liilillililliiilillllMllli 014 221 584 6 • F 128 .47 .B56 Copy 1 THE FIRST MUNICIPAL ELECTION IN GREATER NEW YORK. AN ADDRKSS DELIVERED BEFORE St. Loais Goaneil, Iiegion of Hofior, DECEMBER 20, 1897, By JAMES L. BLAIR. ST. LOUIS: N1XON-JONE8 PRINTING CO. lie First Miiiiioipiil HIeotioii in Greater New york. AN ADDRESS DKI.IVKlfKI) IlKKOltK ST. LOUIS COUNCIL, LliClON 01' HONOR DKCKMIiKli 20, 1«;»7, BY JAMES L. BLAI R. W'oiiln/ ClKdict'llor ami ( Jfiilhiiitn of the Lcyifni : ElectioiiH in the city of Now York liave iilwaya been of national interest. That wliich took place oji Novenibcv 2n(l, 181)7, was si)ccially so for a variety of reaHonn. Tlie va.st intere.st.s involved, the nnnihel' and chaiiicler of the cantra- tion of the city's affairs were made. The two great parties thus confronted each other upon issues which were in the main purely partisan, and with can- didates of the same type. If matters were allowed to take their usual course the people most interested in the outcome would have been in the position of having no choice but to vote for a strict party man upon strict party issues, with no room to choose on the ground of special fitness. The situation was that which always confronts the citizen who holds to the view that he ought to have a chance to cast his vote for candidates for municipal office selected on some — 12 — other basis than that of their attitude upon the protective tariff issue or a national policy of annexation. THE JEFFERSONIAN DEMOCRACY. There were certain Democrats in the city who thought that the platform of the party should have said something more than it did. That the single tax idea ought to have been touched upon as well as certain other matters, and they therefore bolted the nomination of Van Wyck, held a separate convention and placed at the head of their ticket Henry George, the well-known writer on social and eco- nomic subjects, adopting a platform admirable in many respects, containing vigorous denunciation of many evils and advocacy of many good things. The movement was designated as the Jeffersonian Democracy. The nomina- tion was accepted by Mr. George, who made an active campaign, and would undoubtedly have polled a very heavy vote but for his untimely death just previous to the election. The vote polled by his son, who was substituted in his place at the last moment, was insignificant. The movement was inspired by Henry George himself, and the following he received was, as in the case of his former nomination, largely due to a strong conviction of his per- sonal integrity, and his zealous advocacy of certain popular measures, both national and local. The candidacy of Gleason was not considered and was not in facta serious element of the contest. CITIZENS UNION MOVEMENT. The committee of seventy organized in 1894 and by whose efforts the election of Mayor Strong was accom- plished was temporary in its nature, but upon the basis of its organization a movement was inaugurated in the early part - 13 — of the year designed to establish a permanent association for the betterment of municipal affairs. It was not originally intended that it should nominate a ticket in this election, but as the campaign progressed and the partisan lines were so closely drawn, it became evident that the time had arrived to test its value. The main principles upon which the Union was based are substantially as follows: That municipal elections should be held separately from State and national elections ; that the city of New York should have local self- government; that no candidate should be eligible to munic- ipal office unless his character and record are such as to justify public confidence in his assurance that if elected he would not use his office or permit it to be used for the benefit of any political organization; that the merit sys- tem should be impartially enforced so as to atford a fair chance to every citizen, irrespective of political influence or affiliations ; that the city should retain ownership of its franchises and make grants thereof only for limited periods in order that the increases of value should accrue to the people ; that all corporations using city franchises be com- pelled to afford adequate service at reasonable rates ; that better rapid transit facilities be furnished, that the school accommodations and efficiency should be increased ; that the park system should be extended, and that baths and lavatories adequate to the pubic needs be established ; that the streets be well paved and kept clean; and that the laws relating to the sanitation of tenement houses be enforced. And in their manifesto to the public they used this lan- cruao-e: "Without calling upon any citizen to surrender in any degree his allegiance to his party, we insist upon an entire separation of