmber </ - anti-masonic 
 correspond::ig c<immii/lee of tins county, and pla- 
 ces it at iiis entire disposal.' Thus he pays u<; 
 the sorry compliment of doubting our sense 
 of hnnoiir flld jiistice, or betrays a (rv^•i^'.>^nl< 
 
di 
 
 ■ -'-.^ mat we biioulii pLice little luith in t!ie 
 truth and sincerity of his protestations. We 
 know not in wliat school Major Russell has ac- 
 quirt d his notions ofhon:)i:v:'p.v!iHps they inve 
 been acquired in tiie sclioo! ofjo/m Quinci/ Jd- 
 ams, who is a professor of e'tjuefte as ^vell'as ot 
 rhetoridi: accudini?' to our views of nroprietj', 
 the conduct of Major Russell in this instance, 
 was neitiier that of an tiunoinablc miudcd man 
 nor a Gfcntlf man. , V^ e must t't-refoie r<ceive 
 and treat bis k-tter, asit wasdoubtle^sdcsi'Cned, 
 in the c';araot.-r of a poUtLCal document, produ- 
 ced and \vritte«-"tc efi'cct a pol.tica! piirpGiie." 
 For this pi.rposo it h.iv aiicady be.-n '.scd, an-l 
 before the ori.^na! letter came into our p.fSses- 
 sion In the Chronicle of last week, Mr Wood- 
 cock procures the publication of Mjjor Uussell's 
 letter to iiisr.; and a ihreat s given to puldish 
 the Utter to m. of wir.cli Mr. VV. ha. acop\, 
 unless we sitall have puljlisiied it in our piip^r 
 ofWednrsday last. Now Mr. Woodgocli --d 
 Ml SpcTiccr ranst have known, th.it tlie editor 
 cftiie Journal was t en absent, and that he could 
 not at that time have received the letter to 
 wiiich they alliidjd. 'l"hey tiitrefcre took ad- 
 vantag'e of iiis ab.sence, to misrepresent the ac- 
 ttial impoit of the l^ter, and to pi-cjudge and 
 forestall lie piiblicimpressionupon the subject. 
 Of this mean and con*ernptiule artific^-, however, 
 M-e make no complaint: it is no more than we 
 should expect from such a quarter. Tiie letter 
 to Mr. Woodcock, and the lem.ivks of tiie editor 
 of the Chronicle, convey theimpr.;.s.sion th.tt Ma- 
 jor Russell denies liaring- declared that Ac saw 
 Mr. Adams made a ma -on; and .Mr. Spencer ob- 
 serves,- that the letter to us '■' jjlaces tiie- edilor 
 of this paper, an.l those who have made the as- 
 sertion on tiie .iiithority of Mr- Russr II, in no 
 very enviable lig-ht." Now .Mr. Uus.sell ex- 
 pressly admits haviii'g' made the dec arution; 
 btit hesajs, he has .sv/fce beco.ne convinced nc 
 was mis/akin f;s to the person// The p'l-cious 
 explanation, « liich lie speaks of, and vvmcli we 
 suppose was simi'ar to the present, we never 
 saw; nor has it brcn re-publis;ied, tooii; knoAl- 
 edtje, in .<ny newspnprr whate^• r Ind et!, the 
 M.ajor's •' explanation," which he was .so nmcii 
 " disappo ntcii in not sreing " m our pa.icr, was 
 ptiblisiied by his own account, h'fore the letter 
 it professes tn izplii:n, was u-ritten, \ iz on the 
 119th of Marc/i, whereas the Hos'on Ic tr which 
 we copied, was dated the e;{ji'ith oi .' '■il, an:l 
 published in tiie Ontario ilessenger of Jlpril 
 30i/i/// The letter h-otn Major Russell v/e 
 now jfiiljlish, totjcther with one from lull as 
 respectai)le a source, received at the same time, 
 in answer to one trcm us, referring' expi-fs ly 
 to our article of the 30tii July, and niakinj;' in- 
 quiry upon the subject which it ombr.tced. 
 
 Bo«Tov, 7th August, 182H. 
 Col. Ebenzer Mack, 
 
 Sir — I have now before me your paper of the 
 ."0th July, lilt, and havi- noticed therein the re 
 publi ation of an arlicle from the Ontario Mes- 
 senger, purporting to be an exi!*act of a letter 
 from Boston, of Apri- oO, in wlrcli my name is 
 used as having slated iJal I liad seen .loirn Qiin- 
 cy Adanis mnde a ma^on man> years n^. ; hut I 
 was dis.appointed in not .•■e'ng nt yOur paper the 
 explanation which t madt m tht Oniinel of the 
 29th March, of the occurrence, in place of your 
 assertion that I had never denied the .statement 
 as first published. In that . explanation your 
 
 readers wo;ild !i.\-. c iuan'.l, thai I cxprcisiy .u 
 knowledged that I had mistaken the initi.Htiou 
 of another person for that of.Tuhn Quinct/ Adomn; 
 and th.tt I w.is s.■\ti.^fied, from due inquiry and 
 infornati 'M. fiat Mr. Adams had neva- been 
 made a Mason . 
 
 \l;iioii{^ii 1 1 luctant ever to introduce masonic 
 subjects into political controversy*, the omission 
 of my explanation coniiiels me to request of 
 your justice and fraternal rccLuiis. to iiw-r-i-t liils 
 letter in \ our journal, so that no further use 
 inay.be made of asiieer mistake, to effect a po- 
 litical purpose; and whicli mistake aro-ie from a 
 long lap<ic of t.me, and wus promptly explained. 
 
 I'he letter published m the Mtsaengcr beinij' 
 erroneous m its staiements, the following are 
 given on masonic honor •■ 
 
 Some time l.»-t spring Mr. Jolin Uoberls, 
 known by me to be a mason, called on me to 
 inquire if I liad. any ku&.«i— .'."c "f .Mr. AJums 
 *")eing a fi-ee-m'tson; and 1 expressed my beliet 
 •h:.t he had been made in St. John's or M.is.sa- 
 clmsetts Lodge many yeai"s smce, and that 1 
 was present at his initiation as a visiter; but a' 
 the same time distrusting my recollection ana 
 s;^pposing Mr. K to liave made the inquii')' to 
 obtain intbrmation as a mason, I referred hini Ko 
 •the joiivnals of the hi'lges, in wluch, ifVtr. A. 
 ha 1 boeti. initiated, a record would hi found. 1 
 was afterwrads inforined by .Mr. U. that he had 
 exaip.ned tiie record.?, and had not found air\' 
 mention mule in them of Mr. A(L<m.s.' He did 
 not state to me lliat there was any cL ficiency in 
 tile reccnis, asserte^l in the Messenger letter. 
 Having immeliately made due inquiry, I found 
 that Mr. .\dam3 had never been made a mason, 
 and was satisfied thatthe initiation" I liadscen was 
 ttiat of Josiah Quincy, awl tiiat I bad mistaken 
 /uwforjolm tiuncy .Vdams. At that remote 
 tim; I had no p< r-ona' acquaintance with eilJier 
 of the above now di-^t nguisiie'i gentlemen. 
 
 To this "plan tinvi-n s'led tale," [ deem it 
 butjistice to .dd, til t when Mr. u'obei is found 
 diaf the ini'oimaiion lie li.ad received from me 
 had become th' Mibj.ct (>t* poht'cal renwrk Ui 
 tlie newspapers, ne expressed his regret at tnc 
 publicatimi, d- nicl having an) agency in it, and 
 attr huteil- it to a person, not u mason, to whom 
 be had casu.dly mentioned 'he subject. I have 
 no doubt tliat the letter of w'lch you h;ivo pub 
 li.shed the extr.ict, was written by some eves- 
 dropper to effect a p.trty end. 
 
 With tin- npetition of my request, that you 
 will give publicity to tiii.snote — with the renew 
 rl my of convicti<in and my regret, that Johii Q 
 Adums never has been made a miMfOn. 
 lam, witli consideration, 
 
 Your brother and humble strv't; 
 
 BKNJ. ItU.S.SK LL. 
 
 . ■ iwmmmmmi /mttt -S i 'TK' ' ~ 
 
 I'roin the Itlmca Journal. 
 
 AT) SMS AND MASONRY— ONCR MORE. 
 
 The followimg mtcrenting letter, rrrcivcd 
 yesttria}, it brctmies our tliiy to publish; and 
 wc pre»ent it to our read r» wiihout remark. 
 HinTO^, September 15, 1-828. 
 
 Col. E MACK, 
 
 Sir— I notic f\ in y<mr paper under date of 
 Ai'gust the 27lh nil a lelt»-r addrefscd to you, 
 da'eil at Bostcm. Auffnst "til, Bigne' bv Benja 
 nnn Russell; in which he takes the liberty of 
 using my name, probably more, to pl•nlno*^ u 
 
1.2 
 
 j;A,.;'Ucul;!r oLijcci, Ihau to {^'ivcu ctinec: fevuli'- 
 wcnt of facts. 1 will :i<>u- "^ivc you a sirripio 
 aUitt-mcnt of the couver-rtl'.on, as it occuived. 
 between Major Kussell and nysclf Soiiie time 
 in March last, I called on JJujor Uiiiisell and 
 h.sked him if John Q. Adams was ii Muson. Tie 
 answered itie iJioiTiptly and unequivocally in 
 the aftiriTiativc, and prccef«led to say, he was 
 prt-;^.:t wl»cn Mr. Adams took his first dfJi^r.ee; 
 iiiai tnc circunisJunce uas fiesh iiihia nicin.>iy, 
 and that he v'as-iuitiated in St. Jolm'siodg^. I 
 t:licn askfd hitn the time the cerejntJay took 
 Ijlace. lie rcfilied, lie couhl not tken recollect 
 tlie year, but it was about the time lie [Adams] 
 ihf't c^oUege; and fnrtlier ohserrctl,. that I ootild 
 usccrUiin tho tiuic- by t.x.uvching' the records of 
 the lo<l_tjc. The records of the lotlg'o were ac- 
 -n:inliiijjly had accc&;> to; hnit strange as it Juay 
 
 upcr: 
 
 1784, to i; 
 
 v.'er; 
 
 ijot to be found; and as Mv. Au.ifTiS ticrrrrr t»«" 
 ag« in 178B, his name nnist of course have been 
 on the records that are i:iia;ii!g-, or Suppressed. 
 Subsequent to tiie records l^einsj searched, I 
 VAguin Buw the .M;;jor, and to'rd ii:m Mr. Adams' 
 aame could nol be found in the lodije. He 
 ?.gain replied,, thut he " cy-xld not be mistaken," 
 Asdie perfectly recollectetl the pLico t!ic Icdye 
 was held in. And to cerioborate the fact 
 aamed, t!>at the. lute Governor iim'c was present 
 as- a visiter, iir. Hussell st.itts in his letter to 
 you, that he mistook Mr. Adainsfor Josiah Qniu. 
 r;y; but that luu.st be an error; for we find 
 ttiat when Ifr. Quiiicy was made a mason N5r. 
 liussell was not present, jfilie records of the 
 3odge be correct. Mr. Ilusiell further states, 
 iin. his letter to you, thiit he was not personally 
 acquanted with either Adams or t'iuiiicy.at tint 
 remote time. I rci^ret tiie gentleman'ij memory 
 is 80 treacherous; for we find in the year 1791, 
 J'ohn Q. Adams published a series of numbers, 
 wndcr the .sii^'naturc of '* Fiibiico," in whicli he 
 inad.c a most })ov.-erl'td attempt to annihilate 
 SepubllcanL-im, in tlie Columbian Ccntinel < f 
 '.:'r.ich Mr. Hu^sfll was t'le Editor. The Ma- 
 jor further btatc!. to you, that when 1 found the 
 >urorin:ifion he had given nvfi had become the 
 sii;.j'-el oY poi.ticul remark iu the newspa- 
 i?tio, tliat 1 rt-g'ietted the pul-Iica'ioii; denied 
 having' any aff.-ncy in it, and thit I attributed it 
 to a pel-son noi a ina-o!». But here tlie Major 
 ciuarly remembers what never wms saiti, or inti- 
 . mated by mo, or even a'luded to, as 1 never 
 Irave rej^retttd the incpiiry oi* pubhcation cf the 
 ijici; but do rcfjrct that Iho Miijor should be so 
 unfortunate l^5 to make statements so erroneous; 
 and further re;;iet, that any peison v ho has 
 be«n iionoured with the wdjiiinc deforces of ma- 
 3onrj-,and knows lheblcssinjr;;(),'' the masonick 
 institution to maukinu froiu t'K- d;iy3 of kin.^ 
 Solomon to the present time, should lend hlm- 
 ?ctf to jrive currency to such base and unwair-.iiv. 
 table reports as arc tver>- day g.Vm,':^ the rounds 
 in our puldick prints- A seil.sc of duty compels 
 Kie tooiake tlicse remark-s, cii«t the public may 
 not be deceived by art, design, equivocation, or 
 
 un position. 
 
 1 am. Sir, recnectfid'y \oui» 
 
 .lOjIN IIOHKIIT.S, 
 
 A machine hai been invented by a Mr. Ho- 
 bart, of Montj^omery County, New York, by 
 which a ton in weight of h'^"-o i.*!ies, may be 
 Tiade in a pinple drtv 
 
 TO OUtl SUlJSt;RlBKK.S. 
 
 'i'lils nnmt;rT CDmp^etcs the jerips promised in fuir orip - 
 3inl prospectus. \VV have, iK.wt-vfr, in typf, aiul will pulK ■ 
 li^h iorty ailcilixiial ps^^v, iioiitiii)iin^ni:iCti'r oriiie^ti inte- 
 r.st, v.h'ith with tjiat in U.c- |nocce<liii(f iniiubf is, will make 
 tilt V.vna 'l\-\''trra\>\\ a valuahlt- houk tV r I'litiire r< &i-cuuv 
 ^yil!l this vi; w it i> iiitri'di it to issuf nii niiilliiunal iiumber 
 ti) r»iit8in ttii' oitioia! rt turn* and a table iirioiitpnn. 'Ilia*; 
 nuts' ni'resiiiri.', he deliiyiil until alur the 1'resiilei.tial 
 eliHli in i< i;I(W> (1, 
 
 Ha\ iiig dt»-ote<1 onr time for nearly thi* year«, etclii- 
 kivfly to (he caiue <'f «Mir roiiutry, the Hlllti.'rn>«s of Ilx* 
 perseiutio;! wr havi- endured, .inil the pi'i^siiiptionaiid de— 
 iirnciattun we have iinit''i(>;Mnr, will rt>i :u, it ii hoped, i>ojne 
 Mpo'ofjy f»r «jicL'kiji^ of uursei^fs. 
 
 T&e flattei'iiip: tetlinionials uf )uil>lic confidence in «ur 
 possetsiun, eir.l>«l(t<-ii us to say, lliat our private iutefeat ii 
 riiUmatily (Dnnetted with the public ueilbn-. li a fr.-o 
 prrta one of lU;- stranfceit giinrdian? of pubils lilwrty?- I« 
 It no! lb? private interest of the eonductor oiVtuch a pres^^ 
 sn to di»th.'.T5re his dn'y. ns lo rtt.iin tJje {tub ic toiiUdJmce.-" 
 Jt- is an amr.ihte trail in the tharoHer of the .^mcricaik 
 pi'opie, t!iat w!:llst 'Jit are jealom of, and always ready 
 to ii ^Kt ens-ro.uhraents npon thr fnti<f.uu(ntal prtocipltc 
 of our ins'.itiHii>;n. th«y are jirunr It) eive n loiifldtu^ 
 tiipp!>«'t to lliDse pabiic fiiuetioiiaiies, uno, if ontjritbfiil,^ 
 <Tn ''.3 ajOJt toP.nJcrniine the foundation of civil libcrtj, 
 T:?^"rU a 1" — ;•••< - iii'e j'-ess is <!ie nut'iml nnd_ suresi 
 ffii.irilian. "A w.l! rt K"!a"-'J ''"^^ orprsiVf, ^n'a wa^i loav.- 
 il( il iio-jie of rev. :ilcl, :iio the stioni?" st ind(icemcini> Id k-x;^ 
 uiiil \ivtuuu<i selioiis. 'riiecv"!t:i:iUy of dctfciioTl fcBd il*r 
 diend of i>iiu;sUmeiit are the stionost p.e.icrvariTfSofthor 
 public niiii-als. AVhen we thus sixiik, we Hu i! with ni* 
 s;)i.itof vain b asiinir. Wtnii a}i;;i niueli n<!ei'inn, «c 
 ventured to ;>'-ire oiti-selvrs in a p aititin which, undei t)rts 
 e.vrjreneies ol'tbi: tim"^, ixci^«:iriiy I'.xel lipon tu the 
 eyis. End in 'some iti-?;ree the bo;>r» of the Republicitn 
 jrirty, wc ret? «tt'-il ilie want of lliosi- abiiitiis, theedii- 
 ea'ii^n and e\pi-neii<e \ihich the posiiion and th - 1 m-»de- 
 ijiande I. Our eoiifiilence wa;; la the int (cniy of our 
 OM II nioIivK, tlie iuH;KiV''"Ce, the vjrlue, and uiay we tui 
 jienuitted tosay, liie pruliuide of iu>- pi-onlc. 
 
 The tSroiip excitement which hni jiervuued the tommar.;- 
 tv wit! he eucieei'cd by an npatUy. I he public mind, fa- 
 lliTU'd by the exertion if th'- present canv<i$3. willfalf in- 
 to"'.vpot-; isf t'lC Tif;rl^iif i-eiitinci mus; tint sUj:[i. '1 In? 
 «"j.-n.V is routed, no; destroyed, 'i Ue B.iUs of the citadel 
 Iiii."it be i iiarded with redool)led vr);i ance. 1' St ipie^, in tlic 
 ijiii b of di-ici ie:s and iiciurals, enter tneicdt m.d bind tha 
 r;v(iiiK-iiiau while h-* ».t>.-i'^'.J'< 
 
 ,S'j f;ir p.i rehiti-x to a 'iiiiseription, we U^ivc n-it been dis- 
 ii])!!iriii;ed. In th* >!i-)it synee of mir etlitorial career, 
 iiio'r* th;'.n iweniy ih.iii»aii<l names ^ive biTii placciV ai» 
 ocir iiit. 'lo r'l:«i;» such a piiUon ijje fioni tfio peopie 
 lliemselves a< will jilace us beyond tviccoetcijiis ofthfr 
 h-iicV re't-ssit) tbat h:is diiien < ur loteiupoiaries to. dc- 
 pf lul upoiieikeeiitiv/ fiiVOi j is en- great di^itlcratum. 
 
 To dl) this we must ni.iKr Ihi' ie!>gi»(.Ii sueh a paper 
 as it i? the intercut of the piib'ii- tr> pitrouize. It must. 
 Kive a faithful Hiid full r>-port of ih'- priHeediaff? of boili 
 hiKisei of Cen^es^. It n;uit pive tliu cMrilext local aiiU 
 Ii 'Ik:, news. «nd mi.st iileritily itse.f vcitti tliu liu-iatuvi> 
 a:id seienee ii . «eilas the polnicsof the loiini.y. We ha«o 
 pioviil d nine ivpoctei-s, and will l^y la ems aad litcia* 
 tare nnder contribution, if we can nflitrd to do --.o. 
 
 Sonic of our snbseriKri liave compiained lL«t flie iX- 
 tra 'iekcrapli h»» nut reach'tl llf m in liiu--. So far «♦ 
 it de;.<bilid upmi us, every cfl'.>rl his bo« n nud : but tbu 
 edition h.is bern so larpe, that a. though we UA»e driven tliii 
 presses day and n>^ht,it is an mtith as we eenld do.turaakc 
 iil> )o» a lew days sntpeiisio:!, ori^asiomtl by an accideuial 
 d. rtei' my in our siijip y of pup. r. lo cSisble in to obvtaio 
 ibii objection, wc h ivi contracted ttir. anrfexp ct to have, 
 h\ opciulion aliout (lie couimni.-e.iieiit of thj next scv>iun 
 of congress, a ])re«s capable of e-.eciiti!i<j at least fiVly 
 vhoiis:ir(j'iiiipri*5!on.;i>cr diem. \* itb such a pre»s nude.'- 
 tlio arranir-ioeni we Imvc made, we can promise the ear- 
 liest iiu,liii;eiice. fori i^n or do.i.eslic, Iriiucli of our rt ad.. 
 ITS ai from iheir loral position look to ttns plKiC for it. 
 
 \Vc piupose, ko soon as our ucsv presj a in upeiatiini, 
 • i:;. ii 2ie -.he ii7;- uf our paper to that of the lurpest in 
 till- loiMi-ry. Til delr.'rlh- daily as hereiotore, ni ten 
 slor.Kri per annum. I Ik- ti i-«e^l»'y .-;» s.x, and the wiT-k- 
 lyat fo!:r. '1 he wceKly paper ssill he piibiiiheU iu the 
 Hiiue4b.iiias onr t'tra, liul at a »ite Ui co;itain :u least 
 tsvic- 'he iiiutur, and on n p»p--r of the liest qiialiiy.— 
 A sample sheet of wliicli will, in ii few week*, bcs publNh- 
 cd ajid M-ui to n.ui! of our tnlBei ilK-rs. 
 
 To obtiaie the loss and i;ucvrtainly of collections, wo 
 pro|u/\e to ftirirish the paper to agents, wb" obtJiiu »uli- 
 »ci iters, and !.. i-«me theiiis>rlv. » responsible fur the Jr^j. 
 im-nt, n>iane;iy in Hdsijiirr, at the lb. loss iiig rales; 
 
 U;ii'j,» seii'ilollais per uunuin. 
 
 ■| r»-in.-ekiy, liiur doimr* pcraiiitum. 
 
 \Vitklv,al. isvo do!.:ir». 
 
 Nod. d..<,;on will 1^ luadc on less tti.in fivp subscribers^ 
 end earh a?eui will b. e>i.ec(i-c lo gire boaJ wilh liji- 
 proved nciirity liirtlie faithful payuiei.t ol bis ilui-s. 
 
 'i hcse remarks are subiiiiiled umler the hope tlmt thus* to 
 uhuai webvi: airen ly unik'r mkiiy ubiisulioni, will aid uiiu 
 our effort to tuake the Tele(^apb the pride ui ii* IrieiMls, 
 .n-l the sco'irrs-aiiifdrea', efthe adveifaries of i A il IJber^ 
 
JJ_N1 TED STATE S' TB I.^C iR A l" n—Jiwlru. 
 
 This paper will be .l«vnted escliisivi-ly to tiic Presidential Klectinn, and be publJslied weekjv, 
 mitil tlie 151h of October tiext, for Our Dullnr, siibjcrct to iiewsnaj.c;- postag-e ajitl novtorr"' 
 
 BY GHEEiV ^' J.?n i^IS. ' 
 
 VOL. I. WA^HINH^^ON, OCTOBER 23, 1S28. No. 3r«. 
 
 •"^ im ■■~« -Mw rwM iM^i- M ■■■^■■■■i — - — — ■_- _-_r ~ _ -*- « 
 
 IMPORTANT DISl.^OSUllE. ^•fMnn!if,.'o jmri^ ij-.=;i(>.l, !,,nc cxpuscd tlu-. 
 
 The light which the follGwin!^ commu- '"^''^'^^ prtteu^^lo'.s Ijy '..hich Mr. Cuxy 
 
 mc&tiv.r. tVani Mr. Joaallan Russell, -^^ I'luuccd Mr. Russell to beiuive Uia* 
 
 shvds ucoM a subjecl, heretolbre of much ''^-^:*« '^ ^""^'V^' , 
 
 interest', althoucrh bat imperfectly under- , / ^' !>i"ceo.l to iav Mr. Russeii'fr. leUeV 
 
 tfitood, becavtr.e of tha rnvsi^rv inVhich it "^'^*"'''- '''^ public— that h.; wd) b(> assailed 
 
 was enveloped, has induced us to exte-id ^y ^'^ ^'^^ vindeiioe .tf tJie coalition is to 
 
 the issue of our exira pane.- b-vond the \^^ expected— ihjtt he luust triumph in the 
 
 number or-.pn.n! I r rnWed. W;^ iav it '^'Ssh ^iratshcatitm ot rendering an esseu- 
 
 befoie our readers V^ part of the secret *'al service to his country, in the double 
 
 history of our country, deeply in^eres^in^- cxp"S'"-e "fa fal^^e iviend and an eld cnr- 
 
 ft) posterity. Whetlier Mi^ Clay will "^>'' ^' manifest, 
 
 now redeem his pledjce, and give the. his- Ma/jo.v, Sfnfc7nbcr 10. 1858. 
 
 tory ot the open d^y and secret nieht ,.,^ ^^.^.^^ ,» ,. ' ,.r -.,, ^ ,, 
 
 transaction, wi!!, no ttoub^ depend u^n ^^ ^^^^ ^- ^' ^N NESS, Esq. 
 
 the effect wlilch, in his opin-en, such a Sir: .\s the Chairman, and, of course, 
 
 procedure will have upon the public mind, as the ostensible orjan of "the Jacksoii 
 
 After the picture which Mr. F.ussell ha.s Correiiiis^jndin?, Committee, of tb.e Bi?- 
 
 drawnof Mr. Adams, for the correctness trict of Columbia," i now claim tiie priv 
 
 of which Mr. Clay himself is a vtitness, vilege of addressing you. 
 
 it is to be expected that they v.dl both That committee, in their -reply," 
 
 break the seal of silence, vv'hich, but fur pub!l*hed in the United States' Telegraph 
 
 this disclosure, M'ould no doubt have been Extra, of the 10th May last, to "Mr. 
 
 perpetual. Clay-s last address," took the freedom 
 
 We have introduced the letter cf Mr. of presenting me, entirely uncalled for by 
 
 Clay to Mr. Russell, and the reply of their professed, oeneral object, on that oc- 
 
 Mr.*Russel to Mr. Ciaj, into the body casian, "to th;'. People of the U. States,*" 
 
 of his letter to the Chairman of the com- and, as it apper.rea to me, in a style pe- 
 
 mittee, because an Mr. Clay acknov,- culiaily unu;racious towards me. Tnis 
 
 ledf:;es the receipt of that letter, and is, in seemed, indeed, the more extraordinary, 
 
 its face, called as a witnes.^ to its truth; it as 1 was not av.are of lunina, done aunaf} 
 
 shows the opinion which Mr. Clay, him- to deserve ill. either of the pre_<ent friend.** 
 
 self, entertained of Mr. Adams, until he of General Jackson, or of the former 
 
 fouad itfor his interest to supplant the friemls of Mr. Crav.f trd, in tlitir succe.^- 
 
 colleaaue alluded to. and become, what sive or joint array for the presidential 
 
 hisEditorof the Richmond Whi^ has call- s'vui^^le. This rude and wanton notice 
 
 ed, the " The power behind the throne of me, by the committee, was not only 
 
 gi-eatcr than the throne itself." irreconcilable with the political faith 
 
 Mr. Russell complains that tiieCentr.il which we all profess, and witli the suc- 
 
 Comniittee have adopted ISir. .\danis' cess of the u;reat political object which 
 
 hookas the text, fro'm which they drew wc now pursue, but with all th.^ notion.'* 
 
 the inference that he acted in concert which 1 have cherished of the amiable 
 
 with Mr. Clay. It is not for us to enter temper and uniunnini!; cniirt;.'sy td thcil- 
 
 upon the defence of tKe committee nov.-. chairman. I wiil still believe, that you 
 
 They v.-ere examinine; the relation wliich could not. even for a moment, have, ad- 
 
 Mr. Clav !»ad borne to Mr. Adams. The visfJIy, impaired your jUst title to this 
 
 lattei- had pointed to Mr. Clay, as an ac- character: but that all of which I may 
 
 <:oniplice with Mr. Russell; 'and, if the complain " in the reply," is to be a.scrib- 
 
 comr.ii'tee have entertained an errone- ed to the les'i tastidiom /.eal id otlu-r?-. 
 
 ous oninioi of the relation which Mr. Rus- In actjuittins; you, however, ol nil "'f/'^' 
 
 sell and Mr. Clay bore to each other, it is. participati-.n lo the oi>ence, I could not 
 
 robe attributed to tl-e wan) cf that in- now -ratify the real ortei.d.Mvt by i omo- 
 
 formation whicli Mr. Russell had it in scemlint-- to notice fhem, in Urn pu > ;e. 
 
 his power to jrive, but wliich was with- manner, had I not bem prrsu:uU-.i!. l.iro 
 
 hpid until thfTli^russions. in which tho. l.tnth, bv <.ome ol dw'... who dc-.-rrvedly 
 
aI4 
 
 dj:aini higfj ilMH'bijc c^'uoiauoiu that •* jt govci-umaut liie tjxisteijce ui ;tr.y tliv«ii> 
 >va3 not infentled lO disparaga me, or Kity ol' opinion, in roiation to " the oflcr 
 to wound my feeliuj^s/' Although I will of the Mir-;sis<sip[ji navigation,-' have so 
 •jVankly own, (hat they appear to me to far ckangcd my mind on the same day^ 
 have chosen rather an awkward or ambi- as to deem it necessaryfor me, in \indica- 
 g^lous w;iy to exhibit their consideration tion of my motives, to give an explana- 
 and regard; yet circumstancos, which lioti to my sjovcrnnicnt for voting la the 
 have since occurred, or recently became minority. Ooukl it, indec<i, have reqiiir- 
 known to me, liavepowerftilij conspired, ed a singular changr of mind, to have 
 \vitl5 th:,^ v,ii!i!i^- faith, to induce me to been even indiilerea't, whether //ie/fic;f q/' 
 listen to the wi9i?e3 of my friends. there having been a minority, were stated 
 
 Jn my observations on " tlie reply," I or not, in the joint despafxh of the .Vecre- 
 sihall be as brief as perspicuity W3,ll per- fanj of I'Malt, and yet, when that fact 
 init Tiie extract fom tl'.e joint des- had actnaiiy been so stated, to dep.m it 
 patch of the .Vmenc>\n Ccmmlssionerri to jjrivjier, on the same day, in writing a let- 
 their 3;ever•'^ir:r !'.*■-;'.:< 'or! '^fCxh'^uf, '}.3v-e;r, 
 bei'Sjir- 
 
 i^r to hi;n, frankly to avow hoiv 1 had 
 ed, and to esprei^s my intention of 
 
 communicatinc:, when more at leisure, 
 pression, -m majority of us," usedirj tiiat my reason^ ivky i had so voted.^ 
 extract, and for the' authority for which ''Nobody," yuur committee say, '* had 
 your L0:n:);i't(5>?nrp;i;i! to Mr. Adams' book deimunced ??it/ moiiocH, and the .^rlecreta- 
 iipon the Mississippi and the iisheries," ry of State would never have knoicn it 
 is not correct. It was on tiie suggestion of had I not armomice-d it mysef.'' Pray 
 Mr. Clay, hi mseif, that this expression what ri;i,lit had your cojumittee thus ta 
 was inserted— vvith his memory, on this insinuate that a consciousness of be- 
 point, mine perfectly accords. In his ing in the ivrong^ should have deterred 
 tetter to me, of the 9th July, 1822, me from declaring myself to have beej; 
 he says, " you v/iil, no doubt, recol- one of the minority?" But I wilt press 
 lect thdit I suggested when toe went to this inquiry no further, presuming tliat 
 sign that despatch, the mention of tJie you could have meant nofr.ing nhcourte- 
 words '* a majority," and my purpose for ous. — Still, had I been v.illing to conceal. 
 doing it ivao not i/Astaken.''' '• How it" even from our own go verm aent, all know- 
 (that ofter) "was carried, it was not neces- ledi^e of our divisions at Ghent, on this 
 sary for them" Ahe British Commission- subject, and of <he part i had taken, and 
 ers) " to know, but mic^ht, to us, have had, too, been a thorough convert to the 
 been highly injurious. But it was ma- political morality of seeking impunity by 
 terial that our aoveniment, to which vve the concealment of crime* could your 
 were resoonsible, should laiovr liow wc committee have been tjuite sure that " I 
 did act; and, accordingly, when we came should never have i>een known as one of 
 fo address it, we informed it th.at it was the mlnoriiyr" Could they have foretold, 
 the artair of the majority, &c." "It was with absolute certainty, that all curiosity 
 ihe less necessary far us to disclose the would have slept a sleep of death } Tha", 
 fatal secret of our di\ isions to the enemy, no spirit (if in<|uiry would be swake, and 
 Ixecause, &c." abroad to ransacK " the open day and 
 
 After you are appri7,cd, by this letter secret niglit," to discover things necessu- 
 of Mr. Olav, how strong our obligation rily intrusted fiir safe keepiu"; to so ma- 
 was to acquaint our own government wy bosoms, liable to be ai^ituted by such 
 •* how ive did act," you will not believe various ]iassions and feelings, and to be 
 iliat your cinnmiitee owrht to have ex- exposed to tlie inducncc of such a diver- 
 pressed Ko much suiprlse i;t my solicitude sity of honest vie\vs, if not of vain and 
 to confu-m <o it. In the discharge of capricious notions ? Givin"- to these con- 
 this duty 1 did not, indeed, feel a right siderations their due weignt, and admit- 
 \o spoa'.v fe.r any ollu^r n^ember of the ting the fitness, already ui-ged, of ac- 
 i»issi<ui, whether of tiie majority oi the mi- counting for all my ofiiuial conduct, 
 nority, but leaving each one perfectly u here alone I felt niyseif responsible,! 
 free to speak for himself, atul to render, miglit — iiotwithstanding it well became 
 as 1 ifiteoiled to do, when and where he Mi-. Adams to allect to sneer at my men- 
 
 in acknowletlfjin'' 
 
 f leased, his own reasons for his own act. i:on ot '• candt 
 
 cannot admit, un'iesitatingly, the soli- myself one of the minority — have hoped 
 
 dity of the re of your ctmmittee, that your committee would not have pro- 
 
 '*thatitwas i'<: si </aj'" that I shoul<l, nounced it cyiVoi.' that I must have h.ad 
 
 ■without even debuiiig to suggest to our " a motive in this transaction, disfinri 
 
u 
 
 15 
 
 ^iji ci£jy' vindi'calciJjtJ^ SS i}:i,ihexe,uid>ieil, iitii, \yhh umc.a siiji'^rj 
 
 iicvederroneou3ran{UiiHs,asfaras belong- among ourselocs, for (here were two o| 
 cd to tne,have saved tiieralVoin all invidious "S against making it. and \vl»o llioun-Kf 
 suspicion wliicli might have resulted to (h.e navigation of tlie Mississippi incoj/i-, 
 the-m from the indiacriiuinate Uitiguage of parably more vrdiuib/e than the roiitcstecf 
 the joint despatch, of the same date, in part of the fisheries. Not so did tho 
 
 eqvi- 
 
 .it that time, with any knrAvledge of my valent to be given by Great Britain for 
 communication to ihe Secretary of State, the right (jf navigating the Mississippi^ 
 of the fact, "of my having been one of and by the United States for the liberties 
 the minority.'- ''The mystery of ruin of the' fishcTi-ies ivithbi British jurisdic- 
 which"— -on no better authority' than tiie tion."" "Sir. Adams also says, "this vpas 
 i3ook of Mr. Adams — your committee merely to obtain from us the formal ad- 
 venture to repeat *< had been brewing mission th.at both rights v.ere abrogated 
 betv.cc'i Mr. Clay and mc against him, by the war." What sagacity ! I Some of 
 from the signature of the trcdtv of Ghent," us, at least, iiad good reason to believe, 
 could, therefore, liave owed its existence that they preferred their arliclc to oit^r of' 
 alone to the distempered imagination, or fer. because our off tr would secure o title 
 blind malignity of Mr. Adams hiujself. to both rights, wliilc, under their article; 
 Wliile your committee appear to be so they migiit have required an exorbitant 
 ready to echo what Mr. Adams, in his cquivalcnf — ^md expecting to capture artd 
 book, says about me, and to call me to a intending to hold New Orleans,' they 
 severe account (ov wViting my separate wouuh, in fact, acqtiirc tlic navigation of 
 letter of the 25th <:f December-, 1814, the Mississippi without any equivalent at 
 they ought, at least, to have inquiied if all. One of the liritish- ministers, after 
 the assertions of Mr. Adatns, which they the signature of tiie treaty, declared to 
 thus repeated, were true, and if his own one or more of the American ministers, 
 conduct conformed to tlvrn. V/hcu they in private conversation, with an air o,f 
 found in the very b<' of his book, seif-gratulation, that New Orleans was 
 
 (page 6.) hisassertrou uuit noitiier Mr. taken, and signiiic;int!y observed, thai 
 Clay nor aril/ cfhrr rmmbcr of the mis- the naviga*^ion of the Mississippi would 
 sion, safe Mr. /, had t'lought it ne- "oi probably, in fii'itrc, cause so mi'ch 
 
 cessary, at tlut un:c, to inform the go- difficidiybetrvcenthctji'ocormtries. 
 verninenthow he had voteds on the ques This separate letter of Mr. Adams, to 
 lion, or to vindicate his votej.thev ou;i;ht his father, with the secrets of the missioi; 
 to have examiiujuif the evidence furnisli- of Ghent, and th.c cmphalic demmciations 
 ed by the booli itself, w.^.s \\\ strict ac- of the minority v.hich it contained, waf 
 cofdance with that ass-ertio:!. They sent by the latter to James Lloyd, Esq. 
 v.ould have found (i; "'■'. ^>~h) that -'one of the most distinguished mc'chants 
 Mr. Adams and tlieo. rdwrs of tin; and stntcsmcn of the Uiiion.*' Mr. Idnyd. 
 
 iDajority !iad,-in dirtct cocslradiction to in compliance with the intimation whiclj 
 that assertion, thought it nccossar}', at had b-oen given hiio v»ith the letter, ad* 
 Ihc very tirive, and in the vcrv ! linTdcs- <!res-;c.d, (;n the Htii March, 1815, a Kmg 
 «atch, to inform govcriimc: they comninniration to the elder Mr. Adams. 
 
 ?iad voted, and to iiiiiicatc ti.i!:- vote, concerning the fisheries. lie said, at the 
 Mr. Gallatin, one cf that majority, same time, " my information with regard 
 ihouglit it necessary, too, in a, sejiarafe to them, has, hi general, been dei-ived 
 letter, of th(.> same dat:-, to indicate, with IVnm renpeeteddr sources, on wluini I cr 
 
 an 
 
 8u!]icic:it clearness, to IheSc-relary of lely, novor hiiving any dirrct int-tn'st or 
 
 Btatc, hov/ he had voted, an<l, a-;aiii, concern in (liem myself." This lefter 
 
 to vindicate his voi^-, (pa^rc 57; nav, iVd!'.) Mr. Lli)yd was transmitted in >Jr. 
 
 the commitiee would have "found (pajre -lohn Quiiuv Adams, at London, in 
 
 6) 
 
 206) that Mr. Adams had, himself, the the summer of 1 81. 5; and, among the pn- 
 
 very next dav. (December 2G, 181-i,; pers published in tlip book, as containing 
 
 written a sepaVate letter on the subject, the maferial parts of the ud(»noa(ion 
 
 not direct to the government, indeed, but vvhich had been requested, it is p>-i<'<*"' '^' 
 
 ^ohis /V////i^>-, in v'hichho ]iot unlv sicrni- ihr fovrno^f rr/fh; Cpaero '^«»P. . "■ 
 
611^ 
 
 l^loyd, gji-ateiul, no «Jt>uW, lor Ui» conde- 
 scension anil conlidencc with which he 
 had thus been distinguished by the sire, 
 had. t\ill of the god, snatched from the 
 Quincy altar the fuming censor, and rap- 
 tiirouolr and devoutly v.aving it around, 
 iilleii till the tem<fic with t!ie ''ancient and 
 consecrated''" fragranceof th?. inceuse with 
 which ihe race is i^o richly pirfuned. He 
 begins his devotion by declaimg " the.-io 
 fisheries were most advantageously se- 
 cured to the Ujnte.I 3ti<es by the treaty 
 of 1783, and made, as I have alu^ays un- 
 derslood, a siae qua non of tliat treaty, 
 TRixciPA! LY by o.ui of our ministers." 
 (page 210.) He calls this contested n^\\t 
 of fishing within British jurisdiction, " a 
 gem wluch should never be surrendered; 
 nor loill it ever be by any statesman 
 
 ALIVE TO THE INTKHESTS OF HIS COUNTRY. 
 
 Co:«pared, in its consequences, with a 
 free right of iiavignting the Mississi^^pi, it 
 is even a more unociual stake than would 
 be " six French rapifrs iraponed against 
 4ix Barbary horses"!! (page 21 T.) In 
 the next page, meaning, no doubt, practi- 
 eally to a])p!y ti)e zcisdom of these re- 
 marks, he says, "She," (O^eat Britain,) 
 ^ has, therefore, notwithstanding the 
 opinion of two of tue Amv^rican' Com- 
 missioners, and her own probable pre- 
 tensions of fairness, given up notiiing, in 
 point of value, v/ith tlie fisheries." 
 
 Your Committoc, who ap'pear to oe 
 much moie familiar with Mr. Adpms' 
 book than I can preteml to be, could not 
 well liave been ign-rrant that Mr. Adams 
 had himself not only denounced the rni- 
 iwriiy of t too, in a letter to his father, but 
 the father had sent this leiter to " one of 
 the most distir.guished merchants and 
 statesmen of the Union," \:\\o virtu>jliv 
 repinached the two Commissi, »!iers vi{' thV, 
 minority with having done an a-^t \v!\io'i 
 never could have been done " by any 
 statesman alive to the in*^eresrs of Ids 
 country." He compiled, too, a long dis- 
 serlation, most profound, no doubt, for 
 the infarmation of Mr. Adams, and in 
 vindication of his \otc '•.s one o ihe ivia- 
 jority! Mr. Lloyd, too, ulthoujh lie 'ni*dit 
 Aot have been exjiressly tolu— 'nit most 
 j.nobably he v/as — that i wrs Oise of the 
 minority, must have inferred tins fact 
 from the arrogant expression of the letter 
 wliicti had been submitted to him l)v the 
 father. Mr. Adams there says, '' as a cU- 
 izen of Massachusetts, I felt it to he most 
 PF.cL'LiARLY my duty not to nbandon any 
 «>;ie of her rights, and 1 would have re- 
 cused to sign the treaty, liad any one of 
 them be<>n abandoned.'- Mr, I.lovd well 
 
 knew, thai, for ioiy peculiurity a* a ciu- 
 •/.en of Marsachusettfi, Mr. Athms could 
 have had no plausible ])retext, other than 
 ini^ht have bceii suggested by my daring 
 to dilVer from him on the relative value oi" 
 th(' fishing libcities witliln the BrUish Ju- 
 risdictum, a:;l rhe free uavigaM >:i of the 
 Mississippi withm our own. 
 
 In addit'on to al! I Iiavc hore said ou 
 my liability of being known as one of tho 
 minority, and on the fitness of my assign- 
 i»ig my motives to lav gove; n:nent t'nr b?- 
 ing S'>: on ti)c total f&if^eh"od of the asscr- 
 t'on, that no member of the mission, es- 
 ccj-.tiiig mo, ''had thought it n-i^essary, 
 al the time, to inform government how ne 
 had voted on the cjuestion, or to vindicate 
 his vote; in addition, too, to the fair in- 
 ference, that 1 was actually one of the 
 minority, all which your Committee 
 might have leariied from the book with 
 which they wore so well acquainted — ihev 
 iniu,ht, also, have learned from that book, 
 before their reply, that 1 had complained 
 of being designated, in ISlfi, in the Bos- 
 ton Centinel, as having been, at Ghent, 
 unfavorable to t'le ii^^heries. It is not ne- 
 cessary, I tius-, to inquire, here, loho 
 could have given that information, to per- 
 suade your Committee that \ needed not, 
 at any time, *•• a motive distinct from self- 
 vindication." satisfactorily to account for 
 my conduct in this business." 
 
 If your Committee should be inclined 
 to make a distinction in favor of Mr. 
 Adams, for having v.rritten his separate 
 letter fro'n Glient. relating to the secret 
 doings of tht; i-iission, directly to his fa- 
 ther, and indirectly to his father's confi- 
 dant, and that mine war. written directlv 
 t!) the governnio'it, and for it onlv: be- 
 cause, whatevei- may be the opinion of 
 your Comniitiee o". the comparative ab- 
 sLra'-t propriety of selecting, us ve did, 
 our resj,ective correspondents, sti!!, from 
 tlie letter of Mr. Adams not being ad- 
 dressed directly to the government, your 
 Committee may be disposed to acquit liim 
 of lifiving, by his confidence in hisfa'her, 
 and thence in Mr. l^lovd, violated his as- 
 sertion, that I only had addressed the p^o- 
 vmiiient, or jnslified n\yself to it. Vou 
 shall see ! And although your Committee 
 could not have madp this discovery by all 
 the l7 7ht3 of the book, yet will you not 
 acknowledge it to be the less wonderful. 
 The copy, or the duplicate, or the 
 triplicate, or wliatever it might be, as 
 printed in the book, of the letter of Mr. 
 rjoyd, of the 8th of March, 1815, as ad- 
 dressed, to Mr. John Adams, is but a 
 V retched mutdaietl franment of the ori- 
 
 i 
 
^17 
 
 giiial lelteF that was thu^ add reuses 1 
 This orls:iiiciI, to m'^' sr.rp-isc, i fo'ind 
 at Washini!;toii, in 1 81", in the Depart- 
 ment of St.;ite. The sire, it seems, not 
 satisiied with transtuiltin^ ?>Ir. jjloyd'^ 
 prodi;^!OUs production to Loiuloi!, as re- 
 quested, that his son mip^ht know some- 
 thing about the fisheries and the Missis- 
 sippi, should that practised statesman 
 thereafter have occasion to treat about 
 them, but he sent that letter, about i!ie 
 same tune, to our v>'.vu jjuvernnient, inci- 
 dentally, no doubt, to instruct them, but 
 mainly to vaidicate the son as oiie of the 
 majority, at Ghent, on this question, and 
 insidiously to denounce the minority. 
 Mr. Lloyd pi.nmbly assented to his 'etter 
 being so employed, as the mutilated frag- 
 ment, if not fashioned by him to abuse 
 uic, was so published by his express per- 
 mission. (Fa^e 209.) 
 
 I need not now ask your Committee, I 
 trust, if they still doubt my suflacient mo- 
 tive for self-vindication, or now consider 
 the assertion of Mr. Adams, "that no other 
 member of the mission had thou2;ht it np- 
 cessary to vind cate his own vote''' liiit me. 
 
 1 will detain, vour Comvii'ttce a little 
 longer wiili Mr. Lloyd's letter, in its vv- 
 rious shapes. I found the co|)v of the ori- 
 ginal, as I have stat^-d, in the Department 
 of State; and tiie excellent Mv. Graham, 
 who was t'leii Chief Cierk of th it Dej.art- 
 ment. afforded me an 'innoituuitv to nro- 
 
 ' lit-'- 
 
 cure a copy. buch a cop\ - now send 
 you, and tnevcan coaipare il wid; that in 
 the Dep.aiiacnt c.-f Suite, should if. have 
 survived ali tiie thanfc,esii there. I send 
 you, too, a transcript of the fraginen!, 
 from the b jok, that som^- of vour Commit- 
 tee, who appear well qualified for tiie 
 task, may critically compare the tvhule of 
 both; and aldiough thcv may not descend 
 to note the diiferences of jmnctuarion be- 
 tween them, yet they, injustice, will not 
 allow to escape them any essential cor- 
 rections^ variations, or liscrepaiieics. 
 They will remember that this fragme-it is 
 a document, a-ji only published 'n tUa 
 book, by special permission^ to furnish 
 testirricmj to pr(»ve t'tia? tlie liberty of ta- 
 king ft Ml within Bn'isli J.i!<:tdicti'>a is 
 much more valuable than the fieetlimi i.f 
 navijatin^the Mississi;)pi wit'ui.i ofir.-i, but 
 Avas specially drawn f nth on thi. o.;<a- 
 sion, as " a "French rapier," for the chi- 
 valrous purpose of taakms; a deadly thrust 
 at me! Lest, however, none of your 
 Committee may be imm^^diately at ieisure, 
 to attend to tllis undi-rfaknii:, T will giyi; 
 vou a short specimen <dthe notable varia- 
 tions between the copy printed in llio 
 hook-. «!Ttl ^h^ crtpvf'iumi 'v.\ fl'-^ Depji;-'^ 
 
 ment, \'.hich may be expected fram « ti.to- 
 rou^h omparison ofhoth. 
 
 The very tirst stride, stretches as tar 
 as the limiis of the two papers would ad- 
 mit, it consists 111 taking tlie Aaie from 
 the very bottom of the copy of d\o original. 
 and placinj^ it at the very top of the other 
 thini:: Ther., aod not far from the be- 
 
 ginning. 
 
 you will iind the 
 promised : 
 
 Copif in the Depart- 
 
 ment. 
 
 " Tlie caus"^s of its 
 value and :iuportaacc 
 not being" a m:itter of 
 gfre.a;«" p.otonct}' ttere, 
 are oSvij'.is. Ii was a!i 
 einploynient not only 
 \n the fiohing-, but in 
 many instances" <in- 
 doubteJiy ir (r.ule. an-f 
 in an illiLit trade vvitli 
 the British intiabltunts, 
 ill which, i:idcpcnde>ithj 
 of the dread of compcii- 
 tron, orir of the inherent 
 allributcs of tonrntrce, 
 puhlicitij was most care- 
 fully to tie avoided. 
 Those, ihfrifore, who 
 ■ ■ it. 
 
 speciuK^i 
 Copf/ in the Boolf. 
 
 were engatjed in 
 niu'le no iiiined-ssri'.y 
 promidg'Htion of their 
 cnnploym^nt, wliile 
 dicir coadjiitws, ti^c 
 ]X);)rLT inhabitcints of 
 l!ie provinces, t:<st;;ir^ 
 equally its s '.eets and 
 udvaiiiag'C' , v.cie p-like 
 cl'sposed to keep si- 
 lence -.vith roira' 'I to it. 
 I?ut so situated were 
 r.ot die Provinciid G','- 
 vcrurncuts. and the 
 more v.call!)y of ttic 
 rje^'clo.its of thr sea- 
 port towns. Tliey li.id 
 hf come highly alarmed 
 iit the exp-wision of this 
 fishery and trade, jeal- 
 ous tif its proifiT.s.s, and 
 clameions at its endur- 
 j'tice. The fornirr sw 
 i/icir own .'unf.fqiic.ncK 
 atyridjrcdi their revenue 
 interrupted,- their peo- 
 ple alienated, envi/infi 
 fhf. privili-l^es and nd- 
 vioda/rrs nj n 'ifV/iio?'- 
 ins; nntu) ', u-lnrh their 
 own xi/.'itini.t viiuld not 
 permit titeni. to enjoji, t^ 
 witncsainp; tlie. finfus 
 naviiiiilio'i net, tiexhcfl 
 <nirhnr of th^tr commer. 
 rinl luuri'inr.ri/, icnjcr- 
 orf, '.n .t>- hir.ijl ojterriHon 
 tit /ifist, a d<-iid. letter 
 thcv, therefor'*, oftat' 
 
 '• The causes or" its 
 value and oni)trtanco 
 not beinp a maltci" of 
 fi^real notoriety ti ere, 
 are obvious; it was an 
 employment nijt only 
 in ttie fishery, but, iij 
 m.iiiy instances, on- 
 d<<u!)tedly in trade 
 witli the British irjhab- 
 itanta. Thos>. «ho 
 were enpjaEftd in it 
 made no nntieccssavy 
 pi-oinolg-utions of theiv 
 employment, while 
 the poorer inhabifanls 
 of tile province.s, ..ast- 
 inu eqoaUy its s A'eets 
 and advan'agt s, weie 
 alike dispoHci'. to keep 
 silence with i-eganl to 
 iti but not so sltoated 
 vvere the provincial 
 tjoveinmcnts and the 
 moiT wealthy of the 
 niercliants of the sea- 
 p.irt towns. 'I'hey h;»d 
 become hij^lily alami- 
 td ai the expansion of 
 tills fishery and ti-ad-.-. 
 J.-alous of its prog; CSS, 
 and clamorous at il.'^ 
 endurance ; Uiej;, 
 
 late 
 
 th<.refore, of 
 years," ?rc. 
 
