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GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 ADDRESSES, STATE PAPERS 
 AND LETTERS 
 
 EDITED BY 
 
 ALBERT ELLERY RERGH 
 
 NEW YORK 
 
 THE SUN DIAL CLASSICS CO. 
 
 PUBLISHERS 
 
 1909 
 
 ^\\aJ d 
 
E G94 
 
 copyright, 1909, by 
 The Sun Dial Classics Co. 
 
 Tim: T ii <> w I'hkss. N k \v Yohk 
 
 
 '^ 'c,?. 
 
/ 
 
 i/L>L 
 
 if 
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Addresses, State Papers, and Letters 7 
 
 Life of Cleveland 456 
 
 The Story of the Book 462 
 
 Notes on the Text 467 
 
 List of Authorities 478 
 
 Index 485 
 
ADDRESSES, STATE PAPERS AND 
 
 LETTERS OF GROVER 
 
 CLEVELAND. 
 
 [Blemorial Tribute to Oscar Folsom, before the 
 Erie County Bar Association Meetings July 
 26, 1875.} 
 
 It has been said, " Light sorrows speak, great grief is 
 dumb/' and the application of this would enforce my silence 
 on this occasion. But I cannot go so far, nor let the hour 
 pass without adding a tribute of respect and love for my de- 
 parted friend. He was my friend in the most sacred and 
 complete sense of the term. I have walked with him, talked 
 with him, ate with him, and slept with him — ^was he not my 
 friend .'' 
 
 I must not, dare not, recall the memories of our long and 
 loving friendship. And let not my brethren think it amiss if 
 I force back the thoughts which come crowding to my mind. 
 I shall speak coldly of my friend; but the most sacred 
 tribute of a sad heart, believe me, is unspoken. 
 
 In the course of a life not entirely devoid of startling 
 incidents, I can truly say I never was so shocked and over- 
 whelmed as when I heard, on Friday night, of the death of 
 Oscar Folsom. I had an engagement with him that evening, 
 and was momentarily expecting him when I received the in- 
 telligence of his injury; and before I reached the scene of 
 the accident I was abruptly told of his death ; I shall not at- 
 tempt to describe my emotions. Death seemed so foreign to 
 this man, and the exuberance of his life was so marked and 
 prominent, that the idea of his dying, or his dentli, seemed 
 
 7 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 to me incongruous and out of place. -.\nd before I saw him 
 dead I found myself reflecting, " How strange he would 
 look, dying or dead." 
 
 I had seen him in every other part of the drama of life 
 but this, and for this he seemed untitted. 
 
 His remarkable social qualities won for him the admi- 
 ration of all with wliom he came in contact, while his great, 
 kind heart caused all to love him who knew him well. He 
 was remarkably true* in his friendships, and having really 
 made a friend he " grappled him with liooks of steel." 
 Open and frank himself, he opposed deceit and indirection. 
 His remarkable humor never had intentional sting; and 
 though impulsive and quick, he was always just. In the 
 practice of his profession and in the solution of legal ques- 
 tions he saw which was right and just, and then expected 
 to find the law leading him directly there. 
 
 It is not strange to find joined to a jovial disposition a 
 kind and generous heart; but he had, besides these, a broad 
 and correct judgment and a wonderful knowledge of men 
 and affairs; and the instances are numerous in my experi- 
 ence when his strong common sense has aided me easily 
 through difficulties. Such was my friend. 
 
 The sadness of his taking off lias no alleviation. I shall 
 not dwell upon the harrowing circumstances. On Friday 
 afternoon Oscar Folsom, in the midday of life, was cher- 
 ishing bright anticipations for the future. Among them, he 
 had planned a home in an adjoining town, wlu-re he cal- 
 culated upon mudi retirement and quiet. He had already 
 partially perfected his arrangements, which were soon to 
 be fully consummated. Within forty-eight hours he reached 
 the town of his anticipated residence. But God had inter- 
 vened. The liands of loving friends bore him to a home, 
 but not the home he had hiiusolf provi(i«(i. lie found peace 
 in the home that (iod provides for the sons of men, and 
 quiet — ah! such (juiet — in the grave. I know how fleeting 
 
 8 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 and how soon forgotten are the lessons taught by such ca- 
 lamities. " The gay will laugh, the solemn brow of care plod 
 on, and each one as before pursue his favorite phantom." 
 But it seems to me that long, long years will intervene be- 
 fore pleasant memories of his life will be unmingled with 
 the sad admonitions furnished by the death of Oscar Folsom. 
 Let us cherish him in loving remembrance, and heed well 
 the lessons of his death ; and let our tenderest sympathy 
 extend to a childless father, a widowed wife, and fatherless 
 child. 
 
 [Address before City Convention^ Buffalo, N. Y., 
 
 October 25 y 1881.] 
 
 Gentlemen of the Convention: I am informed that you 
 have bestowed upon me the nomination for the office 
 of Mayor. It certainly is a great honor to be thought fit 
 to be the chief officer of a great and prosperous city like 
 ours, having such important and varied interests. I hoped 
 that your choice might fall upon some other and more 
 worthy member of the city Democracy, for personal and 
 private considerations have made the question of acceptance 
 on my part a difficult one. But because I am a Democrat, 
 and because I think no one has a right, at this time of all 
 others, to consult his own inclinations as against the call of 
 his party and fellow-citizens, and hoping that I may be of 
 use to you in your efforts to inaugurate a better rule in 
 municipal affairs, I accept the nomination tendered me. 
 
 I believe that much can be done to relieve our citizens 
 from their present load of taxation, and that a more rigid 
 scrutiny of all public expenditures will result in a great 
 saving to the community. I also believe that some extrava- 
 gance in our city government may be corrected without in- 
 jury to the public service. 
 
 9 
 
A D D R E S S'E S AND PAPERS 
 
 There is, or there should be, no reason wIjv the affairs 
 of our city should not be managed with the same care and 
 the same economy as private interests. And Avhen we con- 
 sider that public officials are the trustees of the people, and 
 hold their places and exercise their powers for the bene- 
 fit of the people, there should be no higher inducement to a 
 faithful and honest discharge of jjublic duty. 
 
 These are very old truths; but I cannot forbear to s])eak 
 in this strain to-day, because I believe the time has come 
 ■when the people loudly demand that these principles shall 
 be, sincerely and without mental reservation, adopted as a 
 rule of conduct. And I am assured that the result of the 
 camj)aign upon which we enter to-day will demonstrate that 
 the citizens of Buffalo will not tolerate the man or the party 
 that has been unfaithful to public trusts. 
 
 I say these things to a convention of Democrats, because 
 I know that the grand old j)irty is honest, and they cannot 
 be unwelcome to you. 
 
 Let us, then, in all sincerity, promise the people an im- 
 provement in our municijjal affairs; and if the opj)ortunity 
 is offered us, as it surely will be, let us faitlifully keep that 
 promise. By this means, and by this nuaus alone, can our 
 success rest upon a firm foundation aiu! our party ascend- 
 ency be ])ermaneiitly assund. Our oppontiits will wage a 
 bitter and determined warfare, but witli united and hearty 
 effort we shall achieve a victory for our entire ticket. 
 
 And at this day, and with my record before you, 1 trust 
 it is lamecessary for nu- to pledge to you my most earnest 
 endeavors to bring about tliis result; and. if elected to the 
 position for which yon have nominated me, I shall do my 
 whole duty to the party, hut none the less. 1 hope, to the 
 citizens of liuffalo. 
 
 10 
 
 \ 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 [Address at St Stephen's Hall, Buffalo, N. ¥., 
 December 5, 1881.] 
 
 Ladies and Gentlemen : I desire to acknowledge the honor 
 you have conferred upon me by this call to the chair. My 
 greatest regret is that I know so little of the conditions that 
 have given birth to the Land League. I know, in a gen- 
 eral way, that it is designed to secure to Ireland those just 
 and natural rights to which Irishmen are entitled. I under- 
 stand, also, that these are to be obtained by peaceful meas- 
 ures and without doing violence to any just law of the 
 land. This should meet with the support and countenance 
 of every man who enjoys the privilege of American citizen- 
 ship and lives under American laws. Our sympathy is 
 drawn out by a bond of common manhood. We are here 
 to-night to welcome an apostle of this cause, one who can, 
 from personal experience, recount the scenes of that 
 troubled isle; who can tell us the risks that are taken and 
 the pains that are suffered by those who lead the van in 
 this great movement. I congratulate you upon having 
 Father Sheehy with you, and I will not delay the pleasure 
 of his presentation to you. 
 
 ^Inaugural Message as Mayor of Buffalo, N'. ¥., 
 January 2, 1882.] 
 
 To the Honorable the Common Council: In presenting to 
 you my first official communication, I am by no means un- 
 mindful of the fact that I address a body, many of the mem- 
 bers of which have had large experience in municipal af- 
 fairs; and which is directly charged, more than any other 
 
 11 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 instrumentality, with the management of the government of 
 the city and the protection of the interests of all the people 
 within its limits. This condition of things creates grave 
 responsibilities, which, I have no doubt, you fully appreciate. 
 It may not be amiss, however, to remind you that our fel- 
 low-citizens, just at this time, are particularly watchful of 
 those in whose hands they have placed the administration of 
 the city government, and demand of them the most watch- 
 ful care and conscientious economy. 
 
 We hold the money of the people in our hands to be used 
 for their purposes and to further their interests as mem- 
 bers of the municipality ; and it is quite apparent that when 
 any part of the funds which the taxj^ayers have thus in- 
 trusted to us is diverted to other purposes, or when, by de- 
 sign or neglect, we allow a greater sum to be applied to 
 any municipal purpose than is necessary, we have, to that 
 extent, violated our duty. There surely is no difference in 
 his duties and obligations, whether a person is intrusted 
 with the money of one man or many. And yet it sometimes 
 appears as though the officeholder assumes that a different 
 rule of fidelity prevails between him and the taxpayers than 
 that which should regulate his conduct when, as an indi- 
 vidual, he holds the money of his neighbor. 
 
 It seems to me that a successful and faithful administra- 
 tion of the government of our city may be accomplished, by 
 bearing in mind that we are the trustees and agents of our 
 fellow-citizens, holding their funds in sacred trust, to be ex- 
 pended for their benefit; that we should at all times be 
 prepared to render an honest aecotmt to them touching the 
 manner of its expenditure, and that the affairs of the city 
 should be conducted, as far as possible, upon the same 
 principles as a good business man manages his private con- 
 cerns. 
 
 I am fully persuaded that in \hr performance of your 
 duties these rules will hr nb.<:<r\rd. .\nd I, perhaps, should 
 
 i: 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 not do less than to assure your honorable body that, so far 
 as it is in my power, I shall be glad to co-operate with you 
 in securing the faithful performance of official duty in 
 every department of the city government. 
 
 • ••«••• 
 
 It seems to me that the duties which should be performed 
 by this officer [the City Auditor] have been entirely misap- 
 prehended. I understand that it has been supposed that he 
 does all that is required of him when he tests the correct- 
 ness of the extensions and footings of an account presented 
 to him, copies the same in a book and audits the same as 
 charged, if the extensions and footings are found correct. 
 This work is certainly not difficult, and might well be done 
 by a lad but slightly acquainted with figures. The charter 
 requires that this officer " shall examine and report upon all 
 unliquidated claims against the city, before the same shall 
 be audited by the common council." Is it not very plain 
 that the examination of a claim means something more than 
 the footing of the account by which that claim is repre- 
 sented ? And is it not equally plain that the report provided 
 for includes more than the approval of all accoimts which, 
 on their face, appear correct ? There is no question but that 
 he should inquire into the merits of the claims presented to 
 him; and he should be fitted to do so by a familiarity with 
 the value of the articles and services embodied in the ac- 
 counts. In this way he may protect the interests of the 
 city; otherwise his services are worse than useless, so far 
 as his action is relied upon. 
 
 • • • • • • • 
 
 I am utterly luiable to discover any valid reason why the 
 city offices should be closed and the employees released from 
 their duties at the early hour in the day which seems now to 
 be regarded as the limit of a day's work. I am sure no man 
 would think an active private business was well attended to 
 
 13 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 if lie and all his employees ceased work at four o'clock in 
 the afternoon. The salaries paid by the city to its officers 
 and their emploj'ces entitle it to a fair day's work. Besides, 
 these offices are for the transaction of public business; and 
 the convenience of all our citizens should be consulted in 
 respect to the time during which they should remain open. 
 
 I suggest the passage of an ordinance, prescribing such 
 hours for the opening and closing of the city offices as 
 .shall subserve the public convenience. 
 
 It would be very desirable if some means could be de- 
 vised to stop the practice, so prevalent among our city em- 
 ployees, of selling or assigning in advance their claims 
 against the city for services to be rendered. The ruinous 
 discounts charged and allowed greatly diminish the reward 
 of tlieir labors; in many cases habits of improvidence and 
 c/irelessness are engendered, and in all cases this hawking 
 and trafficking in claims against the city presents a humil- 
 iating spectacle. 
 
 In conclusion, I desire to disclaim any dictation as to the 
 performance of your duties. I recognize fully the fact that 
 with you rests the responsibility of all legislation which 
 touches the prosperity of the city and the correction of 
 abuses. I do not arrogate to myself any great familiarity 
 with Tuunieipal affairs, nor any sujierior knowledge of the 
 city's needs. I speak to you not only as the chief executive 
 officer of the city, but as a citizen jiroud of its progress and 
 commanding position. In tliis spirit the suggestions herein 
 contained are madi-. If you deem them worthy of consid- 
 eration, I sliall still be anxious to aid the adoptitm and eii- 
 forccm»iit (if any measures which you may inaugur.ili look- 
 ing to tile advaiieeiiieiit of the interests of the city ami tlie 
 welfare of its inhabitants. 
 
 14 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 [Address at St. James' Hall, Buffalo, at a Mass 
 Meeting to Protest against the Treatment 
 of American Citizens Imprisoned Abroad, 
 April 0, 1882.] 
 
 Fellow-Citizens : This is the formal mode of address 
 on occasions of this kind, but I think we seldom realize 
 fully its meaning, or how valuable a thing it is to be a 
 citizen. 
 
 From the earliest civilization, to be a citizen has been to 
 be a free man, endowed with certain privileges and advan- 
 tages, and entitled to the full protection of the state. The 
 defense and protection of the personal rights of its citizens 
 have always been the paramount and most important duties 
 of a free, enlightened government. 
 
 And perhaps no government has this sacred trust more 
 in its keeping than this — the best and freest of them all; 
 for here the people who are to be protected are the source 
 of those powers which they delegate upon the express 
 compact that the citizen shall be protected. For this pur- 
 pose we choose those who, for the time being, shall man- 
 age the machinery which we have set up for our defense 
 and safety. 
 
 And this protection adheres to us in all lands and places 
 as an incident of citizenship. Let but the weight of a sacri- 
 legious hand be put upon this sacred thing, and a great, 
 strong government springs to its feet to avenge the wrong. 
 Thus it is that a native-born American citizen enjoys his 
 birthright. But when, in the westward march of empire, 
 this nation was founded and took root, we beckoned to the 
 Old World, and invited hither its immigration, and pro- 
 vided a mode by which those who sought a home among us 
 
 15 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 might become our fellow-citizens. They came by thousands 
 and hundreds of thousands; they came and 
 
 Hewed the dark old woods away, 
 And gave tlie virgiu fields to day; 
 
 they came with strong sinews and brawny arms to aid in the 
 growth and progress of a new country ; they came anci upon 
 our altars laid their fealty and submission; they came to our 
 temples of justice, and under the solemnity of an oath re- 
 nounced all allegiance to every other state, potentate, and 
 sovereignty, and surrendered to us all the duty pertaining 
 to such allegiance. We have accepted their fealty and in- 
 vited them to surrender the protection of their native land. 
 
 And what should be given them in return? Manifestly, 
 good faith and every dictate of honor demand that we give 
 them the same liberty and protection hero and elsewhere 
 which we vouchsafe to our native-born citizens. And that 
 this has been accorded to them is the crowning glory of 
 American institutions. 
 
 It needed not tlie statute, which is now the law of the 
 land, declaring that, " all naturalized citizens while in for- 
 eign lands are entitled to and shall receive from this gov- 
 ernment the same protection of persons and property which 
 is accorded to native-born citizens," to voice the policy of 
 our nation. 
 
 In all lands where the .semblance of liberty is preserved, 
 the right of a person arrested to a sj)«'edy aeeusation and 
 trial is, or ought to be a fundamental law, as it is a rule 
 of civilization. 
 
 At any rate, we hold it to be so, and this is one of the 
 rights M'hich we undertake to gnnrantee to any native-born 
 or naturalized citizen of ours, whether he be imprisoned by 
 order of the Czar of Russia or imder the pretext of n Inw 
 .Tfiniinistrred for the benefit of the landed arislocraey of 
 Kngland. 
 
 16 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 We do not claim to make laws for other countries, but we 
 do insist that, whatever those laws may be, they shall, in 
 the interests of human freedom and the rights of mankind, 
 so far as they involve the liberty of our citizens, be speed- 
 ily administered. We have a right to say, and do say, that 
 mere suspicion, without examination or trial, is not sufficient 
 to justify the long imprisonment of a citizen of America. 
 Other nations may permit their citizens to be tlms impris- 
 oned. Ours will not. And this, in effect, has been solemnly 
 declared by statute. 
 
 We have met here to-night to consider this subject, and 
 to inquire into the cause and the reasons and the justice of 
 the imprisonment of certain of our fellow-citizens now held 
 in British prisons without the semblance of a trial or legal 
 examination. Our law declares that the government shall 
 act in such cases. But the people are the creators of the 
 government. 
 
 The undaunted apostle of the Christian religion, impris- 
 oned and persecuted, appealing, centuries ago, to the Roman 
 law and the rights of Roman citizenship, boldly demanded: 
 " Is it lawful for you to scourge a man that is a Roman, 
 and uncondemned } " 
 
 [Address at the Semi-Centennial of the City of 
 Buffalo, July 3, 1882.] 
 
 Ladies and Gentlemen: I ought, perhaps, to be quite 
 content on this occasion to assume the part of quiet gratifi- 
 cation. But I cannot forbear expressing my satisfaction at 
 being allowed to participate in the exercises of the evening, 
 and I feel that I must give token of the pleasure I experi- 
 ence in gazing with you upon the fair face of our Queen 
 City at the age of fifty. I am proud, with you, in con- 
 
 17 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 trasting what seem to us the small things of fifty years 
 ago, with the beauty, and the greatness, and the importance 
 of to-day. The achievements of the past are gained; the 
 ])rosperity of tlie present we hold with a firm hand ; and 
 the promise of the future comes to us with no uncertain 
 sound. It seems to me to-day that of all men the resident 
 of Buffalo should be tlie proudest to name his home. 
 
 In the history of a city, fifty years but marks the period 
 of youth, when all is fresh and joyous. The face is fair, 
 the step is light, and the burden of life is carried with a 
 song; the future, stretching far ahead, is full of bright an- 
 ticipations, and the past, with whatever of struggle and 
 disappointment there may have been, seems short, and is 
 half forgotten. In this heyday of our city's life, we do well 
 to exchange our congratulations, and to revel together in 
 the assurances of the happy and prosperous future that 
 awaits us. 
 
 And yet I do not deem it wrong to remind myself and 
 you that our city, great in its youth, did not suddenly 
 spring into existence clad in beauty and in strength. There 
 were men fifty years ago, who laid its foundations broad and 
 deep; and who, with the care of jealous parents, tended it 
 and watched its gro^vth. Those early times were not with- 
 out their trials and discouragements; and we reap to-day the 
 fruit of the labors and the perseverance of those pioneers. 
 Those were the fathers of the city. Wlierc are they.' 
 Fifty years added to manhood fill the cup of human life. 
 Most have gone to Swell the census of God's city, which 
 lies beyond the stream of fate. A few there are who list- 
 lessly linger upon the bank, and wiit to cross, in the shade 
 of trees they have planted witli their own hands. Let us 
 tenderly remember the dead to-night, and let us renew our 
 love and veneration for those who ;ire sjiared to speak to us 
 of the scenes attending our city's birth and infancy. 
 
 And in tliis, our d.iy of jiride and self-gratulation. there 
 
 18 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 is, I think, one lesson at least which we may learn from the 
 men who have come down to us from a former generation. 
 
 In the day of the infancy of the city which they fomided, 
 and for many years afterward, the people loved their city 
 so well that they would only trust the management of its 
 affairs in the strongest and best of hands; and no man in 
 those days was so engrossed in his own business but he 
 could find some time to devote to public concerns. Read 
 the names of the men who held places in this mimicipality 
 fifty years ago, and food for reflection will be found. Is it 
 true that the city of to-day, with its large population and 
 with its vast and varied interests, needs less and different 
 care than it did fifty years ago? 
 
 We boast of our citizenship to-night. But this citizen- 
 ship brings with it duties not unlike those we owe our neigh- 
 bor and our God. There is no better time than this for 
 self-examination. He who deems himself too pure and holy 
 to take part in the affairs of his city, will meet the fact that 
 better men than he have thought it their duty to do so. 
 He who cannot spare a moment, in his greed and selfishness, 
 to devote to public concerns, will, perhaps, find a well- 
 grounded fear that he may become the prey of public 
 plunderers ; and he who indolently cares not who adminis- 
 ters the government of his city, will find that he is living 
 falsely, and in the neglect of his highest duty. 
 
 When our centennial shall be celebrated, what will be 
 said of us ? I hope it may be said that we built and wrought 
 well, and added much to the substantial prosperity of the 
 city we had in charge. Brick and mortar may make a large 
 city, but the encouragement of those things which elevate 
 and purify, the exaction of the highest standard of integrity 
 in official place, and a constant, active interest on the part 
 of the good people in municipal government, are needed to 
 make a great city. 
 
 Let it be said of us when only our names and memory 
 
 19 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 are left, in the centennial time, that we faithfully adminis- 
 tered the trust which we received from our fathers, and re- 
 ligiously performed our parts, in our day and generation, 
 toward making our city not only prosperous, but truly great. 
 
 [Serenade Speech from Balcony of Buffalo 
 Democratic Cluh upon his Nomination fur 
 Governor of New York, September ^;J, 
 1882.] 
 
 My Friends: I am sure there will be nothing for me to 
 do in the campaign upon which we have just entered that 
 will so appeal to my feelings, and about which I will have 
 to take so much care, as in addressing you this evening. I 
 must be careful what I say, or the recollections of the past 
 and the appreciation of your esteem will quite overcome me. 
 
 I can but remember to-night the time when 1 came among 
 you, friendless, unknown, and poor. I can but remember 
 how, step by step, by the encouragement of my good fel- 
 low-citizens, I have gone on to receive more of their ajipre- 
 ci.ition than is my due, until I have been honored with more 
 distinction, perhaps, than I deserve. The position of Mayor 
 of this great and proud city ought to be enough to satisfy 
 the most ambitious. The position of Mayor, backed aiiil 
 supj)()rt(d as it is by every good citizen, I am sure, should 
 satisfy any man, and it would seem almost grasjiing to wisli 
 for a higher honor. The promise of the future that is be- 
 fore nic is somewhat saddened and dimmed by the reflection 
 that, if carried out, I should hn^e to leave my good friends 
 of HulTalo to enter ujviii another sphere of activity. 
 
 Bear in niiiid, ge-ntlenwn. that whatever may come in the 
 futur«', the people of HufTalo and all thtir kindnesses to me 
 will ever have the warmest ])lace in a grateful heart. 
 
 SO 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 The event of to-day is an event which appeals to the local 
 pride of us all, and I should be too vain to live with — too 
 vain to be of any comfort to my friends — if I did not fully 
 appreciate the fact that this splendid ovation is not alto- 
 gether on account of personal preference. You are here to 
 support a cause — a great cause, and while you may fully 
 appreciate that a fellow-citizen is to bear aloft the banner 
 of Democracy in this campaign, you are to remember that 
 he is the standard-bearer in a cause that is dear to the 
 people and in which all their interests are involved. You 
 are to support it because you struggle for principles the 
 ascendency of which will bring happiness, peace, and pros- 
 perity to the people. 
 
 It is fitting that the campaign should begin here at these 
 club rooms, where, perhaps, more than in any other place, 
 my candidacy was started and has been fostered. I wish 
 that those valiant old soldiers — call them old men and old 
 boys, if you will — were here to-night to enjoy with us the 
 fruit of our labors. 
 
 Here we begin! Let us not believe that because local 
 pride and preference urge us on and the prospect looks 
 bright — let us not think that the battle is to be won without 
 a great struggle. On the one side we are to fight in the 
 interest of the people against a power upheld by a National 
 Administration, and it will take the strongest effort to shake 
 off its vise-like grip. 
 
 Remember that all the means and money at the command 
 of the Administration are to be put into play against us. 
 
 Remember that New York is the battle ground of 1884. 
 
 Do not be cajoled into the belief that because we are 
 confident here — because my neighbors are enthusiastic in 
 my support — that this is going to win the day. Remember 
 that this is a large State and one which is regarded as the 
 key to an important position. 
 
 Off then with our coats ! We must labor as we never did 
 
 21 
 
ADDRESSES AND TAPERS 
 
 before, and not for personal preferences but for the prcat 
 cause in M'hicli -vve arc enlisted. 
 
 [Letter ^icceptiug Xojniuation for Governor, 
 Addressed to Hon. Thomas C. E. Eeele- 
 siiie. Chairman, Buffalo, N. Y., October 7, 
 1882.'] 
 
 Dear Sir: I beg to acknowledge the receipt of your letter 
 informing me of my nomination for Governor by the Demo- 
 cratic State Convention, lately held at the city of Syracuse. 
 
 I accept the nomination thus tendered to me, and trust 
 that, while I am gratefully sensible of the honor conferred. 
 I am also properly impressed with the responsibilities which 
 it invites. 
 
 The platform of j)rinci})les adoj>trd by the convention 
 meets with my hearty approval. The doctrines therein 
 enunciated are so distinctly and explicitly stated that their 
 air.pl ideation seems scarcely necessary. If elected to the 
 •office for which I ha\e been nominated, I shall endeavor to 
 impress them upon my administration and make them the 
 policy of the State. 
 
 Our citizens for the most part attach themselves to one 
 or the other of the great j)()litieal j)arties; and, under or- 
 dinary circumstances, they support the nominees of the 
 ])arty to which they profess fealty. 
 
 Jt is quite apparent that under such circumstances the pri- 
 mary election or caucus sliould be surrounded bv sucli safe- 
 guards as will secure absolutely free and uncontrolled action. 
 Here the people themselves are supposed to speak; here they 
 j)ut their hands to the macliinery of government, and in this 
 pbiee should be found the manifestations of the jiopular will. 
 
 ^^'Il^n ly fraud, intimidation, or any ntlirr questionable 
 
 J 
 
OF GROVERCLEVELAND 
 
 practice tlie voice of the people is here smothered, a direct 
 blow is aimed at a most precious right, and one which the 
 law should be swift to protect. 
 
 If the primary election is vmcontaminated and fairly con- 
 ducted, those there chosen to represent the people will go 
 forth with the impress of the people's will upon them, and 
 the benefits and purposes of a truly representative govern- 
 ment will be attained. 
 
 Public officers are the servants and agents of the people 
 to execute laws which the people have made, and within 
 the limits of a constitution which they have established. 
 
 Hence the interference of officials of any degree, and 
 whether State or Federal, for the purpose of thwarting or 
 controlling the popular wish, should not be tolerated. 
 
 Subordinates in public place should be selected and re- 
 tained for their efficiency, and not because they may be used 
 to accomplish partisan ends. The people have a right to 
 demand, here, as in cases of private employment, that their 
 money be paid to those who will render the best service in 
 return, and that the appointment to, and tenure of, such 
 places should depend upon ability and merit. If the clerks 
 and assistants in public departments were paid the same 
 compensation and required to do the same amount of work 
 as those employed in prudently conducted private estab- 
 lishments, the anxiety to hold these public places would be 
 much diminished, and, it seems to me, the cause of civil 
 service reform materially aided. 
 
 The system of levying assessments, for partisan purposes, 
 on those holding office or place, cannot be too strongly con- 
 demned. Through the thin disguise of voluntary contri- 
 butions, this is seen to be naked extortion, reducing the 
 compensation which should be honestly earned and swell- 
 ing a fund used to debauch the people and defeat the 
 popular will. 
 
 I am unalterably opposed to the interference by the Leg- 
 
 23 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 islature with the government of municipalities. I believe 
 in the intelligence of the people when left to an honest 
 freedom in their choice, and that when the citizens of any 
 section of the State have determined upon the details of a 
 local government, they should be left in the undisturbed 
 enjoyment of the same. The doctrine of home rule, as I 
 understand it, lies at the foundation of republican institu- 
 tions, and cannot be too strongly insisted upon. 
 
 Corporations are created by the law for certain defined 
 purposes, and are restricted in their operations by specific 
 limitations. Acting within their legitimate sphere they 
 should be protected; but when by combination, or by the 
 exercise of unwarranted power, they oppress the people, 
 the same authority wliich created should restrain them and 
 protect the rigJits of the citizen. The law lately passed 
 for the purpose of adjusting the relations between the peo- 
 ple and corporations should be executed in good faith, with 
 an honest design to effectuate its objects and with a due 
 regard for the interests involved. 
 
 The laboring classes constitute the main part of our pop- 
 ulation. They should be protected in their efforts peace- 
 ably to assert their rights when endangered by aggregated 
 capital, and all statutes on this subject should recognize 
 the care of the State for honest toil, and be framed with a 
 view of improving the condition of tlie workingman. 
 
 We have so lately had a demonstration of the value of 
 our citizen soldiery in time of jxril, that it seems to me 
 no argument is necessary to prove that it should be main- 
 tained in a state of efficiency, so that its usefulness shall 
 not be impaired. 
 
 Certain amendments to the cimstitution of our State, in- 
 volving the management of our canals, are to be passed 
 upon at the coming election. This subject affects divers 
 interests, and, of course, gives rise to opposite opinions. It 
 is in tie hands of the sovereign people for final settlement; 
 
 S4 
 
OF GROVE R CLEVELAND 
 
 and as the question is thus removed from State legislation, 
 any statement of my opinion in regard to it, at this time, 
 would, I think, be out of place. I am confident that the 
 people will intelligently examine the merits of the subject, 
 and determine where the preponderance of interest lies. 
 
 The expenditure of money to influence the action of the 
 people at the polls, or to secure legislation, is calculated to 
 excite the gravest concern. When this pernicious agency 
 is successfully employed, a representative form of govern- 
 ment becomes a sham, and laws passed under its baleful 
 influence cease to protect, but are made the means by which 
 the rights of the people are sacrificed and the public treas- 
 ury despoiled. It is useless and foolish to shut our eyes 
 to the fact that this evil exists among us, and the party 
 which leads in an honest effort to return to better and purer 
 methods will receive the confidence of our citizens and se- 
 cure their support. It is willful blindness not to see that 
 the people care but little for party obligations when they 
 are invoked to countenance and sustain fraudulent and cor- 
 rupt practices. And it is well, for our coimtry and for 
 the purification of politics, that the people, at times fully 
 roused to danger, remind their leaders that party methods 
 should be something more than a means used to answer the 
 purposes of those who profit by political occupation. 
 
 The importance of wise statesmanship in the manage- 
 ment of public affairs cannot, I think, be overestimated. I 
 am convinced, however, that the perplexities and the mys- 
 tery often surrounding the administration of State concerns 
 grow, in a great measure, out of an attempt to serve par- 
 tisan ends rather than the welfare of the citizen. 
 
 We may, I think, reduce to quite simple elements the 
 duty which public servants owe, by constantly bearing in 
 mind that they are put in place to protect the rights of the 
 people, to answer their needs as they arise, and to expend, 
 for their benefit, the money drawn from them by taxation. 
 
 25 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 I am profoundly conscious that tlie management of the 
 divers interests of a great State is not an easy matter, but 
 I believe, if undertaken in the proper spirit, all its real 
 difficulties will yield to watchfulness and care. 
 
 [Letter to the New York Civil Service Beform 
 Association, Buffalo, .V. Y., October 28, 
 1882.] 
 
 Gentlemen: In answer to your letter of inquiry, dated 
 October 20, 1882, in relation to civil service reform, I 
 beg to refer you to my recent letter accepting the nom- 
 ination for Governor, in which many of the matters re- 
 ferred to in your letter are touched upon, and I assure 
 you that the sentiments therein expressed are sincerely and 
 honestly entertained, and are stated without any mental 
 reservation. 
 
 I have no hesitation in saying that I fully approve of 
 the principles embodied in tlie Tendlcton hill relating to 
 this subject, and that I should be glad to aid in any prac- 
 tical legislation which would give them a place in the man- 
 agement of the afiairs of the State and of municipalities, 
 so far as they can be made applicable tliereto. I believe 
 that the interests of the people demand that a reform in 
 the national and State administrative service should speedily 
 become an acconi])lish((l fact, and that the public should 
 receive honest and faithful service at the hands of well- 
 fitted and competent servants. Wlien contests between par- 
 ties are waged for the jjurposr of securing ])laces for pro- 
 fessional ])oliticians, of liigh or low digree, whose only 
 recomnu rulalinn for appointuuiit is their sujjposed ability 
 to do partisan service, the jjeople are apt to be defrauded 
 by the tlibj)laci iiunt of Irifti aud faithful servants, well 
 
 '2 b 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 able to perform the duties for wliicli they are paid with the 
 people's money, and the substitution of those who are imfit 
 and incompetent. In this way, the interests of the party 
 may be subserved, but the interests of the people are neg- 
 lected and betrayed. 
 
 This pernicious system gives rise to an office-holding 
 class, who in their partisan zeal, based upon the hope of 
 personal advantage, arrogate to themselves an undue and 
 mischievous interference with the will of the people in po- 
 litical action; this breeds the use of dishonest and repre- 
 hensible methods, which frequently result in the servants of 
 the people dictating to their masters. If places in the 
 public service are worth seeking, they should be the reward 
 of merit and well-doing, and the opportunity to secure them 
 on that basis should be open to all. Those holding these 
 places s])ouId be assured that their tenure depends upon 
 efficiency and fidelity to their trusts, and they should not 
 be allowed to use them for partisan purposes. The money 
 thej'^ earn they should receive and be allowed to retain, and 
 no part of it should be exacted from them by way of polit- 
 ical assessments. 
 
 It seems to me that very much or all of what we desire 
 in the direction of civil service reform is included in the 
 doctrine that the concerns of the State and nation should 
 be conducted on business principles, and as nearly as pos- 
 sible in the same manner that a prudent citizen conducts 
 his private affairs. If this principle is kept constantly in 
 mind I believe the details of a plan by which its adoption 
 may be secured will, without much difficulty, be suggested. 
 You refer especially to mismanagement in schools, asylums, 
 and institutions of charity and correction, and to the diffi- 
 culty of securing the construction of an additional aqueduct 
 in the city of New York. Without being fully acquainted 
 in detail with the evils and obstacles surrounding these 
 subjects, I believe they may be remedied and removed by 
 
 27 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 !\ due regard to the dictates of humanity and decency and 
 the application of the principles to which I have alluded. 
 
 [Letter to his Brother, Rev. William N. Cleve- 
 land, Buffalo, N. v., November 7, 1882.'\ 
 
 My Dear Brother: I have just voted. I sit here in the 
 mayor's office alone, with the exception of an artist from 
 Frank Leslie's Newspaper, who is sketching the office. If 
 mother was here I should be writing to her, and I feel as if 
 it were time for me to write to someone who will believe 
 what I write. 
 
 I have been for some time in the atmospliere of certain 
 success, so that I have been sure that I should assume the 
 duties of the higli office for which I have been named. I 
 have tried hard, in the light of this fact, to appreciate prop- 
 erly the responsibilities that will rest ujion me, and they 
 are much, too much underestimated. But the thought that 
 has troubled me is, can I well perform my duties, and in 
 such a manner as to do some good to tlie people of the 
 State.'' I know tlierc is room for it, and I know that I am 
 honest and sincere in my desire to do well ; but the ques- 
 tion is whether I knoiv enough to accomplish what I desire. 
 
 The social life which seems to await me has also been a 
 subject of nuieh anxious thought. I have a notion that I 
 can regulate that very iimcli as I desire; and, if I can, I 
 hhall spend very little time in the purely ornamental part 
 of the oiKce. In ])oint of fact, I will trll you, first of all 
 others, the jjolicy I intend to ado])t, and tliat is, to make 
 the matter a business engagement betwe<n the people of 
 the State and myself, in which the obligation on my side is 
 to perform tlie duties assigned me with an eye single to 
 llic iiiteresl of my ein])loyers. I shall liave no idea of re- 
 
 -:s 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 election, or any higher political preferment in my head, but 
 be very thankful and happy if I can well serve one term 
 as the people's Governor. Do you know that if mother 
 were alive, I should feel so much safer? I have always 
 thought that her prayers had much to do with my success. 
 I shall expect you all to help me in that way. Give my 
 love to and to , if she is with you, and be- 
 lieve me, your affectionate brother. 
 
 [^Address at the Manhattan Club, New York 
 City, December 5, 1882. '\ 
 
 It is not without considerable embarrassment that I 
 attempt to say a few words in response to those so well 
 spoken, and to express my thanks for the kindness and 
 good will of which this occasion is an evidence. This scene 
 and these surroundings are new and strange to me, and, 
 notwithstanding all that is calculated to reassure and com- 
 fort me in the kindness of your welcome, when I am re- 
 minded of the circumstances which give rise to this reunion, 
 a sense of grave responsibility weighs upon me and tempers 
 every other sentiment. 
 
 We stand to-night in the full glare of a grand and bril- 
 liant manifestation of popular will, and in the light of it 
 how vain and small appear the tricks of politicians and the 
 movements of party machinery. He must be blind who 
 cannot see that the people will understand their power and 
 are determined to use it when their rights and interests 
 are threatened. There should be no skepticism to-night as 
 to the strength and perpetuity of our popular government. 
 Partisan leaders have learned, too, that the people will not 
 unwittingly and blindly follow, and that something more 
 than unmeaning devotion to party is necessary to secure 
 their allegiance. 
 
 29 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 I am quite certain, too, that the late demonstration did 
 not spring from any pre-existing love for the party which 
 was called to power, nor did the people place the affairs of 
 state in our hands to be by them forgotten. They voted 
 for themselves and in their own interests. If we retain 
 their confidence we must deserve it, and we may be sure 
 they will call on us to give an account of our stewardship. 
 We shall utterly fail to read aright the signs of the times 
 if we are not fully convinced that parties are but the in- 
 struments through which the people work their will, and 
 that when they become less or more the people desert or 
 destroy them. The vanquished have lately learned these 
 things, and the victors will act wisely if they profit by the 
 lesson. 
 
 I have read and heard much of late touching the great 
 responsibility which has been cast upon me, and it is cer- 
 tainly predicated upon the fact that my majority was so 
 large as to indicate that many, not members of the party 
 to which I am proud to belong, supported me. God knows 
 how fully I appreciate the responsibility of the high office 
 to which I have been called, and how much I sometimes 
 fear that I shall not bear the burden well. It has seennd 
 to me, hoMCver, that the citizen who has been chosen by 
 his fellows to discharge public duties owes no less nor more 
 to them, whether he was elected by a small or a large ma- 
 jority. In either event, he owes to the people who have 
 honored him his best endeavor to protect their rights and 
 further their interests. 
 
 But if it is merely intended to remind me that, as a 
 member of a party, attached to its principles, and anxious 
 for its continued supremacy, my conduct sliould be such as 
 to give hope and contidenee to those who are surely with 
 us, I have to say that this responsibility should be shared 
 by all the members of the party. An administration is only 
 successful, in a ])artisan sense, when it appears to be the 
 
 SO 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 outgrowth and result of party principles and methods. You 
 who lead and others who follow, should all strive to com- 
 inend to the people in this, the time of our opportunity, 
 not an administration alone, but a party which shall appear 
 adequate to their wants and useful to their purposes. 
 
 The time-honored doctrines of the Democratic party arc 
 dear to me. If honestly applied in their purity I know the 
 affairs of the government would be fittingly and honestly 
 administered, and I believe that all the wants of the peo- 
 ple would be met. They have survived all changes, and 
 good and patriotic men have clung to them, through all 
 disasters, as the hope of political salvation. Let us hold 
 them as a sacred trust, and let us not forget that an intelli- 
 gent, reading, and thinking people will look to the party 
 which they put in power to supply all their various needs 
 and wants. And the party which keeps pace with the de- 
 velopment and progress of the time, which keeps in sight 
 its landmarks and yet observes those things which are 
 in advance, and which will continue true to the people as 
 well as to its traditions, will be the dominant party of the 
 future. 
 
 In conclusion, may I bespeak for myself your kind sup- 
 port and consideration? My only aspiration is to perform, 
 faithfully, the duties of the office to which the people of 
 my State have called me, and I hope and trust that proud 
 endeavor will light the way to a successful administration. 
 
 [Address as Governor, at Albany, N. Y., 
 January 1, 1883.] 
 
 Governor Cornell: I am profoundly grateful for your 
 pleasant words and kind wishes for my success. You speak 
 in full view of labors that are past and duty well performed, 
 
 31 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 and no doubt you generously suppose what you have safely 
 encountered and overcome, and other may not fear to meet. 
 
 But I cannot be unmindful of the difficulties that beset 
 the path upon which I enter, and I shall be quite content 
 if, when the end is reached, I may, like you, look back upon 
 an official career honorable to myself and useful to the peo- 
 ple of the State. 
 
 I cannot forbear at this time also to express my appre- 
 ciation of the hearty kindness and consideration with which 
 you have, at otlier times, sought to make easier my per- 
 formance of official duty. 
 
 Fellow-Citizens : You have assembled to-day to witness 
 the retirement of an officer, tried and trusted, from the 
 highest place in the State, and the assumption of its duties 
 by one yet to be tried. This ceremony, simple and unos- 
 tentatious, as becomes the spirit of our institutions, is yrt 
 of vast importance to you and all the people of this great 
 Commonwealth. Tlie interests now transferred to new 
 hands are yours; and the duties here newly assumed should 
 be performed for your benciit and your good. This you 
 have the right to demand and enforce by the means placed 
 in your hands, which you well know how to use; and if 
 the public servant should always know that he is jealously 
 •watched by the people, he surely would be none the less 
 faithful to his trust. 
 
 This vigilance on the part of the citizen, and an active 
 interest and participation in political concerns, are the safe- 
 guards of his rights; but sluggisli indifTerencc to political 
 privileges invites the machinations of those who wait to 
 hrtray thr people's trust. Thus, when tl)e conduct of pub- 
 lic afT.iirs rrcei\rs your attrntinn. you not only prrform 
 your duty as citizens, but protect your own best interests. 
 While this is [rur, .ind while those whom yon pnt in plnce 
 should be Ik Id to .strict account, tlicir opportunity for usc- 
 
 3Z 
 
OF GROVE R CLEVELAND 
 
 fulness should not be impaired, nor their efforts for good 
 thwarted, by unfounded and querulous complaint and 
 cavil. 
 
 Let us together, but in our different places, take part in 
 the regulation and administration of the government of our 
 State, and thus become, not only the keepers of our own 
 interests, but contributors to the progress and prosperity 
 which will await us. 
 
 I enter upon the discharge of the duties of the office to 
 Avhich my fellow-citizens have called me with a profoimd 
 sense of responsibility; but my hope is in the guidance of 
 a kind Providence, which I believe will aid an honest de- 
 sign; and the forbearance of a just people, which, I trust, 
 will recognize a patriotic endeavor. 
 
 [From the First Message to the New York 
 Legislature, January 2, ISSS.'X 
 
 The power of the State to exact from the citizen a part 
 of his earnings and income for the support of the govern- 
 ment, it is obvious, should be exercised with absolute fair- 
 ness and justice. When it is not so exercised, the people 
 are oppressed. This furnishes the highest and the best 
 reason why laws should be enacted and executed which will 
 subject all property — as all alike need the protection of the 
 State — to an equal share in the burdens of taxation, by 
 means of which the government is maintained. And yet it 
 is notoriously true that personal property, not less remu- 
 nerative than land and real estate, escapes to a very great 
 extent the payment of its fair proportion of the expense 
 incident to its protection and preservation under the law. 
 The people should always be able to recognize, with the 
 pride and satisfaction which are the strength of our institu- 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 tions, in the conduct of the State, the source of undiscrinl- 
 inating justice, which can give no pretext for discontent. 
 
 Let us enter upon the discharge of our duties, fully ap- 
 preciating our relations to the people, and determined to 
 serve them faithfully and -well. This involves a jealous 
 Avatch of the public funds, and a refusal to sanction their 
 appropriation except for public needs. To this end all un- 
 necessary offices should be abolished, and all employment 
 of doubtful benefit discontinued. If to this we add the 
 enactment of such wise and well-considered laws as will 
 meet the varied wants of our fellow-citizens and increase 
 their prosperity, we shall merit and receive the approval 
 of those whose representatives we are, and, with the con- 
 sciousness of duty well performed, shall leave our impress 
 for good on the legislation of the State. . . . 
 
 [Serenade Speech at Albany, X. Y., October 
 12y 18S3.'] 
 
 FelloTV-Ciii~ens: I am very much gratHied by tliis re- 
 membrance of me in the middle of tlic rejoicing which 
 to-night gladdens the hearts of the members of the jiarty 
 to which I am glad to belong. I do not for a moment 
 attribute this demonstration and the compliment of the 
 serenade to any other cause than the inclination of my 
 party friends, at such a time as this, to congratulate each 
 other on this occasion. Official place and public position 
 m.-iy be laid aside, for n moment, while, as fellow-members 
 of ,1 party Avhich has achieved a victory, we mingle our joy 
 and exultation. We cekbrate to-uiglit a victory in a most 
 important liild, and a victory wliiili gives us an earnest of 
 .1 nnuli greater ytt to come. We look with pride .iiul joy 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 to the achievement of our brcthicn in a sister State, and 
 yield to them all the praise and admiration which their 
 gallantry and courage claim. 
 
 The first battle in the great campaign of 1884 has been 
 fought and won. Ohio in the van calls on us to follow. 
 What shall the answer be? The Democracy of New York 
 sends back the ringing assurance that we are on the way 
 and in a few short days will be at her side, bearing glori- 
 ous trophies. This is not an idle boast, full of temporary 
 enthusiasm, nor the voice of blind partisan zeal. We shall 
 succeed because we deserve success, because the people are 
 just, and because we bear high aloft the banner of their 
 rights. We know full well the need of watchfulness and 
 effort, and wc shall not fail to appreciate that neglect and 
 slothfulness arc a betrayal of our trust. 
 
 I congratulate most sincerely every true Democrat in the 
 State of New York that the cause in which he is enlisted is 
 so worthy of his best efforts, and that the candidates chosen 
 to lead in the contest so well represent his cause. The 
 convention whicli selected, for the Democratic party, the 
 men now presented to the people of the State for their 
 suffrages had before it other men, any of whom the party 
 would have delighted to honor ; but a choice was to be made, 
 and that it was well and fairly made I fully believe. The 
 charge or insinuation in any quarter that the choice was 
 influenced improperly, or determined otherwise than by the 
 judgment of those upon whom the responsibility was cast, 
 will not deceive and may be safely left to the intelligence 
 of the people of the State. 
 
 For myself, I shall claim the privilege of aiding in the 
 cause. This cannot be done by fault-finding and cavil. I 
 know I can aid by performing the duties of my public trust 
 for the benefit of the people, for I am sure that the party 
 which docs not keep near to them, and the party represen- 
 tatives who are not careful of their interests, they will 
 
 35 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 repudiate. We seek to put the affairs of the State in the 
 hands of men having the full confidence of the party. We 
 seek to put in higlier places those who have shown fidelity 
 to every private and public trust. We present to the peo- 
 ple of the State candidates all of whom come accredited 
 with the confidence and affection of their neighbors, which 
 are the best credentials. Their ability to perform the duties 
 of the offices is unquestioned, and, fresh from the people, 
 they imderstand and will care for their wants. 
 
 Believing these things, I am enlisted in their success, 
 and I hope that, through the hearty efforts of their party 
 friends and by the intelligent action of the voters of the 
 State, I may welcome them to share in the administration 
 of our State government. 
 
 [Address at Evacuation Day Celebration, Xeio 
 York, Xovember '20 y 1<SS3.^ 
 
 Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Chamber of Com- 
 merce: My theme is too great for nic, and I shall not 
 attemjjt to cover it. The few words I shall speak will be 
 upon a topic which makes but one clement in the supremacy 
 of the State of New York, and I fear that I shall treat of 
 that in a very practical and perhaps uninteresting way. 
 
 I am free to confess that I am souuwhat embarrassed 
 to-night by my surroundings. Not only am I in the pres- 
 < nee of a distinguished company, but 1 see about me what 
 ] suppose to be the guardians of the commerce of the State. 
 This word "commerce" sounds very large to me; because, 
 wlu-never I have heard the greatness of a nation or a State 
 spoken of, their comn)erce has been dwelt upon as a chief 
 ingredient or factor in such greatness. Here is the g.ate- 
 way of the commerce of our State; and while the uttermost 
 
 3(j 
 
OF GROVER CLE A ELAND 
 
 corner of our domain has felt and still feels its healthful 
 influence, the tribute it has paid in passing this point has 
 erected one of the largest cities in the world, and created 
 many colossal fortunes. I suppose, of course, I need not 
 suggest that other cities and other States are quite willing 
 to relieve the city and State of New York of a part or all 
 of the commerce thus enjoj'cd; and I doubt not the danger 
 to be apprehended from any such competitors has received 
 due care and attention. 
 
 I have lately seen a statement, by which it appears tliat 
 for the year ending August 31, 1882, there were shipped 
 from New Orleans to fifteen foreign ports 2,74'4,581 bush- 
 els of wheat and 639,3^2 bushels of corn. This was trans- 
 ported in sixty-one steamers and two sailing vessels. But 
 for the year ending August 31, 1883, there were shipped 
 from the same city to twenty-nine foreign ports 5,529,8'i7 
 bushels of wheat and 7,1 6 1,1 68 bushels of corn, and this 
 was transported in 278 steamers and twenty-four sailing 
 vessels. We thus find an increase, during the year speci- 
 fied, as follows: Increase in wheat, 2,785,266; increase in 
 corn, 6,521,826; increase in number of ports, 14; increase 
 in number of vessels, 239. 
 
 I expect there are other dangers to be apprehended from 
 other quarters, which may threaten the perpetuity and vol- 
 ume of New York commerce. Is there care enough taken 
 to have champions of this all-important interest in the halls 
 of legislation, and is it there distinctively enough repre- 
 sented ? Bear in mind that you may labor and toil, in the 
 whirl and excitement of business, to build new warehouses, 
 and add to the city's wealth and to your own, but that, 
 while you thus build, ignorant, negligent, or corrupt men 
 among your lawmakers can easily and stealthily pull doAvn. 
 Political duty and selfish interests lead in the same direc- 
 tion, and a neglect of this duty will, I believe, bring a sure 
 punishment. 
 
 87 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 I venture the opinion that the commerce of your port 
 should be free from the annoying burdens and taxation to 
 ■which it is now subjected, and yet a law passed by the 
 last legislature, as a partial measure of relief, failed in its 
 execution, for reasons, jicrhaps, in one sense commercial in 
 their character, but far removed from any relations to the 
 commerce of the port. I hasten to disclaim any insinua- 
 tion that there are legislators sent from here who are not 
 "ailhful to tliis great interest; but I see no reason why 
 they should not all be of that kind, nor why the commer- 
 cial interests of this great city should not be more regarded 
 «n their selection. 
 
 The people of the State have lately taken it upon them- 
 selves to support the canals from funds raised by taxation, 
 thus freeing one branch of commerce from its burden. This 
 means much to the farmer, who, by hours of toil, unknown 
 to you, exacts from the soil barely sufficient to live and 
 educate his children. He deems the advantage of a free 
 canal to him indirect and remote ; but this increased taxation 
 he must meet. His land and farm buildings cannot be con- 
 cealed; and if, by chance, he is able to improve them, his 
 betterments are within the gaze of the tax-gatherer, and 
 bring a further increase of taxation. Are your sure that all 
 the property of this great metropolis, where fortunes, which 
 the farmer vainly works a lifetime to secure, are made and 
 lost in a day, meets, with equal fairness, its share of taxa- 
 tion.^ At any rate, cannot tiie city of New York afford to 
 pay the expense necessary to the maintenance of its port — 
 thus securing its commercial supremacy and controlling, 
 free from State interference, tliis interest so directly impor- 
 tant to you all. 
 
 We are apt. on such a day as this, to recall with pride 
 what has been done within a hundred years to make us 
 great, and we are quite sure to ajjjjropriate a full share of 
 all that li.'.s In en done in our day and generation. It is 
 
 :<8 
 
OF GROVER CLEAELAND 
 
 well, too, that we should deserve the praise of those who 
 shall follow us and speak of us a hundred years hence ; 
 but let us see to it that in our love for our State, and 
 in our recognition of every duty which belongs to good 
 citizenship, we are not behind those who lived a hundred 
 years ago. 
 
 [Frovi the Second Message to the Nero York 
 Legislature, January 1, 1884-^ 
 
 The action of the Board of Railroad Commissioners in 
 requiring the filing of quarterly reports by the railroad 
 companies, exhibiting their financial condition, is a most 
 important step in advance, and should be abundantly sus- 
 tained. It would, in my opinion, be a most valuable protec- 
 tion to the people if other large corporations were obliged 
 to report to some department their transactions and finan- 
 cial condition. 
 
 The State creates these corporations upon the theory that 
 some proper thing of benefit can be better done by them 
 than by private enterprise, and that the aggregation of the 
 funds of many individuals may be thus profitably employed. 
 They are laimched upon the public Avith the seal of the 
 State, in some sense, upon them. They are permitted to 
 represent the advantages they possess and the wealth sure 
 to follow from admission to membership. In one hand is 
 held a charter from the State, and in the other is held their 
 preferred stock. 
 
 It is a fact, singular, though well-established, that peo- 
 ple will pay their money for stock in a corporation engaged 
 in enterprises in which they would refuse to invest if in 
 private hands. 
 
 It is a grave question whether the formation of these 
 
 39 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 nrtificial bodies ought not to be checked, or better regu- 
 lated, and in some way supervised. 
 
 At any rate, they should always be kept well in hand, 
 and tlie funds of its citizens should be protected by the 
 State wliich has invited their investment. While the stock- 
 holders are the owners of the corporate property, notori- 
 ously they are oftentimes completely in the power of the 
 directors and managers who acquire a majority of the stock 
 and by tliis means perpetuate their control, using the cor- 
 porate property and franchises for their benefit and profit, 
 regardless of the interests and rights of the minority of 
 stockholders. Immense salaries are paid to officers ; trans- 
 •nctions are consummated by which the directors make 
 money, while the rank and file among the stockholders 
 lose it; the honest investor waits for dividends and the 
 directors grow rich. It is suspected, too, that large sums 
 are spent under various disguises in efforts to influence leg- 
 islation. 
 
 It is not consistent to claim that the citizen must pro- 
 tect him.self by refusing to purchase stock. The law con- 
 stantly recognizes the fact that people should be defended 
 from false representations and from their own folly and 
 cupidity. It punishes obtaining goods by false pretenses, 
 gambling, and lotteries. 
 
 It is a hollow mockery to direct the owner of a small 
 amount of stock in one of these institutions to the courts. 
 Under existing statutes, the law's delay, perplexity and 
 uncertainty lead but to desj)air. 
 
 The State should cither refuse to allow these corpor.i- 
 tions to exist under its authority or ])atronage, or aeknowl- 
 ed/;ing their paternity and its res])onsil)ilily, should provide 
 a simple, easy way for its peoj)le wliose money is invested, 
 and the public generally, to disiover how tlie funds of these 
 institutions are spent, and lu)\\ their alVairs are conducted. 
 It should, at the same time, provide a way by which the 
 
 40 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 squandering or misuse of corporate funds would be made 
 good to the parties injured thereby. 
 
 This might well be accomplished by requiring corpora- 
 tions to file reports frequently, made out with the utmost 
 detail, and wliicli would not allow lobby expenses to be 
 hidden under the pretext of legal services and counsel fees, 
 accompanied by vouchers and sworn to by the officers mak- 
 ing them, showing particularly the debts, liabilities, expen- 
 ditures, and property of the corporation. Let this report 
 be delivered to some appropriate department or officer, who 
 shall audit and examine the same ; provide that a false oath 
 to such account shall be perjury and make the directors 
 liable to refund to the injured stockholders any expendi- 
 ture which shall be determined improper by the auditing 
 authority. 
 
 Such requirements might not be favorable to stock specu- 
 lation, but they would protect the innocent investors ; tliey 
 might make the management of corporations more trouble- 
 some, but this ought not to be considered Avhen the protec- 
 tion of the people is the matter in hand. It would prevent 
 corporate efforts to influence legislation ; the honestly con- 
 ducted and strong corporations would have nothing to fear; 
 the badly managed and weak ought to be exposed. 
 
 [Address when presiding over the New York 
 State Bar Association^ Albany ^ January 8^ 
 1884.'] 
 
 Gentlemen of the Association : At a late hour I was so- 
 licited to preside at your meeting. I should certainly have 
 felt that I must decline, but for two considerations. I was 
 assured that no address would be expected of me, and that 
 even a little speech, on assuming the chair, might be 
 
 41 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 dispensed witli. Tliis disposed of one objection to my 
 consent. 
 
 The other consideration sprang up in my mind when I 
 reflected that there would be here an assembla<Te of my 
 professional brethren, and the impulse was irresistible to be 
 among them for a time, though necessarily brief, and to 
 feel about me the atmosphere from which, for a twelve- 
 month, I have been excluded. I beg to assure you, gentle- 
 men, that in the crowd of official duties which for the past 
 year have surrounded me, I have never lost sight of the 
 guild to which I am proud to belong, nor have I lost any 
 of the love and care for the noble profession I have chosen. 
 On the contrary, as I have seen the controlling part which 
 the lawyers of the State assume in the enacting of her 
 laws, and in all other works that pertain to her progress and 
 her welfare, I have appreciated more than ever the value and 
 usefulness of the legal ])rofcssion. And, when I have seen 
 how generally my professional brethren have been faithful 
 to their public trusts, my pride has constantly increased. 
 
 And yet from the outside world I come within the grate- 
 ful circle of professional life to say to you that much is to 
 be done before the bar of this State will, in all its parts, 
 be what we all could wish. \\'e hold honorable j)laces. but 
 we hold places of power — if well used, to protect and save 
 our fellows; if prostituted and badly used, to betray and 
 destroy. It seems to me that a profession so high and 
 noble in all the ])ur])oses of its »'\istence should be only 
 high and noble in all its results. Hut we know it is not so. 
 Thirc is not a member of tlir bar in this assemblage who 
 has not shuddered when he thought of the wicked things 
 he had tlie power to do safely; and he has shuddered again 
 when he reealled those, Mhom he was obliged to call i)ro- 
 fessional brothers, M'ho need<d but the motive to do these 
 very things. 
 
 An association lik<' this, to be really useful, uuist be 
 
 •1.2 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 something more than a society devoted to the laudation of 
 the profession. It should have duties to perform, earnest 
 in their nature, and not the less boldly met because they 
 are disagreeable. Those who steal our livery to aid them 
 in the commission of crime should be detected and exposed; 
 and this association, or branches of it, should have watch- 
 men on the walls to protect the honor and fair fame of the 
 bar of the State. 
 
 Your words are fair, when, in your constitution, you de- 
 clare the objects of this association to be " to elevate the 
 standard of integrity, honor, and courtesy in the legal pro- 
 fession "; and I have no doubt you have done much in that 
 direction ; but I hope I may be pardoned for reminding 
 you here that frequently, to insure health and vigor, the 
 bad, diseased limbs of the tree must be lopped off. 
 
 My thought has carried me further than I intended. Be 
 assured I have spoken in no censorious spirit. I congratu- 
 late the State Bar Association on all it has done, and for 
 one am determined to aid its work as well during my tem- 
 porary professional exile as when I shall again gladly min- 
 gle in the contests of the bar. 
 
 [Address at the Semi-Centennial of Rochester, 
 N. Y., June 10, 18S4.] 
 
 Having been in the sei'vice of the State for nearly 
 eighteen months, I feel, like any other loyal and grateful 
 servant, that no flight of oratory or grace of diction could, 
 if they were within my reach, do justice to the greatness 
 and the goodness of my master. I shall not attempt to do 
 more than to recall some of the elements which make ours 
 a great State, and to suggest the pride which we should 
 feel as citizens of this commonwealth. 
 
 i3 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 The State of New York is not alone a vast area — though 
 it includes within its borders more territorj' than seven of 
 the original thirteen States combined, beautifully diversi- 
 fied with mountains and valleys, streams and lakes, forests 
 and fields, and with farms where the wealth and variety of 
 crops tell the story of fertility and adaptation to the most 
 valuable products. 
 
 The State is not alone a busy workshop, with its con- 
 tinuous hum of machinery and its army of artisans and 
 workmen — tliough its manufactures exceed in worth, va- 
 riety, and volume an}' other State or Territory, and though 
 their value is m.ore than the aggregate produced in ten of 
 the original States. 
 
 The State is not alone a j^athway of commerce and a 
 center of trade — though our w.itcrways and railroads trans- 
 port a nation's wealth, and though our metropolis rivals 
 the money centers of the world, and is a distributing point 
 for all lands. 
 
 The State is not alone an immense aggregation of peo- 
 ple—though its })opulation exceeds tliat of any sister State, 
 amounting to more than one-trnth of ■••.11 the States and 
 Territories, and nearly exceeds tliat of eight of the original 
 States. 
 
 Nor do all these things combined make up the State that 
 we delight to call our own. 
 
 Our cities, busy, thrifty, and prospernus. arr eonstmtly 
 increasing in population and wealth, and in the means to 
 furnish to their peojile all that j^ertains to rcfiTiement and 
 civilization. 
 
 Our villages, quiet, coiili nti d, .iiiil orderly, are every 
 where; and by their growth .iiid enterprise give i)roof of 
 pro))er and economical manageimnt . 
 
 Our colleges and seminaries on every hill, and our com- 
 mon schools on every li.iiid, are evidences ol the faith of 
 the peoj)le in p()])ular .iiid thorough cduealion. Our nu- 
 
OF GROVE R CLEVELAND 
 
 merous cliaritable institutions enlist the care of the State 
 for the unfortunate poor. Our churches, and the tolerant 
 and almost universal observance of religious duties by every 
 sect and creed, teach obedience to the law and prepare 
 our people for good citizenship. Our soldiery, well dis- 
 ciplined and equipped, stand ready to defend our homes, 
 while they beget a martial spirit and j^^triotic sentiment. 
 A wise and firm administration of the law by our courts 
 gives no occasion for disorders and outbreaks that arise 
 from the miscarriage of justice. 
 
 Surely we have enough to cause us to congratulate our- 
 selves upon the claim we have to State citizenship. And 
 yet I cannot forget how much the continuance of all that 
 makes us proud to-day depends upon the watchfulness and 
 independence of the people and their effective participa- 
 tion and interest in State affairs. With a bad government, 
 notwithstanding all our advantages, our State will not be 
 great. Remember that the government of the State was 
 made for the people, and see to it that it be by the people. 
 A sturdy independence and a determination to hold the 
 public servant to a strict accountability will teach him to 
 keep well in view the line between the peoplejs interests 
 and narrow and selfish partisanship ; and 1 am sure that a 
 man, after faithful service in official place, reaps no mean 
 reward, if, at the end, he shall retire with the confidence 
 and affection of a thoughtful and intelligent community, 
 still retaining the proud title of a citizen of the Empire 
 State. 
 
 [Address at the G. A. R. Banquet, in Buffalo, 
 N. Y., J2dy A, ISSA.I 
 
 I am almost inclined to complain because the sentiment to 
 which I am requested to respond is not one which permits 
 me to speak at length of the city which, for more than 
 
 45 
 
AD DIl ESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 twenty-nine years, has been my home. You bid me speak 
 of the State, while everything that surrounds mc, and all 
 that has been done to-day, remind mc of other things. I 
 cannot fail to remember most vividly, to-night, that exactly 
 two years ago I felt that much of the responsibility of a 
 certain celebration rested on my shoulders. I suppose there 
 were others who did more than I to make the occasion a 
 success, but I know tliat I considered myself an important 
 factor, and tliat when, after weeks of planning and prepara- 
 tion, the day came and finally passed, I felt as much re- 
 lieved as if the greatest effort of my life had been a com- 
 plete success. 
 
 On that day we laid tlie corner stone of the monument 
 which has to-day been unveiled in token of its completion. 
 We celebrated, too, the semi-centennial of our city's life. I 
 was proud tlien to be its chief executive, and ever_\'thing con- 
 nected with its interests and prosperity was dear to me. To- 
 night I am still proud to be a citizen of Buffalo, and my 
 fellow-townsmen cannot, if they will, prevent the affection 
 I feel for my cit}' and its people. But my theme is a 
 broader one, and one that stirs the lieart of every citizen of 
 the State. 
 
 The State of New York, in all that is great, is easily the 
 leader of all tlie States. Its history is filled with glorious 
 deeds, and its life is bound up with all that makes the na- 
 tion great. From the first of the nation's existence our 
 State has been the constant and generous contributor to its 
 life and growth and vigor. 
 
 But to the exclusion of every other thouglit to-niglit, there 
 is one jjassage in the history of the State that crowds upon 
 my mind. 
 
 There came a time when discord rc.ulii'd the family circle 
 of States, threatening tlie nation's life, ("an we forget how 
 wildly Xcw York sprang forward to protect and preserve 
 what slie had done so nnich to ereale and build up. Four 
 
 46 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 hundred and Mty thousand men left her borders to stay the 
 tide of destruction. 
 
 During the bloody affray which followed, nearly fourteen 
 thousand and five hundred of her sons were killed in battle 
 or died of wounds. Their bones lie in every State where 
 the war for the Union was waged. Add to these nearly 
 seventeen thousand and five hundred of her soldiers, who, 
 within that sad time, died of disease, and then contemplate 
 the pledges of New York's devotion to a united country, 
 and the proofs of her faith in the supreme destiny of the 
 sisterhood of States. 
 
 And there returned to her thousands of her sons who 
 fought and came home laden with the honors of patriotism, 
 many of whom still survive, and, like the minstrels of old, 
 tell us of heroic deeds and battles won which saved the na- 
 tion's life. 
 
 When our monument, which should commemorate the suf- 
 ferings and death of their comrades, was begun, the vet- 
 erans of New York were here. To-day they come again 
 and view complete its fair proportions, which in the years 
 to come shall be a token that the patriotic dead are not for- 
 gotten. 
 
 The State of New York is rich in her soldier dead, and 
 she is rich in her veterans of the war. Those who still sur- 
 vive, and the members of the Grand Army of the Republic, 
 hold in trust for the State the blessed memories which 
 connect her with her dead ; and these memories we know will 
 be kept alive and green. 
 
 Long may the State have her veterans of the war; and 
 long may she hold them in grateful and chastened remem- 
 brance. And as often as her greatness and her grandeur 
 are told, let these be called the chief jewels in her crown 
 
 47 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 [Serenade Speech in Albany, N. Y., Juhj 10, 
 18SJ^.^ 
 
 Fellow-Citizens : I cannot but be gratified with this 
 kindly greeting. I find that I nm fast reaching the point 
 •where I shall count the peo})lc of Albany not merely as 
 fellow-citizens, but as townsmen and neighbors. 
 
 On this occasion, I am, of course, aware that you pay no 
 compliment to a citizen, and present no personal tribute, but 
 that you have come to demonstrate your loyalty and devotion 
 to a cause in which you arc heartily enlisted. 
 
 The American people are about to exercise, in its high- 
 est sense, their power of right and sovereignty. They are 
 to call in review before them their public servants and the 
 representatives of political parties, and demand of them an 
 account of their stewardship. 
 
 Parties may be so long in power, and may become so ar- 
 rogant and careless of the interests of the people, as to 
 grow heedless of their responsibility to their masters. But 
 the time comes, as certainly as death, when the people 
 weigh them in the balance. 
 
 The issues to be adjudicated by the nation's great assize 
 are made up and are about to be submitted. 
 
 We believe that the people are not receiving at the hands 
 of the party which, for nearly twenty-four years, has direct- 
 ed the affairs of the nation, the full benefits to wliich tliry 
 are entitled — of a pure, just, and economical rule — and we 
 believe that the ascendency of genuine Democratic princi- 
 ples will insure a better government, and greater ha]ipinrss 
 and prosperity to all the people. 
 
 To rc.ich the s(il)er lliouLrlil "f the !i\lion. and to dis- 
 lodge an enemy intrenched behind sj)oils and patronage, 
 in\olvc a struggle, M-hich, if wc under-cslimalc, wc invite 
 
 48 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 defeat. I am profoundly impressed -with the responsibil- 
 ity of the part assigned to me in this contest. My heart, 
 I know, is in the cause, and I pledge you that no effort of 
 mine shall be wanting to secure the victory which I believe 
 to be within the achievement of the Democratic hosts. 
 
 Let us, then, enter upon the campaign, now fairly opened, 
 each one appreciating well the part he has to ^''crform, 
 ready, with solid front, to do battle for better government, 
 confidently, courageously, always honorably, and with a 
 firm reliance upon the intelligence and patriotism of the 
 American people. 
 
 {^Response to Official Notification at Albany, 
 N. Y., Juhj 29, ISSA.'l 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Committee: Your 
 formal announcement does not, of course, convey to me the 
 first information of the result of the convention, lately held 
 by the Democracy of the nation. And yet when, as I lis- 
 ten to your message, I see about me representatives from all 
 parts of the land, of the great party which, claiming to be 
 the party of the people, asks them to intrust to it the ad- 
 fciinistration of their government, and when I consider, 
 under the influence of the stern reality which present sur- 
 roundings create, that I have been chosen to represent the 
 plans, purposes, and the policy of the Democratic party, I 
 am profoundly impressed by the solemnity of the occasion 
 and by the responsibility of my position. 
 
 Though I gratefully appreciate it, I do not at this mo- 
 ment congratulate myself upon the distinguished honor 
 which has been conferred upon me, because my mind is full 
 cf an anxious desire to perform well the part which has 
 been assigned to me. Nor do I at this moment forget that 
 
 49 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 the rights and interests of more than fifty millions of my 
 fellow-citizens are involved in our efforts to gain Demo- 
 cratic supremacy. This reflection presents to my mind the 
 consideration which, more than all others, gives to the action 
 of ray party, in convention assembled, its most sober and 
 serious aspect. 
 
 Tlie party and its representatives which ask to be in- 
 trusted, at the hands of the people, with the keeping of all 
 that concerns their welfare and their safety, should only 
 ask it with the full appreciation of the trust, and with a firm 
 resolve to administer it faithfully and well. I am a Demo- 
 crat — because I believe that this truth lies at the founda- 
 tion of true Democracy. I have kept the faith — because I 
 believe, if rightly and fairly administered and apjjlied, 
 Democratic doctrines and measures will insure the happi- 
 ness, contentment, and prosperity of the people. 
 
 If, in the contest upon which we now enter, we steadfastly 
 hold to the underlying jirinciples of our party creed, and 
 at all times keep in view the peojile's good, we shall be 
 strong, because we are true to ourselves, and because tlic 
 plain and independent voters of the land will seek, by their 
 suffrages, to compass their release from party tyranny 
 where there should be submission to the popular will, and 
 tlieir protection from party corruption where there should 
 be devotion to the people's interests. 
 
 Tiiese thoughts lend a consecration to our cause; and 
 we go forth, not merely to gain a partisan advantage, but 
 pledged to give to those who trust us the utmost benefit of 
 a jiure and honest administration of national affairs. No 
 liiglier pur))ose or inotivc can stimulate us to supreme effort, 
 or urge us to continuous and earnest labor and effective 
 ])7irly organization. Let us not fail in this, and we may 
 eoiificlt iilly liopc to reap the full r» ward of jvitriotle services 
 well i)erf(irnied. 
 
 I have thus called to mind some simple truths; and, trite 
 
 50 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 though they are, it seems to me we do well to dwell upon 
 them at this time. 
 
 I shall soon, I hope, signify in the usual manner my ac- 
 ceptance of the nomination which has been tendered to me. 
 In the meantime, I gladly greet you all as co-workers in a 
 noble cause. 
 
 [Letter Accepting Nomination for President, 
 Albany, N. Y., August 18, 1884.] 
 
 Gentlemen: I have received your communication, dated 
 July 28, 1884, informing me of my nomination to the office 
 of President of the United States by the National Demo- 
 cratic Convention, lately assembled at Chicago. I accept the 
 nomination with a grateful appreciation of the supreme honor 
 conferred and a solemn sense of the responsibility which, in 
 its acceptance, I assume. I have carefully considered the 
 platform adopted by the convention and cordially approve 
 the same. So plain a statement of Democratic faith, and 
 the principles upon which that party appeals to the suffrages 
 of the people, needs no supplement or explanation. 
 
 It should be remembered that the office of President is 
 essentially executive in its nature. The laws enacted by the 
 legislative branch of the government, the Chief Executive 
 is bound faithfully to enforce. And when the wisdom of 
 the political party, which selects one of its members as a 
 nominee for that office, has outlined its policy and declared 
 its principles, it seems to me that nothing in the character 
 of the office or the necessities of the case requires more, from 
 the candidate accepting such nomination than the sugges- 
 tion of certain well-known truths, so absolutely vital to the 
 safety and welfare of the nation that they cannot be too 
 often recalled or too seriously enforced. 
 
 We proudly call ours a government by the people. It is 
 
 61 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 not anch when a cl.iss is tolerated wliicli arrogates to itself 
 the management of public affairs, seeking to control the 
 people, instead of representing them. Parties are the nec- 
 essary outgrowths of our institutions; but a government is 
 not by the people when one party fastens its control upon 
 the countrj- and i^erpetuates its power by cajoling and be- 
 traying the people instead of serving them. A government 
 is not by the peo):)le when a result which should represent 
 tiie intelligent will of free and thinking men is or can be 
 determined by the shameless corruption of their suffrages. 
 
 When an election to office shall be the selection by the 
 voters of one of their number to assume for a time a public 
 trust, instead of his dedication to the profession of politics; 
 when the holders of the ballot, quickened by a sense of duty, 
 shall avenge truth betrayed and pledges broken, and when 
 the suffrage shall be altogether free and uncorrupted, the 
 full realization of a government by the jieoplc will be at 
 hand. And of the means to this end not one would, in my 
 judgment, be more effective than an amendment to the 
 Constitution disqualifying the President from re-election. 
 When we consider the patronage of this great office, the al- 
 lurements of power, the tem))tations to retain public place 
 once gained, and, more than all, the availability a party linds 
 in an incumbent whom a horde of office-holders, with a zeal 
 born of benefits received and fostered by the hope of favors 
 yet to come, stand ready to aid with money and trained 
 litical service, we recognize in the eligibility of the Presi- 
 dent for re-election a most serious danger to that calm, de- 
 liberate, and intelligent political action which must char- 
 acterize a government by the people. 
 
 A true American sentiment recognizes the dignity of 
 labor and the fact that honor lies in lionest toil. Contented 
 labor is an element of national prosperity. Ability to work 
 constitutes the capital and the wage of labor the income 
 of a vast number of our population, and this interest should 
 
OF G R O V E 11 C L E ^^ E L A N D 
 
 be jealously protected. Our workingmen are not asking un- 
 reasonable indulgence, but, as intelligent and manly citi- 
 zens, they seek the same consideration which those demand 
 who have other interests at stake. They should receive their 
 full share of the care and attention of those who make and 
 execute the laws, to the end that the wants and needs of the 
 employers and employed shall alike be subserved and the 
 prosperity of the country, the common heritage of both, be 
 advanced. As related to this subject, while we should not 
 discourage the immigration of those who come to acknowl- 
 edge allegiance to our government and add to our citizen 
 population, yet, as a means of protection to our working- 
 men, a different rule should prevail concerning those who, 
 if they come or are brought to our land, do not intend to 
 become Americans, but will injuriously compete with those 
 justly entitled to our field of labor. 
 
 In a letter accepting the nomination to the office of Gov- 
 ernor, nearly two years ago, I made the following state- 
 ment, to which I have steadily adhered: 
 
 The laboring classes constitute the main part of our population. 
 They should be protected in their efforts peaceably to assert their rights 
 when endangered by aggregated capital, and all statutes on this snbject 
 should recognize the care of the State for honest toil, and be framed with 
 a view of improving the condition of the workingman. 
 
 A proper regard for the welfare of the workingmen being 
 inscparablj' connected with the integrity of our institutions, 
 none of our citizens are more interested than they in guard- 
 ing against any corrupting influences whch seek to pervert 
 the beneficent purposes of our government, and none should 
 be more watchful of the artful machinations of those who 
 allure them to self-inflicted injury. 
 
 In a free country the curtailment of the absolute rights 
 of the individual should only be such as is essential to tlie 
 peace and good order of the community. The limit between 
 
 53 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 the proper subjects of governmental control and those 
 which can be more fittingly left to the moral sense and self- 
 imposed restraint of the citizen should be carefully kept in 
 view. Thus laws unnecessarily interfering with the habits 
 and customs of our jjeople which .ire not offensive to the 
 moral sentiments of the civilized world, and which are con- 
 sistent with good citizenship and the public welfare, are un- 
 wise and vexatious. 
 
 The commerce of a nation, to a great extent, determines 
 its supremacy. Cheap and easy transportation should there- 
 fore be liberally fostered. \\'ithin the limits of the Con- 
 stitution, the general government should so improve and 
 protect its natural water-ways as will enable the jiroducers 
 of the country to reach a profitable market. 
 
 Tlie people pay the wages of the public employees, and 
 they are entitled to the fair and honest work which the 
 money thus paid should command. It is the duty of those 
 intrusted witli the management of tlieir affairs to see that 
 such public service is forthcoming. The selection and re- 
 tention of subordinates in government cmploj'ment should 
 depend upon their ascertained fitness and the value of their 
 work, and they should be neither expected nor allowed to 
 do questionable party service. The interests of the people 
 will be better protected; the estimate of public labor and 
 duty will be immensely improved; public fm])Ioyment will 
 be open to all who can demonstrate their illness to enter it; 
 the unseemly scramble for place under government, with 
 the conscfpunt imporlunily wliicli cnibitters official life, will 
 cease, and the ])ul)lie d<-))artiiiciils will not be filled with 
 tliose who conceive it to be their first duty to .lid the )>arty 
 to which they owe their ))laces, instead of rendering patient 
 and honest return to the people. 
 
 I believe tliat the public temper is such that the voters of 
 the land are prepared to support tlu^ jiarty which gives the 
 best promise of athninislering the j;;o\eriMnent in tlii- iion- 
 
 5t 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 est, simple, and plain manner which is consistent with its 
 character and purposes. They have learned that mystery 
 and concealment in the management of their affairs cover 
 tricks and betrayal. The statesmanship they require con- 
 sists in honesty and frugality, a prom^it response to the 
 needs of the people as they arise, and a vigilant protection 
 of all their varied interests. If I should be called to the 
 Chief ^Magistracy of the nation by the suffrages of my fel- 
 low-citizens, I will assume the duties of that high office 
 with a solemn determination to dedicate every effort to 
 the coinitry's good, and with an humble reliance upon the 
 favor and support of tlie Supreme Being, who, I believe, 
 will always bless honest human endeavor in the conscien- 
 tious discharge of public duty. 
 
 [Address at Newark^ N. J., October 26, 1884.1 
 
 I am here to visit the county and State where I was 
 born, in response to the invitation of many political friends 
 and a number of those who, as neighbors, remember my 
 family, if not me. I do not wish to attempt any false pre- 
 tense by declaring that ever since the day when, a very 
 small boy, I left the State, I have languished in an enforced 
 absence and longed to tread again its soil; and yet I may 
 say, without affectation, that though the way of life has led 
 me far from the place of my birth, the names of Caldwell 
 and Newark and the memories connected with these places 
 are as fresh as ever. I have never been disloyal to my na- 
 tive State, but have ever ke^^t a place warm in my heart for 
 the love I cherish for my birthplace. I hope then, that I 
 shall not be regarded as a recreant son, but tliat I may, 
 without challenge, lay claim to my place as a born Jersey- 
 man. 
 
 55 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAP E R r^ 
 
 If you will grant me this I shall not be too modest to as- 
 sume to share the pride which you all must feel in the posi- 
 tion the State of New Jersey and tlie County of Essex hold 
 in the country to-day. Tlie history of the State dates be- 
 yond the time when our Union was formed. Its farm- 
 lands exceed in average value per acre those of any other 
 State, and it easily leads all the States in a number of im- 
 portant industries. When we consider the city of Newark, 
 we find a municipality ranking as the fourteenth in point 
 of population among the cities of the land. It leads every 
 other city in three important industries ; it is second in 
 another, and tliird in still another. 
 
 Of course, all these industries necessitate the existence of 
 a large laboring population. This force, in my opinion, is 
 a further element of strcnj^th and greatness in the State; 
 no part of the community sliould be more interested in a 
 wise and just administration of their government, none 
 should be better informed as to their needs and rights, and 
 none should guard more vigilantly against the smooth pre- 
 tenses of false friends. 
 
 In common with other citizens they should desire an 
 honest and economical administration of public afifairs. It 
 is quite plain, too, that the people have a right to demand 
 that no more money shall be taken from them, directly or 
 indirectly, for j)ublic use, than is necessary for this puri)Ose. 
 Indeed, the right of the government to exact tribute from 
 the citizen is limited to its actual necessities, and every 
 cent taken from the ])i'oplc beyontl that required for their 
 jirotection by the government is no better tlian robbery. 
 We surely must condemn, then, a system which takes from 
 the pockets of the people millions of dollars not needed for 
 the support of the government, and which tends to the in- 
 auguration «)f corrujit scluiius and extravagant ixpiiidi- 
 liires. 
 
 The Deuiueratie partv has deel.ared tliat all taxation shall 
 
 56 
 
OF G ROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 be limited by the requirements of an economical govern- 
 ment. This is plain and direct, and it distinctly recognized 
 the value of labor, and its right to governmental care, when 
 it declared that the necessary reduction in taxation, and the 
 limitation thereof to the country's needs, should be effected 
 without depriving American labor of the ability to compete 
 successfully with foreign labor and without injuring the 
 interests of our laboring population. At this time, when 
 the suffrages of the laboring men are so industriously 
 sought, they should, by careful inquiry, discover the party 
 pledged to the protection of their interests, and which rec- 
 ognizes in their labor something most valuable to the pros- 
 perity of the country and primaril}^ entitled to its care and 
 protection. An intelligent examination will lead them to the 
 exercise of their privileges as citizens in furtlierance of 
 their interests and the welfare of the country. An unthink- 
 ing performance of their duty at the ballot-box will result 
 in their injury and betrayal. 
 
 No party and no candidate can have cause to complain 
 of the free and intelligent expression of the people's will. 
 This expression will be free when uninfluenced by appeals 
 to prejudice, or the senseless cry of danger selfishly raised 
 by a party that seeks the retention of power and patronage; 
 and it will be intelligent when based upon calm delibera- 
 tion and a full appreciation of the duty of good citizenship. 
 In a government of the people no party gains to itself all 
 the patriotism which the country contains. The perpetuity 
 of our institutions and the public welfare surely do not de- 
 pend upon unchanging party ascendency, but upon a simple 
 businesslike administration of the affairs of government 
 and the appreciation by public officers that they are the 
 people's servants, not their masters. 
 
 57 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 [Address at Bridgeport, Conn., October 30, 
 1884-^ 
 
 I cannot forbear, at such a tinio as this, to express the 
 pleasure I experience in the sincere and heartfelt welcome 
 that the people of New Haven, Bridgeport, and the State 
 of Connecticut liave accorded me. If this welcome was a 
 tribute to me as an individual, I could only express my 
 gratitude ; but when I ilnd I represent an idea that is the 
 same with you as with me, it is with a sense of responsi- 
 bility that I stand before you. 
 
 The world has not ])rodueed so grand a spectacle as a 
 nation of freemen determining its own cause. In that po- 
 sition you stand to-night. At such a time a leader stands 
 in a solemn position, and the plaudits of his hearers can 
 only serve to increase the feeling of responsibility — that is, 
 if he is a man true to his country and to the best interests 
 of her people — which pervades the contest. 
 
 Survey the field of the coming contest. See the forces 
 drawn up in array against you from a jjarty strong in num- 
 bers, fianked by a vast army of ofliee-holders. long in power, 
 rich in resources, both of money and inlluenee, but corrupt 
 to the core. To-day, they seek to control the religious ele- 
 ment of your country; to-morrow, they will endeavor to gain 
 the interest of your millionaire magnates for the purpose of 
 raising money to carry on their campaign. 
 
 There should be no mistake about this contest. It is an 
 attempt to break down the barrier between the peojjle of 
 tlie United States and those that rule them. The people 
 are bound down by a class of oHiee-holders wliose business 
 it is to make money out of llieir positions. If you are {o 
 go on forever clioosing your ruUrs from this class, wh it will 
 be the (iiil? Tills is a quj'stioii evi ry one of you lan an- 
 
 .08 
 
i 
 
 OF GROVE II CLEVELAND 
 
 swer for himself. Because it is the party of the people 
 thousands are flocking to our standard, for they love their 
 fellow-countrymen and their country more than they do 
 their party. 
 
 Let us feel that the people are the rulers of the nation, 
 and not the office-holders, whose sole ambition and purpose 
 is private gain. Let us also feel that if the people give us 
 the power of government we hold from the people a sacred 
 trust. 
 
 [Inaugural Address as President, Washington, 
 D. C, March 4, 1885.'] 
 
 Fellow-Citizens: In the presence of this vast assemblage 
 of my countrymen I am about to supplement and seal, by 
 the oath which I shall take, the manifestation of the will of 
 a great and free peoj^le. In the exercise of their power and 
 right of self-government they have committed to one of 
 their fellow-citizens a supreme and sacred trust; and he 
 here consecrates himself to their service. 
 
 This impressive ceremony adds little to the solemn sense 
 of responsibility with which I contemplate the duty I owe 
 to all the people of the land. Nothing can relieve me from 
 anxiety lest by any act of mine their interests may suffer, 
 and nothing is needed to strengthen my resolution to en- 
 gage every faculty and effort in the promotion of their wel- 
 fare. 
 
 Amid the din of party strife the people's choice was 
 made; but its attendant circumstances have demonstrated 
 anew the strength and safety of a government by the peo- 
 ple. In each succeeding 3'ear it more clearly appears that 
 our democratic principle needs no apology, and that in its 
 fearless and faithful application is to be found the surest 
 guaranty of good government. 
 
 59 
 
 1 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 But the best results in the operation of a government 
 M-herein every citizen has a share, largely depend upon a 
 proper limitation of purely partisan zeal and effort, and a 
 correct api)reciation of the time wlien the heat of tlic parti- 
 san should be merged in the patriotism of the citizen. 
 
 To-day the executive branch of the government is trans- 
 ferred to new keeping. But this is still the government of 
 all tlie peo})le, and it should be none the less an object of 
 their affectionate solicitude. At this hour the animosities 
 of political strife, tlie bitterness of partisan defeat, and the 
 exultation of partisan triumph should be supplanted by an 
 ungrudging acquiescence in the popular will, and a sober, 
 conscientious concern for the general weal. Moreover, if, 
 from this hour, we cheerfully and honestly abandon all sec- 
 tional prejudice and distrust, and determine, with manly 
 confidence in one another, to work out harmoniously the 
 achievements of our national destiny, mc shall deserve to 
 realize all the benefits which our happy form of government 
 can bestow. 
 
 On this auspicious occasion Wc may well renew the 
 pledge of our devotion to the Constitution, which, launched 
 by the founders of the republic and consecrated by their 
 prayers and patriotic devotion, has for almost a century 
 borne the hopes and the aspirations of a great people 
 tlirough prosperity and peace, and tlirougli tlie shock of 
 foreign confiicts and the perils of domestic strifi- and vicis- 
 situdes. 
 
 By the Fatlier of his Country our Constitution was com- 
 mended for adoption .is " the result of a spirit of amity 
 and mutual concession." In that same s|)irit it should be 
 administered, in order to promote the lasting welfare of tlie 
 country, and to secure the full measure of its priceless ben- 
 efits to us and to those who will succeed to the blessings of 
 our national life. The l.'irge \ariety of diverse and coiii- 
 })cling interests subject to I'eder il control, persistently 
 
 do 
 
OF GROVER CLE \' EL AND 
 
 seeking the recognition of their claims, need give us no fear 
 that " the greatest good to the greatest number " will fail 
 to be accomplished^ if, in the halls of national legislation, 
 that spirit of amity and mutual concession shall prevail in 
 which the Constitution had its birth. If this involves the 
 surrender or postponement of private interests and the 
 abandonment of local advantages, compensation will be 
 found in the assurance that the common interest is sub- 
 served and the general welfare advanced. 
 
 In the discharge of my official duty I shall endeavor to be 
 guided by a just and unrestrained construction of the Con- 
 stitution, a careful observance of the distinction between the 
 powers granted to the Federal government and those re- 
 served to the State or to the people, and by a cautious ap- 
 preciation of those functions which, by the Constitution and 
 laws, have been especially assigned to the executive branch 
 of the government. 
 
 But he who takes the oath to-day to preserve, protect, 
 and defend the Constitution of the United States only as- 
 sumes the solemn obligation which every patriotic citizen, 
 on the farm, in the workshop, in the busy marts of trade, 
 and everywhere should share with him. The Constitution 
 which prescribes his oath, my countrymen, is yours; the 
 government you have chosen him to administer for a time 
 is yours ; the suffrage which executes the will of freemen is 
 yours ; the laws and the entire scheme of our civil rule, from 
 the town meeting to the State capitals and the national cap- 
 ital, are yours. Your every voter as surely as your Chief 
 Magistrate under the same high sanction, though in a dif- 
 ferent sphere, exercises a public trust. Nor is this all. 
 Every citizen owes to the country a vigilant watch and close 
 scrutiny of its public servants, and a fair and reasonable 
 estimate of their fidelity and usefulness. Thus is the peo- 
 ple's will impressed upon the whole framework of our civil 
 polity — municipal, State and Federal; and this is the price 
 
 61 
 
 u 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 of our liberty and the inspiration of our faith in the re- 
 public. 
 
 It is the duty of those servinnj the people in public place 
 closely to limit public expenditures to the actual needs of 
 the government economically administered, because this 
 bounds the right of the government to exact tribute from 
 the earnings of labor or the property of the citizen, and 
 because public extravagance begets extravagance among 
 the people. We should never be ashamed of the simplicity 
 and prudential economies which are best suited to the opera- 
 tion of a republican form of government and most comjjat- 
 ible with the mission of the American people. Those who 
 are selected for a limited time to manage public afifairs are 
 still of the people, and may do much by their example to 
 encourage, consistently with the dignity of their official 
 functions, that plain way of life which among their fellow- 
 citizens aids integrity and promotes thrift and prosperity. 
 
 The genius of our institutions, the needs of our people in 
 their home life, and the attention which is demanded for the 
 settlement and development of the resources of our vast 
 territory, dictate the scrupulous avoidance of any departure 
 from that foreign policy commended by the history, the 
 traditions, and the prosperity of our republic. It is the 
 policy of indej)cndence, favored by our jiosition and de- 
 fended by our known love of justice and by our power. It 
 is the policy of peace suitable to our interests. It is the 
 policy of neutrality, rejecting any share in foreign broils 
 and ambitions uj)on other continents, and rejielling their in- 
 trusion here. It is the policy of Monroe and of Washington 
 and Jefferson: " Peace, commerce, and honest friendship 
 witli all nations; entangling alliances with none." 
 
 A due regard for the interests and pros])erity of all the 
 people demands that our finances shall be established upon 
 Kueh a sound and sensible basis as shall secure the safety 
 and eonfidetue of business interests and make the wage of 
 
OF G ROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 labor sure and steady ; and that our system of revenue shall 
 be so adjusted as to relieve the people of unnecessary tax- 
 ation, having a due regard to the interests of capital in- 
 vested and workingmen employed in American industries, 
 and preventing the accumulation of a surplus in the treas- 
 ury to tempt extravagance and waste. 
 
 Care for the property of the nation, and for the needs of 
 future settlers, requires that the public domain should be 
 protected from purloining schemes and unlawful occupation. 
 
 The conscience of the people demands that the Indians 
 within our boundaries shall be fairly and honestly treated 
 as wards of the government, and their education and civil- 
 ization promoted, with a view to their ultimate citizenship ; 
 and that poh^gamy in the Territories, destructive of the 
 family relation and offensive to the moral sense of the civil- 
 ized world, shall be repressed. 
 
 The laws should be rigidly enforced which prohibit the 
 immigration of a servile class to compete Avith American la- 
 bor, witli no intention of acquiring citizenship, and bringing 
 with them and retaining habits and customs repugnant to 
 our civilization. 
 
 The people demand reform in the administration of the 
 government and the application of business pi'inciples to 
 public affairs. As a means to this end civil service reform 
 should be in good faith enforced. Our citizens have the 
 right to protection from the incompetency of public em- 
 ployees who hold their places soleh^ as the reward of parti- 
 san service, and from the corrupting influence of those who 
 promise and the vicious methods of those who expect such 
 rewards. And those who worthily seek public employment 
 have the right to insist that merit and competency shall be 
 recognized instead of party subserviency or the surrender 
 of honest political belief. 
 
 In the administration of a government pledged to do 
 equal and exact juatice to all men, there should be no prc- 
 
 63 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 text for anxiety touching the protection of the freednien in 
 their rights, or their security in the enjoyment of their 
 privileges under the Constitution and its amendments. All 
 discussion as to their fitness for the place accorded to them 
 as American citizens is idle and unprofitable, except as it 
 suggests the necessity for their improvement. The fact that 
 they are citizens entitles them to all the rights due to that 
 relation, and charges them -with all its duties, obligations, 
 and responsibilities. 
 
 These topics and the constant and ever-varying wants of 
 an active and enterprising population, may well receive the 
 attention and the patriotic endeavor of all who make and 
 execute the Federal law. Our duties arc practical, and call 
 for industrious application, an intelligent perception of the 
 claims of public office, and, above all, a firm determination, 
 by united action, to secure to all the people of the land the 
 full benefits of the best form of government ever vouch- 
 safed to man. And let us not trnst to human effort alone; 
 but humbly acknowledging the power and goodness of Al- 
 mighty God, who presides over the destiny of nations, and 
 who has at all times been revealed in our country's history, 
 let us invoke his aid and his blessing upon our labors. 
 
 [Proclamation on the Death of General Ulysses 
 S. Grant, Washington, D. C, July 23, 
 1885. '\ 
 
 The Prrsidnil of tlie L'nitod States lias just received tlic 
 sad tidings of the d«'ath of tliat ilhislrious citizen and ex- 
 J*r«si(li-nt of llu- L'nited States, (leiicral llysscs S. Grant, 
 at Mount McGregor, in the State of New York, to which 
 pUre hft had litrly been removed in thr endeavor to pro- 
 long hit life. 
 
 64 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 In making this announcement to the people of the 
 United States, the President is impressed with the magni- 
 tude of the public loss of a great military leader, who was 
 in the hour of victory magnanimous; amid disaster serene 
 and self-sustained; who in every station, whether as a sol- 
 dier, or as a Chief Magistrate, twice called to power by 
 his fellow-countrymen, trod unswervingly the pathway of 
 dut}', undeterred by doubts, single-minded, and straight- 
 forward. 
 
 The entire country has witnessed with deep emotion his 
 prolonged and patient struggle with painful disease, and 
 has Avatched by his couch of suffering with tearful sym- 
 pathy. 
 
 The destined end has come at last, and his spirit has re- 
 turned to the Creator who sent it forth. 
 
 The great heart of the nation that followed him when 
 living with love and pride, bows now in sorrow above him 
 dead, tenderly mindful of his virtues, his great patriotic 
 services, and of the loss occasioned by his death. 
 
 In testimony of respect to the memory of General Grant, 
 it is ordered that the Executive Mansion and the several 
 Departments at Washington be draped in mourning for a 
 period of thirty days, and that all public business shall on 
 the day of the funeral be suspended; and the Secretaries 
 of War and of the Navy will cause orders to be issued for 
 appropriate military and naval honors to be rendered on 
 that day. 
 
 In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and 
 caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. 
 
 Done at the city of Washington, this twenty-third day of 
 July, one thousand eight hundred and eighty-five, 
 [l. s.] and of the Independence of the United States the 
 one hundred and tenth. 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 [Thanksgiving Proclamation as President of 
 the United States, Washington, D. C, 
 November 2, 1885. '\ 
 
 The American people have always abundant cause to be 
 thankful to Almighty God, whose watchful care and guid- 
 ing hand have been manifested in every stage of their na- 
 tional life — guarding and protecting them in time of peril, 
 and safely leading them in the hour of darkness and of 
 danger. 
 
 It is fitting and proper that a nation tlius favored should, 
 on one day in every year, for that purpose especially ap- 
 j)ointed, publicly acknowledge the goodness of God, and re- 
 turn thanks to him for all his gracious gifts. 
 
 Therefore I, Grover Cleveland, President of the United 
 States of America, do hereby designate and set apart Thurs- 
 day, the twenty-sixth day of November instant, as a day of 
 public Thanksgiving and Prayer; and do invoke the ob- 
 servance of the same by all the people of the land. 
 
 On tliat day let all secular business be suspended ; and 
 let the people assemble in their usual places of worship, 
 and with prayer and songs of praise devoutly testify their 
 gratitude to the Giver of every good and perfect gift for all 
 that he has done for us in the year that his passed; for our 
 preservation as a nation and for our deliverance from the 
 shock and danger of political convulsion ; for the blessing- 
 of peace and for our safety and qui( t, while wars and 
 rumors of wars liave agitated and aiHictcd oilier nations of 
 the eartli; for our security' against fhe scourge of pestilence, 
 which in otlier lands has claimed its dead by thousands and 
 fill* d the streets with mourners; for plenteous crops which 
 reward the lalior of the liu.sbandman and increase our na- 
 tion's wcaltli; and for the contenlinent throughout our 
 
 66 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 borders >7hich follows in the train of prosperity and abun- 
 dance. 
 
 And let there also be, on the day thus set apart, a re- 
 union of families, sanctified and chastened by tender mem- 
 ories and associations, and let the social intercourse of 
 friends, with pleasant reminiscence, renew the ties of afiEec- 
 tion and strengthen the bonds of kindly feeling. 
 
 And let us by no means forget, while we give thanks and 
 enjoy the comforts which have crowned our lives, that truly 
 grateful hearts are inclined to deeds of charity; and that 
 a kind and thoughtful remembrance of the poor will double 
 the pleasures of our condition, and render our praise and 
 thanksgiving more acceptable in the sight of the Lord. 
 
 [Executive Order on the Death of the Vice- 
 President, Washington, D. C, November 
 25, 1885.'] 
 
 To the People of the United States: Thomas A. Hen- 
 dricks, Vice-President of the United States, died to-day at 
 five o'clock p. m., at Indianapolis, and it becomes my 
 mournful duty to announce the distressing fact to his fel- 
 low-countrymen. 
 
 In respect to the memory and the eminent and varied 
 services of this high official and patriotic public servant, 
 wliose long career was so full of usefulness and honor to 
 his State and to the United States, it is ordered that the 
 national flag be displayed at half-mast upon the public 
 buildings of the United States; that the Executive ^lansion 
 and the several Executive Departments in the city of Wash- 
 ington be closed on the day of the funeral, and be draped in 
 mourning for the period of thirty days; that the usual and 
 appropriate military and naval honors be rendered, and 
 
 67 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 thnt on all the legations and consulates of the United States 
 in foreign countries the national flag shall be displayed at 
 half-mast on the reception of this order, and the usual em- 
 blems of mourning be adopted for thirty days. 
 
 [From First Annual Message, Washington, 
 D. C\, December 8, 1885.] 
 
 To the Congress of Die United Stafes: Your assembling 
 is clouded by a sense of public bereavement, caused by the 
 recent and sudden death of Thomas A. Hendricks, Vice- 
 President of the United States. His distinguished public 
 services, his complete integrity and devotion to every duty, 
 and his personal virtues will find honorable record in his 
 country's history. 
 
 Ample and repeated proofs of the esteem and confidence 
 in which he was held by his fellow-countrymen were mani- 
 fested b}' his election to offices of the most important trust 
 and liighest dignity; and at lengtli, full of years and hon- 
 ors, lie has been laid at rest amid universal sorrow and bene- 
 diction. 
 
 The Constitution, which requires those chosen to legis- 
 late for tlie people to annually meet in the discliarge of 
 their solemn trust, also re(|uires the President to give to 
 Congress information of the state of the Union and recom- 
 mend to their consideration siuli measures as he shall deem 
 necessary and expedient. At tlie tlircsliold of a compli- 
 ance with tliese constitutional directions it is well for us 
 to b( ar ill mind that our usefulness to the jieojile's interests 
 will be promoted by a constant ap})reeiation of llie sco))C 
 and iliaraeter of our respective dutiis as they n-late to 
 Federal legislation. \A'liile the Executive may rcconnuiiid 
 such nieusures as he shall deem expedient, the responsibility 
 
 (;8 
 
 I 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 for legislative action must and should rest upon those se- 
 lected by the people to make their laws. 
 
 Contemplation of the grave and responsible functions as- 
 signed to the respective branches of the Government under 
 tlie Constitution will disclose the partitions of power be- 
 tween our respective departments and their necessary inde- 
 pendence, and also the need for the exercise of all the power 
 intrusted to each in that spirit of comity and cooperation 
 which is essential to the proper fulfillment of the patriotic 
 obligations which rest upon us as faithful servants of the 
 people. 
 
 The jealous watchfulness of our constituencies, great and 
 small, supplements their suffrages, and before the tribunal 
 they establish every public servant should be judged. 
 
 It is gratifying to announce that the relations of the 
 United States with all foreign powers continue to be 
 friendly. Our position after nearly a century of successful 
 constitutional government, maintenance of good faith in all 
 our engagements, the avoidance of complications with other 
 nations, and our consistent and amicable attitude toward the 
 strong and weak alike furnish proof of a political dispo-> 
 sition which renders professions of good will unnecessary. 
 There are no questions of difficulty pending with any for- 
 eign government. 
 
 An international copyright conference was held at Berne 
 in September, on the invitation of the Swiss Government. 
 The envoy of the United States attended as a delegate, but 
 refrained from committing this Government to the results, 
 even by signing the recommendatory protocol adopted. The 
 interesting and important subject of international copyright 
 has been before you for several years. Action is certainly 
 desirable to effect the object in view; and while there may 
 be question as to the relative advantage of treating it by 
 legislation or by specific treaty, the matured views of the 
 
 69 
 
[A^DDRESSES AND TAPERS 
 
 Bcme conference can not fail to aid your consideration of 
 the subject. 
 
 The inadequacy of existing legislation touching citizen- 
 ship and naturalization demands your consideration. 
 
 Wliile recognizing the right of expatriation, no statutory 
 provision exists providing means for renouncing citizenship 
 by an American citizen, native born or naturalized, nor for 
 terminating and vacating an improper acquisition of citizen- 
 ship. Even a fraudulent decree of naturalization can not 
 now be canceled. Tlie privilege and franchise of American 
 citizenship should be granted ■with care, and extended to 
 those only who intend in good faith to assume its duties 
 and responsibilities when attaining its privileges and bene- 
 fits. It should be withheld from those who merely go 
 through the forms of naturalization with the intent of es- 
 caping the duties of their original allegiance without taking 
 upon themselves those of their new status, or who may ac- 
 quire the riglits of American citizenship for no other than a 
 hostile purj^ose toward their original governments. These 
 evils have had many flagrant illustrations. 
 
 I regard with favor the suggestion put forth by one of 
 my predecessors that provision be made for a ceutr.'.l bureau 
 of record of the decrees of naturalization granted by the 
 various courts througliout the United Slates now invested 
 with that power. 
 