municipal government from national and State politics, and we appeal to all good citizens of whatever party to unite with us in an organized effort to accomplish the objects of this union." The city was canvassed for members and the response — 14 — was prompt and enthusiastic. By the end of August over 25,000 persons signified their desire to become members of the Union, and after a careful canvass of the situation a nominee was selected. The basis of his selection being his personal character and his public record, which, in brief, was as follows: After an experience in business life of eighteen years at the head of a large mercantile house, he retired from business and from that time devoted himself to public life and educational work. He organ- ized and was for some years president of the Bureau of Charities in Brooklyn. In this he had showed extraordinary powers of organization and executive ability. He had twice served as Mayor of Brooklyn with exceptional ability and had accomplished many reforms in the city's affairs. He had all his life given close attention to public affairs, had shown himself to be a man of broad views, great public spirit and a close student of the science of govern- ment. This man was Seth Low, whose name by reason of his spotless public and private record, and of his civic patriotism and unselfish devotion to the public good, af- forded every guarantee of special fitness for the great office which he was asked to accept. His name was submitted to the voters of New York, and out of a registration of about 550,000 more than 127,000 signified their desire that he should be a candidate and their intention to vote for him. Under these circumstances he accepted the nomination, absolutely unpledged to anything except the cause of good municipal government. THE ISSUE. By these nominations the dilemma which confronted the voter after the strict party nominations had been made, was removed. The voters of Greater New York were by these means furnished with the option of voting for one of — 15 — four candidates all of whom were personally reputable. One nominated because he was a Republican ; another because he was a Democrat ; another because he was a zeal- ous advocate of the rights of man, and on that account a great popular favorite, and a fourth because by character, experience and ability he was conspicuously fitted to per- form the duties of his office. No fairer opportunity could ever be furnished of ascertaining just what kind of a Mayor the voters of Greater New York desired to have. THE CAMPAIGN. It is said by those who have had good opportunity to observe that no campaign was ever conducted in the city of New York where there was a greater number of persons actively interested and at work. The speeches of the Re- publican candidates, and orators, were largely taken up in abuse of Low as a traitor to his party, and in the stereo- typed denunciation of Tammany. The speeches of Mr. Low and his associates on the ticket were careful discus- sions of the past political history of the city, of the needs of the greater city and of the reasons why municipal gov- ernment should be conducted purely upon business and not partisan principles. The Tammany candidates and orators chiefly occupied themselves in denouncing the administration of Mayor Strong, the Raines Liquor Law, the treachery of the Republican machine and the promise of the repeal or non-enforcement of all laws which interfered with the individual liberty of the citizen. Henry George and his followers in addition to promising a great many municipal reforms, denounced by name many of the Republican and Democratic machine politicians as criminals and promised in case of his election their prosecu- tion and conviction. The personal elements introduced into — 16 — the campaign caused great bitterness and rancor and undoubtedly served to swell the vote. THE RESULT. Just on the eve of the election, the death of Henry George occurred and was most unfortunate in many ways. While it was not generally believed that he could be elected, it was known that his vote would be large, and would neutralize, if not overcome, the large number of Republicans who, it was understood, were to vote for Van Wyck, because Tracy's election was not considered possi- ble. There is in every city election a class of voters iden- tified with one or the other party, who are in fact indiffer- ent to party principles, and only seek personal advantage. These persons are in the habit of trading their votes with friends of opposing candidates, when the nominee of their own party is not likely to succeed, in consideration of like favors in the past, or for future delivery. The Tribune and other Republican newspapers of New York had urged a coalition as the only means of defeating