518 
 
 It has not ^>eeii withoul regret, that! vation v.hkii ui^ l-'ie-cuncoived upimoii- 
 
 havc pfitxoivcd your committee apparent- of his talents, patriotism, and poiitica] 
 
 ]y give credit to the statements of Mr. principles had assi-ned him. While, 
 
 idams, howQver contradictory in his however, I sincerelvl5elievcd he deserv 
 
 book, concerning the share which I took cd well of the republic, I neither felt, noi 
 
 m the discussion of the fishing question do I bcilievc, that he considered me as lii*- 
 
 at Ghpvit. As the most satisfactory mode partisan. VVliatever nu2;ht have been his 
 
 of coiTccting the impression which you future plans of ambition, they were noi 
 
 may thus etTOiieously have received", I confided to me. 
 
 send you, hercvvi;h, that part -.f my cor- Oi^ the ori.er hand, Mr. Adams, whom 
 
 respondence with Wdiiam H. Crawford, I was prepared, by' his reputation, tf> 
 
 Esq., then our Minister at Paris, wiiich meet a great man, 'proved to -be one ol 
 
 took place at that time between us. in re- those peculiar objccis which distance 
 
 latioij to tiiat subj : his paVt of the mao;m{ies, but which dwindle as they arc 
 
 (correspondence may ui c only give you approached. He had loomed throtigh a 
 
 ■elkiu 
 
 aimensions. 
 ommon 
 
 tluti 3, (ISo. C.) . . ; sense, he often aspired, abortively, to dis 
 
 Your cummitttje will be able ly judge, play what is f5ty!ed genius, and an effort 
 from v/hathas ':ere alrcatiy been said, by to produce the'j)rodigi-jus frequently re- 
 whom the mysterie- «f ruin were brew- suited in the ridiculous. A chaos of lite- 
 ing, from the sigiia.ure of the -treaty of rature, acquired by incessant labor, tend- 
 Ghent, and if, indeed, I did lirst make an ed rather too bscure than to enlighten <he 
 occasion for infonning Mr. M;mroe that 1 understanding. And v/here i expected 
 was in the mlnoritY, and then, m accord- to limi the principles of the patriot and 
 ITnce with such inform iiion, write, ^--rc/ti- the v^isdom of me sage, I found onlv 
 itously, a l;>ng letter from Paris, i can crude prejudices and 'uny:overned pas"- 
 assuro you-.- committee that I contrived sions. Aithougii disappointed in my an- 
 no plat v.ich Mr. Clay, or he with me, tici])ati(>ns of Mr. Adarag, I honestlv 
 at Ghent or Paris, eith.er for liis elevation shook him by the hand, wheii, after the 
 or the depression of Mr. Adams. Al- treaty of Ghent, 1. parted with him at 
 tliough I should have supposed myseif, at Paris^ and if ever I liad wondered at his 
 that lime, to have been suliicientfy in the sing-ular good fortune, m his political ca- 
 conSdcuce of Mr. Clay for sue!; a com- leer, 1 certainly wished him' no ill. If 
 Tnunication, yet he never intimated to me was only during the ensuing autumri that 
 any project or even vvish of poli'ical adr 1 was induced, by inforination received 
 vancement or agcrandi'/.ement — nor did from tli" iJnlted States, to write to Mr. 
 T er/er hear him hint, at that time, any Clay my letter in ansv.er to the one an- 
 selfish view on the Department of State, nexed. The letter sufficiently explain^ 
 As to myself, y(;ur committee do me cgre- its own object. ■ 
 
 gious wrong when thxjy insinuate, that I Letter from Mr. Clay lo Mr. Ihisi^cll. 
 was concerting the exaltation of Ivlr. Lo'tdon'. \{)th Man 1815. 
 
 Clay and the prostration of Mr. Adams, ?,jv Dr.vR Sik: I understand' v.-i(h Ve- 
 
 as 'May interest, they say, could only grct,thatA-ou were dissatisfied with me foi 
 
 have been contingent upon the success not writing to von from this place on the 
 
 ot Mr. Clay." \\ hatever mystery there pulijcctof the interview with Lord Castle- 
 
 migbt have been mall this, must have rea^h.advertedtoin a letter which I wrote 
 
 owed its existence exclusively to t!ie ex- (o Mr.Crawford. I did not write to you, 
 
 uberant imagination ot your commrttee, f,-,vt\vo reasons: first, becaus/^ nothing- oc- 
 
 Avarmrd, periiaps, by tlie inspiration of currcd in the interview worth, communica- 
 
 ihe scriptures (d Mr. Adams. I couW tin;;; and' sccondlv, because 1 did not e\- 
 
 tiot know, nor did I believe at the tune ppr.t, jf I did v.rite, that mv letter would. 
 
 Ml^ Clay lelt Kuroj)e to return to the fjfjd you .^{ Paris. - * 
 
 rjnited States, that Mr. Monroe would Subsequent to Mr. Gallalin's arrival, 
 
 b6 the next President, and, of course, I .-.chad, at Lord Castlereagh's request, a 
 
 could not suspect that any competition second interview with hiin ( f more im- 
 
 cxisted betwet-n two of my late col- Mortance. The first topic to whijch he 
 
 icasues for the Deoartmeat uf State, un- ..„f^...-r,<i „..= «!.« fi,Mr.,r „,^^« ^u„ a : 
 
 rcagues for the Department uf State, un- referred, nas th.c firing upon the Ameri- 
 
 Ti« )^ can prisoners at Dartmoor. Contraflic- 
 
 Mr. Cla^' had certa!nly,dunnir our of- ^ory accounts from the British authori- 
 
 ttoal as^ofci.ltion, maintaim'd all the ele- ties and #i^\\me: lean prisoners had be.^n 
 
ur 
 
 :ceiVcd, as la ihe ciiuses of tiiat luiioi- 
 tunate event. He proposed, to ascertain 
 he real truth of the ca^e, that a joint iu- 
 '^uiry should be instituted at tiie insUmce 
 of the two governments; and to give it 
 moi'C soiemnity, also proposed tiiat it 
 should be conducted by one of us and one 
 of die Eritlshi Comnnssioncrs, who nego- 
 tiated the treaty of Ghent, if the recur- 
 rence to force !iad been improper, he as- 
 sured us that the Rriti.sh ofikei-s .sh-;uld 
 be brought to panis^isinent. We stated 
 that our powers did not au' horize any in- 
 terference on our purl; that Mr. Bi-asley 
 was alone competent to the required in- 
 terposition; ami that the most we could 
 do, v.'us to advise him. V\'e added, that 
 for these aud other reasons, neilhei vi' Cs 
 could conduct the inquii j. Ccncurrin=-, 
 howeve;-, as we did, in tlie ])ropriety of a 
 thorongii investigation, we advised Mv. 
 B. to co-operate in that object, and re- 
 commended him to appoint for that pur- 
 pose Mr. C. King, a son of Mr. Rufas 
 King, wjio was here. The result has 
 been, a report from Mr, King and his 
 Britis!i colleague, bj' which it would ap- 
 pear, that the tiring, ia the first instance} 
 v/as perhaps justifialde, but ihat, it was 
 conducted in a most unjustitiable maimer, 
 was continued unnecessariiy, and iu same 
 instancea witi) wantonness. 1 understand, 
 (though we have not yet been uincially 
 told,) that some furt'ier proceedings are 
 ito take place. 
 
 TIse next subject mentioned by I^ord 
 Casilercagh, was tlic Iransportatjon to 
 America of the American prisoners, about 
 |G000, iu England. Our government, it 
 [seems, intcrj;jets the article in the treaty 
 of Ghent whicii rcda-es to <!ie restoration 
 of priijoners, to mean that each party, at 
 his own proper expense, v.- to return the 
 prisi)ners of the other t-; th.eiv country. 
 This construction is objected to by tiiis 
 government. Mo pj-oposc-d to transport 
 The prisoners in En;4land at the j'>itit e 
 pejxse ol thii two goveiumeniv, and lo : 
 serve the question for fu'ure ariw - 
 ment On tliis^ as on the »)ther subject, 
 we stated th:it we had no powers; but we 
 ndvised ?»Ir. ikaslcy to accetle to the pro- 
 posed arrangement, and it !■ 
 course of execution. 
 
 The last, and the onl in which 
 
 we had any imPidin' in, not ced 
 
 by Lord Casticr':agii. ' r ■.:■., ■Aur.u\- 
 
 cation made by the . 
 Ghent, of their poweis to ic a 
 
 commercuil treaty. Lord ; ,. .cagh 
 said, that befor6 he answered that com- 
 munication, ho v.-nuld like to npccrlajn. 
 
 by an utiicial couver^iiaioi), if ii -w'fej-'e 
 likely that some ;icneral principles coul.d 
 be agreed on to f.irm tlie b;!sis ol' such a 
 treaty. He proposed, for (his purpose, 
 that an interview should take phue be- 
 tv/eenthc British Commissioners who 
 were at Glient, and the Vice-President 
 of the lioaid of Trade, (tiie President 
 being absent.) and us; we o!)jocted, <hal 
 such a conversation wouM be on a foot- 
 ing of inequality, (\vc having power* and 
 the I'ther j.ar'y n sue.) unless it v,ere un- 
 derstood that the requisite powers siiouid 
 be granted to the same persons, if there 
 v/ere a probability (if any practical result, 
 which Lord C. said was certainly his nn- 
 derstandiiig. We were told that faur or 
 five days would be nc^^cssary for them to 
 prepare for the interviev/. v.hich we con- 
 rented should take place. 
 
 Thus matters rcinaincd for more than 
 three weeks, without our receiving any 
 notice that they were ready for the intor- 
 viev,-. Having been invited to dine with 
 Lord C. on Sunday nex4, wc thouirht the 
 oppoi-tiinity a good one to give a liint of 
 our intention to wait no longer, and de- 
 clined accepting it. on the ground thai 
 we had fixed our departure to a preceding 
 day. 
 
 Beiiig in the House of Commons the 
 day before yesterday, the Vice-i'iesidcnt 
 ol \\'.(i Bo-dki of Trade came to me, and 
 after expressing his regret at the delay, 
 vi'hicli he said was unavoidable, oAving to 
 tJie pressure of business, stated that Ihey 
 A\ onid be ready to meet us on Tiiui'sday 
 next, if it wo\ild l;e convenient (o us. 
 Last night I received a note requesting 
 an interview on. that d.ty, which wc havi* 
 agreed to. 
 
 As i intend to keep this letter open to 
 inform you of the result, I will make no 
 !')ns on the jyrobable issue ' '" ' ' 
 
 The pro=pect of renewed \. ; -ir- 
 
 . oil whicli the alii. (■♦;• 
 
 .1, reiiders it e? 'i)lf*. 
 
 oat tl»e imprif'ssineut > > s|i"uld be 
 
 arranged, and peihi'.ps ■ 'd?. 
 
 lo prevent colli 1' ; -. "" 
 
 other disputed 
 
 ;.;dl 
 
 day next, u. 
 
 ivclioreonFi'i'i; 
 find, i 
 
 icn pl:i ','r(<l m cont-e 
 
 (|ci .i'."c fd' Mr. iiu>;ini'> V. calx s(a<e, <hi> 
 duv, and to reach Plymouth, if pfcsiblj^ 
 byth.e 15th, where Mr. Ciav.ford, now 
 here. Mr. GullHtiii. and I Avill join Mr. B. 
 
5.^0 
 
 Mi'-. Q. bays be shall ui)t, accept bis ap- 
 poiutjnent, and Mr. B., I u.ulerstiind. 
 will also declhie his. 
 
 Mr. Adams re:n;iins at. P.iris, waiting 
 his credeatials. wliich I am told have av- 
 iived. 
 
 We hi've re'-i;iic'.! ii.i despatch ffuiu 
 ^overauient t<j I'ne j"irit coimnifesioti. It 
 •fvas eKpiicted, at \Vashin^to;i, that none 
 would find us in Europe. 
 
 Papers from America to the 10th April 
 have bsen received iicre, but I do not now 
 jccodect any thing iii them v/orth com- 
 "mnnlcating. 
 
 1st July. 
 
 1 h?!vc tlms lona: kept open my letter 
 >to inform you. of the result of our nego- 
 tiation. Withou t ti oubling you with use- 
 less dtiiTalp, 1 will observe, that Messrs. 
 Robinron, Gouii^urn, and Dr. Adams hav- 
 ing be«n conirr.is.sioned to treat with us, 
 after considerabls discussion, we yeate-;- 
 day agreed iinallj up.)n the terrr.s cf a 
 cpmmerrial convention, v.hich is to be 
 ■ftifmed on Mondavrexr. The (wo imnort- 
 •iint provision.0 oi it are, 1st. a mutual 
 •abolition of all discrimiiiating duties on 
 tonnage and on nierchandise, with ?.n 
 agreement to admit the productions of 
 the Unltr;d Sfates into the B2-:tJsh Euro- 
 pean no^v-icssion'', ?nd vice versa, s^ubject 
 <b no nir^her or other duties than .^.re paid 
 on siiuilar article^ of other forei:'-'! ci;un- 
 iVies. Sdly. Our admission to tl;e trade 
 of Briiiih India, free from the rcH-riction 
 imposed by' tlie uav'.itifie'l treaty of 1806, 
 of a direct voya^ge from the United .-itates 
 to l! dia. We couldcome to noagieement 
 as to the West India trade, nor as to that 
 with the British Norrh American Culo- 
 uies. The convention to laet 4year3 on- 
 |v from the signature 
 
 On the subjects of Impressment, Elock- 
 aUe. Coioniai trade, frc. we have not yet 
 entered upon tlic negotiation. Fi .'m a pros- 
 pect of a speedy termination of the F.u- 
 vopuan w;.r, i believe we shall not engage 
 on tlio^c topics, but leave them to future 
 considerations and to other hands. ^ Re- 
 lativ« to impressment, they make us 
 strong assurance?: of guarding, in future, 
 aguinbt causes vf complaint on our part. 
 The >7?ptun2 sailed on i^v.^t 18th ult. 
 froui Plymouth, ca'.Tying Mr. Crawford, 
 and Mr. I5...yard, whose death before he 
 reaches Aaieri- a, I regret t"> inform you, 
 '.raG feared to be al'.nost inevitable. 
 
 Mr. Gal!a-in and I sliall leave here next 
 vceck ftjr Liverpool, v/herc we shall era- 
 ftark for the Unitevl States. 
 
 I am sick of Euro-^e, and sicker of 
 JJirrojTT^Tm peTiH--''*, 1 vlll nn-r tronblr* 
 
 you with VAV distresses on this latiev sub- 
 ject. 
 
 Make my respects to Lawrence, and 
 believe m?, sincerely, your friend, &:c. 
 (Sitined) H. CLAY. 
 
 ^^Py 9f o- Letter from Mr. Russell to Mr. 
 C)ay, da fed 
 
 Stockholm, \5th October, 1815. 
 
 My Dkar Sir: Your letter, begun on 
 the lOih of May, a;id concluded on the 
 1st of July ia^;t, reached me, some time 
 since. It is the more prized by me, as it 
 is the only one 1 have received from my 
 late colleague? since my departure from 
 Paris, and of course contains the only 
 authentic information that I liave hitherto 
 received, of the exercise of the joint pow- 
 ers for negotiating a commerciai treaty 
 with Great Sritain. 
 
 1 was extremely eiiibarrassed previou.^ 
 to leaving Pa; is, in seiecling the courao 
 which I ought t J pursue. I v/as preptued 
 to fullow my duty svliithersoever it might 
 •lead iTie, and to repair to London upon a 
 reasonable pr-^pect of the institution of 
 a c(!Uimerotai negotiation th.'r?. in the 
 stite of doubt and uncertainty in which I 
 found myself on this subject, 1 was indeed 
 very solicitous to. hoar from you; and al 
 though it wa-i rather t>>Q strong to say that 
 I wa-i dissati.ijied witii you for not writing 
 me, -^f^i I certainly regretted your siicuco 
 1 believed, ho',^ever, that you would have 
 written mo, h;;d you discovered any dif- 
 pusituui in the other party to enter into 
 a couimeivial arrangeiviojit-, . nil your not 
 haviniT doiie so, coninbuted, witii '.it'ier 
 cons'deraiions, to persuafie me that no 
 suc!i arr in;*;o.ment •.v»'u]u be made, and to 
 determine me to re^.u. a to i.h:s coun'ry. 
 
 We had never, before or affer leaving 
 Ghent, perceived the slightest disposition 
 on the part (rf Great Br: tain to enter with 
 us into a commercial nes:utiation. although 
 rrrealidly assiiilcd by us on tl)at subject. 
 Lord Castlerer.gh, in an interview witls 
 Mr. Bayard at Paris, expressed himself 
 very explicitly against the expediency of 
 oornmcrcia) treaties in general; thereby 
 inducing ?.lr. Bayard to believe that 
 (here v. us no intention of concluditig one 
 with the I'nired States. Afccr the lime 
 had passed at wliich you had announced 
 an expected imerview with Lord Castle- 
 reagh at London, vou wrote to Mr. Bav- 
 ard wJtluiut the faintest intimation (tftiie 
 residt 0*' di.it meeting, olherlh:in mijcht be 
 inferretl ti :*m the inquiry whic!> you made 
 .;I:p,', .' *• the movements of the Nep- 
 tune, anrf yj\ ■'ho inHicatinn of your inten- 
 
^M 
 
 littU to embark at Liverpool, rather Ihaii 
 to protract, on her account, your resi- 
 dence in EugUind. These circumstances, 
 adde^lto your silence tov/ards me, left no 
 room to doubt that the joint mission had 
 absoiutelv tefiniriated: especial ir us the 
 ratiiicr.tion of the treaty r,f pe^ce, bv the 
 President and Senate. !iad been a'readv 
 known in Earooe for nearly a motitii. I 
 hope, theiefore, that you may not only be 
 SHtislied of the correcluess of my views, 
 in my returning hither, and not partici- 
 pating in your labors at London, b'lt tliat 
 you will be disposed, should the occasion 
 require it. to vindicate me herein, v.ith 
 those to whom I am responsible for my 
 official conduct. 
 
 The treaty of commerce, which you 
 have macie. appears to mc. as far ii3 it 
 goes, to be a good one. Th? provisior, 
 which stipulates for the miituai abolition 
 of ti\e discriminating duties, I consider 
 to be very important to us, and 1 can but 
 regret that its operation is limited to the 
 bnef peno'l of four years. This provi- 
 sion, how^ever, is a great point gained, 
 and may not only lead *.ht; 'Aory U> a more 
 permacant t eg-alation on the sulyect with 
 Ei'gland herself, but will have a saiiitary 
 influence on our negotiations with other 
 nations. I am fully nersuaded, from some 
 esperience and much observation, that the 
 SJigaritv, ol'iil, apd enieipri^e )f our fel- 
 low citizc'is, ■<•. ili always secui^ die as- 
 cendant in a free comnu rcial competi- 
 tion, and ihat we shai' alv, ays have the 
 advantage in every adva"iicem»nt lov/ards 
 liberal principles. I !iope that Great 
 Bri^^ain Vk'ill not make Miis discover ■ be- 
 ffore the expiratiOii of tiv? tcur years. Tiie 
 pi-ovision relative to the tra<ie with the 
 British Eas+ Indies, so far as it frees us 
 from the restriction of the tlivect voyage, 
 i? certainly a point gained, although the 
 interests of G"eat Britain herself will. I 
 doubt not, always guarantee to us a par- 
 ticipation of that commerce. I was a 
 little surprised that there v/as no provi- 
 sion in the treaty for ^i'.e regulation of the 
 intercourse between the iJrdted States 
 and tl.e Britis:: North Amer'can Colonies. 
 If i remember correcUy, tiic immcdi;Ue 
 necesoitv of such a pro\isioa was the 
 chief, if not the onh/ o:stcnHiblc reason 
 urged hv Mr. Gallatin for pressing a ci.m- 
 mcrcialnegot'.ation. I be'ievc. ho'.\ever, 
 that it will be always v/ithin our povor 
 to bring Great Biitain 1o ter:ns on fii.it 
 subject, and »hat it may be less difficult 
 for us to prevent smugglers and Indian 
 incendiaries, withont i <Tf";'- on that 
 4Joint., than with on?^. 
 
 I have had muci» curiosity to kuow 
 the various anecdotes which grew out of 
 the neg..»liation at Ljodon. If any thin"- 
 
 •■- •, -^i^fe.; Mi •-•'•:! M^ ;; -i-.: na> :•; ->n 
 of the Mississippi, the fishing libertv. and 
 Indian c-nmnep. p. 1 bhr.nlJ. indeed', have 
 lameiited my return to Sweden h.id it left 
 you in the minority on these queslious. 
 As notliing, however, has b^en concluded 
 with reg?;ect to the-n, I am reconciled to 
 the course which I have pursued. As to 
 the questions of rntritime rigbts, I was 
 aware that it was not the time to touch 
 theai to advantage. 
 
 If the governmer.t :lo not blame me for 
 not having assisted at the commercial 
 tre-.\ty, ami I confidently trust it will not, 
 I shall have nothing to regret. Ths re- 
 sponsibHity and ^'/V/.g-r(?.'»e;z* ef tlie trans- 
 action were certain — th^ honor, even in 
 case of a success'\d issue, precarious. 
 Mr. * - * * and Mr. - * * * h^ve bf>th 
 acquainted me that a very general opinion 
 appeared to prevail in the XJnited States, 
 that th" wh(;'^ of the credit .f th» nego- 
 tiation at Ghent, belonged to ivi a princi- 
 pal "memheis of the American mib-iion. 
 * '•■ * * and * * * * had very gooil na- 
 turedly expressed their indignatfcn at so 
 unjust nn opinior, rmd combated it ac- 
 Cftrdingly. Tiie." were certainly very 
 candid in doing so, and are entitled to 
 the thanks of th*» three Commissioners 
 wl»ose r*"p'.itat;oi. they attempted to A'indi- 
 cate. I believe, however, that publiv- 
 opinion is not long usijust, and that at last 
 't geii'Tally corrects itself. They do not 
 mention the namfs of the two great per- 
 so';3:ics, and thus, perhaps. Icjive it to 
 our vanity to designftte them. It might, 
 be fair enough, therefore, lor you and mc 
 to claim this distinction, if it \r're not too 
 obviious that some liule T'itiful tricks had 
 been ]iractised to create it. Of these J 
 know we are both incapable: and I ;.m 
 obliged, therefore, for yoiir saie and my 
 own, to renounce our clcims to this mo 
 nopolv.f j.ublic ap[)lause. !t i>< a pity, 
 indeed, tiiat the public should be deceiv- 
 ed on this occasion: not ro much because 
 ii'«; error is injin-ioiis to uh, ts this would 
 perhaps be an evil o» veiy limited extent; 
 bnt becau^^^e it gives n false pnd factitious 
 imjiKi tM;i ♦oot!i"rs which may be abused 
 in their race f'^r ropularity to unri,^li'cous 
 purposes, in vhicn the wlude nation is 
 concern-d. If, therefore, tlie person who 
 has fjuiid it somewhat difiicult to saj-poii 
 the reputation of great talents by the pro- 
 duction of any thing irrcat in th«* ilcpart- 
 inent which he Ins admini«ttTO(l; »vho 
 shrunk frrtm thedfiti'^ rtf drrrt drparfnrrr<n'« 
 

 uu Uie lirsi upproiicii of tliilicultv: uho^e 
 political firmness and inUgrity are at 
 least equivocal, and wlvjss origin pro- 
 'scribes !um in the honest prcjudicers of 
 the nation, should, in despair of exercising 
 directly himself the powers of the Chief 
 Magistracy, beek for some convenient in- 
 dividual to fill that station, whom he might 
 manage and control, and move as a show- 
 man Ais ijuppets at Paris: If the intii- 
 vidual thus sought, should be a kind of la- 
 borious pedant, without judgment enough 
 to be uti'ful, or taste sulncient to be ad- 
 mired; v/hoia suspected of ftirgetting his 
 country in the pursuit, of little personal or 
 family interests; and who is known fre- 
 ■ queutl V to forget himself in a paroxY=m of 
 unman^ge-ible p^sion; who/mis had the 
 virtue t. mask his participation in the re- 
 sentments of iiii father, under the aftecta^^ 
 tion of Datriotism, and the patriotism to 
 desert hAs party, wiisn it had lost its pow- 
 who adopts tlie most extravagant 
 
 opmions in the' hectic of the moment, and 
 defends them with obstinacy and vehe- 
 mence whilo-,the fever lasts, and thus -re- 
 duces himself to the miserable alternative 
 ui being ? ©tistantly absurd or ridlcalously 
 inconsistent? who has neither dignity to 
 *;ominand, nor address to persuade, audis 
 therefore as umjiialllied to rule others as 
 he is to govern himself; whobciieves the 
 national prospciity to consist in tli^ pros- 
 perity of a district, and clrcunis<rib._«3 his 
 love of country v^'lthinthe confines of the 
 State in which he was barn; who would 
 barter the patriotir biood of the West-far 
 blubbn-, and exciian;,^" uUr^- Alleghany 
 scalps for cod&sh: who inherits "a vanity 
 Avithout bounds, and a jealousy that disco- 
 lors ever f.,thing"~wh:> Mut enough I 
 
 I s^y if "all this should be so — and these 
 two men should have formed a felonious 
 conspiracy to cheat themselves ir.to pub- 
 lic favor, "by filching from tlieir Lite col- 
 leagues their well-earued proportion of 
 
 fame ought we no^,h)W Hi tie soever we 
 
 may value ihie stoleii' goods, to drag the 
 thieves to justice, and to prevent th 
 from converf'ng our property to tlio pu^-- 
 chase of daa-iM-^'i-^ :.'i.. unr/.critod in- 
 
 Jluence? 
 
 When I recolie^l. l;ie supcrciliuus ar- 
 rogance of ih"-i<« men. I am not al all sur- 
 prised at their ('\.!li, -.VI' ■.r." -iis ons. I'-' 
 one appeare t c ■ >tociM' 
 
 self as a ki'v' ■ ■ ■ ' '■■ ' 
 
 Cabinet, a^ ' 
 
 portion .-f the so\erci:;ii uuu. r. ile hc- 
 quentlv conducted as if he f^ii father the 
 light of giving instructions, than the obli- 
 r-trtTon of nl»<»vinp; thorn: and his coUea'niPS 
 
 found ii ncces-sary, ou niore ihaii Oiie oa 
 casion, to remind him of their equality, 
 and to restrain him v/itiiin the bounds of 
 his duty. Ti\e other, either from alpha- 
 betical priority, or accident, having been 
 first named in the commission, fa-stidiously 
 claimed rank on every occasion. He was 
 as aiubitious of the honors of the dinner 
 tabic, as he was of those of the council 
 board, and undeviatingly placed himself 
 at the head of both. He not only assumed 
 the riglit of being the organ of our oral 
 communications, in which fjituation I 
 more tlian once blushcl for him a:id for 
 ourselves; but he claimed, and forcibly 
 kept, against a vote of the commission, 
 the possession of its official archives. 
 
 Notwithstanding, h.>wever, the charac- 
 teristic presumption which betrayed itself 
 in their exclusive pretensions, the preten- 
 sions thsiiiselyes are not the less unfound- 
 ed and inadmissible. What would huvu 
 beeome of the rights and honor of the 
 country, if they had depended alone ou 
 the narrow and tiuie^servingpolicy ofamau 
 v/ho sough.tfor peace as a linaucial expe- 
 dient, and appeared still to tremble at the 
 hollow groans of the Tre.tsu ry, which, in 
 its distress, he hn.d abandoned. A man 
 who, always inclining to the side of con- 
 cession, was absolutely borne through 
 the ne2;otiatiou bv the linuness of his cm- 
 leagitbs; who sought to obt^aiu the possi- 
 b'e, but paltry difference between specie 
 and cu= rent money, m the liquidation of 
 advances wliich might iiave been made for 
 the m-,iinfenancc of prisoners, with more 
 /.eal than he had resLited the iuost extra- - 
 vagant demands asserted by the enemy; 
 and who, after having explicitly avowed 
 that tlic contested iibarty of the fisheries 
 was no equivalent for tlie free navigation 
 of the Mississippi, not only insisted that 
 the latter should be oliered in considera- 
 tion of the former, bat actually himself 
 m;dc this offer to the IJritish Commis- 
 si'sners, in a manner une-iLpected and un- 
 anthn-izod bv at lea^t a majority .'if hU 
 
 at any rate, was his 
 
 n ^j ; j ;-;iii Li,..:i^ L-iUilSel of lu3 nCPVCS, 
 
 hi" appeared i.o be prepared to pny for it 
 i 1 aiiv thing excepting specie. 
 
 And what would have become of iiie 
 peace "if >:.eif, thus inordinately sungiit for 
 " u I- f th'.'-/^ men, had it been intrust- 
 ed tof' ' ' ricity and infcmper- 
 rit" C" .:er? This last had 
 iiade up his judgment on 
 I...; c.v.o.;;.^- ciicumitance.s, thac lu' not 
 only proi» iuced a peace to be imjiracti- 
 cable, bat, on leaving Stvjckh.jlm, inti- 
 mated the ttoccrtainty of his procredini: 
 
5iS 
 
 uaiiici- ihan Gothcmbuig, as he ackuow- not ol" irS3r iiiive ^y^i iwt /'rcQUi/uh/ 
 
 Icdged neither the utility or obligation ol" known him most iiiconsistentivtd oppose, 
 
 acquiescing in the locati(m of the Con- to-day, with ardor, the proposition oJ' 
 
 •j,Tess at Ghent. If tiie peevish declama- which he v, as yesterday the v.arni advo- 
 
 I ion that he had prepared in answer to cate, and perhaps the*^ mover.^ to blow. 
 
 the very first note of the British (cmmis- vi'ithlii the foiu-aiid-tv.enty hours, with 
 
 sioners, had been !:anctioned by his col- equal violence, from every point of the 
 
 leagues, it must have put an end to the compass? and ai one moment to n}erglz9 
 
 last h.ope of accommodation. -It had, in- on trifles, and, at the next, to tieat as 
 
 deed, rather the <one of an impaysionetl trifles, matters of the utmost importance? 
 manifesto on the final rupture of a stormy Shall these men. wlio were thus re- 
 
 and unsuccessful neu;otiation, than a di- spectively exposed, by their feais, (o have 
 
 plorrtatic cooimunicatlon. made at*he very conciudca a treaty witliout hcmor, oi-, by' 
 
 ihreshold of a discussion for peace, v,-ith their whimsical violence, t<« have defeated 
 
 a view of attaining that object. Ahhcugh the conclusio!i of any treaty, be allowed 
 
 tlie greater part of this performance v.as to engross the credit which is mainly 
 
 •anhesitatingly expunged, and the spirit owing'^to the firmneis and temper of tlieir 
 
 of the rest greatly chastetU?d, } et the felly colleagues, and be permitted to abuse this 
 
 of a sicgle scnter^ce, that v/as indiscreetly credit to jurposes (ii.-. ract Oi! ivi] (Ji-nr- 
 
 spaied b)'^ a kind of mistaken charity, tu^us to the country? 
 was a source to us vf infinite veMition ]vii-. **%**s is k{io\\ n to be opposed to 
 
 and labor. This sentence- itse'.f v, as, in- the eiection of Mr. Monroe, or of any 
 
 deed, corrected and qualified; and, in- other able, and independent man to the 
 
 stead of prefening a direi t charge against F'residrncy. lie had dcsigna ed Governor 
 
 the adverse party, of "the rajxicity of am- Tom] kms U)v ihai ofiice, until he was 
 
 bition," was permitted to insinuate only aware that the project was impracticable. 
 
 •• a desire of aggrandizement." This in- He has, tlierefore," it seems, now deter- 
 
 sinualion, hov.ever, provoked our adver- mined to make an experini.ent of Mr. 
 
 saries to a retort which put us on the de- Adams; and, at once to indulge his own 
 
 tensive, during almost t1ie whole of the vanity, and to give to the experiment some 
 
 i-emaindor of the negotiation. Iftlicrhap- chance if success, he h.as very honcsth 
 
 'sodies of this man liad not aborti\ely per- consented to share with him the wliole 
 
 ished from the fever in which they were honor (jf the negotiation at Gh-.-nt. Al- 
 
 generated, they would have abruptly ter- ready is Mr. Adams n(;minatfd as a can- 
 
 niihated the discussions, or at least have didale for the Presidejic v in ihe newspa- 
 
 deprivcd them of that collected i^rmnerrs persoftlie United'Stiites; and hclia:^, ac- 
 
 and dignity v.luch constitute their prouci- cording to my inf(>?niation fiom London, 
 
 est merit. Vt'e migh.t, indeed, by those obviously elevated his ambition to that ob- 
 
 rhapsodies,''ave da/.xied tlie vulgar vvith a ject. ' -s an Auierican, as art| ub. 
 
 blaze of tropes and figures, worihy of a lican,:.. " 7- • ' in<l man, Isokmsilv 
 
 P.'-ofessor of Keiles Lettres, but v.e must enter my , :i!si his election, ifu 
 
 liave renounced all pretension to th.e cha- is entirely uaqu.il.Ueu f ;r the station, antV^ 
 
 racter of sober antl enlightci.ed stntes- like his fai^'i 'i- will be aurc to ruin any 
 
 men. Never, perhaps, was there a n ego- pady tha tteinp-t to sujjporl h.ini. 
 
 tiation at whicli the merit trf correction so He has no tal^. , aid Mr, 
 
 much exceeded that of composing. What ^*>i-- - vtoul.. — .. . , i iliatlieis 
 
 a tav.'dryand slovenly appearance should totally unmanageable hin>se'f. \A'hcrcvei 
 
 we have made before the public, had there' and evident disjiarity in the 
 
 there been found none among us to have qualir:..: ..Tim I , ;i' i'^! ^' .. \nr-v 
 
 ripped oft' our French embroidery, and to local prejiid:: 
 
 IVavo washed cnr dii-ty linen! It was not. If, h.ov.c\- 
 
 however, in our solemn official comm.uni- g;.i-.!i d. 
 
 ations with the British ministers, only, to 
 that we were annoyed with the ot • i 
 
 pe<lantry vS 1.1 '• • ■ '^ ' ' ■>•- '"• - ' " 
 
 but our deli'h- : 
 
 were constantly en. 
 
 times suspended bv ; 
 
 on one occasion, Avwc ' 
 
 the Board, by supcrchously Mid.p'crti- cao:^!-' all tii ■ t cd- 
 
 nacioasly insisting that the f.rmertre;''" '""■ '•'•Id • . ,:;ci( to 
 
 of peace should he cited as of 178^, . - i of the 
 
 td h 
 
 .' he !;. .. 
 
 
 
 •sfrom 
 
 to 
 
 
 Mid.p'crti- 
 
 mpr trf>ri ' >/ 
 
 Caii:^!*-' <* 
 
 1 tt (1- \ .n' 
 
 ii til 
 
■:iZ4. 
 
 Uniou. It Id tt Vedeiali-st, aud not a New 
 EnHand man,wliici) the disafiected desire; 
 an<f Mr. Adaiiis would not liave a single 
 vote in his nalive State. I'he majority 
 of that State detest his pastapostacV, and 
 the n'-inor-iy have doiibo of hi;^ taturc 
 fai'h. Wy his election nothing would 
 be s;aip.eti; but hy it the j;eace aiKl dij^iiity 
 of the c;!U.itn', aiid the very existence of 
 {he republican party, would become the 
 s(.K)rtof freak, and violence? and not only 
 a preposterous sacrifice be made to local 
 jeal'tUBy, but an invidious step taken to- 
 wards family aggrandi'/.enient. 
 
 I iTiUst. uo'vv apojOi;ize for having detain- 
 ed vou with 6o long a dissertation^ but I 
 could not feci entirely at my ease until I 
 had deposited my sentiments on thih sub- 
 ject, in some fricndiv bosom, and i be- 
 iieved it was not lawful for me to speak 
 of the mysteries of the negotiation excepl 
 to the ii'itiared. I disclaim all interested 
 vio'v^s in v.hat i iiave wnttei.. i am suf- 
 licienllv rev. arded for any share \yhich I 
 tnav have had in brir\g,ingour labcrs to an 
 honf;rab!e issue, by the consciiiusness ot 
 liavin^ discharged my duty to the best of 
 my abilities; and it Imports me liitie 
 "wiiere the credit is besto'.v ed, provided it 
 doeo not become an instrument of pre- 
 sumptuous anibiiion. i have given jou 
 Kiy teshn^on V yinpcrpe:uam vieniuriam rei, 
 that should I be dtsunedsi>on tofoslowoui 
 Vt'crthy ami sincerely lauierted collciigue, 
 Mr. Bayard, you may not be left a solita- 
 ry witness to the truth. 
 
 I observe that yov; arc sick of Europe 
 and European politics, f can assure you 
 that I ani sincerely e.o; ;it ieasl i am hear- 
 tilv tirti of Sweden, and would most 
 cheerfully exchange the public trust com- 
 mitted to mc here, for t\\c. humble com- 
 forts of private life. I find it indispensa- 
 ble to mv happiness, to have my chiidrea 
 abo:it me,andit \s1impa5sible 10 bring them 
 to this dre..:y rei;ion, destitute of all means 
 of education. Will you inquire confiden- 
 tially of the President, if Mr. '■' " " * * 
 has inade to him the promised communi- 
 cation on this subject, and will you use 
 yonr frienuiv offices to obtain permission 
 for me to lay' down my functions here.- I 
 sliould be tiulv wretclied if I believed 
 that my residence at i^tockhoim would 
 be protracted beyond the ensuing sum- 
 mer. Do not mi^dakc me — I ask only fjr 
 the Idicrty of leavini: Sweden. 
 
 Mr. Liwrence lias already applied to 
 llie Secretary of State, for permission (o 
 i-etnnito America, ami is in daily CaP'-- 
 fafWtn «tf r" ■r'i^-i^r2; i^. Mfhnnsh T ronld 
 
 not oppose this pruceeding, yet i aiH I 
 afraid it may embarrass tise accomplisli- 
 meut of my own wishes. It may, perhaps, 
 be inexpedient to terminate, at once, this 
 legatiijii, and afiov the (iep-a.ture of Mr. 
 Lawrence, there can be found no person in 
 this quarter of Europe, qualified to receive 
 the trust from me. If, therefore, I shall 
 be permitted to leave this country, of 
 which I will not doubt, it may be well to 
 appoint, immediately, another Secretary, 
 who Will be competent to remain as 
 (Jhari>,6 d'AfFaires — or to appoint, at once, 
 a Minister to succel^d mc. The former 
 mode of procedure would be least excep- 
 tionable towards this rourt, unless my suc- 
 cessor should be a I^iinisttr rlenipoten- 
 tiary, \vhich i candidly confess to you, I 
 think altogether inexped;cnl. The ex- 
 pectation that the negotiation for peace 
 would be entertained at Gothemburg, and 
 tiiat the good offices of this government 
 might have had a beneficiul inPr.iencc on 
 the result, was certainly, at the time, a 
 justification of the appointment of a Min- 
 ister IMenipotentiary. Such a reason, 
 however, no longer exists; and neither the 
 actual rank (>f the Swedish Minister in 
 the United States, nor the ordinary »»ela- 
 tions between the two countries, require 
 us to accredit iicro more than a Minister 
 of the third order. 1 leave entirely to i 
 your good judgment and friend. y disposi- 
 tion iiwards me, to suggest herein v.hat- 
 cver you may decin best calculated to ] 
 promote my object. I have not only 
 written you already too long a letter to 
 add any thing on Eui opean politics, but I 
 am too rauch disgusfcu with the subject, 
 to turn villing'y towards it my a'teiifion. 
 
 I congratulate you sincerely on the glo- 
 rious; termination (f tlie war with Algiers, 
 and 1 personally rejoice at the part which 
 His Owyheen Excellency has had in the 
 transaction. He is really an intellisient, 
 worthy fellow, although a brother-in-lav, 
 was prof;, r re J for a confidential mission 
 to Vienni'.. 
 
 I am not without fear lliat you were 
 within the range of the terrible storm that 
 so ruilely treated the Jamaica ilcet, on 
 the ydi of August. I calculate much, 
 hov»-cver. on your good luck, and i hope 
 soon to be relieved from all solicitude, by 
 hearing of vour safe arrival. If you will 
 pardon the aHrightful Icngthof this letter, 
 you m:iy be assured of my being more rea- 
 sonable in future. Remember me, 1 pray 
 vou, to Mr. Crawford, and believe me. 
 faidifuUv and conlially. vour friend. 
 ^Sl^ed^ .iOV\- RlJ.SSEl.r.. 
 
■}^d 
 
 Ou liiv reluni lo Auiencu, 1 visited 
 \V ashington in the beginning of the year 
 IBir. Mr. '>Ionroe had then .ictuslly 
 been elei:ted Prer-ideut, and his cabinel 
 not yet finally arranged. It was said 
 ^hat a Secreiarv foi- t'le Department of 
 State had not ;, et been derlriit-vely sele-t- 
 ed, and that Mr. Clay -and Mr. Adams 
 were con sit iP red as romnetiiors f;)i- that 
 ".rrn'ntinent. At the suiigestion of tlie 
 : vvitli zea! urged t5ie superiority 
 jf ':. ciaims. That I could d' so hon- 
 estly and siiicerely, without any neces- 
 sity of long preparation by previous in- 
 trigue., my respective opinions of the two 
 Kien, here unfolded, will sufficiently war- 
 rant. Mr. Monroe preferred Mr. Adams, 
 and iias since, undnubtedlv, infornied him 
 that I had been the advocate of his rival, 
 for 1 have seen this recommendation of 
 Mr. Clav arraved ao-ainst me as a most 
 lieinous poiitic.-il t!-a?!S'>;ression. I shouUl 
 believe Xir. Adams himself, ini^ht now, 
 on consuitino; Ins own Secretary of State, 
 iind tor it some p?lliatioh. 
 
 After the spring of 1817, until the com- 
 mencement of the year 1822, I did not 
 meet again with Mr. Clay. He was not 
 then in Con'^ress. but was paying a visit 
 at Washin<iton, on private business, I 
 often saw him (hen, and, I believe, at 
 our first interview, he tt)ld me, and be- 
 fore I had received any intimation in any 
 other v/a}', that he should aiiow hiroself 
 to be proposed as one of the candidates 
 at the next election for President. He 
 j.!;ave me. at the same, time to understand, 
 thai his prospects of success were yjrom- 
 ising. I was really too much his friend 
 to suffer him to deceive hlinseif ("or an 
 instant, with respect to the aid v.-hich lie 
 might, on that occasi:m, expect from me. 
 I aorordinglv tol;! him, fraakly, and 
 without hesitation, that already I had de- 
 finitively deteimincd to lend all my fee- 
 ble su;,j)ort to Mr. Crawford, and could 
 do him no good. I expressed a hope, 
 however, that our relations of personal 
 friendship might receive no prejudice 
 from this avowal. He assured me, v,idi 
 much apparent cord'a lit V, that it sliouh! 
 not; ivr rould I remark, at our subse- 
 quent int-Mviews dur'-ng hisstay at Wash- 
 ington, at that time, any cause to distrust 
 this assurance, altliough our onvcrsn- 
 tion necessarily became less confidential 
 in what specially concerned himself. 
 
 Your commiUee assert, that " liad not 
 the altera(i:Hn in '".y dutlicatk render- 
 ed me r/npopnlar, there is little doubt that 
 I would have been backed and sustained 
 hv all Mr. Clav's Wfi~ht ;i'vl i'-.nnrtu-o." 
 
 However 1 ijad iei;r<-;lted tlie kisd yl 
 Mr. Clay's weigl-t and infiueuce^ from 
 any cause whatsoever, vet I have been 
 inclir.cd to believe, triiit the "altera- 
 tions,'' assigned by your committee, were 
 mcroly thu prc'ex'f fo;- tliut loss: but that 
 the efficient lause of rendonn;^ his 
 " weight and inHuenc^" not only nega- 
 tive, -vitli i.'irard to r.ie, buf for Convert- 
 ing them int;' lucans of hosrility agaiiist. 
 me, was the frank avowal I ha'.l, lashl^ 
 perli^^ps, confided to his over-rated per- 
 sonal friendship for me. He couht not, 
 it seems, employ his "weight and influ- 
 ence" to protect me from inj;;sti<e, unless 
 1 wouUl use riiine to make him Fresident- 
 
 I am not ignorant, and I have sincere*- 
 ly regretted, that theeffjris of my politi- 
 cal enemies to misret>resent me, had feo 
 far succeeded as to prejudice some 
 against uie wh.o had no special intc^ 
 r.'st in my destruction, and wliose good 
 opinion I highly clierished. 
 
 I had believed that i had remained en- 
 tirely master of my own defence fur my 
 doiniiS at Ghent, unshackled by parlia- 
 mentarv fin-ms. Of tlie call of the House 
 Vk'hich procured the ctmmunication of 
 the letter containing that defence, I had 
 not, as i h;\ve stated elsewhere, the slight- 
 est intimation, directly or indirectly, of 
 anv intention to make it — any thing cer- 
 tiited to the contrary notwithstanding. 
 When, however, tliat call had aclu«ily 
 been made. I fvH a solicitude, as already 
 stated, t<t produce my defence. As I had 
 found Mr. Lloyd's priinfe letter in the 
 i)epartment of State, which dentiunced 
 t'le minority and viiii'icated the other side 
 of the question, I t!iought it but tuir to 
 presume that my private letter from Pa- 
 ris, on the other bide, mi;';ht b,^ found in 
 the same place. iieal or pretended 
 search was, however, for a long time, 
 made for it there in vain. It was then 
 sucjaested, that Mr. Monroe, who, from 
 S(*»^?*taiy of Slate h.ad been made Piesi- 
 dent, had kept it in his possession. I 
 accorddngly incpiired t;f hii!i after it. fie 
 countenanced the suppi.-tition of his hav- 
 ing retained possPSMion of it, and engaged 
 to look .'ifter it. I frequently c.illed af- 
 terwi'rds on him, t(. learn the success of 
 his search: and when I despancd of il^ 
 being in his power or his convenience to 
 iind it, I procured it from my liomr, 
 where it might still h.ivc lemiiined, hud 
 it not been for tiie call of the House. It 
 was nearlv seven years that I had not 
 looi;ed at it, iind when I c;ime to examine 
 it, I believed it might be slightly torrect- 
 c»l wit!) iidv.inta^e to the pnl»lio. frr w+wmi 
 
o2(> 
 
 It haci nut betiU \v4-iltea. i cetluinly IcH 
 no more restraint in thus correcting it tor 
 roinmunlcati;-,a to the public through the 
 Mouse, than I should have felt as a mem- 
 ber (.f the House, to -Amend a speech for 
 couununication to the public tluough tiic 
 press;. It was my own private l€ttej-, con- 
 taitiius my own special ilcfcnce; and if 
 comiuunic'acd at all, I believed it ou^ht 
 to be coinindiitcated in what shape I 
 pleased. Under this impression, 1 so 
 amended it, and went with, it to ihe l)e- 
 }>artmeni of State, where, as Mr. Adams 
 Was not in his office, I left it with the 
 Chief Clerk. I called a second time with- 
 out finding Mr. Adams: at my third call 
 he was there. 
 
 I had always iiitended to state to him 
 the dilferenccs between the copy which 
 1 had kept, and the paper, which, at the 
 suggestion of the Chief Clerk, had been 
 caUcd di'plicate. If 1 iiad not made the 
 two papers vcfbalim alike — I had made 
 them alike true. 
 
 After I began a short conversation up- 
 on another subject, he abruptly, adverted 
 10 the paper which I had left some days 
 before at' the office, ilis first remarks 
 
 commented in his own nay,; and 'Hiis lan- 
 ^ruage of decency,'* not bein^- copious 
 enough to express all he seemed to feel, 
 I was oi>liged ^Ji tell him that i was not 
 aware of there being any ihing m:iterial in 
 the di.Terenccs, and that certa-niy no- 
 thing oifensive could have been intended, 
 lie interrupted me v/ith one of ii.s habitu- 
 al paraxysms, menacing; to communicate 
 both papers, v/ith his remarks, y/hich took 
 from me the inclination- to carry into ef- 
 fect the purpose for which I ha;l called — 
 to state anu explain the dilferenccs,- and 
 leave the whole at his disposal — and I re- 
 peat, " destroyed in me even a v.ish to 
 conciliate or appease him." The man 
 whose whole political life, since his dis- 
 <losure3 to Mr. Giles, isatisHae of impo?- 
 rurc, wouid have tnld me, if he dared, 
 that I had attempted to deceive the De- 
 partment. When I rose to leave liim, he 
 rose too, and then said, v/hat he seems 
 desirous in his book 1 should repeat, and 
 \vhich I cheerfully ilo, for the sjiccia! edi- 
 iication of your committee. "This,"' he 
 vSaid, still stru;>;a;line; with jiassion, "shall 
 make no difference in the official roinuiu- 
 nications between us, but I never wish 
 to have any personal intercourse with you 
 again." Then, (said I,) stretching to- 
 "(v^txls him my hand, which he thoujfht 
 
 best to accept, * • / wilt bid i^uu an tltrt^al 
 fcireiveJl. " And did indeed leave him ac- 
 cordingly, ofiicially a.s well as personally. 
 
 I immediately v.aitcd on the PresidenV 
 and foi'.nd the ISecretan' of the Navy with 
 him — I imformcc! liim,U!rthv.-ii:]i,of the in- 
 terview i had just had withMr.Adams, and 
 thatMr. Adauisiiad made iiimself very an- 
 gry With the two j.apers, and threatened to 
 cause both to be communicated to the 
 riousc,in order that he ought have an oppor- 
 tunity of making his remarks on the vari- 
 ance bet-sveen tlicm. I told Mr. Monroe that 
 1 was willing that cither or neither of the 
 papers should be cornmuuicated^ but I fel i 
 a repugnance that the ill-uature of Mr. 
 Adams should be indulged with his con- 
 tomplated comiuuniciiuon of both. Mr. 
 Monroe, in reply, assured me that he 
 v/oiild consent to communicate neither — 
 for he would not " consent to become the 
 organ ofpersonal hostility." 
 
 With this assurance, I retired satisfied 
 — but as 1 crossed the saloon, outv*'ard, 
 I passed, at a respectful distance, Mr. 
 Ailams, vi'ii.0 was entering — and I doubi 
 not, at this ^ isit. he persuaded the Presi- 
 dent to forget the assurance he had giver, 
 me 'but a few ralnutes before, and now tf> 
 consoit to communicate to the House all 
 that Mr. Adams desired. 
 
 Such are the totalis of this transaction, 
 most of which I communicated to Mr. 
 Clay, as long ago as t'le seventh of Au- 
 gust, 182:2, in a letter of tliat date, 
 a copy of v/liich I herewith send you. 
 The letter was in answer to one from 
 him of the 9th of July, which had 
 been received, in answer to a letter from 
 me of tUe Gth of .Tune, both of the 
 same year, and copies 4>f-both you will 
 find also enclosed. 
 
 My le.ter of the Tih of August, com- 
 mences thus — "I received by the last 
 mail, your letter of the 9th ult. All the 
 abuse of Mr. Adams and his safcliite? 
 has not given me so much pain as the mild 
 intimation of your disapprobation. What 
 is done, cannot be undojie. My greatest er- 
 ror, however, has been at placing any coii- 
 iidence in the camlor of Mr. Adams. It M'as 
 my intention to have acfpiainted him with 
 thcvariations,and toliave left him with this 
 knowledge, free to act as he might think 
 proper. It was for this purpose I called 
 at tlic department with the cvact copy in 
 mv pocket, but before I saW him, he and 
 the President liad found the original, 
 and the mischief was done. The coarse 
 and violent manner in wliich he introduc- 
 ed the subject, made it impossible for me 
 to depn-ecate his ho<<tilitv, by decLiriffg 
 
52/ 
 
 the uUeuiiyii wuh winch 1 had citUcd on 
 ]jim. Such a declaration, under sucii cir- 
 cumstances, indeed, was not only repug- 
 iiant to iTij feelings, but would have been 
 worse tiuin useless, and merely exiso?ed 
 me to an additional afiront. I now maiie 
 liiis dcclaralion to you.becav.sc yoi( are my 
 friend, but, on the rack, I would not 
 
 make it to my enemies. 
 
 After this ex- 
 plosion with ^!r. Adams, I called on Mr. 
 Monroe, and stated to him what had been 
 my intentions, and my willingness that 
 either paper sliould be communicated, or 
 neither — and he emphatically assured me 
 that neither should be communicated to 
 the House, as he would iiot become tkc 
 organ of person hosiility — yet iico davs 
 afterwards he sent his stranj^e message of 
 ihe 4th of March, vihich took from iilm 
 ail control over the proceedings. 
 
 Thus much for '"the duplicate:" and 
 although 1 am awiire it has been judged 
 hardlv, i will not believe that when all 
 the fucts are known, it can do me, as Mr. 
 Clay unkindiy intimated, '-a lasting pre- 
 judice." 
 
