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 "1 
 
 BRIEF ACCOUNT 
 
 
 or 
 
 THE LIFE AND 
 
 POLITICAL OPINIONS 
 
 
 or 
 
 MARTIN 
 
 VAN BUREN, 
 
 PRESIDENT OF THE U. STATES: 
 
 
 moM 
 
 ; * 1 
 THE MOST AUTHENTIC SOURCES. 
 
 i '■'''■ 
 
 MAY, 1840. 
 
BRIEF ACCOUNT 
 
 or 
 
 I THE LIFE AND POLITICAL OPINIONS 
 
 09 
 
 iVr A R T 1 N VAN B U R E N 
 
 PRESIDENT OF THE U. STATES: 
 
 FROM 
 
 THE MOST AUTHENTIC SOURCES. 
 
 ^ MAY, 1340. 
 
 
Bx5 
 
3IARTIX VAX BUREX. 
 
 It is now fully apparent that the i)lan of operations, 
 adopted for the cnsuinq; political campaign, by the 
 faction of IMr. Van Uurcn, in the hope of preventing 
 the election of Gen"'!. Harrison, and thereby of perpet- 
 uating their own po^ver, is that of systematic ridicule, 
 calumny and abuse, of one of the brighicst and purest 
 names, yet given to the iiistory of our country. A 
 Baltimore Journal proposes to^ive him a barrel of hard 
 cider and a pension, and then let him be content to 
 l>ass the remainder of his days in a Log Cabin. The 
 New York Evening Post, calls upon the ladies of his 
 district, if ihcy have any old shoes, old boots, old 
 hats, and old stockings, to send them on, and they 
 -.vill be forwarded to the Hero of North Bend. They 
 liave raked up from the records of by-gone times, a 
 vote of the General's, to commute the pur]ishment of 
 certain convicts,from imprisonment in the county jails, 
 into service for a limited time in respectable families, 
 and in the plenitude of their synijialhy for petty thiev- 
 eis and lulfercrs, they call it, selling a poor man for 
 debt. An d^MMii and besotted member of Congress 
 has even dared in his place to charge the brave old 
 general with cowardice. The friends of Harrison 
 
cannot venture to meet any where in procession, but 
 they arc insulted by the exhibition of "red petticoats^' 
 or assaulted even unto death, by bullies espousing the 
 cause of tlie parly in power. 
 
 Now it is no part of our purpose to vindicate the 
 fair fame of General Harrison, from as])ersions so foul 
 and baseless as these — that iias been already commit- 
 ted to the safe keeping of impartial history, and there 
 we design to leave it. The occasion however is a tit 
 one for carrying the war into Africa, and to this end 
 we intend to improve it. 
 
 Who then is Martin Van Buren? And how far are 
 t'le records of his career open to criticism; if not to 
 the severest condemnation? We have asked these 
 o'jestions, in order that we may answer them, and 
 that there may be no caveliing about fact?;, we shall 
 draw our materials principally from a book entitled, 
 '•The Life and political opinions of Martin Van Bu- 
 ren, by William M. Holland" — a work written by a 
 I)olitical friend and admirer of the President, who 
 !!ioreover acknowledges large and valuable contribu- 
 tions to its pages, from such men as Benjamin F. But- 
 ler, late Att'y. Gen'l. of the U. States, Thomas Hart 
 Benton of the U. States Senate, and others of the like 
 political stamp — a work gotten up during the last 
 presidential canvass, and for the express purpose of 
 aiding the election of its subject, to the station he 
 now occupies — a work in fine, which has passed thro"' 
 two editions, and has been recommended to the es- 
 pecial patronage of "the party" — by such prints as 
 the Globe— the Albany Argus— the Boston Morning 
 Post et id genus omne. From this book we repeat 
 it, we shall draw the principal portion of our materi- 
 als, and be its disclosures for good or evil, it is not 
 for Mr. Van Buren or any or his friends at this day, to 
 deny their authenticity. 
 
 RFartlv Yan BurExX was born at Kinderhook, on 
 the 5th day of December 1782, und is now therefore 
 in tite oSlh year of his age. (See Ult^mge 15.) 
 
 "Alter acquiring the rudiments of an EnQ:Ii.sti education, 
 t>a became a student in the academy ot his native village. — 
 
He there made considerable [^roffiess in the various brnnclifs 
 o\ English Literature, and gained some knowledge o( Latin. 
 Jt may be interred Ijowever ttiat all these acq'iisitions wfr« 
 iiot gieat in amount, as he ieit the Academy, vvtien but lour- 
 leen yeais ol age, to begin ilie study ol h.s piolession." p. 15. 
 
 It may be remarked by the way, ibat the thrusting u 
 youth of the tender age of fourteen into a l.ivvyer's 
 office, to contend with the difiicuhies of the most ali- 
 struse and y)crplexing of all the branches oi' knowi- 
 cdge, is, to say the least of it, making a mail of hiiij u 
 little too soon. 
 
 At the early age of sixteen, 
 
 *'Mr. Van Buren was an ardent and artiv^ politician. Hu 
 political course w ill be mote lully devt^lop^d ii, another placr-; 
 but it is proper to remaik at this point, that il v\a? his con- 
 htant habit to attend all meetings ol th*' dfinorratic j-arty, to 
 study vvitli attertlion the pol.tical intelligerice ol the day,aiiit 
 to weld tiis most zealous aid to the piincifdes he Iwld to be 
 true, both in speaking in j/iiblic, and f nir)l<jving hi3 rea<!y 
 }ien to furnish resolutions aiicJ addresses wtienever his servi- 
 ces were required, A-^ (ar!y as 1800, when only in [ ''* 
 ♦Mghleentli yar, and still a student at law, he was depi.te'.: 
 by tne republicaris in his native town to attend a tonventici 
 ol delegates Irom Cohiinbia ario J'lens.-a a-i Coui.ties, to Jici.i - 
 Late a candidate lor rtj-rtseLtative m Congress." p. 29, ;j'J. 
 