 The rights which sjiring from domicile in thi" I'nited 
 Statt^s, esjieeially when coupled with a deelar.ilion of in- 
 tention to become a citizen, are worthy of deiinition by stat- 
 ute. The stranger coming hither with intent to remain, 
 «'.stal)Iishing his residence in our midst, contributing to the 
 general welfare, and by liis volunt^ary act declaring his pur- 
 pose to assume the resj)()iisibiliti»'s of citizenship, thereby 
 g.iins an iiuhoalc status whiili legisl.iliun may properly (]<.- 
 fine. The laws of certain .Stales and Tirritoric s admits a 
 
 70 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 domiciled alien to the local franchise, conferring on him 
 the rights of citizenship to a degree which places him in 
 the anomalous position of being a citizen of a State and yet 
 not of the United States within the purview of Federal and 
 international law. 
 
 It is important within the scope of national legislation 
 to define this right of alien domicile as distinguished from 
 Federal naturalization. 
 
 Past Congresses have had imder consideration the advis- 
 ability of abolishing the discrimination made by the tariff 
 laws in favor of tlie woi-ks of American artists. The odium 
 of the policy which subjects to a high rate of duty the 
 paintings of foreign artists and exempts the productions of 
 American artists residing abroad, and wlio receive gratui- 
 tously advantages and instruction, is visited upon our citi- 
 zens engaged in art culture in Europe, and has caused them 
 with practical unanimity to favor the abolition of such an 
 ungracious distinction; and in their interest, and for other 
 obvious reasons, I strongly recommend it. 
 
 All must admit the importance of an effective navy to a 
 nation like ours, having such an extended seacoast to pro- 
 tect; and yet we have not a single vessel of war that could 
 keep the seas against a first-class vessel of any important 
 power. Such a condition ought not longer to continue. 
 The nation tliat can not resist aggression is constantly ex- 
 posed to it. Its foreign policy is of necessity weak and 
 its negotiations are conducted with disadvantage because it 
 is not in condition to enforce the terms dictated by its sense 
 of right and justice. 
 
 Inspired, as I am, by the hope, shared by all patriotic 
 citizens, that the day is not very far distant when our Navy 
 will be such as befits our standing among the nations of 
 
 71 
 
ADDRESSES AND P A P 1 : R S 
 
 the earth, and rejoiced at every step that leads in the direc- 
 tion of such a consummation, I deem it my duty to espe- 
 cially direct the attention of Congress to the close of the 
 report of the Secretary of the Navy, in which the humiliat- 
 ing weakness of tlie present organization of his Department 
 is exhibited and the .startling abuses and waste of its pres- 
 to ut ir.ctliods are exposed. Tlie conviction is forced upon 
 us with tlie certainty of mathematical demonstration that 
 before we jjrocced further in the restoration of a Navy 
 we need a thoroughly reorganized Navy Department. The 
 fact that witliin seventeen years more tlian $75,000,000 
 have been spent in the construction, repair, equipment, and 
 arman;ent of vessels, and tlie further fact that instead of 
 an effective and creditable fleet we have only the discontent 
 and apprehension of a nation undefended by war vessels, 
 added to the disclosures now made, do not permit us to 
 doubt that every attempt to revive our Navy has thus far 
 for the most part been misdirected, and all our efforts in 
 that direction have been little better than blind gropings 
 and expensive, aimless follies. 
 
 Unquestionably if we are content witli l!.f ni.iintenanee 
 of a Navy Department simply as a shabby ornannnt to 
 the Government, a constant w.itcli fulness may prevent some 
 of the scandal and abuse Avhieh have found their way into 
 our present organization, and its incurable M'aste may be 
 reduced to the minimum. But if we desire to build shi])s 
 for present usefulness instead of na\.il reminders of the 
 days that are past, we must have n I)e])artmi'nt organized 
 for the work, suj)])lied with all the talent and ingenuity our 
 country affords, prepared to take advantage of the experi- 
 ence of other nations, systematized so that all effort shall 
 unite and lead in one direction, and fully imbued with the 
 conviction that war vessels, though n«\v, are useless unless 
 they combine all that the ingenuity of Juan lias up to this 
 day broiiglit forth relating to tin ir i onstriu'lion. 
 
 72 
 
OF C ROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 I earnestly commend the portion of the Secretary's re- 
 port devoted to this subject to the attention of Congress, 
 in the hope that his suggestions touching the reorganiza- 
 tion of liis Department may be adopted as the first step 
 toward the reconstruction of our Navy. 
 
 In the Territory of Utah the law of the United States 
 passed for the suppression of polygamy has been energet- 
 ically and faithfully executed during the past year, with 
 measurably good results. A number of convictions have 
 been secured for unlawful cohabitation, and in some cases 
 pleas of guilty have been entered and a slight punishment 
 imposed, upon a promise by the accused that they would 
 not again offend against the laAV, nor advise, counsel, aid, 
 or abet in any way its violation by others. 
 
 The Utah commissioners express the opinion, based upon 
 .such information as they are able to obtain, that but few 
 polygamous marriages have taken place in the Territory 
 during the last year. They further report that while there 
 can not be found upon the registration lists of voters the 
 name of a man actually guilty of polygamy, and while 
 none of that class are holding office, yet at the last election 
 in the Territory all the officers elected, except in one county, 
 were men who, though not actually living in the practice 
 of polygamy, subscribe to the doctrine of polygamous mar- 
 riages as a divine revelation and a law unto all higher and 
 more binding upon the conscience than any human law, 
 local or national. Thus is the strange spectacle presented 
 of a community protected by a republican form of govern- 
 ment, to which they owe allegiance, sustaining by their 
 suffrages a principle and a belief which set at naught that 
 obligation of absolute obedience to the law of the land which 
 lies at the foundation of republican institutions. 
 
 The strength, the perpetuity, and the destiny of the na- 
 tion rest upon our homes, established by the law of God, 
 
 73 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 guarded by parental care, regulated by parental authority, 
 and sanctified by parental love. 
 
 Tliese are not the homes of polygamy. 
 
 Tlie motliers of our land, wlio rule the nation as they 
 mold the characters and guide the actions of their sons, 
 live according to God's holy ordinances, and each, secure 
 and happy in the exclusive love of the father of her chil- 
 dren, sheds tlie warm light of true womanhood, unperverted 
 and unpolluted, upon all within her pure and wholesome 
 family circle. 
 
 These are not the cheerless, crushed, and unwomanly 
 mothers of polygamy. 
 
 The fatlicrs of our families are the best citizens of the 
 Republic, ^\'ife and children are the sources of patriotism, 
 and conjugal and parental affection beget devotion to the 
 country. The man Avho, undcfiled with plural marriage, 
 is surrounded in liis single home with his wife and cliildren 
 has a stake in the country which inspires him with respect 
 for its laws and courage for its defense. 
 
 These are not the fatliers of polygamous families. 
 
 There is no feature of this practice or the system wliicli 
 sanctions it which is not opposed to all th;it is of value in 
 our institutions. 
 
 There should be no relaxation in tlie firm but just exe- 
 cution of tlie law now in o))cration, and I should be glad 
 to apjirove such further discrtet legislation as will rid the 
 country of this blot uynu its f.-.ir nan^e. 
 
 Since the ])ro))le upholiling ))olygaiuy in our Territories 
 are reenforctd by imuiigr.-ilion I'min other lauds. I n-coni- 
 mend tiiat a law be jiasscd to i)rcvtnl tlie iuiportatiun of 
 Mormons into the country. 
 
 'I'he report of the ("i\ il .^t rviee ("onmiission, which will 
 be submitted, contains an aecount of the niannt r in which 
 tlu" civil-service law has been cxccuteil during tlu- last year 
 
 7-h 
 
OF G R O V E 11 CLEVELAND 
 
 and much valuable information on this important sub- 
 ject. 
 
 I am inclined to think that there is no sentiment more 
 general in the minds of the people of our country than a 
 conviction of the correctness of the principle upon which 
 tlie law enforcing civil-service reform is based. In its pres- 
 ent condition the law regulates only a part of the subordi- 
 nate public positions throughout the country. It applies 
 the test of fitness to applicants for these places by means 
 of a competitive examination, and gives large discretion to 
 the Commissioners as to the character of the examination 
 and many other matters connected Avith its execution. Thus 
 tlie rules and regulations adopted by the Commission have 
 much to do with the practical usefulness of the statute and 
 with the results of its application. 
 
 The people may well trust the Commission to execute 
 the law with perfect fairness and M'ith as little irritation 
 as is possible. But of course no relaxation of the principle 
 which underlies it and no weakening of the safeguards 
 which surround it can be expected. Experience in its ad- 
 ministration will probably suggest amendment of the meth- 
 ods of its execution, but I venture to hope that we shall 
 never again be remitted to the system which distributes 
 public positions purely as rewards for partisan service. 
 Doubts may well be entertained whether our Government 
 could survive the strain of a continuance of this system, 
 which upon every change of Administration inspires an 
 immense army of claimants for office to lay siege to the 
 patronage of Government, engrossing the time of public 
 officers with their importrmities, spreading abroad the con- 
 tagion of their disappointment, and filling the air with the 
 tumult of their discontent. 
 
 The allurements of an immense number of offices and 
 places exhibited to the voters of the land, and the promise 
 of their bestowal in recognition of partisan activity, debauch 
 
 75 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 the suffrage and rob political action of its thoughtful and 
 deliberative character. The evil would increase with the 
 multiplication of offices consequent upon our extension, and 
 the mania for office holding, growing from its indulgence, 
 would pervade our population so generally that patriotic 
 i:)urj)ose, the support of principle, the desire for the public 
 good, and solicitude for the nation's welfare would be nearly 
 banished from the activity of our party contests and cause 
 them to degenerate into ignoble, selfish, and disgraceful 
 struggles for the possession of office and public i)lace. 
 
 Civil-service reform enforced by law came none too soon 
 to check the progress of demoralization. 
 
 One of its effects, not enough regarded, is the freedom 
 it brings to the political action of those conservative and 
 sober men who, in fear of the confusion and risk attending 
 an arbitrary and sudden change in all the public offices 
 with a change of party rule, cast their ballots against such 
 a chance. 
 
 Parties seem to be necessary, and will long continue to 
 exist; nor can it be now denied that there are legitimate 
 advantages, not disconnected with oliiee lu^hling, which fol- 
 low ])arty supremacy, ^^'hile jiartisanship continues bitter 
 and pronounced and supi)lies so nuich of motive to senti- 
 ment and action, it is not fair to hold public officials in 
 charge of im])ortant trusts responsible for the best results 
 in the performance of their duties, and yet insist that they 
 shall rely in confidential and iii;)>ortant ])laces upon tlie 
 work of those not only opposed to them in political affilia- 
 tion, but so steeped in partisan jirejudice and rancor that 
 they have no loyalty to tlieir eh.iefs and no desire for their 
 success. Civil-service reform does not exact this, nor does 
 it rcfiuire tliat those in subordinate jwsitions who fail in 
 yiflding their best service or who are ineouipitent sho\ild 
 be retained simply because they arc in j^lace. The whining 
 of a clerk discharged for iiidolcnci' (>r ineompctency, who, 
 
 7() 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 though he gained his place by the worst possible operation 
 of the spoils system, suddenly discovers that he is entitled 
 to protection under the sanction of civil-service reform, rep- 
 resents an idea no less absurd than the clamor of the appli- 
 cant who claims the vacant position as his compensation for 
 the most questionable party work. 
 
 The civil-service law does not prevent the discharge of 
 the indolent or incompetent clerk, but it docs prevent sup- 
 plying his place with the unfit party worker. Thus in both 
 these phases is seen benefit to the public service. And the 
 people who desire good government, having secured this 
 statute, will not relinquish its benefits without protest. Nor 
 are they unmindful of the fact that its full advantages can 
 only be gained through the complete good faith of those hav- 
 ing its execution in charge. And this they will insist upon. 
 
 The present condition of the law relating to the succes- 
 sion to the Presidency in the event of the death, disability, 
 or removal of both the President and Vice-President is such 
 as to require immediate amendment. This subject has re- 
 peatedly been considered by Congress, but no result has 
 been reached. The recent lamentable death of the Vice- 
 President, and vacancies at the same time in all other offices 
 the incumbents of which might immediately exercise the 
 functions of the Presidential office, has caused public anx- 
 iety and a just demand that a recurrence of such a condi- 
 tion of affairs should not be permitted. 
 
 In conclusion I commend to the wise care and thought- 
 ful attention of Congress the needs, the welfare, and the 
 aspirations of an intelligent and generous nation. To sub- 
 ordinate these to the narrow advantages of partisanship or 
 the accomplishment of selfish aims is to violate the people's 
 trust and betray the people's interests ; but an individual 
 sense of responsibility on the part of each of us and a 
 stern determination to perform our duty well must give us 
 
 77 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 place among those wlio have added in their day and gen- 
 eration to the glory and prosperity of our beloved land. 
 
 [Letter to 'Allen G. Thurman, Washington, 
 D. C, January ^ 1886,] 
 
 I acknowledge with thanks tlie receipt of an invitation 
 to be present at tlie annual reunion of tlie Jackson Club, 
 of tlie city of Columbus, on tlie evening of the 8th inst. 
 
 My official duties here will prevent my acceptance of 
 the invitation so kindly tendered, and I beg to assure the 
 Club that the objects and purposes of the reunion, which 
 are expressed in the note of the committee, meet with my 
 cordial and sincere approval. 
 
 I should be most pleased to be one of those who, on that 
 occasion, will congratulate the friends of good government 
 on the success of the Democratic party, for I believe that 
 the application of the true and pure principles of that 
 political faith must result in the welfare of the country. 
 
 It is also proposed, I learn, to consult together as to the 
 manner in which the acconiplislnncnt of " the greatest good 
 to our people " can best be aided and assisted. No higher 
 or more sacred mission was ever intrusted to a i)arty or- 
 ganization, and I am convinced that it will be honestly and 
 faithfully performed by a close sympathy with the people 
 in their wants and needs, by a patriotic oiuleavor to quicken 
 their love and devotion for American institutions, and by 
 an earnest effort to enlarge their appreliensions and realiza- 
 tions of tlie benefits which the wise and unstlfish adniinis- 
 trutiun of a free government will steiire to thcin. 
 
 78 
 
 i 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 [Executive Order on the Death of General 
 Hancock, February 9, 1886.] 
 
 Tidings of the death of Winfield Scott Hancock, the 
 senior Major-General of the Array of the United States, 
 have just been received. 
 
 A patriotic and valiant defender of his country; an able 
 and heroic soldier; a spotless and accomplished gentleman 
 — crowned alike with the laurels of military renown and 
 the highest tribute of his fellow-countrymen to his worth 
 as a citizen — he has gone to his reward. 
 
 It is fitting that every mark of public respect should be 
 paid to his memory. Therefore it is now ordered by the 
 President that the national flag be displayed at half-mast 
 upon all the buildings of the Executive Departments in this 
 city until after his fimeral shall have taken place. 
 
 [Special Message Recommending Legislation 
 Providing for the Arbitrament of Disputes 
 between Laboring Men and Employers, 
 Washington, D. C, April 22, 1886.] 
 
 To the Senate and the House of Representatives : The 
 Constitution imposes upon the President the duty of recom- 
 mending to the consideration of Congress from time to time 
 such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient. 
 
 I am so deeply impressed with the importance of imme- 
 diately and thoughtfully meeting the problem which recent 
 events and a present condition have thrust upon us, involv- 
 ing the settlement by arbitration of disputes arising between 
 
 79 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 our laboring men and their employers, that I am constrained 
 to recommend to Congress legislation upon this serious and 
 pressing subject. 
 
 Under our form of government the value of labor as an 
 clement of national prosperity should be distinctly recog- 
 nized, and the welfare of the laboring man should be re- 
 garded as especially entitled to legislative care. In a coun- 
 try which offers to all its citizens the highest attainment 
 of social and political distinction its workingmen can not 
 justly or safely be considered as irrevocably consigned to 
 the limits of a class and entitled to no attention and allowed 
 no protest against neglect. 
 
 Tlie laboring man bearing in his hand an indispensable 
 contribution to our growth and progress, may well insist, 
 with manly courage and as a right, upon the same recog- 
 nition from those who make our laws as is accorded to 
 any other citizen having a valuable interest in charge; and 
 liis reasonable demands should be met in such a spirit of 
 appreciation and fairness as to induce a contented and 
 patriotic co-operation in the achievement of a grand na- 
 tional destiny. 
 
 While the real interests of labor are not promoted by a 
 resort to threats and violent manifestations, and while those 
 wJio, under the pretext of an advocacy of the claims of 
 labor, wantonly att.ack tlic rights of capital, and for selfish 
 purposes or the love of disorder sow seeds of violence and 
 discontent, should neither be encouraged nor conciliated, 
 all legislation on the subject should be cilmly and delib- 
 erately undertaken, with no purpose of sitisfying unrea- 
 sonable demands or gaining partisan advantage. 
 
 The present condition of the relations between labor and 
 capital is far from satisfactory. The discontent of the 
 employed is due in a large degree to the grasping and 
 licrdlcss exactions of em]>lovers, and the alleged diserim- 
 iuatioii in f.uor of eajiilal as .ui object of govcnin^eiital 
 
 SO 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 attention. It must also be conceded that the laboring men 
 are not always careful to avoid causeless and unjustifiable 
 disturbance. 
 
 Though the importance of a better accord between these 
 interests is apparent, it must be borne in mind that any 
 effort in that direction by the Federal Government must be 
 greatly limited by constitutional restrictions. There are 
 many grievances which legislation b)^ Congress can not re- 
 dress, and many conditions which can not by such means be 
 reformed. 
 
 I am satisfied, however, that something may be done 
 under Federal authority to prevent the disturbances which 
 so often arise from disputes between employers and the 
 employed, and which at times seriously threaten the busi- 
 ness interests of the country; and in my opinion the proper 
 theory upon which to proceed is that of voluntary arbitra- 
 tion as the means of settling these difficulties. 
 
 But I suggest that instead of arbitrators chosen in the 
 heat of conflicting claims, and after each dispute shall arise, 
 for the purpose of determining the same, there be created 
 a Commission of Labor, consisting of three members, who 
 sliall be regular officers of the Government, charged among 
 other duties with the consideration and settlement, when 
 possible, of all controversies between labor and capital. 
 
 A Commission thus organized would have the advantage 
 of being a stable body, and its members, as they gained 
 experience, would constantly improve in their ability to deal 
 intelligently and usefully with the questions which might 
 be submitted to them. If arbitrators are chosen for tem- 
 porary service as each case of dispute arises, experience 
 and familiarity with much that is involved in the question 
 will be lacking, extreme partisanship and bias will be the 
 qualifications sought on either side, and frequent complaints 
 of unfairness and partiality will be inevitable. The impo- 
 sition upon a Federal court of a duty so foreign to the 
 
 81 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 judicial function as the selection of an arbitrator in such 
 cases, is at least of doubtful propriety. 
 
 The establishment by Federal authority of such a Bureau 
 would be a just and sensible recogrnition of the value of 
 labor, and of its right to be represented in the departments 
 of the Government. So far as its conciliatory offices shall 
 have relation to disturbances which interfered with transit 
 and commerce between the States, its existence would be 
 justified, under the provisions of the Constitution, which 
 gives to Congress the power " to regulate commerce with 
 foreign nations and among the several States." And in the 
 frequent disputes between the laboring men and their em- 
 ployers, of less extent and the consequences of which are 
 confined within State limits and threaten domestic violence, 
 the interposition of such a Commission might be tendered, 
 upon the application of the legislature or executive of a 
 State, under the constitutional provision which requires 
 the General Government to " protect " each of the States 
 " against domestic violence." 
 
 If such a Commission were fairly organized, the risk of 
 a loss of popular support and sympathy resulting from a 
 refusal to submit to so peaceful an instrumentality would 
 constrain both parties to such disputes to invoke its inter- 
 ference and abide by its decisions. There would also be 
 good reason to hope that the very existence of such an 
 agency would invite application to it for advice and coun- 
 sel, frequently resulting in the avoidance of contention and 
 misunderstanding. 
 
 If the usefulness of such a Commission is doubted beoausr 
 it might lack power to enforce its decisions, much cncour 
 ag( ment is derived from the conceded good that has been 
 aeeom))lishtd bv the railroad eonunissions which have been 
 organized in many of the States, which, having little more 
 than advisory power, have exerted a most salutary influence 
 in the settlement of disputes between conflicting interests. 
 
 82 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 In July, 1884, by a law of Congress, a Bureau of Labor 
 was established and placed in charge of a Commissioner of 
 Labor, who is required to " collect information upon the 
 subject of labor, its relations to capital, the hours of labor 
 and the earnings of laboring men and women, and the 
 means of promoting their material, social, intellectual, send 
 moral prosperity." 
 
 The Commission which I suggest could easily be en- 
 grafted upon the Bureau thus already organized, by the 
 addition of two more Commissioners and by supplementing 
 the duties now imposed upon it by such other powers and 
 functions as would permit the Commissioners to act as arbi- 
 trators wlien necessary between labor and capital under such 
 limitations and upon such occasions as should be deemed 
 proper and useful. 
 
 Power should also be distinctly conferred upon this 
 Bureau to investigate the causes of all disputes as they 
 occur, whether submitted for arbitration or not, so that in- 
 formation may always be at hand to aid legislation on the 
 subject when necessary and desirable. 
 
 [From the Veto of the Andrew J. White Pen- 
 sion Bill, Washington, D. C, May 8, 1886.'\ 
 
 The policy of frequently reversing, by special enactment, 
 the decisions of the bureau invested by law with the exam- 
 ination of pension claims, fully equipped for such examina- 
 tion, and which ought not to be suspected of any lack of 
 liberality to our veteran soldiers, is exceedingly question- 
 able. It may well be doubted if a committee of Congress 
 has a better opportunity than such an agency to judge of 
 the merits of these claims. If, however, there is any lack 
 of power in the Pension Bureau for a full investigation it 
 
 83 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 should be supplied; if the system adopted is inadequate 
 to do full justice to claimants, it should be corrected; 
 and if there is a want of sympathy and consideration for 
 the defenders of our government the bureau should be re- 
 organized. 
 
 The disposition to concede the most generous treatment 
 to the disabled, aged, and needy among our veterans ought 
 not to be restrained; and it must be admitted that, in som.e 
 cases, justice and equity cannot be di)ne nor the charitable 
 tendencies of the government in favor of wortliy objects of 
 its care indulged under fixed rules. These conditions some- 
 times justify a resort to sjjccial legislation; but I am con- 
 vinced that the interposition by special enactment in the 
 granting of pensions should be rare and exceptional. In 
 the nature of things, if this is lightly done and upon slight 
 occasion, an invitation is offered for the presentation of 
 claims to Congress, which, upon their merits, could not sur- 
 vive the test of an examination by the Pension Bureau, and 
 whose only hope of success depends upon sympathy, often 
 misdirected, instead of right and justice. The instrumen- 
 tality org.aiiized by law for the determination of pension 
 claims is thus often overruled and discredited, and there is 
 danger that in the end popular jirejudiee Mill be created 
 against those who are worthily entitled to the bounty of 
 the government. 
 
 There have lately been presented to me on the same day, 
 for aj)j)roval, nearly two hundred and forty special bills 
 granting and increasing pensions, and restoring to the pen- 
 sion list the names of jiarties which for cause have been 
 dr()])))ed. To aid Exeeiitive duty tiny were referred to the 
 Pension Ihireau for examination and report. After a delay 
 absolutely nieessary they have been returned to me within 
 a few hours of the limit constitutionally permitted for Ex- 
 ecutive action. Two hundred and thirty two of these bills 
 arc thus elassilied : 
 
 8i 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 Eighty-one cover cases in which favorable action by the 
 Pension Bureau was denied by reason of the insufficiency 
 of the testimony filed to prove the facts alleged. 
 
 These bills I have approved on the assumption that the 
 claims were meritorious, and that by the passage of the bills 
 the government has waived full proof of the facts. 
 
 Twenty-six of the bills cover claims rejected by the Pen- 
 sion Bureau, because the evidence produced tended to prove 
 that the alleged disability existed before the claimant's en- 
 listment; twenty-one cover claims which have been denied 
 by such bureau, because the evidence tended to show that 
 the disability, though contracted in the service, was not in- 
 curred in the line of duty; thirty-three cover claims which 
 have been denied, because the evidence tended to establish 
 that the disability originated after the soldier's discharge 
 from the army; forty-seven cover claims which have been 
 denied, because the general pension laws contain no pro- 
 visions under which they could be allowed; and twenty- 
 four of the claims have never been presented to the Pension 
 Bureau. 
 
 [Message Relating to the Accejjtance and In- 
 auguration of the Colossal Statue of " Lib- 
 erty Enlightening the World/' Washing- 
 ton, D. C, May 11, 1S8G.'] 
 
 To the Senate and House of Representatives: By a joint 
 resolution of Congress, approved March 3, 1877, the Presi- 
 dent was authorized and directed to accept the colossal 
 statue of Liberty Enlightening the World when presented 
 by the citizens of the French Republic, and to designate 
 and set apart for the erection thereof a suitable site upon 
 either Governor's or Bcdloe's Island, in the harbor of New 
 
 Sj 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 York, and upon tlie completion thereof to cause the statue 
 " to be inaugurated with such ceremonies as will serve to 
 testify the gratitude of our people for this expressive and 
 felicitous memorial of the sympathy of the citizens of our 
 sister Republic." 
 
 The President was further thereby " authorized to cause 
 suitable regulations to be made for its future maintenance 
 as a beacon, and for the permanent care and preservation 
 thereof as a monument of art and tlic continued good-will 
 of the great nation which aided us in our struggle for 
 freedom." 
 
 Under the authority of this resolution, on the 4th day of 
 July, 1884, the minister of the United States to the French 
 Kcpublie, by direction of the President of the United States, 
 accepted the statue and received a deed of presentation from 
 the Franco-American Union, which is now preserved in the 
 archives of the Department of State. 
 
 I now transmit to Congress a letter to the Secretary of 
 State from Joseph W. Drcxcl, Esq., chairman of the execu- 
 tive committee of " the American committee on the pedestal 
 of the great statue of * Liberty Enlightening the World,' " 
 dated tlie 27th of April, 1886, suggesting the propriety of 
 llic further execution by the President of the joint resolu- 
 tion referred to, by prescribing the ceremonies of inaugu- 
 ration to be observed upon the com])lete erection of the 
 statue upon its site on Bcdloe's Island, in the harbor of 
 New York. 
 
 Thursday, the ;;d of September, being llie anniversary 
 of the signing of the treaty of peace of Paris by which th'* 
 independence of these United States w.is recognized aurl 
 secured, has been suggested by this committee, under wh-^s'- 
 auspices and agency tlie pedestal for the statue has l>cen 
 constructed, as an appropriate day for the ceremonies of 
 inauguration. 
 
 The intt rnalionnl fharacttT which has been imjiressrd 
 
 86 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 upon this work by the joint resolution of 1877, makes it 
 incumbent upon Congress to provide means to carry their 
 resolution into effect. Therefore I recommend the appro- 
 priation of such sum of money as in the judgment of Con- 
 gress shall be deemed adequate and proper to defray the 
 cost of the inauguration of this statue. 
 
 I have been informed by the committee that certain ex- 
 penses have been incurred in the care and custody of the 
 statue since it was deposited on Bedloe's Island, and the 
 phraseology of the joint resolution providing for " the per- 
 manent care and preservation thereof as a monument of 
 art," would seem to include the payment by the United 
 States of the expense so incurred since the reception of the 
 statue in this country. 
 
 The action of the French Government and people in 
 relation to the presentation of this statue to the United 
 States will, I hope, meet with hearty and responsive action 
 upon the part of Congress, in which the Executive will be 
 most happy to co-operate. 
 
 [Address at the Virginia State Fair^ Richmond j 
 
 October 12, 1886.1 
 
 Fellow-Citizens of Virginia: While I thank you most sin- 
 cerely for your kind reception and recognize in its hearti- 
 ness the hospitality for which the people of Virginia have 
 always been distinguished, I am fully aware that your dem- 
 onstration of welcome is tendered not to an individual, but 
 to an incumbent of an office which crowns the government 
 of the United States. The State of Virginia, the ]Mother 
 of Presidents, seven of whose sons have filled that high 
 office, to-day greets a President who for the first time meets 
 Virginians upon Virginia soil. 
 
 87, 
 
A 1) I) R r. 5 S E S AND PAPERS 
 
 I cong^ratulate myself tliat my first introduction to tlie 
 people of Virginia occurs at a time when they are sur- 
 rounded by the exhibits of tlie })roductiveness and pros- 
 perity of their State. Whatever there may be in honor in 
 her history, and however much of pride there may be in her 
 traditions, her true greatness is licre exemplified. In our 
 sisterhood of States the leading and most connnanding place 
 must be gained and kept by that commonwealth which, by 
 the labor and intelligence of her citizens, can produce the 
 most of those things which meet the necessities and desires 
 of mankind. 
 
 But the full advantage of that which may be yielded to 
 a State by the toil and ingenuity of her people is not meas- 
 ured alone by the money value of the products. The efforts 
 and the struggles of her farmers and her artisans not only 
 create new values in the field of agriculture and in the 
 arts and manufactures, but they, at the same time, produce 
 rugged, self-reliant, and independent men, and cultivate 
 that product which, more than all others, ennobles a State 
 — a patriotic, earnest American citizenship. 
 
 This will flourish in every part of the American domain. 
 Neither drought nor rain can injure it, for it takes root in 
 true hearts, enriched by love of country. There are no new 
 varieties in this ])roduction. It must be the same wherever 
 seen, and its quality is neither sound nor genuine unless it 
 grows to deck and beautify an entire .tnd united nation, nor 
 imless it supports and sustains the institutions and the gov- 
 eriMiient founded to ])roteet American liberty and happiness. 
 
 Till- j)resent administration of tlie go\ trnment is jiledged 
 to return for such husbandry not only promises, but actual 
 tenders of fairness and justice, with ecjual protection and 
 a full ))artici})ation in national achievements. If. in the 
 past, we have been estranged .-iiid the cultivation of Amer- 
 ican citi/enshi}) lias bt en interrnpted, your enthusiastic wcl- 
 CDiiK- 1)1 toil.iy diiiuinstrati s lljat llu n- is .-.n end to such 
 
 88 
 
OF G R V E R C L E ^^ E L A N D 
 
 cstrang:ement, and tliat the time of suspicion and fear is 
 succeeded by an era of faith and confidence. 
 
 In such a kindly atmosphere and beneath such cheering 
 skies I greet the people of Virginia as co-laborers in the 
 field where grows the love of our united country. 
 
 God grant that in the years to come Virginia — the Old 
 Dominion, the iMother of Presidents, she who looked on the 
 nation at its birth — may not only increase her trophies of 
 growth in agriculture and manufactures, but that she may 
 be among the first of all the States in the cultivation of 
 true American citizenship. 
 
 [Address at the Two Hundred and Fiftieth 
 Anniversary of Harvard College^ Novem- 
 ber 9, 1886.'] 
 
 Mr. President and Gentlemen: I find myself to-day in 
 a company to which I am much unused, and when I see 
 the alumni of the oldest college in the land surrounding in 
 tlieir right of sonship the maternal board at which I am 
 but an invited guest, the reflection that for me there exists 
 no alma mater gives rise to a feeling of regret, which is 
 tempered only by the cordiality of your welcome and your 
 reassuring kindness. 
 
 If the fact is recalled that only twelve of my twenty-one 
 predecessors in office had the advantage of a collegiate or 
 university education, a proof is presented of the democratic 
 sense of our people, rather than an argument against the 
 supreme value of the best and most liberal education in 
 high public positions. There certainly can be no sufficient 
 reason for any space or distance between the walks of a 
 most classical education and the way that leads to a polit- 
 ical place. Any disinclination on the part of the most 
 
 89 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 learned and cultured of our citizens to mingle in public 
 affairs, and the consequent abandonment of political activity 
 to tliose who have but little regard for student and scholar 
 in politics, are not favorable conditions under a government 
 such as ours, and if they have existed to a damaging ex- 
 tent, very recent events appear to indicate that the educa- 
 tion and conservatism of the land are to be hereafter more 
 plainly heard in the expression of the popular will. 
 
 Surely the splendid destiny wliich awaits a patriotic 
 effort in behalf of our country will be sooner reached if 
 the best of our thinkers and educated men shall deem it a 
 solemn duty of citizensliip to engage actively and prac- 
 tically in ])olitical affairs, and if tiie force and power of 
 their tliouglit and learning shall be willingly or unwillingly 
 acknowledged in party management. 
 
 If I am to speak of tlie President of the United States 
 I desire to mention, as the most ])lcasant and characteristic 
 feature of our system of government, the nearness of the 
 people to their President and other high officials. A close 
 view afforded our citizens of the acts and conduct of those 
 to wliom they have intrusted their interests, serves as a 
 regulator and elieek u]ion temptation and ])r<.ssure in office, 
 and is a constant nniinder that diligence and faitlifulness 
 are the measure of jiublic duty; and such a relation be- 
 tween President and ])eople ought to leave but little room, 
 in popular jiulginent and conscience, for unjust and false 
 accusations and for malicious slanders invented for the pur- 
 })ose of undermining tlic people's trust and confidence in 
 the administration of their government. 
 
 No i)ublie officer slioukl desire to check tl»e utmost free- 
 dom of eritieism as to all official acts, but every right- 
 thinking man must concede that the President of the United 
 States should not be jiut Ix-yond tlie i)rolection which Amer- 
 ican love of fair play and decency aeeords to every Amer- 
 ican cilizi II. Tliis trait of our national character wnuKl not 
 
 90 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 encourage, if their extent and tendency were fully appre- 
 ciated, the silly, mean, and cowardly lies that every day are 
 found in the columns of certain newspapers, which violate 
 every instinct of American manliness, and in ghoulish glee 
 desecrate every sacred relation of private life. 
 
 There is nothing in the highest office that the American 
 people can confer which necessarily makes the President 
 altogether selfish, scheming, and untrustworthy. On the 
 contrary, the solemn duties which confront him tend to a 
 sober sense of responsibility; the trust of the American 
 people and an appreciation of their mission among the na- 
 tions of the earth should make him a patriotic man, and 
 the tales of distress which reach him from the humble and 
 lowly, and needy and afflicted in every corner of the land, 
 cannot fail to quicken within him every kind impulse and 
 tender sensibility. 
 
 After all, it comes to this: The people of the United 
 States have one and all a sacred mission to perform, and 
 your President, not more surely than any other citizen who 
 loves his country, must assume part of the responsibility 
 of the demonstration to the world of the success of popular 
 government. No man can hide his talent in a napkin, and 
 escape the condemnation which his slothfulness deserves, or 
 evade the stern sentence which his faithlessness invites. 
 
 Be assured, my friends, that the privilege of this day, so 
 full of improvement, and the enjoyments of this hour, so 
 full of pleasure and cheerful encouragements, will never be 
 forgotten; and in parting with you noAV let me express my 
 earnest hope that Harvard's alumni may always honor the 
 venerable institution which has honored them, and that no 
 man who forgets and neglects his duty to American citizen- 
 ship will find his alma mater here. 
 
 91 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 [Executive Proclamation on the Death of ex- 
 President Chester A. Arthur, Washington, 
 D. C, November 18, 188 G.'] 
 
 It is my painful duty to announce the death of Chester 
 Alan Arthur, lately the President of the United States, 
 which occurred after an ilhiess of long duration, at an 
 early hour this morning, at his residence in tlic city of 
 New York. 
 
 !Mr. Arthur was called to the chair of Chief Magistrate 
 of tlie nation hy a tragedy which cast its shadow over the 
 entire government. 
 
 His assumption of the grave duties was marked by an 
 evident and conscientious sense of his responsibilities, and 
 an earnest desire to meet tliem in a ])atriotic and benevolent 
 spirit. 
 
 M'ith dignity and ability he sustained the important 
 duties of his station, and tlie rej)utation of his personal 
 wortli, consj)icnous graciousiu ss. and jiatriotic fidelity will 
 long be cherished by his fellow-countrymen. 
 
 [From. Second Annual Message, Washington, 
 D. C, December n, /8Sf].] 
 
 To ihe Co/iif/T.v.v of tin- rnitiul Slates: In discharge of a 
 constitutiiinil duty, and fi)lK)wing a will-estiblished ])rece- 
 dent in the Executive ofliee, I herewith transmit to the 
 Congress at its reassembling certain information concern- 
 ing the stntr of tilt' I'nion, togi-thir with such recommenda- 
 tions for legislative cousidtr.ition as apjxar necessary .iiul 
 expedient. 
 
 'J'lic (Irifl of .s( iiliniciil in cixili/.id ennununitirs toward 
 
 in 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 full recognition of the rights of property in the creations 
 of the human intellect has brought about the adoption by 
 many important nations of an international copyright con- 
 vention, which was signed at Berne on the 18th of Sep- 
 tember, 1885. 
 
 Inasmuch as the Constitution gives to the Congress the 
 power " to promote the progress of science and useful arts 
 by securing for limited times to authors and inventors the 
 exclusive right to their respective writings and discov- 
 eries," this Government did not feel warranted in becoming 
 a signatory jiending the action of Congress upon measures 
 of international copyright now before it; but the right of 
 adhesion to the Berne convention hereafter has been re- 
 served. I trust the subject will receive at your hands the 
 attention it deserves, and that the just claims of authors, 
 so urgently pressed, will be duly heeded. 
 
 Representations continue to be made to me of the inju- 
 rious effect upon American artists studying abroad and hav- 
 ing free access to the art collections of foreign countries of 
 maintaining a discriminating duty against the introduction 
 of the works of their brother artists of other countries, and 
 I am induced to repeat my recommendation for the aboli- 
 tion of that tax. 
 
 The American people, with a patriotic and grateful re- 
 gard for our ex-soldiers, too broad and too sacred to be 
 monopolized by any special advocates, are not only willing 
 but anxious that equal and exact justice should be done to 
 all honest claimants for pensions. In their sight the friend- 
 less and destitute soldier, dependent on public charity, if 
 otherwise entitled, has precisely the same right to share in 
 the provision made for those who fought their country's 
 battles as those better able, through friends and influence, 
 to push their claims. Every pension that is granted under 
 
 93 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 our ])rcsciit plan upon any otlicr grounds than actual serv- 
 ice and injury or disease incurred in such service, and 
 every instance of the many in which pensions are in- 
 creased on other grounds than the merits of the claim, 
 work an injustice to tlie brave and crippled, but poor 
 and friendless, soldier, who is entirely neglected or who 
 must be content with the smallest sum allowed under gen- 
 eral laws. 
 
 There are far too many neighborhoods in which are found 
 glaring cases of inequality of treatment in the matter of 
 pensions, and they are largely due to a yielding in the 
 Pension Bureau to importunity on the part of those, other 
 than the pensioner, who are especially interested, or they 
 arise from special acts passed for tlie benefit of individuals. 
 
 The men who fought side by side should stand side by 
 side when they particijiate in a grateful nation's kind re- 
 membrance. 
 
 Every consideration of fairness and justice to our ex- 
 soldiers and the protection of the patriotic instinct of our 
 citizens from perversion and violation point to tlie adoption 
 of a pension system broad and comjirehensive enough to 
 cover every contingency, and which shall make unnecessary 
 an objectionable voluuie of sj;ecial legislation. 
 
 As long as we adhere to the principle of granting pen- 
 sions for service, and disability as the result of the service, 
 the allowance of jiensions should be restricted to cases pre- 
 senting these features. 
 
 Every patriotic heart responds to a tender consideration 
 for those wlio, having served ihi ir country long and well, 
 are reduced to destitution and dependence, not as an inei- 
 dt.'nt of their service, but with advancing age or llirougli 
 sickness or misfortune. We are all templed by the con- 
 templation of such a condition to supply relit f, ami arc 
 often impatient of the limitations of public tluty. Yield- 
 ing to no one in the desire to indulge this feeling of con- 
 
 91 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 sideration, I can not rid myself of the conviction that if 
 these ex-soldiers are to be relieved they and their cause 
 are entitled to the benelit of an enactment under which re- 
 lief may be claimed as a right, and that such relief should 
 be granted under the sanction of law, not in evasion of it; 
 nor should such worthy objects of care, all equally entitled, 
 be remitted to the unequal operation of sympathy or the 
 tender mercies of social and political influence, with their 
 unjust discriminations. 
 
 The discharged soldiers and sailors of the country are 
 our fellow-citizens, and interested with us in the passage 
 and faithful execution of wholesome laws. They can not 
 be swerved from their duty of citizenship by artful appeals 
 to their spirit of brotherhood born of common peril and 
 suffering, nor will they exact as a test of devotion to their 
 welfare a willingness to neglect public dutv in their be- 
 half. 
 
 The relations of labor to capital and of laboring men to 
 their employers are of the utmost concern to every patriotic 
 citizen. When these are strained and distorted, unjusti- 
 fiable claims are apt to be insisted upon by both interests, 
 and in the controversy which results the welfare of all and 
 the prosperity of the country are jeopnrdized. Any inter- 
 vention of the General Government, within the limits of 
 its constitutional authority, to avert such a condition should 
 be willingly accorded. 
 
 In a special message transmitted to the Congress at 
 its last session I suggested the enlargement of our present 
 Labor Bureau and adding to its present functions the power 
 of arbitration in cases where differences arise between em- 
 ployer and employed. Wlien these differences reach such 
 a stage as to result in the interruption of commerce be- 
 tween the States, the application of this remedy by the 
 
 95 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 General Government might be regarded as entirely within 
 its constitutional powers. And I think we might reason- 
 ably hope that such arbitrators, if carefully selected and 
 if entitled to the confidence of the parties to be affected, 
 would be voluntarily called to the settlement of controver- 
 sies of less extent and not necessarily within the domain of 
 Federal regulation. 
 
 I am of the ojiinion that this suggestion is worthy the 
 attention of the Congress. 
 
 But after all lias been done by the passage of laws, 
 either Federal or State, to relieve a situation full of solici- 
 tude, much more remains to be accomplished by the rein- 
 statement and cultivation of a true American sentiment 
 which recognizes the equality of American citizenship. 
 This, in the light of our traditions and in loyalty to the 
 spirit of our institutions, would teach that a hearty co-ojjcr- 
 ntion on the part of all interests is the surest path to na- 
 tional greatness and the happiness of all our people; that 
 capital should, in recognition of the brotherhood of our 
 citizcnshij) and in a spirit of American fairness, generously 
 accord to labor its just compensation and considiration. and 
 that contented labor is capital's best protection and faithful 
 ally. It would teach, too, that the diverse situations of our 
 people are inscjiarable from our civilization; that every 
 citizen should in his spliere be a contributor to the general 
 good; that ca))ital does not necessarily tend to tlie opjircs- 
 sion of labor, and that violent disturbances and disorders 
 alienate from their promoters true American sympathy and 
 kindly feeling. 
 
 The contiinicd operation of the law relating io our civil 
 service lias added the most coiivineing proofs of its neces- 
 sity .'ind usefulness, it is a fact worthy of note that every 
 public olfieer who has a just idea of his duly to l!ie pi <ii)lc 
 
 06 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 testifies to the value of this reform. Its staunchest friends 
 are found among those who understand it best, and its 
 warmest supporters are those who are restrained and pro- 
 tected by its requirements. 
 
 The meaning of such restraint and protection is not ap- 
 preciated by those who want places vmder the Government 
 regardless of merit and efficiency, nor by those who insist 
 that the selection of such places should rest upon a proper, 
 credential showing active partisan work. They mean to 
 public officers, if not their lives, the only opportimity af- 
 forded them to attend to public business, and they mean 
 to the good people of the country the better performance 
 of the Avork of their Government. 
 
 It is exceedingly strange that the scope and nature of 
 this reform are so little understood and that so many things 
 not included within its plan are called by its name. When 
 cavil yields more fully to examination, the system will have 
 large additions to the number of its friends. 
 
 Our civil-service reform may be imperfect in some of its 
 details ; it may be misunderstood and opposed ; it may not 
 always be faithfully applied; its designs may sometimes 
 miscarry through mistake or willful intent; it may some- 
 times tremble under the assaults of its enemies or languish 
 imder the misguided zeal of impracticable friends; but if 
 the people of this country ever submit to the banishment 
 of its underlying principle from the operation of their 
 Government they will abandon the surest guaranty of the 
 safety and success of American institutions. I invoke for 
 this reform the cheerful and ungrudging support of the 
 Congress. 
 
 In conclusion I earnestly invoke such wise action on the 
 part of the people's legislators as will subserve the public 
 good and demonstrate during the remaining days of the 
 
 97 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 Congress as at present organized its ability and inclination 
 to so meet the people's needs that it shall be gratefully re- 
 membered by an expectant constituency. 
 
 [To a Member of the Cardinal Gibbons Re- 
 ception Committee, JVashingtorij D. C, 
 January 26, 1887.^ 
 
 My Dear Sir: I have received from you, as one of the 
 Committee of the Catholic Club of Philadelphia, an invita- 
 tion to attend a banquet to be given by the club, on Tues- 
 day evening, February 8, in honor of His Eminence Cardi- 
 nal Gibbons. The thoughtfulness which prompted this 
 invitation is gratefully ap})reciated; and I regret that my 
 ])ub]ic duties here will prevent its acceptance. I should 
 be glad to join in the contemplated expression of respect 
 to be tendered to the distinguished head of the Catholic 
 Church in the United States, whose personal acquaintance 
 I very much enjoy, and who is so worthily entitled to the 
 esteem of all his fellow-citizens. 
 
 I thank you for the admirable letter which accompanies 
 my invitation, in which you announce as one of the doctrines 
 of your club " that a good and exemplary Catholic must 
 ex necessitate rei he a good and exem}ilary citizen, " and 
 that " the teachings of both human and Divine law thus 
 merging in the one word, duty, form the only union of 
 Church and State that a civil and religious government can 
 recognize." 
 
 I know you will permit mc, as a Protestant, to supple- 
 ment this noble sentiment by the expression of my convic- 
 tion that the smne in(ltiiiic<' and result follow a sincere and 
 ennsistent devotioti to the teachings of every religious creed 
 wliich is based upon Divine sanction. 
 
 98 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 A wholesome religious faith thus inures to the per- 
 petuity, the safety and the prosperity of our Republic, by 
 exacting the due observance of civil law, the preservation 
 of public order, and a proper regard for the rights of all; 
 and thus are its adherents better fitted for good citizenship 
 and confirmed in a sure and steadfast patriotism. It seems 
 to me, too, that the conception of duty to the State which 
 is derived from religious precept involves a sense of per- 
 sonal responsibility, which is of the greatest value in the 
 operation of the government by the people. It will be a 
 fortunate day for our country when every citizen feels that 
 he has an ever-present duty to perform to the State which 
 he cannot escape from or neglect without being false to his 
 religious as well as his civil allegiance. 
 
 Wishing for your club the utmost success in its efforts 
 to bring about this result. 
 
 [Letter to George Steele, Esq., President Amer- 
 ican Fishery Union, and Others, Gloucester, 
 Mass., Washington, D. C, Ajml 7, 1887.'] 
 
 Gentlemen: I have received your letter lately addressed 
 to me, and have given full consideration to the expression 
 of the views and wishes therein contained, in relation to 
 the existing differences between the governments of Great 
 Britain and the United States, growing out of the refusal 
 to award to our citizens, engaged in fishing enterprises, 
 the privileges to which they are entitled, either imder 
 treaty stipulations or the guarantees of international comity 
 and neighborly concession. 
 
 I sincerely trust the apprehension you express, of un- 
 just and unfriendly treatment of American fishermen law- 
 fully found in Canadian waters, will not be realized. But 
 
 99 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 if such apprehension should prove to be well founded, I 
 earnestly hope that no fault or inconsiderate action of any 
 of our citizens will in the least weaken the just position 
 of our governmentj or deprive us of the universal sympathy 
 and support to which we should be entitled. 
 
 The action of this administration since June, IBS;"), 
 when the fishing articles of the treaty of 1871 were termi- 
 nated, under the notification which had two years before 
 been given to our government, has been fully disclosed by 
 the correspondence between the representatives and the ap- 
 propriate departments of the respective governments, with 
 which I am apprised by your letter you are entirely famil- 
 iar. An examination of this correspondence has doubtless 
 satisfied you that in no case have the rights or privileges 
 of American fishermen been overlooked or neglected, but 
 that, on the contrary they have been sedulously insisted 
 upon and cared for by every means within the control of 
 the Executive branch of the government. 
 
 The Act of Congress approved March 3, 1887, author- 
 izing a course of retaliation througli Executive action, in 
 the event of a continuance on the part of the British Amer- 
 ican authorities of unfriendly conduct and treaty violations 
 affecting American fishermen, has devolved ujjon the Presi- 
 dent of the United States exceedingly grave and solemn 
 responsibilities, comprehending highly iinj)()rtant conse- 
 quences to our national character and dignity, and involv- 
 ing extremely valuable commercial intercx)urse between the 
 British Possessions in North America and the people of the 
 United States. 
 
 I understand the main purpose of your letter is to sug- 
 gest that, in case recourse to the ret.iliatory measures au- 
 thorized by this Act should be invited by unjust treatment 
 of our fishernirn in the future, the objei t of such retaliation 
 niiglit be fully acconi})lisluil by " proliihiting C'anadian- 
 cauglit lish from I'utry into tin' jiorts of the L'nited States." 
 
 100 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 The existing controversy is one in which two nations are 
 the parties concerned. The retaliation contemplated by the 
 Act of Congress is to be enforced, not to protect solely any 
 particular interest, however meritorious or valuable, but to 
 maintain the national honor, and thus protect all our peo- 
 ple. In this view, the violation of American fishery rights, 
 and unjust or unfriendly acts toward a portion of our citi- 
 zens engaged in this business, are but the occasion for ac- 
 tion, and constitute a national affront which gives birth to 
 or may justify retaliation. This measure, once resorted to, 
 its effectiveness and value may well depend upon the thor- 
 oughness and extent of its application ; and in the per- 
 formance of international duties, the enforcement of in- 
 ternational rights, and the protection of our citizens, this 
 government and the people of the United States must act 
 as a unit — all intent upon attaining the best result of re- 
 taliation upon the basis of a maintenance of national honor 
 and dignity. 
 
 A nation seeking by any means to maintain its honor, 
 dignity, and integrity is engaged in protecting the rights of 
 its people; and if in such efforts particular interests are 
 injured and special advantages forfeited, these things 
 should be patriotically borne for the public good. 
 
 An immense volume of population, manufactures, and 
 agricultural productions, and the marine tonnage and rail- 
 ways to which these have given activity, all largely the re- 
 sult of intercourse between the United States and British 
 America, and the natural growth of a full half century of 
 good neighborhood and friendly communication, form an 
 aggregate of material wealth and incidental relations of 
 most impressive magnitude. I fully appreciate these 
 things, and am not unmindful of the great number of our 
 people who are concerned in such vast and diversified in- 
 terests. 
 
 In the performance of the serious duty which the Con- 
 
 101 
 
 i 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 gress has imposed upon me, and in the exercise upon just 
 occasion of the power conferred imder the Act referred to, 
 I shall deem myself bound to inflict no imnecessary damage 
 or injury upon any portion of our people; but I shall, nev- 
 ertheless, be unflinchingly guided by a sense of what the 
 self-respect and dignity of the nation demand. In the main- 
 tenance of these, and in the support of the honor of the 
 government, beneath which every citizen may repose in 
 safety, no sacrifice of personal or private interests shall be 
 considered as against the general welfare. 
 
 [Address at the Unveiling of the Garfield 
 Statue, Washington, D. C, May 1,2, 1887.'\ 
 
 Fellow-Citizens : In performance of the duty assigned to 
 me on tliis occasion, I hereby accept, on behalf of the 
 people of the United States, this completed and beautiful 
 statue. 
 
 Amid the interchange of fraternal greetings between the 
 survivors of the Army of the Cumberland and their former 
 foes upon the battlefield, and M-hile the Union General and 
 the people's President awaited burial, the eonuiion grief of 
 these magnanimous soldiers and mourning citizens found 
 expression in the determination to erect this tribute to 
 American greatness; and thus, to-day, in its symmetry and 
 beauty, it presents a sign of animosities forgotten, an em- 
 blem of a brotlurhood redeemed, and a token of a nation 
 restored. 
 
 Monuments and statues multiply throughout the land, 
 fittingly illustrative of the love ntul afffctiou of our grate- 
 ful people and commemorating bra\e and patriot ie sacrifices 
 in war, fame in peaceful piifiiiits, or honor in jiublic station. 
 
 But from this day forth there shall stand at our seat of 
 
 102 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 government this statue of a distinguished citizen who, in his 
 life and services, combined all these things and more, which 
 challenge admiration in American character — loving tender- 
 ness in every domestic relation, bravery on the field of bat- 
 tle, fame and distinction in our halls of legislation, and the 
 highest honor and dignity in the Chief Magistracy of the 
 nation. 
 
 This stately effigy shall not fail to teach every beholder 
 that the source of American greatness is confined to no con- 
 dition, nor dependent alone for its growth and development 
 upon favorable surroundings. The genius of our national 
 life beckons to usefulness and honor those in every sphere, 
 and offers the highest preferment to manly ambition and 
 sturdy honest effort, chastened and consecrated by patriotic 
 hopes and aspirations. As long as this statue stands, let 
 it be proudly remembered that to every American citizen the 
 way is open to fame and station, imtil he 
 
 Moving up from high to higher. 
 
 Becomes on Fortune's crowning slope ^ 
 
 The pillar of a people's hope. 
 
 The center of a World's desire. 
 
 Nor can we forget that it also teaches our people a sad 
 and distressing lesson ; and the thoughtful citizen who views 
 its fair proportions cannot fail to recall the tragedy of a 
 death which brought grief and mourning to every house- 
 hold in the land. But, while American citizenship stands 
 aghast and affrighted that murder and assassination should 
 lurk in the midst of a free people and strike down the head 
 of their government, a fearless search and the discovery of 
 the origin and hiding place of these hateful and unnatural 
 things should be followed by a solemn resolve to purge for- 
 ever from our political methods and from the operation of 
 our government, the perversions and misconceptions which 
 gave birth to passionate and bloody thoughts. 
 
 103 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 If, from this hour, our admiration for the bravery and 
 nobility of American manhood, and our faith in the possi- 
 bilities and opportunities of American citizenship be re- 
 newed; if our appreciation of the blessing of a restored 
 Union and love for our government be strengthened, and if 
 our watchfulness against tlie dangers of a mad chase after 
 partisan spoils be quickened, the dedication of this statue to 
 the people of the United States will not be in vain. 
 
 [Letter to John W. Frazier, Secretary of the 
 JReunion of Union and e.r-Confederate Sol- 
 diers held at Getttjsburg, July 2, 18S7. 
 Washington, June 2A, 1SS7.'\ 
 
 My Dear Sir: I have received your invitation to attend, 
 as a guest of the Philadelpliia Brigade, a reunion of ex- 
 Confederate soldiers of Pickett's Division who survived 
 their terrible charge at Gettysburg, and those of tlie Union 
 Army still living, by wliom it was heroically resisted. 
 
 The fraternal meeting of these soldiers upon the battle- 
 field where twenty-four years ago. in deadly affray, they 
 fiercely sought each other's lives, mIutc tliey saw their com- 
 rades fall, and where all their thoughts M-ere of vengeance 
 and destruction, will illustrate the generous impulse of 
 brave men and their honest desire for peace and reconcilia- 
 tion. 
 
 The friendly assaidt tliere to be made will be resistless, 
 because inspired by American chivalry ; and its results will 
 be glorious, because conquerid hearts will be its trophies of 
 success. Thereafter this battlefield will be consecrated by 
 a victory Mhich sliall presage the end of the bitterness of 
 strife, the exposiirr of llie insincerity which conceals liatred 
 by jirofcssions of kiiuhu.ss, tlu coiiilcuuiatioii of frenzied 
 
 lot 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 appeals to passion for unworthy purposes, and the beating 
 down of all that stands in the way of the destiny of our 
 united country. 
 
 While those M^ho fought, and who have so much to for- 
 give, lead in the pleasant ways of peace, how wicked appear 
 the traffic in sectional hate and the betrayal of patriotic 
 sentiment ! 
 
 It surely cannot be wrong to desire the settled quiet 
 which lights for our entire country the path to prosperity 
 and greatness ; nor need the lessons of the war be forgotten 
 and its results jeopardized in the wish for that genuine 
 fraternity which insures national pride and glory. 
 
 I should be very glad to accept your invitation and be 
 with you at that interesting reimion, but other arrangements 
 already made and my official duties here will prevent my 
 doing so. 
 
 Hoping that the occasion will be as successful and useful 
 as its promoters can desire. 
 
 [Address at the Centennial of Clinton, N, Y., 
 July 13, 1887.1 
 
 I am by no means certain of my standing here among 
 those who celebrate the centennial of Clinton's existence as 
 a village. My recollections of the place reach backward 
 but about thirty-six years, and my residence here covered a 
 very brief period. But these recollections are fresh and 
 distinct to-day, and pleasant too, though not entirely free 
 from somber coloring. 
 
 It was here, in the school at the foot of College Hill, that 
 I began my preparation for college life and enjoyed the an- 
 ticipation of a collegiate education. We had two teachers 
 in our school. One became afterward a judge in Chicago, 
 
 105 
 
ADDRESSES AXD PAPERS 
 
 and the other passed through the legal profession to the 
 ministry, and vithin the last two years was living farther 
 West. I read a little Latin with two other Iwys in the class. 
 I think I floundered through four books of the ^T^neid. The 
 other boys had nice large modern editions of Virgil, with 
 big print and plenty of notes to help one over the hard 
 places. Mine was a little old-fashioned copy which my 
 father used before me, with no notes, and which was only 
 translated by hard knocks. I believe I have forgiven those 
 other boys for their persistent refusal to allow me the use 
 of the notes in their books. At any rate, they do not seem 
 to have been overtaken by any dire retribution, for one of 
 them is now a rich and prosperous lawyer in Buffalo, and 
 the other is a professor in your college and the orator of 
 to-day's celebration. The struggles with ten lines of Vir- 
 gil, which at first made up my daily task, are amusing as 
 remembered now; but with them I am also forced to remem- 
 ber that, instead of being the beginning of tlie higher edu- 
 cation for which I honestly longed, they occurred near the 
 end of my school advantages. This suggests a disappoint- 
 ment which no lapse of time can alleviate, and a deprivation 
 I have sadly felt with every passing year. 
 
 I remember Benoni Butler and his store. I don't know 
 whether he was an habitual poet or not, but I heard him 
 recite one poem of his own manufacture which embodied an 
 account of a travel to or from Clinton in the early days. 
 I can recall but two lines of this poem, as follows: 
 
 Paris Hill ncxi caiiif in siplit; 
 /Vnd thert' \vc tarried oveniipht. 
 
 I remember the next-door neighbors. Doctors Bissell and 
 Scollard — and good, kind neighbors they were, too — not 
 your cross, crabbed kind who could not bear to see a boy 
 about. It always seemed to v\c that they drove viry fine 
 
 lOfi 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 horses; and for that reason I thought they must be ex- 
 tremely rich. 
 
 I don't know that I should indulge further recollections 
 that must seem very little like centennial history; but I 
 want to establish as well as I can my right to be here. 
 I might speak of the college faculty, who cast such a pleas- 
 ing though sober shade of dignity over the place, and who, 
 with other educated and substantial citizens, made up the 
 best of social life. I was a boy then, and slightly felt the 
 atmosphere of this condition; but, nothwithstanding, I be- 
 lieve I absorbed a lasting appreciation of the intelligence 
 and refinement which made this a delightful home. 
 
 I know that you will bear with me, my friends, if I yield 
 to the impulse which the mention of home creates, and speak 
 of my own home here, and how through the memories which 
 cluster about it I may claim a tender relationship to your 
 village. Here it was that our family circle entire, parents 
 and children, lived day after day in loving and affectionate 
 converse; and here, for the last time, we met around the 
 family altar and thanked God that our household was un- 
 broken by death or separation. We never met together in 
 any other home after leaving this, and Death followed 
 closely our departure. And thus it is that, as with advanc- 
 ing years I survey the havoc Death has made, and as the 
 thoughts of my early home become more sacred, the remem- 
 brance of this pleasant spot, so related, is revived and 
 chastened. 
 
 I can only add my thanks for the privilege of being 
 with you to-day, and wish for the village of Clinton in 
 the future a continuation and increase of the blessing of 
 the past. 
 
 I am inclined to content myself on this occasion with an 
 acknowledgment, on behalf of the people of the United 
 States, of the compliment which you have paid to the office 
 which represents their sovereignty. But such an acknowl- 
 
 107 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 edginent suggests an idea which I cannot refrain from 
 dwelling upon for a moment. 
 
 That the office of President of the United States does 
 represent the sovereignty of sixty millions of free people, 
 is, to my mind, a statement full of solemnity; for this 
 sovereignty I conceive to be the working out or enforce- 
 ment of the divine right of man to govern himself and a 
 manifestation of God's plan concerning the human race. 
 
 Though the struggles of political parties to secure the 
 incumbency of this office, and the questionable methods 
 sometimes resorted to for its possession may not be in keep- 
 ing with this idea, and thougli the deceit practiced to mis- 
 lead the people in their choice, and its too frequent influ- 
 ence on their suffrage may surprise us, these things should 
 never lead us astray in our estimate of this exalted posi- 
 tion and its value and dignity. 
 
 And though your fellow-citizen who may be chosen to 
 perform for a time the duties of this highest place should 
 be badly selected, and though the best attainable results 
 may not be reached by his administration, yet the exacting 
 watchfulness of the people, freed from the disturbing tur- 
 moil of partisan excitement, ought to prevent mischance to 
 the office which represents their sovereignty, and should re- 
 duce to a minimum the danger of harm to the State. 
 
 I by no means underestimate the importance of the ut- 
 most care and circumspection in the selection of the in- 
 cumbent. On the contrary, I believe there is no obligation 
 of citizenship that demands more thought and conscientious 
 deliberation than this. But I am speaking of the citizen's 
 duty to the office and its selecti'd incumbent. 
 
 This duty is only jier formed when, in the interest of the 
 entire people, the full exercise of the ])o\vers of the Chief 
 Magistracy is insisted on, and when, for the people's safety, 
 a due" regard for the limitations placed upon tlie office is 
 exacted. These things .should be ciiforitd hy the maiii- 
 
 108 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 festation of a calm and enlightened public opinion. But 
 this should not be simulated by the mad clamor of disap- 
 pointed interest, which, without regard for the general good, 
 or allowance for the exercise of official judgment, would de- 
 grade the office by forcing compliance with selfish demands. 
 
 If your President should not be of the people and one of 
 your fellow-citizens, he would be utterly unfit for the posi- 
 tion, incapable of understanding the people's wants and 
 careless of their desires. That he is one of the people im- 
 plies that he is subject to human frailty and error. But he 
 should be permitted to claim but little toleration for mis- 
 takes ; the generosity of his fellow-citizens should alone 
 decree how far good intentions should excuse his short- 
 comings. 
 
 Watch well, then, this high office, the most precious pos- 
 session of American citizenship. Demand for it the most 
 complete devotion on the part of him to whose custody it 
 may be intrusted, and protect it not less vigilantly against 
 unworthy assaults from without. 
 
 Thus will you perform a sacred duty to yourselves and to 
 those who may follow you in the enjoyment of the freest 
 institutions which Heaven has ever vouchsafed to man. 
 
 [Address at the Laying of the Corner Stone of 
 the Y. M. C. A, Building in Buffalo, Sep- 
 tember 7, 1882.1 
 
 Ladies and Gentlemen: I desire to express the sincere 
 pleasure and gratification I experience in joining with you 
 in the exercises of this afternoon. An event is here marked 
 which I deem a most important one, and one well worthy of 
 the attention of all good citizens. We, this day, bring into 
 a prominent place an institution which, it seems to me, can- 
 
 109 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 not f.iil to impress itself upon our future with tlie best 
 results. 
 
 Perhaps a majority of our citizens have heard of the 
 Young Men's Christian Association ; and perchance the 
 name has suggested, in an indefinite way, certain efforts to 
 do good and to aid generally in the spread of religious 
 teaching. I venture to say, however, that a comparatively 
 small part of our community has really known the full ex- 
 tent of the work of this Association; and many have 
 thought of it as an institution well enough in its way — a 
 proper enough outlet for a superabundance of religious en- 
 thusiasm — doing, of course, no harm, and perhaps very lit- 
 tle good. Some have aided it by their contributions from a 
 sense of Christian duty, but more have passed by on the 
 other side. 
 
 We have been too much in the habit of regarding insti- 
 tutions of this kind as entirely disconnected from any con- 
 siderations of municipal growth or prosperity, and have too 
 often considered splendid structures, active trade, increas- 
 ing commerce, and growing manufactures as the only things 
 worthy of our care as public-spirited citizens. A moment's 
 reflection reminds us that this is wrong. The citizen is a 
 better business man if he is a Christian gentleman, and 
 surely business is not the less prosjicrous and successful if 
 conducted on Christian principles. This is an extremely 
 practical, and perhaps not a very elevated, view to take of 
 tlie purposes and benefits of the Young Men's Christian As- 
 sociation. But I assert that if it did no more than to im- 
 press some religious principles uj)on tlic business of our city, 
 it would be worthy of generous support. And when we 
 consider the difTcrence, as a member of the community, be- 
 tween the young man who, under the influence of such an 
 association, has learned his duty \.o liis fellows and to the 
 State, and that one who, subject to no moral restraint, yields 
 to tiiii))l.itioii niul thus becomes vicious anil criminal, the iin- 
 
 ] 10 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 portance of an institution among us which leads our youth 
 and young men in the way of morality and good citizenship 
 must be freely admitted. 
 
 I have thus only referred to this association as in some 
 manner connected with our substantial prosperity. There is 
 a higher theme connected with this subject which touches the 
 welfare, temporal and spiritual, of the objects of its care. 
 Upon this I will not dwell. I cannot, however, pass on 
 without invoking the fullest measure of honor and consid- 
 eration due to the self-sacrificing and disinterested efforts 
 of the men — and women, too — who have labored amid trials 
 and discouragements to plant this Association firmly upon a 
 sure foundation. We all hope and expect that our city has 
 entered upon a course of unprecedented prosperity and 
 growth. But to my mind not all the signs about us point 
 more surely to real greatness than the event which we here 
 celebrate. 
 
 Good and pure government lies at the foundation of the 
 wealth and progress of every community. 
 
 As the Chief Executive of this proud city, I congratu- 
 late all my fellow-citizens that to-day we lay the founda- 
 tion stone of an edifice which shall be a beautiful adorn- 
 ment, and, what is more important, shall inclose within its 
 walls such earnest Christian endeavors as must make easier 
 all our efforts to administer, safely and honestly, a good 
 municipal government. I commend the Young Men's 
 Christian Association to the cheerful and generous support 
 of every citizen, and trust that long after the men who have 
 wrought so well in establishing tliese foundations shall have 
 surrendered lives well spent, this building shall stand a 
 monument of well directed, pious labor, to shed its be- 
 nign influence on generations yet to come. 
 
 Ill 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 [Address at the Banquet of the Hibernian 
 ^Society, Philadelphia, Pa., September 17, 
 
 1887.1^ 
 
 I should hardly think my participation in the centennial 
 celebration was satisfactory if I had not the opportunity of 
 meeting tlie representatives of the society wliich, through its 
 antiquity and associations, bears close relations on the events 
 of the time we commemorate. That you celebrate this occa- 
 sion is a reminder of the fact tliat in the troublous and 
 perilous days of our country those whose names stood upon 
 your roll of membership fouglit for the cause of free gov- 
 ernment and for the homes wliich they had found upon 
 our soil. 
 
 No society or corporation, I am sure, has in its charter, 
 or in its traditions and history, a better or more valuable 
 certificate of its patriotic worth and character than you have, 
 and which is foimd in the words of Washington, who, in 
 1 782, declared of the Friendly Sons of St. Patrick, of which 
 this association is the successor, that it " has always been 
 noted for the firm adherence of its members to the glorious 
 cause in which we are engaged." These are priceless words, 
 and they render most fitting the part which the members 
 of the Hibernian Society are to-day assuming. 
 
 I noticed upon a letter which I have received from your 
 secretary that one object of your society is stated to be 
 " for the relief of emigrants from Ireland," and this leads 
 me to reflect how nearly allied love of country is to a kindly 
 humanity, and how naturally such a benevolent purpose of 
 this society, as the assistance and relief of your stranger 
 and needy enngrants, follows tin- patriotism in which it had 
 its origin. 
 
 I.ong may the Ilibenii.in .'^deiety Vwc and prosper, and 
 
 1 \i 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 long may its benevolent and humane ■work be prosecuted. 
 And when another centennial of the Constitution is cele- 
 brated, may those who shall then form its membership be 
 as fully inspired with the patriotism of its history and tra- 
 ditions, and as ready to join in the general felicitation, as 
 the men I see about me here. 
 
 [Address at the Constitution Centennial^ Phila- 
 delphia^ Pa. J September 17, 1887.] 
 
 I deem it a very great honor and pleasure to participate 
 in these impressive exercises. 
 
 Every American citizen should on this centennial day re- 
 joice in his citizenship. 
 
 He will not find the cause of his rejoicing in the antiquity 
 of his country, for among the nations of the earth his 
 stands with the youngest. He will not find it in the glit- 
 ter and the pomp that bedeck a monarch and dazzle abject 
 and servile subjects, for in his country the people them- 
 selves are rulers. He will not find it in the story of bloody 
 foreign conquests, for his government has been content to 
 care for its own domain and people. 
 
 He should rejoice because the work of framing our Con- 
 stitution was completed one hundred years ago to-day, and 
 also because, when completed, it established a free gov- 
 ernment. He should rejoice because this Constitution and 
 government have survived so long, and also because they 
 have survived so many blessings and have demonstrated so 
 fully the strength and value of popular rule. He should 
 rejoice in the wondrous growth and achievements of the 
 past one hundred years, and also in the glorious promise of 
 the Constitution through centuries to come. 
 
 We shall fail to be duly thankful for all that was done 
 for us one hundred years ago, imlcss we realize the diffi- 
 
 113 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 cultics of the work then in hand, and the dangers avoided 
 in the task of forming " a more perfect union " between dis- 
 jointed and inharmonious States, with interests and opinions 
 radically diverse and stubbornly maintained. 
 
 The perplexities of the convention which undertook the 
 labor of preparing our Constitution are apparent in these 
 earnest words of one of the most illustrious of its members: 
 
 The small progress we have made after four or five weeks of close at- 
 tendance and continued reasonings with each other, our different senti- 
 ments on almost every question — several of the last producing as many 
 noes as yeas — is, methinks, a melancholy proof of the imperfection of the 
 human understanding. We, indeed, seem to feel our own want of {X)litical 
 wisdom, since we have been mnning alx)ut in search of it. We have gone 
 back to ancient history for models of government, and examined tlie 
 different forms of those republics which, having l>een formed with the 
 seeds of their own dissolution, now no longer exist. In this situation 
 of this assembly, groping as it were in the dark to find political truth, and 
 scarce able to distinguish it when presented to us, how has it happened, 
 sir, that we have not heretofore once tliought of humbly applying to the 
 Father of Light to illuminate our undersUnuiings,' 
 
 And this wise man, proposing to his fellows that the aid 
 and blessing of God should be invoked in tlieir extremity, 
 declared: 
 
 I have lived, sir, a long time, and the longer I live the more convincing 
 proofs I see of the truth that God governs in the affairs of men. And if a 
 sparrow cannot fall to the ground without his notice, is it probable that an 
 empire can rise without his aid .' We have been assured, sir, in the sacrerf 
 writings that "except the Ivord build the house, they labor in vain that 
 build it." I firmly believe this; and I also believe that without his con- 
 rurring aid we sliall succeerl in this jwilifical building no Ix-tter than the 
 builders of Bahej. We shall Ix" divided by our little jiiirlial, local inter- 
 ests, our projects will be confounded, and we ourselves shall become a re- 
 proach and a bN-Avord down to future ages; and, what is worse, mankind' 
 may hereafter, from this unfortunate instance, despiir of establisliinjji 
 governments by human wisdom, and leave it to chance, war, ancl conquest,! 
 
 114 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 In the face of all discouragements, the fathers of the re- 
 public labored on for four long, weary months, in alternate 
 hope and fear, but always with rugged resolve, never fal- 
 tering in a sturdy endeavor sanctified by a prophetic sense 
 of the value to posterity of their success, and always with 
 unflinching faith in the principles which make the founda- 
 tion of a government by the people. 
 
 At last their task was done. It is related that upon the 
 back of the chair occupied by Washington as the president 
 of the Convention a sun was painted, and that as the dele- 
 gates were signing the completed Constitution one of them 
 said: " I have often and often, in the course of the session, 
 and in the solicitude of my hopes and fears as to its issue, 
 looked at that sun behind the president without being able 
 to tell whether it was rising or setting. But now at length 
 I know that it is a rising and not a setting sun." 
 
 We stand to-day on the spot where this rising sun 
 emerged from political night and darkness; and in its ovm 
 bright meridian light we mark its glorious way. Clouds 
 have sometimes obscured its rays, and dreadful storms have 
 made us fear; but God has held it in its course, and 
 through its life-giving warmth has performed his latest 
 miracle in the creation of tliis wondrous land and people. 
 
 As we look down the past century to the origin of our 
 Constitution, as we contemplate its trials and its triumphs, 
 as we realize how completely the principles upon which it 
 is based have met every national peril and every national 
 need, how devoutly should we confess, with Franklin, " God 
 governs in the affairs of men ; " and how solemn should be 
 the reflection that to our hands is committed this ark of the 
 people's covenant, and that ours is the duty to shield it from 
 impious hands. We receive it sealed with the tests of a 
 century. It has been found sufficient in the past; and in 
 all the future yea^s it will be found sufficient, if the Amer- 
 ican peojDle are tiue to their sacred trust. 
 
 115 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 Another centennial d.iy will come, and millions yet un- 
 born will inquire concerning our stewardship and the safety 
 of their Constitution. God grant that they may find it un- 
 impaired; and as we rejoice in the patriotism and devo- 
 tion of those who lived a hundred years ago, so may others 
 who follow us rejoice in our fidelity and in our jealous love 
 for constitutional liberty. 
 
 [Address at the Dinner of the Historical and 
 Scientific Societies of Philadelphia, Pa., 
 September 17, 1887.'] 
 
 On such a day as this, and in the atmosphere that now 
 surroimds him, I feel that the President of the United 
 States should be thoughtfully modest and humble. The 
 great office he occupies stands to-day in the presence of its 
 maker; and it is especially fitting for this servant of the 
 people and creature of the Constitution, amid the impres- 
 sive scenes of this centennial occasion, by a rigid self-ex- 
 amination to be assured concerning his loyalty and obedi- 
 ence to tlie law of his existence. He will find that the rules 
 prescribed for his guidance require for the performance 
 of his dut}', not the intellect or attainments which would 
 raise him far above the feeling and sentiment of the plain 
 people of the land, but rather such a knowledge of their 
 condition, and symj)athy with their wants and needs as will 
 bring him near to them. And thou,,h he may be almost 
 appalled by the weight of his responsibility and the solem- 
 nity of his situation, he cannot fail to find couifort and 
 fiicouragenitiit in the success of the fat.'iers of the Consti- 
 tution, wrought from their simple, patrioi ic devotion to the 
 rights and interests of the })eo})l«'. Sur<'ly he may hope 
 tJiat, if reverently invoked, the spirit which gave the Con- 
 
 lltj 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 stitution life, will be sufficient for its successful operation 
 and the accomplishment of its beneficent purposes. 
 
 Because they are brought nearest the events and scenes 
 which marked the birth of American institutions, the peo- 
 ple of Philadelphia should, of all our citizens, be more im- 
 bued with the broadest patriotism. The first Continental 
 Congress and the Constitutional Convention met here, and 
 Philadelphia still has in her keeping Carpenter's Hall, In- 
 dependence Hall and its bell, and the grave of Franklin. 
 
 As I look about me and see here represented the societies 
 that express so largely the culture of Philadelphia, its love 
 of art, its devotion to science, its regard for the broadest 
 knowledge, and its studious care for historical research — 
 societies some of which antedate the Constitution — I feel 
 that I am in notable company. To you is given the duty 
 of preserving for your city, for all your fellow-country- 
 men, and for mankind, the traditions and the incidents re- 
 lated to the freest and best government ever vouchsafed to 
 man. It is a sacred trust, and as time leads our government 
 further and further from the date of its birth, may you sol- 
 emnly remember that a nation exacts of you that these tra- 
 ditions and incidents shall never be tarnished nor neglected, 
 but that, brightly burnished, they may always be held aloft, 
 fastening the gaze of a patriotic people and keeping alive 
 their love and reverence for the Constitution 
 
 IFrom Address at the Laying of the Y. M. C. M. 
 Building Corner Stone, Kansas City, Mo., 
 October 13, 1887.'] 
 
 In the busy activities of our daily life we are apt to 
 neglect instrumentalities which are quietly, but effectually 
 doing most important service in molding our national char- 
 
 117 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 acter. Among these, and challenging but little notice com- 
 pared with their valuable results, are the Young Men's 
 Christian Associations scattered throughout our country. 
 All will admit the supreme importance of that honesty and 
 fixed princijole which rest upon Christian motives and pur- 
 poses, and all will acknowledge the sad and increasing 
 temptations which beset our young men and lure them to 
 their destruction. 
 
 [Letter to the Committee of the New York 
 Chamber of Commerce, Washington^ D. C, 
 November A, 1887.1 
 
 Gentlemen : I have received your invitation to attend the 
 annual banquet of the Chamber of Commerce of the State 
 of New York on the evening of the loth instant. It would 
 certainly give me great pleasure to be present on that occa- 
 sion and meet those who, to a great extent, have in charge 
 the important business interests represented in your asso- 
 ciation. I am sure, too, that I should derive profit as well 
 as pleasure from such a meeting. 
 
 Those charged by the people with the management of 
 their government cannot fail to enhance their usefulness by 
 a familiarity with business conditions and intimacy with 
 business men, since gcxid govcrnnunt lias no more imj)ortant 
 mission than the stimulation and protection of the activities 
 of the country. 
 
 This relation between governments and business suggests 
 the thought that the members of such associations as j'ours 
 owe to themselves and to nil the people of the land a 
 thoughtful dischargp of their political obligations, guided 
 by their j)rnctical knowledge of ntfairs, to the end that there 
 may be impressed upon the adniiiiistralion of our govcrn- 
 
 118 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 ment a business character and tendency free from the di- 
 version of passion, and unmoved by sudden gusts of excite- 
 ment. 
 
 But the most wholesome purpose of their political action 
 will not be accomplished by an insistence upon their exclu- 
 sive claims and selfish benefits, regardless of the welfare of 
 the people at large. Interdependence is so thoroughly an 
 element in our national existence that a patriotic and gen- 
 erous heed to the general good sense will best subserve 
 every particular interest. 
 
 I regret that my official duties and engagements prevent 
 the acceptance of your courteous invitation, and express the 
 hope that the banquet may be a most enjoyable and inter- 
 esting occasion to those present. 
 
 [From Third Annual Message, Washington, 
 D. C, December 6, 1887,} 
 
 To the Congress of the United States: You are con- 
 fronted at the threshold of your legislative duties with a 
 condition of the national finances which imperatively de- 
 mands immediate and careful consideration. 
 
 The amount of money annually exacted, through the op- 
 eration of present laws, from the industries and necessities 
 of the people largely exceeds the sum necessary to meet the 
 expenses of the Government. 
 
 When we consider that the theory of our institutions 
 guarantees to every citizen the full enjoyment of all the 
 fruits of his industry and enterprise, with only such deduc- 
 tion as may be his share toward the careful and economical 
 maintenance of the Government which protects him, it is 
 plain that the exaction of more than this is indefensible 
 extortion and a culpable betrayal of American fairness and 
 
 119 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 justice. This wrong inflicted upon those who bear the bur- 
 den of national taxation, like other wrongs, multiplies a 
 brood of evil consequences. The public Treasury, which 
 should only exist as a conduit conveying tlie people's tribute 
 to its legitimate objects of expenditure, becomes a hoard- 
 ing place for money needlessly withdrawn from trade and 
 the people's use, thus crippling our national energies, sus- 
 pending our country's development, preventing investment 
 in productive enterprise, tlireatening financial disturbance, 
 and inviting schemes of public plunder. 
 
 This condition of our Treasury is not altogether new, and 
 it has more than once of late been submitted to the people's 
 representatives in the Congress, who alone can apply a rem- 
 edy. And yet the situation still continues, with aggravated 
 incidents, more than ever presaging financial convulsion and 
 widespread disaster. 
 
 It will not do to neglect this situation because its dangers 
 are not now palpably imminent and apparent. They exist 
 none the less certainly, and await the unforeseen and un- 
 expected occasion when suddenly they will be precipitated 
 upon us. 
 
 It has been suggested that the present bonded debt might 
 be refunded at a less rate of interest and the difference be- 
 tween the old and new security jiaid in cash, thus finding 
 use for the surplus in the Treasury. The success of this 
 plan, it is apparent, must depend upon the volition of the 
 holders of the present bonds; and it is not entirely certain 
 that the inducement which must be offered them would 
 result in more finaneiil benefit to the Ciovernmeiit th.iii the 
 purehase of bonds, while tin- latter })rop()sition would reduce 
 the principal of the deht by .letu.il payment instead of ex- 
 tending it. 
 
 The proposition to dejxjsit the money held by the Gov- 
 ernuieiit in h.inks throughout the country for use by the 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 people is, it seems to me, exceedingly objectionable in prin- 
 ciple, as establishing too close a relationship between the 
 operations of the Government Treasury and the business of 
 the country and too extensive a commingling of their money, 
 thus fostering an unnatural reliance in private business 
 upon public funds. If this scheme should be adopted, it 
 should only be done as a temporary expedient to meet an 
 urgent necessity. Legislative and executive effort should 
 generally be in the opposite direction, and should have a 
 tendency to divorce, as much and as fast as can be safely 
 done, the Treasury Department from private enterprise. 
 
 Of course it is not expected that unnecessary and ex- 
 travagant appropriations will be made for the purpose of 
 avoiding the accumulation of an excess of revenue. Such 
 expenditure, besides the demoralization of all just concep- 
 tions of public duty which it entails, stimulates a habit of 
 reckless improvidence not in the least consistent with the 
 mission of our people or the high and beneficent purposes of 
 our Government. 
 
 I have deemed it my duty to thus bring to the knowledge 
 of my countrymen, as well as to the attention of their rep- 
 resentatives charged with the responsibility of legislative re- 
 lief, the gravity of our financial situation. The failure of 
 the Congress heretofore to provide against the dangers 
 which it was quite evident the very nature of the difficulty 
 must necessarily produce caused a condition of financial dis- 
 tress and apprehension since your last adjournment which 
 taxed to the utmost all the authority and expedients within 
 executive control; and these appear now to be exhausted. 
 If disaster results from the continued inaction ©f Congress, 
 the responsibility must rest where it belongs. 
 
 Though the situation thus far considered is fraught with 
 danger which should be fully realized, and though it pre- 
 sents features of wrong to the people as well as peril to 
 the country, it is but a result growing out of a perfectly 
 
 121 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 palpable and apparent cause, constantly reproducing tlie 
 same alarming circumstances — a congested National Treas- 
 ury and a depleted monetary condition in the business of 
 the countrj'. It need hardly be stated that while the pres- 
 ent situation demands a remedy, we can only be saved from 
 a like predicament in the future by the removal of its cause. 
 
 Our scheme of taxation, by means of which this needless 
 surplus is taken from the people and put into the public 
 Treasury, consists of a tariif or duty levied upon importa- 
 tions from abroad and internal-revenue taxes levied upon 
 the consumption of tobacco and spirituous and malt liquors. 
 It must be conceded that none of the things subjected to 
 internal-revenue taxation are, strictly speaking, necessaries. 
 There appears to be no just complaint of this taxation by 
 the consumers of these articles, and there seems to be noth- 
 ing so well able to bear the burden without hardship to 
 any ix)rtion of the people. 
 
 But our present tariil" laws, the vicious, inequitable, and 
 illogical source of unnecessary taxation, ought to be at once 
 revised and amended. These laws, as their primary and 
 plain efifect, raise the price to consumers of all articles im- 
 ported and subject to duty by precisely the sum paid for 
 such duties. Thus the amount of the duty measures the 
 tax paid by those who purchase for use these imported arti- 
 cles. Many of these things, however, are raised or maim- 
 factured in our own country, and the duties now levied u)K)n 
 foreign goods and products are called protection to these 
 home manufactures, because they render it possible for 
 those of our ])eople who are manufacturers to make these 
 taxed articles and sell them for a price equal to that de- 
 niandi'd for tlic ini))orted goods that have ]>aid customs duty. 
 So it happens that wliile comparatively a few use the im- 
 ported articles, millions of our i)itij)le, wlio never used and 
 never saw any of the foreign products, purchase and use 
 things of the same kind made in this country, and paid 
 
 ]00 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 therefor nearly or quite the same enhanced price which the 
 duty adds to the imported articles. Those who buy imports 
 pay the duty charged thereon into the public Treasury, but 
 the great majority of our citizens, who buy domestic arti- 
 cles of the same class, pay a sum at least approximately 
 equal to this duty to the home manufacturer. This refer- 
 ence to the operation of our tariff laws is not made by way 
 of instruction, but in order that we may be constantly re- 
 minded of the manner in which they impose a burden upon 
 those who consume domestic products as well as those who 
 consume imported articles, and thus create a tax upon all 
 our people. 
 
 It is not proposed to entirely relieve the country of this 
 taxation. It must be extensively continued as the source 
 of the Government's income; and in a readjustment of our 
 tariff the interests of American labor engaged in manufac- 
 ture should be carefully considered, as well as the preser- 
 vation of our manufacturers. It may be called protection or 
 by any other name, but relief from the hardships and dan- 
 gers of our present tariff laws should be devised with es- 
 pecial precaution against imperiling the existence of our 
 manufacturing interests. But this existence should not 
 mean a condition which, without regard to the public wel- 
 fare or a national exigency, must always insure the realiza- 
 tion of immense profits instead of moderately profitable 
 returns. As the volume and diversity of our national activ- 
 ities increase, new recruits are added to those who desire 
 a continuation of the advantages which they conceive the 
 present system of tariff taxation directly affords them. So 
 stubbornly have all efforts to reform the present condition 
 been resisted by those of our fellow-citizens thus engaged 
 that they can hardly complain of the suspicion, entertained 
 to a certain extent, that there exists an organized combina- 
 tion all along the line to maintain their advantage. 
 
 We are in the midst of centennial celebrations, and with 
 123 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 becoming pride we rejoice in American skill and ingenuity, 
 in American energy and enterprise, and in the wonderful 
 natural advantages and resources developed by a century's 
 national growth. Yet when an attempt is made to justify 
 a scheme which permits a tax to be laid upon every con- 
 sumer in the land for the benefit of our manufacturers, 
 quite beyond a reasonable demand for governmental regard, 
 it suits the purposes of advocacy to call our manufactures 
 infant industries still needing the highest and greatest de- 
 gree of favor and fostering care that can be wrung from 
 Federal legislation. 
 
 It is also said tliat the increase in the price of domestic 
 manufactures resulting from the present tarifif is necessary 
 in order that higher wages may be paid to our workingmen 
 employed in manufactories than are ])aid for wliat is called 
 the pauper labor of Europe. All will acknowledge the force 
 of an argument which involves the welfare and liberal com- 
 pensation of our laboring peo])le. Our labor is honorable in 
 tlie eyes of every American citizen; and as it lios at the 
 foundation of our development and progress, it is entitled, 
 without affectation or hypocrisy, to the utmost regard. The 
 standard of our laborers' life should not be measured by 
 that of any other country less favored, and they are entitled 
 to their full share of all our advantages. 
 
 In speaking of the increased cost to the consumer of our 
 liome manufactures resulting from a duty laid upon im- 
 ported articles of the same description, the fact is not over- 
 looked that coniprtition among our donu-stic producers 
 sometimes has the effect of keeping the ])rice of their 
 })roducts below the highest limit allowed by such duty. But 
 it is notorious that this competition is too often strangled 
 by combinations quite prevalent at tills time, and frequently 
 e.illed trusts, wliii'h have for their objei-t the regulation of 
 the supply and price of commodities made and sold by mcm- 
 
 124 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 bers of the combination. The people can hardly hope for 
 any consideration in the operation of these selfish schemes. 
 
 If, however, in the absence of such combination, a 
 healthy and free competition reduces the price of any par- 
 ticular dutiable article of home production below the limit 
 which it might otherwise reach under our tariff laws, and 
 if with such reduced price its manufacture continues to 
 thrive, it is entirely evident that one thing has been discov- 
 ered which should be carefully scrutinized in an effort to 
 reduce taxation. 
 
 The necessity of combination to maintain the price of any 
 commodity to the tariff point furnishes proof that someone 
 is willing to accept lower prices for such commodity and 
 that such prices are remunerative; and lower prices pro- 
 duced by competition prove the same thing. Thus where 
 either of these conditions exists a case would seem to be 
 presented for an easy reduction of taxation. 
 
 The considerations which h.ive been presented touching 
 our tariff laws are intended only to enforce an earnest rec- 
 ommendation that the surplus revenues of the Government 
 be prevented by the reduction of our customs duties, and 
 at the same time to emphasize a suggestion that in accom- 
 plishing this purpose we may discharge a double duty to 
 our people by granting to them a measure of relief from 
 tariff taxation in quarters where it is most needed and from 
 sources where it can be most fairly and justly accorded. 
 
 Nor can the presentation made of such considerations be 
 with any degree of fairness regarded as evidence of un- 
 friendliness toward our manufacturing interests or of any 
 lack of appreciation of their value and importance. 
 
 These interests constitute a leading and most substantial 
 element of our national greatness and furnisli the proud 
 proof of our country's progress. But if in the emergency 
 that presses upon us our manufacturers are asked to sur- 
 render something for the public good and to avert disaster, 
 
 125 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 their p.itriotism, as well as a grateful recognition of advan- 
 tages already afforded, should lead tliem to willing co-opera- 
 tion. No demand is made that they shall forego all the 
 benefits of governmental regard; but they can not fail to 
 be admonislied of tlieir duty, as well as their enlightened 
 self-interest and safety, wlien they are reminded of the fact 
 that financial panic and collapse, to wliich tlie present con- 
 dition tends, ailord no greater shelter or protection to our 
 manufactures than to other important enterprises. Oppor- 
 tunity for safe, careful, and deliberate reform is now of- 
 fered; and none of us should be unmindful of a time when 
 an abused and irritated people, heedless of those who have 
 resisted timely and reasonable relief, may insist upon a rad- 
 ical and sweeping rectification of their wrongs. 
 
 The difficulty attending a wise and fair revision of our 
 tariff laws is not luiderestimated. It will require on the 
 part of tlie Congress great labor and care, and especially 
 a broad and national contemplation of the subject and a 
 patriotic disregard of such local and selfish claims as are 
 unreasonable and reckless of the welfare of the entire 
 country. 
 
 Under our present laws more than 4,000 articles are sub- 
 ject to duly. Many of these do not in any way comj)cte 
 Mith our own manufactures, and many are hardly worth 
 attention as subj<'cts of revenue. A considerable reduction 
 can be made in the aggregate by adding them to the free 
 list. The taxation of luxuries presents no features of hard- 
 ship; but the necessaries of life used and consumed by all 
 the people, the duty u})t)n which adds to the cost of living 
 in every home, should be greatly cheapened. 
 
 The radical reduction of the duties imposed upon raw 
 material used in mainifactures, or its free importation, is of 
 course an important factor in any effort to reduce the price 
 t)f these necissaries. It would not only n-licve them from 
 tlie increased cost caused by the tariff on such material, but 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 the manufactured product being thus cheapened that part 
 of the tariff now laid upon such product, as a compensation 
 to our manufacturers for the present price of raw material, 
 could be accordingly modified. Such reduction or free im- 
 portation would serve besides to largely reduce the revenue. 
 It is not apparent how such a change can have any injurious 
 effect upon our manufacturers. On the contrary, it would 
 appear to give them a better chance in foreign markets 
 with the manufacturers of other countries, who cheapen 
 their wares by free material. Thus our people might have 
 the opportunity of extending their sales beyond the limits 
 of home consumption, saving them from the depression, in- 
 terruption in business, and loss caused by a glutted domes- 
 tic market and affording their employees more certain and 
 steady labor, with its resulting quiet and contentment. 
 
 The question thus imperatively presented for solution 
 should be approached in a spirit higher than partisanship 
 and considered in the light of that regard for patriotic duty 
 which should characterize the action of those intrusted with 
 the weal of a confiding people. But the obligation to de- 
 clared party policy and principle is not wanting to urge 
 prompt and effective action. Both of the great political 
 parties now represented in the Government have by re- 
 peated and authoritative declarations condemned the condi- 
 tion of our laws which permit the collection from the people 
 of unnecessary revenue, and have in the most solemn man- 
 ner promised its correction, and neither as citizens nor par- 
 tisans are our countrymen in a mood to condone the delib- 
 erate violation of these pledges. 
 
 Our progress toward a wise conclusion will not be im- 
 proved by dwelling upon the theories of protection and free 
 trade. This savors too much of bandying epithets. It is a 
 condition which confronts us, not a theor3\ Relief from this 
 condition may involve a slight reduction of the advantages 
 which we award our home productions, but the entire with- 
 
 127 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 drawal of such advantages should not be contemplated. The 
 question of free trade is absolutely irrelevant, and the persist- 
 ent claim made in certain quarters that all the efforts to 
 relieve the people from unjust and unnecessary taxation are 
 schemes of so-called free traders is mischievous and far re- 
 moved from any consideration for the public good. 
 
 The simple and plain duty which we owe the people is 
 to reduce taxation to the necessary expenses of an econom- 
 ical operation of the Government and to restore to the busi- 
 ness of the country the money which we hold in the Treas- 
 ury through the perversion of governmental powers. These 
 things can and should be done with safety to all our indus- 
 tries, without danger to the opportunity for remunerative 
 labor which our workingmcn need_, and with benefit to them 
 and all our people by cheapening their means of subsistence 
 and increasing the measure of tlieir comforts. 
 
 Tlie Constitution provides that the President " shall from 
 time to time give to the Congress information of the state 
 of the Union." It has been the custom of the Executive, 
 in compliance with this provision, to annually exhibit to the 
 Congress, at the opening of its session, the general condi- 
 tion of the country, and to detail with some particularity 
 the operations of the different Kxecutive Departments. It 
 would be especially agreeable to follow this course at the 
 present time and to call attention to the valuable accom- 
 plishments of tliese Departments during the last fiscal year; 
 hut I am so much impressed with the paramount impor- 
 tance of the subject to which this communication has tlius 
 far been devoted that I shall forego the addition of any 
 other topic, and only urge upon your immediate consider- 
 ation the " state of the L'nion " as shown in thr present 
 condition of our Treasury and our general fiscal situation, 
 n|x>n which every element of our safety and prosperity 
 depends. 
 
 Tlie reports of the heads «)f DcparliMcnls, which will be 
 
 128 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 submitted, contain full and explicit information touching 
 the transaction of the business intrusted to them and such 
 recommendations relating to legislation in the public interest 
 as they deem advisable. I ask for these reports and recom- 
 mendations the deliberate examination and action of the 
 legislative branch of the Government. 
 
 There are other subjects not embraced in the depart- 
 mental reports demanding legislative consideration, and 
 which I should be glad to submit. Some of them, however 
 have been earnestly presented in previous messages, and 
 as to them I beg leave to repeat prior recommendations. 
 
 As the law makes no provision for anv report from the 
 Department of State, a brief history of the transactions of 
 that important Department, together with other matters 
 which it may hereafter be deemed essential to commend to 
 the attention of the Congress, may furnish the occasion for 
 a future communication. 
 
 [Address to the Evangelical Alliance, Washing- 
 ton, D. C, December 9, 1887.] 
 
 Mr. President: I am glad to meet so large a delegation 
 from the Evangelical Alliance of the United States I un- 
 derstand the purpose of this Alliance to be the application 
 of Christian rules of conduct to the problems and exigencies 
 of social and political life. 
 
 Such a movement cannot fail to produce the most valuable 
 results. All must admit that the reception of the teachings 
 of Christianity results in the purest patriotism, in the most 
 scrupulous fidelity to public trust, and in the best type of 
 citizenship. Those who manage the affairs of governmc.it 
 are by this means reminded that the law of God demands 
 that they should be courageously true to the interests of 
 
 129 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 the people, and that the Ruler of the Universe will require 
 of them a strict account of their stewardship. The people, 
 too, are thus taught that their happiness and welfare will 
 be best promoted by a conscientious regard for the interest 
 of a common brotlicrhood, and that the success of a gov- 
 ernment by the people depends upon the morality, the jus- 
 tice, and the honest}' of the people. 
 
 I am especially pleased to know that your eflforts are not 
 cramped and limited by denominational lines, and tliat your 
 credentials are found in a broad Christian fellowship. Man- 
 ifestly, if you seek to teach your countrymen toleration you 
 yourselves must be tolerant; if you would teach them lib- 
 erality for the opinions of each other, you yourselves must 
 be liberal; and if you would teach them unselfish patriotism, 
 you yourselves must be unselfish and patriotic. There is 
 enough of work in the field you have entered to enlist the 
 hearty co-operation of all who believe in the value and effi- 
 cacy of Christian teaching and practice. 
 
 Your noble mission, if undertaken in a broad and gener- 
 ous spirit, will surely arrest the attention and respectful 
 consideration of your fellow-citizens; and your endeavors, 
 consecrated by benevolence and patriotic love, must exert a 
 ])owerful influence in the eidiglit* innent and imjirovement 
 of our ])cople, in illustrating the strength and stability of 
 our institutions, and in advancing the })rosperity and great- 
 ness of our beloved land. 
 
 [LciUr to jyillid/n A. Fiiri'i/, IJsq., M'asliiu^- 
 l(in, 1). ('., FihriKir// 2, JSfiS.] 
 
 Ml/ Dtar Sir: I .ickiiowli'dgi- with siucfrc thinks the in- 
 vitation extended to mr, on belialf of the Kings County 
 Drmoeratie Club, to ittrnd a b,i!i(|U(t to be ;;i\eii in the 
 
 i 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 City of Brooklyn on the 9tli instant, in commemoration of 
 the birthday of Samuel J. Tilden. 
 
 I indulge, with the utmost pleasure and satisfaction, the 
 belief that this invitation is not a mere formal compliment 
 tendered to me in fulfillment of customary jjropriety, but 
 that it is an additional evidence of the genuine kindness of 
 the people and my political friends of Brooklyn and Kino-s 
 County, which has more than once during my public life 
 been heartily manifested. 
 
 Entertaining this belief, I know that its expression will 
 make it unnecessary for me to assure you that I would 
 gladly accept your invitation if it were possible. I am not 
 only certain that at your banquet I should be among true 
 and steadfast friends, but that the occasion and its prevail- 
 ing spirit cannot fail to inspire every participant with new 
 strength and increased patriotism and courage. 
 
 The birthday of Samuel J. Tilden is fittingly celebrated 
 by the Democracy of Kings County, for he found there in 
 all his efforts to reform the public service and to reinstate 
 his party in the confidence of the American people firm and 
 stanch friends, never wavering in their willing and effective 
 support. Let these friends now remind all their fellow- 
 citizens of the patriotic and useful career of their honored 
 and trusted leader, and let everyone professing his political 
 faith proclaim the value of his teachings. He taught the 
 limitation of Federal power under the Constitution, the 
 absolute necessity of public economy, the safety of a sound 
 currency, honesty in public place, the responsibility of pub- 
 lic servants to the people, care for those who toil with their 
 i hands, a proper limitation of corporate privileges and a re- 
 I form in the Civil Service. 
 
 His was true Democracy. It led him to meet boldly 
 every public issue as it rose. With his conception of polit- 
 ical duty, he thought it never too early and never too late 
 to give battle to vicious doctrines and corrupt practices. He 
 
 131 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 believed that pure and sound Democracy flourished and 
 grew in open, bold, and honest championship of the inter- 
 ests of the people, and that it but feebly lived upon deceit, 
 false pretenses, and fear. 
 
 And he was right. His success proved him right, and 
 proved, too, that the American people appreciate a courage- 
 ous struggle in their defense. 
 
 I should certainly join you in recalling the virtues and 
 achievements of this illustrious Democrat, on the anniver- 
 sary of his birth, if, in the arrangement of the social events 
 connected with my official life, an important one had not 
 been appointed to take place on the evening of your ban- 
 quet. This necessarily detains me here. 
 
 I hope that your celebration will be very successful and 
 full of profitable enjoyment. 
 
 [Letter to Mrs. Henri/ Ward Beecher, Wash- 
 ington, D. C, May '2,i, 1888.'\ 
 
 My Dear Mrs. Beecher: I have been r.sked to furnish a 
 contribution to a proposed memorial of your late husband. 
 
 While I am by no means certain that anytliing I might 
 prepare would be wortliy of a place among tlie elocjuent 
 and beautiful tributes wliieh are sure to be presented, this 
 request spurs to action my desire and intention to express 
 to you, more fully than 1 have yet done, my sympathy in 
 your atUiction and my aj)precialioii of my own and the coun- 
 try's loss in the deatli of Mr. Beecher. 
 
 .More than thirty years ago I rej)eatcdly enjoyed the 
 opportunity of hearing him in his own pulpit. His warm 
 utterances, and tlie earnest interest he disjjlayed in the 
 pruclical things related to useful living, the hopes he in- 
 spired, Mild the maimer in wliich he relieved the precepts of 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 Christianity from gloom and cheerlessness, made me feel 
 that, though a stranger, he was my friend. Many years 
 afterward we came to know each other; and since that time 
 my belief in his friendship, based upon acquaintance and 
 personal contact, has been to me a source of the greatest 
 satisfaction. 
 
 His goodness and kindness of heart, so far as they were 
 manifested in his personal life and in his home, are sacred 
 to you and to your grief; but, so far as they gave color 
 and direction to his teachings and opinions, they are proper 
 subjects for gratitude and congratulation on the part of 
 every American citizen. They caused him to take the side 
 of the common people in every discussion. He loved his 
 fellows in their homes; he rejoiced in their contentment and 
 comfort, and sympathized with them in their daily hard- 
 ships and trials. As their champion he advocated in all 
 things the utmost regulated and wholesome liberty and 
 freedom. His sublime faith in the success of popular gov- 
 ernment led him to trust the people, and to treat their errors 
 and misconceptions with generous toleration. An honorable 
 pride in American citizenship, when guided by the teach- 
 ings of religion, he believed to be a sure guarantee of a 
 splendid national destiny. I never met him without gaining 
 something from his broad views and wise reflections. 
 
 Your personal affliction in his death stands alone, in its 
 magnitude and depth. But thousands wish that their sense 
 of loss might temper your grief, and that they, by sharing 
 your sorrow, might lighten it. 
 
 Such kindly assurances, and your realization of the high 
 and sacred mission accomplished in your husband's useful 
 life, furnish all this world can supply of comfort; but your 
 faith and piety will not fail to lead you to a higher and better 
 source of consolation. 
 
 133 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 [Address before the Northern and Southern 
 Presbyterian Assemblies at Philadelphia, 
 Pa., Ma7j 23, 1888.'] 
 
 I am very much gratified by tlie opportunity here afforded 
 me to meet the representatives of tlie Presbyterian Church. 
 
 Surely a man never should lose his interest in the welfare 
 of the Church in which he was reared; and yet I will not 
 find fault with any of you who deem it a sad confession 
 made when I acknowledge that I nuist recall the days now 
 long past, to find my closest relation to the grand and noble 
 denomination which you represent. I say this because those 
 of us who inherit fealty to our Clmrch, as I did, begin early 
 to learn tliose things wliich make us Presbyterians all tlie 
 days of our lives; and thus it is tliat the rigors of our early 
 teaching, by which we are grounded in our lasting alU- 
 giance, are especially vivid, and perhaps the best remem- 
 bered. The attendance ujion clmrch service three times each 
 Sunday, and upon Sabbath school during the noon intermis- 
 sion, may be irksome enough to a boy of ten or twelve years 
 of age to be well fixed in his memory; but I have never 
 known a man who regretted these things in the years of his 
 maturity. The Shorter Cateeliisin, tliongli thoroughly stud- 
 ied and learned, M'as not, perhaps, at the time jicrfeetly un- 
 derstood, and yet, in the stern labors and duties of after 
 life, those arc not ajit to be the worst citizens who were 
 early taught: "What is the chief end of man? " 
 
 Speaking of these things and in the j)rcscnce of those 
 here assembled, the most tender thoughts crowd upon my 
 mind — all connected with Presbyterianism and its teachings. 
 There are present with me now iixMuories of a kind and 
 nfTretinuat*' father, conseerated to the cause, and called to 
 liis rc-it and his reward in tlie midday of his usefulness: a 
 
 KM 
 
 i 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 sacred recollection of the prayers and pious love of a 
 sainted mother, and a family circle hallowed and sanctified 
 by the spirit of Presbyterianism. 
 