 In his letter of the 4tb. of Septem* 
 her, a copy of which I also trnnsmit, 
 herewith, he attempts "'to sootli my 
 I'eeling," by saving — "I have lio <loubt 
 you vvere dealt' with by the persons to 
 v.bom you reier, tv^ich great duplicify. ami 
 that cmcv.x them even sought to produce 
 the i^ery f>ta!e of t'dngs which exristsP'' 
 Thisletter,al!hoti;di still professing fiie--*- 
 ship, wanted all t!ie warm-heartednes- f 
 our fricndsh.ip of form.cr times — yet i 
 would not believe that- these professions 
 were entirely hollow — when, afterwards, 
 I saw him iiot only make his peace v»!th 
 his political nval and my personal enemy, 
 but enter his service and do his dirty 
 ^vork, I still thought my heart was ciiilf- 
 ed, could not suppose he had been my 
 enemy ever since I had declined to aid his 
 pretensions to the Presidency. It was 
 his letter to Mr, Amos Kendall, <.f the 
 'i3d of June, 18;22,pui)li;shed in the Unit- 
 ed Stales' Telegraph, of the i3ls( July last, 
 to vvldch 1 refer your committee, tliat not 
 ^nly like an assassin tinust in the dark, 
 ,evercd the last Ixmd that- Wind mc to 
 iirn, and dissipated the lingering delusion 
 v.iiich made me slili hop-:: v.cll of hii.i. 
 \nd almost forgive him — but cfmsummat- 
 _'.d the mctamorjjliosis v.hich he had been 
 nadually ujidergoing from the fair f<trm 
 if light, 'in v/hich I bad once dclighled to 
 revere him, into a monster rd" darki.-oss 
 ind deformity. About the very time he 
 u-as condoling mc, on the duplicity ot 
 Mhors, ho ■<"<!= himself aetina; wi<h the 
 
 most revolting ilapiitity i*\v;uds uic. Iji 
 that letter to Mr. Kendall, notwithstand- 
 ing his simultaneous professions of fi lend- 
 ship to mc, he was virtually taking part 
 against nie, in mv controversy with Alr^ 
 Adams, by prognosticating the incurable 
 wounds his vencmed shafts would iniiic't; 
 and had thus turned "propjief of j.higues," 
 and thus "boded ill," that he m:ght, fur- 
 sooth,- escape all suspicion of having any 
 6f^i';jc^' in bringing forth my letters, which 
 he pronounces so utiv\ orthy of him, as to be 
 beneath the notice (,f himselfor his friends. 
 I know not, as 1 have said, to whum that 
 agency can be justly ascribed — but is Mr. 
 Clay quite sure tlsat he is entirely inno- 
 csni of it.^ He charges me, too, with 
 making myself the prominent person in' 
 opposing the Mlssissip-.n proposition. He 
 knew that I never intended doing him 
 that injustice. He charges me, too, of 
 not nauiir.g him, and keeping out of view 
 his strenuous opposition, and says, ''the 
 truth is, that 1 did not know that such a 
 letter vv^as in existence." All this was 
 done, too, to avoid the odious suspicion ot" 
 any iigency in the call which brought out 
 thot lettei-'. 
 
 ISow 1 had read th.at letter to Mr. Clay, 
 in Paris, immediately after it was written, 
 and alth>)i!«h he had no share in its com- 
 piosltion, he approved' on heanng it, the 
 general views it had taken, and found no 
 fault with not having been n:;mcd in it. 
 In my letter to him of the 6th of June, 
 i say 'to him — '•! showed you &{ the 
 time, the letter v.hich I wrote at i'ar- 
 is, and you coincided witli me in the 
 grouiids there iaken for our opposition — ) 
 bhail state this u;ct, and I hope, should 
 the occasion require, yoii will c(inf:rni ii." 
 In reply to that letter he says, in th(v 
 9th of July following: " Your letfer. 
 which I bclicve you sluiwcd mc -at Paris, 
 *1 suppose was written to explain the 
 '••rounds on which you had proceeded; and 
 was to be used defeniTiAcly upon the pos- 
 sible contin.'.'ency of a misreproscntatioTi 
 or misc: ri of your course — 
 
 conting. .:. • :..;d occurred.." T, 
 tiiutly iidmits the truth of my aswvt'r>n, 
 runde in 
 
 Jun;', I'l- • ■• ■ 
 
 liii'-'-ioii w'/) h.id a di 
 case, I did :-h<»w at the i.u.v, i!ir !; : i 
 v/ritlen at Piris'' and jusiifies liie ini' . 
 ciico of Mr. Kemlall, that thu " luembcr" 
 was Mr. Clay. 
 
 On the strange aH«cr<ion%of Mr. (-lay. 
 iu iiis letter t«. Mr. Kendall, 1 make n<» 
 further cmnment. 1 1 has convincod mr- 
 that Mr. rlnv mutd i^n-or have pro 
 
.7^» 
 
 ies-sed irientiship lor lue but with inte- 
 rested parpo9«s, and that he couM desert 
 me without ai efFirt, rafher than hazard a 
 particle of his popularity by CKposnig; 
 ain:ist*ir to th.e sust^inon of be^ns; my 
 frifvid. The !er*!'r of Mr. Clay to Mr. 
 Kendall, 13 O'lf of r*v ci.cir.nstiisices, re- 
 ferred to iu the cotn TM^ic.-me'it »)f tl.is 
 letter, whi'Ji lias induced me to rrrdkethis 
 communication to you. 
 
 It is wHh deep humiliation T I:;ive felt 
 myself deceive*^ in the noble ami gener- 
 ous nature of Henry Clay — the reptile 
 crawl and the viper stingy, whicii could 
 unite the abject and the venomous, would 
 not have surprised me in Joho Quincy 
 Adams — but I had indted looked up for a 
 more e^liereal and exhilirating course 
 iVom Henry Clay. 
 
 Ynnr rommittne will, I trust, from the 
 
 communicatiou which 1 have uuw ad- 
 diessed to you, acquit me of having con- 
 trived ciny plot, with Mr. Clay, from the 
 signature of the treaty of Ghent, or at 
 a)!y sub-ecjU'^'nt epoch, for tiie destruction 
 of ''•Jr. Adorns, which can have issued iu 
 so mr rvelloMS a catastrophe. 
 
 All the mr-tery which can really have 
 btewed, i^ that, which, by the strange 
 compound and heteroi/vaeous ingredients, 
 has vrodticed the agitated mass of corrup- 
 tion, \vhii h, in thr violence f)f its fermen- 
 tatum, han brought fn^ra the bottom to the 
 sui face, the poiiticel incuijus which noW' 
 oe.slri.lcs and oppresses tins rv?,piiblic. 
 
 I pray you, Sir, for yourself, and in be- 
 half of vour Committee, to accept my rC' 
 spociful salutations. 
 
 .TONA:RU8SKLT- 
 
 F< fm\ imik'fir^teeir'v t^ 
 
 '-X~* 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 i-'ouy oj u itUer from James Lloyd to 
 
 John JiJam-^i, as can^alncil in John 
 
 Quincy jldmns^ book. 
 
 Boston, Bth March, 1815. 
 
 "Siu: In a fijrmer note, reluming the 
 letter with which you had so obligingly 
 favored me, 1 h^d the honor to orVer you 
 my congratulations on the termination of 
 the war, without waiting to know what 
 were the grounds of the t'-eaty which con- 
 cluded it; because, from the tenijr of the 
 prevjou:? corresj.'ondence, and my per- 
 sonal knowledge of nearly all the Com- 
 missioners, [ felt a reliance that tlie ar- 
 rangement would not be dishonorable, 
 altlu'ugh 1 acknitwlcdge my rejoicing v/as 
 mingbvl wit!) fear least it should be, at 
 least in some points, a clisadvantageous 
 one; and this exprcissioa of feeling I 
 volunteered with the more readiness, as 
 the intelligence was rceived at a n\o- 
 ment when the national cluuacter liad 
 been splendidly illustrated by the recent 
 aclu':vementat New Orleans. - 
 
 " I5'it I greeted the occurrence with 
 smib'S, principally, not because 1 expect- 
 etl it would bring or restore to us all the 
 benefits we possessed un.ler f(;rmer trea- 
 ties, but i)ecause I saw no chance, but 
 irom this source, of happier prospects for 
 the future. It was not, howexcr, the 
 storm that hovvled along the lakes, or up- 
 on the sea-bor-rd, th:;.! cr?Ttod the appre- 
 hension of an instaiit for (he fate of the 
 rorttest. but it was tho hidden fire that was 
 
 rumbling within our own busoms, auil 
 which, under the continuance of the war, 
 would, I believe, have made our country 
 the theatre of domestic convulsions, as 
 Weil as of foreign warfare, and perhaps 
 from its effects have offered up some parts 
 of it as no very difficult prey to the mer- 
 cy jf tiie enemy. 
 
 •'On this hand, I know. Sir, you had 
 better hopes and th )ugh<^ difterently from 
 me; and I h ive now only to say, I am 
 glad the expciimeni has nwver come to is- 
 sue. 
 
 "As tiie price of the purchase of an 
 escape from evils portentous as these, I 
 considered it as probable that the English 
 government might claim from us the con- 
 tested eastern isla.-ids, and interdict all '' 
 trade between us and h^r colonial posse-- 
 sions; and possibly still further, t'lat she 
 would endeavor to extort frtjm us the 
 coast fisheries around her own shores; for. 
 on the magnanimity or friendship of 
 Great Britain, or of any other nation, iu 
 matters »)f interest, I confess I never had 
 the abiliiy to lash my imagination into an 
 sort of dVjiendenci'; but I did also cher 
 ibh the belief, that none of our essential 
 ov importr.nt ri<J:'s or liberties would bo 
 diminished or surrendered. Of the lat- 
 ler, t>ie one ot the greatest consequence, 
 in r'^ference ttkits intrinsic value, and as 
 derived from discovery and possession, 
 and confirmed by a formal treaty stipula- 
 tion, is unquestionablv that to which' vou 
 
\J_ N ilED STATES^ TELEGRAPH»../?atrtf. 
 
 Th'9 pnpcr will b..- .ievotel exclusi\' ly t<» the Pres^deiiHal Rltcti.m, mul be publisjUed, weekly 
 iiutj! tfie 15t!j of* October next, tor One D..l''ar,- subject to iicwspapei* postag'c, and vo mtrre 
 
 BY GREEN £,- J^iliriS. 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 WASHINGTON, NOVEMBER l, 1R2S 
 
 No. U. 
 
 have referred — the co.ist fisheries on the 
 shores of the British posse.ssions in 
 North Ameiica. 
 
 " Th.ese fisheries, as most advanta"c- 
 ousiy .secured to the I'nited States by me 
 treaty of 1783, and made, at the ti'.ne, as 
 I have always iinderstoo<l, a sine qua non 
 of that treaty, offer au invaiuabie fund 
 of wealth and power to our country; one 
 "which lias never l)ee:i duly atteiiied to 
 nor justly appreciated, but which, if con- 
 tinued and improved, was destined to 
 grow with our growth and strengthen with 
 our strength. 
 
 "The pr.')secutioa of these coast aud 
 bay fisihenes, aith.ough it had already 
 become extremely advantageous, iiad un- 
 dountcdly reached, in a very .mnali de- 
 gi'ce, the extension and ininyrtance it 
 was capable of attaining. Tiie unsettled 
 state of the commercial world for the 
 past twenty year?, and the more alluring 
 objects of mercantile enterprise which 
 such a stiiie of things evolved, seemed 
 in point of i\uinediate consideration arid 
 attention, to t!)row these fisheries into the 
 back ground: but stiil, -until first chcciced 
 by tlie system of embargoes and restric- 
 tions, and finally stopped by a decLara- 
 tion of war, (hey were silently, but ra- 
 pidly progressing, and reaclung an im- 
 portance v/hrch, fhdugli generally un- 
 known to our country and its statesmen, 
 ]:iid become Iiighly alariniug to the go- 
 vernments and more wealthy inerrhanis 
 of the provinces, and was beu,inning to 
 attract t'le attention and jealousy of the 
 '-abinct of Great Biiuiin towards them. 
 
 "Tiic shores, the creeks, tlie inlets of 
 the Bay of Fundy, the Bay of Chaleurs, 
 and the Gu'f of St, I/awrenco, i\\c. 
 Strai'^s of Bellisle, and the Coast of La- 
 brador, appear to have been designed by 
 the God of Nature as the great ovarium 
 of fish; tiic inexhaustible repository of 
 this species of food, not only for the sup- 
 ply of the Anverican but of the European 
 continent. At the proper season, to 
 c.itch them in ;:ndless abundance, little 
 more of e'^ort is needed <!ian to bait the 
 hook an:I puU the line, and occnsionaliy. 
 even tliis is not jiccessary. In clear 
 weather, near thes'iorcs. invriadsare visi- 
 ble, and the slrand is at (invs almost 
 literally paved with tliem. 
 
 •• .\\\ (hi-! v,;=.'5 2r.Hiuaii-.- ni-.-vin;!; itvf-ll 
 
 known to the enterprise and vigilante of 
 the New Eng'and fishermen, a'.id for a 
 few seasons prior to the year 1808, the 
 resort to this employment had hecome aiYi 
 object of attention, from the Thames, at 
 New London, to the Schoodic; and boats 
 and vessels i.f a.sm}«!l as well as a large 
 siz,e, were flocking to it froto all the ir- 
 termedi.ite parts of the United States. 
 In the fishing sca-o;i, at the best places 
 for catclv"-" -he cod, the New Enirland 
 fishennen, 1 am told, on a Sunday swarm- 
 ed like files upon the shores, an.d that in 
 some of these years, it probably w-juld 
 not make an over-cstiitiate to rate -h.e 
 number of vessels employed in fh's fishe- 
 ry, belonging to tiic United Sta'a's, at 
 from 1500 to 20C0 sail, reckoning a ves- 
 sel for Cich trip or voyage, and including 
 the larger bout li^^hery; and the number, 
 if the fisheries were continued, would 
 shortly be still further and very gteatly 
 extended. 
 
 '•The nursery for seamen, the conse- 
 cpierit increase of power, the mine of 
 wealth, the accumulation of capital, (for 
 it has been justly observed, that he who 
 draws a codfish fi(^m tlie sea, gi-ves n 
 piece of silver to his country,) the elt'ect 
 upon the trade and custom of Great Rji- 
 tain, and the ccrrcsp.vViulijig advantages to 
 the Uriifed States, of which (he enlarge- 
 ment of such an intercourse was suscept- 
 ible, (for Ir.c stock of fish appears inex- 
 haustible.) you are much better able to 
 conceive tl.an I to describe; but I with 
 pleasure paint thcin auev/ for your con- 
 sideration, as on inany accounts present- 
 ing one of the most interesting public ob- 
 jects to which it can be directed. Lu- 
 crative, however, and imposing in its in- 
 dividual ami national bearings, as \\\\> 
 fishery was, and w.""^ to become, it waslit- 
 tle known to the ading men of our 
 country, and little spoken of by otlicr?, 
 even in Ma, -husctts, or nnong thoisf, 
 who were actually engaged in it. and u 
 knowledge of its existence in any »bi:>g 
 like its real extent, or future c.>pal»iliiy, 
 v/as porl.aps coi fined to not more tha:i 
 half a «h>z,en heads, (if so m';ny,) in the 
 whole of the Southern ami Western, anil 
 even middle diviHlonH of the Union. 
 
 •^Tlu', caMS«:> of its value and i.npo:( 
 lO'p not being a tnaltor of ^vvni n itoiic 
 
 If 'V licrf. are nhvioM<; it-vi'-i an oMiphu 
 
5ao 
 
 /iiaitj not only iu the lisheV^^, but in many 
 instances undoubtMiiy in trade with the 
 British inhabitants; those who were en- 
 jivigeti in it made no unnecessary proiuul- 
 gfitions of their employment, while the 
 poorer inhabitants of the provinces, tast- 
 ing equally its sweet.? atul advantai;es, 
 were alike disposed to keep silence with 
 regard to it. liut not so situated the pro- 
 A'incial governments and the. more weal- 
 thy of the merchants of the sea-port 
 towns. They had become highly alarm- 
 ed at the expansion of this tisl'"'"y and 
 trade; jealous of '.ts progress, an,:^ *nKir- 
 ous at its cndurartce; thev, therifvirr. r>f 
 late 3'cais, have repeatedly memorialized 
 the government in England respecting 
 the fisheries carried on by the Americans; 
 while the whole body of the Scottish ad- 
 venturers, whose trade, both in imports 
 and exports, and control over the inhabit- 
 ants it curtailed, have turned out in the 
 full cry and ioined the chorus of the co- 
 tonial governments iu a crusade against 
 {lie encroachments of the in'idels, the 
 disbelievers in the divine authority of 
 kings or the ri-^hts of the provinccs,'a!id 
 have pursued their objects so assiduously 
 that, at their own expense, as 1 am inform- 
 ed from a respectable source, in the ye;'.r 
 1807 or 8, they stationed a watchmuM in 
 some favorable position near the Straits 
 of Canso, to count the number of Ameri- 
 can vessels which passed those Straits on 
 this employment; who returned nine hun- 
 dred and thirty-eight as the number actu- 
 ally ascertained by hhn to have j)a»sed, 
 and doubtless many others during the 
 night or in stormy or thick weather, es- 
 caped his observation; and some of these 
 addressers have distinctly lof>ked forward 
 with gratification to a state of Avar as a 
 <lesirable occurrence, which would by its 
 existence annul existing treaty sti:>ula- 
 tions, so injurious, as they contend, to 
 their interests and those of the nation. . 
 ^Vith what degree of correctiiess this ex- 
 pectation has been cntertai.nnd, the future 
 must tletermine; but unfortunately, these 
 murmurs and complaints reached Eng- 
 land, and were industriously circulated 
 about the time tluit our restrictive mea- 
 sures awakened an unusual and criti.al 
 attention to the commercial connexion 
 between the two countries, and i)ro!):)blv 
 the value and importance of this brancVi 
 of it is now at least as fully understood 
 and appreciated on the eastern as on the 
 western side of the Atlantic. 
 
 " Carried away by first impressions, a 
 large part of mankin<l become not unfrc- 
 quenflv thefl'ipp-^ of niisconceplion. nr.d 
 
 adhere te their opinions with a fiatmaci- 
 ty proportioned to the time they have en- 
 tertained them. From a source some- 
 thing like tills, it has been, and is gener- 
 ally, I might almost say universally, be- 
 lieved by the mass of our countrymen, 
 that the right of fishing oa the banks o 
 Newfoundland, or as it is properly called, 
 the Grand Bi-.nk, was the great boon ac- 
 quired, as it re:5pected the fisheries, by 
 the treaty of 1783, while unquestionably 
 the fisheiies on the banks, ol Newfound- 
 land no more belorjged exclusively, In pos- 
 session or tiie rigiit of control, eitiier to 
 Great Britain or ^o the United Stales, 
 than the air of Heaven is the patent 
 property of both or either of them, w'ith 
 power to d<)le out its use to such other 
 nations as agree to conform to the stipu- 
 lations they may please to prescribe for 
 its enjoyment. If any thing was gained 
 or secured on thi.s head, it undoubtedly 
 was the Coast Fisheries, on the shores of 
 the British provinces. This is the fishe- 
 ry which will now come under discussion, 
 at least, if not into contest, between the 
 two countries. It is highly important 
 that correct ideas of its value and extent 
 shcmld be entertained, and perhaps these 
 couUl not be more perspicuously traced 
 tiian by taking- a relative view of it, com- 
 pared with the importance of the Bank 
 Fishcrij. This I will now briefly attempt; 
 confident, that if in doing it I sho.ild be 
 r<atej-ating to you the communication of 
 facts of a knowledge of which you are 
 already acquainted, the motive will bring 
 along with '* its owui sufficient apology. 
 
 " The hj,,k Fishery is carried oji in 
 vessels generally from 70 to 90 tons bur- 
 then, and maimed with eight or ten men 
 each. Thev commeiup their v«»vai>es 
 early in March, and continue in this em- 
 ployment until the last of October, in 
 which time th.ey make fivo, and some- 
 times three fares to the United States, 
 bringing their fish home to be cured. 
 T|-.e prjduceof these trips, if succes.^ftd, 
 after pay wig the shoresmen the expense 
 of making or curing, generally furnishes 
 a sufficient ((uantity of dried fish to load 
 the vess*"' tor Europe. Tiicse ves.sels 
 employcfk ,. fishing rcijuire cables of from 
 160 to 180 fathoms io length. They must 
 always ke.^p .'h<'ir s?.ils bent to the yards, 
 so asto be ready, in case of accident to 
 tl>e cable, or a-iy of those adverse occur- 
 rences to which' tempests or the casual- 
 ties incident to anchoring nearly m mid 
 ocean, must expose them. 'i'he\ )>ur- 
 chase salted clams for bait, whicli they 
 procflre at con^^idrrable- expense, and 
 
531 
 
 iake w-tii them tieiu the ¥uited Slates. 
 Thev.ft.:;! night and day, when the fish 
 bite well, whicli is nut always the case, 
 and haul their cad in a depth of water 
 from 45 to 55 fathoms. After catching;, 
 tiiej head and open the fish, and place 
 them in the hokl, iii an uncured, and 
 consetjuentl)-, in soaie deoree, in a par- 
 tially pei-ishing state; and after having 
 obtained a fare, or freight, return willi it 
 to the United States, to be cured or dri- 
 ed and prepared for exportation; but be- 
 fore this is done, or they can be landed, 
 the fish is always more or less deteriora- 
 ted, becomca softer, and part of It makes 
 an inferior (juality of tish, called .Tuinaica 
 fish, and the proportion of this Jamaica 
 fish is much greater than it would have 
 been had the fish been dried and cured 
 shortly after having been taken, as is the 
 case with tiie coast and bay fishery ; 
 in addition to which, tliese vessels em- 
 ])ioyed in the bank fishery are unavoida- 
 bly obliged to prosecute this business 
 witli a great comparative expense, as to 
 the wear and tear of their vessels, and 
 loss of time, and with an increased de- 
 gree of hazard, botli as to safety and sac- 
 
 i3 
 
 cess 
 
 " The Coast and Labrador Fisheries 
 are prosecuted in vessels of from 40 to 
 120 tons burthen, carrying a number of 
 men, according to their respective sixes, 
 in about the same proportion as the vessels 
 on the bank fishery. They commence 
 their voyages in May, and got on the fisii- 
 ing ground about the 1st of June, before 
 which time bait cannot be obtained. This 
 bait is furnished bv a small species of fisli 
 called capling, which strike in shore at 
 that time, and are followed .by immense 
 shoal- ^f codfisli, which feed upon tiiem. 
 Each . ^sel selects its own fishing ground 
 along the coasts of the bay of Chaleurs, 
 the gulph of St. Lawrence, the sti-ails of 
 Bellisle, the coast of Labrador, even as 
 far as Cumberlaml Island, and the en- 
 trance of Hudson's Bay, thu;^ impr(»ying 
 a fisliing giouiid reaching in extent from 
 the 45th to tlie G8th degree of north lati- 
 tude. 
 
 "in choosing their situation, tlie fish- 
 er-.ncn generally seek some HhcHcrcd and 
 safe haibor, or cove, where they autlior 
 in about siV/' or sci'tvi /r////om v/aler, un- 
 bend their sails, stow them below, and 
 literally iiiaking themselves at home, dis- 
 mantle and convert their m-sscIs into Iia- 
 l)itat!oni>, at least as durable as those of 
 the ancient Scythian?. Thf y then cast 
 ,1 net over the stern of (iif v( ■^\, in w'lii ii 
 t «uft5ri('nt nund»efr of capliri'* • 
 
 caught to Supply tliem with bait livm daV 
 to day. Each vessel is furnislied with 
 four or five light boats, according to their 
 size and number of men, each lioat rc- 
 quiiin* two men. They leave the vessel 
 early in the morning, and seek the best 
 or sufiiciently good spot for fishing, which 
 is frequently found within a few rods of 
 their vessels, and very rarely more than 
 one or two miles distant from them, 
 where they haul the fish as %5t as they can 
 pull their lines, and sometimes, it is said, 
 that the fish have been s(» abundant, as 
 to be gafted or scooped into the boats, 
 without even a hook or line, and the fish- 
 ermen also -tv. that the codfish have 
 been km^wn to pn-sue the capling in such 
 quantities, .,nd w'tli such voracity, as to 
 run in large numbers quite out of water 
 on to the sliores. The boats return to 
 the vessels about nine o'clock in the morn- 
 ing, at breakfast, put tiieir iisli on bnard, 
 salt and split then»; and after having 
 fished several days, by which time tlic 
 salt has been suificiently struck in the 
 fish first caught, tiiey carry them on shore, 
 and spread and dry them on the rocks pr 
 tenq)oraiy flakes. This routine is fol- 
 lowed every da}-^, v.ith the addition of a'- 
 tending to such as have been spread, and 
 carrying-on board and stowing away those 
 that have become sufiicicntly cured, until 
 the vessel is filled with dried fish fit for 
 an immediate market, which is gene- 
 rally the case by the middle ov last of 
 Aus:usty and with which she then pro- 
 ceeds immediately to Europe, or returns 
 to the United States; and this fish, thus 
 caught and cured, is esteemed the 
 best that is brought to mavket, and for 
 several yeais previous to that (d' I8f)8, 
 v/as computed to furnish three fniirth 
 parts of all the dried fish exj)oi ted from 
 the United Sla es. This fishery was also 
 aljout that time taking a new form, which 
 Mould have had a ilonble advantage, both 
 in point of profit and extension; for some 
 of our mercliants were beginning to send 
 their large vessels to the Labi ador coast, 
 and its vicinity, t(» lereivc there, ln»m 
 small fishing boats tlu-y em|iloycd itr nur- 
 (iiashed frmu, cured tish, (o 'oil (ln;Ir 
 vessels with imMHiiia'ely j'.ir Europe; 
 thus saving a«» great an e\poii>.e in ge;ting 
 the fish ti) maiUet abroad, as woultl ia a 
 short time ha\e <,>;,\{'\\ oui" mmhantri u 
 rommuid of the Euroin-an markets, and 
 would have also all'onlc«l an eucourag**- 
 meni to a small but wry iiiitno4'< un b«)at 
 lishery, whirii, from receiving the pay 
 fu' tfieir labir on the s|)o;, could noi 
 fail to liav«> b(>en gii'atiV cx"i*»'d atid l 
 
6M 
 
 l;grned in the exportation from the coast, 
 X'} receive at home the proceeds of tlieir 
 'sfdrentures from abroad, about as early 
 {ia the bcmkfish could have been put into 
 a state tit to be exported from ttie United 
 States; in addition to vvhich, we were 
 prosecuting a very productive salmon and 
 mackerel fishery, in the same vicinity, a;? 
 jnost of tlis pickled fish we had : eceived 
 ifor some years prior to the war were 
 Caught on those shores. . 
 
 " This Coast Fbhery, then, most high- 
 'l,y importaiit and invaluable as I think it 
 Miust be admitt(>'d to be, even from the 
 (oregoing hasty imperfect sketciiof it,ine- 
 A'lts every possible dc2;iee of attention and 
 ^ftbrt fji- its preservation on the part of 
 fhc governmcat of t'ne UniJed States. 
 'I'he refusal .-f the British Commissioners 
 to renew, or recognise the stipulation of 
 the treaty of 1783, respecting it, and the 
 (ijoiification, I hope not formally given, 
 that it would not hereafter bo p-ermitted 
 without an oqivivalcnt, are alarming- indi- 
 cations in reference to the ftit'ire peacea- 
 ble prosecution of this lishcry. and of the 
 *{ispo9itio:is of the Ihitish "^goTernment 
 ^vith regard to it. 
 
 "The diil'ercncc of e?cprosslon used in 
 ih.c third article of tlio treaty of peace of 
 1783, as to the right of fishing on the 
 Banks of Ncv.fcundiaTid and the liberty 
 of fisliing on the coasts of the I>riti»ii pro- 
 vinces in North America, however it 
 jnight have originated, aiVords a diversity 
 r)f expresfiion whicli, in the present in- 
 stance, v.lU bs seized, and be made to 
 ^ve the partisans of Great Britain and 
 of the provinces a popular color of justice 
 in support of t'.jeir i-.rguments, when they 
 rontend, as I think they probably will do, 
 vhat in so important a compact, the vari- 
 liace of lan^-uage could not I'.ave been a 
 ii>atter of accident: that if precisi'.-n in 
 i^,\Q use of terms ia their m'>«t literal 
 i^ensc is any v/hcre to be expected, it is 
 certainly to' be look-jd for in an instru- 
 sucnt, which is to form the paramount law 
 Betw.-en two nations, whose clashing inter- 
 OjIs have brov^^t them into collision, and 
 •\vhich is genei-ally framed by men of the 
 most disiin.'^ulshed talc:its cf each party, 
 •the acutcness of whose conceptions is al- 
 ways kept in full ])iay, by the contending 
 pretensions they have respectivelv to 
 consult aiid sustiiin; and that therefore a 
 distinctioi was nni<lc, and was intended 
 tb be made, at the time of the nog .tiation 
 b:»twcen a right derived fro:j> the (iod of 
 nature, and to be exorcised on the com- 
 inon ffeld of Ms banntr, tho p;reat high- 
 
 way of uaLious; and the libtj-iu, pt'f 
 i^ission, or indulgence, as they wdl term 
 it, to continue the exercise of an employ- 
 ment on the coast at the very doors, and 
 within the peculiar and especial jurisdic- 
 tion, of another nation: the one accord- 
 ing to this doctrine being a right inherent 
 and not to be drawn in question; tlie 
 other a suiTerance open to modification or 
 denial, altogether subsequenliy to a war, 
 according to the will or the interests of 
 the party originally acceding to it. 
 
 " The liberty, for the expression of the 
 ti'eaty in the (.liscussiou between the two 
 nations must be admittetl, whether it op- 
 erate adversely or favorably to us, rests 
 for its own continuance, eitliei- ae we as- 
 sert, on the ground of right as an anteri- 
 or possession and a perpetual franchise, 
 or iis i'aG British will contend, on the exis- 
 tence of the treaty of 1783. 'Ilie first 
 gnmnd to be supported on the view taken 
 of it in your own letter, and in that which 
 3'ou had tiis goodiieF:s to communicate to 
 me, and even on the second, admitting 
 pro forma, that a declaration of war does, 
 ipno fado, abrogate all previous treaty 
 stipulation?, brought ii\to contest by it, 
 unless tacitly or expressly renewed by a 
 nov,' treaty, to l>e an acknowledged princi- 
 ple of international law, still the ngh'. in 
 tjucstion. could, 1 believe, rest untouched 
 and unaflectcd, although I know not with j 
 v.hat decree, (if decision or determinatiou ' 
 the negotiation of a f.ituve use of the coast 
 fisheries wiis brougiit forward in the ne- 
 gotiations at Ghent, by the British Com- 
 missioners. But while on the one iiand the 
 coupling the offer tf» treat for a renewal of 
 the liberty of the coast Hsheries, for an 
 equivalent with a proposition to treat for 
 a renewal of the right of the free naviga- 
 tion of the Mississippi, also foranequiva- 
 len^ unless, as hi>s bocn suspected, they 
 were made witJi the insidious purpose of 
 obtaining an aslmission lliat both had al- 
 ready ceased t-j exist, shows ll^e confi- 
 dence they would wish to appear to en- 
 tertain in the soundness of th^^ir po.sifloo, 
 that the v.ar had extinguished botli the 
 right and the liberty; for the former, the 
 free navigation of the ?.ussi9sippi, if force 
 of iangua^ge and repetition are to have any 
 weight, could not well have been placed 
 on a str.)ngov b^isis, it being very express- 
 ly and explicitly contracted for in tlie 
 treaty of 1783, recognised in that of 
 1794. and ai»-ain incnti(med iv a provi- 
 sional article m 179G, still, on the otiier 
 huid, t!»e omission iu the new treaty t) 
 state ♦hat the ticaty of 1783 had expired 
 or been onivolledj nnd a r'-ferenrc liaving 
 
5^^ 
 
 been luadc t*j it in several insUnce^, is a commerciiU powers of the U States- ariii 
 yet stronger evidence that they did con- should (he BritisJi ministrv or Colonial an 
 sider that treaty a^ remainin;r m exist- thorities attempt to interdict thi^ fishery 
 cnce, and of conse(<ucnce, entitled tore- as 1 thiidi tliey now will, to the inhabiV 
 spect and observance in all such of its ants of the United States, the <.overn> 
 previsions aa had nut been specially con- ment ought, and I trust will, tiilfe most 
 travened m the new treaty. prompt and efficient measures to obtain 
 
 '• A liberty was recognised by the trea- and enforce a renewal or reco'.-nition of 
 ty of 1783. for the inhabitants of the this right as it has heretofore exTsted. It 
 United States, to prosecute the nsheries on is a gem which should never be sunen- 
 the coasts of British North America, M'ith dered, nor can it ever I'*' abandoned br 
 the exception of the Island of Newfound- any statesman, alive totl ; ir.terests of hiV 
 land, not only where the parties had been country; compared in its consef|ucnci*9 
 accustomed to use them, but where Brit- with aYree right of navigatiii"- the MissiH- 
 ish fishermen not only did, but might sippi, it is even a mucli more unennal 
 thereafter, (that is, subse<{uently to the stake than would be '-six French rapiers 
 dafe of the treaty) prosecute tliem, and imponcd against six Barbarv horses." 
 this rig/it, for it had now^ become a right '" The right of navigatingVr.e Mississip- 
 oflbsrly or vse, demanded by the (me pi, since the acquisition of Louisiana, and 
 party and admitted and acknowledged by tlie possession of botli sides of the river 
 the other, was vvholly without limits as to by tlie United States, and when the difti- 
 i(s duration, and could then ordy cease, culties of the ascending navio^ation are 
 or the iimitation take elfect, on t!ie hap- considered, and the jealousy and incon- 
 peiiing of one of three events, that is, the venience which the subjects of Great 
 surrender of the party possessing the right Britain must experience from attempting 
 and theannul.nentof the treaty wliich con- to avail of it, can be of little value to her, 
 tlrmed it, or by an usurped and unjustifi- except as in its higher branches, and on 
 able exercise of power on the one part, in the Missouri, it may facilitate the prose- 
 defiance of the rights of the other, and in cution of the fur trade. This trade, hov,-" 
 violation of those common principles of ever, although it employs a large number 
 good faith, which can alone regulate tlie <>f persons, never has been very im])ortant 
 intercourse between nations; but the sur- to the nation, and must, from the op- 
 render of tl'.e right has not been made by eration ofindividual causes, gradually les- 
 the United States, and thetreaty of 1783 son, and in thu course of a few years, re 
 has not been annihilated by the existence cede altogether from tliegreat rivers. >'•- 
 of the war, because the parties have not jias, therefore, notwithstanding the opin- 
 only not agreed io abrogate it, but liavc io^ of two of the American Comnilssicn- 
 expressly referred to it, and in the treaty crs, and her own, probable pretensions of 
 of Ghent, made a provision to carry the fairncsa, given up notliing in point of 
 iitipulation« r.b tj boundaries of the treaty value, coni.pared with the tisheiies vv-hidi 
 of 1783, more fully and completely into upon the same ";round, she is undoubted- 
 cTect: now it being an uncontroverted ly desirous of fortifying herself in, witli- 
 prlnciple of the law of evidence, that the hoUhiig. 
 
 whole must be adn.ittcd if a part is re- " In compliance with the intimation you 
 ceived, unless some reciprocal and mutu- liad given me, I liave commented on this 
 al a-reenient exi'ts to the contrary, and i^ubjectat much <>realer length, even than 
 as nl) such stipulation does exist m tlie 1 had contemplated at (he outset, perhap-. 
 present case^ the treaty of 1783, is, as I <«<> minutely, when I recollect that apart 
 should contend, even by the showing of of it at least, musf be ranch better undcr- 
 the British Commipsio-iers themselves, «tood a( Quincy. tlnm !)y myself, but the 
 still in existence vpithall the rights and Jiccount ol the recent state of these fishc- 
 libevties incidwit to it, with the full and vies and the mode in ^ylwch they were 
 
 : "Moi-t'inf fo LiiC eastern "^ertion. aral in- ^■•^"■•. w^" - • - „ ^ +;n «» 
 
 . :|i.)iiji.x tu uis, uasi' ■ '■ 1 „i vrr ntion. which I po»«PMS, are still a\ 
 
 ■<le^t.^ <(i'b- p-rsfnit and future nv..TAl and ^'Cription, ^^m^rl •! 
 
534 
 
 Washington; and since (lie vis-ing oT the 
 Council, I h.iive nothadlime to make any 
 research, elsewhere, and because I pre- 
 sume this part of the business will be plac- 
 ed under the hands of tliose who will have 
 both tlie means and the ability to do it am- 
 ple justice. 
 
 " F iiad intended also in reference to 
 the treaty of 1814, to have made some 
 few remarks on the interdiction it may oc- 
 casio'i, ol a trHde between the United 
 States and the British ports in India, and 
 on /!» <;p'>rati(j.i uf-ou tlse corJestetl boun- 
 dary on our Jkorth Eastern frontier, as 
 reijards i'i\t right of possession to the Isl- 
 ands of Dulley, Moore, and Frederick, in 
 the bay of Pa^s'uuaquoddy. 1 iiave,however, 
 aire': ♦>• so unduly trespassed on your pa- 
 tience, that I will only not omit them al- 
 together. Both these subjects attach to 
 them some importance, but compared in 
 
 })oint of value, with the possession of the 
 isher.es, perliaps in a ratio not much 
 greater than the bullion in the mint at 
 Philadelphia, would be to the ore in the 
 mines of Peru. 
 
 "Feeling persuaded that in avowing 
 the hope that all these objects may be dis- 
 posed of in such a manner as best to con- 
 lirm the riglits and secure the interests of 
 the United States, I shall unite fully in 
 sentiment with yourself. 
 
 " T have the honor to remain, sir, with 
 great consideration, your very respectful 
 and obedient servant." 
 
 (Signed) JAMES LI.OYD. 
 
 Copy of a Letter from James Lloyd fo 
 John Quincy Mams, deposited in the 
 Department of Slate. 
 
 Sir: In a former note, returning the 
 letter ivith jvhich you had obIigins;ly 
 favored me, I had the honor to oiler 
 you my congratulations on the termi- 
 nation of the war, without wailing to 
 ki<f^-. v'hat were the grounds of the treaty 
 which concluded it ; because, fnnn the 
 tenor of tiic previouscorrespondence,an«l 
 my personal knowle<lge of nearly all the 
 commissioners, 1 felt a reliance that the 
 arrtingement would not i)e dishonorable, 
 though I acknovvledue niv rejoicing was 
 mingled with fear, lest it si-ould be, at 
 least in some points, a disadvatiiageous 
 onv; and this exiuession ol feeling I vo- 
 lunteered with tl\e more readiness, as the 
 intelligence was received at a moment 
 when the national character had been 
 splendidly illustrated by the recent 
 ac.hievcnfn.'nt at New Orleans. 
 
 I "-reeted the occurrence with smiles, 
 principally, not because 1 expected n 
 would bring or restore to us all the bene- 
 fits we possessed under former treaties, 
 but because I saw no chance, but from 
 tills source, of happier prospects for the 
 future. It was not, however, the storm 
 that howled along the lakes, or upon the 
 sea-board, that created tlie apprehension 
 of an instant for the fate of the contest, 
 but it was the hidden fire that was rum- 
 bling within our own bosoms, and wliich. 
 under a c(mtinuance of the war, would, 
 I believe, have made our country the 
 theatre of domestic convulsions, as wh^II 
 as of fi.reigu warfare, and .lerhaps, from 
 its effects, have offered up some parts of 
 it, as no very difficult prey, to the mercy 
 of the enemy. 
 
 On this head I know, sir, you had bet- 
 ter hopes, and thought differently from 
 me; and 1 have now only to say, 1 am 
 glad the experiment has never come to 
 issue. 
 
 As the price of the purchase of an es- 
 cape from evils portentous as these, I con- 
 sidered it as probable that the English 
 government might claim from us the con- 
 tested eastern islands, and interdict all 
 trade between us and her colonial pos- 
 sessions; and possibly still further, that 
 she woulil endeavor to extort from us the 
 coast fisheries around her own sliores : 
 for, on the magnanimity or'friendship of 
 Great Britain, or of any other nation, in 
 matters of interest. I confess I never had 
 tiie ability to lash my imagination into 
 any sort of dependence; but I did also 
 cherish the belief, that none of our essen- 
 tial or imr.c.rtant rights dr liberties would 
 be diminished or surrendered. Of the 
 latter, th.e one of the greatest consequence 
 in reference to its intrinsic value, and as 
 derived from discovery and possession, 
 confirmed by a formal treaty stipulation, 
 is unquestionably that to which you have 
 referred — ttie coast fisheries on the sh.ores 
 of the British possessions in North 
 America. 
 
 These fisheries, as most advantageously 
 secured to the United States by the treatv 
 of 1783, and made at the time, as 1 have 
 always understood, a sine qua non of that 
 treaty, principally by one of our then 
 ministers, offer an invalunble fund of 
 wealth and power to our country, one 
 which has never been duly attentled to, 
 nor justly appreciated, but which, if con- 
 tinued or improved, wimk destined to i^row 
 tcith our growth, and strengthen trith 
 our sfreni^lh: and, at no very distant day. 
 to extract the cream oi'tli." Jrade, as well 
 
535 
 
 Us die lislieiies, and render, in a great 
 moasure, dependant upon, if not tribu- 
 tary to us, all the British Atlantic pos- 
 sessions upon this continent. 
 
 in reviewing the reco<i;nition of this 
 liberty for the inhabitants of tlie United 
 States, to fish, without limitation of time, 
 on ali the coasts of NewlViundlaiKl, whicii 
 British fishermen shall use, and, also, on 
 all the coasts, bays, and creek«, of all 
 other iiis J hi tannic majesty's dominions 
 in America, and with the' exception of 
 the island of Ncwtuundland, to tlry and 
 cure fish on the said shores, wherever un- 
 settled, or where settled, v/ith the appro- 
 bation of the proprietors or possessors of 
 the soil, it is difiicult to suppress a 
 homage of respect tor the talents and pre- 
 science of the negotiators on the one side,' 
 in obtaining the recognition of such a 
 right or liberty, or of surprise at the 
 heeLlless}ie&s or obiuseness of tliose on 
 the other in acceding- to it, except under 
 the pressure of some necessity. 
 
 This liberty is, in fuct, lookiiig to it in 
 its naked state, and such in time of gen- 
 eral peace it would shortly have proved 
 itself to be, siantinff to a younu; and in- 
 creasing, a powerful and rival nation,' the 
 ability to moor within a cable's length of 
 the shore, a cordon of forei:^a ve^selS 
 around the seaboaiil of the ih ilish. pro- 
 vinces, of engrossing the better part ojall 
 the wealth Ihey possesse:K and setting at 
 defiance the revenue laivs. both of the mo- 
 ther country and the colonies. For that 
 vastly t'lio larger piirt of the fislierics, as 
 Aveli as the more valuable of the supplies 
 of these provinces, would have found 
 their way through this line of circumval- 
 iation,v,as as certain to happei?, as the re- 
 gular appearance of the American fisher- 
 men on their coasts. 
 
 The prosecution of these coast and bay 
 fisheries, altlnuigh it had already become 
 extremely advantageous, has unclovibtcdly 
 reached, 'in a very small degree, (lie ex- 
 tension and importance it was cap'.ible of 
 attaining. Tlie unsettled slate of the 
 commercial wcn-ld for the past twenty 
 years, and tlie more alluring objects of 
 comiuerrial enterpii; ::^ which such ii slate 
 of things devolved, served, in point ctf im- 
 mediate consideration and atleution, to 
 throw Ihese fisheries info the brick ground; 
 but .still, uniil ;:!^tc:-.eckcd bythe?-yst. ni 
 of enb.-.rfio:.- .;. inestrictions, ard fin.'.Uy 
 stopped by a dc f • •.• 
 
 were silently but ' , . , , 
 l-j'ching an'imporlancc which, Mlliough 
 generally nnhnown fo our courlry nnd 
 its statesmen, h.nv Irccomc hiirhly alarm- 
 
 ing to the govefnmenf sand more wealdii 
 merchants of the ])rovinces, ;nld Was be- 
 ginning to atti-act the attention and jeal- 
 ousy of the cabinet of Great liritaiu to- 
 waids them. 
 
 The shores, the creeks, the inlets of 
 tlie Ray of Fundy, tlie Bay of C'haleur 
 tlie Gulph of St. Lawrence, tlie Straits 
 ot Bellisle, and the Coast of Labrador, 
 appear to have been <lesijrned by the God 
 of nature as the great ovarium o'f fish, tlie^ 
 inexhaustible repository of this sjiecies of' 
 fooii, not only fi)r the supply of the Amer-. 
 ican but of the European continent. At 
 the proper season to catch them in end- 
 less abundance, little mere <if clVort is 
 needed than to bait the hook and pull the 
 line, and, occasionally, this is not neces- 
 sary. In clear weather, near the shores, 
 myriads are visible, and the sfra)id is at 
 times almost litendly paved tvith them. 
 
 All this was grad'.'.uliy making itself 
 known to the cnterpri.sc and vigilance of 
 the New England fishermen; asid for a 
 few seasons prior to the year 1808, the 
 resort to this employment had become an 
 object of attention from the Thames, at 
 New London, to the Schor.dic; and boats 
 and vessels of a small as well as of a large 
 size, were flocking to it from all the in- 
 termediate ports of the United States. In 
 the fislilng season, at the best places for 
 catching (lie cod, the New England fish- 
 ermen, / am told, on a Sunday, swarmed 
 like llics upon the shores; ami that, in 
 some of these years, it probably would 
 not be an overestimate, (o rate the ves- 
 sels employed In this fishery, holoTi«nn«»' 
 to (lie I'nitcd States, a^ '' ....- 
 
 drcd to two thnr :..-iing a 
 
 vessel for eacn it., .:■ • ■..nA this 
 
 number, if the fisherit .. • (.oni'r.ucd, 
 
 would shortly be still furiuci '' v^ry 
 greatly extended. 
 
 The nursery for seamen: tlie conse- 
 rpient increase of power; the niiiie of 
 wealth; the accumulation fif capital, (fia* 
 it has been justly observed, that he who 
 draws a cod-fi.-.h ficmi the sea, gives a 
 piece of silver to his country;) the control 
 over the liritish North Jhncrican provin- 
 rfs: the effect upon the trade and (iislotnn 
 of the parent country, andtlic rorirs»pond- 
 ing advanta;'e« to the I'nitcd States, (of 
 wTich the eidaiyoment of such an inter- 
 (.(.urse was suceptible.) you are much 
 better able (o conceive than I am to de- 
 scribe, but 1 with pleasure point them 
 anew to your consideration, as, on many 
 accounts. proHCiiiinu; <me of the yui-,{ ia- 
 tert'etinTiublif oliifrt.! to whifli it ran bf? 
 di'voted. 
 
oS'6 
 
 Lucrative, however, and imposing in straits of ( l.siso, ty count the number of 
 its intlivivlual and national bearings, as the Amer'.. lui vessels which passed those 
 this tislicrv was, and was to»beco:no, it straits in ri;is emplovm^nt, who returned 
 was liltle known to the lecuinc^ men of nine hundred and thiny-eight, as tlic 
 our country, and lllfle spoken of by number actually ascertained by him to 
 othyrs even in Mutixachusefls, or among have passed, and doubtless many others 
 those who uereactuaHy engiiged init, and diir.nir the night, or in stormy or thick 
 a knowlcd<5e of i is existence ill any tiling weather, escaped his observation — and 
 like its real extent or future <*ai>tibiiity, some of tliese addressers have distincllv 
 was jverhaps contined to not more than a Ijo^ed forward with gratification to : 
 dozen heads, (if so many) in tlie whole of state of war, as a desirable occurrence, 
 the southern avsd wes ern, and even mid- which woutd by its ex'.stcnce annul ex- 
 die divisions of tlie Unron. istins trea'y ifipitlaflons, so injunous as 
 
 The ci! uses of us value and tinpiftunce, tliey conteiid to th-'ir interosts and those 
 n-jt beinj; a mauer oi" grcaier notoriety of the nati-.n — with whst degree of cor- 
 here, are obvious, it was an employment rectness this expectation lias been enter- 
 not only in the fishery, but in ma.iy in- tained the future must determine. But 
 stances uadvjubt'jdly m trade, and in an unfartunateiy these muimurs, and com- 
 iUicit trade with the Britisii inhabitants, plaints readied England, and were indus- 
 in which, independently of the «lread u\ triously circulated about the time that 
 competition, one of the inherent attri- our restrictive measuies. inellicacious at 
 butes of commerce, publicity was m jst best, and rendered still more so from 
 i;irefuily to be avoided Those, there- never havina; been fuily executed, awa- 
 fore, v,-ho were engaged m it made no kened an unusual and' critical attention 
 unnecessary promuluTition of their em- to the commercial .connexion between the 
 plovment, while their co-adjutors, the two countries, and probably the value 
 pjorer inhabitants of the provinces, tast- and importance of this branch of it, is- 
 in^ equally its sweets and advantaj^es, nov/ at least as fully understood and ap- 
 ^vcre alike disposed to keep silence with predated on tiie eastern as on the west- 
 regard to it. But so situated were not ern side of the Atlantic, 
 ihe Provincial ^^overnment, and the more Carried away by first impressions, a 
 wealthy of the merchants of the sea-port large part of mar.kind become not unfre- 
 towns. They had become higldy alarm- (I'jontly t'le dupes of misconception, and 
 cd at the. expansion of this fishery and adiiere'to their opinions with a pertinacity 
 trade, jealous of its progress, and clamor- proportioned to the time they have enter- 
 ous at its endurance, "The former saw taljied them. From a source something 
 their own consequence abridged — their like this, it h:)« beep., and is j',cnerally, 
 Tcvenue intercepted — their people alien 1 might almost say universally hclicved, 
 ated. envying the privileges and advan- by tlie nu(S;> of our countrymen, (!i:!t the 
 tages of a neighboring nation, wliich their Vig!:t of fisr.ii-gon rl^.e banks of Newfound- 
 own system would not penult them to laiul, or, as it is properly c:iiled the 
 enjoy, and witnessing their famous r.avi- Graiid-banh, was the great boon acquir- 
 gation act. the sheet andior of their com- cd as it respected tl.e fis!»erios, by the 
 mercial supremacy, rendered in its local treaty of 1783; while unquestionably the 
 operation at least a de?d letter. They, fisheries of tlic banks Of Newinundland, 
 therefore ui late years, have repeatedly no m-jre belonged exclusively in posses- 
 memorialiied the government in England sion or the right of control, either to 
 respecting fisheries carried on by the Grent Bj-itrtln >r tliv Ignited Stales, than 
 Americans, while the whole body of Scot- ti.c air of Heaven is tlie patent property of 
 tish adventurers, whose trade, both in im- both or cit!:cr of them, with t'le power to 
 por's and exports, v.nd control over the dole out its use to such other riations as 
 inhabitants it curtailed, have turned <mt may agree and conform to the stipulations 
 in full cry, and joined the choius of the they n^ ay please to prescribe for its en- 
 colonial governments in a crusade against joyiuenr. if anv thing was jiaincd or se- 
 the encroachments of the inraleis, ti.e dis- cured on this hVad, it undoubtedly Avas 
 believers in the divine authority ofi<ings, the coast fisheries on th» shores of the 
 or the rights of the provinces — and h:ive British provinces. This is the fisheiy 
 jHirsucd their object so assidaously that tiiat will now come under discussion', at 
 at their own expense, as 1 am inform- least, if not into contest between the two 
 eJ from a respectable source, in the year countries. It is liighly important that 
 1807 or 1808, tiiey stationed a watch- correct ideas of its value and extent 
 nrnn in snme ftwcrrablc pnsition near the shotiM f.o entertained, and perhaps these 
 
^S7 
 
 ould not be more conspicuously traced and tear of tlie vessels, ;uid loss of tlmo, 
 
 Lhan by taking a relative view of it, com- and v.itli an increased de->-ree of hazard 
 
 pared with the mode of prosecuting, and both as to safetv and success. 
 