 We remember to have seen some year or two ago 
 an account of a political meeting, wiiich was alleged 
 to have been made up for the most |)art of boys^ and 
 the charge was indignantly repelled as a slaiider by 
 the friends of the meeting. And such a charge 
 would be deemed opprobrious every where, except 
 ]^erhap^ in Kinderhook at the j.eriod alluded to. 'J'be 
 most disagreeable animal on earth, in our humble 
 j'ldgment, is a pert, pushing, self-sufiicient boy ol' il.e 
 jirecise age of sixteen, fie is always first at the t.i- 
 ble, when he grabs every delicacy within his reach. 
 Always foremost in the rush when the dinner bell 
 rings, he is sure of a seat at the fist table, tliough 
 grey-headed men, and venerable matrons are crowded 
 out to wait for the second table. Eternally w here he 
 ought not to be, he is in every body's way, s[-eaks 
 with aloud voice, engrosses the conversation, and 
 •'i32side?, he always smells of bread and lutter." 
 
In the case before us, our attention is called to the 
 example of a boy, mingling in the concerns of men, 
 before the law deemed him competent to have an o- 
 pinion of his own — intriguing to control the votes of 
 others, before he was entitled to a vote himself — a 
 busy politician at the age of sixteen, when the boys- 
 of all well regulated families are ai school,acqiiiring 
 the rudiments of a good education or the gracesof good 
 manners. — Speaking upon subjects which he could 
 not possibly understand, and regularly writing non-- 
 sense for the newspapers. 
 
 The whole life of Mr. Van Buren seems to have 
 been such as might have been expected from so un- 
 fortunate a beginmg. We shall find him eternally in^ 
 the field, holding councils, issuing manifestoes, mar- 
 shalling hisforces — manoBuvreing and counter-manceu- 
 vreing. Wheeling now to the right, now to i!ie left, 
 and again to the right about. The book of his lite,- 
 alTords us no resting place. The man is never idle. 
 As soon as one contest is over, we shall find liim get- 
 ting up liis candidate for the next. At one time he 
 brings out a democrat to run against a democrat — 
 then a democrat against a federalist, and anon a fed- 
 eralist against e democrat. But beliiscandidate whom 
 he may, he only deems himself bound to adhere to 
 him until the election is over, when if he is beaten, 
 Mr. Van Buren bids him good by, and joins tlie other 
 side, for according to his creed the party that wins,is 
 always the democratic party. 
 
 ♦«He entered upon bis twenty-first year in the fall of 1803, and 
 the ensuinjr spring made bis tirs5 a^ipearance at the polls as an 
 el' ctor. At that election Morgan Lewis &, Aaron Burr weie 
 theop[)C3ing candiaales tor the office oT governor" & Mr. Van 
 Buren "ti ue to his principles and the spirit ol his party gave 
 his vigorous and unhesitating support to Mr. Lewis." p. SO. 
 
 But Governor Lewis had no office it seems, to con- 
 fer upon the youthful aspirant, and mark the conse- 
 quence ! 
 
 "In 1807 the antagonist candidates for the office of Gov- 
 ernor were Morgan Lewis and Daniel D. Tompkins. The 
 latter as the candidate ol the democratic party, aua the most 
 
faifhful organ of its sentiments received Mr. Van Buren's 
 zealous and decided sii['port." p. 81. 
 
 Jn ]S03 Morgan Lewis received his "vigorous and 
 unhesitating suj'port," and in 1B07 "his zealous and 
 decided support''' was given to Daniel D.Tompkins a- 
 gainst IWorgan Lewis. A man of plain understanding 
 might 1)6 puzzled to comprehend, how democracy 
 should be so diflerent in different men, and in the 
 .'^ame men* at diiiercnt times, if we wish to know the 
 reason of the ciiange, the book perhaps will inform us. 
 
 „ "In 1808 Mr. Van Bnren was appointed surrogate of Co- 
 r umbia County, and retained tlie oiiice until 1813," p. 81. 
 
 Whether the prior incumbent was turned adrift to 
 provide comfortable quarters for Mr. ^"an Buren. we 
 are not informed, nor we suppose did he much care. 
 Indeed he would, most probably liave considered it a 
 very singular question for any one to ask. 
 
 It may be remarked at this place, that the change 
 of Mr. Van Burcn from the party of Mr. Lewis to that 
 of Mr. Tompkins — for each had a party and a severe 
 contest took place between them — might be attributed 
 to the caprice and unsettled principles of a very young 
 man, if it were not for the office he received from 
 Governor Tomjikins immediately after his installatiouo 
 And that this judgment may not be deemed unchari- 
 table, we beg tlie reader to note the various changes 
 and shiftings of which we shall have occasion to speak 
 hereafter, all of which will be found to be of the same 
 selfish stamp. 
 
 His first actual participation in political affairs we 
 are told was in the great contest which preceded the 
 elevation of Mr. Jefferson to the presidency in 1801. 
 He was at that time a student of law in Kinderhook, 
 and espoused the interests of the democratic party 
 with the greatest ardor. And as tlie election of Mr. 
 JetTerson had called forth his earliest exertions,his ad- 
 ministration received during its whole course, his un- 
 remitting support. So also the democracy of Mr. 
 Madison was received by Mr. Van Buren as autho- 
 iox at his first election in 1808; and he gave Mr, 
 
Madison at that time his vote and support. But w hen 
 tliis accomplislied statesman and pure i)atriot, came 
 before his country for re-election in 18l'i, tlie only 
 serious opposilion lie encountered was in N. York, 
 and Mr. Van Buren is found to be an active egent 
 and pionioter of that opposition. And who was his 
 candidate against Mr, .Madison? It was De Witt Clin- 
 ton, who though a republican himself, was supported 
 by the Federal party, as its candidate, p. SS. 
 
