Ty^n-n.. fz. C C^'-rX . i <5 ^ *! HOUSE DOC. Xo. YI. / ^ c ($rH>j COMMUNICATION FROM THE GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA TRANSMITTING REPORT OF THE COMMISSIONERS TO ARBITRATE THE BOUNDARY LIJ^E BETWEEN VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND, COMMONWEALTH OF VIRGINIA, Governor's Office, Richmond, \^ih January^ 1877. To the Senate and House of Delegates : I have the honor to transmit herewith the award of the Board of Arbitra- tors, appointed to ascertain the line of boundary between Virginia and Mary- land; also the several opinions of the arbitrators thereon, together with a map exhibiting the adverse claims of the two states, and a communication from the secretary of the Board. ■ , JAMES L. KEMPER. House Doc. Xo. 6. FIB7 Letter from the Secretary of ilie Board. WASHIXGTO:., D. C, January 17, 1877. To His Excellency James L. Kemper, Governor of Virginia: Dear Sir : I have the honor to inform you tliat I forward per Adams Ex- press the " Award and Opinion^^ of the Board of Arbitrators on the disputed boundary line between the states of Virginia and Marj'land. I also enclose a communication from the Boan; in regard to the compensa- tion of the secretary. • • Very respectfully, ) ours, etc., A. W. GRAHAM, Secretary of the Board. The arbitrators to determine the boundary between Maryland and Vir- ginia, in May, 1875, requested Aug. W. Graham, of North Carolina, to act as secretary of the board. He has performed his responsible and laborious .duties with unexceptionable fidelity and with mai-ked tibility. They have no author- ity to fix his compensation, but have considered it right to express an oi:)inion about it. After conference, they have directed me to say that they think the sum of three thousand dollars moderate and rea>onable. J. S. BLACK, Chairman. Wasdington, January 17, 1877. House Doc. No. 6. OPINION OF ARBITRATORS. The undersigned are requested by the states of Virginia and Maryland to ascertain and determine the true line of boundary between them. Having con- sented to do this, in the capacity of arbitrators, we are about to make our award. To examine the voluminous evidence, historical, documentary, and oral ; to hear with due attention the able and elaborate arguments of counsel on both sides, and to confer fully on the merits and demerits of this ancient contro- versy, required all the time we bestowed on it. The death of Governor Graham, in the midst of our labors, was a great loss to the whole country ; but to us it was a special misfortune, for it deprived us suddenly of the industry, the talent, the wise judgment, and the scrupulous integrity upon which we had relied so much. Though these high qualities were fully supplied by his distinguished successor, the vacancy occurring when it did, set back our proceedings nearly to the place of beginning, and caused a delay of almost a year. Our first intention was to make a naked award, without any statement of the grounds upon which it rested ; but after more reflection it seemed that the weight of the cause, the dignity of the parties, and the wide difference of opinion, grown inveterate by centuries of hostile discussion, made some expla- nation of our judgment desirable, if not necessary. The charter of Charles I to Cecilius, Baron of Baltimore, dated June 20th, 1632, gave to the grantee dominion over the territories described in it, and made him governor of the colony afterwards planted there, with succession to his heirs at law. These rights, proprietary as well as political, became vested in 'the state of Maryland at the revolution. Inasmuch as that state claims under- the charter, she must claim according to it. Virginia, by her first constitution, as a free state (June 29th, 1776) disclaimed all rights of property, jurisdiction, and government over territories contained within the charters of Maryland and other adjoining colonies. The force of this solemn acknowledgment is not, in our opinion, diminished by the dissatis- faction which Maryland, as well as other states of the confederation, afterwards expressed with Virginia's claim to a northern and western border, including all lands ceded by France to Great Britain at the pacification of 1763. Inasmuch as both of the states are bound by the king's charter to Lord Bal- timore, and both confess it to be the only original measure of their territory, it becomes a point of the first importance to ascertain what boundaries were as- 4 House Doc. Xo. 6. signed to Maiyland by that instrument. By what lines was the colony of Maryland divided from those other possessions of the British Crown to which Virginia afterwards succeeded as a result of her independence ? The original patent delivered to Lord Baltimore by the king is irrecoverably lost, and it is denied — at least it is not admitted — that we have an accurate copy. It was registered in the high court of chancery when it passed the seal, and an attested transcript from the rolls office is produced. It was written in the law Latin of the pei'iod to whicli it belongs, and many of the words are abbreviated. Another copy