/ .P3 L3 Copy 1 iErnk Nnrmak i>«pmu^r^ II An l|tBt0nral ^ktUi\ Ig A. 31. ^nhh. ICOLE NORiALE SOPEBIEORE AN HISTORICAL SKETCH A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE DE- PARTMENT OF LITERATURE, SCIENCE AND THE ARTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY, JUNE, 1904. A. J. Ladd, M. A., Ph. D. PROFESSOB OF EDUCATION IN TEACHERS COLLEGE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF NORTH DAKOTA. THE HERALD PUBLISHING COMPANY Gkand Forks, North Dakota DOCTOR WILLIAM HAROLD PAYNE, That Keen Critic, Impartial Judge and Sane Writer of Educational Literature, this little Sketch is gratefully inscribed. Gift. icliigau UiiiV Lib ^'Qu I 0* 'V >f TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION i-3 CHAPTER I 3-9 Educational Activity During the French Revolution — Prior to the Revolution all educational activity in the hands of the church (3).— The National Assembly assumes full charge of education (4). — Existing schools closed and in- stitutions swept away (4).— The importance of the question realized and the difificult problem of construction attacked (4). The work of the National Assembly— the report of Talley- rand—referred to the next assembly (6).— The Legislative Assembly disregards the bequest and presents its own con- tribution in the rep'ort of Condorcet (b). — The contribution of the National Convention — the bill of Dounou — much in- ferior, theoretically, to former ones (7). — Comments and sum- mary. Permanent gain— the clear grasping of the funda- mental ideas of national education (7-9). CHAPTER II 9-14 Establishment of the Normal School — General mention (9). — Historical references to normal school activity prior to the Revolution — Demia, LaSalle, Rol- land (9). — Lakanal's report and recommendation — Oct. 26, 1794 (lo-ii). — The bill as passed (12-13). — Discussion prior to the passing (13-14). — General forecast. Selection of the Faculty (14). CHAPTER III 14-17 Organization and Opening of the Normal School — Gathering of students (14). — Function of school and gen- eral program (14).— General management as outlined by La- kanal and Deleyre (16).— Opening (16).— Studentry (16-17). CHAPTER IV 17-24 The Work of the Normal School — The work begun (17). — General confusion characteristic of the work of the early weeks (18-19).— The instruction, both in matter and method, very inappropriate (19-20).— Criticisms lead to official investigation (20).— Report of investigating committee, given by Dounou (20-21). — Decree of suppression (21).— Summary of the work done (21-22).— The "Jour- nal" (22-23). — Estimates of the value of the experiment by Compayre, Barante, and Biot (23-24). CHAPTER V 24-29 Reorganization under Napoleon — Educational situation following the Revolution. Dou- nou's bill of 1795 not in full operation. Dissatisfaction (24- 25).— Meeting of Councils General. Decree of 1806 making education a function of the State (25).— Organization of the Imperial University. The Decree of 1808 (25-26).— Reestab- lishment of the Normal School. The Decree (26).— Com- pletion of the organization in matters of detail: expenses, officials and general disciplinary regulations (27-28) .—Anal- ysis and explanation of restrictive measures (28-29). CHAPTER VI 29-34 The Normal School from 18 10 to 1830— Normal School affiliated with the Paris Faculties instead of with the Special Schools as planned (29-30).— The reflex influence of the two (30).— Studies. Details as to the first vears (30-31).— Napoleon's plans not fully carried out— a wider scope given (30-31).— Effects of Restoration— a freer life and a broader outlook (31-32).— Criticized as a "nest of liberalism" (32).— Ordinance of 1821 creating "partial nor- mal schools" (32).— Suppression of Normal School (32).— Reestablishment in 1826 (33).— Revolution of 1830 gives new life (34). CHAPTER VII 35-46 Reorganisation: Work from 1830 to 1848 — Foundation laying (35).— Admission (35).— Courses of Study, Section of Letters (37-39) ; Section of Science (39-40- Aggregation (41-42).— Faculty. Buildings (42-44).— Peda- gogical Aspects (44-46).— Discipline (46). CHAPTER Vni • 47-55 The Normal School from 1830 to the Rcorganizaiion of the Present Time — Interesting topics that must be passed by (47-48). — Brief resume (48).— General outline of Period (48).— Gratuity (49). Aggregation (49-50).— Admission (50-51).— Curriculum (51-52).— Buildings (52).— Discipline (52-53).— Laboratories (53-54)- — Breadth of Scope (54-55)- CHAPTER IX 55-58 Reorganization now in Progress — Development of the ficole Normale into a university rather than a Normal School (55).— Reason for change of characters-pedagogical instruction not being demanded, the emphasis was placed elsewhere (56). — Increasing valuation of pedagogical science makes another change necessary (56). Reorganization. Incorporation of the Normal School into the Sorbonne, becoming its Pedagogical Department 56-57)- Bibliography 58 INTRODUCTION M. Guizot, in his History of Civilization. i has put forth the proud claim that France has ever been a sort of clearing-house for European ideas. He has claimed, for example, that before a new idea or principle of civilization could be accepted or made operative in the other European countries it must first have received the endorsement o£ France. Napoleon's assertion that a revolution in France is sure to be foUow^ed by revolutions in other European countries is to the point. Whether or not the boast could be sustained as a whole it is certainly true that many instances could be cited which would seem, at least, to give it color. It is not my purpose either to defend or challenge the statement beyond calling attention 'to the fact that for as much of truth as may be found within it there are many good and sufficient causes. The simple matters of soil, climate and mere geographical location, those most formative factors in the development of any people, have here exerted all their wonted influence; so that thus located and thus sup- plied, throwing out, for the moment, all other considerations, this people must needs have occupied a very commanding position in the onward march of the centuries. And it has. In peace and in war, in political experiments and in social theories, in theological controversies and in educational practices, she has ever played so strong a hand that the eyes of the world have followed her, always with interest, many times with wonder, and often with profit. In this introduction it is my purpose merely to prepare the way for an intelligent comprehension of the subject under discussion. From the general mention already made I now pass to very hasty survey of some of the most striking features connected with her educational leadership. In this field the activities of her people may not seem so stirring, they may not have made so much noise, as in some of the others, but yet they have been far reaching and telling. Before the beginning of the Christian era the present soil of France harbored and largely supported the most celebrated seats of learning west of Rome. I find Henry Bernard saying that in these early days Marseilles, at the mouth of the Rhone, was known far and wide as "the dispenser of Greek culture, not only to its citizens, but to disciples from all parts of Gaul and Germany." - He also calls attention to the value of the educational work of the Druids. He says, likewise, that during the early centuries of the Christian era and up to the very downfall of the Roman power, public educational institutions were found in nearly all of the larger towns of the present France. And after the decline of the pagan schools their places were taken by those of Christian origin and conducted in the monasteries and cathedrals. ^Guizot: History of Civilization, i: i6. ^Barnard: National Education, (1872) p. 197. 