 We pause again to ask the question, what was his 
 cause of quarrel with the pure and upright Madison? 
 Jn what respect had lie swerved from tiie doctrines 
 and practices cf the true democratic faith? And es- 
 ))ecially how could iVJr. Van Buren expect to fnd 
 tliese doctrines and practices among the suj)porters of 
 I\lr. Clinton, compiising the wliole Federal party of 
 the Union? 'I'his is the second change we meet with 
 in his history. 
 
 Bui Mr. Madison was elected.- and Mr. Clinton the 
 I'ederal Candidate of Mr. Van Buren was defeated — 
 and then how stands the case? 
 
 "At the ensuing session of the legi.'^Ia^ire, which cotr.- 
 Meuced in Jiinuary ISlo, the political rplaiions previoii.-iy 
 exislui!^ bf-tween Mr. Van Buren and Mi-. Clinton, were 
 dissolved." p. 82. 
 
 Who doubts it? Catch him adhering to a defeated 
 candidate! lie left ]\lr. Madison and went over to 
 jMr. Clinton, and as soon as Mr. Clintolfis defeated 
 he quits him and gets back again in the train of JMr. 
 Madison. This is change No. 8. 
 
 <-In Mirch 1S17, De Witt Clinton was nominated to th<» 
 ( ilii-e ot Governor by a rf'publican convention, in the place 
 (ii Daniel D. Tonipkins, who had been elected Vice 1 lej-i- 
 deiil of the United States. Mr. Van Buren acqniesctd ia 
 fus nomination, though it was contiary to his individual 
 wishes arid opinions. Th'^ distinguished talents ol Mi'. 
 Clinton, anti his recent zealous efforts in promoting ihe great 
 iiiterests ol'1hes!ate, had so far won tiie rfspect and conl'i- 
 dence oi all parties, that t'le.e was comparatively litile op- 
 pos ton to his election. During the lust year ol Mr, Clin- 
 fon's administration, but liitie occirrea to disturb this sin- 
 iulai coalition oS opnoiite political pirties. Jixit in the dip 
 f^all tusk ofmukiiig h'.s ~.fpolidincnU, Go\ei..o. Can'ioa gi.vtf" 
 
prpat offence to the rppnblicans, who liad vieldo'i him their 
 support. This difnculty widened into an open rupture, and 
 a lar^e rnajoiify ot t^e republican party, Mr. Van Buren a- 
 inone; (he number, withdrew their sii[>port (roin Mr. Clinton's 
 public measure?, and made preparations to or pose his re- 
 election, p.p. 119. 120. 
 
 The distinguisliec] talonfs of Mr. Clinton, and liis 
 zealous cllbrts in promoliiig the gjeat interests of the 
 state v\ ere of so meritorious a chaiacter as to entitle 
 l.im in llie view of ail good men, to liie office of Gov- 
 ernor. lUit IMr. Van Iluren and liis faction wanted 
 sonictiiiiig more tlian distinguislied talents and great 
 puljlic usefulness — namely the offices and salaries in 
 the gift of the Governor. It is not ])retended that 
 the j)ersons appointed uerenot well qualified. The 
 ciiaracter of Governor Clinton forhids such a supposi- 
 lioii. Quitting Mr. Clinton in 1313, we find him a- 
 lliin rallying under his flag in 1S17, and then almost 
 111 the same breath, we behold him stirring up a muti- 
 i-y in thecamj), and casting about fur a new leader. — • 
 This is change No. 4. 
 
 "In Decf^inber IS 1.9 a pamphlet entitled, "consideratiorg 
 in Uivor o( tiie appointment ol Kufus King to the Senate ot 
 tne United States" was aihfri-ssed to the republican mem- 
 bers ot the Leijisltiture of N. York, "by one ot their rol- 
 l^jjjuef;." It was understood to be Iroui the pen ol Mr. Van. 
 IJaren." p. 129. 
 
 Mr. King was a distinguished member of the fed- 
 eral i)arty, and in the j)amphlet above alluded to, the 
 writer afit^ detailing at great length the puli'ic and 
 political iiisiory of AIi. King, declares, '"Ihat'if he had 
 liOt reason to believe j\Jr. Kinii; to be decidedly with 
 the re.jyublican juirtij hi their ojipusilion to J\h\ Clin- 
 ton Jie should promptly and zealously ojipose his ap- 
 ])ointment." 
 
 Here is a precious developement. The assump- 
 tioii that it was the republican yarly who were in op- 
 position tOxMr. Clinton was not true in point of fact. 
 A large body of the party were numbered amongst his 
 friends. He was oi)posed by a faction whose cause 
 of quarrel with him was, that they were not permitted 
 to cut and carve to suit their own appetites. Deser- 
 
— 10— 
 t'ing Mr. Clinton for this cause, they take a candidate' 
 for the United States Senate, whose chief recommen- 
 dation they allege to be, his willingness to take part 
 in their quarrel with Mr. Clinton. 
 
 How cold and sordid and mercenary must be the 
 heart of a hackneyed politician! He belongs to that 
 selfish category of the human family, who consider 
 that they were born cnly to take care of themselves. — 
 He is willing to unite with any party, espouse any 
 cause or support any doclrine, provided only his ser- 
 \iccs are duly remembered, when the appointments 
 are made out. The successful example of one such 
 tactician as Mr. Van Buren, is fitted to bring more dis- 
 credit upon republican government, than the pecula- 
 tions of whole tribes of defaulting receivers. 
 