 I certainly cannot but express tlie wislx and hope that 
 the Presbyterian Church will always be at the front in 
 every movement which promises the temporal as well as the 
 spiritual advancement of manldnd. In the turmoil and the 
 bustle of everyday life few men are foolish enough to ignore 
 the practical value to our people and our country of the 
 Church organizations established among us, and the advan- 
 tage of Christian example and teachings. 
 
 The field is vast, and the work sufficient to engage the 
 efforts of every sect and denomination ; but I am inclined to 
 believe that tlie Church which is most tolerant and conserva- 
 tive, without loss of spiritual strength, will soonest find the 
 way to the hearts and affections of the people. While we 
 may be pardoned for insisting that our denomination is the 
 best, we may, I think, safely concede much that is good to 
 all other Churches that seek to make men better. 
 
 I am here to greet the delegates of two General Assem- 
 blies of the Presbyterian Church. One is called " North " 
 and the other " South." The subject is too deep and in- 
 tricate for me ; but I cannot help wondering why this should 
 be. These words, so far as they denote separation and 
 estrangement, should be obsolete. In the councils of the 
 nation, and in the business of the country, they no longer 
 mean reproach and antagonism. Even the soldiers who 
 fought for the North and for the South are restored to fra- 
 ternity and unity. This fraternity and unity are taught 
 and enjoined by our Church. When shall she herself be 
 united, with all the added strength and usefulness that har- 
 mony and union insure.? 
 
 135 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 [Speech to the Committee on Notification^ 
 Washington, D. C, June :^G, 1S8S.'\ 
 
 Mr. Collins and Gentlemen of the Committee: I cannot 
 but be profoundly impressed when I see about me the mes- 
 sengers of the national Democracy, bearing its summons to 
 duty. The political party to which I owe allegiance both 
 honors and conmiands me. It places in my hand the 
 proud standard and bids me bear it high at the front in 
 a battle which it wages bravely, because conscious of 
 right; confidently, because its trust is in the people, and 
 soberly, because it comprehends the obligations which suc- 
 cess imposes. 
 
 The message which you bring awakens within me the 
 liveliest sense of personal gratitude and satisfaction, and the 
 honor which you tender me is, in itself, so great that tliere 
 might well be no room for any other sentiment. And yet 
 I cannot rid myself of grave and serious thoughts when I 
 remember that party supremacy is not alone involved in 
 the conflict which presses upon us, but that we struggle to 
 secure and save the cherished institutions, the welfare, and 
 happiness of a nation of freemen. 
 
 Familiarity with the great oflicc wliich I hold has but 
 added to my aj)))relicnsit)n of its sacred character and the 
 consecration demanded of him who assumes its inuuense re- 
 i>;)onsibilitics. Jt is the repository of the people's will and 
 power. Within its vision should be the protection and wel- 
 fare of the humblest citizen, and with quick ear it should 
 catt'h from the. remotest corner of the land the plea of the 
 peoi)Ie for justice and for right. I'or the sake of the peo- 
 ple he who holds this office of theirs should resist every 
 encroachment uj>on its legitimate functions, and, for the 
 sake of the integrity and usefulness of the oflicc, it should 
 
 136 
 
 i 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 be kept near to the people and be administered in full sym- 
 pathy with their wants and needs. 
 
 This occasion reminds me most vividly of the scene when, 
 four years ago, I received a message from my party similar 
 to that which you now deliver. With all that has passed 
 since that day, I can truly say that the feeling of awe with 
 which I heard the summons then is intensified many fold 
 when it is repeated now. Four years ago I knew that our 
 chief executive office, if not carefully guarded, might drift, 
 little by little, away from the people, to whom it belonged, 
 and become a perversion of all that it ought to be; but I 
 did not know how much its moorings had already been loos- 
 ened. 
 
 I knew four years ago how well devised were the princi- 
 ples of true Democracy for the successful operation of a 
 government by the people and for the people; but I did 
 not know how absolutely necessary their application then 
 was for the restoration to the people of their safety and 
 prosperity. I knew then that abuses and extravagances had 
 crept into the management of public affairs; but I did not 
 know their numerous forms, nor the tenacity of their grasp. 
 I knew then something of the bitterness of partisan ob- 
 struction; but I did not know how bitter, how reckless, and 
 how shameless it could be. I knew, too, that the American 
 people were patriotic and just; but I did not know how 
 grandly they loved their country, nor how noble and gener- 
 ous they were. 
 
 I shall not dwell upon the acts and the policy of the 
 Administration now drawing to its close. Its record is open 
 to every citizen of the land. And yet, I will not be denied 
 the privilege of asserting, at this time, that in the exercise 
 of the functions of the high trust confided to me I have 
 yielded obedience only to the Constitution and the solemn 
 obligation of my oath of office. I have done those things 
 which, in the light of the understanding God has given me, 
 
 137 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 seemed most conducive to the welfare of my countrymen 
 and the promotion of good government. 1 would not, if I 
 could, for myself nor for you, avoid a single consequence 
 of a fair interpretation of my course. 
 
 It but remains for me to say to you, and througli you to 
 the Democracy of the Nation, that I accept the nomiiialion 
 with which they have honored me, and that I will, in due 
 time, signify sucli acceptance in tlie usual formal manner. 
 
 [Special Message on the Death of Philip H. 
 Sheridan, Washington^ D. C, August G, 
 1888.'] 
 
 To the Senate aiul House of Representatives : It becomes 
 my painful duty to aiiiiouncc to the Congress aiul to tlie 
 people of the United States the deatli of Philip H. Sheri- 
 dan, General of the Army, which occurred at a late hour 
 last night at his summer home, in tlic State of Massachu- 
 setts. 
 
 The deatli of tliis valiant soldier and jiatriotic son of the 
 liepublic, tliough his long illness has been regarded with 
 anxiety, has nevertheless shocked the country and caused 
 miiversal grief. 
 
 He had establislied for liiiDsilf a strong hoKl in ihi- hearts 
 of his feUow-countrymen, who soon caught the true mean- 
 ing and purpose of his sohlierly devotion and lieroic 
 temper. 
 
 His iiitri'j)id courage, his steadfast ))atriotism, and the 
 generosity of his n.ature inspired with jxeuliar waniitli tlie 
 admiration of all the j)eo])K-. 
 
 Above his grave ailVction ior the man and pridi- in his 
 uchievement.s will struggle for mastery, and too nnich honor 
 
 138 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 can not be accorded to one who was so richly endowed with 
 all the qualities which make his death a national loss. 
 
 [Letter to Ho7i. Patrick A. Collins and Others, 
 Washington, D. C, September 8, 1888. '\ 
 
 Gentlemen: In addressing to you my formal acceptance 
 of the nomination to the Presidency of the United States, 
 my thoughts persistently dwell upon the impressive rela- 
 tion of such action to the American people, whose confidence 
 is thus invited, and to the political party to which I belong, 
 just entering upon a contest for continued supremacy. 
 
 The world does not afford a spectacle more sublime than 
 is furnished when millions of free and intelligent Amer- 
 ican citizens select their Chief Magistrate, and bid one o£ 
 their number to find the highest earthly honor and the full 
 measure of public duty in ready submission to their will. 
 
 It follows that a candidate for this high office can never 
 forget that, when the turmoil and the strife which attend 
 the selection of its incumbent shall be heard no more, there 
 must be, in the quiet calm which follows, a complete and 
 solemn self-consecration by the people's chosen President 
 of every faculty and endeavor to the service of a confiding 
 and generous nation of freemen. 
 
 These thoughts are intensified by the liglit of my expe- 
 rience in the Presidential office, which has soberly imi^ressed 
 me with the severe responsibilities it imposes, while it has 
 quickened my love for American institutions and taught me 
 the priceless value of the trust of my countrymen. 
 
 It is of the highest importance that those who administer 
 our government should jealously protect and maintain tlie 
 rights of American citizens at home and abroad, and should 
 strive to achieve for our country her proper place among 
 
 139 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 the nations of the earth; but there is no people whose home 
 interests are so great, and whose numerous objects of do- 
 mestic concern deserve so much watchfuhiess and care. 
 
 Among these are the regulation of a sound financial sys- 
 tem suited to our needs, thus securing an efficient agency 
 of national wealth and general prosperity; the construction 
 and equipment of means of defense, to insure our national 
 safety and maintain the honor beneath which such national 
 safety reposes; the protection of our national domain, still 
 stretching beyond the needs of a century's expansion, and 
 its preservation for the settler and the pioneer of our mar- 
 velous growth ; a sensible and sincere recognition of the 
 value of American labor, leading to the scrupulous care and 
 just appreciation of the interests of our workingmcn ; the 
 limitation and checking of such monopolistic tendencies and 
 schemes as interfere with the advantages and benefits which 
 the people may rightly claim ; a generous regard and care 
 for our surviving soldiers and sailors and for the widows 
 and orphans of such as have died, to the end that, while 
 the appreciation of their services and sacrifices is quickened, 
 the application of their pension fund to improper cases may 
 be prevented; protection against a servile immigration, 
 Avhieli injuriously comjietes Mith our laboring men in the 
 field of toil, and adds to our population an element ignorant 
 of our institutions and laws, impossible of assimilation with 
 our people, and dangerous to our peace and welfare; a strict 
 and steadfast adlierenee to the jirineiples of Civil Service 
 Jteform and a thorough execution of the laws passed for 
 their enforcement, thus permitting to our people the advan- 
 tages of business methods in tlie operation of their gov- 
 ernment; the guaranty to our colored citizens of all their 
 rights of eitizensliip, and their just recognition and encour- 
 agement in all tilings pertaining to that relation; a firm, 
 })Htient, and humane Indian poliey. so that in peaceful re- 
 latione \\ilh the go\crnni<n( tli<- ci\ilization of the Indian 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 may be promoted, with resulting quiet and safety to the 
 settlers on our frontiers ; and the curtailment of public ex- 
 pense by the introduction of economical methods in every 
 department of the government. 
 
 The pledges contained in the platform adopted by the 
 late convention of the National Democracy lead to the ad- 
 vancement of these objects and insure good government — 
 the aspiration of every true American citizen, and the mo- 
 tive for every patriotic action and effort. In the conscious- 
 ness that much has been done in the direction of good gov- 
 ernment by the present administration, and submitting its 
 record to the fair inspection of my countrymen, I indorse 
 the platform thus presented, with the determination that, 
 if I am again called to the Chief Magistracy, there shall be 
 a continuance of devoted endeavor to advance the interests 
 of the entire country. 
 
 Our scale of Federal taxation and its consequences 
 largely engross, at this time, the attention of our citizens, 
 and the people are soberly considering the necessity of 
 measures of relief. 
 
 Our government is the creation of the people, established 
 to carry out their designs and accomplish their good. It 
 was founded on justice, and was made for a free, intelligent, 
 and virtuous people. It is only useful when within their 
 control, and only serves them well when regulated and 
 guided by their constant touch. It is a free government, 
 because it guarantees to every American citizen the imre- 
 stricted personal use and enjoyment of all the reward of 
 his toil and of all his income, except what may be his fair 
 contribution to necessary public expense. Therefore, it is 
 not only the right, but the duty, of a free people, in the 
 enforcement of this guaranty, to insist that such expense 
 should be strictly limited to the actual public needs. It 
 seems perfectly clear that when the government, this in- 
 strumentality created and maintained by the people to do 
 
 141 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 tlicir bidding, turns ii])on tliciii, and, tliroutrli an utter per- 
 version of its powers, extorts from their labor and capital 
 tribute largely in excess of public necessities, the creature 
 has rebelled agamst the creator and the masters are robbed 
 by their servants. 
 
 The cost of the government must continue to be met by 
 tariff duties collected at our custom houses upon imported 
 goods, and by internal revenue taxes assessed upon spir- 
 ituous and malt liquors, tobacco, and oleomargarine. 
 
 I supj)ose it is needless to explain that all these duties 
 and assessments are added to the price of the articles upon 
 which they are levied, and thus become a tax upon all those 
 who buy these articles for use and consumption. I suppose, 
 too, it is well understood that the effect of this tariff taxa- 
 tion is not limited to the consumers of imported articles, but 
 that the duties imposed ui)on sucli articles permit a corre- 
 sponding increase in price to be laid ujx)n domestic produc- 
 tions of the same kind; which increase, paid by all our peo- 
 ple as consumers of home i)ruductions and entering every 
 American home, constitutes a form of taxation as certain 
 and as inevitable as though the amount was annually paid 
 into the hand of the tax gatherer. 
 
 These results are insejiarablc from the plan we have 
 adopted for tlie collection of our revenue by tariff duties. 
 They are not mentioned to discredit the system, but by way 
 of preface to the statement that every million of dollars col- 
 lected at our custom houses for duties u])on imported arti- 
 cles and ])aid into the ]Mil)lic treasury, rejiresenls many 
 millions more Avliich, though never reaching the national 
 treasury, art' ]).ii(l by our citizens as the increased cost of 
 domestic ))r()ductions resulting from our tariff laws. 
 
 In tJHse circumstances, and in view of tliis necessary ef- 
 fect of the oj)eration of our ])lan for raising revenue, the 
 absolute duty of limiting the rate of tariff charges to the 
 necessities of a frugal and economical administration of the 
 
 1 V2 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 government seems to be perfectly plain. The continuance, 
 upon the pretext of meeting public expenditures, of such a 
 scale of tariflp taxation as draws from the substance of the 
 people a sum largely in excess of public needs, is surely 
 something which, under a government based upon justice, 
 and which finds its strength and usefulness in the faith and 
 trust of the people, ought not to be tolerated. 
 
 While the heaviest burdens incident to the necessities of 
 the government are uncomplainingly borne, light burdens 
 become grievous and intolerable when not justified by such 
 necessities. 
 
 Unnecessary taxation is unjust taxation. 
 
 And A^et this is our condition. We are annually collect- 
 ing at our custom houses, and by means of our internal 
 revenue taxation, many millions in excess of all legitimate 
 public needs. As a consequence, there now remains in the 
 national treasury a surplus of more than two hundred and 
 thirty millions of dollars. 
 
 No better evidence could be furnished that the people 
 are exorbitantly taxed. The extent of the superfluous 
 burden indicated by this surplus will be better appreciated 
 when it is suggested that such surplus alone represents 
 taxation aggregating more than one hundred and eight 
 thousand dollars in a county containing fifty thousand 
 inhabitants. 
 
 Taxation has always been the feature of organized gov- 
 ernment the hardest to reconcile with the people's ideas of 
 freedom and happiness. When presented in a direct form, 
 nothing will arouse jDopular discontent more quickly and 
 profoundly than unjust and unnecessary taxation. Our 
 farmers, mechanics, laborers, and all our citizens, closely 
 scan the slightest increase in the taxes assessed upon their 
 lands and other property, and demand good reason for such 
 : increase. And yet they seem to be expected, in some quar- 
 [iters, to regard the unnecessary volume of insidious and in- 
 I 143 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 direct taxation visited upon them by our present rate of 
 tariff duties with indifference, if not with favor. 
 
 The surplus revenue now remaining in the treasury not 
 only furnishes conclusive proof of unjust taxation, but its 
 existence constitutes a separate and independent menace to 
 the prosperity of the people. 
 
 This vast accumulation of idle funds represents that much 
 money drawn from tlie circulating medium of the country 
 which is needed in the channels of trade and business. 
 
 It is a great mistake to suppose that the consequences 
 which follow the continual withdrawal and hoarding by the 
 government of the currency of the people are not of imme- 
 diate importance to the mass of our citizens, and only con- 
 cern those engaged in large financial transactions. 
 
 In the restless enterprise and activity which free and 
 ready money among the people produces is found that 
 opportunity for labor and employment, and tliat impetus 
 to business and production, which bring in their train pros- 
 perity to our citizens in every station and vocation. New 
 ventures, new investments in business and manufacture, tlie 
 construction of new and inijiortant works, and tlie enlarge- 
 ment of enterprises already established, depend largely 
 upon obtaining money upon easy terms with fair security; 
 and all tliese things are stimulated by an abimdant volume 
 of circulating medium. K\rn th«' harvested grain of the 
 farmer remains without a market, unless money is forth- 
 coming for its movement and transportation to the sea- 
 board. 
 
 The first result of a scarcity of nuMiey among the people 
 is tlie ex.action of severe terms for its use. Increasing dis- 
 trust and timidity are followed by a refusal to loan or ad- 
 vance on any terms. Investors refuse all risks and decline 
 nil securities, and in a general friglit tlie moiiev still in the 
 bands of the people is persistently hoarded. It is quite 
 apparent that when this prrfeetly natural, if not inevitable, 
 
 144 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 stage is reached, deprsssion in all business and enterprise 
 will, as a necessary consequence, lessen the opportunity for 
 work and employment, and reduce salaries and the wages of 
 labor. 
 
 Instead, then, of being exempt from the influence and 
 effect of an immense surplus lying idle in the national treas- 
 ury, our wage-earners, and others who rely upon their 
 labor for support, are most of all directly concerned in the 
 situation. Others, seeing the approach of danger, may pro- 
 vide against it, but it will find those depending upon their 
 daily toil for bread unprepared, helpless, and defenseless. 
 Such a state of affairs does not present a case of idleness 
 resulting from disputes between the laboring man and his 
 employer, but it produces an absolute and enforced stoppage 
 of employment and wages. 
 
 In reviewing the bad effects of this accumulated surplus 
 and the scale of tariff rates by which it is produced, we 
 must not overlook the tendency toward gross and scandal- 
 ous public extravagance which a congested treasury induces, 
 nor the fact that we are maintaining without excuse, in a 
 time of profound peace, substantially the rates of tariff 
 duties imposed in time of war, when the necessities of the 
 government justified the imposition of the weightiest bur- 
 dens upon the people. 
 
 Divers plans have been suggested for the return of this 
 accumulated surplus to the people and the channels of 
 trade. Some of these devices are at variance with all rules 
 of good finance; some are delusive, some are absurd, and 
 some betray, by their reckless extravagance, the demoraliz- 
 ing influence of a great surplus of public money upon the 
 judgments of individuals. 
 
 While such efforts should be made as are consistent with 
 public duty, and sanctioned by sound judgment, to avoid 
 danger by the useful disposition of the surplus now remain- 
 ing in the treasury, it is evident that, if its distribution 
 
 145 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 were accomplished, another accumulation would soon take 
 its place if the constant flow of redundant income was not 
 checked at its source by a reform in our present tariff laws. 
 
 We do not propose to deal with these conditions by 
 merely attempting to satisfy the people of the truth of 
 abstract theories, nor by alone urging their assent to polit- 
 ical doctrine. We present to tlicm tlie propositions that 
 they are unjustly treated in tlie extent of present Federal 
 taxation, that, as a result, a condition o\ extreme danger 
 exists, and that it is for them to dem.-md a remedy and that 
 defense and safety promised in the guarantees of their free 
 government. 
 
 We believe that the same means which are adapted to re- 
 lieve the treasury of its present surplus and prevent its re- 
 currence, should cheapen to our people the cost of supplying 
 their daily wants. Both of tlirse^ oh] rets we seek in part to 
 gain by reducing the present tariff rates upon the necessaries 
 of life! 
 
 We fully appreciate the importance to the country of our 
 domestic industrial enterprises. In the rectification of exist- 
 ing wrongs their maintenance and ])rospcrity should he care- 
 fully and in a friendly spirit considered. Even such reliance 
 upon present revenue arrangements as has been invited or 
 encouraged should be fairly and justly regarded. Abrupt 
 and radieal clianges wliich miglit eudiTiger such enterjirises, 
 and injuriously affect the interests of lalx>r dependent upon 
 their success and eojitiiuiance. are not contemplated or in- 
 tended. 
 
 But we know the cost of otir domestic niiiuifaetured jirod- 
 ucts is itu'reascd, and their jiriee to the consumer enh.inced, 
 by the duty imposed upoTi the raw Tuaterial used Iji their 
 manufacture. W r know that this increased cost prevents 
 the sale of our productions at foreign markets in competition 
 with those countri«'s which have the advantage of free raw 
 material. We know that, confined to a Ikuuc market, our 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 manufacturing operations are curtailed, tlicir demand for 
 labor irregular, and the rate of wages paid uncertain. 
 
 We propose, therefore, to stimulate our domestic indus- 
 trial enterj^rises by freeing from duty the imported raw 
 materials which, by the employment of labor, are used in 
 our home manufactures, thus extending the markets for 
 their sale and permitting an increased and steady produc- 
 tion with the allowance of abundant profits. 
 
 True to the undeviating course of the Democratic party, 
 we will not neglect the interests of labor and our working- 
 men. In all efforts to remedy existing evils, we will furnish 
 no excuse for the loss of employment or the reduction of the 
 wage of honest toil. On the contrary, we propose, in any 
 adjustment of our revenue laws, to concede such encourage- 
 ment and advantage to the employers of domestic labor as 
 will easily compensate for any difference that may exist be- 
 tween the standard of wages which should be paid to our 
 laboring men and the rate allowed in other countries. We 
 propose, too, by extending the markets for our manufactur- 
 ers to promote the steady employment of labor, while by 
 cheapening the cost of the necessaries of life we increase the 
 purchasing power of the workingman's wages and add to the 
 comforts of his home. 
 
 And before passing from this phase of the question I am 
 constrained to exj^ress the opinion that, while the interests 
 of labor should be always sedulously regarded in any modi- 
 fication of our tariff laws, an additional and more direct and 
 efficient protection to these interests would be afforded by 
 the restriction and prohibition of the immigration or impor- 
 tation of laborers from other countries, who swarm upon our 
 shores, having no purpose or intent of becoming our fellow- 
 citizens, or acquiring any perjnanent interest in our country, 
 but who crowd every field of employment with unintelligent 
 labor at wages which ought not to satisfy those who make 
 claim to American citizenship. 
 
 147 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 The platform adopted by the late National Convention 
 of our party contains the following declaration: "Judged 
 by Democratic principles, tlic interests of the people are 
 betrayed when by unnecessary taxation trusts and combina- 
 tions are permitted and fostered which, while unduly enrich- 
 ing the few that combine, rob the body of our citizens by 
 depriving them as purchasers of the benefits of natural com- 
 petition." 
 
 Such combinations have always been condemned by the 
 Democratic party. The declaration of its National Conven- 
 tion is sincerely made, and no member of our party will be 
 found excusing the existence or belittling the pernicious re- 
 sults of these devices to wrong tlie people. Under various 
 names they have been punished by the common law for hun- 
 dreds of years; and they have lost none of their hateful fea- 
 tures because they have assumed the name of trusts, instead 
 of conspiracies. 
 
 We believe that these trusts are the natural offspring of a 
 market artificially restricted; that an inordinately high tariff, 
 besides furnishing the temptation for their existence, en- 
 larges the limit within which they may operate against the 
 people, and thus increases the extent of their power for 
 wrong-doing. 
 
 With an unalterable hatred of all such schemes, we coimt 
 the checking of their baleful operations among the good 
 results promised by revenue reform. 
 
 While Me cannot avoid partisan misrepresentation, our 
 position ui)on tlie question of revenue reform should be so 
 plainly stated as to admit of no misunderstanding. 
 
 We have entered upon no crusade of free trade. Tlie re- 
 form we seek to inaugurate is predicated upon the utmost 
 care for established industries and enterprises, a jealous 
 regard for the interests of American labor, and a sincere de- 
 sire to relieve the country from the injustice and danger 
 which llireuleu evil to all the people of the land. 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 We are dealing with no imaginary danger. Its existence 
 has been repeatedly confessed by all political parties, and 
 pledges of a remedy have been made on all sides. 
 
 Yet, when in the legislative body, where under the Consti- 
 tution all remedial measures applicable to this subject must 
 originate, the Democratic majority were attempting, with 
 extreme moderation, to redeem the pledge common to both 
 parties, they were met by determined opposition and obstruc- 
 tion ; and the minority, refusing to co-operate in the House 
 of Representatives, or propose another remedy, have re- 
 mitted the redemption of their party pledge to the doubtful 
 power of the Senate. 
 
 The people will hardly be deceived by their abandonment 
 of the field of legislative action to meet in political conven- 
 tion and flippantly declare in their party platform that our 
 conservative and careful effort to relieve the situation is de- 
 structive to the American system of protection. Nor will 
 the people be misled by the appeal to prejudice contained 
 in the absurd allegation that we serve the interests of Europe, 
 while they will support the interests of America. 
 
 They propose in their platform thus to support the inter- 
 ests of our country by removing the internal revenue tax 
 from tobacco and from spirits used in the arts and for me- 
 chanical purposes. They declare also that there should be 
 such a revision of our tariff laws as shall tend to check the 
 importation of such articles as are produced here. Thus, in 
 proposing to increase the duties upon such articles to nearly 
 or quite a prohibitory point, they confess themselves willing 
 to travel backward in the road of civilization, and to deprive 
 our people of the markets for their goods which can only 
 be gained and kept by the semblance, at least, of an inter- 
 change of business, while they abandon our consumers to the 
 unrestrained oppression of the domestic trusts and combina- 
 tions which are in the same platform perfunctorily con- 
 demned. 
 
 119 
 
ADDRESSES AND TAPERS 
 
 They propose furtlier to release entirely from import du- 
 ties all artieles of foreign production (except luxuries) the 
 like of which cannot be produced in this country. The plain 
 people of the land and the poor, who scarcely use articles of 
 any description produced exclusively abroad and not already 
 free, will find it difficult to discover where their interests are 
 regarded in this proposition. They need in their homes 
 cheaper domestic necessaries; and this seems to be entirely 
 unprovided for in this proposed scheme to serve the country. 
 
 Small compensation for this neglected need is found in 
 the further purpose here announced and covered by the 
 declaration, that if, after the changes already mentioned, 
 there still remains a larger revenue than is requisite for the 
 wants of the government, the entire internal taxation should 
 be repealed, " rather than surrender any part of our pro- 
 tective system." 
 
 Our people ask relief from the undue and unnecessary 
 burden of tariff taxation now resting upon thorn. They are 
 offered instead — free tobacco and free whisky. 
 
 They ask for bread and they are given a stone. 
 
 The implication contained in this party declaration, that 
 desperate measures are justified or necessary to save from 
 destruction or surrender what is termed our protective sys- 
 tem, should confuse no one. The existence of such a system 
 is entirely consistent with the regulation of the extent to 
 which it should be applied and the correction of its abuses. 
 
 Of course, in a country as great as ours, with such a 
 wonderful variety of interests, often leading in entirely dif- 
 ferent directions, it is difficult, if not iinjiossible, to settle 
 upon a perfect tariff plan. Hut in aeeomjilishing the reform 
 we have entered upon, the necessity of wliieh is so obvious, 
 I believe we should not be content witli a reduction of reve- 
 nue involving the prohibition of iinjiortations and the re- 
 moval of the internal tax upon wliisky. It can be better 
 and more safely done within the lines of granting actual rr- 
 
 1 :.o 
 
 I 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 lief to the people in their means of living, and at the same 
 time giving an impetus to our domestic enterprises and fur- 
 thering our National welfare. 
 
 If misrepresentations of our purposes and motives are to 
 gain credence and defeat our present effort in this direction, 
 there seems to be no reason why every endeavor in the future 
 to accomplish revenue reform should not be likewise attacked 
 and with like result. And yet no thoughtful man can fail 
 to see in the continuance of the present burdens of the peo- 
 ple, and the abstraction by the government of the currency 
 of the comitry, inevitable distress and disaster. All danger 
 will be averted by timely action. The difficulty of applying 
 the remedy will never be less, and the blame should not be 
 laid at the door of the Democratic party if it is applied too 
 late. 
 
 With firm faith in the intelligence and patriotism of our 
 coiuitrymen, and relying upon the conviction that misrepre- 
 sentation will not influence them, prejudice will not cloud 
 their understanding and that menace will not intimidate 
 them, let us urge tlie people's interest, and public duty, for 
 the vindication of our attempt to inaugurate a righteous and 
 beneficent reform. 
 
 [Address as Presiding Officer over Memorial 
 Meeting in the Cooper UnioUj, New York 
 City, October 9, 1889.'] 
 
 It is peculiarly fit and proper that among the tributes 
 paid to the worth and usefulness of Samuel S. Cox the most 
 hearty and sincere should flow from the hearts of his Con- 
 gressional constituents. These he served faithfully and well ; 
 and they were honored by the honor of his life. It was as 
 their chosen public servant that he gathered fame, and ex- 
 
 151 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 hibited to the entire country the strength and the brightness 
 of true American statesmanship. It was while he still served 
 them that he died. All his fellow-citizens mourn his death, 
 and speak in praise of his character and his achievements in 
 public life; but his constituents may well feel that the afflic- 
 tion of his death is nearer to them tlian to others, by so much 
 that they are entitled to a greater share of pride in all that 
 he wrought. 
 
 I sliould not suit the part allotted to me on this occasion 
 if I Avere to speak at length of the many traits of character 
 within my personal knowledge that made your friend and 
 mine the wise and efficient legislator, the useful and patriotic 
 citizen, and the kind and generous man. These tilings con- 
 stitute a theme upon which his fellow-countrymen love to 
 dwell, and they will be presented to you to-night in more 
 eloquent terms than I can command. 
 
 I shall not, however, forbear mentioning the fact that your 
 representative, in all his public career, and in his relations 
 to legislation, was never actuated by a corrupt or selfish 
 interest. His zeal was bom of public spirit, and the motive 
 of his labor was the public good. He was never found 
 among those wlio cloak their eti'orts for jjcrsonal gain and 
 advantage beneath the disguise of disinterested activity for 
 the welfare of the people. 
 
 These are ])leasant things for his friends to remember to- 
 night, and they .are without doubt the things u})on which rest 
 tlie greatest share of tlie honor .and resj)ect wliicli his mem- 
 ory exacts from his fellow-citizens. 
 
 But while we thus contemplate the value of unselfish pub- 
 lic usefulness, we cannot restrain a reflection which has a 
 somber coloring. \\ hat is the ct)rulitioii of the times when 
 we may justly and fairly exalt the memory of a deceased 
 public servant because he was true and honest and faithful 
 to liis trust."* Are we maintaining a safe standard of j)ublic 
 duty when the existence of these virtues, instead of being 
 
 A 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 general, are exceptional enough to cause congratulation? 
 All public servants sliould be as true and honest and faithful 
 as the man whom we mourn to-night. 
 
 I beg you to take home with you among the reflections 
 which this occasion shall awaken, an appreciation of the 
 truth that if we are to secure for ourselves all the blessings 
 of our free institutions we must better apprehend the inter- 
 est we have at stake in their scrupulous maintenance, and 
 must exact of those whom we trust in public office a more 
 rigid adherence to the demands of public duty. 
 
 I congratulate you and myself upon the fact that we are 
 to be addressed to-night by one whose eloquence and ability, 
 as well as his warm friendship for Mr. Cox, eminently fit 
 him to be the orator of the occasion. 
 
 [From Fourth Annual Message^ Washington, 
 D. C, December 3, 1888.'] 
 
 To the Congress of the United States: As you assemble 
 for the discharge of the duties you have assumed as the rep- 
 resentatives of a free and generous people, your meeting is 
 marked by an interesting and impressive incident. With 
 the expiration of the present session of the Congress the first 
 century of our constitutional existence as a nation will be 
 completed. 
 
 Our survival for one hundred years is not sufficient to as- 
 sure us that we no longer have dangers to fear in the main- 
 tenance, with all its promised blessings, of a government 
 founded upon the freedom of the people. The time rather 
 admonishes us to soberly inquire whether in the past we 
 have always closely kept in the course of safety, and whether 
 we have before us a way plain and clear which leads to hap- 
 piness and perpetuity. 
 
 When the experiment of our Government was undertaken, 
 153 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 the chart adopted for our guidance was the Constitution, 
 Departure from the lines there laid down is failure. It >s 
 only by a strict adherence to the direction they indicate and 
 by restraint within tlie limitations they fix that we can fur- 
 nish proof to the world of the fitness of the American people 
 for self-government. 
 
 The equal and exact justice of which we boast as the un- 
 derlying principle of our institutions should not be con- 
 fined to the relations of our citizens to each otlier. Tlie Gov- 
 ernment itself is under bond to the American people that in 
 the exercise of its functions and powers it will deal with tlie 
 body of our citizens in a manner scrupulously honest and 
 fair and absolutely just. It has agreed that American citi- 
 zenship shall be the only credential necessary to justify the 
 claim of equality before the law, and that no condition in 
 life shall give rise to discrimination in the treatment of the 
 people by their Government. 
 
 The citizen of our Republic in its early days rigidly in- 
 sisted upon full compliance with the letter of this bond, and 
 saw stretching out before him a clear field for individual 
 endeavor. His tribute to the support of his Government 
 was measured by tlie cost of its economical maintenance, and 
 he was secure in the enjoyment of the remaining recom- 
 pense of his steady and contented toil. In tliose days the 
 frugality of the people was stamped ujx)!! their Govern- 
 ment, and was enforced by the free, thoughtful, and intelli- 
 gent sufl'rage of the citizen. Combinations, monopolies, and 
 aggregations of cai)ital were eitlier avoided or sternly regu- 
 lated and restrained. Tlie pomp and glitter of governments 
 less free oflfered no temptation and })resented no delusion to 
 th»' plain peojile who, side by siilc, in friendly competition, 
 wrought for tin- ennobleiiicnl and dignity of man, for the 
 solution of the problem of free government, and for the 
 achievement of the grand destiny awaiting the land which 
 God had given them. 
 
 151 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 A century has passed. Our cities are the abiding places 
 of wealth and luxury; our manufactories yield fortunes 
 never dreamed of by the fathers of the Republic; our busi- 
 ness men are madly striving in the race for riches, and im- 
 mense aggregations of capital outrun the imagination in the 
 magnitude of their undertakings. 
 
 We view with pride and satisfaction this bright picture 
 of our country's growth and prosperity, while only a closer 
 scrutiny develops a somber shqding. Upon more careful 
 inspection we find the wealth and luxury of our cities min- 
 gled with poverty and wretchedness and unremunerative 
 toil. A crowded and constantly increasing urban popula- 
 tion suggests the impoverishment of rural sections and dis- 
 content with agricultural pursuits. The farmer's son, not 
 satisfied with his father's simple and laborious life, joins 
 the eager chase for easily acquired wealth. 
 
 We discover that the fortunes realized by our manufac- 
 turers are no longer solely the reward of sturdy industry 
 and enlightened foresight, but that they result from the dis- 
 criminating favor of the Government and are largely built 
 upon undue exactions from the masses of our people. The 
 gulf between employers and the employed is constantly wid- 
 ening, and classes are rapidly forming, one comprising the 
 very rich and powerful, while in another are found the toil- 
 ing poor. 
 
 As we view the achievements of aggregated capital, we 
 discover the existence of trusts, combinations, and monop- 
 olies, while the citizen is struggling far in the rear or is 
 trampled to death beneath an iron heel. Corporations, which 
 should be the carefully restrained creatures of the law and 
 the servants of the people, are fast becoming the people's 
 masters. 
 
 Still congratulating ourselves upon the wealth and pros- 
 perity of our country and complacently contemplating every 
 incident of change inseparable from these conditions, it is 
 
 155 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 our duty as patriotic citizens to inquire at the present stage 
 of our progress how the bond of the Government made with 
 the people has been kept and performed. 
 
 Instead of limiting the tribute drawm from our citizens 
 to the necessities of its economical administration, the Gov- 
 ernment persists in exacting from the substance of the peo- 
 ple millions which, unapplied and useless, lie dormant in 
 its Treasury. This flagrant injustice and this breach of 
 faith and obligation add to extortion the danger attending 
 the diversion of the currency of the country from the legiti- 
 mate channels of business. 
 
 Under the same laws by which these results are produced 
 the Government permits many millions more to be added to 
 the cost of the living of our people and to be taken from 
 our consumers, which unreasonably swell the profits of a 
 small but powerful minority. 
 
 The peo])le must still be taxed for the support of the Gov- 
 ernment under the operation of tariff laws. But to the ex- 
 tent that the mass of our citizens are inordinately burdened 
 beyond an}' useful public purix)sr and for the benefit of a 
 favored few, the Govcrnnirnt, under i)retcxt of an exercise 
 of its taxing power, enters gratuitously into partnership 
 ■with these favorites, to their advantage and to the injury of 
 a vast majority of our people. 
 
 This is not equality before tlie law. 
 
 The existing situation is injurious to the healtli of our 
 entire body politic. It stifles in those for whose benefit it 
 is permitted all patriotic love of country, and substitutes 
 in its ])laee srlfisli greed and grns])ing avarice. Devotion 
 to Anuriean citizenship for it.s own sake and for what it 
 .sliould accomplish as a motive to our nation's advancement 
 and the liapj)incss of all our jxople is displaced by the 
 asswiiiption tliat tlie (iovernnicnt, instead of being the em- 
 bodiment of e<]uality, is but /in inslruiiicntality through which 
 especial and individual advantages are to be gained. 
 
 Ii6 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 The arrogance of this assumption is unconcealed. It ap- 
 pears in the sordid disregard of all but personal interests, 
 in the refusal to abate for the benefit of others one iota of 
 selfish advantage, and in combinations to perpetuate such 
 advantages through efforts to control legislation and im- 
 properly influence the suffrages of the people. 
 
 The grievances of those not included within the circle of 
 these beneficiaries, when fully realized, will surely arouse 
 irritation and discontent. Our farmers, long suffering and 
 patient, struggling in the race of life with the hardest and 
 most unremitting toil, will not fail to see, in spite of mis- 
 representations and misleading fallacies, that they are 
 obliged to accept such prices for their products as are fixed 
 in foreign markets where they compete with the farmers of 
 the world; that their lands are declining in value while 
 their debts increase, and that without compensating favor 
 they are forced by the action of the Government to pay for 
 the benefit of others such enhanced prices for the things 
 they need that the scanty returns of the labor fail to furnish 
 their support or leave no margin for accumulation. 
 
 Our workingmen, enfranchised from all delusions and no 
 longer frightened by the cry that their wages are endangered 
 by a just revision of our tariff laws, will reasonably demand 
 through such revision steadier employment, cheaper means 
 of living in their homes, freedom for themselves and their 
 children from the doom of perpetual servitude, and an open 
 door to their advancement beyond the limits of a laboring 
 class. Others of our citizens, whose comforts and expendi- 
 tures are measured by moderate salaries and fixed incomes, 
 will insist upon the fairness and justice of cheapening the 
 cost of necessaries for themselves and their families. 
 
 When to the selfishness of the beneficiaries of unjust dis- 
 crimination under our laws tliere shall be added the discon- 
 tent of -those who suffer from such discrimination, we will 
 realize the fact that the beneficent purposes of our Govern- 
 
 157 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 ment, dependent upon the patriotism and contentment of 
 our people, are endangered. 
 
 Communism is a hateful thing and a menace to peace and 
 organized government; but the communism of combined 
 wealth and capital, the outgrowth of overweening cupidity 
 and selfishness, which insidiously undermines the justice and 
 integrity of free institutions, is not less dangerous than the 
 communism of oppressed poverty and toil, which, exasper- 
 ated by injustice and discontent, attacks with wild disorder 
 the citadel of rule. 
 
 He mocks the people who proposes that the Government 
 shall protect the rich and that they in turn will care for the 
 laboring poor. Any intermediary between the people and 
 their Government or the least delegation of the care and pro- 
 tection the Government owes to the humblest citizen in the 
 land makes the boast of free institutions a glittering delusion 
 and the pretended boon of American citizenship a shameless 
 imposition. 
 
 A just and sensible revision of our tariff laws should be 
 made for tlie relief of those of our countrymen who suffer 
 xmder present conditions. Such a revision should receive the 
 support of all who love tlmt justice and equality due to 
 American citizenship; of all who realize that in this justice 
 and equality our Government finds its strength and its 
 power to protect tlie citizen and Iiis projjerty; of all wlio 
 believ(> that the contented eomi)etence and comfort of many 
 accord better with the spirit of our institutions tlian colossal 
 fortunes unfairly gathered in the hands of a few; of all who 
 appreciate that the forbearance and fraternity among our 
 peo])le, wliicli recognize tlie value of every .\merican inter- 
 est, are the surest guaranty of our national progress, and 
 of all who desire to see the products of American skill and 
 ingenuity in every market of the world, with a resulting 
 restoration of American eoinnierce. 
 
 The necessity uf the reduction of our revenues is so appar- 
 15S 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 ent as to be generally conceded, but the means by which this 
 end shall be accomplished and the sum of direct benefit 
 which shall result to our citizens present a controversy of 
 the utmost importance. There should be no scheme accepted 
 as satisfactory by which the burdens of the people are only 
 apparently removed. Extravagant appropriations of public 
 money, with all their demoralizing consequences, should not 
 be tolerated, either as a means of relieving the Treasury of 
 its present surplus or as furnishing pretext for resisting a 
 proper reduction in tariff rates. Existing evils and injus- 
 tice should be honestly recognized, boldly met, and effect- 
 ively remedied. There should be no cessation of the strug- 
 gle until a plan is perfected, fair and conservative toward 
 existing industries, but which will reduce the cost to con- 
 sumers of the necessaries of life, while it provides for our 
 manufacturers the advantage of freer raw materials and per- 
 mits no injury to the interests of American labor. 
 
 The cause for which the battle is waged is comprised 
 within lines clearly and distinctly defined. It should never 
 be compromised. It is the people's cause. 
 
 It can not be denied that the selfish and private interests 
 which are so persistently heard when efforts are made to deal 
 in a just and comj^rehensive manner with our tariff laws are 
 related to, if they are not responsible for, the sentiment 
 largely prevailing among the people that the General Gov- 
 ernment is the fountain of individual and private aid; that 
 it may be expected to relieve with paternal care the distress 
 of citizens and communities, and that from the fullness of 
 its Treasury it should upon the slightest possible pretext of 
 promoting the general good, apply public funds to the bene- 
 fit of localities and individuals. Nor can it be denied that 
 there is a growing assumption that, as against the Govern- 
 ment and in favor of private claims and interests, the usual 
 rul^ and limitations of business princij^les and just deal- 
 ing should be waived. 
 
 159 
 
ADDRESSES AND TAPERS 
 
 These ideas have been unhappily much encouraged by leg- 
 islative acquiescence. Relief from contracts made with the 
 Government is too easily accorded in favor of the citizen; 
 the failure to support claims against the Government by 
 proof is often supplied by no better consideration than the 
 wealth of the Government and the poverty of the claimant; 
 gratuities in the form of pensions are granted upon no other 
 real ground than the needy condition of the applicant, or for 
 reasons less valid; and large sums are expended for public 
 buildings and other improvements upon representations 
 scarcely claimed to be related to public needs and necessities. 
 
 The extent to which the consideration of such matters 
 subordinate and })ostpone action upon subjects of great pub- 
 lic importance, but involving no special private or partisan 
 interest, should arrest attention and lead to reformation. 
 
 A few of the numerous illustrations of this condition may 
 be stated. 
 
 The crowded condition of the calendar of the Supreme 
 Court, and the delay to suitors and denial of justice result- 
 ing therefrom, has been strongly urged upon the attention 
 of the Congress, with a jilan for the relief of the situation 
 approved by those well able to judge of its merits. While 
 this subject remains without effective consideration, many 
 laws have been passed providing for the holding of terms 
 of inferior courts at places to suit the convrnicnce of local- 
 ities, or to lay the foundation of an apjilication for tlie erec- 
 tion of a new public building. 
 
 Repeated recommendations have been submitted for tlir 
 amendment and change of the laws relating to our public 
 laiuls so that their sj)oliation and diversion to other uses tlinii 
 as lioiiu-s for honi-st settlers might be prevented. While n 
 measure to meet this conceded necessity of reform remains 
 awaiting the action of the Congress, many claims to the 
 public lands and applications for tJioir donation, in favor of 
 States and iiitliv iduiN, have, been ;iliowe!l. 
 
 I Ho 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 A plan in aid of Indian management, recommended by 
 those well informed as containing valuable features in fur- 
 therance of the solution of the Indian problem, has thus far 
 failed of legislative sanction, while grants of doubtful ex- 
 pediency to railroad corporations, permitting them to pass 
 through Indian reservations, have greatly multiplied. 
 
 The propriety and necessity of the erection of one or 
 more prisons for the confinement of United States convicts 
 and a post-office building in the national capital, are not dis- 
 puted. But these needs yet remain unanswered, while 
 scores of public buildings have been erected where their 
 necessity for public purposes is not apparent. 
 
 A revision of our pension laws could easily be made which 
 would rest upon just principles and provide for everv worthy 
 applicant But while our general pension laws remain con- 
 fused and imperfect, hundreds of private pension laws are 
 annually passed, which are the sources of unjust discrimina- 
 tion and popular demoralization. 
 
 Appropriation bills for the support of the Government are 
 defaced by items and provisions to meet private ends, and 
 It IS freely asserted by responsible and experienced parties 
 that a bill appropriating money for public internal improve- 
 ment would fail to meet with favor unless it contained items 
 more for local and private advantage than for public benefit. 
 Ihese statements can be much emphasized bv an ascer- 
 tainment of the proportion of Federal legislation which 
 either bears upon its face its private character or which 
 upon examination develops such a motive power. 
 
 And yet the people wait and expect from their chosen 
 representatives such patriotic action as will advance the 
 welfare of the entire comitry; and this expectation can only 
 be answered by the performance of public dutv with unselfish 
 purpose. Our mission am.ong the nations of the earth and 
 our success in accomplishing the work God has given the 
 American people to do require of those intrusted with the 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 making and execution of our laws perfect devotion, above 
 all other things, to the public good. 
 
 This devotion will lead us to strongly resist all impatience 
 of constitutional limitations of P'ederal power and to per- 
 sistently check the increasing tendency to extend the scope 
 of P'ederal legislation into the domain of State and local 
 jurisdiction upon the plea of subserving the public welfare. 
 The preservation of the partitions between proper subjects 
 of Federal and local care and regulation is of such impor- 
 tance under the Constitution, which is the law of our very 
 existence, that no consideration of expediency or sentiment 
 should tempt us to enter upon doubtful ground. We have 
 undertaken to discover and proclaim the richest blessings of 
 a free government, with the Constitution as our guide. I.ct 
 us follow the way it points out ; it will not mislead us. And 
 surely no one who has taken u])on himself the solemn obliga- 
 tion to support and preserve the Constitution can find justifi- 
 cation or solace for disloyalty in tlic excuse that he wan- 
 dered and disobeyed in search of a better way to reach the 
 public welfare than the Constitution offers. 
 
 What has been said is deemed not inapprojiriate at a 
 time when, from a century's height, we view the way already 
 trod by the Aiiurican pro]ile and attemjit to discover tlu ir 
 future path. 
 
 The seventh President of the United States — the soldier 
 and statesman and at all times the rirm and brave friend of 
 the people — in vindication of his course as the protector of 
 popular rights and the champion of true American citizen- 
 sliij), declared : 
 
 'i'hc aml)iti<»ii wliicli lcnil>^ iiio on is nil aiiximis desire nnd a fix«^i 
 dotcriniiiiition to restore to the [x^iplc iinimiKiired the .sacre<i Inist lluv 
 have conruied to my elmr(»e: to heni tlie wounds of IheCoii.slilulion ami to 
 preserve it from fnrtlier violation; to jx'rsunde my eountrjiiien, so far ns I 
 may, that it is not in b s(ilendi<i j,'overnment snpporte<J hy [xiwerfnl 
 lDuno|x>lie.s and aristocraticnl cstahlislunents that they will find happiness 
 
 162 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 or their liberties protection, but in a plain system, void of pomp, protecting 
 all and granting favors to none, dispensing its blessings like the dews of 
 heaven, unseen and unfelt save in the freshness and beauty they con- 
 tribute to produce. It is such a government that the genius of our people 
 requires — such an one only under which our States may remain for ages 
 to come united, prosperous, and free. 
 
 I am thoroughly convinced that our general pension laws 
 should be revised and adjusted to meet as far as possible, 
 in the light of our experience, all meritorious cases. The 
 fact that 102 different rates of pensions are paid can not, 
 in my opinion, be made consistent with justice to the pen- 
 sioners or to the Government; and the numerous private 
 pension bills that are passed, predicated upon the imperfec- 
 tion of general laws, while they increase in many cases ex- 
 isting inequality and injustice, lend additional force to the 
 recommendation for a revision of the general laws on this 
 subj ect. 
 
 The laxity of ideas prevailing among a large number of 
 our people regarding pensions is becoming every day more 
 marked. The principles upon which they should be granted 
 are in danger of being altogether ignored, and already pen- 
 sions are often claimed because the applicants are as much 
 entitled as other successful applicants, rather than upon any 
 disability reasonably attributable to military service. If the 
 establishment of vicious precedents be continued, if the 
 granting of pensions be not divorced from partisan and other 
 unworthy and irrelevant considerations, and if the honorable 
 name of veteran luifairly becomes by these means but an- 
 other term for one who constantly clamors for the aid of the 
 Government, there is danger that injury will be done to the 
 fame and patriotism of many whom our citizens all delight 
 to honor, and that a prejudice will be aroused unjust to 
 meritorious applicants for pensions. 
 
 The consciousness that I have presented but an imperfect 
 163. 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 statement of the condition of our country and its wants occa- 
 sions no fear that anything omitted is not known and apppre- 
 ciated by the Congress, upon whom rests the responsibility 
 of intelligent legislation in behalf of a great nation and a 
 confiding people. 
 
 As public servants we shall do our duty well if we con- 
 stantly guard the rectitude of our intentions, maintain unsul- 
 lied our love of country, and with unselfish purpose strive 
 for the public good. 
 
 [Letter to the Committee of the Massachusetts 
 Tariff Reform League, Washington, D. C, 
 December 2 A, 1888. '\ 
 
 Gentlemen : I am exceedingly sorry that I cannot be pres- 
 ent at the dinner of the Massachusetts Tariff Reform 
 League on the 28th inst. This is not merely a formal and 
 common expression of regret; it truly indicates how much I 
 should enjoy meeting the members of your league, and how 
 glad I should be to express in person my appreciation of 
 their important services in a cause to which I am earnestly 
 attached, and to acknowledge at the same time their fre- 
 quent and enccuraging manifestations of personal friend- 
 liness. I know, too, tliat it would be profitable and advan- 
 tageous to be, even for a brief period, within the inspiring 
 influence of the atmosphere surrounding patriotic and ini- 
 sclfish men, banded together in the interests of their fellow- 
 countrymen, and devoted to the work of tariff reform. 
 
 This reform ajipears to me to be as far-reaching in its 
 purposes as the destiny of our country, and as broad in its 
 beneficence as the welfare of our entire people. It is bc- 
 cnu.sc the efforts pf its advocates are not discredited by any 
 sordid motives that tliey arc able boldly and confidently to 
 
 1 0' I 
 
 i 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 attack the strongholds of selfishness and greed. Our insti- 
 tutions were constructed in purity of purpose and love for 
 humanity. Their operation is adjusted to the touch of na- 
 tional virtue and patriotism, and their results, under such 
 guidance, must be the prosperity and happiness of our 
 people ; and so long as the advocates of tarijBf reform appre- 
 ciate the sentiments in which our institutions had their ori- 
 gin, so long as they apprehend the sources which alone can 
 guide their operations, so long as they, in a spirit of true 
 patriotism, are consecrated to the service of their country, 
 temporary defeat brings no discouragement. It but proves 
 the stubbornness of the forces of combined selfishness, and 
 discloses how far the people have been led astray and how 
 great is the necessity of redoubled efforts in their behalf. 
 To lose faith in the intelligence of the people is a surrender 
 and an abandonment of the struggle. To arouse their intel- 
 ligence, and free it from darkness and delusion, gives assur- 
 ance of speedy and complete victory. 
 
 In the track of reform are often found the dead hopes of 
 pioneers and the despair of those who fall in the march. 
 But there will be neither despair nor dead hopes in the path 
 of tariff reform ; nor shall its pioneers fail to reach the 
 heights. Holding fast their faith, and rejecting every 
 alluring overture and every deceptive compromise which 
 would betray their sacred trust, they themselves shall re- 
 gain and restore the patrimony of their countrymen, freed 
 from the trespass of grasping encroachment and safely se- 
 cured by the genius of American justice and equality. 
 
 [Address at a Reception Given hy the Demo- 
 cratic Cluh, New York, April 27, 1889. 'I 
 
 Mr. President: Many incidents of my short residence in 
 this good city have served to fill my cup of gratitude, and to 
 
 165 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 arouse my appreciation of the kindness and consideration of 
 those with whom I have made my home. The hospitality of 
 the citizens of New York, for which they have long been 
 distinguished, has outdone itself in my welcome. The mem- 
 bers of my profession have, upon my return to its activities, 
 received me with fraternal greetings, and personal friends 
 have not permitted me to feel like a stranger in a strange 
 city. 
 
 And yet I can truly say to-night that none of these 
 things will be more vividly and gratefully remembered tlian 
 the opportunity afforded me by this occasion to greet the 
 political friends I see about me. While I believe that no 
 man is more susceptible than I to every personal kindness, 
 and while I am sure that no one values more his personal 
 friendships, it should not be regarded as strange when I say 
 that these are not more cherished than my loyalty and attach- 
 ment to Democratic faith and my obligation to the cardinal 
 principles of its party organization. 
 
 I have been honored by my party far beyond my 
 deserts; indeed, no man can deserve its highest honors. 
 After six years of public service, I return to you, my party 
 friends. Six years have I stood as your representative in 
 the State and nation, and now I return again to the 
 ranks, more convinced than ever that the cause of true 
 Democracy is the cause of the people — their safeguard and 
 their hope. 
 
 I come to you with no excuses or ajwlogies, and with iu> 
 confession of disloyalty. It is not given to man to meet tin- 
 various and conflicting views of jiarty duty and policy which 
 jirevail within an organization where individual opinion is so 
 freely tolerated as in the Deniocratie party. Because these 
 views are various and conflicting some of them must b<" 
 wrong, but when they are honestly held and advocated th'^y 
 should provoke lio bitterness or condemnation. But when 
 they are proclaimed merely as a cover and pretext for per- 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 sonal resentment and disappointment, they should be met by 
 tlie exposure and contempt which they deserve. 
 
 If one charged with party representation, with sincere 
 design and purpose keeps the party faith, that should be a 
 fulfillment of his party obligation. 
 
 No man can lay down the trust which he has held in be- 
 half of a generous and confiding people, and feel that at all 
 times he has met, in the best possible way, the requirements 
 of his trust ; but he is not derelict in duty if he has conscien- 
 tiously devoted his effort and his judgment to the people's 
 service. 
 
 I have deliberately placed in close connection loyalty to 
 Democratic principles and devotion to the people's interest, 
 for, in my view, they belong together and should mean the 
 same thing. 
 
 But, in this day of party feeling and attachment, it is well 
 for us to pause and recall the fact that the only justification 
 for the existence of any party is the claim that, in profession 
 and intent, its obj ects and its purposes are the promotion of 
 tlie public good and the advancement and the welfare and 
 prosperity of the entire country. There never was a party 
 platform or declaration of principles that did not profess 
 these things and make them the foundation of party creed, 
 and any body of men that should associate themselves to- 
 gether proclaiming openly that their purpose was supremacy 
 in the government with the sole intent of distributing offices 
 and the spoils of victory among their associates, would be 
 treated with ridicule and scorn. Thus we are brought face 
 to face with the proposition that parties no more than indi- 
 viduals should be untruthful or dishonest. 
 
 Of course in the supremacy of party there are advan- 
 tages to its members — and this is not amiss. But when 
 high party aims and professions are lost sight of and aban- 
 doned, and the interests of office holding and personal pelf 
 are all that remain to inspire party activity, not only is the 
 
 167 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 support expected from patriotic people forfeited, but tlie 
 elements of cohesion and of effective and lasting political 
 strength are gone. The honest differences of opinion which 
 must always exist upon questions of principle and of public 
 policy, should be sufficient occasion for the existence of par- 
 ties, and shovdd point to the field of their usefulness. Tlie 
 study of these questions cannot fail to result in more valu- 
 able citizenship and more intelligent and better equipped 
 p artisans. 
 I When we seek for the cause of the perpetuity of the 
 Democratic party and its survival through every crisis and 
 emergency, and in the face of all opjjosition, we find it in 
 the fact that its corner stone is l.iid in devotion to the rights 
 of the people and in its sympathy with all things that tend 
 to the advancement of their welfare and happiness. Though 
 heresy may sometimes have crept into its organization, and 
 though party conduct may at times have been influenced by 
 the shiftiness which is the habitual device of its opponents, 
 there has always remained deeply imbedded in its nature 
 and character that spirit of true Americanism and that love 
 of popular rights whicli has made it indestructible in disas- 
 ter and defeat, and has constituted it a boon to the country 
 in its hour of triumph and supremacy. 
 
 The great founder of our party, as he consecrated himself 
 by a solemn oatli to the faitliful performance of the duties 
 of the Presidential office, and as lie jjledged himself to the 
 preservation, protection, and defense of the Constitution, 
 after presenting to his assembled countrymen the causes of 
 congratulation, found in the condition of our country and the 
 character of our })eoj)le, impressively ailded : " With all these 
 bUssings, what mure is necessary to make us a hap{)y and 
 prosperous jjcoplc.^ Still one thing more, fellow-citizens: a 
 wise and frugal government which shall restrain men from 
 injuring one another, sliall leave them otherwise free to 
 regulate their own pursuits of industry and improvement, 
 
 16'8 
 
OF GROVER CLE A^ EL AND 
 
 and sliall not take from the mouth of labor the bread it lias 
 earned. This is the sum of good government, and this is 
 necessary to close the circle of our felicities." 
 
 In the lexicon of true Democracy these words are not obso- 
 lete, but they still furnish the inspiration for our efforts and 
 an interpretation of our political faith. 
 
 Happily the party creed which we profess is not within 
 such narrow lines as that obedience does not permit us to 
 move abreast with the advanced thought of the country and 
 to meet and test every question and apply a principle to 
 every situation. 
 
 True Democracy, stanch in its adhesion to fundamental 
 doctrine, is at the same time, in a proper sense, progressive. 
 It recognizes our growth and our expansion, and the birth of 
 new thought and sentiment. It will judge them all by safe 
 standards, and in every phase of national development it will 
 be prepared to meet as they arise every need of the people 
 and every popular want. True Democracy honestly advo- 
 cates national brotherhood, to the end that all our coimtry- 
 men may aid in the achievement of the grand destiny which 
 awaits us as a nation ; and it condemns the pretext of liber- 
 ality and harmony which, when partisan advantage is to be 
 gained, gives way for inflammatory appeals to sectional hate 
 and passion. It insists upon that equality before the law 
 which concedes the care and protection of the government to 
 simple manhood and citizenship. It does not favor the mul- 
 tiplication of offices and salaries merely to make partisans, 
 nor use the promise and bestowal of place for the purpose 
 of stifling the press and bribing the people. It seeks to 
 lighten the burdens of life in every home and to take from 
 the citizen for the cost of government the lowest possible 
 tribute. 
 
 We know that we have espoused the cause of right and 
 justice. We know that we have not permitted duty to coun- 
 try to wait upon expediency. We know that we have not 
 
 169 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 trafficked our principles for success. We know that we have 
 not deceived the people with false promises and pretenses. 
 And we know that we have not corrupted or betrayed the 
 poor with the money of the rich. 
 
 Who shall say that these things promise no reward and 
 that triumph shall not follow the enlightened judgment and 
 the sober second thought of our countrymen? There are 
 to-day no weak, weary, and despondent members of the true 
 Democracy, and there should be none. Thoughtful attention 
 to political topics is thoroughly aroused. Events day by day 
 are leading men to review the reasons for their party affilia- 
 tions and the supporters of the principles we profess are con- 
 stantly recruited by intelligent, young, and sturdy adherents. 
 
 Let us deserve their confidence, and, shunning all ignoble 
 practices, let us remain steadfast to Democratic faith and to 
 the cause of our comitry. If we are true and loyal to these, 
 the day of our triumph will surely and quickly come, and 
 our victory shall be fairly, nobly won, through the invincible 
 spirit of the Democracy. 
 
 [Address^at the Washington Inauguration Cen- 
 tennial, New York, April SO, 1889.} 
 
 Wliercver human government has been administered in 
 tyranny, in despotism, or in oppression, there has been found, 
 among the governed, yearning for a freer condition and the 
 assertion of man's nobility. These are but the faltering 
 sle))s of human nature in the direction of the freedom whieli 
 is its birthriglit; and they presage tlie struggle of men to be- 
 come a free people, and tluis reach the plane of their highest 
 and best aspirations. In tills relation, and in their cry for 
 freedom, it may be truly said, the voice of tlie ])eo])le is the 
 voice of (iod. 
 
 In sublime f.iith ami rugged strength our fathers cried 
 170 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 out to the world, " We, the people of the United States, in 
 order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure 
 domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, pro- 
 mote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty 
 to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this 
 Constitution for the United State of America." 
 
 Thus " our people," in a day, assumed a place among the 
 nations of the earth. Their mission was to teach the fitness 
 of man for self-government, and their destiny was to out- 
 strip every other people in national achievement and material 
 greatness. 
 
 One hundred years have passed. We have announced and 
 approved to the world our mission, and made our destiny 
 secure. 
 
 Our churches, our schools and universities, and our benev- 
 olent institutions, which beautify every town and hamlet, 
 and look out from every hillside, testify to the value our 
 people place upon religious teaching, upon advanced educa- 
 tion, and upon deeds of charity. That our people are still 
 jealous of their individual rights and freedom is proved by 
 the fact that no one in place or power has dared openly to 
 assail them. The enthusiasm which marks the celebration of 
 the centennial of the inauguration of their first Chief Magis- 
 trate shows the popular appreciation of the value of the office, 
 which, in our plan of government, stands above all others, 
 for the sovereignty of the people, and is the repository of 
 their trust. 
 
 Surely such a people can be safely trusted with their free 
 government; and there need be no fear that they have lost 
 the qualities which fit them to be its custodians. If they 
 should wander, they will return to duty in good time. If 
 they should be misled, they will discover the true landmarks 
 none too late for safety; and if they should even be corrupted 
 they will speedily be found seeking with peace-offerings 
 their country's holy altar. 
 
 171 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 Let us, then, have an abiding faith in " our people." Let 
 petulance and discontent with popular action disappear be- 
 fore the truth that in any and all circumstances, the will of 
 the people, however it may be exercised, is the law of our 
 national existence — the arbiter, absolute and unchangeable, 
 by which wc must abide. Other than existing situations and 
 policies can only justify themselves when they may be 
 reached by the spread of political intelligence and the re- 
 vival of unselfish and patriotic interest in public affairs. 
 Ill-natured complaints of popular incompetency, and self- 
 righteous assertions of superiority over the body of the peo- 
 ple, are impotent and useless. 
 
 But there is danger, I fear, that the scope of the words 
 " our people " and all they import are not always fully 
 apprehended. It is only natural that those in the various 
 walks of life should see " our people " within the range of 
 their own vision, and find just about them the interests most 
 important and the most worthy the care of the government. 
 The rich merchant or capitalist, in the center of wealth and 
 enterprise, hardly has a glimpse of the country blacksmith 
 at his forge or the farmer in his field; and these, in their 
 turn, know but little of the laborers, who crowd our manu- 
 factories and inhabit tlieir own world of toil, or of the thou- 
 sands wlu) labor in our mines. If representativos of every 
 element of our poj)ulation and industries should be gathered 
 together, they would find but little of purely selfish and per- 
 sonal interest in common ; and upon a superficial glance but 
 little would be seen to denote that only one people was rep- 
 resented. Yet, in the sjiirit of our institutions, all these, so 
 separated in station and personal interest, arc a common 
 brotherhood and are "our i)eoi)le"; all of equal value be- 
 fore the law; all having, by tluir suffrage, the same voice in 
 govcrnniLiital affairs; all cKin nuling with ccjual force i)rotee- 
 tion and diiVnsc ; and all, in tlieir persons and property, 
 cfjiially cnlith (1 to their government's senipiilous care. 
 
 172 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 [Address at the Fellowcraft Cluh, New York, 
 3Iay U, 1889.'] 
 
 Mr. President and Gentlemen: I think I should be glad 
 to depart to-night from what I suppose to be the custom here, 
 and say a few words to you without the least reference to the 
 occupations in which I imderstand the members of this club 
 are principally engaged, and without speaking of the news- 
 papers and those who make and manage them. But I do not 
 see how I am to accomplish these things, because, in the first 
 place, the atmosphere is against me, and in the second place, 
 the newspaper press and what it does are so interwoven with 
 our life that they can hardly be eliminated from the discus- 
 sion of any subj ect. 
 
 I want to speak of American citizenship; and I am 
 prompted at the outset to say that I cannot see why, among 
 those who have to do with the newspaper press, all things 
 that pertain to good citizenship should not have the highest 
 place; and that I never could discover why those connected 
 with newspapers should not be judged by the same rules as 
 are applied to the rest of us, nor why they are not charged 
 with certainly as serious duties and responsibilities as other 
 citizens. I protest against the theory, which appears to have 
 gained some headway in certain quarters, that they are a 
 little outside of the mass of ordinary citizens ; and in their 
 defense and vindication, I deny the proposition that they de- 
 liberately acknowledge fealty and devotion to their newspa- 
 pers first and to their country afterward. Of course, if 
 crowded, I should be obliged to confess that, in my opinion, 
 there are exceptions, and that, occasionally, there are found 
 among the editors and managers of newspapers, as every- 
 where else, those whose personal resentments, or extreme and 
 misguided partisanship, lead them to pitiable conclusions; 
 
 173 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 but against these I put the great number wlio, day by day, 
 labor to make our country better and our people more 
 thoughtful and intelligent. 
 
 The warmth of my desire to see good American citizen- 
 ship more prevalent, and the value of it better appreciated by 
 our people, arises in a great degree, I suppose, from my re- 
 cent experience in discharging the duties of an office which 
 afforded an opportunity of observing the motive power and 
 strength of selilsh interests in governmental affairs; and in 
 comparison, how weak, if judged by their accomplishments, 
 are disinterested love of country and dutiful solicitude for 
 the public g{X)d. 
 
 Ours is not a government which operates well by its own 
 momentum. It is so constructed that it will only yield its 
 best results when it feels the constant pressure of the hands 
 of the people. This condition suggests the importance of 
 ])atriotism and devotion to the general and public welfare 
 in all branches of the government. But this is impossible if 
 the representatives of the people in the State or nation look 
 no higher than the promotion of personal benefit, or the 
 local interests of their immediate constituents, or the accom- 
 plishment of some purpose in aid of their own retention in 
 place. The man who enters upon a legislative career, having 
 charged himself especially or exclusively with the passage 
 of measures in which he or his personal supjjorters are alone 
 interested, or with the success of some private enterprise, is 
 apt to be false to himself and untrue to his trust. His mind 
 is j)reoecuj)ied to such an extent, and his selfish purposes as- 
 sume such large proportions in his sight, that a scheme for a 
 new jjublic building for his town or district, or for a bridge 
 across a river, or for the riglit of way for a railroad, or for 
 the allowance of a claim against the government, crowds out 
 all consideration on his ])art of great and broad general sub- 
 jects. Thus he furnislics no intclligint aid in Icgislatinn for 
 till- public good, and it is fortunate for Ihi' peopK' if he does 
 
 171 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 not deliver questionable votes in exchange for like favors in 
 behalf of his pet scheme or schemes. 
 
 I do not indulge in the statement of an imaginary case. 
 And what I have thus presented is but an illustration of tlie 
 perversions that are creeping into every branch of our public 
 service. Thoughtful men will not deny that danger lurks in 
 the growing tendency of to-day to regard public office as 
 something which may be sought and administered for private 
 ends, instead of being received and held as a public trust. 
 
 Now I plead for the cultivation of a sentiment among the 
 people which will condemn this conduct and these ideas, and 
 which will impress upon those who act for and represent us 
 in every official capacity the truth that their duty is only 
 performed by activity for the public good and by the utmost 
 care that the spirit of our institutions suffers no impairment. 
 
 As a stream will not rise above its source, so it is manifest 
 that, to reach this better condition, selfishness and listlessness 
 among the people themselves must give way to a sincere and 
 earnest desire for the preservation and increase of that sen- 
 timent of true American citizenship which recognizes in the 
 advancement of the entire country something more to be de- 
 sired than the direct and immediate attainment of purely 
 private ends. 
 
 Here is a field in which all can labor and find plenty to do. 
 Those active in the work will have their love of country en- 
 livened, and they will not fail to receive encouraging re- 
 sponse to their efforts. 
 
 It will be a mistake for us to relax effort because we cannot 
 reach the highest point of useful activity, or because we may 
 not be able to deal directly with evils in the highest places. 
 A good beginning is made when communities and individuals 
 are led to appreciate properly the value of public spirit and 
 unselfishness in matters connected with their home affairs 
 and with the interest of their neighborhoods. The men who 
 have learned the lesson of good citizenship, as related to the 
 
 175 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 concerns of the school district, the village, or the citv, will 
 soon strive effectively to impress that lesson upon those who 
 have to do with the concerns of the State and of the nation. 
 
 I am sure that we can none of us confidently say that even 
 here, in this grand and busy city, there is no room for an 
 increase of public spirit, or that too much attention is paid 
 to the cultivation of American citizenship. I do not mean to 
 say that we are behind in these things, but intend merely to 
 intimate that we should as far excel in this direction as we 
 do in every other. 
 
 Nor is there the least danger that we shall have among us 
 too many reminders that our city is something more than a 
 swift-running mill which grinds the grists of fortune, and 
 tliat we have in our history and traditions things well worthy 
 of commemoration in palpable and lasting form. Thus the 
 project now on foot to build in an appropriate location a 
 permanent and beautiful arch, to replace a temporary one 
 which added so much to our splendid Centennial display, 
 sliould not be allowed to miscarry. Such a structure will 
 lead the minds of our citizens away from sordid things, and 
 will suggest to them not only the impressive thoughts con- 
 nected with our first President's inauguration, but will con- 
 stantly remind them how grandly the event was celebrated 
 in this city one liimdrcd ye-irs afterward. By such means 
 is public spirit fostered, and the way opened for a wider 
 j)revalence of good citizenship in its highest and broadest 
 sense. 
 
 Let us, on tlie tlirrshold of a new century, charged as we 
 are with the maintenance, in our day and generation, of the 
 integrity of our government, pledge ourselves to labor, each 
 in his own sphere, for the revival of pure and sinn^le patriot- 
 ism and for the increase of that unselfish love of our entire 
 country in which our safety lies. 
 
 And now I cannot refrain froni suggesting as a closing 
 thought that Ihc responsibility of men like those who ron- 
 
 176 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 stitute the membership of this club, in every part and every 
 phase a movement in the direction of public spirit and good 
 citizenship, is made apparent when it is conceded that no 
 agency can accomplish more in the cause than a free, coura- 
 geous, and patriotic press. 
 
 I Address at the Laying of the Corner Stone of 
 the New Academy of Medicine, New York, 
 October 2, 1889. '\ 
 
 The congratulation and the satisfaction which attend this 
 hour especially belong to the members of the Academy of 
 Medicine. This is as it should be, for the exercises of to-day 
 signalize an achievement wrought by their activity and en- 
 ergy, and give proof of their devotion and attachment to 
 their chosen profession. To the members of this organiza- 
 tion the corner stone which we now lay is an honor, for it is 
 a monument which marks an important advance in the at- 
 tainment of the purpose of the Academy, as declared in its 
 constitution : " the promotion of the science and art of medi- 
 cine." 
 
 In these extensive foundations is also found proof of the 
 progressive ideas of these earnest men and their constantly 
 enlarging estimate of what is necessary to meet the purposes 
 to which their energy is directed. I have lately seen a 
 pamphlet containing the constitution and by-laws of the 
 Academy, with a prefatory note published only three years 
 ago. In this note it is declared that, from the inception of 
 the Academy, one of its chief objects has been the procure- 
 ment of a building or hall where its meetings might be held, 
 where a library and museum could be garnered, and where 
 the profession could meet on common ground. The state- 
 ment is added with much apparent satisfaction that ths 
 
 177 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 efforts put forth in this dirrction have culminated in 
 the purchase of a commodious building centrally situ- 
 ated, thus " providing a library, hall, and audience room, 
 which will, for some time, answer tlie Academy's wants and 
 those of the profession," It is already found that the com- 
 modious building which, three years ago, was deemed suffi- 
 cient headquarters for the usefulness of the Academy, is too 
 small and cramped to answer the beneficent purposes of the 
 organization, and the erection of a structure three or four 
 times as large has been entered upon. It is thus evident that 
 the members of the Academy of Medicine, not forgetting the 
 mission they have undertaken to promote the science and art 
 of medicine, and, seeing broader avenues leading to this 
 object, have promptly, and with an energy which never fails, 
 begun their preparations for wider activity and more impor- 
 tant results. 
 
 I have spoken of the mission of the Academy. Tlie nobil- 
 ity and sacred cliaracter of this mission have been often 
 dwelt upon. It is an old story, but it will never lose its in- 
 terest while humanity is touched with human woe; while self- 
 sacrifice receives the homage of Christian hearts; while the 
 sufferings and sorrows of our fellow-men start the tear of 
 pity; nor while their alleviation brings comfort and satisfac- 
 tion to the soul of symjjathy. 
 
 These reflections easily and natur.iUy lead to the thought 
 that the members of the Academy of .Medicine are not en- 
 titled to the absolute monopoly of congratulation to-day. 
 All your fellow-citizens may well claim a share, not only be- 
 cause they arc interested in the promotion of the science and 
 art of medicine, by reason of their liability to accident and 
 disease, but because such advance in any profession, as is 
 Jiere demonstr/iled, adds to the glory and renown of our 
 common country. I am here to claim for the laymen among 
 your fellow-citizens a part of the pride which grows out of 
 the progress and achie\emcnt of our medical profession. I 
 
 178 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 base this claim upon the fact that, in this favored land of 
 ours, all interests are so interwoven and all activities lead, or 
 should lead, so directly to the accomplishment of our common 
 national destiny that none of us can be indifferent to an im- 
 portant advance among us in any science or industry. 
 
 I am sure that you are not inclined to ignore the aid you 
 have received, in the project you have undertaken, from'the 
 laymen among your fellows. Nor can you forget that un- 
 derlying all that you have done and all that you have re- 
 ceived are our free American institutions, which encourage 
 and give scope to every wortliy effort, and which offer fitting 
 rewards for inteUigent and well-directed labor in every con*^ 
 dition of life. 
 
 You will not, therefore, I trust, deem it impertinent if I 
 remind you that none of us is absolved from the duty of aid- 
 ing in the maintenance in complete integrity of these free in- 
 stitutions, and that this requires the thoui^htful care and 
 attention of every citizen. You do much for your country 
 when you raise the standard and enlarge the usefulness of 
 your profession; but you do not accomplish all you can nor 
 do you discharge your full duty of citizenship, unless' you 
 also attempt to better the condition of public affairs and give 
 to political topics and movements the benefit of your trained 
 thought and well-informed j udgment. In this way you assist 
 in making safe and sure the foundations upon which must 
 rest the success and value of all your professional efforts and 
 accomplishments. 
 
 I hope, when we shall celebrate here the discovery of our 
 country, that we may point out on this spot, in your com- 
 pleted building, a splendid monument of the progress of our 
 medical education, a monument which shall not only prove 
 to tlie stranger that our physicians are proud of thei/profes- 
 sion, but one which shall also be a reminder that those who 
 govern within its walls do not forget, in their devotion to the 
 science and art of medicine, their other duties of citizenship 
 
 179 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 [Address at the New York Chamber of Com- 
 merce Banquet, November 19, 1889.'] 
 
 As I speak of the honorary members of the Chamber of 
 Commerce, I shall, first of all, avail myself of the oppor- 
 tunity here afforded to express my thanks for the action of 
 that body which placed my name upon its roll of honor. It 
 is a source of great gratification to me to be thus related, 
 though only nominally, to the vast business interests which 
 this organization has in its charge and keeping, and I think 
 and trust that I do not in the least underestimate the im- 
 provement and benefit which may result to me from such 
 relationship. 
 
 The business of a country is its life blood; and all who 
 are directly or indirectly connected with it, who are ac- 
 quainted witli its ojierations and are able to discern the man- 
 ner in which it may be benefited or injured, and the causes 
 which affect it, should be, for these reasons, better able to 
 perform well their duties as citizens. 
 
 Good government is the object of every patriotic aspira- 
 tion of our people. But good government is so unlike a 
 thing to be gained by dreaming of it, and is something so 
 practical and palpable, that it is best judged by business 
 tests; and thus the condition of the business of a country is 
 properly considered a reliable indicator of the nature of its 
 government and the mauTier in which sucli govcrnnicnt is 
 administered. 
 
 Of course, the conception of business here intended must 
 not be confused with the selfish scurry and sordid clutching 
 after wealth wliich we sec ahout us every day — luedless of 
 the rights of others and utterly regardless of any obligation 
 to aid ill the nation's growth /ind greatness. This is not tlie 
 business of a country; nor sliould the narrow and circuni- 
 
 180 
 
OF GROVE R CLEVELAND 
 
 scribed success of such endeavor be recognized as evidence 
 of a beneficent government or of wholesome laws. The ac- 
 tive, strong impulse which, starting from important centers, 
 steadily permeates the entire land, giving to our tradesmen, 
 everywhere, healthy prosperity, to our toilers remunerative 
 labor, and to our homes comfort and contentment, consti- 
 tute phases of the business of our country Avhich we love to 
 recognize as proofs of the value of our free institutions and 
 demonstrations of the benign operation of just legislation. 
 But when these factors of general thrift and happiness are 
 wanting, we may well fear that we are not in the enjoyment 
 of all the blessings of good government. 
 
 Since business, properly defined, is thus closely related to 
 government, it plainly follows that, if those intrusted with 
 public affairs were more identified with men like those form- 
 ing the active membership of this Chamber of Commerce, and 
 were better informed concerning the interest which such men 
 represent, the country would be the gainer. I do not hesi- 
 tate to say that we should have more business men in our 
 national legislature. If this should be conceded, and the 
 question of reaching that result is presented, but two modes 
 can be suggested — either to make business men of those 
 elected or choose business men in the first instance. The 
 latter plan is manifestly the best, and, indeed, the only prac- 
 tical one. 
 
 I must confess that, fresh from public employment, as I 
 look about me here, I feel like a good judge of valuable 
 material, Avhen he sees it in abundance unused and going to 
 waste before his eyes. It is well for you to be conversant 
 with markets, and you are obliged to study them. But it is 
 undeniable that the laws of your country and their execution 
 are so related to markets that they, too, are worthy of your 
 attention. I know that participation in the public service 
 would involve an interruption of your ordinary vocations, 
 but is it not your duty to suffer this for the sake of the good 
 
 181 
 
ADDRESSES AND PATERS 
 
 you can accomplish? Nor is the subject devoid of an in- 
 ducement based upon self-interest, for you must agree with 
 me that business men upon Congressional committees, or 
 upon the floor of Congress, could accomplish much more in 
 the direction of their own protection than by periodically 
 seeking admission to committee rooms, or awaiting the con- 
 venience of legislators who need their instructions. 
 
 I cannot be mistaken when I say that some dangers which 
 beset our political life might be avoided or safely met if our 
 business men would more actively share in public affairs, 
 and that nothing would better befit the character and object 
 of your organization than a practical movement in this direc- 
 tion. 
 
 I hasten now to say that I have not forgotten the topic 
 •with which I started. I am embarrassed in treating of it be- 
 cause, in theory, the honorary members are those who have 
 rendered useful public service. As the last and least of 
 these members I feel that I can do little more than acknowl- 
 edge my gratitude for the privilege of being counted with 
 the grand men whose names stand above me on the roll — 
 the living and the dead. 
 
 There has been much discussion lately concerning the 
 disposition which should be made of our ex-Presidents, and 
 many plans have been suggested for putting us out of the 
 way. I am sure we are very sorry to make so much trouble, 
 but I do hope that, whatever conclusion may be reached, the 
 recommendation of a Kentucky newspaper editor, to take 
 us out and shoot us, will not be adopted. Prior to the 4th 
 day of last March I did not apjireciate as well as I do now 
 the objections to this proceeding, but I have had time to 
 reflect upon the subject since and I find excellent reasons 
 for opposing this plan. 
 
 If I should be allowed to express myself upon this ques- 
 tion I would suggest that the best way to deal with your 
 troublesome ex- Presidents is to let tliem alone and give them 
 
 182 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 the same chance to earn an honest living that other people 
 have. And if for any reason you desire to honor them, it 
 cannot be done better than by putting their names upon the 
 roll of honorary membership of the New York Chamber of 
 Commerce. 
 
 ILetter to the Young 31 ens Democratic Club 
 at Canton, O., New York, November 22, 
 1889.] 
 
 Gentlemen: I am pleased with the invitation you extend to 
 Mrs. Cleveland and myself to be present at the anniversary 
 meeting of the Young Men's Democratic Club on the 5th 
 day of December. If the exercises you contemplate and out- 
 line in your letter are carried out, all who attend them are 
 certainly promised a rare exposition of sound doctrine from 
 the eloquent and able speakers you have secured. I am 
 sorry that, owing to other engagements, we must be among 
 the absent ones. 
 
 The spirit and tone of your letter, so far as it relates to 
 the purposes of your club, are very gratifying. The con- 
 stantly growing interest manifested by our young men in 
 the principles of the Democratic party constitute, in my opin- 
 ion, the most reliable hope of their ascendency. If, at any 
 time in the past, it has with any truth been said that our 
 party did not invite to its standard the enterprising and 
 thoughtful young men of the country, to-day such an allega- 
 tion shall be disputed. 
 
 And these men, keenly alive to their coimtry's welfare, 
 quick to discover the needs of tlie present, and ready, in 
 the freedom of untrammeled thought, to follow in the path- 
 way of good citizenship, can be safely trusted with polit- 
 ical responsibilities. I hope your meeting will be very 
 successful. 
 
 183 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 [Address at the Banquet of the Merchants' Asso- 
 ciation of Boston, December 12, 1889.'] 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen: When I see about me this 
 gathering of business men and merchants, I find it impos- 
 sible to rid myself of the impressive thought that here is 
 represented tliat factor in civilized life which measures the 
 progress of a people, which constitutes the chief care of 
 every enlightened government, and wliich gives to a country 
 the privilege of recognized membership in the community 
 of nations. 
 
 Our business men cannot, if they would, escape the re- 
 sponsibility which this condition casts upon them — a re- 
 sponsibility most exacting and invested with the seriousness 
 which always results from a just a})prehcnsion of man's re- 
 lation to his fellow-man and the obligation due from a citi- 
 zen to his government. They can find no pretext for indif- 
 ference in the self-complacent claim that under American 
 institutions, as in other times and in foreign lands, business 
 men and merchants have only gained a recognition of their 
 importance and value as it has been forced from a govern- 
 ment in which they had no representation and from rulers 
 who looked upon their vocation M'ith contem})t. They can- 
 not absolve themselves from loyal duty to a government 
 which has, at all times, invited tliem to a high place in pub- 
 lic counsels and which has always ungrudgingly conceded 
 their indispensable value in tlie growth and jirogress of our 
 republic. 
 
 These considerations plainly ])oint out your respt)nsibility 
 and duty as members of the guild of business and as belong- 
 ing to the fellowship of trade. 
 
 But we cannot avoid other reflections leading in tlie same 
 direction and related to you alom — the business men of Bos- 
 
 184 
 
OF GRO\'ER CLE\'ELAND 
 
 ion. The scene of your activity is the commercial center 
 of a great and ancient commonwealth, rich in patriotic tra- 
 ditions. It was upon the Avaters of your harbor that the 
 first active and physical defiance and opposition were made 
 to odious and unfair imperial legislation affecting colonial 
 trade; and the first battle by Americans for liberty of the 
 person, and for freedom from unjust and oppressive restraint 
 upon business, was fought within sight of your warehouses. 
 
 You have, besides, inherited a trust which shades with 
 sober sentiment your obligation to your country and your 
 fellow-citizens. With the birth of American trade there 
 arose on the spot merchants of strong sense and enlightened 
 enterprise, chiefs among their fellows, independent and 
 self-reliant, willing to chance their success upon their own 
 effort and foresight, inflexibly honest and intensely jealous 
 of their commercial honor. Upon your wharves and in your 
 counting rooms they wrought out their well-earned fortunes. 
 Their ships were found in every ocean-path, and they made 
 their country known in the trade transactions of the world. 
 Abroad they gained willing confidence and credit by their 
 commercial integrity and probity, and at home they were the 
 pride of their countrymen. 
 
 These were the old Boston merchants. You, their busi- 
 ness heirs and successors, will pardon me if I remind you 
 to-night that the commanding influence of these men did not 
 rest upon immense fortunes, made in a day; but resulted 
 from their well-known honor and scrupulous good faith, 
 which led them to concede to all even the uttermost fraction 
 of right. Nor did they forget their duties of citizenship. 
 They jealously watched the operations of their government, 
 and exacted from it only economy and honesty and a just 
 measure of care and security for themselves and the inter- 
 ests they had in charge. 
 
 The Boston merchant of to-day has not less integrity and 
 virtue than his predecessor; but surely we are not called 
 
 185 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 upon, by the fear of controversy, to close our eyes to the fact 
 that his environment is vastly different. There is among 
 our people less of meaning embodied in the sentiment that 
 tlie government upon which we have staked all our hopes 
 and aspirations, requires, for its successful maintenance, a 
 patriotic regard for the aggregate of the happiness and 
 prosperity of all our people and a willing consent to a fair 
 distribution of the benefits of our free institutions. 
 
 Equal rights and impartial justice are stipulations of tlie 
 compact we have entered into with each other as American 
 citizens; and so nicely adjusted is this plan of our political 
 association, that favoritism for the sole advantage of any 
 section of our membership inevitably results in an encroach- 
 ment upon the benefits justly due to others. But these 
 things sit so lightly upon the consciences of many that a 
 spirit of selfislmess is abroad in the land, which has bred 
 the liabit of clamorous importunity for goverinnent aid in 
 behalf of sjjecial interests — imjurfcctly disguised under the 
 cloak of solicitude for the public good. 
 
 Can we see no contrast between tlie sturdy self-reliance 
 of the Boston merchant in the days that are past, and the 
 attitude you are invited to assume as dependents upon the 
 favor of the government and beneficiaries under its taxing 
 power? Is there not a difference betwcen'the ideas that for- 
 merly prevailed concerning the just and wholesome relations 
 which should exist between the government and the business 
 of the country, and the present tendency toward a govern- 
 ment partnership in trade.'' And was there a hint in for- 
 mer daj's that especial advantages thus once secured, con- 
 stituti'd a vested right wliii'h in no event should in the least 
 be disturbed? 
 
 Political selfishness cheapens in the minds of the people 
 their apjirehension of the character and functions of tlie gov- 
 ernment; it distorts every conception of the duty of g(H)d 
 citizenship, and creates an atniospliiTe in wliitli iiii(iuitous 
 
 lti6 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 purposes and designs lose their odious features. It begins 
 when a perverted judgment is won to the theory that polit- 
 ical action may be used solely for private gain and advan- 
 tage, and when a tender conscience is quieted by the ingen- 
 ious argument that such gain and advantage are identical 
 with the public welfare. This stage having been reached, 
 and self-interest being now fully aroused, agencies are used 
 and practices permitted in the accomplishment of its pur- 
 poses, which, seen in the pure light of disinterested patriot- 
 ism, are viewed with fear and hatred. The independent 
 thought, and free political preference of those whom Fate 
 has made dependent upon daily toil for hard-earned bread, 
 are strangled and destroyed by intimidation and the fear of 
 loss of employment. Vile, unsavory forms rise to the sur- 
 face of our agitated political waters, and gleefully antici- 
 pate, in the anxiety of selfish interest, their opportunity to 
 fatten upon corruption and debauched suffrage. 
 
 This train of thought leads us to consider the imminent 
 danger which threatens us from the intimidation and cor- 
 ruption of our voters. 
 
 It is too late to temporize Avith these evils, or to speak 
 of them otherwise than in the plainest terms. We are 
 spared the labor of proving their existence, for all admit it. 
 That they are terribly on the increase all must concede. 
 
 Manifestly, if the motives of all our citizens were un- 
 selfish and patriotic, and if they sought in political action 
 only their share of the advantage accruing from the advance 
 of our country at all points toward her grand destiny, there 
 would be no place or occasion for the perversion of our suf- 
 frage. Thus the inauguration of the intimidation and cor- 
 ruption of our voters may be justly charged to selfish 
 schemes seeking success through political action. But these 
 evils have been neglected by honest men, disgusted with all 
 political endeavor; they have been tolerated by respectable 
 men who, in weakness of patriotic sentiment, have regarded 
 
 187 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 them C3 only phases of shrewd political management, and 
 they have been actually encouraged by the honors which 
 have been bestowed upon those who boast of their use of 
 such agencies in aid of party supremacy. 
 
 Many of us, therefore, may take to ourselves a share of 
 blame, when we iind confronting us these perils which 
 threaten the existence of our free institutions, the preserva- 
 tion of our national honor, and the perpetuity uf our coun- 
 try. The condition annexed to the founding of our govern- 
 ment upon the suffrage of the people was that the suffrage 
 should be free and pure. We consented to abide by the 
 honest preponderance of political opinion, but we did not 
 consent that a free vote, expressing tlie intelligent and 
 thoughtful sentiment of the voter, sliould be balanced by a 
 vote of intimidation and fear, or by an unclean, corrupt vote 
 disgracefully bought and treacherously sold. 
 
 Let us look with a degree of pity and charity upon those 
 who yield to fear and intimidation in the exercise of their 
 right of suffrage. Though they ought not thus to yield, we 
 cannot forget that, as against their free ballot, they see in 
 the scale their continued employment, the comforts of their 
 homes, and the maintenance of their families. We need not 
 stifle our scorn and contemjjt for the wretch who basely sells 
 his vote, and who for a bribe betrays his trust of citizenship. 
 And yet the tliought will intrude itself that he but follows, 
 in a low and vulgar fashion, the exaniplf of those Avho pro- 
 ceed upon tlie theory that polilical action may be turned to 
 j)rivate gain. 
 
 But whether we pity or whether we hate, our betrayal is 
 none the less complete; nor will cither pity or hate restore 
 our birthright. But we know that wlun political selrish- 
 ness is destroyed our dangers will disapjjcar; and thougli 
 the way to its stronghold may l)e lung and weary, we will 
 follow it' — fighting as wc go. There will be no surrender, 
 nor will there he desertions from our ranks, ^^^l)ishnc^.s 
 
 188 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 and corruption have not yet achieved a lasting triumph, and 
 their bold defiance wiU but hasten the day of their destruc- 
 tion. 
 
 As we struggle on, and confidently invite a direct con- 
 flict with these intrenched foes of our political safety, we 
 have not failed to see another hope, which has manifested 
 itself to all the honest people of the land. It teaches them 
 that though they may not immediately destroy at their 
 source the evils which afflict them, they may check their 
 malign influence and guard themselves against their bane- 
 ful results. It assures them, that, if political virtue and 
 rectitude cannot at once be thoroughly restored to the public, 
 the activity of baser elements may be discouraged. It in- 
 spires them with vigilant watchfulness and a determination 
 to prevent as far as possible their treacherous betrayal by 
 those who are false to their obligations of citizenship. 
 
 This hope, risen like the Star in the East, has fixed the 
 gaze of our patriotic fellow-countrymen; and everywhere — 
 in our busy marts of trade and on our farms, in our cities 
 and in our villages, in the dwellings of the rich and in the 
 homes of the poor, in our imiversities and in our workshops, 
 in our banking houses and in the ranks of inexorable toil — 
 they greet with enthusiastic acclaim the advent of ballot 
 reform. 
 
 There are no leaders in this cause. Those who seem to 
 lead the movement are but swept to the front by the surging 
 force of patriotic sentiment. It rises far above partisan- 
 ship; and only the heedless, the sordid, and the depraved 
 refuse to join in the crusade. 
 
 This reform is predicated upon the cool deliberation of 
 political selfishness in its endeavor to prostitute our suffrage 
 to the purposes of private gain. It is rightly supposed that 
 corruption of the voter is entered upon with such business 
 calculation that the corrupter will only pay a bribe when 
 he has ocular proof that the suffrage he has bargained for 
 
 189 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 is cast in his interest. So, too, it is reasonably expected that 
 if the employee or laborer is at the time of casting his 
 ballot removed from the immediate control of his employer, 
 the futility of fear and intimidation "vvill lead to their aban- 
 donment. 
 
 The change demanded by this reform in the formalities 
 surrounding the exercise of the privilege of suffrage has 
 given rise to real or pretended solicitude for the rights of 
 our voters; and the fear has been expressed that inability 
 on the part of electors to conform to the requirements of the 
 proposed cliange might produce great inconvenience, and in 
 some cases result in disfrancliiscmont. It has even been 
 suggested that the inauguration of the new plan might en- 
 croach upon constitutional guarantees. 
 
 It will not do to accuse of hostility to the reform all 
 those who present these objections; but it is not amiss to 
 inspect their ranks for enemies in disguise. Though the 
 emergency which is upon us is full of danger, and though 
 we sadly need relief, all riglits should be scrupulously pre- 
 served. But there should be no sluitlling, and no frivolous 
 objections should be tolerated. When a dwelling is in ilames 
 we use no set phrase of speech to warn its inmates, and no 
 polite and courtly touch to effect their rescue. Experience 
 has often demonstrated liow qiiiekly obstacles, which seemed 
 plausible if not convincing when urged against a measure 
 of reform, .'ire dissipated by the test of trial, and how read- 
 ily a new order of things adjusts itself to successful use. 
 
 I remember the inauguration of anotlier reform; and I 
 have seen it grow and extend, until it has become firmly 
 established in our laws and jiractice. It is to-day our great- 
 est safeguard against tlic cotnjilete and disgraceful degrada- 
 tion of our jniblic service. It had its enemies, and all of 
 tlieni arc not yet sileiued. TIkksc openly and secretly un- 
 friendly said in the beginning lliat tlic scheme was imprac- 
 ticable and unnecessary; that it created an ollice-holdiiig 
 
 190 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 class ; that it established burdensome and delusive tests for 
 entry in the public service which should be open to all; that 
 It put in the place of real merit and efficiency, scholastic ac- 
 quirements; that it limited the discretion of those charged 
 with the selection of public employees, and that it was un- 
 constitutional. But its victory came,— wrought by the force 
 of enlightened public sentiment,— and upon its trial every 
 objection which had been urged against it was completely 
 discredited. 
 
 As it has been with civil service reform, so will it be with 
 ballot reform, except that the coming victory will be more 
 speedily achieved and will be more complete. 
 
 And as the grand old State of Massachusetts was fore- 
 most to adopt and demonstrate the practicability and useful- 
 ness of civil service reform, so has she been first to adopt a 
 thorough scheme of ballot reform and to prove in practice its 
 value and the invalidity of the objections made against it 
 We thank Massachusetts to-night for all that she has done 
 for these reforms; and we of New York hope that our Em- 
 pire State will soon be keeping step with her sister States 
 m the enforcement of an effective and honest measure of 
 ballot reform. 
 
 In conclusion let me say that good men have no cause for 
 discouragement. Though there are dangers which threaten 
 our welfare and safety, the virtue and patriotism of the 
 American people are not lost, and we shall find them suffi- 
 cient for us. If in too great confidence thev slumber, they 
 will not always sleep. Let them but be aroused from leth- 
 argy and indifference by the consciousness of peril, and they 
 will burst the bonds of political selfishness, revive their 
 political freedom, and restore the purity of their suffrage. 
 
 Thus will they discharge the sacred trust committed to 
 their keeping; thus will they still proudly present to the 
 world proof of the value of free institutions; thus will they 
 demonstrate the strength and perpetuity of a government by 
 
 191 
 
 L 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 the people; thus will they establish American patriotism 
 throughout the length and breadth of our land; and thus 
 will they preserve for themselves and for posterity their 
 God-given inheritance of freedom and justice and peace and 
 happiness. 
 
 [Address at tlie Cornell Alumni Society Meet" 
 ing, December 21, 1889.'] 
 
 Mr. President and Gentlemen : I am confident that how- 
 ever well a man may think he has computed the factors 
 which fix his status among his fellows, and however closely 
 he may have inventoried his social assets and the claims he 
 may hold to dignity and consideration, an item is quite 
 likely now and then to escape his scrutiny. As a result he 
 is liable to awaken some morning and find himself, if not 
 famous, at least entitled to some distinction or consideration 
 which had not before entered into his calculation. 
 
 If I am not the inventor of this weighty proposition I 
 may safely claim to be a striking and convincing illustration 
 of its truth. 
 
 When a committee having the arrangements for this occa- 
 sion in charge came to me with an invitation to be present, 
 I listened to their proposition witli that placid fortitude 
 which one acquires in encounters with those anxious to 
 demonstrate their unselfish patriotism by accepting office in 
 the Federal service. I confess that the impressive repre- 
 sentntion made by the committee of the importance of the 
 occasion, which in these dnys I hear so often, had little or 
 no effect upon me, and that the thought I was giving to the 
 subject was solely directed to determining the manner in 
 which I might most conrteonsly announce my declination. 
 At tliis juncture one of my visitors mentioned the fact that 
 I hnd been the only ('<o\(rnor of the State of New York, 
 
 lf)2 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 who, during his incumbency, had attended a meeting of the 
 Trustees of Cornell University as ex officio a member of that 
 body. 
 
 This was an entirely unexpected announcement. I need 
 hardly say that conditions changed in an instant, when I 
 understood that I had done an important thing, entirely 
 proper and creditable, which my gubernatorial predecessors 
 had not done. Somewhat puffed up by this newly found su- 
 periority, and by the additional importance which I imag- 
 ined it gave me, I was ready to acknowledge the character 
 of the obligation which was imposed by my relations thus 
 established to an important institution of learning, and the 
 duty I owed to those who ate and drank in its honor. 
 
 So I came here to insist upon a proper recognition of my 
 kinship to you all, and, I fear, with some idea of exploit- 
 ing, in rather a patronizing way, my importance in that re- 
 lationship. 
 
 But I am entirely cured of all this; for when I see here 
 the alumni of Cornell and others connected with her, and 
 when I recall the pride which the people of New York have 
 in her success and achievements, and when I remember the 
 interest and inspiration aroused by my visit to her home 
 more than six years ago, I am quite willing to rest the sat- 
 isfaction I experience from the privilege of being with you 
 to-night, upon the interest which every citizen of our coun- 
 try and our State ought to feel in an institution which has 
 done so much, and which promises so much for the instruc- 
 tion and improvement of the people of the nation and the 
 State. 
 
 As I speak of the nation in its relation to your xmiversity, 
 I at once encounter a thing which seems not only to imderlie 
 the establishment of the institution, but which presents a 
 feature full of gratification and congratulation. In the grant 
 of aid made by the general government, which did so much 
 toward the founding of the university, I find it provided 
 
 193 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 tint tlie institutions which sought the benefit of its benefac- 
 tion must " teach such branches of learning as are related 
 to agriculture and the mechanic arts, in order to promote 
 the liberal and practical education of the industrial classes in 
 the several pursuits and professions in life." 
 
 When "we consider the relations of the State to the uni- 
 versity, we find the charter giving her a corporate existence 
 upon the same condition contained in the Federal grant. We 
 find, too, that the State guided in her direction the benefits 
 of that grant, and at the same time permitted her to extend, 
 to additional branches of science and learning, her plan of 
 instruction. Nor should we overlook the fact that in her 
 charter the State required her several departments of study 
 to be open to applicants for admission at the lowest rate of 
 expense consistent M'ith her welfare and efficiency, and with- 
 out distinction as to rank, class, previous occupation, or 
 locality. 
 
 To my mind these things mean a great deal. They mean 
 that both tlie nation and tlie State deemed the instruction 
 of the people in agriculture and the mechanical arts as a fit 
 subject for governmental care. This seems natural enough 
 when wc consider the broad area of our country, with its 
 variety of soil and climate, waiting the magic transformation 
 of agriculture, and when we remember that the American 
 people surpass all others in ingenuity and mechanical fac- 
 ulty. They mean, too, the recognition of the fact that the 
 good of the nation and the State is subserved by the educa- 
 tion of all the people without distinction of rank or class, 
 thus keeping in view the principle, upon which our institu- 
 tions rest, that the people are the rulers of the land, and 
 that their intelligence and education are the surest safeguards 
 of our perpetuity, our prosperity, and our progress. They 
 mean, also, that our nation arid (nir Slate have made an ofTrr 
 of educational facilities and have exacted from their bene- 
 ficiaries a compensating return of good citizenship. 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 These thoughts immediately suggest that those who close 
 with this offer and accept its benefits incur an obligation to 
 the nation and State which cannot be avoided or compro- 
 mised. It is an obligation to realize thoughtfully and care- 
 fully the trust they hold as citizens, to interest themselves 
 in public questions and to discharge their political duties 
 with a patriotic intent and purpose of securing and pro- 
 tecting the welfare of their entire country. No man has a 
 right to be heedless and listless under the responsibility he 
 bears as an American citizen. An educated man has cer- 
 tainly no excuse for indifference ; and most of all, the man 
 is derelict to his obligation who calls your university his 
 Alma Mater and yet fails to discharge his full duty of citi- 
 zenship. His graduation is proof that he has worthily 
 earned the honors which your university can bestow; but, 
 , wherever he may go and whatever may be his way of life, 
 his diploma is evidence that he owes service to the nation. 
 
 Of this service he should at all times be proud. He is 
 everywhere, if he is true to his duty, in the ranks of those 
 who are engaged in the noble work of aiding to reach its 
 grand and ultimate destiny, the best and freest nation the 
 world has ever seen. H he retains his allegiance to the 
 Empire State of New York, his pride should be enhanced; 
 because, if he is faithful to his pledge, he is striving to ad- 
 vance the interest of the greatest commonwealth which the 
 government of the United States numbers among its jewels. 
 
 Thus in the nation and in the State he wears the badge of 
 his obligation to good citizenship placed upon him within 
 the walls of Cornell University. Happy and dutiful are her 
 graduates, if, for the welfare of their country, for the honor 
 of their university, and for the vindication of their own 
 rectitude and good faith they respond patriotically to this 
 obligation. 
 
 Concerning the debt of affection due from you to the uni- 
 versity herself, I hardly need say, in this company, that all 
 
 195' 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 the alumni of Cornell, wherever in this broad land they may 
 be, should love and revere their Alma Mater, beneath whose 
 sheltering roof they have been fitted for usefulness and well 
 equipped for the conflict of life. Their loyalty to her should 
 never fail, and when the student life of their sons makes 
 their fathers' names again familiar in the old university and 
 upon her rolls, the sons should come to her halls laden with 
 a father's devotion to her welfare, and they should be 
 spurred to their best endeavor by a father's appreciation of 
 her benefits and advantages. 
 
 Let me, in closing, leave the alumni of Cornell University 
 the thought that they cannot honor their Alma Mater more, 
 nor illustrate her value and usefulness better, than by keep- 
 ing alive and active at all times a sober apprehension of 
 the duty they owe to " the Nation, the State, and the Uni- 
 versity." 
 
 {Address at the Ninth Annual Meeting of the 
 Actors* Fund of .imcrica, Nexo York City, 
 January 3, 1890.] 
 
 Mr. President, and Ladies and Gentlemen: If my appear- 
 ance here to-day serves no other purjx)se, I hope I may say, 
 without offense to anyone, that it illustrates the progress of 
 our time in toleration and liberality of sentiment. 
 