2 £cole Normale Superieure Later, when, under the repressing influences of asceticism, bigotry and church domination, the dark night-clouds of ignorance had settled down and so nearly succeeded in putting an end to intellectual progress, it was from the home of the Franks that the first rays of light and promise shone forth. Thru the painstaking and intelligent efforts of the great Alcuin, well worthy of being the co-worker of the great Charles, these clouds were lifted. And a few centuries later, with her people thus more nearly ready, we see the Mediaeval Universities arise. They develop, play their large part in the upbuilding of this interesting people, and then either pass away or form the basis of more modern institutions. France likewise furnished a most favorable environment for another celebrated institution of these Middle Age centuries — the Teaching Congregation. From their founding up to the early days of the Revolution, when, with a wave of the hand, as it were, they were apparently swept away, nearly every one of the forty or more orders was successfully active in the educational work of France. The normal school movement, which is now recognized the world over as one of the most fundamental agencies in the development of any nation or people, had its origin in the French mind and first sunk its roots into the French soil. Educational France may well take pride in Demia and LaSalle. True, this work did not attract very wide attention, nor did it continue save among the Congregations, but the institution has scarcely once lapsed either in theory or practice. The pages of history cannot show a parallel to the educational activity put forth during the great Revolution. With what a grasp of fundamental principles, with what a breadth of view as to the im- portance of the question, with what a clearness of vision as to the far reaching consequences of the legislation in hand, and with what a clear recognition of the absolute necessity of wise legislation, did the statesmen of the Revolution try to handle the educational problem! How keenly they felt that it meant life or death to their State ! Well and trul;^ could Lakanal say: "Hopes the most brilliant, expectations the most universal were those of a new plan of education which should place the nation in a position to exercise worthily that sovereignty which had been rendered to her." ^ And as to results achieved thru that agitation and that multitudinous and contradictory legislation: they certainly cannot be summed up in M. Thery's word, "negation", nor in M. Duruy's, equally fruitless, "chimera". Rather does Compayre more intelligently sum up the situation when he says: "For every impartial ob- server it is certain that the Revolution opened a new era in education." * It is true, again, that the advanced positions were not maintained tho "a new era in education" was opened. This was due, however, not to the falsity of the conclusions reached but to the repressive hand of monarchical power which never wants an educated people. Note how eagerly and how quickly and how intelligently educational reform has arisen every time the power of that hand has been stayed for a moment. This is strikingly seen after the governmental changes of 1830 and of 1871, and it can be discerned, even, following those of 1815 and of 1848. And the gains they have made have not once been wholly lost, so that, on the whole, progress has continued, now slowly, now rapidly, but always continued, until today France is second to no country in the comprehensiveness of her educational system or in the desire that her every son shall receive its benefits. The institution which it has been my profit to study and which it is now my pleasure to attempt to describe is an example of the pioneer ^Hippeau: L'Instruction en France, pendant la Revolution, p. 411. *Compayre: History of Pedagogy, p. 363. £cole Normale Superieure 3 work done by this interesting people. The "fi'Cole Normale", since 1845 called the "£cole Normale Superieure", is one of the most interest- ing educational experiments ever tried, one which no other nation has ever tried, or probably ever will try, but one which France has somehow found, in spite of manifest contradictions, to be the very corner-stone of her educational progress. Note the salient features of this school and its great dissimilarity to all others will be at once appreciated. It was not at first, nor has it once been since, an ordinary normal school whose function it is to prepare young men and women for teaching children how to read and write. Not this, difficult as it always is, has been the problem of the "fi'Cole Normale". Something very different. Indeed, its function is caught sight of in the very name it has borne, "L'ficole Normale," "The Normal School," "The Superior Normal School". In its first conception it was to form and produce not merely teachers, but teachers of teachers, men themselves capable of directing the work of normal schools. Later, and during the greater portion of its history, there has been added to that first work another, thought by some to be greater yet, even the preparation of the teachers for the colleges of France — college professors. For students the "ficole Normale" has taken the choicest and keenest young men of the entire land, already well equipped, academ- ically, for honorable positions in life. It has provided for these the most learned masters and best teachers to be found. It has placed at their disposal the best equipment in library and laboratory facilities that money could obtain. It has made them interns, and thus has effectually kept away from them all distractions of the outside world and given them an opportunity for uninterrupted application and un- restricted search for the truth. As students it has made them free spirits roaming at will under wise and efficient guidance. It has there- fore been able to turn out men of mark, men who have distinguished themselves and rendered invaluable service to their country not only in the one profession of teaching for which they have been especially fitted, but in every department and activity of the nation's higher, freer life. Ecole Normale Superieure CHAPTER I. EDUCATIONAL ACTIVITY DURING THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. Before recording the actual founding of the institution under study it will be necessary to state a few facts as to existing conditions which really led to its founding. In spite of the fact already stated that from the very beginning the French people have paid much attention to educational matters, and even that important educational movements have originated among them, it is true that prior to the Revolution the education of the French people had ever been in the hands of the church. By means of the various "teaching congregations", notably the Jesuits, Christian Brothers and Oratorians, the great educational work of the country was being done. Not till Revolutionary times did France as a nation really try, strongly and efifectively, to face the problem of the edu- cation of her people. True, Ion"- before this, dissatisfied with the work of the church, fearing that thru it France was being bound hand and foot by that ever active and purposeful ecclesiastical organization, many of her far-seeing statesmen had put forth efforts looking toward a change. For some time, it will be remembered, the Parliamentarians had striven to shake off what they thought to be an incubus and in 1762 really thought they had accomplished their purpose when the King signed the decree expelling the Jesuits from France. But this was only half a victory, and short-lived at that. And it touched but one phase of the great educational problem. It is true that from time to time as the centuries passed the gov- ernment did put forth educational activity, even that some worthy institutions were founded and maintained as, for example, the Univer- sity of Paris and the College of France. But all such acts simply touched, as it were, the fringes of the garment. Up to the very opening of the great struggle the educational fabric itself was in the hands of the church. But no longer. No immediate action was taken hostile to existing educational prac- tices, yet the National Assembly did at the very start begin the dis- cussion of educational problems in such a way as to spread alarm thruout all the teaching organizations. It assumed the right to handle the whole question and to plan an organization as tho nothing were being done. All this greatly distressed the workers and had the effect of practically closing existing schools. To quote from Barnard: "The universities, constrained particularly in their moral life, de- prived of this consciousness of their future, one of the primordial ele- ments of the existence of institutions, as of man, died, so to speak, a voluntary death." 