Tammany's candidate, and when the party managers refused to take this course, they had given but half-hearted support to Tracy. It was conceded that George's son could not hold his father's vote, and hence there was an active scramble among the workers to secure it. The general supposition was that the bulk of it would go to Low, since his attitude in the campaign, the platform on which he stood and his per- sonality all seemed more calculated to appeal to them than those of the other candidates. Doubtless some were in- fluenced by the erroneous reports of George's last speech made on the night of his death, in which he was represented as saying that if he could not be elected he preferred the election of Van Wyck, and which he did not live to correct. — 17 — It is one of the unaccountable results of this election that the great majority ©f them went to Tammany, and if they did not cause Van Wyck's election they very largely con- tributed to that end. As is well known to you the whole Tammany ticket was elected. The vote was, in round numbers, Van Wyck, 234,000; Low, 146,000; Tracy, 100,000, and Henry George, junior, 20,000. Van Wyck's plurality was 86,- 000. The total vote was 499,000. Total registration, 550,- 000. The candidate who received the third highest plural- ity was one of Tammany's nominees for district attorney, Gardner; by some this is accounted for by the fact that he coined and used in his speeches that unique and striking expression, " to hell with reform." There were of course some charges of fraud and some mistakes were made by the voters owing to the somewhat complicated form of the ballot. This was not indeed to be wondered at, since Croker, " the king-maker," himself did not know how to prepare his own ballot. In the main it is conceded that the election was a fair one and fairly repre- sented the intention of a great majority of the voters. The comments of the parties in interest when the result was known are interesting and significant ; even the silence of Gen. Tracy and Piatt is not without meaning. Henry George, Jr., said: " One thing is certain, that we have kept the faith and made the tight and we are not ashamed. Our organization will be kept up and the tight will go on." Mr. James C. Carter, president of the Citizens Union, said: "From present indications, Mr. Low is defeated. Our high expectations are disappointed; but, though defeated, reasonable men will tind much cause for gratitica- tion. It is our first deliberate effort for strictly non-parti- san government. The heavy vote for Mr. Low is a triumph for that cause. The blind fealty to machine rule will yet — 18 — give way. For one, I have no thought except to continue the fight." Mr. Low said : " It is better to have fought and lost in such a cause than not to have fought at all. There is no need to despair of good government in the city when such a struggle could be made against such odds." Judge Van Wyck said: *' The election is over, the polls are closed, the ballots counted, the democracy has been victorious, and 1 am, I learn, by popular choice the Mayor of the city of Greater New York." The head sachem of Tammany, Mr. Croker, said: " It is a victory of the people against hypocrisy, mendacity, per- sonal abuse and malice. The people have registered their opinion of fake politics and fake reform by electing the entire Van Wyck ticket." The principal newspapers of the city, with the exception of the Journal had, either openly or tacitly, supported Low ; even the Tribune, the most stalwart of Republican organs, said after the election that the Citizens Union had been vindicated. The Herald said : " The campaign is over, and in the good old American way, the people will accept the result at the polls. It is of their own doing. If they have been wise in their action they will reap its rewards. Ifthey have committed a folly they have themselves to blame and the consequent evil to bear." The World said: " The fore-ordained has hap- pened. * * * The only hope of defeating Tammany was in complete union of all the opposition. Anti-Tam- many division means Tammany's walk-over." The Journal said: "New York is once more a Demo- cratic city. The impregnable stronghold of Democracy in the Union." The Eve7iing Post said in substance that the people had gotten what they wanted. An obscure country paper — 19 — tersely remarked that it was just another time when the " regiUars had licked the militia." The London Times, which may be assumed to be impartial, said editorially: " We know what use Tammany will make of its victory. The merchants and bankers, the wise and cultivated men, the honest and philanthropic citizens will be as impotent under Croker's domination as the Italian or Hungarian patriots were under Metternich's benumbing rule; and who