 I was reared and taught in the strictest school of Prcsby- 
 terianism, I remember well the precious precepts and exam- 
 ples of my early days, and I acknowledge that to them I 
 owe every faculty of usefulness I possess, and every just 
 apprehension of the duties and obligations of life. But 
 though still clinging to these with unabated faith and stead- 
 fastness, I meet and congialuhiti' you on this occasion, not 
 only without the least vestige of uidimI louijjunction, but willi 
 great pleasure and satisfaction. 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 It is not necessary to remind this audience that, whether 
 right or wrong, such a condition could not always be antici- 
 pated, for the time is within the remembrance of us all 
 when, in many quarters of our country, very little good was 
 acknowledged to exist in the dramatic profession. We are 
 certain there has been a change in the relation your profes- 
 sion bears to the people at large; and, while much of this 
 change is undoubtedly due to the growth of more liberal 
 ideas, it will not do to overlook the fact that you yourselves 
 have, by a constant regard to the ethics of your calling, con- 
 tributed perhaps in a greater degree to the breaking down of 
 old prejudices and misconceptions. At all events, we, as 
 laymen, know that we are freer from bigoted intolerance ; 
 and you, as members of the dramatic profession, must feel 
 that you are greatly relieved from unjust suspicions. 
 
 We all see less and less reason why our ministers should 
 quote Shakspeare from their pulpits and we be prohibited 
 from seeing and hearing his Avorks better interpreted on the 
 stage. We see still less consistency in permitting the perusal 
 of books of fiction, which only sometimes teach wholesome 
 moral lessons, and at the same time prohibiting attendance 
 upon the well-regulated and conventional play, where virtue 
 is always triumphant and villainy is always circumvented. 
 
 But while I can say that I am not at all perplexed at 
 this moment by my Presbyterianism, I cannot claim that my 
 position before such an audience as this is entirely free from 
 embarrassment. I have been told by one of my best friends, 
 and, at the same time, one of the best actors I ever saw, that 
 at a play an audience of actors are critical, but kind and 
 patient. This reflection is, of course, reassuring as far as it 
 goes. But, since I agreed to meet you here to-day, it has 
 often occurred to me that I had no guarantee of your kind- 
 ness and patience except at a play; and that perhaps when 
 you see your places on the stage occupied by those not of 
 your brotherhood, you may still be critical, but neither kind 
 
 197 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 nor patient. In these circumstances, I may as well confess 
 now and here, that, in strict accordance with the promptings 
 of weak and unamiahle human nature, I have stifled all mis- 
 givings as to what I may inflict upon you — if I have not rid 
 myself of anxiety — by the reflection that, however much 
 I may fall short of your approbation, I cannot possibly 
 take of you excessive reprisals for the dreary speaking and 
 acting that have at times been inflicted upon me when some 
 of your profession have been upon tlie stage and I in the 
 audience. 
 
 It is very doubtful whether there is much appropriateness 
 in the ideas I have thus far presented, in the light of the fact 
 that we have met to review the work of a noble charity ; for, 
 though this particular enterprise has its rise within the lira- 
 its of the dramatic profession, surely, in the things which 
 pertain to the relief of the sick and suffering, and to the aid 
 and comfort of the imfortunate and afflicted, all who are 
 charitably inclined belong to one fraternity. The sentiment 
 of charity arouses all that is worth having in human nature, 
 and in its work it weaves the bands which hold mankind in 
 gentle kinship. 
 
 I cannot refrain from speaking of one characteristic of the 
 charity you have in charge, which to me is especially gratify- 
 ing. Necessarily, in the administration of many benevolent 
 enterprises, the conditions of participation in their benefits 
 are so exacting and the investigations practiced arc so 
 .searching and unsparing, that humiliation and sadness often 
 accompany relief. It is a most happy arrangement of the 
 work of your organization that it is done directly, promptly, 
 and without humiiiating incidents; that your relief is ex- 
 tended to all in any way rtl.ited to your profession, from 
 the highest to the lowest grade ; and that they require no 
 other certificate tlian their needy condition. Thus tlierc is 
 given to your charitable eft'orts a sort of cordiality and 
 Iit-artiness wliicli ni.ikcii your assistance doubly wclcouic. 
 
 11)8 
 
OF G R O V E R C L E \' E L A N D 
 
 I remember well how impi'essed I was b}' this feature of 
 your charity, when, six or seven years ago, I first knew of 
 the existence of your organization, and was urged, as Gov- 
 ernor of the State, to attend an entertainment to be given 
 for its benefit ; and how it determined me to set aside my ob- 
 jections and accept the invitation which was so cordially and 
 persuasively presented. I have always felt grateful to those 
 who tendered that invitation, not only for the enjoyment 
 which the entertainment afforded, but also because I was thus 
 introduced to a charity in which I have ever since taken a 
 lively interest. You at that time placed my name upon your 
 roll of honorary membership, and I am very proud of it — 
 all the more so because if not the first, it was among the first, 
 there recorded. 
 
 I feel, then, that I am nearly enough related to you and 
 your active membership to join in your felicitations upon the 
 good you have already accomplished and upon the promise 
 of extended usefulness in the future. The record of char- 
 itable accomplishments which has been presented by your 
 president must be full of satisfaction, and must, of necessity, 
 bring home to you the feeling that you have been amply paid 
 for all you have done for this beneficent organization, by 
 the consciousness that you have in this way aided in alleviat- 
 ing the sorrow and the distress of your " forlorn and ship- 
 wrecked " brethren. 
 
 The highest and best development of your charity, and 
 the most Important purpose of your Fund, will be reached 
 when you are able to provide a home for those in your pro- 
 fession who, through age, sickness, or infirmity, are unfitted 
 longer to work and struggle. It must be perfectly apparent 
 that in such a retreat, managed and superintended by those 
 who, from professional experience and sympathy, are con- 
 versant with the history and peculiar needs of those whom 
 it shelters, poverty would lose much of its humiliation, and 
 disability need not rob the unfortunate of self-respect. I 
 
 199 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 hope the day is not far distant when this important instrn- 
 mentalitj' will be added to your means of usefulness. 
 
 You will not, I trust, deem it amiss if, in conclusion, I 
 present a thought wliich is apt to be prominent in my mind 
 on occasions like this. 
 
 Considering, as I do, the dramatic profession as furnish- 
 ing favorable conditions for tlie development of thoughtful 
 men, I am not fully satisfied tliat its members appreciate, 
 as soberly as they ought, their duty to our country. You 
 must yourselves confess that tlie tendency of your occupation 
 is somewhat in the direction of isolation, and a separation 
 from familiar contact with the ordinary affairs of life. 
 These lead not only to your being misunderstood by many 
 of your fellow-citizens, but to the loss of the advantage which 
 your intelligence might contribute to the common welfare. 
 You are patriotic in sentiment, but you are too apt to think 
 that you perform your full duty when you do well your 
 professional work and when you keep tlie peace and obey the 
 laws. Pardon me if I say to you that all these things, and 
 all your readily acknowledged charitable undertakings, will 
 not atone for a neglect to discharge your duty as it is related 
 to the affairs of your country. This government of ours is 
 constructed upon the theory tliat every tlionghtful, intelli- 
 gent, and honest citizen will directly interest himself in its 
 operation; and unless this is forthcoming, its best objects 
 and purposes will not be accomplished. 
 
 As the welfare of your country is dear to you, as you de- 
 sire an lionest and wise administration of your government, 
 and as your interests and prosperity, in common witli those 
 of your fellow-citizens, are bound up in the maintenance of 
 our free institutions, do not forget that these tilings can 
 only be seeurt-d by conscientious political thought and care- 
 ful political action. 
 
 200 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 [Address at the Celebration of the Organization 
 of the Supreme Court, February A, 1890. '\ 
 
 Ladies and Gentlemen : We are accustomed to express, on 
 every fit occasion, our reverence for the virtue and patriot- 
 ism in which the foundations of our republic were laid, and 
 to rejoice in the blessings vouchsafed to us under free in- 
 stitutions. Thus we have lately celebrated, with becoming 
 enthusiasm, the centennial of the completion of our Consti- 
 tution and the inauguration of our first President. 
 
 To-day we have assembled to commemorate an event con- 
 nected with our beginning as a people, which, more than any 
 other, gave safety and the promise of perpetuity to the 
 American plan of government, and which, more than any 
 other, happily illustrated the wisdom and enlightened fore- 
 sight of those who designed our national structure. 
 
 In the work of creating our nation, the elements of a free 
 government were supplied by concessions of sovereign 
 States, by surrender of accustomed rights, and by the in- 
 spiration of pure and disinterested patriotism. If, from these 
 elements, there had not been evolved that feature in our Fed- 
 eral system which is our theme to-day, the structure might 
 have been fair to look upon and might have presented a 
 semblance of solidity and strength ; but it would have been 
 only a semblance ; and the completed edifice would have had 
 within its foundations the infirmity of decay and ruin. 
 
 It must be admitted that it is hardly within the power of 
 human language so to compass diverse interests and claims, 
 within the lines of a written constitution, as to free it en- 
 tirely from disputes of construction ; and certainly diverse 
 constructions were apt to lurk in the diction of a constitu- 
 tion declared by the president of the convention which for- 
 
 201 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 mulated it, to be " the result of a spirit of amity and of tliat 
 mutual deference and concession which the peculiarity of our 
 political situation rendered indispensable." 
 
 It is fairly plain and palpable, both from reason and a 
 review of events in our history, that without an arbiter to 
 determine, fnially and conclusively, the rights and duties 
 embraced in the language of the Constitution, the union of 
 States and the life of the American nation must have been 
 precarious and disappointing. Indeed, there could hardly 
 have been a well-grounded hope that they would long survive 
 the interpretation of the national compact by every party 
 upon whom it rested, and the insistence of each, to the last 
 extremity, upon such an interpretation as would secure cov- 
 eted riglits and benefits, and absolve from irksome duties 
 and obligations. 
 
 In the creation of the world, the earth was without form 
 and void, and darkness was upon the face of the deep, until 
 God said: " Let there be light, and there was light." 
 
 In the creation of our new nation, our free institutions 
 were without the form and symmetry of strength, and the 
 darkness of hopelessness brooded over the aspirations of our 
 people, until a light in tlie temple of Justice and Law, gath- 
 ered from tlie Divine fountain of light, illumined the work 
 of the fathers of our republic. 
 
 On this centennial day we will devoutly thank Heaven 
 for the revelation, to those who formed our government, of 
 this source of strength and light, and for the inspiration of 
 disinterested patriotism and consecrated devotion wliich es- 
 tablislied the tribunal which we to-day commemorate. 
 
 Our fathers had sacrificed much to be free. Above all 
 things tluv desired freedom to be absolutely secured to 
 themselves and their posterity. And yet, with all their 
 enthusiasm for this sentiment, they were willing to refer to 
 the tribunal which tliey devised all questions arising under 
 their newly formed Constitution, affecting the freedom and 
 
 i.'02 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 the protection and safety of the citizen. Though bitter ex- 
 perience had taught them that the instrumentalities of gov- 
 ernment might trespass upon freedom, and though they had 
 learned in a hard school the cost of the struggle to wrest 
 liberty from the grasp of power, they refused, in the solemn 
 work they had in hand, to take counsel of undue fear or dis- 
 tracting perturbation; and they calmly and deliberately es- 
 tablished, as a function of their government, a check upon 
 unauthorized freedom and a restraint upon dangerous lib- 
 erty. Their attachment and allegiance to the sovereignty 
 of their States were warm and unfaltering; but these did 
 not prevent them from contributing a fraction of that sover- 
 eignty to the creation of a Court which should guard and 
 protect their new nation, and save and perpetuate a govern- 
 ment which should, in all time to come, bless an independent 
 people. 
 
 I deem myself highly honored by the part assigned to me 
 in these commemorative exercises. As in eloquent and fit- 
 ting terms we shall be led, by those chosen to address us, 
 to the contemplation of the history of that august tribunal 
 organized one hundred years ago; as the lives and services 
 of those who in the past have presided over its councils are 
 rehearsed to us ; as our love and veneration for our fellow- 
 countrymen who now fill its high and sacred places are 
 quickened; and as we are reminded of the manner in which 
 our national Court has at all times illustrated the strength 
 and beneficence of free institutions, let us be glad in the 
 possession of this rich heritage of American citizenship, 
 and gratefully appreciate the wisdom and patriotism of those 
 who gave to us the Supreme Court of the United States. 
 
 203 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 [Letter to E. Ellery ^Anderson, Chairman of the 
 Reform Club Meeting, New York, Febru- 
 ary 10, 1891.] 
 
 Dear Sir: I have this afternoon received your note in- 
 viting me to attend to-morrow evening the meeting called 
 for the purpose of voicing the opposition of the business 
 men of our city to " the free coinage of silver in the United 
 States." 
 
 I shall not be able to attend and address the meeting as 
 you request, but I am glad that the business interests of New 
 York are at last to be heard on this subject. It surely can- 
 not be necessary for me to make a formal expression of my 
 agreement with those who believe that the greatest peril 
 Avould be invited by the adoption of the scheme, embraced in 
 the measure now pending in Congress, for the unlimited 
 coinage of silver at our mints. 
 
 If we have developed an unexpected capacity for the as- 
 similation of a largely increased volume of this currency, and 
 even if we have demonstrated the usefulnejis of such an in- 
 crease, these conditions fall far short of insuring us against 
 disaster if, in the present situation, we enter upon the dan- 
 gerous and reckless experiment of free, unlimited, and inde- 
 pendent silver coinage. 
 
 [Letter to Edgar A. Broicn, Esq., President of 
 the Indiana Tariff Reform Jjeague, Neio 
 York, February lo, 1800.] 
 
 Ml/ Dtar Sir: Thougli my litters to Democratic and tariff 
 rrform assciiililagts Jiavr laltly bttii very frcijwcnt, I c.iniKit 
 (Ivny your rc(juc.st to hay a word of cncouragcnunt lo the 
 
 'J04 
 
 I 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 tariff reformers who will meet at the first annual convention 
 of the Indiana Tariff Reform League on the 4th of March. 
 
 I am very much pleased with the plan upon which your 
 league seems to be organized. It conveys a suggestion of 
 practical work in the field of information and enlighten- 
 ment. This, if persistently carried out, cannot fail of suc- 
 cess. Of course, we do not approach the American people, 
 assuming that they are ignorant or unpatriotic. But we 
 know that they are busy people and apt to neglect the study 
 of public questions. In the engrossment of their daily avo- 
 cations, they are too ready to rely upon the judgment and 
 avowed principles of the party with which they have affili- 
 ated as guides to their political actions. In this way they 
 have become slow to examine for themselves the questions of 
 tariff reform. If, in the lights of reasonable and simple 
 arguments and of such object-lessons as are being constantly 
 placed before them, our people can be induced to investigate 
 the subjects, there need be no fear as to their conclusion. 
 
 The Democratic party — as the party of the people, op- 
 posed to selfish schemes, which ignore the public good, and 
 pledged to the interests of all their countrymen instead of 
 furtherance of the interests of the few who seek to pervert 
 governmental powers for their enrichment — was never nearer 
 to its fundamental principles than it was in its contests for 
 tariff reform. 
 
 It certainly adds to the satisfaction witli which we labor 
 in this cause to be assured that in our efforts we not only 
 serve our party, but all the people of the land. 
 
 205 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 ^Address before the Medical Alumni Association 
 of New York City, February 15, 1890.'] 
 
 Mr. President and Gentlemen: I feel that I ought, first of 
 all, to acknowledge the courtesy which affords rue the oppor- 
 tunity of pleasantly meeting this evening so many of the 
 medical fraternity. I hasten to follow this by the expression 
 of my thanks for the permission to say the few words which 
 I suppose are expected of me thus early in the speech-mak- 
 ing stage of this entertainment. I recognize in this favor 
 the utmost kindness, based, I have no doubt, upon your 
 knowledge of physical and mental conditions. You evidently 
 know as well as I do that of all congested, distended and 
 flatulent conditions, the worst and most painful arise from 
 the combination of a stomach full of good things to eat and 
 drink, held in xmcomfortable solution by an undigested 
 speech. 
 
 I interpret my invitation to be licrc to-night as a recogni- 
 tion of the relationship which exists between the jirofessions 
 of medicine and law. At any rate I am quite proud in the 
 assumption that I am entitled, in a fashion, to represent the 
 law side of this professional reunion. 
 
 There are many things which we have in common, and 
 many points where we diverge in oiir profession.il ways. We, 
 with the clergy, enjoy the distinction of belonging to the 
 learned professions. This has a pleasant sound and conveys 
 to us an idea calculated to inspire the greatest self-satisfac- 
 tion and to fill us with a feeling of arrogant superiority. 
 These sentiments arc, however, at once much tempered, or 
 are destroyed, by the reflection that we are all obliged to 
 recognize as professional brethren those who demonstrate 
 by their conduct that mere membership in our brotherhoods 
 will not, of itself, raise us alvnc tlie ordinary scale of inoral- 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 ity, or exalt us above the plane of everyday human nature. 
 Neither you nor I can deny that both of our professions have 
 at this moment representatives not engaged in active prac- 
 tice, but resting in retirement and seclusion within the walls 
 of certain penal institutions scattered throughout the land. 
 And I will concede, if you will, that there are others now at 
 large, in both professions, who are entitled to the same re- 
 tirement and seclusion. 
 
 Perhaps, in passing, I might also say with bated breath 
 that it is sometimes broadly hinted that even the clergy occa- 
 sionally do things which better befit the unregenerate. 
 
 I do not indulge in these reflections for the sake of saying 
 unpleasant things, but rather to suggest humility and mod- 
 esty, and to introduce the declaration that I am prepared 
 now and here to disavow with you the claim of any special 
 goodness or greatness for our profession, except such as 
 grows out of active sympathy with everything which helps 
 and benefits our fellow-men, and except such as result from 
 a conscientious and honest discharge of professional duty. 
 
 We occupy common ground in the similarity of the treat- 
 ment we receive at the hands of the outside world, and in 
 the opportimity we have to make things even with those who 
 despitefuUy use us. 
 
 I have no doubt that it is very funny for people to cari- 
 cature doctors as playing into the hands of undertakers, and 
 to represent lawyers as being on such good terms with the 
 evil one as to preclude the least chance of their salvation. 
 Those who indulge in this sort of merriment are well people 
 and people who have no lawsuits on hand. They grow very 
 serious when their time comes and they grow sick or are 
 caught in the meshes of the law. Then they are very re- 
 , spectful and very appreciative of our skill and learning. If 
 sick they would fain have the doctor by tlieir side day and 
 night; and if they are troubled with a lawsuit they sit like 
 Mordecai at the lawyer's gate and are unwilling that he 
 ' 207 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 should attend to any business but theirs. They arc ready to 
 lay their fortunes at our feet and to give and promise all 
 things if they can but recover their health or win their suit. 
 These are the days in which the lawyer, if he is "wise, will 
 suggest to his clients the payment of a round retainer or a 
 fee in advance. I mention this as indicating a difference at 
 this time in our situations in favor of the lawyer which gives 
 liim a slight advantage over his medical brotlier. 
 
 When the patient recovers, or the client has succeeded in 
 his suit, the old hardihood and impenitence return. The 
 patient insists that his strong constitution carried him 
 througli, and the client declares that he always knew there 
 was notliing in the case of his adversary. They haggle over 
 our bills and wonder how we can charge so much for so 
 little work. 
 
 But sometimes the life or the lawsuit cannot be saved. 
 In such a case we must not overlook a difference in our situ- 
 ations, with features in favor of the doctor. The defeated 
 client is left in a vigorous and active condition, not only 
 in the complete enjoyment of his ancient privilege of swear- 
 ing at the Court, but also with full capacity to swear at his 
 lawyer. The defeated patient, on the contrary, is very 
 quiet indeed and can only swear at his doctor if he has left 
 his profanity in a phonograph to be ground out by his ex- 
 ecutor. 
 
 A point of resemblance between us is found in tlie fact 
 that in neither profession do we manage well in treating our 
 own cases. Doctors solemnly advise their patients that it 
 is dangerous to eat tliis or drink tliat, or do many other 
 things wliicli make existence pleasant; and after marking out 
 a course for their poor {patients which, if followed, robs life 
 of all which makes it worth living, they hasten away to 
 temj)t instant death, according to their own teaeliings, by 
 filling tluMiisdvcs witii all the good things and indulgence 
 within tiic n acli ol" tli<ir desires. So the lawyer, safe and 
 
 208 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 wise when he counsels others, deals so poorlj'^ with his own 
 legal affairs as to have originated the saying that a lawyer 
 who tries his own case has a fool for a client ; and it seems 
 almost impossible for a lawyer to draw his own will in such 
 manner as not to yield a passage through it for a coach 
 and four. 
 
 Another point of resemblance between the two profes- 
 sions consists in the disposition of the members of both to 
 quarrel with each other. I am bound to say, however, that 
 a difference is to be noted in this matter in favor of the 
 amiabilit}^ of the Bar. Our quarrels are mostly of the 
 Pickwickian sort and strictly in the line of business. They 
 keep us in fighting trim and serve a very good purpose in 
 impressing our clients with our zeal and devotion to their 
 interest. Our asseveration of the rectitude and justice of 
 their side of the cause in hand, and our demonstration of 
 contempt and indignation for the baseless pretenses of their 
 antagonist and for that prostitution of professional effort 
 which advocates such pretenses, is a part of our trade. At 
 the same time I suppose our clients would suspect us of bad 
 faith and disloyalty if they knew how temporary and free 
 from bitterness our quarrels are. Of course, I personally 
 know but little of the quarrels of doctors, except that they 
 are constant and well sustained. I am not to be blamed, 
 however, if I share in the common belief of those outside 
 of the profession, that you are very belligerent and quarrel 
 a great deal for the sake of quarreling. You seem to quar- 
 rel in squads, in sections, in schools and in colleges. You 
 certainly have not, as we have, the excuse that your warfare 
 pleases and exhilarates your patients; for neither they nor 
 anj'^one else know what you are quarreling about. 
 
 It is extremely pleasant to turn from these things to the 
 acknowledgment of certain obligations we, as lawyers, often 
 owe to the medical fraternity. \\Tien, burdened with a trou- 
 blesome case, we feel that the facts are against us ; when we 
 
 209 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 languish in the chill darkness of adverse legal principles; 
 and when discouragement broods over our efforts, if we can 
 bring from afar and inject into our cause some question of 
 medical science, our drooping lawsuit immediately becomes 
 animated and interesting, for we know that whatever our 
 theory may be concerning this medical question, we shall 
 find generous and considerate doctors who will support it. 
 Of course fully as many will dispute and denounce it; but 
 with a jury in the box who have not the slightest idea of 
 what the doctors are talking about, neither litigant need feel 
 discouraged. 
 
 You are not, I trust, unprepared for the distinct expression 
 in conclusion, that nothing is more noble or useful than 
 worth}' membership in our professions. In both are found 
 that culture and enlightened education which make them 
 learned professions; and in both are foimd that dignity, in- 
 tegrity, and devotion which entitle them to be called honor- 
 able professions. Our membership sliould lead us to acknowl- 
 edge the responsibilities to our fellow-men, which our situa- 
 tions impose, and our obligation to our country, which we can- 
 not innocently evade. May I not suggest that our entire duty 
 is not done if we never look beyond our professional routine, 
 and if we limit our endeavor to strictly professional labor .^ 
 If our positions give us influence, that influence should be 
 exerted in every direction for the good of our fellow-country- 
 men. There are also maladies and evils afflicting the body 
 politic which require remedies and corrections; and there are 
 suits to be tried before the tribunal of public opinion in which 
 the anxious suitors are a free, generous, and confiding people. 
 
 !210 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 [Address before the Southern Society of New 
 York, February 22, 1890, in response to the 
 toast " The Birthday of George Washing- 
 ton/'] 
 
 Mr. President and Gentlemen : It is sometimes said of us 
 that we have too few holidays, and this perhaps is true. We 
 do not boast the antiquity nor the long history which accu- 
 mulates numerous days of national civic observance ; and the 
 rush and activity of our people's life are not favorable to that 
 conservative and deliberate sentiment which creates and es- 
 tablishes holidays. So far as such days might commemorate 
 the existence or achievements of some conspicuous personage, 
 their infrequency may be largely attributed to our demo- 
 cratic spirit and the presumption arising from our institu- 
 tions. In this land of ours — owned, possessed, and governed 
 by the people — we, in theory at least, demand and expect 
 that every man will, in his sphere, be a patriot, and that 
 every faculty of greatness and usefulness with which he is 
 endowed will be devoted to his country and his fellow-men. 
 We have had no dearth of distinguished men, and no better 
 heroism has anj^where been seen than here. But they belong 
 so naturally to us, that we usually deem them sufficiently 
 noticed and commemorated when they are acknowledged as 
 contributions to the common fund of our national pride and 
 glory. 
 
 Thus it happens that in this country but two birthdays are 
 publicly celebrated. We reverently speak of one as the day 
 when the Redeemer of Mankind appeared among men. On 
 the other the man was born whose mission it was to redeem 
 the American people from bondage and dependence and to 
 
 211 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 display to the world the possibility of popular self-govern- 
 ment. 
 
 It would be strange, indeed, if this day should ever be 
 neglected by our fellow-countrymen. It would be like a 
 nation's blotting out the history which cements its govern- 
 mental edifice, or expunging its traditions from which flow 
 that patriotic love and devotion of its people which are the 
 best guarantees of peaceful rule and popular contentment. 
 
 We certainly need at least one day which shall recall to 
 our minds the truth that the price of our country was un- 
 selfish labor and sacrifice, that men fought and suffered that 
 we might be free, and that love and American brotherhood 
 are necessary elements to the full and continued enjoyment 
 of American freedom, prosperity, and happiness. 
 
 We are apt to forget these things in our engrossment with 
 the activities which attend the development of our country 
 and in the impetuous race after wealth which has become a 
 characteristic of our people. There is danger that we may 
 grow heedless of the fact that our institutions are a precious 
 legacy which, for their own sake, should be jealously watched 
 and guarded, and there is danger that this condition may in- 
 duce selfishness and sordidness, followed by the idea that 
 patriotism and morality liave no place in statecraft, and that 
 a political career may be entered upon like any otlier trade 
 for private profit and advantage. 
 
 Tliis is a frightful departure from the doctrines upon 
 which our institutions rest, and surely it is the extreme of 
 folly to hope that our scheme of government will effect its 
 purpose and intent when every eoiulition of its birth and life 
 is ncgleeted. 
 
 I'oint to yt)ur immense fortunes, if you will; point to your 
 national growth and prosperity ; boast of the day of practical 
 politics, and discard as obsolete all sentiment and all concep- 
 tion of morality and patriotism in public life, but do not for 
 a niuiiicnt deludi- yourselves into the belief that you are navi- 
 
 ^'12 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 gating in the safe course marked out by those who launched 
 and blessed the Ship of State. 
 
 Is Washington accused even in these days of being a sen- 
 timentalist? Listen to the admonition he addressed " as an 
 old and affectionate friend " to his fellow-countrymen, whom 
 he loved so well and for whom he had labored so long, as he 
 retired from their service: 
 
 Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, 
 religion, and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that 
 man claim the tribute of patriotism who should labor to subvert these 
 great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of 
 men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, 
 ought to respect and cherish them. 
 
 And all is summed up and applied directly to our situa- 
 tion when he adds: 
 
 It is substantially true that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of 
 popular government. 
 
 When did we outgrow these sentiments ? When did we 
 advance so far in knowledge above our fathers as safely to 
 cast aside these beliefs? Let us be sober and thoughtful, 
 and if we find that these things have lost their hold on our 
 minds and hearts, let us take soundings, for the rocks are 
 near. 
 
 We need in our public and private life such pure and 
 chastened sentiments as result from the sincere and heartfelt 
 observance of days like this, and we need such quickening 
 of our patriotism as the sedate contemplation of the life and 
 character of Washington creates. 
 
 Most of all, because it includes all, we need a better ap- 
 preciation of true American citizenship. I do not mean by 
 this, that thoughtless pride of country which is everywhere 
 assumed sometimes without sincerity, nor the sordid attach- 
 ment born of benefits received or favors expected, but that 
 
 213 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 deep and sentimental love for our citizensliip -which flows 
 from the consciousness that the blessing of Heaven was in- 
 voked at its birth ; that it was nurtured in the faith of God ; 
 and that it grew strong in the self-denying patriotism of our 
 fathers and in their love of mankind. 
 
 Such an apprehension of American citizenship will conse- 
 crate us all to the disinterested service of our country and 
 incite us to drive from the temple of our liberties the money 
 changers and they M'ho buy and sell. 
 
 Washington was the most thorough American that ever 
 lived. His sword was drawn to carve out American citizen- 
 ship, and his every act and public service was directed to its 
 establishment. He contemptuously spurned the offer of 
 kingly power, and never faltered in his hope to make most 
 honorable the man who could justly call himself an Amer- 
 ican. 
 
 In the most solemn manner he warned his countrymen 
 against any attack upon the unity of the government, and 
 called upon them to frown indignantly upon any attempt to 
 alienate any portion of the country from the rest, or to en- 
 feeble the sacred ties that linked together the various parts. 
 
 His admonition rcaclicd the climax of its power and force 
 when he said : 
 
 Citizens by birlli or choice of a conimon country, that country has a 
 ri^ht to concentrate your ufFections. The name of "American," which 
 belongs to you in your national cajwcity, must always exalt tlie just pritle 
 of i)utriolism more than any apj^llatiou derived from any local discrimi- 
 nations. 
 
 In an evil hour, and amid rage and resentment, the warn- 
 ing of Washington was disregarded .and the unity of our 
 government was attacked. In blood and devastation it was 
 saved, and the name of " American," which belonged to all 
 of us, was rescued. FVom the gloom of desolation and 
 cstrnngeiiu'til nil our countrymen were drawn again to their 
 
 21* 
 
OF GROVE R CLEVELAND 
 
 places by the mystic bond of American citizenship which, 
 for all time to come, shall hold and ennoble them as hearty 
 co-workers in accomplishing the national destiny which to 
 the day of his death inspired the faith and hope of Wash- 
 ington. 
 
 As we commemorate his birth to-night, we will invoke 
 his precious influence and renew our patriotic and disinter- 
 ested love of country. Let us thank God that he has lived, 
 and that he has given to us the highest and best example of 
 American citizenship. And let us especially be grateful 
 that we have this sacred memory, which spanning time, 
 vicissitude, and unhappy alienation, calls us together in sin- 
 cere fellowship and brotherly love on " The birthday of 
 George Washington." 
 
 ^Address to a Meeting for Promoting the Free 
 Library Movement^ New York^ March 6, 
 1890.1 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Ladies and Gentlemen: The few words 
 I shall speak on this occasion, I intend rather as a pledge 
 of my adherence to the cause in which you are enlisted, than 
 an attempt to say anything new or instructive. I gladly 
 join, with the enthusiasm of a new convert, in the felicita- 
 tions of those who have done noble and effective work in the 
 establishment and maintenance in our city of a free circu- 
 lating library ; and it seems to me they have abundant cause 
 for congratulation in a review of the good which has already 
 been accomplished through their efforts, and in the contem- 
 plation of the further usefulness which awaits their contin- 
 ued endeavor. 
 
 In every enlightened country the value of popular educa- 
 tion is fully recognized, not only as a direct benefit to its 
 
 215 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 recipients, but as an element of strength and safety in or- 
 ganized society. Considered in these aspects, it should no- 
 where be better appreciated tlian in this land of free insti- 
 tutions, consecrated to the welfare and happiness of its 
 citizens, and deriving its sanction and its power from the 
 people. Here the character of the people is inevitably im- 
 pressed upon the government, and here our public life can 
 no more be higher and purer than the life of the people, 
 than a stream can rise above its fountain or be purer than 
 the spring in which it has its source. 
 
 That we have not failed to realize these conditions is 
 demonstrated by the establishment of free public schools on 
 every side, where children are not only invited but often 
 obliged to submit themselves to such instruction as will 
 better their situation in life and fit them to take part intel- 
 ligently in the conduct of the government. 
 
 Thus in our schools the young are taught to read, and in 
 this manner the seed is sown from which we expect a prof- 
 itable return to the state, when its beneficiaries shall repay 
 the educational advances made to them by an intelligent and 
 patriotic performance of tlieir social and j)olitical duties. 
 
 And yet, if we are to create good citizenship, which is the 
 object of popular education, and if we are to insure to the 
 country the full benefit of public instruction, we can by no 
 means consider the work as coinpUtely done in the school- 
 room. Wliile the young gathered there are fitting tl»em- 
 selves to assume in the future their political obligations, 
 there are others upon whom these obligations already rest, 
 and who now have the welfare and safety of the country 
 in their keeping. Our work is badly done if these are 
 neglected. They have passed the seliool age, and have per- 
 liaps availed themselves of free instruction ; but they, as well 
 as those still in school, should, nevertheless. have within their 
 rearli the means of further mental improvement and tlie op- 
 })()rlunity of gaining that additional knowledge and inforuui- 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 tion which can only be secured by access to useful and in- 
 structive books. 
 
 The husbandman who expects to gain a profitable return 
 from his orchards not only carefully tends and cultivates 
 the young trees in his nurseries as they grow to maturity, 
 but he generously enriches and cares for those already in 
 bearing and upon which he must rely for ripened fruit. 
 
 Teaching the children of our land to read is but the first 
 step in the scheme of creating good citizens by means of free 
 instruction. We teach the young to read so that, both as 
 children and as men and women, they may read. Our teach- 
 ing must lead to the habit and the desire of reading, to be 
 useful; and only as this result is reached, can the work in 
 our free schools be logically supplemented and made val- 
 uable. 
 
 Therefore, the same wise policy and intent which open 
 the doors of our free schools to our yoimg also suggest the 
 completion of the plan thus entered upon, by placing books 
 in the hands of those who, in our schools, have been taught 
 to read. 
 
 A man or woman who never reads and is abandoned to 
 unthinking torpor, or who allows the entire mental life to be 
 bounded by the narrow lines of a daily recurring routine of 
 effort for mere existence, cannot escape a condition of bar- 
 renness of mind which not only causes the decay of individ- 
 ual contentment and happiness, but which fails to yield to 
 the state its justly expected return of usefulness in valuable 
 service and wholesome political action. 
 
 Another branch of this question should not be overlooked. 
 It is not only of great importance that our youth and our 
 men and women should have the ability, the desire, and the 
 opportunity to read, but the kind of books they read is no 
 less important. Without guidance and without the invita- 
 tion and encouragement to read publications which will im- 
 prove as well as interest, there is danger that our people 
 
 217 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 will have in their hands books wliose influence and tendency 
 are of a negative sort, if not positively bad and mischievous. 
 I>ike other good things, the ability and opportunity to read 
 may be so used as to defeat their beneficent purposes. 
 
 The boy who greedily devours the vicious tales of imag- 
 inary daring and blood-curdling adventure, which in these 
 days are far too accessible to the young, will have his brain 
 filled with notions of life and standards of manliness which, 
 if they do not make him a menace to peace and good order, 
 will certainly not tend to make him a useful member of 
 society. 
 
 The man who devotes himself to the flash literature now 
 much too common will, instead of increasing his value as a 
 citizen, almost surely degenerate in liis ideas of public duty 
 and grow dull in his appreciation of the obligations he owes 
 his country. 
 
 In both these cases there will be a loss to the state. There 
 is danger also that a positive and aggressive injury to the 
 community will result; and such readers will certainly suffer 
 deprivation of the happiness and contentment which are the 
 fruits of imj)roving study and well-regulated thought. 
 
 So, too, the young woman who seeks recreation and enter- 
 tainment in reading silly and frivolous lx)oks. often of doubt- 
 ful moral tendency, is herself in the way of becoming frivo- 
 lous and silly, if not of weak morality. If she escapes this 
 latter condition, she is almost certain to become utterly un- 
 fitted to bear patiently the burden of self-support, or to as- 
 sume the sacred duties of wife and mother. 
 
 Contemplating these truths, no one can doubt the impor- 
 tance of securing for those who read, as far as it is in our 
 power, facilities for the study and reading of such b(Xiks as 
 will instruct and innocently enti-rtain, and which will, at the 
 same time, improve and correct the tastes and desires. 
 
 There is another thouglit somewhat in advance of those 
 already suggested, wliich should not pass unnoticotl. 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 As an outgrowth of the inventive and progressive spirit 
 of our people, we have among us legions of men, and women 
 too, who restlessly desire to increase their knowledge of the 
 new forces and agencies, which, at this time, are being con- 
 stantly dragged from their lurking-places and subjected to 
 the use of man. These earnest inquirers should all be given 
 a chance and have put within their reach such books as 
 will guide and inspire their efforts. If, by tliis means, 
 the country shall gain to itself a new inventor, or be the 
 patron of endeavor which shall add new elements to the 
 sum of human happiness and comfort, its intervention will 
 be well repaid. 
 
 These considerations, and the fact that many among us 
 having the ability and inclination to read are unable to fur- 
 nish themselves with profitable and wholesome books, amply 
 justify the beneficent mission of our Free Circulating Li- 
 brary. Its plan and operation, so exactly adjusted to meet 
 a situation which cannot safely be ignored and to wants 
 which ought not to be neglected, establish its claim upon 
 the encouragement and reasonable aid of the public authori- 
 ties and commend it most fully to the support and gener- 
 osity of private benefaction. 
 
 The development which this good work has already 
 reached in our city has exhibited the broad field j'et remain- 
 ing untouched, and the inadequacy of present operations. It 
 has brought to view also instances of noble individual philan- 
 thropy and disinterested private effort and contribution. 
 
 But it certainly seems that the time and money directed 
 to this object are confined to a circle of persons far too nar- 
 row, and that the public encouragement and aid have been 
 greatly disproportioned to private endeavor. 
 
 The city of New York has never shown herself willing to 
 be behind other cities in such work as is done by our Free 
 Circulating Library, and, while her people are much en- 
 grossed in business activity and enterprise, they have never 
 
 219 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 yet turned away from a cause once demonstrated to them 
 to be so worthy and useful as this. 
 
 The demonstration is at hand. Let it be pressed upon our 
 fellow-citizens, and let them be shown the practical opera- 
 tion of tlie project you have in hand and the good it has 
 accomi)IisIied, and the further good of which it is capable 
 tlirough their increased liberality, and it will be strange if 
 they fail to respond generously to your appeal to put the 
 city of New York in the front rank of the cities which have 
 recognized the usefulness of free circulating libraries. 
 
 [Letter to J. A. Hill, Esq., Corresponding Sec- 
 retary of the Stenhenville (O.) Lodge of 
 the Farmers' Alliance^ New York,, March 
 24, 1890.1 
 
 Dear Sir: I liave received your letter, accompanied by a 
 copy of the declaration of principles of the Farmers' Al- 
 liance. 
 
 I see nothing in this declaration that cannot be fully in- 
 dorsed by any man who loves his country, who believes that 
 the object of our goverimirnt should be the freedom, pros- 
 ])erity, and happiness of all our people, and who believes that 
 justice and fairness to all are necessary conditions to its 
 useful administration. 
 
 It has always seemed t(i me that tlie farmers of the coun- 
 try were esj)ecially interested in an eijuitable adjustment of 
 our tariff system. The indifference tliey have shown to tliat 
 (|U<stion, and the ease witli wliieh tliey liave been led away 
 from a sober consi(h'ration of their needs and thiir rights as 
 related to tliis subject, liave excited my surprise. 
 
 Struggh- as they may, our farmers must continue to be 
 purcli.iscrs and consumers of numberless things enhanced 
 
 S20 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 in cost by tariff regulations. Surely they have the right to 
 insist that this cost shall not be increased for the purpose of 
 collecting unnecessary revenue or to give undue advantage 
 to domestic manufactures. The plea that our infant in- 
 dustries need the protection which thus impoverishes the 
 farmer and consumer is, in view of our natural advantages 
 and the skill and ingenuity of our people, a hollow pretext. 
 
 Struggle as they may, our farmers cannot escape the con- 
 ditions which fix the price of what they produce and sell, ac- 
 cording to the rates which prevail in foreign markets flooded 
 with the competition of countries enjoying freer exchange of 
 trade than we. The plausible presentation of the blessings 
 of a home market should not deceive our depressed and 
 impoverished agriculturists. There is no home market for 
 them which does not take its instructions from the seaboard, 
 and the seaboard transmits the word of the foreign markets. 
 
 Because my conviction that there should be a modifica- 
 tion of our tariff laws arose principally from an apprecia- 
 tion of the wants of the vast army of consumers, compris- 
 ing our farmers, our artisans, and our workingmen, and 
 because their condition has led me to protest against present 
 impositions, I am especially glad to see these sections of 
 my fellow-countrymen arousing themselves to the impor- 
 tance of tariff reform. 
 
 [Address at the Piano and Organ Manufactur- 
 ers" Banquet, New York, April 2 A, 1890.1 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen : The words of the toast to 
 which I am to respond may just at this time appear to have 
 a somewhat threatening sound. In the midst of unusual 
 thought and discussion among our fellow-citizens upon 
 economic subjects, the phrase " our American industries " 
 
 221 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 is very commonly used; and the furtherance of these in- 
 dustries is claimed to be the patriotic purpose of those 
 in both political parties ^vho lead in such thought and 
 discussion. 
 
 Thus it happens that the announcement of " Our Amer- 
 ican Industries," as a topic of discourse, has almost come to 
 be a signal for combat between those not at all loath to fly 
 at each other in wordy warfare over the subject of tariff re- 
 form. But if there are any persons here who now feel an 
 inclination to gird up their loins for the fray, I hasten to 
 assure them that, though I have been suspected of having 
 some opinions on that question, I am sure that at this par- 
 ticular time the toast I have in cliarge is not loaded, and 
 that there will be no explosion. 
 
 And yet, while I think I can keep the peace and mention 
 my subject witliout any warlike sensation, I cannot avoid 
 feeling the weight and impediment of another difficulty, 
 wliich is calculated to appall and discourage me. This is 
 the vastness of my subject. It embraces the toil of the pio- 
 neer in the far West, the most delicate operations of manu- 
 facture, the most pronounced triumplis of art, and the most 
 startling results of inventive genius. 
 
 How can I compass these things within the limits allotted 
 to me on this occasion, and where sliall I begin, as I stand 
 before this assemblage of American citizens and am con- 
 fronted with the ideas which " Our American Industries " 
 suggests ? 
 
 I can do little more than to speak of the present condition 
 of these industries as indicating tlic greatest and swiftest 
 national growth and advancement the world has ever seen. 
 We have onlv one hundred years of history; but in all that 
 time American ingenuity and investigation liave been active 
 and restless. We have begrudged to Nature everything slie 
 seeks to hide, and have laid in wait to learn tlie secret of her 
 processes. We have not believed that the greatest advance 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 yet reached in mechanical skill and art has exhausted Ameri- 
 can invention, and when other nations have started first in 
 any field of progress, we have resolutely given chase and 
 struggled for the lead. 
 
 We now invite the old nations of Europe to see our steam 
 plows turning furrows in wheatfields as large as some of 
 their principalities. We astonish them with the number and 
 the length of our railroads, and the volume and speed of our 
 transportation. With odds against us, for which American 
 skill and mdustry are in no wise to blame, we force our prod- 
 ucts and manufactures into their markets. Our Edison 
 liglited the Eiffel Tower, and by his display of the wonders 
 of electricity lent success to the American exhibits at the 
 Paris Exposition. 
 
 It appears that some of our industries suit the people of 
 foreign lands so well that they desire to own them ; and daily 
 we hear of English syndicates purchasing our manufactur- 
 ing establishments. Our people seem to endure this raid 
 upon them with wonderful complacency, though we cannot 
 torget that, less than two years ago, they were very sol- 
 emnly warned against the dangers and seductions of British 
 gold. 
 
 I hope I am not too late in expressing my thanks for the 
 privilege of meeting on this occasion an assemblage repre- 
 senting one of our industries which, so far as I know, is not 
 infected by the wholesale influence of British gold, and 
 which embraces only such manufactures as are honestly and 
 fairly American. 
 
 This means a great deal; and I do not envy the American 
 citizen who has no pride in what you have accomplished. 
 Of course, we do not forget that many who have contributed 
 to our glory in this direction bear names which betray their 
 foreign lineage. But we claim them all as Americans; and 
 1 believe that you will, in the enthusiasm and vigor of true 
 American sentiment and independence, stubbornly Jiold the 
 
 223 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 place which has been won by you and others of your guild, 
 under the banner of " A fair field and no favor." 
 
 I have within the last few days received as a gift — perhaps 
 suggested by my contemplated presence here — a book en- 
 titled " A History of the American Pianoforte/' which I 
 shall read with much interest. 
 
 In glancing through it my eye fell upon a passage which 
 arrested my attention, as furnishing a slight set-off against 
 the indebtedness we owe to those of foreign birth among our 
 piano and organ manufacturers. I know you will permit me 
 to quote it, as evidence of the share our free institutions may 
 claim in the success of your industry. The writer, claiming 
 priority for the United States for some particular things 
 done in the progress of piano manufacturing by two certain 
 makers, who, though manufacturing in this country, were, 
 as he says, " originally Britons, one English and tlie other 
 evidently Scotch," clinches the argument in our favor, as 
 follows : 
 
 Notwithstanding this circumstance, .\merica is entitled to the honor of 
 the achievements pointed out, because it is a well demonstrated fact, 
 although, perhaps, a subtlety, that the social and governmental institu- 
 tions of this country, in so far as they promote mental freedom, have a 
 stimulating and immediate influence upon the inventive faculties of per- 
 sons brought up in P>urope and settling here. 
 
 I cannot forbear, in conclusion, a reference to the manner 
 in which your busy manufactories and the salesrooms of your 
 wares are related to the love and joy and liojirs and sadness 
 and grief and the worship of God which sanctify the Ameri- 
 can family circle. 
 
 In many a humble home tliroughout our land, the piano 
 lias gathered about it the most sacred and teiuUr associations. 
 For it, the daughters of the household longed by day and 
 prayed in dreams at night. I'or it fond parents saved and 
 fconoini/.cd .it every ))oint and planned in loving secrrcv. 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 For it, a certain Christmas Day, on which tlie arrival of the 
 piano gave a glad surprise, was marked as a red-letter day in 
 the annals of the household. 
 
 With its music and with simple song each daughter in her 
 turn touched with love the heart of her future husband. 
 With it, the sacred hymn and the family prayer are joined in 
 chastened memory. With it, closed and silent, are tenderly 
 remembered the days of sickness, the time of death, and the 
 fimeral's solemn hush. 
 
 When the family circle is broken and its members are scat- 
 tered, happy is the son or daughter who can place among his 
 or her household goods the old piano. 
 
 [Letter to F. A. Herwig, President of the Ken- 
 sington Reform Club of Philadelphia, New 
 York, 31 ay 9, 1890.] 
 
 My Dear Sir: I desire through you to thank the Ken- 
 sington Reform Club, formerly known as the Workingmen's 
 Tariff Reform Association, for the courteous invitation I 
 have received to attend a mass meeting on the evening of the 
 3d of June. 
 
 The terms in which the invitation is expressed convince 
 me that the question of tariff reform is receiving the atten- 
 tion it deserves from those most vitally interested in its just 
 and fair solution. I know that, with the feeling now abroad 
 in our land and with the intense existence and activity of 
 such clubs as yours, the claim, presumptuously made, that 
 the people at the last election finally passed upon the subject 
 of tariff adjustment will be emphatically denied; that our 
 workingmen and our farmers will continue to agitate this 
 and all other questions involving their welfare with in- 
 creased zeal, and in the light of increased knoM'lcdge and 
 
 225 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 experience, until they are determined finally and in accord- 
 ance with the American sentiment of fair play. 
 
 I use no idle form of words when I say that I regret my 
 engagements and professional occupations will not permit me 
 to meet tlie members of your club on the occasion of their 
 mass meeting. I hope that tliose who are fortunate enough 
 to participate will find it to tlicir profit, and that the meet- 
 ing will in all respects be a great success. 
 
 [Letter to John A. Holman, Indianapolis, Sec- 
 ret ai-y of the Moiiumciit Covimittee, Marion, 
 Mass., June 18, 1800.'] 
 
 Dear Sir: I acknowledge with thanks the invitation I 
 have just received to be present at the unveiling of the 
 monument to the memory of the late Thomas A. Hendricks, 
 on the 1st day of July next. 
 
 It is useless, I hope, to assure you of the satisfaction it 
 would afford me to testify my respect and affection for your 
 distinguished fellow-townsman by joining those who will 
 gather to honor his memory on the occasion you contemplate. 
 His eminent public service, and his faithful discharge of 
 many and important official duties, render the commemora- 
 tion of his public and private virtues most fitting and proper. 
 I sincerely regret that a positive engagement, for the day 
 appointed for the unveiling of the monument erected to his 
 memory, makes it imjiossible for me to accept your invi- 
 tation. 
 
 226 
 
 i 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 ILette?' to Abraham B. Tappan, Grand Sachem 
 of the Tammany Society^ Marion, Mass., 
 June 80, 1890.] 
 
 Dear Sir: My absence from the city of New York, and 
 plans which I have already made, prevent my acceptance of 
 the courteous invitation which I have received to attend the 
 celebration by the Tammany Society of the one hundred and 
 fourteenth anniversary of American independence. 
 
 The celebration contemplated by your ancient and time- 
 honored organization will, it seems to me, fall short in the 
 irapressiveness due to the occasion if it does not persistently 
 present and emphasize the idea that the Declaration of Inde- 
 pendence was the protest of honest and sturdy men against 
 the wrongs and oppressions of misgovernment. The reasons 
 and justification for their revolt are exhibited in their recital 
 of a long list of grievous instances of maladministration. 
 They complained that their interests had been so neglected, 
 and their rights as lawful subjects so violated, under British 
 rule, that they were absolved from further fealty. 
 
 Our fathers, in establishing a new government upon the 
 will of the people and consecrated to their care and just 
 protection, could not prescribe limitations which would 
 deny to political parties its conduct and administration. 
 The opportunities and the temptations, thus necessarily 
 presented to partisanship, have brought us to a time when 
 party control is far too arrogant and bitter, and when, in 
 public place, the true interests of the country are too lightly 
 considered. 
 
 In this predicament, those who love their country may well 
 remember, with comfort and satisfaction, on Independence 
 Day, that the disposition of the American people to revolt 
 against maladministration still remains to them, and is the 
 
 227 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 badge of their freedom and independence, as well as their 
 security for continued prosperity and happiness. 
 
 They will not revolt against their plan of government, for 
 its protection and preservation supply every inspiration of 
 true Americanism. But because they are free and inde- 
 pendent American citizens, they will, as long as their love 
 and veneration for their government shall last, revolt against 
 the domination of any political party which, intrusted with 
 power, sordidly seeks only its continuance, and which, faith- 
 lessly violating its plain and simple duty to the people, in- 
 sults them with professions of disinterested solicitude while 
 it eats out their substance. 
 
 And yet, with all this, we should not in blind security 
 deny the existence of danger. The masses of our country- 
 men are brave and therefore generous; they are strong and 
 therefore confident, and they are honest and therefore un- 
 suspecting. Our peril lies in the ease with which they may 
 be deluded and cajoled by those who would traffic with their 
 interests. 
 
 No occasion is more opportune than the celebration of the 
 one hundred and fourteenth anniversary of American inde- 
 pendence to warn the American people of the present neces- 
 sity on their part of a vigilant watchfulness of their rights 
 and a jealous exaction of honest and unselfish performance 
 of public duty. 
 
 [Address on being Received into Felloxvship by 
 his Neighbors, at Sandzcich, Mass., July 25, 
 
 1S91.] 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Ladies and Gentlemen: More than 
 eighteen hundred years ago a lawyer pertly asked the Divine 
 Teacher, " And who is my neighbor.'' " The answer given 
 
 2-28 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 to this question is quite familiar to us, and is embodied in 
 the parable of the Good Samaritan. I hasten to assure you 
 that this parable is here introduced for the lesson it teaches 
 rather than for the purpose of suggesting that its incidents 
 have any appropriateness to this occasion or its surroundings. 
 I see no similarity between my situation and that of the man 
 who went down from Jerusalem to Jericho and fell among 
 thieves. 
 
 Whatever unfavorable impression may be prevalent con- 
 cerning dog-day politics and politicians, which I left behind 
 me, I am convinced that if there were a chapter written about 
 the thieves of Cape Cod, it would be as short and as much 
 to the point as the chapter on the snakes of Ireland, which 
 began and ended in the single sentence, " There are no 
 snakes in Ireland." I confess I have occasionally in my 
 journeying seen a Levite pass by on the other side, but that 
 was before I reached Barnstable County, and at a time when 
 I cared but little whether he came on my side of the road 
 or the other. But in the parable only one Good Samaritan 
 is mentioned as having compassion on the man who went 
 down from Jerusalem to Jericho, while the man who came 
 down from New York to Cape Cod and Barnstable County 
 has been surrounded by them ever since he started. 
 
 I suppose that when you greet me as your neighbor, to- 
 day, you have in mind the fact that I have come among you 
 to spend at least a large part of each year, and that I intend 
 to maintain this sort of residence here as long as the expense 
 of farming and fishing enables me, from a slender purse, to 
 meet your rate of taxation and the cost of provisions. In the 
 meantime I declare my intention to be a good neighbor. No 
 quarrels can arise over my line fences, for I have none. I 
 keep no chickens, and my cattle do not run at large. I sup- 
 pose I have pretty decided political opinions, and I judge 
 from the election returns of this county that they are not 
 such as have heretofore received the utmost sympathy and 
 
 229 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 encouragement in this particular locality. Notwithstanding, 
 however, my positive knowledge that the large majority of 
 my new neighbors are in a sad state of delusion politically, I 
 shall not quarrel with them on this subject, nor permit my- 
 self to become a political scold. I must be peaceful and 
 neighborly, even if I see my nciglibors go to political de- 
 struction before my eyes. Besides, I think there are pru- 
 dential reasons why I should, in present circumstances, be 
 politically docile. To be sure I have not, like the man who 
 started for Jericho, fallen among thieves; but I know per- 
 fectly well that I have politically fallen among tliose who 
 are too many for me, and that only my own peacefulness or 
 many conversions to my side in Barnstable County can se- 
 cure my immunity from being stripped of my political rai- 
 ment and wounded and left half dead, as was the case with 
 the man from Jerusalem. Wliile I do not want to tempt 
 such a fate, I confess that my political convictions are so 
 fixed that I can hardly avoid dwelling upon them even here. 
 Some things we can certainly do safely and pro])erly. We 
 can be tolerant of one anotlier. We can constantly test our 
 political beliefs by tlie light of patriotism, good citizenship, 
 and true Americanism, and we can be brave enough and hon- 
 est enough to follow where they lead. We shall thus ele- 
 vate our political efforts and tiiul incentives to activity in a 
 determination to aid in making our coimtry as great as it 
 ought to be, and in seciiring to ourselves and our fellow- 
 countrymen the happiness and prosperity due to all of us 
 imder a free government by the people. If otir political en- 
 deavor is thus directed, we shnll rid ourselves of the blind- 
 ness and bigotry which accept unreasoning party association 
 as a sufficient guide to political action, and which count the 
 spoils of partisan success the sole object of ]iolitical strug- 
 gle. So, though we may differ in party affiliation, if we 
 thoughtfully and sincerely believe and act. we may still be 
 the best of neighbors, bound together by an nusclfisli willing- 
 
 '230 
 
OF GROVE R CLEVELAND 
 
 ness to forego special advantages which can only be gained 
 at the expense of our fellows, and all engage, with hearty co- 
 operation, in the achievement of our country's high destiny. 
 
 I am inclined at this point to suggest to you the lesson of 
 the parable with which I began. It teaches that a neighbor 
 is not necessarily one whose residence is near, and that kind- 
 ness and consideration make men neighbors. The Samari- 
 tan was the neighbor of his robbed and wounded fellow-man, 
 not because he lived near him, but because in his need he had 
 compassion on him and bpund up his wounds and cared for 
 him. Indeed, we all know that the worst quarrels often arise 
 and the most bitter malice and resentment often rage, among 
 those whose homes are .adjoining. These are sometimes 
 called bad neighbors ; but in my opinion they ought not to be 
 called neighbors at all. 
 
 You are by no means to suppose, from what has been said, 
 that I in the least fail to appreciate my good fortune in 
 being an almost fully fledged resident of Cape Cod and 
 Barnstable County. I prize my home here so much that I 
 actually look forward, with trepidation, to the time when I 
 shall temporarily leave it, fearing that in my absence some 
 envious mortal from a distant and benighted quarter may, 
 in some manner, rob me of it. The wonder is that the entire 
 American people do not flock hither and attempt to take 
 possession of all our domain in true Oklahoma style. Let 
 us look for a moment at some of our suburbs and surroimd- 
 ings. We have located Boston just far enough away to be a 
 convenient trading-place, and yet not near enough to annoy 
 us with its noise and dirt, nor to permit its children to dam- 
 age our cranberry bogs. Though we know that the Pilgrims 
 landed in Barnstable County, we see fit to maintain Plym- 
 outh Rock just far enough outside to serve as a stimulus to 
 our patriotism without being bothered by the strangers who 
 visit the spot. We keep the waters of Buzzard's Bay clean 
 and pure for fishing purposes, and do not propose to have 
 
 231 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 our preserve stirred up and contaminated by the inflow of 
 other waters through the Cape Cod Canal. 
 
 We pity the deluded men and women who know nothing 
 of Barnstable County, and wlio have doubts regarding the 
 fertility and productiveness of our soil. Cape Cod never 
 fails to respond to intelligent husbandry, though we do not 
 expect immunity from the depression in farming occupations 
 which afflicts our agricultural brethren in other localities. 
 We make no complaint at such times, for it is easy to beat 
 our plow-sliares into fishing-liooks, and we know that when 
 farming does not pay, neither drouth nor destructive insects 
 will prevent the fish from biting. The delightful healthful- 
 ness of our climate is so perfect that the practice of medicine 
 is the one occupation wiiicli never thrives. Recreation in 
 every sensible and whoKsome variety crowds upon us, and, 
 free from vain and distracting care, we enjoy with thank- 
 fulness the peace and quietude which here have their abid- 
 ing-place. 
 
 With a heart full of gratitude for the cordiality and con- 
 sideration which you have at all times extended to me, I 
 have, with the utmost sincerity, attempted to demonstrate 
 my appreciation of all I enjoy among you, and to approve 
 myself in your sight as worthy to be admitted to free fellow- 
 sliip in the Cape Cod connnunity. If more is needed to 
 prove my complete devotion to the guild, let me remind you 
 of the saying, " A man is known by the company he keeps." 
 If he is born and reared amid certain conditions he may, 
 from habit and association and without severe condenuia- 
 tion, be content with them and the companionship whicli 
 they impose, though such companionship be midesirable. 
 But when, after mature deliberation and in full \ iew of the 
 importance and sigiiificaiife of his choice of neighbors, he 
 chooses an abode with complete knowledge of those by whom 
 he is to be surrounded, the adage I have quoted should be 
 npplied to him with the utmost strictness. I have only to 
 
 OJJO 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 add that so far as my case is related to the people of Barn- 
 stable County, I am entirely content to be thus judged. 
 
 I must remember that you have not only kindly spoken of 
 me as 3'our neighbor, but have also referred to me as an 
 ex-President. I have never failed to be profoundly sensible 
 of the generosity and confidence of my countrymen in mak- 
 ing me the recipient of the greatest honor that can be be- 
 stowed upon any man; but what I remember most vividly 
 in connection with the great office of President is its respon- 
 sibilities and the labor and anxiety attending an attempt to 
 do the work which the people had intrusted to me. The 
 impress made upon the mind and heart of one who stands 
 daily face to face with the American people, charged with 
 the protection of their riglits and the advancement of their 
 varied interests, can never be effaced, and scarcely gives 
 room for the gratification naturally supposed to attach to 
 high and exalted place. I am led to mention in this con- 
 nection, as a spur to official labor and as a sign of political 
 health, the watchfulness of the people and their exactions 
 from their chosen representative to whom they have con- 
 fided their highest trust. If they are exacting and critical, 
 sometimes almost to the point of injustice, this is better than 
 popular heedlessness and indifference concerning the con- 
 duct of public servants. 
 
 It has always seemed to me that, beyond the greatness of 
 the office and the supreme importance of its duties and re- 
 sponsibilities, the most impressive thing connected with the 
 Presidency is the fact that after its honor has been relin- 
 quished, and after its labor and responsibility are past, we 
 simply see that a citizen whom the people had selected from 
 their ranks to do their bidding for a time and to be their 
 agent in the discharge of public duty, has laid aside the 
 honor and the work of the highest office in the world and 
 has returned again to the people, to resume at their side 
 the ordinary duties which pertain to everyday citizenship. 
 
 233 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 Here, he is, or should be, subject to the same rules of 
 behavior which apply to his fellow-countrymen, and should 
 be accorded the same fair and decent treatment, unless he 
 has in some way forfeited it. 
 
 But it must be admitted that our people are by no means 
 united in their ideas concerning the place which our ex- 
 Presidents ought to occupy, or the disposition which should 
 be made of them. Of course the subject would be relieved 
 of all uncertainty and embarrassment if every President 
 would die at the end of his term. This does not seem, how- 
 ever, to meet the views of those who under such an arrange- 
 ment would be called on to do the dying; and so some of 
 them continue to live, and thus perpetuate the perplexity 
 of those who burden themselves with plans for their utiliza- 
 tion or disposition. 
 
 A very amusing class among these anxious souls make us 
 useful by laying upon our shoulders all sorts of political 
 conspiracies. If they are to be believed, we are constantly 
 engaged in plotting for our own benefit and advancement, 
 and are quite willing, for the sake of reaching our ends, 
 not only to destroy the party to whicli we belong, but to 
 subvert popular liberty and utterly uproot our free Ameri- 
 can institutions. Others seem of the opinion that we sliould 
 be utilized as orators at county fairs and other occasions 
 of all sorts and at all sorts of places. Some think we should 
 interfere in every political contest, and should be constantly 
 in readiness to express an opinion on every subject of a 
 political character that anybody has the ingenuity to suggest. 
 Others still regard it as simply dreadful for us to do these 
 things, and are greatly disturbed every time an ex-President 
 ventures to express an opinion on any subject. Not n few 
 appear to think we should simply exist and be blind, deaf, 
 and dumb the remainder of our days. 
 
 In the midst of all this a vast majority of the plain Amer- 
 ican people are, as usual, sound and sensible. Tliey are sclf- 
 
 i234 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 respecting enough and have dignity enough to appreciate 
 the fact that their respect and confidence as neighbors is 
 something which an ex-President may well covet, and which, 
 like any other man, he ought to earn. They will measure 
 the regard and consideration due to him by his usefulness 
 and worth as a private citizen. They will not agree that the 
 fact of his having been President gives him any license 
 for bad behavior, nor that it burdens him with an unfavorable 
 presumption. These are sentiments which we, on the side 
 of the ex-Presidents, will gladly adopt, and these conditions 
 we can well afford to accept. In conclusion I desire to ex- 
 press the confident opinion, based upon a short experience, 
 and supplemented by the kindness which characterizes this 
 occasion, that no better place can be found as a retreat for 
 ex-Presidents than Barnstable County. They are sure to 
 receive here all the Cape Cod hospitality and friendly treat- 
 ment they deserve, with a great many other things thrown in. 
 From the bottom of my heart I say to you, that while I 
 do not mean in the least to detract from the honor arising 
 from the incumbency of high official place, nor undervalue 
 the designation of ex-President, the pleasure which this occa- 
 sion affords me chiefly consists in the cordiality with which 
 you have greeted me as your neighbor. 
 
 [Letter to John P. Adams, Brooklyn, N, Y,, 
 September 12, 1890.] 
 
 Dear Sir: It seems but a very short time ago that I par- 
 ticipated in the laying of the corner stone of the building 
 now ready for occupancy, and I recognize in the vigor with 
 which it has been pushed to completion the most gratify- 
 ing evidence of the zeal and sturdincss of your Democratic 
 organization. 
 
 235 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 The Kings County Democracy should certainly be con- 
 gratulated upon the possession of such beautiful headquar- 
 ters in a building whose name suggests the true Democratic 
 faith. In the Thomas Jefferson there should be found no 
 room for counsels in the least regardless of the value of pure 
 and honest government, or lacking in sympathy with the 
 highest and greatest good of the people. 
 
 I feel that I can wish nothing better for your association 
 than that their new home may be long continued to them, 
 and that they may take with them there and always main- 
 tain those principles of Jeffersonian Democracy, as old as 
 the Nation, which, if steadfastly upheld and honestly ap- 
 plied, are certain to insure the felicity and prosperity of our 
 country. 
 
 [Address as Chah'man of the Dcmoa-atic Rati- 
 fication Meeting in the Cooper Union, New 
 York, October 9, ISOl.] 
 
 My Fcllow-Cillzens : I acknowledge with much satisfac- 
 tion tlie compliment j)aid mc hy my selection as your presid- 
 ing officer to-night. I am glad to meet an assemblage of my 
 ffllow-townsmcn on an occasion when their thoughts turn 
 to the political situation wliich confronts them and at a time 
 wlien their duty as citizens, as well as members of a grand 
 political organization, should be subject to their serious con- 
 sideration. 
 
 If I may be indulged a few moments I shall occupy that 
 much of your time in j)resrnting some suggestions touching 
 the condition and rcsj)onsil)iliti(s of the Democracy to the 
 people of tlie country, and tJie obligations and duty at this 
 particular time of the Democracy of our State. 
 
 Tin- Democratic jiarly has been at all limes by ])rofes- 
 236 
 
OF GROVE R CLEVELAND 
 
 sion and by tradition, the party of the people. I say by 
 profession and tradition, but I by no means intend to hint, 
 in the use of this expression, that, in its conduct and action, 
 it has failed to justify its profession or been recreant to its 
 traditions. It must, hoAvever, be admitted that we have had 
 our seasons of revival, when the consciousness of what 
 true Democracy really means has been especially awakened, 
 and when we have been unusually aroused to a lively appre- 
 ciation of the aggressiveness and activity which conscience 
 exacts of those who profess the Democratic faith, and who 
 are thus enlisted in the people's cause. 
 
 We contemplate to-night such a revival and the stupendous 
 results which have thus far attended it. In view of these 
 things we cannot be honest and sincere and fail to see that a 
 stern and inexorable duty is now at our door. 
 
 We saw the money of the people unnecessarily extorted 
 from them under the guise of taxation. 
 
 We saw that this was the result of a scheme perpetuated 
 for the purpose of exacting tribute from the poor for the 
 benefit of the rich. 
 
 We saw, growing out of this scheme, the wholesale de- 
 bauchery and corruption of the people whom it impoverished. 
 
 We saw a party, which advocated and defended this 
 wrong, gaining and holding power in the government by the 
 shameless appeal to selfishness which it invited. 
 
 We saw the people actually burnishing the bonds of mis- 
 representation and misconception which held them, and we 
 saw sordidness and the perversion of all that constitutes 
 good citizenship on every hand, and sturdy Americanism in 
 jeopardy. 
 
 We saw a party planning to retain partisan ascendency 
 by throttling and destroying the freedom and integrity of 
 the suffrage through the most radical and reckless legisla- 
 tion. 
 
 We saw waste and extravagance raiding the public treas- 
 287 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 ury, and justified in official places, while economy in gov- 
 ernment expenditures was ridiculed by those who held in 
 trust the people's money. 
 
 We saw the national assemblage of the people's repre- 
 sentatives transformed to the mere semblance of a legisla- 
 tive assembly, by the brute force of a violently created ma- 
 jority and by unprecedented arbitrary rulings, while it was 
 jeeringly declared, by those who usurped its functions, to be 
 no longer a deliberative body. 
 
 Then it was that the Democratic party, standing forth 
 to do determined battle against tliese abuses, which threat- 
 ened the welfare and happiness of the people, called upon 
 them to trust it, and promised them that the warfare should 
 be relentless and uncompromising. 
 
 As results of the struggle then entered upon, never has 
 the resistless force of the awakened tliouglit of our country- 
 men been more completely demonstrated, and never has the 
 irresistible strength of the principles of Democracy been 
 more fully exemplified. From the West and from the East 
 came tidings of victory. In the popular brnncli of the next 
 Congress the party which lately imjjudently arrogated to 
 itself the domination of that body, will rill hardly more than 
 one-fourth of its seats. Democratic Governors occupy the 
 enemy's strongliolds in Iowa, Massachusetts, Ohio, Wiscon- 
 sin, and Michigan. In Pennsylvania, the election of a 
 Democratic Governor presented conclusive proof of Repub- 
 lican corruption exposed and Republican dishonesty de- 
 tected. 
 
 But with all these results of a just and fearless Demo- 
 cratic policy, our work is not yet completely done; and I 
 want to suggest to you that any relaxation of eft'ort within 
 the lines established by the National Democracy will be a 
 violation of the jjledges mh- give the people when we invited 
 tlnir co-operation and un(lertt)()k tlieir (•■uise. 
 
 J do not forget tliat we are gathered togctlier to ratify 
 ii38 
 
OF GROVE R CLEVELAND 
 
 State nominations, and that we are immediately concerned 
 with a State campaign. It seems to me, however, that, while 
 national questions of the greatest import are yet unsettled, 
 and when we are on the eve of a national campaign in which 
 they must be again pressed upon the attention of the voters 
 of the country, the Democracy of the great State of New 
 York cannot and will not entirely ignore them. If we fail to 
 retain ascendency in the Empire State, no matter upon what 
 issue it is lost, and no matter how much our opponents may 
 seek to avoid great and important topics, it will be claimed 
 as the verdict of our people against the principles and plat- 
 form of the National Democracy. 
 
 It is evident that if our opponents are permitted to choose 
 the line of battle they will avoid all national issues. Thus 
 far this is plainly their policy. There is nothing strange in 
 this, for they may well calculate that, whatever may be their 
 fate in other fields, they have been decisively beaten in the 
 discussion of national questions. It can hardly be expected 
 that they will come to the field of Waterloo again, unless 
 forced to do so. 
 
 I am ver}'^ far from having any fear of the result of a full 
 discussion of the subjects which pertain to State affairs. We 
 have an abundance of reasons to furnish why on these issues 
 alone we should be further trusted with the State govern- 
 ment ; but it does not follow that it is wise to regard matters 
 of national concern as entirely foreign to the pending can- 
 vass, and especially to follow the enemy in their lead entirely 
 away from the issues they most fear and which they have the 
 best of reasons to dread. This very fear and dread give in 
 this particular case strength and pertinency to the doctrine 
 that a party should at all times and in all places be made to 
 feel the consequences of their misdeeds as long as they have 
 remaining any power for harm and as long as they justify 
 and defend their wrongdoing. 
 
 Those who act with us merely because they approve the 
 239 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 present position of the National Democracy and the reforms 
 we have undertaken, and who oppose in national affairs Re- 
 publican policy and methods, and who still think the State 
 campaign we have in hand has no relation to the principles 
 and policy which they approve, are in danger of falling into 
 a grave error. Our opponents in the pending canvass, 
 though now striving hard to hide their identity in a cloud 
 of dust raised by their iteration of irrelevant things, consti- 
 tute a large factor in the party which, still far from harm- 
 less, seeks to perpetuate all the wrongs and abuses of Repub- 
 lican rule in national affairs. Though they may strive to 
 appear tame and tractable in a State campaign, they but dis- 
 semble to gain a new opportunity for harm. 
 
 In the present condition of affairs it is not to be sup- 
 posed that any consistent and thoughtful member of the 
 Democratic organization can fail to see it his duty to engage 
 enthusiastically and zealously in the support of the ticket 
 and platform which represent our jiarty in this campaign. 
 They are abundantly wortliy and deserving of support on 
 their own merits and for their own sake. We seek to place 
 at the head of our State government a man of affairs, who, 
 in a long business career, has earned the good opinion and 
 respect of all his fellows, whose honesty and trustworthiness 
 have never been impeached, and who, I am sure, will admin- 
 ister the great office, to which he will be called, indepen- 
 dently, fearlessly, and for the good of all the people of the 
 State. We seek further to secure Ihe I'^mpire State in her 
 Democratic steadfastness, and we seek to win a victory which 
 shall redeem the pledges we have made to regard constantly 
 the interests of the people of the land, and which shall give 
 hope and confidence to the National Democracy in the 
 struggles yet to come. 
 
 With these incentives and with these purposes in view, I 
 cannot believe that any Democrat can be guilty of lukewarra- 
 Hfss or slothfulncKS. 
 
 ^10 
 
OF GROVER CLE ^^ ELAND 
 
 With a party united and zealous; with no avoidance of 
 any legitimate issue ; with a refusal to be diverted f rona the 
 consideration of great national and State questions to the 
 discussion of misleading things; and, with such a presenta- 
 tion of the issues involved as will prove our faith in the 
 intelligence of the people of the State, the result cannot be 
 doubtful. 
 
 [Address at the Ratification Meeting, Brooklyn^ 
 N. r., October 14, 1891.] 
 
 My Fellow-Citizens : It does not need the cordial welcome 
 you give me to-night to convince me that I am among friends. 
 The good will and attachment of the people and the Democ- 
 racy of Kings County have been in times past repeatedly 
 manifested toward me and are remembered with constant 
 gratitude. There was, therefore, a potent and palpable rea- 
 son why I should not decline an invitation to be with you 
 to-night. 
 
 Another reason not less strong why I am here is found in 
 the fact that this is a gathering of my political friends in the 
 interest of the Democratic cause and in token of their hearty 
 support of Democratic principles and candidates. In such 
 an assemblage I always feel at home. 
 
 My extreme interest in the State campaign now pending 
 arises from a conception of its importance, which I do not 
 believe is at all exaggerated. The fact that it immediately 
 precedes a national campaign in which the vote of New York 
 may be a controlling factor, is, of itself, sufficient to enlist 
 the activity of every man entitled to claim a place in Demo- 
 cratic councils. Besides this, the failure on the part of the 
 Democracy of the State to emphasize further its support of 
 the reforms to which the National Democracy is pledged, we 
 must all confess would be a party humiliation. 
 
 241 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 There are, however, reasons beyond these, which are close 
 at home and have relation to State interests, quite sufficient 
 to arouse supreme Democratic efforts. There are dangers 
 clearly imminent, and schemes almost unconcealed, which 
 affect our State and which can only be avoided and defeated 
 by the strong and determined protest of the united Democ- 
 racy of New York. 
 
 The party we oppose, resting upon no fundamental prin- 
 ciples, sustaining a precarious existence upon distorted sen- 
 timent, and depending for success upon the varying currents 
 of selfish interests and popular misconception, cannot endure 
 the sight of a community wliich is inclined to withstand its 
 blandishments and which refuses to be led away by its mis- 
 representations. Thus, in its national management and meth- 
 ods it boldly seeks to thwart the intention of voters, if they 
 are Democratic, and to stifle the voice of the people, if they 
 speak in Democratic tones. I am sure it is not necessary to 
 remind you in proof of this of the latest effort of our oppo- 
 nents at Washington in this direction, nor to speak of the 
 Democratic congratulation which spread tliroughout the 
 land when, by the defeat of the Force Bill, our boasted 
 American freedom of suffrage was saved and constitutional 
 rights preserved through the combined efforts of a Demo- 
 cratic Senatorial minority splendidly led and grandly sus- 
 tained. 
 
 Is there a Democrat — nay, is tlierc any man — so dull as 
 to suppose that the Republican jiarty in this State is not of 
 the same disposition as the party in the nation? Do not the 
 attitude and conduct of its representatives from this State 
 in national affairs abundantly prove that the party in New 
 York can be implicitly trusted to aid any scheme of this 
 sort that promises partisan advantage ."^ If further proof is 
 desired that New York Republicans are Ihorotighly imbued 
 with thr ))r<)cli\ifi('S that cli.irnct^'ri/e the party in nntionnl 
 affairs, it is n idily foiiiid. I'luler the positive requirements 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 of our State Constitution an enumeration of the inhabitants 
 of the State should have been made in 1885, and the Sena- 
 torial and Assembly districts newly adjusted in accordance 
 with such an enumeration. This has not yet been done, 
 though our opponents have had a majority in both branches 
 of the legislature ever since that year, except that in the last 
 session a Democratic majority appeared in the assembly. A 
 Republican reason for the neglect of a plain duty in the 
 matter of this enumeration is found in the fact that, under 
 such a new arrangement, localities which have increased in 
 population and at the same time in Democratic voters, would 
 be entitled to a larger representation in the legislature than 
 they now have, while the existing adjustment is a very com- 
 fortable one from a Republican standpoint. In the present 
 condition, it is calculated that a Democratic majority in the 
 State must reach at least 50,000 in order to give us a major- 
 ity in the assembly. In 1885 we elected our State ticket by 
 raore than 1 1,000 majority, and yet but 50 Democratic mem- 
 bers of assembly were elected, while the defeated party 
 elected 78. In 1886 our majority was nearly 8000, but only 
 54 Democratic assemblymen were elected, to 74 Republicans. 
 In 1887 a Democratic majority on our State ticket of more 
 than 17,000 yielded only 56 Democratic assemblymen to 72 
 Republican. In 1888, though the State ticket was carried 
 by a majority not much less, we had but 49 assemblymen to 
 79 for the defeated opposition. In 1889 with a majority 
 of over 20,000 on our State ticket we elected but 57 assem- 
 blymen, while the defeated party secured 71. In 1890 we 
 carried the State on the congressional vote by more than 
 75,000 majority, and yet elected but 68 members of assem- 
 bly to 60 elected by the party so largely in the minority. 
 
 Whatever may be said about the quarrels between a Dem- 
 ocratic Governor and a Republican Legislature over the man- 
 ner in which a new enumeration should be made, there is no 
 difficulty in finding enough, in Republican disposition and 
 
 243 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 practices, to justify the suspicion that any pretext was wel- 
 come, to the representatives of that party in the State, that 
 would serve to perpetuate the present condition. There is 
 no reason to hope for a better and more just representation 
 of the political sentiments of the people of the State except 
 through a complete dislodgment of those who have long prof- 
 ited by this injustice. Its continuance is directly involved 
 in the present campaign, for not only a Ciovernor, but a new 
 senate and assembly are to be elected. No election will soon 
 occur that will afford so good an opportunity to secure to 
 our party the share in State legislation to which it is en- 
 titled, nor will the Democratic party soon have so good a 
 chance to rectify a political wrong. 
 
 By way of further suggesting the importance of this cam- 
 paign, I ask you not to forget that a new apportionment of 
 representatives in Congress is to be made on the basis of the 
 census just completed, and that it may devolve upon the next 
 legislature to readjust the congressional districts of the State. 
 Previous to 1883 these districts were so arranged that, 
 though in 1880 our opponents carried the State by only about 
 twenty-one thousand, they secured twenty congressmen to 
 thirteen elected by the Democrats, while in 1882, thougli 
 tlie Democratic candidate for Governor had a majority of 
 more than one hundred and ninety thousand, there were 
 elected but twenty-one Democratic congressmen, one being a 
 citizen of Brooklyn, elected at large, while tlie party in the 
 minority elected thirteen representatives. The change of 
 congressional districts made in 188.S, by a Democratic legis- 
 lature and a])jiroved by a Democratic (iovernor, may well be 
 referred to as an ilhistralioii oi Denioeratic fairness. In the 
 i-lection of 1881-, tlie first lield under the new arrangement, 
 our national ticket eirricd tlic State by a small majority, but 
 the congressional delegation was equally divided between the 
 parties. In both the eleetions of 18S() and 18HS, though the 
 Democratic Stite ticket wis fleeted by moderate majorities. 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 our opponents elected nineteen congressmen, while only 
 iifteen were secured by the party having the majority of 
 votes in the State. It required a Democratic majority in the 
 State of 75,000 to secure at the last election only three con- 
 gressmen above the number elected by our opponents under 
 the former adjustment, when their State ticket had not much 
 more than one-fourth of that majority. 
 
 I am far from complaining of the present congressional 
 adjustment. On the contrary, I am glad that my party was 
 more than just and fair when it had the opportunity. But I 
 want to put the inquiry whether, judging from the past con- 
 duct of our opponents in such matters, and from what seems 
 to be their natural disposition, there is the least chance of 
 their dealing fairly by the Democracy of the State if they 
 have the control of the next arrangement of congressional 
 districts. 
 
 I purposely refrain from detaining you with the presenta- 
 tion of other considerations which impress me with the im- 
 portance at this time of Democratic activity, but I cannot 
 avoid recalling the fact that I am in an atmosphere where 
 the doctrine of home rule has especially flourished, and 
 among a community where this Democratic doctrine has been 
 unusually exemplified. Let me remind you that no Demo- 
 cratic locality can exist without attracting to it the wistful 
 gaze of those who find an adherence to the doctrine of home 
 rule and an attachment to the Democratic faith, obstacles to 
 the political advantage they seek to gain without scruple as 
 to their method of procedure. 
 
 I need not say that the safety of Democracy, in the State 
 and here at your home, is only to be preserved by Demo- 
 cratic steadfastness. I do not forget how often and how 
 effectively you have displayed that steadfastness in the past, 
 nor do I forget your service to the State when you contrib- 
 uted to places of trust in its government and administration 
 the intelligence, fidelity, and ability of your fcllow-towns- 
 
 245 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 man who soon retires from the chief magistracy of your citj- ; 
 and I will stifle my complaint that, in selecting his successor, 
 you have recalled a recent and most valuable contribution to 
 the cause of Democracy in national councils. 
 
 In your relation to the pending canvass, every Democrat 
 who loves his country and his party must acknowledge the 
 important service rendered by representatives of Kings 
 County in aiding the formulation of a declaration of finan- 
 cial principles in the platform which the Democracy presents 
 to the voters of the State, which leaves no room to doubt our 
 insistance upon sound and honest money for all the peo))le. 
 
 In conclusion, let me assure you that I have absolute con- 
 fidence, based upon what you are and what you have done in 
 the past, that in the campaign upon which we have entered, 
 the Democrats of Kings County will more than ever exhibit 
 their devotion to the Democratic cause. 
 
 [Address before the Business Men's Democratic 
 Association in Madison Square Garden, 
 New York, October 27, 1891.] 
 
 Fellow-Citizens : I am glad to have the opportunity to be 
 present on this occasion, even tliougli I am able to do but 
 little more than speak a word of greeting to the representa- 
 tives of our business interests who are here assembled. 
 
 You have heard much, and have doubtless reflected much, 
 concerning the important results which depend upon the 
 political action of tlie people of our State at the coining elec- 
 tion, and I am glad to believe thai the business men of the 
 city of New York understand that this jiolitical campaign is 
 not only important to them in eonnnon M-ith all tlieir fellow- 
 citizens, l)ut that tlierc are features in it which especially 
 concern them. 
 
 2\6 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 It must be confessed that both here and in other parts of 
 the country, those engaged in business pursuits have kept too 
 much aloof from public aifairs and have too generally acted 
 upon the theory that neither their duty as citizens nor their 
 personal interests required of them any habitual participation 
 in political movements. This indifference and inactivity have 
 resulted in a loss to our public service. I am firmly of the 
 belief tliat, if a few business men could be substituted for 
 professional men in official places, the people would posi- 
 tively gain by the exchange. And it is strange to me that 
 our business men have not been quicker to see that their 
 neglect of political duty is a constant danger to their per- 
 sonal and especial interests. They may labor and plan in 
 their counting houses or in their Exchanges, but, in the mean- 
 time, laws may be passed by those ignorant of their business 
 bearings, which, in their operation, will counteract all this 
 labor and defeat all this planning. 
 
 I have expressed the belief that the business men of our 
 city are aroused to the fact that there are questions involved 
 in the campaign in this State which concern them and their 
 welfare in an unusual way. This is indicated by awakened 
 interest on every side and by this immense demonstration. 
 And it is difficult to see how it could be otherwise. 
 
 The city of New York as the center of all that makes ours 
 the Empire State, and as the great heart from which life- 
 giving currents flow to all parts of the country, cannot be 
 indifferent to the questions, both State and national, which 
 have relation to the State campaign now nearly closed. 
 
 Much has been said about the topics which should be dis- 
 cussed in the prosecution of this campaign. It has been 
 contended that the canvass should be confined to State issues, 
 and it has been claimed that national issues should be most 
 prominently considered. I conceive the truth to be that both 
 are proper subjects of discussion at this time; and, in the 
 presence of this assemblage, called together to consider the 
 
 247, . 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 business features of the contest, I am impressed with the fact 
 that the best test to employ, by way of discovering the legiti- 
 macy of any topic in the pending campaign, is to inquire 
 whether it is connected with the good of the country and with 
 the business of tlie city and State, and whether it will be at 
 all influenced b}' the results of the canvass. 
 
 Can anyone doubt that the political verdict which the 
 people of Xew York will give in November next, will aiTeit 
 her position in the general national engagement which will 
 take place one year hence? In this view, the proper adjust- 
 ment of the tariff, which concerns so materially not only all 
 our people, but the commerce and the business of our city, 
 should be discussed. This, and the question of sound cur- 
 rency, cannot be separated from the business interests of 
 our State; and they should be jnit before our people now 
 for the purpose of inviting their thought and settling their 
 opinions. 
 
 Applying this same test, it is entirely plain that an eco- 
 nomical administration of State affairs and the numerous 
 other subjects having reference to a just, honest, and benefi- 
 cent State government are, in a business sense, important and 
 legitimate. 
 
 On all these questions tlie Xew York Democracy is right; 
 and we are willing and anxious to discuss them in any place 
 and at any time. 
 
 But our opponents, apparently seeking to avoid the dis- 
 cussion of subjects legitimate to the canvass and affecting the 
 business of our city and State, and exiiibiting such weakness 
 and fear as certainly ouglit not to escape notice, are slirieking 
 throughout the State the demerits and dangerous proclivities 
 of a cert-iin political organization whose members support 
 the principles and candidates of the Democratic party. It 
 Mould be (juite easy to show that, even if all they allege 
 against this organization were true, the perils our op- 
 ponents present to the people are baseless and absurd. 
 
 iil8 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 But it seems to me the argument of such a question belittles 
 an important situation. 
 
 Every man knows, or ought to satisfy himself whether the 
 principles and policy presented to the people by the Demo- 
 cratic party are such as he approves. If they are, certainly 
 his duty as a citizen obliges him to indorse them. Every 
 man ought to satisfy himself whether the candidates of the 
 Democratic party are men of such character and ability that 
 he is willing to trust them in the administration of his State 
 government. If he believes they are, he should not withhold 
 his support from them upon any frivolous and irrelevant 
 pretext. 
 
 The exercise of the right of suffrage is a serious business ; 
 and a man's vote ought to express his opinion on the ques- 
 tions at issue. This it utterly fails to do if the voter listens 
 to the ravings of our opponents, and allows his vote merely 
 to record the extent to which he has yielded to the mislead- 
 ing and cunningly devised appeals to his prejudices, made 
 in behalf of a desperate and discredited minority. Such a 
 vote does not influence, in the least, the real settlement of any 
 of the weighty matters of policy and principle upon which 
 the people are called to pronounce judgment. 
 
 If enough such votes should be given to cause a false ver- 
 dict in the State, those who should contribute to that result, 
 and thus become disloyal to their beliefs, would find every- 
 thing but satisfaction in their self-reproach, and in their 
 sense of degradation which would follow the unconcealed 
 contempt of those partisans who had duped them for the 
 purpose of thus gaining a party advantage not otherwise 
 possible. 
 
 In conclusion, I desire to disclaim any fear that the busi- 
 ness men of New York can be thus deluded. They will not 
 only apprehend the questions at issue, and see their duty and 
 interest, in soberly passing upon them without prejudice or 
 passion, but they will also appreciate the fact that the ticket 
 
 249 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 they are asked by the Democratic party to support ex- 
 pressly recognizes them. It is headed by a man of business, 
 who is certainly entitled to their confidence, and who is so 
 creditable as their representative, that I believe his business 
 character has escaped attack during a campaign in which 
 every attack having any pretext whatever has been made. I 
 will not especially refer by name to the remainder of our 
 candidates — some of whom are my old and near friends — 
 because I think I ought not to detain you longer than to say 
 tliat they are all entirely worthy of support, and that by the 
 triumphant election of every one of them the verdict of the 
 people of the State ought to be recorded in favor of good 
 government and the advancement of business interests. 
 
 I Address in Tremont Temple, Boston, Mass., 
 October 31, 1891.] 
 
 My Fellow-Citizens : I should be quite uncomfortable at 
 this moment if I supposed you regarded me as a stranger in 
 your State, and only concerned as a Democratic spectator 
 of the political campaign wiiicli stirs the people of this Com- 
 monwealth. I hope it is not necessary to remind you that, 
 by virtue of a sort of initiation which I have recently under- 
 gone, I have a right to claim a modified membership in the 
 citizenship of Massachusetts ; and though I am obliged to 
 confess a limitation in the extent of tliis citizenship I am 
 somewhat compensated by what seems to me to be its quality. 
 So far as I have a residence among you, it is the place where, 
 amid quiet and peaceful surroundings, I enjoy that home 
 life I so much love, where relaxation from labor and from 
 care restores health and vigor, and where recreation, in 
 pleasing variety, teaches me the lesson that man's duty and 
 mission are not only to do the work wliic li liis rclitions to his 
 
 ^50 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 fellow-men impose upon him, but to appreciate the things 
 which the goodness of God supplies in nature for man's 
 delight. While, therefore, no conditions could cause the least 
 abatement in the pride I feel as a fully qualified citizen of 
 tlie great State of New York, I cannot be insensible to the 
 fact that my relationship to jNIassachusetts connects your 
 State with the elements in my life which are full of delight- 
 ful sentiment and with those enjoyments which enlarge and 
 cultivate the heart and soul. 
 
 I have spent to-day at my Massachusetts home, and meet 
 you here pursuant to a promise that, on my way out of the 
 State, I would look in on this assemblage of those who are 
 enlisted in a grand and noble cause. 
 
 It is but natural that my errand to your State, and the in- 
 spection of that part of its soil of which I am the self-satis- 
 fied owner, should arouse all the Massachusetts feeling to 
 which this ownership entitles me, and should intensify that 
 interest in the political behavior of the State which rightfully 
 belongs to my semi-citizenship. 
 
 ^ly relations to you are, perhaps, too new-fledged to shield 
 me from an accusation of affectation if I should dwell, with 
 the rapture others might more properly exhibit, upon the 
 history, traditions, and achievements of Massachusetts. I 
 am sure, however, that I may, with perfect propriety, remind 
 you that the people of Massachusetts have in their keeping 
 certain precious things which they hold in trust for all their 
 countrymen. They can no more appropriate Plymouth Rock 
 and Bunker Hill than they can confine within the limits of 
 their State the deeds, the example, and the fame of the men 
 whom Massachusetts contributed to the public service of the 
 Nation in the days when giants lived. 
 
 The influence of your State upon the politics of the coun- 
 try has by no means been limited to the actual share she and 
 her representative men have taken in governmental manage- 
 ment. Her stake in the creation and the development of our 
 
 251 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 country took form in its embryonic days ; and this has given 
 rise from the beginning to the interested discussion among 
 her people of every public question, while the education and 
 general information of her ])opulation have made such dis- 
 cussion intelligent and forceful. Her schools and her insti- 
 tutions of learning have sent to all parts of the land young 
 and thoughtful men, imbued with sentiments and opinions 
 not learned in their books. When her feeling has been most 
 aroused she has challenged the respect of the country be- 
 cause, though uncompromising, she has been habitually just, 
 and, though radical, she has been always great. 
 
 I cannot help recalling at this moment that you gave to 
 the Senate of the United States the man who is remembered 
 by all his countrymen as the best modern embodiment of 
 American greatness ; that Webster, though he loved freedom 
 and hated slavery, never consented to the infringement of 
 constitutional rights, even for the sake of freedom ; that, 
 though his love for Massachusetts >vas his consuming senti- 
 ment^ he emphatically declared that in the discharge of pub- 
 lic duty he would neither regard her especial interests nor 
 her desires as against his conception of the general interests 
 of the country, and that his ])atriotisin and his love for the 
 Union were so great that he constantly sought to check the 
 first sign of estrangement among our people. 
 
 I recall the love of Massachusetts for the memory of 
 Sumner — the great Senator who unhesitatingly braved Ex- 
 ecutive displeasure and party ostracism in loyalty to his 
 sense of right ; who surprised and alienated a sentiment, 
 born of j);itriotic warmth, by advocating the obliteration of 
 the reminders of the triuiiiplis of American soldiers over 
 American soldiers; and who, tliroughout a long public career, 
 illustrated his belief that politics is but the ajjplication of 
 mural principle to public affairs. 
 
 if, from the contemplation of tlus«> lofty precedents, you 
 turn to the manner in wliieh the sentiment .and feeling of 
 
 252 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 Massachusetts have of late been represented in both houses 
 of Congress, and if you thus find an unpleasing contrast, it 
 is for you to say whether you are satisfied ; but, if tliis feel- 
 ing and sentiment, genuine and unperverted, ought to bear 
 the fruits of conciliation and trust among our countrymen, 
 the avoidance of unnecessary irritation, and the abandonment 
 of schemes which promise no better result than party su- 
 premacy tlirough forced and unnatural suffrage, there cer- 
 tainly seems to be ground for apprehension that there has 
 lately been something awry in your Federal representation. 
 At any rate, it seems to me that the people themselves, in the 
 State of Massachusetts, are constantly giving proof that they 
 are ready and willing, obedient to a generous instinct and for 
 the good of the entire country, to aid in building up Amer- 
 ican fraternity based upon mutual faith and confidence, and 
 in restoring and reviving that unity and heartiness of aim 
 and purpose upon which alone our national hope can securely 
 rest. 
 
 We have fallen upon a time when especial interest is 
 aroused among our people in subjects which seem to be vital 
 to the welfare of the country. Our consumers, those of 
 moderate means and the poor of the land, are too much 
 neglected in our national policy ; their life is made too hard 
 for them, and too much favor is shown to pampered manu- 
 facturers and rich monopolies. A condition of restlessness 
 and irritation has grown up throughout the country, born 
 of prevailing inequality and unfairness, which threatens an 
 attack upon sound currency, and which awakens the fear 
 and anxious solicitude of thoughtful and patriotic men; 
 economy in public expenditure has almost become a byword 
 and jest; and partisanship in power executes its will by 
 methods unprecedented and ruthless. 
 
 I have believed that the Democratic party was right in 
 its position on all these subjects; and I am willing to con- 
 fess that my belief is confirmed by the verdict of the people 
 
 253 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 of Massachusetts, ^\^len I see the old Commonwealth break 
 away from party trammels in aid of right and honesty, when 
 I see a majority of her last elected representatives in Con- 
 gress cliosen to enforce the ])rineiples we profess, and when 
 I see her put at the head of her State government one of her 
 young sons, who stands for tliese principles in the truest, 
 cleanest, and most vigorous way, I am prepared to see, fol- 
 lowing the lead of Massachusetts, such a revival of moral 
 sentiment in politics as will insure the general acceptance, 
 by our countrymen, of the truths we preach. 
 
 Any man who fails to appreciate the immense motive 
 power of the conscience of Massachusetts has viewed to 
 little purpose tlie movements which have made their impress 
 on our country's history, and wliich have led our national 
 destiny. On the splendid roster of those here enlisted in our 
 cause, and among the thousands recorded there who have 
 seen beyond party lines the morals of political questions, 
 are found the names of Adams and Everett and Andrew 
 and Quincy and Garrison and Higginson and Pierce and 
 Eliot and Hoar and Codman and Williams — giving proof 
 that the people's cause has touched the conscience of Massa- 
 chusetts. 
 
 Tlie hearts of patriotic men in many States are warmed 
 with gratitude for the strong and able young men your 
 Commonwealth has contributed to our public life in this 
 time of her awakening. 
 
 Again, their eyes are turned to Massachusetts. Young 
 and vigorous Americanism has watched witli pride .ind en- 
 thusiasm its best representative at the head of your State 
 government, and those who love true Democracy have re- 
 joiced far and wide that one who embodies their principles 
 so truly, and exemplifies them so wisely, has borne himself 
 so nobly. They look to the people of Massachusetts to recog- 
 nize the faithful services of their young Governor and the 
 manner in whidi he has upheld the dignity and honor of 
 
 '25t 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 their State before their countrymen everywhere. They look 
 to you, by his election and by the election of all the good 
 men and true who, with him, bear the standard of your 
 State Democracy, to demonstrate your steadfastness in the 
 Democratic cause. They look to you to give to the national 
 Democracy and the cause of the people, which it has in 
 charge, the powerful aid of the still awakened conscience of 
 Massachusetts. 
 
 Democrats of Massachusetts — men of Massachusetts— 
 which shall your response be? 
 
 [Letter to John McConvill, Esq., New York, 
 November 11, 1891.] 
 
 Dear Sir: I am a stanch believer in the doctrine of home 
 rule, and have not failed to appreciate the labors in the 
 cause, of the man whose services you propose to commem- 
 orate. 
 
 For what he accomplished and sought to accomplish for 
 home rule, he deserves to be honored by all those who love 
 a free and representative government, but his aim and pur- 
 poses had their rise so completely in patriotism, and his un- 
 selfish love for his countrymen was so conspicuous and dis- 
 interested, that the reverence and devotion due to the mem- 
 ory of a patriot must always be associated with his name. 
 
 The influence of his example surely ought not to be lost 
 upon those who take up his work, to which he so thoroughly 
 consecrated all his efforts and aspirations. 
 
 255 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 [Address at the Thurman Birthday Banquet ^ 
 Columbus, O., November 13, 1890.'] 
 
 Mr. President and Gentlemen: I follow the promptings 
 of a heart full of devotion and veneration, as I tender from 
 the Democracy of the great State of New York her tribute 
 of affection for the man whom we honor to-night. I am com- 
 missioned to claim for my State her full share of the glory 
 which has been shed upon the American name and character 
 by one whose career and example cannot be pre-empted, and 
 whose renown cannot be limited in ownership to the neigh- 
 bors and friends of any locality. We contest every exclusive 
 pretension to his fame and greatness, because he is a neigh- 
 bor to all the people of the land; because he is the friend of 
 all who love their country; because his career splendidly 
 illustrates the best and strongest elements of our national 
 character; and because his example belongs to all his coun- 
 trymen. 
 
 It is fitting that those who have faith in our destiny as a 
 nation, who believe that there are noble things which belong 
 distinctively to our character as a people, and who prize at 
 its true worth pure American citizenship, should gather here 
 to-night. It is given us to contemplate the highest states- 
 manship, the most unyielding and disinterested devotion to 
 the interests of the people, and the most valuable achieve- 
 ments in the cause of our country's welfare, all of whicli 
 have been stimulated and accomplished through the influence 
 and impulse of true, unperverted, sturdy Americanism. We 
 rejoice in the example afforded on this occasion of grniiine 
 American citizenship, revealed to us as a safe and infallible 
 interpreter of duty in all the emergencies of a long and 
 Iionorable public career, and as an unfailing guide to use- 
 fulness and fame. 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 In this presence and in the atmosphere of these reflections, 
 we should not miss the lesson they commend to us, nor fail 
 to renew our appreciation of the value of this citizenship, 
 and revive our apprehension of the sentiments and conditions 
 in which it has its rise and growth. 
 
 And first of all we should be profoundly grateful that the 
 elements which make up the strength and vigor of American 
 citizenship are so naturally related to our situation and are 
 so simple. The intrigues of monarchy which taint the indi- 
 vidual character of the subject; the splendor whicli dazzles 
 the popular eye and distracts the attention from abuses and 
 stifles discontent; the schemes of conquest and selfish ag- 
 grandizement which make a selfish people, have no legitimate 
 place in our national life. Here the plain people of the land 
 are the rulers. Their investiture of power is only accom- 
 panied with the conditions that they should love their coun- 
 try, that they should jealously guard and protect its inter- 
 ests and fair fame, and that all the intelligence with which 
 they are endowed should be devoted to an understanding of 
 its needs and the promotion of its welfare. 
 
 These are the elements of American citizenship, and these 
 are the conditions upon which our free institutions were in- 
 trusted to our people, in full reliance, at the beginning and 
 for all time to come, upon American manhood, consecrated 
 by the highest and purest patriotism. 
 
 A country, broad and new, to be subdued to the purposes 
 of man's existence, and promising vast and independent re- 
 sources, and a people intelligently understanding the value 
 of a free nation and holding fast to an intense affection for 
 its history and its heroes, have had much to do with molding 
 our American character and giving it hardihood and vigor. 
 But it should never be forgotten that the influence which, 
 more than all other things, has made our people safe deposi- 
 tories of governmental power, and which has furnished tlie 
 surest guarantee of the strength and perpetuity of the re- 
 
 257 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 public, has its source in the American home. Here our 
 patriotism is born and entwines itself with the gro'wth of filial 
 love, and here our children are taught the story of our 
 freedom and independence. But above all, here in the 
 bracing and wholesome atmosphere of uncomplaining frugal- 
 ity and economy, the mental and moral attributes of our 
 people have been firmly knit and invigorated. Never could 
 it be said of any country so truly as of ours, that the perma- 
 nency of its institutions depends upon its homes. 
 
 I have spoken of frugality and economy as important fac- 
 tors in American life. I find no fault with the accumulation 
 of wealth, and am glad to see energy and enterprise receive 
 their fair reward. But I believe that our government, in its 
 natural integrity, is exactly suited to a frugal and economical 
 people, and I believe it is safest in the hands of those who 
 have been made strong and self-reliant in their citizenship, 
 by self-denial and by the surroundings of an enforced econ- 
 omy. Thrift and careful watchfulness of expenditure 
 among the people tend to secure a thrifty government; and 
 cheap and careful living on t!ie part of individuals ought 
 to enforce economy in the public expenditures. 
 
 When, therefore, men in high jilaces of trust, charged 
 with the responsibility of making and executing our laws, 
 not only condemn but flippantly deride cheapness and econ- 
 omy within the homes of our pcojilc, and when the expendi- 
 tures of the government arc recklcijs and wasteful, we may 
 be sure that something is wrong with us, and that a condi- 
 tion exists which calls for a \ignrous and rer.entful defense 
 cf Americanism, by every man worthy to be called an 
 American citizen. 
 
 Upon the question of cheapness and economy, whether it 
 relates to individuals or to the operations of the government, 
 tlie Democratic party, true to its cried and its traditions, will 
 unalterably remain attached to our plain and frugal people. 
 They are especially entitled to the watchful care and protec- 
 
 '2.') 8 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 tion of their government; and when they are borne do^vii 
 ■with burdens greater than tliey can bear, and are made the 
 objects of scorn by hard taskmasters, we will not leave their 
 side. As the great German Reformer, insisting upon his re- 
 ligious convictions, in the presence of his accusers, exclaimed, 
 " I can do nought else. Here I stand. God help me," so, 
 however much others may mock and deride cheapness and 
 the poor and frugal men and women of our land, we will 
 stand forth in defense of their simple Americanism, defi- 
 antly proclaiming, " We can do nought else. Here we 
 stand." 
 
 Thus, when the question is raised whether our people shall 
 have the necessaries of life at a cheaper rate, we are not 
 ashamed to confess ourselves " in full sympathy with the de- 
 mand for cheaper coats " ; and we are not disturbed by the 
 hint that this seems " necessarily to involve a cheaper man 
 or woman under the coats." 
 
 When the promoter of a party measure which invades 
 every home in the land with higher prices, declares that 
 " cheap and nasty go together, and this whole system of 
 cheap things is a badge of poverty; for cheap merchandise 
 means cheap men, and cheap men mean a cheap coimtry," 
 we indignantly repudiate such an interpretation of Ameri- 
 can sentiment. 
 
 And when another one, high in party councils, who has 
 become notorious as the advocate of a contrivance to per- 
 petuate partisan supremacy by outrageous interference with 
 the suffrage, announces that the " cry for cheapness is im- 
 American," we scornfully reply that his speech does not 
 indicate the slightest conception of true Americanism. 
 
 I will not refer to other utterances of like import from 
 similar sources. I content myself with recalling the most 
 prominent and significant. The wonder is that these things 
 were addressed by Americans to Americans. 
 
 What was the occasion of these condemnations of cheap- 
 259 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 ness, and what had honest American men and women done, 
 or what were they likely to do, that they should be threat- 
 ened with the epithets " cheap," " nasty," and " un-Ameri- 
 can ? " 
 
 It is hard to speak patiently as we answer these questions. 
 Step by step a vast number of our people had been led on, 
 following blindly in the path of party. They had been 
 filled with hate and sectional prejudice; they had been ca- 
 joled with misrepresentations and false promises; they had 
 been corrupted with money and by appeals to their selfish- 
 ness. All these things led u]) to their final betrayal to sat- 
 isfy the demands of those who had supplied the fund for 
 their corruption. 
 