1 And what was true of the universities was almost equally true of the teaching congregations. Finally, the long expected blows came. On March 8th, 1893, all college properties were ordered sold and the proceeds given to the State. And in the follov.'ing September all higher institutions of France were abolished. To quote from Barnard: "So perished the ancient University of Paris, so perished the similar institutions to which it had ^Barnard: National Education, (1872) p. 210. &cole Normale Superieiire 5 given rise; without even the nominal honor of a death sentence and without the special exertion of any power for that end." - Educational chaos followed: One writer says, "After this event, during four years, there was neither a university nor a college in ex- istence in all France." ^ And the situation was almost as bad in ele- mentary as in higher education, so that it would scarce be an exaggera- tion to say that the Revolution at once swept out of existence every educational agency in use and that for several years there was the astounding spectacle of a nation without schools. But such a condition could not long endure. From every quarter of France, from every class of her people, complaints poured in upon the Assemblies for what was generally considered the wanton de- struction of the educational means that had been so long at their doors. Appeals also were multiplied, some for the reinstatement of the old teaching congregations, others for a new organization, but all for educational opportunities for the young of France. Nor were the Assemblies unwilling to act. As already suggested, many of the leaders, from the very first, clearly and fully appreciated the situation and at once set to work to construct that which would not only satisfy the demands constantly being made. but. as well, furnish France with such a system of education as would continuously equip her people to play nobly, worthily and successfully the newer, larger role upon which she had just entered. They wished to make their new watchword, 'iibertv. fraternity and equality," a reality among them and wanted an educational system commensurate with its spirit and breadth. But the problem was a vast one. They had nothing to begin with. Everything had been swept away. They had to begin at the verj' bot- tom. The task was herculean. And to make matters so much the worse they had never had any experience in planning am' kind of a large national undertaking. The governmental work of France had never been much in the hands of her people and now for the first time in 175 years the States General had been summoned. And as from the vantage point of today we look back upon the Revolutionary Assemblies the wonder is not that they did not act in a saner manner and accomplish greater results but rather that in dealing with so many difficult and far-reaching problems, and all new to them, they showed as much sanity as they did. The wonder is that, especially in educational matters, they could accomplish anything. It is nothing less than marvellous that a "new era in education" could result. But even tho the men of the Revolution had had no practical legis- lative experience in educational matters many of them were deep, careful thinkers and all of them terribly in earnest. Some of them realized that it was a matter of life and death and their efforts at legis- lation clearly reveal the fact. As Dr. Payne says. "The educational legislation of the French Revolution, apparently so inconsiderate, so vacillating, and so fruitless, betrays the instinctive feeling of a nation in peril, that the only constitutional means of regeneration is universal instruction, intellectual and moral." * Realizing the immense importance to them of a sound educational system they attacked the problem with that same energy that has characterized them in all stages of their history. The matter must be handled in a tlioro. comprehensize manner. It must be looked at from all sides. France had entered upon a new 2Ibid., 211. ^American Quarterly Review. IX: 22. Article on "The University of France" by Rev. Robert Baird. ^Compayre: History of Pedagogy, p. 411, in Analytical Summary by the translator. Dr. Payne. 6 £cole Normale Superieure life. Her educational system must be new. It must contain nothing suggestive of the old order of things. The old m.onarchy must not be allowed to contribute anything, no matter how well it had served in days past. And more difficult yet, the new system must suit the ma- jority. How difficult ! Is it any wonder that scheme after scheme was brought forward only to be rejected? that system after system was laboriously wrought out only to make place for a newer? But yet, all was not vain, the empty, formless vaporings of sentimental enthusiasts. By no means. In the early days of the Revolution Mirabeau wrote, "Those who desire that the peasant may not know how to read or write, have doubtless made a patrimony of his ignorance, and their motives are not difficult to appreciate." ^ In September, 1791, the work of the National Assembly drew to a close. It had accomplished the purpose set forth in the memorable oath taken on the 26th of June, 1789, "never to separate till the con- stitution of the kingdom was established and founded on a solid basis." On the 14th of September that constitution was solemnly ratified and duly signed by the King, and on the 30th the Assembly adjourned. But what had it done for the education of the people? No schools had been established, it is true, nor any systematic plan of work agreed upon. But yet, in the constitution which they hoped would ever after be the fundamental law of the land the following is found: "There shall be created and organized a svstem of public instruction, common to all citizens, gratuitous with respect to those branches of instruction which are indispensable for all men, and the establishment of which shall be gradually distributed according to the divisions of the realm." ® For some time, under the general direction of the Committee of Public Instruction, M. de Talleyrand-perigord had been engaged on the details of a system of education that should embody the generous thought of this article. His report was completed, accepted by the committee and, on Sept. 25th, in its name presented to the Assembly. Of this report I quote from Barnard: "The essential features of a complete system, from the knowledge necessary to constitute a useful citizen and a good man, and the amusements of the whole people, to the fine arts and the highest branches of ancient and modern literature, and the further ad- vancement of the sciences, were discussed and arranged with a fulness and logical connection not surpassed by any similar public document in any country at that date." '' And no one, it seems to me, who will carefully read the report will dissent from Mr. Barnard's estimate. Nay, more, he will find very much that is abreast with our best thought of today. I quote a single article, the second, that shows the uni- versality of its spirit and connects it closely with the article of the con- stitution already quoted: "The primary schools shall be free and open to the children of all citizens without distinction." ^ His plan embraced four distinct grades of instruction, primary schools for the rural districts, secondary schools for the villages, special and professional schools for the chief cities