 He was appointed to the Senate of the United States 
 on the 6lh of February 1S21. From the Senate ho 
 was called to the gubernatorial ciiairof !M. York, and 
 r\ tiience to the head of the state department. Tlie 
 i ! sudden death of De Wiu Clinton made Mr. Van Bu- 
 '\\/' ren. Had Clinton lived he would have been General 
 .Jackson's Secretary of Slate and successor in the 
 Pesidency, and Mr. ^'an I'uren would now have been 
 in the opposition. How strange these things work! 
 Mr. Van Buren was a member of the Convention 
 which assembled in Albany in August lS2i, to amend 
 the constitution of N.York, and his course in that 
 body is deserving of particular attention. Whe most 
 objectionable features oi the old constitulicn were 
 those of its provisions which had rehtion to the right 
 of suffrage-, the possession of a free-hold estate of the 
 value of $})-250 over and above all debts charged there- 
 on, was necessary to eutitle a person to vote for Gov- 
 ernor, Lieutenant Governor, and Senators. Members 
 of tiie assembly were chosen by persons paying taxes 
 and possessing freeholds of the clear value of §50. 
 or renting tenaments of the value of §5. 
 
 "TLe committee to whom that subjecl" (the right of suff- 
 rage) "was referred, proposed a residence ol six months in 
 the state, arid having paid taxes, or worked on the highwaysj 
 
— 1 i — 
 
 or done military duty, as the qualification of a voter" p. 16S. 
 "Mr. Von Buren was in favor of adding to the latter alterna- 
 tive, the further restriction nf beins; a hom^eholder'' p. 176, and 
 he remarked, "that werethe bare naked qiiestion of universal 
 sufTragje put to the committee, he did not believe there were 
 twenty members who woii!cl vote for it. We have" said be» 
 "already reached the vertje of universal sutfrace, I'here is 
 but one step beyond, and are [:;entlemen prepared to take fliat 
 etep? We are cheapening this invaluable ri^hf." p. 177. 
 
 This is plain English. No man should have a vote, 
 in the opinion of Mr. Van r)Urcn at that time, unless he 
 yjaid taxes, or did military duty, or worked on the 
 Jiigliways, and in addition was a householder. Tlie 
 idea of universal sufTra^'e was to him monstrous ! He 
 liad no notion of giving the right to vote to every body. 
 A Boss might vote, if he were a householder.but as to a 
 Journeyman, what right iiad lie tollrink about politics? 
 Let him mind his work ! 
 
 Tliesc were the ''doctrines and principles" of Mr. 
 A'an Buren in 18-21, openly declared in convention, 
 and deliberately published to the world. He was then 
 forly years of age, and of course knew his own mind. 
 But in process of time he came to be a candidate for 
 tlic \'ice PresideiK-y of the U. States. The Journal of 
 the Convention had gone abroad. Men had seen it 
 fairly set down in a printed book that he was opposed 
 to the right of a p»or mnn,1olKive a vote. A commit- 
 tee of .Alcchanics in Bhode Island addressed him a 
 letter on the subject, and requested to be informed 
 w hethrr thago were in reality iiis sentiments, intending 
 no doubt if they were, to give their support to some 
 other candidate for the Vice Presidency. This was 
 bringing the matter,to a simple point.and Mr. Van Bu- 
 ren could not stand his ground. In his reply he backs 
 rnt fairly, and avows himself an advocate of universal 
 suffrage. See pages 181, 132. 
 
 This is channe No. 5, and like all the rest is 
 a change for olVice. But we iiave not done with 
 this right of suHrago question. A proposition was 
 made in convention to restrict the right of voting to 
 IVh'de citireiwi, and .Mr. Van Buren voted against such 
 
 • •• ♦•on, and in fa^-nr - ' '•i'^ ' ^-'larhs to voti. 
 
Subsequently, all blacks were allowed to vote, uho 
 v/ere possessed of a freehold of the value of $250, and 
 were exempted from taxation to a corresponding ex- 
 tent: and this provision Mr. Van Buren said, "met his 
 approbation." See pages 18-2, 183. 
 
 According to these doctrines and principles, a negro 
 who holds a little property is a more trust-worthy cit- 
 izen than a white man who holds none. It is proper- 
 ty alone that makes the man. 
 
 Connected with this same subject, we may remark, 
 that it was in 18-20. that the great question, whether 
 Missouri should be admitted into the Union, with the 
 right to hold slaves, was before Congress. It was a 
 subject which created great excitement and deep feel- 
 ing throughout the country. In the Senate of N. York 
 M r. Van Buren voted for a resolution instructing tlie 
 senators &. requesting the representatives for that state, 
 
 "To oppose the admission of any territory without making 
 the protiibition of slavery ttieiein an indispensabie condition 
 ol admission." p. 144. 
 
 He was for saying to every new state, about to en- 
 ter the Union, "You shall not come in. — the door shall 
 be closed against you — unless you will bind yourself 
 before hand, never to permit slavery withinyour limits."' 
 
 Now it came to pass, that in 1834, a candidate was 
 to be nominated for the office of President of the U. 
 States, and it was extremely interesting to Mr. Van 
 Buren to have the good will of the South. A com- 
 mittee of Gentlemen of North Carolina addressed 
 iiim a letter, requesting to be informed what his sen- 
 timents were upon the subject of slavery, and in re- 
 ply he declares "thvit the subject of slavery is in liis 
 judgment exclusively under the control of the state 
 governments." p. 345. And again — 
 
 "That the relation of masterand slave is a matter exclu- 
 sively belcnginj; to the people of each state, within its own 
 boundery, and that any attempt by the government or peo- 
 ple of any other state or by the 3:encrul government, to interfere 
 with or disturb it would violate the spirit of compromise 
 which lies at the basis ol the federal compact." p. 349. 
 