 This betrayal was palpable; and it was impossible to 
 deny or conceal the fact that the pretended relief tendered 
 to the people in fulfilment of a promise to lighten the burden 
 of their life, made by the party intrusted with the govern- 
 ment, was but a scheme to pay the debt incurred by the pur- 
 chase of party success, while it further increased the impov- 
 erishment of the masses. 
 
 The people were at last aroused and demanded an expla- 
 nation. They had been taught for one himdred years that 
 in the distribution of benefits their government should be 
 administered with equality and justice. Tlicy had learned 
 that wealth was not indispensable to respectability and that 
 it did not entitle its possessors to especial governmental 
 favors. Humble men with scanty incomes had been encour- 
 aged, by the infhience and the sjiirit of our institutions, to 
 practice economy and frugality to the end that they might 
 fnjoy to the utmost the reward of tlieir toil. The influence 
 of the American home was still about them. In their sim- 
 plicity they knew nothing of a new (lis])eiisation which made 
 cheajmess disreputable, and they still loved the cheap coats 
 of Lineoln and Garfield, and hundreds of their country- 
 men wiiom they held in veneration. And thus these unso- 
 
 2C0 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 phisticated Americans, unconscious of their wrong-doing, de- 
 manded the redemption of party pledges and clamored for 
 cheapness, in order that they might provide the necessaries 
 and comforts of life for themselves and their families at the 
 lowest possible cost. 
 
 The leaders of the party, which was caught in the act of 
 robbery and which was arraigned by the people for a viola- 
 tion of its trust, were forced by their sad predicament to a 
 desperate expedient. To attempt to reverse the current of 
 true Americanism and discredit the most honorable senti- 
 ments belonging to American manliood, were the disgraceful 
 tasks of those who insulted our people by the announcement 
 of the doctrine that to desire cheapness was to love nasti- 
 ness, and to practice economy and frugality was un-Amer- 
 ican. 
 
 Thus do we plainly see that when the path pointed out 
 by patriotism and American citizenship is forsaken by a 
 party in power for schemes of selfishness and for unscrupu- 
 lous conspiracies for partisan success, its course inevitably 
 leads to unjust favoritism, neglect of the interest of the 
 masses, entire perversion of the mission of republican insti- 
 tutions, and, in some form, to the most impudent and out- 
 rageous insult to true American sentiment. 
 
 It cannot be denied that political events in the past have 
 gone far toward encouraging arrogant party assumption. 
 Every thoughtful and patriotic man has at times been dis- 
 appointed and depressed by the apparent indifference and 
 demoralization of the people. 
 
 But such reflections have no place in tlic felicitations of 
 to-night. This is a time when faith in our countrymen 
 should be fully re-established. The noise of a recent political 
 revolution is still heard throughout the land ; the people have 
 just demonstrated that there is a point beyond which they 
 cannot be led by blind partisanship, and that they are quite 
 competent to examine and correctly decide political ques- 
 
 261 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 tions concerning their rights and their welfare. They ha%'e 
 unmercifully resented every attack upon true American 
 manhood, and have taught party leaders that, though slow 
 to anger, they take terrible revenges when betrayed. They 
 permit us to forgive our honored guest for all the cheap 
 coats he has ever worn, for they have declared them to be 
 in fashion. They have also decreed that the Decalogue has 
 a place in our politics, for they enforced the command, 
 " Thou shalt not steal," and rendered an emphatic verdict 
 against those wlio have borne false witness. 
 
 Nothing could so well accompany the honors we pay our 
 distinguished guest as the celebration on his birthday of the 
 victory which lias just been achieved in vindication of Amer- 
 ican citizenship — for in him we honor the man who has 
 best illustrated true American manhood. Our rejoicing 
 and his are increased, as we also celebrate to-night tlie tri- 
 umph of a Democratic principle for which he fought and 
 fell but two short years ago; and to complete our joy and 
 his, we are permitted to indulge in true Democratic enthu- 
 siasm over the steadfastness and devotion to its creed ex- 
 hibited by our party, which, knowing no discouragement, 
 has fought to victory in the people's cause. 
 
 Wlio can now doubt our countrymen's appreciation of 
 that trait, so M'cll illustrated in the character of Allen G. 
 Thurman, which prompted him throughout his long career, 
 at all times and in all circumstances, and without regard to 
 personal consequences, to do the things which his conscience 
 and judgment apjirovcd, and which seemed to liim to be 
 in the interests of his country and in accordance with the 
 Democratic faith ? Who can now doubt that conscience and 
 courage point out the way to juiblic duty? 
 
 If we entertain more solcnm thoughts on tliis occa- 
 sion, let them be concerning the responsibility which awaits 
 us as our fellow-countrymen place in our keeping their 
 Iio])cs and their trust. \\'c shall fail in our obligation to 
 
 C62 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 them if we stifle conscience and dut)' by ignoble partisan- 
 ship; but we shall meet CAery patriotic expectation if, in 
 all we do, we follow the guidance of true and honest 
 Democracy, illumined by the light of genuine American 
 citizenship. 
 
 [Address at the Chamber of Commerce Banquet ^ 
 New York, November 18, 1890.] 
 
 Mr. President and Gentlemen: This volunteer business I 
 did not calculate upon, and I think it would best befit me 
 now only to thank you for the kindness which you have ex- 
 tended to me. I do not believe it would be fair for me to 
 disturb the contentment which ought to remain to you after 
 the delicious dinner which you have eaten ; and I know that, 
 after the oratory and the dinner speeches you have heard, 
 it would ill become me to obtrude any random thoughts. I 
 do not believe that when people are under the influence of 
 sweet music, a boy around the edges ought to be shooting off 
 a blunderbuss. 
 
 I shall go home to-night with some confused ideas in my 
 mind ; you are not to blame for them, but I supj^ose my con- 
 dition and circumstances are to blame. We have heard 
 about literature and business, about education and business, 
 and about foreign commerce, and a good deal about reci- 
 procity; and that is where my trouble comes in. We have 
 been told that it would be a grand thing to have reciprocity 
 with Spanish-speaking people. Now, if it is good for Span- 
 ish-speaking people, how would it do with the people who 
 speak our own language? 
 
 We have heard that our breadstuffs go across the water, 
 and that the people need them there. That means a market 
 for them, doesn't it ? I had an idea that a bird in the hand 
 
 263 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 is worth two in the bush, and that, perhaps, if you liad a 
 market, it might be well to cultivate it, instead of trying to 
 manufacture another. 
 
 We have heard that England and France have within a 
 few days rushed to our rescue in a financial way, prompted 
 thereto by the noble sentiment of reciprocity. If they are 
 so willing and glad to extend to us the hand of reciprocity 
 in financial matters, how would it do to give them a chance 
 in commercial and other matters ? 
 
 Now, as I said, these difficulties of mine are entirely attrib- 
 utable to my own neglected education, and incidentally and 
 indirectly, I think they are attributable to the fact that I 
 am only an honorary member of this institution, instead of 
 being an active one. This being the case, I have not that 
 intimate familiarity with the subject which would ])robably 
 clear uj) my doubts. 
 
 I have spoken of being an honorary member of this insti- 
 tution; and I have prized that distinction very highly in- 
 deed, but never more so than to-night, because I see there 
 may be at some time a possibility of my attending a banquet 
 of the Chamber of Commerce, without being called upon for 
 a speech; that I may come here and enjoy the good things 
 ■which you set before me, without that gloomy foreboding 
 wliich an undigested and indigestible speech brings over a 
 man. I have almost accomplislied it to-night, and as prog- 
 ress is the order of the day, I have no doubt but that it 
 ■will be finally arranged to my liking. 
 
 To-niglit I find myself facing tliis audience under circum- 
 stances wliich gave me no inliuiation that 1 was to make a 
 .speech. That was a mercy in itself, for I enjoyed my dinner 
 before the collapse came. Therefore, as I speak of my asso- 
 ciation witli this Chamber of Commerce, though my rehilions 
 are not so intimate as to understand all (juestions wliich are, 
 perhaps, easy to you, and tliongh I have not reached that 
 stage when 1 can conlldeiilly ciiiiie lure wilhout being called 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 upon to make a speech, I am glad to believe that the promise 
 is favorable. 
 
 I am very strongly tempted to say something in answer 
 to some remarks which my friend Depew made, but ever}'- 
 body seems to have pitched on to him, and even Mr. Schurz, 
 who promised to stand by him, did not do so at all; and 
 although he is well able to stand up against any number 
 of us, I do not know that I ought to make any reference 
 to some things which he has said; and yet, when he spoke 
 of the nomination my friend Springer made, I could not 
 help but think that perhaps Springer had learned from him 
 how to do it. Now, it was a very innocent thing that my 
 friend Springer said. It amounted to nothing. But I can 
 tell you a circumstance which involves in it modesty, ac- 
 countability to the people of the country, and ambition, and, 
 when I have done, I think you will agree with me, that ])er- 
 haps Mr. Depew was more to blame before the eyes of the 
 people than !Mr. Springer was. 
 
 The first time I ever saw ISlr. Depew in a public place 
 was in Albany. I was then Governor of the State, and we 
 had a banquet in commemoration of a certain military com- 
 pany, or something of that kind, and I was invited and went. 
 I was to make a speech. I prepared myself most elaborate- 
 ly, and did the very best I could. Now, mind you, at that 
 time I was a quiet, unambitious man, quite content with the 
 situation I occupied, and happy with the delusion that I 
 Avas doing something for the good of the State. Mr. Depew 
 arose — I shall repeat only what he said — and congratulated 
 those present that at last they had elected a Governor who 
 could do that most difficult of all things, make an after- 
 dinner speech. That made me very happy indeed. He spoke 
 of some other traits, and of some other things which were 
 very complimentary, and he then said, " Gentlemen, I know 
 of nothing more proper, I know of nothing more in keeping 
 with the services of this gentleman than that the party with 
 
 '265 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 which he is affiliated should nominate him in the coming 
 convention for the highest office in the gift of the people." 
 Now, the effect of that on a yoimg man can be easily 
 imagined, if not described. And then he went on and said: 
 " When that is done, the party with which I am proud to be 
 affiliated, I hope, will nominate as his competitor that noble 
 citizen, that grand man and statesmen whose name I have 
 no doubt rises to the lips of every man here present — 
 though it does not to mine." Well, I did not know what to 
 make of that then, nor why he did not mention the name 
 of the citizen and statesmen, but subsequent events have 
 made me rather suspicious that at that moment our friend 
 was struck with a fit of extreme modesty. Doesn't that 
 excuse Mr. Springer.^ I think so. There was an adminis- 
 tration of the Federal Government with which I was con- 
 nected, and with which I had something to do — at all events, 
 I have been held to an accountability for all its shortcom- 
 ings — and I long ago made up my mind, that when the 
 opportunity came that I could do it without injuring myself, 
 I might, perhaps, have something to say about Mr. Depew's 
 candidacy for the Presidency. Xow, see the selfishness of 
 this thing. See the mean political selfishness of that idea. 
 Not so with Mr. Dcpew. Why, within four weeks, I think, 
 in his magnanimity, and in his generous heart, though at 
 a festive board, where we are all apt to say kind and gen- 
 erous things, he said such complimentary things of me as 
 visited upon him, I am informed, the condemnation of mem- 
 bers of his ])arty. Indeed, I hear that one enthusiastic 
 adherent of his from the West, on account of those compli- 
 mentary and courteous things, wliich he said regardless of 
 Presidential consequences, while I was waiting for an oppor- 
 tunity when I could say a kind thing of him, without hurting 
 myself, wrote to him: " While you have been for years my 
 ideal of a man that has Presidential timber in him. and 
 wliile I have been strongly your advoiatc for that office, aftrr 
 
 " 2Cii 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 seeing what you said of that miserable fellow Cleveland, 
 I wouldn't vote for you for poundmaster." 
 
 Now this carries with it an acknowledgment of the kind- 
 ness and goodness of Mr. Depew, and also a confession of 
 my own disposition, for I confess to you that the time has 
 not yet come when I have thought I could safely, and with- 
 out harm to myself, launch out on that subject in regard 
 to him; but I hope the time will come. I am watching 
 for it. 
 
 .Now, gentlemen, there seems nothing left to me but to 
 thank you again for your hearty recognition of me, and to 
 say of the Chamber of Commerce that I sincerely hope that 
 it may long exist in the prosperity which has marked it for 
 so many years, and that these banquets may constantly in- 
 crease in pleasure to those who are fortunate enough to be 
 their invited guests. 
 
 \^Address at the Jewelers' Association Annual 
 Dinner, New York, November 21, 1890.'] 
 
 Mr. President and Gentlemen : The sentiment assigned to 
 me suggests a theme so vast and so animating that I am 
 embarrassed in my attempt to deal with it. You surely will 
 not expect me on this occasion to voice all the thoughts 
 and feelings which the mention of " Our Country " inspires. 
 If I should do this, I should merely tax your time and 
 patience by the expression of reflections which spontaneous- 
 ly fill your minds. Besides, if I should launch upon this 
 subj ect in true American style, I know I could not avoid the 
 guilt of making a Fourth of July speech late in the month 
 of November. 
 
 I hasten to declare that I do not fight shy of my subject 
 because I do not love it. On the contrary, I love it so well 
 
 267 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 that I am anxious to observe all the proprieties related to it ; 
 and I cannot rid myself of the idea that our American eagle 
 soars higher and better in the warm days of July than in the 
 cool atmosphere of the present season. 
 
 And yet, I am far from believing that at any time and in 
 any assemblage of Americans the sentiment " Our Country "' 
 is not a proper one to propose; though I have sometimes 
 thought that it speaks so eloquently for itself that it needs 
 no interpreter. There seems absolutely to be no necessity 
 for arousing enthusiasm on this topic, and there is not the 
 slightest danger that any of us will forget what we have 
 accomplished as a nation or wliat we propose to accomplish, 
 or that we will fix too narrow a limit upon the progress, 
 development, and greatness of our country. Sometimes 
 those wlio, unfortunately, cannot claim this as their country 
 accuse us of dwelling with some exaggeration upon these 
 things, but every American is entirely certain that such 
 imputations arise from ignorance of our achievements or 
 from envy and disappointed rivalry. At any rate, it is a 
 habit to glorify our country, and we propose to continue it. 
 We all do it without prompting, and we like it. We can 
 stand any amount of it without disturbance, and whether 
 others like it or not, we know, and we propose to declare 
 on every occasion, that America is the finest and the best 
 and the greatest country on the face of the globe. Tlint 
 proposition is not original with me, but has been a settled 
 fact in the American mind for many years. 
 
 Though this might be said to dispose of the subject by a 
 short cut, and though 1 have declined to (\ci\] with it in all 
 its aspects, the American disposition to glorify our country 
 is strong with me; and I am disinclined to abandon my 
 allotted sentiment in a manner quite so summary. If I am 
 to retain it for a few nioniciits, I know of no better way to 
 deal with it than to divide it and consider one branch or 
 jt.irt (if my text, as is sonietiines done with a long text in 
 
 •268 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 the pulpit, I, therefore, propose to say something about 
 the word " our " as related to the sentiment, " Our Coun- 
 try." 
 
 This is " our " comitry, because the people have estab- 
 lished it, because they rule it, because they have developed 
 it, because they have fought for it, and because they love it. 
 And still each generation of Americans holds it only in trust 
 for those who shall come after them, and they are charged 
 with the obligation to transmit it as strong as it came to 
 their hands. It is not ours to destroy, it is not ours to 
 sell, and it is not ours to neglect and injure. It is ours as 
 our families are ours, and as our churches and school are 
 ours — to protect and defend, to foster and improve. As its 
 strength and its fitness to reach its promised destiny depend 
 upon its unity, one of our highest duties toward it is to cul- 
 tivate and encourage kindliness among our people, to the 
 end that all may heartily co-operate in performing the terms 
 of our trust. As it exists for' us all, so all should be ac- 
 corded an equal share in its benefits. It is so constructed 
 that its work is badly done and its operation perverted, 
 when special and exclusive advantages are awarded to any 
 particular class of our people. If we permit grasping self- 
 ishness to influence us in the care of our trust, we are untrue 
 to our obligations and our covenants as Americans. 
 
 Our country is " ours " for the purpose of securing 
 through its means justice, happiness, and prosperity to all 
 — not for the purpose of permitting the selfish and design- 
 ing to be enriched at the expense of their confiding fellow- 
 countrymen. It is our duty, then, to defend and protect our 
 coimtry, while it remains in our hands, from that selfishness 
 which, if permitted, will surely undermine it, as clearly as 
 it is our duty to defend it against armed enemies. 
 
 Nor are we discharged from our obligations as trustees of 
 our country if we merely preserve it in the same condition 
 as when we received it. The march of progress and civiliza- 
 
 269 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 tion throughout the world imposes on us the duty of im- 
 proving the subject of our trust so that it may be trans- 
 mitted to others in such an advanced condition of prosperity 
 and growth as shall bear witness to our faithfulness and our 
 devotion to its interests. He wlio hid his talent in a napkin 
 and added nothing to it was condemned as unfaithful, when 
 called upon to give an account of his stewardship. 
 
 Let us, then, rejoice in the greatness of " Our Coun- 
 try " ; but let us remember that it will be our blame if it is 
 not made greater; let us boast of the country which is ours, 
 but let our boasting be tempered with the reflection that its 
 possession is charged Avith a sacred trust; let us constantly 
 bear in mind that while it is ours to use patriotically and 
 transmit to coming generations, our relation to it is made 
 more serious by the fact that, in its broadest and most sol- 
 emn meaning, our country is something which, as an exam- 
 ple and interpreter of freedom, belongs to the world, and 
 which, in its blessed mission, belongs to humanity. 
 
 ^Letter to the Yming Men*s Democratic Asso- 
 ciation of Canton, O., Nexc York, Novem- 
 ber 25, 1890.] 
 
 Gentlemen: I thank you for the invitation I have just 
 received to meet with the members of the Yovnig Men's 
 Democratic Club at Canton to rejoice over the late Demo- 
 cratic victory. I am sorry to say that it will be impossible 
 for me to be present on the occasion you contemplate, but I 
 liojjc that it will be full of enthusiasm and eongratnl.ition. 
 
 And yet may I not suggest one sober tliouglit wliii'h 
 should constantly be in our minds? Our late success is, of 
 course, the triumph of Democratic principles, but that suc- 
 cess was made possible by the co-operation of many who are 
 
 i!70 
 
OF GROVE R CLEVELAND 
 
 not to be considered as irrevocably and under all circum- 
 stances members of our partv. They trusted us and allied 
 themselves with us in the late struggle because they saw that 
 those with whom they had acted politically were heedless of 
 the interests of the country and untrue to the people. 
 
 We have still to convince them that Democracy means 
 something more than mere management for party success and 
 a partisan distribution of benefits after success. This can 
 only be done by insisting that in the conduct of our party, 
 principles touching the public welfare shall be placed above 
 spoils, and this is the sentiment of the masses of the Demo- 
 cratic party to-day. They are disinterested and patriotic, 
 and they should not be misrepresented by the tricks of those 
 who would not scruple to use the party name for selfish pur- 
 poses. 
 
 I do not say that there is danger of this; but I am con- 
 vinced that our duty to those who have trusted us consists 
 in pushing on, continually and vigorously, the principles in 
 the advocacy of which we have triumphed, and thus super- 
 seding all that is ignoble and unworthy. In this way we 
 shall place our party on solid grmmd and confirm the people 
 in the hope that we strive for their welfare, and, following 
 this course, we shall deserve and achieve further success. 
 
 [Address in Response to tlw Toast, " The Cam- 
 paign of Education" Delivered at the Re- 
 form Club Dinner, New York, December 
 23, 1890.'] 
 
 Mr. President and Gentlemen : I suppose I have a correct 
 understanding of what is meant by " The Campaign of 
 Education." Assuming this to be so, I desire, before going 
 further, to acknowledge the valiant services in this campaign 
 
 271 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 of the organization whose invitation brings us together to- 
 night. I may be permitted, I hope, to make this acknowl- 
 edgment as a citizen interested in all that promises the in- 
 creased prosperity of the country; and I shall also venture 
 to do so as a Democrat who recognizes, in the principle for 
 which the campaign has thus far proceeded, a cardinal and 
 vital doctrine of Democratic creed. If I thus acknowledge 
 the useful services, in a Democratic cause, of any who have 
 not claimed, long affiliation with my party, I feel that my 
 Democratic allegiance is strong enough to survive such an 
 indulgence in fairness and decency. I am, too, at all times 
 willing that the Democratic party should be enlarged; and, 
 as tending in that direction, I am willing to accept and ac- 
 knowledge in good faith honest help from any quarter when 
 a struggle is pending for the supremacy of Democratic 
 principles. Indeed, I have an idea that, in the campaign 
 of education, it was deemed important to appeal to the rea- 
 son and judgment of the American people, to the end that 
 the Democratic party should be reinforced as well as that 
 the activity and zeal of those already in our ranks should 
 be stimulated. If this be treason in the sight of those who, 
 clothed in Democratic uniform, would be glad to stand at 
 the entrance of our camp and drive back recruits. I cannot 
 help it. I have come here to-night, among otlier tilings, to 
 rejoice in the numerous accessions we have received in aid 
 of Democratic endeavor and to give credit wherever it is due 
 for the work of conversion. 
 
 The grand and ultimate object of the campaign of educa- 
 tion was the promotirn of the welfare of the country nnd 
 the relief of the ])eo})le from unjust burdens. In aid of 
 this purpose and, of course, subordinate and accessory to its 
 accomplishment, it became necessary, first of all, to arouse 
 the Democratic organization to an apprehension of the fact 
 that the campaign involved a Democratic principle, in the 
 advocacy of which the part}' should be active and aggressive. 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 Let it be here confessed that we, as a party, had, in these 
 latter days, been tempted by the successes our opponents had 
 gained solely by temporary shifts and by appeals to preju- 
 dice and selfish interests, into paths M'hich avoided too much 
 the honest insistence upon definite and clearly defined prin- 
 ciple and fimdamental Democratic doctrine. To be sure, 
 some earnest men in the party could but ill conceal their dis- 
 satisfaction with the manner in which cardinal principles 
 were relegated to the rear and expediency substituted as the 
 hope of success ; but the timid, the heedless, and those who, 
 though nominally belonging to the organization, were not 
 of the faith, constantly rendered ineffective all attempts to 
 restore the party to the firm and solid ground of Democratic 
 creed. 
 
 If these things are confessed, let it also be conceded that 
 when the time came and the cries of a suffering people were 
 heard, and when, for their relief, a genuine Democratic 
 remedy was proposed, the party easily recognized its duty 
 and gave proof of its unconquerable Democratic instincts. 
 As soon as the campaign of education was inaugurated, the 
 party was quickly marshaled as of the olden time, aggressive, 
 courageous, devoted to its cause and heedless of discourage- 
 ment or defeat. Day by day, and hour by hour, expediency 
 and time-serving were thrown to the winds. Traitors were 
 silenced, camp-followers fell away or joined the scurvy band 
 of floaters, while the sturdy Democratic host confidently 
 pressed on, bearing aloft the banner of tariff reform. If 
 any have wondered in the past at the tenacity and inde- 
 structibility of our party, their wonder should cease when, 
 in the light of the last three years, it is seen how gloriously it 
 springs to the front at tlie call of duty to the people, and in 
 obedience to fhe summons of party loyalty and obligation. 
 
 Thus the education of the campaign meant, as related to 
 the Democracy, its awakening in response to the signal for 
 its return to the propagandism of Democratic doctrine. 
 
 2r3 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 Tlip thoroughly aroused enthusiasm and determination of 
 the party, and its allied thousands of good and earnest men, 
 drawn from the non-partisan intelligence and honesty of the 
 land, saw no obstacle too formidable for attack and no end 
 which was not within their reach. In a sublime confidence, 
 almost amounting to audacity, they were willing to attempt 
 the education of those high in the counsels of the Republican 
 party, and those who formulated that party's policy, so far 
 as such a thing existed. 
 
 I am afraid, however, that if this task may be considered 
 a step in the campaign of education, the word education, 
 as applied to those who were to be affected, must be con- 
 strued as meaning the instillation of such fear and terror in 
 the minds of unregenerate men as leads them to flee from 
 the wrath to come. 
 
 But even in this unpromising field we are able to report 
 progress. No one who remembers the hilarity with which 
 the leaders of the Republican party greeted the message of 
 tariff reform, and the confidence with which they prepared 
 to meet and crush the issue ))resentcd, can fail to see how 
 useful a lesson has been taught them in our campaign of 
 education. 
 
 Within twenty-four hours after the submission to Con- 
 gress of the question of tariff reform, sundry Senators and 
 Representatives belonging to the Republican party M-ere re- 
 j)orted to have ventilated their partisan exultation jauntily in 
 the public press. 
 
 If it be true that a Senator from Nebraska said, " It 
 is a big card for the Re))ublicans," this big card cannot 
 appear remarkably useful to him now, for his State to- 
 day contains a big curiosity in the shape of a Democratic 
 Governor-elect. 
 
 If the junior Senator from New York declared that his 
 party would rarry this State by the largest majority ever 
 known if they could be given the platform proposed, the 
 
 274 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 reply will come when, in a few days, a Democratic colleague 
 is placed by his side. 
 
 If a Senator from Maine declared, " It is a good enough 
 platform for the Republicans — we want nothing better," how 
 is it that he is now so diligently endeavoring to find out the 
 meaning of the word Reciprocity? 
 
 If a New Hampshire Senator believed that " the Repub- 
 licans want nothing better with which to sweep the coun- 
 try," the trouble his State is giving him to-day must lead Iiira 
 to suspect there is a mistake somewhere. 
 
 If a Senator from Wisconsin gleefully said he was glad to 
 see us " show our hand " he cannot fail to be convinced, 
 when he soon gives place to a real good, sound Democrat, 
 that there was, after all, more in the hand than he cared 
 to see. 
 
 If the present Speaker of the House sarcastically said, 
 " It only shows what fools all the other Presidents have 
 been," he may well be excused, since he has lately so thor- 
 oughly learned, that, in the sight of the people, infallibility 
 is not an attribute always to be fomid in the Speaker's 
 chair. 
 
 If the Representative from Ohio whose name is associated 
 with a bill which has given his party considerable trouble 
 of late, said, "If the Democratic party had hirpd Burchard 
 to write a stump speech it could not have suited us better," 
 it must be that circumstances leading to his approaching re- 
 tirement from public life have suggested a modification of 
 his judgment, and caused him to suspect that Mr. Burchard 
 has at least one formidable competitor. 
 
 As our campaign has proceeded, other unusual symptoms 
 have been apparent among those prominent in directing the 
 opposition. Some of them have become insubordinate and 
 discontented, and at times actually disobedient to party 
 orders. Some have left the ship. One shrewd and weather- 
 wise navigator has clambered oif, and, in a frail bark, with 
 
 275 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 the word " Reciprocity " painted on its stern, was last seen 
 hovering near, prepared to climb aboard again, or sail away, 
 as wind and wave M'ould appear to make most safe. At the 
 present stage of the campaign the unwieldy party hulk of 
 Bourbon Republicanism is still afloat, but damaged and badly 
 leaking. On board, some are still working at the pumps 
 against the awful odds of ojjening seams; many, mutinous 
 and discontented, short of provisions and of grog, are loudly 
 and angrily disputing as to whether bad seamanship or over- 
 loading is the cause of their wretched plight, while accusa- 
 tions of guilty responsibility are heard on every side. If, 
 from this turbulence, there shall emerge any who, actually 
 pricked in conscience, desire a better life, they will be gladly 
 welcomed. I cannot, liowever, keep out of my mind the story 
 of the pious deacon who, having, in his efforts to convert a 
 bad sinner, become so excited by his incorrigibility that he 
 gave him a thorough drubbing, afterward explained and jus- 
 tified his course by declaring that he believed he had " wal- 
 loped saving grace into an impenitent soul." 
 
 Of course, we do not overlook tjjc fact that before their 
 present predicament was reached, and in their first battle 
 with us, the enemy gained a victory over tariff reform. This 
 is confessed; and we may here only refer to the methods by 
 which that victory was gained for the ])urj)osc of saying that 
 wc tlioroughly understand them, and that if the beneficiaries 
 of those methods are satisfied with the condition they have 
 wrought, we also are not without compensation. That we 
 have cause for satisfaction, even in the remembrance of teni- 
 jjorary defeat, is evidenced by the fact that among those 
 who ought to rejoice in success tliere is quite a general senti- 
 ment that " the least said of it the better." 
 
 I have spoken of the campaign of education as it has af- 
 fected the two great party organizations. It remains to 
 mention another and a more iiuporlant and gratifying fea- 
 ture of its progress. I refer to tlie mainicr in wjiich access 
 
 i27G 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 has been gained to the plain people of the land, and the 
 submission to their reason and judgment of the objects and 
 purposes for which the campaign was undertaken. 
 
 The Democratic party is willing to trust the ordinarj' in- 
 telligence of our people for an understanding of its princi- 
 ples. It does not seat itself above the common feelings and 
 sympathies of humanity, and in an arrogant assumption of 
 superior learning formulate political doctrines suited only to 
 those favored with advanced educational opportunities. It 
 recognized the fact at the outset of the campaign of educa- 
 tion that it was not the ignorance of the people which had 
 led them to submit to the evils of bad government, but that 
 it was partly owing to the busy activity of their occupa- 
 tions, and the consequent neglect of political subjects, and 
 partly to the rigidity of their party ties and tlieir unques- 
 tioning confidence in party leadership. Having once settled 
 upon their political affiliations, they have been wont to turn 
 from a watchfulness of public affairs to the daily routine of 
 their labor with much virtuous satisfaction in the reflection 
 that they were not politicians. 
 
 Therefore the labor of their education in the campaign has 
 consisted in persuading them to hear us; to examine the 
 theories in party organizations and the ends to which they 
 lead; to recall the promises of political leadership and the 
 manner in which such promises have been redeemed; and to 
 counsel with us as to the means by which their condition 
 could be improved. 
 
 Never was more intelligent, honest, and effective effort 
 made in a noble cause than that made by the Democratic 
 party and its allies in this work. Our fellow-countrymen 
 were approached, not by fabricated extracts from English 
 journals and a lying demagogic cry of British gold; not by 
 fraudulent pictures of the ruin of American industries if the 
 justice of governmental favoritism was questioned; not by a 
 false presentation of the impoverishment and distress of our 
 
 277 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 laboring men which would follow their independent political 
 thought and action ; not by a disgraceful proposition for the 
 purchase of their suffrages; and not by tlic cruel intimida- 
 tion, by selfish employers, of tliose dependent on them for 
 the wages of their toil. 
 
 We have been content to rely upon the intelligence and 
 thoughtfulness of the people for the success of our cause. 
 We have solicited the most thorough examination of its 
 merits. For the purpose of such examination we have put 
 before the people plain and honest exposition of the justice 
 and beneficence of our principle. This has been done by 
 the systematic and industrious distribution of tariff-reform 
 literature, by the effective and conscientious argimients of a 
 well-informed and unsubsidized press, and by an extensive 
 discussion on tlie platform of tlie question involved. 
 
 These are the weapons we have used in our campaign of 
 education. It is a cause of congratulation to-night that our 
 work has been done in a manner so decent, and in its best 
 sense so purely American. 
 
 Need I speak of the results of our labors.'' This liappy 
 assemblage, called togetlicr " To celebrate tlie victories 
 achieved in the cause of tariff reform," tells the story of our 
 success. 
 
 We will rejoice to-niglit, not only in our success and the 
 manner of its achievement, but as American citizens m'c will 
 especially rejoice in the proof which our victory aflords of 
 the intelligence, the integrity, and the patriotism of our fel- 
 low-countrymen. We have again learned that, when roused 
 to thouglit and action, they can be trusted to determine 
 rightly any questions involving their interests and the wel- 
 fare of their country. 
 
 Let us not fail to realize the fact that our work is not 
 done. Our enemies are still alive, and have grown desjierate. 
 Human seHishness is not easilv overcome, and the hojie of 
 private gain at the expense of the masses of our peojile is not 
 
 'J78 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 yet abandoned. It would be shameful, and a pitiable dis- 
 grace, if by over-confidence we should lose the ground we 
 have gained, or if we should fail to push further our advan- 
 tage. The result of our labor thus far is, indeed, " a signal 
 tribute to the judgment of the American people." In full 
 faith in this judgment our work should continue upon the 
 lines thus far followed until the enemies of tariff reform are 
 driven from their last intrenchment. As the people have 
 trusted us, let us, above all things, be true to them. Let 
 the light of our campaign be carried into every part of the 
 land where it has not been seen ; and where it has been 
 kindled let it be kept brightly burning, still showing tlie way 
 to better days for the people, and disclosing the plans of in- 
 sidious foes. 
 
 In the years to come, when we look back with patriotic 
 satisfaction upon our participation in the glorious struggle 
 for tariff reform and recall its happy termination, it will de- 
 light us to remember every incident of discouragement as 
 well as of triumph in the people's cause. Then, when we are 
 asked to speak of our proudest political endeavor, and to 
 give the best illustrations of American intelligence, and to 
 pay the highest tribute to the judgment of the American 
 people, we will rehearse the history and the grand result of 
 " the campaign of education." 
 
 [^Address in Response to the Toast: '*" The Prin- 
 ciples of True Democracy/^ at the Banquet 
 of the Young Mens Democratic Associa- 
 tion, Philadelphia, January 8, 1891.'] 
 
 Mr. President and Gentlemen: As I rise to respond to 
 the sentiment which has been assigned to me, I cannot avoid 
 the impression made upon my mind by the announcement of 
 
 279 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAP ERR 
 
 the words " True Democracy." I believe them to mean a 
 sober conviction or conclusion touching political topics, 
 which, formulated into a political belief or creed, inspires 
 a patriotic performance of the duties of citizenship. I 
 am satisfied that the principles of this belief or creed are 
 such as underlie our free institutions, and that they may be 
 urged upon our fellow-countrymen, because, in their purity 
 and integrity, they accord with the attachment of our people 
 for their government and their country. A creed based upon 
 such principles is by no means discredited because illusions 
 and perversions temporarily prevent their popular accept- 
 ance, any more than it can be irretrievably shipwrecked by 
 mistakes made in its name or by its prostitution to ignoble 
 purposes. When illusions are dispelled, when misconcep- 
 tions are rectified, and when tliose who guide are consecrated 
 to truth and duty, the ark of the people's safety will still be 
 discerned in the keeping of those who hold fast to the prin- 
 ciples of true democracy. 
 
 These principles are not uncertain nor doubtful. The 
 illustrious founder of our jjarty has plainly announced them. 
 They have been reasserted and followed by a long line of 
 great political leaders, and they arc quite familiar. They 
 comprise: Equal and exact justice to all men; peace, com- 
 merce, and honest friendship with all nations — entangling 
 alliance with none ; the support of the State governments in 
 all tlicir riglits; the j)rescrvation of the general government 
 in its whole constitutional vigor; a jealous care of the right 
 of election by the people; absolute acquiescence in the deci- 
 sions of the majority; the su])remacy of the civil over the 
 military authority; economy in the public expenses; the 
 honest paynicnt of our debts and sacred ])reservation of the 
 public faith; the encouragement of agriculture, and com- 
 merce as its handmaid, and freedom of religion, freedom of 
 the ])rcss, and freedom of the jierson. 
 
 Tlie great President and intrejiid Democratic leader whom 
 i.'80 
 
O F G R O V E R C L E \ E LAND 
 
 we especially honor to-night, who never relaxed his strict 
 adherence to the Democratic faith nor faltered in his defense 
 of the rights of the people against all comers, found his 
 inspiration and guidance in these principles. On entering 
 upon the Presidency he declared his loyalty to them; in his 
 long and useful incumbency of that great office he gloriously 
 illustrated their value and sufficiency; and his obedience to 
 the doctrines of true Democracy, at all times during his 
 public career, permitted him on his retirement to find satis- 
 faction in the declaration: "At the moment when I sur- 
 render my last public trust, I leave this great people pros- 
 perous and happy and in the full enjoyment of liberty and 
 peace, and honored and respected by every nation of the 
 world." 
 
 Parties have come and parties have gone. Even now the 
 leaders of the party which faces in opposition the Demo- 
 cratic host, listen for the footsteps of that death which de- 
 stroys parties false to their trust. 
 
 Touched by thine 
 The extortioner's hard hand foregoes the gold 
 Wnmg from the o'erwom poor. 
 
 Thou, too, dost purge from earth its horrible 
 And old idolatries; from the proud fanes. 
 Each to his grave, their priests go out, till none 
 Is left to teach their worship. 
 
 But there has never been a time, from Jefferson's day to 
 the present hour, when our party did not exist, active and 
 aggressive and prepared for heroic conflict. Not all who 
 have followed the banner have been able by a long train of 
 close reasoning to demonstrate, as an abstraction, why 
 Democratic principles are best suited to their wants and the 
 coimtry's good; but they have known and felt that as their 
 government was established for the people, the principles 
 and the men nearest to the people and standing for them 
 
 281 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 could be the safest trusted. Jackson has been in their eyes 
 the incarnation of the things Avhich Jefferson declared. If 
 they did not understand all that Jefferson wrote, they saw 
 and knew what Jackson did. Those who insisted upon vot- 
 ing for Jackson after his death felt sure that, whether their 
 candidate was alive or dead, tliey were voting the ticket of 
 true Democracy. The devoted political adherent of Jack- 
 son who, after his deatli, became involved in a dispute as to 
 wliether his hero had gone to heaven or not, was prompted 
 by Democratic instinct when he disposed of the question by 
 declaring, " I tell you, sir, that if Andrew Jackson lias made 
 up his mind to go to heaven you may depend upon it he's 
 there." The single Democratic voter in more than one town 
 who, year after year, deposited his single Democratic ballot 
 undismayed by the number of his misguided op])onfnts, thus 
 discharged his political duty with the utmost pride and sat- 
 isfaction in his Jacksonian Democracy. 
 
 Democratic steadfastness and enthusiasm, and tlie satisfac- 
 tion arising from our party history and traditions, certainly 
 ought not to be discouraged. But it is liardly safe for us be- 
 cause we profess the true faith, and can boast of distin- 
 guished political ancestry, to rely upon these things as guar- 
 antees of our present usefulness as a party organization, or 
 to regard tlieir glorification as surely making the way easy 
 to the accomplishment of our political mission. 
 
 The Democratic party, by an intelligent study of existing 
 conditions, should be j)rcpared to meet all the wants of the 
 p(oj)le as tliey arise, and to furnish a remedy for tvery 
 tlireatening evil. We may well be proud of our party 
 membership; but we cannot escape the duty wliich such 
 membership imposes ui)on us, to urge constantly upon our 
 felh)w-citi/ens of this day and generation the sufficiency of 
 tlif princij)les of true Democraey for tlic ])rotectiun of tlieir 
 riglils and the jjfoinotion of tlieir welfare and happiness, 
 in all their j)rc.s(iil diverse conditions and surroundings. 
 
 282 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 There should, of course, be no suggestion that a departure 
 from the time-honored principles of our party is necessary 
 to the attainment of these objects. On the contrary, we 
 should constantly congratulate ourselves that our party creed 
 is broad enough to meet any emergency that can arise in the 
 life of a free nation. 
 
 Thus, when we see the functions of government used to 
 enrich a favored few at the expense of the many, and see 
 also its inevitable result in the pinching privation of the 
 poor and the profuse extravagance of the rich ; and when we 
 see in operation an unjust tariff which banishes from many 
 humble homes the comforts of life, in order that, in the pal- 
 aces of wealth, luxury may more abound, we turn to our 
 creed and find that it enjoins " equal and exact justice to all 
 men." Then, if we are well grounded in our political faith, 
 we will not be deceived, nor will we permit others to be de- 
 ceived, by any plausible pretext or smooth sophistry excus- 
 ing the situation. For our answer to them ail, we will point 
 to the words which condemn such inequality and injustice, 
 as we prepare for the encounter with wrong, armed with 
 the weapons of true Democracy. 
 
 When we see our farmers in distress, and know that they 
 are not paying the penalty of slothfulness and mismanage- 
 ment, when we see their long hours of toil so poorly requited 
 that the money-lender eats out their substance, "while for 
 everything they need they pay a tribute to the favorites of 
 governmental care, we know that all this is far removed from 
 the " encouragement of agriculture " which our creed com- 
 mands. We will not violate our political duty by forgetting 
 how well entitled our farmers are to our best efforts for their 
 restoration to the independence of a former time and to the 
 rewards of better days. 
 
 When we see the extravagance of public expenditure fast 
 reaching the point of reckless waste, and the undeserved 
 distribution of public money debauching its recipients, and 
 
 283 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 by pernicious example threatening the destruction of the 
 love of frugality among our people, we will remember th.it 
 " economy in the public expense " is an important article in 
 the true Democratic faith." 
 
 When we see our political adversaries bent upon the pas- 
 sage of a Federal law, with tlic scarcely denied purpose of 
 perpetuating partisan supremacy, which invades the States 
 with election machinery designed to promote Federal inter- 
 ference with the rights of the people in the localities con- 
 cerned, discrediting their honesty and fairness, and justly 
 arousing their jealousy of centralized power, we will stub- 
 bornly resist such a dangerous and revolutionary scheme, in 
 obedience to our pledge for " the support of the State gov- 
 ernments in all their rights." 
 
 Under anti-Democratic encouragement we have seen a 
 constantly increasing selfishness attach to our political af- 
 fairs. A departure from the sound and safe theory that the 
 people should support the government for the sake of the 
 benefits resulting to all, has bred a sentiment manifesting 
 itself with astounding boldness, that the government may be 
 enlisted in tlie furtlierance and advantage of private inter- 
 ests, through their willing agents in public place. Such an 
 abandonment of the idea of patriotic political action on the 
 part of these interests, has naturally led to an estimate of 
 the people's francliise so degrading that it has been openly 
 and palpably debauched for the promotion of selfish schemes. 
 Money is invested in the purchase of votes with the deliber- 
 ate calculation that it will yield a profitable return in results 
 advantageous to the investor. Another crime akin to this 
 in motive and design is the intimidation by employers of 
 the voters dependent upon them for work and bread. 
 
 Nothing could be more hateful to true and genuine De- 
 mocraey than such offenses against our free institutions. In 
 several of the States the honest sentiment of the })arty Iims 
 asserted ilsell', in the support of every plan jirojM^scd for 
 
OF G R V E R CLEVELAND 
 
 the rectification of this terrible wrong. To fail in such sup- 
 port would be to violate that principle in the creed of true 
 Democracy which commands " a jealous care of the right of 
 election by the people," for certainly no one can claim that 
 suffrages purchased or cast imder the stress of threat or in- 
 timidation represent the right of election by the people. 
 
 Since a free and unpolluted ballot must be conceded as 
 absolutely essential to the maintenance of our free institu- 
 tions, I may perhaps be permitted to express the hope that 
 the State of Pennsylvania will not long remain behind her 
 sister States in adopting an effective plan to protect her peo- 
 ple's suffrage. In any event the Democracy of the State can 
 find no justification in party principle, nor in party tradi- 
 tions, nor in a just apprehension of Democratic duty, for 
 a failure earnestly to support and advocate ballot reform. 
 
 I have thus far attempted to state some of the principles 
 of true Democracy, and their application to present condi- 
 tions. Their enduring character and their constant influence 
 upon those who profess our faith have also been suggested. 
 If I were now asked why they have so endured and why they 
 have been invincible, I should reply in the words of the sen- 
 timent to which I respond: " They are enduring because 
 they are right, and invincible because they are just." 
 
 I believe that among our people the ideas which endure, 
 and which inspire warm attachment and devotion, are those 
 having some elements which appeal to the moral sense. 
 When men are satisfied that a principle is morally right, they 
 become its adherents for all time. There is sometimes a dis- 
 couraging distance between what our fellow-countrymen be- 
 lieve and what they do, in such a case; but their action in 
 accordance with their belief may always be confidently ex- 
 pected in good time. A government for the people and by 
 the people is everlastingly right. As surely as this is true 
 so surely is it true that party principles which advocate the 
 absolute equality of American manhood, and an equal par- 
 
 285 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 ticipation by all the people in the management of their gov- 
 ernment, and in the benefit and protection which it affords, 
 are also right. Here is common ground -where the best 
 educated thought and reason may meet the most impulsive 
 and instinctive Americanism. It is right that every man 
 should enjoy the result of his labor to the fullest extent con- 
 sistent with his membership in a civilized community. It is 
 right that our government should be but the instrument of 
 the people's will, and that its cost should be limited within 
 the lines of strict economy. It is right that the influence 
 of the government should be known in every humble home as 
 the guardian of frugal comfort and content, and a defense 
 against unjust exactions, and the unearned tribute persist- 
 ently coveted by the selfish and designing. It is right that 
 efficiency and honesty in public service should not be sacri- 
 ficed to partisan greed ; and it is right that the suffrage of 
 our people should be pure and free. 
 
 The belief in these propositions, as moral truths, is nearly 
 \miversal among our countrynun. We are mistaken if we 
 suppose the time is disUnit when the clouds of selfishness 
 and perversion will be disi)elkd and their conscientious be- 
 lief will become the chief motive force in the j)olitical action 
 of the people. 
 
 I understand all these truths to be included in the prin- 
 ciples of true Democracy. If M'e have not at all times trusted 
 as implicitly as we ought to the love our people have for the 
 riglit, in j)oIitical action, or if we have not always relied 
 sufficiently upon the sturdy advocacy of the best things whicli 
 belong to our party faith, these have been tcmiJorary aberra- 
 tions wliich have furnislied their inevitable warning. 
 
 We are permitted to cont(nij)late to-night the latest demon- 
 stration of the people's ap])rieiation of the right, and of the 
 acceptance they accord to Democratic doctrine when honestly 
 presented. In the campaign which has just closed with such 
 glorious results, wliile jjarty managers Mere anticipating tlie 
 
 ' -266 
 
OF GROVER CLE \' ELAND 
 
 issue in the light of the continued illusion of the people, the 
 people themselves and for themselves were considering the 
 question of right and justice. They have spoken, and the 
 Democracy of the land rejoice. 
 
 In the signs of the times and in the result of their late 
 State campaign, the Democracy of Pennsylvania must find 
 hope and inspiration. Nowhere has the sensitiveness of the 
 people, on questions involving right and wrong, been better 
 illustrated than here. At the head of your State government 
 there will soon stand a disciple of true Democracy, elected 
 by voters who would have the right and not the wrong when 
 their consciences were touched. Though there have existed 
 here conditions and influences not altogether favorable to an 
 unselfish apprehension of the moral attributes of political 
 doctrine, I believe that if these features of the principles of 
 true Democracy are persistently advocated, the time will 
 speedily come when, as in a day, the patriotic hearts of the 
 people of your great Commonwealth will be stirred to the 
 support of our cause. 
 
 It remains to say that, in the midst of our rejoicing and in 
 the time of party hope and expectation, we should remember 
 that the way of right and justice should be followed as a 
 matter of duty and regardless of immediate success. Above 
 all things let us not for a moment forget that grave re- 
 sponsibilities await the party which the people trust; and let 
 us look for guidance to the principles of true Democracy, 
 which " are enduring because they are right, and invincible 
 because they are just." 
 
 287 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 wlxicli he is affiliated should nominate him in the coming 
 convention for the highest office in the gift of the people." 
 Now, the effect of that on a young man can be easily 
 imagined, if not described. And then he went on and said: 
 " When that is done, the party with which I am proud to be 
 affiliated, I hope, will nominate as his competitor that noble 
 citizen, that grand man and statesmen whose name I have 
 no doubt rises to the lips of every man here present — 
 though it does not to mine." Well, I did not know what to 
 make of that then, nor why he did not mention the name 
 of the citizen and statesmen, but subsequent events have 
 made me rather suspicious that at that moment our friend 
 was struck with a iit of extreme modesty. Doesn't that 
 excuse Mr. Springer.'* I think so. There was an adminis- 
 tration of the Federal Government with which I was con- 
 nected, and with which I had something to do — at all events, 
 I have been held to an accountability for all its shortcom- 
 ings — and I long ago made up my mind, that when tlie 
 opportunity came that I could do it without injuring myself, 
 I miglit, j)erha]is, have sometliing to say about Mr. Dcpew's 
 candidacy for the Presidency. Now, see the selCishness of 
 this thing. See the mean political selfishness of that idea. 
 Not so with !Mr. DepcAV. Why, within four weeks, I think, 
 in his magnanimity, and in his generous heart, though at 
 a festive board, where we are all a])t to say kind and gen- 
 erous things, he said such complimentary things of me as 
 visited upon him, I am informed, the condemnation of mem- 
 bers of his party. Indeed, I liear that one enthusiastic 
 adherent of his from the West, on account of those conipli- 
 nicntary and courteous things, which he s.iid regardless of 
 Presidential consequences, wliilc I was waiting for an oppor- 
 tunity when I could say a kind thing of him, without liurting 
 myself, wrote to him: " While you liave been for years my 
 ideal of a man that has Presidential timber in him, and 
 wliik- 1 have been strongly your advoiale for that oiiiee, after 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 seeing what you said of that miserable fellow Cleveland, 
 I wouldn't vote for you for poundmaster." 
 
 Now this carries with it an acknowledgment of the kind- 
 ness and goodness of Mr. Depew, and also a confession of 
 my own disposition, for I confess to you that the time has 
 not yet come when I have thought I could safely, and with- 
 out harm to myself, launch out on that subject in regard 
 to him; but I hope the time will come. I am watching 
 for it. 
 
 .Now, gentlemen, there seems notliing left to me but to 
 thank you again for your hearty recognition of me, and to 
 say of the Chamber of Commerce that I sincerely hope that 
 it may long exist in the prosperity which has marked it for 
 so many years, and that these banquets may constantly in- 
 crease in pleasure to those who are fortimate enough to be 
 their invited guests. 
 
 [Address at the Jewelers' Association A^inual 
 Dinner, New York, November 21, 1890.1 
 
 Mr. President and Gentlemen: The sentiment assigned to 
 me suggests a theme so vast and so animating that I am 
 embarrassed in my attempt to deal with it. You surely will 
 not expect me on this occasion to voice all the thoughts 
 and feelings which the mention of " Our Country " inspires. 
 If I should do this, I should merely tax your time and 
 patience by the expression of reflections which spontaneous- 
 ly fill your minds. Besides, if I should launch upon this 
 sub j ect in true American style, I know I could not avoid the 
 guilt of making a Fourth of July speech late in the month 
 of November. 
 
 I hasten to declare that I do not fight shy of my subject 
 because I do not love it. On the contrary, I love it so well 
 
 267 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 I have never been to Europe, but I take that for granted for 
 the sake of argument. When -we told people that they began 
 to take a sort of personal pride in Niagara. So we must 
 make them feel that they have a personal interest in the 
 splendid Adirondack region, which will make them demand 
 its preservation. I would propose that we have a committee 
 of 128 able-bodied citizens, each of whom shall go to Al- 
 bany, take a legislator by the ear, and show him the great 
 import of tlie work for which we ask his support 
 
 The trouble is that the M-aste of our means of transporta- 
 tion is too remote to affect them. They will shrug their 
 shoulders and say that the Hudson River will continue to 
 flow as long as they live, and future generations — well, per- 
 haps future generations can get along without rivers. Tell 
 them that the work is essential to the preservation of healtli. 
 and they will answer you that they are healthy enough. 
 These arguments are weak to us, but to a member of the 
 Legislature, when linked with the question of expense, they 
 become strong. 
 
 We must take up the great task before us by easy stages. 
 Ixt us begin on what we already have. I.ct us demand that 
 the State shall preserve tlic great amount of Adirondack 
 lands it now owns. That will not antagonize anybody. Let 
 us demand that railroads shall not go in there on public 
 lands except upon the consent of the State and the Forest 
 Commission. That is but right and cannot antagonize any- 
 body. We must not ask that somebody be given a license to 
 go into the Adirondack region and blow up all the destruc- 
 tive dams, but we can witli reason ask the State to sc<" that 
 no dam shall exist which is an injury to public lands and 
 ))ublic forests. 
 
 Let us begin at once to prf)lcct wliat we have. That will 
 demonstrate to the people the value of our work. Having 
 done that, I believe that securing new lands and finally get- 
 ting such a great State Park as wc need will be an easy 
 
 '290 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 matter. Rome was not built in a day. A great Adirondack 
 Park cannot be acquired by a single act. 
 
 I believe that we must have the co-operation of those who 
 now own Adirondack lands. This is especially true of the 
 clubs which have purchased preserves there for sporting pur- 
 poses. Their desire to preserve the natural beauty of the 
 region is as strong as ours is. If we could get these clubs to 
 hold lands adjoining State lands, doing more or less ex- 
 changing for State lands, the region under preservation 
 would be so much larger. I believe that it would be per- 
 fectly feasible to frame a law, agreeable to these clubs, that 
 would give the State a right to protect, not a title to, pri-- 
 vate preserves adjoining a park. 
 
 Don't, then, let us shock our lawmakers, economical at 
 least on matters of this kind, by asking for too much at 
 once. Don't let us oppose any association, society, or indi- 
 vidual that is working on the same line as we are. We need 
 all the help we can get. Let us get to work to do something 
 now, for, although it may be but an inch of the mile we ulti- 
 mately want, we must remember that a little done now is 
 worth a great deal in the future. I move the adoption of the 
 resolution as offered. 
 
 [Address at the Banquet of the National Asso- 
 ciation of Builders^ New Yorli, February 
 12, 1891.] 
 
 Mr. President and Gentlemen: When American citizens 
 are gathered together on occasions like this, and the hour 
 of feasting is supplemented by toast and sentiment, it is 
 surely fitting that " Our Country " should be prominent 
 among the topics proposed for thought and speech. Evi- 
 dence is thus furnished of the ever present love and affec- 
 
 291 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 tion of our people for their country, prompting them, at all 
 times and in all places, to yield to her ready recognition 
 and homage. 
 
 The conspicuous place which this sentiment occupies in 
 American thought is the result of our relations to the land 
 which we possess and to the government under which we 
 live. Our vast domain belongs to our people. They have 
 fought for it, and have labored hard for its development and 
 growth. Our government, too, was fashioned and established 
 by and for our ])ioj)le, and is sustained and administered at 
 their belicst. Subjects of other lands, less free than ours, 
 and those who owe obedience to governments further re- 
 moved from popular control, may boast of their country, in 
 a spirit of natural pride and patriotism and as sharers in its 
 splendor and glory. They thus exliibit their submission and 
 allegiance and a habitual regard for constituted authority. 
 But the enthusiasm which warms our hearts at the mention 
 of " Our Country " grows out of our sense of proprietary 
 and individual right in American institutions. It is mingU'd 
 with no servile gratitude to any ruler for scant freedom gen- 
 erously conceded to us, nor with admiration of monarchical 
 pomp and splendor. The words, " Our Country," suggest 
 to us not only a broad domain which is ours, but also a gov- 
 ernment which is ours, based upon our will, protected and 
 guarded by our Ipve and atieetion, vouchsafing to us freedom 
 limited only by our self-imposed restraints, and securing 
 to us, as our right, absolute and impartial justice. 
 
 When we consider the extensive growth of our country — 
 its cities and villages, and all the {)hysical features which 
 contribute so much to give to it a foremost place in the civ- 
 ilization of the age — wc are bound to acknowledge that the 
 builders of our land have had much to do >vith securing for 
 us the commanding j)osition we hold among the nations of 
 the earth. It may, indeed, be said that all tlie nations which 
 have ever existed, have, like us, been largely indebted, for 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 the grandeur and magnificence of which they could boast, to 
 those belonging to the vocation represented in this assembly. 
 It will be impossible to find a complete description of any 
 country, ancient or modern, which does not mention the size 
 and character of its buildings, and its public and private 
 edifices. 
 
 I do not intend to do injustice, in the enthusiasm of this 
 hour, to any of the trades and occupations which have con- 
 tributed to make our country and other countries great. But 
 truth and candor exact the confession that the chief among 
 these occupations in all times past has been that of the 
 builder. He began his work in the early days of created 
 things, and has been abroad among the sons of men ever 
 since. The builder's advent was signalized by a service to 
 mankind of which not another craft can boast. No one has 
 the hardihood to deny that the construction of the ark was 
 the turning-point in the scheme for the perpetuation of the 
 human race. The builder's work in that emergency saved 
 mankind from a watery grave ; and if we suffer at the hands 
 of his successors in these modern times, we should allow 
 his first job to plead loudly in his behalf. If in these days 
 we are vexed by the failure of the builder to observe plans 
 and specifications, let us bear in mind that in his first con- 
 struction he, fortunately for us, followed them implicitly. 
 The gopher wood was furnished, the ark was pitched within 
 and without, it was built three hundred cubits long, fifty 
 cubits broad, and thirty cubits high; the window was put 
 in, the door was placed in the side, and it had a lower, sec- 
 end, and third story. If we are now and then prompted 
 almost to profanity, because the builder has not completed 
 our house within the time agreed, let us recall with gratitude 
 the fact that the ark was fully completed and finished in 
 a good and workmanlike manner and actually occupied, 
 seven days before the waters of the flood were upon the 
 earth. If a feeling like paralj'sis steals over us when a 
 
 293 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 long account for extra work is placed before our affrighted 
 eyes, let us be reconciled to our fate by the thought that 
 there was no charge for extra work in the construction of 
 the ark, and that the human race was saved without that 
 exasperating incident. 
 
 We sometimes hear things wliich are calculated to convey 
 the impression that there is an irrepressible conflict raging 
 between our builders and the rest of our people. If any 
 such thing exists, I desire to suggest, in behalf of the build- 
 ers, that it may to a great extent arise from the uncertainty 
 prevailing among employers concerning their wants and 
 wliat they can afford to have. These are days when the 
 free-born and ambitious American citizen does not like to be 
 outdone by his neighbor or anyone else. If, as a result of 
 this, a man with fifty thousand dollars to spend for a home, 
 is determined to have one as good and as extravagant as 
 that of another man, who has twice tlie amount to invest 
 for the same purpose, the builder certainly ought not to be 
 blamed if he fails to perform that miracle. On the other 
 hand, it lias sometimes seemed to me that when an honest, 
 confiding man ajjplics to a buikler for an estimate of the 
 cost of a construction which he contemplates, he ought to 
 receive more definite and trustworthy figures than those 
 frequently submitted to him. I am inclined to think, how- 
 ever, that on the whole the relations of tlie builder with his 
 fellow-men have been fairly amicable. If this were not so, 
 and if disputes and misunderstandings were ordinary inci- 
 dents of building contracts, it is quite apparent that the 
 buildings which have been put up in our country would 
 have caused enough of quarrels not only to endanger our 
 social fabric, but to transfer mucli of the wealth now in the 
 hands of the builders and their patrons to the pockets of 
 the members of that jieaeeful and honest profession to 
 wliich I have the honor to belong. This latter result Mould 
 not be altogether uiournful; the legal profession ;ire so 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 patriotic, and so easily satisfied, that I am quite certain 
 they are contented with existing conditions. 
 
 The National Association of Builders gives promise in 
 its declared objects and purposes of much usefulness. It 
 recognizes the fact that the relation its members bear to 
 vast numbers of our wage-earners furnishes the opportunity 
 for them to do an important and beneficent work in the way 
 of reconciling differences between employers and employees 
 and averting unprofitable and exasperating conflicts. All 
 must commend the desire of the organization for the adop- 
 tion of effective precautions against accident and injury to 
 employees, and for some provision for such as are injured 
 or incapacitated for work. And all our people ought espe- 
 cially to appreciate the efforts of your association to aid in 
 the establishment of trade schools for the education and 
 improvement of apprentices. Of course, no one will deny 
 that a workman in your vocation, who labors intelligently 
 and with some knowledge of the underlying reason for his 
 plan of work, does more and better service than one who 
 pursues his round of daily toil, unthinkingly, and as a mere 
 matter of routine or imitation. Herein is certainly a palpa- 
 ble advantage to the workman, to the builder, and to his 
 patron. But the value of a trade school education is not 
 thus limited. The apprentice not only becomes a better 
 workman by means of the education and discipline of such a 
 school, but that very process must also tend to make him 
 a better citizen. While he learns the things which give 
 him an understanding of his work and fit his mind and 
 brain to guide his hand, he also stimulates his perception 
 of that high service which his country claims of him as a 
 citizen. 
 
 For this service he and all of us have placed in our hands 
 the suffrage of freemen. It is only faithfully used when its 
 exercise represents a full consciousness of the responsibil- 
 ities and duties which its possession imposes, and when it 
 
 295 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 is guided and controlled by a pure conscience and by 
 thoughtful, intelligent, and independent judgment. 
 
 " Neither walls, theaters, porches, nor senseless equipage, 
 make states; but men wlio are able to rely upon themselves." 
 
 As a concluding thought, let me suggest, that thougli the 
 builders of the United States may erect grand and beautiful 
 c difices which shall be monuments of their skill and evidences 
 of our nation's prosperity, their work is not well done nor 
 their duty wliolly performed unless, in pursuance of tlieir 
 contract of citizenship, they join with all their fellow- 
 countrymen in building and finishing in beautiful propor- 
 tions, tlie grandest and most commanding of all earthly 
 structures — " Our Country." 
 
 [Address at the Democratic Club, Xeic York, 
 April IS, 1891.] 
 
 Mr. President and Gentlemen : I desire, first of all, to ex- 
 press my thanks to the ])ronioters of tliis occasion, for the 
 pleasure "which a place in this goodly company affords me, 
 and to congratulate the Democratic Club upon the indica- 
 tion of prosperity and enterprise supplied by its ownership 
 of tliis beautiful and commodious house. Tlie maintenance 
 of such a center for the cultivation and dissemination of 
 true Democratic principles, together Mith the activity and 
 earnestness of members of the club, furnish the most grati- 
 fying evidence that those wlio abide here fully realize the 
 value and importance of unremitting }X)litical endeavor and 
 thorough organization in behalf of true Democracy. 
 
 It seems to me that the atmosphere which pervades this 
 place is ill-suited to selfish and ignoble designs; and I feel 
 at this moment that I am surrounded by influences wliii li 
 invite patriotic parlisansiiip and disinterested devotion to 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 party principles. This sensation is most agreeable — for I 
 am glad to be called a partisan if my partisanship is patri- 
 otic. If a partisan is correctly defined as " one who is 
 violently and passionately devoted to a party or interest," I 
 must plead guilty to the charge of being a Democratic par- 
 tisan, so long as the Democracy is true to its creed and tra- 
 ditions, and so long as conditions exist which, to my under- 
 standing, make adherence to its doctrines synonymous with 
 patriotism. 
 
 It is a glorious thing to belong to a party which has a 
 history beginning with the first years of our government, 
 and full of achievements interwoven with all that has made 
 our country great and kept our people free. It is an inspir- 
 ing thing to know that by virtue of our party membership 
 we are associated with those who resist the attempt of arro- 
 gant political power to interfere with the independence and 
 integrity of popular suffrage, who are determined to relieve 
 our countrymen from unjust and unnecessary burdens, who 
 are intent upon checking extravagance in public expendi- 
 tures, and who test party purposes by their usefulness in 
 promoting the interests and welfare of all the people of the 
 land. 
 
 These considerations furnish to those who love their coun- 
 try the highest and best incentives to constant and faithful 
 effort in the cause of true Democracy. 
 
 We are reminded on this occasion that we not only have 
 a proud history and glorious traditions, but that our party 
 had an illustrious founder, whose services and teachings 
 have done as much to justify and make successful our gov- 
 ernment by the people and for the people, as any American 
 Avho ever lived. A claim to such political ancestry is, of 
 itself, sufficient to lend honor and pride to membership in 
 a party which preserves in their vigor and purity the prin- 
 ciples of that Democracy which was established by Thomas 
 Jefferson. 
 
 297 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 Tliese principles were not invented for the purpose of 
 gaining popular assent for a day, nor only because they 
 ■were useful in the early time of the Republic. They were 
 not announced for the purpose of serving personal ambi- 
 tions, nor merely for the purpose of catching the suffrages 
 of the people. They were laid as deep and broad as the 
 truths upon which the fabric of our government rested. In 
 the spirit of prophecy, they were formulated and declared, 
 not only as suited to the experiments of a new government, 
 but as sufficient in every struggle and every emergency 
 which should beset popular rule, in all times to come and in 
 all stages of our country's growth and development. 
 
 The political revolution which accompanied the birth of 
 our party was not accomplished while the principles of 
 Democracy were kept laid away in a napkin, nor was the 
 unanimity of their first acceptance secured by the senseless 
 and noisy shouting of partisan bigotry and the refusal to 
 receive converts to the faith. No man believed more implic- 
 itly in the political instruction of the people than the great 
 founder of our })arty; and tlie first triumph of Democratic 
 principles, under his leadership, was distinctly the result of a 
 campaign of education. So, too, in the light of our last great 
 victory, no man who desires Democratic success will deny 
 the supreme importance of a most thorough and systematic 
 presentation to our fellow-citizens of tlie reasons whicli sup- 
 port the avowed and accepted j)urposcs of our party. Those 
 who now sneer at efforts in that direction are our enemies — 
 whether they confront us as confessed opponents, or whether 
 they are traitors skulking within our camp. 
 
 It seems to me that this is peculiarly a time when the 
 Democratic party should be mindful of its relations to the 
 country, of its responsibilities as tiie guardian of sacred prin- 
 ciplis, and of its duty to a confiding people. In the rejoic- 
 ing which sucicss |)ermits, let us remember that the mission 
 of our p.irtv is continued warfare, ^\'c cainiot accomplisli 
 
 Ui)8 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 Avhat we promise to the people if we allow ourselves to be 
 diverted from the perils which are still in our way. Blind- 
 ness to danger, and neglect of party organization and disci- 
 pline, are invitations to defeat. We cannot win permanent 
 and substantial success by putting aside principle and grasp- 
 ing after temporary expedients. We shall court disaster if 
 we relax industry in commending to the intelligence of our 
 countrymen the creed which we profess ; and we tempt humil- 
 iating failure and disgrace when we encourage or tolerate 
 those who, claiming fellowship with us, needlessly and often 
 from the worst of motives, seek to stir up strife and sow 
 discord in the councils of our party. 
 
 As we celebrate to-night the birthday of the father of 
 Democracy, let us reinforce our Democratic zeal and enthusi- 
 asm and renew our faith and trust in the aroused intelli- 
 gence of our countrymen. Let the reflections prompted by 
 the surroundings of this occasion, confirm us in the assur- 
 ance that we shall patriotically discharge our political duty 
 and well maintain our party loyalty, if in all we do as Demo- 
 crats we bravely and consistently hold fast to the truths 
 which illumine the path laid out by our great guide and 
 leader. 
 
 [Address at the Celehration of the Semi-Cen- 
 tennial of the Gerinan Young Mens Asso- 
 ciation, Buffalo, N. v.. May 11, 1801.] 
 
 Mr. President and Ladies and Gentlemen: I am glad to 
 meet here to-night so many old friends and acquaintances, 
 and to join them in the felicitations M'hich have called us 
 together. At this moment I recall with perfect vividness 
 another evening nearly eight years ago, wlien, in a beau- 
 tiful building standing on this spot and then just com- 
 
 299 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 pleted, we inaugurated with songs and rejoicing a grand 
 national Sangerfest. That was a proud day for Buffalo, and 
 a prouder one still for our German fellow-townsracn, who 
 then welcomed as their guests a large and notable assem- 
 blage from many States, representing their national love 
 of music ; and, at the same time, were permitted to exhibit 
 to their visitors, as a monument of the enterprise and ac- 
 tivity of tlie German Young Men's Association, tlie grand 
 and imposing Music Hall in which their festival of song 
 was held. 
 
 Tlic disaster which soon after overtook the association, in- 
 volving the destruction of their splendid building, brought 
 no discouragement to the members of the organization. To- 
 night we meet in another and more magnificent Music Hall, 
 built upon the ashes of the first, to celebrate the close of 
 fifty years in the life of an association that exhibits to cxcry 
 observer the courage and determination whicli inevitably lead 
 to usefulness and success. 
 
 I shall not assume such a familiarity witli tlic career of 
 the association as would enable me to present in detail the 
 results of its ])ast efforts. In any event it would ill become 
 me to enter upon this field, in view of the fact that the able 
 and honorable gentleman now at the head of the assocMation 
 was also its first president, and for fifty years has watched 
 its progress and been devoted to its interests. Surely there 
 has seldom been an organization whicli numbered among its 
 members, at the end of lialf a centur}', so competent a chron- 
 icler of its hi.story and adiievements. 
 
 I understand that among tlie ])rominent purjioses of tlie 
 German Young Men's Association are the ])ropagation and 
 promotion of a knowledge of C'lcrman literature and the cul- 
 tivation and encouragement of the best elements of German 
 character. 
 
 So far as tlie first of these objects is eoiutrruil, I liope I 
 may be pcrinittid to say that, while the elYorts of the assoei- 
 
 300 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 ation in the direction mentioned are most praiseworthy and 
 patriotic, such an imdertaking can by no means be monop- 
 olized by any association. The value and importance of 
 German literature are too keenly appreciated to be neglected 
 in any part of the world, where there are those who seek to 
 know the past triumphs of science, poetry, music, and art, 
 or where there are those who strive to keep pace with their 
 present development and progress. It is not too much to 
 say that all nations which make claim to high civilization 
 encourage the study of German literature, and that the ex- 
 tent to which this study is pursued by a people furnishes a 
 standard of their enlightenment. 
 
 On behalf of the American people, I am inclined, also, to 
 claim to-night that the German character which the associa- 
 tion undertakes to cultivate is so interwoven with all the 
 growth and })rogress of our countrj'' that we have a right 
 to include it among the factors which make up a sturdy and 
 thrifty Americanism. With our early settlers came the Ger- 
 mans. They suited themselves to every condition of our 
 new world. Many of them fought for American indepen- 
 dence, and many, who in the trade of war came to light 
 against us, afterward settled on our soil, and contributed 
 greatly to the hardihood and stubborn endurance which our 
 young nation so much needed. 
 
 As years were added to the new republic, the tide of 
 German immigration increased in volume. Those who thus 
 came to us brought with them a love of liberty which readily 
 assimilated them to our institutions, and their natural love 
 of order made them good citizens. By their love of music 
 and social enjoyments they shed a bright light upon the 
 solemn and constant routine of American work, while, at the 
 same time, they abundantly proved that reasonable recreation 
 was entirely consistent with wholesome and conservative ac- 
 cumulation. They were found in every part of our land. 
 Among the pioneers of the far West, they struggled against 
 
 301 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 discouragements and hardships — counteracting privation by 
 frugality, and never for a moment losing sight of the better 
 day promised by the future to undaunted courage and per- 
 sistent industry. In our cities and towns tliey were found 
 in the front ranks of successful business and tra-de; and by 
 the choice of tlieir fellow-citizens they held public positions 
 of trust and influence. Everywhere they illustrated the 
 value and the sure reward of economy and steady work. 
 
 Thus, before the American nation had lived one hundred 
 years, our German population had grown to millions, and 
 constituted an important ingredient in the mass of American 
 activity. Then tliere came a time when the government of 
 the country of their ado])tion was assaulted by rebellious 
 hands; and then our German fellow-citizens had presented 
 to thera an opportunity to prove the depth and breadth of 
 their attachment to the land in whicli they lived and wrouglit, 
 and to exhibit how completely they had become patriotic 
 American citizens. They allo-vved not a moment for uncer- 
 tainty, but flocked by thousands to the standard of the 
 Union and bravely devoted themselves to its defense. In 
 every battle the German soldiers fought with courage and 
 persistence, and died with fortitude. Tliis common bap- 
 tism of blood, and this partnership in peril, brought closer 
 together every element of our people, and made tliem all — 
 more than ever and in every sense — Americans. This leads 
 me to say that any opposing claims to ownership in the val- 
 uable traits of German character admit of a fair compromise. 
 No one will begrudge the satisfaction to be derived from 
 analyzing these elements and establisliing tlnir Germ;in ori- 
 gin ; and all will concede that the more they are cultivated 
 tlie more our country will gain. Hut when all this is doiu-, 
 let us call these traits, so far as they are here exhibited, 
 American. They have been with us since our beginning; 
 they have influenced every tlay of our country's life; they 
 are among the traits wliieh our government was formed to 
 
 iJ02 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 foster, and they are essential to our country's safety and 
 prosperit3\ 
 
 I hardly think there is any city in the land that should 
 appreciate the value of German population better than Buf- 
 falo. On every side, within your limits, are seen the evi- 
 dences of the thrift of your German fellow-townsmen and 
 monuments of their industry and enterprise. No one can 
 dispute their contribution to your immense municipal growth, 
 and you do well to recognize it in the selection of those 
 charged with the administration of your city government. 
 Even now there stands at its head, performing his duties ac- 
 ceptably to the entire community, one who has won his way 
 to the confidence of his fellow-citizens solely by the German- 
 American traits of honesty, industry, and economy. I know 
 that he will forgive me for saying that when I knew him 
 first, not many years ago, he was occupying an honorable, 
 but very humble position, and gave no symptom of his pres- 
 ent prominence. I will not dispute the right of anyone to 
 call him a German; but I claim the satisfaction of also call- 
 ing this old friend of mine a first-rate American. 
 
 In the light of the suggestions I have made, it is a pleas- 
 ant thing to learn the significant fact that the membership 
 of the German Young Men's Association is quite largely 
 made up of those who have no title to German parentage or 
 origin. 
 
 I cannot resist the temptation to introduce here the 
 thought that no such association can exist and escape a re- 
 sponsibility to our people and our government. Wherever 
 our countrymen are gathered together with the professed 
 purpose of mutual improvement, or in furtherance of any 
 useful object, they ought to do something for their country. 
 Its welfare and progress depend so clearly upon what the 
 people are taught and what they think that patriotism should 
 pervade their every endeavor in the direction of mental or 
 social improvement. Our government was made by the peo- 
 
 303 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 pie; and by the people it must be constantly watched and 
 maintained. Like every other mechanism it requires guid- 
 ance and care. Without this, like many another mechanism, 
 it will not only fail to do its work, but it may injure and 
 wound those who stand idly near. We cannot afford, in the 
 heedless race for wealth, nor in the absorbing struggle for 
 the promotion of selfish ends, to neglect, for a day, our duty 
 to our government. 
 
 So, as the members of the German Young Men's Associa- 
 tion contemplate tlie steadfast love of country which be- 
 longs to the German character, let them enforce the lesson 
 that this sentiment is absolutely essential to the strength 
 and vigor of American institutions. If they find that Ger- 
 man industry and frugality lend to national happiness and 
 comfort, let them insist that these characteristics be rooted 
 in our soil; and if they find th.it the justice and equality 
 which our free institutions promise, and which the Germans 
 love, are withheld from them and the American people, let 
 them demand from the government which they support a 
 scrupulous redemption of its j)Icdges. 
 
 As this association crosses the threshold whidi lies mid- 
 way in the first century of its existence, its members may 
 well recall with pride and congratulation what it has thus 
 far done for the ])rouiotion of a knowledge of Cierman litera- 
 ture and the cultivation of German character; and, as they 
 enter upon the second half century of organized effort, they 
 should be more than ever determined to pursue these pur- 
 j)oses, not only because tliey may thus keep alive a fond re- 
 membrance of the Fatherland, but because they may thus, 
 ill a higher, better spirit, aid in the cultivation of those sen- 
 timents which purify and strengthen a genuine and patriotic 
 Americanism. 
 
 304 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 [Address before the Commercial Club, Provi- 
 dence, R. I., June 27, 1891.'] 
 
 Mr. President and Gentlemen: I suppose from the name 
 of the organization which extends to us the hospitalities of 
 this occasion, that its membership is mainly, at least, made 
 up of those engaged in business enterprises, and that its ob- 
 ject is the discussion of topics related to the progress and 
 development of such enterprises. 
 
 I never attend a gathering of business men, and recall the 
 restless activity which they represent, and the strain of brain 
 which they willingly bear for the sake of profit and success, 
 without wondering that they are content to be so thoroughly 
 engrossed in the immediate details of their occupations, as 
 often to lead to an habitual neglect of those affairs, which 
 though outside of their counting houses, exchanges and man- 
 ufactories, have an intimate relation to their prosperity. No 
 one can be oblivious to the fact that matters of legislation, 
 and the course of governmental policy, are so important to 
 the business in which we engage that our individual efforts 
 in its prosecution may be easily promoted or thwarted by 
 the conduct of those who make and execute our laws. Yet, 
 in business circles we find but few men who are willing to 
 forego their ordinary work to engage in the business of legis- 
 lation. Indeed this imfortunate condition has reached such 
 a pass that our business men think and often speak of poli- 
 tics as something quite outside of their interest and duty, 
 which, if not actually disreputable, may well be left to those 
 who have a taste for it. 
 
 I am by no means unmindful of the spasmodic interfer- 
 ence of business interests in politics, spurred on by a sclfisli 
 desire to be aided, especially and exclusively through legisl='- 
 tive action. Such interference, based upon such motives, is 
 
 505 
 
ADDRESSES AND TAPERS 
 
 more blameworthy than inactivity, because it amounts to an 
 attempt to pervert governmental functions — which is worse 
 than a neglect of political responsibility. But I speak of a 
 heedlessness of the duty resting upon every one of us as 
 American citizens, to participate thoughtfully and intelli- 
 gently in the general conduct of the government which is 
 ours, and which has been left to our management. 
 
 I seek to remind you of the interest which you and all of 
 us have as members of our American body politic, in whole- 
 some general laws and honest administration. This interest 
 is represented by the share to which each of us is entitled, 
 in the aggregate of advantage which such laws and such 
 administration secure. This interest and this duty are 
 surely worth all the attention we can bestow upon them; 
 and the penalty of their neglect we shall surely not escape. 
 In order that the patriotism and intelligence of the country 
 shall prevail in our legislation, tlic patriotic and intelligent 
 men of the country must see to it that they are properly rep- 
 resented in our national councils. If they fail in this they 
 will be governed by those who simply make a trade of poli- 
 tics. If it is M'cll that our legislation be infhienced by the 
 enlightened and practical business sense of the people, our 
 business men must see to it that those they trust are chosen 
 as their lawmakers. If they are indifferent on the subject, 
 the vast interests which so greatly concern tliem and all 
 their fellow-citizens will be left at the mercy of those who 
 neither understand them nor care for them; and I do not 
 believe these dangers will be effectively averted until they 
 are better understood by the people and more thoroughly 
 resisted. 
 
 It seems to me that private and .«;pecial legislation, as it 
 at present prevails, is an evil chargeable to a great extent 
 to the listlessncss and carelessness of the people. 
 
 There is a kind of legislation which, upon its face and 
 concfdcdly, is private and special, and whicli engrosses far 
 
 •M6 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 too much of the time and attention of our lawmakers. The 
 people have a right to claim from their representatives their 
 best care and attention to the great subjects of legislation in 
 which the entire country is interested. This is denied them 
 if their representatives take their seats burdened with pri- 
 vate bills, in which their immediate neighbors are exclusively 
 interested, and which they feel they must be diligent in ad- 
 vancing, if they would secure their continuance in public 
 life. They are thus led by the exigencies of their situation 
 as they view it, not only to the support of private bills of 
 questionable propriety, but to the neglect of a study and 
 understanding of the important questions involved in gen- 
 eral legislation. Nor does the pernicious effect of such spe- 
 cial and jDrivate legislation stop here. The importance of a 
 successful championship of these private bills, measured by 
 a standard which ought not for a moment to be recognized, 
 seems so vital to those having them in charge that they are 
 easily led to barter their votes for measures as bad as theirs 
 or worse, in order to secure the support of similarly situated 
 colleagues. Thus is inaugurated a sj'stem called log-rolling, 
 which comes frightfully near actual legislative corruption; 
 and thus the people at large lose not only the attention to 
 their affairs which is due to them, but are often no better 
 than robbed of the money in the public treasury. 
 
 I have hardly done more than to present a very general 
 outline of some of the palpably bad accompaniments of 
 legislation, confessedly special and private. The details 
 might easily be filled in, which would furnish proof of 
 the elements of its mischievous character which I have 
 pointed out. 
 
 I have not, however, mentioned the aspect of special and 
 private legislation which seems to me most pernicious. I 
 refer to the habit which it engenders among our people of 
 looking to the government for aid in the accomplishment of 
 special and individual schemes, and the expectation which it 
 
 807 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 creates and fosters, that legislation may be invoked for the 
 securing of individual advantages and unearned benefits. 
 
 The relations of our countrymen toward their government 
 should be founded upon their love for it as the fountainhead 
 of their national life; their faith in it as the power which 
 preserves them a free people ; their reverence for it as the 
 perfect work of the highest patriotism ; their confidence in 
 its justice and equality, and their pride in its ownership 
 and management. These should furnish at all times sufficient 
 motive for a lively interest in public afi'airs, and should sup- 
 ply abundant incentive to popular watchfulness of legisla- 
 tive and executive methods. In the light of these considera- 
 tions, no thoughtful American can shut his eyes to the truth, 
 that when our people regard their government as the source 
 of individual benefit and favoritism, and when their interest 
 in it is measured by the extent to which they hope to realize 
 such benefit and favoritism, our popular government is in 
 dangerous hands and its entire perversion is alarmingly im- 
 minent. 
 
 These perils are not alone chargeable to legislation which 
 is confessedly special and ])rivate. Measures of a general 
 character, and apparently proposed for the public good, fre- 
 quently originate in selfisli calculations, or so completely sub- 
 serve in their details selfish plans, that they also tend toward 
 the fatal point of sordidness among the people and unjust 
 paternalism in the government. No matter what plausible 
 pretexts may be advanced for such lcgislati«)n, if it has in 
 it these elements, it ought to be condenmed. Neither the 
 cry of protection to American interests, nor pretended solici- 
 tude for the public good, ought to succeed in concealing 
 schemes to favor tlie few at the expense of the many; nor 
 should the iuipurtance to tlie country of legislative action 
 upon any subject divert us from inquiry concerning the 
 selfish motives and purix)ses which may be hidden behind 
 tin* i)roj)osal of such lfgislatit)ii. 
 
 'MS 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 It is quite time that our business men, and all American 
 citizens who love their country, bestir themselves for battle 
 against the evil tendencies of private and special legislation, 
 whatever guise it may assume. At this time no more impor- 
 tant truth can be jiresented to the people than that they 
 should support their government in love and patriotism, and 
 remain imselfishly content with the blessings and advantages 
 which our free institutions were established to bestow, with 
 justice and equality, upon every citizen throughout the 
 length and breadth of our land. 
 
 [Address at the Annual Banquet of the New 
 England Society of Brooklyn, N. Y., De- 
 cember 21, 1891.'] 
 
 Mr. President and Gentlemen: As this is the first time I 
 have attended a dinner given by a New England Society, I 
 beg to express the gratification it affords me to enter upon 
 my new experience in the City of Brooklyn and among 
 those whom I have always regarded as especially my friends. 
 
 You are by no means to suppose that my failure hereto- 
 fore to be present on occasions like this is accounted for by 
 any doubt I have had as to my qualifications for admission. 
 From the time the first immigrant of my name landed in 
 Massachusetts, down to the day of my advent, all the Cleve- 
 lands from whom I claim descent were born in New Eng- 
 land. The fact that I first saw the light in the State of 
 New Jersey I have never regarded as working a forfeiture 
 of any right I may have derived from my New England 
 lineage, nor as making me an intruder or merely tolerated 
 guest in an assemblage of this kind. I resent, of course, 
 with becoming spirit, the imputation that my birth in New 
 Jersey constitutes me a foreigner and an alien; and I have 
 
 S09 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 never been able to see any humor in the suggestion that my 
 native State is not within the Union. To my mind the regu- 
 larity with which she votes the Democratic ticket entitles 
 her to a high rank among the States that are really useful. 
 At any rate, I sliall always insist that New Jersey is a good 
 State to be born in, and I point to the fact that, after an 
 absence of more than fifty years, I have returned to find a 
 temporary home within her limits as fully demonstrating 
 that my very early love for her is not extinguished. 
 
 Assuming that you agree with me that my birth in New 
 Jersey has not stamped me with indelible ineligibility, and 
 anticipating your demand for affirmative support of my qual- 
 ification to mingle with those who celebrate Forefathers' 
 Day and sing the praises of the men who first settled in 
 New England, I can do no better than to rest my case upon 
 the statement that Bean Hill, in the town of Norwich and 
 State of Connecticut, was the birthplace of my father. I 
 hope that in making this statement I shall not remind you 
 of the man who loudly boasted of Ills patriotic sacrifice in 
 defense of his country on the ground that he had permitted 
 his wife's relatives to join the army. At any rate, it seems 
 to me tliat the claim I make is entirely valid, with no em- 
 barrassment connected with it, excejitthe admission by infer- 
 ence that for some purposes and on some occasions a fatlicr's 
 birthplace may be of more value to a man than his own. I 
 have nothing further to urge on the subject of my eligibility 
 except to mention, as something whicli sliould be credited to 
 me upon my own account, the fact tliat I ha\ e lately demon- 
 strated my preference for New England and my love for 
 that section of our country where my ancestors lived and 
 died, by establishing a .suinnu'r liome in the State of Massa- 
 chusetts. 
 
 1 tliiiik all of us are old enough to remember the })ri>j)hetic 
 words put opjjosite certain dal«'s in the old almanacs, " About 
 these days look out for sudw." If almanacs were now made 
 
 ;5I() 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 Tip as they used to be, it would not be amiss to set opposite 
 the latter days of December, " About these days look out for 
 glorification of the Pilgrims." This would be notice to those 
 consulting the almanac that a time was foretold when the 
 people of the country would be reminded that there were 
 Pilgrims who came to New England, and there set in motion 
 the forces which created our wondrous nation. 
 
 No one will deny that the Pilgrims to New England were 
 well worthy of all that is done or can be done to keep them in 
 remembrance. But we cannot recall their history, and what 
 they did and established, and what they taught, without also 
 recalling that there have been Pilgrims from New England 
 who, finding their way to every part of the land, have taken 
 with them those habits, opinions, and sentiments which, hav- 
 ing an early origin in American soil, should be best suited 
 to American life everywhere, and should be the best guaran- 
 tees in every situation, of the preservation, in their integrity 
 and purity, of American institutions. 
 
 We have heard much of abandoned lands in New England. 
 If farms have been abandoned there, we know that larger 
 and more productive farms have been developed in newer 
 States by the Pilgrims from Ncav England. If the popu- 
 lation of New England has suffered a drain, we shall find 
 that the vigorous activity lost to her has built up new cities 
 and towns on distant and unbroken soil and impressed upon 
 these new creations the truest and best features of American 
 civilization. 
 
 While all will admit the debt our great country owes to 
 New England influences, and while none of us should be un- 
 mindful of the benefits to be reasonably expected from the 
 maintenance and spread of these influences, a thought is sug- 
 gested which has further relation to the mission and duty 
 of the Pilgrims from New England and their descendants, 
 wherever they may be scattered throughout the land. If they 
 are at all true to their teachings and their traditions, they 
 
 311 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 ■will naturally illustrate, in a practical way, the vahie of 
 education and moral sentiment in the foundations of social 
 life and tlie value of industry and economy as conditions of 
 thrift and contentment. But tliese Pilgrims and their de- 
 scendants and all those wlio, with sincere enthusiaom, cele- 
 brate Forefathers' Day, will fail in the discharge of their 
 highest duty if, yielding to the temptation of any un-Amer- 
 ican tendency, they neglect to teach persistently that in tlie 
 early days there was, and that there still ought to be, such 
 a thing as true and distinctive Americanism, or if they neg- 
 lect to give it just interpretation. 
 
 This certainly does not mean tliat a spirit of narrowness 
 or proscription should be encouraged, nor that there should 
 be created or kept alive a fear concerning such additions to 
 our population from other lands as promise assimilation 
 with our conditions and co-operation in our aims and pur- 
 poses. It does, however, mean the insistence that every 
 transfer of allegiance from another government to our own, 
 should signify the taking on at the same time of an aggres- 
 sive and affirmative devotion to the spirit of American in- 
 stitutions. It means that with us, a love of our government 
 for its own sake and for wliat it is, is an essential factor of 
 citizenship, and that it is only made full and comi)kic by 
 the adoption of the ideas and habits of thought which un- 
 derlie our plan of popular rule. It means tliat one fills a 
 place in our citizcnshij) unwortliily who regards it solely as a 
 vantage ground where he may iill his purse and better his 
 condition. It means that our government is not suited to a 
 selfish, sordid people, and that in their hands it is not safe. 
 
 Tliis is a tinxe when tliere is pressing need for the earnest 
 enforcement of these truths; and occasions like this caimot 
 be better improved than by leading us to such self-exami- 
 nation and self-correction as shall fit us to illustrate and 
 teach the lessons of true Americanism. \\'hen we here recall 
 tht; landing of llie Pilgrims, let us remember that tijey not 
 
 312 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 only sought " Freedom to worsliip God," but they also 
 sought to establish the freedom and liberty of manhood. 
 When we dwell upon their stern and sturdy traits, let us 
 remember that these nurtured the spirit which achieved 
 American independence, and that in such soil alone can its 
 fruits ripen to bless our people. When we contemplate 
 how completely conscience guided their lives and conduct, 
 let us resolve that conscience shall find a place in every 
 phase of our citizenship; and when we learn of their solici- 
 tude and care for their new-found home, let us acknowledge 
 that unselfish love of country can alone show us the path of 
 political duty. 
 
 With such preparation as this — leaving no place for the 
 ignoble thought that our government can, without perversion, 
 hold out unequal rewards and encourage selfish beings — we 
 shall teach that this heritage of ours has been confided from 
 generation to generation to the patriotic keeping and loving 
 care of true Americanism, and that this alone can preserve 
 it; to shelter a free and happy people — protecting all, de- 
 fending all, and blessing all. 
 
 {^Address before the Business Men's De7nocratic 
 Association, Nezv York, January 8, 189 2.1 
 
 Mr, President and Gentlemen: No one can question the 
 propriety of the celebration of this day by the organization 
 whose invitation has called us together. Its right to cele- 
 brate on this occasion results from the fact that it is an 
 organization attached to the doctrines of true Democracy, 
 having a membership composed of business men, M'ho, in a 
 disinterested way, devote themselves to honest party work, 
 and who labor for the growth and spread of the political 
 principles which they profess. 
 
 This anniversary has not gained its place as a festival day 
 313 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 in the calendar of Democracy by chance or tlirough unmean- 
 ing caprice ; nor is it observed by the Democratic party 
 merely because a battle was fought on the 8th day of Janu- 
 ary, many years ago, at New Orleans. That battle in itself 
 had no immediate political significance, and, considered solely 
 as a military achievement in comparison with many other 
 battles fought by Americans both before and since, it need 
 not be regarded as an event demanding especial commemora- 
 tion. 
 
 The Democratic zest and enthusiasm of our celebration of 
 the day grow out of the fact tliat the battle of New Orleans 
 was won under the gencralsliip of Andrew Jackson. So, 
 while the successful general in that battle is not forgotten 
 to-night. Democrats, wherever they are assembled throughout 
 our land to celebrate the day, are honoring the hero who 
 won the battles of Democracy, and are comnieinorating the 
 political courage and steadfastness which were his prominent 
 characteristics. 
 
 It is well that there are occasions like this where we may 
 manifest that love and affection for Andrew Jackson which 
 have a place in every Democratic heart. It is nccdhss to 
 attempt an exjjlanation of this love and affection. They are 
 Democratic instincts. So strong is our conviction that Jack- 
 son's Democracy derived its strength and vigor from the 
 steadfast courage, the honesty of purpose and the sturdy 
 persisteney wliicli characterized the man, that we willingly 
 profess the belief that these same conditions are essential to 
 the usefulness and success of the Democratic party in these 
 latter days. Thus, wherever jiarty prineijile or policy may 
 lead us, we have constantly before us an unquestioned exam- 
 ple of the spirit in which our work should be undertaken. 
 
 It may not be unprofitable for us, at this time, to recall 
 some incidents in the career of Andrew Jackson, and note 
 their bearing upon the position of our ])arty in its ])resent 
 relations to tlie people. We may thus discover an incentive 
 
 :n4 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 for the cultivation and preservation of that Jacksonian spirit 
 which ought to belong to Democratic effort. 
 
 When General Jackson was sent with troops to protect 
 our border against disturbers of the peace whose retreat was 
 in the Spanish province of Florida, he notified our govern- 
 ment that if it was signified to him that the possession of 
 the Floridas would be desirable to the United States, it 
 should be forthwith accomplished. He only believed he had 
 the assent of his government, but in that belief, and because 
 his word had been given, he never rested imtil his military 
 occupation of the territory was complete. 
 
 The Democratic party has lately declared to the people 
 that if it was trusted and invested with power, their bur- 
 dens of taxation should be lightened, and that a better and 
 more just distribution of benefits should be assured to them. 
 There is no doubt concerning our commission from the people 
 to do this work, and there is no doubt that we have received 
 their trust and confidence on the faith of our promises. In 
 tliese circumstances, there is no sign of Jacksonian deter- 
 mination and persistency in faltering or hesitating in the 
 cause we have undertaken. If we accepted the trust and 
 confidence of the people with any other design than to re- 
 spond fully to them, we have been dishonored from the be- 
 ginning. If we accepted them in good faith, disgrace and 
 humiliation await us if we relax our efforts before the prom- 
 ised end is reached. 
 
 At New Orleans General Jackson attacked the enemy as 
 soon as they landed, and fought against their making the 
 least advance. It never occurred to him that by yielding to 
 them a foot of ground, or giving them a moment's rest, his 
 opportunity to defeat them would be promoted. 
 
 We, who are proud to call ourselves Jacksonian Demo- 
 crats have boldly and aggressively attacked a political heresy 
 opposed to the best interests of the peojole and defended by 
 an arrogant and unscrupulous party. The fight is still on. 
 
 315 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 Who has the hardihood to say that we can lay claim to the 
 least Jacksonian spirit if in the struggle we turn our backs 
 to the enemy, or lower in the least our colors ? 
 
 President Jackson believed the United States Bank was an 
 institution dangerous to the liberties and prosperity of the 
 people. Once convinced of this, his determination to destroy 
 it closely followed. He early began the attack, utterly re- 
 gardless of any considerations of political expediency or 
 personal advancement exce))t as they grew out of his faith in 
 the people, and giving no place in his calculations for any 
 estimate of the difficulty of the undertaking. From the time 
 the first blow was struck until the contest ended in his com- 
 plete triumph, he allowed nothing to divert him from his 
 purpose, and i)ermitted no other issue to divide his energy or 
 to be substituted for that on which he was intent. 
 
 The Democratic party of to-day, which conjures with the 
 name of Jackson, has also attacked a monstrous evil, in- 
 trenched behind a perversion of governmental power and 
 guarded by its selfish beneficiaries. On behalf of those 
 among our people long neglected, we have insisted on tariff 
 reform and an abandonment of unjust favoritism. We liave 
 thus adopted an issue great enough to deserve the imdivided 
 efforts of our party, involving considerations which, we pro- 
 fess to believe, lie at the foundation of the justice and fair- 
 ness of pojnilar rule. 
 
 ]f we are to act u\)ou our declared belief in the power of 
 that Jacksonian sjiirit wliich mms the inspiration of our 
 party in tlic days of o»ir great loafh'r, we shall be steadfast 
 to the issue we have raised until it is settled and rightly 
 settled. The steadfastness we need will not j^ermit a prema- 
 ture and distracting search for other and ])erplexiiig ques- 
 tions, nor will it allow us to be tempted or driven by tlie 
 enemy into new and tangled paths. 
 
 Wc have given j)ledges to the ))eo])le, and they have 
 trubtcd us. Unless wc have outgrown llic Democratic spirit 
 
 3\f) 
 
OF GROVE R CLEVELAND 
 
 of Jackson's time, our duty is plain. Our promise Avas not 
 merely to labor in the people's cause until we should tire 
 of the effort, or should discover a way which seemed to 
 promise easier and quicker party ascendency. The service 
 we undertook was not to advise those waiting for better 
 days that their cause was hopeless, nor under any pretext 
 to suggest a cessation of effort. Our engagement was to 
 labor incessantly, bravely, and stubbornly, seeing nothing 
 and considering nothing but ultimate success. These pledges 
 and promises should be faithfully and honestly kept. Party 
 faithlessness is party dishonor. 
 
 Nor is the sacredness of our pledges, and the party dis- 
 honor that would follow their violation, all we have to con- 
 sider. We cannot trifle with our obligations to the people 
 without exposure and disaster. We ourselves have aroused 
 a spirit of jealous inquiry and discrimination touching polit- 
 ical conduct which cannot be blinded ; and the people will 
 visit with quick revenge the party which betrays them. 
 
 I hope, then, I may venture to claim in this assemblage 
 that, even if there had been but slight encouragement for 
 the cause we have espoused, there would still be no justifica- 
 tion for timidity and faint-heartedness. But with the suc- 
 cess we have already achieved, amounting to a political 
 revolution, it seems to me that it would be the height of 
 folly, considered purely as a question of party management, 
 to relax in the least our determination and persistency. If 
 we suspect, anywhere in our counsels, compromising hesita- 
 tion or a disposition to divert the unity of party efforts, let 
 us be watchful. The least retreat bodes disaster ; cowardice 
 is often called conservatism, and an army scattered into sec- 
 tions invites defeat. 
 
 We have preached the doctrine that honesty and sincerity 
 should be exacted from political parties. Let us not fall 
 under the condemnation which awaits on shifty schemes and 
 insincere professions. 
 
 317 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 I believe our countrymen are prepared to act on principle, 
 and in no mood for political maneuvering. They will not 
 waste time in studying conundrums, guessing riddles, or 
 trying to interpret doubtful plirases. They demand a plain 
 and simple statement of political purpose. 
 
 Above all things, political finesse should not lead us to 
 forget that, at the end of our plans, we must meet face to 
 face at the polls the voters of the land, with ballots in their 
 hands, demanding as a condition of their support of our 
 party fidelity and undivided devotion to the cause in which 
 we have enlisted them. 
 
 If, inspired by the true Jacksonian sjjirit, we hold to the 
 doctrine that party honesty is party duty and party courage 
 is party expediency, we shall win a sure and lasting success 
 through the deserved support of a discriminating, intelli- 
 gent, and thoughtful people. 
 
 \_Address before the Students of the University 
 of Micliigan, at Ann Arbor, February .V, 
 1892.'] 
 
 Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen: Among the few 
 holidays which the rusli and liurry of American life concede 
 to us, surely no one of a secular character is so suggestive 
 and impressive as the day we celebrate on this occasion. 
 We not only commemorate the birth of the greatest Amer- 
 ican who ever lived, but we recall, as inseparably con- 
 nected with his career, all the events and incidents wliich led 
 up to the rstablishuK-nt of free institutions in this land of 
 ours, and culminated in the erection of our wondrous nation. 
 
 The University of Michigan, therefore, most appropri- 
 ately honors herself and doi-s a fitting public service by 
 cbpecially providing for such an observance of tlie day as 
 
 :518 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 is calculated to turn to the contemplation of patriotic duty 
 the thoughts of the young men whom she is soon to send 
 out to take places in the ranks of American citizenship. 
 
 I hope it may not be out of place for me to express the 
 gratification it affords me as a member of the legal profes- 
 sion, to know that the conduct of these exercises has been 
 committed to the classes of the Law Department of the 
 University. There seems to me to be a propriety in this, 
 for I have always thought the influences surrounding the 
 practice and study of the law should especially induce a 
 patriotic feeling. The business of the profession is re- 
 lated to the enforcement and operation of the laws which 
 govern our people; and its members, more often than those 
 engaged in other occupations, are called to a participation 
 in making these laws. Besides, they are constantly brought 
 to the study of the fundamental law of the land, and a famil- 
 iarity with its history. Such study and familiarity should 
 be sufficient of themselves to increase a man's love of coun- 
 try; and they certainly cannot fail to arouse his veneration 
 for the men who laid the foundations of our nation sure and 
 steadfast in a written Constitution, which has been declared, 
 by the greatest living English statesmen, to be " the most 
 wonderful work ever struck off at a given time by the brain 
 and purpose of man." 
 
 Washington had more to do with the formation of the con- 
 stitution than our enthusiasm for other phases of the great 
 work he did for his country usually makes prominent. He 
 fought the battles which cleared the way for it. He best 
 knew the need of consolidating under one government the 
 colonies he had made free, and he best knew that without 
 this consolidation, a wasting war, the long and severe priva- 
 tions and sufferings his countrymen had undergone and his 
 own devoted labor in the cause of freedom, were practically 
 in vain. The beginning of anything like a public sentiment 
 looking to the formation of our nation is traceable to his 
 
 319 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 efforts. The circular letter he sent to the governors of the 
 States, as early as the close of the War of the Revolution, 
 contained the germ of the Constitution ; and all this was 
 recognized by his unanimous choice to preside over the con- 
 vention that framed it. His spirit was in and through 
 it all. 
 
 But whatever may be said of the argument presented in 
 support of the propriety of giving the law classes the man- 
 agement of this celebration, it is entirely clear that the Uni- 
 versity herself furnishes to all her students a most useful 
 lesson M'hen, by decreeing the observance of this day, she 
 recognizes the fact that the knowledge of books she imparts 
 is not a complete fulfillment of her duty, and concedes that 
 the education with which she so well equips her graduates 
 for individual success in life and for business and profes- 
 .sional usefulness, may proHt:ibly be supplemented by the 
 stimulation of their patriotism, and by tlie direction of their 
 thoughts to subjects relating to their country's welfare. I 
 do not know how generally such an observance of Washing- 
 ton's birthday, as has been here established, prevails in our 
 other universities and colltges; but I am convinced that any 
 institution of learniiig in our land which neglects to jirovide 
 for the instructive and improving observance of this day 
 M itliin its walls, falls short of its attainable measure of use- 
 fulness and omits a just and valuable contribution to the 
 general good. Tliere is great need of educated men in our 
 public life, but it is the need of educated men M'ith patriot- 
 ism. The college graduate may be, and frequently is. more 
 unpatriotic and less useful in public affairs than tlie man 
 ivho, with limited education, has spent tlie years when opin- 
 ions arc formed in improving contact M'ith the world instead 
 «»f being within college walls and confined to the study of 
 books. Jf it be true, as is often claimed, that the scholar 
 h\ pt>litics is generally a failure, it may well be due to the 
 f.-ict lh.it, during his formative period when Listing imprcs- 
 
 5£0 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 sions are easily received, his intellect alone has been culti- 
 vated at the expense of wholesome and well-regulated senti- 
 ment. 
 
 I speak to-day in advocacy of this sentiment. If it is not 
 found in extreme and exclusive mental culture, neither is it 
 found in the busy marts of trade, nor in the confusion of 
 bargaining, nor in the mad rush after wealth. Its home is 
 in the soul and memory of man. It has to do with the 
 moral sense. It reverences traditions, it loves ideas, it cher- 
 ishes the names and the deeds of heroes, and it worships at 
 the shrine of patriotism. I plead for it because there is a 
 sentiment, which in some features is distinctively American, 
 that we should never allow to languish. 
 
 When we are told that we are a practical and common- 
 sense people, we are apt to receive the statement with 
 approval and applause. We are proud of its truth and natu- 
 rally proud because its truth is attributable to the hard work 
 we have had to do ever since our birth as a nation, and be- 
 cause of the stern labor we still see in our way before we 
 reach our determined destiny. There is cause to suspect, 
 however, that another and less creditable reason for our 
 gratification arises from a feeling that there is something 
 heroically American in treating with indifference or derision, 
 all those things which, in our view, do not directly and pal- 
 pably pertain to what we call, with much satisfaction, prac- 
 tical affairs, but which, if we were entirely frank, we should 
 confess might be called money-getting and the betterment 
 of individual condition. Growing out of this feeling, an in- 
 creasing disposition is discernible among our people, which 
 begrudges to sentiment any time or attention that might be 
 given to business and which is apt to crowd out of mind 
 any thought not directly related to selfish plans and pur- 
 poses. 
 