and sort of a University, called the National Institute, at Paris. The phase of the plan attracting and giving it its greatest popularity was the provision for rural schools in which the children of peasants and workmen, up to this time wholly unprovided for, were to enjoy educational advantages. But the Legislative Assembly, beginning its sitting in September, in- ''Compayre: Ibid., p. 369. ^Greard: La Legislation de LTnstructicn Primaire en France, II: i. ''Barnard: National Education, (1872) p. 205. ^Greard: Ibid., p. 2. Ecole Normale Supericure 7 stead of discussing the plan submitted, appointed its own committee and the committee its own spokesman, Condercet, and proceeded to begin the construction all over again. But not till April of the next year, 1792, was the report presented and at that time so stirring were the events transpiring, so thoroly wrought up was the whole nation that, as Buisson remarks, "the report and the five memoirs accompanying it exercised only a feeble influence on the Assembly and on public opinion." And this, too, in spite of the fact that the document was of such a character as to call from one of the foremost of the present edu- cators of France this statement of high appreciation! "Of all the edu- cational undertakings of the Revolution the most remarkable is that of Condorcet." ^ With this report the Legislative Assembly did practically the same that the National Assembly had already done with that of Talleyrand — it passed it on for the consideration of the next Assembly. And nothing more. Wherein, then, lay its value? In itself. For as the report of Talleyrand had been the basis of that of Condorcet, so now, Condorcet's, to use Compayre's words, "remained thruout the duration of the Con- vention, the widely accessible source whence the legislators of that time, like Romme, Bouquirer, and Lakanel drew their inspiration." ^ The Legislative Assembly adjourns. The National Convention meets and begins its work. Now, surely, something will be done for, as Buisson puts it, "of all the Assemblies that have governed France, the National Convention is the 6ne most fully occupied with public in- struction." 1 Yes, it was occupied with thoughts on public instruction, so fully occupied that bill after bill was presented, many of them passed and some the next day recalled. Scheme after scheme was considered, some of which were wise but many containing but dreams and visions im- possible of realization. But not a single primary school did the com- mittee open and but three oi a higher order and even these, because of their extreme impracticability, were doomed to a speedy death. It has even been urged by some that the Convention went back- ward, that her final enactment was much inferior to the early suggestions of the National Assembly as shown both in the constitutional provision already cited and in the systems of Talleyrand and Condorcet. That is true, the bill offered by its principal author, Dounou, and which was finally passed Oct. 25th, 1795, just before the Convention ceased its labors, omitted some of the best provisions of the earlier ones. For example, the number of rural schools was greatly reduced and they to be placed only in the most thickly populated districts. Instruction was not to be gratuitous. All that the State was to contribute toward the support of the schools were the class rooms and garden plots for the teachers. The teachers' salaries were to be wholly made up from in- dividual tuition fees. With this as a basis no compulsory attendance was contemplated. The program of studies, too, was narrowed, in the words of Compayre, "to reading, writing, numbers and the elements of republican morality." But let us take the circumstances into consideration. The Con- vention was worn out, thoroly exhausted. It contained but few su- perior minds. It could not appreciate the breadth and depth, the fundamental comprehensiveness, of the earlier systems. And yet it was the ruling power and its enactment must be the law of the land until superceded by another. Dounou knew all this and realizing the truth of the old saw that "half a loaf is better than no bread," proposed a *Compayre : Ibid., p. 379. ^Buisson Dictionnaire de Pedagogic Ire. Partie, \: 520. 8 Ecolc Normalc Supericiire system that was not so far beyond the Convention's comprehension as to make its passage impossible and its realization out of the question. And, again, doubtless he appreciated the general unpreparedness of the nation for valuing, and using a more complete system. In a word, Dounou asked for and received all that the Convention would grant and all that the people would use. And a glance at his plan, tho revealing less than the earlier promises yet reveals a decided improve- ment, especially in primary instruction, over general existing practices at the opening of the Revolution. And as Compayre says: "Doubtless the measure of Dounou had over all previous measures the advantage of being applied, and o'f not remaining a dead letter." - But yet, I feel that not in the enactment alone, even tho a step in advance, are we to find the best, the ripest and most fruitful educa- tional thought of the Revolution. Let us seek it in the conclusions not of the Revolution's decrepid old age but of its ripe manhood in the thought of Talleyrand, Condorcet and Lakanal. Let us stop for a moment, then, and see wherein anything had been done that could be used as a basis for a "new era in education." At the dissolution of the National Convention the Revolution had been in progress for more than six years, and on the surface the only changes seemed to be of a destructive character. The existing schools had been swept away, the religious bodies, in whose hands had been practically all of elementary education, forbidden to teach, and yet nothing had been put in their places. But tho the children were not being educated, the men of the times were, educated not in the fundamentals of reading writing and arithmetic it is true, (these they already possessed) but in the elements of educational statesmanship and legislation. As never before the at- tention of the leaders of thought and action thruout the whole of France had been directed to education. And thru this direction they were learning many things. Thru long continued thought and agitation, thru discussion and debate, it had at last become a part of the consciousness of France that for her very safety there should, in the words of her first constitution, "be created and organized a system of public instruction, common to all citisens, and gratuitous zvith respect to those branches of instruction ■which are indispensable for all men." Here we have universality and gratuity clearly stated with state control and support at least implied. And another thought followed later as a natural consequence — namely, compulsory attendance. And yet, one more, a great institution of which is the subject of this study, the Normal School idea. Their grasping of this thought that "the starting point of educational reform is the instruction and inspiration of the teaching body' :' ^ that they should have recognized so clearly that, as Dr. Payne puts it, "the Normal School lies, at the very basis of national safety and prosperity," seems to me most remarkable. And it is so exceedingly significant that one of the very first real educational institutions that the convention founded was a Normal School — the "ficole Normale," to the study of which I shall shortly pass. At first thought it may seem that I am placing undue emphasis upon these conclusions of Revolutionary study and thought, upon universal- ity, gratuity, state control, compulsory attendance and the normal idea. These fundamental conceptions are so common to us that we scarcely give them a second thought. But this was not the case in any land as early as the days of the French Revolution. True, the ideas were not ^Compayre: History of Pedagogy, p. 411. ^Compayre: Ibid., p. 411. Ecole Normale Superieure g altogether new. many of