can deny that ' the people love to have it so? ' " THE CAUSES THAT LED TO IT. It seems to have been generally conceded that the Demo- crats had a normal majority of 100,000 in the territory included in Greater New York ; but it was thought that the record of Strong's administration, as compared with the extravagance and corruption of Tammany rule in the past would be sufficient to overcome this, if the popular mind had been educated to the point of understanding that be- cause a man had always voted the Democratic ticket he was not necessarily the best qualified to solve the difficult questions of Municipal Government. But though it seems paradoxical, the record of this administration, which was probably the best, on the whole, New York had ever had, was the thing which contributed most to Tammany's triumph. An analysis of this may prove interesting. Among the appointments made by Mayor Strong was the Superintend- ent of Public Works, who had an idea that when sewer and water mains were laid the work ought to be thoroughly done. Early in the administration he began repairing some sewers and was surprised to find that thei-e was not among all the city records any map or other document showing the locations of the sewers already existing, and in order to make proper connections it became necessary for him to dig up a great number of streets and to keep them in — 20 — an impassable condition for many months, greatly incon- veniencing the public and the property owners. This was used as a powerful argument against the reform adminis- tration. It was stated that the public had been made to lose millions of dollars owing to the incompetency of this official. In point of fact the public was then paying the penalty of Tammany's incompetency in the past; but it cost Low many votes. Another of Strong's appointees was a police board headed by Theodore Roosevelt, who seems to have had the idea that it was his duty to enforce all the laws and it was not in his discretion to ignore some and enforce others. Among those which he did enforce was the so- called Raines' Liquor Law, a law which greatly interfered with the convenience of those desiring to drink freely on Sundays. The law provided, among other things, that only restaurants could sell liquor on that day. In consequence thereof, every saloon was turned into a restaurant and every customer was compelled to buy a sandwich when he bought his drink. ♦' Dummy" sandwiches were used and served to customers, and the law practically nullified but the whole thing was regarded as a great outrage and caused a reaction of feeling in favor of Tammany. The Health Department officials appointed by Strong had a law passed so that in case any tenement became unsanitary it might be destroyed upon payment to the owner of its appraised value. The necessity of a law like this in a place like New Tork, which contains in one part of it about an acre of ground which is the most thickly populated place on the globe, is obvious. These health officers found a great many unsanitary tenements, and, being unwise enough to think the law meant something, destroyed them. This seems to have been regarded by many voters as an outrageous in- vasion of private rights and the incident gave Tammany many thousands of votes. Mayor Strong's Street Commissioner, Col. Waring, was — 21 — possessed with the notion that the streets ought really to be kept clean. He found that men, most of whose time was devoted to politics, did not make as good street clean- ers as others who had the requisite physical qualifications and whose minds were not disturbed by the consideration of great political problems. He conducted the department on purely business principles; put out incompetent men; appointed good ones and kept the streets cleaner than ever before. He was also unwise enough to make an order that truck men should not leave their wagons in the street, because the streets were for the public and not for private stables and he also made a public statement on one occa- sion to the effect that he did not see wh}', because a man was a Grand Army man, he should be entitled to preference of appointment in his department. These things gave great offense, and the result was that the administration of this department caused many thousands of votes to be cast for Tammany. Dr. Parkhurst too has his share of blame in the matter. To him was ascribed by Tammany the initiation of those hideous reforms which threatened to undermine and pervert public office from its true purpose. He was known among the followers of Tammany as " the clerical clown " and the " pulpit mountebank " and with these handles to his name it was not difficult for them to persuade many that, instead of being a zealous, honest man, who had made some foolish mistakes but