 ;; tlieioiportanceof the6a>?A-/s/?ery. " T!iis Tlie Count and Lahrador'fishcrioi arc 
 
 I Aviil nou- briefly attempt, conhdeutit m prosecuted in vesselsoffrom l\)rfv (oahun- 
 
 doing it I should be reitcratins^ to you (he dred and twenty tons bui-theti, tarrvin"- u 
 
 , carr.niunication of facts, of a knowledge number of men, according to their re'spe^-t- 
 
 ofwliich you are already in possession, ive sizes, in au.mt the s.-une proi-orliun as 
 
 the muilve will bring along with it its the vessels of the bank fiNJiery; //'f y ct^m- 
 
 own suflicient apology. inence iheir voymres in Muy\ and get on 
 
 The bankfiihe-nj is carried on in ves- the fish.ing ground about the \st of June, 
 
 sels generally cf seventy to ninety tons before which time bait cannot be (..jtained. 
 
 burthen,.rind in.inned with cisdit or ten This bait is fmiiished bv a small s'iecies 
 
 men each. They commence their voy- of fis!i called cupling,' which sinke in 
 
 ages early in 3Iarch, and continue in this shore at that time, and are folio wetl bv 
 
 employment until the last of October, in im-.nense shoals'" of codfish, which h'i^i\ up- 
 
 which time they make tivo, ani so:nelinies on thera. Each vessel selects its «iwn 
 
 three fares to the United States, bringing lishing jround aloiii: tise coasts of the bay 
 
 their fish home to be cured. Tiie pro- ofChaleur; the Gidp'.i of St. Lawrence; 
 
 duce of Ihese trips, if successful, after the straits of iJellislej the coast of Labra- 
 
 paying the shoresmen the expense of male- dor, and even as far as Cumberland Isl- 
 
 ing or curiag, generally furnishes a svffi- and and theentranceof ifudson's'bav; thus 
 
 cicnt quantity of dried fish to load the improving a {ishlnggroand, reachin«»- in cx- 
 
 vessel for Europe. These vessels em- tent from the 4.5th to the GSUi ueiM-ce of 
 
 ployed in iisliing, recjuire cables of from north latitude, [n choosing their situation, 
 
 one hundred and sixty to one hundred the fishermen generally seek same sliel 
 
 and eighty fatlioms in length. They must tr-redand safe harbor or cave, v/here thev 
 
 always keep their sails bent to t'le yanl, anchor in about six or seven Ju'/ioms wa- 
 
 so as to be ready, in case of accident to tor, nnben;! t'leir sails, stow tlicm below 
 
 the cable, or any of those adverse occur- and liberally making themselves at h(mie, 
 
 rences, to whicK tempests or casualties dismantle and convert tlieir vessels into 
 
 incident to anchoring nearly in mid- habitations at least as durable as those of 
 
 ocean must expose them. Tliey pur- the ancient Scythians ; they then cast a 
 
 ciiase salted clams for bait, which they net over the stern of the vessel, iii which 
 
 procure at considerable expense and take a suJlicient number of capling are si^m 
 
 with them from the United States. They caught, to supply tiscm with bait frin dav 
 
 fish night and day when the fish bite well, today. Each vessel is furnished witli 
 
 which is not always th.e case, and liaul fortr or five liu;hi' boats, according to her 
 
 tiieircod in a depth of water from forty- size and number of men, ench boot rc- 
 
 five to fif<^y-five fathoms. After catch-' quiring two men: they leave the ve•^eI 
 
 ini% they head and open the fish, and early in the morning and f;eeu the best or 
 
 place them in the hold in an uncured, a sufticicnflv <rood sfot for fishing, which 
 
 and consequently in some degree in a is fr'.'f, ' fnv rods of 
 
 partially perishing state, and "i;fter hav- /heir r , : : .. .",- fhaii 
 
 inn- obhiined a fare or freight, return v.; ''i -ne or tvv > miles disfiin* ! aic 
 
 it to the United States to be cured or j'.ev had f-Iie fmh r,- '' . ,;iry ca/t 
 
 dried, and prepared for export;itlon — but pidl ihrlr thus -avA- -, it is said, 
 
 before this ls'/ti)!ic or they can be laiidcd, the fish iiave been so abundant as to be 
 
 the fia^ is a-l'n^vs more or less deterio;-a- !J;afcl or scooped into fh ' /rif/mut 
 
 ted, becomes softer and part of it makes eren a huuk or line; ;ind ti nnen al- 
 
 ...jfi'^h — ;i , , _ 
 
 maica fish, is much greater than it wo'iM The boats return to " • :, u 
 
 have been, had the fish, b^cn dried and o'clock, in the mi. niio i in, 
 
 cu: ed siiortl v af 'Or having been tal;en, as their fish on board, and salt and split (hem, 
 
 Isthe case with th.^ coast aiul bay lishcry; an<l iifter having fished >- * ' . I.- 
 
 in addition to whi/h, these vessels em- which time tlie snif li:ix b • ;i,!s 
 
 ployed ill the bank fislicry are unavoidably s'rurk in the fi-^h first caught, thry carry 
 
 obii'^edto prosecute tl\eir Ur-iness wiOi thcrn on sbnre, uml s]tn':u\ a-id dry th.-m 
 
 -rea't rumnr.ralive cxnen-^e.as to t'v- v..-,,- <,i ih<- rorl .. r,r frmp».r;.rv fld-.c-. Th.- 
 
53S 
 
 lotiiine is follov.ed every day, "with the fishery, aud tJie dispositions of the Bri-' 
 
 addition of attending to sucli as have been tish government vvith regard to it. 
 
 spread, and carrying on boaid and stow- 'I he dilierence of expression used in 
 
 ini. away those that liave becontc suffi- the third article' of the treaty of peace 
 
 ciently cured, ?/n/i/ t/ie vessel is filled uifh of 1783, as to the right of fishing on the 
 
 dried fish fif for an inimediatc innrkef, banks of Newfound hind, and the liberty 
 
 which is lienerally the case by the mid- of tishing on the coasts of the British. 
 
 die or last of Jiugiist^ dnd witii which she provinces in Norih America, however it 
 
 then proceeds imir.ediately to Euroj)e, or nv.ght have originated, aflords a diversity 
 
 returns to the United States; and this of expression, which, in the present in- 
 
 lisli thus caught and cured, is esteemed stance, will be seized upon, and be made 
 
 the best that is brought to niarket, and to give to the partisans of Great Britain 
 
 for several years prev'ous to that of 1808, and of tlie provinces, a popular color of 
 
 was computed to fur;iish three fourths justice in support ot tlieir argument, 
 
 part of ail the dried fish exported from when they contend, as 1 think they pro- 
 
 the United States. bably will do, that in so important a cora- 
 
 This fishery was also about that time pact this variance of language could not 
 taking a new form, which would have liad have been a matter of accident, that if 
 a double advantage both in point of pio- precision in the use of terms in tlieir most 
 fit and extension, for soii;e of our iner- literal sense is any where to be expected, 
 chants were beginning to send their large it is certainly to be looked for in an in- 
 vessels to the Jiabrador coast and its vi- Ktrument which is to form the paramount 
 cimty, to receive ///<?j'S from small fishing lav,- between two nations, whose clasliing 
 boats tliey employed or purchased fi-om, interests have brought them into collision, 
 cured fished to lt)ad their vessels with im- and which is generally fi-amed by lacn of 
 mediately for Eurupe, thus siiving so the most distinguished talents of each 
 ,great an expense in getting the fish to party, the acuteuess of wh()se perception 
 maiket abroud, as would in a short time is always kept in full phi}^ by the con- 
 liave given om merchants a command o tending pretensions tiiey have respective- 
 the European markets, and would also ly to consult and sustain, and that there- 
 have affjrdcd an encouragement to a (ore a distinction was' made, and was in- 
 small bui very numerous boat fishery, tended to be made at the time of the ne- 
 w^hich from receiving the pay for their gotiation between the J7^//i derived fro!ii 
 labor on the spot, would not fad to have the God of nature, and to be exercised on 
 been very greatly excited and increased, the common field cf his bounty, the great 
 and enabling the persons concerned in highway of nations, and the liberty, per- 
 the exnnriation from the coast to receive mission, or indul;';ence, as they will 
 at home the proceeds of their advcnUires phrase it, to continue the exercise of an 
 from abroad about as early as the bank-- employment on the coasts, at the very 
 fish could have been put into a state fit to doors and nnthin the pecidiar and special 
 be exported from the United States. In jurisdiction of another ncUicn : the one, 
 addition to which we were prosecuting a according to this doctrine, being a right 
 very productive so/?no/? and mackerel fish- inlierent, and not to be drawn in ques- 
 ery in the same vicinity, as inc^t of the tion, the otlier a suiTor-mce open to uiodi- 
 pickled fish of this description, we had fication or denial altogether subsequently 
 received for some years prior to the war, to a war. according to the will or the in- 
 wcre caut'lit on tliose shores. terests of th.e nartv orii'inallv accedinic 
 
 This coast fishery, then, most liighly to it. 
 
 important and invaluable, as I think it Tliis Hbcrfy, for the cvpf^s'f icn rf the 
 
 must be admitted to be, even from tlic treaty in the discussion betwTen the two 
 
 foregoing hasty and imperfect sketch of nations must be admitted, whether it ope- 
 
 it, merits every possible deu;ree of at ten- rate adversely or favorably to us, rests 
 
 tion and effort for its preservation on the for its continuance, cither as we assert, 
 
 part of (lie government of the United on the ground of right, as an anterior 
 
 States; the refusal of 'he British Com- possession and perpetual franchise, or, as 
 
 missioners i.> renew or to recognise the the British will contend, oii the existence 
 
 stipulation of (he tror.ty of 1783, respect- of the treaty of '83 : the fir;-t grdund is 
 
 ing it — ayid the notification, I hope not to be siippnrled on the view talcn of it 
 
 forinally given that it wonld not hereof- in your own letter, and that which 30U 
 
 ter be permilled leithout an erfiicalent. hr.il the goodness to communicate to m', 
 
 are alarming indications in reference to and even oii the second, adantting. pro 
 
 tlie future peaceable prosecution of this f^rma, that a dtchration cf war does ip?rn 
 
53d 
 
 icto abrogate all previous treaty stipula- 
 ions Brought into contest by it, unless 
 acitly or expressly renewed by a new 
 reaty, to be an acknowledged principle 
 )f international law, still the right in 
 question v.ould, I believe, restuntouclied 
 md unalVected; although I know not, 
 ivith what degree of decision or deter- 
 niuation, the negation of a future V.se of 
 'he Coast fiaheries was brought foru-ard 
 in the negofiqiions' at Ghent by the Bri- 
 'ish Coinraiiisiona's. 
 
 lint while oh the one hand, the cou- 
 pling the oR'er to treat for a retjewal of 
 the coast fislieries l:;r an etpilvalent, with 
 1 proposition to treat for a renewal of the 
 riglit of the fiee navigation of the Mis- 
 si>?lppi also for an eijuivalent, unless as 
 has been suspected, they were made with 
 the insidious purpose of obtaining an ad- 
 mission that both had already ceased to 
 exist, shows the confidence tiiey would 
 wish to appear to entertain, in the sousid- 
 ness of their position, that the war liad 
 cxtinguislicd both the right and the liber- 
 ty; for (lie former, the free navigation of 
 the Mississippi, if force of language and 
 [repetition are to have any weight, could 
 inot well Iiave been placed on a stronger 
 basis, it being very expressly and expli- 
 citly contracted for, in the treaty of '83, 
 recognised in that of '94, and again men- 
 tioned in a provisional article in '96; still, 
 on the other hand the omission in the 
 new treaty, to state tliat the treaty of 
 '83 had expired, or been annulled, and 
 a reference having been made to it in se- 
 veral instances, is a 3'et stronger evidence 
 tliat they dil consider that treaty as 
 leinaining in existence, and of conse- 
 quence entitled t:» respect and observ- 
 ance, in all such of its provisions as had 
 }iot been specially contr'"'^Mf''<l in the 
 new treaty'. 
 
 A liberty was recognised by the treaty 
 of 1783, f<;r the inhabitants of tlic United 
 States to prosecute the fibherirs on toe 
 coasts of Britisli-^'^ lili America, \vith 
 tiie exception of the i '' .ud wf Newfound- 
 land', not only where the pa> ''fs had b^f>n 
 accustomed to use them, but where isv}- 
 tish fishermen not only did but might 
 thereafter (that is subsef|uently to ihe 
 date of the treaty) prosecute them, and 
 this right, for it 1ia<l now bec<ime rr right 
 of liberty or use, demanded by the one 
 party and admitted and acknoA\l edged by 
 the other, was wholly without limits i:.; 
 to its dui-atio!i,ai)d could tiuMMudy cease, 
 or the limitation take ett'ect r.n tlie hajv 
 pening of one of three events ; that is 
 bv the surrender of the person possessing 
 
 the right, the annulment of the treat*- 
 which confirmed it, or by an usurped ami 
 unjustifiable exercise of j)ower on the 
 one part in defiance of the rights of the 
 other, and in violation of those common 
 principles of good faith which can alone 
 regulate the intercourse between nations; 
 but the surrender of this right has not 
 been made, and will not be made by the 
 United States; and the treaty of ITS.-, has 
 hot been ann'.hdated by the existence of 
 the war, because tlie parties have not on- 
 ly not agreed to abrogate it. but have ex- 
 pressly referred to it^ and in tlie tiealy of 
 Ghent made a provision to carr\ the^ti- 
 pulations as to boundaries of tlie treaty 
 of '83, more fully and completely into 
 cftect; now, it being an unconfrovcrted 
 jyrinciple of the law of evidence, that the 
 whole must be admitted, if a i)art is re- 
 ceived, unless some reciprocal and m.utu- 
 al agree:!ient exists to the contrary, and 
 as no such stipulation does exist in the 
 present case, the treaty of 1783 is, as I 
 should contend, even by the. showing of 
 the British Commissioners themselves, 
 still in existence, with all the rights and 
 libtM-ties incident to it, and of conse- 
 quence M'ith the full and free use to the 
 inhabitants of the United States, of the 
 fisheries .s f.rma'.ly recognised and se- 
 cured to the United States by that treaty. 
 
 This is the construction, wlietlier it be 
 supported on this ground or any otiier, 
 which I h.ope the government of dui' coun- 
 try will maintain — iti.s a riglit most high- 
 ly important tu the eastern section, Knd 
 indeed to the j}resent and fiture naval 
 and commercial pouers of the United 
 States, and should the British ministry 
 or Colonial authorities attempt t(» inter- 
 dict this fishery, as 1 think t|.<y now will, 
 to the inhabitants (.f the Uni'led States, 
 the government ought, and 1 trust will, 
 take the most prompt and eilectual mea- 
 sures to obtain and eufurcc a renewal or 
 re..,^r'tion of this right as it has hereto- 
 foi"e exi- ' It is a gem which should 
 nev!M- i"^ .-surrendered, nor can il cnr /!»*• 
 f' aadoned by any Afafcsmcn alive to the 
 inlrrcsfH of Ihdr country; cuinpared in 
 its cons('(juences with a liee right of na- 
 vigating the Mississippi, it i.s even a 
 much more iiiicciual HtaL- than would be 
 " six French rapiern iinponcd against 
 six Barbary horses.'" 
 
 The riglit of navigating the Mi^sissip- 
 pi sit"'' ''"• iiccpiisition tif li'Miisiana and 
 tht! j 'II of b.;<li side- cf the river 
 
 by th- ( .111 ■ 1 ' :, tiicdifli- 
 
 cultic-; oft!: ;, I «,..;ion are 
 
 considered. an<l (hejealnuM* {ind inrnn- 
 
54:0 
 
 venience ■\vhicli the subjects ot Great haps in a ratio not much greater ilia 
 Briraiu must crcperiencefVom attempting the buliioii in tiie Mint et Philacielphi 
 to avail of it, can be of little value to wouM bear to the ore in the mines ( 
 her, except as in its higher brandies and Peru, 
 on the Missouri, it may facilitd'e 'he {-"ro- If it be tnie, as it undoubtedly is, thai I 
 secadon of the tur trade; this trade, in the absence of treaty stipulations e\e 
 however, aithoujrh it employs a lar^e ry nation has a r'ght io control or i:iier 
 number of persons never has been very diet altogether to others a trade wit!i it 
 importdnt to the nation, and must, from ov.n dominions, then this trade to Britisl 
 the- operati:>n of unavoidable causes, ports in India, the agieement respectlni 
 gradually lessen, and m the course of a it in 1794, having expired bv its owi 
 few years, probably recede altogethef terras, is perfectly within the leguiaiioi 
 from the ^reat nvers. She has. therefore, of the government of Great Britain v. ith 
 notwithstanding the opinion of tico of the out any relerence tj our wiahes, or pro- 
 Jiniencan Cormn'tssior.ers, and her own fit, or advantage. It has' iroiie by une 
 probable pretensions of fairness given wxi o:iii5r:*^n, to renew ths treaty of '94 un-. 
 uothing, in iioint of value, compared with der which it was prosecuted with beiielit,' 
 the fisheries, v/liichupon the same ground and was beginning to aSord a new emo!u-i 
 she is undoubtedly desirous of fortifying ment to ui by our availing of the letter' 
 herself in \;itlihoIJ!ng. of the treaty', which allowed to (riide 
 
 In compliance with the intimation you from British India to " America,'' to 
 had ;riven me, I have commented on tliis prosecute a trade between Bengal and. 
 subject at much greater length even than tlie Spanish and Portuguese ports m< 
 I had contemplated at the outset, perhaps South ^'imerica. This was a ti'ade not 
 too minutely, vvhen I recollect tliat a conteinp'ated st the tiaie the treaty was 
 pari; of it, at least, must be so much bet- made, and the liberty to engage in it is 
 ter understood at Quincy than by myself: nut possessed by the English East India 
 but the account of the recent state of Cosnpany under its charter: but had Mr. 
 these iibheries and the mode in which Jay's treaty been continued or renev.ed. 
 they were prosecuted, I thought might not Iknownotliow the British gover>.men' 
 be unacceptable to you. My information or the Company could have got clear of 
 in regard to them has, in general, been the construction which permitted it to 
 derived from respectable s-juicesiiii whicli vessels of the United States. 
 I can rely, jicvcr having had any direct The direct trade to our own ports was 
 interest or concern in the fisheries my- advantig^ious to us, although principaliv 
 self. I have not attempted to apply the carried on with specie, inas.nucii as i't 
 princir;les of public law to the (suestions gave emplovment to oar large ships, to 
 
 the council I have not had time to ties of our provisiens, and besides supply- 
 make any research elsewhere; and be- ing as with cheap fabrics for domestic use, 
 cause I presume this part of the business furnished us ?Jso with many iiuportjint 
 will be placed under tiie hands of those articles of export, wiiich in small tercels, 
 v.ho v.ill have b%th the means j^nd tlic but in the agi^-egate, to an iuiporlant 
 ability to do it ample justice. amount, eventually found their way to 
 I ha«l intended also, in reference to the South America, the Vver-;t Indies, Mcui- 
 treaty of 1814, to have made some re- teiraneaa and the North of Europe, wc 
 inarks on the interdicti'wi it may occ.n- were also gradually feeling our «ay and 
 sion, (;f a trade between tlie ''"".-.itcd becoming possessed of a knowledge of 
 States and the British p^jrts in India, scmie articles of export from hence, 
 and o:i its operation or. the contested v.hlch tiie loftiness or laziness of tlie 
 bound;;ry on (mr northeastern frontier, Conipsriv's servants had o-.erlooked, and 
 
 so far as regards the ri^'it of possession, altliouMi 
 
 •i:;^c;e 
 
 funned thy principal part 
 
 to the Island of Dudley, Mtrjso, and of the capital of the c vcyr.ges, popular 
 Frederick, ij; the Bay of Passamatp'.oddy. opinion to' the ccntrarv notwithstanding; 
 I have, however, already so u:;dul" tres- tfsis circumstance to iny viev.' ofiered lit- 
 passed on your patience, that I will only tie or no objection to it,' for 1 have no be- 
 not o;r.it ni ticing them altogether. Both lief that such a traile in :-jn-cie can be 
 these objects attach to tlie m some im- injurious to a country until the drain of it 
 portanre, but compared in point of value becomes so excessive", as materially to ud- 
 with the pos^ocrcTr.-i of th-^ fi«hcr'?=. vf^r- vanr«^ the price of the precious melnls \\\ 
 
a41 
 
 !iUse4ueuce ot" tlic abduction of the;vi; 
 id when this is the case, the disease will 
 ing its own remedy; the trade will im- 
 ediately stop of itself, because the pro- 
 fs on it have not been so large as to al- 
 iw of its prosecution at any great addi- 
 oaai expense. 
 
 But as this trade to the British ports 
 1 India, furaishad revenue to the En£- 
 sh government, money and aniuiati la to 
 le native vaanuf.'vCtarers, as we f;ev"ral- 
 ^ received goods of a less valnaoie fa- 
 ric tlian those prepai-ed for the India 
 'ompanv: and as even in the opinion of 
 ame of the Governors General, Ibcliev 
 iOrd Morningtou and Lord Corn-vvallis., 
 :ie trade was profitable to the En2;!ish as 
 rell as ourselves, it is not improbable af- 
 er the tit of ill humor rnay have passed 
 way that it will aga'.n return to us, from 
 sense of their own advantage in renew- 
 ng it. ^Vithout discovering trop d'em- 
 iressment for its attainment, any open- 
 ug for securing it on a ti eaty basis shouKl 
 e embraced, as nearly on the terms of 
 ho treaty of '94 as may be practicable, 
 or the voyage is both too distant and ex- 
 jensive to be undertaken upon occasion- 
 il licenses, or to depend upon the will 
 )r caprice of the local authorities in India. . 
 ^he contested Islands in the Bay of 
 iPassarnaq noddy are valuable to u:j. as 
 lov/ possessisig a population of from 
 3000 to 2500 persons, and as aiibrd- 
 mg greater facilities than the m^ji 
 in prosecuting the t^ade in Gypsum, 
 cr Piaster of Paris; of which there 
 were received from tlionce in some 
 years, in vessels of tiie United States, 
 about 3,000 tons, being three quarters of 
 the whole ([uantity take:i from Ilis Bay of 
 Fup.dy, where it is principally founJ. 
 The Islands are also valuable, from ena- 
 bling us the better to carry on a boat fish- 
 ing, principally in PoUock, a iish well 
 adapted to the Vvest India market, and 
 which arc caught in great fjuun<ities in 
 the currents near those Island,^. Hut the 
 points of this subject must be now well 
 understootl, as they have been ujHler con- 
 sideration in the{>apers, and between th.J 
 States and General Government, and the 
 British Government and the Province?, 
 nearly since the peace of 1783, for the 
 discussion of them bfgan, I believe, witli 
 Governor Hancock, in 1715G, i\n<\ hasboen 
 coidinued ui'ler every administvatio-i of 
 the Genera! (lovcrnment until theprcsent. 
 When at Washington 1 hail made tliis 
 subject a topic of in(;uiry, supposing it 
 might come 'wit'!>.in the scope of my efii- 
 rient duty to attend to it, but I A\ii1 not 
 
 dilate on a. li ifi a uussiion oi ligiit 
 no.t to be governed l)y the i-eceived prin- 
 ci])le of national law, where rivers form 
 boundaries, but by the fair construciion 
 of tiie article which refers t ) it in the ti-ea- 
 ty of 1 783, and lies, I think, in a nutshell. 
 
 If tiie ancient charter of Nova Scotia 
 granted i\\ 1621. t'oc jurisdiction exorfised 
 antecedently to the coinmencemcn< of the 
 Revol'j:i(m.iry war,and t!ie oM maps of the 
 Province can be brouiilit in evidence, in 
 sa; port of the British claim, the question 
 is, I think, decided at once. If these things 
 cannot be done, the Islands be^onu^ to Ur". 
 
 The English view of the subject has 
 been more distinctly stated in a work of 
 Nathaniel Ate lieson, printed at London, 
 in IdOS, than in any O'her publication I 
 have seen. 
 
 Feeling persuaded that in avowing tlie 
 hope th<st all these objects maybe dispos- 
 ed of in such manner as best to confMni 
 the rigiits, and secure the interests of 
 the United Stat-.s, 1 shall unite fully in 
 sentiment with yourself. 
 
 I have the honor to remain, sir, with 
 great consideration, your very respectful 
 and obedient servant. 
 
 (Signed) .TAMES LLOYD. 
 
 His filxcelloncy John Adams. 
 Boston, March S.'.'i. 1815. 
 
 Copy of a letler from J/r. liusscU to Mr 
 CraivforJ. 
 
 Giiy^-.-T, Ath yovcinber, 1814. 
 
 My Dkar Sir: Since I had the plea- 
 sure of v.ritir.g you on the 25ih iilt. I 
 have received your letter of tiie 24ih of 
 that mimth. I most heartily rejoice with 
 you on (he late successes on tlie other 
 side )f t^v^ Atlantic, .nid in ii\e arparcnt 
 improvement of the public spirit ihciv to 
 "regret, however, stiil to see that Uoston 
 feden.iism ]iersis1s in separating the 
 country from the government, a«d in 
 acting as citi/.ens of Massacluisett!'. nithcr 
 than as citl.'-ciii ;;f the ('''nited States. 
 
 You will perceive, by the last noto 
 vv'hich w? have rei-^civod frimi tlie Piilish 
 ^^louipotentiarics, a copy i.f which I now 
 send you by Doctor Boswell, that the 
 same spirit of procras(iiiAfi»>n ami cqui- 
 vi)ca;i(m still prevails in the iJiit'sIi cabi- 
 net. It is, in<leed, astoiusliing, that anj 
 tiling which lias yet be.M presented fo us, 
 sh'.>uld bo connuK'ied as a coinjilete pro- 
 ject of a pacdicadon. "We are, indi:ed« 
 somewhat at a 'U)r,^, aftor the obscurity' 
 wliich apjM'ars dcsi:;nc«lly lo have been 
 thrown over this subject, to dccidr* what 
 prf>(ensio;i;;. nriuinally brought forward 
 
o42 
 
 iiy tht adverse p^rty, have been abjm- 
 ^oned, and what arc still persisted in. 
 Whether, for instance, we are to hear 
 any thing more about Indian barrier, the 
 exclusive British military possession of 
 the lakes, the uti possidetis, &c. We 
 have decided, however, in order to pre- 
 vent further quibbling, though not wiih- 
 out reluctance by some of us, to furnish a 
 complete project ;)f our own. If we ad- 
 here to the understanding whicli we now 
 have, we shall make flie statun utile helium 
 a sine qua non. 
 
 The (juestion which perplexes us the 
 most, is that concerning ihe fisheries, and 
 we have not yet decided on the mode of 
 pFoceeding in relation to it. They hiive 
 told us that the liberty of taking, diving, 
 and curing our fish, within the exclusive 
 jurisdiction of Great Britain, will not be 
 continued to us without an equivalent. 
 We cann((t relinquish the liberty, and 
 we cannot offer territory as an e^iiiiva- 
 lent. Shall we, then, olt'er the free navi- 
 gation of the Mississippi, which they ap- 
 parently suggested, v/ith tliis view? I 
 think, this will be carried in the ailirma- 
 tive, although I confess 1 have very se- 
 rious objections to tlie measure. 
 
 We are without any precise informa- 
 lion as ti the doings at Vienna, and can 
 form no satisfactv)ry opinion as to the re- 
 sult. Has France die firmness to persist 
 in a course of resistance to the preten- 
 s> ons of her late conquerors; and has the 
 present king a real (iispositiou to do so? 
 It is a little extraordinary, if she has any 
 intention ot proceeding to extremities 
 witli England, that she has not taken 
 measures to ascertain, cither through you 
 or through us, how far she ma} presume 
 on the continuance of the American war 
 as a diversion in her favor. I am afraid 
 that all her remonstrances will amount to 
 nothing. &c. &.c. 
 
 JONATHAN RUSSELL. 
 His Excellency Wm. H. Crawfoud. 
 
 Copy of a letter Jrovi Mr. Crairford, to 
 Mr. JxitsselK dated, 
 Pakis, November lOtb, 1814. 
 
 My Dear Sir: Yours of the 4tli instant, 
 was ilelivered on the 8th, in ihe evening. 
 I regret that there is a probability of your 
 having offered the free navigation of the 
 Mississippi as an etjuivalont for taking 
 and drying fish within the jurisdiction of 
 the enemy. This privilege, a« enjoyed 
 before the war, was <liniinishing fnmi 
 M'ar to year. The privilege of drying 
 lish on sMiore, as well as 1 recollect, was 
 
 confined t« the Cfcists which were Unse 
 tied or unin'iabited. As these settlcineni 
 extended, the privilege diminished, an 
 there is but very little reason to d'uib 
 but that they would have been exte ]o 
 vvith an express view to t'.iat diminu.ji 
 Why do they want tlie privilege oi nav 
 gating the Mississ'ppi? Ostensibly t 
 communicate with their'possessions in th 
 North, by means of this river; really t 
 smuggle their manufactures in,to th 
 country, and to extend their connexion 
 with, and influence over the Indians, and 
 through their agency, to increase ihv] 
 means of annoying us. There can be n. 
 mistake or illiberality in this opinion 
 Coleman, Editor of the New York Even 
 ing Post, asserts, that two-thirds of t'v 
 fish caught by the United States, are sen 
 home to be salted and cured, and that tiu 
 other third might as well be. If iio otliei 
 etjulvalent can be found but that of the 
 free navigation of the Mississippi, 1 hope 
 none will be offered. 
 
 Tlie privilege is not of such importance 
 as to justify a concession whic!\ will per- 
 mit the eneiny, duty free, to sniuggle his 
 manufactures from the north of the Mis- 
 sissippi to the Lakes, and vtill place in 
 his hands the means of setting upon our 
 frontier settlements all the savage trib'-s 
 of North America. The privilege of drv- 
 ing fish within the jurisdiction ot tlie ene- 
 my, when confined to their uniniiabltx-d 
 shores, will c(mtinue to diminish, as I 
 have already staied, but the equivaleiit 
 which we grant, will continue ti) increa • 
 in value from year to year. This is i 
 consideration which ought to have grc;'.i 
 weight. Anderson, a member of Purli - 
 ment, in a book written with the osten.- 
 ble view of proving the impoitance ■■ 
 Canada, has insisted upon the necessity < > 
 prosecuting the war until they conq'^uor 
 LouisKna. The )itrong int'iu.cmen;, 
 which heholdsoutto the government, is (!k' 
 facility which it will give them of forcing 
 their manufactures into the Umte<l State- 
 in spite of the government. 
 
 This book is dedicated to Mr. Rosr. 
 The free navigation of the Mississip 
 places in their liamls this facility, whici 
 m the opinion of the writer, is an objee 
 of such iuiportance as to justify the con- 
 tin 1 1 ;m c e o f th e w'n r . 
 
 Present my respects to your colleague-, 
 and accept fi)r yourself the assurance ol 
 my high regard. 
 
 (Siirncd) AVM. II. CRAWFORD. 
 His Excellency Jonathan Rissf.m.. 
 
 P. S. 'i'he idea that France will press 
 any pmnf nt Vi(>nna at the risk uf wai 
 
 J 
 
54 J 
 
 %viili Kngland, h wholly inatlmissible. 
 So far tVom taking this ground is slie, tliat 
 I am persuaded tliat this government looks 
 to England fur support in case of <liflicul- 
 ty and trouble at h>me. Lord Welling- 
 ton has the use of the Telegraph to cor- 
 respond wi;h the English army in Bel- 
 gium. The neutraliiy of France between 
 the United States and England, will de- 
 pend entirely upon the iinpurtaticc which 
 the latter attaches to it. lam persuade*! 
 that nutliing but actual hofitiiitics vvill in- 
 duce France to make war u'fon Kngland. 
 
 VV. 11. c. 
 
 Copy of a letter from Mr. Russell to Mr. 
 CraicforJ, dated, 
 Ghext, 24./,^ Aov. 1814. 
 
 My Dear Sir: Your favor .'if the loth 
 inst. together with its duplicate, reached 
 me in due time. 
 
 Without having been deceived relative 
 to the dib^position of tiie majority on the 
 subiect of the free navioation of the Mis- 
 sissippi, 1 am happy to ii'.form you that this 
 disposition was not inflexible, and we fi- 
 nally transmitted our project without the 
 article that had at first been earned. 
 This article was as follows: 
 
 " The right and lii>erty of the people 
 and inhabitants of the L'nlted States to 
 take, dry, and cure fish, in places within 
 the exclusive jurisdiction of Great liritain, 
 as recognised (and secured) -by tlic f((r- 
 mer treaty of peace, and the privile:;;^* of 
 the navigation of the Mississippi wiihin 
 the exclusive juiisdiction of tlie United 
 States, (as secured to the subjects of Great 
 Britain by the same treaty) are here re- 
 cognised and confirmed." 
 
 Besides the objecfions to such an arti- 
 cle, which had occarre«i to you, and 
 which had not escaped us, the blending 
 the two points together, and making 
 them mutually dopentlant on each other, 
 which was not done in the treaty of I78."i, 
 made this article the more exceptionable. 
 
 The project wliirh we finally proseiil- 
 ed, consists of fifteen arliclcs, in sub- 
 stance as follows: 
 
 First. Pciice, and the .miili'al restora- 
 tion of all territory, placos, possession.-", 
 and all archives, records, il>;eds. and ))H- 
 pers, either public or private, taken by 
 either party duriog ihe war; no destrui- 
 tion or carrving away <jf nny artillery, 
 or other public properly, or slaves, w 
 other private property, to be permilfed. 
 
 Second. All vessel's and eiVects taken 
 after certain periods Heft blank) in dilVer- 
 cnt parts of tlvp world, to be respect ^ <mv 
 tpstorod 
 
 T'kird. To apponu i annin:n^i«w»''r:^ i«i 
 run the boundary line from the mouth of 
 the river St. Crois to the Bay of Fundy, 
 to ascertain to whom the several islanils 
 in the B.iy of Passamaciuoddy and thi- 
 Island of Grand Menat. belong. 
 
 Foiirlh. To appoint commissioners to 
 ascertain tiie north-v<esternmosi angle of 
 Nova Scotia, and the m rth-wcs(ernniost 
 head of CNmneriout river, and" ti» run 
 tlie bour-dary li: hrough ihesu points, 
 from the S(»urce ol the river St. Croix to 
 the river Irocpiois, or Catarajiuy. 
 
 Ffili. 'J (lajpoint Commissioners to run 
 the boundary line from the Iroquois to 
 Lake Superior. 
 
 Sixtli. 'I he last mentioned commis- 
 sioners to run the boundai y lino from 
 Lake Superior to the most north-western 
 point of the Lake of the Woods. 
 
 Seventh. Authorizes the commissioners 
 appointed according to the f(>ui preceding 
 articles, to employ a secretary, survey- 
 ors, and such Other persons as they may 
 deem necessary; and provides for iheir 
 compensation, in such manner as shall be 
 agreed on by the two parties at the ex- 
 change of the ratification of the troaiy. 
 
 Fis:hfh. That a line drawn due north 
 or south (as the case may recpiiie) Himi 
 the most north-wi' stern point of the J^ake 
 of the Woods, unt.l it shall intersect the 
 forty-ninth paralh-l <if noilh hn'tude. :;nd 
 from the point of such imersection due 
 west along and with the saiil parallel, to 
 he the boundary betv^een (he parlies as 
 far as their respective territories e\lend, 
 but not to be construed to extend to (he 
 north-west coast, or to territory ((wned or 
 claiir.cJ by cit'.itr pariy to the westward 
 of the Stoiiy M«mntains. 
 
 Ninth, 'riie article concerning Indian 
 pacification already agr.'cd on. 
 
 Tenth. For the one |)arty to restrain 
 the Indian-* livinir wiMiIo its dominions 
 from commiitini;- hostilities aigi.inst (he 
 Oilier party; and both parties agree intt to 
 employ Indians, or admit their co-i.j)cra- 
 tion, in tlwir w;us with each other. 
 
 Eleventh. Each party agrees to exclude 
 om its naval and « ommfrrial sorviiO (he 
 soaiuen of th»' olher par(\; not on the 
 hiijh seas or^vidiouf its own jurisdicticui. 
 (o take from sliips or vcshpIh of (lie o(hor, 
 any pers(»n^. excep'ing sutli as may he in 
 the service of a:i enemy, and nniMiilly lo 
 surrender deserters. 'This ar(ii le to be 
 limited in its diiratitm tw years. 
 
 Tirelfth. Di'liiiinv' Idorkade, 
 
 Thirteenth, h i\ ;nni(y Tor injuries 
 doiH-boroie an<l since the commonrement 
 
:)i4 
 
 of hoatiliuea, contvjiiy to the estabiisUml 
 laws of nati<»;is. 
 
 Fourlcsnth. A general amnesty for th« 
 ciiiz-ens or SL-Ijjects of cither party who 
 may have sideil witli the other party in 
 the war. xvith liberty to sell and remove. 
 Fif e.tnth. lielativc to -he e-.ch.mge of 
 rarilicarions. 
 
 Surh is the general outline of t'le arti- 
 cles which ue prcsontetl, an;l \f!\ich we 
 accovapanied with an explanatory note. 
 In this note we i^ivc the adverse party 
 pretty distinctly to understand, that the 
 status ante bcl.um is tC sine qua non, al- 
 though we do not say so in terms, and we 
 as distinctlv J^ive them to understand, 
 that none of the other articles would be 
 insisted on by u«, w'rich has somewliat the 
 appear.in.e, [ confes:', (;f stifling our pro- 
 ject at its birth. 
 
 I would willingly have had the follov.'- 
 ing sentence omitted, not only because it 
 seemed Lo me to be iilfime-l, but b-:^causc 
 it may be construed to mean more than I 
 should like to concede: "The under- 
 signed cannot a^ree to any other princi- 
 ple than that of a mutual rentoration of 
 territory, and liave accordir>gly prepared 
 an article founded on tliat basis. Tliey arc 
 willing even to extend the same principle 
 to the other objects in dispute betvveen 
 the two nations: and in proposing all the 
 other articles inclu-.led in this project, 
 they wish to be distinctly understood, 
 that they arc ready to sign a Irca y pla- 
 cing the two countries, in respect to all 
 the subjects of .liHurence between tlicn^ 
 in the same state in which lliey were at 
 the commencement of the present war. 
 reserving to each party all itsriglits, and 
 leaving whatever m ly remain of contro- 
 versy between the-.n for future and pacific 
 negot5a»:on." 
 
 After this declaration it cannot be ex- 
 pected that our articles relative to im- 
 pressment, indeninlty,non-emplovnient of 
 Indians, or even ainiVesty, wiil be gratui- 
 tously accorded by the other p.irtv. In 
 ofFering these articles, by v/ay of expeii- 
 ment, would it not have been well to nave 
 given them at least a fiiir chance of con- 
 sideration, and to have forced ou\' adver- 
 sary to assign his reasons for theiv rejec- 
 tion.' We should always have been at 
 liberty to have withdrawn ilum. It 
 seems, indeed, preposterous to make and 
 to waive a proposition in the same commu- 
 nication. I am afraid, however, that it 
 is something worse than a mere negative 
 proceeding, as applicable to the project 
 Itself. I am afraid tliat it is not only a 
 ionfe!?sion that we ar.^ rcatl- to < oo'^eni 
 
 to putting an e>id to tiia war witht^ut liuv- 
 ing gained a single point for which it wag- 
 made, and vvhich v,'(,Hi!d imply that for: 
 such causes we would not again n^ake 
 war, but admits a construction that the 
 articles f.f the treaty of 179-1, relative to 
 the Mississippi, &c. are to be revived. 
 If it be said that these matters were not 
 subjects of difference, it can be answered 
 that it wouhi be absurd to place points 
 tliat were not in controversy in a w irsc 
 situation than those which were — o agree 
 not to adjust points that were disputed, 
 ajid to insist {)n disputing tliose wiiich 
 wereadjustctl; and to mean, by each par- 
 ty's reserving all its rights, the reserva- 
 tion of tliose only whiclt were denied by 
 the other pastv I regret this declaration 
 the more, as t begin to believe tliat the 
 e: emv will avail himself of it, to put an 
 end to a war, by which he, at last, per- 
 ceives that he has but little chance of ob- 
 taining either glory or aggrandizemeir. 
 The late news from America must ha", 
 loweied his pretensions, and lie w.ll nov. 
 makepeace, unless, from wounded prid\ 
 liesliall (leterminc on a desperate attemjit 
 to re<leem iiis lost hoilor. 
 
 Oar note and the project were delivered 
 on the lOtii instant, now fourteen »lays 
 since, and we have as yet received no an- 
 swer. They have afforded, it apipears* 
 matter for consideration, and I shouldjl 
 not be surpiise<l if the intelligence by thcj 
 Fingal, should inlluence the decisior 
 which may be taken upon them. At anj 
 rate, the answer we may receive will pi-o4 
 bably have a delinifive character, as th< 
 adverse party must either accept our ba 
 sis or drive us from the negotiation, for 
 concf-ive we have nothing more to oHer. 
 
 Very, &r. 
 rSigncd> .TONATHAN RUSSEIJ.. 
 
 Copi) of a Ic'tcr from Mr. Russell to MH 
 Clay, dated 
 Men DON, Cith June, 1822. 
 My Dear Siu: You wiil h.ave seen, be- 
 fore (his reaches jou, (he communicali? 
 to Congress, of wliat Mr. Adams calls ir 
 orifjinal and duplicate of a letter, writtej 
 at Paris, llth February, 181i?, and his n 
 marks on these papers. I have really 
 great contempt for his part of the per 
 fiirmanco, and might remain silent; bt" 
 for the desire expresse'tl by some friendij 
 whose opinions I respect, that 1 shouT 
 present to the public, at least an explnna 
 (ion on some points. 1 shall do so a( 
 cordingly, and, as it will be necosssiry 
 apjjeal to vou for < oniinnation cf somei 
 (hi» vitiws and facts wh'th ! wh-i'l T-'-c-tonl 
 
UJS'lTED STATES^ TELEGKAl^H— A'^^/t/. 
 
 Tilts paper will he dovoted exclusively to tiie Presidential Klectioii, and be published weekly 
 until the IStli of October next, for Onr Dollar j subject to newspaper postage, and iwrnvre. 
 
 BY GREEN fy ./^RVIS. 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 WASHINGTON, NOVEMBER 8, 1828. 
 
 No. 35. 
 
 particularij those. in Avhich you are exclu- iiiir, they liad already by tlieir note of the 
 sivelyor jointly interested, it is import- 21st of that month, communicated to us 
 ant that our memories should perfectly all the points upon which they were in- 
 accord with each, otiier. structeu to insist. After the receipt of 
 Mr. Adams pretends to remember that this note, 1 believe we met together evc- 
 a despatch received on the 24th Novein- ry day to decide, first, if we should pro- 
 ber, 18H. released us, by permitting the sent a complete project on our part, and 
 s^«/i/s o;i/c6e/('»?n. asthe basisof uey;otia- then having decided to do so, to digest 
 tion, from the obligation of observing the this project, until the 10th of November, 
 instruction of the 15th April, 1813, (see when it was presented. Durinj; this pe- 
 paper annexed,) which forbids us tore- riod. the proposition in questfon, after 
 new the article of the treaty of 1794, having been repeatedly discussed, was 
 *' allovvinj; the northwest company and carried in the uUirmative, notw^ithstand- 
 British traders, to carry on tiade with ing your and my opposition to it. I aui 
 the Indian tribes within our limits, a pri- vely certain one among our objections 
 viieiie, the pernicious effects of which have was its incompatibility with our inslruc- 
 been most sensibly felt in the present tions of the 13th April, 1813, above-men- 
 war" — and commanded us to " avoid any tioned. When I had the pleasure of see- 
 stipulation which might restrain the Unit- ing you at Wasliingtou, a few months 
 ed States from increasing their naval force ago, 'you then iniimated a recollection 
 to any extent they may" think proper on that tliis proposition was against our in- 
 the lakes, held in common, or excluding structions- 1 examined in consequence all 
 the Britisli traders (r)m the lakes and our instructions,and finding none other so 
 rivers exclusively within our jurisdic- much in point, a prohibition to brin;r imf 
 tion."' He also insinuat'-s, if he may not right to the fislieries into discussion not- 
 be said to assert, that being thus released beinj»; equally so, I wassaiisfied from your 
 by the despatch received on the 24th No- intimation ami from mv own recollection. 
 
 that the instruction which you referred 
 to, was that of (he 15th April, 1813. It 
 was from this circumstance, that I was in- 
 duced to add this objection to those which 
 I had stated at Paris. After the majoritv 
 
 veinber, tiie proposition relating to 
 navigation of the Mississipj;i, and the 
 fishing privilege, hid been discuss.'d at 
 the meetin!."- of the missio;;, on the ^8t' 
 and 29th of November, and that in conse- 
 quence of these discussions, that proposi- had decided on making the propositioii 
 tion was made to the Briti :'> Plenipoten- above-mentioned, as a part of tl.^ project, 
 tiaries, on tl>e 1st of Dccemi)er following, our continued opposition, particularly 
 Now I remember distinctly, that the yours, for it was then that y(»u declarerl 
 m_v tings of the oiission, at which that that you would h.'U no treaty of which 
 proposition was seriously discussed, were such an article should make a part, in- 
 commenced, as early, at least, as the 3d <iuced the majority to relax, particularly 
 of November, an<l pr.bably the first, and Mr. liayard, and to consent to present 
 the sense of the American Ministers 
 thereon, when you and I were in the mi- 
 nority, was taken befoie the lOth of that 
 month. The following facts may serve to 
 refresh your memory — on the 24th ofOc- 
 tobcr, we addressed a note to the British 
 
 the pniject to the British Ministers with- 
 out such an article; «leclarin:x,liowovcr, in 
 our note, which 'acconqjatiifd that pro- 
 ject, that '• in answer to the declaratiou 
 matle by the British IMenipotentiar-.,.;-^ ,c," 
 specting the fisheries, tin- u'.,uoi.,igne<l. 
 Ministers, and repeated our retiucst referring lo what passed i^-, the conference 
 
 rs, and repeated our rofiucsf reler 
 
 that the latter v.ould coinmun'catc- all the of ' the 9lh «>l Auge^T, can onlv state 
 
 other s])ecific propositions (the preliniina- that they are not autho-i/.ed to bn'ni; intu 
 ry article proposed by t!ie British govern- 
 
 ment having been accepted by usj offer 
 ing a simultaneous exchange of projects 
 by both parties. The British Ministers 
 by their note of the 3)st of that month, 
 )'"i lirod acreTlij:ig to this proposal, sav- 
 
 discussiun a-.iy of the riglits or liberties 
 which the (Jtiited Slates have heroloforr 
 enjoyed in relation thereto. Kroni thcii 
 nannisaml from the peculiar character of 
 the treaty of 1783, by which tlioy were 
 rei ojrrii.'Pd. no forfhor stipidnHon h>W 
 
a4j^ 
 
 jOfttit W the United States, t« entitle them 
 5fe tke f'lll enjoyment of all of them." 
 This paragiaph was drawn up by you, as 
 j^Ir. Adams himself admits; and your sole 
 object in drawing it up was to get rid of 
 the offer of the navigation of the Missis- 
 sippi as an equivalent for the fishing liber- 
 ty. To induce the majority to go with 
 you, •n this point, you adopted the doc- 
 6'inft of the peculiarity of the treaty of 
 17«5. On the 27th of Novemb-r, "the 
 A-lt«h Ministers returned our projects 
 witl> matrt-int! alterations and suggestions, 
 and iritii t» i*xplanatorj note dated the 
 26th, the preceding day. The meetings 
 of the American mission on the 28tli and 
 J®th, were to deliberate on this communi- 
 cation from the British Ministers, in 
 which not a word 'vras so id concerning 
 either the 'navigfition of the Mississippi, 
 or the fishing privilege. If this subject 
 was ineutionen by -is at those meetings, 
 and possibly it might be, still it is cert^iin 
 tluit the proposition in relation to it which 
 bad been first carried and then waived by 
 fhe majority, previous to the 10th of ihat 
 month, ",vaH not decid^^d on again, as Mr. 
 Adams more than i/isinuatcs. 1 distinct- 
 ly renu-niber, and I doabt not your recol- 
 lection will perfectly accord with mine, 
 that a majority of the mission were sur- 
 prised when that prCjA;sition was offered 
 at the conference o^ th- Ist of December, 
 as su-h an olrer wan r.eii entirely unrx- 
 ^ectedhyfJiem. Mr. Bayi'rd, in return- 
 ing with you and me to the Hotel, expres- 
 aed his disfipprobation in very strong 
 terms, that sucli an oSer should have been 
 made so long after the affirmative decision 
 had been taken on it, ivithoitt again con- 
 auldiig him. To show you that my me- 
 mory has been correct on this point, I will 
 giva you an extract, from a letter which I 
 address«4 to you at Sinckholm, on the 
 I5th October, 181 5. and which I hop« you 
 still have in your possession. In that 
 le.'ur. speaking af Mr. * * * », I say: 
 " vr\i% after having explicitly avowed that 
 the contested liberty of the fisheries was 
 }T0 equijcalent for. the free navigatiyn of 
 the Mississippi, not only insisted that the 
 bitter should be ofterod in consideration 
 of the foiwpr, but actually himself, made 
 tliis offer to tv,> British Ministers in a 
 mJinner unexpected .,.,^/ unauthorized by 
 at least a majority ot v;c, colleagues.'' 
 To show you also that I reii.i,nber cor- 
 rectly concerning the time when t^ic. pro- 
 jptwitiOQ was really discussed and docultd, 
 ^§j| tljic niarjority relaxed in relation to it. 
 
 I will give v»u here, exu'acis fr*m vM 
 letters which I wrote to Mr. Crawford at 
 the time. 
 
 In a letter to him, dated at Ghent, the 
 4th November, 1814, is the following: — 
 " The question which perplexes us the 
 most, is that concerning the fisheries, and 
 we have not yet decided on the mode of 
 proceeding in relation to it. They have 
 told us that the liberty of taking, drying, 
 and curing fish witliin the exclusive jurisr- 
 diction of Great Britain, will not be coU' 
 tinned to us without an equivalent. V/e 
 cannot reliu(iuish this liberty, and '^t can- 
 not offer territory as an equivak-nt. Shall 
 we then offer the free navl^gation of the 
 Mississippi, which they Apparently sug- 
 gested with this Tic'jr? I think this will 
 be carried in the affirmative, although I 
 have very serioijs objections to the mea- 
 
 sure 
 
 5) 
 
 In *not>ier letter to him, of the 24th 
 Noveml3er, 1 814, 1 say: " Without having- 
 bec'ii deceived relative to the disposition 
 of the majority on the subject of the free 
 navigation of the Mississippi, I am hap- 
 py to inform you that this disposition was 
 not inflexible^ and we finally transmitted 
 our project without the article that had 
 at first been carried. Thisaxticle was as 
 follows: 'The right and liberty of the 
 people and inhabitants of t^ie United 
 States, to take, dry, and -^urc fish, in 
 places Within the exclusive jurisdiction of 
 Greu': Britain, as recri'iiised and secured 
 by the former treaty of peace.and the pri- 
 vilege of the navigation of the Mississip- 
 pi within the exclusive jurisdicf. n of the 
 United States, as secuied to the subjects 
 of Great Britain, by the same treaty, are 
 hereby recognised and confirmed.' 
 
 »* Besides the objections to such an ar- 
 ticle which had. occurred to you,and, which 
 ha4l not cscape<l us, the blending the 
 tvio points toiiethf-r and maki;ig them mu- 
 tuallv dependant on each oihcr, which 
 was iiot do!ie in tlie-treaty of 1783, made 
 this article the more objectionable." 
 
 1 think wc must remember alike, con- 
 cernini;- the transactio;;s above referred 
 to, and leave you to draw inferences. 
 
 There are other points in which we 
 ought, and I believe shall agree. Mr. 
 Adamsin his remarks, you v.ill perceive, 
 has made us assent to his principle, & even 
 to the proposition in question. 1st, Be- 
 cause you presented the paragraph above- 
 mentioned, of our note ofthe l(»th of No- 
 vember, admitting the peculiar chitracter 
 of the treaty of 1783, and because the 
 mission unanimously accepted it. He 
 
4^7 
 
 sitys tluit 1, aud. of course you, assented 
 to the proposition, because it " was made 
 by the whole of the American mission, as 
 may be seen by the protocol of the confer- 
 ence of t!ie 1st of December, 1814, and 
 oj the letter from the American to the 
 British-Plenipotentiaries of the 14th De- 
 cember, 1814, which says, "to such an 
 article, which they vieived as merely tle- 
 clsratoiy, the undersized had ao objec- 
 tion, and have offered to accede;"' and 
 Mr. Adams says, that,, to that letter the 
 name of Mr. Russell is subscribed. He 
 might have added also your name. Now 
 I consider all this as quibbling, and shall 
 so treat it; and 1 trust I shall be support- 
 ed by your opinion — with regard to the 
 
 • adoption of the principle of Mr. Adams, 
 with respect to the peculiar character of 
 the treaty of 1783, &:c. in the paragraph 
 which you furnished for the note of tlie 
 10th of November, it was assented to bj 
 us on that occasion, as the only means of 
 obtaining the consent of the majority, to 
 the only expedient which was left to <^e< 
 rid of the proposal already decided on by 
 that majority', of giving the free navigation 
 of the Mississippi f n- the fishing privi- 
 lege. That principle was admitted by us 
 for that object, on that occasion only. 
 We considered it as a mere pi-etext, that 
 thus used might do good, but could so far 
 do no harm. Whatever influence it ini";ht 
 have on the British ministry, it had a 
 salutary one on our colleagues, by induc- 
 ing them to waive their proposal — wlien- 
 
 •ever that principle or pretext or any other 
 was advanced and applied to sanction the 
 British claim to the free navi'/;aiion of 
 the Mississippi, we uniformly held it to be 
 unsound, and resisted it accordingly. 
 With regard to the protocol of the 1st of 
 December, it was like all other protocols, a 
 mere record of facts — and the fact that 
 that proposition was matle to tlie British 
 ministers, in no way implied the umnii- 
 uious consent of the American ministers 
 " to such proposition; our signing the let- 
 ter of the 14th of D.cembpr, 1814, after 
 the proposition had been male. Ackunw- 
 ledging that fact, cannot be evidence of 
 '^' you"- consent or mine t« its bein-^ made, 
 or of our approbation of it. On the con- 
 trary, our assent to view it as niciwly de- 
 daruton/, wan to diuiiuish the evil vyhick 
 it mightViJiluce as it stood when nQ^Tt-t], 
 and preventing it as far as possiole fm-a 
 being consideixd as containing mutual 
 equivalents, and thus perwitiiMg the Bri- 
 tish claim to the navigation of the Missis- 
 sippi to 'Stand on othfr or bettrr arotinrt 
 
 than thatou wliich it would have sfwti^^u'nv 
 der the mere revival of the treaty of 1 7t'3- 
 If we had not been able to pre\ent its be- 
 ing oller-id, still we were willing to cir- 
 cumscribe its meaning as much as pog^^ 
 sible. 
 