 A little reflection ought to convince us that this may be 
 carried much loo far. It is a mistake Lo regard sentiment as 
 
 321 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 merely something which, if indulged, has a tendency to tempt 
 to idle and useless contemplation or retrospection, thus 
 weakening in a people the sturdiness of necessary endeavor 
 and diluting the capacity for national achievement. 
 
 The elements wliich make up the sentiment of a people 
 should not be counted as amiable weaknesses because they 
 are not at all times noisy and turbulent. The gentleness 
 and loveliness of woman do not cause us to forget that she 
 can inspire man to deeds of greatness and heroism ; that as 
 wife she often makes man's career noble and grand, and 
 that as mother she builds and fashions in her son the strong 
 pillars of a State. So the sentiment of a people which, in 
 peace and contentment, decks with flowers the temple of 
 their rule, may, in rage and fury, thunder at its foundations. 
 Sentiment is the cement which keeps in place the granite 
 blocks of governmental power, or the destructive agency 
 whose explosion heaps in ruins their scattered fragments. 
 The monarch who cares only for his sovereignty and safety, 
 leads his subjects to forgctfulness of oppression by a pre- 
 tense of love for their traditions; and the ruler who plans 
 encroachments upon the liberties of his people, shrewdly pro- 
 ceeds under the apparent sanction of their sentiment. Ap- 
 peals to sentiment have led nations to bloody wars which have 
 destroyed dynasties and cliangcd the lines of imperial terri- 
 tory. Such an appeal summoned our fathers to the battle- 
 fields where American independence was won. and such an 
 appeal has scattered soldiers' graves all over our land, which 
 mutely give evidence of tlie power of our government and the 
 })crpctuity of our free institutions. 
 
 I have thus far spoken of a people's sentiment as some- 
 thing which may exist and hr rflVctive under any form of 
 govcrnniciit, and in any national condition. But the thouglit 
 naturally follows that, if this sentiment may be so potent in 
 countries rulf'd by a power originating outside of popular 
 
 will, how vital must its cxislmcc and regulation be among 
 
 Soo 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 our countrymen, who rule themselves and make and admin- 
 ister their own laws. In lands less free than ours, the con- 
 trol of the governed may be more easily maintained if those 
 who are set over them sec fit to make concession to their 
 sentiment; yet, with or without such concession, the strong 
 hand of force maj^ still support the power to govern. But 
 sentiment is the very life blood of our nation. Our govern- 
 ment was conceived amid the thunders that echoed " All men 
 are created equal," and it was brought forth while free men 
 shouted " We, the people of the United States." The sen- 
 timent of our fathers, made up of their patriotic intentions, 
 their sincere beliefs, their homely impulses and their noble 
 aspirations, entered into the government they established; 
 and, unless it is constantly supported and guarded by a sen- 
 timent as pure as theirs, our scheme of popular rule will 
 fail. Another and a different plan may take its place; but 
 this which we hold in sacred trust, as it originated in patriot- 
 ism, is only fitted for patriotic and honest uses and purposes, 
 and can only be administered in its integrity and intended 
 beneficence, by honest and patriotic men. It can no more 
 be saved nor faithfully conducted by a selfish, dishonest, 
 and corrupt people, than a stream can rise above its source 
 or be better and purer than its fountain head. 
 
 None of us can be ignorant of the ideas which constitute 
 the sentiment underlying our national structure. We know 
 they are a reverent belief in God, a sincere recognition of the 
 value and power of moral principle and those qualities of 
 heart which make a noble manhood, devotion to unreserved 
 patriotism, love for man's equality, unquestioning trust in 
 popular rule, the exaction of civic virtue and honesty, faith 
 in the saving quality of universal education, protection of a 
 free and unperverted expression of the popular will, and an 
 insistence upon a strict accountability of public officers as 
 servants of the people. 
 
 These are the elements of American sentiment; and all 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 these should be found deeply imbedded in the minds and 
 hearts of our countrymen. When any one of them is dis- 
 placed, the time has come when a danger signal should be 
 raised. Their lack among the people of other nations — how- 
 ever great and powerful they may be — can afford us no com- 
 fort nor reassurance. We must work out our destiny unaided 
 and alone in full view of the truth that nowhere, so directly 
 and surely as here, does the destruction or degeneracy of 
 the people's sentiment undermine the foundations of govern- 
 mental rule. 
 
 Let us not for a moment suppose that we can outgrow our 
 dependence upon this sentiment, nor that in any stage of 
 national advancement and development it will be less impor- 
 tant. As the love of family .-ind kindred remains to bless 
 and strengthen a man in all the vicissitudes of his mature 
 and busy life, so must our American sentiment remain with 
 us as a people — a sure hope and reliance in every phase of 
 our country's growth. Nor will it suffice that the factors 
 which compose this sentiment have a sluggish existence in 
 our minds, as articles of an idle faith which wc arc willing 
 perfunctorily to profess. They must be cultivated as motive 
 principles, stimulating us to effort in the cause of good gov- 
 ernment, and constantly warning us against the danger and 
 dishonor of faithlessness to the sacred cause we liave in 
 charge and heedlessness of the blessings vouchsafed to us 
 and future generations, under our free institutions. 
 
 These considerations cnijihasize tlie value which should be 
 j)laced upon every opportunity afTorded us for the contempla- 
 tion of the pure lives and patriotic services of those who have 
 been connected with the controlling incidents of our coun- 
 try's history. Such contemplation cannot fail to re-cnforce 
 and revive the sentiment absolutely essential to useful Amer- 
 ican citizenship, nor fail to arouse within us a determination 
 that during our stewardship no harm shall come to the polit- 
 ical gifts we hold in trust from the fathers of the Republic. 
 
 i 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 It is because George Washington completely represented 
 all the elements of American sentiment that every incident 
 of his life, from his childhood to his death, is worth recall- 
 ing — whether it impresses the young with the beauty and 
 value of moral traits, or whether it exhibits to the wisest and 
 oldest an example of sublime accomplishment and the highest 
 possible public service. Even the anecdotes told of his boy- 
 hood have their value. I have no sympathy with those who, 
 in these latter days, attempt to shake our faith in the au- 
 thenticity of these stories, because they are not satisfied with 
 the evidence in their support, or because they do not seem to 
 accord with the conduct of boys in this generation. It may 
 well be, that the stories should stand and the boys of the 
 present day be pitied. 
 
 At any rate, these anecdotes have answered an important 
 purpose ; and in the present state of the proofs, they should, 
 in my opinion, be believed. The cherry tree and hatchet 
 incident and its companion declaration that the Father of his 
 Country never told a lie, have indelibly fixed upon the mind 
 of many a boy the importance of truthfulness. Of all the 
 legends containing words of advice and encouragement which 
 hung upon the walls of the little district schoolhouse where a 
 large share of my education was gained, I remember but one, 
 which was in these words : " George Washington had only a 
 common school education." 
 
 I will not plead guilty to the charge of dwelling upon the 
 little features of a great subject. I hope the day will never 
 come when American boys cannot know of some trait or some 
 condition in which they may feel that they ought to be or are 
 like Washington. I am not afraid to assert that a multitude 
 of men can be found in every part of our land, respected for 
 their probity and worth, and most useful to the country and 
 to their fellow-men, who will confess their indebtedness to 
 the story of Washington and his hatchet; and many a man 
 has won his way to honor and fame, notwithstanding limited 
 
 325 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 school advantages, because lie found hope and incentive in 
 the high mission Washington accomplished with only a com- 
 mon school education. These are not little and trivial things. 
 They guide and influence the forces which make the charac- 
 ter and sentiment of a great people. 
 
 I should be ashamed of my country, if, in further speak- 
 ing of what Washington has done for the sentiment of his 
 countrymen, it was necessary to make any excuse for a ref- 
 erence to his constant love and fond reverence, as boy and 
 man, for his mother. This filial love is an attribute of 
 American manhood, a badge wliich invites our trust and con- 
 fidence, and an indispensable element of American greatness. 
 A man may compass important enterprises, he may become 
 famous, he may win the applause of his fellows, he may even 
 do public service and deserve a measure of popular ap- 
 proval, but he is not right at heart, and can never be truly 
 great, if he forgets his mother. 
 
 In the latest biography of Washington we find the follow- 
 ing statement concerning his mother: " That she was affec- 
 tionate and lovin'j^ cannot be doubted, for she retained to the 
 last a profound hold upon tlie reverential devotion of her 
 son; and yet as he rose steadily to the pinnacle of human 
 greatness, she could only say that ' George had been a good 
 boy, and she was sure he would do his duty.' " 
 
 I cannot believe that the Auurican people will consider 
 themselves called uf)on to share the dejirecatory feeling of 
 the biographer, M'licn he writes that the mother of Washing- 
 ton could onhi say of her son that she believed he would be 
 faithful to tlie highest earthly trusts, because he had been 
 good; nor tliat they will regard her words merely as an ami- 
 ably tolerated expression of a fond mother. If they are true 
 to American sentiment, they will recognize in this language 
 the announcement of the important truth that, under our 
 institutions and sclieme of government, goodness, such as 
 Washiriglun's, is the best guarantee for the faithful discliarge 
 
 326 
 
OF GROVE R CLEVELAND 
 
 of public duty. They will certainly do well for the country 
 and for themselves, if they adopt the standard the intuition 
 of this noble woman suggests, as the measure of their trust 
 and confidence. It means the exaction of moral principle 
 and personal honor and honesty and goodness as indis- 
 pensable credentials to political preferment. 
 
 I have referred only incidentally to the immense influ- 
 ence and service of Washington in forming our Constitu- 
 tion. I shall not dwell upon his lofty patriotism, his skill 
 and fortitude as the military commander who gained our 
 independence, his inspired wisdom, patriotism, and states- 
 manship as first President of the republic, his constant love 
 for his countrymen, and his solicitude for their welfare at 
 all times. The story has been often told, and is familiar to 
 all. If I should repeat it, I should only seek to present 
 further and probably unnecessary proof of the fact that 
 Washington embodied in his character, and exemplified in 
 liis career, that American sentiment in which our govern- 
 ment had its origin, and which I believe to be a condition 
 necessary to our healthful national life. 
 
 I have not assumed to instruct you. I have merely yielded 
 to the influence of the occasion; and attempted to impress 
 upon you the importance of cultivating and maintaining true 
 American sentiment, suggesting that, as it has been planted 
 and rooted in the moral faculties of our countrymen, it can 
 only flourish in their love of truth and honesty and virtue 
 and goodness. I believe that God has so ordained it for the 
 people he has selected for his special favor ; and I know that 
 the decrees of God are never obsolete. 
 
 I beg you, therefore, to take with you, when you go forth 
 to assume the obligations of American citizenship, as one of 
 the best gifts of your Alma Mater, a strong and abiding 
 faith in the value and potency of a good conscience and a 
 pure heart. Never yield one iota to those who teach that 
 these are weak and childish things, not needed in the strug- 
 
 S27 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 gle of manhood with the stern realities of life. Interest 
 yourselves in public affairs as a duty of citizenship; but do 
 not surrender your faith to those who discredit and debase 
 politics by scoffing at sentiment and principle, and whose 
 political activity consists in attempts to gain popular sup- 
 port by cunning devices and shrewd manipulation. You will 
 iind plenty of these who will smile at your profession of 
 faith, and tell you that truth and virtue and honesty and 
 goodness were well enougli in tlie old days when Washing- 
 ton lived, but are not suited to the present size and develop- 
 ment of our country and the progress we have made in the 
 art of political management. Be steadfast. The strong and 
 sturdy oak still needs the support of its native earth, and, 
 as it grows in size and spreading branches, its roots must 
 strike deeper in the soil which warmed and fed its first tender 
 sprout. You will be told that the people have no longer any 
 desire for the things you profess. Be not deceived. The 
 people are not dead but sleeping. They will awaken in 
 good time, and scourge the money-changers from their sacred 
 temple. 
 
 You may be chosen to public office. Do not shrink from 
 it, for holding office is also a duty of citizenship. But do not 
 leave your faith behind you. Every public office, smnll or 
 great, is held in trust for your fellow-citizens. They dilTer 
 in importance, in responsibility, and in the labor they impose; 
 but the duties of none of them can be well performed if the 
 mentorship of a good eonscience and pure heart be discarded. 
 Of course, other equipment is necessary, but without this 
 mentorship all else is insufficient. In times of gravest re- 
 sponsibility it will solve your difficulties; in the most trying 
 hour it will lead you out of ]>rrplrxities, and it will, at all 
 times, deliver you from teinj)t.ilion. 
 
 In conclusion, let me remind you that we may all proj)erly 
 learn the lesson appropriate to Washington's birthday, if we 
 will; and that we shall fortify ourselves against the danger 
 
 :3k 8 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 of falling short in the discharge of any duty pertaining to 
 citizenship, if, being thoroughly imbued with true American 
 sentiment and the moral ideas which support it, we are hon- 
 estly true to ourselves. 
 
 To thine own self be true. 
 
 And it must follow as the night the day: 
 
 Thou cau'st not then be false to any man. 
 
 [Letter to the Hon. Edward S. Bragg, Lake- 
 wood, N. J., March 9, 1892.] 
 
 My Dear Sir: Your letter of the 5th inst. is received. I 
 have thought until now that I might continue silent on the 
 subject which, under the high sanction of your position as 
 my " fellow-Democrat and fellow-citizen," and in your re- 
 lation as a true and trusted friend, you present to me. If, in 
 answering your questions, I might only consider my personal 
 desires and my individual ease and comfort, my response 
 would be promptly made, and without the least reservation 
 or difficulty. 
 
 But if you are right in supposing that the subject is re- 
 lated to a dutj^ I owe to the country and to my party, a con- 
 dition exists which makes such private and personal consid- 
 erations entirely irrelevant. I cannot, Iiowever, refrain from 
 declaring to you that my experience in the great office of 
 President of the United States has so impressed me with the 
 solemnity of the trust, and its awful responsibilities, that I 
 cannot bring myself to regard a candidacy for the place as 
 something to be won by personal strife and active self-asser- 
 tion. 
 
 I have also an idea that the Presidency is pre-eminently 
 the people's office, and I have been sincere in my constant 
 advocacy of the effective participation in political affairs on 
 
 329 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 the part of all our citizens. Consequently, I believe the 
 people should be heard in the choice of their party candi- 
 dates, and that they themselves should make nominations as 
 directly as is consistent with open, fair, and full party or- 
 ganizations and methods. 
 
 I speak of these things solely for the purpose of advising 
 you that my conception of the nature of the Presidential 
 office, and my conviction that the voters of our party should 
 be free in the selection of their candidates, preclude the 
 possibility of my leading and pusliing a self-seeking canvass 
 for the Presidential nomination, even if I had a desire to be 
 again a candidate. 
 
 Believing that the complete supremacy of Democratic 
 principles means increased national prosperity and the in- 
 creased happiness of our people, I am earnestly anxious for 
 the success of the party. I am confident success is still 
 within our reach, but I believe this is a time for Demo- 
 cratic thoughtfulness and deliberation, not only as to candi- 
 dates, but concerning party action upon questions of im- 
 mense interest to the patriotic and intelligent voters of the 
 land, who watch for an assurance of safety as the price of 
 their conlldence and support. 
 
 [Address at the Opera House, Providence, R. I., 
 April ;e, 189;^.] 
 
 My Fellow-Citizens : I have found it impossible to decline 
 the invitation you sent me to meet here to-day the Democracy 
 of Rhode Island. I have come to look in the faces of the 
 men who have been given the pl.ice of honor in tlie advance 
 of the vast army which moves toward the decisive battlefield 
 of next November. I have not come to point the way to 
 consolation in case of your defrat, hut 1 have come to share 
 
 S30 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 the enthusiasm which presages victory. I have not come to 
 condole with you upon the difficulties which confront you, 
 but to suggest that they will only add to the glory of your 
 triumph. I have come to remind you that the intrenchments 
 of spoils and patronage cannot avail against the valor and 
 determination of right; that corruption and bribery cannot 
 smother and destroy the aroused conscience of our coun- 
 trymen, and that splendid achievements await those who 
 bravely, honestly, and stubbornly fight in the people's 
 cause. 
 
 Let us not for a moment miss the inspiration of those 
 words, " The People's Cause." They signify the defense 
 of the rights of every man, rich or poor, in every comer 
 of our land, who, by virtue of simple American manhood, 
 lays claim to the promises of our free government, and 
 they mean the promotion of the welfare and happiness of the 
 humblest American citizen who confidingly invokes the pro- 
 tection of just and equal laws. 
 
 The covenant of our Democratic faith, as I understand it, 
 exacts constant effort in this cause, and its betrayal I con- 
 ceive to be a crime against the creed of true Democracy. 
 
 The struggle in which you are engaged arrests the atten- 
 tion of your party brethren in every State; and they pause 
 in their preparation for the general engagement, near at 
 hand, in which all will be in the field, and look toward 
 Rhode Island with hope and trust. They read the legends 
 on your banners and they hear your rallying cries, and know 
 that your fight is in the people's cause. 
 
 If you should be defeated there will be no discouragement 
 in this vast waiting army; but you will earn their plaudits 
 and cover yourselves with glory by winning success. 
 
 Large and bright upon your banners are blazoned the 
 words " Tariff Reform " — the shibboleth of true Democracy 
 and the test of loyalty to the people's cause. 
 
 Those who oppose tariff reform delude themselves if they 
 331 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 suppose that it rests wholly upon appeals to selfish consider- 
 ations and the promise of advantage, right or wrong; or 
 that our only hope of winning depends upon arousing ani- 
 mosity between different interests among our people. \Miile 
 we do not propose that those whose welfare we champion 
 shall be blind to the advantages accruing to them from our 
 plan of tariff reform, and while we are determined that 
 these advantages shall not be surrendered to the blandish- 
 ments of greed and avarice, we still claim nothing that has 
 not underlying it moral sentiment and considerations of 
 equity and good conscience. 
 
 Because our case rests upon such foundations, sordidness 
 and selfishness cannot destroy it. The fight for justice and 
 right is a clean and comforting one; and because the Ameri- 
 can people love justice and right, ours must be a winning 
 fight 
 
 " The government of the Union is a government of the 
 people ; it emanates from tlieni ; its powers are granted by 
 them, and are to be exercised directly on them and for their 
 benefit." 
 
 This is not the language of a political platform. It is a 
 declaration of the highest court in tlie land, whose mandates 
 all must obey, and wliose definitions all j)arlisans must 
 accept. 
 
 In the light of this exposition of the duty the government 
 owes to tlie people, tlie Dcnioeratic party elaiiiis that when, 
 tlirougli I'edcral taxation, burdens are laid upon tlic daily 
 life of the people, not necessary for the government'^ eco- 
 nomical administration, and intended, whatever be the pre- 
 text, to enrich a few at the expense of the many, the govern- 
 mental compact is violated. 
 
 A distinguished Justice of the Sujireme Court, witli no 
 Democratic affiliations, but loved and respected when living 
 by every American, and sine*- his deatli universally lamented, 
 has cliaractcrized such a proceeding as " none the less a rob- 
 
 :kS2 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 bery because it is done under the forms of law and is called 
 taxation." 
 
 Let us then appreciate the fact that we not only stand 
 upon sure and safe ground when we appeal to honesty and 
 morality in our championship of the interests of the masses 
 of our people as they are related to tariff taxation, but that 
 our mission is invested with the highest patriotism when we 
 attempt to preserve from perversion, distortion, and decay 
 the justice, equality, and moral integrity which are the con- 
 stituent elements of our scheme of popular government. 
 
 Those who believe in tariff reform, for the substantial 
 good it will bring to the multitude who are neglected when 
 selfish greed is in the ascendency ; those who believe that the 
 legitimate motive of our government is to do equal and exact 
 justice to all our people, and grant especial privileges to 
 none; those who believe that a nation, boasting that its 
 foundation is in honesty and conscience, cannot afford to 
 discard moral sentiment; and those who would save our in- 
 stitutions from the undermining decay of sordidness and 
 selfishness, can hardly excuse themselves if they fail to join 
 us in the crusade we have undertaken. Certainly our sin- 
 cerity cannot be questioned. In the beginning of the strug- 
 gle we were not only bitterly opposed by a great party of 
 avowed enemies, but were embarrassed by those in our own 
 ranks who had become infected with the unwholesome atmos- 
 phere our enemies had created. We hesitated not a moment 
 boldly to encounter both. We unified our party, not by any 
 surrender to the half-hearted among our members, but by 
 an honest appeal to Democratic sentiment and conscience. 
 We have never lowered our standard. It surely was not 
 policy nor expediency that induced us defiantly to carry the 
 banner of tariff reform as we went forth to meet a well- 
 organized and desperately determined army in the disas- 
 trous field of 1888. A time-serving or expediency-hunting 
 party would hardly have been found, the day after such a 
 
 S33 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 crushing defeat, undismayed, defiant, and determined; still 
 shouting the old war cry, and anxious to encounter again 
 in the people's cause our exultant enemy. We had not long 
 to wait. At the Waterloo of 18.Q0, tariff reform had its vin- 
 dication, and principle and steadfast devotion to American 
 fairness and good faith gloriously triumphed over plausible 
 shiftiness and attempted popular deception. 
 
 The Democratic party still champions the cause which de- 
 feat could not induce it to surrender, which no success, short 
 or complete accomplishment, can tempt it to neglect. Its 
 position has been from the first frankly and fairly stated, 
 and no one can honestly be misled concerning it. We invite 
 the strictest scrutiny of our conduct in dealing with this sub- 
 ject, and we insist that our cause has been open, fair, and 
 consistent. I believe this is not now soberly denied in any 
 quarter. 
 
 Our opponents, too, have a record on this question. Those 
 who still adhere to the doctrine that an important function 
 of the government is especially to aid them in their busi- 
 ness ; those who only see in the consumers of our land forced 
 contributors to artificial benefits permitted by governmental 
 favoritism ; those who see in our workingmen only the tools 
 with which their shops and manufactories are to be supplied 
 at the cheapest possible cost, and those who believe there is 
 no moral question involved in the tarifif taxation of tlie peo- 
 ple, are probably familiar with this record and abundantly 
 satisfied with it. 
 
 It may, however, be profitably reviewed by those wlio be- 
 lieve that integrity and good faith have to do with govern- 
 mental operations, and who honestly confess that present 
 tariff burdens are not justly and fairly distributed. Such a 
 review may also be of interest to those wlio beliivc that our 
 consumers are entitled to be treated justly and honestly by 
 the government, and that the workingman should be Allowed 
 to f«"el in his liumlile home, as he supj)lies his family's daily 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 needs, that his earnings are not unjustly extorted from him 
 for the benefit of the favored beneficiaries of unfair tariff 
 laws. 
 
 This, then, is the record: When we began the contest for 
 tariff reform it was said by our Republican opponents, in 
 the face of our avowals and acts, that we were determined 
 on free trade. A long advance was made, in their insincerity 
 and impudence, when they accused us of acting in the inter- 
 ests of foreigners, and when they more than hinted that we 
 had been bought with British gold. Those who distrusted 
 the effectiveness of these senseless appeals insulted the in- 
 telligence of our people by claiming that an increase in the 
 cost of articles to the consumer caused by the tariff was not 
 a tax paid by him, but that it was paid by foreigners who 
 sent their goods to our markets. Sectional prejudice was in- 
 voked in the most outrageous manner, and the people of the 
 North were asked to condemn the measure of tariff reform 
 proposed by us because members of Congress from the 
 South had supported it. 
 
 These are fair samples of the arguments submitted to the 
 American people in the Presidential campaign of 1888. 
 
 It will be observed that the purpose of these amazing 
 deliverances was to defeat entirely any reform in the tariff — 
 though it had been enacted at a time when the expense of a 
 tremendous war justified the exaction of tribute from the 
 people which in time of peace became a grievous burden ; 
 though it had congested the Federal Treasury with a worse 
 than useless surplus, inviting reckless public wnste and ex- 
 travagance ; and though, in many of its features, the only 
 purpose of its continuation was the bargaining it permitted 
 for party support. 
 
 There were those, however, in the ranks of our opponents 
 who recognized the fact that we had so aroused popular at- 
 tention to the evils and injustice of such a tariff that it 
 might not be safe to rely for success upon a bald opposition 
 
 335 
 
ADDRESSES AND TAPERS 
 
 to its reform. These were the grave and sedate Republican 
 statesmen who declared that they never, never, could con- 
 sent to subserve the interests of England at the expense of 
 their own country, as the wicked Democrats proposed to do, 
 and that they felt constrained to insist upon a tariff, protective 
 to the point of prohibition, because they devotedly loved our 
 workingmen and were determined that their employment 
 should be constant and that their wages should never sink to 
 the disgusting level of the pauper labor of Europe, but that, 
 in view of the fact that the war in which the tariff then exist- 
 ing originated had been closed for more than twenty years, 
 and in view of the further fact tliat the public Treasury 
 was overburdened, they were willing to readjust the tariff if 
 it could only be done by its friends instead of " rebel Briga- 
 diers." 
 
 I will not refer to all the means by which our opponents 
 succeeded in that contest. Suffice it to say, they gained com- 
 plete possession of the government in every branch, and the 
 tariff was reformed by its alleged friends. All must admit, 
 however, that either this was not done by the people's 
 friends, or that the effort in their behalf sadly miscarried or 
 was ungratefully remembered; for a few weeks thereafter, a 
 relegation to private life among those occupying scats in 
 Congress who h.id been active in reforming the tariff oc- 
 curred, which amounted to a political revolution. These vic- 
 tims claimed that our voters failed to indorse their reform of 
 the tariff because they did not understand it. It is quite 
 probable, however, that if they did not understand it they 
 felt it, and that, because it maile them uncomfortable, they 
 emphatically said sucli a reform was not what they wanted. 
 At any rate, the consumer has found life harder since this 
 reform than before, and if tliere is a workingman aiiywliere 
 who has had his wages increased by \irtuc of its operation 
 lie has not yet made himself known. Plenty of mills and 
 factories have been closed, thousands of men liavc thus lost 
 
 336 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 employment, and we daily hear of reduced wages ; but the 
 benefits promised from this reform, and its advantage to the 
 people, who really need relief, are not apparent. The pro- 
 vision it contains permitting reciprocity of trade in certain 
 cases, depending on the action of the President, is an admis- 
 sion, as far as it goes, against the theory upon which this 
 reform is predicated, and it lamely limps in the direction of 
 freer commercial exchanges. If " hj^pocrisy is the homage 
 vice pays to virtue," reciprocity may be called the homage 
 prohibitory protection pays to genuine tariff reform. 
 
 The demand in your platform for free raw materials 
 ought, it seems to me, to be warmly seconded by the citizens 
 of your State. The advantages to the people of Rhode 
 ■ Island of such a policy do not seem to be questionable, and I 
 am not here to discuss them in detail; but all I have said, 
 touching the conduct and record of the Democratic party 
 and its opponents in regard to tariff legislation, is in sup- 
 port of the proposition that all who desire the special relief 
 referred to in your platform, or any other improvement in 
 our tariff laws in the general interest of the people, must 
 look to the Democratic party for it. The manufacturer who 
 sees in free raw materials a reduced cost of his products, 
 resulting in an increased consumption and an extension of 
 his markets, and a constant activity and return for his in- 
 vested capital, can hardly trust the party which first re- 
 sisted any reform in the tariff, then juggled with it, and at 
 last flatly refused him the relief he still needs. The work- 
 ingman who has been deceived by the promise of higher 
 wages and better employment, and who now constantly fears 
 the closing of manufactories and the loss of work, ought 
 certainly to be no longer cajoled by a party whose perform- 
 ance has so clearly given the lie to its professions. The con- 
 sumer who has trusted to a reformation of the tariff by its 
 friends, now that he feels the increased burden of taxation iu 
 his home, ought to look in another direction for relief. 
 
 337 
 
ADDRESSES AND TAPERS 
 
 If the Democratic party docs not give to the State of 
 Rhode Island, during the present session of Congress, the 
 free raw materials she needs, it will be because a Republi- 
 can Senate or Executive thwarts its design. At any rate, 
 nothing shall divert us from our purpose to reform the tariff 
 in this regard, as well as many others, be the time of its ac- 
 complishment near or remote. 
 
 It doubtless would please our adversaries if we could be 
 allured from our watch and guard over the cause of tariff 
 reform to certain other objects, thus forfeiting the people's 
 trust and confidence. The national Democracy will hardly 
 gratify this wish and turn its back upon the people's cause, 
 to wander after false and inisteady lights in the wilderness 
 of doubt and danger. 
 
 Our op])onents must, in the coming national canvass, settle 
 accounts with us on the issue of tariff reform. It will not do 
 for them to say to us that this is an old and determined con- 
 tention. The Ten Commandments are thousands of years 
 old; but they and the doctrine of tariff reform will be taught 
 and preached imtil mankind .md tlic Republican party shall 
 heed the injunction, " Thou shalt not steal." 
 
 As I leave you, let me say to you that your cause deserves 
 success ; and let me express the hope that tlic close of your 
 canvass will bring you no regrets on account of activity re- 
 laxed or opportunities lost. Demonstrate to your people the 
 merits of your cause, and trust them. Above all things, 
 banish every personal feeling of discontent, and let every 
 personal consideration be merged in a determination, pervad- 
 ing your ranks rvcrywliere, to win a victory. \\'ith a cause 
 so just, and with activity, vigilance, harmony, and determi- 
 nation on the part of Rhode Island's stanch Democracy, I 
 believe vou will not fail. 
 
 338 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 [Address at the National Convention of the 
 Democratic League of Cluhs, Academy of 
 Music, New York, October A, 1892.'\ 
 
 Mr. President and Gentlemen: It affords me especial 
 pleasure to extend to you on this occasion a hearty welcome. 
 As a citizen of this proud municipality I am glad to assure 
 you that our hospitality is always open and generous. In 
 behalf of a community distinguished for its Americanism 
 and toleration in all matters of belief and judgment, I know 
 I may extend a cordial greeting to those who here represent 
 political thoughtfulness and sincerity. 
 
 As an unyielding and consistent believer in Democratic 
 principles, I trust I need not hesitate to pledge to the rep- 
 resentatives of organized Democracy the good-will and fra- 
 ternal sympathy of this Democratic city. Your meeting 
 is the council which precedes a decisive battle, and your 
 deliberations should be the preparation for stern conflict. 
 All your weapons and all your equipments are soon to be 
 tested. You have organized and labored and you have 
 watched and planned to insure your readiness for the final 
 engagement now near at hand. 
 
 This then is no holiday assemblage, but an impressive 
 convocation in furtherance of the designs and purposes for 
 the accomplishment of which you and those you represent 
 are banded together. These designs and purposes, as de- 
 clared by your association, are : The preservation of the Con- 
 stitution of the United States, the autonomy of the States, 
 local self-government and freedom of elections ; opposition 
 to the imposition of taxes beyond the necessities of the 
 government economically administered, and the promotion 
 of economy in all branches of the public service. 
 
 These professions embody the purest patriotism, and the 
 8S9 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 loftiest aspirations of American citizenship. Though at all 
 times they should suggest to us the strongest obligation to 
 political effort, their motive force as incentives to political 
 activity and watchfulness, should be irresistible at a time 
 when the Constitution is held in light esteem as against the 
 accomplishment of selfish purposes, when State boundaries 
 are hardly a barrier to centralized power, and when local 
 self-government and freedom of elections are the scoff of 
 partisanship. Those who subscribe to the creed of this 
 association and make any claim to sincerity, can hardly ex- 
 cuse themselves for lack of effort, at a time when the neces- 
 sities of the Government, economically administered, have 
 but little relation to the taxation of tlic people and when 
 extravagance in the public service has become a contagious 
 plague. 
 
 To those who hope for better things this convention of 
 Democratic clubs is a bright promise of reform. Unorgan- 
 ized good intentions and idle patriotic aspirations cannot 
 successfully contend for mastery with the compact forces of 
 private interests and greed, nor is the organization always 
 the most useful which has the widest extent. The real 
 benefit of political organization is found in its nearness to 
 the people and in the directness of its action. Of course 
 harmony and vmity of purpose are absolutely essential. 
 
 In this view your assembling together is most important, 
 in so far as it promises this harmony and unity by confer- 
 ence and a consider.ition of methods, and in so far as it 
 inspires tliat zeal and enthusiasm which will make more 
 effective your work at home. Therefore, I am sure that I can 
 say nothing better in taking my leave of you than to wish 
 that your convention may be a most ])ro(itable and encour- 
 aging one, and that at its conclusion, you may rcsiune your 
 places in your home organizations, newly inspired to deter- 
 mined and zealous effort in tlie cause of true Democracv. 
 
 S\0 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 [Address at the Banquet of the Chamber of 
 Commerce, New York, November 15, 1892.'] 
 
 Mr. President and Gentlemen: I am exceedingly gratified 
 by the kindness and warmth of your greeting. It does not 
 surprise me, however, for I have seen and felt on more than 
 one occasion the cordial hospitality and heartiness of those 
 who assemble at the annual dinner of our Chamber of Com- 
 merce. We all have noticed that many men, when they 
 seek to appear especially wise and impressive, speak of 
 " our business interests," as something awful and mysteri- 
 ous ; and even when propositions are under consideration 
 their merits fade from the sight of those who consider them, 
 whose hair stands on end at the solemn suggestion that " our 
 business interests " are lying in wait with numerous vials 
 of wrath completely equipped for those who chance to arrive 
 at an unaccepted conclusion. 
 
 I am fortunate in being able to state that my relations to 
 the Chamber of Commerce of the State of New York, 
 though merely of a complimentary kind, arising from hon- 
 orary membership, has so familiarized me with " business 
 interests " that I no longer regard these words as meaning a 
 bloodthirsty beast, nor do I have constantly before my mind 
 those children in the Biblical story who were torn in pieces 
 by bears for discussing too much at random the baldness of 
 an ancient prophet. 
 
 It is entirely natural that my familiarity with business 
 interests, arising from the relation to which I have referred, 
 should be of a very pleasant sort, and free from fear and 
 trepidation, for the only meetings I have ever attended of 
 the Chamber of Commerce, have been precisely such as 
 this, when the very best things to eat and drink have been 
 exhaustively discussed. I am bound to say that on these 
 
 541 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 occasions the dreadful beings representing our business in- 
 terests are very human indeed. I know you will not do me 
 the very great injustice of supposing that I in the least 
 underrate the importance of the commercial and financial 
 interests here represented. On the contrary, no one appre- 
 ciates more fully than I that, while a proper adjustment of 
 all interests should be maintained, you represent those which 
 are utterly indispensable to our national growth and pros- 
 perity. I do not believe that any other interests should 
 be obliged to feed from the crumbs which fall from the 
 table of business, nor do I believe that table should be 
 robbed of the good things which are honestly and fairly 
 there, merely because some other tables are not so well 
 provided. 
 
 It comes to this: We are all interested as Americans in 
 a common pursuit. Our purpose is, or ought to be, in our 
 several spheres, to add to the general fund of national pros- 
 perity. From this fund we are all entitled to draw, perhaps 
 not equally, but justly, each receiving a fair portion of 
 individual prosperity. Let us avoid trampling on each 
 other in our anxiety to be first in the distribution of shares, 
 and let us not attempt to appropriate the shares of others. 
 
 As I close I cannot refrain from expressing my thanks 
 for the courtesies often extended to me by the organization 
 at whose hospitable board I have sat this evening. I beg to 
 assure you tliat though I may not soon meet you again on 
 an occasion like tliis, I shall remember, with jieculiar pleas- 
 ure, the friends made among your memberslup, and shall 
 never allow myself to be lieedless of the nflfairs you so 
 worthily hold in your keeping. 
 
 Si2 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 [Address at the Henry Villard Dinner, New 
 York, November 17, 1892.} 
 
 Mr. Villard and Gentlemen: I find it impossible to rid 
 myself at this moment of the conflicting emotions which stir 
 within me. I see here assembled good and stanch friends, 
 who have labored incessantly and devotedly for the success 
 which has crowned Democratic effort in the canvass just 
 closed, and I cannot forget how greatly these efforts have 
 been characterized by personal attachment and friendship for 
 the candidate selected to carry the Democratic banner. This 
 awakens a sense of gratitude which it is a great pleasure for 
 me to thankfully acknowledge. I confess, too, that I have 
 fully shared in the partisan satisfaction which our great vic- 
 tory is calculated to arouse in every heart so thoroughly 
 Democratic as mine. It is seldom given to any man to con- 
 template such a splendid campaign, so masterly arranged in 
 liis behalf by such good friends, followed by such a stu- 
 pendous and complete triumph. 
 
 I should not, perhaps, introduce anything sombre on this 
 occasion, but I know you will forgive me when I say that 
 every feeling of jubilation, and even my sense of gratitude, 
 is so tempered as to be almost entirely obscured by a realiza- 
 tion, nearly painful, of the responsibility I have assumed in 
 the sight of the American people. My love of country, my 
 attachment to the principles of true Democracy, my appre- 
 ciation of the obligation I have entered into with the best 
 and most confiding people of the world, and a consciousness 
 of my own weakness and imperfections, all conspire to fill 
 my mind with sober and oppressing reflection. 
 
 When I consider all that we have to do as a party charged 
 •with the control of the Government, I feel that our cam- 
 paign instead of being concluded is but just begun. What 
 
 843 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 shall our performance be of the contract we have made with 
 our countrymen, and how well shall we justify the trust 
 they have imposed in us? If we see nothing in our victory 
 but a license to revel in partisan spoils, we shall fail at 
 every point. If we merely profess to enter upon our work, 
 and if we make apparent endeavor to do it a cover for 
 seeking partisan advantage, we shall invite contempt and 
 disgrace. If we attempt to discharge our duty to the peo- 
 ple without complete party harmony in patriotic action, we 
 shall demonstrate our incompetency. 
 
 I thank God that far above all doubts and misgivings and 
 away beyond all difficulties we may constantly see the lights 
 of hope and safety. The light we see is the illumination 
 from the principles of true, honest and pure Democracy — 
 showing the way in all times of danger and leading us 
 to the fulfilment of political duty and the redemption of 
 all our pledges. The light is kindled in the love of justice, 
 and in devotion to the people's rights. It is bright in a 
 constant patriotism and in a nation's promise. Let us not 
 be misled to our undoing by other lights of false Democracy, 
 which may be kindled in broken faith and which, shining 
 in hypocrisy, will, if followed, lure us to the rocks of failure 
 and disgrace. 
 
 If we see stern labor ahead of us, and if difficulties loom 
 upon our horizon, let us remember that in the thickest 
 weather the mariner watches most anxiously for his true 
 light. 
 
 Who in our party charged with any responsibility to the 
 peo])le has not pledged his devotion to tlie princijilcs of true 
 Democracy; and who among us have made pledges with in- 
 tent to deceive? I have faith in the manliness and truthful- 
 ness of the D»'inocratic party. 
 
 My belief in our principles, and my faitli in our party, 
 constitute my trust that we shall answer the expectations of 
 our countrymen, and shall raise high .aloft the standard of 
 
 \ 
 
OF G R O V E R C I. E \ E L A N D 
 
 true Democracy, to fix the gaze for many years to come of a 
 prosperous, a happy, and a contented people. 
 
 [From Address at the Banquet of the Reform 
 Club at Assembly Rooms, Madison Square 
 Garden, New York, December 10, 1893.'] 
 
 The sentiment suggested by this occasion, which should 
 dwarf all others, has relation to the responsibility which 
 awaits those who now rejoice in victory. If we redeem the 
 promises we have made to the voters of our land, the diffi- 
 culty of our task can hardly be exaggerated. Conditions 
 involving most important interests must be reviewed and 
 modified, and perplexing problems menacing our safety must 
 be settled, above all, and as the ultimate object of all we do, 
 the rights and the welfare of our people in every condition 
 in life must be placed upon a more equal plane of opportu- 
 nity and advantage. 
 
 I am confident the wisdom of the Democratic party will 
 be equal to the emergency; and I base my confidence upon 
 the belief that it will be patriotically true to its principles 
 and traditions, and will follow the path marked out by true 
 American sentiment. We should not enter upon our work 
 in the least spirit of resentment nor in heedless disregard 
 of the welfare of any portion of our citizens. The mission 
 of our party, and the reforms we contemplate, do not in- 
 volve the encouragement of jealous animosities nor a de- 
 structive discrimination between American interests. 
 
 In order that we may begin with free hands, we should 
 vigorously oppose all delusions which have their origin in 
 undemocratic teachings or in demagogic attempts to deceive 
 the people. Mere catch words, which, if they mean any- 
 thing, have no relation to sound policy, and phrases invented 
 to please the ear of the victims of a cunning greed ought not 
 
 345 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 to stand in our way. Looking beyond all these things, we 
 shall find just principles furnishing a vantage ground from 
 which M'e can lay out a safe course of action. 
 
 We should strive to rid ourselves and our countrymen of 
 the idea that there is anything shabby or disgraceful in 
 economy, whether in public or private life; if extravagance 
 in expenditure has prevailed in tlie past it aflfords no excuse 
 for its continuance; and there is no breach of duty so palpa- 
 ble as the waste of money held by public servants for the 
 people's uses. Our Government was founded in a spirit of 
 frugality and economy, and its administration should not de- 
 part from those lines. We need no glitter nor show to 
 divert our people from turbulent thoughts. We have a more 
 substantial guarantee against discontent in a plain and sim- 
 ple plan of rule, in which every citizen has a share. In 
 order that this should do its ])erfect work it is essential that 
 there should exist among our people a wholesome and disin- 
 terested love for their government, for its own sake, and 
 because it is a heritage belonging to all. The cultivation of 
 such a sentiment is not only a high duty, but an absolute 
 necessity to the consummntion of the reforms we enter 
 upon. We shall utterly and disgracefully fail if we attempt 
 these reforms under the influence of petty partisan schem- 
 ing or the fear of jeopardizing personal political fortunes. 
 They can only be accoinj)lislu'd when unselfish patriotism 
 guides the aspirations of our j)eople and regulates the action 
 of their chosen servants. 
 
 We who are to be charged with the responsibility of mak- 
 ing and executing the laws should begin our preparation for 
 the task by a rigid self-examination, and by a self-purga- 
 tion from all igiioble and unworthy tendencies threatening 
 to enter into our motives and designs. Then may we enjoin 
 upon all our countrymen the same duty, and then may we 
 lioj)e to perform faithfully and successfully the work in- 
 trusted to our hands by a confiding peojile. 
 
 am 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 \_Inaugural Address {Second Presidential Term)^ 
 Washington, D. C, March 4, 1893.'] 
 
 My Fellow-Citizens : In obedience to the mandate of my 
 countrymen I am about to dedicate myself to their service 
 under the sanction of a solemn oath. Deeply moved by the 
 expression of confidence and personal attachment which has 
 called me to this service, I am sure my gratitude can make 
 no better return than the pledge I now give before God 
 and these witnesses of unreserved and complete devotion to 
 the interests and welfare of those who have honored me. 
 
 I deem it fitting on this occasion, while indicating the 
 opinions I hold concerning public questions of present im- 
 portance, to also briefly refer to the existence of certain con- 
 ditions and tendencies among our people which seem to 
 menace the integrity and usefulness of their Government. 
 
 While every American citizen must contemplate with the 
 utmost pride and enthusiasm the growth and expansion of 
 our country, the sufficiency of our institutions to stand 
 against the rudest shocks of violence, the wonderful thrift 
 and enterprise of our people, and the demonstrated supe- 
 riority of our free government, it behooves us to constantly 
 watch for every symptom of insidious infirmity that threat- 
 ens our national vigor. 
 
 The strong man who in the confidence of sturdy health 
 courts the sternest activities of life and rejoices in the hardi- 
 hood of constant labor may still have lurking near his vitals 
 the imheeded disease that dooms him to sudden collapse. 
 
 It can not be doubted that our stupendous achievements 
 as a people and our country's robust strength have given 
 rise to heedlessness of those laws governing our national 
 health which we can no more evade than human life can 
 escape the laws of God and nature. 
 
 847 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 Manifestly nothing is more vital to our supremacj' as a 
 nation and to the beneficent purposes of our Government 
 than a sound and stable currency. Its exposure to degra- 
 dation should at once arouse to activity the most enlight- 
 ened statesmanship, and the danger of depreciation in the 
 purchasing power of the wages paid to toil should furnish 
 the strongest incentive to prompt and conservative precau- 
 tion. 
 
 In dealing with our present embarrassing situation as re- 
 lated to this subject we will be wise if we temper our con- 
 fidence and faith in our national strength and resources with 
 the frank concession that even these will not permit us to 
 defy with impunity the inexorable laws of finance and trade. 
 At the same time, in our efforts to adjust differences of 
 opinion we should be free from intolerance or passion, and 
 our judgments should be unmoved by alluring phrases and 
 unvexed by selfish interests. 
 
 I am confident that such an approach to the subject will 
 result in prudent and effective remedial legislation. In the 
 meantime, so far as the executive branch of the Government 
 can intervene, none of the powers with wliich it is invested 
 will be withheld when their exercise is deemed necessary to 
 maintain our national credit or avert financial disaster. 
 
 Closely related to the exaggerated confidence in our coun- 
 try's greatness which tendj to a disregard of the rules of 
 national safety, another danger '-on fronts us not less seri- 
 ous. I refer to tlie prevalence of a popular disposition to 
 expect from the operation of the Ciovernment especial and 
 direct individual advantages. 
 
 The verdict of our voters wliich condeinneil the injustice 
 of maintaining protection for ])rotection"s sake enjoins upon 
 the people's servants tl»e duly of exposing and destroying 
 the brood of kindred evils which arc the unwholesome prog- 
 eny of paternalism. This is the bane of republican institu- 
 tions and the constant peril of otir govcriunent by the people. 
 
 3iR 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 It degrades to the purposes of wily craft the plan of rule 
 our fathers established and bequeathed to us as an object 
 of our love and veneration. It perverts the patriotic senti- 
 ments of our countrymen and tempts them to pitiful calcu- 
 lation of the sordid gain to be derived from their Govern- 
 ment's maintenance. It undermines the self-reliance of our 
 people and substitutes in its place dependence upon govern- 
 mental favoritism. It stifles the spirit of true Americanism 
 and stupefies every ennobling trait of American citizenship. 
 
 The lessons of paternalism ought to be unlearned and the 
 better lesson taught that while the people should patriot- 
 ically and cheerfully support their Government its functions 
 do not include the support of the people. 
 
 The acceptance of this principle leads to a refusal of 
 bounties and subsidies, which burden the labor and thrift of 
 a portion of our citizens to aid ill-advised or languishing 
 enterprises in which they have no concern. It leads also to 
 a challenge of wild and reckless pension expenditure, which 
 overleaps the bounds of grateful recognition of patriotic 
 service and prostitutes to vicious uses the people's prompt 
 and generous impulse to aid those disabled in their coun- 
 try's defense. 
 
 Every thoughtful American must realize the importance 
 of checking at its beginning any tendency in public or pri- 
 vate station to regard frugality and economy as virtues 
 which we may safely outgrow. The toleration of this idea 
 results in the waste of the people's money by their chosen 
 servants and encourages prodigality and extravagance in the 
 home life of our countrymen. 
 
 Under our scheme of government the waste of public 
 money is a crime against the citizen, and the contempt of 
 our people for economy and frugality in their personal af- 
 fairs deplorably saps the strength and sturdiness of our 
 national character. 
 
 It is a plain dictate of honesty and good government that 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 public expenditures should be limited by public necessity, 
 and that this should be measured by the rules of strict econ- 
 omy ; and it is equally clear that f rug^ality among the people 
 is the best guaranty of a contented and strong support of 
 free institutions. 
 
 One mode of the misappropriation of public funds is 
 avoided when appointments to office, instead of being the 
 rewards of partisan activity, are awarded to those whose 
 efficiency promises a fair return of work for the compensa- 
 tion paid to them. To secure the fitness and competency 
 of appointees to office and removed from political action the 
 demoralizing madness for spoils, civil-service reform has 
 found a place in our public policy and laws. The benefits 
 already gained through this instrumentality and the further 
 usefulness it promises entitled it to the hearty support and 
 encouragement of all who desire to see our public service 
 well performed or who hope for the elevation of political 
 sentiment and the purification of political methods. 
 
 The existence of immense aggregations of kindred enter- 
 prises and combinations of business interests formed for the 
 purpose of limiting production and fixing prices is incon- 
 sistent witli the fair fi«'ld which ought to bo o]>en to every 
 independent activity. Legitimate strife in business should 
 not be superseded by an enforced concession to the demands 
 of combinations that have the power to destroy, nor should 
 the people to be served lose the benefit of cheajiTiess which 
 usually results from wholesome competition. These aggre- 
 gations and combinations frequently constitute conspiracies 
 against the interests of the people, and in all their phases 
 they are unnatural and opposed to our American sense of 
 fairness. To the extent that tliev can be reached and re- 
 strained by Kedcral power the (ieneral Governnient should 
 relieve our citizens from their interference and exactions. 
 
 Loyalty to the principles upon wliicli our Government 
 rests j)ositively demands that the eqtiality before the law 
 
 S50 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 ■which it guarantees to every citizen should be justly and in 
 good faith conceded in all parts of the land. The enjoyment 
 of this right follows the badge of citizenship wherever 
 found, and, unimpaired by race or color, it appeals for recog- 
 nition to American manliness and fairness. 
 
 Our relations with the Indians located within our border 
 impose upon us responsibilities we can not escape. Human- 
 ity and consistency require us to treat them with forbear- 
 ance and in our dealings with them to honestly and consid- 
 erately regard their rights and interests. Every effort 
 should be made to lead them, through the paths of civiliza- 
 tion and education, to self-supporting and independent citi- 
 zenship. In the meantime, as the nation's wards, they 
 should be promptly defended against the cupidity of design- 
 ing men and shielded from every influence or temptation that 
 retards their advancement. 
 
 The people of the United States have decreed that on this 
 day the control of their Government in its legislative and ex- 
 ecutive branches shall be given to a political party pledged 
 in the most positive terms to the accomplishment of tariff 
 reform. They have thus determined in favor of a more just 
 and equitable system of Federal taxation. The agents they 
 have chosen to carry out their purposes are bound by their 
 promises not less than by the command of their masters to 
 devote themselves unremittingly to this service. 
 
 While there should be no surrender of principle, our task 
 must be undertaken wisely and without heedless vindictive- 
 ness. Our mission is not punishment, but the rectification 
 of wrong. If in lifting burdens from the daily life of our 
 people we reduce inordinate and unequal advantages too 
 long enjoyed, this is but a necessary incident of our return 
 to right and justice. If we exact from unwilling minds ac- 
 quiescence in the theory of an honest distribution of the fund 
 of the governmental beneficence treasured up for all, we but 
 insist upon a principle which underlies our free institutions. 
 
 351 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 "When we tear aside the delusions and misconceptions which 
 have blinded our countrymen to their condition under vicious 
 tariff laws, we but show them how far they have been led 
 away from the paths of contentment and prosperity. When 
 we proclaim that the necessity for revenue to support the 
 Government furnishes the only justiiication for taxing the 
 people, we announce a truth so plain that its denial would 
 seem to indicate the extent to which judgment may be influ- 
 enced by familiarity with jierversions of the taxing power. 
 And when we seek to reinstate the self-confidence and busi- 
 ness enterprise of our citizens by discrediting an abject 
 dependence upon governmental favor, we strive to stimulate 
 those elements of American character which support the 
 hope of American achievement. 
 
 Anxiety for the redemption of the pledges which my 
 party has made and solicitude for the complete justification 
 of the trust the people have reposed in us constrain me to 
 remind tliose with whom I am to cooperate that we can suc- 
 ceed in doing the work which has been especially set before 
 us only by the most sincere, harmonious, and disinterested 
 effort. Even if insuperable obstacles and opposition prevent 
 the consummation of our task, wc shall hardly be excused; 
 and if failure can be traced to our fault or neglect wc may 
 be sure tlie people will hold us to a swift and exacting 
 accountability. 
 
 Tlie oath I now take to preserve, protect, and defend the 
 Constitution of the United States not only impressively de- 
 fines the great resj)i)nsibility I assume, but suggests obedi- 
 ence to constitutional commands as the rule by which my 
 official conduct must be guided. I shall to the best of my 
 ability and within my s|)here of duty preserve tlie Consti- 
 tution by loyally protecting every grant of Federal power 
 it contains, by defending all its restraints when attacked by 
 impatience and restlessness, and by enforcing its limitations 
 and rc.scr» ations in fa\or of the States and the ]irr)plr. 
 
 3b'Z 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 Fully impressed with the gravity of the duties that con- 
 front me and mindful of my weakness, I should be appalled 
 if it were my lot to bear unaided the responsibilities which 
 await me. I am, however, saved from discouragement when 
 I remember that I shall have the support and the counsel 
 and cooperation of wise and patriotic men who will stand at 
 my side in Cabinet places or will represent the people in 
 their legislative halls. 
 
 I find also much comfort in remembering that my country- 
 men are just and generous and in the assurance that they will 
 not condemn those who by sincere devotion to their service 
 deserve their forbearance and approval. 
 
 Above all, I know there is a Supreme Being who rules the 
 affairs of men and whose goodness and mercy have always 
 followed the American people, and I know He will not turn 
 from us now if we humbly and reverently seek His power- 
 ful aid. 
 
 [Letter to Hon, TV, J. Norihen, Washington , 
 D. C, September 25, 1893.] 
 
 My Dear Sir: I hardly know how to reply to your letter 
 of the 15th inst. It seems to me that I am quite plainly on 
 record concerning the financial question. My letter accept- 
 ing the nomination to the Presidency when read in connec- 
 tion with the message lately sent to the Congress in extraor- 
 dinary session appears to me to be very explicit. I want a 
 currency that is stable and safe in the hands of our people. 
 I will not knowingly be implicated in a condition that will 
 justly make me in the least degree answerable to any 
 laborer or farmer in the United States for a shrinkage in 
 the purchasing power of the dollar he has received for a 
 full dollar's worth of work, or for a g'^^J dollar's worth 
 
 353 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 of the product of his toil. I not only want our currency to 
 be of such a character that all kinds of dollars will be of 
 equal purchasing power at home, but I want it to be of 
 such a character as will demonstrate abroad our wisdom 
 and good faith, thus placing us upon a firm foundation and 
 credit among the nations of the earth. I want our financial 
 conditions and the laws relating to our currency safe and 
 reassuring, that those who have money will spend and in- 
 vest it in business and new enterprises instead of hoarding 
 it. You cannot cure fright by calling it foolish and unrea- 
 sonable, and you cannot prevent the frightened man from 
 hoarding his money. I want good, sound and stable money, 
 and a condition of confidence that will keep it in use. 
 
 Within the limits of what I have written, I am a friend 
 of silver, but I believe its proper place in our currency can 
 only be fixed by a readjustment of our currency legislation 
 and the inauguration of a consistent and comprehensive 
 financial scheme. I think such a thing can only be entered 
 upon profitably and hopefully after the repeal of the law 
 which is charged with all our financial woes. In tlie present 
 state of the public mind this law cannot be built upon nor 
 patched in such a way as to relieve the situation. I am 
 therefore opposed to the free and unlimited coinage of sil- 
 ver by this country alone and independently, and I am in 
 favor of the immediate afid unconditional repeal of the pur- 
 chasing clause of the so-called Sherman law. 
 
 I confess I am astonished by the opposition in the Senate 
 to such prompt action as would relieve tlie present unfortu- 
 nate situation. My daily jirayer is that the delay occasioned 
 by such opposition may not be the cause of j)lunging the 
 country into deeper depression than I have yet known, and 
 that the Democratic party may not be justly held responsible 
 for such a catastrophe. 
 
 35 t 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 [From First Annual Message {Second Presi- 
 dential Term), Washington, December A, 
 
 1893.] 
 
 To the Congress of the United States: The constitutional 
 duty which requires the President from time to time to give 
 to the Congress information of the state of the Union and 
 recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall 
 judge necessary and expedient is fittingly entered upon by 
 commending to the Congress a careful examination of the 
 detailed statements and well-supported recommendations 
 contained in the reports of the heads of Departments, who 
 are chiefly charged with the executive work of the Gov- 
 ernment. In an effort to abridge this communication as 
 much as is consistent with its purpose I shall supplement 
 a brief reference to the contents of these departmental re- 
 ports by the mention of such executive business and inci- 
 dents as are not embraced therein and by such recommenda- 
 tions as appear to be at this particular time appropriate. 
 
 While our foreign relations have not at all times during 
 the past year been entirely free from perplexity, no embar- 
 rassing situation remains that will not yield to the spirit of 
 fairness and love of justice which, joined with consistent 
 firmness, characterize a truly American foreign policy. 
 
 It is hardly necessary for me to state that the questions 
 arising from our relations with Hawaii have caused serious 
 embarrassment. Just prior to the installation of the present 
 Administration the existing Government of Hawaii had been 
 suddenly overthrown and a treaty of annexation had been 
 negotiated between the Provisional Government of the 
 islands and the United States and submitted to the Senate 
 for ratification. This treaty I withdrew for examination 
 
 355 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 and dispatched Hon. James H. Blount, of Georgia, to 
 Honolulu as a special commissioner to make an impartial 
 investigation of the circumstances attending the change of 
 government and of all the conditions bearing upon the sub- 
 ject of the treaty. After a thorough and exhaustive exami- 
 nation Mr. Blount submitted to me his report, showing 
 beyond all question that the constitutional Government of 
 Hawaii had been subverted with the active aid of our rep- 
 resentative to that Government and through the intimida- 
 tion caused by the presence of an armed naval force of the 
 United States, which was landed for tliat purpose at the 
 instance of our minister. Upon the facts developed it seemed 
 to me the only honorable course for our Government to pur- 
 sue was to undo the Avroug that had been done by those rep- 
 resenting us and to restore as far as practicable the status 
 existing at the time of our forcible intervention. With a 
 view of accomplishing this result within the constitutional 
 limits of executive power, and recognizing all our obligations 
 and responsibilities growing out of any changed conditions 
 brought about by our unjustifiable interference, our present 
 minister at Honolulu has received appropriate instructions 
 to that end. Thus far no information of the accomi)lisluiient 
 of any definite results has been received from him. 
 
 Additional advices are soon expected. When received 
 they will be promjjtly sent to the Congress, together with 
 all other information at hand, accompanied by a special Ex- 
 ecutive message fully detailing all the facts necessary to a 
 complete understanding of the case and presenting a history 
 of all the material events leading up to the present situation. 
 
 By a concurrent resolution jiassed by the Senate Febru- 
 ary 1 i, 18f)(), and by the House of Representatives on the 
 .Sd of Aj)ril following the Presiilcnt was re(|uested to " in- 
 vite from time to time, as fit occasions may arise, negotia- 
 tions Milh any government with which the United States 
 has or may have diplomatic relations, to the end that any 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 diflferences or disputes arising between the two governments 
 which can not be adjusted by diplomatic agency may be 
 referred to arbitration and be peaceably adjusted by such 
 means." April 18, 1890, the International American Con- 
 ference of Washington by resolution expressed the wish that 
 all controversies between the republics of America and the 
 nations of Europe might be settled by arbitration, and rec- 
 ommended that the government of each nation represented 
 in that conference should communicate this wish to all 
 friendly powers. A favorable response has been received 
 from Great Britain in the shape of a resolution adopted by 
 Parliament July 16 last, cordially sympathizing with the 
 purpose in view and expressing the hope that Her Maj- 
 esty's Government will lend ready co-operation to the Gov- 
 ernment of the United States upon the basis of the concur- 
 rent resolution above quoted. 
 
 It affords me signal pleasure to lay this parliamentary 
 resolution before the Congress and to express my sincere 
 gratification that the sentiment of two great and kindred 
 nations is thus authoritatively manifested in favor of the 
 rational and peaceable settlement of international quarrels 
 by honorable resort to arbitration. 
 
 Since the passage of the act of March 3, 1 893, authorizing 
 the President to raise the grade of our envoys to correspond 
 with the rank in which foreign countries accredit their 
 agents here. Great Britain, France, Italy, and Germany 
 have conferred upon their representatives at this capital the 
 title of ambassador, and I have responded by accrediting 
 the agents of the United States in those countries with the 
 same title. A like elevation of mission is announced by 
 Russia, and when made will be similarly met. This step 
 fittingly comports with the position the United States hold 
 in the family of nations. 
 
 During my former Administration I took occasion to rec- 
 ommend a recast of the laws relating to the consular service, 
 
 357 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 in order that it might become a more efficient agency in the 
 promotion of the interests it was intended to subserve. The 
 duties and powers of consuls have been expanded with the 
 growing requirements of our foreign trade. Discharging 
 important duties affecting our commerce and American citi- 
 zens abroad, and in certain countries exercising judicial 
 functions, these officers should be men of character, intelli- 
 gence, and ability. 
 
 The continued intelligent execution of the civil-service 
 law and the increasing approval by the people of its oper- 
 ation are most gratifying. The recent extension of its limi- 
 tations and regulations to the employees at free-delivery 
 post-offices, which has been honestly and promptly accom- 
 plished by the Commission, with the hearty co-operation 
 of the Postmaster-General, is an immensely important 
 advance in the usefulness of the system. 
 
 I am, if possible, more than ever convinced of the incal- 
 culable benefits conferred by the civil-service law, not only 
 in its effects upon the public service, but also, what is even 
 more important, in its effect in elevating the tone of jwlitical 
 life generally. 
 
 The course of civil-service reform in tliis country in- 
 structively and interestingly illustrates how strong a hold a 
 naovement gains upon our people which has underlying it a 
 sentiment of justice and right and which at the same time 
 promises better administration of their Government. 
 
 The lawrmbodying this reform found its way to our statute 
 book more from fear of the popular sentiment existing in 
 its favor than from any love for the reform itself on the 
 part of legislators, and it has lived and grown and flour- 
 ished in spite of the covert as well as open hostility of 
 spoilsmen and notwithstanding the querulous im)iraetieahil- 
 ity of many st lf-ct)nstituted guardians. Beneath all tlio 
 vagaries and sublimated theories whieh arc attracted to it 
 
 358 
 
OF GROVE R CLEVELAND 
 
 there underlies this reform a sturdy common-sense principle 
 not only suited to this mundane sphere, but whose applica- 
 tion our people are more and more recognizing to be abso- 
 lutelj'^ essential to the most successful operation of their 
 government, if not to its perpetuity. 
 
 It seems to me to be entirely inconsistent with the char- 
 acter of this reform, as well as with its best enforcement, 
 to oblige the Commission to rely for clerical assistance ujjon 
 clerks detailed from other Departments. There ouglit not 
 to be such a condition in any Department that clerks hired 
 to do work there can be spared to habitually work at an- 
 other place, and it does not accord with a sensible view of 
 civil-service reform that persons should be employed on the 
 theory that their labor is necessary in one Department 
 when in point of fact their services are devoted to entirely 
 different work in another Department. 
 
 I earnestly urge that the clerks necessary to carry on the 
 work of the Commission be regularly put upon its roster 
 and that the system of obliging the Commissioners to rely 
 upon the services of clerks belonging to other Departments 
 be discontinued. This ought not to increase tlie expense to 
 the Government, while it would certainly be more consistent 
 and add greatly to the efficiency of the Commission. 
 
 Economy in public expenditure is a duty that can not inno- 
 cently be neglected by those intrusted with the control of 
 money drawn from the people for public uses. It must be 
 confessed that our apparently endless resources, the famil- 
 iarity of our people with immense accumulations of wealth, 
 the growing sentiment among them that the expenditure of 
 public money should in some manner be to their immediate 
 and personal advantage, the indirect and almost stealthy 
 manner in which a large part of our taxes is exacted, and 
 a degenerated sense of official accountability have led to 
 growing extravagance in governmental appropriations. 
 
 At this time, when a depleted public Treasury confronts 
 859 
 
ADDRESSES AND TAPERS 
 
 us, wlien many of our people are engaged in a hard struggle 
 for the necessaries of life, and when enforced economy is 
 pressing ujion the great mass of our countrymen, I desire 
 to urge with all the earnestness at my command that Con- 
 gressional legislation be so limited by strict economy as to 
 exhibit an appreciation of the condition of the Treasury 
 and a syinj)atliy with the straitened circumstances of our 
 fellow-citizens. 
 
 The duty of public economy is also of inmiense impor- 
 tance in its intimate and necessary relation to the task now 
 in hand of providing revenue to meet Government expendi- 
 tures and yet reducing the ])eople's burden of Federal 
 taxation. 
 
 After a hard struggle tariff reform is directly before us. 
 Nothing so important claims our attention and nothing so 
 clearly presents itself as both an opportunity and a duty 
 — an opportunity to deserve the gratitude of our fellow- 
 citizens and a duty imposed upon us by our oft-repeated 
 professions and by the emphatic mandate of the people. 
 After full discussion our countrymen have spoken in favor 
 of this reform, and they have confided the work of its 
 accomplishment to the hands of those who are solemnly 
 pledged to it. 
 
 If there is anything in the theory of a representation in 
 public places of the people and their desires, if public offi- 
 cers are really the servants of the people, and if political 
 promises and professions have any binding force, our failure 
 to give the relief so long awaited will be sheer recreancy. 
 Xotfiing should intervene to distract our attention or disturb 
 our effort until this reform is accomplished by wise and care- 
 ful legislation. 
 
 While we should stanchly adhere to the principle that 
 only the necessity of revenue justiilcs the impDsition of tariff 
 duties nTid other l-ederal fixation and that they should be 
 limited by strict economy, we can not close our eyes to the 
 
OF G R O V E R C L E \' E I. A N D 
 
 fact that conditions have grown up among us which in jus- 
 tice and fairness call for discriminating care in the distribu- 
 tion of such duties and taxation as the emergencies of our 
 Government actually demand. 
 
 Manifestly if we are to aid the people directly through 
 tariff reform, one of its most obvious features should be a 
 reduction in present tariff charges upon the necessaries of 
 life. Tlie benefits of such a reduction would be palpable 
 and substantial, seen and felt by thousands who would be 
 better fed and better clothed and better sheltered. These 
 gifts should be the willing benefactions of a Government 
 whose highest function is the promotion of the welfare of 
 the people. 
 
 Not less closely related to our people's prosperity and 
 well-being is the removal of restrictions upon the importa- 
 tion of the raw materials necessary to our manufactures. 
 The world should be open to our national ingenuity and en- 
 terprise. This can not be while Federal legislation through 
 the imposition of high tariff forbids to American manufac- 
 turers as cheap materials as those used by their competitors. 
 It is quite obvious that the enhancement of the price of our 
 manufactured products resulting from this policy not only 
 confines the market for these products within our own bor- 
 ders, to the direct disadvantage of our manufacturers, but 
 also increases their cost to our citizens. 
 
 The interests of labor are certainly, though indirectly, 
 involved in this feature of our tariff system. The sharp 
 competition and active struggle among our manufacturers to 
 supply the limited demand for their goods soon fill the nar- 
 row market to which they are confined. Then follows a 
 suspension of work in mills and factories, a discharge of 
 employees, and distress in the homes of our workingmen. 
 
 Even if the often-disproved assertion could be made good 
 that a lower rate of wages would result from free raw mate- 
 rials and low tariff duties, the intelligence of our workmen 
 
 361 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 leads them quickly to discover that their steady employment, 
 permitted by free raw materials, is the most important factor 
 in their relation to tarifif legislation. 
 
 A measure has been prepared by the appropriate Con- 
 gressional committee embodying taritf reform on the lines 
 herein suggested, which will be promptly submitted for leg- 
 islative action. It is tlie result of much patriotic and unself- 
 ish work, and I believe it deals with its subject consistently 
 and as thoroughly as existing conditions permit. 
 
 I am satisfied that the reduced tariff duties provided for 
 in the proposed legislation, added to existing internal-reve- 
 nue taxation, will in the near future, though perhaps not 
 immediately, produce sufficient revenue to meet the needs 
 of the Government. 
 
 The committee, after full consideration and to provide 
 against a temporary deficiency which may exist before the 
 business of tlie country adjusts itself to the new tariff 
 scliedules, liave wisely embraced in their plan a few addi- 
 tional internal-revenue taxes, including a small tax upon 
 incomes derived from certain corporate investments. 
 
 These new adjustments are not only absolutely just and 
 easily borne, but they have the further merit of being such 
 as can be remitted without unfavorable business disturbance 
 whenever the necessity of their imposition no longer exists. 
 
 In my great desire for the success of this measure I can 
 not restrain the suggestion that its success can only be 
 attained by means of unselfish counsel on the part of the 
 friends of tariff reform and as a result of their willingness 
 to subordinate personal desires and ambitions to the general 
 good. The local interests a fleeted by the proposed reform 
 are so numerous and so varied that if all are insisted upon 
 the legislation embodying the reforms must inevitably fail. 
 
 In conclusion my intense feeling of responsibility impels 
 me to invoke for the manifold interests of a generous and 
 confiding {)eoj)le the most scrupulous care and to pledge my 
 
 3G2 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 willing support to every legislative effort for the advance- 
 ment of the greatness and prosperity of our beloved country. 
 
 \^From Second Annual Message (Second Presi- 
 dential Term ) , Washington, D. C, Decem- 
 ber 3, 1894.] 
 
 To the Congress of the United States: The assemblage 
 within the nation's legislative halls of those charged with 
 the duty of making laws for the benefit of a generous and 
 free people impressively suggests the exacting obligation 
 and inexorable responsibility involved in their task. At the 
 threshold of such labor now to be undertaken by the Con- 
 gress of the United States, and in the discharge of an ex- 
 ecutive duty enjoined by the Constitution, I submit this 
 communication, containing a brief statement of the condi- 
 tion of our national affairs and recommending such legisla- 
 tion as seems to me necessary and expedient. 
 
 The history of our recent dealings with other nations and 
 our peaceful relations with them at this time additionally 
 demonstrate the advantage of consistently adhering to a firm 
 but just foreign policy, free from envious or ambitious 
 national schemes and characterized by entire honesty and 
 sincerity. 
 
 With the advent of a new tariff policy not only calculated 
 to relieve the consumers of our land in the cost of their 
 daily life, but to invite a better development of American 
 thrift and create for us closer and more profitable commer- 
 cial relations with the rest of the world, it follows as a log- 
 ical and imperative necessity that we should at once remove 
 the chief if not the only obstacle which has so long prevented 
 our participation in the foreign carrying trade of the sea. 
 
 363 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 A tariff built upon the theory that it is well to check imports 
 and that a home market should bound the industry and effort 
 of American producers was fitly supplemented by a refusal 
 to allow American registry to vessels built abroad, though 
 owned and navigated by our people, thus exhibiting a will- 
 ingness to abandon all contest for the advantages of Ameri- 
 can transoceanic carriage. Our new tariff policy, built upon 
 the theory that it is well to encourage such importations as 
 our people need, and that our products and manufactures 
 should find markets in every part of the habitable globe, is 
 consistently supplemented by the greatest possible liberty to 
 our citizens in the ownership and navigation of ships in 
 which our products and manufactures may be transported. 
 The millions now paid to foreigners for carrying American 
 passengers and products across the sea should be turned into 
 American liands. Shipbuilding, which has been protected 
 to strangulation, should be revived by the prospect of profit- 
 able employment for ships when built, and the American 
 sailor should be resurrected and again take his place — a 
 sturdy and industrious citizen in time of peace and a patri- 
 otic and safe defender of American interests in the day of 
 conflict. 
 
 The ancient provision of our law denying American regis- 
 try to ships built abroad and owned by Americans appears 
 in the light of present conditions not only to be a failure 
 for good at every point, but to be nearer a relic of barbar- 
 ism than anything that exists under the permission of a 
 statute of the United States. J earnestly recommend its 
 prompt repeal. 
 
 ;fii. 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 [Address at the Dedication of the Mary Wash- 
 ington Monument at Frederichshurg, Va., 
 
 May 10, 1894.^ 
 
 Governor O'Farrall, Mr. Mayor and Fellow-Citizens: I 
 speak for those who are to-day greeted as the official guests 
 of Virginia and Fredericksburg, when I return sincere 
 thanks for the hearty welcome that has been extended to us 
 in behalf of both the State and city. Our appreciation of 
 the warmth of your reception is not diminished by the 
 thought that in the light of the highest meaning belonging 
 to this occasion there are no guests here. We have assem- 
 bled on equal terms to worship at a sacred National shrine. 
 
 Nothing can be more important to those who have as- 
 sumed the responsibility of self-government than the cultiva- 
 tion and stimulation among themselves of sentiments which 
 ennoble and elevate and strengthen humanity. As a clear 
 and wholesome stream must have its flow from a pure foun- 
 tain head, so must a clean and beneficent popular government 
 have its source in pure and morally healthy men. This 
 purity and this moral health are in nothing better exempli- 
 fied than in a love and reverence for motherhood. The man 
 who said he cared not who made a people's laws if he 
 could write their songs might have said with more truth 
 that he could gauge the strength and honor of a people 
 and their fitness for self-government if he knew the depth 
 and steadfastness of their love for their mothers. I believe 
 that he who thinks it brave and manh' to outgrow his care 
 and devotion for his mother is, more than he who has no 
 music in himself, fit for treason, stratagems and spoils, and 
 should not be trusted. 
 
 Let us recall to-day as conclusive proof of the close rela- 
 tion between American greatness and a lasting love and rev- 
 
 SQ5 
 
 L 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 erence for our motliers the proud declaration of George 
 Washington, " All I am I owe to my mother "; and let us 
 not forget that when his glory was greatest, and when the 
 plaudits of his countrymen were loudest, he \alued more 
 than these the blessing and approval of his aged mother. 
 
 While these exercises cannot fail to inspire us anew with 
 reverence for American motlierhood, we will remember that 
 we are here to do honor to the woman who gave to our 
 Nation its greatest and best citizen, and that we have the 
 privilege of participating in the dedication of a monument 
 erected by the women of our land in loving and enduring 
 testimony to the virtues of the mother of Washington. Let 
 us be proud to-day that the nobility of this woman exacted 
 from a distinguished foreigner the admission, "If such are 
 the matrons of America, rhe may well boast of illustrious 
 sons"; and that Lafayette, who had fought with her son 
 for American independence, declared after he had received 
 her blessing, " I have seen the only Roman matron living 
 at this day." 
 
 Remembering these things, let us leave this place with 
 our love of country strengtliened, with a higher estimate of 
 the value of American citizenship, and with a prayer to 
 God that our pco))le may liold fast to the sentiment that 
 grows out of a love and reverence for American mother- 
 hood. 
 
 [Address at ihe Masonic Banquet at the Opera 
 House, Fredericlisbur<^r^ J^a., Maij ID, 1S9J,.] 
 
 I am not sure it is my fault, it is certainly my misfortune, 
 that I do not belong to the Masonic fraternity. It is an 
 order that has done much and magnificent work in the lines 
 of excellent and honorable endeavor. But I do belong to 
 another, if not a cabalistic order, whose grip is liJelity to the 
 
 i 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 interests of American prosperity, and whose password is the 
 supremacy of the American idea of popular and patriotic 
 free principles and constitutional rights. To this sacred 
 organization, with all of its patriotic symbolism, I am proud 
 to belong, and I am to-day equally proud to recognize 
 those before me as being coadjutors and co-workers. The 
 name of this order is the Fraternity of Freemen, devoted 
 to the prevalence of the American idea of imiversal freedom 
 and independence. 
 
 \_Address at the Luncheon following the Launch 
 of the Steamship " St. Louis/' Philadelphia, 
 November 12, 1894.] 
 
 I would not be entirely frank if I did not acknowledge 
 the extreme personal satisfaction afforded me by the ref- 
 erence j ust made to the part which fell to me, as a high duty 
 and privilege, in the great work of creating an American 
 Navy, and at the same time stimulating American ship- 
 building. 
 
 I cannot, however, keep out of mind the feeling that the 
 gratification appropriately growing out of this occasion is 
 such as must be shared by every patriotic American, and 
 that the important event which has just now taken place is 
 of such National interest that it is fittingly witnessed by 
 the highest officials of our Government. 
 
 We shall fail to realize the full significance of what we 
 have seen to-day if we overlook the fact that the causes of 
 our congratulation reach beyond actual accomplishment, and 
 are not limited to the things already done and within our 
 sight. While we may well be proud because we have launched 
 the largest and most powerful steamship ever built in the 
 Western Hemisphere and, with two exceptions, the largest 
 
 367 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 and most powerful in the world, and while we may find rea- 
 son for additional pride in the fact that, notwithstanding 
 general economic conditions not encouraging to such achieve- 
 ments, this great vessel has been built on American plans, 
 by American mechanics, and of American materials, we 
 must not forget that our greatest cause of congratulation 
 is found in the hope and promise these incidents furnish 
 of the revival and development of American commerce, and 
 the renewed ajDiiearance of the American flag in foreign 
 ports. 
 
 I hope I shall not be accused of making a suggestion cal- 
 culated to mar the gratification which this occasion inspires 
 if I remind you that the ship we have just launched was 
 built in fulfillment of conditions imposed in consideration 
 of the relaxation of our registry laws, and that the con- 
 structive plant and machinery to build this sliip " on Amer- 
 ican plans, by American mechanics and of American mate- 
 rials " originated in the necessity for the building of an 
 American navy. 
 
 There sliould be no more delay in the work of reinstating 
 American commerce, not only by the inspiration supplied 
 by such events as we have this day witnessed, but by such 
 legislation as will set free American mechanical industry 
 and excite American enterprise. Connncrcc is the life-blood 
 of a nation, and no country th it loses or impoverishes it 
 can reach and maintain a connnanding ))osition among the 
 nations of the earth. Our flag not only tells of our existence, 
 but it is a symbol of glorious and patriotic duty to uphold 
 our flag, and to follow it and del'end it, but it is also glori- 
 ous and j)atri<)tic to carry our flag to all parts of the world, 
 and to extend its defence aiui protection to American men 
 and American property in the ports of every nation. I am 
 not able to see why Americans owning ships, navigated by 
 Americans and carrying American cargoes, should in any 
 tnsc be diiven to the p'oln tjori of a foreign flag, and it 
 
 368 
 
OF G R O V E R CLEVELAND 
 
 seems to me that the Stars and Stripes entering a port of 
 the United States and spread over Americans and American 
 property should never be fro^vned upon and repelled by 
 American officials acting under the mandate of our navi- 
 gation laws. 
 
 In the interest of a revival of American commerce so much 
 needed, and for the honor of our flag, so dear to us all, I 
 am willing that the defence of our Government and flag 
 shall be accorded to all ships of American ownership, wher- 
 ever built. Make our flag a more familiar sight in the 
 ocean-carrying trade, and thus remind our citizens that a 
 large share of the carrying trade of the world is due them, 
 and we need have no fear that our shipbuilders, under laws 
 giving them a fair chance, will suffer from foreign com- 
 petition. Since my participation in rebuilding our navy 
 during a former official term has been so flatteringly re- 
 ferred to, I hope it is not amiss for me to say that I shall 
 deem myself especially fortunate if in time to come it can 
 be said that I have done something during my present in- 
 cumbency in aid of the freedom and extension of American 
 commerce and the consequent further growth of American 
 shipbuilding. 
 
 [Letter to John A. Mason, Esq., read at the 
 Annual Banquet of the Democratic Edi- 
 torial Association of the State of New 
 York, New York City, May 2 A, 1895.] 
 
 My Dear Sir: I regret that my official duties oblige me 
 to decline the courteous invitation I have received to attend 
 the annual banquet of the Democratic Editorial Association 
 on the 24th inst. 
 
 This reunion of Democratic editors will, I am sure, be 
 360 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 an enjoyable occasion to all who participate; but I shall 
 be much disappointed if the fellowship and interchange of 
 sentiment it will afford do not stimulate tlie zeal and effort 
 of the fraternity there assembled in behalf of the Democratic 
 cause and Democratic principles. 
 
 Our party is so much a party of principle, and its proper 
 action and usefulness are so dependent upon a constant 
 adherence to its doctrines and traditions, that no tendency 
 in our ranks to follow the misleading light of a temporary 
 popular misapprehension should go unchallenged. Our vic- 
 tories have all been won when we have closely followed the 
 banner of Democratic principle. We have always been 
 punished by defeat when, losing sight of our banner, we 
 liavc yielded to the blandishments of undemocratic ex- 
 pediency. 
 
 There is a temptation now vexing the people in different 
 sections of the country which assumes the disguise of 
 Democratic party principle, inasmuch as it presents a scheme 
 which is claimed to be a remedy for agricultur.d depression 
 and such other hardships as afflict our fellow-citizens. 
 Tims, because we are the friends of the peojile and profess 
 devotion to their interests, the lulj) of the members of our 
 party is invoked in suj^jjort of a plan to revolutionize the 
 monetary condition of the country, and embark upon an 
 experiment which is discredited by all reason and experience, 
 which invites trouble and disaster in every avenue of labor 
 and enterprise, and whieli must i)rove destructive to our 
 National prestige and character. 
 
 When a cam))aign is actively on foot to force the free, 
 unlimited and independent coinage of silver by tlie Govern- 
 ment at a ratio which will .-idd to our eirciil-ition mire- 
 strained millions of so-called dollars, intrinsically worth but 
 half the amount they purport to represent, with no provision 
 or resoTirce to make good tlic deficiency in value, and when 
 it is claimed that such a proposition has any relation to the 
 
 .S70 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 principles of Democracy, it is time for all who may in the 
 least degree influence Democratic thought to realize their 
 responsibility. 
 
 Our party is the party of the people, not because it is 
 wafted hither and thither by every sudden wave of popular 
 excitement and misconception, but because while it tests 
 every proposition by the doctrines which underlie its organ- 
 ization, it insists that all interests should be defended in 
 the administration of the Government, without especial favor 
 or discrimination. 
 
 Our party is the party of the people because in its care 
 for the welfare of all our countrymen, it resists dangerous 
 schemes born of discontent, advocated by appeals to sec- 
 tional or class prejudices, and reinforced by the insidious 
 aid of private selfishness and cupidity. 
 
 Above all, our party is the party of the people when it 
 recognizes the fact that sound and absolutely safe money 
 is the life-blood of our country's strength and prosperity, 
 and when it teaches that none of our fellow-citizens, rich or 
 poor, great or humble, can escape the consequences of a 
 degeneration of our currency. 
 
 Democratic care and conservatism dictate that if there 
 exists inconvenience and hardsliip, resulting from the con- 
 gestion or imperfect distribution of our circulating medium, 
 a remedy should be applied which will avoid the disaster 
 that must follow in the train of silver monometallism. 
 
 What I have written has not been prompted by any fear 
 that the Democracy of the State of New York will ever be 
 an accomplice in such an injury to their country as would 
 be entailed by the free, unlimited and independent coinage 
 of silver; nor do I believe they will ever be so heedless of 
 party interests as to support such a movement. I have re- 
 ferred to this subject in the belief that nothing more im- 
 portant can engage the attention of the American people or 
 the National Democracy, and in the conviction that the voice 
 
 371 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 of the Democrats of New York through its press, should 
 constantly be heard in every State. 
 
 [Third Annual Message {Second Presidential 
 Term), Washington, D. C, December 2, 
 
 1895,'] 
 
 To the Corigress of the Ignited States: The present assem- 
 blage of the legislative branch of our Government occurs at 
 a time when the interests of our people and the needs of the 
 country give especial prominence to the condition of our 
 foreign relations and the exigencies of our national finances. 
 The reports of the heads of tlic several administrative De- 
 partments of the Government fully and plainly exhibit what 
 has been accomplished within the scope of their respective 
 duties and present such recommendations for the betterment 
 of our country's condition as patriotic and intelligent labor 
 and observation suggest. 
 
 It being apparent that the boundary dispute between 
 Great Britain and the Ucj)uhlic of Venezuela concerning the 
 limits of British Ciuiana was approaching an acute stage, a 
 definite statement of the interest and policy of the United 
 States as regards the controversy seemed to be required both 
 on its own account and in view of its relations with the 
 friendly i)owers dinctly conccriud. In July last, tlierefore, 
 a dispatch was addressed to our ambassador at London for 
 communication to the British Government in which the atti- 
 tude of the L'nited States was fully and distinctly set forth. 
 Th<' general conclusions tluTcin reached and fornuilated are 
 in substance that the traditional and established policy of 
 this Government is firmly opposed to a forcible increase by 
 any I''nropean power of its territorial possessions on this 
 
 ^7*2 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 continent ; that this policy is as well founded in principle as 
 it is strongly supported by numerous precedents; that as a 
 consequence the United States is bound to protest against 
 the enlargement of the area of British Guiana in derogation 
 of the rights and against the will of Venezuela ; that con- 
 sidering the disparity in strength of Great Britain and 
 Venezuela the territorial dispute between them can be rea- 
 sonably settled only by friendly and impartial arbitration, 
 and that the resort to such arbitration should include the 
 whole controversy, and is not satisfied if one of the powers 
 concerned is permitted to draw an arbitrary line through the 
 territory in debate and to declare that it will submit to arbi- 
 tration only the portion lying on one side of it. In view of 
 these conclusions, the dispatch in question called upon the 
 British Government for a definite answer to the question 
 wliether it would or would not submit the territorial con- 
 troversy between itself and Venezuela in its entirety to im- 
 partial arbitration. The answer of the British Government 
 has not j'et been received, but is expected shortly, when 
 further communication on the subject will probably be made 
 to the Congress. 
 
 The coronation of the Czar of Russia at Moscow in May 
 next invites the ceremonial participation of the United 
 States, and in accordance with usage and diplomatic pro- 
 priety our minister to the imperial court has been directed 
 to represent our Government on the occasion. 
 
 Correspondence is on foot touching the practice of Rus- 
 sian consuls within the jurisdiction of the United States to 
 interrogate citizens as to their race and religious faith, and 
 upon ascertainment thereof to deny to Jews authentication 
 of passports or legal documents for use in Russia. Inas- 
 much as such a proceeding imposes a disability which in the 
 case of succession to property in Russia may be found to 
 infringe the treaty rights of our citizens, and which is an 
 
 373 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 obnoxious invasion of our territorial jurisdiction, it has 
 elicited fitting remonstrance, the result of which, it is hoped, 
 will remove the cause of coni})laint. The pending claims of 
 sealing vessels of the United States seized in Russian waters 
 remain unadjusted. Our recent convention with Russia es- 
 tablishing a modus vivendi as to imperial jurisdiction in such 
 cases has prevented further difficulty of this nature. 
 
 The Russian Government lias welcomed in principle our 
 suggestion for a modus vivendi, to embrace Great Britain 
 and Japan, looking to the better preservation of seal life in 
 the North Pacific and Bering Sea and the extension of the 
 protected area defined by the Paris Tribunal to all Pacific 
 waters north of the thirty-fifth parallel. It is especially 
 noticeable that Russia favors prohibition of the use of fire- 
 arms in seal hunting tliroughout the proposed area and a 
 longer closed season for pelagic scaling. 
 
 Cuba is again gravel}' disturbed. An insurrection in some 
 respects more active than the last preceding revolt, which 
 continued from 1868 to 1878, now exists in a large part of 
 the eastern interior of the island, menacing even some popu- 
 lations on the coast. Besides deranging tlie commercial ex- 
 changes of the island, of whidi our country takes the pre- 
 dominant share, this flagrant condition of hostilities, by 
 arousing sentimental sympathy and inciting adventurous 
 support among our people, has entailed earnest effort on 
 the part of this Government to enforce obedience to our 
 neutrality laws and to prevent the territory of the United 
 States from being abused as a vantage ground from which 
 to aid those in arms against vSpanish sovereignty. 
 
 Whatever may be the traditional sympathy of our coun- 
 trymen as individuals with a people who seem to be strug- 
 gling for larger autonomy and greater freedom, deepened, 
 as such synipalliy naturally must be, in belialf of our nrigli- 
 bors, yet tlic plain duty of tiicir (iovcmnicnt is to observe in 
 
 371 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 good faith the recognized obligation of international rela- 
 tionship. The performance of this duty should not be made 
 more difficult by a disregard on the part of our citizens of 
 the obligations growing out of their allegiance to their coun- 
 try, which should restrain them from violating as individ- 
 uals the neutrality which the nation of which they are 
 members is bound to observe in its relations to friendly sov- 
 ereign states. Though neither the warmth of our people's 
 sympathy with the Cuban insurgents, nor our loss and mate- 
 rial damage consequent upon the futile endeavors thus far 
 made to restore peace and order, nor any shock our humane 
 sensibilities may have received from the cruelties whicli 
 appear to especially characterize this sanguinary and fiercely 
 conducted war, have in the least shaken the determination 
 of the Government to honestly fulfill every international 
 obligation, yet it is to be earnestly hoped on every ground 
 that the devastation of armed conflict may speedily be stayed 
 and order and quiet restored to the distracted island, 
 bringing in their train the activity and thrift of peaceful 
 pursuits. 
 
 One notable instance of interference by Spain with pass- 
 ing American ships has occurred. On March 8 last the 
 Allianca, while bound from Colon to New York, and fol- 
 lowing the customary track for vessels near the Cuban 
 shore, but outside the 3-mile limit, was fired upon by a 
 Spanish gunboat. Protest was promptly made by the United 
 States against this act as not being justified by a state of 
 war, nor permissible in respect of vessels on the usual paths 
 of commerce, nor tolerable in view of the wanton peril occa- 
 sioned to innocent life and property. The act was dis- 
 avowed, with full expression of regret and assurance of 
 nonrecurrence of such just cause of complaint, while the 
 offending officer was relieved of his command. Military 
 arrests of citizens of the United States in Cuba have occa- 
 sioned frequent reclamations. Where held on criminal 
 
 875 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 charges tht-ir delivery to the ordinary civil jurisdiction for 
 trial has been demanded and obtained in conformity with 
 treaty provisions, and where merely detained by way of 
 military precaution under a proclaimed state of siege, with- 
 our fornmlated accusation, their release or trial has been 
 insisted upon. The right of American consular officers in 
 the island to prefer protests and demands in such cases 
 having been questioned by the insular authority, their en- 
 joyment of the privilege stipulated by treaty for the con- 
 suls of Germany was claimed under the most-favored- 
 nation provision of our own convention and was promptly 
 recognized. 
 
 [Special Message on the Venezuela Boundary 
 Dispute, Washington, D. C, December 17, 
 1895.] 
 
 To the Congress: In my annual message addressed to the 
 Congress on the 3d instant I called attention to the pend- 
 ing boundary controversy between Great Britain and the 
 Republic of Venezuela and recited the substance of a rep- 
 resentation made by this Government to Her Britannic Maj- 
 estj^'s Government suggesting reasons why such dispute 
 should be submitted to arbitration for settlement and in- 
 tjuiring whether it would be so submitted. 
 
 The answer of tlie British Government, M'hich was tlien 
 awaited, has since been received, and, together with the dis- 
 jjatcli to whidi it is a reply, is hereto apjiendcd. 
 
 Such rej)ly is embodicil in two conuiiuiiications addressed 
 by the British j)riiiie minister to Sir .Julian Pauncefotc, the 
 British ambassador at tliis ca])ital. it will be seen that 
 on«' of these cominuriiealioiis is devoted exclusively to obser- 
 vations upon the Monroe iloilriiK-. ami il.iinis that in the 
 
 37(i 
 
OF G R V E R CLEVELAND 
 
 present instance a new and strange extension and develop- 
 ment of this doctrine is insisted on by the United States ; 
 that the reasons justifying an appeal to the doctrine enun- 
 ciated by President ^lonroe are generally inapplicable " to 
 the state of things in which we live at the present day," 
 and especially inapplicable to a controversy involving the 
 boundary line between Great Britain and Venezuela. 
 
 Without attempting extended argument in reply to these 
 positions, it may not be amiss to suggest that the doctrine 
 upon which we stand is strong and sound, because its en- 
 forcement is important to our peace and safety as a nation 
 and is essential to the integrity of our free institutions and 
 the tranquil maintenance of our distinctive form of govern- 
 ment. It was intended to apply to every stage of our na- 
 tional life and can not become obsolete while our Republic 
 endures. If the balance of power is justly a cause for jeal- 
 ous anxiety among the Governments of the Old World and 
 a subject for our absolute noninterference, none the less is 
 an observance of the Monroe doctrine of vital concern to 
 our people and their Government. 
 
 Assuming, therefore, that we may properly insist upon 
 this doctrine without regard to " the state of things in which 
 we live " or any changed conditions here or elsewhere, it is 
 not apparent why its application may not be invoked in the 
 present controversy. 
 
 If a European power by an extension of its boundaries 
 takes possession of the territory of one of our neighboring 
 Republics against its will and in derogation of its rights, 
 it is difficult to see why to that extent such European power 
 does not thereby attempt to extend its system of govern- 
 ment to that portion of this continent which is thus taken. 
 This is the precise action which President Monroe declared 
 to be " dangerous to our peace and safety," and it can make 
 no difference whether the European system is extended by 
 an advance of frontier or otherwise. 
 
 377 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 It is also suggested in the British reply that we should 
 not seek to apply the Monroe doctrine to the pending dis- 
 pute because it does not embody any principle of interna- 
 tional law which " is founded on the general consent of 
 nations," and that " no statesmen, however eminent, and no 
 nation, however powerful, are competent to insert into the 
 code of international law a novel principle which was never 
 recognized before and which has not since been accepted by 
 the government of any other country." 
 
 Practically the principle for which we contend has pecul- 
 iar, if not exclusive, relation to the United States. It may 
 not have been admitted in so many words to the code of 
 international law, but since in international councils every 
 nation is entitled to the rights belonging to it, if the en- 
 forcement of the Monroe doctrine is something we may 
 justly claim it has its place in the code of international law 
 as certainly and as securely as if it were specifically men- 
 tioned; and when the United States is a suitor before the 
 high tribunal that administers international law the ques- 
 tion to be determined is whether or not we present claims 
 which the justice of that code of law can find to be right 
 and valid. 
 
 The Monroe doctrine finds its recognition in those prin- 
 ciples of international law which are based upon the theory 
 that every nation shall have its rights protected and its j ust 
 claims enforced. 
 
 Of course this Government is mtirtly confident that under 
 the sanction of this doctrine we have clear rights and un- 
 doubted claims. \or is this ignored in the British reply. 
 The prime minister, while not admitting that the Monroe 
 doctrine is aj)plicable to present conditions, states: 
 
 In declaring that the United States would resist any such enterprise 
 if it was contemplated, President Monroe adopted a jwiicy which re- 
 ceived the entire syiiijjutliy of the Kn(,'lish (jovernment of that date. 
 
 378 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 He further declares : 
 
 Though the language of President Monroe is directed to the attain- 
 ment of objects which most Englishmen would agree to be salutary, it is 
 impossible to admit that they have been inscribed by any adequate 
 authority in the code of international law. 
 
 Again he says: 
 
 They [Her Majesty's Government] fully concur with the view which 
 President Monroe apparently entertained, that any disturbance of the 
 existing territorial distribution in that hemisphere by any fresh acquisi- 
 tions on the part of any European State would be a highly inexpedient 
 change. 
 
 In the belief that the doctrine for which we contend was 
 clear and definite, that it was founded upon substantial con- 
 siderations and involved our safety and welfare, that it 
 was fully applicable to our present conditions and to the 
 state of the world's progress, and that it was directly re- 
 lated to the pending controversy, and without any convic- 
 tion as to the final merits of the dispute, but anxious to 
 learn in a satisfactory and conclusive manner whether Great 
 Britain sought under a claim of boundary to extend her 
 possessions on this continent without right, or whether she 
 merely sought possession of territory fairly included within 
 her lines of ownership, this Government proposed to the 
 Government of Great Britain a resort to arbitration as the 
 proper means of settling the question, to the end that a 
 vexatious boundary dispute between the two contestants 
 might be determined and our exact standing and relation in 
 respect to the controversy might be made clear. 
 
 It will be seen from the correspondence herewith sub- 
 mitted that this proposition has been declined by the British 
 Government upon grounds which in the circumstances seem 
 to me to be far from satisfactory. It is deeply disappoint- 
 ing that such an appeal, actuated by the most friendly feel- 
 ings toward both nations directly concerned, addressed to 
 
 379 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 the sense of justice and to the magnanimity of one of the 
 great powers of the world, and touching its relations to one 
 comparatively weak and small, should have produced no 
 better results. 
 
 The course to be pursued by this Government in view of 
 the present condition docs not appear to admit of serious 
 doubt. Having labored faithfully for many years to in- 
 duce Great Britain to submit this dispute to impartial arbi- 
 tration, and having been now finally apprised of her refusal 
 to do so, nothing remains but to accept the situation, to 
 recognize its plain requirements, and deal with it accord- 
 ingly. Great Britain's present proposition has never thus 
 far been regarded as admissible by Venezuela, though any 
 adjustment of the boundary which that country may deem 
 for her advantage and may enter into of her own free will 
 can not of course be objected to by the United States. 
 
 Assuming, however, that the attitude of Venezuela will 
 remain unchanged, the dispute has reached such a stage as. 
 to make it now incumbent upon the United States to take 
 measures to determine with snflicicnt certainty for its justi- 
 fication what is the true divisional line between tlie Republic 
 of Venezuela and British Guiana. The inquiry to that end 
 should of course be conducted carefully and judicially, and 
 due weight should be given to all available evidence, records, 
 and facts in support of the claims of both parties. 
 
 In order that such an examination should be ])rosecutcd 
 in a thorough and satisfactory manner, I suggest that the 
 Congress n)ake an adetjuate api)r()prialion for tlic expenses 
 of a commission, to be a])j)ointfd by tlie l-'xeeutivc, who sliall 
 make the necessary Investigation and report ui)on the matter 
 with the least jwssible delay. When such report is made 
 and accepted it will, in my opinion, be the duty of the 
 United States to resist by every means in its j)ower, as n 
 willful aggression upon its rights and interests, the ajipro- 
 priition by (Ireat IJrit.un of any lands or the exercise of 
 
OF GROVER CLE \' ELAND 
 
 governmental jurisdiction over any territory which after 
 investigation we have determined of right belongs to 
 Venezuela. 
 
 In making these recommendations I am fully alive to the 
 responsibility incurred and keenly realize all the conse- 
 quences that may follow. 
 
 I am, nevertheless, firm in my conviction that while it is 
 a grievous thing to contemplate the two great English- 
 speaking peoples of the world as being otherwise than 
 friendly competitors in the onward march of civilization 
 and strenuous and worthy rivals in all the arts of peace, 
 there is no calamity which a great nation can invite which 
 equals that which follows a supine submission to wrong and 
 injustice and the consequent loss of national self-respect 
 and honor, beneath which are shielded and defended a peo- 
 ple's safety and greatness. 
 
 [Letter to Hon. George W. Parker read at the 
 Annual Shakespeare Commemoration, Bir- 
 mingham, England, April 21, 1896,'\ 
 
 Dear Sir: Everything that tends to keep alive the mem- 
 ory of Shakespeare and preserves a proper appreciation of 
 his work challenges my earnest interest and approval, and 
 though I cannot be with you on the occasion you contem- 
 plate, I am glad to know that our American people will 
 be prominently represented. There is much said and writ- 
 ten in these days concerning the relations that should exist, 
 bound close by the strongest ties, between English-speaking 
 peoples, and concerning the high destiny that awaits them 
 in concerted effort. I hope we shall never know the time 
 when these ennobling sentiments will be less often expressed 
 or in the least lose their potency and influence. Surely if 
 
 S81 ' 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 English speech supplies the token of united effort for the 
 good of mankind and the impulse of an exalted international 
 mission, we do well to honor fittingly the name and memory 
 of William Shakespeare. 
 
 [From Address delivered at the Susquicenteri' 
 iiial of the Founding of the College of 
 New Jersey, Princeton, N. J., October 23, 
 
 1896.] 
 
 I hasten to concede the good already accomplished by 
 our educated men in purifying and steadying political sen- 
 timent; but I hope I may be allowed to intimate my belief 
 that their work in these directions would be easier and 
 more useful if it were less spasmodic and occasional. The 
 disposition of our people is such that, wliile they may be 
 inclined to distrust those who only on rare occasions come 
 among them from an exclusiveness savoring of assumed 
 superiority, they readily listen to those who exhibit a real 
 fellowship and a friendly and habitual interest in all that 
 concerns the common welfare. Such a condition of intimacy 
 would, I believe, not only improve the general political 
 atmosphere, but would vastly increase tlie influence of our 
 universities and colleges in their efforts to prevent popular 
 delusions or correct them before they reach an acute and 
 dangerous stage. I am certain, therefore, that a more con- 
 stant and active participation in political affairs on the part 
 of our men of education would be of the greatest possible 
 value to our country. 
 
 It is exceedingly unfortunate that politics should be re- 
 garded in any quarter as an unclean thing, to be avoided 
 by those claiming to be educated or respectable. It would 
 be strange, indeed, if any thing related to the .■uhiiiiiistr.ition 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 of our Government or the welfare of our nation should be 
 essentially degrading. I believe it is not a superstitious 
 sentiment that leads to the conviction that God has watched 
 over our National life from its beginning. Who will say that 
 the things worthy of God's regard and fostering care are 
 unworthy of the touch of the wisest and best of men? 
 
 I would have those sent out by our universities and col- 
 leges not only the counsellors of their fellow-countrymen, 
 but the tribunes of the people — fully appreciating every 
 condition that presses upon their daily life, sympathetic in 
 every untoward situation, quick and earnest in every effort 
 to advance their happiness and welfare, and prompt and 
 sturdy in the defence of all their rights. 
 
 I have but imperfectly expressed the thoughts to which 
 I had not been able to deny utterance on an occasion so full 
 of glad significance, and so pervaded by the atmosphere of 
 patriotic aspiration. Born of these surroundings, the hope 
 cannot be vain that the time is at hand when all our coun- 
 trymen will more deeply appreciate the blessings of Amer- 
 ican citizenship, when their disinterested love of their Gov- 
 ernment will be quickened, when fanaticism and passion 
 shall be banished from the field of politics, and when all 
 our people, discarding every difference of condition or 
 opportunity, will be seen under the banner of American 
 brotherhood, marching steadily and unfalteringly on toward 
 the bright heights of our National destiny. 
 
 [Fourth Annual Message (Second Presidential 
 Term), Washington, D. C, December 7, 
 1896.] 
 
 To the Congress of the United States: As representatives 
 of the peojile in the legislative branch of their Government, 
 you have assembled at a time when the strength and excel- 
 
 S83 
 
 li 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 lence of our free institutions and the fitness of our citizens 
 to enjoy popular rule have been again made manifest. A 
 political contest involving momentous consequences, fraught 
 with feverish apprehension, and creating aggressiveness so 
 intense as to approach bitterness and passion has been waged 
 throughout our land and determined by the decree of free 
 and independent suffrage -without disturbance of our tran- 
 quillity or the least sign of weakness in our national struc- 
 ture. 
 
 When we consider these incidents and contemplate the 
 peaceful obedience and manly submission which have suc- 
 ceeded a heated clash of political opinions, we discover 
 abundant evidence of a determination on the part of our 
 countrymen to abide by every verdict of the popular will 
 and to be controlled at all times by an abiding faith in the 
 agencies established for the direction of the affairs of their 
 Government. 
 
 Thus our people exhibit a patriotic disposition which en- 
 titles them to demand of those who imdertake to make and 
 execute tlieir laws such faithful and unseHish service in 
 their behalf as can only be promjitcd by a serious apprecia- 
 tion of the trust and conlidcnce which the acceptance of 
 public duty invites. 
 
 The insurrection in Cuba still continues with all its per- 
 plexities. It is difficult to perceive that any progress has 
 thus far been made toward the pacification of the island or 
 that the situation of affairs as depicted in my last annual 
 message has in the least improved. If Sjiain still holds 
 Havana and the seajiorts and all the considerable towns, the 
 insurgents still roam at will over at least two-thirds of tlie 
 inland country. If the determination of S]iaiii to put down 
 the insurrection seems but to strengthen witli tlie lapse of 
 timr and is evinced by her unhesitating devotion of largely 
 increased military and naval forces to the tihk, there is much 
 
 ?81 
 
OF GROVE R CLEVELAND 
 
 reason to believe that the insurgents have gained in point 
 of numbers and character and resources and are none the 
 less inflexible in their resolve not to succumb without prac- 
 tically securing the great objects for which they took up 
 arms. If Spain has not yet reestablished her authority, 
 neither have the insurgents yet made good their title to be 
 regarded as an independent state. Indeed, as the contest 
 has gone on the pretense that civil government exists on 
 the island, except so far as Spain is able to maintain it, 
 has been practically abandoned. Spain does keep on foot 
 such a government, more or less imperfectly, in the large 
 towns and their immediate suburbs ; but that exception being 
 made, the entire country is either given over to anarchy or 
 is subject to the military occupation of one or the other 
 party. It is reported, indeed, on reliable authority that 
 at the demand of the commander in chief of the insurgent 
 army the putative Cuban government has now given up all 
 attempt to exercise its functions, leaving that government 
 confessedly (what there is the best reason for su^iposing it 
 always to have been in fact) a government merely v n pajDer. 
 