them were old. Pestalozzi was holding them, Comenius had held all save the Normal idea and possibly that by impli- cation ; and Luther had clearly held them all and strongly advocated them. But these were individual men, nor did they even represent gov- erning bodies. Nowhere, so far as I can learn, were these fundamental educational ideas so clearly a part of the national thought, at this time, as in France. Certainly it is true that nowhere were they in general practice, not a single one of them. The nearest approach was in Prussia where the value of the Normal School was clearly recognized, but even Prussia had to wait for a full grasp of the whole. But in France, before the close of the Revolution, all of these ideas, fundamental for educational prosperity and essential to national safety, were clearly grasped by the leaders of educational thought and action. I do not mean by this to imply that, even at the close of the Revolution, these thoughts were immediately put into practice. Far, far from that. Many other things had to be learned before that could be done. Amid the difficulties of the times they soon learned that a compre- hensive educational system planned by the state, conducted by the state and supported by the state was an undertaking of gigantic proportions, vaster, more burdensome by far than they had at first conceived. Thru many attempts at constructive work and thru many mistakes already made, it was at last clearly seen that a complete system of public in- struction faultlessly drawn up on paper and even spread upon the statute books was quite a dififerent thing from that same system in suc- cessful operation in every commune in France. This they had begun to learn, that tho a stable Republic rests upon general enlightenment and that upon a wide spread system of popular education, such enlight- enment and such a system of education cannot be called into being by the stroke of a pen, but that on the contrary, they are the outcome, the finished products, of the enlightened, persistent and heroic work of years, aye, of generations. No, these advanced ideas, so clearly grasped, were not immediately put into practice. There were difficulties, seen and unseen, to overcome; there were checks, expected and unexpected to meet. It has taken years and years. It has taken generations. But the program outlined in Revolutionary days is the one which the great nation has ever striven to realize; the standards set so long ago and amid such troublous times are the ones which have ever been her educational goals. She has reached them at last and today presents before the world as finely con- structed an educational system as can be found in successful operation. 10 £cole Normale Superieure CHAPTER II. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE NORMAL SCHOOL. To show that these conceptions had taken deep hold of the Conven- tion, that this great body had the courage of its educational convictions and that it was not content with mere paper systems, it is but necessary to record the establishment of a specific institution, the very crown of the system — "L'Bcole Normale" — the Normal School, in October, 1794. The fact that the school was short-lived militates against neither the depth or their conviction nor the advisability of establishing Normal Schools. It simply demonstrates two facts, already cited in speaking of the legis- lative results of the Revolution and of Dounou's educational leadership, namely, -that tho an ideal system had been conceived yet the Convention was incapable of putting it into successful operation, and that the country at large was not ready to use such a system. Nay, more, it is probably true that the very experiment of which we are speaking contributed greatly to Dounou's clear perception of the situation and thus taught him a needed lesson in practicality. Tho the Normal School idea was not new to France, inasmuch as both Demia and LaSalle had, in the closing years of the previous century, conducted public schools whose avowed purpose was the education of teachers, and inasmuch as in various teaching congregations, now sus- pended, special efforts had long been put forth looking to this same end, there was not at the opening of the Revolution a single bona fide normal school in France— -probably had not been for nearly a century. The first relatively modern recommendation of such an institution was made in 1763, shortly after the expulsion of the Jesuits. The State was seeking to lay its hands upon the entire matter of public instruction. Teachers would be needed both to supply the places made vacant by the expulsion and also to fill the new places created by the desired extensions. No more serious problem was presented than the supply of these teachers. From that time on, up to the very opening of the great struggle, plan after plan was suggested for their recruitment. I mention but a single one, and this one because it seems to have had much in common with the subject of this sketch. It was the recommendation of Rolland d'Erceville, Presi- dent of the Parliament of Paris. This able and enthusiastic promoter of state-supported education had been, for some time, a determined opponent of the Jesuits and when, largely owing to his efforts, they were finally to be expelled from France, he did all he could to fill the gap thus to be made in public instruction. Especially did he labor toward the education of teachers. His plan included a higher normal school for professors, who, when prepared, should take charge of the most important positions thruout the country. This thought originated in the University of Paris, but was worked out in detail by Rolland. The school, thus recommended, was to be very similar in plan of work, in general management and in function to the present Superior Normal School of France of which I write. It differed but slightly in function from the one really established in 1794. To show how nearly it approaches them, I quote from Compayre a general description : "The establishment was to be governed by professors drawn from the different faculties, according to the different subjects of instruction. The young men received on competitive examination were to be divided into three classes, corresponding to the three grades of admission. Within the establishment they were to take part in a series of discussions, after a £cole Normalc Superieure ii given time to submit to the tests for graduation, and finally to be placed in the colleges. Is it not true that there was no important addition to be made to this scheme? Rolland also required that pedagogics have a place among the studies of these future professors, and that definite and systematic instruction be given in this art, so important to teachers of youth." ^ But nothing permanent came from it, nor from any one of several more or less similar plans. The suggestion was not wholly lost or for- gotten, however. It was revived in 1790 by a professor in the College of Bar-le-Duc who, in addressing the National Assembly on education, recom- mended a "National School" and in explanation said, "I meaji by National School a school where all the professors of all the colleges of France shall come to learn the course of instruction given by the National Assembly and the manner of teaching it." 2 The matter came up again on June 4th, 1794. Barere, speaking for the committee of public safety, in recommending the establishment of a military school, took occasion to say: "It (the committee) has thought to establish at Paris a school for the training of teachers who should then be scattered thruout the departments. This thought will be the object of another report." ^ But no such report was made by this committee. At least I can find no record of it. Buisson comes to the same conclusion. But Compayre proceeds upon the assumption that some definite action was taken, tho a year earlier than the date of Barere's report, for he says:' "Decreed June 2nd, 1793, the foundation of normal schools was the object of a report