nearly, if not exactly, like that from the rolls, was deposited in the colonial oflBce, and thence removed to the British museum. The latter copy was changed long subsequent to the date of the charter by a person who added some words, and extended others by interlining omitted terminations. This is alleged to have been done for the purpose of making it correspond with the original, wliich, according to the same allegation, was bor- rowed from a member of the Calvert family for that purpose. We reject this whole story as apocryphal. The interlineations were unauthorized except by the judgment of the person who wrote them, that he was supplying elipses or giving in full the true words meant by the contracted orthography. We are obliged to believe that the patent was enrolled with perfect accuracy. The conclusive presumption of law is that the high and responsible officers charged with that duty did see it performed with all due fidelity. No doubt of this can justly be raised upon the fact that abbreviated words are found in the regis- try. Why should not these be in the original ? Nay, why should we expect them not to be there? That mode of writing was the universal custom of the time. It was used ift all legal papers and records as long as the law spoke Latin. A deed in which these abbreviations occurred was not thereby vitiated. What was the harm of writing A. D. for anno domini, fi. fa. for ^eri facias, or ca. sa. for capias ad satisfaciendum ? Hcred. et assignat. was as good as heredihus et assigraius suis, if all legists understood that one as well as the other was a limita- tion of the fee to heirs and assigns. Adjectives and substantives without termi- nations to indicate gender, number, or case did not lose their meaning, and the omission of the concluding syllable might be some advantage to a conveyancer who was rusty in his syntax. This habit of contracting words pervades, not only the deeds, but the criminal pleadings of that time. A public accuser, doubtful if the offense he was prosecuting violated two acts of parliament or only one, charged it as contra formam staiut., and read the last word statuti or statuiorwn, as the state of the case might require. The defendant's averment of his innocence was recorded as a plea of non cuL When the attorney general reasserted the guilt of the accused and declared his readiness to prove it, he took one Latin and one Norman-French word, truncated them both, and said — cid. prit. Even the last and most tragical part of the record in a capital case, the judge's order to hang the prisoner by the neck, was curtly, but very intel- ligibly written — sus. per col. We are satisfied that the office copy is true ; that it is exactly like the origi- nal ; and that the use of abbreviated words does not impair the validity of the instrument. Moreover, that part of the charter which defines the boundaries of the province speaks, not equivocally, but in terms so clear and apt that the House Doc. No. 6. 5 intent is readily perceived. It remains to be seen whether we can apply the description to the subject-matter by laying the lines on the ground. To that end it is necessary to ascertain how the geography of the country was under- stood by the king and Lord Baltimore at the time when the charter was made. In the great litigation between Penn and Lord Baltimore, a bill drawn up by Mr. Murray, (afterwards Lord Mansfield,) or by some equity pleader under his immediate direction, avers in substance that Charles I and the ministers whom he consulted on Lord Baltimore's application had the map of Captain John Smith before them when the boundaries of the colony were agreed on. This was neither denied nor admitted in the answer of the defendant, who, being third in descent from the applicant, had no personal knowledge about it. But we take the fact to be certainly true, not only because we have the assertion of it by Penn and his very eminent counsel, but because it is well known that Smith's maj) was the only delineation then extant of that region, and his His- tory of Virginia, to which the map was prefixed, had been before, and con- tinued for a long time afterwards, to be the only source of information con- cerning its geogra^Y^ Besides, a comparison of the map with the charter will show by the sim plic ity of names, spelling, &c., that one must have been taken from the other. The editions of Smith's History, published by himself in 1012 and 1629, have been produced, with the map thereto prefixed. Besides, we have one printed in 1819 by authority of Virginia from the same plate used by Smith himself, two hundred years before, and found, by a cui'ious accident, in a promiscuous heap of old metal which had been imported from England to same town in Pennsylvania. With the charter in one hand and the map in the other, it may seem an easy task to run these lines. But there are difficulties still. The map, though a marvelous production, considering how and when it was made, is not perfectly correct. Smith could not see and measure everything for himself, nor always depend upon the observations of others. With