 I showed to you at the liaie the letfei: 
 which 1 wrote at Paris, ai,d you coincided 
 with me in tha grounds ther« taken for 
 •ur oppojition. I shall sttte thlsfac^ anct 
 hope, should occasion requic*, t->« v3I 
 confiiitt it. Mr. Adtm», tkrou^^iat kis 
 remarks, assertsjor insinuates that I to%k 
 no part i« the debate ob this 8ubj:L.t, tr 
 saia less on it than any other raembor of 
 the mission, or gave perhaps a silent vote;, 
 &.C. Now, although I do not pretend to 
 have said as much as you against this pro- 
 position, yet I did say more against it, 
 and with' more earnestness than on any 
 other subject where there was a diversi- 
 ty of opinion. 
 
 ' In tlie publication which I intend first 
 making, and which will appear before I 
 can hear from you, I shall c 'ntrol my feel- 
 ings as mach as possible, •nd act on the 
 deTensive only. There will be time en* ugh 
 afterwards to take a ditfercin course. 
 
 I have hastily wrinen to you, iny s-ood 
 friend, this long letter, 'o'fres'u-n your 
 memory, and to throw myself on your jus- 
 tice and friendsliip, to do all you caOj 
 witli truth and propriety, lo rescue me 
 from the virulence and falselmod of mj 
 malignant and mean calumniator. 
 
 It consoles me not u little that Mr. 
 Ada ins by ivowinu; in his rage that the free 
 navigation of the Mississippi is of no 
 more importance than the nglit to us of 
 navigating the Brid^ewater canal, or the 
 Danube, has settled nis fate inyonrcpiar- 
 ter, and will ;;ain him nothing l>eic. A 
 line from you, untler existing circum- 
 stances, would be particularly siitisUc- 
 
 torv. 
 
 Faithfully and cordially voiii-«, 
 (iii'rued) ".lONATHA.N' RI'SSELL. 
 
 r cannot close this l<-tter \Mtli.*ii tak- 
 ing notice of tlio conducl of Mr. O-amj; 
 in -rttin.'iii- .■■.irks hef.Mc tl • public. 
 After the irst .st.ang*' ines.*age of the 
 President, Mr. Adams, ic-in;; that no 
 call in cmsemienraolu WR» luaJ- went 
 „p «he 0th of M.iT to the II»u-»e "f H^T-c- 
 st.ntatiTi'H, in p. THon. aad .; ; l.«d t'.' Kuj- 
 
 tin ,o ..uk. tL. call, 'V; ,:'lV"r.d' 
 Mr. \(U'nHtbcn procured liflefcli. Ful- 
 
 U-rto p.-iform tf.U task rulUc m.^o 
 tte call the aaiue.Uy; the ,*i.. rs wco 
 communicated on the J'^l'' ^^VTil'-r? 
 
r>4t 
 
 1B^*» •» tae 5.tjj. AVas it fair towards 
 me, ^'a? it re?pectt\il towards tlie House, 
 thus to time the obtrusion of such a scur- 
 rilous paper on the House to abuse an ab- 
 sen- member? 1 hope some member may 
 bef< und pn perly to notice th.s, next ses- 
 sion. 
 
 Copy of a letter from H. Clay to Mr. 
 Ixussdl. 
 
 'LT.Kisoron^ 9th July, 182-2. 
 
 VIv Dear Sin: Your leitt^r r.f the 6tli 
 nltimo. arrived w hilst I was absent from 
 home, at one of the watering inaCcS. and 
 hence the delav of my answer. I had 
 read the communication of the President 
 to Congress of vour letters and Mr. 
 Adams' remarks. And 1 must frankly 
 say to jou, that the variations between 
 your two letters has given, in the public 
 judgment, a great advantage to Mr. 
 Adams, at least for the moment, and that 
 tmless satisfactorily explained, it will do 
 jOM a lasting pre] idice. I s^-.v jt with 
 very deep regret, and shall ^.nsiously 
 look for an explanation 
 
 On many of the cit-cu•ns^^rice3 stated 
 in vour letter, my memory accords with 
 yours; on one or wo only it does not. I 
 recViiec: dlsTinctly, that the paragraph 
 eti&icd by me and inserted in our des- 
 patch to t':^ liritisU Conimissioncrs of 
 t'^c. . . .sovember, terminated, at th;?t 
 t.x.\e. the discussions respecting the navi- 
 gation of the Mississ ||!p-. and the privi- 
 lege concerning the h>heries wTthin the 
 British jurisdiction. It was prior to the 
 adoption of that paragraph that it liad 
 been proposed, I think by Mr. Gallatin. 
 *o grant the one for the other, that the 
 discussion, which v.as I'-ng, earnest, ani- 
 mated, often renewed, had taken place; 
 th'-ta majority consisting of Messrs. Gal- 
 latin, Ailams" and Bayard, appeared to 
 be in favor of it; and that I l.ad declared 
 tha' I would sign no treaty in which such 
 n stipulation should be included. After 
 this declaration. Mr. Bayard came over 
 -to us' and made us the majority. It was 
 then nece-~arv that we should, as we 
 were about ti»send in to the British Com- 
 roissioners the project of a treaty of 
 peace. £:ive some irrillen answer to their 
 niotfication of the 8th of August, con- 
 cerning the fisheries. We were forbidden, 
 Vv our" instructions, to suffer our right to 
 the Cshcries to be brought intotliscussion. 
 'J'he majority h.ad now" determined not to 
 offer for the* renewal of our right to the 
 j)»M;;atis.>n of the Mississippi. AVe had. 
 • D «T»*r' a» ec|uivaleT>t tn offer "NVe 
 
 had, therefore. n» ©ther ground t» take 
 than that whicii the above para'jrraph ns- 
 sunies. Whether solid or not, it was the 
 best we could occupy, and had the ad- 
 vantage of being in conformity to our in- 
 structions. 
 
 After the, British Comnussioners re- 
 turned our project, with an alteration 
 proposin-j: the renewal to them of the 
 right to navigate the Mississippi, I think 
 the *ame question, though in a for-n some- 
 what different, cause un in our comraU 
 sion. We leceived their note, with their 
 nrcposed alterations and su2:cre«;tions, on 
 the iirth of November. We lia<l a con- 
 ference witii them on the first of Decem- 
 ber. I tliink it must have been bet«\'een 
 those two days that the que>tion was again 
 considered. You and I (such, at least, 
 is my recollection.) proposed to strike out- 
 that part of the Bntish alteration of the 
 8th article, which had for its object the 
 renewal of their right to navigate the 
 Mississippi; but the same majority that 
 was at first in favor of making the offer of 
 the navigation of that river, was nowwill- 
 injj to accept the British proposal, upon 
 the condition of their renewing to us the 
 fisliing liberty within their jarisdiction. 
 The article proj-osed at the conference on 
 the first of December, expressed the sense 
 of the majority. My determination on 
 this >u jjeci, had been deliberately forc- 
 ed, and communicated Irankly to mv col- 
 le^gjes. I did not pnjb.ibly repeat tiie 
 cominuflication of my resolution, because 
 it would f'Sve worn the appearance of 
 menace. I have soaie re'-ol lection of Mr. 
 Bayard, on our returii from the con- 
 ference of the 1st of December, having 
 expresseil his dissatisfaction with some- 
 thing which Mr. ij" * ' said or <lid at 
 the conference; but what it was I do not 
 recollect. I cannot tliink it possible that 
 we should have gone into that conlerencc 
 without being prepared to say something 
 to the British commissioners on the sub- 
 ject of the navigation of the Mississippi, 
 and my recollection is very strong that 
 the above majority was in favor of acrejjt- 
 ing their proposal, with the condition 
 which I have mentioned. 1 regret that I 
 cannot put my hands upon your letter 
 from Stockholm, mentioned in your last. 
 
 Nothing can be more unfounded than 
 Mr. Adams' inference, (if he intended to 
 draw an inference.) of our assent to the 
 doctrine of the imperishable character, in 
 all respects, of the treaty of 1783, and to 
 the proposal in regard to the navigation 
 r>f the Mississippi, from the fact of mir 
 
'iAS 
 
 •signature to the communication, le.spe.ct- 
 ing tho-e subjects, to the Rriti^h commis- 
 sioners, and that of our beinu; present at 
 tlie conference of the 1st of December. 
 
 1. As to the durable character of the 
 treaty, 1 think all of us, (except Mr. Ad- 
 ams,) concurred in believinir that the pro- 
 visions respecting the fishinjr ^''^nts 
 ivitiiin the British exclusive jurisdiction, 
 and the navigation of the Mississippi, ex- 
 pired on the breaking out of the war. 
 Wh}- he calls it the Americnn doctrine 
 I do not know. If it "lie true, it is the doc- 
 trine of the pub] ic law. If he means to sa v 
 that it is American, because we were most 
 interested in maintainingit.he is mistaken. 
 If the superiority of interest shoulil deter- 
 mine the national character of the doc- 
 trine, it ought to be called liritisli. 
 Then why did we take the ground which 
 we did, in our note of the 10th of Novem- 
 ber? For the reason already assigned. 
 It was the best we could occupy. It was 
 plausible, and might serve, as probably it 
 subsequently did serve, to enable us to 
 make some satisfactory arrangement with 
 Great Britain in regard to the fislieries. 
 We were bound to say something, or ac- 
 knowledge, bvoursdence. the principle 
 asserted by the British commissioners, on 
 the 8th of August. By taking the ground 
 which we did, if it were not absolutely 
 tenable wo were better oil" than to have 
 stood mute. 
 
 2. As to the navigation of the Missis- 
 sippi: that the off'er of it was the work of 
 a majority, in wmch we did not partici- 
 pate, cannot be denied. What puts this 
 matter conclusively at rest is, the des- 
 patch signed by all tlie American com\nis- 
 siouers to the Secretiry of State, under 
 date the 25th of Decendjer, accom- 
 panying the treaty, in which it is stat- 
 ed: "To place both points [i. e. the 
 navigation and the fisheries.] beyond 
 all future controversy, a majoriiy of 
 us determined to (»ffer to admit an 
 article confirming botli rights." You 
 will no doubt recollect, that I sugy;esied 
 v.hen we went to sign tliat despatch, the 
 insertion of the words " a majority;" 
 aad my purpose fordoing it was not mis- 
 taken.' Why did we s.iy;n the communi- 
 cation to the British Commissioners of 
 the 14th of December; ami why were 
 ■we present at the conference of the first, 
 without objecting to that article? If we 
 had failed to subscribe that communica- 
 tion, or if we had objected to the article, 
 at the conference, it would have, in effect, 
 notified to the British Commissioners a 
 s?rinus division amongst u«. than which 
 
 nothing could have been more unfortu 
 nate Our sijrnatures nor our \X'. e ce 
 no more proved our assent to tin: artitie, 
 tiian the signature of an arbitrator to an 
 awaid proves his assent to it when it was 
 carried by 'he majority a<rainst his opin- 
 ion, or the asst'Ut by a mfuiber of an ag- 
 gregate bodv t<t ail the lransactioi;s of 
 that body whicli happened during his 
 presence; all that it was material to tiie 
 British Commissioners to know was, that 
 tiie offer v.as t!ie act o! the American 
 Commissioners, which it wou'd et|Uaily 
 have been, whether carried unanimously, 
 by a majority of four, or a majority of 
 three. How it was carried, (that is* by 
 what majority.) it was not neces^ary for 
 them to know, but might to us have "been 
 highly injurious. liut it was material 
 that our own sovernment, to which wc 
 were responsible, should know how we 
 did act; and accordingly, when we came 
 to address it, we inruiined it that it was 
 the art'air of the majority, ik.c. 
 
 It was the less necessary for us to dis- 
 close the fatal secret of our di\isions to 
 the enemy, because the proposition might 
 be rejected, might be rajdrned during the 
 negotiation so as ultimately to be accept- 
 able or less objectionable to us, nr finally 
 might be withdrawn. It was withdrawnj 
 and, thereby, that was ultimately d<me, 
 which we at first proposeil, and a ckar 
 demonstration was give:; of the indiscre- 
 tion which would liave characteriy.ed a 
 <rratuitous disclosure of tiie divisions 
 among the American Cimmissiouers. 
 
 When I spoke to you at \\'a-hni:rton. 
 of our instructions bel.ig opp<)>od to thf 
 article in question, I alluded more par- 
 ticularly to that part of them which rela- 
 ted to tlie fisheries, our right to which 
 we were foi hidden to iliscuss, ice. 
 
 The authority to treat on the basis of 
 the status ante helium, which we did not 
 receive until two or tiiree weeks alter the 
 discussion in our board, whicli, as hefore 
 mentitmed, was closcil by the parau;raph 
 in our dispaii h of the lOtliof S tvemlier, 
 did not aulii(iii/.e ur» to propose liie arti- 
 cle which we diil, concerning the naviga- 
 tion ol the Mis>is>ip|ii. if, as 1 think, 
 that article in eHect would have aiiiMunt- 
 ed to a grant of the navi^intion, in the 
 whole extent of the river from the source 
 to tli<' Bali/.e. K(»r what wa> tin- r»luiuH 
 ante belliim of that subjet t? I'he sub- 
 ject'- of ! '.cat Itritain hail no rij;ht, either 
 by the tr< aty of 17H.". or by that of 1794, 
 to na\;^.i.v' that river within \'\r Spanish 
 jurisdiction; and the sovereign ripits ot 
 Spain over that river, were nnt ve^tr^ in 
 
i?30 
 
 U& until tlie conclusion of tiie treaty of 
 Louisiana in 1803. It has been said that, 
 during tiiirty years no use was made by 
 British subjects of the navigation of that 
 -river. During a i^rfat part of the same 
 thirty years, (until tlit; year 1795,) no use, 
 for purposes of commerce, was made of 
 it by the citizens of tlie United States; 
 and for the same reason, in both instances; 
 that is, that Spain held both sides of it, 
 fr«m ui5 rJCi'fh to the 31st degree of 
 nortii latitude, and the west side up to its 
 source. 
 
 Nothing would be more painful to me 
 than to be drawn, even remotely, into 
 the unhaj)py controversy between Mr. 
 Adams and yourself — a controversy in 
 which the parry the most successful, will 
 be a loser in the public estimation. I 
 certainly thought that the public ouglit to 
 have been put in possession of the whole 
 of the official transactions of the mission 
 of Glicnt, not knowing myself of any 
 sufficient reason for withholdiiia uiy \><ii:i 
 of them. But I do ^ot think' that any 
 private letter^! - j have bee.i com- 
 
 munir?< J ■ i jsioent. Far from 
 
 stimuiatini,, '('i^k h.e did, perliaps 
 
 unintentionally, .. ' nvon him fur your 
 letter along with iSir, '■< - ' i- •ni?irks, 
 
 he ought. 
 
 in my opinion, r^ 
 
 •i'fu?ed 
 
 such a call, however uncjiuivocaliv niaJe, 
 Your letter, w'lich I believe you showed 
 me at Paris, I supposed was written to 
 explain the grounds on which you had 
 proceeded, and to be used defensively,^ 
 upon the possible contingency of a mis- 
 representation or misconception of your 
 course. No such contingency had oc- 
 <nirred. 
 
 Wliat would aggravate the pain wlilch 
 I should feel, even at (he necessity of 
 ray testifying to any of the transactions 
 at Ghent, m a controversy between two 
 of my colleagues, is a consideration of 
 the relation, in regard to the subject, in 
 which 1 stood to Mr. Adams; the i elation 
 in which I now stand to him, and in 
 which we both appear to the public, and 
 the friendly relation which I liave ever 
 borne to you. 1 sliould h'>pe that 
 a necessity may not arise for me to 
 appear in any form before the jiublic. 
 Would it not be most advisable for 
 you to state what really occurred, with- 
 out appealing to any person to con- 
 firm ywur statement? Would not such 
 an appeal l»e a departure from self res- 
 pect and loy diwity, as implying a 
 C9Bscioii9a«08 tkat it was necesiiaiy? Al- 
 rewdy, I n»derstand, it has been said, at 
 the mefropolis of a great State, that 7 
 
 have prompted tlie call fur yoicr letUi'. 
 than which nothing can be more incor- 
 rect. I mention the incident, not that I 
 care for it, but to show you the distrustful 
 state of the public mind. 
 
 This letter is not written for the public 
 eye, but for your own. I am most anx- 
 ious to see the publication, which you in- 
 timate was shortly to appear after the date 
 of your letter. So far as tlie subject and 
 the argument are concerned, you cannot 
 fail to achieve a signal triumph over your 
 antagonist. And I repeat, in conclusion, 
 the hope that, so far as there is any thing 
 personal, you will be able fully to vin- 
 dicate yourself in respect to the vari- 
 ance between your two letters. 
 
 Be pleased to present my best respects 
 to Mrs. Russell; and believe me sincere- 
 ly and cordially yours. 
 
 (Signed) H. CLAY. 
 
 The Honorable Mr. Russell. 
 
 P. S. In the session of Congress ot 
 1813-10. in a debate on the state' of the 
 Union, I address.,;! the House of Repre- 
 sentutives, in vindic;i'i'.r> of the war, the 
 terms of the pea'-e, &:. In .':e course ot 
 my sre2-h I stated \JM)X a tnajo^ y of the 
 American com'-nic^i'^^er-B *^ifl' -mde the 
 oTerofthe navlp-a'' -i the Mississippi 
 
 f.V" '" - '• .ujertie:-.. My speech was 
 
 pu.,.. 1 m the Intelligencer and other 
 prints of the day. 
 
 Copy of a letter from Jonathan Russell to 
 Henry Clay. 
 Mendon, 7th Jhigtist^ 1822. 
 
 My Dear Sir : I received, by the last 
 mail, your letter of tlie 9th ultimo. All 
 the abuse oF Mr. Adams, and of his sat- 
 ellites, has not given me so much pain as 
 the mild intimation of your disapproba- 
 tion. What is done cannot be undone. 
 Mv greatest error, however, has been in 
 placing any confidence in the candor of 
 Mr. Adam's. It was my intention to have 
 acipiainted him with the variations, and 
 to have left him, with this knowledge, 
 /rce to act aS he might think proper. It 
 was for this purpose I calletl at the De- 
 partment with the exact copy in my pock- 
 et, but before I saw him, he and the Pre- 
 aldent had found the original, and the 
 mischief was done. The coarse and vio- 
 lent manner in which he introduced the 
 subject, made it impossible for me to de- 
 precat* his kostilitj. by deckring the in- 
 tention with which I had called on hira. 
 Such a declaration, under such circum- 
 stances indeed, was not only repugnant 
 
ijoi 
 
 my teelifigj.* but would have been 
 
 orse tliRn useless, and merely exposed 
 
 e to an additional aQVont. 1 now make 
 
 i^- declaration to you, because you are 
 
 y friend, but, on the rack, I would not 
 
 ake it to my enemies. After this ex- 
 
 osion with Mr. Adams, I called on Mr. 
 
 Monroe, and stated to him what had been 
 
 y intentions, and my willingness that 
 
 ther paper should be communicated, or 
 
 iither; and he emphatically assured 
 
 e that neither shoukl be communicated 
 
 the House, as he would not become 
 
 e organ of personal hostility ; yet, two 
 
 lys afterwards, he sent his strange mes- 
 
 ge of the 4th of May, w h.ich took from 
 
 m all control over the proceedings. 
 
 hu8 I have been made the victim of tlie 
 
 rocity of the one, and the perfidy of the 
 
 her. There is a circumstance in the 
 
 nduct of Mr. Adams relative to the 
 
 hing question, with which, perhaps, 
 
 •u are not acquainted. He wrote to his 
 
 tJicr, at the time, an account of the 
 
 ansaction, and the part which he had 
 
 ken, and the doctrine which he had as- 
 
 rted. His father sent this letter to 
 
 mes Lloyd, now a Senator in Conc;ress, 
 
 parently with a request to furnisli his 
 
 ws on the subject. Mr. Lh.yd, on the 
 
 1 '/f March, 1815, addressed a letter of 
 
 era! sheets to the Ex-President, in 
 
 ich he gave a most exaggerated account 
 
 the importance of fixe fishing privilege, 
 
 i a very Jesuitical comment on our im- 
 
 ishable right to it. He says, "it is a gem 
 
 ich should never be surrendered, nor 
 
 I it ever be aliandoned bi/ any states- 
 n alive lo the interenls of his coimtrij. 
 npared, in its consequences, v.itii a 
 ; right of naA'igating the Mississippi, it 
 Iven a much more unequal stake than 
 !d be six French rapiers imponed 
 
 irist si'; Barbary horses. " In anotlier 
 
 ;e he says: "She" (Great Britain.) 
 
 s, therefore, nobvithstanding the 
 
 ion of tn-o of the Ameri('an commis- 
 
 i(!s, and her own probable nreten- 
 s of fairness, given up nothin;-;, in 
 t of value, compared with tiie (ishe- 
 v.hich, upon the same ground, 
 is undoubtedly desinms of foitify- 
 Iierself in m ithhohling. " This sa- 
 treatise of Mr. LUiyd was sent 
 the father to Wasliington, and is 
 carefully preserved in the Depart- 
 t of State. I have reason to believe 
 it has even been sent to the legation 
 ondon, to have an influence tliere. 
 5 it is, that, notwithstanding M r. Ad- 
 rage against />rijY//p letters, fh.it we 
 Iwnen denounced in f?ecret. All this 
 
 in confidence; lor I do not wish u i« W- 
 known at this time that I pussess a copy 
 of this letter. It may possibly be used 
 with ^ome advaiuage liereaftrr. You will 
 perceive that I appealed to your recollec- 
 tion in my explanations on one point on- 
 ly, and as in that vour memory noes not, 
 it appears, accord precisely with mine, 
 it is of the less importance, as you can 
 decline answering, as undoubtedly you 
 will do,without affecting me. All I meant 
 to say in my explanation h on this point,* 
 was, that the instructions rccci-ed on the 
 2-4 th of November had no influence on 
 the decisions of the board in relation to 
 the Mississippi, and that the majority and 
 minority continued the same ats l>cfore,and 
 that there was then no serioirs discussion 
 or regular division on the subiject. I am 
 clear in my recollection, thuti'iie dissatis- 
 faction of Mr. Bayard related t'l the oftep 
 made on the Ist December; ai \d all hough 
 he was still with the majoritr, yet the of- 
 fer was made at a time and' i a a manner 
 unexpected by him. Now,n!v; ;ood friend, 
 you may rest assured that \ : ihall do no- 
 thing that can injure you. Although 
 Adams has hurt the fe»'lings of my friends, 
 and perhaps injured me, he ha* gained 
 nothin-' for himself by indulgir g in a tone 
 unbecoming a candidate for i i>c highest 
 and greatest dignity in this K.?public- 
 All this in confidence. 
 
 For the present I shall take i lo furthei- 
 public notice of Mr. Adanisorh is ihaT-so- 
 dies He smothers the merits i if the case 
 in a cloud of vituperation. His rejoindci" 
 is a mere duplirafc of his romai k*;. He 
 avoids all argument, aiitl deals only in 
 abuse. Any further explanatio i <»n my 
 part would be folhnved by anotl \cr repe- 
 tition of the same scurrility on hi-, and 
 tend only to keep up, I am sorr Y ^ **ay, 
 the uiifavoi-.iblc CMiterneiit (»f th ' public. 
 However pure and patriotic nii: ;ht have 
 been my views; however just to n ly^"'* "' 
 friendly (owar<ls you. still mv i ml'scic- 
 tion in confiding to any thin:; f ke mag- 
 nanimity or liberality in Mr. Ad.t nis, has 
 uiiforturiati'lv u;'vcn him such an ; icctden- 
 tal advantage, which he is di.iji oted to 
 abuse, even to excess, against inr ^ that 1 
 cannot hope, at present, to obtai i « ^^' 
 umph over (he piejudit es which "'* ''"'* 
 sought to enlist against me. lie ha- ''"o 
 mauv printers and r/rrA viiiHl«This pairon- 
 age to furnish essays and evidei »ce, to 
 leave me a chance of encounter! ng hitl» 
 with advantaije. Some of the a^s Ttion* 
 in his rejoitKhT arc totally unOw indcil, 
 ami the ili'daratioiisof Hirrit an«l I l.nley. 
 particularly (he latter, ronton iPai'V^ 
 
 . 
 
^)nU 
 
 tbisg:^ -u'Ci't^ thau mistakes. Besides 
 these objections to the continuance of a 
 personal ii!;il ne\vspapi;r c;)nti'oversy with 
 Mr. A.da\ns on the present groimd, I liave 
 ion n\y hands a libel which more seriously 
 aftectsmy j^ood fame, and which will leave 
 me no time, and scarcely inclination, to 
 attend to lesser slanders. You will have 
 seen in the public papers the infamous li- 
 bel to which I aliude. With you 1 trust 
 I need no defence against such a charge. 
 I will, however, enclose y(»u a copy of a 
 letter which I have just received from 
 Frederic Mullet, a partner in the house 
 designated by Hunt. Mr. Mullet is the 
 very best witness the case admits, and 
 you will perceive that he is disposed to do 
 ample justice, T will fr-iiikly cv>nf('s.s that 
 all these things weigh upon my heart, and 
 make me fp.el the want of, at least, the 
 chitrity of my friends to lighten it. 
 
 Mrs. Russell, v.'ho has, since !ier return 
 home, presented me with another daugh- 
 ter, gratefully acknowledges your kind 
 rememb'ance of her. ^emcnibcr me, in 
 return, I pray you, respectfully, to Mrs. 
 Clay. 
 
 With great respect and regard, devot- 
 edly and'faithfuliy your friend, 
 
 JOiSAIIlAN RUSSELL. 
 
 Copy of a letter from H. Clay to Jona- 
 than JiusseU. 
 
 Columbus, Ath September, 1822. 
 
 My 1)f,\r Sir. Being at this place at- 
 tending the Federal Court of Ohio, your 
 letter, under date the 7th u'^imo, ad- 
 dressed to me at Lexinglon, ' - been for- 
 warded to me here. I assure >i»u, most 
 sincerely, tha* it gave me as much pain 
 to n.ake, as it could possibly- yon to re- 
 ceive, "tl'emild iiniin;;tion ot mv disap- 
 probation," in reganl to the unfortunate 
 crrot* which, I think, you committed in 
 the variance betv/een your two letters. 
 1 thought it due to our mutuiil friendship 
 that I should speak, in its genuine spirit, 
 without disguise. But I will not dwell 
 on that unpleasant subject. " \>'hat is 
 done cannot be undone," and I Mould 
 rather sooth, your feelings, than adil, in 
 the smallest degree, to your afllictions. 
 I have no doubt that you were dealt with, 
 by the persons to whom you refer, witli 
 great duplicity, and that one of them 
 even sought to produce the very state of 
 things which exists. So far as the con- 
 troversy is a personal one, I do" not sec 
 th^t a continuance of it in the newspa- 
 pers is likely to be profitable to you. So 
 tar as it respects th^ public grounds of 
 
 differeuee ketwe^iji Mr. Aclaute uud 
 you — the respective values of the fish- 
 ing libert}' and the navigation of the 
 Mississippi, and the continued operation 
 of the provisions of the former treaty of 
 peace — much more miglit be said, and 
 advantageously said. These are, in trutli, 
 the only grounds in which the public at 
 large has a deep and extensive interest, 
 and it has so happened iieretofore, that 
 they have occupied the least prominent 
 position in your controversy. As Mr. 
 Adams has avowed his intention of ap- 
 pealing to the public, in another form, m 
 relation to these grounds, you may have 
 an opportunity, if you think proper to 
 embrace it, to resume the subject under 
 better auspices. 
 
 I think 1 have seen the letter of Mi*. 
 Lloyd to which you refer. 1 recollect it 
 rather from his strange figure of the 
 French rapiers and the Barbary horses 
 than from its argximent. 1 feel so per- 
 fectly confident in the propriety of the 
 opinions which we held at Ghent, in re- 
 gard to the navigation of the Mississippi 
 and the fishing liberty, that I should not 
 be provoked, by the eccentricities of Mr. 
 Lloyd, to engage in any public vindica 
 tion of thein. A great part of the nation 
 is now surprised, and all of it will before 
 long wonder, that any person could ever 
 think of evchanging the one for the other. 
 
 I had seen the production of Ariel, 
 and have read the correspondence which 
 subsequently passed between its author 
 and you, as'l have also observed the pro- 
 ceedings which you have instituted a- 
 gainst him. I never could doubt the base- 
 ness of his calumny, and rej nee to find, 
 from the copy of the letter which you 
 transmitted to me, that you will have it 
 in your power to expose its atrocity, and 
 to manifest to the world that the opinion 
 wliich it has entertained of your probity 
 rests upou a solid foundation. In this 
 controversy 1 am persuaded that you have 
 all the syn'ipathics of the public on your 
 side. And I trust that your complete 
 vindication, which 1 anticipate as certain, 
 will go far to ellace any unfavorable im- 
 pression which has been made by your 
 affair with Mr. Adams. 
 
 Our electi(»ns to Congress have just 
 terminated in K-Ciitucky. I am return- 
 ed without opposition, though with some 
 reluctance on my part. 
 
 With great regard, I am faithfully and 
 cordially vour friend. 
 
 (Sign'ed,) IL CLAY 
 
 .TONATJIAN' RuSiiELL, Esq. 
 
UNITED STATES ^ELEGRAPH-^a7,„. 
 
 This paper will be devoted exclusively to the Presidenlial Flertion ^n,i u^ i i- , , 
 
 „„m .,,0 15,., of oc,„L.. „„,, f„,. h„r. «.//,„, .«^JJtT^,::i„'ii"'S::i::^»y 
 
 DYDUFF GliEEISr. 
 
 I^ I- ^U^\SHlNGTON, JANUARY 24, 1 8 29. iSo. (^Q. 
 
 TO THE SUBSCRIBERS TO THE EXTRA daily paper, and the nse Of o~n7square."7i^ 
 TELEGRAPH. able once a week for one year, at fil'ty dollars; 
 
 In No. 32 of this paper, I promised to give new advertise mcnis to have at least one instr' 
 another number, containing a Table of Con- tion in the inner form of the country i)nper. 
 tents, and a Statement of the Electoral Advertisements in the weekly, at the r.ite' of 
 Voles. I have waited until now. hoping to one dollar for each insertion, not exceeding one 
 obtain a correct return of the votes in Mis- square. 
 
 sissippi. Tlie table is not as complete as I Advertisements in tlie daily and couutrj-, at 
 wished to make it, but the deficiency as to tlie ^'^e ^tt; of one dollar per squ.are, for the first 
 returns of t!ie late election is more tlian sup- t!'i'cc, and twenty-five cents for each subse- 
 plied by the addifiojial memoranda of (lie for- q^ic^nt continuous insertion. If ordered once 
 mer, which, In tlie condensed form they are ^ ^^'^ek, thirty-seven and a half cents per square 
 given, will gratify the curious, and enliance the f"'" ^ach additional insertion. No advertise 
 volume of the "Extra" as a book of reference, ments for less than one dollar. All matcrini 
 It is believed that all the EkCtons who vot'.d alterations arc considered as new advertise- 
 for General Washington, in 1798, arc dead, ex- mcnts. Each distant order for an advertise 
 cept Mr. Roane, of Virginia, wiio is now a mem- '^'^"'^ '""^^ proceed from an -VgL-nt, be accom 
 ber of the present Congicss; if so, Mr. Roane p:^»'C<l '>}' the rasli, or enclosed through som'- 
 is the eldest federal officer in the United States, responsible person in the District. 
 
 In the same number we g.ive notice of our Adveriisemen's in the District must be ac 
 intention to enlarge o-.ir daily, country, and companied by the cash, or satisfactory aiTange- 
 weekly paper. I have taken the liberty to mcrtv-s. 
 
 send a copy of the weekly, on the enlaigi d ^.11 agents will be considered responsible fo;' 
 size, to the subscribers to tlie Extra, under the ;"lvcrlisementso.-dcrcdbvlhem, and iheamouii' 
 hope tliat many of them may be induced to sub- c''"i"gctl "^ ^'i^-ir accounts, and a commission of 
 scribe for It— and in anticipation of orders, have twenty-five per cent, allowed thereon, 
 printed a large edition, commencing with the ^11 money due me from Agen'.r or other.:, 
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 the paper. .DUFF GREEN. 
 
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 Know all men by these presents, that wc, 
 as principal, and 
 as security, are held and firmly bound unto Duff 
 Green, lils heirs and assigns, in the penal sum 
 of dollars; for the payment of which, 
 
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 our heirs, executors, or administrators, upon 
 the condition following, to wit: 
 
 Whereas, the said hath 
 
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 Agent, at as explained in 
 
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 ed: if the said shall duly 
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 In testimony whereof, we have hereunto set 
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 182 . 
 
 L. S. 
 L. S. 
 
 FIRST PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION. 
 1789. — George Washington was unanimously 
 elected President of tbe United States, and 
 Jottx Au.vMS elected Vice President, bythe 
 following vote, for four years from the 4th 
 March, 1789: 
 
 sa 
 
 
 ^ 1 
 
 
 1 1 
 
 
 
 ^2 
 
 
 o 
 
 
 n 
 
 
 
 s 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2^ 
 
 
 C 
 
 
 1, 
 
 B 
 
 
 V 
 
 ■n 
 
 e 
 
 o'^ 
 
 
 c 
 o 
 
 c 
 
 .3 
 
 Number of 
 which eac 
 i.s entitled. 
 
 STATES. 
 
 cn 
 
 X 
 
 £ 
 
 93 
 
 < 
 
 C 
 3 
 
 B 
 
 "5 
 
 s 
 B. 
 a 
 
 TTl 
 
 a 
 c 
 
 2. 
 
 c 
 5 
 
 C 
 
 s 
 
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 o 
 
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 0) 
 
 ex 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 c 
 ■a 
 
 c 
 o 
 
 S 
 1 
 
 E 
 < 
 
 g 
 a 
 
 S 
 
 c 
 
 % 
 
 5 
 
 -N'. Hampshire, 
 
 .5 
 
 
 10 
 
 .Mapsachusflls, 
 
 10 
 
 1(^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 1 oiinerticut. 
 
 t 
 
 - 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Xi w Jersey, 
 
 
 
 J 
 
 
 .5 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 ri-nnsvlvania, 
 
 10 
 
 H| 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 Delaware, 
 
 :» 
 
 
 , 
 
 •^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 .Ma'viand, 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 r> 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 V ircmia. 
 
 10 
 
 5 
 
 
 i' 1 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 S. (^a"- 'Una, 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 J 
 
 
 
 r 
 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 Oeorgia, 
 
 5 . 
 
 • 
 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 6 
 
 o 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 I 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 69 
 
 69 
 
 .34 
 
 O 
 
 9' 
 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 Names of Electors of President and Vice Pre- 
 sident of the United States, for the fii-st elec- 
 tion for four years, from the 4th March, 1789 
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON, President, 
 JOHN ADAMS, Vice President. 
 
 NEW HAMPSHIRE. 
 
 Benjamin Bellows, 
 John Pickering, 
 John Sullivan, 
 
 Ebenezer Thompson 
 John Parker. 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS. 
 
 Caleb Davis, 
 Samuel Phillips, Jr. 
 Francis Dana, 
 Samuel Henshaw, 
 Wllham Sever, 
 
 David Sewall, 
 Walter Spooner, 
 Moses Gill, 
 William Gushing. 
 William Shepard. 
 
 CONNECTICUT. 
 
 Samuel Huntington, 
 Oliver Wolcott, 
 Richard Law, 
 Matliew Gi'iswold, 
 
 Eiastus Wolcott, 
 Thaddeus Burr, 
 Jcdcdiah Huntingtoii 
 
 David Ercirley, 
 •Tames Kinsey, 
 John Neilson, 
 
 NEW JERSEY. 
 
 David Moore, 
 John Rutherford; 
 Matthias Ogden. 
 
 PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 Edward Hand, 
 George Gibson, 
 John Arndt, 
 Collinson Read, 
 Lawrence Keene, 
 
 James Wilson, 
 James O'Harra, 
 David Grier, 
 Samuel Potts, 
 Alexander Graydon 
 
 DELAWARE 
 
 Gunning Bedford, 
 John Buning, 
 
 George Mitchell. 
 
 John Rogers, 
 George Plater, 
 William Tilghman, 
 Alexander C. Hanson, 
 
 MARYLAND. 
 
 Philip Thomas, 
 Robert Smith, 
 William Richard.son. 
 William Matthews. 
 
 
 VIRGINIA. 
 
 Patrick Henr}-, 
 John Pride, 
 Zacbariah .lolinston, 
 James Wood, 
 John Ilarvie, 
 
 W. Tikhugh, 
 Edward Stevens, 
 Anthony Walke, 
 David Stuart, 
 John Roane. « 
 
 SOUTH CAROLINA. 
 
 Christopher Gadsden, Edward Rutledge, 
 
 Henry Lawrens, 
 Charles Coteswortli 
 Pinckncy, 
 
 Arthur Simkins, 
 Thomas Hey ward, Jr 
 John F. Grimko. 
 
 GEORGIA. 
 George Handley, John Wilson, 
 
 George Walton, H. Osborne. 
 
 John King, 
 
 SECOND PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION 
 
 1793. — George Washington was elected Pre- 
 sident of the United States, unanimously, 
 and John Adams Vice President, by a plu- 
 rality of votes, for four years, from the 4t!i 
 of March, 1793, as ?"ollows. 
 
&55 
 
 2S 
 
 
 c 
 
 
 
 
 
 CO 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 VOQ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 >f. . 
 
 
 s 
 
 
 o 
 
 .<^ 
 
 
 •x a-a 
 
 
 a 
 
 e 
 
 < 
 
 
 
 
 s-gl 
 
 STATES. 
 
 CI 
 
 s 
 
 
 3 
 
 §5.2 
 
 
 
 
 tiJ 
 
 c; 
 
 
 
 
 C ' 
 
 
 
 c 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 V 
 
 
 V 
 
 Si 
 
 M 
 
 2; 
 
 
 O 
 
 "^ 
 
 O 
 
 H 
 
 < 
 
 c 
 
 New Hanipsliire, 
 
 G 
 
 G 
 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 Massachusetts, - 
 
 lU 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 Rhode Island, 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 Connecticut, 
 
 9 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 Vermont, - - - 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 New York, 
 
 12 
 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 / 
 
 New Jersey, 
 
 7 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 Pennsylvania, 
 
 15 
 
 14 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 Delaware, - - - 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 Maryland, - - 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 Virginia, . . - 
 
 21 
 
 , 
 
 21 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 Kentucky, - - - - 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 12 
 
 North Carolina, - 
 
 12 
 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 South Carolina, - 
 
 8 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 4 
 
 Georgia, - - - 
 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 132 
 
 132 
 
 77 
 
 50 
 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 Names of Electors of President and Vice Pre- 
 sident of the United States for the second 
 election for four vears, from the 4th March, 
 1793. 
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON, President, 
 JOHN ADAMS, Vice President. 
 
 NEW HAMPSHIRE. 
 
 Josiah Bartlett, Benjamin Bellows, 
 
 John T. Gilman, John Pickering', 
 
 Jonathan Freeman, Ebenezer Thompson. 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS. 
 
 Azor Orne, 
 Samuel Holten, 
 Thomas Dawes, 
 Increase Sumner, 
 Moses Gill, 
 William Shepard, 
 Thompson J. Skinner, 
 Dwighl Foster, 
 
 RHODE 
 Arthur Fenner, 
 George Champlin, 
 
 CONNECTICUT. 
 Samuel Huntington, Jolin Davenport, Jr. 
 
 Tliomas Grosvcnor, 
 Elijah Hubbard, 
 Sylvester Gilbert. 
 
 Oliver Wolcott, 
 David Austin, 
 Tl nmas Seymour, 
 Marvin Wait, 
 
 VERMONT. 
 Samuel Hitchcock, Lemuel Chipman, 
 
 Lot Hall, 
 
 NEW 
 
 Jesse Woodhull, 
 
 PauA Brigliam. 
 YORK. 
 David VanNess, 
 Samuel Clark, 
 Abraham Yates, Jr. 
 Volkert Veeder, 
 Sleplif-n Ward, 
 Samuel Osgood. 
 
 Edward Savage, 
 Johannes Bruyn, 
 William Floyd, 
 Abraham TenEyck, 
 
 John Bay, 
 
 NEW JERSEY. 
 Tliomas H. Sanderson, Aaron D. Woodruff, 
 Richard Stockton, John W Vancleve, 
 
 Joseph Bloomfield, Samuel Dick. 
 
 Franklin Davenport, 
 
 PENNSYLVANIA. 
 William Henry, Robert Coleman, 
 
 Joseph Huster, Thomas Bull, 
 
 Thomas McKean, Cornelius Coxe, 
 
 Henry Miller, Robert Johnston, 
 
 John Wilkins, Jr. Tohn Boyd, 
 
 David Stewart, James Morns, 
 
 George Latimer, Robert Hare. 
 
 Hugh Lloyd, 
 
 DELAWARE. 
 James Sykes, Gunning Bedford 
 
 Wdliam Hill Wells, 
 
 MARYLAND. 
 Alexander C. Hanson, John Sency, 
 John Eager Howard, 
 
 Thomas Sim Lee, 
 Richard Potts, 
 William Richardson, 
 Donaldson Yates, 
 
 Francis Dana, 
 Ebenezer Ma'toon, Jr. 
 William Sever, 
 Walter Spooncr, 
 Solomon Freeman, 
 Nathaniel Wells, 
 Daniel Cony, 
 Peleg Wadsworth. 
 ISLAND. 
 Samuel J. Potter, 
 William Greene. 
 
 Lcvm Winder, 
 William Smith,* 
 Samuel Hughes.* 
 
 • Not present 
 
 VIRGINIA. 
 
 George Carrington, 
 John Early, 
 Catesby Jones, 
 D.iniel C Brent, 
 Stephen T. Mason, 
 Moses Hunter, 
 Archibald Stuart, 
 John Bowyer, 
 Maxwell Armstrong, 
 Claiborne Watkins. 
 
 John Wise, 
 Nathaniel Wilkinson, 
 William O. Callis, 
 Elias Laiigham, 
 John Dawson, 
 John Roane, Jr. 
 James Murdough, 
 Michael Bailey, 
 Thomas Claiborne, 
 John Pride, 
 Tarlton Woodson, 
 
 KENTUCKY. 
 Richard C Anderson, Charles Scott, 
 Benjamin Logan, Notley Conn. 
 
 NORTH CAROLINA. 
 
 Stephen Cabarrus, 
 Alfred Moore, 
 Joel Sane, 
 Benjamin Smith, 
 Matthew Lock, 
 James Taylor, 
 
 John Louis Taylor, 
 John Mocon, 
 Richard D. Spaight, 
 John M. Binford, 
 Petjr Dange, 
 William Porter. 
 
 SOUTH CAROLINA. 
 Charles C. Pinckney, John Chesnut, 
 Andrew Pickens, 
 John Barnwell, 
 Robert Anderson, 
 
 John Hunter, 
 Edward Rutledge, 
 John Julius Priiigle 
 
 GEORGIA. 
 
 amin Taliaferro, Wiiham Gibbons. 
 Seaborn Jones. 
 
 Benj 
 John King, 
 
 THIRD PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION. 
 
 1797. —John Adams was elected President, and 
 Thomas jEKPERsos Vice President, for four 
 years from the 4th of March. 1797, by the 
 following vole: 
 
 O 4' 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 'f' 
 
 >. 
 
 
 o ^ V 
 
 STATES. 
 
 a. 
 r< Is 
 
 s 
 ■It 
 
 it 
 
 
 
 t^-^ 
 
 
 i! a 
 
 S:t 
 
 
 
 
 B > « 
 
 
 ii 
 
 £ 1 « 
 
 3 L. 
 
 
 1 
 
 3 5 — 
 
 • 
 
 ^ H 
 
 t- -^ 
 
 
 . -^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 Tennet«ee, 
 
 
 . i 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 Konlucky, 
 OrorRla, 
 
 4 
 
 . 4 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 ' 
 
 
 
 8 
 12 
 21 
 10 
 
 H. CarxlinOi 
 N Ciirolina, 
 
 VirKliilii, 
 Maryland, 
 
 . 8 
 1 11 
 190 
 7 4 
 
 H 
 1 ( 
 
 1 
 
 4 : 
 3 
 
 31 
 
 j1. ■ 
 
 1:15. . 
 
 »'. . 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 . : 
 
 > 1 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 % 
 
 3 
 
 15 
 
 KrI.iwarr, 
 l'iiiin«vl'tt"'"i 
 N.w J<-r»py, 
 
 .ti . 
 1 14 
 
 7: . 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 li 
 
 N.-w York, 
 
 U ■ 
 
 19 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 n 
 
 <'<ininTlt«'-til, 
 
 V . 
 
 4 
 
 : t 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 Uli'Kir Mnnd. 
 
 4' . 
 
 4 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 lU 
 
 MaiwiicliiiwU*. 
 
 Itt| . 
 
 ' 
 
 
 4 
 
 Vennoni, 
 
 4 . 
 
 <J 
 
 
 1 
 
 6 
 
 N. Hamp^hlr*-, 
 
 . 
 
 710f 
 
 ('.VI : 
 
 iui:> 11 
 
 "sI't'"*' 
 
 3l"2~;^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
556 
 
 Names of Electors of President' and Vice Pre- 
 sident of the United States for the third elec- 
 tion, for four years from the 4th March, 1797. 
 
 JOHN ADAMS, President, 
 
 THOMAS JEFFPRSON, Vice President. 
 
 TENNESSEE. 
 Daniel Smith, Hugh Neilson. 
 
 Joseph Greer, 
 
 KENTUCKY. 
 Stephen Ormsby, Caleb Wallace, 
 
 Isaac Slielby, John Coburn. 
 
 GEORGIA. 
 
 Charles Abercrombie, 
 ■SVilliam Barnett. 
 
 CAROLINA. 
 
 Artliur Simkins, 
 ■\Vilhum Thomas, 
 John Mathews, 
 John Rutledge, Jr. 
 
 CAROLINA. 
 
 Hiciiard D. Spaight, 
 
 CONNECTICUT. 
 
 Edward Telfair, 
 
 SOUTH 
 Edward Rittledgc, 
 Andrew Pickens, 
 John Chesnut, 
 Tliontas Taylor, 
 
 NORTH 
 James Martin, 
 Gabriel Ra^-sdale, 
 John H.^milton, of G 
 Jame=. Bradley, 
 William Martin, 
 Anthony Brown, 
 
 VIRGfNlA. 
 William Nimmo, William 
 
 Nathaniel Wilkinson, 
 John Taylor, 
 AVilion Cary Nich.olas, 
 William Madison, 
 Benjamin Temple, 
 Josiah R.ddick, 
 John NTason, 
 R'.ioert Walker, 
 George Markham, 
 Peter Johnson, 
 
 MARYL.\ND 
 
 John Ijray Blout, 
 AVilliaiii Edmunds, 
 John Hamilton, of P. 
 Evan Alexander, 
 Sterling Harwell, 
 
 Ferrj", 
 David Saunders, 
 Catesby Jones, 
 Daniel Carroll Brent, 
 Levin Powell, 
 Mosts Hunter, 
 Archibald Stuart, 
 John Bowyer, 
 John Brown, 
 Robert Crockett. 
 
 John Rousby Plater, 
 Francis Dcakins, 
 George Murdock, 
 John Lynn, 
 Gabriel Duvall, 
 
 DELAWARE. 
 Thomas Robinson, Isaac Cooper. 
 
 Richard Basst-lt, 
 
 PENNSYLVANLV. 
 
 Jonn Archer, 
 John Glpin, 
 John Roberts, 
 John Eccleston, 
 John Done. 
 
 Thomas McKean, 
 James B'^yd, 
 William Brown, 
 Jolm Whileliill, 
 Pe'.tr Muhlenberg, 
 Abraham Smith, 
 Jacob Slorgan, 
 James Haima, 
 
 NEW JERSEY 
 
 John Smilie, 
 Joseph Heister, 
 John Piper, 
 William Irvine, 
 Robert Cokmau, 
 Sa-Miiel Miles, 
 William Maclav. 
 
 John Neilson, 
 Aaron Ogden, 
 Jonathan Rhea, 
 Elisha Lawrence, 
 
 NEW 
 Lewis Morris, 
 Richard Thorne, 
 Abraham TcnBroeck, 
 Abraham Van Vechtan, 
 Peter Smitn, 
 Charles New kirk. 
 
 Caleb Newbold, 
 John Bl.ickwood, 
 William Colelax. 
 
 YORK. 
 
 Rob't VanRensselacr, 
 Peter Cantiiie, Jr. 
 Obijah Hammond, 
 William Root, 
 St.J.ii'in Honeywood. 
 Johannes Miller. 
 
 Jonathan Trumbull, 
 Heman Swift, 
 WUliam Hart, 
 Jesse Root. 
 
 Oliver Wolcott, 
 Jeremiah Wadsworth, 
 Elizur G' odrich, 
 Ellas Perkins, 
 Jonathan Sturges, 
 
 RHODE ISLAND. 
 Arthur Fenner, Samuel J. Potter, 
 
 George Champlin, William Greene. 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS. 
 
 William Sever, 
 Samuel H^lten, 
 Elbridge Geny, 
 Samuel Phillips, 
 Thomas Dawes, 
 Nathaniel Wells, 
 Elisha May, 
 Thomas Rice, 
 
 Stephen Longfellow, 
 Edward II Robbins, 
 Ebenezer Mattoon, 
 Increase Sumner, 
 David Rosseter, 
 Ebenezer Hunt, 
 Joseph Allen, 
 Ebenezer Bacon. 
 
 VERMONT. 
 Elijah Dewey, John Bridgman, 
 
 Ehsba Sheldon, Oliver Gallup. 
 
 NEW HAMPSHIRE. 
 John Taylor (iilman, Timothy Farrar, 
 Oliver Peabody, Ebenezer Thompson. 
 
 Benjamin Bellows, Timothy Walker. 
 
 FOURTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION. 
 
 1801.— In 1800 the Electoral College having 
 failed to elect a President of the United 
 States, Thomas Jeffehsox and AarosBcrk 
 liaving received 73 votes each, a majority 
 of the whole nmnbcr given, the choice de- 
 volved upon the House of Representatives, 
 when Mr. Jeffersox was elected President 
 — Aauos Buru being, consequently, the 
 Vice President chosen by the electors, for 
 four years from the 4th of March, 18D1. 
 
 The following is the electoral vote from 
 which no choice resulted : 
 
 « .- 
 
 
 
 
 
 ■s 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 *« 
 
 
 S7i 
 
 
 o 
 £ 
 
 • 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 o 2 ^ 
 
 STATES. 
 
 s 
 
 3 
 
 n 
 
 c 
 
 It 
 
 
 i^ = 
 
 
 a 
 
 S3 
 
 ■a 
 < 
 
 j£ 
 
 ce 
 
 5 > X 
 
 
 c- 
 
 £ 
 
 e 
 
 1- 
 
 c 
 
 
 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 
 !?. 
 
 
 c-i 
 
 < 
 
 o 
 -> 
 
 s 
 
 c 
 
 *3 
 
 6 
 
 New Ilampeliirc, - 
 
 
 , 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 
 ]6 
 
 .Mas>;irliiisell-!, 
 
 . 
 
 
 16 
 
 16 
 
 
 4 
 
 Rhode Island, 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 9 
 
 Coniicciirut, 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 9 
 
 
 •J 
 
 Vermont, 
 
 
 , 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 
 \2 
 
 New York, - 
 
 12 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 New Jersey, 
 
 . 
 
 
 7 
 
 t 
 
 
 1.-. 
 
 Pennsylvania, 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 7 
 
 7 
 
 
 3 
 
 D<'laware, . - - 
 
 , 
 
 . 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 
 10 
 
 Maryland, - 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 
 21 
 
 Virginia, - - - 
 
 21 
 
 21 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 4 
 
 Kentucky, 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 NortJi Carolina, - 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 
 .1 
 
 Tenne:^sce. - 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 South Carulina, - - 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 Georgia, 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 rw 
 
 64 
 
 
 l-is 
 
 73 
 
 73 
 
 "T 
 
 The following is the vote in the House of 
 Representatives; 
 
 On the 36th ballot the votes of the sevcra' 
 States stood thus: 
 
i>5r 
 
 For Aaron Burr. 
 Illiodc Island, 
 New llampsliire, 
 Connecticut, and 
 Masbiiclmsetts. 
 
 For Mr. Jefftrson. 
 