 Here is change No. C. And again it is a chang© 
 
— 13— 
 
 TiOl from principle, but a cliange for office. Are n*o1 
 tlie people of the United Slates, now numbering fif- 
 teen millions, entitled to something better for their 
 president than a mere polical trimmer? A man hol- 
 ding no opinions, professing no principles, but such 
 as may be turned to the most profitable political ac- 
 count? A man who in his eagerness to be on the 
 strong side, is willing to say to the majority, "Gen- 
 tlemen, whatever doctrines you desire me to profess, 
 only say the word, and 1 am ready to profess them, 
 and if at any time gentlemen, you should find it con- 
 venient to change your opinions, you have only to 
 let me know, and 1 will change mine also." 
 
 Jn the contest for the presidency in 1824,there were 
 four candidates in the field, namely. General Jackson, 
 IMr. Adams, Mr. Crawford and Mr. Clay. Each of 
 these gentlemen ran upon his own individual preten- 
 sions, except Mr. Crawford, who was brought otit un- 
 der the imposing sanction of a congressional caucus, 
 at Washington,ot which Mr. Van Buren was the chief 
 promoter, p. 317. Tiie people failed to elect, and 
 General Jackson entered the House with ni^nety nine, 
 Mr. Adams with eighty eight, Mr. Crawford with fifty 
 three electoral votes, and Mr. Clay wat? exchid'cd. — 
 The House gave the appointment to ]Mr. Adams, a- 
 gainst the wishes of Mr. Van Buren, who still suppor- 
 ted the nominee of the caucus, who of the three, had 
 received tiie smallest popular vote. 
 
 We pass on however to the canvass occupying the 
 stirring interval between IS 24 and isas, in which 
 General Jackson and Mr. Adams were the only candi- 
 dates in the field. This memorable contest turned 
 mainly upon tiie propriety of the choice made Vy the 
 House of representatives in 1 821, and waxed fiercer 
 and hotter as the election approached. Where then 
 was Mr. Van Buren? It is stated in the book before 
 lis that "he warmly espoused the cause of General 
 Jackson,soon after the election of Mr. Adams." p. 318. 
 but this statement, we liold ourselves compelled, in 
 idefcrcnce to the obligations of historical truth, to deny. 
 
— 14— 
 
 It is notorious to £tll America, that from 1824 to 
 IS27, Mr. Van Buren knew not to which side he be- 
 longed. The Albany Regency, then under his dicta- 
 tion, declared themselves "non-committal."" He knew 
 that the majority lay, either on his right hand or his 
 left, but on which, he could not exactly make out, and 
 he stood still between them. And thus he stood, and 
 thus stood his whole faction, during three long years 
 of doubtful and wavering apprehension. They were 
 as strangers in a strange land — lost and bewildered 
 like the ten thousand Greeks, and when at length they 
 were given to behold where the majority lay in the 
 distance, they shouted with one voice — *'huzza for 
 Jackson !" With characteristic providence, Mr. Van 
 Buren left it to others to bear the danger and burthen 
 of the contest, and then fell into the ranks at the last 
 nioment to share the triumph and bear away the lions 
 share of the spoils. Jackson prevailed and Van Buren 
 was appointed secretary of state. 
 
 This manoeuvre cannot properly be enumerated a- 
 monghis changes, but is the morality of his course ore 
 shade lighter, Uian a direct desertion of one party to 
 join another? For example, suppose two gentlemen 
 restilve during the pendency of an important election, 
 that be the result as it may, they tvlll be on the strong 
 side. The ®ne takes sides during the contest, but in 
 the end finds himself with the defeated party, and im- 
 mediately crosses over to the camp of the victors. — 
 This is bad enough. The other, more wary, keeps 
 liis hands clear of the contest, until he perceives which 
 party is going to win, then claims that party as IiiS 
 party, and stands ready for his share of the plunder. 
 Is this any better? 
 
 But his course in reference to a general bankrupt 
 law, we consider the most indefensible and the rnost 
 'l)ro[ligate chapter of his whole life. This subject 
 ought to be fully understood. 
 
 In the winter of 1827, a bill to establish a uniform 
 system of bankruptcy was brought up for discussion in 
 ti;e Senate, of which body Mr. Van Buren was then a 
 
— 15— 
 
 member. A proposition was made to include the 
 state banks within the provisions of the bill, and in 
 opposition to the motion he discoursed thus. 
 
 "He said it coald not be denied, that the clause interfered 
 with the reg:ulations which state governments mi^ht have a- 
 dopted, tor ilie government ot their state institutions, which 
 was an odious exercise nfpowtr not granted by the constitution. 
 The amendment has this extent; it directs the States as lo 
 the raanwer in which they shall exercise their sovereignty in 
 this particular, and points out what penalty shall belnflict- 
 ed, in sase the charters granted by ttie states shall be violat- 
 ed. . . All tliis has hitherto been done by the states. 
 
 They have assumed the direction ot these matters as a ri^ht, 
 which they d.Mibtless have. And in including this subject of 
 corporations in the bill now before the senate, ii will be taken 
 entirely Irora the states, and subjected to the power of the 
 bankrupt system. This never was done, and never attempted 
 in any country on the face of the Globe." 
 
 The state banks have always been regarded as the 
 peculiar object of state concern, and the reason why 
 the general government failed to crush these corpora- 
 tions, in its recent war against all bauks, u'as, that 
 they were constitutionally beyond its reach. And, if 
 any man could devise a scheme, by which the state 
 banks should be withdrawn from the protection of 
 the states, and placed at the mercy of the federal ex- 
 ecutive, he would elTcct a greater revolution in the 
 government, than any that ever transpired in any age 
 or nation, without war and blood-shed. Yet this very 
 cha^ge, in the teeth of the patriotic stand taken by 
 lum against the same identical measure in 1827, Mr. 
 Van Buren did attempt. 
 