his defective instruments he could not get the latitude and longitude truly. He laid down some points and places in the wrong relation to each other, and some not unimportant to us he left out altogether. There are inaccui'acies here and there in the configuration of a coast, the shape of an island, or the course of a river. Unfortunately the style of his History is so confused and obscure that it throws no light on the dark parts of the map. As a writer, he had great ambition and small capacity. He could give some interest to a narrative of his own adventures, but any kind of description was too much for his powers. There is another trouble: scarcely any of the places marked on Smith's map, are now populai-ly known by the names he gave them. Not only the names, but the places themselves, have been much changed. Considerable islands are believed to have been washed away, or divided by the force of the waters. Headlands which stretched far out into the bay have disappeared, and the shore is deeply indented where in former times the water line was straight, or curved in the other direction. Add to this a certain amount of human perversity with which the subject was han- dled in colonial days, and it is not surprising that representatives of the two states have, with the most upright intentions, failed to agree in their views of it. We are to reach, if possible, the truth and very right of the case. 6 House Doc. Xo. 6. T]3e boundaries of Maryland are described in the charter as beginning at Watkins' Point and running due east to the sea, up the shore of the ocean and the Delaware Bay, to the fortieth degree of latitude ; thence westward along that degree to the longitude of the headwater of the Potomac; thence south- ward to that river, and by it, or one of its banks, to Cinquack on the Chesa- peake, and from Cinquack straight across the Bay to the place of beginning. With the eastern and western borders we have nothing to do. Our interest in the description of the Marjdand line begins at the northwest angle, where her territory becomes contiguous to that of Virginia. That line, on the western side, has been run and marked along its whole course, and at both termini, in a way which commands the acquiescence of both states. No question is raised here about the location of it. But it is necessary to look somewhat narrowly into the call for it which the charter makes, because that may influence our judgment on the lines which run from the head of the river to the sea, every inch of which is contested. The state of Virginia, through her commissioners and other public authori- ties, adhered for many years to her claim for a boundary on the left bank of the Potomac. But the gentlemen who represent her before us, expressed with great candor their opinion that a true interpretation of the king's concession would divide the river between the states by a line running in the middle of it. This latter view they urged upon us with all proper earnestness, and it was opposed with equal zeal by the counsel for Maryland, who contended that the whole river was vi^thin the limits of the grant to Lord Baltimore. AVhen a river is called for as a boundary between two adjacent territories, (whether private property or public domains,) the line runs along the middle thread of the water. A concession of lands to a stream does not stop at one bank or cross over to the other, but finds its limit midway between them. But a river may be included or excluded, if the parties choose to have it so. If the intent is expressed that the line shall be upon one bank or another, the mere force of construction cannot put it anywhere else. The natural interpretation is the legal and proper one. This is too obviously just to need the support of authority. But it was well illustrated by the Supreme Court of the United States, in the case of IngersoU V. Howard, (13 How., 481.) Alabama claimed to the middle of the Chatahoo" chee, by virtue of a boundary described in a concession from Greorgia, thus : " Beginning on the ivesicrn lank of the Chattahoochee river, where the same crosses the boundary line between the United States and Spain; running thence up the said river, and along the ivesiern lank thereof," &c. The court held that these words established the line of boundary upon the western bank. There is some resemblance between that case and tlie one under consideration. The northern boundary of Maryland is by the charter to run westward to the true meridian of the first fountain of the Potomac. That point being ascer- tained, it shall turn at right angles and run towards (literally against) the south — vergendo versus meridiem^' — where? "«(/ ulierioram prcdicti Jluminis ripam^' — to the further bank of the aforesaid river. Approaching the river from the north, the further bank is the south bank of course. The description proceeds, without a pause, thus: "ei earn sequcndo qua plaga occidentalls ad meridionalem spectat usque ad House Doc. ^o. 6. 