 Vermont, 
 
 New York, 
 
 New Jersey, 
 
 Pennsylvania, 
 
 Maryland, 
 
 Virginia, 
 
 North Carolina, 
 
 Georgia, 
 
 Kentucky, and 
 
 Tennessee. 
 And the votes of two States, viz. Delaware and 
 South Carolina, were given blank. 
 
 Names of Electors of President and Vice Pre- 
 sident of the United States for tlie fouitli 
 election, for four years from 4th Mojch, 1801. 
 
 THOMAS .lEFFERSON, President, 
 AARON BURR, Vice President. 
 
 NEW HAMPSHIRE. 
 
 Oliver Peabody, Benj.imin Bellows^ 
 
 John Prentice, Timothy Farrar, 
 
 Ebenezcr Thompson, Artimr Livermore. 
 MASSACHUSETTS. 
 
 Samuel PiiiUips, 
 Edward H. Robbins, 
 David Rossf ler, 
 Ebenezer Hunt, 
 Walter Spooner, 
 William Sever, 
 William Baylies, 
 Thomts Dawe.s, 
 
 RHODE 
 George Champlin, 
 
 Francis Dana, 
 Sam.iel Sew:vll, 
 Theophihis Bradbur}', 
 Jo'.in Hooker, 
 Joseph Allen, 
 Samuel SiimnerWildo, 
 Lemuel Weeks, 
 Andrew P. I'ernald. 
 ISLAND. 
 Oliver Davis, 
 William Greene. 
 
 Edward Manton, 
 
 CONNECTICUT. 
 Jonathan Trumbull, Jonathan Ingersoll, 
 
 John Treadwell, 
 Jesse Root, 
 Jonathan Sturges, 
 Stephen M. Mitchell, 
 
 Elijah Dewey, 
 Jonatlian Hunt, 
 
 Isaac Ledyard, 
 Anthony Lispenard, 
 PieiTe Van Cortlandt, 
 
 Jr. 
 James Burt, 
 Gilbert Livingston, 
 Thomas Jenkins, 
 
 NEW 
 Isaac Smith, 
 Thomas Sinnickson, 
 Richard Stockton, 
 Joshua L. Howt-11, 
 
 Tapping Reeve, 
 Matthew Griswold, 
 Jonathan Ogdcn Mose- 
 ley. 
 VERMONT. 
 
 RoswcU Hopkins, 
 William Chamberlain. 
 NEW YORK. 
 
 Peter Van Ness, 
 Roberi Ellis, 
 Joiin WooiUvortb, 
 Jeremiah \'an Renssel- 
 aer, 
 Jacob Eaker, 
 William Floyd. 
 JERSEY. 
 
 Samuel S. Smilli, 
 Matthias Williamson, 
 
 Jr. 
 Wilil.tir. Grfiith. 
 
 PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 Frederick Kuhn, Samuel Wctherill, 
 
 James Armstrong, 
 George Ege, 
 John Hubley, 
 William Hull, 
 Samuel W. Fisher, 
 James Crawford, Sr. 
 Robert Whitcliill, 
 
 DELAWARE. 
 Kensey Johns, Nathaniel Mitchell 
 
 Samuel White, 
 
 MARYLAND. 
 Edmund Plowden, Francis Deakins, 
 
 George Murdock, John Gilpin, 
 
 Martin Kcrshner, Pcrrv Sp.ncer, 
 
 Gabriel Duvall, William M Uobertsor, 
 
 Nicholas B. Moore, Littleton Dennis. 
 
 V1UGIM.\. 
 
 George AVyihe, 
 AVilllam Ncwsum, 
 William H. Cabell, 
 James Madison, Ji-. 
 John Page, 
 Thomas Newton, 
 Joseph Jones, 
 William B. Giles, 
 Creed Taylor, 
 Thomas Rcadf, Sr. 
 
 Walu-r Jones, 
 Richird Brent, 
 AVilliain Ellzex, 
 John Brown, 
 John Preston, 
 Hugh Holmes, 
 Archibald .Sluait, 
 JoliU Shore, 
 John Bowycr, 
 Daniel Coleman 
 
 (ieorge Penn, 
 
 KENTUCKY. 
 John Coburn, Charles Scoti, 
 
 John Pope, Isaac Shelbv. 
 
 NORTH C\U(.LIN.\. ' 
 William Tate, - 'I homas Brown 
 
 Joseph AVinston A\illiam Martin 
 
 Absalom Tatom Biyan \\hiitield 
 
 Spruce Macay Nathan Mayo 
 
 Joseph Taylor Thomas Wynns 
 
 Gideon Alston John Hamilton 
 
 TENNESSEE. 
 Daniel Smith Robert Love. 
 
 John Locke 
 
 SOUTH CAROLINA. 
 John Hunter .\rlhur Simkins 
 
 I'aul Hamilton Andrew Love 
 
 Robert Anderson Joseph BIyth 
 
 Theodore Gailiard Wade Hampton. 
 
 GEOuolA- 
 John Morrison Hcr.ry Graybill 
 
 Dennis Smelt David Blackshear 
 
 Join. Kean, 
 Jonas Hartzcll, 
 Gabriel Hiester, 
 Prcsly Carr I.ano, 
 Nathaniel B. Borlca-i, 
 Isaac Van Hornc. 
 
 FIFTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION. 
 
 1805. — In 1801 Thomas Jkepebsu.v was elected 
 President of the United States, andGroniii: 
 Clixtov V.ce President, fur four years 
 from the Uli of March, 180J, by the fol 
 Jowing vote: 
 
 
 7 
 
 1!t 
 
 4 
 
 •t 
 
 r. 
 
 1!) 
 
 H 
 
 :i 
 11 
 
 'JI 
 
 14 
 
 10 
 
 r, 
 
 f 
 3 
 
 17« 
 
 ST.\TES. 
 
 Niw llnnipi-lilrr, - 
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 .\iiilli( afo'iiiii, 
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 Kt'lltUvk;, 
 
 OJiUi, 
 
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 Names of Electors of P. V ','"" 
 
 sidcnl of the lTnit«<l St-^tc* lor thr lilih < Icr 
 ♦on, for four vc:»r» fr>m thr^ih Marrb l " ■ 
 
55S 
 
 THOMAS JEFFERSON, President, 
 GEORGE CLINTON, Vice President. 
 
 NEW HAMPSHIRE. 
 John Goddard Robert Alcock 
 
 Levi Bartlett George Aldnch 
 
 Timothy Walker William Tarlton. 
 
 Jonathan Steele 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS. 
 
 Jame- Sullivan 
 Elbiidge Geny 
 Jimes Bowdoin 
 John Hutborne 
 Th )mas Kitteridge 
 James Wiiithrop 
 Edward Upham 
 James Warren 
 J' lin Davis 
 Josiah Deane 
 
 RHODE 
 
 Timothy Newell 
 John Whiiing 
 John Bacon 
 William Heath 
 John Woodman 
 Charles Turner 
 Thomas Fillebrown 
 John Farley 
 Jonathan Smith. 
 
 ISLAND. 
 James Helme 
 Benjamin Remington. 
 
 Constant Taber 
 James Aldrich 
 
 CONNECTICUT. 
 Jonathan Trumbuil Lewis B. Sturges 
 
 David Smith 
 Asher MiVer 
 Sylvester Gilbert. 
 
 John Trcadwell 
 
 Oliver Ellsworth 
 
 David D^pgett 
 
 Joshua Huntington 
 
 VERMONT. 
 
 Nathaniel Niles 
 William Hunter 
 
 Josiah Wright 
 Saiiut 1 Shaw 
 Ezri Butler 
 
 NEW 
 Sylvester Dering 
 James Fairlie 
 Cormlius Bergen 
 John Herring 
 Ezra Thompson 
 John Wood 
 Conrad I Elmendorff 
 Stephen Miller 
 Albert Pawling 
 Isaac Sargent 
 
 NEW JERSEY 
 
 John Noyes. 
 YORK. 
 John Cramer 
 Thomas Brooks 
 Matthias B. Hildreth 
 William Floyd 
 Jonas Earl 
 Joseph Ellicott 
 Henry Quackinboss 
 Adam Comstock 
 Abraham Bancker. 
 
 Solomon Freligh 
 Al xander Carmichael 
 Phineas Manning 
 William Rossell 
 
 PENNSYLVANIA. 
 Charles Thompson Casper Shaffner, Jr. 
 
 Thomas Newbold 
 Moore Furman 
 Jacob Hufty 
 Abijah Smith. 
 
 William Montgomery 
 Matthew Luwler 
 Robert McMullen 
 William Brooke 
 Thomas Long 
 Francis Swaine 
 Henry Spering 
 James Boyd 
 Peter Frailey 
 
 John Bowman 
 William Brown 
 George Smith 
 Jacob Hostetter 
 Jacob Bonnett* 
 James Montgomery 
 John Minor 
 John H.amilton 
 Nathaniel Irish 
 
 DELAWARE. 
 
 Maxwell Bines TbomRS Fisher. 
 
 George Kennard 
 
 MARYLAND. 
 
 John Parnham 
 Joseph Wilkinson 
 John Johnson 
 Edward Johnson 
 John Tyler 
 Frisby Tilghman 
 
 Tobias E. Stansbury 
 John Gilpin 
 William Cleaves 
 Perry Spencer 
 Ephraim K. Wilson. 
 
 VIRGINIA. 
 
 Richard Evers Lee Richard Field 
 
 John Goodrich Thomas Read 
 
 Kdward Fegram Creed Taylor 
 
 William H. Cabell 
 George Pcnn 
 George Wythe 
 John Taylor 
 Larkin Smith 
 John Minor 
 William EUzy 
 William Dudley 
 Mann Page 
 
 NORTH 
 Felix Walker 
 Peter Forney 
 Joseph Williams 
 Montford Stokes 
 Solomon Graves 
 Joseph Taylor 
 Joseph John Alston 
 
 John Taliaferro, Jr. 
 Richard Brent 
 Hugh Holmes 
 James Dailey 
 James Allen 
 Archibald Stuart 
 James McFarlane 
 John Preston 
 William McKmley. 
 
 CAROLINA. 
 
 Robert Cochran 
 Lemuel Sawyer 
 James Jones 
 Reading Blount 
 Bryan Whitfield 
 Samuel Ashe, Sen. 
 Gideon Alston. 
 
 SOUTH CAROLINA. 
 
 Samuel Warren 
 Arthur Simkins 
 William Hill 
 James Miles 
 John Taylor. 
 GEORGIA. 
 
 James B. Maxwell 
 John Rutherford 
 David Crcsswell. 
 TENNESSEE. 
 David Deaderick William Martin 
 
 Richard Mitchell Georg'i Ridley. 
 
 Robert Houston 
 
 KENTUCKY. 
 
 John Blake 
 John Gaillard 
 Thomas T.aylor 
 Joseph Blythe 
 Joseph Calhoun 
 
 Edward Telfair 
 David Emanuel 
 Henry Graybill 
 
 Charles Scott 
 John Coburn 
 Hubbard Taylor 
 William Ii-vine 
 
 William Goforth 
 Nathaniel Massie 
 
 Isaac Shelby 
 Ninian Edwards 
 Joseph Lewis 
 William Roberts. 
 OHIO. 
 
 James Pritchard. 
 
 SIXTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION. 
 
 1809. — In 1808 James Madison was elected 
 President of the United States, and Geoiige 
 Clixtos Vice President for four years from 
 the 4th of March, 1809, by the following 
 vote: 
 
 - 
 
 
 For 
 
 1 
 
 For 
 
 
 
 President 
 
 Vice President, 
 
 " a 
 
 a, a 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 IS 
 
 STATES. 
 
 § 
 
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 2 
 
 6 
 
 r. 
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 « 
 
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 —> 
 
 r3 
 
 12 
 
 ,3 
 
 7 
 
 ^cw Hampshire, 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 19 
 
 Ma?pachU;.ctts, - 
 
 
 
 ly 
 
 
 , 
 
 
 
 l'.» 
 
 4 
 
 Rhode Island, 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 . 
 
 . 
 
 
 . 
 
 4 
 
 « 
 
 Conneriicu!, 
 
 
 
 u 
 
 
 
 
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 9 
 
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 Vermont, - 
 
 C 
 
 
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 New York, 
 
 13 
 
 u 
 
 . 
 
 13 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 New Jersey, 
 
 b 
 
 
 • 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 Pennsylvania, 
 
 20 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 
 
 
 
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 Delaware, - 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Jl 
 
 Maryland, - 
 
 •1 
 
 
 2 
 
 9 
 
 . 
 
 
 . 
 
 .-> 
 
 '24 
 
 Vircinia, 
 
 24 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 North Carolina, - 
 
 11 
 
 
 3 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 10 
 
 South Carolina, - 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 Georgia, 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 Kentucky, - 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 
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 Tennessee, 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 Ohio, - 
 
 3 
 122 
 
 ~l 
 
 4' 
 
 113 
 
 • 
 3 
 
 ~3 
 
 3 
 ~1 
 
 
 175 
 
 JZ 
 
 I 
 
559 
 
 Names of Electors of PFesldent and Vice Presi- 
 dent of tlie United States for tlie sixth elec- 
 tion, for four years from 4th March, 1809. 
 
 JAMES MADISON, President. 
 GEORGE CLLNTTON, Vice President. 
 NEW HAMPSHIRE. 
 
 .leremiali Smith Timothy Farrar 
 
 Oliver Peabody Benjamin West 
 
 Samuel Hale Jonathan Krankliu 
 
 Robert Wallace 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS. 
 Caleb Strong Daniel Dewey 
 
 Francis Dana 
 John Brooks 
 Moses Broun 
 William Bartlelt 
 Ebenezer Bridge 
 Benjamin Heywood 
 Josiah Stearns 
 ,fohn Hooker 
 ,]ohn Barrett 
 
 RHODE 
 Thomas P. Ives 
 Christopher Fowler 
 
 CONNECTICUT. 
 Jonathan Trumbull John Cotton Smith 
 
 Ebene/er Warren 
 Samuel Tobey 
 Joshua Thomas 
 Lefliuel Williams 
 Andrew Fernald 
 Samuel Freeman 
 Samuel S. Wilde 
 Jeremiah Bailey. 
 
 ISLAND. 
 
 James Rhodes 
 Thomas Nojes. 
 
 .John Treadwell 
 David Dag-gett 
 Roger Griswold 
 Samuel W. Johnson 
 
 VERMONT 
 
 Stephen T. llosmcr 
 Jesse Root 
 rredcrick Wolcott 
 
 Israel Smiih 
 Jonas Galusha 
 John \\'hite 
 
 NEW 
 Ambrose Spencer 
 Henry Huntington 
 John W. Seamaa 
 Henry Rutgers 
 John Garretson 
 Ebenezer White 
 Tliomas Lav.rence 
 James Ta!lm.adge 
 Jonathan Roiisc 
 M'.cajah Pettit 
 
 NEW 
 James .Mott 
 James Morgan 
 Amos Harrison 
 David Welsh 
 
 PENNSYLVANIA. 
 Charles Thomson Adamson Tannehill 
 
 Samuel Shepard^on 
 James T;trbo.\ 
 William Cahoon. 
 YORK. 
 He ry Yates, Jr. 
 Benj.imin Mooers 
 Adam B. Vroman 
 Thomas Sh.ankland 
 William Hallock 
 Russel Atwatcr 
 Joseph Simonds 
 Hugh Jamison 
 Matthew Carpenter. 
 
 JERSEY. 
 
 Benjamin Egbert 
 Thomas Hendry 
 George Burgin 
 Abijah Smith. 
 
 Thomas Leiper 
 Michael Leib 
 Joseph Engle 
 William Rodman 
 Archibald Darrali 
 Jacob Weygandt 
 Joseph I.efevre 
 Gabriel Hiester, Jr. 
 George Hartman 
 
 James Cowdcn 
 William Wilson 
 Robert GrifTcn 
 Jacob Hostelter 
 David FuUcrton 
 Peter Kimmell 
 Joseph Huston 
 William Montgomery 
 
 John McDowell. 
 
 DELAWARE. 
 James Booth Daniel Rodney. 
 
 Nicholas Ridgcly 
 
 MARYLAND. 
 
 John R. Plater 
 Robert Bowie 
 Edward Johnson 
 John Johnson 
 John Tyler 
 Nathaniel Rochester 
 
 VIRGINIA. 
 Joseph Godwin, Sen. Benjamin Harnson 
 
 Tobias E. Rtansbury 
 Thomas W Vea/.cy 
 Richard Tilghman 
 Earle Perry Spencer 
 Henrv James Carroll. 
 
 Edward Pegram, Sen 
 Richard Field 
 Thomas Read 
 Joseph Eggleston 
 Hugh Nelson 
 George Pcnn 
 Philip N. Nicholas 
 Spencer Roane 
 Jolin l{o:uie 
 Robert Taylor 
 Gustavus II. Horner 
 NORIII 
 Francis Locke 
 Thomas V>''jnns 
 Samuel Ashe, Sen. 
 Murdock McKenzic 
 Robert f.ovc 
 John Winslow 
 William Gaston 
 
 Ifobert Nelson 
 Mann Page 
 Richaj'd Barnes 
 John T. Brooke 
 Hugh Holmes 
 Osborne Sprigg 
 James Allen 
 Archibald Stuart 
 .\ndrcw liussell 
 John Prt-ston 
 AViiliam McKinlc} . 
 CAROLINA. 
 
 Robert Cleveland 
 Kemp Plummer 
 Joseph Ta_\lor 
 Peter Forney 
 James liainey 
 Joseph Riddick 
 Henrv 1- Toole. 
 
 SOUTH CAROLI.NA. 
 Josepli Gist Joseph Bellinger 
 
 John Wilson 
 John McMonies 
 William Sirother 
 Will am Zimmerman 
 
 Langdon Cheves 
 Paul Hamilton 
 Samuel Mays 
 William Rouse. 
 
 GEORGIA. 
 
 JohirRulhcrfoid David Meriwether 
 
 John Twiggs Christopher Clark 
 
 Henrv GraybiU James E. Houstoun 
 
 KENTUCKY. 
 Samuel Hopkins Charles Scolt 
 
 William Logan Robert Trimble 
 
 Mattlicw Walton Hubbard Taylor 
 
 Robert Ewing Christopher Greenup. 
 
 TENNESSEE. 
 
 James Robertson 
 William Martin 
 Baldwm Harle 
 
 Nathaniel Massie 
 Stephen ^\■ood 
 
 Joseph Greer 
 James Sevier. 
 
 OHIO. 
 
 Thomas McCunc. 
 
 SEVENTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION. 
 1813. — In 1812 James Madiso.v was ro-clectod 
 President, and Elhridoj; Gihki vas elect- 
 ed V^icc President of ihc United Slates, for 
 4 years from 4ih March, 1813, asfolows; 
 
 O-c 
 
 > 2 
 
 y. 
 
 ■i 
 <j 
 
 fl 
 
 « 
 
 4 
 
 II 
 
 1.^ 
 II 
 
 M 
 i'i 
 
 H 
 7 
 3 
 
 Fi.r 
 Pretidmt. 
 
 STATE.-*. 
 
 Nrw llniiipxliln-, 
 
 Mn.»».T'lii"«'U-'. 
 
 RhiHlf Manit, 
 
 ('uiiiK-rllria, 
 
 ViTiinml, 
 
 New Y.-rt^ 
 
 N«\v J' • 
 
 P.'iiii«yiv ■ ■ ' 
 
 DrlnHatr, 
 
 M.iryland, 
 
 VlrululB, 
 
 .Noflti C'ariillna. 
 
 rtoulli Cirolma, 
 
 Cporgin, 
 
 Keniiicky, 
 
 Tf>ino»M.T, 
 
 Ohio, 
 
 B 
 i 
 1 
 
 s. 
 t 
 
 ti 
 
 A 
 
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 II 
 
 H 
 W 
 
 H 
 
 7 
 
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 * 
 
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 PretUnt. 
 
 
 93 
 
 6 
 3S 
 IS 
 II 
 H 
 17 
 
 7 
 3 
 
 7 
 
 91 
 4 
 
 
 » 
 
 4 
 i 
 
566 
 
 Karnes of the I-:;Jectois of riesident and Vice 
 Presirlent of tlie United Stutfs, for the se- 
 venth election from the 4th of March, 1813. 
 
 Alexunder Bysart 
 D:vvid Mead. 
 
 JAMKS MADISON, President. 
 iuLBRlDGE GEfM{Y. Vice President. 
 
 NEW HAMPSHIRE. 
 
 John Goddard Timothy Purrar 
 
 Oliver Peabody Benjamin West 
 
 Samuel Halo Caleb Ellis 
 
 Nathan Taylor Jonathan 1 rankliii. 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS. 
 
 William Heath John \V. Hvdbert 
 
 Harrison G. Oiis Joshua 'I'honias 
 
 Nathan Dane David Scuddcr 
 
 Jeremiah Nelson Latlirop Lewis 
 
 Abi'aham Bigloe Nathaniel Goodwin 
 
 John Walker Samuel Parris 
 
 George Bli.ss Abiel Wood 
 
 Benjamin Hcywood Lemuel Paine 
 
 Eleazer James James McLcllan 
 
 Ephraim Williams William Crosby 
 
 1.-J4ii0 M'altby Israel 'Thorndike. 
 
 IHIODE ISLAND. 
 
 Chri.-'topher Fowler William IJhodes 
 
 Samiici' Q. ArnoM Ephralm IJowen. 
 CONiVECTlCUr. 
 
 Nathaniel Terry Daniel Putnam 
 
 Theodore Dvviglit James Gould 
 
 David Da.>;,u:ett Stephen T. Hosmer 
 
 Calvin 'Go(ldavd Jonathan Uarnes. 
 Samuel B. Sherwood 
 
 VERMONT. 
 
 Nathaniel Niles Joslah Wright 
 
 Noah Chiitciiden William A. Griswold 
 
 William Sladc Elilm Luce 
 
 John 11. Andius Mark Richards. 
 
 NEW YORK. 
 
 Joseph C. Yates David Win Ness 
 
 ^iijieon lie 'Wiil Robert Jenkins 
 
 Archibald Mclntyre M. S. Van Dercook 
 
 John C. Hogeb')om Georg-e Palmer, 3r. 
 
 Gurdon S. Munitbrd James lllll 
 
 Jacob Delamunt.ignie William Kirby 
 
 PhiVip V.m CorL'.andl Henry Prey 
 
 John Chandler Tiionias H. Hubbard 
 
 lleni-y Huntington Jo'in Russell 
 
 John Woodworth James S. Kipp 
 
 David Boyd Jotham J.-ivne 
 
 Cornelius Bcrgcu Jonathan Stanle)-, Jr. 
 
 Jfoseph Perine ' ' Vyilliani Burnet 
 
 ChaunceN Belknap George llosecrantz 
 John DUl 
 
 - NEW JERSEY. 
 
 Matthew Whillden William Griileth 
 
 WiUiam B. Ewing Ellas Conover 
 
 J'ranklin Davenport Andrew Howell 
 
 Jacob Losey NVilliam McGill 
 
 PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 "Walter Franklin Hugh Glasgow 
 
 ipavid Mitciiell David Fullert.xi 
 
 Paul Cox Samuel Smyth 
 
 isi*ac ^Vorrcll Robert Smi'ih 
 
 Michael Baker Nathaniel Mickler 
 
 Joseph Engle Charles Shoemaker.jr 
 
 James Pulton James Mitchell 
 
 Isaiah Davis John Miiriay 
 
 John Whitehill plement Paine 
 
 i3dward Crouch Josenh Rt-cd 
 
 Henry Allshouse 
 James Stephenson 
 Abia Minor 
 
 DELAWARE. 
 
 James L. Clayton James Sykes 
 
 Benjamin Blackiston Thomas Fisher. 
 
 MAKYLAND. 
 
 Tobias E. Stansburv 
 
 Henry H. Chapman 
 Edward H. Calvert 
 Edwai'd Johrison 
 John Ste])hen 
 IKiu-)- Williams 
 Daniel Rehtch 
 
 VH{GINIA. 
 
 Richard Henry Lee (iustavus B 
 
 B njamin Harrison 
 
 Edward Pegram 
 
 Richard Field 
 
 Thomas R-ad 
 
 Mathew Clieatham 
 
 WiUiam Armistead 
 
 Cliarlcs Yancey 
 
 George Penij 
 
 WiHlain G. Poindexter 
 
 Spencer Roane 
 
 Sthreshly Uermolds 
 
 Robert 'J'aylor 
 
 NORTH 
 
 Wdllam H. Tilurfree 
 Itedar I?al'ard 
 James Bnglil 
 
 TliOiTias W. Veazey 
 'Thomas Worrell 
 Edward Lloyd 
 Littleton Dennis. 
 
 Horner 
 Robert Nelson 
 Mann Page 
 Waiter Jones 
 John T. Brooke 
 Hugh Holmes 
 Daniel Morgan 
 Archibald Rutherford 
 Archibald Stuart 
 Andrew Russell 
 diaries Taylor 
 William McKinlev. 
 
 'I'hornas 1). Kln._ 
 •l.tmcs W. Chiriie 
 ll.itchens G. Burton 
 'Thomas Davis 
 Remj) Plummcr 
 
 SOUTH CAROLINA 
 
 CAROLINA. 
 
 James Mehanc 
 James Rainey 
 Fi'ancis Locke 
 JNIontforl Stoke* 
 Joseph Winston 
 .lonathan Hampton 
 Henry Massey. 
 
 .lames ('a:Ti;)'jcli 
 John Johnsori 
 Andrew Pickens 
 William Cddwell 
 Samuel Johnson 
 Sampson Butler 
 
 Reuben Starks 
 John McCreary 
 William Smith 
 William Alston 
 Richard Singleton. 
 
 Daniel Stewart 
 Henry Graybill 
 Charles Harris 
 John Rutiieri'ord 
 
 Owmgs 
 
 GEORGIA. 
 
 John Twiggs 
 Oliver Porter 
 Henry Mitchell 
 John Howai'd 
 
 KENTUCKY. 
 
 Robert Ewing William Irvine 
 
 William Casey^ Robert Mosby 
 
 Samuel Murrell Hubbard 'Taylor 
 
 Sanniel Caldwell Duval Payne 
 
 Richard Taylor M'alker Baylor 
 
 William Logan Thomas D. 
 
 'PENNESSEE. 
 E. R. Dulany William Trigg 
 
 Henry Bradford 'Thomas Washington 
 
 James Trimble David McEwcn 
 
 James McCampbell Thomas Johnson. 
 
 OHIO. 
 John Jones David Abbott* 
 
 Matthias Cttrwin Ihomas Ijams 
 
 David Purviancc John Hamm. 
 
 James Danlap 
 
 James Pritchard • Not present. 
 
 LOUISIANA. 
 Julien Poydras Stephen A. Hopkins 
 
 Philemon Thomas 
 
(61 
 
 EIGHTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION. 
 
 1817- — In 1816 James Moxboe was elected 
 President, and Damkl D. ToMi'Ki>fs, Vice 
 President of the United Stales for four 
 years from the 4th of March, 1817, as fol- 
 lows; 
 
 NEW VOKK. 
 Henry Uutj^^ers Alexandci McNibI, 
 
 ja 
 
 
 For 
 
 
 
 For 
 
 
 
 ■ft 
 
 
 Prcs 
 
 ■lent. 
 
 I'ir.i. 
 
 Prcs 
 
 I'rfcnt 
 
 
 ? * 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ~^^~" 
 
 
 O'S 
 
 
 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 m S 
 
 
 
 
 a. 
 
 ■H 
 
 
 
 kl 
 
 c — 
 
 > 1> 
 
 STATES. 
 
 e 
 
 
 S 
 
 n 
 
 
 75 
 
 Oh 
 
 o| 
 
 
 c 
 o 
 S 
 
 to 
 
 
 c 
 
 
 X 
 
 ;5 
 
 4)^ 
 
 J2 W 
 
 
 
 
 "ftj 
 
 U 
 
 Sf! 
 
 s 
 
 ki 
 
 iz; 
 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 3 
 
 5 
 
 n 
 
 o 
 
 0) 
 
 s 
 
 (0 
 
 S 1 
 
 .3 
 O 
 3! 
 
 8 
 
 N. Hampshire, 
 
 8 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 Massachusctit^, 
 
 
 22 
 
 . 
 
 cv» 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 Rliode Island, 
 
 4 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 Connecticui, 
 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 4 
 
 
 8 
 
 Vcrmoiil, 
 
 8 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 \c\v Yoik, 
 
 29 
 
 
 29 
 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 New Jersey, 
 
 8 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 Pennsylvania, 
 
 25 
 
 
 25 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 Dela-vare, - 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 8 
 
 Maryland, - 
 
 8 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 ■25 
 
 Vir^nia, 
 
 25 
 
 
 25 
 
 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 N. Carolina, 
 
 15 
 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 S. Carolina, 
 
 11 
 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 Georgia, 
 
 8 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 l'> 
 
 Kentucky, - 
 
 12 
 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 Tennessee, - 
 
 8 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 Ohio, - 
 
 8 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 Louisiana, - 
 
 3 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 Indiana, 
 
 3 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 -217 
 
 
 193 
 
 34 
 
 1S3 
 
 22 
 
 5 
 
 4 
 
 3 
 
 Nimes of Electors of Piv^sident and Vice Pre- 
 sident o^ tlie United Slates, for the eig-litU 
 election for four years, from 4th Marcii,1817. 
 
 .TAMES MONROE, President. 
 
 DANIEL D. TOMPKIXS, Vice President. 
 
 NEW HAMPSHIIIE. 
 
 Thomas Manning 
 Benjamin Butler 
 Wdiiam Badger 
 Amos Cogswell 
 
 MASSACIIUSEITS 
 
 Ricliard H. Ayer 
 Jacob Tult* 
 Thomas C Drew 
 Dan Young. 
 
 Christoplier Gore 
 Prentiss .Mellan 
 Israel Thorndike 
 Benjamin Piciiman,Jr. 
 Daniel A. White 
 Joseph Locke 
 Thomas D wight 
 Peter Bryant 
 Da liel Howard 
 Wendell Da^is 
 Seta Washburn 
 
 B.zalec-1 Taft 
 Jonas Kendall 
 Edward II. Uobbins 
 Joljn Low 
 
 Stepli. Longfellow, Jr. 
 William Abbot 
 Timolhy Iloutelle 
 Luther Carey 
 Wdiiam Phillips 
 Josiah Stcbbins 
 Thomas H. Perkins. 
 
 RHODE ISLVND. 
 James Fenner Edward Willcox 
 
 Thomas Pitman Dutec Arn jid. 
 
 CONNECTICUT. 
 
 William I'crkins 
 Elisha Sterling 
 Elijih ir.ibl)ard 
 Asa Willty. 
 
 Jonathan Ingersoll 
 Nathaniel Terry 
 Seth p. Staples 
 J'rah Isham 
 Samuel W. Johnson 
 
 VERMONT. 
 Jonathan Robinson J mies IJn',)erls 
 
 Apollas Austin .Vsaph Fie'.chcr 
 
 Robert Holly John H. Cotton 
 
 William Bravton Isatnli Fisk. 
 
 Lemuel t'hipnian 
 John W. Sc:iina:i 
 Jacob Drake 
 James Fairlie 
 Augustus Wright 
 Peter S V:im Ordeu 
 T. W. Van Wyck 
 Joseph D. Moncll 
 John Rlike, Jr. 
 Jacob Wcrlz 
 (iabriel Nortli 
 diaries K Dudley 
 Benjamin Smith 
 Samuel Lewis 
 
 Ni:w 
 
 Lewis Moore 
 Aaron Kitchell 
 David Welsh 
 John Crowell 
 
 Arfemas ^Idricli 
 Hc'irv llecker 
 Aaron I luring 
 Lracl \\ Clark 
 l):«niel Ro'tt 
 Mcjutironicry Hunt 
 Nlcli. 11 Fosdick 
 Eliphalct Edmonds 
 Georj^e I'ctit 
 Iticiiai'd Townlcy 
 Sarnui 1 Lawrence 
 Nathaniel Rochester 
 Morhv L. Churchel. 
 
 lERSEY. 
 
 (Miarles Ogdcn 
 Daniel (Jarrison 
 William Rosscll 
 Robert McNeely. 
 PENNSYLVAMA. 
 
 Michael I-'ackenthal 
 James Wilson 
 Gabriel Heister 
 James Meloy 
 Jam>s Banks 
 Robert Clark 
 Abiel I'ellows 
 David Marcltand 
 Thomas I'atterson 
 Joseph Huston 
 Samuel Scolt 
 James Ale.xandcr 
 
 Paul Cox 
 David .Mitchell 
 John Geyer 
 Daniel Bussier 
 John ConarJ 
 AVilliam Hiooke 
 I>aac .\iiderson 
 Matthew Roljerls 
 Johij Moldar 
 John Harrison 
 Jacob llostetter 
 Jolm Rea 
 William Gilllland 
 
 DELAWARE. 
 
 Thom's Robinson Andrew Barratl 
 
 Isaac Tunnell Nichol;(s Rid^ely. 
 
 M.\.RYL.\ND. 
 
 William Dent Beall 
 Josc|)h Iveiit 
 Edward Johnson 
 Jo'm Stephen 
 John Buchanan 
 Lawrence Brengle 
 
 VIRGINIA 
 
 George Warner 
 AVilliam (.'. Millen 
 Benjamin Massy 
 Tiiomas EnnalU 
 Littleton Denuit. 
 
 George Newton 
 Charles H. Graves 
 John I'egram 
 
 John Purnall 
 Joscpli (;. Cabell 
 Chalks Vanccy 
 Spencer !{oaiic 
 Sthreshly Revnolda 
 Robert 'I'aylor 
 Isaac Foster 
 Bra/.ure W. Pryor 
 Willi.mi Jones 
 William I.ee Ball 
 
 NORIH r.AROl.INA 
 
 John T. Iliookc 
 Hugh Holmes 
 .\rchil)ald Rutherford 
 .\rehibald Stuart 
 Aivlrcw R\issell 
 Charles Tayloi- 
 Robert H. Starke 
 Will. am Archer 
 B<-uj tmiii Cook 
 Wni. Brockenbroiufli 
 D.tn el Muigitn 
 John Edic. 
 
 Robert Love 
 Jesse Franklin 
 I'eter Forney 
 I'ranri-. Locke 
 Alirahain I'liillipfi 
 Alexanih-r Gray 
 .loM-ph l'uk( tt' 
 'I'homxs Ruflin 
 
 SOUTH CAROLINA. 
 William Girre't J.inn -^ Did' 
 
 I'hilemon R^^dfor 1 'ilHP[|i.4'» llv*n* 
 
 Nalli.kiiiel JoncK 
 John Hall 
 Tlioiiia» W\nnK 
 Jusepli RiiMick 
 JiimeN HoBkiiiH 
 \\\\i- All II 
 TlioinaN D. King 
 
5bii 
 
 William McKeralls 
 Frederick Nance 
 Jolin Thomas 
 UichardB. Screven 
 
 GEORGIA 
 
 David Adams 
 John Mcintosh 
 .Tared Irwin 
 Henry Mitchell 
 
 Thomas Lee 
 John L. Wilson 
 Joseph IJeid. 
 
 Duvall Payne 
 Hablvird Taylor 
 Robert Trimble 
 Tliomas Bodley 
 Willis A. Lee 
 William Irvine 
 
 Charles Harris 
 Jolin Clark 
 John Rutherford 
 David Meriwether. 
 
 KENTUCKY. 
 
 Richard Taylor 
 William Loj^an 
 Alexander Adair 
 Samuel Caldwell 
 Samuel Murrel 
 Robert Ewing. 
 
 TENNESSEE. 
 Alfred M. Carter Robert Allen 
 
 Joseph Hamilton 
 David Campbell 
 Adam Huntsman 
 
 Martin McClanolian 
 Samuel Buchanan 
 James Baxter. 
 
 OHIO. 
 
 Abraham Sliepherd 
 Othniel Looker 
 Benjamin Haugh 
 James Curry. 
 
 John G. Young 
 Aaron Wheeler 
 John Patterson 
 William Skinner 
 
 LOUISIANA. 
 Garrigues Flaujae Squire Lea. 
 
 John 11. Grymcs 
 
 INDIANA. 
 Jesse L. Holman Thomas II. Blake. 
 
 Joseph Bartholomew 
 
 NINIII I'JJESIDENTIAL ELECTION. 
 1821 — In 18120 Jamks Monroe was re-elected 
 President, and Daniel D. Tompkins Vice 
 President of the United States, for four 
 years from tlie 4th of March, 1821, by the 
 following vote: 
 
 K 1, 
 
 II 
 
 3 
 
 STATES. 
 
 For 
 Prr.sidLnt. 
 
 For 
 Vice President. 
 
 James Jlonroe. 
 
 Jolni (iuincy Adams. 
 
 "a. 
 
 B 
 
 o 
 
 a 
 
 'c 
 
 M 
 
 a 
 
 7 
 7 
 4 
 9 
 8 
 
 29 
 8 
 
 24 
 
 lb 
 
 25 
 
 15 
 
 11 
 
 8 
 
 12 
 
 7 
 
 8 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 9 
 
 3 
 
 il5 
 
 If 
 
 u 
 o 
 
 1 1 
 
 .— 
 •-^ 
 
 8 
 8 
 
 c 
 \ 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 •3 
 a 
 
 8 
 
 IS 
 
 4 
 
 9 
 
 8 
 
 29 
 
 8 
 
 25 
 
 4 
 
 11 
 
 25 
 
 15 
 
 U 
 
 8 
 
 12 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 .1 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 9 
 
 3 
 
 N. Hamp:?liiie, 
 .MassacliusfUs. 
 Rhode Is^Kiiid, 
 Councclicut, 
 Vermont, - 
 New York, 
 New JiTt^ey, 
 Pennsylvania, 
 Delaware, - 
 Maryland, - 
 Virginia, 
 N. Carolina. 
 .S. Carolina, 
 Georgia, 
 Kentucky, - 
 Teuncsfte, 
 Ohio, - 
 I..ouisiana, - 
 Indiana, 
 Mississippi, 
 Illinois, 
 Alabama, - 
 Maine, 
 .Missouri, 
 
 7 
 IS 
 
 4 
 
 9 
 
 8 
 29 
 
 8 
 24 
 
 4 
 11 
 25 
 15 
 11 
 
 8 
 12 
 
 7 
 
 ,M 
 
 3 
 3 
 2 
 3 
 3 
 9 
 3 
 
 ■ 
 ■ 
 
 4 
 
 231 
 
 228 1 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 4 
 
 Names of Electors of President and Vice Pre- 
 sident of the United States, for the ninth 
 election, for four years from the 4th of March, 
 1821. 
 
 JAMES MONROE, President. 
 
 DANIEL D. TOMPKINS, Vice President. 
 
 NEW 
 
 William Plumer 
 David Barker 
 >Villiam risk 
 Samuel Dinsmoor 
 
 HAMPSHIRE. 
 
 John Pendexter 
 Nathaniel Shannon 
 Ezra Bartlett 
 James Smith. 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS. 
 
 John Adams 
 William Phillips 
 William Gray 
 Daniel Webster 
 B. W. Crowninshicld 
 John Heard 
 Samuel Dana 
 Ebenezer Mattoon 
 
 RHODE 
 
 James J'eHncr 
 Dutee J. Pearce 
 
 Seth Sprague 
 Thomas H. Blood 
 Jonas Sibley 
 Ezra Starkweather 
 Wendell Davis 
 John Davis 
 Joseph Woodbridgc 
 
 ISLAND. 
 Robert F. Noyes 
 Dutee Arnold. 
 
 CONNECTICUT. 
 
 Henry Seymour Isaiah Loomis 
 
 Samuel Welles 
 William Moseley 
 Ebenezer Broc.icway 
 Samuel H. Phillips 
 
 VERMONT 
 
 William Cogswell 
 John Alsop 
 Ingoldsby W. Craw 
 ford. 
 
 James Galusha 
 Gilbert Denison 
 Pliny Smith 
 Aaron Leland 
 
 NEW 
 William Floyd 
 Hejii-y Rutgers 
 Abel Iluntinjflon 
 Edward Severich 
 Isaac Lawrence 
 Jolin Targce 
 Jacob Odell 
 Peter Waring 
 Edward P. Liv 
 Peter Millikin 
 David Hammond 
 >t»rk Spencer 
 Benjamin Knower 
 Gilbert Eddy 
 Howell Gardner 
 
 NEW JERSEY. 
 David Mills Samuel L. Southard 
 
 John Wil-;on Joseph Budd 
 
 John Crowell Isaiah Shinn 
 
 Aaron Vansychel John L. Smith. 
 
 PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 ngston 
 
 William Blade, Jr. 
 D-miel A. A. Buck 
 
 Ezra Butler 
 Timothy Stanley. 
 
 YORK. 
 John Baker 
 Joiin AVal worth 
 Daniel McDougall 
 Seth Wetiiiore 
 Latham A. Burrows 
 Ftirand Stranahan 
 Henry Wager 
 Elisha Hariiham 
 Jonathan Collins 
 Samuel Nelson 
 William B. Rochester 
 Charles Thompson 
 Philetus Swift 
 James Brisban. 
 
 I 
 
 Thomas Lei per 
 Paul Cox 
 Daniel Groves 
 Chandler Price 
 Pierce Crosby 
 Andrew Gilkerson 
 John Hamilton 
 James Kerr 
 AVilliam Mitchell 
 Daniel W. Dingman 
 Gabriel Hiester, Sen. 
 John Todd 
 Philip Benner 
 
 James P. Sanderson 
 William Clinghan 
 George Barnitz 
 .Fames Griffen 
 John Miley 
 George Plumer 
 George Hebb 
 Andrew Sutton 
 Joseph Huston 
 Ilugl) Davis 
 Patrick Farrelly 
 Melchior Rahm — (de- 
 ceased.) 
 
563 
 
 DELAWATIE. 
 
 Peter Robinson Nicholas Itidgely 
 
 John Clark Andc w Banat'. 
 
 MARYLAND 
 James Forrest Elitis Uiown 
 
 Robert W. Bowie John Forward 
 
 John Stephen AVilliam R. Stuart 
 
 Alexander McKim . Jolin Boon 
 William Gabby Joshua Pridcaux. 
 
 Michael C. Sprig,^ 
 
 Virginia. 
 
 William C. Holt Thomas Ih-own 
 
 Charles II. Graves Robert Shields 
 
 JohnPegram William Jones 
 
 Robert B. Stark John Taliaferro 
 
 John Purnall John T. Brook 
 
 Branch T. Archer Ilug'h Jfohncs 
 
 William C. Rives Wni. Armstrong, Jr. 
 
 Charles Yancey Arcliibald Rutherford 
 
 Joseph Martin ArcliibaUl Stuart 
 Wm. Brockenbroiigh Andrew Russell 
 
 Armistead H jomes Samuel Blackburn 
 
 James Hunter John Edie. 
 Robert Taylor 
 
 NORTH CAROLINA. 
 
 Robert Love Kimborough Jones 
 
 Jesse Franklin John Hall 
 
 Michael VIcLeary George Outlaw 
 
 Francis Locke Charles E. Johnson 
 
 Abraham Phillips Lewis D. Wilson 
 
 Alexander Gray Henry J. G. RufHn 
 
 Bf-nj.II Covington Thomas Kenan. 
 James Mebane 
 
 SOUTH CAROLINA. 
 
 Benjamin James Benjamin Rynalds 
 
 Lewis M. Ayer Isaac Smith 
 
 John S. Glascock John Dunovant 
 
 Matthew J. Kirtli Raslia Cannon 
 
 Benjamin Dickson William A. Ball. 
 Charles Miller 
 
 GEORGIA. 
 
 Oliver Porter John Graves 
 
 Henry Mitchell John Rutherford 
 
 John Mcintosh John p'oster 
 
 David Meriwether Benjamin Whitaker. 
 
 KENTUCKY. 
 
 Samuel Murrcl Martin I). Hardin 
 
 Ephraim M. Ewing Willis A. Lee 
 
 Samuel Caldwell James Johnson 
 
 John E. King Jesse Bledsoe 
 
 John Pope Thomas Bodley 
 
 Richard Taylor Hubbard Taylor. 
 
 TENNESSEE. 
 
 Alfred M. Carter Joseph Dickson 
 
 Joseph Hamilton, Sr. C.erman Lester 
 
 David Campbell Hetu-y Smill. 
 John J. White 
 
 OHIO. 
 
 Jeremiah Morrow James Caldwell 
 
 William II. Harrison James Kilbournc 
 
 Alexander Campbell John McLaughlin 
 
 Robert Lucas L<wis Dille. 
 
 LOUISIANA. 
 
 Philemon Thonjas JolinR. Grymes. 
 
 David L. Todd 
 
 INDIANA. 
 Nathaniel Ewing John II. Thompson. 
 
 Daniel J. Caswell 
 
 MISSISSIPPI. 
 Duncan Stewart Daniel Burnet. 
 
 Theodore Stark 
 
 ILLINOIS. 
 James B Moore Adolphus Fredcnck 
 
 M'lchael Jones Hubbard. 
 
 AL.\BAMA. 
 
 John Scott G' orge Phillip.t. 
 
 Henry Minor 
 
 MAINE. 
 William Moody Lemuel Trescotf 
 
 Josliua Wingate, Jr. Jo.shua Gage 
 Elishu Allen Josial Prcscott 
 
 William Chadwick Lev: Hubbard. 
 
 Samuel Tucker 
 
 MISSOURI. 
 William Shannon John S. Bricke\ 
 
 William Chri.sty 
 
 TEN III PRESIUENIIAL ELECTION. 
 
 1825. — In 1824 tliere w < re four candiiiates for 
 the Preside'icy before ilie j)Cople, viz. 
 A-vnnKw Jack>on of Tennessee, Wiiliam 
 H. Cii wronn of Georgia, J'iun Qmnct 
 AiiAMs ot' .Massacluisetfs, and If e.niit Ci.at 
 of Kentucky; and the Electoral College 
 having elected John (; Caluoun of South 
 Carolina, as A'icc President, and having 
 failed to elect a President, the choice de 
 volved on the House of Represcntaiivci. 
 who elected Joiiv QiiNci .Vuasis. 
 
 Tile votes in the Electoral College from 
 which no choice resulted, is as follows: 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 For 
 
 Far 
 
 
 ■s . 
 
 
 President. 
 
 Vict President. 
 
 *1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 " a 
 
 
 
 
 ■a 
 
 
 
 
 .1^ 
 
 
 "x 
 
 
 a 
 
 n 
 
 
 
 c 
 
 ^'? 
 
 c S 
 
 
 o — 
 
 STATE?. 
 
 o 
 ■J. 
 
 M 
 
 .-d 
 
 < 
 
 5. 
 
 a 
 
 
 3 
 C 
 
 a 
 
 II 
 
 Z 9 
 
 ^ ca 
 « g 
 
 >. 
 
 
 
 
 '5 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 •J. X 
 
 = *c 
 a a 
 
 u 9 ►. 
 
 £2 
 
 
 ■c 
 
 c 
 
 E 
 
 ^ 
 
 B 
 
 S -5 
 
 ■= H = 
 
 3 " 
 
 
 c 
 
 t: 
 
 '^ 
 
 - 
 
 "? 
 
 a n 
 
 c « 
 
 ^ 
 
 J5 
 
 
 < 
 
 ^ 
 H 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 
 r. >'. 
 
 < E 
 
 ^ 
 
 8 
 
 N'cw Iluiiipsliire, - 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 SlasKacliiiM-lls, 
 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 Uliodc l.~!uiid, 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 Coiiiu-ciiciit, 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 Veruioni, 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 , 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 New York, - 
 
 1 
 
 2C 
 
 i 
 
 4 
 
 •at 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 Now Jcr'^cy, 
 
 H 
 
 
 
 
 n 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 Pennsylvania, 
 
 'iL* 
 
 
 
 
 IM 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 :< 
 
 Dilawaif, 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 'J 
 
 11 
 
 .Maryland, 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 T 
 
 
 lU 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 Virginia, 
 
 
 
 iX 
 
 
 
 !-S4 
 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 Niirih Caiolina, - 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 
 ii 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 S'fuith Carollnn, - 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 
 II 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 (Jtorgia, 
 
 
 
 'J 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 Kcniiioky, 
 
 
 
 ' 
 
 \\ 
 
 7 
 
 '7 
 
 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 Tennc-sc-e, - 
 
 11 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 Ohio. - 
 
 
 
 
 !«. 
 
 
 j'rt 
 
 
 
 
 
 S 
 
 Lonisiana. 
 
 .1 
 
 41 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 Indiana, 
 
 ,Mli.>.i''.si|i|il, - 
 
 5 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 .1 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 Uliiioif, 
 
 o 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 /Mabunia, 
 
 S 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Maine, 
 
 
 P 
 
 
 ■, t 
 
 c» 
 
 
 
 ■' 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 MitKourl, 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 'jr.i 
 
 IK) 
 
 H4 
 
 4l| 
 
 J., 
 
 
 M 
 
 -! 
 
 
 '.1 
 
 ■\ 
 
 The following i* the vote in the House «". 
 Representatives: „ . . , , 
 
 I'ur John Qnhicy Adams, fur Jitdrrw Jcrku^' 
 M.»lnc, 
 
 New HampHh'jc, 
 
 Massarhusctts, 
 
 Rliode Island, 
 
 Conncciicut, 
 
 Vermont, 
 
 New York, 
 
 MaryUn<l, 
 
 Ohio, 
 
 Kentucky, 
 
 llliuoi^, 
 
 Missouri, 
 
 Loui»iana — 1 ' 
 
 New JcriK) , 
 
 l'enn»)lv4niii. 
 
 South Caiolina, 
 
 T»nncii«p«*, 
 
 Alal>.'ini.-i, 
 
 Mi<iki>iiii|)pi, 
 
 Indiitiia — 7. 
 
 For H tlliam II- Vrawft/rd. 
 UrI.iwarc, 
 Virginia, 
 North Carolin*. 
 Georgia — 1. 
 
564 
 
 Names of Electors of President and Vice Pre- 
 sident of tlic United St;ites, for th» tenth 
 election, for four years from the 4th March 
 1825. 
 
 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, President. 
 JOHN C. CALHOUN, Vice President, 
 
 NEW HAMPSHIRE. 
 
 Josiah Bartlctt Abel Parkei* 
 
 William Badger Caleb Keith 
 
 Samuel Quarles Moses White 
 
 William risk Hall Burgiii. 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS. 
 
 William Gray Oliver Smith 
 
 Levi Lincoln Enos Foot 
 
 Thomas L. Winthrop William Walker 
 Nathaniel Silsbee John Endicot 
 
 Joseph Kettredge Thomas Weston 
 
 Augustus Tower Cornelius Grinnen 
 
 Jonathan Davis Hezekiah Barnard. 
 
 Edmund Gushing 
 
 RHODE ISLAND. 
 
 Caleb Earle Elisha Watson 
 
 Stephen B. Cornell Charles Eldridgc. 
 
 CONNECTICUT. 
 
 Calvin Willey David Keyes 
 
 Oliver Wolcott J„hn Sw.athel 
 
 Rufus Hitclicock Lemuel White 
 David Hill Moses Warren. 
 
 VEKMONT. 
 
 Jonas Galusha John M^son 
 
 Titus .'lutcliinson Dan Carpenter 
 
 Joseph Burr Asa Aldis. 
 ifabez Procter 
 
 NEW YORK. 
 
 ?Jathan Thompson M'illiam Townsciid 
 
 Darius Bentlc-y Thomas I.a.vyer 
 
 Micah Brooks IMward B. Craudale 
 
 Pierre A. Barker Samuel Hicks 
 
 Joseph Sibley Edward Savage 
 
 Timothy H. Porter Benjamin :Mooers 
 
 Samuel Rus.sell Chester Patterson 
 
 Marinus Willett Piiineas Coon 
 
 Ebenezei- Sage Azariali Smith 
 
 ilicliard Blauvelt Eleazer Burnham 
 
 Abraham Stagg Solomon St. John 
 
 John Drake Elisha B. Strong 
 
 James Drake Clark Crandall 
 
 Isaac Sutherland Isaac Sutherla-id 
 
 •William Walsh John Lansing, Jr. 
 
 Alexander J. Coffin Benjamin Bailey 
 
 Benjamin Smith Samuel Smith 
 
 Ehsha Dorr Hcman Cady. 
 
 NEW JERSEY. 
 
 Peter Wilson John Buck 
 
 Daniel Vlict James Cook 
 
 Jacob Khne James Parker 
 
 Joseph Kiile Joseph W. Scott. 
 
 PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 Thomas Leipcr William Beattv 
 
 nTT'*^", ^"'■''^ Valentine GiesTev 
 
 '^ "''P Pel^z John Reed 
 
 \Ie.xandcr M'Caraher James Duncan 
 
 Oame Shcffer joi,„ j, j 
 
 Daniel Raub Ahr I'lirn \ i i 
 
 rn<:,.T,i, T?„,-T Aor.i.iam Addams 
 
 • osep Engle Isaac Smith 
 
 •rohn Pugh ^^..l,;^^, Th.cmscn 
 
 -VdamRuschor Asa Mar.n •■ 
 
 Gharles Kenny john T.^uel 
 
 Aflam Km- j.^.U^ Berner 
 
 John Rush Henry Scheet-z 
 
 Peter Afldams Adam Light 
 
 James Ankrim James Murry. 
 