accomplished a vast amount of o-ood, he was a demon in disguise whose real purpose was to defraud the members of the Democratic party out of their just rights. Finally the argument was made that this reform admin- istration had not only done all of these wicked things, but had done them very expensively, had raised the rate of tax- ation and were oppressing the people. This argument was made plausible by the fact that the rate of taxation ivas in- — 22 — creased by this administration in order to meet necessary- expenditures. Of course the mere rate of taxation is a very incomplete argument. The real question is how much public money did each administration expend, and how did it ex- pend it. The fact seems to be that Tammany did not expend as much money in the various departments as did the reform administration, but then Tammany did not do the work, and when the reform administration took hold, the depart- ments were without machinery, the public institutions were in a deplorable condition, and the expenditure of large sums of money was necessary to make them of any value. The whole matter was tersely summed up in a remark made in reference to the street department to the effect that Tammany only spent two million dollars per annum, where Waring spent three, but Waring cleaned the streets and Tammany didn't. The charge that the bonded debt of the city was in- creased during this administration, is met by the fact that part of such increase was necessary to complete public works already planned and deemed necessary to be carried out, and the remainder was due to the fact that the Tammany adminis- tration had incurred a large floating indebtedness and pur- posely delayed the issue of l)onds, leaving the odium of this proceeding to be borne by the Strong adminstration. The great growth in the city's population and its requirements, taken in conjunction with expenditures needed to repair Tammany's waste and neglect, fully account for any dif- ference in outlay between the Strong administration and its predecessor, and there is always this to be remembered : that every dollar expended was honestly, if not in all cases judiciously, laid out for the benefit of the public. The only reasonable criticisms against the Strong adminis- tration are, first, that the Mayor did not oppose with sufficient vigor the passage of the law providing for the creation of Greater New York; second, that in some cases certain — 23 — public works, such as the Dock Department, Harlem liiver Bridges, etc., woiiM better have been delayed on the ground of economy ; third, that in view of the fact that Tammany had tilled the city pay-rolls with unnecessary employees, some offices might have been abolished ; fourth, that the appropriations for the Board of Education might have been cut down without serious injury to the public; and, fifth, that in the matter of public charities, burdens were shifted upon the community which should have been borne by individuals. There is very serious difference of opinion upon all these points, even now that the administration is ended and all the figures are at hand ; and it would require a most minute investigation to determine the exact merits of the contro- versy. The better opinion is, that while there is some ground for these criticisms, they have no sound basis, except in regard to the discretion and judgment of those who had charge of the city's affairs. It is believed, even conceding that the amounts involved were as great as the opposition charged, that, on the whole, the public has not seriously suffered by reason of any of these things. Thus it came to pass that the people in their wisdom put Tammany out of power in 1894, because they believed that Tammany was corru})t, and did not give them a good gov- ernment, and in 1897 the same people put Tammany back into power, not because they believed it to be any less cor- rupt, but because the reform administration had simply enforced the laws the people themselves had made. The war cry of Tammany during the whole campaign was that persoiuil liberty should be restored. An attempt to analyze this rather vague expression discloses that per- sonal liberty was generally understood to mean that certain laws were not to be enforced where they infringed upon the liberty of the individual, for the good of the public ; which raises the query as to svhether the word Ubertt/ ought not in — 24 — this connection to be read license. No less a person than ex-Governor Hoadley, of Ohio, now a resident of New York, has recently stated in the public prints that he was glad of the success of Tammany because it would put an end to the enforcement of those " inconvenient Blue Laws," dug up from somewhere by " Teddy" Roosevelt. Some citizens of New York voted for Tammany because they