7 locum quendam appellatum Cinquack." Now, the words, "m?n sequendo,^^ are a di- rection that something shall be followed in running the line between the point already fixed on the south bank of the Potomac, where it rises in the mountain, and Cinquack, which is on the same side of the river, near to its mouth. What shall we follow ? Clearly earn ripam, and clearly not id flumen, if we take the grammatical sense of the phrase. Another consideration impresses us a good deal. Lawyers, in the reign of Charles I, wrote Latin in the idiom of the ver- nacular tongue. We would naturally expect to see the thought of these parties expressed by words arranged in the English order, thus: ad ulterior em ripam pre- dicti Jluminis et sequendo earn. The other and more classical collocation was not adopted for its euphony, but for the sake of precision. It bi'ought ripam and cam into close juxtaposition, and made the antecession so immetliate that it could not be mistaken. The interjected phrase, '■'■ qua plaga occidentalis ad merid- ionalem speciat," has had its share of the minute verbal criticism bestowed upon the whole document; but we see nothing in it except an attempt (perhaps not very successful) to describe the aspect of the western shore, where it turns to the south. Certainly there is nothing there which requires the line to leave the river bank. Apart from all this, it looks utterly impi'obable that the two termini of this line should both have been fixed on the south side of the river without a purpose to put the line itself on the same side. The intent of the charter is manifest all through to include the whole river within Lord Baltimore's grant. It seems to us a clearer case than that decided in Ligersoll v. Howard. For these reasons we conclude that the charter line was on the right bank of the Potomac, where the high-water mai'k is impressed upon it, and that line follows the bank along the whole course of the river, from its first fountain to its mouth, and ^^ usque ad locum quendam appellatum Cinquack.^' Where is the place called Cinquack? It must have had a certain degree of importance in Smith's time as a landing place, a village, or the residence of some aboriginal chief. But there is now no visible vestige of it. Even its name has perished from the memory, of living men. Nevertheless, the place where it once was can be easily found. The charter describes it as "prope Jluminis ostium^^ — near the mouth of the river; and Smith has marked it on his map about six miles south of the place where the river joins the bay. This point was no doubt chos^en as the terminus of the long river line, because it was the only place near the mouth of the Potomac, on that side, to which Smith's map gave a name ; and it furnishes one among many circumstantial proofs that no other map was consulted in drafting the charter. Having found this corner, it becomes our duty to trace the lines which lead us thence over the bay and across the eastern shore to the sea. From Cinquack to the ocean the charter gives only two lines. One, starting at Cinquack, goes straight to Watkins' Point, the other runs from Watkins' Point due east to the seashore. There will be no possible mistake about these lines if we can find out the precise situation of Watkins' Point. This point being the commencement and closing place of the boundary is twice named, and once its locality is given with reference to other objects. It is described as lying "JM.rto sinum predictum prope flumen de Wighco ;" that is to say, on (or close to) the aforesaid bay (the Chesapeake) and near the river 8 House Doc. Xo. 6. Wighco. Looking at Smith's map we find a cape extending southwestwardly from the mainland of the eastern shore. This cape is called "Watkins' Point by Smith himself on his map, and he has marked the waters on one side Ckesapeack Bay, and on the other Wighco fltimen. Turning to the modern maps, and especially to those of the Coast Survey, where everything is measured with fractional accuracy, we find the same point of land laid down, not quite in the same latitude nor delineated with exactly the same shape, but bordered by the same waters, and with no variance which makes its identity at all doubtful. It is at present the extreme southwestern point of Somerset county in Maryland at Cedar Straits, juxta the Chesapeake and prope the Pocomoke, which is now the name for Wighco. Being the Watkins' Point of Smith's map, it is the Watkins' Point of the charter. This conclusion appears to be inevitable from the premises stated; but it does not receive universal assent. We must therefore notice the principal grounds on which its correctness is impugned. In the first place, the fundamental fact is denied that Smith, by his own map, affixed the name of Watkins' Point to the headland in question. In other words, it is alleged, that though the point is laid down and the name written in proximity to it, the one does not apply to the other. Let the map speak for itself. An inspection of it will show that all the names of such points are written in the same way. Nor is there any other point to which it can, with reasonable propriety, be referred. The map has been uniformly read as we read it. Lord Baltimore