 DELAWARE. 
 John Caldwell Isaac Tunncll. 
 
 Joseph G. Rowland 
 
 MARYLAND. " 
 Henry Brawner William Brown 
 
 John C. Herbert Thomas Hope 
 
 Geoi-ge Winchester Samuel G. Osboru 
 
 Dennis Claude James Sangston 
 
 W.lham Tyler Littleton Dennis. 
 
 Thomas Post 
 
 VIRGINIA. 
 
 William C. Holt Robert Shield 
 
 Charles H. Graves Ellison CuiTie 
 
 John Cargill Robert Taylor 
 
 William H. Brodnax Isaac Foster 
 Joseph Wyatt Daniel .Morgan 
 
 James Jones William Armstrong 
 
 Cliarles Yancey Archibald Rutherford 
 
 Joseph MarliM John Bowyer 
 
 Thomas M. Randolph James Hoge 
 
 "Wm. Brockenbrough Andrew Russell 
 
 ^,?'.'" '^- ^°'"=>^ Joseph H Samuels 
 W ilham Jones V/illiam Marteney. 
 
 NORTH CAROLINA. 
 
 Montfort Stokes William Martin 
 
 Robert Love William A. Blount 
 
 Peter I'orney William B. Lockhait 
 
 Yine Allen Edward B. Dudley 
 
 James Mebanc Augusta H. Shepperd 
 
 .TohnGdes AValterJ Leake 
 
 A\ ilham Drew John M. Morehead. 
 Josiah Crudup 
 
 SOUTH CAROLINA. 
 
 Robert Clendinen Evan Benbow 
 
 John K Griffin William Garrett 
 
 Angus Patterson Eldred s«imkiiis 
 
 .Inscph W. Alston William C. Pincknev 
 
 Matthew J . Keith Thomas Benson. ' 
 William Laval 
 
 GEORGIA. 
 
 Ellas Beall William Matthews 
 
 Ihomas Gumming John Mcintosh 
 
 .To in Floyd John Rutherford 
 
 .lohn Harden WiUiam Terrell. 
 Warren Jourdan 
 
 KENTUCKY. 
 
 Joseph R. Underwood Richard Taylor 
 
 John E King Joseph Allen 
 
 Ahuy McLean w. Moore 
 
 Young Ewing Thomas Bodley 
 
 Benjamin Lecher D. Payne 
 
 Jam.s Smiley j. j. crittcndeu 
 
 Joshua fry H.Taylor. 
 
 TENNESSEE. 
 
 John Rhea William A. Sublett 
 
 r A. Howard Joseph Brown 
 
 Wm. E. Anderson Joel Pinson 
 
 ,,■..,*?.• ^^""^ Willie Blout 
 
 ^^ ilham MitcheU Robert H. Dyer 
 Samuel Hogg 
 
 OHIO. 
 
 A'iUiam H. Harrl.son James Caldwell 
 
 A\ iL.am VkFarland Da^id Sloane 
 
 J homxs K.rkcr Samuel Coulter 
 
 James Heatoii Solomon Kiiigsbenv 
 
 Henrs I'.i-own Ebcn. z- r Mcny 
 
 l.lnnezerBuckingham James Coolcy 
 
 V. I .Km Kendall James Steele 
 
 A> ilham Ski.mer John Bigger 
 
565 
 
 LOUISIANA. 
 
 William Nott John B. Plauche 
 
 James H. Shepherd S. Hiriart. 
 Pierre Lacoste 
 
 INDIANA. 
 
 John CaiT 
 Jonathan McCarty. 
 
 Elias McNamee 
 David Robb 
 Samuel Milroy 
 
 Thomas Hinds 
 James Patton 
 
 MISSISSIPPI. 
 
 Baitlett C. Barry. 
 
 ILLINOIS. 
 
 William Hamson Alexander P. Field. 
 
 Henry Eddy 
 
 ALABAMA. 
 
 Reuben SafFold 
 Henry Chambers 
 William Fleming 
 
 James Hill 
 John Murphy. 
 
 MAINE. 
 
 Lemuel Trescott 
 James Parker 
 Benjamin Chandler 
 Benjamin Nourse. 
 
 James Campbell 
 Thomas Fillebrown 
 Nathaniel Hf)bbs 
 Rev. Joshua Taylor 
 Stephen Parsons 
 
 MISSOURL 
 David Todd James Logan. 
 
 David Musick 
 
 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION. 
 
 The following statement exhibits the manner 
 of choosing Electors for President and Vice 
 President in the several States, the time at 
 ■which each election is held, and the number 
 of Electors to whicli each State is entitled: 
 
 
 
 o c 
 
 ! TIME OF 
 
 STATES. 
 
 MODE. 
 
 6 g 
 
 ELECTIOX. 
 
 Maine, 
 
 District. 
 
 9 
 
 November 3d. 
 
 Now Hampshire, 
 
 Gen. ticket, 
 
 8 
 
 November 3(1. 
 
 .M.i^s.ichu.seits. 
 
 Gen. ticket. 
 
 15 
 
 November lid. 
 
 Rhode I>lan(i, . 
 
 Gen. ticket, 
 
 4 
 
 November lOlli. 
 
 Connecticuf, 
 
 Gen. ticket, 
 
 8 
 
 .Novc.'uber 3d. 
 
 Vermont, . 
 
 Gen. ticket, 
 
 7 
 
 November llili. 
 
 Xcw York, 
 
 District, 
 
 36 
 
 November;), 4, r<. 
 
 New .lor.sey, 
 
 Gen. ticket, 
 
 8 
 
 November 4 &. Tt. 
 
 Pennsylvania, . 
 
 Gou. ticket. 
 
 23 
 
 Oilnbei Itlst. 
 
 Delaware, 
 
 Lcsislature, 
 
 3 
 
 By Lcpiflature. 
 
 Maryland, 
 
 District, 
 
 11 
 
 November lUtli. 
 
 Virginia, . 
 
 Gen. ticket, 
 
 34 
 
 November :M. 
 
 Norlli Carolina, 
 
 Gen. ticket. 
 
 1.5 
 
 .November Kith. 
 
 South Carolina, 
 
 Li'gislatiirc, 
 
 11 
 
 By Lepislainre. 
 
 Cleorpia, 
 Tennessee, 
 
 Gfu. ticket. 
 
 9 
 
 Novenilier M. 
 
 Di^triif, 
 
 11 
 
 Noveiiibcr VMi. l\. 
 
 Kentucky, 
 Ohio, 
 
 Gen. ticket. 
 
 14 
 
 November lOlh. 
 
 Gen. ticket, 
 
 16 
 
 October 31s-T. 
 
 Indiana, 
 
 Gen. ticket. 
 
 a 
 
 November lOlli. 
 
 Illinois, 
 
 Gen. ticket. 
 
 3 
 
 .November .''d. 
 
 Missouri, . 
 
 Gen. ticket. 
 
 3 
 
 November 3d. 
 
 Louisiana, 
 
 Gen. ticket, 
 
 .I 
 
 N'lvember 3, 4. .'. 
 
 MifsiF<ippi, 
 
 Gen. ticket. 
 
 3 
 
 .November 3d. 
 
 Alabama, . 
 
 Gen.-ticket, 
 
 5 
 
 November lOlli. 
 
 
 Total 
 
 261 
 
 
 The following is a statement of the votes for 
 President : 
 
 From the foregoing statement it will be seen 
 that eiglitecn States choose their Electors by 
 General Ticket, four States by Districts, and 
 two States by the Legislature^ 
 ELEVENTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION. 
 ^.829. — In 1828 A.vmirw Jackson was elected 
 President, and Jonjr C. CAT.iinr.N re-elect- 
 ed Vice President of tlie United States, for 
 fOtir yearn from tlie -ith March, 1829. 
 
 MAINE. 
 
 
 
 Distncls. Jackson. 
 
 ^dam s. 
 
 .S><j/. 
 
 ■i;ork, 1865 
 
 3047 
 
 9 
 
 Cumberland, 4227 
 
 4043 
 
 r» 
 
 Lmcoln, 833 
 
 2111 
 
 5 
 
 Kennebec, 10.57 
 
 3075 
 
 8 
 
 Oxford, 2903 
 
 3265 
 
 .11 
 
 Hancock &. Washington, 1235 
 
 2268 
 
 4 
 
 Somerset ft Penobscot, 1807 
 
 2964 
 
 3S 
 
 Total, 13,927 
 
 20,773 
 
 94 
 
 NEW HAMPSHIRE. 
 
 
 Jachfnn. Jifaiii.i. 
 
 Total. 
 
 
 20,692 21.07(5 
 
 44,098 
 
 
 VERMONT. 
 
 OFFICIAL TANVASS. 
 
 Counties. .iJams. 
 
 Bennington, 1658 
 
 VVintlham, 2907 
 
 Rutland, 3502 
 
 Windsor, 4022 
 
 Addison, 2582 
 
 Orange, 1995 
 
 Chittenden, 1825 
 
 Caledonia, 1324 
 
 Wasliington, 1313 
 
 Franklin, 1820 
 
 Orleans, 879 
 
 Es.scx, 264 
 
 tirand Isle, 266 
 
 Jackson. 
 
 386 
 
 497 
 
 671 
 
 502 
 
 63.^, 
 1203 
 1096 
 
 497 
 1129 
 
 805 
 
 450 
 
 198 
 
 133 
 
 Totals, 
 
 2-4,784 8,205 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS. 
 
 .fackson . 
 6,019 
 
 .iJitliis. 
 29.836 
 
 Total 
 35,83.> 
 
 RHODE ISLAND. 
 
 Juci'fson. .'hlnms. Total. 
 
 695 2,548 3,24J 
 
 CONNECTICUT. 
 
 
 Cuunlk.'?. 
 
 .QJuin.'. 
 
 Jnck.vtn 
 
 Ilarlfonl, 
 
 1273 
 
 2577 
 
 New Haven, 
 
 2031 
 
 23 i 
 
 New I.oTidoii, 
 
 2042 
 
 90K 
 
 Fairlic-ld, 
 
 17Mi 
 
 .-at 
 
 Windliam, 
 
 1255 
 
 25r. 
 
 Litciificid, 
 
 22 J 2 
 
 50.i 
 
 Middlesex, 
 
 890 
 
 :i7.: 
 
 Tolland, 
 
 1027 
 
 51.'. 
 
 Totals, 
 
 13,829 
 
 4,M8 
 
 NEW YOHK. 
 The following tal.lc cxliibit>i the yolc» f»» 
 PresidcMitial Electors in the tcvcral districU in 
 
 this State: 
 
 DiKlfirts. Jark.'on. Jidam 
 
 1 Uucens and Sudollc, 
 
 2 King*. »fK:kbnd & Rich'd, 
 
 3 New York, 
 
 4 Wc»tch«»tcr and Putnam, 
 
 5 Dtilche"", 
 
 6 Oningr, 
 
 7 lUtcr and StiUivarv 
 
 ?>i)7S 
 
 I'.r.^ 
 
 \' 
 
 
666 
 
 8 Columbia, i440 
 
 9 Ren'.sclaer, 4253 
 
 10 Albany, 3924 
 
 11 Greene and Delaware, 5331 
 
 12 Schenectady & Schoharie, 3740 
 J3 Otsego, 4241 
 
 14 Oneida, 5136 
 
 15 Herkimer, 3177 
 
 16 Monlgomeiy, 3778 
 
 17 Saratoga, 2920 
 
 18 Washington, 2658 
 
 19 Clinton, Essex, &c. 4503 
 
 20 Jefferson, St. Lawrence, Sic. 9081 
 
 21 Clienango and Broome, 4329 
 
 22 Madison and Coitlaiul, 4136 
 
 23 Onondaga, 4264 
 
 24 Cayuga, 4159 
 
 25 Tompkins and Tioga, 5427 
 
 26 Ontario, Seneca, &c. 7011 
 
 27 Monroe and Livingston, 4631 
 
 28 Steuben, Alleghany, Sec. 5347 
 
 29 Gencssee and Orleans, 3256 
 
 30 Erie, Niagara, &,c. 3660 
 
 140,763 1 
 Aggregate majority fur the Jackson Electors, 
 5,350. 
 
 3642 
 
 Susquehanna, 
 
 1062 
 
 694 
 
 368 
 
 4650 
 
 Centre, 
 
 1998 
 
 453 
 
 1545 
 
 4195 
 
 Clearfield, 
 
 393 
 
 211 
 
 182 
 
 3371 
 
 Mifflin, 
 
 1659 
 
 506 
 
 1144 
 
 2584 
 
 Crawford, 
 
 1117 
 
 958 
 
 159 
 
 3900 
 
 Cambria, 
 
 S14 
 
 94 
 
 220 
 
 5817 
 
 Mercer, 
 
 1603 
 
 738 
 
 865 
 
 2516 
 
 Perrj', 
 
 1060 
 
 241 
 
 819 
 
 3982 
 
 Washington, 
 
 3893 
 
 1687 
 
 2196 
 
 3545 
 
 Greene, 
 
 1498 
 
 452 
 
 1046 
 
 4085 
 
 Fayette, 
 
 2945 
 
 1230 
 
 1715 
 
 5042 
 
 Franklin, 
 
 2586 
 
 1915 
 
 671 
 
 9164 
 
 Armstrong, 
 
 1133 
 
 169 
 
 964 
 
 3116 
 
 Brit", 
 
 773 
 
 945 
 
 172 
 
 4974 
 
 Beaver, 
 
 1152 
 
 1282 
 
 29 
 
 3796 
 
 Schuylkill, 
 
 863 
 
 220 
 
 643 
 
 2416 
 
 Jndiana & Jefferson 
 
 , 926 
 
 245 
 
 6S1 
 
 3735 
 
 Somerset, 
 
 1347 
 
 238 
 
 1109 
 
 9119 
 
 Butler, 
 
 1063 
 
 610 
 
 458 
 
 7079 
 
 Venango, 
 
 769 
 
 126 
 
 643 
 
 4395 
 
 Pike, 
 
 549 
 
 74 
 
 475 
 
 6823 
 
 Wayne, 
 
 541 
 
 320 
 
 eii 
 
 7983 
 
 Warren, 
 
 340 
 
 243 
 
 97 
 
 
 Tioga, 
 
 950 
 
 193 
 
 657 
 
 135,413 
 
 Potter and M'Kean 
 
 , 175 
 
 108 
 
 67 
 
 NEW JERSEY. 
 
 OFFICIAL 
 
 Mams. 
 Vrelinghuysen, 
 Learning, 
 White, 
 Iloff, 
 Ely, 
 Brown, 
 Elmer, 
 Zabriskie, 
 
 HETURNS FOR ELECTORS. 
 
 Jackson. 
 
 23758 M'Cullougli, 
 
 23757 M'Carter, 
 
 23626 Maxwell, 
 
 23760 Conover, 
 
 23761 Townsend, 
 23760 Kille, 
 23757 Godwin, 
 23754 Shinn, 
 
 21809 
 21951 
 21950 
 21703 
 21947 
 21946 
 2195 .' 
 21951 
 
 101,652 50,848 51,569 765 
 Majority for Andrew Jackson, 50,804. 
 
 DELAWARE. 
 
 The Electors are chosen by the Legislature. 
 The vote of this State was given to Mr. Adams- 
 
 MARYLAND. 
 
 "We have placed all the returns from this 
 State, except St. Mary's, which will not vary 
 the general result, and the Jackson majority is 
 161 votes through the State. 
 
 Jacfeson. 
 
 PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 OFFICIAL RETUnNS. 
 
 No. of voles polled. Majorities. 
 
 Counties. 
 
 City and county 
 Philadelphia, 
 Chester, 
 Lancaster, 
 Delaware, 
 Montgomery, 
 Berks, 
 Bucks, 
 York, 
 
 Cumberland, 
 D.iuphin, 
 Lebanon, 
 Huntingdon, 
 Northumberland 
 Lehigh, 
 Adams, 
 Northampton, 
 Alleghany, 
 Westmoreland, 
 Bedford, 
 Lycoming 
 Columbia, 
 Union, 
 Bradford, 
 Luzerne, 
 
 of 
 
 c 
 o 
 
 en 
 M 
 u 
 <:« 
 
 12017 
 3835 
 5186 
 953 
 3341 
 4583 
 3297 
 3645 
 2113 
 1974 
 1439 
 1708 
 1669 
 2000 
 1242 
 3628 
 3866 
 3917 
 2260 
 1534 
 1869 
 1697 
 1553 
 T645 
 
 6 
 
 d 
 
 < 
 
 6200 
 
 3535 
 
 3719 
 
 1164 
 
 2311 
 
 894 
 
 3425 
 
 1864 
 
 898 
 
 1140 
 
 597 
 
 1144 
 
 395 
 
 516 
 
 1461 
 
 889 
 
 1666 
 
 629 
 
 780 
 
 467 
 
 562 
 
 210 
 
 910 
 
 1435 
 
 c 
 o 
 
 CO 
 
 U 
 
 c< 
 
 < 
 
 5817 
 
 300 
 
 1467 
 
 1030 
 3689 
 
 1781 
 
 1215 
 
 834 
 
 842 
 
 564 
 
 1374 
 
 1484 
 
 2739 
 2200 
 3288 
 1480 
 1067 
 1307 
 1528 
 643 
 210 
 
 211 
 
 128 
 
 Baltimore city, 
 
 Baltimore county. 
 
 Prince George's, 
 
 Montgomery, 
 
 City of Annapolis, 
 
 Hartford, 
 
 Cecil, 
 
 Queen Anne, 
 
 Kent, 
 
 Talbot, 
 
 Caroline, 
 
 l>orchester, 
 
 Somerset. 
 
 Worcester, 
 
 Anne Arundel, 
 
 Frederick, 
 
 Washington, 
 
 Calvert, 
 
 Charles, 
 
 Alleghany, 
 
 4385 
 
 2952 
 
 716 
 
 168 
 
 158 
 
 1233 
 
 1055 
 
 666 
 
 J02 
 
 558 
 
 572 
 
 643 
 
 828 
 
 1086 
 
 1070 
 
 2980 
 
 1626 
 
 320 
 
 571 
 
 693 
 
 Adams. 
 
 4012 
 
 1505 
 
 766 
 1017 
 
 152 
 1076 
 
 996 
 
 641 
 
 539 
 
 790 
 
 672 
 
 893 
 1176 
 
 899 
 1219 
 3291 
 1506 
 
 580 
 
 735 
 
 549 
 
 23,175 23,014 
 
 219 
 
 VIRGINIA. 
 
 orricrAL retuhxb. 
 
 Albemarle 
 
 Amelia 
 
 Amherst 
 
 Augusta 
 
 Accomack 
 
 Alleghany 
 
 Bath 
 
 Jackson Ticket. 
 478 
 223 
 206 
 359 
 216 
 102 
 1-33 
 
 A'lams Ticket- 
 124 
 
 19 
 115 
 407 
 240 
 
 15 
 
 59 
 
Bedford 
 
 Brooke 
 
 Brunswick 
 
 Buckingham 
 
 Berkeley 
 
 Botetourt 
 
 Campbell 
 
 Caroline 
 
 Charles City 
 
 Charlotte 
 
 Chesterfield 
 
 Culpepper 
 
 Cabell 
 
 Cumberland 
 
 Dinwiddle 
 
 Elizabeth City 
 
 Essex 
 
 Fairfax 
 
 Fauquier 
 
 Fluvanna 
 
 Frederick 
 
 Franklin 
 
 Giles 
 
 Gloucester 
 
 Goochland 
 
 Greenbrier 
 
 Greensville 
 
 Grayson 
 
 Hampshire 
 
 Hanover 
 
 Henrico 
 
 Halifax 
 
 Hardy 
 
 Harrison 
 
 Henrv 
 
 Isle of Wight 
 
 Jefferson 
 
 James City 
 
 Kanawha 
 
 King & Queen 
 
 King William 
 
 King George 
 
 Loudoun 
 
 Louisa 
 
 Lee 
 
 Lewis 
 
 Lunenburg 
 
 Matthews 
 
 Mason 
 
 Middlesex 
 
 Mecklenburg 
 
 Montgomery 
 
 Madison 
 
 Monongalia 
 
 Monroe 
 
 Morgan 
 
 Nansemond 
 
 Nelson 
 
 New Kent 
 
 Norfolk County 
 
 Northampton 
 
 Northumberland 
 
 Nicholas 
 
 Nottoway 
 
 Ohio 
 
 Orange 
 
 Pocahontas 
 
 Powhatan 
 
 Preston 
 
 Prince George 
 
 Prince William 
 
 Patrick 
 
 I'ittsylvania 
 
 300 
 315 
 218 
 437 
 196 
 396 
 311 
 302 
 60 
 S19 
 366 
 517 
 203 
 219 
 171 
 74 
 195 
 119 
 372 
 269 
 630 
 471 
 292 
 148 
 178 
 139 
 101 
 289 
 317 
 280 
 220 
 560 
 95 
 437 
 245 
 262 
 207 
 83 
 167 
 182 
 178 
 42 
 229 
 435 
 275 
 164 
 194 
 115 
 173 
 102 
 461 
 412 
 259 
 366 
 158 
 75 
 234 
 199 
 96 
 156 
 90 
 130 
 116 
 208 
 330 
 424 
 94 
 158 
 228 
 180 
 117 
 262 
 622 
 
 
 567 
 
 
 
 
 294 
 
 Pendleton 
 
 236 
 
 144 
 
 
 135 
 
 Prince Edward 
 
 323 
 
 8 
 
 
 61 
 
 Princess Anne 
 
 105 
 
 264 
 
 
 42 
 
 Richmond County 
 
 83 
 
 106 
 
 
 334 
 
 Rockbridge 
 
 363 
 
 236 
 
 
 73 
 
 Rockingham 
 
 631 
 
 121 
 
 
 191 
 
 Randolph 
 
 107 
 
 148 
 
 
 99 
 
 Russell 
 
 229 
 
 15 
 
 
 26 
 
 SheHandoah 
 
 990 
 
 47 
 
 
 51 
 
 Southampton 
 
 341 
 
 113 
 
 
 102 
 
 Spottsylvanla 
 
 267 
 
 77 
 
 
 119 
 
 Stafford 
 
 106 
 
 110 
 
 
 70 
 
 Sussex 
 
 305 
 
 8 
 
 
 86 
 
 Scott 
 
 247 
 
 4 
 
 
 31 
 
 Surry 
 
 160 
 
 32 
 
 
 74 
 
 Tyler 
 
 124 
 
 106 
 
 • 
 
 46 
 
 Tazewell 
 
 304 
 
 3 
 
 
 123 
 
 Westmoreland 
 
 102 
 
 95 
 
 
 249 
 
 Warwick 
 
 46 
 
 . 7 
 
 
 2 
 
 Washington 
 
 5<)1- 
 
 16 
 
 
 453 
 
 Wood 
 
 125 
 
 182 
 
 
 96 
 
 Wythe 
 
 382 
 
 20 
 
 
 40 
 
 York 
 
 84 
 
 7 
 
 
 34 
 
 Norfolk-Borough 
 
 2-14 
 
 218 
 
 
 30 
 
 Petersburg 
 
 124 
 
 67 
 
 
 255 
 
 Richmond 
 
 107 
 
 199 
 
 
 17 
 
 Williamsburg 
 
 36 
 
 26 
 
 
 7'3 
 292 
 
 26,503 
 
 11,997 
 
 
 145 
 
 ISOFFICIAI. 
 
 
 
 
 120 
 
 Lancaster 
 
 59 
 
 93 
 
 
 76 
 
 Logan 
 
 190 
 
 11 
 
 
 114 
 291 
 
 26,752 
 
 12,101 
 
 
 27 
 
 
 12,101 
 
 
 
 68 
 
 Majority for Gen. Jackson in Virginia, 
 
 14,651 
 
 291 
 
 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 NORTH CAROLINA. 
 
 
 129 
 82 
 32 
 
 OFFICIAL RETUBXS. 
 
 
 Cuurtties. 
 
 
 Jackson. . 
 
 i da ins 
 
 83 
 
 Anson 
 
 . 
 
 701 
 
 494 
 
 525 
 
 Ashec 
 
 - 
 
 - 319 
 
 107 
 
 34 
 
 Beaufort 
 
 - 
 
 372 
 
 625 
 
 33 
 
 Brunswick 
 
 
 - 149 
 
 175 
 
 181 
 13 
 
 Buncombe 
 Burke 
 
 - 
 
 762 
 - 1314 
 
 111 
 211 
 
 45 
 
 Bertie 
 
 . 
 
 571 
 
 210 
 
 129 
 
 Bladen 
 
 
 - 384 
 
 111 
 
 38 
 
 Cabarrus 
 
 . 
 
 428 
 
 321 
 
 28 
 
 Chowan 
 
 
 - 225 
 
 69 
 
 40 
 
 17 
 
 156 
 
 268 
 
 62 
 
 Columbus 
 Cumberland - 
 
 . - • 
 
 300 
 - 821 
 
 40 
 3J5 
 
 Caswell 
 
 . 
 
 941 
 
 2fi 
 
 Chatham 
 Cravt-n 
 
 . • . * . 
 
 - 698 
 550 
 
 409 
 399 
 
 221 
 
 Camden 
 
 
 - 426 
 
 65 
 
 •6« 1- 
 
 71 
 
 Carteret 
 
 - 
 
 325 
 
 350 
 
 77 
 317 
 
 29 
 121 
 
 72 
 
 2 
 
 421 
 
 107 
 
 Currituck 
 
 Da^i<lson 
 
 Duplin 
 
 Edgcromb 
 
 Franklin 
 
 Guilford 
 
 • 
 
 396 
 H49 
 
 - 546 
 902 
 
 - 630 
 346 
 
 35 
 334 
 1.12 
 111 
 
 82 
 970 
 
 Gatc'< 
 C;ranvillc 
 
 - 
 
 ■ 424 
 
 842 
 
 . 20.1 
 
 85 
 146 
 
 50 
 
 26 
 
 91 
 
 8 
 
 Greene 
 Haywnod 
 Halifax 
 Hertford 
 
 • « 1 
 
 . ' . 
 
 933 
 
 - 765 
 .179 
 
 - 247 
 
 3 
 
 60 
 
 139 
 
 88 
 
 69 
 53 
 
 lie 
 
 Hyde 
 
 Iredell 
 
 Johnston 
 
 - 
 
 5d;i 
 
 . 41H 
 
 571 
 IR1 
 
56^8 
 
 Jones 
 
 Lenoir 
 
 Lincoln 
 
 Martin 
 
 Montjjomery 
 
 Mecklenburg 
 
 Moore 
 
 New Hanover 
 
 Nash 
 
 Northampton 
 
 Onslow 
 
 Orange 
 
 Perquimons 
 
 Person 
 
 Pitt 
 
 Pasquotank 
 
 Randolph 
 
 llichmond 
 
 Hocking ham 
 
 Bobeson 
 
 Rowan 
 
 Rucherford 
 
 Sampson 
 
 Stokes 
 
 Surry 
 
 Tyrrell 
 
 Warren 
 
 Wake 
 
 Wayne 
 
 Washington 
 
 Wilkes. 
 
 Jackson's majoiity 
 
 212 
 251 
 
 1191 
 461 
 564 
 
 1194 
 515 
 668 
 453 
 362 
 476 
 
 1057 
 301 
 393 
 329 
 378 
 417 
 358 
 989 
 579 
 
 1197 
 
 1214 
 599 
 
 1190 
 
 1190 
 273 
 532 
 
 1037 
 538 
 315 
 699 
 
 215 
 111 
 
 429 
 198 
 331 
 376 
 
 90 
 147 
 
 57 
 228 
 105 
 440 
 134 
 
 24 
 485 
 293 
 619 
 209 
 110 
 264 
 321 
 
 63 
 120 
 245 
 272 
 
 20 
 
 OJ 
 
 266 
 
 282 
 
 62 
 
 310 
 
 37,857 13,918 
 13,918 
 
 5,939 
 
 SOUTH CAROLINA. 
 
 The Electors are chosen by the Legislature. 
 The vote of this State was given to General 
 Jackson . 
 
 GEORGIA. 
 
 The following is a statement of the votes 
 given in sixty counties of tliis State, lor Elec- 
 tors of President and Vice President: 
 
 Troup Ticket. 
 
 Clark Ticket. 
 
 Blacksliear, 
 
 10,138 
 
 New nail, 
 
 8,447 
 
 Clayton, 
 
 10,112 
 
 Stewart, 
 
 7,659 
 
 Graves, 
 
 9,977 
 
 Burnett; 
 
 - 7,515 
 
 Maxwell, 
 
 10,08/ 
 
 Cunningham 
 
 , 7,513 
 
 Moore, 
 
 9,967 
 
 Pentecost, 
 
 7,691 
 
 Porter 
 
 10,066 
 
 Hatcher, 
 
 7,265 
 
 Reid, 
 
 10,186 
 
 Mitchell, 
 
 7,605 
 
 Rutherford, 
 
 IU.262 
 
 Leigh, 
 
 7,421 
 
 Terrell, 
 
 9,908 
 
 Milner, 
 
 7,489 
 
 * 
 
 KENIUCKY. 
 
 
 
 OFFICIAL 
 
 HETUIl-NS. 
 
 
 Counties. 
 
 Jackson. 
 
 Adams. 
 
 Adair 
 
 
 571 
 
 33Z 
 
 Allen 
 
 
 540 
 
 223 
 
 Anderson 
 
 
 444 
 
 107 
 
 Uarrcn 
 
 
 889 
 
 766 
 
 Bath 
 
 
 548 
 
 .143 
 
 Boone 
 
 
 485 
 
 442 
 
 Bourbon 
 
 
 849 
 
 1100 
 
 Bracken 
 
 
 427 
 
 452 
 
 Breckinridge 
 
 
 369 
 
 501 
 
 Bullitt 
 
 
 453 
 
 227 
 
 Butler 
 
 
 218 
 
 126 
 
 Caldwell 
 
 
 637 
 
 232 
 
 Calloway 
 
 
 468 
 
 49 
 
 Campbell, (not 
 
 Casey 
 
 Christian 
 
 Clarke 
 
 Clay 
 
 Cumberland 
 
 Daviess 
 
 Edmonson 
 
 Estill 
 
 Fayette 
 
 Flemming 
 
 Floyd 
 
 Franklin 
 
 Gallatin 
 
 Garrard 
 
 Grant 
 
 Graves 
 
 Grayson 
 
 Green 
 
 Greenup 
 
 Hardin 
 
 Harlan 
 
 Harrison 
 
 Hart 
 
 Henderson 
 
 Henry 
 
 Hickman 
 
 Hopkins 
 
 Jefferson 
 
 Jessamine 
 
 Knox 
 
 Laurel 
 
 Lawrence 
 
 Lewis 
 
 Lincoln 
 
 Livingston 
 
 Logan 
 
 Madison 
 
 Mason 
 
 M'Crackcn 
 
 Meade 
 
 Mercer 
 
 Monroe 
 
 Montgomery 
 
 Morgan 
 
 Muiilenberg 
 
 Nelson 
 
 Nicholas 
 
 Ohio 
 
 Oldham 
 
 Owen 
 
 Pendleton (not 
 
 Perry 
 
 Pike 
 
 Pula.ski 
 
 Roclccastle 
 
 Russell 
 
 Scott 
 
 Shelby 
 
 Simpson 
 
 Spencer 
 
 Todd 
 
 Trigg 
 
 Union 
 
 Warren 
 
 Washington 
 
 Wayne 
 
 Whitley 
 
 Woodfor<l 
 
 Total, 
 
 official) 544 majv 
 
 278 
 
 530 
 
 537 
 58 
 
 435 
 
 384 
 
 \97 
 
 239 
 1021 
 
 661 
 
 380 
 
 331 
 
 453 
 
 262 
 
 186^ 
 
 141 
 
 247 
 
 993 
 
 302 
 
 908 
 
 123 
 
 966 
 
 366 
 
 255 
 
 672 
 
 260 
 
 362 
 1460 
 
 520 
 
 134 
 77 
 
 283 
 
 404 
 
 57& 
 
 373 
 
 342 
 
 653 
 
 860 
 94 
 
 150 
 1258 
 
 463 
 
 600 
 
 280 
 
 266 
 
 784 
 
 536 
 
 358 
 
 657 
 
 502 
 
 oflicial) 267 
 
 59 
 
 194 
 
 519 
 
 1^54 
 
 269 
 • 993 
 
 946 
 
 355 
 
 437 
 
 296 
 
 304 
 
 249 
 
 478 
 1486 
 
 578 
 
 177 
 
 513 
 
 39,071 
 31,167 
 
 181 
 655 
 784 
 348 
 327 
 161 
 128 
 215 
 1340 
 676 
 
 92 
 
 384 
 
 341 
 
 1014 
 
 186 
 
 34 
 232 
 524 
 394 
 505 
 214 
 403 
 151 
 321 
 338 
 
 32 
 274 
 1024 
 472 
 285 
 141 
 107 
 303 
 554 
 213 
 883 
 866 
 1088 
 
 OO 
 
 201 
 525 
 137 
 585 
 62 
 259 
 835 
 329 
 213 
 343 
 117 
 152 
 100 
 
 A57 
 249 
 19)1 
 555 
 1097 
 334 
 218 
 486 
 200 
 199 
 674 
 491 
 271 
 161 
 647 
 
 31,16? 
 
 Jackson majority, 7,904. 
 
56y 
 
 TENNESSEE. 
 
 , Jackson, 
 
 first Electoral District, 3136 
 
 Second Electoral District, 3418 
 
 niird Electoral District, 4001 
 
 Fourth Electoral District, 3211 
 
 Fifth Electoral District, 5196 
 
 Sixth Electoral District, 3605 
 
 Seventh Electoral District, 5008 
 
 Eighth Electoral District, 3443 
 
 Ninth Electoral District, 4311 
 
 Tenth Electoral District, 3479 
 
 Eleventli Electoral District, 5282 
 
 Adam?. 
 
 000 
 
 143 
 
 254 
 
 7 
 
 74 
 
 00 
 
 715 
 
 6 
 
 220 
 
 179 
 
 642 
 
 44193 2240 
 
 OHIO. 
 
 JACKSON COU!?TlES. 
 
 Counties. 
 Adams, 
 Belmont, 
 Builer, 
 Brown, 
 Clermont, 
 Coshocton, 
 Columbiana, 
 Dark, 
 Fayette, 
 Fairfield, 
 Guernsey 
 Hamilton, 
 Highland, 
 Harrison, 
 Hocking, 
 Holmes, 
 Hancock, 
 Jefferson, 
 Jackson, 
 Knox, 
 ILicbing-, 
 Lawrence, 
 Madison, 
 Montgomery, 
 Monroe, 
 Morgan, 
 Marion, 
 Vamvert, ~) 
 Alien, S 
 
 Mercer, ^ 
 Pike, 
 Pickaway, 
 Perry, 
 Richland, 
 Stark, 
 Shelby, 
 Tuscarawas, 
 Union, 
 Wayne, 
 
 Ashtabula, 
 
 Athens, 
 
 Champaign, 
 
 Clinton, 
 
 Cuyahoga, 
 
 Clark, 
 
 Crawford, 
 
 Delaware, 
 
 Franklin, 
 
 Greene, 
 
 Gallia, 
 
 Geauga, 
 
 Huron, ■ 
 
 ADAMS 
 
 Jackson. 
 1327 
 2183 
 3239 
 1560 
 2038 
 1031 
 2431 
 
 571 
 
 627 
 
 2606 
 
 1259 
 
 ' 4917 
 
 991 
 1594 
 
 293 
 
 863 
 
 49 
 
 1933 
 
 390 
 1597 
 1826 
 
 270 
 
 435 
 1754 
 
 741 
 
 840 
 
 320 
 
 111 
 
 487 
 1536 
 1308 
 1805 
 1770 
 
 273 
 1041 
 
 194 
 2045 
 
 COUNTIES. 
 
 179 
 482 
 595 
 715 
 
 320 
 637 
 322 
 473 
 868 
 964 
 439 
 347 
 
 Adams. 
 
 373 
 2162 
 
 953 
 
 7u3 
 1002 
 
 574 
 2163 
 
 190 
 
 532 
 1131 
 12U4 
 2716 
 
 858 
 1422 
 
 213 
 
 234 
 
 32 
 
 1556 
 
 389 
 
 725 
 1040 
 
 269 
 
 424 
 1709 
 
 297 
 
 697 
 
 254 
 
 72 
 
 242 
 
 1139 
 
 640 
 
 1283 
 
 1308 
 
 193 
 
 884 
 
 181 
 
 925 
 
 1936 
 
 833 
 
 1048 
 
 1007 
 
 12r.9 
 
 1254 
 
 210 
 
 8o8 
 
 1155 
 
 1197 
 
 746 
 
 Lorain, l jj 
 H:irding and Logan, 275 
 
 Miami, 764 
 
 Muskinguni, 2151 
 
 Medina, 160 
 
 Meigs, 306 
 
 Preble, 895 
 
 Portage, 855 
 
 Koss, 1780 
 
 Scioto, 469 
 
 Sandusky, 127 
 
 Senec;i, 242 
 
 Trumbull, 1590 
 
 Warren, 1797 
 
 Wasiimgton, 695 
 
 Wood, 46 
 
 Williams, ~\ 
 
 Putnam, ! -„ 
 
 PauUhng, r ^^ 
 
 Henry, J 
 
 67,597 
 63,396 
 
 Majority for Jackson, 4,JtJl 
 
 595 
 
 515 
 
 1U89 
 
 2184 
 
 803 
 
 579 
 
 1113 
 
 2107 
 
 1951 
 
 685 
 
 209 
 
 353 
 
 2518 
 
 1835 
 
 1086 
 
 121 
 
 70 
 
 63,396 
 
 
 
 INDIANA. 
 
 
 
 OFFICIAL nETUHNS 
 
 
 Counties, 
 
 
 Jackson. 
 
 Adam? 
 
 Johnson 
 
 - 
 
 298 
 
 199 
 
 Shelby 
 
 • 
 
 458 
 
 310 
 
 Henry 
 
 . 
 
 284 
 
 328 
 
 Hancock 
 
 . 
 
 65 
 
 67 
 
 Marion 
 
 * 
 
 379 
 
 582 
 
 Hamilton 
 
 - 
 
 55 
 
 156 
 
 Bartholomew 
 
 445 
 
 235 
 
 Decatur 
 
 - 
 
 346 
 
 292 
 
 Rush 
 
 . 
 
 649 
 
 345 
 
 Madison 
 
 ^ 
 
 58 
 
 72 
 
 Hendricks 
 
 204 
 
 164 
 
 Morg-iirf* 
 
 - 
 
 235 
 
 232 
 
 Posey 
 
 - 
 
 646 
 
 278 
 
 Vanderburgh 
 
 108 
 
 134 
 
 W arrick 
 
 . 
 
 318 
 
 73 
 
 Spencer 
 
 - 
 
 173 
 
 80 
 
 Switzerland 
 
 439 
 
 335 
 
 Pike 
 
 . 
 
 149 
 
 140 
 
 Gibson 
 
 . 
 
 380 
 
 339 
 
 Ripley 
 
 - 
 
 322 
 
 325 
 
 Dubois 
 
 . 
 
 180 
 
 49 
 
 lUndolph 
 
 - 
 
 . • 123 
 
 250 
 
 Perry 
 
 - 
 
 134 
 
 180 
 
 UelaWHrc 
 
 - 
 
 91 
 
 63 
 
 Daviess 
 
 . 
 
 291 
 
 310 
 
 HiUTison 
 
 - 
 
 705 
 
 457 
 
 CraAtord 
 
 
 230 
 
 206 
 
 Wayne 
 Union 
 
 , 
 
 888 
 
 1.343 
 
 . 
 
 547 
 
 518 
 
 Fayette 
 Fianknu 
 
 _ 
 
 650 
 
 516 
 
 _ 
 
 (m 
 
 656 
 
 Dearborn 
 
 . 
 
 lU()fl 
 
 986 
 
 Allen 
 
 . 
 
 64 
 
 74 
 
 Clay - 
 Futnani 
 
 
 6.12 
 
 25 
 309 
 
 Carroll 
 
 . 
 
 112 
 
 73 
 
 Tippecanoe 
 Warren 
 
 210 
 
 61 
 
 184 
 
 77 
 
 243 
 
 224 
 
 Moiit^'onicry 
 
 .' i'' 
 
 F .uiitain 
 
 " 
 
 IHO 
 
 5U 
 
 \igo 
 
 
 1 »7 
 
 •201 
 
 Owen 
 
 * 
 
 ' ► 
 
 16) 
 
 Green 
 
 " 
 
 
 168 
 
 Sullivan 
 
 * 
 
 <!."' 
 
 «*'. 
 
 Kn"X 
 
 
 
 
67% 
 
 VarKc 
 
 Martin 
 
 Vermillion 
 
 Monroe 
 
 Clark 
 
 Orange 
 
 Floyd 
 
 "Washington 
 
 Lawrence 
 
 Jefferson - 
 
 Jennings - 
 
 Scott 
 
 Jackson - 
 
 . 
 
 4 so 
 
 339 
 
 ^ 
 
 191 
 
 68 
 
 ^ 
 
 282 
 
 287 
 
 m 
 
 570 
 
 223 
 
 • 
 
 953 
 
 615 
 
 . 
 
 631 
 
 285 
 
 , 
 
 590 
 
 374 
 
 ^ 
 
 1083 
 
 612 
 
 . 
 
 823 
 
 213 
 
 _ 
 
 627 
 
 709 
 
 ^ 
 
 204 
 
 290 
 
 ^ 
 
 283 
 
 147 
 
 - 
 
 405 
 
 182 
 
 
 22237 
 
 17052 
 
 ILLINOIS. 
 
 
 OFFICIAL nETunxs 
 
 , 
 
 JACKSON CAKJUiUATEa. 
 
 Names of CanUidaies for Electors. 
 
 COUNTIES. 
 
 Marion, 
 
 Wabash, 
 
 Edwards, 
 
 Montgomery, 
 
 Jackson, 
 
 Clay, 
 
 Clinton, 
 
 W shinijton, 
 
 Shelby, 
 
 Fulton, 
 
 St. Clair, 
 
 White, 
 
 Hamilton, 
 
 Wayne, 
 
 Perry, 
 
 Union, 
 
 Johnson, 
 
 Alexander, 
 
 Tazewell, 
 Pope, 
 
 Galbtin, 
 Jefferson, 
 
 Bond, 
 
 Randolph, 
 
 Monroe , 
 
 Madison, 
 
 Greene, 
 
 Morgan, 
 
 Sangamon, 
 
 Vermillion, 
 
 Edgar, 
 
 Chrkc, 
 
 Crawford, 
 
 Lawrence, 
 
 Calhovm, 
 
 Pike, 
 
 Adams, 
 
 Penria, 
 
 Fayette, 
 
 Jo J Daviess, 
 
 Franklin, 
 
 Schuyler, 
 
 Richard M. Young, 
 Alexander M. Houston, 
 John Taylor, 
 
 ADAMS CAVSIDATES. 
 
 Elijah lies, - 
 
 Samuel H. Thompson, 
 
 George Webb, 
 
 SCATTERING. 
 
 John Ewing* 
 JohTi Houston,* - 
 
 McNabb,* - 
 
 John M. Taylor,* 
 William Webb, - 
 Andrew P xson, - 
 James Thompson, f 
 
 9,560 
 9,518 
 9,415 
 
 4,662 
 4,634 
 4,658 
 
 15 
 
 35 
 
 14 
 
 167 
 
 1 
 
 4 
 
 46 
 
 Total, 
 
 * These votes were e*'idenlly inteiided for the Jackson 
 candidates, which would give thf hishest Jackson candi 
 date a majority of 4.902 over the highest Adams candidate 
 
 t Which added, makes Mr- Thompson's vote 1,680- 
 
 ALABAMA. 
 
 We learn from Mr. H. Philpot, the messen- 
 ger who was selected to brin.a: on the elictoral 
 votes of Alabama, that thr vote in that Styte 
 was, for Jackson and Calhoun 17,138 — for 
 Abams and Rush 1,938. Several counties not 
 heard from. 
 
 MISSISSIPPI. 
 
 The following is the state of the polls for 
 F>lectors of President in tlie State of Mississip- 
 pi, with the exception of Simpson county: 
 
 Counties. 
 
 JacJthon. 
 
 Adams 
 
 Monroe 
 
 362 
 
 16 
 
 Hinds 
 
 411 
 
 57 
 
 Y..Z00 
 
 229 
 
 4 
 
 Madison 
 
 140 
 
 14 
 
 Copiah 
 
 495 
 
 40 
 
 Uaitkin 
 
 51 
 
 4 
 
 Lawrence 
 
 490 
 
 40 
 
 Covington 
 
 209 
 
 17 
 
 Mution 
 
 250 
 
 48 
 
 Pike 
 
 .390 
 
 25 
 
 J ones 
 
 124 
 
 1 
 
 Wayne 
 
 156 
 
 35 
 
 Wilkinson 
 
 576 
 
 161 
 
 Perry 
 
 164. 
 
 10 
 
 Greene 
 
 99 
 
 20 
 
 Adams 
 
 422 
 
 335 
 
 Jeffers(m 
 
 491 
 
 194 
 
 Claiborne 
 
 373 
 
 232 
 
 VVaifen 
 
 412 
 
 170 
 
 Franklin 
 
 285 
 
 43 
 
 Hancock 
 
 61 
 
 8 
 
 J:.ckson 
 
 73 
 
 11 
 
 Wasliingtou 
 
 ■ 54 
 
 18 
 
 A mile 
 
 416 
 
 79 
 
 
 6772 
 
 1581 
 
 Jackson's maj 
 
 ioritv, 5191 
 
 
571 
 
 LOUrSTANA. 
 
 OFFICIAL UKTURVS. 
 
 Fnrlsfies 
 PIm' qiu-miiie, 
 St. B inttrd, 
 N^-w Orieans, 
 Jtfter-^on, 
 St. c a les, 
 St John Baptist, 
 St James, 
 Ahcensifjn, 
 AssMiTiption, 
 Laf. urche Interior, 
 Tt-rrebounee, 
 IbeT ville, 
 
 W t st Baton Rouge, 
 Point Coupte, 
 Wfst Feliciana, 
 Eist Keliciana, 
 East Baton Rouge, 
 St Helena, 
 Washing-ton, 
 St Tt'iimany, 
 Ca'alioula, 
 W':isliita, 
 
 liJatcliiioches and Clai- 
 borne, 
 Rapirles, 
 St. Mary, 
 St. viartin, 
 St. Landry, 
 Lafayette, 
 Concordia, 
 Avojelk'S, 
 
 Total, 
 
 Jackson . 
 
 29 
 
 56 
 747 
 
 24 
 
 37 
 
 30 
 
 76 
 106 
 140 
 
 39 
 
 42 
 190 
 
 72. 
 
 93 
 295 
 441' 
 247 
 294 
 181 
 164 
 147 
 141 
 
 242 
 241 
 
 85 
 
 63 
 135 
 208 
 
 70 
 
 40 
 
 Adams. 
 
 68 
 
 89 
 665 
 
 63 
 
 54 
 
 77 
 153 
 106 
 140 
 338 
 
 54 
 
 66 
 
 62 
 
 68 
 
 98 
 
 80 
 149 
 
 52. 
 
 44 
 
 46 
 
 38 
 
 91 
 
 139 
 
 83 
 130 
 257 
 543 
 158 
 
 42 
 123 
 
 MISS 
 
 OUftl. 
 
 
 OIFICIAL 
 
 ui.Trnx.5. 
 
 
 Vuuntiest 
 
 J ckxon. 
 
 Jtianff 
 
 Howard, 
 
 658 
 
 355 
 
 Charlton, 
 
 361 
 
 102 
 
 Cnlt-, 
 
 331 
 
 46 
 
 B'.onc, 
 
 520 
 
 296 
 
 Montfcomery, 
 
 234 
 
 127 
 
 Caiiawav, 
 
 267 
 
 168 
 
 St. Charles, 
 
 248 
 
 146 
 
 P.kr, 
 
 260 
 
 238 
 
 Ste. Genevieve, 
 
 112 
 
 48 
 
 Washington, 
 
 356 
 
 190 
 
 Madistin, 
 
 271 
 
 56 
 
 St Francois, 
 
 189 
 
 89 
 
 Jefferson, 
 
 152 
 
 72 
 
 Ralls 
 
 117 
 
 50 
 
 Cooper, 
 
 458 
 
 203 
 
 Lafavctte, 
 
 322 
 
 60 
 
 Franklin, 
 
 267 
 
 31 
 
 Saline, 
 
 150 
 
 30 
 
 Rav. 
 
 186 
 
 31 
 
 Lincoln, 
 
 231 
 
 141 
 
 Clav, 
 
 364 
 
 125 
 
 Cape Girardeau, 
 
 457 
 
 148 
 
 St Louis, 
 
 609 
 
 443 
 
 Scott , 
 
 66 
 
 23 
 
 Jackson, 
 
 210 
 
 3 
 
 Wayne, 
 
 218 
 
 5 
 
 Pcrrv, 
 
 196 
 
 49 
 
 Mar'on, 
 
 159 
 
 103 
 
 Gascinvide, 
 
 205 
 
 6 
 
 New Madrid, 
 
 58 
 
 38 
 
 4603 
 
 4i/78 
 
 8272 
 
 3400 
 
 The following Table exhibits, in a 
 
 condenscil form, a statement of popular votes given m the 
 several S'ales: 
 
 STATES. 
 
 Wliok- vole 
 for Jack.-ion. 
 
 Maine - 
 
 Nt A Hampshire 
 
 Vermont 
 
 Massachusetts 
 
 Rlioile Island - 
 
 Connecticut 
 
 New York 
 
 New Jersey 
 
 Peni.sylvania 
 
 Delaware* 
 
 Maryland 
 
 Virginia 
 
 North Carolina 
 
 South Carolina* 
 
 Georgia 
 
 Alabama 
 
 Mississippi 
 
 Louisiana 
 
 Tennessee 
 
 Kentucky 
 
 Ohio 
 
 Indiana 
 
 Illinois - 
 
 Missouri 
 
 Aggregate majorities 
 
 Jackson majorities, 
 
 13,927 
 
 20,922 
 
 8,353 
 
 6,019 
 
 821 
 
 4,448 
 
 140,763 
 
 21,951 
 
 101,652 
 
 24,565 
 26,752 
 37,857 
 
 19,362 
 
 13,384 
 
 6,772 
 
 4,605 
 
 44,193 
 
 39,084 
 
 67,597 
 
 22,237 
 
 9,560 
 
 8,272 
 
 ' The Electors are appointed by the Legislature^ 
 
 VVIiuli- vole 
 tor .AdaniF. 
 
 2J,~73 
 24,124 
 24,364 
 29,837 
 2,754 
 13,838 
 135.413 
 23,761 
 Su.HiH 
 
 25,527 
 12,U>\ 
 13,918 
 
 642 
 
 1,934 
 
 1,581 
 
 4,078 
 
 2,240 
 
 31,172 
 
 6.^.596 
 
 17.052 
 
 4,659 
 
 3,400 
 
 643,096 
 507,412 
 
 1.35.684 
 
 .507,412 
 
 Al;.ii«riiy lor 
 Ja< k-on. 
 
 5,350 
 50,804 
 
 14,651 
 23,939 
 
 18,720 
 
 11.450 
 
 5,191 
 
 527 
 
 41.953 
 
 7,912 
 
 4,201 
 
 5.1H5 
 
 4.901 
 
 4,K72 
 
 199,656 
 f.;],972 
 
 135,6M 
 
 MiijiTitv for 
 AiliMim. 
 
 6,846 
 3,2' »2 
 16,011 
 23,81-K 
 1,935 
 9,390 
 
 1,810 
 
 962 
 
 63,972 
 
.^rs 
 
 Names of persons in nomination for Electors of President and Vice President of 
 the United States, for the eleventh election, from the 4th of March, 1829. 
 
 MAINE. 
 
 JACKSON. 
 
 Isaac I.ane 
 Daniel Rose 
 Henry Hobbs 
 James C Churchill* 
 Moses Carlton 
 Cornelius H >Iland 
 Abijah Smith 
 William Spaulding 
 William Wehber. 
 
 ADAMS. 
 
 Thomas Filk-brown* 
 Simon Nowell* 
 Josepii Prime* 
 Kl'as Thomas 
 Ebenezer Farley* 
 John S. Kimfcall* 
 Josepli Soutluvick* 
 Levi Hubhard* 
 John Moore.* 
 
 Those marked thus (*) were elected. 
 
 VERMONT. 
 
 JACKSOX. 
 
 Martin Field 
 Lyman Fitch 
 .lotin W. Dana 
 Truman Chittenden 
 Joseph Reed 
 Abel Tomlinson 
 John Jackson. 
 