knew that Tammany would not tear down their ten- ements which, though unsanitary, paid twenty per cent per annum. Others felt that another reform administra- tion would put an end to getting profitable franchises from the cit3\ Tammany has always been friendly to parties desiring franchises who are willing to pay for them and so, CONCLUSION. As has been stated, this election affords the best test of the sentiment of this great community as to what kind of a government it desires. There were two straight-out party candidates, the candidate of sentiment, Henry George, and the candidate running on a strictly business platform. Everything was most thoroughly discussed in the news- papers, the history of the candidates and every issue raised in the platforms being published with the greatest fullness. It was scarcely possible for any one of the five hundred thousand men casting their votes to misunderstand the real issue, and while there is the encouraging fact that nearly 150,000 voters went upon record as favoring a strictly bus- iness administration, and the fact that it was a " Democratic year " which slightly increased Tammany's vote, the result is far from satisfactory from the standpoint of good munic- ipal government. For one thing it shows that since 1894, the number of persons who believe in strictly business principles as - 25 - - applied to the administration of a city government and vote accordingly bas decreased not only relatively but actually, and it also shows that while many may be in favor of good city government in the abstract, yet when it i3 necessary that they should make individual sacrifices of com- fort and money for the public good their preference changes. Tammany will soon be in power for four years. It will have within its grasp the revenues of a kingdom and the powers of an absolute monarch — for the people are bound ■with chains of their own forging ; the very safeguards designed to restrain will be cunningly used to cloak the iniquities of this hideous, political devil-fish whose tentacles encompass the community. January 1st, 1898, will inaugu- rate a new era of plunder and corruption. The merit sys- tem in oiBce will be broken down. Blackmailing in all its forms and of all sorts and conditions of men will be resumed. The police force will again become a hungry horde of uniformed and licensed banditti, terrorizing the law-abiding and levying unholy tribute upon the vicious. The criminal courts will administer not justice, but the decrees of Tammany Hall; public franchises will become the assets of a partisan society instead of the community ; and every means known to ingenuity, daring and experi- ence will be used to despoil the people for the enrichment of the machine. New York, the greatest municipal cor- poration in the republic, has given an unlimited power of attorney for the management of her affairs, irrevocable for four years, to an agency whose vocation is spoliation ; which on one occasion robbed her of an amount thrice as great as the war indemnity exacted of France by Germany, and this, not through mistake, not through any unfortunate, compelling necessity, but with eyes wide open, with full knowledge of the facts, and because, forsooth, " party discipline must be maintained and party candidates supported." — 26 — There is, it is true, a large number of persons who con- scientiously believe that the government of cities by national party machinery is the true one. The argument is that as national parties are essential under our form of government, that the organization of such parties can only be maintained by means of city patronage, and that therefore such elec- tions must be conducted on the basis of reward for partisan service and punishment for its neglect. The answer to this argument is, conceding that national parties are necessary, it does not follow that their organization depends upon local patronage. They ought to be and can be maintained upon issues based on principles of government. If they cannot be maintained upon principles only, then it seems clear that they ought not to be maintained ; and even the vicious national habit in which we have indulged for nearly a hun- dred years past, based upon the opposite view, does not justify it. A man very prominent as a worker for reform in New York is reported to have recently stated " I have learned one thing from this election, and that is that we must not try to reform every thing at once. The people cannot stand it in too big doses." This conclusion was emphasized by a remark made by Richard Croker, who said : " These reform- ers stood up so straight they fell over backwards." There is indeed much sound philosophy in both remarks, Mr. Bryce said that our system of government as applied to great cities was distinctly a