showed how he understood it. In 1635, only three years after the date of his charter, he printed what he called a " Relation of Maryland," and prefixed to it a map on which Watkins' Point is laid down at Cedar Straits, with the beginning and closing lines of his boundary running from and to it. It is not likely that he could be mistaken, nor is it supposed that he fraudulently misstated the fact, and he was not contradicted by the ministers of the Crown or by anybody in- terested in the Virginia plantation. In 1670 Augustin Ilerrman, the Bohemian, published a map fuller than the previous ones, and there we have Watkins' Point at Cedar Straits verj- con- spicuously marked, and the two lines closing at its southern end. What makes this stronger is, that in 1668 the line between the colonies had been marked east of the Pocomoke by Calvert and Scarborough oh a latitude considerably higher than an eastern line from Watkins' Point; but Herrman considered Watkins' Point so definitely fixed, and the call for a straight eastern line thence to tlie ocean so overruling, that he assumed the coincidence of the Scarborough line with his own, and so laid it down. In the map of Peter Jefferson and Joshua Fry, of which a French copy was engraved and printed at Paris in 1755, and a second English edition at London in 1775, dedicated by tne i)ublishers to the Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plantations, we find Watkins' Point unmistakablj' laid. down at the mouth of the Pocomoke, with the Scarborough and Calvert line from the sea to the Poco- moke so drawn that a westward extension of it would strike exactly, or very nearly, that place. House Doc. No. 6. 9 ^Mr. Thomas Jefferson published his Notes on Virginia in 1787, with a map, on which the strongly-marked boundary runs to the ocean by an East line from Watkins' Point at Cedar Straits; and he, like Herrman and the others, took it for granted that this, and no other, was the line marked by Scarborough and ■Calvert. Mitchell's map (1750-1755) bears similar testimony to the situation at Wat- kins' Point. So do several others of the last century and many of more recent times. It is useless to particularize more authorities like these. Let it be enough to say, that all geographers for two centuries and a half have understood Smith's majD as calling what is now the southern extremity of Somerset county Wat- kins' Point; nor is it known otherwise in the general speech of the country. Smith's designation has adhered to it through all changes. If that be not its true name, it never had any name at all. But the fact rests on stronger proof than that. It is established by the uni- form and universal consent of both states and all their people. Maryland steadily claimed it as her actual border, and Virginia never practically denied the claim by taking territory immediately above it. Eastward and westward, where the lines were invisible, both jiarties made mistakes. But Watkins' Point or the territory near it was not debatable ground. All men, except per- haps Colonel Scarborough, recognized'and respected the great landmark when they came within sight of it. But even that is not all. In 1785 some of the most eminent men of the two states came together at Mount Vernon to arrange the difficulties between them. Standing face to face, those commissioners concurred in saying that Watkins' Point was the boundary mark to which the line from the western shore would run; and they described its situation very unequivocally when they spoke of it as ''Watkins' Point, near the mouth of the Pocomoke river." Kemembering that this compact was di'awn up with most conscientious care, agreed to after cautious examination, ratified by the legislatures of both states, rigidly adhered to by all parties ever since, and still i-egarded as of such sacred obligation that all power to touch it is withheld from us, we feel ourselves lite- rally unable to fix the Watkins' Point of the charter anywhere else than at the place then referred to as the true one. It is suggested that the charter could not have meant the point at Cedar Straits, because it is called a promontory, which implies high land, whereas this is a dead level, rising but slightly above the waters on either side. That argu- ment is easily disposed of The map did not indicate whether the land was high or low, and therefore care was taken to employ two alternative terms, of which one would surely fit the case if the other would not. The charter says that the beginning line shall run east to the ocean "a promontorio sive capite TERR.E wcaio Watkins' Point;" from the promontory or headland. The same abundamt caution is observed again when the point comes to be mentioned as the terminus of the closing line, which is required to run ''per lineam brevissimam usque ad predictum promontorium siVE locum vocatum Watkins' Point." Thus the controlling call of the charter is for Watkins' Point, by its given name, whether 2 10 House Doc. Xo. 6. it be a high promontoiy or a low headhind, or merely a place whose character is not properly signified by eitlier word. We