 The Adams 
 
 ASAHS. 
 
 Jonas Galusha 
 Ezra Butler 
 John Phelps 
 Apollos Austin 
 Asa Aldis 
 Josiah Dana 
 William Jarvis. 
 
 ticket succeeded. 
 
 NEW HAMPSHIRE. 
 
 JACKSOir. 
 
 John Harvey 
 Bennmg M. Bean 
 WiUiam Pickering- 
 Jesse Bowers 
 Aaron Matson 
 Jonathan Nye 
 Stephen P. Webster 
 Moses White. 
 
 The Adams 
 
 ADAjrS. 
 
 Geot-ge Sullivan 
 Samuel Quarles 
 N:ihum Parker 
 Samuel Sparhawk 
 William Bixby 
 Thomas Woolson 
 Ezra Bartlett 
 William i.ovejoy. 
 
 ticket succeeded. 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS. 
 
 JACKSON. 
 
 Nathan Willis 
 David Henshaw 
 Phineas Allen 
 Joseph M. Forward 
 John Drury 
 Jonas Sibley 
 William Willard 
 William Austin 
 Oohn K. Simpson 
 Ebenezer Seaver 
 Elihu Dagget, Jr. 
 Peter H Pierce 
 John P. Norton 
 Josiah Newhall 
 John Kuss. 
 
 The Adams 
 
 ADAMS. 
 
 Thomas C. VVinthrop 
 Samuel Lathrop 
 Jesse Putnam 
 Slepiicn White 
 Bailey Bartlett 
 Nathan Chandler 
 Jonitban Davis 
 Edmund Cushing 
 Eliel Frost 
 Jolin Gilbert 
 Samuel Jones 
 Edward H. Robbins 
 Oliver Starkweather 
 Braddock Di.iuck 
 Selh Sprague. 
 ticket succeeded. 
 
 RHODE ISLAND. 
 
 JACKSON. 
 
 Wilkins Updike 
 Henry Bull 
 Nathan B. Sprague 
 Thomas Remington. 
 
 ADAMS. 
 
 Caleb Earle 
 Steplicn B. Cornell 
 Elisha Watson 
 Charles Elbridge. 
 
 CONNECTICUT. 
 
 JACKSON. 
 
 Noah A. Phelps 
 Wi ilium Todd 
 John P. Ti-ott 
 Henry Sherwood 
 Dav:d Bolles 
 Jolin Wi Ich 
 John Stewart, 2d. 
 Ins^oldsby W. Craw- 
 ford. 
 
 ADAMS. 
 
 Sylvester Norton 
 Rufiis Hitchcock 
 Moses Warren 
 Cliarb's Hawkey 
 Roger Tain' or 
 Homer Boardman 
 George Pratt 
 Walter R. Kibbee 
 
 The Adams ticket succeeded. 
 NEW-YORK. 
 
 JACKSON. 
 
 Moses Rolph* 
 John G.irrison* 
 Bi njamin Bailey* 
 John Targee* 
 Gilbert Coutant* 
 Jacob Oded* 
 Morgan Lewis* 
 Egbert Jansen* 
 John E. Russell* 
 Moses Younglove 
 Jacob Yates 
 John Tayler 
 Peter Pine* 
 Joseph C Yates* 
 Elkanah Brush* 
 Henry W iger 
 Rufus Crane* 
 John- Fay 
 Howell Gardiner 
 John Gale 
 Josiah Fisk 
 Charles Day an 
 Alvin Bronson 
 Thomas Blakeslee* 
 John S. Boyd 
 Freeborn G. Jewett* 
 Asaph Stow* 
 Andrew D W. Bruyn* 
 Thomas Rogers, 2d. 
 As;i Cole 
 Matthew Warner 
 .John Lloyd* 
 Hi?'am Frisbee 
 Samuel Russell. 
 
 ADAMS. 
 
 Elbert H. Jones 
 Samuel G. Vabryck 
 Marinus Willett 
 James Fairlee 
 Peter A. Jay 
 John Odell 
 Daniel C. Verplanck 
 James Burt 
 Abraham Hasbrouch 
 Alexander Coffin* 
 Gilbert Eddy* 
 Abraham Van Vechten* 
 Alanson Buel 
 Isaac M . Schemerhom 
 John Badger 
 Eben'r. B. Shearman* 
 Jacob Marshall 
 Archibald Mclntyre* 
 Salmon Childs* 
 Peter II. Myers* 
 James Campbell* 
 Jesse Smith* 
 Augustus Chapman* 
 John W. Harper 
 Benjamin-Cotton* 
 Azariah Smitli 
 Christopher Morgan 
 Charles Pumpelly 
 John Real* 
 William Hildreth* 
 James H. Guernsey* 
 Clark Crandall 
 Sliubal Dunham* 
 Ebenezer Walden.* 
 
 dominations in the Electoral College. 
 
 JACKSON. 
 
 John Tayler* 
 
 Charles Dayan* 
 
 Those marked thus (*) were elected 
 
 ADAMS. 
 
 John DP. Douw 
 Abel French 
 
 NEW -JERSEY. 
 
 JACKSON. 
 
 Abraham Godwin 
 William McCuUough 
 Robert H. McCarter 
 George Maxwell 
 William I. Conover 
 Wilham N. Shinn 
 Joseph Kille 
 Cresse Townsend. 
 
 The Adams ticket succeeded 
 
 ADAMS. 
 
 T. Prelinghuysen 
 A. Lcaming 
 A. White 
 Gabriel Hoff 
 J. J. Ely 
 Abraham Brown 
 T. Elmer 
 C. Zabriskie. 
 
 The Adams ticket succeeded. 
 
T)?*^ 
 
 o 
 
 PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 JACKSON. 
 
 JolmB Gibson 
 William Findlay 
 Edward King 
 John Lisle 
 Jacob Holgate 
 Samuel flumes, sen. 
 
 ADAMS. 
 
 Gabriel Heister 
 John lleed 
 Charles Penrose 
 Samuel Wetherill 
 R ihert Kennedy 
 SamiielUale 
 
 John W. Cunningham David I'ownsend 
 
 George G. Leiper Pierce Crosby 
 
 Henry Sheetz Philip Rt-ed 
 
 Adam Ritscher Jacob Goodhart 
 
 David Hottenstein George Schall 
 
 Peter Frailey George Rau-ih 
 
 Francis Baird William Watts 
 
 Henry Winters Georg..- Weber 
 
 William Thompson George Dennison 
 
 Leonard Rupert Daniel Montgomery 
 
 Jacob Gearhart William Wilson 
 
 George Burultz James S. Mitchell 
 
 Jacob Heyser John Reed 
 
 John Harper John Hershberger 
 
 John Scott Conrad Bucher 
 
 William Piper Henry Black 
 
 Valentine Geisy Jeremiah Kendall 
 
 James Gordon Thomas McCall 
 
 John M. Snowden Francis McClurc 
 
 Robert Scott Jacob Meclilin 
 
 Henry Allshouse John Lobingier 
 
 James Duncan. John Leech. 
 
 The Jackson ticket succeeded. 
 
 DELAWARE. 
 
 The Electors are chosen by the Legislature. 
 Adams Electors were appointed. 
 Jamee Canby David Hazard. 
 
 John Adams 
 
 VIRGINIA. 
 
 JACKSON. ABA.MS. 
 
 William C. Holt James Ma-iisfon-f * 
 
 William H. M'Farland James Monroef 
 
 John Cargill Stephen Wright 
 
 Thomas M. Nelson Benjamin Harrison 
 
 Richard Logan Josepli Gondwyn 
 
 James Jones Richard Field 
 
 William Daniel Edward C. Carnngton 
 
 Joseph Martin Benjamin Hatcher 
 
 William F. Gordon Samuel Branch 
 
 Wm. Brockenbrough Fleming Saunders 
 
 George Buckner' David S. Garland 
 
 William Jones Chapman Johnson 
 
 Robert M'Candlish Francis T. Brooke 
 
 Ellyson Currie Charles Hill 
 
 John W. Green Robert Lively 
 
 John Gibson Hancock Eusticc 
 
 George Rust Wm. A. G Dade 
 
 Jared Williams Alfred H P.nvcll 
 
 Jacob D. Williamson Joseph Mauzcu 
 
 John Bowyer Archibald Stuart 
 
 John E. George Ballard Smith 
 
 Andrew Russell Benjamin Estill 
 
 Joel Shrewsbury Lewis Summers 
 John M'MiUan. Alpheus P. Wilson. 
 
 The Jackson ticket succeeded. 
 
 • A few days previous to the meeting of the 
 Electors Mr. George Buckner died, and Mr. 
 Garret Minor was chosen to fill the v.icancy. 
 
 t Those gentlemen declined, and the vacancy 
 was filled by Mr. John ShackJcford and Col. 
 WilUtm EU/ev. 
 
 MARYLAND. 
 
 JACKSON. ADAM.-! 
 
 Joseph Stone Henry Brawner' 
 
 Jolin C Herbert Bcnj. F Forest* 
 
 Wm. Fitzhiigh, Jr.* t;forgi »i-lt/er 
 William Tvlci" W II ain Price 
 
 Joini S Sell nan* James Bo^le 
 
 Benjamin C Howard* Wm. Su-wart 
 Elias Brown* Jas. H. M'Cnllocli 
 
 Thomas \1. Forman James Scwrll* 
 
 John T. Kecs Thomas Emory* 
 
 James Sangston T. U. l.ocWernan* 
 
 Thomas K. Carroll.. Littleton Dennis.* 
 Those marked thus (*) were elected. 
 NORTH CAKOLINA. 
 jACKS«jc. An*.HS. 
 
 Robeit Love Iiaac N Ljimb 
 
 Montfort Stokes Samuel Kenon 
 
 Peter Forney Wm. S. Blacklcdjr. 
 
 John Giles William Clark 
 
 Abraham Phillips Edward Hall 
 
 Jo in M. Morehead William Hinton 
 
 Walter F. Leake D mid Kenon 
 
 Willie p. .M mgum Benjamin Uobcrson 
 
 Josiah Crudup Edmund Deberrj- 
 
 John Hall James S. Smith 
 
 Joseph J. Williams Alexander Gray 
 
 Kedar Ballard James T. Mor. head 
 
 Louis D. Wilson Abner Franklin 
 
 Richard l)obbs Spaight Robert Burton 
 Bdward B. Dudley. Isaac I". Avery. 
 The Jackson ticket succeeded. 
 SOUTH CAROLINA. 
 The Electors are chosen by the Legislature 
 Jackson Electors were appoinica. 
 Sanders Glover Wilham Pope 
 
 David R. Evans John .McComb 
 
 John Stewart Arthur P. Haync 
 
 David SI.>an Green B Colvm 
 
 William Johnston Henry L. Pinckncy 
 
 Wade Hampton, Jr. 
 
 GEORGIA. 
 JACKSO TicKnr. 
 
 TBOIP PARTI. CLAUK PAHTl 
 
 John Rutherford Daniel Nc* nan 
 
 Robert \l. Ilcid . John Stewart 
 
 David Blacksliear Ht-nry Mi'chcU 
 
 Auguslin S. Clayton John BnriK-tt 
 
 Solomon Graves John Cunningliam 
 
 John Maxwell William P.ntrcOTt 
 
 Oliver Porter John llaiciicr 
 
 William Terrell Benjamin Lcigli 
 
 Seaton Grantland. Pitt .Milncr. 
 
 ADA.M9 TirKtT. 
 
 John Biirch Thoma?. Murray 
 
 Tlie Jackson ticket hucceidcd 
 ALABAMA. 
 
 JACKSON. AIIASIfc. 
 
 'Ihomas Miller Jamc* Bcllclt 
 
 Enoch I'arsons Wc»thci»pooii 
 
 Wm Y. Higgins J C. Uimcy 
 
 John A. Elmore George Coulter 
 
 Ihos. D- Crubb. Smith 
 
 The Jackson ticket miccccdcd 
 .MISSISSU'I'I 
 
 JArKIIOV. *HAM». 
 
 Joseph Dunh.ar 1 »• Nicholnon 
 
 Wihy !•• Harris William Liiig 
 
 William Dowsing. K«lward M'Gohe*" 
 
 The J»rk«nn ticket rirr*^ded 
 
574 
 
 LOUISIANA. 
 
 JAUKSON'. 
 
 ■john B Plauche 
 Thos \V. Scott 
 TrasimoM Landry 
 Alfxunder Vlouton 
 Placide Bossier. 
 
 Benjamin Morris 
 NiuviUc Dcclouet 
 J-.iqiK^s Villcre 
 Charles Bushnoll 
 Louis Lc Blaiic. 
 
 The Jackson tick( t succeeded. 
 TENNE:-^EE. 
 
 JACKSON. 
 
 John Khea 
 Samuel Bunch 
 Tliomi.s McCorry 
 Benj.imin C. btout 
 Ani i I w J . MiirchL>anks 
 Geor,^f Elliot 
 William A. Sublett 
 Alfred Flounioy 
 Jo-ie))h Brown 
 Will e Blo'int 
 Adam R. Alexander. 
 
 ADAItlS. 
 
 Moses F Roberts 
 B.i><l M'Nairy 
 Joiii' R Nelson 
 IsaiiC Raw lings 
 William Cox 
 James Taylor. 
 
 [Not a full ticket in 
 nomination.] 
 
 The Jackson ticket succeeded. 
 KENTUCKY. 
 
 JACKSON. 
 
 Thomas S. Slaughter 
 Matthew Lyon 
 Edmund Watkins 
 Nattian (iiiither 
 Tunstall Q larles 
 Keubcii Munday 
 Bcnjainin Chapezc 
 Joun Younger 
 J'thn .Sterrett 
 Benjamin I'aylor 
 Robert J W ird 
 Taidy Allen 
 RcUard Fn nch 
 Thompson Ward. 
 
 The Jackson 
 
 ADAMS. 
 
 John M. Cowell 
 Joseph Earl 
 T!iomaH Bodley 
 Riciiard Taylor 
 D.ival Paine 
 Christ plier Tompkins 
 Burr Harrison 
 Jos ph Allen 
 Alivjy Wiiean 
 John Andirson 
 Ephrem Evv ng 
 
 Ric!lai-d SoilU»;;Mte 
 
 Thomas C. How rd 
 Gabriel Sluughier- 
 
 ticket succeeded. 
 
 J-iCKSON. 
 
 Ethan Allen Bown 
 Gi-orge .M'Couk 
 William Fiatt 
 Jai.ies Shields 
 Henry Burrington 
 Tiu>inas dillespie 
 Thoiias L Hamer 
 Viilfntine KefFer 
 Robert Lucas 
 John M'Kh'aiu 
 Sa iiucl Herrick 
 G •(): j^e sha p 
 Walter M. Biake 
 Be ijaiiim Jones 
 William Hayne 
 Hugh M'Fall. 
 
 The Jackson 
 
 OHIO. 
 
 AUAMtj. 
 
 Jeremiah Morrow 
 Peter H.tchcock 
 William Ruffin 
 James M'Bnde 
 Josi'pli C. Hawkins 
 B iijainin Whiteman 
 John Smith 
 Duncan M'Arthur 
 William K.uidall 
 Ralph 0.sborn 
 Isaac Van Home 
 Jolin Patterson 
 John MM.aughlin 
 William Fogle 
 Aaron Wheeler 
 Ebenezer Lane. 
 
 ticket succeeded. 
 
 INDIANA. 
 
 JACKSON. ADAMS. 
 
 Beiij V. B(.^ckes Joseph Bartholemevr 
 
 Jesse B. Durham Isaac M ntgo.nery 
 
 Ross Smiley Jolni Watts 
 
 Ra' ift' Boon \maziah .Morgau 
 
 William Lowe. Jo.seph Orr. 
 
 The Jackson ticket succeeded. 
 
 ILLINOIS. 
 
 JACKSON. ADAMS. 
 
 J )hn Tay or El jah lies 
 
 Alexander M Houston Samuel H. Thompson 
 Richard M Young. George Weob. 
 
 The Jackson ticket succeeded. 
 MISSOURI. 
 
 JACKSON. ADAMS. 
 
 John Bull Benjamin H Reaves 
 
 B njamiii O'Fallon .loseph C. Brown 
 
 Augustus JoHes. John Hull. 
 
 • The Jackson ticket succeeded. 
 
CONTEXTS 
 
 OF TUB 
 
 UNITED STATES' TELEGIIAPII— EXTRA, 
 
 VOLUME I 
 
 1 
 
 Page. 
 No. 1— March 1, 1828. 
 ^.ddress of the Central Jackson Committee 
 of Kentucky, to the people of Kentucky 
 Investigation of the charge against Mr. Clay, 
 
 before the Kentucky Legislature, 
 Evidence of M. MiUan - 
 
 Gridia - - 
 
 Tannep ... 
 Kendall 
 
 Carnial - - - 
 
 Keene 
 McAlear 
 S hue kk- ford 
 
 Joiuison ... 
 Blair 
 Mason 
 Hal 
 BUs 
 Miller 
 Desha 
 
 Lee and others 
 
 Harrison - - - 10 
 
 Dudley 
 
 Summers . - - 
 
 Halbert and Ilamrick 
 Letter of T. P. Moore, to the editor of the 
 Kentucky Central Watch Tower, on the 
 subject of Mr. Ad;ims's accounts 
 Green & Jarvis to the patrons of the Tcle- 
 giaph . - - - - 
 
 No. 2— March 21, 1828. 
 Six Militia men - - - ' 
 
 Sec'y of War to Gov. Blount 
 Do to D - 
 
 Do to General Jackson 
 
 General order of Governor Blount 
 Division order of <iencral Jackson 
 Sec'y of War to Do 
 
 John Blair to Messrs. Green & J ^rvis 
 Extract from Alexander's Letter 
 Ueport of tlic Committee on Military Af- 
 fairs, • onccriiiiig tliL- Tcmussce Mililia 
 men - - - - " 
 
 Days of Vore, sig-ned " Spirit of '76," from 
 
 the Doyle-tow n Democrat 
 The private nit. gr ly of \\v. Adams 
 Mr. Adams's political integrity 
 
 Do Do Do 
 
 Letter of Horatio Townsend 
 Affidavit of John B. -D. rby 
 Certificate of James Hichanlson 
 Governor Giles to the public 
 proposals of Green ?c Jarvis 
 
 No. 3— March 28, 1828. 
 Better irom the .lackson Commi»t<*e »' 
 
 3 
 
 ib 
 
 ib 
 
 6 
 
 ib 
 
 7 
 
 8 
 
 9 
 
 6 
 
 7 
 
 ib 
 
 lb 
 
 ib 
 
 9 
 
 10 
 
 11 
 
 ib 
 
 ib 
 
 ib 
 
 ib 
 
 13 
 
 ib 
 
 ib 
 
 13 
 
 16 
 
 17 
 18 
 ib 
 ib 
 ib 
 ib 
 ib 
 ib 
 ib 
 
 20 
 
 23 
 
 24 
 
 26 
 
 27 
 
 2« 
 
 ib 
 
 ih 
 
 ib 
 
 3;. 
 
 37 
 38 
 
 ib 
 39 
 
 ib 
 •iO 
 41 
 
 Nashville, in ajiswer to one from a similar 
 Committee, at Cincinnati, upon the sub- 
 ject of General Jucksoii's Marriage, ac- 
 companied by documents, in an Appen- 
 dix thereto annexed 
 Appendix Vo. 1 — James Breckenridgc - 
 No. 2 — Jolm M'X.iiry - 
 No. 3 — Elizabeth Craighead 
 No. 4 — •^allySmilli 
 No. 5 — Mary H Uovixn 
 No G^liioma.s Cnitclier 
 No. 8*-J:imcs I{:iy 
 • It should have been printed No. 7. 
 
 N). 9 — J'lhn McGiniiis - ib 
 
 No. 10-Thdmas .\llin - - ib 
 
 No. ll-.lohn Meaux - - 42 
 
 No. 12-A. Foster • • ib 
 
 No 13-John Overton - - ib 
 
 Remarks of (;rce;. &. Jarvis on the subjict 45 
 George S Line to (ireeii 8c Jurvis - ib 
 
 Green k Jarvis in rcj-ly Totiie Journal, up- 
 on the expected nomination of Mr Web- 
 ster - - - - - 4* 
 Sunday School «Jnion; from the American 
 
 S' iitinol - - - - ib 
 
 Proposals of Green & Jar\is - - 4* 
 
 No. 4— April 5, 1328. 
 
 Jefferson. To the Editors of the Itichirond 
 Enquirer ; from the Na>hvillc Ucpub- 
 lican 
 
 No. 5— Aprill IJ, 1828 
 
 Continuation of Jefferson - 6.'> 
 Mr. Adams' Defence of (;enenl Jackbon ; 
 
 from (he I haca Journal 67 
 
 The tricks of tin- Co:ililiOM 71 
 Corr»?.()ondenci- betunn (;o\ernor itloi;iit 
 and the Secretary of War, itcp ctoig iJic 
 
 Tcnnes>ec troops - - ib 
 General Juckson'!* Address i" ''i'- T.-i.i.r^. 
 
 Ncr lro<)f)S - 7- 
 
 His I^i tier 10 Col (;o kf 73 
 
 Do to (Jovernor Ult.nnt - - ib 
 
 Governor nioiint'H Answer • - 74 
 
 Secretary ol W..r to Governor Hloiint 75 
 
 Do to Do ib 
 
 Do to lii.ni ral J. ' y- lb 
 
 (.overnor Btounl to Do :!' 
 
 Gt-neral Order of Cicn ' ' ib 
 
 Sicretarv nt wat totli 76 
 
 Cf.l. Pipltin - »l» 
 
 Col Kussol - il» 
 
 Certificate of Charles J. Noumc, Chief 
 
 Clerk of the Di pi«rtmci t of War 77 
 
 A Farmer. To the Mon. Mr. F.verrtl - 7>-- 
 
 t;en. .1 .eUson .ind Mr. Clay'bBook 7'' 
 
 Mr. <':»1Iiijuii • ■]" 
 
 Mr. Suthorlamr* amendment to tlie I'lr.fr H 
 
j7b 
 
 Fage. 
 No. 6— April 19, 1828. 
 Vireen SiJarvis to Subscribers - 81 
 
 " The real state of die case" reviewed, or 
 a vindication of the Committee on Manu- 
 factures - - - ib 
 Accounting Officers of tlie Treasury - 84 
 Mr. J S. Barbour's resolution and Speech ib 
 Chief Justice Marsliall - - 90 
 His letter to John H Pleasants - ib 
 Remarks of Grc n & Jarvis - - 91' 
 Extract from Mr. Randolph's speech on 
 
 Ilttrenchment - - •• ib 
 
 Beuiarks of fireen 8c Jarvis concerning Mr. 
 
 AdamsandtI.e Tariff - - 92 
 
 J. Adams's Letter to Mr. Cunning-ham - ib 
 President Adams — from the Democratic 
 
 Eagle - - - - 95 
 
 Further remarks of Green & Jarvis on Man- 
 ufactures and the Tariff - - 94 
 '' The Minister to England" — from the 
 Boston Patriot, credited to the Demo- 
 cratic Press - - - - 95 
 Remarks ot Green & Jarvis - - ib 
 David Crockett. To Green & Jarvis on the 
 Presidential question - - - 96 
 No. 7— April 26, 1828. 
 Gen. Jackson's I.itei-atiu-e - - 97 
 Mr. Van Buren's observations on Mr. Foot's 
 amendment to the Rules of the Senate, 
 by which it was proposed to give the 
 Vice President the right to call to order 
 for words spoken in debate - - 103 
 
 No. 8— April 30, 1828. 
 
 The Six Militiamen — from the Baltimore 
 
 Republican - - - - 113 
 
 D. S. Carr to Hon. J. K. Polk - - ib 
 
 Polk's answer ... - 114 
 
 Governor Blount's order to Gen- Jackson 117 
 His affidavit - '.-...- -118 
 
 Gen. Jackson's order to his division - ib 
 
 J. K. Polk to Hon. E. Livingston - ib 
 
 Mr. Livingston's answer - - ib 
 
 T. \V. Armstrong 10 Hon. J. K. Polk - 119 
 Hon. L. White and J. K. I'olk ti> Major 
 
 Gen. E. P. GaiiKS - - - jl) 
 
 Ccn. Gauies's answer - - - ib 
 
 General Greene - - - 120 
 
 Execution of Militiamen - - 121 
 
 Internal Improvement - - ■ l'^ 
 
 Speech of Mr. McLane on - - ib 
 
 Do. of the Vice President, Mr. Calhoun 125 
 The Webster Bargain - - - 127 
 
 F. R. Stockton, to tlie Editor of the N. Y. ^ 
 
 Evening Poot - - - ib 
 
 The National Gazette - • - 128 
 
 llemarks of Green and Jarvis, on a Letter 
 
 from Kentucky on the election - ib 
 
 The Six Militiamen - - - ib 
 
 Additional remarks on the subject by the 
 
 Editors - - • - ib 
 
 No. 9— Msy 7, 1828. 
 Expenditures in the Department of State 129 
 Report of the Committee on so much of 
 the Public Accounts :ind expenditures 
 as relates to the State Departinciit - ib 
 
 Secretary of Slate to Hon. John Blair, 
 
 Chairman, £ic. - - - 135 
 
 Mr. Plcasonton to Mr. Clay - - 156 
 
 Mr. Nourse to Mr. Plcasonton - - 137 
 
 =ititenient showing the rlii-bursoments &c. ib 
 
 Economy — remarks by the Editors • 143 
 
 The Public Debt — remarks by the Editors 144 
 Remarks on the subject of the postage of 
 the Extra - - - • ib 
 
 No. 10— May 10, 1828. 
 Reply by the Jackson Corresponding Com- 
 mittee of tlie District of Columbia, to Mr. 
 Clay's la^t Address ... 145 
 
 Mr. Clay to the Editors of the National In- 
 
 tellig'encer .... 150 
 
 Mr. Adams' reply • - - 51 
 
 Extracts from Wayne ... 152 
 
 Extracts from a series of letters addressed 
 
 to Mr- Aiiams .... 153 
 
 No. 11— May 10, 1828. 
 Reply continued - . - • 161 
 
 No. 12— May 10, 1828. 
 
 Reply continued . - - • 177 
 
 Confirmation of Mr. Millan's testimony 181 
 Appendix No. 1 — the investigation in the 
 
 Kentucky legislature 182 
 
 The bargain — more proof - - 191 
 
 Certificate of Frizzle and others - - 191 
 
 of P. M. Savage - - 192 
 
 of Geo. Rea - - - ib 
 
 of A. Duke - - ' ib 
 
 Appendix No. 2— letter of T. P. Moore ib 
 
 No. 13— May 10, 1828. 
 Reply continued - - - - 193 
 
 Letter of T. P. Moore, continued - ib 
 
 Appendix No. 3— letter of (;. A. Wick- 
 
 liffe- - - 194 
 
 No. 4 — letter of John Floyd of 
 
 Va. - - . ib 
 
 No. 5— letter of A. Greer • ib 
 No. 6— letter of R. K Call - 195 
 No. 7— letter of J. H. Eaton - 196 
 letter of John McLean 197 
 letter of O. B. Brown ib 
 
 ]>;o. 8— letter of G. Kremer - 198 
 ?9o. 9— letter of Hu. L. W' hite ib 
 No. lO-letterof J. C. Isacks - ib 
 No. 11-letter of John Blair - 199 
 No. 12-extractofMr.Saunder's 
 letter in reply to Gov. 
 Kent - - ill 
 
 Remarks on the reply of the Committee, 
 
 &c. by the Editors' - • - 200 
 
 D Green to Thomas Speed, Esq. Bairds- 
 
 town, Kentucky - - - -201 
 Statement of John S. Mechan - - .205 
 Speech of Mr. Barbour in the Senate of 
 the U. S. March 31st, 1818, on intro- 
 ducing the proposition for causing a 
 sword to be presented to Col. R. M. 
 Johnson - - - - ib 
 Communication to the Editors, on the pro- 
 bable result of the Presidential election 207 
 Remaiks by the Editors on the same sub- 
 j-ct »^ 
 
 No. 14— Tunc 14, 1828. 
 
 Retrenchment, report of the Select Com- 
 mittee thereoH, in part - - 2Q9 
 
 Appendix No. 1 — containing a circular 
 letter of the chairman Mr. Hamilton, to 
 the liead of each of the Executive De- 
 partments, and of the Post Office De- 
 partment, accompanied by the resolu- 
 t'on nf the Cnmmi'tc: ■ - ^'^ 
 
577 
 
 217 
 
 220 
 
 221 
 
 223 
 
 224 
 
 ib 
 226 
 
 Fage. 
 Appendix- No. 2 — letter of the Secretary 
 
 of State to till! chairman 
 Ai)propfi;aion3 arid cxpciuiltures 
 Siiiiiinury statement of luoneys appropri- 
 uted and expended . - - 
 
 Secretary of State to lion. C. A. AVlck- 
 
 lifVe 
 
 Rcniiitances to Kurope - - - 
 
 No. 15— June 21, 1828. 
 Report of the Select Comniitiee on re- 
 trenchment, and accompanying docu- 
 ments, continued ... 
 Statement of sums remitted to Kurope, 
 between rth October, and last day of 
 DecemLier 18-'-t, for the service of Ihe 
 Department of State, and between same 
 dates in 1827 - 
 .Tosepli Nourse, Kegister — to the chairman 
 
 of the committee 
 Statement of the sums ot money which 
 liave been disbursed through the Slate 
 Department, and settled at t'.ie 'I'reasu- 
 ry u-pon the certificate of the President 
 \vilhout specification, siiice tiie 1st of 
 July, 1790, &c - 
 Secretary of State to the chairman of the 
 
 committee 
 Extracts of a letter from Mr. Forbes to 
 Mr. Clay - - - " 
 
 Mr. rleastmts to Mr. Cl.ny 
 Extract of a letter from the same to same 
 Journrd of proceedings of the Committee 
 
 on Uetrenchment 
 Thos. 15. Dashiel, Geo. W. Dashiel, and 
 Dr. Laurie, examined before the com- 
 niiiiee - - - " " 
 
 Mr. Nourse examined - - - 
 
 His letter to tlie committee 
 Mr. Graham'.s testimony - 
 His letter to the committee. 
 Hon. .Mr. Barton examined 
 Mr. Letclier's testimony - 
 Mr. McLean's testimony - 
 Mr. Letcher's letter 
 Mr Way examined 
 Mr. Cutts examined 
 His letter to Thos. L. McKenney 
 Thos. L. McKenney to the Sec'y of War 
 Correspondence between Mr. Chairman 
 and Mr. Nourse, on the subject of Mr. 
 Cook - - - - - 
 
 No. 16— June 28, 1828. 
 Report of the Select Committee on re- 
 trencliment, and accompanyinif docu- 
 ments, continued 
 Journal of proceedings of the comtniltec 
 continued - - " ' 
 
 The Chairman to tlic Secretary of Stale - 
 Mr. (irouard examined 
 Mr. Smoot do - - ■ 
 
 Mr. Median do - - " 
 
 Mr. Klliot do - - 
 
 Secretary of State to the chairman 
 Mr. Smoot's letter 
 Messrs. Gates &. Seaton's letter - 
 Testimony jf Stewart 
 TestiiTiony of I'eters 
 The Ciiairman of the committee to the 
 
 Secretary of State 
 t;alcs & Seaton to the CommiHec 
 Secretary of War tQ the chairman 
 
 26 
 ib 
 
 1 ) 
 
 228 
 
 ib 
 
 234 
 
 ib 
 235 
 
 ib 
 236 
 237 
 238 
 
 ib 
 239 
 240 
 
 ib 
 
 211 
 
 il> 
 il> 
 ib 
 
 242 
 ib 
 
 2-13 
 ib 
 ib 
 
 244 
 ib 
 ib 
 
 ib 
 
 245 
 
 ib 
 
 Post-master General to the do 
 Gales &, Seaton to the do - 
 
 -VlKilavils of ^Vay and Weightman 
 tiaies Si Seaton to lion. S. I). lu'^iiam 
 Mr. Clay's last book — remarks !)y tlie Kd- 
 itors . . - - - 
 
 Letter of George Robertson to Col. Da- 
 vidson - - - - - 
 Jackson and \\'ashiPgton, from the Balti- 
 more Itepublican 
 *.?r. Yancey's circular 
 I'.ditors correspondence - 
 Jackson in New Hampshire 
 
 No. 17— July 5, 1828. 
 
 .\ddrtss to Gen. Washington 
 
 Letter of J. H. Kat.m to C.reen &, Jarvis - 
 
 Letter of .Mr. B. Giles to J. 11. Katon 
 
 Letter of Edward Livingston to do 
 
 " Sign" in Boston . . - 
 
 Extract from Mr. Cl:i>'s speech in the. 
 Senate U. S. against the bill to renew 
 the charter of tlie Bank of the C S. — 
 from the National Intelligencer 
 
 Mr. Clay's pecuniary embarrassments 
 
 Remarks bv tlie Editors - 
 
 Letter of 'Robert Wickhflc to Messrs. 
 Smld\ & Palmer— from the Kentucky 
 Rejiortcr - - _ - 
 
 II. Clay to Robert WickliMc 
 
 Diogenes — from the Kentucky (Ja/.ette - 
 
 Extracts from Mr. Clay's speech against 
 (lie renewal of the charter of the ol.l 
 Bank of the U. S.— remarks by the Ed- 
 itors - - ■ . ■ 
 
 The iindi-r current, and the lanlf 
 
 >lovcments of the people 
 
 A true s'gn in Herkimer— from the I.iltle 
 Falls People's friend - 
 
 More signs— from the Dutchess True Am. 
 
 Another sign— from the Synicuse .\dvcr. 
 
 Still another— from the Salitta Herald - 
 
 Tiie ""i-eat repnl)lican" Administr.itiou 
 mectmgs -from the Albany Argus 
 No. 13— July 12, 1828. 
 
 "Sketch of J.«i. A.bms" 
 
 Remarks i>v the Eiiitors - - ; 
 
 Extract from the address of the Repuljh- 
 can Committee of Bucks County, Pa. 
 to their conslituenls - 
 
 An exposition of the political character 
 and principles of John (iuincy A-lam-i, 
 showing bv hisloriral document", and m- 
 contesiible facts, that he was educaleil 
 a tnoni:rr/iis!, ^c 
 
 Letter of Henry Horn and John .M. Ualla*, 
 to Samuel 1). Inghain - 
 
 Mr. Ingham's Keplv 
 
 Alhda\il of Horati'i Townscnd 
 
 1)1) of .John B. Derby 
 
 Statement of James UiihanUnn 
 
 Appendix- Letter of John Q Ad.ms to 
 Levitt Harris. Esq Charge d Atl« ic. ol 
 tlic Inited Stales at St. Peten.l>urg 
 
 The National Inlelhgehtcr ag»m »l «t« 
 
 7V;<-/fJ. - - - • ' 
 
 Calculations of voles 
 
 No. P»-July 19. 1H2«. 
 
 Genual Jack»on'» qualificalicmn W a IejP»- 
 
 lator - ■ '. • 1 * 
 
 (;,.M<r.d lack-mn and ihc FlontJin 
 
 J-'ogf. 
 247 
 'ib 
 
 ■ 218 
 ib 
 
 2iy 
 
 250 
 
 256 
 
 256 
 
 ib 
 
 ib 
 
 2.-.7 
 
 ib 
 
 257 
 
 25rt 
 
 262 
 266 
 
 ib 
 
 26.S 
 ib 
 
 2cy 
 
 270 
 
 ib 
 
 271 
 
 ib 
 ib 
 ib 
 ib 
 
 ib 
 
 273 
 lb 
 
 ib 
 
 274 
 
 ib 
 lb 
 28U 
 ib 
 lb 
 
 28<> 
 
 ib 
 ill 
 
 '28^ 
 «1 
 
^78 
 
 General Jackson to tlie Secretary of Slate 
 Laws of Florida; from tiie Florldian 
 General Jackson to the citizens of the Flo- 
 
 ridas; from the same 
 "Proclamation of General Jackson, Govern- 
 or of the Floridas; from the same 
 The Secretaiy of State, to Don Joaquin 
 d'Anduaga 
 
 No. 20— July 26» 1828. 
 
 The Secretary of State, to Don Joaquin 
 d'Anduaga, continued 
 
 Mr. Clay - - - . . 
 
 Mr. Clay and Mr. Kendall 
 
 J. Harvie to H. Clay - - . 
 
 H. Clay to J. Haryie 
 
 Letter of A. Kendall 
 
 Letter of A. Kendall 
 Do of Do - 
 
 Letter Y. to Henry Clay, Esq. by A. Ken- 
 dall - . . ' . 
 
 Letters of Mr. Clay to A. Kendall 
 
 Letter of A. Kendall to David White, Esq 
 
 David White to A. Kendall - . 
 
 Copy of a Letter from J. J. Crittenden to 
 David White - . . . 
 
 No. 21— August 2, 1828. 
 
 Extract of a Letter from F. P. Blair to 
 David White .... 
 
 Letters of A. Kendall 
 
 Letter V. to Henry Clay, Esq. by A. Ken- 
 dall, concluded ... 
 
 H. Clay to A. Kendall 
 Do to Do 
 Do to Do 
 Do to Do 
 
 Mr. Tanner's Letter to A . Kendall 
 
 Extract from the Introduction to the un" 
 published Annals of Mr. Jefterson 
 
 J. Pope to Mr. Penn; from the Louisville 
 Advertiser .... 
 
 Plot in the South; from the Riclimond En- 
 quirer ..... 
 
 Xenophon— Mr. John Lowell; from the 
 Boston Statesman ... 
 
 Circular Address, of the Republican Com- 
 mittee of Correspondence for Pennsyl- 
 vania . . . _ 
 
 Mr. Adams and the Fedendists : from the 
 Buflalo Republican 
 
 No. 2C— August 9, 1828. 
 
 The Maryland Address ; remarks by the 
 
 Editors 
 .\ddress of the Jackson State Convention, 
 
 to the people of Maryland, on the late 
 
 and approacl)ing election of President, 
 
 (second edition,) 
 Appendix ... 
 
 Jackson Republican 
 
 No 
 
 Page. 
 
 291 
 295 
 
 296 
 
 29/ 
 
 - 293 
 
 305 
 ib 
 
 306 
 ib 
 ib 
 
 308 
 
 309 
 ib 
 
 ib 
 318 
 319 
 
 ib 
 
 320 
 
 Page. 
 Judge Williams' reply - • . 361 
 
 His statement, in addition - - 363 
 
 List of gentlemen present, when Burr was 
 
 burnt in effigj^ in Nashville - - 364 
 
 Letter of Thoinas G. Walkins - - ib 
 
 General Jackson to Mr. JeflTerson 365 
 Thomas Jefferson Randolph to J. 
 
 A. G Davis, Esq - - ib 
 
 Joshua Baker - . - 366 
 
 Summary of Facts; from the Argus of W. 
 America - . . . 26T 
 
 321 
 
 322 
 
 ib 
 
 ib 
 
 25— August 16, 1SC8. 
 General Jackson and Governor Shcll)y 
 Treaty with the Chickasaws 
 Extract of a Letter from Thomas H. Shelby 
 
 to Col. C. S. Todd . . 
 
 W B. Lewis to Uie Editors; from the Ken". 
 
 tucky Argus 
 
 Jackson & Burr; from the Virgin^ Advu! 
 cate . . . 
 
 General Jackson to Judge Williams 
 
 No. 24— August 23, 1828. 
 
 New Publications. Remarks by the Editors 
 on the production entitled "Monumental 
 Inscriptions; compiled from official do- 
 cuments, communicated by the Depart- 
 ment of Wai" 
 
 Letter of Charles Lewis to Green &. Jar- 
 vis ... 
 
 Glorious Jackson meeting in Washington 
 Square — from the Baltimore Republican 
 
 Address ..... 
 
 Diplomacy of the present Administration — 
 from the Riclimond Enquirer by Publi- 
 cola - . . . . 
 
 Arts of the affiliated Presses — from the 
 Riclimond Enquirer ... 
 
 Extract of a letter from Andrew Steven- 
 son, Esq. to one of the Editors 
 
 Do do from Judge R. E. P-ark- 
 
 er - . . - - 
 
 Judge Parker to the Editors of the Whig 
 
 Mr. Clay's Appendix — from the AN'ashing- 
 o:.iJ ington [Pa.] Examiner 
 
 324 Statement of Mr. Sample 
 ib Thos. Morgan's letter ... 
 
 325 McLaughlin to Morgan ... 
 Morgan to Workman ... 
 
 - 326 Workman to Morgan . . 
 
 Address of the Committee cT Correspon- 
 327 dence for Philadelphia, to the peo 
 
 pie .... 
 
 Letter I — To John Sergeant, Manuel 
 
 Eyre, Lawrence Lewis, C. C. Uiddle, 
 
 and Joseph V. Norris, Esqs., authors of 
 
 an address, adopted, Sec. 
 The Anti- .Masonic Convention — from the 
 
 Albany Argus - - - . 
 
 Tribute to Maj. J. Hamilton, jun. — from 
 
 the Charleston Mercury 
 Signs — Civil and Military. 
 
 No. 25— August 30, 1828. 
 
 Committee of Coirespondence for Phila- 
 delphia, &.C. to John Sergeant, Manuel 
 Eyre, S;c. — Letter II - 
 
 Letter HI — of same to the same 
 
 Letter IV •' «« . 
 
 Letter V «'««.. 
 
 Letter VI " ♦« . 
 
 Letter VII •• «« . 
 
 Letter VIH •• " . . 
 
 I'ennsylvania — remarks by the Editors 
 
 Letter addressed by the Republican Com- 
 mittee of Correspondence of Philadel- 
 phia to the Committees of Correspon- 
 dence of other States 
 
 Pennsylvania— from the Philadelphia «' A- 
 merican Sentinel," 
 
 Ohio Politics - - . . 
 
 Maine - . . . 
 
 ool 
 
 
 336 
 
 oo7 
 
 ib 
 
 34,3 
 352 
 
 369 
 
 370 
 
 371 
 ib 
 
 376 
 
 377 
 
 ib 
 
 378 
 379 
 
 380 
 ib 
 ib 
 
 381 
 ib 
 ib 
 
 - 381 
 
 382 
 384 
 
 ib 
 
 354 
 356 
 
 357 
 
 360 
 ib 
 
 385 
 387 
 389 
 391 
 393 
 395 
 396 
 398 
 
 398 
 
 399 
 
 40p 
 
 ib 
 
579 
 
 401 
 4Ui2 
 4U4 
 407 
 410 
 
 Page. 
 
 Mr. Randolph aud Mr. Adams— from the 
 Uoston Statesman - - - 400 
 
 No. 26— September 6, 1828. 
 
 Committee of Correspondence for Phila- 
 delphia, &.C. to John Sergeant, Manual 
 Erie, &c. Letter IX 
 
 Letter X . . - - 
 
 Letter X[ . - . - 
 
 LeUerXII ... - 
 
 Letter XIII .... 
 
 Quid ]MO quo — The bargniniiig- system de- 
 veloped — MrCluy, Gen. I'ortcr, and the 
 Nen- York I^f-t^ishiture of 1824 — fiom 
 the Rocliester Daily Advertiser - 413 
 
 Extract from the Albany Argus - - ib 
 
 Gennessee — to the Editors of the Daily 
 Advertiser .... 414 
 
 Burr and Jackson — from tlie Nashville Re- 
 publican .... 
 
 Gen Wool . . . - 
 
 Remarks of the Editors ou the election 
 
 Extract from the N. Uampsliirc Gazette - 
 Do from tlie Louisiana Advertiser 
 Do from the .Mbany ArgHS 
 
 No. 27— September 13, 1823. 
 
 A Maryland Farmer, to Joseph Gales, Esq. 
 
 Same ty tlie same 
 
 Sa^e to the same ... 
 
 Committee of Correspondence for Phila- 
 delphia, &c. to the people 
 
 Mr. Jefferson's opinions — Letter of Mr. 
 Jefferson to J. B. Colvin 
 
 Mr. IngersoU's observations on the passage 
 of the resolutions expressive of the 
 thanks of Congress to Gen. Jackson, S:c. 
 
 Committee of Correspondence for Phila- 
 delphia, &c. to John Sergeant, Manuel 
 Eyrie, 8ic.— Letter XIV 
 
 A caution — by the Editors 
 
 Extract of a letter on the subject of the six 
 militiamen, 8;c. written by the son of a 
 German in Tennessee, to his brother in 
 Lebanon — from the American Sentir.cl, 4S2 
 
 Binns . . . - 
 
 Important recipe - . - 
 
 No. 28— September 20, 1828. 
 
 Committee of correspondence for Phib'd. 
 &c.to John Sergeant, Manuel Eyrie, i5^c. 
 letter XV. - - - - 433 
 
 Letter X VI. . . - - 435 
 
 Same to the Jackson committccsof corres- 
 pondence of Pennsylvania - - 438 
 
 Extracts of letters from committees of cor- 
 respondence — Viri^nia - - 440 
 do N. York - - ib 
 do New Jei-scy - ib 
 do Ohio - - - 441 
 do Kentucky - - ib 
 do Missouri - ib 
 do Maryland - - ib 
 
 Committee of correspondence f()r Philad'a, 
 &c to John Sergeant, Manuel Eyrie,£cc. 
 letter XVII. - - - - ib 
 
 Same Committee to the same - - 444 
 
 Same to same — letter X\'1I. - - 445 
 
 The Post-master General - - - 4-18 
 
 Sign in Madison County, N. V. - - ib 
 
 No. 29— September 27, 1828. 
 Mr. Adams' political charactT — from the 
 K. Yo'-k Evening Po3t - - - 'M'' 
 
 415 
 
 415 
 
 416 
 
 ib 
 
 ib 
 
 ib 
 
 417 
 422 
 423 
 
 427 
 
 428 
 
 429 
 
 432 
 
 ib 
 ib 
 
 46-3 
 
 464 
 
 ib 
 
 465 
 ib 
 
 46r> 
 471 
 
 472 
 
 474 
 
 476 
 
 ib 
 
 ib 
 
 477 
 
 ib 
 
 479 
 
 480 
 
 lb 
 
 ib 
 
 Catullus, No. 1 -. - . - 449 
 
 No. 2 - - - - 451 
 
 No. 3 - - - - 453 
 
 No. 4 - - - - 457 
 
 No. 5 - - . - 459 
 
 A damper ..... 461 
 An Enquirer .... 462 
 
 The vote of Pennsylvania — from tlic Ame- 
 rican Sentinel 
 Extract from the Albany Argus 
 Do from the Emporium 
 
 No. 30.— October 4, 1828. 
 
 Gen. Jackson at New Orleans 
 
 Mr. Jc-fl'.-rson to John B- Colvin, Ksq. 
 
 Gen. Jackson's answer to a rule to show 
 
 cause win an attachment for cuntemfjt 
 
 should not issue against lum 
 Billy Black, Jr. .... 
 Committee of ( 'on-esponclencc for Piiiladel- 
 
 phia, JiC. to John S<rgeant, Manuel Ky- 
 
 rie, SiC— Letter XJX. 
 Letter XX. .... 
 
 Mr. Clay . . . . - 
 
 John B. Derby to the Boston Statesman 
 Cliarge against Mr. Adams 
 Derby's affidavit .... 
 Townsend's do - 
 Civil Ciiieftains— by Philo Plutarch 
 Mr. .\dam9 and Masonry— again 
 Nathaniel Greene to E. Mack, Esq. 
 Extract from the Boston Statesman 
 
 No. 31.— October 11, 1828, 
 
 A statement of the evidence of f#ti and 
 inferences deducible therefrom, by tiie 
 Nashville Committee, in itfutation of .-» 
 oli.irg-e in the public prints, imputing to 
 Gen. Jackson a participation in the aflair 
 usually called Burr's conspiracy — from 
 the Nashville Hepiiblican 
 Gen. Jackson to G. W. Campbell 
 Campbell's certificate 
 
 Extract of a htter from Gen. Jackson to 
 the Hon. Daniel Smith, Senator in Con- 
 gress ..... 
 Do do to Dr. W'm. Dickson, lUprcscn- 
 
 tative in Congress 
 Do do to Dtniel Smith 
 Statement of John Coflce 
 
 Do of Kdvvard Ward 
 Extracts from a Iclltr of Col. Burr to Gen. 
 
 Jackson 
 Extract of a publication of Judge UMIuni!i' 
 Thcodorlck Burton to the Editors of tlic 
 
 Ucpiibl can 
 Extract from the Impartial Review of De- 
 cember IT, 18J6 
 Do from ilic Pnnikfort, (Ky.) Palladium 
 Appendix, N>. I —Extract of a letter from 
 Gen. Jamct Robcrt»on to Ujc 
 Hon. Daniel Smith - 
 No. 2. — Extract of • letter from 
 
 the »amc to Gcii. D. Smith 
 No. .1— Extract of a letter fmm 
 Thomas Stuart, attorney, kc- 
 to the same - 
 jC.i. 4— Felix Robcrt»oa'i ftate- 
 mcnt 
 
 No. 5 Extract of i letter from 
 
 jo-lgr William' ''^ M- Krrr 
 
 481 
 
 482 
 ib 
 
 483 
 
 ib 
 
 ib 
 
 ib 
 
 484 
 
 4R-'. 
 486 
 
 ib 
 
 488 
 ib 
 
 489 
 ib 
 
 ib 
 490 
 
 ib 
 
580 
 
 Page. 
 Appendix, No. 6. — Qeu. Jackoou lo Judg-e 
 
 Williams - - - 491 
 
 No. 7. — Juflge AVilliams' reply ib 
 No. 8. — Judg-e Williams' state- 
 ment - - - ib 
 No. 9. — Judge Williams to the 
 
 Spiiita Uevicw - - 492 
 
 No. 10.— Wm. Smith's state- 
 ment - . . 493 
 Ko 11. — Mr. Ciiney's do 491 
 No. 13. — Willis Alston's do ib 
 No. 14.— Col. Hays' letter - 495 
 No. 15. — Letter oiMr. (Jraves ib 
 Characteristic anecdote ... 495 
 Extract from the Hartford Times - 496 
 
 No. 32.— October 18, 1828. 
 
 Henry Clay and the bargain 
 
 Extract from Mr. Clay's address to his con 
 
 stituents . - . . 
 
 from his address, Dec. 182r 
 
 from Gen. Lafayette's letter to Mr 
 Clay - - - . 
 
 from Mr. Clay's pamphlet of Dec 
 1827 - ~ - 
 
 from his second book, 1827 
 
 from his letter to Mr. Ulair, as pub 
 lished by Mr. Kendall - 
 
 from Mr. Clay's address to his con- 
 stituents, April 1, 1825 
 
 from his second book, Dec 1827 
 
 from his electioneering- s-pcech at 
 Noble's, July, 1827 
 
 from the same - . - 
 
 - 497 
 
 Do 
 Do 
 
 Do 
 
 Do 
 Do 
 
 Do 
 
 Do 
 Do 
 
 501 
 ib 
 
 ib 
 
 ib 
 ib 
 
 Do 
 
 Mr. Adams and Masonry 
 
 - 503 
 
 ib 
 
 507 
 
 ib 
 ib 
 510 
 
 Adams and Masoni-y — once more 
 Green & .larvis to their subscribers 
 
 No. 33.— October 28, 1828.* 
 Important disclosure — remarks by the Edi 
 
 Pag". 
 
 - 511 
 
 - 512- 
 
 tors 
 
 5\S 
 ib 
 518 
 520 
 
 Jonathan Uusscll to John P. A'an Ness, Esq. 
 'Letter from Mr. Clay to Mr. liussell 
 Do Mr. Itussell to Mr. Clay 
 
 Aj)pendi.\— Copy of a letter from Jamcn 
 Lloyd to J. Adams, as contained in J. Q. 
 Adams's book - - . . .j28 
 
 No. 34.— November 1,1828. 
 Appendix to Uussell's letter continned 329 
 
 Letter from James Lloyd to John Adams, 
 
 continued - - - - ib 
 
 Letter from Jas. Lloyd to .lohn Q. Adams, 
 
 deposited in the Dejiartmcnt of State 534 
 
 Letter from Mr. lluisell to Mi-. Crawford 541 
 
 Do Mr. Crawford to Mr. Russell 542 
 
 Do Mr liussell to Mr. Crawford 543 
 
 Do Mr. liussell to Mr, Clay - 544 
 
 No. 35.— November 8, 1828. 
 
 Appendix to Hussell's letter, contimied - 545 
 Letter from Mr. Ilussell to Mr. Cla}', con- 
 tinued - . - - - - ib 
 Letter fiom M. Clay to Mr. Uussell - 518 
 Do Mr. Ilussell to Mr. Clay - 550 
 Do Mr. Clay to Mr. Uusseil - 552 
 No. 36.— January 24, 1829. 
 
 Editoi-'s Address to the Subscribers to the 
 Extra Tele(>rap!i - - - 553 
 
 Presidential Elections — from 1789 to the 
 present time, inclusive - - - 554 
 
 It,"