 Many Cubans reside in this country, and indirectly pro- 
 mote the insurrection through the press, by public meetings, 
 by the purchase and shipment of arms, by the raising of 
 funds, and by other means which the spirit of our institu- 
 tions and the tenor of our laws do not permit to be made 
 the subject of criminal prosecutions. Some of them, though 
 Cubans at heart and in all their feelings and interests, have 
 taken out papers as naturalized citizens of the United States 
 — a proceeding resorted to with a view to possible protec- 
 tion by this Government, and not unnaturally regarded with 
 much indignation by the country of their origin. The in- 
 surgents are undoubtedly encouraged and supported b}^ the 
 widespread sympathy the people of this country always 
 and instinctively feel for every struggle for better and 
 
 385 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 freer government, and wliich, in the case of the more ad- 
 venturous and restless elements of our population, leads in 
 only too many instances to active and personal participation 
 in the contest. The result is that this Government is con- 
 stantly called upon to protect American citizens, to claim 
 damages for injuries to persons and property, now estimated 
 at many millions of dollars, and to ask explanations and 
 apologies for the acts of Spanish officials whose zeal for the 
 repression of rebellion sometimes blinds them to the im- 
 munities belonging to the unolfending citizens of a friendly 
 power. It follows from the same causes that the United 
 States is compelled to actively police a long line of scacoast 
 against unlaM'ful expeditions, the escape of which the utmost 
 vigilance will not always suffice to prcAont. 
 
 These inevitable entanglements of the United States with 
 the rebellion in Cuba, the large American property interests 
 affected, and considerations of philanthropy and humanity 
 in general have led to a vehement demand in various quar- 
 ters for some sort of positive intervention on the part of the 
 United States. It was at first proposed that belligerent 
 rights should be accorded to the insurgents — a proposition 
 no longer urged because imtimely and in practical operation 
 clearly perilous and injurious to our own interests. It has 
 since been and is now sometimes contended tliat the inde- 
 pendence of the insurgents should be recognized ; but imper- 
 fect and restricted as the Spanish government of the island 
 may be, no other exists there, unless the will of the military 
 officer in temporary command of a particular district can 
 be dignified as a species of government. It is now also sug- 
 gested that the United States should buy the island — a sug- 
 gestion possibly worthy of consideration if there were any 
 (•\idenc(' of a desire or willingness on the part of Spain to 
 Jiiti'rtain sucii a proposal. It is urged finally tliat, all other 
 methods failing, the existing internecine strife in ('ul).i 
 >h(inld be tfriiiiirited by our intervention, cm ii at llic vast 
 
 r.sG 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 of a war between the United States and Spain — a war which 
 its advocates confidently prophesy could neither be large in 
 its proportions nor doubtful in its issue. 
 
 The correctness of tliis forecast need be neither affirmed 
 nor denied. The United States has, nevertheless, a character 
 to maintain as a nation, which plainly dictates that right and 
 not might should be the rule of its conduct. Further, 
 though the United States is not a nation to which peace is a 
 necessity, it is in truth the most pacific of powers and de- 
 sires nothing so much as to live in amity with all the world. 
 Its own ample and diversified domains satisfy all possible 
 longings for territory, preclude all dreams of conquest, and 
 prevent any casting of covetous eyes upon neighboring re- 
 gions, however attractive. That our conduct toward Spain 
 and her dominions has constituted no exception to this na- 
 tional disposition is made manifest by the course of our 
 Government, not only thus far during the present insurrec- 
 tion, but during the ten years that followed the rising at 
 Yara in 1868. No other great power, it may safely be 
 said, under circumstances of similar perplexity, would have 
 manifested the same restraint and the same patient en- 
 durance. It may also be said that this persistent attitude 
 of the United States toward Spain in connection with Cuba 
 unquestionably evinces no slight respect and regard for 
 Spain on the part of the American people. They in truth 
 do not forget her connection with the discovery of the West- 
 ern Hemisphere, nor do they underestimate the great quali- 
 ties of the Spanish people nor fail to fully recognize their 
 splendid patriotism and their chivalrous devotion to the 
 national honor. 
 
 Whatever circumstances may arise, our policy and our in- 
 terests would constrain us to object to the acquisition of 
 the island or an interference with its control by any other 
 power. 
 
 S87 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 It should be added tliat it can not be reasonably assumed 
 that the hitherto expectant attitude of the United States will 
 be indefinitely maintained. While we are anxious to accord 
 all due respect to the sovereignty of Spain, we can not view 
 the pending conflict in all its features and properly appre- 
 hend our inevitably close relations to it and its possible re- 
 sults without considering that by the course of events we 
 may be drawn into such an unusual and unprecedented con- 
 dition as will fix a limit to our patient waiting for Spain to 
 end the contest either alone and in her own way or with our 
 friendly cooperation. 
 
 When the inability of Spain to deal successfully with the 
 insurrection has become manifest and it is demonstrated that 
 her sovereignty is extinct in Cuba for all purposes of its 
 rightful existence, and when a hopeless struggle for its re- 
 establishment has degenerated into a strife which means 
 nothing more than the useless sacrifice of human life and the 
 utter destruction of the very subject-matter of the conflict, 
 a situation will be presented in which our obligations to the 
 sovereignty of Spain will be superseded by higher obliga- 
 tions, which we can hardly hesitate to recognize and dis- 
 charge. Deferring the choice of ways and methods until 
 the time for action arrives, we should make them depend 
 upon the precise conditions then existing; and they should 
 not be determined upon without giving careful heed to every 
 consideration involving our honor and interest or the inter- 
 national duty we owe to Spain. Until we face the contin- 
 gencies suggested or the situation is by other incidents im- 
 peratively changed wc should continue in the line of conduct 
 heretofore pursued, thus in all circumstances exhibiting our 
 obedience to the requirements of j)ublic law and our regard 
 for the duty enjoined upon us by the position we occupy in 
 the family of nations. 
 
 A contemplation of eimTgciuits that may arise should 
 plainly hail us to avoid tlieir creation, citlur llirough a laic- 
 
 SS8 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 less disregard of present duty or even an undue stimulation 
 and ill-timed expression of feeling. But I have deemed it 
 not amiss to remind the Congress that a time may arrive 
 when a correct policy and care for our interests, as well as 
 a regard for the interests of other nations and their citizens, 
 joined by considerations of humanity and a desire to see a 
 rich and fertile country intimately related to us saved from 
 complete devastation, will constrain our Government to such 
 action as will subserve the interests thus involved and at the 
 same time promise to Cuba and its inhabitants an oppor- 
 tunity to enjoy the blessings of peace. 
 
 The Venezuelan boimdary question has ceased to be a mat- 
 ter of difference between Great Britain and the United 
 States, their respective Governments having agreed upon the 
 substantial provisions of a treaty between Great Britain and 
 Venezuela submitting the whole controversy to arbitration. 
 The provisions of the treaty are so eminently just and fair 
 that the assent of Venezuela thereto may confidently be 
 anticipated. 
 
 Negotiations for a treaty of general arbitration for all 
 differences between Great Britain and the United States are 
 far advanced and promise to reach a successful consumma- 
 tion at an early date. 
 
 The civil-service rules as amended during the last year 
 provide for a sensible and uniform method of promotion, 
 basing eligibility to better positions upon demonstrated effi- 
 ciency and faithfulness. The absence of fixed rules on this 
 subject has been an infirmity in the system more and more 
 apparent as its other benefits have been better appreciated. 
 
 The advantages of civil-service methods in their business 
 aspects are too well understood to require argument. Their 
 application has become a necessity to the executive work of 
 the Government. But those who gain positions through the 
 
 389 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 operation of these methods should be made to understand 
 that the nonpartisan scheme through which they receive their 
 appointments demands from them by way of reciprocity non- 
 partisan and faithful performance of duty under every 
 Administration and cheerful fidelity to every cliief. While 
 they should be encouraged to decently exercise their rights 
 of citizenship and to support through their suffrages the 
 political beliefs they honcsth' profess, the noisy, pestilent, 
 and partisan employee, who loves political turmoil and con- 
 tention, or who renders lax and grudging service to an Ad- 
 ministration not representing his political views, should be 
 promptly and fearlessly dealt with in such a way as to fur- 
 nish a warning to others who may be likewise disposed. 
 
 Another topic in whicli our people rightfully take a deep 
 interest may be here briefly considered. I refer to the 
 existence of trusts and other huge aggregations of capital 
 the object of which is to secure the monopoly of some par- 
 ticular branch of trade, industry, or commerce and to stifle 
 wholesome competition. When tlicse arc defended, it is usu- 
 ally on the ground that tliough they increase profits tliey 
 also reduce prices, and thus may benefit the jniblic. It 
 must be remembered, however, that a reduction of prices to 
 the peojjle is not one of tlie real objects of these organiza- 
 tions, nor is their kiidency necessarily in that direction. 
 If it occurs in a particular case it is only because it accords 
 with the purposes or interests of those managing tl»e scheme. 
 
 Such occasional results fall far short of compensating the 
 palpable evils chargi'd to the ace4)unt of trusts and monop- 
 olies. Their tendency is to crush out individual inde- 
 j)endence and to hind»r or prevent the free use of lunnan 
 faculties and tlie full dtvclopnient of human character. 
 Through them the farmer, the artisan, and the small trader 
 is in danger of dislodginent from the proud position of being 
 his own master, watchful of all that touches his country's 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 prosperity, in which he has an individual lot, and interested 
 in all that affects the advantages of business of which he 
 is a factor, to be relegated to the level of a mere appurte- 
 nance to a great machine, with little free will, with no duty 
 but that of passive obedience, and with little hope or oppor- 
 tunity of rising in the scale of responsible and helpful citi- 
 zenship. 
 
 To the instinctive belief that such is the inevitable trend 
 of trusts and monopolies is due the widespread and deep- 
 seated popular aversion in which they are held and the not 
 unreasonable insistence that, whatever may be their inci- 
 dental economic advantages, their general effect upon per- 
 sonal character, prospects, and usefulness can not be other- 
 wise than injurious. 
 
 Though Congress has attempted to deal with this matter 
 by legislation, the laws passed for that purpose thus far have 
 proved ineffective, not because of anj^ lack of disposition or 
 attempt to enforce them, but simply because the laws them- 
 selves as interpreted by the courts do not reach the diffi- 
 culty. If the insufficiencies of existing laws can be reme- 
 died by further legislation, it should be done. The fact 
 must be recognized, however, that all Federal legislation on 
 this subject may fall short of its purpose because of mherent 
 obstacles and also because of the complex character of our 
 governmental system, which, while making the Federal au- 
 thority supreme within its sphere, has carefully limited that 
 sphere by metes and bounds that can not be transgressed. 
 The decision of our highest court on this precise question 
 renders it quite doubtful whether the evils of trusts and 
 monopolies can be adequately treated through Federal action 
 unless they seek directly and purposely to include in their 
 objects transportation or intercourse between States or be- 
 tween the United States and foreign countries. 
 
 It does not follew, however, that this is the limit of the 
 remedy that may be applied. Even though it may be found 
 
 391 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 that Federal authority is not broad enough to fully reach 
 the case, there can be no doubt of the power of the several 
 States to act effectively in the premises, and there should 
 be no reason to doubt their willingness to judiciously exer- 
 cise such power. 
 
 In concluding this communication its last words shall be 
 an appeal to the Congress for the most rigid economy in the 
 expenditure of the money it holds in trust for the people. 
 The way to perplexing extravagance is easy, but a return to 
 frugality is difficult. When, however, it is considered that 
 those who bear the burdens of taxation have no guaranty of 
 honest care save in the fidelity of their public servants, the 
 duty of all possible retrenchment is plainly manifest. 
 
 When our differences are forgotten and our contests of 
 political opinion are no longer remembered, nothing in the 
 retrospect of our public service will be as fortunate and 
 comforting as the recollection of official duty well performed 
 and the memory of a constant devotion to the interests of our 
 confiding fellow-countrymen. 
 
 [Message on Arbitration Treaty bettveen United 
 States and Great Britain, Washington, 
 D. C, Januarif 11, 1897.} 
 
 To the Senate: I transmit herewith a treaty for the arbi- 
 tration of all matters in dilTfreiice between the United States 
 and Great Britain. 
 
 The provisions of the treaty are the result of long and 
 patient deliberation and represent concessions made by each 
 part for the sake of agreement upon the general sciieme. 
 
 Though the result reached may not meet the views of tlie 
 advocates of immediate, unlimited, and irrevocable arbitra- 
 tion of all international controversies, it is nevertheless eon- 
 
 Si)2 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 fidentlv believed that the treaty can not fail to be everywhere 
 recognized as making a long step in the right direction and 
 as embodying a practical working plan by which disputes 
 between the tAvo countries will reach a peaceful adjustment 
 as matter of course and in ordinary routine. 
 
 In the initiation of such an important movement it must 
 be expected that some of its features will assume a tentative 
 character looking to a further advance, and yet it is appar- 
 ent that the treaty which has been formulated not only makes 
 war between the parties to it a remote possibility, but pre- 
 cludes those fears and rumors of war which of themselves 
 too often assume the proportions of national disaster. 
 
 It is eminently fitting as well as fortunate that the at- 
 tempts to accomplish results so beneficent should be initiated 
 by kindred peoples, speaking the same tongue and joined 
 together by all the ties of common traditions, common insti- 
 tutions, and common aspirations. The experiment of sub- 
 stituting civilized methods for brute force as the means of 
 settling international questions of right will thus be tried 
 under the happiest auspices. Its success ought not to be 
 doubtful, and the fact that its ultimate ensuing benefits are 
 not likely to be limited to the two countries immediately con- 
 cerned should cause it to be promoted all the more eagerly. 
 The examples set and the lesson furnished by the success- 
 ful operation of this treaty are sure to be felt and taken 
 to heart sooner or later by other nations, and will thus mark 
 the beginning of a new epoch in civilization. 
 
 Profoundly impressed as I am, therefore, by the promise 
 of transcendent good which this treaty affords, I do not 
 hesitate to accompany its transmission with an expression 
 of my earnest hope that it may commend itself to the favor- 
 able consideration of the Senate. 
 
 393 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 IFrovi Address at the Semicentennial Anni- 
 versary of the 'Nezv York Academy of 
 Medicine, Carnegie Hall, New York City, 
 January ^9, 1897.'] 
 
 We begin by conceding most heartily, and without the 
 least reservation, the learning and skill of those now con- 
 stituting the medical profession, and the M'onderful advance 
 that has been made through their untiring labors and inves- 
 tigations in the alleviation of human suffering and the sav- 
 ing of human life. 
 
 It may be that this seems to you an acknowledgment so 
 much your due as to be hardly worth making. You should, 
 however, value it because it is sincerely made by those who 
 M'cre not born yesterday, but who hold in lasting and tender 
 memory the ministrations of the village doctor of fifty years 
 ago and are now the living moninnents of his faithful care! 
 He, too, alleviated sufiering and saved human life. We know 
 that it was not given to him to see the bright lights that 
 now mark the path of medicine and surgery, but you cannot 
 convince us that he groped entirely iji the dark. We remem- 
 ber without abhorrence his ever-ready lancet and the scars 
 of his blood-letting found in every household, ^^'e endure 
 with complacency the recollection of his awful medicine- 
 case, containing bottles, jjowders and ])ills whicli, wliatever 
 might be thought of them now, seemed then to be sufhi-ient 
 for all emergencies, to say nothing of the tootii-pulling tools 
 and other shiver-breeding instruments sometimes exj)osed to 
 view. If lie was ignorant of many of the remedies and 
 .•ip))lianees now in use, he in a large measure supplied the 
 deiiciency by h.-ird-ln-aded judgment, well-observed experi- 
 ence and careful nursing. Besides, it was in his favor that 
 lie did not hive to l)other his head witli many of the newly 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 invented and refined diseases that afflict mankind to-day. 
 He had no allotted hours for his patients, but was always 
 on duty, and we knew the sound of his gig as it rattled past 
 in the night. 
 
 Your ways are better than his ; but we desire you to re- 
 gard this admission as all the more valuable because it is 
 carved out of our loyalty to our old village doctor, who 
 brought us through the diseases of childhood without re- 
 lapse; who saved from death our parents and our brothers 
 and our sisters in many a hard combat with illness, and who, 
 when vanquished and forced to surrender, was present in the 
 last scene to close the eyes of his dying patient and sympa- 
 thize with tliose who wept. 
 
 I hasten to say that we do not for a moment suppose that 
 advancement in the science of medicine and surgery has 
 smothered the faithfulness and tender consideration which 
 characterized the practitioner of former days. If we seek 
 charitable service to the sick and sujffering, a noble appre- 
 ciation of obligation to humanity and self-abnegation in the 
 discharge of professional duty, we must look for them 
 among our physicians and surgeons of to-day. 
 
 [^From Address at the Banquet of the Reform 
 Club, Hotel Waldorf, New York, April 24, 
 1897.'] 
 
 We are gathered here to-night as patriotic citizens, anx- 
 ious to do something toward reinstating prosperity to our 
 fellow-countrymen and protecting the fair fame of our 
 nation against shame and scandal. On every side we are 
 confronted with popular depression and complaint. These 
 are largely due to causes of natural and certain recurrence, 
 as the inevitable accompaniment of all human endeavor, and 
 
 Sd5 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 perhaps they are as largely due to the work of agitators and 
 demagogues who have busily sowed the seeds of discontent, 
 in order tliat in the harvest they may reap personal advan- 
 tage. Distressing ills, real and imaginary, have been so 
 constantly and luridly presented to the minds of honest men 
 that they are tempted to accept, without taking counsel of 
 reason or judgment, any nostrum cunningly offered as a 
 remedy for tlieir low condition. But even so promising a 
 field as this has not satisfied the designs of ruthless agi- 
 tators. While scattering the seeds of discontent, they have 
 also cultivated a growth of sectional and class suspicion and 
 distrust whicli threatens to choke or destroy that fraternal 
 feeling wliicli leads to considerate counsel in the day of 
 common misfortune, and which is absolutely essential to the 
 success of our plan of government. 
 
 The fundamental truth that our free institutions offer 
 opportunities to all within their influence for the advance- 
 ment and improvement of their condition has been so far 
 denied that honest accumulation is called a crime, and the 
 necessity and habit of individual effort and struggle, whicli 
 are the mainsprings of sturdy Americanism, are decried as 
 imjustifiable burdens, while unwholesome paternalism is pre- 
 sented in Ijandsome and inviting garb. Those enlisted in 
 this crusade of discontent and passion, proclaiming tliem- 
 sclves the friends of the pcojile, exclude from that list all 
 their countrymen except those most unfortunate or inirea- 
 sonable, and those whom tliey themselves have made the most 
 discontented and credulous. 
 
 These forces and conditions ha\e for years with greater 
 or less distinctness hovered about our National life, lacking 
 effective organization and concentration, neglected by those 
 who deprecated their existence and unheeded even by those 
 who partially appreciated their dangerous tendency. In the 
 nir:inliiiu' tlurc liis laid in wait btliind tlieui all an impa- 
 liciit j)()\vt r, ri ady U) marshal them in cflfcctivc activity, 
 
 306 
 
OF GROVE R CLEVELAND 
 
 when depression, misfortune, neglect and passion had done 
 their -work. This power, born of sordid greed and main- 
 tained by selfish interest and partisan ambition, has at last 
 assumed command, and has largely recruited its waiting 
 forces by inflaming those inclined to be patient with talks 
 of an ancient crime against their rights to be avenged, by 
 encouraging the restless and turbulent with hints of greater 
 license, and by offering to the poor as a smooth road to 
 wealth, and to those in debt as a plan for easy payment, 
 and to those who from any cause are unfortunate and dis- 
 couraged, as a remedy for all their ills, the free and unlim- 
 ited and independent coinage of silver at the rate of l6 to 1, 
 with a depreciated currency and cheap money. 
 
 It was a rude awakening for the negligent and overcon- 
 fident, and a day of terror for sober and patriotic men, when 
 the bold promoters of this reckless creed captured the organ- 
 ization of a powerful political party, and, seizing its banners, 
 shouted defiance to the astonished conscience and conserva- 
 tism of the country. Hosts of honest men, in blind loyalty, 
 gathered behind the party flag they had been accustomed to 
 follow, failing to discover that their party legends had been 
 effaced. None can forget the doubt and fear of that boister- 
 ous and passionate campaign, when the fate of the Nation 
 seemed in the balance. The danger of the situation arose 
 from the hasty impulse of those whose misfortunes had been 
 cruelly played upon, and from the enthusiasm of unquestion- 
 ing, thoughtless party fealty. The deliverance came through 
 the action of those who saw the trick, and loved the princi- 
 ples of their party too well to follow its stolen banners in 
 an attack ujDon those National safeguards which party as 
 well as patriotism should at all times defend. 
 
 I do not fear that I shall be accused of sinister designs, 
 unfitted to the atmosphere of this occasion, if I insist that 
 the paths of duty and the best hope of safety lie in an 
 immediate and earnest attempt to accomplish the rehabil- 
 
 397 
 
ADDRESSES AND TAPERS 
 
 itation and regeneration of the Democratic party and its 
 return to the principles of true Democracy. In a large 
 part of the country, where financial error is most gen- 
 eral, the democratic name can best arouse the political senti- 
 ment of the people; and there, as everywhere in our land, 
 the people can be trusted to arrive at a correct conclusion if 
 they have adequate opportunity for examination and infor- 
 mation. Let us devise means to break through the influence 
 of the miscliievous leadership that surrounds them and 
 witliout arrogantly assuming that no wrongs or hardships 
 afflict them, and that no reforms in their condition are needed, 
 let us meet our countrymen face to face in argument and 
 counsel. We shall find in every locality able, heroic men, 
 willing to struggle against the lido of misconception. Let 
 us hold up their hands by organized effort and timely assist- 
 ance. Let true Democrats meet the passion and bitterness 
 of their former associates who have assumed the leadership 
 cf anti-Democratic wanderings, with firm cxpostulitions, re- 
 minding them that Democratic convictions and Democratic 
 conscience cannot be forced to follow false lights, however 
 held aloft; and let us at the same time entreat them in the 
 name of honorable political comradeship and in the memory 
 of glorious victories won by a united Democracy to turn 
 from the way that leads to j^arty defeat and destruction. 
 
 The task is not an easy one, but surely it is not hopeless. 
 The better we appreciate its magnitude the less M-ill be the 
 danger of inefTcctive and misguided effort. The work has 
 already been inaugurated by the creation of an organization, 
 founded upon a declaration of Deniocratic principles so 
 sound, so clear and so patriotic, that they should rally to 
 their support every true Democrat and supply an inspiration 
 forbidding defeat. With such a beginning, and with the 
 incentive to zealous effort which the transcendent impor- 
 t.'in(<' of our case affords, \vr should confidently look to the 
 .•ij)|ir().i( liiiig dawn wlien true Democracy, " redeemed, re- 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 generated and disenthralled," will bring us peace and Na- 
 tional safety. But if relief under the restored flag of true 
 Democracy is late in coming, we will not despair, but will 
 remember that a just cause is never lost; and on our camp- 
 ing ground we will work and wait, with approving con- 
 science and constant faith declaring like the sturdy old im- 
 recanting German reformers: " Here we stand — we cannot 
 do otherwise — God help us ! " 
 
 IFrom Address on Commemoration Day at 
 Princeton University, Princeton, N. J., 
 October 2A, 1897.] 
 
 Mr. President and Ladies and Gentlemen: In the few 
 words I shall speak to-day there will be no attempt to lead 
 you into untrodden fields of thought or point out new truths. 
 I not only believe that if I should enter upon such an under- 
 taking I would be guilty of bold presumption, but it seems 
 to me we can quite as profitably improve the time we spend 
 together in renewing our acquaintance with some old truths 
 and recalling their relationship to human life and effort. In 
 following this suggestion we shall manifestly find it easier 
 if we start from familiar ground, and take our departure 
 from some well-known landmark. With this introduction I 
 hope I may be tolerated in the announcement that I propose 
 to submit on this occasion some simple reflections concerning 
 the self-made man. There has been so much said of him 
 at random, and he has been so often presented as an alto- 
 gether wonderful being, that it is not strange if there exists 
 in some quarters an entire misapprehension of the manner 
 of his creation and an exaggerated idea of his nature and 
 mission. A romantic and sentimental glamour has envel- 
 oped him, magnifying his proportions and causing him to 
 
 399 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 appear much larger and in every way greater than other 
 men; and the notion seems to be current that his size and 
 greatness are the direct results of the frowns of fortune 
 which deprived him of educational advantages and doomed 
 him to travel to success by a road rugged with obstacles 
 and difficulties. 
 
 Of course, in this view success is a necessary factor in the 
 existence of this self-made man; for, unless he accomplishes 
 something not altogether commonj^lace and usual, he is 
 deemed unworthy of the name. Indeed, it ought not to sur- 
 prise us to find that success alone, if reached after a fierce 
 struggle with difficulties and disadvantages, should lead by 
 familiarity and easy association to a sort of liazy concc]ition 
 that these difficulties and disadvantages were not merely in- 
 cidents, but positive aids to such success. 
 
 I desire here explicitly and emphatically to express my 
 respect and admiration for those wlio have won honorable 
 success in spite of discouraging surroundings, and who have 
 made themselves great and useful in their day and generation 
 through tlie sheer force of indomitable will and courage. 
 Nothing can be more noble and heroic tlian their struggles, 
 and nothing can be more inspiring and valuable than their 
 example and achievements, and whatever may be their meas- 
 ure of success, their willingness to undergo hardships to win 
 it demonstrates that they have in tlieir nature the fibre and 
 lasting qualities that make strong men. But while we thus 
 pay a deserved tribute to true manliness, we by no means 
 admit the fanciful notion that the difficulties that stood in 
 the way of these self-made men were essential to their suc- 
 cess. They were obstacles wliich they overcime, and thus 
 won distinelion and lionor. 
 
 The trutli is, the merit of the successful man who h.is 
 struggled witli difficulties and disadvantages, must be judged 
 by the kind of success he has achieved, by the use he makes 
 of it, and by its cfTect upon his character and life. If his 
 
 •iOG 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 success is clean and wholesome, if he uses it to make his fel- 
 lows better and happier, and if he faithfully responds to all 
 the obligations of a Mberal, public spirited and useful citizen, 
 his struggles should add immensely to the honor and con- 
 sideration he deserves. If, on the other hand, his success 
 is of the grasping, sordid kind; if he clutches it closely for 
 his selfish gratification, and if with success he's bankrupt 
 in character, sordidly mean, useless as a citizen, or of evil 
 influence in his relations with his fellow-men, his struggles 
 should not save him from contempt. Those included in 
 either of these classes may, in the ordinary acceptation, be 
 termed self-made men ; but it is quite evident that there are 
 so-called self-made men not worth the making. Let us ex- 
 clude these from further consideration. 
 
 [Letter read at the Joseph Jefferson Dinner, 
 New York, March 29, 1898.'] 
 
 My Dear Mr. Gilder: I am very sorry that I cannot be 
 present on the 29th inst. at the dinner in honor of Mr. Jef- 
 ferson, to which you invite me. The honored guest of this 
 occasion is amply entitled to the love and respect of his 
 countrymen because of the kindly way in which he has 
 bestowed his genius and skill among them, for their im- 
 provement and amusement; but he is not less entitled to 
 their love and respect for the thoroughly American manner 
 of his life and for his characteristic triumph over early 
 obstacles and difficulties. 
 
 Since I came to know him as a most agreeable neighbor, 
 and have thus learned his qualities as a good citizen, a genial 
 and thoughtful friend, and a cultivated and refined man, it 
 has often seemed to rae that those who only admire ]\Ir. 
 
 401 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 Jefferson as a rare and accomplished actor miss much that 
 should immensely increase their admiration. 
 
 But whether we know him as the actor or the friend, all 
 wish that many years may be added to his useful and kindly 
 life. 
 
 [Letter to A. H. Eastmond, Esq., read at the 
 Brooklyn Democratic Club Dinner, Argyle 
 Hotel, Brooklyn, N. ¥., April 16, 1808.^ 
 
 Dear Sir: I have received your letter asking for a word 
 of encoura<i^cment and sympathy, to be read at the dinner 
 to be given by the Brooklyn Democratic Club, when, as you 
 say, it will " proclaim anew its faith in the old Democratic 
 principles." 
 
 I am far from assuming that the repetition of my belief 
 that a strict adherence to those principles in their unadulter- 
 ated strength and integrity constitutes the best hope for 
 National safety, and the only hope for Democratic party 
 success, can exert an important influence in present con- 
 ditions. 
 
 I am, however, so deeply interested in every effort tend- 
 ing toward the restoration of the integrity of our party, and 
 its reinstatement in popular confidence, that I cannot refrain 
 from expressing tlie hojie tliat tlie occasion contemplated by 
 }C)nr club mav usefully contribute to this result. 
 
 The Democratic party hns a history too grand, a cause too 
 glorious, a mission too exalted, and triumjilis too inspiring, 
 to jxTuiit in tliis time of proiniM- and coutidence its sub- 
 iiu-rgcncc beneath a new, strange and un-Dcinocratic combi- 
 nation. 
 
 402 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 [From Founder's Day Address at the Law- 
 renceville School, Lawrenceville, N. J., 
 June 21, 1898.] 
 
 American citizenship means more tlian any other citizen- 
 sliip — not only because it lives and flourishes beneath the 
 protection of the freest and best institutions in the world, 
 but because it has the perpetuity and success of those insti- 
 tutions absolutely in its keeping and control. Our Govern- 
 ment is not and never was in outside proprietorship, which 
 could determine or set limits to our right of occupancy. 
 American citizenship has built its own habitation, and is the 
 tenant of no superior. It must, however, be plainly appar- 
 ent that this independence in the enjoj^ment of privileges 
 is not all that is involved in our relations to the Govern- 
 ment we proudly call our own. As one who is the owner 
 of the house in which he lives cannot look to another 
 for its care and preservation, so American citizenship as- 
 sumes the responsibility of maintaining, unaltered and unim- 
 paired, the Government which shelters it and which has thus 
 far been its protection against wind and storm. A just 
 apprehension of the seriousness of this responsibility is the 
 test of true American citizenship. 
 
 The existence of the highest type of American citizenship 
 depends largely, of course, ujion the cultivation of the best 
 and most patriotic sentiment among our people. It is never- 
 theless true that it depends to an equal if not greater degree 
 upon a constant steadiness of sound American judgment 
 and an uncomioromising ability among our citizens to resist 
 temptation. The American people are tempted every day 
 and every hour to abandon their accustomed way and enter 
 upon a course of new and strange adventure. Never before 
 in our history have we been beset with temptations so dan- 
 
 403 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 gerous as those which now whisper in our cars alluring 
 words of conquests and expansion, and point out to us fields 
 bright with the glory of war. 
 
 At the outset I beg you never to harbor the thought that 
 an active participation in political affairs is inconsistent 
 with the largest possible degree of culture and education. 
 Do not fail to gain by study and reflection a just appre- 
 hension of the purposes and objects for which our Govern- 
 ment was established, to the end that you may detect any 
 proposed deijarture from such purposes and objects, and be 
 able to form an opinion as to its justification or desirability. 
 You will probably be led by your study and reflection to 
 the conclusion that our Government was formed for the 
 express purpose of creating in a new world a new nation, 
 the formation of which should be man's self-government, 
 whose safety and prosperity should be secure in its absolute 
 freedom from Old World comjilications, and in its renun- 
 ciation of all schemes of foreign conquest, and whose mis- 
 sion should be the subjection of civilization and industrial 
 occupation of the vast domain on which it has taken root. 
 
 In our present predicament of war we need have no fear 
 that American courage in battle will fail to bring us victory. 
 But I pray you not to forget that when the clash of arms is 
 stilled, and the courage of the soldier has done its work, we 
 shall greatly need, in dealing with the problems that will 
 then confront us, a steady and uncompromising moral cour- 
 age, which, unmoved by clamor and undisturbed by the ex- 
 citement of triumph, will demand the things that true Amer- 
 ican citizenship decrees to be right and just and safe. 
 
 404 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 [Letter to Gustav H. Schwab, Esq., read at the 
 Carl Schurz Dinner, Delmonico's, New 
 York, March 2, 1899.1 
 
 My Dear Sir: I regret exceedingly that I cannot promise 
 myself the pleasure of participating in the celebration of 
 Mr. Schurz 's seventieth birthday. I find that an engage- 
 ment which I had hoped might be postponed, will prevent 
 my attendance. 
 
 My disappointment is measured by the extreme gratifica- 
 tion it would afford me to contribute my testimony to the 
 volume that will be presented on the occasion you have 
 arranged, in grateful support of Mr. Schurz's usefulness 
 and patriotic citizenship. 
 
 His life and career teach lessons that cannot be too often 
 or too impressively emphasized. They illustrate the moral 
 grandeur of disinterested public service, and the nobility 
 of a fearless advocacy of the things that are right and just 
 and safe. It will be a sad day for our country when, in the 
 light of such an example, our people refuse to see the best 
 statesmanship in steadfast adherence to conscience and hon- 
 esty, in storm as well as in sunshine. 
 
 I believe that the most confident hope of the permanency 
 and continued beneficence of our free institutions rests upon 
 the cultivation by those intrusted with public duty, and 
 among the ranks of our countrymen, of the trusts whicli have 
 distinguished the man whom you propose to honor. 
 
 405 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 [Letter to Rev. G. II. Ilepicorth, Buzzard's 
 Ba2j, Mass., August 26, 1000.] 
 
 My Dear Mr. Hepworth: Your letter is received. I am 
 quite sure you wrongly estimate the value of any expression 
 I might make concerning the political situation. 
 
 Besides, I am by no means free from the perplexity 
 which now afflicts thousands of those who love the princi- 
 ples of true Democracy. In tliese circumstances I am not 
 inclined to advise others as to their present political duty. 
 A crisis has arisen when cacli man's conscience and in- 
 formed patriotic sense should be his guide. 
 
 Inasmuch, therefore, as neither the certainty of my abil- 
 ity to rightly advise nor any call of obligation prompts me 
 to discuss political conditions, I think I ought to be per- 
 mitted, in my retirement to avoid tlie irritation and abuse 
 which my interference at this time would inevitably invite. 
 
 lFro7?i jiddrcss at the Holland Socicti/ Din tier, 
 W^aldorf-^istoria, A^'rtc Vork, January 17, 
 1901.] 
 
 The cordial wcleojne you extend to me is exceedingly 
 grateful and comforting, for it gives me a grain of satis- 
 faction in the ordeal that confronts me. I am convinced 
 that llie art of making an afUr-diuner speedi without dis- 
 tress is for me a sealed book, and as the years pass I am only 
 saved from comj)lcte wretchedness in my efforts in that 
 direction bv the kindness and toleration t)f those who are 
 good etioiigli to listen to me. I cannot resiiit the charge 
 tliat I am apt to preach a sermon on oceasit)ns of tliis kind; 
 for 1 am afraid this accusation is justified. It has been 
 
 406 
 
 4 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 my lot to be much on the sober side of life and to feel the 
 pressure of great responsibilities. Besides, I believe it 
 sometimes hapjoens that an excess of light-hearted gayety 
 creates a condition of popular thought and impulse that 
 ma}'^ profitably be steadied by sedate suggestions and the 
 expression of conservative sentiment — even though it may 
 be called sermonizing. 
 
 At any rate, I am quite willing to take an humble place 
 among the sermonizers, in this time of headlong National 
 heedlessness, and to invoke the cultivation and saving grace 
 of Dutch conservatism. This is the kind of conservatism 
 that counts the cost, but for the sake of principle and 
 freedom will disregard the cost; that lays out a voyage by 
 chart and compass and follows chart and compass to the 
 end; that loves the liberty and national happiness which 
 rest upon tried and sure foundations; that teaches rever- 
 ence for national traditions and encourages the people's 
 satisfaction with their country's mission. It is the kind of 
 conservatism in which our Constitution had its birth, and 
 which has thus far been the source of our Nation's safety 
 and strength — the conservatism of justice, of honor, of hon- 
 esty, of industry, of frugality and of contented homes. 
 
 [On hearing of the Death of Ex-President 
 Harrison, Princeton, N. J., March 13, 1901.'] 
 
 I am exceedingly moved by the sad intelligence of Mr. 
 Harrison's death, for, notwithstanding the late discourag- 
 ing reports for his condition, I hoped his life might yet be 
 spared. Not one of our countrymen should for a moment 
 fail to realize the services which have been performed in 
 their behalf by the distinguished dead. In high public 
 office he was guided by patriotism and devotion to duty, 
 
 407 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 often at the sacrifice of temporary popularity, and in pri- 
 vate station his influence and example were always in the 
 direction of decency and good citizenship. Such a career 
 and the incidents related to it should leave a deep and 
 useful impression upon every selection of our national life. 
 
 [From First Lecture on the Venezuela Bound- 
 ary Dispute, Princeton, N. J., May 27, 
 
 In 1876, thirty-two years after the discontinuance of 
 efiforts on the part of Great Britain and Venezuela to fix 
 by agreement a line which should divide their possessions, 
 Venezuela was confronted, upon the renewal of negotiations 
 for that purpose, by the following conditions : 
 
 A line proposed by her, founded upon her conception of strict right, 
 which her powertul opjxjnent had insisted could not in any way be 
 plausibly supported, and which tlierefore she would in no event accept. 
 
 Au iiidefiniteuess in the limits claimed by Great Britain, so great that 
 of two boundary lines indicated or suggested by her one had been plainly 
 declared to be "merely a preliminary measure o{)en to future distussiou 
 between the governments of Great BriUiin and Venezuela, and the other 
 was distinctly claimed to t>e based upon generous concessions and a 
 "desire to avoid all cause of serious controversies between the two 
 countries." 
 
 A controversy growing out of this situation impossible of friendly 
 settlement except by suth arrangement and acc».)nimodation as would 
 be satisfactory to Great Britain, or by submission of the dispute to 
 arbitnition. 
 
 .\ constant danger of such an extension of settlements in the disputed 
 territory as would necessarily complicate the situation, and funiish a 
 convenient pretext for the refusal of any concession respecting the lands 
 containing .such .settlements. 
 
 .\ continual profession on the part of Great Britain of her present readi- 
 ness to make Ix-m-volent conee.ssions, and of her \villingnc>ss to co-operate 
 in a s|jeedy adjustment, while not substantially reducing her pretensions, 
 and certainly not attempting in u conspicuous manner to hasten negotia- 
 tions to a conclusion. 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 A tremendous disparity in power and strength between Venezuela and 
 her adversary, which gave her no hope, in case the extremity of force 
 or war was reached, or defending her territory or preventing its annexa- 
 tion to the possessions of Great Britain. 
 
 It was in 1876 that Venezuela appealed to the United 
 States, begging our Government " to give the subject its kind 
 consideration and take an interest in having due justice 
 done to Venezuela." This appears to be the first communi- 
 cation addressed to our Government on the subject of a con- 
 troversy in which we afterward became very seriously con- 
 cerned. 
 
 England alone had treated the territory as part of British 
 Guiana; her immense power had enabled her to do this, and 
 her own decrees seemed to promise greater advantages as 
 against her weak adversary than arbitration could possibly 
 assure. 
 
 The British Government at one time offered a plan of 
 arbitration which did not cover the entire disputed terri- 
 tory, but never consented to arbitration such as proposed 
 by Venezuela, and which would include the entire territory 
 in dispute. 
 
 Here [September, 1893] closed a period in this dispute, 
 iifty-two years in duration, vexed with agitation, and per- 
 turbed by irritating and repeated failures to reach a peace- 
 ful adjustment. Instead of progress in the direction of a 
 settlement of their boundaries, the contestants could only 
 contemplate, as results of their action, increased obstacles 
 to fair discussion, intensified feelings of injury, extended 
 assertion of title, ruthless appropriation of the territory in 
 controversy, and an unhealed breach in diplomatic relations. 
 
 400 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 [Fj'oiji Second Lecture on the Venezuela Bound- 
 ary Dispute, Princeton^ N. J., May 28, 
 1901.] 
 
 It now [1893] became plainly apparent that a new stage 
 liad been reached in the progress of our intervention, and 
 tliat tlie ominous happenings of a few months had liastened 
 the day when we were challenged to take our exact bearings, 
 lest we should miss the course of honor and national duty. 
 The more direct tone that had been given to our dispatches 
 concerning the dispute, our more insistent and emphatic sug- 
 gestion of arbitration, the serious reference to the subject in 
 the President's message, the significant resolution passed by 
 Congress earnestly recommending arbitration, all portended 
 a growth of conviction on tlic jiart of our Government con- 
 cerning this controversy, which grew to pronounced disap- 
 pointment and anxiety when Great Britain, concurrently 
 with these apprising incidents, repeated in direct and posi- 
 tive terms her refusal to submit to arbitration except on 
 condition tliat a portion of the disputed territory which 
 Venezuela had always claimed to be hers sliould at tlu- out- 
 set be irrevocably conceded to England. 
 
 Recreancy to a principle so fundamentally American as 
 the Monroe Doctrine on the part of those charged with the 
 administration of cur Government was, of course, out of the 
 question. Inasnmch, tliereforc, as all our efforts to avoid 
 its assertion had miscarried, tlicre was nothing left for us 
 to do, consistently with n.ition.il lionor, but to take the j)lace 
 of Venezuela in tlie controversy, so far as that was necessary 
 in vindie.itiun of our American doctrine. Our mild and 
 amiable proffers of good ()rti««s, .•iiul the ho})es we indulged 
 
 410 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 that at last they might be the means of securing to a weak 
 sister republic peace and justice, and to ourselves immunity 
 from sterner interposition, were not suited to the new emer- 
 gency. In our advanced position sympathy for Venezuela 
 and solicitude for her distressed condition were no longer 
 to be the motive power of our conduct, but were to give way 
 to the duty and obligation to protect our own national rights. 
 
 In 1895 Mr. Olney, at the suggestion of the President, 
 began, with characteristic energy and vigor, to make prepa- 
 ration for the decisive step which it seemed to our Govern- 
 ment could not longer be delayed. 
 
 Whatever our beliefs or convictions might be, as derived 
 from the examination we had thus far given the case, and 
 however strongly we might be persuaded that Great Brit- 
 ain's pretensions, if allowed, must result in such European 
 colonization as would violate the Monroe doctrine, it would 
 nevertheless have been manifestly improper and heedless on 
 our part to find conclusively against Great Britain, before 
 soliciting her again and in new circumstances to give us an 
 opportunity to judge of the merits of her claims through 
 her submission of them to arbitration. 
 
 I\Iy o^vn surprise and disappointment have arisen more 
 from the honest misunderstanding and the dishonest and 
 insincere misrepresentation on the part of many of our people 
 regarding the motives and purposes of the interference of 
 the Government of the United States in this affair. 
 
 I hope tliere are but few of our fellow-citizens who, in 
 their retrospects, do not now acknowledge the good that has 
 come to our nation through this episode in our history. It 
 has established the Monroe doctrine on lasting foundations 
 before the eyes of the world; it has given us a better place 
 
 411 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 in the respect and consideration of the people of all nations, 
 and especially of Great Britain ; it has again confirmed our 
 confidence in the overwhelming prevalence among our citi- 
 zens of disinterested devotion to American honor, and last, 
 but by no means least, it has taught us where to look in the 
 ranks of our countrymen for the best patriotism. 
 
 [Address at the McKinley Memorial Services, 
 Alexander Hall, Princeton, N. J., Septem- 
 ber IS, 1001.] 
 
 To-day the grave closes over tlie dead body of the man 
 but lately chosen by the peojile of tlie United States from 
 among their number to represent their nationality, preserve, 
 protect and defend their Constitution, to faithfully execute 
 the laws ordained for their welfare and to safely hold and 
 keep the honor and integrity of the republic. His time of 
 service is ended, not by tlie lai)se of time, but by the tragedy 
 of assassination. He has passed from the public sight, not 
 joyously bearing the garlands and wreaths of his country- 
 men's approving acclaim, but amid tlie sobs and tears of 
 a mourning nation. He has gone to liis home, not the habi- 
 tation of earthly ])eace and quiet night, with domestic com- 
 fort and joy, but to the dark and narrow home appointed 
 for all the sons of men and there to rest until the morning 
 light of tile resurr«'etion shall gleam in the east. 
 
 All our j)roj)le loved thrir dead President. His kindly 
 nature and lovable traits of character and liis amiable con- 
 sideration for all about liim will long live in the minds and 
 liearts of his countrymen. He loved them in return with 
 .such patriotism and unseUisiiiRss that in this iiour of their 
 grief and laiiiiiliatioii he would say to them: " It is (iod's 
 will; I am content. If there is a leh.son in my life or death, 
 
 412 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 let it be taught to those who still live and have the destiny of 
 their country in their keeping." Let us, then, as our dead 
 is buried out of our sight, seek for the lessons and the admo- 
 nitions that may be suggested by the life and death which 
 constitute our theme. 
 
 First in my thoughts are the lessons to be learned from 
 the career of William McKinley by the young men who 
 make up the student body of our university. These lessons 
 are not obscure or difficult. They teach the value of study 
 and mental training, but they teach more impressively that 
 the road to usefulness and to the only success worth having 
 will be missed or lost except it is sought and kept by the 
 light of those qualities of the heart, which it is sometimes 
 supposed may safely be neglected or subordinated in uni- 
 versity surroundings. This is a great mistake. Study and 
 study hard, but never let the thought enter your mind that 
 study alone or the greatest possible accumulation of learn- 
 ing alone will lead you to the heights of usefulness and 
 success. 
 
 The man who is universally mourned to-day achieved the 
 highest distinction which his great country can confer on any 
 man, and he lived a useful life. He was not deficient in 
 education, but with all you will hear of his grand career 
 and his services to his country and to his fellow-citizens, 
 you will not hear that the high plane he reached or what 
 he accomplished was due entirely to his education. You will 
 instead constantly hear as accounting for his great success 
 that he was obedient and affectionate as a son, patriotic and 
 faithful as a soldier, honest and upright as a citizen, tender 
 and devoted as a husband, and truthful, generous, unselfisli, 
 moral and clean in every relation of life. He never thouglit 
 any of those things too weak for his manliness. ]\Iake no 
 mistake. Here was a most distinguished man, a great man, 
 a useful man — who became distinguished, great and useful 
 because he had, and retained unimpaired, qualities of heart 
 
 413 
 
ADDRESSES AND TAPERS 
 
 which I fear university students sometimes feel like keeping 
 in the background or abandoning. 
 
 There is' a most serious lesson for all of us in the tragedy 
 of our late President's death. The sliock of it is so great 
 tliat it is hard at this time to read tins lesson calmly. We 
 can hardly fail to see, however, behind the bloody deed of 
 the assassin, horrible figures and faces from which it will 
 not do to turn away. If we are to escape further attack 
 upon our peace and security, we must boldly and reso- 
 lutely grapple with the monster of anarcliy. It is not a 
 thing that we can safely leave to be dealt with by party or 
 partisanship. Nothing can guarantee us against its menace 
 except tlie teaching and the practice of the best citizenship, 
 the exposure of the ends and aims of the gospel of discon- 
 tent and hatred of social order, and the brave enactment 
 and execution of repressive laws. 
 
 The imiversities and colleges cannot refuse to join in the 
 battle against the tendencies of anarchy. Their help in 
 discovering and warring against the relationship between 
 the vicious councils and deeds of blood, and their steadying 
 influence upon the elements of unrest, cannot fail to be of 
 inestimable value. 
 
 By the memorj' of our murdered President, let us resolve 
 to cultivate and preserve the qualities that made him great 
 and useful, and let us determine to meet any call of patriotic 
 V duty in any time of our country's danger and need. 
 
 l^From Founder's Day .iddrcss at the Carnegie 
 Institute, Pittsburg, Fa., Xovcviher 7, 
 
 IDOL] 
 
 Ladies and Gentlemen : Whin I yielded to the persuasive 
 request of the founder of the Carnegie Institute and con- 
 sented to a))pe,ir lierc today nnd address you I waived a 
 
 lit 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 resolution I liad deliberately made to do all I could by 
 resisting such persuasion, to bring about my retirement from 
 service as a speaker on occasions like this. I found it im- 
 possible to escape the conviction that something had been 
 done in this city by your founder which demonstrated such 
 generosity and such disinterested public spirit that no good 
 citizen should refuse to respond when called on to testify 
 in recognition and appreciation of his noble work. 
 
 A most impressive exhibition is here laid before us of the 
 immense accomplishments of patient, persistent work and 
 intelligent industrial enterprise; and by their side are seen 
 splendid evidences of the free dedication of millions of the 
 wealth gained as a reward of such work and enterprise 
 to the education, the improvement and the elevation of the 
 people without distinction or discrimination. The real 
 impressiveness of this exhibition, however, consists in the 
 fact that the hands and brain and heart of one man may 
 have done substantially all this — thus demonstrating how 
 surely in this land of ours the greatest material success 
 in business follows industry and resolute effort, and at the 
 same time suggesting that such success and the accumu- 
 lation or possession of a large fortune, create obligations 
 of beneficence which ought to be neither forgotten nor 
 neglected. In point of fact the career of Andrew Car- 
 negie and what he has done for himself and given to others 
 constitute a most valuable object lesson, illustrating all the 
 opportunities our country profusely offers, the invincibility 
 of well-directed endeavors and the meaning of American 
 good citizenship. 
 
 415 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 [Fro7n Address at the Pierce School of Business, 
 Academy of Music, Philadelphia, Pa., De- 
 cember 21, 1901.] 
 
 It is good to start out in life with the idea firmly in one's 
 mind that the world owes you a living. Of course, you are 
 not to give this the highwayman's meaning nor act upon it 
 in a highwayman fashion. Neither should the proposition 
 that the world owes you a living be construed as giving 
 license for all sorts of sharp practices involving work only 
 with the wits and a disregard for the Golden Rule and every 
 other precept which maintains and cultivates human brother- 
 hood. 
 
 There seems to be an inclination in these days to adopt 
 the A'crsion of the Golden Rule proclaimed by the horse-trad- 
 ing, money-lending character portrayed in a late popular 
 novel — " Do unto the other fellow the way he'd like to do 
 imto you, and do it first." This interpretation of the rule, 
 if seriously proposed, would arouse loud and extended pro- 
 test, and yet thousands and thousands of those who would 
 protest the loudest are daily and hourly acting in precise 
 accordance with such interpretation. The true Golden Rule 
 lies at the foundation of all that makes life wortli living, 
 and is the parent of every success worth gaining. 
 
 [Address at the Augustiuian College of St. 
 Thomas of Villanova, Pliiladelphia, Pa., 
 June 17, 1002.'] 
 
 ]\Ir. Prcsidcui : I desire lo express in a few words my n\\- 
 preeiation of the lioiior just conferred on me hv the Collcpc 
 of St. Tliomas of \'iIljino\a. It is eertainly a great gratiti- 
 cation to be deemed wortliy of siieli notice by the governin!^ 
 
 41(j 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 body of an institution of learning within whose walls are 
 found in a marked degree opportunities for a thorough, sub- 
 stantial and useful education. 
 
 This incident prominently suggests to my mind the im- 
 perious edict of education, which forbids the hindrance or 
 disturbance of its high mission by religious discrimination, 
 social intolerance or any of the barriers that to a greater 
 or less extent separate civilized humanity. The republic of 
 education is based upon identical aim, equal rights in its 
 opportunity and impartiality in the distribution of its re- 
 M'ards and honors. This, it seems to me, is impressively 
 illustrated when the severely Catholic College of St. Thomas 
 of Villanova bestows its highest honorary degree upon one 
 connected with the management and holding an honorary 
 degree in the severely Protestant Princeton University. 
 
 The processes of education as they exist in this country 
 have, or always should have, in addition to other character- 
 istics an especial harmony of purpose and design, as they 
 are related to our government ; and this should constitute 
 between our institutions of learning a bond of close fra- 
 ternity. Whatever other objects and purposes may be in- 
 volved in educational efforts among us, one of its constant 
 and prominent aims should be the cultivation and main- 
 tenance of a high standard of American citizenship. When 
 we recall the fact that the beneficence of our scheme of gov- 
 ernment depends upon the virtue and education of the units 
 of our citizenship, it is at once apparent that an important 
 and common duty rests upon every agency that undertakes 
 the instruction of the youth of our land. 
 
 It will be a sad day for our nation when the force of edu- 
 cation and the teachers of moral living shall cease to strive 
 in unity to leaven the entire mass of our citizenship, or when 
 their influence in that direction shall be divided and circum- 
 scribed by religious and sectarian differences. 
 
 I hope I may be allowed to say in conclusion a word to 
 ■1.17 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 you wlio to-day complete your college course and receive 
 from those "who have taught and guided you a certificate 
 of good scholarship. This is indeed an honorable decora- 
 tion and indorsement, and one of which you may well be 
 proud. But it means more than this. It involves a solemn 
 and exacting trust; and it imparts a pledge on your part 
 that the education you may have here received shall neither 
 be hid in a napkin nor held tightly to your breast as a means 
 of self-glorification and self-enjoyment. Your graduation is 
 merely the entrance upon your life's work and your diploma 
 may be regarded as only a muniment of title by which you 
 are invested by your Alma Mater with the ownership and 
 possession of an outfit placed in your hands to the end that 
 you may fittingly discharge the service to which you are 
 bound. Selfislmess in tlie use of education, and its sordid 
 possession as an instrument of self-indulgence, is as sinful 
 and should be as strongly resisted as any other form of sel- 
 fishness. Some of you will find careers in tlic duties and 
 ministrations of your church; and I suppose others will enter 
 in the busy and bustling arena of worldly activity. But 
 whether in the church or in the world, none of you will avoid 
 the compact with your fellow men which brings with it a 
 grave responsibility to American citizenship — a responsibil- 
 ity infinitely more grave and serious as your influence over 
 others is increased by your education — or holy calling, and 
 more ever present and exacting as you appreciate the obliga- 
 tions of the trust you have assumed. 
 
 You may be sure that you will fail to meet these obliga- 
 tions if you are not constantly and solemnly imj^ressed with 
 the conviction that your educational advantages are only 
 valuable as they better fit you to do your duty to your God, 
 to your country and to your fellow men. 
 
 418 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 {^Address at Alexander Hall, Princeton, N. J., 
 October 25, 1902.'] 
 
 Great changes have marked the life of the College of 
 New Jersey since her second president was inaugurated, 154' 
 years ago. The infant college has grown to strong and 
 beautiful maturity. Her roll of graduates is resplendent 
 with great names; her trophies are bright and countless; 
 while the hosts of her alumni hedge her about with love 
 and devotion tirelessly generous, and with a defending care 
 constant and vigilant. And yet to-day she still holds fast 
 to her democratic tendencies, as under a new and greater 
 name she inaugurates her thirteenth president — again with 
 exercises whose external solemnity and decorum tend to 
 please even tlie unlearned, again with the hope that in her 
 university advancement she will meet with due encourage- 
 ment from all public spirited and generous minds, and again 
 hoping that the lovers of mankind will wish prosperity and 
 contribute to her support. 
 
 These inauguration ceremonies can hardly fail to es- 
 pecially impress by their sober significance those who as 
 trustees of Princeton University are charged with the con- 
 trol and management of her affairs. To-day is revived the 
 regretful memory of severed ties, which with genuine affec- 
 tion and admiration bound them to the president who has 
 just retired after long and distinguished service; and to-day 
 tlie comfort they have found in the hopeful promise of con- 
 tinued university usefulness and prosperity under a new 
 administration is renewed. They realize in the atmosphere 
 of this occasion, more actually than on other days, that it is 
 a serious thing to be a trustee of Princeton University, and 
 they are not unmindful of the admonition liere given them, 
 to seek with sincere endeavor the path that leads to duty 
 
 419 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 and to a just and happy acquittance from the obligations of 
 their trust. If in this endeavor they remember that their 
 trusteeship cannot arise above the source of its creation, they 
 will turn for guidance to the mandates of the deed or grant 
 under which they hold. 
 
 My concluding -words shall be those of congratulation and 
 assurance. How can Princeton's trustees do otherwise than 
 to heartily congratulate themselves and the university upon 
 the inauguration as her president of one of her sons (Wood- 
 row Wilson), whose career has constantly reflected honor 
 upon his Alma Mater, and whose notable successes and 
 achievements have all been won under the inspiration of the 
 true Princeton spirit. Charged by the mandate of the char- 
 ter of the College of New Jersey M'ith " the immediate care 
 of the education and government of such students as shall be 
 sent to and admitted into said college," we are certain that 
 the oath by which he binds his conscience will furnish no 
 better pledge than his high character and acute moral sense, 
 that he will " faithfully and impartially 2>*^rform the duties 
 of his office." Our measure of hope and confidence is more 
 completely filled when to all other reassuring conditions is 
 liappily added his extended experience as one of Princeton's 
 most important teachers, and liis familiarity with her id( als 
 and aspirations. 
 
 It only remains for me to ))ledge to our newly chosen 
 president the united, willing and effective co-operation of the 
 trustees of Priiiceton University in all his labors for her 
 prosperity and advancement. His success as president will 
 be our joy as trustees, and neither he nor we can desire a 
 •wider opportunity for pride and satisfaction tlian tlie con- 
 sciousness that we arc sincerely and faithfully laboring 
 togetlier to accomplish Princeton's mission, and have apj)re- 
 ciatcd the high duty and impressive significance of instruct- 
 ing the youth of our land in the learned languages, in the 
 ]il)iT il .irts and sciences and in religious truth. 
 
 4 JO 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 [From Address at Dedication of the New Home 
 of the Chamber of Commerce^ New York 
 City, November 11, 1902.] 
 
 It is a curious fact that, although the Chamber of Com- 
 merce of the State of New York has sturdily and usefully 
 lived for more than a hundred and thirty years, we are cele- 
 brating to-day its first possession of a permanent home. 
 This circumstance has, however, a meaning and significance 
 quite in keeping with the disposition and methods of the 
 organization. Its purposes have been practical, and the 
 occasions for its useful and beneficial work have been so con- 
 stant, that it has been abundantly content to make a career 
 and add lustre to its name before providing for itself a local 
 habitation ; but no architectural finish and no ornate decora- 
 tion befits this beautiful edifice so well as the bright color- 
 ing reflected from the splendid achievements proudly borne 
 by those who now enter upon its occupancy. 
 
 It need not surprise us if the popular estimate of this 
 business organization should fail to take into account all 
 tliat it had done to promote liigh and patriotic purposes not 
 always related, in a narrow sense, to commerce. • No asso- 
 ciated body of our citizens felt more deeply and effectively 
 the throbbing of patriotism and devotion to country when 
 our government was threatened by armed rebellion; its pro- 
 test and aid were immediately forthcoming when, afterward, 
 an insidious attack was made upon our financial integrity 
 tlirough an attempted debasement or our currency; from no 
 quarter has a more earnest and insistent demand been heard 
 for the adjustment of international disputes by arbitration; 
 its espousal of the cause of business education among our 
 people has been hearty and practical; it has advocated en- 
 larged reciprocity of business relations between nations, and 
 
 421 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 the removal of their vexatious hindrances; and last, but by 
 no means least, it has promptly and with an open hand re- 
 lieved distress and alleviated disaster. 
 
 Such incidents as these illustrate the organization's benefi- 
 cent accomplislimcnts in the advancement of civilization and 
 in furtherance of the improvement of humanity. This occa- 
 sion most palpably and prominently suggests the stupendous 
 evolution of the enormous commerce of to-day from tlie be- 
 ginnings of trade, when the brothers of Joseph went down 
 into Egypt to buy corn, and since Tyre and Sidon rose and 
 fell. From the littleness of trade and barter, limited to 
 man's narrow necessities, or often arising from the needs of 
 aggressive or subjugating war, there has been developed an 
 agency which has not only made the activities of business 
 as wide as the world in scope and volume, but which peace- 
 fully leads the way to brotherliood among the most distantly 
 separated }>eoples, points out the path of universal civiliza- 
 tion, and fixes for the nations of the earth the standard of 
 national greatness. 
 
 Wliat I have said must not be understood as in the least 
 intimating that commerce sliould be an altruistic or a benevo- 
 lent afifair, managed on lines of amiability and concession. 
 Such a conception would be absurdly at fault. Commerce is 
 born of enterprise, and enterprise in tliis busy, bustling age, 
 is born of struggle and competition. But the struggle and 
 competition need not be to the death. Alertness and keen- 
 ness in securing business opportunities do not by any means 
 import unmindfulness of all else save ruthfulness and 
 ravenous sn-iteliing. 
 
 I have attem))t«'(l to suggest how practicable business 
 activity can be mingled with enlightenment and social bet- 
 tt-rment. and how commercial organizations liave already 
 woven them t»»g«th«'r. They are estopped from disclaiming 
 tlieir obligation to conliiiue the work. It rests willi them 
 
 ■y22 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 not only to enlarge and strengthen by increased enterprise 
 the fabric the^^ have thus produced, but to make it brighter 
 and more beautiful by adding to it a larger infusion of that 
 which touches the welfare of mankind in every moral and 
 social phase and condition. 
 
 [From Address to Southern Educational Asso- 
 ciation, New York City, April IJf, 1903.~\ 
 
 I have come here to-night as a sincere friend of the negro, 
 and I should be very sorry to suppose that my good and reg- 
 ular standing in such company needed support at this late 
 day either from certificate or confession of faith. Inasmuch, 
 however, as there may be some differences of thought and 
 sentiment among those who profess to be friends of the 
 negro, I desire to declare myself as belonging to the Booker 
 Washington-Tuskegee section of the organization. I believe 
 that the days of " Uncle Tom's Cabin " are passed. I be- 
 lieve that neither the decree that made the slaves free, nor 
 the enactment that suddenly invested them with the rights 
 of citizenship any more purged them of their racial and 
 slavery-bred imperfections and deficiencies than it changed 
 the color of their skins. 
 
 I believe that among the nearly nine millions of negroes 
 who have intermixed with our citizenship there is still a 
 grievous amount of ignorance, a sad amount of viciousness 
 and a tremendous amount of laziness and thriftlessness. I 
 believe that these conditions inexorably present to the white 
 people of the United States — to each in his environment and 
 under the mandate of good citizenship — a problem, which 
 neither enlightened self-interest nor the higher motive of 
 human sympathy will permit them to put aside. 
 
 I believe our fellow-countrymen in the Southern and late 
 423 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 slave-holding States, surrounded by about nine-tenths, or 
 nearly eight millions, of this entire negro population, and 
 who regard their material prosperity, their peace, and even 
 the safety of their civilization, interwoven with the negro 
 problem, are entitled to our utmost consideration and sym- 
 pathetic fi'llowshij). I am thoroughly con\ iiiced that the 
 efforts of Booker Washington and the methods of Tuskegee 
 Institute point the way to a safe and beneficent solution of 
 the vexatious negro problem at the South ; and I know that 
 the good peoijle at the North, who have aided these efforts 
 and methods, have illustrated the highest and best citizen- 
 ship and the most Christian and enlightened philanthropy. 
 
 I cannot, however, keep out of my mind to-night the 
 thought that, with all we of the North may do, the realiza- 
 tion of our hopes for the negro must, after all, mainly de- 
 pend, except so far as it rests with the negroes themselves, 
 upon the sentiment and conduct of the leading and respon- 
 sible white men of the South, and upon the maintenance of 
 a kindly and helpful feeling on their part toward those in 
 their midst who so much need their aid and encouragement. 
 
 I do not know how it may be with other Northern friends 
 of the negro, but I have faith in the honor and sincerity 
 of the resjjectable white people of the South in their rela- 
 tions with the negro and his improvement and well being. 
 They do not believe in the social equality of the race, and 
 they make no false pretence in regard to it. That this does 
 not grow out of hatred of the negro is very plain. It seems 
 to me tliat there are abundant sentiment and abundant 
 behavior among the Southern whites toward the negro to 
 make us doubt the justice of charging this denial of social 
 equality to prejudice, as we usually understand the word. 
 Perhaps it is born of something so nuich tkeper and more 
 imperious tlian prejudice as to amount to a radical instinct. 
 Whatever it is, let us remember that it had condoned the 
 negro's share in the humiliation and spoliation of the M'hite 
 
 12 i 
 
 
OF GROVE R CLEVELAND 
 
 men of the South during the saturnalia of reconstruction 
 days, and has allowed a kindly feeling for the negro to 
 survive the time when the Soutli was deluged by the peril- 
 ous flood of indiscriminate, unintelligent and blighting ne- 
 gro suffrage. Whatever it is, let us try to be tolerant and 
 considerate of the feelings and even the prejudice or radi- 
 cal instinct of our white fellow-countrymen of the South 
 who, in the solution of the negro problem must, amid their 
 own surroundings, bear the heat of the day and stagger 
 under the weight of the Avhite man's burden. 
 
 In summing up the whole matter, there is one thing of 
 wliich we can be absolutely and mireservedly certain. When 
 we aid Tuskegee Institute and agencies like it, striving 
 for the mental and manual education of the negro at the 
 South, we are in every point of view rendering him the 
 best possible service. Whatever may be his ultimate des- 
 tiny, we are thus helping to lit him for filling his place 
 and bearing its responsibilities. We are sowing well in 
 the soil at " the bottom of life " the seeds of the black 
 man's development and usefulness. These seeds will not 
 die, but will sprout and grow, and, if it be within the wise 
 purposes of God, the hardened surface of no untoward 
 sentiment or prejudice can prevent the bursting forth of 
 the blade and plant of the negro's appointed opportunity 
 into the bright sunlight of a cloudless day. 
 
 [From Address at Dedication of Buildings of 
 the Louisiana Purchase Exposition, St. 
 Louis, April 30, 1903.'] 
 
 Mr. President and Ladies and Gentlemen: The impres- 
 siveness of this occasion is greatly enhanced by reason of 
 an atmosphere of prophecy's fulfilment which surrounds it. 
 
 425 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 The thought is in our minds that Ave are amid awe-inspiring 
 surroundings, where we may see and feel things foretold 
 a century ago. We are here in recognition of the one 
 hundredth anniversary of an event which doubled the area 
 of the young American nation, and dedicated a new and 
 wide domain to American progress and achievement. The 
 treaty whose completion we to-day connnemorate was itself 
 a prophecy of our youthful nation's mighty growth and 
 development. At its birth propliets in waiting joyously 
 foretold the happiness which its future promised. He who 
 was the chief actor for the United States in its negotiation, 
 as he signed the perfected instrument, thus declared its 
 effect and far-reaching consequence: " The instrument 
 which we have just signed will cause no blood to be shed. 
 It prepares ages of happiness for innumerable generations 
 of human creatures. The Mississippi and the Missouri 
 Avill see them succeed one another — truly worthy of the 
 regard and care of Providence in the bosom of equality 
 under just laws — freed from the errors of superstition and 
 the scourges of bad government." 
 
 He who represented the nation with whom we negotiated, 
 •when he afterward gave to the world his account of the 
 transaction, declared: " The consequences of the cession of 
 Ix)uisiana will extend to the most distant jiosterity. It 
 interests vast regions that will become by their civilization 
 and power the rivals of Europe before another century 
 commences," and, warmed to enthusiasm by the dcveloj)- 
 mcnts already in view, and greater ones jiromised, he added: 
 " Who can contrni))lale without vivid emotions this sjiec- 
 tacle of the hapjiiness of the present generation and the 
 certain pledges of the prosperity of numberless generations 
 that will follow? At these magnificent prosjiects the heart 
 beats with joy in the breasts of those who were permitted 
 to see thf dawn of these bright days, and wlio are assured 
 tliat so many happy passages will be accomplished." 
 
 426 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 There was another prophet, greater than all — prophet 
 and priest — who, higher up the mount than others, heard 
 more distinctly the voice of destiny, whose heart and soul 
 were full of prophecy, and whose every faculty was tense 
 and strong as he wrought for our nation's advancement and 
 for the peace and contentment of his fellow-countrymen. 
 From the fulness of gratitude and joy he thus wrote to 
 one who had assisted in the consummation of this great 
 treaty: " For myself and my country, I thank you for the 
 aid you have given in it; and I congratulate you on having 
 lived to give you these aids in a transaction replete with 
 blessings to miborn millions of men, and which will mark 
 the face of a portion of the globe as extensive as that which 
 now composes the United States of America," and when, 
 as President, he gave notice in a message to Congress of 
 the actual occupancy by the government of its new acquisi- 
 tion, he happily presaged the future, and gave assurance 
 of his complete faith and confidence in the beneficent result 
 of our nation's extension in these words : 
 
 " On this important acquisition, so favorable to the im- 
 mediate interests of our Western citizens, so auspicious to 
 the peace and security of the nation in general, which adds 
 to our country territories so extensive and fertile, and to 
 our citizens new brethren to partake of the blessings of free- 
 dom and self-government, I offer to Congress and our 
 country my sincere congratulations." 
 
 Our prophets do not live forever. They are not here to 
 see how stupendously the growth and development of the 
 American nation on the domain newly acquired in their day 
 have during a short century outrun their anticipations and 
 predictions. Almost within the limits of the territory 
 gained by the Louisiana Purchase we have already carved 
 out twelve great States — leaving still a large residue, whose 
 occupants are even now loudly clamoring for Statehood. 
 Instead of the five thousand white settlers who occupied 
 
 427 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 this domain in 1803, it now contains fifteen millions of 
 industrious, enterprising, intelligent Americans, constitut- 
 ing about one-fifth of the population of all our States; 
 and these are defiantly contesting for premiership in wealth 
 and material success with the oldest of our States, and are 
 their equals in every phase of advanced intelligence and 
 refined civilization. 
 
 The States which composed the Union when its posses- 
 sions were so greatly extended have since that time seen 
 the centre of the nation's ]}o])ulation carried more than 
 five hundred miles westward by the swift and constant 
 current of settlement toward this new domain, and the 
 citizens of those States have seen flocking thither " new 
 brethren to partake of the blessings of freedom and self- 
 government " in multitudes greater than even Jeflferson 
 would have dared to foretell. 
 
 I shall not enter the field of statistics for the purpose 
 of giving details of the development of the territory ac- 
 quired under the treaty we connneniorate. I have referred 
 to such development in some of its general features, by 
 way of suggesting how distinctly the century just ended 
 gives assurance of a startling and superabundant final ful- 
 fillment of the pro])ht'cies of its beginning. 
 
 Thus we may well recall in these surroundings the won- 
 derful measure of prophecy's fulfillment within the span 
 of a short century, the spirit, the patriotism and the civic 
 virtue of Americans who lived a hundred yt-ars ago, and 
 Ciod's overruling of the wrath of man and His devious 
 M'ays for the blessing of our nation. 
 
 We are all proud of our American citizenship. Let us 
 leave this ))lnce with this feeling stinuilated by the senti- 
 ments born of this occasion. Let us appreciate more keenly 
 tlian ever how viUilly necessary it is to our country's weal 
 that every one within its citizcnsliip should be eh in minded 
 
 428 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 in political aim and aspiration, sincere and honest in his 
 conception of our country's mission, and aroused to higher 
 and more responsive patriotism by the reflection that it is 
 a solemn thing to belong to people favored of God. 
 
 {From Address at Carnegie Hall, New York, 
 
 May 27, 1903.} 
 
 We and all our countrymen protest in the strongest lan- 
 guage at our command and with all the moral force which 
 our American citizenship gives us against these murders 
 and outrages, and we insist that swift and condign punish- 
 ment ought to be visited upon their barbarous perpetrators. 
 Nor is this all. We will, in a fashion quite American, 
 and with an openhandedness always displayed when hu- 
 man distress appeals to us, assist the families made headless 
 and robbed of support by murder, and those who, wounded 
 and terrorized, and in hunger and want, have been driven 
 from their homes. 
 
 I know how easily our indignation prompts us to the use 
 of strong language; and I know how naturally we are 
 tempted to indulge in overdrawn statements and extrava- 
 gant demands on such occasions as this; but I am sure 
 that in our characterization of the crimes we here contem- 
 plate, and in expressing our detestation of the criminals, 
 we cannot go too far. 
 
 I desire to avoid soimding a discordant note; but yet I 
 cannot refrain from the suggestion that the moral effect of 
 our protest and the usefulness of this demonstration will 
 not be lessened if we require indubitable proof before we 
 accuse the government of Russia of guilty complicity in 
 the crimes committed within her borders ; and it seems to 
 me we may well consider the proper relationship between 
 
 429 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 nations before we demand too pronounced interference on 
 the part of our own government. 
 
 I do not say that the Russian Government may not, by 
 sins of omission or commission, be justly deserving of our 
 condemnation; but we should not be swift to assume this, 
 when we remember that we ourselves have found it impos- 
 sible to prevent mob violence and murderous assaults upon 
 the Chinese in Wyoming and the Italians in Louisiana. I 
 am distinctly and unequivocally in favor of informing our 
 government in unmistakable terms of our indignant and deep 
 condemnation of the late outrages upon the Jews in Russia; 
 but I hope that, in obedience to the dictates of American 
 conservatism and moderation, which are never long ob- 
 scured, we may be even now just and fair, and that we will 
 be content to forego perplexing and extreme demands upon 
 our government for violent action. 
 
 Our public servants should liear us speak, but we certainly 
 ought to be justified in trusting the care of our national 
 honor and duty in the premises, and the enforcement of 
 the humane instincts of our peoj^le, so far as this may 
 be within governmental action, to those charged with the 
 responsibilities of managing our ])ublic affairs. 
 
 In the mean time, let the people of the United States, 
 gathered together in such assemblages as this, in every part 
 of the land, fearlessly speak to the civilized world protest- 
 ing against every pretence of civilization tliat permits me- 
 dittval persecution, against every bigoted creed that forbids 
 religious toleration and freedom of conscience, against all 
 false enlightenment that excuses hatred and cruelty toward 
 any race of men, and against all sjjurious forms of govern- 
 ment protection that withhold from any human being the 
 right to live in safety and toil in peace. 
 
 •130 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 [Letter to Hon, E. Y. Webb, Princeton, N. J., 
 
 March 2, 1904.} 
 
 Dear Sir: It is a small concern to me that a Mr. Scott 
 has seen fit to use my name in a display of his evil pro- 
 pensities on the floor of the House of Representatives. 
 
 In answer to your inquiry, however, I have to say of his 
 statement that a colored man, C. H. J. Taylor, took luncheon 
 with me at the White House, that it is a deliberate fabrica- 
 tion out of the whole cloth. 
 
 As far as Mr. Taylor is concerned, I imderstand, prior to 
 his appointment as Registrar of Deeds at Washington, that 
 he had served as an assistant in the office of the City Attor- 
 ney at Kansas City. His nomination as Registrar was 
 confirmed by the Senate, and he served in that place with 
 intelligence and efficiency. He has since died. Some peo- 
 ple restrain themselves from abusing the dead. 
 
 My inquiries concerning Mr. Taylor before his appoint- 
 ment, my observation of him during his incumbency, and 
 the little I have known of him since satisfy me that his 
 character is very unjustly attacked in the diatribe of Mr. 
 Scott. 
 
 One charge is made against Mr. Taylor by Mr. Scott 
 which he doubly clinches with truth when he declares : " He 
 was a black negro." I am led, however, to doubt his 
 familiarity with his subject when he adds, " as black as 
 you ever saw." 
 
 431 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 [Letter to Hon. Charles L. Bartlett, Princeton, 
 N. J., March 14, 1904.] 
 
 My Dear Mr. Bartlett: I have received a number of 
 inquiries similar to yours touching my invitation to Fred 
 Douglass to a wedding reception and signing, while Gov- 
 ernor of New York, a bill providing for mixed schools. 
 
 I do not suppose that Mr. Thomas E. Watson believed 
 or had any reason to believe either of the allegations when 
 he made them. At any rate, they are both utterly and 
 absolutely false. 
 
 I cannot afford to devote a great deal of time in denying 
 such foolish tales. I shall, therefore, attempt to cover 
 every phase of the subject once and for all. It so happens 
 that I have never in my official position, either when sleep- 
 ing or waking, alive or dead, on my head or on my heels, 
 dined, lunched, or supped, or invited to a wedding reception 
 any colored man, woman, or child. If, however, I have 
 decided to do any of tliese things, neither the fear of Mr. 
 Watson nor any one else would have prevented me. 
 
 When I was Governor a movement was made in the Legis- 
 lature to abolish separate colored schools in New York City. 
 I opposed the measure and it failed. I do not find that I 
 interposed a veto, and have forgotten tlie course the matter 
 took; but I know that whatever I did was in favor of main- 
 taining separate colored schools instead of having them 
 mixed. 
 
 [From Lecture on the Chicago Strike, Prince- 
 ton, X. J., Mail J, 1004.] 
 
 In llie last days of June, 18J)i, a very determined and 
 ugly labor disturbance broke out in the City of Chicago. 
 Almost in a niglil it gr'^w to full proportions of malevolenir 
 
 432 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 and danger. Rioting and violence were its early accom- 
 paniments, and it spread so swiftly that within a few days 
 it had reached nearly the entire Western and Southwestern 
 sections of the country. Railroad transportation was espe- 
 cially involved in its attacks. The carriage of United States 
 mail was interrupted, Inter-State commerce was obstructed, 
 and railroad property was riotously destroyed. Attorney- 
 General Olney, in his official report, correctly defined the 
 purpose and design of this outbreak in these words : " To 
 compel a settlement of disputes between the Pullman Com- 
 pany and a portion of its employees, nothing else was medi- 
 tated or aimed at than a complete stoppage of all the rail- 
 road transportation of the country. State and Inter-State, 
 and freight as well as passenger." 
 
 The widespread trouble had its inception in a strike by 
 the employees of the Pullman Palace Car Company, which 
 began on the 11th day of May, 1894, and was provoked 
 by a reduction of wages. The cause of the Pullman strikers 
 was taken up by the American Railway Union, an associa- 
 tion designed to include the great mass of unorganized 
 railway employees of all classes. Members of the American 
 Railway Union refused to handle Pullman cars or trains 
 bearing them. At that time three-fourths of the railroad 
 mileage of the country was under contract to use Pullman 
 cars. 
 
 The same railroad companies which had contracted to 
 use these Pullman cars upon their lines had contracts with 
 the United States Government for the carriage of mails, 
 and were, of course, also largely engaged in Inter-State 
 commerce. It need hardly be said that of necessity the 
 trains which observed the purpose of Inter-State commerce, 
 were, as a general rule, those to which the Pullman cars 
 were also attached. 
 
 The officers of the railway Union established headquar- 
 ters in the City of Chicago, and from there gave directions 
 
 433 
 
ADDRESSES AND TAPERS 
 
 for the maintenance and management of the strike. Reports 
 soon came from various quarters that the mails were com- 
 pletely obstructed, trains were seized and destroyed, and 
 other violent disorders committed. Thereupon the Attorney 
 General immediately sent a dispatch to the United States 
 District Attorneys instructing them to see that the passage 
 of regular trains, carrying United States mails in the usual 
 and ordinary way, be not obstructed. 
 
 Wherever there was interference with the mails or re- 
 straint of commerce the United States courts were appealed 
 to for relief. In Chicago the United States Marshal was 
 authorized to em2)loy special deputies and special counsel 
 for the Government. 
 
 In a letter to this special counsel, the Attorney General 
 in making suggestions concerning legal proceedings, wrote: 
 " It has seemed to me that if the rights of the United States 
 were vigorously asserted in Chicago, the origin and center 
 of the demonstration, the result would be to make it a 
 failure everywhere else, and to prevent its spread over the 
 entire country." 
 
 The desperate and far-reaching character of this disturb- 
 ance was not in the least underestimated by executive offi- 
 cials at Washington, and it must be borne in mind that, 
 while menacing conditions Mere moving swiftly and accu- 
 mulating at Chicago, like conditions, insjjircd and supported 
 from that central point, existed in many otlicr places within 
 the area of the strike's contagion. 
 
 Of course, it was hoped by those charged with the respon- 
 sibility of dealing witli the situation that a direct assertion 
 of authority by the Marshal or a resort to the restraining 
 power of the courts would ])rove sufficient for the emer- 
 gency. Notwithstanding, however, an anxious desire to 
 avoid m<'asures more radical, the fact had not beiii over- 
 looked tliit a eoiiliiigeney might occur whieli would lompel 
 
 431 
 
 I 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 a resort to military force. The key to dispatches to the 
 Federal officers at Chicago from the Attorney General may 
 be found in the self-defensive authority of our nation to 
 directly overcome resistance to the exercise of the legiti- 
 mate and Constitutional functions as related to the trans- 
 portation of mails, the operation of Inter-State commerce, 
 and the preservation of the property of the United States, 
 and in certain constitutional and statutory provisions. It 
 was the intention of the Attorney General to suggest in 
 these dispatches that immediate and authoritative informa- 
 tion should be given to the Washington authorities if a time 
 should arrive when under the sanction of general executive 
 authority, or the Constitutional provisions, a military force 
 would be necessary at the scene of disturbance. 
 
 The strike situation grew rapidly worse. Utter defiance 
 of court orders, lawlessness, and rioting culminated in the 
 formal request of the United States Marshal, supported by 
 the Judge and attorneys of the Federal court, for Federal 
 troops. This request was at once met by orders to the 
 War Department, and soldiers from Fort Sheridan were 
 soon on the scene. The dispatch containing the direction 
 of this procedure concluded as follows: 
 
 " The mere preservation of peace and good order in the 
 city is of course the province of the City and State author- 
 ities." 
 
 An executive proclamation issued by the President call- 
 ing upon all to refrain from unlawful obstruction, com- 
 binations, and assemblages, together with the wise use of 
 Federal troops and the enforcement of the processes of tlie 
 Federal courts resulting in the arrest of the officers of the 
 American Railway Union stopped the rioting, the strike 
 ended, and commerce and the mails proceeded unobstructed. 
 
 I hope I have been thus far successful in my effort to 
 satisfactorily exhibit the extensive reacli and perilous tend- 
 
 435 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 ency of the convulsion under consideration, the careful 
 promptness which characterized the interference of the 
 Government, the constant desire of the National Adminis- 
 tration to avoid extreme measures, the careful limitations 
 of its interference to purposes which clearly seemed to be 
 "within its Constitutional competency and duty, and the 
 gratifying and important results of its conservative but 
 stern activity. 
 
 The Supreme Court of the United States has written the 
 concluding M'ords of this history, tragical in many of its 
 details, and in every page provoking sober reflection. Nev- 
 ertheless, even those most nearly related by executive re- 
 sponsibility to the troublous days whose story is told, may 
 at this time congratulate themselves that they have had to 
 do with the marking out the way and clearing the path, 
 now unchangeably established, that shall hereafter guide 
 our Nation safely and surely in the exercise of all the 
 functions belonging to it which represent the people's trust. 
 
 [From Address at Installation of Dr. John 
 Huston Finley as President of the College 
 of the at if of Netc YorJi, Carnegie Hall, 
 September 29, 1904.] 
 
 It is altogether aj)propriatc that the advantages of a free 
 collegiate education otTercd ti) tlie youth of every grade ami 
 condition in life should be first exhibited in the metropolis 
 of our nation. By reason of the cosmopolitan character of 
 its {x)pulation the project has here the widest possible 
 scope; and, as all look to the City of New York for leader- 
 ship in the largest enterprises, as well as for the greatest 
 genero-sily in every nobli- work, its free college, seen from 
 
 4SG 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 every direction, should serve as an example, an inspiration 
 to every city in the land. It is well, too, that such an in- 
 stitution, founded to educate the poor on entire equality 
 with the rich, should be supported by the wealth accumu- 
 lated in the center of our country's trade and business — 
 thus affording a constant denial of the accusations of those 
 who seek to teach the thoughtless that the sport of wealth 
 is the oppression of the poor. 
 
 I hope it will not be deemed ungracious if I suggest, 
 in conclusion, that with all the city's generous appropria- 
 tion of money for its free college, the duty the citizens of 
 New York owe to it will not be fully met until they give 
 absolute proof that in the highest sense " where their treas- 
 ure is there will their heart be also." That this free col- 
 lege is a New York institution, in which is centered the 
 hope and pride of every citizen of New York, will not be 
 demonstrated by liberal city appropriations for its support, 
 or by the voluntarj'^ service of public-spirited citizens to its 
 management. In addition to these things there should be 
 stimulated in every quarter a growing desire to secure its 
 advantages to the end that the youth of New York, from 
 every social plane and in every condition of life, shall crowd 
 the largest structure that may be built for its use, and there, 
 within its walls, the College of the City of New York, with 
 all else it may impart, should constantly teach the democ- 
 racy of American education. 
 
 [From Address at Carnegie Hall, New York 
 City, October 21, 1904.'] 
 
 A party may indulge in self-congratulation when it has 
 effectively defended the people in their daily life from the 
 rapacity of trusts and combinations which thrive as private 
 
 437 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 enterprise is strangled, and whicli grow fat, as, by their 
 control of the cost of living, they cause the homes of our 
 land to grow lean ; but the people will hardly approve the 
 vociferous pride which claims that a successful attack upon 
 the merger of the stock of certain competing railroads has 
 rescued them from their oppressors. 
 
 They will not fail to observe that the huge combinations 
 which directly injure them still flourish, and they may 
 also recall how the consternation among those implicated 
 in such schemes who once feared a general pursuit was qui- 
 eted when the soothing assurance reached them that the 
 government did not intend to " run amuck." Nor will they 
 probably accejjt the suggestion that repentance or a change 
 of heart accounts for the manner by which the threats and 
 animosity of many i)owcrful trust magnates have been dis- 
 placed by their approval and substantial support of the 
 party which seeks to convince the people of its trust- 
 destroying proclivities. 
 
 This item of the account will not be passed over without 
 a reference to the platform statement that " protsclion, 
 which guards and develops our industries, is a cardinal 
 policy of the Republican Party," nor Mithout noting the 
 declaration of tlie candidate standing on this platform that 
 the protective tariiF ])olicy ought now to be considered as 
 definitely established." The question will be asked, Which 
 are the American industries that at this time are in need 
 of the shelter of such a tariff as that now in force; and is 
 there never to be a time when American enterprise, Amer- 
 ican ingtiuiity and American oppnrlunity will free our in- 
 dustries from their stage of infancy, and permit American 
 aspiration and American self-reliance to cast away the lead- 
 ing strings of a " definitely established" protective policy? 
 
 'I'he people know that this })()licy has given rise to n-ekless 
 greed and to a worship of gain menating patriotic senti- 
 ment and Dur h)\ e for liigh standards of national greatness, 
 
 488 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 and they know that at best it lays burdens on the consumers 
 of our land. 
 
 With these tendencies and these burdens in mind they will 
 ask the party professing its anxiety to restrain or destroy 
 harmful combinations why a protective tariff policy should 
 be considered definitely established which, in addition to its 
 other sins, contributes to a situation that permits a combina- 
 tion or monopoly to sell abroad articles of our manufacture 
 at lower prices than are exacted from our own citizens at 
 home. They will see the sheer wrongfulness of this condi- 
 tion so clearly, and they will so firmly believe that in this 
 way they are made to bear tariff burdens in order that they 
 may be discriminated against in favor of foreign consumers, 
 that they will not be satisfied with the assurance that the 
 tariff has nothing to do with trusts. 
 
 They will consign such an explanation to the limbo of 
 negation, to take its place with the outworn deception that 
 the foreign exporter pays our tariff taxes, and with two other 
 sadly weak pretences — one that the tariff should be re- 
 formed only by its friends, and the other that the party 
 which believes that a protective tariff policy ought to be 
 considered as definitely established loves reciprocity in 
 trade. 
 
 ^Vhen the platform boast is made that " in the Philippines 
 we have suppressed insurrection, established order and given 
 to life and property a security never known there before," 
 the confession will be extorted that the insurrection sup- 
 pressed was no more than the crushing out of resistance 
 to the army of the United States while engaged in the 
 subjugation of a people thousands of miles from our shores, 
 whom an incident of a war undertaken by us in aid of 
 those struggling for liberty and independence in another 
 quarter had put within our power; and the people will ask 
 under what sanction was tliis subjugation entered upon by 
 a nation pledged to tlie doctrine that all just powers of 
 
 439 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 government are derived from the consent of the governed, 
 and they will deny that imperialism and our forcible rule 
 of foreign people have any place among the purposes of 
 our national life. 
 
 When credit is claimed for securing a route for a long- 
 desired interoceanic waterway, it will not be in a carping 
 bpirit that the people will look at the incidents accompany- 
 ing tliis acliievement. They do not undervalue the object 
 gained, but they keenly appreciate the importance and value 
 of our national honor, our national good name and, above 
 all, our national morality. Not even the great worth of the 
 thing accomplished will close the eyes of thoughtful Amer- 
 icans to the fact that in reaclung the result we have ex- 
 hibited such international ruthlessness and such selfish in- 
 ternational immorality as have lastingly debilitated our rejni- 
 tation for good faith and established a precedent which, in 
 time to come, may be invoked to justify the most startling 
 and reprehensible abandonment of the high ideals which 
 have made us an example of the best civilization — a people, 
 happy as we are intelligently free, strong as we are scrupu- 
 lously just, and everywhere trusted and honored as we 
 iindeviatingly follow in the way of uprightness and rec- 
 titude. 
 
 [Letter to Thomas F. By an., Esq., Accepting 
 Trusteeship in the Equitable Life Society, 
 Princeton, N. J., June i.-?, 1905.] 
 
 I have this morning received your letter asking me to 
 act as one of three trustees to hold the stock of the Equitable 
 Life Assurance Society, which has lately been acquired by 
 you and certain associates, and to use the voting |K)wer of 
 such stock in tlie selection of directors of said society. 
 After a lillli- nlli'ilioii. I h;i\c (litcriiiiiud I ought to .ii'it |»t 
 
 ■itO 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 this service. I assume this duty upon the express condition 
 that, so far as the trustees are to be vested discretion in 
 the selection of directors, they are to be absolutelj'- free and 
 undisturbed in the exercise of their judgment; and that, so 
 far as they are to act formally in voting for the directors 
 conceded to policy-holders, a fair and undoubted expression 
 of policy-holding choice will be forthcoming. 
 
 The very general anxiety aroused by the recent unhappy 
 dissensions in the management of the Equitable Society fur- 
 nishes proof of the near relationsliip of our people to life 
 insurance. These dissensions have not only in j ured the fair 
 fame of the company immediately affected, but have im- 
 paired popular faith and confidence in the security of life 
 insurance itself as a provision for those who, in thousands 
 of cases, would be otherwise helpless against the afflictive 
 visitations of fate. 
 
 The character of this business is such that those who 
 manage and direct it are charged with a grave trust for those 
 who, necessarily, must rely on their fidelity. In these cir- 
 cumstances they have no right to regard the places they 
 hold as ornamental, but rather as positions of work and 
 duty and watchfulness. Above all things they have no 
 right to deal with the interests intrusted to them in such 
 a way as to subserve or become confused or complicated 
 with their personal transactions or ventures. 
 
 While the hope that I might aid in improving the plight 
 of the Equitable Society has led me to accept the trustee- 
 ship you tender, I cannot rid mj^self of the belief that what 
 has overtaken this company is liable to happen to other 
 insurance companies and fiduciary organizations as long as 
 lax ideas of responsibility in places of trust are tolerated 
 by our people. The high pressure of speculation, the 
 madness of inordinate business scheming, and the chances 
 taken in new and uncertain enterprises are constantly pres- 
 ent temptations, too often successful in leading managers 
 
 44;1 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 and directors away from scrupulous loyalty and fidflity to 
 the interests of others confided to their care. 
 
 We can better afford to slacken our pace than to abandon 
 our old, simple, American stnjidards of honesty; and we 
 shall be safer if we regain our old habit of looking at the 
 appropriation to personal uses of property and interests 
 held in trust, in the same light as other forms of stealing. 
 
 [From Address at Unveiling of the J. Stirling 
 Morton Statue at Nebraska City, Xeb., 
 October 28, 1905.'] 
 
 None of us should go from this place imtouched by the 
 lesson M'hicli this statue teaches. Here we should learn 
 tliat character, uncorrupted by tlie contagion of ignoble 
 things and unweakcned by the corrosion of sordidness and 
 money madness, is the cornerstone of e%'ery truly useful life 
 and of every genuinely noble achievement. 
 
 We have fallen upon days when our people are more 
 than ever turning away from tlieir old faith in the sav- 
 ing grace of character and flocking to tlie worship of 
 money-making idols. Daily and hourly, in the light of in- 
 vestigation and exposure, characterless lives are seen in 
 njjpalling numbers, witliout diart or compass, crowded ujion 
 the rocks and shoals of faithlessness and breach of trust. 
 How ill have these wrecked lives exchanged the safe course 
 and the harbor of honor and usefulness which character 
 and rectitude })oint out for a Mild .and headh)ng rush over 
 unknown seas in a consuming search for jielf. 
 
 If our jjcople ever return again to their trust in charactiT 
 as a steadying force in our restless enterj)rise and iinniense 
 material growth, it will In; when they take to heart the full 
 significance of such a eoiiiin(MU)ralit)n as this. We nieuio- 
 
 i\Z 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 rialize a man who not only earned the lasting honor of his 
 countrymen, but whose life, in all things worthy of high 
 endeavor, was abundantly successful. 
 
 As a pioneer, who labored to improve the new country 
 of his home, he lived to see it blossom as the rose; as a 
 scholar he cultivated his own mental powers and acquired 
 knowledge, in order that he might be able to instruct and 
 benefit others; as a statesman he left the impress of high 
 aspiration upon our citizenship and of usefulness and fidel- 
 ity upon our public life, and as the father of tree planting 
 he gained the grateful remembrance of the old and the 
 3'oung of the present generation and that of generations 
 yet imborn. All these things he wrought out through the 
 jDower of a strong, wholesome, patriotic and beautiful char- 
 acter. 
 
 Let those of us who were his fellow citizens and knew 
 his life, heed his example, to the end that our work may 
 be more unselfish and more loyal to the purposes of God 
 and the betterment of our fellow men. 
 
 Let his sons, in whom was centred all his worldly pride, 
 remember that the only success that is satisfying and hon- 
 orable is that achieved in their father's spirit and high re- 
 solve. It is fitting that this monument should recall memo- 
 ries that must not die. It is well that it should arouse the 
 living to noble endeavor. But to the dead it avails not. 
 He has reared his own monument " more durable than 
 brass or stone." 
 
 [From Address at Carnegie Hall, New York 
 City, November 30, 1905.] 
 
 We join to-day in " the celebration of the 250th anni- 
 versary of the settlement of the Jews in the United States." 
 This event created such an important epoch in our coun- 
 
 443 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 try's development, and its relationship to our nation's evo- 
 lution is so clearly seen in light of present conditions, that 
 every thoughtful American citizen must recognize the fit- 
 ness and usefulness of its commemoration. To those of 
 the Jewish faith it recalls a foothold gained that meant for 
 them a home and peaceful security after centuries of home- 
 lessness and rutliless persecution. To those of us profess- 
 ing a ditTerent religious faith it brings to mind the landing 
 upon our soil of an element of population whose wonderful 
 increase and marked traits of character have added a power- 
 ful factor to our national progress and achievement. 
 
 All nationalities have contributed to the composite popu- 
 lation of the United States — many of them in greater num- 
 ber than the Jews. And yet I believe that it can be safely 
 claimed that few, if any, of those contributing nationalities 
 have directly and indirectly been more influential in giving 
 shape and direction to the Americanism of to-day. 
 
 What our Jewish fellow citizens have done to increase 
 the material advancement of the United States is apparent 
 on every hand, and must stand confessed. But the best 
 and higliest Americanism is something more than material- 
 istic. Its spirit, which should make it imperishable and 
 immortal, exists in its patriotic aspirations and exalting tra- 
 ditions. On this higher plane of our nationality and in 
 the atmosphere of ennobling sentiment we feel also the 
 touch of Jewish relationship. 
 
 If tlie discovery of America prophesied the coming of 
 our nation, and fixed the place of its birth, let us not forget 
 that Columbus on his voyage in search of a new world was 
 aided in a most important way by Jewish support and 
 comradeship. 
 
 If the peopli' oi' the Uiiilcd St^ites glory in tluir free 
 institutions, as the crown of man's aspiration for self- 
 g(»\ eminent, let them not be mnnindful of the fact that 
 tlu- Jews nniong ns have in tin ir circ and keeping the his- 
 
 4ii 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 tory and traditions of an ancient Jewish commonwealtli 
 astonishingly like our own republic in its democracy and 
 underlying intention. 
 
 When Ave recall the story of the war for our independence 
 and rejoice in the indomitable courage and fortitude of our 
 revolutionary heroes, we should not fail to remember how 
 well the Jews of America performed their part in the strug- 
 gle. Nor can we overlook the valuable aid cheerfully con- 
 tributed by our Jewish fellow countrymen in every national 
 emergency that has since overtaken us. 
 
 We have to-day only to look about us to discover that 
 in every phase of present American enterprise and effort the 
 Jews of the United States, with imrestricted toleration and 
 equality, are making their impress more and more deep and 
 permanent upon our citizenship. They accumulate wealth 
 without exhibiting or encouraging harmful extravagance and 
 business recklessness. They especiallj'^ care for their poor, 
 but they do it sensibly and in a way that avoids pauper- 
 making. 
 
 On every side are seen monuments of their charitable 
 work and evidences of their determination to furnish their 
 children and youth equipment for usefulness and self- 
 support. 
 
 It is time for the unreserved acloiowledgment that the 
 toleration and equal opportunity accorded to the Jews of 
 the United States have been abundantly repaid to us. And 
 in making up the accounts let us not omit to put to their 
 credit the occasion presented to us through our concession 
 to them of toleration and equality of strengthening by 
 wholesome exercise the spirit of broadminded justice and 
 consideration, wliich, as long as we are true to ourselves, 
 we must inflexibly pronounce as the distinguishing and 
 saving trait of our nationality. 
 
 I know that human prejudice — especially that growing 
 out of race or religion — is cruelly inveterate and lasting. 
 
 ^45 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 But, wherever in the world prejudice against the Jews still 
 exists, there can be no place for it among the people of 
 the United States, unless they are heedless of good faith, 
 government and insensible to every pledge involved in 
 their boasted equality of citizenship. 
 
 We celebrate an event in the history of our country 
 fraught with important results, deeply concerning us all 
 as citizens of the United States. In the spirit of true 
 Americanism let us all rejoice in the good which the settle- 
 ment we commemorate has brought to the nation in wliich 
 we all find safety and protection; and uninterrupted by 
 differences in religious faith, let us, under the guidance 
 of the genius of Toleration and Equality, here consecrate 
 ourselves more fully than ever to united and devoted labor 
 in the iield of our common nation's advancement and 
 exaltation. 
 
 [From Address at Centennial Meeting of the 
 Medical Society of the State of Nerc Yorh, 
 Albany, January SO, 1906.] 
 
 For the pur})ose of our argument, lot us divide humanit}'' 
 into two sections — one composed of a few doctors, and tlie 
 other embracing the many millions of their actual or pros- 
 pective patients. 
 
 I appear for myself and tliese millions, and I claim at 
 the outset that, notwithstanding our large majority, the 
 medical section of mankind has in one way or another cur- 
 tailed tlu" opportunity of freedom of tliought and con- 
 siderate lieiring, to which we are entitled by tlie laws of 
 iialurc and of nature's God. We acknowledge that [he 
 world owes this minority a living. With a generous d( li- 
 caey which reaches sublimity, we are. on llieir account not 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 overobedrent to the laws of health: and we sometimes pay 
 their bills. When sick we submit with more or less 
 humility to their orders. If we recover it is only to take 
 our place on the waiting list still subject to further advice. 
 If we do not recover it is left to us to do the dying. 
 
 We have come to think of ourselves as worthy of confi- 
 dence in the treatment of our ailments; and we believe if 
 this was accorded to us in greater measure it would be 
 better for the treatment and better for us. We do not 
 claim that we should be called in consultation in all our 
 illnesses, but we would be glad to have a little more explana- 
 tion of the things done to us. We do not like to think 
 of our doctors as veiled prophets or mysterious attendants, 
 shut out from all sick-bed comradeship except through cold 
 professional ministrations, and all the time irresponsive to 
 our utmost needs of sympathetic assurance. Nor should 
 it be considered strange if thousands among us, influenced 
 by a sentiment just now astonishingly prevalent, should 
 allow themselves to be disturbed by the spectre of a medi- 
 cal trust in mystery and like all who are trust affrighted 
 should cry out for greater publicity between physician and 
 patient. 
 
 \_From Address at Annual Banquet of the Peri- 
 odical Publishers' Association^ Atlantic City, 
 N. J., May A, 1900,} 
 
 I don't like the introduction of the chairman. He twitted 
 me of my age, and there comes a time in a man's life when 
 the reading of the burial service is no joke. I am simply 
 here to give you a greeting, and accordingly I extend a 
 hearty greeting to the publishers and their guests, and 
 wish for them all the happiness and good fortune they 
 
 41.7 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 respectively deserve. You can divide that up as you think 
 best. 
 
 I hope I may be allowed to gain the better of my mod- 
 esty and trespass sufficiently beyond my limit of speech 
 to express a thought and a desire which I believe are shared 
 by thousands of our countrymen who read the daily news- 
 papers as well as the periodicals. We feel that in the 
 present circumstances these should in scope and purpose 
 be distinctly separated. We mean by this that so long as 
 our newspapers keep the field they seem to have chosen 
 for themselves nothing should tempt our periodicals to 
 follow them. We read daily papers in the hope of keeping 
 pace with the daily news and for the opportunity thcv 
 furnish for the cultivation of our alertness of judgment 
 in attempting to determine tlie truth and falsity of their 
 contents. 
 
 However good or however bad tlicy may be, I su}>j)ose 
 we must abide the daily newspapers as they are. Perhaps 
 under the laws of their environment, the most of them do 
 the best they can. 
 
 If, supplementary to the daily news, tliere is presented 
 to us as often as once a week or once a month, a com- 
 prehensive view of passing events, with the deliberate 
 judicial and helpful suggestions of those who by study and 
 experience are fitted to interpret current conditions, no 
 thoughtful open-minded citizen who reads need lack either 
 valuable information or stimulating instruction. 
 
 I beg to conclude with one other thought touching tlic 
 relation of our periodicals to certiin tendencies now dis- 
 tinctly apparent in both our jirivate and public life. We 
 have fallen upon a time of siieh unrest and awakening 
 that a dispo.sition to tear down, to uproot, seems to prev.iil 
 on ever}' side. This has grown to be a manifestation of 
 intense resentment on tlie part of our people, aroused bv 
 a situation ('li.illengirig their love of our good name and 
 
 •118 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 their devotion to the purposes of our free institutions. I 
 believe there is a danger that stands opposite this passion- 
 ate temper that should be carefully watched. I refer to 
 our liability to forget in the heat of our righteous indigna- 
 tion that whatever may be pulled down or uprooted some- 
 thing better must be put in its place. 
 
 We cannot act safely or hope for reformatory results 
 unless we look beyond the confusion and rubbish and un- 
 sightly waste of demolishing activity. The ultimate conse- 
 quence of demolition and precisely what should be built and 
 planted when the stage of pulling down and uprooting has 
 been passed, should be clearly in the minds of those who 
 assume to lead in the crusade against existing evils. 
 
 IFi'om Address at the National Conference of 
 Charities and Correction^ Academy of Mu- 
 sic, Philadelphia, Pa,, May 9, 1906.'] 
 
 This national conference of charities and correction in 
 view of the object it seeks to accomplish, may well be 
 described as a general clearing house of charitable and 
 benevolent work. Through its constituent agencies it 
 touches the individual, and through the betterment of the 
 individual it serves the nation. 
 
 As often as the poor and needy are wisely and properly 
 fed and clothed, not only is human want and misery 
 relieved and God's law of charity obeyed, but the grateful 
 sentiment and the renewed interest in life aroused among 
 the beneficiaries together with the stimulation of sym- 
 pathetic feeling among the benefactors, brings them all 
 within a closer brotherhood of good citizenship. 
 