proceed to another objection. Sraitli, in his account of the explorations made by himself and others with him, says, in eflPect, that they landed at divers places mentioned (among others Watkins' Point), and at all those places marked trees with crosses, as "a notice to any. Englishmen had been there.'" Xow there are not, and probably never were, trees capable of being so marked on the Watkins' Point which lies at Cedar Straits; therefore, it is argued that Watkins' Point is not Watkins' Point. Those who think this deduction legiti- mate would remove the point in question from the place where Smith puts it on his maj), where all geographers have placed it, where the charter describes it to be, and where by the general consent it is, rather than believe that Smith, in his confused way of writing, exaggerated the truth or committed an error about so unimportant a matter as that of marking trees at all points where he landed. It is alleged that another place, higher up the shore and near to the mouth of the Annamessex, is the true AVatkins' Point of the charter. There is (or rather there was) a point there of considerable magnitude and some elevation, which has now entirely disappeared. Smith noted it as a triangular extension of the mainland into the bay; in 1665 persons, who had then recently seen it, described it as "a small spiral jioint," whatever that may mean; and later evi- dence shows that there was a i)each orchard upon it. In a sworn affidavit of Captain Jones, used in 1665 by Virginia, it is referred to as "a small point described on Captain Smith's map without a name." Why should we suppose this to be the place called for in the charter as Watkins' Point? It was not so nominated on the map, or anywhere else. Smith, so far from ever speaking or writing about it as Watkins' Point, gave it another and a different name. Dr. Eussell, who was with him when he made his explorations, says that it was called Point Ployer, "in honor of that most honorable house of Monsay, in Brittaine, that in an extreme extremity once relieved our Captaine." Can any thing be more complete than the failure of this effort to substitute the place called Point Ployer for the place called Watkins' Point? But it is said that Scarborough and Calvert agreed in 166S that the line from the sea should run to the Annamessex, and not to the Pocomoke. That is not the point of the present question. We are now inquiring where the boundaries Avere originally fixed. A conventional arrangement of those commissioners might bind their constituents for the after time, but it could not change the pre-existing facts of the case or make that a false, which before Ayas a true, interpretation of the charter. Nor is any opinion or conclusion expressed or acted upon by them entitled to much consideration as evidence. If Philip Calvert (hovght that the charter limit was at Point Ployer, he was grossly deceived, and Colonel Scarborough knew very well that it was not there, for he had previously declared on his corporal oath that the " small spiral poini " near the Annamessex was south of the charter call "about as far as a man could see on a clear day." Some stress is laid upon another fact. In 1851 the Fashion, a vessel of wliich John Tyler, a Marylander, was owner and master, was arrested for dredging in House Doc. K"o. 6. 11 Marj'land waters. The justice of the peace before whom the proceeding was instituted condemned her, but on appeal to the county court the judgment was reversed. The record does not show the grounds of the condemnation or the reasons of the reversal; but Tyler himself deposes from memory that he was finally cleared on the testimony of two old men, who swore to a state line running across Smith's Island about three-quarters of a mile above Horse Ham- mock, and over the bay to the mouth of the Annamessex, which would throw the locus in quo of the offence within the jurisdiction of Virginia. If we assume that the issue, the evidence, and the legal reasons of the judgment, are cor- rectly reported by an unlearned man a quarter of a century after the trial, the inference is a fair one that the court of Somerset county believed, the line to be where the witnesses said it was, and not at Horse Hammock on one side of Tangier Sound, or at Watkins' Point on the other. But are we now bound to accept that evidence as infallibly true? If it were delivered before us in the pending cause by the witnesses themselves, we would take it at its worth. Its probative force is certainly not increased by being fished up from the oblivion of twenty-five years and produced to us at second hand. We do not under- stand that anybody supposes the judgment itself to be binding as a determina- tion of the subject matter between the two' states. The traditionary line of Tyler's grandfather and old Mr. Lawson must stand or fall by the natural strength of the facts which support and oppose it. Now it is perfectly ascer- tained that Virginia in 1851 did not pretend to have any claim on Smith's Island above Horse Hammock, nor within the limits of Somerset county on the bay shore above