by Lakanal on October 26th, 1794." * From Lakanal's introductory remarks, too, it would seem that some such action had been taken. In beginning his report he says: "I come in the name of your committee of public instruction, to present to you a plan of organization for the Normal School which you have decreed." ^ But however that may be, in October, 1794, the matter was formally presented to the Convention and, a few days later, the neces- sary decree passed. In presenting the matter to the Convention, Lakanal first explained the word "normal" as from the Latin norm, meaning type, and the Normal School he said, ought to be a type of all others. This Normal School at Paris was planned to be a training school for normal school principals who, when trained, should go the different departments and organize secondary normals. Rapidly tracing educational history thru- out the early years of the Revolution he mentions the suggestions of Talleyrand and says : "But the Constituent Assembly, wholly puffed up by the time and fatigued by all the destructions, had arrived at a mo- ment of grand creations without strength and without courage. Public instruction was referred to the Legislative Assembly The Legislative Assembly took up the matter and under the influence of Condorcet planned a vast and comprehensive work. But who could carry it out? A King who had the greatest interest in choking it? Or some administrative body which the King could easily bend to his will? Either the throne would destroy the instruction or the instruction would destroy the throne." ^ Nothing was done. Using Lakanal's words, "The National Conven- ^Compayre : Les Doctrines de I'Education, II : 239. 2L. Liard : L'Enseignement Superieure en France, 1 : 268. ^Guillaume: Proces-Verbaux du Comite d'lnstruction Publique de la Convention Nationale, IV: 522. *Compayre: History of Pedagogy, p. 405. ^Hippeau: LTnstruction en France pendant la Revolution, p. 405. ^Hippeau: Ibi^., p. 411. 12 £cole Normalc Superieiire tion appeared and the plan of instruction of the Legislative Assembly, like that of the Constituent Assembly, was only a pamphlet." "^ Con- tinuing, he shows that the terrible progress of events prevented, during the first two years of the Convention, any educational improvements. He adds, "Such has been the state of France, but that is in the past. . Europe yields to the power of the Republic, the Republic yields to the power of reason This is a time when it is necessary to bring together in a plan of instruction worthy of you, worthy of France and of human kind, the knowledge accumulated by the ages that are past and the germs of knowledge which the ages yet to come ought to acquire." ® Approaching the real question of the Normal School, Lakanal says: "A great difficulty presented itself at the very moment of the execution of the plans: where to find a sufficient number of men to teach, in so large a number of schools, doctrines so new with a method itself so new. Does there exist in France, in Europe, on the entire earth, two or three hundred men in a position to teach the useful arts and the necessary knowledges with the methods which shall render the spirits more penetrating and the virtues more clear? This little number does not exist. It is necessary to form them. And by that circle, faulty arid fatal in which human destinies alwavs seem to revolve it seems that, in order to form them, it would be necessary already to have them. "It is here that one must admire the genius of the National Con- vention. France had not yet the schools where the children of six years could learn to read and write. And you have decreed the establishrnent of normal schools, of schools of the highest grade of public instruction. "What have you wished, in a word, in decreeing the first normal schools? You have wished to provide in advance for the vast plan of public instruction which is in your designs and in your resolutions, a very large number of instructors capable of being the executors of a plan which has for its end the regeneration of the human understanding in a republic of 25,000,000 men whom the democracy makes all equal. "In these schools, it is not, therefore, the sciences which are to be taught, but rather the art of teaching them; in setting out from these schools the pupils ought to be not only instructed men but men capable of instructing others. For the first time on earth, nature, truth, reason and philosophy are to have a seminary. For the first time men the most eminent in the whole range of science, and of the most talents, men who, up to the present time, have been teachers of nothing less than nations and ages, men of genius, are going to be the first masters of a school for the people, for you will admit into these chairs none but men who are called because of unquestioned eminence throughout Eur- ope. Here it shall not be the number who shall serve but the superi- ority: It is better that they be few, but that they be the elect of science and of reason." ^ The matter thus presented on the 24th of October, 1794. was called up again on the 30th and, after some little discussion to be noted later, adopted in the following form:^ "The National Convention, wishing to hasten the time when she shall be able to provide, in a uniform manner, thruout the entire Re- public, instruction necessary for all French citizens, decrees. "Art. I — There shall be established, at Paris, a Normal School whither shall be called from all parts of the Republic, citizens already ''Hippeau: Ibid., p. 4i3- «Ibid., p. 415- »Hippeau: Ibid., p. 411+- iGreard: La Legislation de L'Instruction Publique en France, 31-4-. Ecole Normalc Supcrieiirc 13 instructed in the useful sciences, to learn, under professors the most eminent of their kind, the art of teaching. "Art. 2. — The governments of the various districts shall send to the Normal School a number of students proportioned to the population, the basis of apportionment being one student for each 20.000 people. "Art. 3. — The officers shall be allowed to choose as students only those citizens who can unite to good morals an approved patriotism and an aptness both to receive and impart instruction. "Art. 4. — The students of the Normal School shall not be under twenty-one years of age. "Art. 5.— They shall present themselves at Paris before the close of the month frimaire. (Nov. 22nd-Dec. 21st.) They shall receive for their journey and for the continuance of their normal course the donation accorded to the students of the central school of public works. "Art. 6. — The committee of public instruction shall designate the citizens whom it shall consider the most suitable for performing the functions of instructors in the Normal School, and shall submit the list of such for the approbation of the Convention. The committee, work- ing in concert with the committee of finance, shall fix the salaries. "Art. 7.— The instructors shall give lessons to the students on the art of teaching morals, and of forming the character of the young re- publicans as to the practice of public and private virtues. "Art. 8.— They shall teach them to apply to the teaching of Reading, Writing, the first elements df Arithmetic, practical Geometry, History and French Grammar, the methods outlined in the elementary books, and adopted by the National Convention and published by its orders. "Art. 9. — The duration of the normal 'course shall be at least four months. "Art. 10. — Two representatives of the people, designated by the National Convention, shall frequently visit the Normal School and keep the committee of public instruction thoroly posted on all matters of in- terest to that important establishment. "Art. II. — The students formed at that republican school shall re- turn, at the close of the course, into their respective districts; they shall open in the chief city of the canton designated by the administration of the district a Normal School whose object shall be to transmit to the citizens, both men and women, who shall be willing to devote themselves to public instruction, the methods of teaching which they shall have acquired in the Norma! School at Paris. "Art. 12. — These new courses shall be of at least four months duration. "Art. 13.