 In his special message to Congress of September 4, 
 1837, he distinctly recommends — 
 
 " The propriety and imjiortance of a vniform law concerning 
 bankruptcies of corporations and other banlcs." "■'Through the 
 instrumentality of such a taw,'^ he remarks, "a salutary check 
 might doubtless be imposed on the issue of paper money.'' 
 
 It is necessary here to remind the reader, that Con- 
 gress have no power, and never were designed to have 
 any power, over the banking institutions of the states. 
 But that body does possess the authority to provide a 
 iiaiform system of bankruptcyj and if in the exercise 
 
— 16— 
 ef this undoubted right, a law were to be passed, in-- 
 eluding these institutions within its operatioujit would 
 in.direclly and by a side-wind, give to the federal e:x- 
 ecutive a tremendous and startling power, which from 
 the foundation of the government to the present day, 
 no one has ever dreamed of taking from the states. — 
 It would be in the language of Mr. \^an Buren, when 
 the influence of his better genius prevailed, un odious 
 exercise of power not granted by the co7istitution. 
 
 We do not stop to enumerate this among the som- 
 ersets of Mr. Van Buren. it is too grave a subject. 
 But we ask the question, suppose this plan had suc- 
 ceeded, what would have been the consequence? — Ee 
 would have brought every state bank, and with the 
 banks, all their stockholders, and with the stockhol- 
 ders all their customers, to the footstool of unbridled 
 power. The government would have had nothing 
 more to do, than to signify its wishes to a bank — and 
 in case it proved refractory, the means would never 
 be wanting of pushing it to an act of bankruptcy, 
 when it would be locked up and its business closed 
 with enormous costs and commissions, to some pet of 
 the powers that be. If any president, or cashier or 
 teller of a bank, should dare to hold opmions differ- 
 ent from the government standard, he would have to 
 be dismissed or the bank brought to its marrow bones. 
 We tremble for the liberties of this great republic 
 when we contemplate the fearful and mighty power 
 thus grasped at by Mr. Van Buren, and which, but for 
 some lucky chance — some momentary fit of virtue a- 
 mong his own partisans in Congress, might have qui- 
 etly passed into his hands. 
 
 Mr. Van Buren was appointed Secretary of State in 
 March 1829, and very soon thereafter began to lift hia 
 eyes to thefirst office of the Government. The ques- 
 tion of the succession had begun already to occupy 
 his thoughts, and he was not idle in preparing the 
 way for himself: but in the path of ambition which 
 lay before him, Mr. Calhoun as it was obvious to all, 
 would be his most formidable competitor, and it was 
 
—17— 
 
 very natural that he should feel anxious fo have a 
 man of such pretensions out of the way. Now it had 
 been ascertained, that Mr. Crawford could state cer- 
 tain facts which if known to General Jackson, would 
 certainly produce a rupture between him and Mr. Cal- 
 houn, and it need hardly be told,that whosoever quar- 
 reled with General Jackson was certain to have the 
 party and the government press against Iiim. Tne 
 train being thus laid, the first thing to be done, was 
 to contrive means of having the statement of Mr. Craw- 
 ford brought to the knowledge of the president. Ac- 
 cordingly, Mr. Forsyth, the bosom friend of Mr. Van 
 Buren and his present secretary of state, made a direct 
 call upon Mr. Crawford for a statement of his facts, 
 and the next thing we hear upon the subject, is a la- 
 conic and peremptory note from Gen. Jackson, de- 
 manding of ftlr. Calhoun to say, wither the informa- 
 tion communicated by Mr. Crau ford was true or not? 
 And the answer of Mr. Calhoun being an explana- 
 tion rather than a denial of the charges, an open rup- 
 ture between him and the j)resid<mt was the immedi- 
 ate consequence. The match had now taken effect. 
 Mr. Calhoun was denounced, pursued and hunted 
 down bj the harpies of a prostituted press, and l\Ir. 
 Van Buren having effected his purpose, felt quite com- 
 fortable. 
 
 We do not refer to this subject in any feeling of sym- 
 pathy with y*r. Calhoun. IJe was tricked, defeated 
 and used up, by superior cunning, but he got no more 
 than he deserved. Our object is to illustrate the po- 
 litical character of IMartin Van Buren, and in order 
 that we may do him no injustice in this connexion, 
 we shall dwell for a moment on the point now under 
 review. First of all then, it is a fact that Mr. Van 
 Buren and Mr. Calhoun were members of the same 
 pa-ty. They fought side by side at lca4 from 13ii7,in 
 t'le fierce contest which resulted in the ele.t.on of 
 Gen. Jackson to the presidency. and they rejoiced to- 
 gether in the success which crowned their efibrts-- 
 They were united in the common object of defeating 
 
— 18— 
 Mr. Adams,and again united in sustaining the new ad~ 
 ministration. Thus linked together by the sympathies 
 ©fa commoncause. of common adversaries,and a com- 
 mon triumph, it is impossible to conceive that either, 
 without some strong personal motive,could meditate in- 
 tentional harm towards the other. If either had been 
 assailed by their political opponents, it was natural to 
 expect that the other would stand forward to repel the 
 attack. Regarding it in this light, we are compelled, 
 in looking for the motives of the assailant, to assume 
 that it was of a personal and selfish character. 
 
 Now if in casting our eye over the prominent lea- 
 ders of the Jackson party, we shall be able to name 
 tlie person who notoriously possessed such a motive — 
 and if moreover it shall appear that he was the only 
 individual in the nation whose motives were ade- 
 quate to the inlBStigation of "the conspiracy." We 
 beg to know how that person is to escape from the 
 paternity of the act? Who then was that person? — 
 Stand forth, Martin Van Buren, for thou art the man! 
 The success of the manoeuvre redounded directly 
 and immensely to your personal adyancement. It 
 made your political fortune. It struck down at a sin- 
 gle blow, the only competitor whom you had reason 
 to fear, and left you with a clear field, all to yourself. 
 Your position alone in that afiair, independent of all 
 ether evidence, is sufficient to condemn you. 
 