Watkins' Point. This record of the Fashion case, con- sidered as evidence of a line at Annamessex, is illegal, insufficient, and unsatis- factory, while the proofs which show that in truth the line was at Watkins' Point are irresistible and overwhelming. If we are right thus far, it follows that the original line as fixed and agreed by the King and Lord Baltimore runs from Cinquack by a straight line to the extreme southwestern part of Somerset county, Maryland, which we find to be the true Watkins' Point of the charter, and thence by a straight line to the Atlantic ocean. These lines will be seen on the accompanying map, marked and shaded in blue. But this is not the present boundary. How firmly soever it may have been fixed originally, a compact could change it, and long occupation inconsistent with the charter is conclusive evidence of a concession which made it lawful. Usucaption, prescription, or the acquisition of title founded on long posses- sion, uninterrupted and undisputed, is made a rule of property between indi- viduals by the law of nature and the municipal code of every civilized country. It ought to take place between independent States, and according to all au- thority it does. There is a supreme necessity for applying it to the dealings of nations with one another. Their safety, the tranquility of their people, and the general- interests of the human race do not allow that their territorial rights should remain uncertain, subject to dispute, and forever ready to occasion bloody wars. (See Vattel, Book II, chap. 11, and Wheaton, Part II, chap. 4, sec. 4, citing Grotius Puflfendorf and Rutherforth.) The length of time which creates a right by prescription in a private party raises a presumption in favor of 12 House Dqc. Xo. 6. a state, that is to saj^, twenty years. (Knapp's Rep., CO to 73.) It is scarcely necessary to add that the exercise of a privilege, the perception of a profit, or the enjoyment of what the common law calls an easement, has the same effect as the possession of corporeal property. It behooves us, then, to see whether the acts or omissions of these states have or have not materially changed their original rights and modified their boundaries, as described in the charter. We will look first at the Potomac. The evidence is sufficient to show that Virginia, from the earliest period of her history, used the South bank of the Potomac as if the soil to low water- mark had been her own. She did not give this up by her Constitution of 1776, vrhen she surrendered otherclaims within the charter limits of Maryland ; but on the contrary, she expressly reserved " the property of the Virginia shoi-es or strands bordering on either of said rivers, (Potomac and Pocomoke,) and all improvements which have or will be made thereon." By the compact of 1785, Maryland assented to this, and declared that "the citizens of each State re- spectively shall have full property on the shores of Potomac and adjoining their lands, with all emoluments and advantages thereunto belonging, and the privi- lege of making and carrying out wharves and other improvements." We are not authority for the construction of this compact, because nothing which con- cerns it is submitted to us ; but we cannot help being influenced by our con- viction (Chancellor Bland notwithstanding) that it applies to the whole course of the river above the Great Falls as well as below. Taking all together, we consider it established that Virginia has a proprietary right on the south shore to low water-mark, and, appurtenant thereto, has a jirivilege to erect any struc- tures connected with the shore which may be necessary to the full enjoyment of her riparian ownership, and which shall not impede the free navigation or other common use of the river as a public highway. To that extent Virginia has shown her rights on the river so clearly as to make them indisputable. Her efforts to show that she acquired, or that Mary- land lost, the islands or the bed of the river, in whole or in part, have been less successful. To throw a cloud on the title of Maryland to the South half of the river, the fact is i^roved that in 1GS5 the King and Privy Council determined to issue a Quo Warranto against the Proj^rietary of Maryland, " whereby the powers of that charter and the government of that province might be seized into the King's hands" for insisting on "a pretended right to the ivhole river of Potow- mack " and for other misdemeanors. This was a formidable threat, considering what a court the King's Bench was at that time; but it never was carried out, and we can infer from it only that the then Lord Baltimore was not in favor with the ministry of James II. What is called the Ilopton grant was confirmed to the Earl of St. Albans and others in 1G67 by Charles II. It included all the land between the Rapjiahan- nock and the Potomac, together with the islands xvithin the banks of those rivers and the rivers themselves. The rights of the original grantees became vested in Lord Fairfax and his heirs, who sold large portions of it, and as to the rest, the com- monwealth first took it by forfeiture and afterwards bought out the Fairfax title from the alienees of his heirs. It is not pretended that this grant could. House Doc. No. 6. 