— The normal schools of the departments shall be under the supervision of properJy constituted authorities. "Art. 14. — The committee of public instruction shall be charged with the work of drawing up the plans of these national schools, and of de- termining the mode of teaching which ought to be followed there. "Art. 15. — Each decade the committee of public instruction shall ren- der an account to the convention of the condition of the Normal School at Paris and of the secondary normal schools which shall be established in execution of the present decree thruout the entire extent of the Republic." The recommendation did not call forth the discussion that it would seem to merit. What there was touched upon only minor points. 2 2ln chapters II, III and IV, where quotations are not definitely re- ferred the reference is to "Le Moniteur." a daily newspaper pub- lished in Paris from 1789-1848. Tomes 22, 23 and 24, Reim- pression of i860. 14 6.colc Normale Superieure Lefiot thought it folly "to begin the edifice at the top." Before form- ing teachers he said they better know exactly what was to be taught, and suggested postponement until the elementary books, then under preparation, should be completed. Thibault called for information as to the writers of these books saying, "I value talent but much more mor- ality. It is not rare to see scoundrels write on morals. Robespierre spoke only on virtue, Couthon on justice." He was apparently satisfied when told that among the writers were Bernardin de Saint-Pierre and LaGrange v/ho were writing, respectively, on morals and geometry. Sargent observed that the term, four months, fixed by q,rticle nine, was too short, saying, "Unless the men selected as professors are charlatans or fools they cannot, in four months, attain the end in view." He asked that the time be made one year. Collat D'Herbois replied, "If the term is too short the instruction will be imperfect; if you prolong it you will not satisfy the impatience of those who are demanding schools." Gregiore suggested the wisdom of not deciding upon any definite time, but leaving that to developments. The words "at least" were added to the original draft. The recommendation carried the signature of the entire committee of public instruction but yet the members were not in entire accord. Thibaudeau, for example, maintaining in open discussion as against the recommendation he had signed, that the sole purpose of the school was to teach the best methods of teaching reading, writing, arithmetic and morals in the primary schools. Such was the recommendation of the committee of public instruc- tion offered by its president, and such the character of the discussion upon it. When we take into consideration the circumstances of the time and then glance again thru the articles we cannot be surprised either that it was not discussed more fully or that it has since received much adverse criticism. It was clearly in keeping with the dominant spirit. The estimate of M. Barante is not far from fair: "Such was the lofty and chimerical intoxication of the revolutionary philosophy. She thought she had arrived at an hour when she was going to accomplish a new creation of human nature, to change the conditions of the soul, the laws of reason and intelligence. Wishing to reform society and to give to it conditions other than had prevailed, it did right to begin by changing man himself." ^ The decree was passed on the 30th of October. Thirteen days later, November 12th, in accordance with Article 10, the two representatives were chosen — Lakanal and Sieyes. The latter, however, declining to act, the place was later filled by Deleyre. This committee was faithful in the performance of its duties watching over the school, as Liard says, "with the affection of a father." Following closely the spirit of Article 6 and the interpretation of the same by Lakanal, eminent men were selected to act as professors. From that standpoint the list cannot well receive adverse criticism. Hardly a man but had already received great distinction, some of them even a hundred years later standing out as great mountain peaks in their respective lines. I greatly doubt if ever before or since any in- stitution could present for its time a more illustrious faculty. The wis- dom of the selections may, however, from another standpoint be ques- tioned. Teachers were being secured for a normal school; the instruc- tion was to be given to teachers, yea, teachers of teachers, and yet as ^Barante : Histoire de la Convention Nationale, VI : 78. £cole Normale Supcrieure 15 Liard says, "they entrusted this pedagogical instruction not to teachers skilled in the art, but to wise men of genius, to scholars of talent." * The following is a list of the chairs and their incumbents: Mathematics — LaGrange and LaPlace. Physics — Hauy. Natural History — Daubenton. Chemistry — ^Berthollet. Agriculture — Thouin. Geography— Buache and Mentelle. History — Volney Ethics — Bernardin de Saint-Pierre. Descriptive Geometry — Monge. Grammar — Sicard. Analysis of the Understanding— Garat. Literature — LaHarpe. Political Economy — Vander Monde. *Liard: L'Enseignement Superieur en France, 1:269. i6 £cole Normale Superieure CHAPTER III. ORGANIZATION AND OPENING OF THE NORMAL SCHOOL. In spite of the fact that the country was not especially prepared for any such legislation as this, and that the decree was presented and passed within six days and practically without discussion ; and tho less than two months was allowed from the time of its first introduction to the time set for the assembling of the students in Paris ; in spite of all this, by the appointed time the students were there, nearly 1400 strong. This ready and enthusiastic response seems little less than marvelous. Nor could it well have happened in any country save France. And even there it needs explanation. I can think of no better explanation than that suggested by Barante in ascribing it to the feeling of relief and of new courage brought in by the coming to an end of the terrible "Reign of Terror." His words are worth quoting: "When the names of the professors were given out, when after two years of barbarism, after the silence and suffocation of thought imposed by the Terror, they saw reappear the first glimmer which announced the liberty and leisure rendered to the spirit, the nourishment tendered to its activity, the public took a lively interest." ^ The people were rejoiced to welcome a sign of better times. Exaggerated notions were formed of what the new school was to be and do, and there followed an immediate scramble for appointment. Nor had the committee been idle. They had given the matter con- siderable thought and had mapped out not only a program but as well a general method of procedure which they thought would best enable the school to perform the function for which it had been established. Let us note in the first place just what that function was, for there seem to have been differences of opinion at that time among the critics of the school, tho with the decree before us today we can see no very good reason for these differences. The decree tells us very plainly that the function was not academic but professional, that the one work was to prepare educated young men for the pedagogical management of secondary Normal Schools. That was all. The young men were to learn how to teach, and, having learned, they were to return home and transmit this knowledge to others who were to be the real teachers of the children. This being the function of the school, the program was very simple. The students were all to do the same work. There was to be no gradation, no cutting up into sections, even ; simply one great class addressed by the different professors in turn. As planned, the work was not to be daily in the various