 Eut the testimony does not stop here. There is 
 enough behind to establish the guilt of Mr. Van Bu- 
 ren. It is a fact, and the most impressive one in this 
 whole enquiry, that the individual put forward to ob- 
 tain Mr. Crawford's statement, was the fust political 
 friend of Mr. Van Buren. It is moreover not to be 
 overlooked, that Mr. Forsyth in asking Mr. Ciavvford 
 for his statement, proceeds to refresh his recolh ction^ 
 by reminding him of a certain conversation which had 
 pnssed between them, and to indicate the [recise kind 
 tf information he required, showing distinctly that 
 what he wanted was for a particuhir purpose. In 
 addition therefrre to aU the other evidence a- 
 
— 19— 
 gainst Mr. Van Buren, we have the astounding faciV 
 that this information is brought out by his bosom friend 
 and so sought for,that when it comes,it is of the precise 
 substance and in the precise form, deemed most ef- 
 fectual to answer the end in view. Will it be said 
 that Mr. Van Buren was ignorant of the intended 
 movement of liis friend in his own behalf? Let it 
 he so said, and who will, or who can believe it? 
 
 It is a fact furthermore that Mr. Crawford was a- 
 nother personal and political fiiend of Mr. Van Bnren. 
 Thus we find that all round he is in the hands of his 
 fiiends. The statement which used up Mr. Calhoun, 
 jEttM^MiK was demanded by one friend, and fur- 
 nished by another kind friend, and yet we arc expect- 
 ed to believe that he, simple-hearted gentleman ! 
 knew nothing of what was passing. 
 
 Verily those who make politics a trade, can have no 
 flesh in their hearts. Insensible alike to the claims- 
 of friendship or to the feelings of resentment for inju- 
 ries, they press forward towards the objectof their am- 
 bition, jostling, striking down, and walking over, all in 
 their way, whether fiiends or fees. ^ 
 
 We have seen a fair axample of this in the case be- ^ 
 fore us. Mr. Van Buren, finding his way to the pres- 
 idency impeded by his ally and co-adjutor, runs him 
 ofi'tlie course and sacri£ces him without one moments 
 compunction. And we have lived to see Mr. Cal- 
 houn, still smarting under his wrongs, advancing to 
 the man who defeated iiis dearest hopes, giving him 
 the right hand of fellowship and encpiiring kindly af- 
 ter his health, since they hist saw each other. Wjien 
 two such men lay their heads together, then let tiie 
 world look out for mischii-f. 
 
 Mr. Van Buren is ijowever no sooner out of one in- 
 trigue than he plunges into another. He had killed 
 Mr. Callioun, but it v^as necessary in the next plnce 
 to clear his skirts of the state department, and the 
 way he managed this, exhibits a tine specimen of his 
 peculiar workmanship. To shew the necessity of 
 this step will require a word of explanation. Mr. Jef 
 
 ,c 
 
—20— 
 ferson had been secretary of state, and became the 
 president. Mr. Madison was secretary of state when 
 he was elected president. Mr. Monroe was secretary 
 of state when he was elected president. Mr. Adams 
 was secretary of state when he received the appoint- 
 ment of president. Mr. Clay was secretary of state 
 when the war broke out against him and Mr. Adams. 
 The department of state havingthus furnished so many 
 presidents, it was urged by the Jackson party, that the 
 Iiead of that department would in time be considered 
 as entitled to the office of chief magistrate as a mat- 
 ter of course. That the people seemed already to 
 Iiave no voice in the matter, and it was ^|g||^||L^igh 
 time that the line of succession should be broken up. 
 It could not be supposed therefore that a man of i\]r. 
 Van Buren's tact, in attaining the great ol)ject of his 
 ambition, would travel towards it on a road which he 
 and his party had rendered odious to the people: and 
 it was now more than ever necessary, that he should at 
 once liberate himself from the trammels of a position, 
 whic!) tended of itself to disparage his hopes. 
 
 These facts are sufficiently explanatory of his resig- 
 r.aiton in April 1 S3 1 . But why,it may be asked, did he 
 carry with him the whole cabinet? Simply because he 
 did not choose to return alone. Pissention had made 
 its appearance in the cabinet, and that dissention grew 
 outof the conspiracyJagainst Mr. Calhoun, Butit was 
 to heal their dissentions that he determined to retire. 
 lie placed it upon this ground in his letter to the 
 president, v.'hich is so far intelligible, if no further. — 
 if however his single retirement could heal these dis- 
 sent io:.s, his holding office must have been the cause 
 of them, and to such an inference, it was not to be 
 expected that he should leave himself obnoxious. — - 
 Ac::ordingly after he and General Eaton had thrown 
 up their Feals, and ten days were permitted to elapse, 
 without any disposition being manifested by Messrs. 
 Bianch and Ingham to fallow their example, the pres- 
 ident himsf^lf very politeiy requested those gentlemen 
 to retire also. Thus in the language cf the N. York 
 
—21— 
 
 Courier, "the magician raised his wand, and a whole 
 cabinet vanished." 
 
 This singular affair is further illustrated by the 
 characteristic fact, that in giving up one appointment 
 he took good care to secure himself a retreat into an- 
 other of equal dignity, for immediately on leaving the 
 department of state he was appointed minister to Eng- 
 land. 
 