failure. With the exception of the fact that city officials are elected on a partisan basis, this conclusion is unwarranted. The systems are admirable. It is simply their maladministration which is making them more and more intolerable every year. Popular uprisings are not a remedy for this evil. The remedy is purely educational and must be along lines which will convince the majority of the people that an active interest in public affairs is the price they must pay — 27 — for the privileges which they eujoy as members of a com- munity ; if they will not pay this price they will never get good city government. It matters not whether a man's property interest is large or small except that the rich man pays the penalty in money, while the poor man pays it in bad health, discomforts and even in death. If every voter would give to the business of the city one-tenth of the time that he gives to criticism of its management, the prob- lem would be solved ; but the average American citizen has not yet reached the point Avhere he would not rather denounce others for doing ill that which he himself ought to have done. In every American city to-day there stands a small self- selected minority, actuated only by conscientious motives, laboring to remedy existing municipal evils. Back of them stands the great majority in each community wholly indiffer- ent to their own interests, withholding aid and even encour- agement from the devoted baud which is fighting their l)at- tles, and often rewarding their services only with sneers and charges of sinister designs. Opposed are the well organ- ized, disciplined forces of those whose vocation is plunder- ing the community through public office. Selfishness, greed, absence of civic pride in the great majority are the constant, active allies of the opposition. Small wonder then that the devoted few are powerless. Were these things a mystery, this anomaly might be understood, but such is not the case. There is not in the United States an intelligent man who does not, and has not for years, known the facts to be as stated here, and yet collectively men permit municipal outrages which individ- ually they would resent as the foulest tyranny; they supinely endure treachery in public agents which they would punish with the utmost severity in the case of private ones. It is, in brief, a political paradox, unless we regretfully — 28 — accept the theory that all government in republics being the inevitable resultant of contending social and moral forces, the municipal governments of the United States to-day are truthful exponents of the average intelligence, education and morality of the people. 014 221 584 6 Legion t of i Honor t 1 SUPREME COUNCIL, Oil rector Office , Equitable Building, St. Louis. Supreme L Chancellor, Amos F. 5. Hoffer 1ST OF COUNCIL Time and Place of Meeting — Names of Chancellors. 1. ALPHA Finney and Vandeventer 2d and 4th Tuesdays. Walter J. Weight, Chancellor. 2. IRVING 34th and Olive Sts 2d and 4th Tuesdays. Richard Hanlon, Chancellor. 3. CARONDELBT Broadway and Haven St 2d and 4th Fridays. OSCAR F. DOEKING, Chancellor. 4. HYDE PARK 11th and Franklin Av 2d and 4th Fridays. E. M. Wadswoeth, Chancellor. 5. FRANKLIN 13th and Chouteau Av 2d and 4th Tuesdays. A. Shattingee, Chancellor. 6. ST, LOmS 34th and Olive Sts 1st and 3d Mondays. Jessk W. EiSEMAN, Chancellor. 7. UNITY Garrison Av. and Olive St 2d and 4th Thursdays. W. P. Lightholder, Chancellor. 8. KIRKWOO D Kirkvrood, Mo 1st and 3d Thursdays. S. D. Webster. Chancellor. 9. COMPTON HILL Anchor Hall 2d and 4th Mondays. GEO. B. Teasdale, Chancellor. 10. IRA 11th and Franklin Av 2d and 4th Wednesdays. H. T. McShane, Chancellor. 11. EMPIRE 13th and Chouteau Av 2d and 4t.h Saturdays. W. M. Abbsser, Chancellor. 12. GROVE Benton Station Ist and 3d Thursdays. Leon A. Larimore, Chancellor. 14. STELLA 11th and Franklin Av 2d and 4th Fridays. W. S. Moore, Chancellor. 15. BONAPARTE 34th and Olive Sts 2d and 4th Saturdays. Thbo. H. Culver, Chancellor. 16.. WEBSTER Wehster Groves, Mo Ist and 3d Thursdays. w. H. Simmons, Chancellor. 17. EXCELSIOR 3948 Easton Av Ist and 3d Tuesdays, Chas. X. Gauthier, Chancellor. 18. IVANHOE 3022 Olive St. 2d and 4th Thursdays. Jno. F. Green, Chancellor. 19. LAFAYETTE 18th and Shenandoah Every Monday. Henet C. Dobrr, Chancellor. 21. TOWER 20th and Bissell Sts 1st and 3d Saturdays. C. Hopmann, Chancellor. 22. BENTON Kansas City, Mo 1st and 3d Fridays. C, F. SCHLEY, Chancellor, 23. BUENA VISTA St, Ange and Park Avs 2nd and 4th Fridays, L, Henninger, Chancellor. 24. MISSOURI Jefferson City, Mo 2d and 4th Thursdays. W. J. Chambliss, Chancellor. 26. ST. JOSEPH St. Joseph, Mo 2d and 4th Tuesdays, Kerr M. Mitchell, Chancellor. 27. CARTHAGE Carthage, Mo 1st and 3d Tuesdays. Ernest B. Jacobs, Chancellor, 014 221 584 6