 As often as the sordidness of employers or the reckless 
 selfishness and indifference of parents are routed in thr 
 
 440 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 battle against the wicked abuses of child labor, not only- 
 are careless mirth and cheerful health, tlie gifts of God, 
 stolen from childhood, restored to the children of our land, 
 but the nation regains the assurance that the embrvo citizens 
 thus redeemed will in due time be found among its sturdy, 
 "wholesome and contented supporters. 
 
 As often as sad-faced and forlorn orphans are gladdened 
 by tenderness and wisely fostered and cared for, not only 
 is the Father of 'the fatherless well pleased, but our country 
 gains by so much as the promise of future thrift and 
 usefulness is better than the degradation and vice threat- 
 ened by the neglect of evilly surrounded orphans. 
 
 As often as the dependent insane and mentally defective 
 are humanely and kindly restrained, not only is the require- 
 ment placed upon those who have the least claim to 
 charitable disposition fulfilled, and tliese unfortunates saved 
 from the hopelessness of incurability, but society is pro- 
 tected against irresponsible tragedy, and the country is 
 given the only chance it can have for the improvement and 
 restoration of submerged reason to sanity and mental 
 strength. 
 
 As often as those who for transgression of the law have 
 become convicted criminals are made to feel that they have 
 not been inexorably condemned to lifelong ostracism and 
 resentment, and that a kindly hand awaits any effort of 
 theirs for self-reformation, not only will those who benevo- 
 lently aid and encourage them to be rewarded by an 
 approving conscience, but they will save to the state many 
 wIjo can serve it well and will ])rotrct from those who, 
 once disgraced, are easily driven by intolerance and angry 
 neglect to a continuance in evil doing. 
 
 My thoughts dwell upon the duty of individual charity. 
 In a sens*' all that is done in discharge of this duly, whether 
 done by individuals or through govcrniiu'ntal agencies,, 
 rejjrcsenting us all, may be said to rest in jnrsonal respon- 
 
 450 
 
OF GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 sibility and may be traced to one source — a recognition of 
 the fact that in the field of charity we are our brothers' 
 keepers. The field is so large and the labor so delicate 
 that none of us can secure acquittance without personal 
 service. It is this element of personal service represented 
 in this national conference that gives the occasion its 
 greatest importance and significance. 
 
 I have sometimes wondered if those active in charitable 
 work fully appreciate how extensively, under the guise 
 of charity, schemes are put on foot that are either so 
 illegitimately related to it or so unimportant and impracti- 
 cable as to abundantly excuse a denial of their appeal for 
 aid; and I often fear it is not realized as it should be 
 in charitable circles that these schemes are presented so 
 constantly and with such importunity and so often prove 
 to be unworthy, disappointing or faddish as to perplex and 
 discourage those willing to give us sensible and properly 
 organized charity. It is thus that quite frequently all 
 charitable movements are discredited or prejudiced. 
 
 I hope I will not be misunderstood when I say that 
 better assurance to those willing to give to charity, and 
 consequently the interests of the cause, seem to be involved 
 in the establishment somewhere and under some responsible 
 auspices of an agency for the sifting and testing of enter- 
 prises claiming to be charitable — to the end that the 
 benevolent may have reliable guidance in determining how 
 and where they can wisely and usefully give. 
 
 451 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 [Frc;/i Address at First Annual Meeting of the 
 Association of Life Insurance Presidents, 
 Hotel Belmont, New York City, December 
 
 6, 1907.] 
 
 You Avho manage life insurance companies cannot afford 
 to risk weakness in a single of its threads. Their disin- 
 tegration through breaclies of good faith, through broken 
 promises or through delusive misrepresentation, means a 
 loss of strength which no actuarial mystery or managerial 
 calculation can repair. Nor can you, with any pretence 
 of conscientious susceptibility, overlook the fact that, as 
 a direct consequence of this popular conception of life 
 insurance and of your responsible connection with its 
 management, your fellow citizens, whose confidence you 
 have invited, have put upon you a trust, made sacred by 
 the pathos of its purposes, and more unescapable in morals 
 and good conscience than any that the law can create. 
 
 Of course you do not need the least reminder that life 
 insurance has sadly suffered, and still suffers, from a dis- 
 location of such ideal accompaniments, and it would be 
 folly to avoid the disgraceful fact that this dislocation 
 began in faithlessness of those occupying places of the 
 greatest influence in life insurance circles and the self- 
 invited discredit and humiliation of some of the largest 
 and strongest companies in life insurance leadcrshij). 
 Much has been done by way of repairing damages. The 
 companies have purged themselves of those directly respon- 
 sible for wrongdoing. Economies have been introduced, 
 vigor and industry have been stimulated, and an enlargeci 
 study of the conditions that make for the safest, cleanest 
 and best life insurance is more than ever deemed essential. 
 
 The upheaval of investigation which exposed life insur- 
 45S 
 
 ( 
 
OF. GROVER CLEVELAND 
 
 ance abuses in high places has also been followed by the 
 avalanche of legislation which inevitably results from vio- 
 lently aroused public sentiment. Some of this legislation 
 is so palpably remedial and so wisely restrictive that all 
 life insurance companies who really desire the reform of 
 abuses should welcome it as in aid of their own efforts 
 in that direction. Some of it, while more drastic and 
 not so plainly necessary, make obedience not impossible, 
 and perhaps should be patiently borne. 
 
 But this is not the entire story. Sometimes, when 
 uprisings, beginning with a moral awakening, passing from 
 stage to stage, reach a hand-to-hand conflict of violence and 
 deadly blows, there appears on the scene the noisy adven- 
 turer, who seeks leadership in the confusion and clamor 
 of the fight, while in his wake others more quiet and 
 stealthy, but not less diligent, filch from the wounded and 
 helpless. 
 
 Life insurance companies not accused of wrongdoing but 
 caught in the storm of virulent and indiscriminate attack 
 have, as well as the guilty, failed to find friends in quar- 
 ters where they should have found them; and their policy- 
 holders, who should have been their allies and defenders, 
 have, by thousands, been quite willing to join the ranks 
 of their enemies. 
 
 [Letter to Hon. John Fox, read at Jachson Day 
 Dinner of the National Democratic Club, 
 New York City, January 8, 1908.^ 
 
 My Dear Sir: I very much regret that I am inexorably 
 obliged to decline the courteous invitation I have received 
 to attend the Jackson Day dinner to be given by the 
 National Democratic Club on the Slh. 
 
 453 
 
ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 
 I am intensely interested in every effort to revive genu- 
 ine and effective Democratic sentiment and to restore the 
 Democratic courage, consistency, and confidence, whose 
 necessity to our party's success and usefuhiess has been 
 so often demonstrated in the past. It is but natural that 
 those who have followed all their lives the Democratic 
 standard should longingly desire their party's success; 
 but this success cannot be gained by either shouting our 
 party name or attempting undemocratic experiments. 
 
 I am profoundly impressed by the conviction that the 
 situation now confronting the people of our land has 
 directed their attention more to their relief from conditions 
 that alarm and startle them than to the empty satisfaction 
 of partisan supremacy. Our country needs conservatism, 
 recuperation from nervous prostration, reinstatement of 
 constitutional observance, buoyant but none the less safe 
 and prudent Americanism; scrupulous care of every person 
 and every interest entitled to care, and a " square deal " 
 that means exact and honest equality before the law and 
 under constitutional guarantee. 
 
 These things are still among the possessions of true 
 Democracy, and Democratic patriotism, sincerity and wis- 
 dom demand that our party in tliis time of need should 
 unitedly offer them to our countrymen. 
 
 My regret that I must be absent from a Jackson Day 
 dinner, where the atmosphere must be so thoroughly Demo- 
 cratic, is intensified by my close friendship and admiration 
 for the guest whom your club will especially lioiior on tlie 
 occasion. It would be an unusually and memorable gratifi- 
 cation if I could add my tribute of praise to one who 
 by nature, by eoiivietion, by clean party service and by 
 dear understanding of party doctrine has so well earned 
 Democratic confidence and devotion as Morgan J. O'Brien. 
 
 i.'Ji 
 
OF GROYER CLEVELAND 
 
 [Letter to the Editor of the New York World, 
 Princeton, N. J., March 14, 1908.] 
 
 Dear Sir: I have received your letter asking me to make 
 a response to the following question : " What is the best 
 principle and what is the best policy to give the Democratic 
 party new life? " 
 
 As a general proposition I might answer this question 
 by saying that in my opinion this could be most surely 
 brought about by a return to genuine Democratic doctrine 
 and a close adherence to the Democratic policies which in 
 times past gave our party success and benefited our people. 
 
 To be more specific in my reply, I should say that more 
 than ever just at this time the Democratic party should 
 display honest and sincere conservatism, a regard for con- 
 stitutional limitations and a determination not to be swept 
 from our moorings by temporary clamor or spectacular 
 exploitation. 
 
 Our people need rest and peace and reassurance; and 
 it will be quite in line with true Democracy and successful 
 policy to impress upon our fellow-countrymen the fact that 
 Democracy still stands for those things. 
 
 455 
 
LIFE OF CLEVELAND 
 
 Grover Cleveland was born on March 18, 1837, at Cald- 
 well, Essex County, N. J. The first Cleveland to settle 
 in this country was Moses Cleveland, who emigrated from 
 Ipswich, England, in 1635, and settled at Woburn, Mass. 
 William Cleveland, one of his descendants, was a silver- 
 smith and watchmaker at Norwich, Conn. 
 
 Dr. Aaron Cleveland was the grandfather of Grover 
 Cleveland's grandfather. He was an Episcopal minister at 
 Philadelphia, and Benjamin Franklin wrote in eulogistic 
 terms of his career in recording liis death in the Peiinsi/l- 
 vania Gazette in 173?. Politics and the cltrical profession 
 seem to have alternately attracted the intellectual repre- 
 sentatives of the family. The father of Grover Cleveland 
 was the Rev. Richard Talley Cleveland, who was a graduate 
 of Yale, and entered the Presbyterian ministry in 18'29. 
 In the same year he married Anne Neale, who was the 
 daughter of a prosperous Baltimore bookseller of Irish 
 descent, while her mother, whose maiden name was Real, 
 was of German extraction, and a member of tlie Society of 
 Friends. 
 
 Thus Grover Cleveland's ancestors were of English, Irish, 
 and German origin. He was christened Stephen Grover 
 Cleveland in honor of the Rev. Steplicn Grover, the first 
 occupant of the parsonage at Caldwell, but the name of 
 Stephen was dropped, and he signed his name as Grover 
 Cleveland. 
 
 In 1811 his father accepted a c.ill to Fayettevillc. near 
 Syracuse, N. V., and it was there that the future President 
 received whatever education the place alTorded, and served 
 fur a short time as a clerk in a country store. The reumval 
 
LIFE OF CLEVELAND 
 
 of the family in 1850 to Clinton, N. Y., gave him the op- 
 portimity to enjoy the educational advantages of the local 
 academy. When his father died at Holland Patent, Oneida 
 County, N. Y., in 1853, he became an assistant teacher in 
 the New York Institution of the Blind, in New York City, 
 obtaining that position through the influence of his elder 
 brother. Rev. William Cleveland, who was a teacher in the 
 same institution. 
 
 In 1855, after returning for a short time to Holland 
 Patent, where his mother resided, he started for the West 
 in search of employment. While on his way West he 
 stopped at Black Rock, now a part of the city of Buffalo, 
 and his uncle, Lewis F. Allen, who resided there, engaged 
 him to assist in the compilation of a volume of the " Amer- 
 ican Herd Book." Subsequently, he assisted in the compila- 
 tion of several other volumes of this work. 
 
 During the siunmer of 1855 he secured a position as clerk 
 and copyist for the law firm of Rogers, Bowen & Rogers in 
 Buffalo at a salary of $4 per week. After he was admitted 
 to the bar he became managing clerk for this firm at a 
 salary of $600 a year, a part of which he contributed to 
 the support of his mother, who died in 1882. From 1863 
 to 1866 he was assistant district attorney of Erie County. 
 In 1868 he was the Democratic candidate for district attor- 
 ney, but was defeated by his friend, Lyman K. Bass, 
 who ran for the same office on the Republican ticket. He 
 then formed a law partnership with Isaac V. Vanderpoel, 
 and in 1869 became a member of the law firm of Lanning, 
 Cleveland & Bissell. He continued to practise law with 
 marked success till 1870, when he was elected sheriff of 
 Erie County. He held that office for three years, and then 
 resumed his law practice as a member of the firm of Bass, 
 Cleveland & Bissell. After the retirement of Lyman K. 
 Bass, owing to failing health, the firm was known as Cleve- 
 land & Bissell. 
 
 457 
 
LIFE OF CLEVELAND 
 
 In 1881 Mr. Cleveland was nominated on the Democratic 
 ticket for mayor of Buffalo, and was elected by the largest 
 majority ever given to a candidate in that city. Owing to 
 liis fearlessness in cliecking illegal and extravagant appro- 
 priations and unwise expenditures he became widely known 
 as the " veto mayor." His integrity and ability, of which 
 he gave ample evidence as mayor of Buffalo, made him 
 knowTi all over the State of New York, and led to his being 
 nominated for governor at the Democratic State Convention 
 in Syracuse on September 22, 1882, in opposition to tlie 
 Republican candidate, Charles J. Folger, then Secretary of 
 the Treasury. At the election in November he received a 
 plurality of 192,854. over Mr. Folger. As governor of New 
 York he continued to exhibit tlie same efficiency and to 
 apply the same principles of probity that had controlled his 
 administration as mayor of Buffalo, thereby attracting at- 
 tention from the press and people all over the United 
 States. 
 
 It was owing to the national reputation he thus acquired 
 that he was nominated for the presidency by the Demo- 
 cratic National Convention in Chicago on July 11, lS8i. 
 James G. Blaine was the Republican candidate. At tlie 
 ensuing election Mr. Cleveland received 219 and Mr. 
 Blaine 182 electoral votes. On June 6, 1888, Mr. Cleve- 
 land was renominated for the presidency at the National 
 Democratic Convention in St. Louis. Benjamin Harrison 
 was the Republican candidate. At the November election 
 Mr. Cleveland was defeated, as he only received lG8 
 electoral votes, while 2li'J were cast for Mr. Harrison. This 
 defeat was b}' no means an indication of his decline in per- 
 sonal popularity, as he received 5,510,329 of the popular 
 vote, against 5,189,853 votes cast for Mr. Harrison. 
 
 After coin])hting his presidential term, Marcli 1, 1889, 
 lie resumed the practice of law in New York City. On 
 Juiii- 11, 189'J, he was ai.i;ain ])l.ie((l in noiiiiM.itinn for tlic 
 
 •15S 
 
LIFE OF CLEVELAND 
 
 presidency at the National Democratic Convention which 
 met in Chicago, receiving more than two-thirds of the votes 
 on the first ballot. The November election proved the wis- 
 dom of the delegates in deciding on his nomination, as Mr. 
 Harrison, who had been renominated by the Republicans, 
 only received 145 electoral votes against 277 cast for INIr. 
 Cleveland. James B. Weaver, the candidate of the People's 
 Party, received 22 electoral votes. It may be noted as a 
 remarkable circumstance in connection with this election 
 that Mr. Cleveland was the first President to be elected to 
 a second term without being elected as his own immediate 
 successor. 
 
 It may also be noted that Mr. Cleveland's marriage, on 
 June 2, 1SS6, to Frances Folsom, daughter of his deceased 
 friend and law partner, Oscar Folsom, was the first instance 
 of a President becoming a Benedict during his term of 
 office. In fact, James Buchanan, the last Democratic Presi- 
 dent before the Civil War, and Grover Cleveland were the 
 only bachelors elected to the presidency. Mrs. Cleveland, 
 who was born in Buffalo in 18()i, was one of the youngest 
 of the various " ladies " who had hitherto presided at the 
 White House. She was the only one to give birth to a child 
 in the White House, her daughter, Esther, having been born 
 there in 1893. The first child of Mr. and Mrs. Cleveland, 
 "Baby" Ruth, was born in 1891, and died in 1906. The 
 other children are INIarion, Richard, anfl Francis Grover. 
 
 In the campaign of 1896' Mr. Cleveland supported the 
 Palmer and Buckner ticket, as his political views were not 
 in accordance with those of William Jennings Bryan, the 
 candidate of the other section of the Democratic party. 
 
 After the close of his second term on March 4, 1897, Mr. 
 Cleveland took up his residence at Princeton, N. J., spend- 
 ing his summers for a number of years at Gray Gables, 
 Buzzard's Bay, and in later years at Tamworth, N. H., in 
 the White Mountains. During the last ten years of his life 
 
 459 
 
LIFE OF CLEVELAND 
 
 he delivered public addresses from time to time, including 
 two lectures a year for several years at Princeton. In 1897 
 he received the degree of LL.D. from Princeton University, 
 and was also a trustee of that institution. 
 
 In 1904 he delivered a notable address at the St. Louis 
 Purchase Exposition. In the same year he supported Judge 
 Alton B. Parker for the Democratic presidential nomina- 
 tion. After the memorable investigation of the Equitable 
 Life Assurance Society, Mr. Cleveland was made one of the 
 trustees to hold the majority of the stock of that cor- 
 poration. 
 
 Mr. Cleveland died on the morning of June 24, 1908, at 
 his home in Princeton, with his wife and three physicians 
 at his bedside. His children were away at his New England 
 summer home. He had been in ill health since the previous 
 fall. His grave is in Princeton cemetery alongside of the 
 grave of his favorite child, " Baby " Ruth, for whom, it is 
 said, he called repeatedly in the delirium of his last illness. 
 A number of prominent men have headed a subscription 
 fund to erect a Cleveland monument in Princeton. 
 
 The development of Mr. Cleveland as one of the greatest 
 factors in American politics between the years 1882 and 
 1896 presents a most singular case. He was comparatively 
 untrained in sbitesmanship and important public atTairs 
 when he assumed the office of governor. He was almost 
 overwhelmed by the m.ignitude and difficulties of the office 
 of President. To the duties of both offices he addressed him- 
 self with unremitting industry, and from the country politi- 
 cian he developed to be a statesman who ignored politienl 
 methods, who rose above his partv, and who endeared him- 
 self to the public by the manner in which he overrode State 
 bosses and organization machinery. He was one of the few 
 great characttrs rtMuaiiiing in American politics at the be- 
 ginning of the tvM nlicth cfntury, and h«' won a j)lac»' for 
 hiniM'lf as oik of the great figures in llic naliou's hi.story. 
 
 KiO 
 
LIFE OF CLEVELAND 
 
 He was greatly beloved and admired, irrespective of party 
 opinion. 
 
 William H. Taft, afterwards elected to the presidency 
 on the Republican ticket, said at the time of Mr. Cleveland's 
 death : " He was one of the really great men of the country. 
 He was a great man and a great President." 
 
 In the proclamation which he issued on June 21", 1908, 
 on hearing of Mr. Cleveland's death, President Roosevelt 
 said: " Grover Cleveland, President of the United States 
 from 1885 to 1889, and again from 1893 to 1897, died at 
 8:40 o'clock this morning at his home in Princeton, N. J. 
 In his death the nation has been deprived of one of its 
 greatest citizens. By profession a lawyer, his chief services 
 to his country were rendered during a long, varied, and 
 honorable career in public life. As mayor of his city, as 
 governor of his State, and twice as President, he showed 
 signal powers as an administrator, coupled with entire de- 
 votion to the country's good, and a courage that quailed 
 before no hostility when once he was convinced where his 
 duty lay. Since his retirement from the presidency he has 
 continued well and faithfully to serve his countrymen by the 
 simplicity, dignity, and uprightness of his private life. In 
 testimonj'^ of the respect in which his memory is held by 
 the Government and people of the United States, I do 
 hereby direct that the flags of the White House and the 
 several departmental buildings be displayed at half mast 
 for a period of thirty days, and that suitable military and 
 naval honors, under the orders of the Secretaries of War 
 and of the Navy, be rendered on the day of the funeral." 
 
 461 
 
 \ 
 
THE STORY OF THE BOOK 
 
 Althougli Grover Cleveland had the gift of literary ex- 
 pression he never posed as a professional author. He was 
 essentially a lawyer and statesman, and cared more for 
 lucidity of expression than for any rhetorical polish of 
 style. Nevertheless, in his political writings and addresses 
 he frequently gave utterance to epigrammatic phrases that 
 have since been added to the list of standard quotations. 
 
 Most of the addresses collected in the present volume 
 "Were delivered after Mr. Cleveland was elected to the Presi- 
 dency, and they were invariably the outcome of careful 
 preparation. He knew just what ideas he wished to present 
 to the public, and knew also how to present these ideas 
 with telling effect. Thus he never made speeches for the 
 sake of public applause, but because he believed that he 
 had something of importance to communicate. While mak- 
 ing no pretension of being an orator, he certainly may be 
 classed as an effective jniblic speaker. 
 
 In 1892 ^Ir. George F. Parker issued an aulhoriztd edi- 
 tion of " The Writings and Speeches of Grover Cleveland," 
 which were classified under twenty-live chapter headings, 
 but there has hitherto been no collection embodying the 
 writings and si)eeehcs of Mr, Cleveland from 1S9'2 to the 
 time of his death. 
 
 In the present collection, the " Addresses, State Papers, 
 and Letters " are arranged in chronological sequence, and 
 those who desire to read the various utterances or writings 
 of Mr. Chvcl.iiul on any j).irtienlar subject, are referred for 
 tlu- clashilication thereof to the index at the end of the 
 voluinc, 
 
 ■1()V.' 
 
STORY OF THE BOOK 
 
 Those who desire to consult other volumes written by or 
 about Mr, Cleveland are referred to the bibTiographical list 
 of authorities carefully prepared by ^Ir, A. P. C. GrifSn, 
 the Chief Bibliographer of the Library of Congress. Ac- 
 knowledgment is due to Mr. Griffin and to Mr. Herbert 
 Putnam, Librarian of Congress, for their courteous co-opera- 
 tion in supplying this bibliography for the present work. 
 i\Iost of the publications cited in this bibliographical list 
 may be found in the larger libraries of the United States. 
 
 The present volume, however, will suffice for those who 
 are in search of a representative collection of the " Ad- 
 dresses, State Papers, and Letters " of Grover Cleveland. 
 It will give the reader a correct conception of the great 
 democratic President as reflected both in his public and 
 private utterances. It embodies his opinions on all impor- 
 tant topics upon which he has written or spoken. 
 
 Especially interesting are the extracts from the annual 
 messages he sent to Congress during his occupancy of the 
 Presidential chair. These extracts contain his criticisms and 
 recommendations on Naturalization, Civil Service reform, 
 Taxation, Tariff reform. Capital and Labor, the National 
 Finances, and many other subjects of equal importance. It 
 would have been manifestly impossible to have given the 
 messages complete within the scope of the present volume, 
 but care has been taken to select the passages that, in the 
 opinion of the editor, would prove of general interest to the 
 reading public. 
 
 The exigencies of space also made it prohibitive to give 
 all of the speeches in full. Those who desire to peruse the 
 portions omitted here from some of the public addresses 
 delivered by Mr. Cleveland from the time he was renom- 
 inated for the Presidency in 1892 down to the year I9O8 
 are referred to the annual indexes of the New York Tribune. 
 These indexes, under the heading of " Cleveland," give the 
 dates when these speeches were delivered, thus enabling the 
 
 463 
 
STORY OF THE BOOK 
 
 reader in most cases to find a full report of them in the 
 files of the Tribune and other daily papers. 
 
 The truth of the maxim that " the style is the man " was 
 never more in evidence than in the style of Grover Cleve- 
 land. The keynote of his writings and speeches was ex- 
 pressed in his famous epigram, " Public office is a public 
 trust." Again and again he dwells on the necessity for 
 patriotic efifort, and insists that the welfare of the citizens 
 either of a city like Buffalo, of a State like New York, or 
 of a great nation like the United States, should be the guid- 
 ing principle of the men entrusted with public office. He 
 lays particular stress on the duty of public economy and 
 private thrift, and insists that every man in office ought to 
 apply to every public question the same moral principles 
 and the same good judgment and discretion that ought to 
 govern men in their private business relations. 
 
 An examination of his speeches, however, will show that 
 he does not confine himself to a didactic presentation of his 
 ideas. Mr. Cleveland had a keen sense of humor, and knew 
 liow to wield the sharp weapon of ridicule in exposing the 
 unworthy motives of degraded politicians. In his occa- 
 sional addresses there are frequent flashes of wit and hu- 
 mour, and he was by no means averse to the introduction 
 of an apt anecdote or a funnv story to offset any political 
 sermonizing be might resort to in the course of an after- 
 dinner speech. 
 
 One of his most famous speeches was in response to the 
 toast, " The Principles of True Democracy." In this speech 
 he defined true democracy to mean a sober conviction or 
 conclusion touching political topics, which, formulated into 
 a political belief or creed, ins])ires a patriotic performance 
 of the duties of citizensliip. The address is a serious and 
 statesmanlike effort that was widely circulated in the public 
 press as an important presentation of Mr. (level.ind's 
 polili(.al (hutriiies. In llie course of this address, Mr. (leve- 
 
 Kil 
 
STORY OF THE BOOK 
 
 land showed a sentimental vein by quoting poetry, and a 
 humorous vein by introducing an anecdote of a confirmed 
 Jacksonian Democrat who, becoming involved in a dispute 
 as to whether his hero had gone to heaven or not, was 
 prompted by Democratic instinct to dispose of the question 
 by declaring, " I tell you, sir, that if Andrew Jackson has 
 made up his mind to go to heaven, you may depend upon 
 it he's there." 
 
 As a rule, however, Mr. Cleveland was too intensely in 
 earnest to care much for anything but a straightforward 
 presentation of the points at issue, and his writings and 
 speeches will prove of signal interest to those who delight 
 in the discussion of political topics that affect the welfare 
 of our great republic. 
 
 In an after-dinner speech at the Holland Society dinner 
 of 1901 Mr. Cleveland said: "I cannot resent the charge 
 that I am apt to preach a sermon on occasions of this kind, 
 for I am afraid this accusation is justified. It has been 
 my lot to be much on the sober side of life and to feel the 
 pressure of great responsibilities. Besides, I believe it 
 sometimes happens that an excess of light-hearted gayety 
 creates a condition of popular thought and impulse that 
 may profitably be steadied by sedate suggestions and the 
 expression of conservative sentiment — even though it may 
 be called sermonizing." 
 
 Mr. Cleveland believed that principle as well as policy 
 was to be considered whenever he was called upon to ex- 
 press an opinion on any important question. He was re- 
 lentless in denouncing the abuse of the taxing power. He 
 was constantly exhorting to watchfulness and economy in 
 the public service, and was tireless in his efforts to bring 
 about civil service reform. 
 
 He seldom lost an opportunitj'^ to denounce insolent par- 
 tisanship. He was a partisan in the best sense of the word. 
 He believed that " party honesty is party expediency," and 
 
 465 
 
STORY OF THE BOOK 
 
 that the adherents of the Democratic party ought at all 
 times to be true to the ideals and principles of the loftiest 
 patriotism. 
 
 His moral courage was one of his most striking charac- 
 teristics. After once making up his mind that he was right, 
 he had the courage to stick to his conviction. His famous 
 Venezuela message is a notable instance of this character- 
 istic. The message sent a thrill through tlie civilized world. 
 It read, as most persons thought at the time, like a direct 
 invitation to war with Great Britain; but, as a matter of 
 fact, by this bold stroke of statesmanship Mr. Cleveland 
 prevented war, and established a precedent for the su- 
 premacy of the Monroe doctrine. 
 
 Grover Cleveland had the higliest civic and patriotic 
 ideals, which he knew how to expound with a lucidity and 
 felicity of style and an epigrammatic vigor of expression 
 that entikle liis writings and speeches to rank as a most 
 valuable contribution to the political literature of his period. 
 
 •1 (]() 
 
NOTES ON THE TEXT 
 
 11 Veto Mayor. It was Mr, Cleveland's vigorous use 
 of his veto power against the Common Council of Buffalo 
 which first attracted attention to him, at a time when com- 
 plaints of jobbery were heard from nearly every city in the 
 Eastern States. It was thus he became known as the " Veto 
 Mayor," and the capacity shown by him in the administra- 
 tion of the city of Buffalo soon convinced the public that 
 such rare qualities ought to be given a larger sphere of 
 exercise. 
 
 22 Nomination for Governor. On the second day of the 
 Democratic State Convention at Syracuse in 1882 Mr. 
 Cleveland was nominated on the third ballot for Governor, 
 receiving 211 votes out of 382. The Republican nominee 
 was Charles J. Folger, then Secretary of the Treasury in 
 President Arthur's Cabinet. The election in November was 
 one of the most remarkable in the annals of New York, 
 Mr. Folger had honorably filled high State and Federal 
 offices, and there was no opposition to him personally among 
 Republicans, but there was widespread dissatisfaction in the 
 party because of a belief that his nomination was accom- 
 plished by improper practices in the convention and by the 
 interference of the Federal administration. The result was 
 the election of Mr. Cleveland by a very large majority, indi- 
 cating the extent to wiiich Republicans stayed at home or 
 voted the Democratic ticket to rebuke certain phases of party 
 management. In a total vote of 91 8,894, Cleveland received a 
 plurality of 192,854 over Folger, and a majority over all, in- 
 cluding Greenback, Prohibition, and scattering, of 151,7-lL'. 
 
 26 Civil Service Reform. Mr. Cleveland was one of the 
 first to advocate publicly civil-service reform by the adop- 
 
 467 
 
NOTES ON THE TEXT 
 
 tion of the merit system, and he was no sooner in office than 
 he took steps to put his ideas into practice. He recom- 
 mended in his first annual message to the New York Legis- 
 lature that a State Civil Service Commission be created, that 
 the competitive system be extended to all incorporated 
 cities, and that the political assessment of public officers be 
 prohibited. His personal efforts aided materially in putting 
 these reforms on the statute books. When he became Presi- 
 dent he was no less a firm upholder of reform in the making 
 of appointments. In 1896 he signed an order adding 44,004 
 posts to the civil-service lists, making the total number of 
 competitive places 86,932. When he began his first term in 
 1885, only 13,000 out of 130,000 appointments were on the 
 civil service lists. 
 
 41 Legal Career. Mr. Cleveland laid the foundation of 
 his legal acquirements in the law offices of Messrs. BroM'n 
 & Rogers, where he was employed for some time after his 
 arrival in Buffalo in 1855. In 1857 he was called to the 
 bar. In 1863 he became Assistant District Attorney for 
 Erie County, and after the expiration of his term of office 
 he became a member of the firm of Laning, Cleveland 
 & Folsom. Subsequently he was head of the firm of 
 Cleveland, Bissell & Sicard. His success as a lawyer was 
 due principally to his grasp of facts and lucidity of state- 
 ment. 
 
 49 Election to the Presidency, ISSJf.. The Democratic 
 National Convention of 1884 was held at Chicago, on July 
 1 1th. Grover Cleveland was noniinatfd on the second ballot. 
 Of the 820 votes of tlie whole number of delegates, he re- 
 ceived 683, a two-thirds vote being necessary for a nomina- 
 tion. James G. Blaine was the nominee of the Republican 
 National Convention. After a vigorous campaign Mr. 
 Cleveland M'as elected by a majority of 87 electoral votes. 
 In a total popular vote of 10,067.610, Cleveland received 
 4,874,986 and Blaine 4,851.981. New York proved to be 
 
 4GS 
 
NOTES ON THE TEXT 
 
 the pivotal State and gave Cleveland a small plurality. 
 Its 36 electoral votes thus decided the contest in his favor. 
 Cleveland and Hendricks vpere elected respectively Presi- 
 dent and Vice-President by 219 votes aginst 182 for Blaine 
 and Logan. Of the 38 States then voting, 20 were carried 
 by Cleveland, including New York, Connecticut, New Jer- 
 sey, Delaware, Indiana, and Kentucky. 
 
 59 Inaugural Address. When Cleveland entered on his 
 first term of the Presidency he had not yet completed his 
 forty-eighth year. On March 4, 1885, innumerable crowds 
 attended him to the Capitol at Washington, where he took 
 the oath of office prescribed by the Constitution, He deliv- 
 ered his Inaugural Address from the steps of the Capitol. 
 This impressive function had special significance from the 
 fact that it symbolized the conclusion of the fierce conflict 
 of a generation. From North and South the victors and the 
 vanquished met under the leadership of the Democratic 
 party, which, largely owing to its historic affiliation with 
 the seceding South, had been excluded from office for more 
 than twenty years. Mr. Cleveland took advantage of his 
 professional experience as a speaker to adopt a course which 
 various political orators who had preceded him in office may 
 have thought beneath the dignity of the occasion. Instead 
 of a written address, he delivered a brief speech in which 
 he expressed his sense of his great responsibilities and his 
 faith in a system of " government by the people." 
 
 64 Grant. General U. S. Grant was born at Point 
 Pleasant, Ohio, April 27, 1822, and died at Mount Mac- 
 Gregor, near Saratoga, N. Y., July 23, 1885. His body 
 rests in a magnificent tomb in Riverside Park, New York 
 City, overlooking the Hudson River. 
 
 68 First Annual Message. Nearly a third of this mes- 
 sage is devoted to a review of the business of the State De- 
 partment. The President treats at considerable length 
 important questions concerning foreign relations, currency, 
 
 469 
 
NOTES ON THE TEXT 
 
 and the revenue_, and civil-service reform. He recommends 
 a reorganization of the Federal judiciary, a complete recon- 
 struction of the Navy Department, land-law legislation to 
 restrict excessive ownership of large areas by single indi- 
 viduals, a new Indian policy, and the prohibition of Mor- 
 mon immigration. 
 
 78 Thurman. Allen Granbery Thurman was born at 
 Lynchburg, Va., November 13, 1813; died at Columbus, 
 Ohio, December 12, 1895. He served as United States 
 Senator from Ohio, 1869-1881, and was the Democratic 
 nominee for vice-president in 1888 on the Cleveland ticket, 
 which was defeated by Harrison and Morton. 
 
 79 Hancock. General Winfield Scott Hancock was born 
 February 14, 182i, at Montgomery Square, Pa., and died 
 at Governor's Island, February 9, 1886. In 1880 he was 
 made the Democratic nominee for President, but was de- 
 feated by the Republican candidate, James A. Garfield. 
 
 92 Arthur. Cliester Alan Arthur was elected Vice- 
 President on the Garfield ticket. On the death of President 
 Garfield, September 19, 1881, he became the twenty-first 
 President of the United States. He was born at Fairfield, 
 Vt., October 5, 1830, and died in New York City, Novem- 
 ber 18, 1886. 
 
 92 Second Annual Message. Tlie central idea of this 
 message is the recognition and enforcement of American 
 l.ilK)r. Devotion to this great object controls the recom- 
 mendations regarding traffic and taxation, agriculture and 
 tlie public courts, as well as the suggestions made for legis- 
 lation having for its direct i)urj)ose the passage of labor- 
 j)rotection laws and the adjustment of disputes between the 
 workingmen and tlie emj)h)yers. The ])ortions of the mes- 
 sage whieli ]}rovi"d of spt-eial interest to the general jniblic 
 relate to the reform of the pension system, the reform of 
 tlie civil s«rvi«'e, the maintcnanee i>f a S(miii<1 eurnney, and 
 liie rtduetion of taxation. 
 
 470 
 
 i 
 
NOTES ON THE TEXT 
 
 119 Third Annual Message. In this message Mr, 
 Cleveland made reduction of the tariff the principal topic. 
 The message, it was felt, was addressed to the country at 
 large in view of the coming election, and produced almost 
 as much dismay among the wire-pullers of his own party 
 as in the ranks of the Republican protectionists. The mes- 
 sage, however, recalled the Democrats to the old principle 
 of the party, " taxation for the purpose of revenue only." 
 A tariff reduction bill was carried tJirough the House of 
 Representatives, with only four Democrats voting in the 
 minority, but in the Senate where the Republicans still had 
 a majority, a bill was introduced changing the tariff in the 
 direction of increased protection. Both schemes were in- 
 tended as declarations of policy to influence the coming elec- 
 tion. The Republicans, who won the election, were wise 
 enough to know that the tariff reform fight was not over, 
 and put through the famous McKinley bill in their endeavor 
 to give some appearance of symmetry and logical strength 
 to their tariff system. 
 
 132 Beecher. Henry Ward Beecher was born at Litch- 
 field, Conn., June 24, 1813, and died at Brooklyn, N. Y., 
 March 8, 1887. Although he had always been a Republi- 
 can, he made campaign speeches in behalf of Mr. Cleveland 
 during the Presidential campaign of 188i. 
 
 136 Campaign of 1888. The Democratic National Con- 
 vention at St. Louis in Jmie, 1888, nominated Grover Cleve- 
 land by acclamation for a second term, an honor of which no 
 one except General Grant had been the recipient since the 
 second nomination of Jackson. The defeat of James G. 
 Blaine in 1884< made the Republicans unwilling to risk their 
 cause under his leadership a second time. The convention 
 finally adopted General Benjamin Harrison, of Indiana, as 
 the Republican candidate. Mr. Cleveland's position pre- 
 vented him from taking any direct part in the campaign. 
 General Harrison made ninety-four speeches in the course 
 
 471 
 
NOTES ON THE TEXT 
 
 of the campaign, and devoting special attention to his own 
 Stnte, succeeded in securing its fifteen electoral votes. The 
 victory in Indiana, coupled with the success of the Republi- 
 cans in New York, Cleveland's own State, restored the 
 Republicans to power. The defection of New York from 
 Mr. Cleveland was accounted for in various ways. Some 
 attributed it to the discontent of the independents at the 
 failure of Mr. Cleveland to carry out their opinions in con- 
 nection Avith civil-service reform. Others attributed the loss 
 of New York to the hostility of Tammany Hall. It was 
 alleged that Tammany Hall had instructed their supporters 
 to vote for General Harrison in exchange for Republican 
 votes for certain State offices. The real explanation, how- 
 ever, seems to be that the Republicans showed in defence 
 of their interests great energy and ability, backed by a 
 lavish expenditure of money for campaign purposes, while 
 the Democrats were over-confident and lacked organization. 
 Of the total electoral vote of 401, Harrison received 233 and 
 Cleveland 1(38. Of the popular vote Cleveland had a plu- 
 rality of 98,017, having received 5,538,233 votes against 
 5,4'40,2l6 for Harrison. 
 
 138 Sheridan. General Philip H. Sheridan was born at 
 Albany, N. Y., March 6, 1831, and died at Nonquitt, Mass., 
 August 5, 1888. 
 
 151 Cox. Samuel Sullivan Cox, American statesman, 
 humorist, and author, was born at Zanesville, Ohio, Septem- 
 ber 30, 18i^4, and died at New York, September 10. 1889. 
 He served many years in Congress, and was for a short time 
 the United States Minister to Turkey. He was familiarly 
 known as " Sunset " Cox, owing to an exuberant article he 
 wrote, entitled " The Great Sunset," and this sobriquet 
 stuck to him through his carrer, as the word " Sunset " 
 chanced to correspond with his two initials. 
 
 153 Fourth Annual Message. Outside of the rcvenue- 
 reforiu argument, the most striking portion of tliis message 
 
 472 
 
NOTES ON THE TEXT 
 
 is that which sharply criticises Congress for permitting the 
 consideration of private interests and claims to subordinate 
 and postpone action upon subjects of great public impor- 
 tance, but involving no special, private, or partisan interest. 
 In accordance with the recommendation of this message the 
 Mills bill was introduced, which removed duties aggregating 
 $50,000,000 per annum. The bill passed the House, but 
 was defeated in the Senate. A new tariff bill, known as the 
 Wilson bill, was introduced December 19, 1893, during 
 Mr, Cleveland's second administration. The bill reduced 
 the duties on many articles in the existing schedules. It 
 was passed both by the House of Representatives and the 
 Senate, and the President allowed it to become a law with- 
 out his signature. 
 
 226 Hendricks. Thomas Andrews Hendricks was born 
 near Lanesville, Ohio, in 1819, and died on November 25, 
 1885. He ran for vice-president on the unsuccessful Tilden 
 ticket in 1876, but was elected to that office on the Cleve- 
 land ticket in 1884. 
 
 355 First Annual Message (Second Term). The 
 President in this message commends the moderate Wilson 
 bill and he insists that only the necessity of revenue justifies 
 the imposition of tariff duties. Foreign relations are fully 
 reviewed, and attention is called to leading questions then 
 occupying public attention, with certain recommendations in 
 reference to the various departmental reports. 
 
 363 Second Annual Message (Second Term). This 
 message gives considerable information on the standing of 
 the United States Government and its relations with other 
 nations. It also gives a concise presentation of the condi- 
 tion of every department of the Government. 
 
 372 Third Annual Message (Second Term). Of this 
 message one half is devoted to foreign relations and the 
 other half to the national finances. The Cuban question is 
 duly considered, but the portion of the message that at- 
 
 473 
 
NOTES ON THE TEXT 
 
 tracted Wide attention was the position President Cleveland 
 took on the Venezuelan boundary dispute and his emphatic 
 endorsement of the Monroe Doctrine that there shall be 
 no European encroachment on the American hemisphere. 
 This was subsequently still further emphasized in his spe- 
 cial message on the Venezuelan question. 
 
 376 Venezuelan Message. The United States had 
 striven for some time to get Great Britain and Venezuela 
 to arbitrate a boundary dispute, when in July, 1895, matters 
 caiao to a crisis. The Secretary of State, Richard Ohiey, 
 autliorized Thomas F. Bayard, the American Ambassador 
 to Great Britain, to inform Lord Salisbury that Great 
 Britain's occupation of the territory in question would be 
 considered by the United States a violation of the Monroe 
 Doctrine. In November, Lord Salisbury replied that Great 
 Britain did not consider the Monroe Doctrine applicable 
 to the case and would not arbitrate. On December 17th, 
 President Cleveland sent a message to Congress asking for 
 an appropriation to pay the expenses of a commission which 
 should determine what action should be taken. In both 
 Great Britain and the United States this message was re- 
 garded as equivalent to a threat that war would follow the 
 insistence by England on the course she had outlined. The 
 commission was appointed, but before it was ready to report 
 Great Britain and Venezuela agreed to arbitrate. Nearly 
 four years later, on January 15, 1899, the tribunal met in 
 Paris, and on October 3d of the same year rendered what 
 is said to have been a unanimous decision, which, in tlic 
 main, was favorable to the Venezuelan claims. 
 
 381 Parker. Hon. George W. Parker was the American 
 Consul, and President of the Binniiigliani Dramatic and 
 Literary Club. The letter from Mr. C'Kveland was road at 
 the thirty-second annual Shakespeare commemoration of the 
 club. Tl»e Daily Netvs of London maintained that Mr. 
 Cleveland's letter to Consul Parker was written with the 
 
 •17i 
 
NOTES ON THE TEXT 
 
 deliberate intention of facilitating the closing of an unpleas- 
 ant episode [the Venezuela boundary dispute] in the rela- 
 tions between Great Britain and the United States. The 
 Daily News added that it reciprocated the intentions. 
 
 383 Fourth Annual Message (Second Term). The por- 
 tion of this message which referred to Cuba received the 
 largest measure of attention from the public press, and was 
 eagerly read throughout the country. The President gives 
 excellent reasons why the United States Government should 
 move with caution and wisdom until Spain had shown be- 
 yond cavil her inability to cope with the Cuban situation. 
 
 389 Presidential Election of 1892. The majority of 
 Democrats were in favor of Grover Cleveland as the Presi- 
 dential candidate for 1892 even before the preparations for 
 the National Convention at Chicago on June 23d were be- 
 gun. Tradition, on the other hand, discouraged the nomi- 
 nation of a candidate who had once suffered defeat. This 
 consideration, however, had no weight with the mass of the 
 delegates, and Cleveland was nominated on the first ballot 
 by an overwhelming majority. Benjamin Harrison was 
 nominated for a second term by the Republican National 
 Convention. Mr. Cleveland was elected by a larger major- 
 ity than that which he had secured in 1884. Of the total 
 number of electoral votes (444) Cleveland received 277, 
 Harrison had 145, and Weaver, the Populist candidate, had 
 22. Of the popular vote Cleveland received 5,553,808 votes ; 
 Harrison 5,180,911; Weaver, 1,035,572; and Wing, the So- 
 cialist candidate, 21,145. 
 
 401 Jefferson. Joseph Jefferson, the famous American 
 comedian referred to here, was born at Philadelphia, Febru- 
 ary 20, 1829, and died at Palm Beach, Florida, April 3, 
 1905. Grover Cleveland and Joseph Jefferson were great 
 friends and frequent companions on fishing excursions at 
 Buzzard's Bay and elsewhere. 
 
 405 Schurz. Carl Schurz, the German-American statcs- 
 475 
 
NOTES ON THE TEXT 
 
 man, editor, and author, was born at Liblar, near Cologne, 
 Prussia, March 2, 1829, and died on May 14, 1906. He 
 was Secretary of the Interior in the Cabinet of President 
 Hayes. In the canvasses of 1884, 1888, and 1892 he sup- 
 ported Cleveland. 
 
 407 Harrison. Benjamin Harrison, the twenty-third 
 President of the United States, was born at North Bend, 
 Ohio, August 20, 1833, and died at Indianapolis, March 
 13, 1901. 
 
 412 McKinley. William McKinley, the twenty-fifth 
 President of the United States, was born at Niles, 01)io, 
 January 29, 1843, and was shot by an assassin, Czolgosz, 
 while holding a public reception at the Pan-American Expo- 
 sition in Buffalo, N. Y., on September 6, 1901. It was 
 thought, after the wound liad been operated on, that he 
 might survive, but the wound proved fatal and he died on 
 September 14th. 
 
 4l6 Doctor of Jurisprudence. On this occasion the 
 honorary degree of doctor of jurisprudence was conferred 
 for the first time in the United States. The recipient was 
 ex-President Cleveland, M'ho had already received the degree 
 of LL.D. from Princeton University. The ceremony of con- 
 ferring the degree ujion Mr. Cleveland was a part of the 
 commencement exercises of the college. Archbishop Ryan 
 presiding. 
 
 420 Wilson. Woodrow Wilson, the American educator 
 and historian, was born at Staunton, Va. He graduated at 
 Princeton in 1879- In 1890 he b'^eaiuf Professor of Juris- 
 prudence and Polities at Princeton, and upon the resignation 
 of President Patton in June, 1902, Dr. Wilson was elected 
 President of Princeton University by the unanimous votes 
 of the trustees, and on October 25th he was formally in- 
 augurated. 
 
 429 Kishineff. On April 2.S, lyoS, twenty-five Jews 
 were killed and several hundred were woiuidcd, many of 
 
 476 
 
NOTES ON THE TEXT 
 
 them fatally, during the anti-Semitic riots at Kishineff in 
 Russia, when a number of workmen organized an attack on 
 the Jewish inhabitants. The houses of the Jews were 
 wrecked, their shops were sacked, and thousands of them 
 were made homeless and destitute. 
 
 432 Chicago Strike. The conflict with the American 
 Railway Union at Chicago was started by a dispute between 
 the Pullman Car Company and their employees. The em- 
 ployees struck and their places were filled by others. Then 
 the union of railway men, on the advice of their president 
 (Debs), took up the question and demanded that the rail- 
 ways should boycott the Pullman Company. When this 
 edict was not complied with they not only went on strike 
 themselves, but stopped the working of the railway lines by 
 others. Governor Altgeld, of Illinois, had already attracted 
 attention by pardoning some of the individuals who were 
 undergoing imprisonment for the Anarchist outrages of 
 1880. In this instance he refused to take the necessary 
 measures to enable the companies to carry on their business. 
 The postmasters in Chicago, as Federal officers, appealed to 
 Washington for help to distribute the mails, and Mr. Cleve- 
 land at once sent troops to Chicago, which brought about 
 the collapse of the strike. In the case of several similar 
 conflicts elsewhere the troops of the United States had been 
 called in during the summer, but in each of these instances 
 they entered the State at the request of the governor. They 
 were sent to Chicago, however, not only without Governor 
 Altgeld's consent, but against his protest. This dispatch 
 of an armed force would have involved a serious constitu- 
 tional question if acts had not been passed since I860 which 
 authorize the President to send troops into any State where 
 he has reason to believe that Federal business is not ade- 
 quately protected, or that the lives or property of American 
 citizens are exposed to danger which the local authorities 
 fail to avert. 
 
 477 
 
LIST OF AUTHORITIES 
 
 Cleveland, Grover, President United States. 
 
 Fishing and Shooting Sketches. Illustrated by Henry 
 S. Watson. New York: The Outing Publishing Com- 
 pany, 1906. 209 pp. Frontispiece. Illustrations. 
 Plates. 12mo. 
 
 The Independence of the Executive, Boston and New 
 York: Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 1900. 27 pp. 8vo. 
 
 Presidential Problems. New York: The Century Com- 
 pany, 1904. 281 pp. Bvo. 
 
 Principles and Purposes of our Form of Government 
 as set forth in Public Papers of Grover Cleveland. 
 Comp. by F'rancis Gottsberger. New York: G. G. 
 Peck, 1892. 187 pp. 8vo. 
 
 The Writings and Speeclies of Grover Cleveland, se- 
 lected and edited with an Introduction by George F. 
 Parker. Authorized edition. New York: Cassell Pub- 
 lishing Company, 1892. 571 pp. Portrait. 8vo. 
 
 New York Times. 
 
 The Venezuela Dispute. Prof. McM.ister's History of 
 the Monroe Doetriiie. The Prisidenl's Message and 
 the other Offieial Documents. New York: The New 
 York Tijjies, 1896". 35 jjp. Map. 8vo. 
 
 United States. Department of State. 
 
 Correspondciiee in Relation to the Uoiiiidary Contro- 
 478 
 
 111 
 
LIST OF AUTHORITIES 
 
 versy between Great Britain and Venezuela, being a 
 reprint of Senate Executive Document No. 226, Fif- 
 tieth Congress, first session, and Senate Document No. 
 31, Fifty-fourth Congress, first session. Washington: 
 Government Printing Office, 1896. Map. 8vo. 
 
 President. 
 
 A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the 
 Presidents, 1789-1897. Published by authority of 
 Congress. Washington: Government Printing Office, 
 1896-99. 10 vols. Plates. Portraits. 8vo. Issued 
 also as House Miscellaneous Document No. 210, Fifty- 
 third Congress, second session. Vol. VIII, Grover 
 Cleveland, 1885-1889, pp. 296-852. Vol. IX, Grover 
 Cleveland, 1893-1897, pp. 387-801. 
 
 President, 1893-1897 (Cleveland). 
 
 President's Message relating to the Hawaiian Islands. 
 December 18, 1893. Accompanied by Commissioner 
 Blount's Report, the evidence taken by him at Hono- 
 lulu, the instructions given to both Commissioner 
 Blount and Minister Willis, and correspondence con- 
 nected with the affair. Washington : Government Print- 
 ing Office, 1893. 684 pp. Map. 8vo. Fifty-tliird 
 Congress, second session. House Executive Docu- 
 ment No. 47. 
 
 Biery, James S. 
 
 King Grover. Chronicles of His Reign, according to 
 Simonides, the scribe of tlie tribe of Lechay. First 
 book. Allentown, Pa.: Published by the author, 1894. 
 128 pp. 12mo. In scriptural style. 
 
 Boyd, James Penny. 
 
 Biographies of President Grover Cleveland and Hon. 
 Allen G. Thurman, with full Proceedings of the St. 
 I.ouis Convention and authorized text of ihc National 
 479 
 
LIST OF AUTHORITIES 
 
 Platform. Philadelphia: Franklin News Company, 
 1888. Portraits. 8vo. 
 
 Men and Issues of '92. A grand national portrait 
 gallery, containing photographs of leading men of all 
 parties; with a full and fair presentation of the great 
 national questions of the day. Also the lives of Repub- 
 lican and Democratic candidates for President and 
 Vice-President, with national platforms. Philadel- 
 phia: Publishers' Union, 189~. 6j6 pp. Portraits. 8vo. 
 
 Dieck, Herman. 
 
 The Life and Public Services of our Great Reform 
 President, Grover Cleveland, to which is added the 
 Life and Public Services of Allen G. Thurman. Phili- 
 dclphia: S. I. Bell & Co., 1888. Soipp. Illustrations. 
 Plates. Portraits. 12mo. 
 
 Goodrich, Frederick E. 
 
 The Life and Public Services of Grover Cleveland, 
 ■with incidents of his boyhood and an account of his 
 rise to eminence in his profession; also containing his 
 addresses and official documents as Mayor of the City 
 of Buffalo and Governor of the State of New York. 
 Portland, Me.: H. Hallett & Co., 1884. 50-i pp. 
 Plates. Portraits. I2mo. 
 
 Handford, Thomas \V. 
 
 Early Life and Public Services of Hon. Grover Cleve- 
 land, the fearless and independent Ciovcrnor of the 
 Empire State, and candidate for President of the 
 United States, reciting the annals of his successful 
 career from obscurity to the eminent position which hc 
 now holds in the adinir.ition of the people. Also tlu- 
 Life of Hon. Thomas A. Hendricks, candidate for 
 Vice-President. Including a history of the Democratic 
 party, and life sketches of prominent Democratic 
 480 
 
LIST OF AUTHORITIES 
 
 statesmen. Together with the platforms of both par- 
 ties and a mass of useful political information. Chi- 
 cago and New York: Caxton Publishing Company, 
 1884. 510 pp. Plates. Portraits. Facsimiles. 12mo. 
 
 Harlow, Louis K. 
 
 At Gray Gables and Walks Along the Shore of Buz- 
 zard's Bay. With illustrations from water-colors and 
 sketches by L. K. Harlow, and with an historical and 
 descriptive sketch of Buzzard's Bay and poems by 
 well-known writers illustrative of the scenery. New 
 York: R. Tuck & Sons, 1895. 15 pp. Illustrations. 
 Plates. 12 mo. 
 
 Hensel, William Uhler. 
 
 Life and Public Services of Grover Cleveland, twenty- 
 second President of the United States, and Democratic 
 nominee for re-election, 1888. An introductory sketch 
 by the late William Dorsheimer, enlarged and con- 
 tinued through the present administrations to the date 
 of publication. Together with a sketch of the Life of 
 Allen G. Thurman, cx-United States Senator from 
 Ohio and Democratic nominee for Vice-President. An 
 account of the Democratic National Convention, St. 
 Louis, 1888; statement of Democratic principles, and 
 a handbook of useful political information. Phila- 
 delphia and Chicago: Hubbard Brothers. Boston: 
 Guernsey Publishing Company, 1888. 588 pp. Plates. 
 Portraits. 12mo. 
 
 Life and Public Services of Grover Cleveland, twenty- 
 second President of the United States, and Democratic 
 nominee for re-election in 1892. An introductory 
 sketch by the late Hon. William Dorsheimer, enlarged 
 and continued through his administration, with a state- 
 ment of the Democratic principles and a handbook of 
 481 
 
LIST OF AUTHORITIES 
 
 useful political information. Also a sketch of the Life 
 and Services of Hon. Adlai E. Stevenson, Vice-Presi- 
 dential nominee, b}- Prof. Charles Morris. Philadel- 
 phia: Edgewood Publishing Company, 1892. 556 pp. 
 Plates. Portraits. 8vo. 
 
 King, Pendleton. 
 
 Life and Public Services of Grover Cleveland. New 
 York and London: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1884. 22-i pp. 
 Plates. l6mo. 
 
 Kintz, Henry J. 
 
 The Inauguration of Grover Cleveland, the President- 
 elect. March 4, 1885. A book for fifty million people. 
 Alexandria, Va. [Philadelphia: W. F. Fell & Co., 
 Printers], 1885. 159 PP- Plates. Portraits. 12mo. 
 
 Le Fevre, Benjamin. 
 
 Campaign of 'Si. Biographies of S. Grover Cleve- 
 land, the Democratic candidate for President, and 
 Thomas A. Hendricks, the Democratic candidate for 
 Vice-President, with a description of the leading issues 
 and the proceedings of the National Convention, to- 
 gether Avith a history of the political parties of the 
 United States, comparisons of platforms on all im- 
 portant questions, and political tables for ready refr-r- 
 cnrc. Philadelphia: Fireside Publishing Company, 
 1881. Portraits. 8vo. 
 
 Norton, Charles Benjamin. 
 
 The President and his Cabinet, indicating the progress 
 of the government of the United States under the ad- 
 ministration of Grover Cleveland. Boston: Cnpples & 
 Hurd, 1888. 219 Pp. Plates. Portraits. 12nio. 
 
 Parker, George Frederick. 
 
 A Life of Grover Cleveland; with a Sketch of Adlai E. 
 Stevenson. New York: Cassell Publishing Company, 
 1892. .'{.';.'5 i)p. I'Jino. 
 
 48'i 
 
LIST OF AUTHORITIES 
 
 Perry, Frances M. 
 
 Four Great American Presidents. Garfield, McKinley, 
 Cleveland, Roosevelt; a book for American readers. 
 New York: J. M. Stradling & Co., 1903. 309 pp. Il- 
 lustrations. 12mo. 
 
 Schreiber, Bessie Rhoda. 
 
 An Acrostic to President Grover Cleveland on his In- 
 auguration. Containing the names of all the newspa- 
 pers in New York State. New York: H. Seibert & 
 Brother, Lithographers, 1885. Broadside. Folio. 
 
 Stoddard, William Osborn. 
 
 Grover Cleveland. New York : F. A. Stokes & Brother, 
 1888. 263 pp. Frontispiece. Plates. 12mo. 
 
 Watkins, Walter Kendall. 
 
 New England Ancestry of Grover Cleveland, President 
 of the United States of America. Privately printed. 
 Salem, Mass.: The Salem Press^ 1892. 25 pp. Charts. 
 Frontispiece. Folio. 
 
 Welch, Deshler. 
 
 Stephen Grover Cleveland. A sketch of his life, to 
 which is appended a short account of the Life of 
 Thomas Andrews Hendricks. New York: J. W. Lovell 
 Company, 1884. 222 pp. Plates, Facsimiles. 12mo. 
 
 Whittle, James Lowry. 
 
 Grover Cleveland. London: Bliss, Sands & Co., 1896. 
 240 pp. Portraits. 12mo. 
 
 These histories of the United States covering President 
 Cleveland's administration may also be consulted: 
 
 Andrews. E. B. History of the Last Quarter Century in 
 
 the United States, 1870-1895. 
 Dewey, D. R. National Problems, 1885-1897. 
 Peck, H. T. Twenty Years of the Republic, 1885-1905. 
 Wilson, Woodrow. A History of the American People. 
 
 •183 
 
LIST or AUTHORITIES 
 
 Tlie usual indexes will guide to the articles about Mr. 
 Cleveland as follows: 
 
 Fletcher, W. I. (A. L. A.). Index to General Literature, 
 second edition, 1901. Followed by Annual Library In- 
 dex, edited by W. I. Fletcher, 1902-1907. 
 
 Poole's Index to Periodical Literature. 
 
 Reader's Guide to Periodical Literature. 
 
 484 
 
INDEX 
 
 Academy of Medicine, New York, 
 address at the laying of the 
 corner stone of, 177-179. 
 
 Actors' Home. 199. 
 
 Adams, John P., letter to (Septem- 
 ber 12, 1890), 235. 
 
 Addresses: at Albany, N.Y., 31-33, 
 34-36, 41-43, 48. 49, 49-51, 446, 
 447; at Ann Arbor, Mich., 318- 
 329; at Atlantic City, N. J., 447- 
 449; at Boston, Mass., 184-192; 
 at Brooklyn, N. Y., 241-246, 
 309-313; at Buffalo, N. Y., 9, 10, 
 11, 15-17, 17-20. 20-22, 45-47, 
 109-111, 299-304; at Cambridge 
 Mass. (Harvard University), 89- 
 91; at Clinton, N. Y., 105-109; 
 at Columbus, Ohio, 256-263; at 
 Fredericksburg. Va.. 365, 367; at 
 Ithaca, N. Y. (Cornell Univer- 
 sity), 192-196; at Kansas City, 
 Mo., 117, 118; at Lawrenceville, 
 N. J., 403, 404; at Nebraska 
 City, Neb., 442, 443; at Newark, 
 N. J., 55-57; at New York City, 
 29-31, 36-39, 151-153, 165-170, 
 170-172. 173, 177, 180-183, 196- 
 200, 206-210, 211-215, 215-220, 
 221-225, 236-241, 246-250. 263- 
 267, 267-270. 271-279, 288-291, 
 291-296. 313-318. 339. 340, 341, 
 342, 34;>-345, 394, 395, 395-399, 
 
 406, 407, 421-423. 423-425, 429, 
 436, 437-440, 443-446, 452-453, 
 453, 454; at Philadelphia, Pa., 
 112, 113, 113-116, 116, 117, 134, 
 135, 279-287, 367-369, 416, 416- 
 418, 449-451; at Pittsburgh, Pa., 
 414, 415; at Princeton, N. J., 
 382, 383, 399-401, 408, 409, 410- 
 412, 412-414, 419, 432; at Provi- 
 dence, R. I., 305-309, 330-338; 
 at Richmond, Va., 87-89; at 
 Rochester, N. Y., 43-45; at 
 Sandwich, Mass., 228-235; at 
 St. Louis, Mo., 425-429; at 
 Washington, D. C, 59-64, 102- 
 105, 129, 130, 136-138, 201- 
 203, 347-353. 
 
 Adirondack Park, address in re- 
 gard to, 288-291. 
 
 Agricultural Fair, Richmond, Va., 
 87-89. 
 
 Albany, N. Y., addresses at, 31-33, 
 34-36, 41-43, 48, 49, 49-51, 
 446, 447; needed reforms at the 
 Capitol, 289, 290. 
 
 "Allianca" incident, 375. 
 
 Ambassador, conferring the title of, 
 on U. S. envoys to Great Britain, 
 France, Italy and Germany. 357. 
 
 American artists, unjust discrimi- 
 nation in favor of, 71. 
 
 .\iucrican character, 102. 
 
 iSj 
 
INDEX 
 
 American citizens imprisoned 
 abroad, protest against the treat- 
 ment of, 15-17. 
 
 American citizenship, 214, 25G- 
 263, 403, 404. 
 
 American commerce, rcNavul of, 
 369. 
 
 American Fishery Union, letter to 
 (April 7, 1885), 99-102. 
 
 American flag, 368, 369. 
 
 American home, 258, 260. 
 
 American industries, 221-225. 
 
 American Jews, celebration of the 
 250th anniversary of settlement 
 of, 443; as patriots, 445. 
 
 American life, important factors 
 in, 257. 
 
 American motherhood, 366. 
 
 American progress and achieve- 
 ment within a century, 426. 
 
 American Railway Union, 433. 
 
 American sentiment of fair play, 
 225. 
 
 Ann /\jrbor, Mich., address at, 318- 
 329. 
 
 Anderson, E. Eilery. 204. 
 
 Andrew, John K., 254. 
 
 Arbitration between the republics 
 of America and Europe, 357. 
 
 Arbitration of labor disputes, 79- 
 83. 
 
 Arbitration treaty brtwocn the 
 I'nited States and (ireat IJritaiii, 
 .'i92. 393. 
 
 Army of the Cumberland, 1U2. 
 
 Arthur, Chester Alan, exwutive 
 pro<-lumution on the death of ex- 
 President (November 18, 1886), 
 92. 
 
 AssessiTU'iits for jiartisim piiriM)';fs, 
 23. 
 
 Atlantic City, N. J., address at, 
 447-449. 
 
 Ballot reform, necessity of, 188- 
 192. 
 
 Barnstable County, 229, 230, 232, 
 233, 235. 
 
 Bartlett. Charies I^.. letter to 
 (March 14, 1904), 432. 
 
 Bean Hill, 310. 
 
 Bedloe's Island, 87. 
 
 Beecher, Henry Ward, tribute to, 
 132, 133. 
 
 Beecher, Mrs. Henry Ward, letter 
 to (May 22. 1888), 132, 133. 
 
 Berne, international cop\Tight con- 
 ference at, 69. 
 
 Birmingham, England, 381. 
 
 Bis.sdl. Dr., 10{j. 
 
 Blount, James H., 355. 
 
 Boston, Mass., address at, 184-192. 
 
 Boston commerce, 185. 
 
 lioston merchants, 185, 186. 
 
 Boston Tea Party. 185. 
 
 Boyhood, Cleveland's, 105-107. 
 
 Bragg, Edwartl S., letter to (March 
 9. 1892). 3:9, 330. 
 
 Bridgeport, Conn., address at. 58, 
 59. 
 
 British Guiana. 372. 373. 
 
 Brooklyn. N. Y., address at. 241- 
 2Ki. 309-313. 
 
 Brooklyn Democratic Club, letter 
 to (.\pril Hi. IS'JS). 402. 
 
 Brown. Edgar .\.. 204. 
 
 Buffalo. N. Y.. ad<ire-sses at, 9, 10. 
 11. 15-17, 17-20. 20-22. 45-47, 
 1 09- 1 1 1 , 299-304 ; inaugu r;i 1 
 messjige as Mayor of (January 2. 
 1SS2). 11-13: |H)sition of City 
 .\u(litiir i;i. 1.".; SiicnKcrfc>l. 300. 
 4S() 
 
INDEX 
 
 Builders, address at baiuiuet of 
 New York National Association 
 of. 296. 
 
 Building contracts, 294, 295. 
 
 Building trade, antiquity and im- 
 portance of, 293. 
 
 Bunker Hill, 251. 
 
 Business Men's Democratic Associ- 
 ation of New York, addresses 
 before, 246-250, 313-318. 
 
 Business methods in government, 
 181. 
 
 Butler, Benoni, 106, 
 
 Buzzards Bay, 231, 406. 
 
 Caldwell. N. J., 55. 
 
 Cambridge, Mass. (Harvard Uni- 
 versity), address at, 89-91. 
 
 "Campaign of Education," the, 
 271-279. 
 
 Canton, Ohio, letters to the Y'oung 
 Men's Democratic Club at 
 (November 22, 1889), 183; (No- 
 vember 25, 1890), 270, 271. 
 
 Cape Cod, 229, 231, 232, 235. 
 
 Cape Cod Canal, 232. 
 
 Capital and Labor, relations of, 
 95, 96. 
 
 Carnegie, Andrew, 414, 415. 
 
 Carnegie Hall, N. Y., address at, 
 443-446. 
 
 Carnegie Institute, Pittsburgh, Pa., 
 414. 
 
 Carpenter's Hall, Philadelphia,Pa., 
 117. 
 
 Catholic Club, Philadelphia, Pa., 
 98, 99. 
 
 Centennial of Clinton, N. Y.. ad- 
 dress at the. 105-109. 
 
 Centennial of Constitution, Phila- 
 
 delphia, Pa., address at llie, 1 13- 
 116. 
 
 Chamber of Commerce of the State 
 of New York, letter to the Com- 
 mittee of the (November 4, 1887), 
 118, 119; address at the dedica- 
 tion of the new home of, 421-423. 
 
 Chanties and Correction, address 
 at the national conference of, 
 449-451. 
 
 Charity and charitable work, 449- 
 451.' 
 
 "Cheap merchandise, cheap men, 
 cheap country," 258-262. 
 
 Chicago labor disturbances, 432. 
 
 Chicago strike, lecture on (May 2, 
 1904). 432-436; attitude of Gov- 
 ernment in. 434. 435. 
 
 Citizens, duties of. 19. 59. 96, 103, 
 110. 113. 184, 186. 188-190. 192. 
 
 Citizenship. American. 96. 173- 
 177. 256-263. 
 
 Citizenship and naturalization, 70, 
 71. 
 
 Ci\'il Ser\'ice and Ci\'il Ser\'ice Re- 
 form, 26-28, 74-76, 96, 97, 191, 
 358, 359. 
 
 Civil Service Commission, report 
 of, 74. 
 
 Civil Ser\-ice Reform Association of 
 New York, letter to (October 
 28, 1882), 26-28. 
 
 Civil Service rules amended, 389, 
 390. 
 
 Civil War, the, 46, 47; Germans in, 
 302. 
 
 Classes, formation of two widely 
 opposite, 155. 
 
 Cleveland family, 309. 
 
 Cleveland, Rev. William N., letter 
 to (November 7, 1882), 28, 29. 
 
 487 
 
INDEX 
 
 Clinton. N. Y., address at Cen- 
 tennial of, 105-109. 
 Codman, Charles R.. 254. 
 Coinage of silver, 204. 
 College of the City of New York, 
 
 address at, 430, 437. 
 Collins, Hon. P. A.. 136. 139. 
 Columbus, Ohio, address at, 256- 
 
 263. 
 Commerce, necessity of freedom of, 
 
 .'}8; reflections on, 422. 
 Committee on Notification, addres.s 
 
 before, 136, 137. 
 Communism, N-iews on, 158. 
 Constitution Centennial, Philadel- 
 phia, Pa., address at the, 1 13-116. 
 Consular .service, recast of laws re- 
 lating to, 357, 358. 
 Continental Congress, 117. 
 Co-operation of capital and labor, 
 
 96. 
 Cooper Union, New York, ad- 
 dresses at, 151-153, 236-241. 
 Coin'right. See International 
 
 coj)yright. 
 Corn, shipments of, from New 
 
 Orleans, 37. 
 Cornell .Vlumni Society, address 
 
 Ix'fore, 192-196. 
 Cornell, Governor, 31. 
 Cornell University, address at, 
 
 193-196. 
 Coronation of Czar of Russia, 373- 
 Corjwrations, 24; stockholders in, 
 
 40. 41. 
 Cox, Samuels., tribute to, 151-153. 
 Cuba, disturbances in. 374, 375; 
 
 insurrection in, and jKjlicy as to, 
 
 3H4-3H8. 
 Cuinlj<?rland. survivors of the 
 
 Arniv of tlie. UK'. 
 
 Currency, a stable and safe, 348, 
 
 353; depreciated, 397. 
 Czar of Russia, coronation of the. 
 
 Declaration of Independence, 227, 
 
 228. 
 Democracy, Democratic Party, or 
 
 Democrats, references to, 10. 
 
 35, 50, 56, 57, 78, 132, 147, 151. 
 
 165-170, 205, 206, 237, 241-246. 
 
 246-250, 250-255, 258. 271-279. 
 
 28 1-287, 296-299, 314-318, 337- 
 
 340, 343-345, 354, 369-372, 395- 
 
 399, 402, 406. 
 Democratic Club, New York, ad- 
 dress at, 296-299. 
 Democratic Editorial Association, 
 
 letter read at banquet of (May 
 
 24, 1895), 369-372. 
 Democratic Government, 62, 63. 
 Democratic I^eague of Clubs, ad- 
 dress at, 339, 340. 
 Dej)ew, Chauncey M., 265-267. 
 Depreciated currency, 397. 
 Diplomatic service, ;157. 
 Douglass, Fred., 432. 
 Dramatic profession. See Actors' 
 
 Fimd. 
 Drexel. Joseph W., 86. 
 Dutch conservatism, 407. 
 
 Eastmond. A. H., 402. 
 Ei-onomy, public and private, 2.'^H. 
 
 et scq. 
 Education, relation to jxilitics, 89. 
 Educational ])r(Kt\s.ses. 417. 
 Election frauds. 22. 23. 
 Elccliitns, primary, 22. 23. 
 Eliot. C harles \V.. 254. 
 
 I 
 
 J 
 
INDEX 
 
 Employers, arbitration of disputes 
 between laboring men and, 79- 
 83. 
 
 Employers, to laboring men, re- 
 lations of, 95, 96. 
 
 England, reciprocity with, 264. 
 
 Equitable Life Assurance Society, 
 trusteeship, 440. 
 
 Erie County Bar Association meet- 
 ing, memorial tribute to Oscar 
 Folsom before the, 7-9. 
 
 Evacuation-Day celebration, New 
 York, address at, 36-39. 
 
 Evangelical Alliance, address to the 
 129, 130. 
 
 Everett, Dr. William. 254. 
 
 Expatriation, right of, 70. 
 
 E.\-Presidents, concerning the dis- 
 position of, 182, 183; rights of, 
 and popular ideas concerning, 
 234, 235. 
 
 Extravagance, public, 297. 
 
 Farmers' Alliance, letter to Steu- 
 benville Lodge of the (March 
 24, 1890), 220, 221. 
 
 Farmers and the trusts, 390. 
 
 Fanners, position with regard to 
 New York canals, 38; effect of 
 protective tariff on, 144; their in- 
 terest in taxation, 143; move- 
 ment of crops, 144; decrease of 
 interest in life of, 157. 
 
 Federal system, 201-203. 
 
 Federal taxation, 141, 351. 
 
 Fellowcraft Club, New York, ad- 
 dress before. 173-177. 
 
 Finances, condition of the national, 
 119-128. 
 
 Financial {xilicy, 140. 
 
 Finlev, Dr. John Huston, 43G. 
 
 Fishery disputes, 99-102. 
 
 Folsom, Oscar, memorial tribute 
 
 to, 7-9. 
 Foreign policy, 62, 63. 
 Foreign relations, perplexity in, 
 
 355. 
 Founder's Day at Ijawrence\'ille 
 
 School, address at, 403, 404. 
 Fox. Hon. John, 453. 
 France, reciprocity with, 264. 
 Franklin, Benjamin, 116, 117. 
 Fraudulent and corrupt practices, 
 
 25. 
 Frazier, John W., 104. 
 Fredericksburg, \d., addresses at, 
 
 365-367. 
 Free library movement, 215-220. 
 Friendly Sons of St. Patrick, 112. 
 Frugality in home and government, 
 
 258-260. 
 Furey, William A., letter to (Febru- 
 ary 2. 1888), 130-132. 
 
 G. A. R. banquet in Buffalo, ad- 
 dress at, 45-49. 
 
 Garfield, James A., tribute to, 103. 
 
 Garfield statue, address at the un- 
 veiHng of the, 102-104. 
 
 Garrison, William Lloyd, 254. 
 
 German-Americans, 299-304. 
 
 Gennan character, 300-302. 
 
 German citizens, 300-304. 
 
 German literature, 300, 301. 
 
 German reformers, 399. 
 
 German Young Men's Association, 
 Buffalo, address at the semi- 
 centennial of, 299-304. 
 
 Gettysburg, letter to reunion of 
 Union and ex-Confederate sol- 
 diers at (June 24, 1887), 104. 
 105. 
 
 489 
 
INDEX 
 
 Gibbons, Cardinal. 98; letter to a 
 member of the Cardinal Gibbons 
 reception conunittee (January 
 -iO, 18B7). 98, 99. 
 
 Cilder, Richard WaLson. 401. 
 
 Gloucester, Mass., letter to Ameri- 
 can Fishery Union at (April 7, 
 1885), 99-10^. 
 
 Golden rule, 416. 
 
 Governor, serenade sjieech at Buf- 
 falo upon nomination for, 20- 
 22; letter accepting nomination 
 for (October 7, 1882), 22-26; 
 policy to be adopted as, 28; ad- 
 dress as. at-AJbaiiy, N.Y., 31-33. 
 
 Governorship, letter to his brother, 
 on lieing elected to (Noveml)er 
 7, 1882), 28. 29; address at the 
 Manhattan Club, New York, 
 after election to. 29-31. 
 
 Grant, Gen. U. S., proclamation on 
 the death of (July 23, 188a). 64. 
 6.5. 
 
 Great Britain, arbitration treaty. 
 392, 393. 
 
 Hancock. Gen. Winfield Scott, 
 executive order on the death of 
 (February 9, 1886), 79. 
 
 Harri.son, Benjamin, tribute to ex- 
 President, 407, 408. 
 
 Harvard College, address at the 
 two hundred and iiftieth anniver- 
 sary of, 89-91. 
 
 Havana, 384. 
 
 Hawaii, treaty and relations with, 
 
 Hendricks, 'I'lioinas .\., executive 
 order on the death of \'ice- Presi- 
 dent (NovemU-r 25, 1885), 67, 
 68; uionuuicul to, 226. 
 
 Hepworth, Rev. C. U., letter to 
 
 (August 26, 1900), 406. 
 Herwig, A., 225. 
 Hibernian Society, Philadelphia, 
 
 Pa., address at the banquet ul', 
 
 112, 113. 
 Higginson, Thomas Wentworth, 
 
 254. 
 Hill, J. A., 220. 
 Historical and Scientific Societies of 
 
 Philadelphia, Pa., address at the 
 
 diimer of the, 116. 117. 
 Hoar, Shennan, 254. 
 Holman, John A., 226. 
 Holland Society dinner, address at, 
 
 406. 
 Home Rule, 255. 
 
 Immigration, views on, 63. 
 
 Inaugural addres.ses: first to Con- 
 gress (March 4, 1885), 59-64; 
 .second to Congress (March 4, 
 1893), 347-352. 
 
 Independence, .\merican, 62, 227. 
 
 Independence Hall, Philadelphia, 
 Pa., 117. 
 
 Indian policy, 63. 
 
 Indian problem, 161. 
 
 Indiana Tarill Reform League, 
 letter to (February 15, 1890), 
 204, 205. 
 
 Indians, relations with the. 351. 
 
 Indianai>olis (Hendricks) Monu- 
 ment Conunittee, letter to 
 (June 18. 1890), 226. 
 
 Iii(li\i(lual rigiits, Mi, 54. 
 
 Industries, .Vmerican, 221-225. 
 
 lnsuranc>e invesli^'atiou, 452, 453. 
 
 International .Vmerican conference 
 at Wii-shingtoa, U. C, 357. 
 
 WO 
 
INDEX 
 
 International copjTiglit, G9, 70. 
 Ithaca, N. Y., 192. 
 
 Jackson, Andrew, 162, 282, 314- 
 
 316. 
 Jackson Club, Columbus, Ohio, 
 
 78. 
 Jackson Day, dinner of the Na- 
 tional Democratic Club, letter 
 
 read at, 453, 454. 
 Jefferson, Joseph, 401. 
 Jefferson, Thomas, G2, 168, 236, 
 
 280, 281. 297. 
 Jewelers' Association of New York, 
 
 address before, 267-270. 
 Jewish character, 445. 
 Jewish charity, 445. 
 Jews in Russia, protest against 
 
 murder and persecution of the, 
 
 429, 430. 
 Jews in the United States, address 
 
 at the 250th anniversary of the 
 
 settlement of the, 443-446. 
 
 Kansas City, Mo., address at, 117, 
 118. 
 
 Kensington Reform Club, letter to 
 (May 9, 1890), 225. 
 
 Kings County, Democratic Club, 
 letter to (February 2, 1888), 130- 
 132; Democratic headquarters, 
 235; loyal Democracy of, 241, 
 242. 
 
 Kishineff Massacre, 429, 430. 
 
 Labor, dignity of, 53; the strength 
 of a State, 56; protection of, 57, 
 163, 190; arbitration of disputes, 
 79-83. 
 
 Labor and capital, 80, 81, 95, 96. 
 
 Libor Bureau estabiislicd, 82, 83; 
 enlargement of, 95. 
 
 Laboring men to employers, re- 
 lations of, 95, 96. 
 
 Lafayette, Marquis de, 366. 
 
 Land League, Irish, 11. 
 
 Lands, laws relating to public, 1 60. 
 
 Launch of steamship ISt. Louis, 
 address at, 367-369. 
 
 Law, practice of, as an incitement 
 to patriotism, 319. 
 
 Lawrence ville, N. J., address at 
 403, 404. 
 
 Lecture, first, on the Venezuela 
 boundary dispute (May 27, 
 1901), 408, 409; second, on the 
 Venezuela boundary dispute 
 (May 28, 1901), 410-412. 
 
 Legal profession, importance and 
 responsibility of, 41, 42. 
 
 Ijegislation, unduly influenced, 25. 
 
 Legislative interference with mu- 
 nicipalities, 23, 24. 
 
 Iveslie, Frank, 28. 
 
 Letters: to Thomas C. E. Ecclesine, 
 accepting nomination for Gov- 
 ernor, 22-26; to New York Civil 
 SerNnce Reform Association, 26- 
 28; to Rev. William N. Cleve- 
 land, 28, 29; accepting nomina- 
 tion for President, 51-55; to 
 Allen G. Thurman, 78; to mem- 
 ber of the Cardinal Gibbons re- 
 ception committee, 98, 99; to 
 George Steele, President Ameri- 
 can Fishery Union, 99-102; to 
 John W. Frazior, Secretary of 
 Reunion of Union and ex-Con- 
 federate soldiers, 104, 105; to 
 Committee of New York Cham- 
 ber of Commerce, 118, 119; to 
 William A. Furey, l.SO-1.32; to 
 Mrs. Henry Ward Beecher, 132, 
 
 191 
 
INDEX 
 
 133; to Hon. Patrick A. Collins 
 and others, 139-151; to Com- 
 mittee of Miussachu setts Tariff 
 Reform Ix>ague, 164, 165; to 
 Young Men's Democratic Club 
 at Canton. Ohio, 183, 270, 271; 
 to Edgar A. IJrown, President 
 Indiana Tariff Reform League, 
 204, 205; to J. A. Hill, Secretary 
 Steubenville Lo<lge of the Farm- 
 ers' ^XJliance, 220, 221; to F. 
 A- Herwig, 225, 226; to John 
 A. Holman, Secretary of the 
 Thomas A. Hendricks Monu- 
 ment Committee, 226; to 
 Abraham B. Tapj>an, Grand 
 Sachem of the Tammany Society, 
 227, 228; to John P. Adams, 
 235, 236; to John McConvill, 
 255; to Hon. Edward S. Rragg, 
 Lakewood, N. J., 32!), 330; to 
 Hon. W. J. Northen, 353, 354; 
 to John A. Mason, 369-372; to 
 Hon. (ieorge W. Parker, 381, 
 382; to Richard Watson (Jilder, 
 401, 402; to A. H. Kastmond, 
 402; to Gu.stav H. .Schwab. 405; 
 to Rev. (;. H. ll.'pworth. 406; 
 to Hon. E. V. \\\\,\>, 431; to 
 Hon. Charles L. iJartletl. 432; 
 to Thomius F. Ryan, ju-cepting 
 tru.stecship in Equitable Life 
 Society. 440-442; to Hon. John 
 Fo.\, 453, 454; to the editor of 
 the New York World, 455. 
 
 " LilKTtyEnligii telling the World." 
 message relating to acceptance 
 and inauguration of tiie statue 
 of (May 11, 1HH6). 85-87. 
 
 Lilirarifs. free. 215-220. 
 
 Life 111 Mirancc I're id< iifs, i'>l. 
 
 Literature, pernicious, 218. 
 
 Log-rolling system, 307. 
 
 Louisiana Purchase Exposition, 
 address at dedication of build- 
 ings of, 425-428. 
 
 Luther, Martin, 259, 399. 
 
 McCon\-ill, John, letter to (Novem- 
 ber 11, 1891), 255. 
 
 McKinley memorial services, ad- 
 dress at, 412-414. 
 
 McKinley, William, tribute to, 
 412-414. 
 
 Manhattan Club, New York City, 
 address at the, 29-31. 
 
 Ma-son, John A., 369. 
 
 Masonic banquet at Fredericks- 
 burg. Va., address at, 366, 367. 
 
 Massachusetts, patriotism of, 85; 
 le^idership in civil ser\ice and 
 ballot reform, 191, 192; residence 
 in, 250; history, tradition, achiev- 
 ments, 251; education in. 252; 
 inde|x>ndence of party trammels, 
 254; Tariff Reform League, 
 letter to (December 24. 1888). 
 164, 165. 
 
 Mayor of Buffalo, address ac- 
 cepting nomination for, 9-10; 
 inaugural message as (January 
 2. 1882), 11-13. 
 
 Mediuil Alumni Association uf 
 New York, address before, 206- 
 210. 
 
 Minlical profession, imjjortance of, 
 178. 179; fifty years ago. and to- 
 day, 394. 395. 
 
 Merchants' .VsscH'iatioii of Boston, 
 address before, 184-15)2. 
 
 Misappropri:itii>ti of jmliiic funds, 
 35<l. 
 
 10- 
 
INDEX 
 
 Memorial services for President 
 McKinley at Princeton, N. J., 
 412-414. 
 
 Messages: as Mayor of Buffalo 
 (January i, 1882), 11-14; first. 
 to New York Legislature (Janu- 
 ary 2, 1883), 33, 34; second, to 
 New York Legislature (January 
 1, 1884), 39-41; first annual, to 
 Congress (December 8, 1885), 
 68-78; special, on arbitration of 
 labor disputes (April 12, 1887), 
 79-83; relating to Statue of 
 "Liberty Enlightening the 
 World" (May 11, 1886), 85-87; 
 second annual, to Congress (De- 
 cember 6, 1886), 92-98; third 
 annual, to Congress (Decem- 
 ber 6, 1887), 119-129; special, on 
 death of Gen. Philip H. Sheri- 
 dan (August 6, 1888), 138, 139; 
 fourth annual to Congress 
 (December 3, 1888), 153-164; 
 first annual, to Congress (second 
 term, December 4, 1893), 355- 
 363; second annual, to Congress 
 (second term, December 3, 
 1894), 363, 364; third annual, to 
 Congress (second term, Decem- 
 ber 2, 1895), 372-376; special, on 
 Venezuela boundary dispute 
 (December 17, 1895), 376-381; 
 fourth annual, to Congress (sec- 
 ond term, December 7, 1896), 
 383-392; on arbitration treaty 
 (January 11, 1897), 392, 393. 
 
 Michigan, University of, 318. 
 
 Militia, 24. 
 
 Mississippi River, 426. 
 
 Missouri River, 426. 
 
 Monroe doctrine, 62, 376-381. 
 
 Monroe, James, 377. 
 Mormons, importation of, 74. 
 Morton, J, Stirling, address at un- 
 veiling of statue of, 442, 443. 
 
 National Democratic Club of 
 New York, letter to (January 8, 
 1908), 453, 454. 
 
 National prosperity, 342. 
 
 Naturalization and citizenship, 70, 
 71. 
 
 Navy, reconstruction of the, 71-73; 
 Department, reflections on, 71- 
 73. 
 
 Nebraska City, Neb., address at 
 unveiling of the J. Stirling 
 Morton statue, 442, 443. 
 
 Negro problem, 423-425; 431, 432. 
 
 Newark, N. J., address at, 55-57; 
 population and industries of, 56. 
 
 New England, love for, 310; farm- 
 ing in, 311; principles, 311. 
 
 New England Society of Brooklyn, 
 address before, 309-313. 
 
 New Jersey, farming and manu- 
 facturing interests of, 56. 
 
 New Orleans, battle of, 314, 315. 
 
 New York, address before Southern 
 Society of, 211-215; address at 
 College of the City of, 436,437. 
 
 New York Academy of Medicine, 
 addresses before, 177-179, 394, 
 395. 
 
 New York Business Men's Demo- 
 cratic Association, addresses 
 before, 246-250, 313-318. 
 
 New York Chamber of Commerce, 
 letter to (November 4, 1887), 
 118, 119; addresses at, 180-183, 
 341, 342, 421-423. 
 
 New York City, addresses at, 29- 
 
 493 
 
INDEX 
 
 81, 36-39. 151-lj;l, 165-170. 
 170-172, 173-177. 180-183, 196- 
 200, 206-210. 211-215. 215-220, 
 221-225, 236-241, 246-250, 263- 
 267, 267-270. 271-279, 288-291. 
 291-206, 313-318. 339, 340, 341, 
 342, 343-345, 394, 395, 395-399. 
 406-407, 421-423, 423-425, 429. 
 436, 437-440, 443-446, 452-453, 
 453, 454; necessity of cariiij^ for 
 commerce of, 36; f2 vacua tioii 
 Day celebration. 36-39; im- 
 portance of maritime position, 
 36, 37; Statue of Liberty, 85-87; 
 Washington Inauguration Cen- 
 tennial, 170-172; letter read at 
 Joseph Jefferson diimer (March 
 29, 1898), 401, 402; letter read 
 at Carl Schurz dinner (March 2, 
 1899), 405; National Democratic 
 Club, letter read at the Jackson 
 Day dinner (January 8, 1908), 
 453, 454. 
 
 New York Ci\'il Service Reform 
 Association, letter to (October 
 28, 1882), 26-28. 
 
 New York Democratic Club, ad- 
 dresses at, 165-170, 296-299. 
 
 New York Democratic Editorial 
 .\ssociation, letter to (May 24, 
 1895), 369-372. 
 
 New York Equitable Life Assur- 
 ance Society, letter to (June 12, 
 1905). 440-442. 
 
 New York liolhuni StK-iety, ad- 
 dress at, 406, 407. 
 
 New York Ijopislature. first mos- 
 sajTo to. .33, 34; secontl messa;,'e 
 to, 39-41. 
 
 New \<trk Keforni Club, letter to 
 (Kcbruurv 10, 1891), 204; ad- 
 
 dresses before, 271-279, 345, 
 346, 395-399. 
 
 New York State, importance of, 
 44; population, 44; administra- 
 tion of justice, 45; leader of all 
 the States, 46; greatness and 
 grandeur of, 47. 
 
 New York State Bar Association, 
 address before, 41-43. 
 
 New York State Medical Society, 
 address at centennial meeting ol, 
 446, 447. 
 
 New York World, letter to (March 
 14, 1908), 455. 
 
 Niagara Falls Park, 289, 290. 
 
 Noah, pioneer in building, 293,294. 
 
 Nomination for Governor, speech 
 at Buffalo upon, 20-22; letter 
 accepting (October 7, 1882), 22- 
 26. 
 
 Nomination for President, response 
 to official notification of first, 
 (July 29, 1884), 49-51; letter 
 accepting first, (August 18, 1884) 
 51-55. 
 
 Northen, Hon. W. J., letter to 
 (September 25, 1893>, 353, 354. 
 
 Norwich, Conn., 310. 
 
 Northern and Southern Presbyte- 
 rian Assemblies, address before, 
 134, 135. 
 
 O'Brien, Morgan J., 454. 
 
 O'Karrail, (lovernor. 365. 
 
 Oiliceholders, conscience of, 12, 
 13. 
 
 Oflice holding a duty of citizen- 
 ship, 3.'S. 
 
 Olney, Uichard, 433. 
 
 Organ, the, in .\meriean families, 
 224. 
 
 191 
 
INDEX 
 
 Organization of Supreme Court, 
 !201-203. 
 
 Panama Canal, 440. 
 
 Parnell, Charles S., tribute to, 2.55. 
 
 Partisanship, 26, 27, 29, 76, 296. 
 
 Pauncefote, Sir Julian, 376. 
 
 Pendleton bill, Civil Service re- 
 form principles in, 26. 
 
 Pension bill, veto of the Andrew 
 J. White (May 8, 1886), 83-85. 
 
 Pension bills, reasons for signing 
 and for disallowing, 84, 85. 
 
 Pension Bureau, reforms in, 83, 
 84. 
 
 Pension laws, revision of, 161, 163. 
 
 Pensions, liberality in granting, 
 should not be tempered with 
 fraud, 83 ; inexpediency of special 
 legislation for, 84; reflections 
 concerning. 93-95. 
 
 Periodical Publishers' Association, 
 address at annual banquet of, 
 447-449. 
 
 Perplexity in foreign relations, 355. 
 
 Personal preferences, 21. 
 
 Personal property, laws of taxation 
 in regard to, 33. 
 
 Philadelphia, Pa., addresses at, 
 112, 113-116, 116, 117, 134, 135, 
 279-287, 367-369, 416, 416- 
 418, 449-451; letter to Catholic 
 Club (January 26, 1887), 98, 99; 
 Constitution Centennial, 113- 
 116; letter to Kensington lie- 
 form Club (May 9, 1890), 225, 
 226. 
 
 Philadelphia Brigade, 104. 
 
 Philadelphia Young Men's Demo- 
 cratic Association, address be- 
 ioT<% 279-287. 
 
 Philippines, suppressed insurrec- 
 tion in the, 439, 440. 
 
 Physicians and patients, 446, 447. 
 
 Piano, the, in American families, 
 224, 225. 
 
 Piano and Organ Manufacturers, 
 address at banquet of, 221-225. 
 
 Pickett's Di\ision, reunion of, 104. 
 
 Pierce, Henry L., 254. 
 
 Pierce School of Business, Phila- 
 delphia, Pa., address at, 416. 
 
 Pilgrim Fathers, 311, 312. 
 
 Pittsburg, Pa., address at, 414, 
 415. 
 
 Plymouth Rock, 231, 251. 
 
 Polygamy, suppression of, in Utah, 
 73, 74. 
 
 Presbj-ierian Assemblies at Phila- 
 delphia, address before, 134, 
 135. 
 
 Presbyterianism, 134, 135, 196. 
 197. 
 
 President, response to official not- 
 ification of nomination for, 49- 
 51; letter accepting nomination 
 for (August 18, 1884), 51-55; 
 inaugural addresses as, 59-64, 
 347-353. 
 
 Presidency, law relating fo the 
 succession to the, 77. 
 
 Presidential office, estimate of, 108, 
 109, 233-235, 329, 330. 
 
 Press, the, 173, 174, 177, 448. 
 
 Primaries, protection of, 22. 
 
 Princeton, N. J., addresses at, 382, 
 383, 399-401, 408, 409, 410-412, 
 412-414, 419, 420, 432-436. 
 
 Princeton University, address on 
 Commemoration Day at, 399- 
 401; inauguration of Woodrow 
 Wilson as President of, 420. 
 
 495 
 
INDEX 
 
 rrinciplcs of true democracy, 279- 
 
 Proclamation, on the death of 
 Gen. U. S. Grant, ex-President, 
 64, 65; on the death of Vice- 
 President Thomas A. Hendricks, 
 67; on the death of Gen. W. S. 
 Hancock, 79; on the death of ex- 
 President Chester A. Arthur, 95. 
 
 Protection, a cardinal {)olicy of the 
 Ilepublican Party, 438. 
 
 Pro\'idence, R. I., addresses at, 
 305-309, 330-338. 
 
 Public anxiety in regard to the 
 succession to tiie Presidency, 77. 
 
 Public ex[)enditures, 9. 
 
 Public lands, reforms in regard to, 
 160. 
 
 Public office to be held as a public 
 trust. 3-28. 
 
 "Public officers are the people's 
 servants," I'i, 53. 
 
 Public officials considered as the 
 trustees of the |)eople, 10. 
 
 Publishers, 447. 
 
 Pulitzer, Joseph, letter to, 4.75. 
 
 Pullman Palace Car Company, 
 433. 
 
 Quincy, Josiah, 554. 
 
 Railroad commissioners, action of, 
 on filing of quarterly reports by 
 railroad com])anies, 39. 
 
 Ratification meeting, Br(X)klyn, 
 N. Y.. address at. 541-546. 
 
 Reciprocity, 576. 
 
 Jlcform C'hib, New ^'ork, letter fo 
 (Febniary 10, 1891). 504; ad- 
 ilrrsses at, 571-579, 345-346, 
 395-399. 
 
 Religions teaching. 171. 
 
 Religious toleration, 171. 
 
 Republican Party, protection a 
 cardinal {xjlicy of the. 438. 
 
 Res|x)nse to official notification at 
 Albany, N. Y., 49-51. 
 
 Revenue, reduction of. 158. 159. 
 
 Rhode Island, address to Democ- 
 racy of, 330-338; demand for free 
 raw material, 337, 338. 
 
 Richmond, Va., address at, 87- 
 89. 
 
 Rights and protection of American 
 citizens, 15-17. 
 
 Rochester, N. Y., address at .semi- 
 centennial of, 43-45. 
 
 Roman Catholic Church. 98. 
 
 Rules for conducting municipal 
 affairs. 15. 
 
 Russia, coronation of the Czar of. 
 .S74. 
 
 Russian Jews, ma.'^sacre of. 459, 
 4.S0. 
 
 Ryan, Thomas F., letter to, accept- 
 ing trusteeship in P'quitable I.ifc 
 Society (June 15, 1905), 4-40- 
 445. 
 
 Sandwich, Mass., address at, 258- 
 535. 
 
 St. Ixiuis, Mo., lyouisiana Purchase 
 Exposition, a<idress at, 455- 
 459. 
 
 St. Thomas of \ illaimva. Phila- 
 delphia. Pa., address at .Augus- 
 tine College of. 416, 417. 
 
 Schurz. Carl, 565; dinner to, 
 40.->. 
 
 Schwab. Gustav H.. 105. 
 
 J>-(.liard. Dr.. 106. 
 
 S<<)lt, Congressman. 4;!1. 
 
 ■iV'ii 
 
INDEX 
 
 Self-made man, reflections con- 
 cerning the, 399-401. 
 
 Semi-centennial, Buffalo, N. Y., 
 address at the, 17-20; Roches- 
 ter, N. Y., address at the, 43-45; 
 New York Academy of Medi- 
 cine, address at the, 394, 395. 
 
 Serenade speeches at Albany, N. 
 Y., 34-36, 4S-49. 
 
 Shakespeare Commemoration, Bir- 
 mingham, England, letter read 
 at (April 21, 1896), 381, 382. 
 
 Shakespeare, William, 197, 381, 
 382. 
 
 Sheehy, Father, 11. 
 
 Sheridan, Fort, 435. 
 
 Sheridan, Gen. Philip H., tribute 
 to, 138. 139. 
 
 Silver, free coinage of, "16 to 1," 
 397. 
 
 Southern Educational Association, 
 address to, 423. 
 
 Southern Society of New York, 
 address before, 211-215. 
 
 Spanish-^Vmerican War, 404. 
 
 Spanish interference with .^Vmeri- 
 can ships, 375. 
 
 Spanish-sjx'aking people, reci- 
 procity with, 2G3. 
 
 Stage, influence of the, 197-199. 
 
 State Papers; inaugural message 
 as mayor of Buffalo, 11-14; mes- 
 sages to New York Legislature, 
 33, 34, 39-41; first annual mes- 
 sage to Congress, 68-78; special 
 message on arbitrament of dis- 
 putes between lalx>ring men and 
 employers, 79-83; veto of pen- 
 sion bill, 83-85; message on ac- 
 ceptance of statue of "Liberty 
 Enlightening the World," 85- 
 
 87; second annual message to 
 Congress, 92-98; third annual 
 message to Congress, 119-129; 
 special message on death of Gen. 
 Philip 11. Sheridan, 138, 139; 
 fourth annual message to Con- 
 gress, 153-164; first annual mes- 
 sage to Congress (second term), 
 355-363; second annual mes- 
 sage to Congress (second term), 
 363, 364; third annual message 
 to Congress (second term), 
 372-376; special message on Ve- 
 nezuela boundary dispute, 376- 
 381; fourth annual message (sec- 
 ond term), 383-392; message on 
 arbitration treaty between Unit- 
 ed States and Great Britain, 
 392-393. 
 
 Steele, George, letter to (April 7, 
 1887), 99-102. 
 
 Steuben\'ille, Ohio, letter to Farm- 
 ers' .\J!iance Lodge (March 24, 
 1890), 220, 221. 
 
 Suffrage, right of, 249. 
 
 Supreme Court of the United 
 States, address at the centennial 
 celebration of the organization of 
 the, 201-203; concluding words 
 on Chicago strike by, 436. 
 
 Suri)lus. See Treasury Sur- 
 plus. 
 
 Tammany Society, letter to (June 
 30, 1890), 227, 228. 
 
 Tappan, Abraham B., 227. 
 
 Tariff, necessity for revision of, 
 122; interests of labor to be con- 
 sidered in readjustment of, 122; 
 recommendation of reduction of, 
 128; adjustment of, 225. 
 
 497 
 
INDEX 
 
 Tariff laws, considerations of ex- 
 isting. Ii>^>-b28, 15G-160. 
 TariiV policy, new, 3G3, 36-i. 
 Tariff question, 149, et seq. 
 Tariil' reform, interest of farmers 
 in, 142, 143; benefits to labor 
 from, 157; advocacy of, 158; ex- 
 tent of benefit of, 164; activity in, 
 205; advocated by Democratic 
 Part}', 272; Republican hilarity 
 over message on, 274; advocat- 
 ing the cause of, 278; the shib- 
 boleth of true democracy, 331; 
 vindicated in 1890, 334; Repub- 
 lican ideas of, 335, 33G; how tlie 
 peojjle understand, 335, 330; the 
 Democratic Party pledged to, 
 351; considered in first annual 
 message to Congress (second 
 term), 3G0-3C3. 
 
 Tariff taxation, 141-151. 
 
 Taxation, municipal, 9; existing 
 scheme of, 122, 150; federal, 141; 
 Democratic j)rinciple in regard 
 to, 315. 
 
 Taylor, C. II. J., 431. 
 
 Thanksgiving [>roclamation (No- 
 vember 2, 1885), G6, G7. 
 
 Thomas Jeilerson Huilding, Brook- 
 lyn, N. Y., 235, 23G. 
 
 Thurman, Allen G., letter to (Jan- 
 uary 4, ISHG), 78; birthday ban- 
 quet, Columbus, Ohio, address 
 at. 25G-2G3. 
 
 Tilden, Samuel J.. 131. 
 
 Trans|K>rljition, cheap. 54. 
 
 TrciLsury, the |>ni)lic, 120. 
 
 Treasury .surplus, influence and 
 effect of an iuunense, 1 15. 
 
 TriMuiint Temple. Boston, M;i.ss., 
 addre.ss in, 250-255. 
 
 Trusts, combinations, and monoj>- 
 olies, 148, 155, 350, 390-392, 
 437-439. 
 
 Tnists and the artisan, 390. 
 
 Tnists and the farmers, 390. 
 
 Tnists and the small trader, 390. 
 
 Tuskegee Institute, 425. 
 
 Tyre and Sidon, 422. 
 
 Uncle Tom's Cabin, days of, 423. 
 
 United States Bank, Jackson's |x>- 
 sition in regard to, 31G. 
 
 United States Congress. See Mes- 
 sages. 
 
 United States Consuls, 357, 358. 
 
 United States Constitution, GO, 61, 
 170, 171, 201, 202, 339, 340. 
 
 United States Constitution Cen- 
 tennial, Philadelphia, Pa., 113- 
 118. 
 
 United States Na\7, rebuilding of, 
 71-73. 
 
 United States Supreme Court, 
 crowded condition of caleiular 
 of, 100; address at centennial of 
 organization of, 201-203. 
 
 Unitetl States IVeasury, i)roj)er 
 functions of, 120. 
 
 University, relations of the State l<> 
 the, 194. 
 
 University of Michigan. \m\ \r- 
 bor, a.ldressat, 318-329. 
 
 Utidi, su])pression of j>olygamy in, 
 73, 74. 
 
 Venezuela, boimd.iry dispute, acute 
 stage of, 372, 373; sjK-eial mes- 
 sage on (DecemlHT 17, 1S95), 
 37G-3Hr, sul)niilt<><l to ariiitra- 
 lion, 389; first lecture on (.May 
 
 498 
 
INDEX 
 
 27, 1901), 408, 409; second lec- 
 ture on (May 28, 1901), 410- 
 412. 
 
 Veto of the Andrew J. White pen- 
 sion bill (May 8, 1886), 83-85. 
 
 Villard, Henry, dinner, address at, 
 343-345. 
 
 Virginia, agriculture in, 87-89. 
 
 Virginia State Fair, Richmond, 
 address at, 87-89. 
 
 Washington, D. C, addresses at, 
 59-64, 102-105, 129, 1:30, 136- 
 138, 201-203, 347-353; Inter- 
 national American Conference 
 at, 357. 
 
 Washington, Booker T., 423. 
 
 Washington, George, 60, 62, 112, 
 115, 176, 201, 211-215, 318- 
 329. 
 
 Washington, Mary, dedication of 
 monument to, at Fredericksburg, 
 Va., 365, 366. 
 
 Washington Inauguration Cen- 
 tennial, address at, 170-172. 
 
 Waste of public moneys, 349. 
 
 Watson, Thomas E., 432. 
 
 Webb, E. Y., letter to (March 2, 
 1904), 431. 
 
 White, Andrew J., jjension bill, 
 veto of, 83-85. 
 
 Williams, George Fred., 254. 
 
 Woman, sphere of, 218. 
 
 Workingmen's Tariff Reform As- 
 sociation, 225. 
 
 Young Men's Christian Associa^ 
 tions, addresses before, 109-111, 
 117, 118. 
 
 Young Men's Democratic Asso- 
 ciation of Philadelphia, Pa., ad- 
 dress before, 279-287. 
 
 Young Men's Democratic Club, 
 Canton, Ohio, letters to (No- 
 vember 12, 1889), 183; (Novem- 
 ber 25, 1890), 270, 271. 
 
 499 
 
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