 There is one admission in this life of Mr. Van Bu- 
 ren which we cannot but commend for its candor. — 
 We are told that '^his successful career in politics, 
 bears ample testimony to talents of an elevated order, 
 and to a tact in the management of men, and In tin 
 control of parties, without a living parallel." p. 116. 
 
 The management of men and the control of parties ,. "^ 
 forsooth! The sovereign people it seems are not to / / 
 be left to the free and spontaneous expression of their ( / 
 own will, but they are to be managed and moulded V '^ 
 to the will of Mr. Van Buren. if a plain indepen- 
 dent citizen were told at the polls — "Sir, that ballot 
 which you are about to vote is not of ycnr own free 
 choice, but selected and chosen for you, by a cun- 
 ning magician five hundred miles away. You are not 
 a free agent, but a mere tool in his hands"— he would 
 no doubt repel the admonition with indignation, and 
 scorn. Yet we are told in sober earnest by his bi- 
 ographer, that Mr. Van Buren can do such things, and 
 that it is a great merit in him to be able to do them, 
 with more skill than any other man of modern times. 
 
 Mr. Van Buren is infinitely the smallest man that 
 has ever filled the presidential chair, and of this he 
 seems himself to be fully aware, for pretending to no 
 merit of any description as a public man, he bases his 
 title to the support of his party — to the approbation of 
 the American people he has never aspired— upon the 
 distinct ground of contract, or ^ quid jjro quo — the 
 terras of which are, "you do for me as I shall do for 
 you. Hence no man ever has, or will receive an ap- 
 pointment from him, but upon the distinct understan- 
 ding that he is to think with the government on all 
 
questions of public policy, and if lie ventuies to have 
 an opinion of his own, it shall be good cause oi remo- 
 val. The offices and salaries of the government are 
 assumed to be the property of Mr. Van Buren, to be 
 used by him for the purpose of entrenching himself 
 in power, and rendering himself secure against the 
 remonstrances of public opinion. 
 
 It was but the other day that Mr. James Aul. a 
 postmaster in Missouri, was turned out of office for 
 taking the liberty of preferring Gen. Harrison to Mr. 
 Van Buren: and Mr. Kyland,receiver oi public moneys 
 at Lexington, Missouri, wns also removed for daring to 
 think, that Mr. Aul had faithfully discharged his duty, 
 and ought not to have been dismissed. 
 
 But these practices, humiliating as they are, bear 
 no comparison in point of systematized corruption, to 
 the organization of the N. York custom house. The 
 evidence reported to congress by the committee ofin- 
 vestigalion in the winter of 1839, proves beyond ail 
 controversy, that a regular tax is levied upon all sala- 
 ried officers, at least in the custom house, for the pur- 
 a)ose of raising a fund to influence the elections, and 
 ^o sustain the party in power. It is there fully estab- 
 lished, that Mr. Van Buren, unwilling to trust himself 
 to the free and unbought suffrages of his countrymen, 
 has not scrupled to buy up Iheir votes, and for this 
 purpose has used,not his own but the people's money. 
 The testimony taken by the committee, cannot be too 
 extensively circulated — every man in the nation ought 
 to read it. 
 
 Arent S. De. Peyster being sworn, said, 
 
 "That the weighers were calleii on to pay $lo each for the 
 support ot the election, and when 1 declined, Mr. Vander- 
 poel the deputy surveyor, observed that I ouf^ht to consider, 
 whether my $1500 per annum was not worth paying <$15 
 {or, under the impression that it was the price ol my situa- 
 tion, I paid it." 
 
 David S. Lyon being sworn, said, 
 
 "I have frequently been callea on -to contriDute to political 
 objects, while I wad deputy collector, as an officer of the 
 custom house. The amount was irom ;^20 to ^100. The 
 tax waa pro ratio, according to salary." 
 
— 23— 
 
 Abraham Vanderpoel was sworn, when the follow- 
 ing occurrences took place. A question was propoun- 
 ded in writing by Mr. Wise, going to the fact of thig 
 tax upon officers, and enqning particularly a& to the 
 witness's knowledge upon that subject. 
 
 "The witness took the interrogatory without objection and 
 proceedetl to write his answor on the paper attached to the 
 question, and had written the following, to wit: "1 have 
 known officers attached to the custom-house to have been 
 called on for" when Mr. Owens, a member of the com- 
 mittee, interposed and informerl the witness that he was not 
 bound to answer any interrogatory relatino; to his private af- 
 fairs. And thereupon Mr, Foster, another member ot the 
 committee, objected to propoundint^'the interrogatory. The 
 witness here commenced to tear od' what he had written be- 
 lore objection was made to the interrogatory. Mr. Wise 
 prevented him from doing so, by forbidding the act. Mr. 
 Foster insisted that the witness had a right to tear otf what 
 he had written, and that it was not his ansv/er until it was 
 complete and handed in; and he asked the witness whether 
 it was his answer, and he replied "it was not." Anrt tha 
 committee having decided that the interrogatory should be 
 propounded, the said question was again handed to tlie wit- 
 ness and he returned the following — "I decline to answer the 
 question." The witness was then permitted to retire." 
 
 John Becker, being sworn, said 
 
 "All the collections I ever made for thfi democratic repub- 
 lican party, were strictly confidential; I therefore respectful- 
 ly aecline answering the question." 
 
 Here we have a truly edifying spectacle. Corrup- 
 tion reduced to a re«-ular system, and locked up from 
 legal scrutiny by pledges of secrec)', and the bonds of 
 a villainous conficlence,and members of congress depu- 
 ted to eviscerate those foul enormities, are found inter- 
 posmg to serene the culprits by smothering the truth. — 
 These things not only happen under tiie approving eye 
 of Mr. Van Buren,but are the legitimate fruits of his own 
 life and education as a politician, and yet we are to 
 believe that he is a democrat and his faction the only 
 tiue fi lends the people have! 
 
553 
 
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