subjects. Something like a careful arrangement was made. It will be remembered that already, in its hatred of everything not new, the Convention had ceased to reckon time from the beginning of the Christian era, dating now from the beginning of the new Republic. They had gone farther and changed the names of the months and even made a different division of the month than into weeks of seven days each. They had no need for the Sabbath, so could easily apply their decimal sj'Stem. The month was divided into three parts of ten days each, called "decades," and the Normal School program was accommodated to that division. The work was to begin each day at eleven o'clock and close at a quarter past three. No more than three subjects were to be handled in ^Barante: Histoire de la Convention Nationale, VI : 80. £cole Normale Superieure 17 any one day, and each subject was to be presented but twice during a decade, as follows : On the first and sixth days, Mathematics, Physics and Geometry. On the second and seventh days, Natural History, Chemistry, and Agriculture. On the third and eighth days, Geography, History and Ethics. On the fourth and ninth days, Grammar, Analysis of the Understand- ing, and Literature. Each fifth day was to be given up to a public conference to which were to be invited learned men distinguished in letters and in arts. These conferences were planned for a general consideration of the educational situation in France, with special reference to the elementary books to be used in the schools. The last day of each decade was planned to be a sort of a holiday, but yet one that should serve a good educational end. The students were expected on these days to visit libraries, museums and other educational institutions. On the 15th of January, 1795, Lakanal and Deleyre, speaking for the committee, outlined before the convention the work of the new school. In other schools, they claimed, the work was wholly by lecture, only the teachers being permitted to speak ; there being no room for discussion much of the lecture was but poorly understood and therefore soon for- gotten. In the Normal different results should be sought, making different methods necessary. That which is imparted, both the information and the methods used, should be so clearly understood, they held, that it could be repeated in all the schools of France. To bring this about the committee suggested two agencies which, tho in common use today, were un- doubtedly somewhat new a hundred years ago, namely, free discussion between professor and students, and the use of text-books. The way in which they proposed to provide these agencies is seen in the following quotation which I take from Lc Moniteur of January 2nd, 1795, being a portion of the report made by Lakanal and Deleyre : "Stenographers, that is to say, men who write as rapidly as men speak, shall be placed within the walls of the Normal School, and everything which shall be said there shall be written down and reviewed in order to be printed and published in a journal. In the first session^ the pro- fessors alone shall speak ; in the second session of the same course, the same subjects shall be treated again and the students shall also be allowed to speak. Stenographic reports of what the professors said in the former session shall be placed in their hands one or two days in advance. In the first place the students shall question the professors, then the professors the students, and thus conferences shall be established between students and professors, between students and students, and between professors and professors. By the cooperation and harmony of these means, before passing from one svibject to another, there will always bear upon that which has already been seen the second view necessary to give to ideas something of clearness, firmness and fullness. The instruction will be not the work of a single spirit but of from 1200 to 1500 spirits." ^ It will be seen from this quotation that tho each subject was to be treated twice during each decade, in only one of the two sittings was advance work to be given, the second sitting being given up to discussion of the lecture given in the first. These stenographic reports, I might add, were to be furnished not only to the students but, as well, to the members of the Convention, the professors, district officials, and to the agents of the Republic in foreign covmtries. 2That is, of each decade. 3Reimpression de I'Ancien Moniteur de la Revolution Francaise, XXIII : 249. i8 Scale Normale Superieure But these reports did not include all the text-book matter used. On the 9th of February the Convention voted 30,000 livres* for the purchase and distribution among the students of other necessary books. The school opened with some ceremony and with high expectations on the 20th of January, 1795. The opening meeting was held in the grand amphitheatre of the Museum of Natural History. Lakanal read the decree creating the school, and then LaPlace, Hauy and Monge in turn gave short lectures. But no correct picture of the school can be formed without some description of the student body. What sort of young men were attracted by the opportunities presented? What sort offered themselves for the leadership of the prospective normal schools of France? In answering such questions it must be admitted that the statements are somewhat con- flicting. Still it is not difficult, I think, to reach a conclusion reasonably correct. An interesting statement is made by Barante : "From all the provinces came men who cultivated letters, men who were engaged in the sciences. No one dreamed of becoming a village schoolmaster, but all came simply to hear the eminent masters called to be professors, planning then to take up their old course of study, their literary or scientific occupations." ^ Another statement of some interest, tho not a very complimentary one, is that of Andre,^ who says that many of the students were enlight- ened on some matters though very ignorant on others. But he adds, "the great majority knew nothing." As to attendance and general interest, he says that very many, either from inability or general laziness, did not attend the meetings. They accepted the pay provided and lived in idleness. Still, he admits that under the circumstances abuses were inevitable. Le Moniteur refers to two students by-^'ame, Bougainville and Lelille. The former, a man of more than sixty years of age, had been Vice Admiral of the French Navy. At one time he had made a tour of the world and had discovered an island in the South Sea. Lelille, also, was a man of years and so generally well known that his appearance among the students called forth applause and other evidences of admiration. "The students of the fecole Normale," says the editor of a curreni French periodical, "were made up of three classes, very distinct and about equal in number ; the conformity of their political sentiments gave them their only cohesion."'^ These three classes were: (i) Primary teachers; (2) Priests and College Professors; and (3) Government Officials. These and similar references enable us to get at least a fairly correct idea of the student body. Undoubtedly these individual mentions are ex- ceptions. The very fact that they are thus singled out would indicate as much. Andre's statement is probably likewise extreme but yet in all probability tells the truth as to a certain number of the students. So, too, the impression given b)'^ Barante that the students were largely literary and scientific men who came more for a high class individual entertain- ment. But yet when we remember that the decree fixed the lower age limit at twenty-one and named no upper limit, also that the intellectual requirement was, "already instructed in the useful sciences," and when we add to these the other fact that for six years practically no schools or colleges had been in operation, we are compelled to conclude that the studentry was made up very largely of relatively mature men, men of learning and experience.