13 propria vigore, transfer the title of the Potomac islands from Lord Baltimore to the Earl of St. Alban's ; but it is argued that, as Lord Baltimore must have known of it, and did not protest or take any measure to have it cancelled, his silence, if not conclusive against him by way of equitable estoppel, was at least an admission that he did not own the islands or the bed of the river in which they lay. "VVe answer that he had a right to be silent if he chose ; his elder and better title, which was a public act, seen and known of all men, spoke for him loudly enough. Besides that, his subsequent possession of the islands was the most emphatic contradiction he could give to any adverse claim, or pretense of claim, under the Hopton grant. But these conflicting grants of the islands increased the importance of know- ing how and by whom they had been occupied. The exclusive possession of Maryland was affirmed and denied upon evidence so uncertain that we thought it right to postpone our determination for several weeks, so as to give time for the collection of proper proofs. When these came forth they showed satisfac- torily that Maryland had granted all the islands, taxed the owners, and other- wise exercised proprietary and political dominion over them. Three Virginia grants were produced which purported to be for islands in the Potomac, but on examination of the surveys it appeared that they were not in, but upon, the river. One is in Nomini Bay, and the other two are called islands only because they lie with one side on the shore, while the other sides are bounded by inland creeks. All are on the Virginia side of the low-water mark, which we have said was the boundary between the states. It being thus shown that there is nothing to deflect the line from the low- water mark, we ar^ next to see whether its eastern terminus has been changed. That it certainly has. Cinquack was quietly ignored so long ago that no recol- lection, nor even tradition, exists of any claim by Maryland on the bay shore below the Potomac. When the compact of 1785 was made. Smith's Point, pre- cisely at the mouth of the river, on the south side, was assumed by both states to be the starting place of the line across the bay. Nor does the line now run from Smith's Point, per lineam brevissimam, to Wat- kins' Point. It holds a course far north of that, so as to strike Sassafras Ham- mock, on the western shore of Smith's Island, and take in Virginia's old pos- session there. It reaches Watkins' Point, not by the one straight line called for in the charter, but by a broken line, or rather by several lines uniting at angles more or less sharp. Before we explain how this came about it is neces- sary to observe some facts in the general history of the eastern-shore boundary. While the situation of Watkins' Point at the mouth of Pocomoke was not doubted, nobody knew where the lines running to and from it would go, or what natural objects they would touch in their course. East and west, where- ever the solitary landmark could not be seen, a search for the boundary was mere guess-work, and some of the conjectures were amazingly wild. The peo- ple there seem to have had none of that ready perception of courses and dis- tances which an Indian possesses intuitively, and which a pioneer of the present day acquires with so much facility. Almost immediately after the planting of the Maryland colony, some of its officers claimed jurisdiction on the eastern shore, nearly twelve miles south of 14 House Doc. Xo. 6. a true east line from Watkins' Point. Sir John Harvey, "[then governor and captain-general of Virginia, with the advice of the council, conceded the claim, and on the 14th of October, 1638, issued a proclamation, declaring the boundary to be on the Anancock, and commanding the inhabitants of his colony not to trade with the Indians north of that river. We discredit the allegation that this was a fraudulent collusion between the governor of Virginia and the agents of the Maryland proprietary. It was a mutual mistake — a very gross one to be sure — and not long persisted in. It served now only to show how loose were the notions of that time about these lines. Soon after this (but the time is not ascertained) a similar blunder was made westward of Watkins' Point. This was not a claim by Maryland below the true line, but by Virginia above it. Smith's Island lies out in the Chesapeake Bay, quite north of any possible line called for by the charter. But the relative sit- uation of that island being misapprehetided, Virginia took quiet and unopj^osed possession upon it, and holds a large part of it to this day. No wilful transgression of the charter boundary took place before 1G64. Then rose Col. Edmond Scarborough, the King's surveyor-general of Virginia. His remarkable ability and boldness made him a jDower in Virginia, and gave him great mental ascendency wherever he went. He had no respect for Lord Balti- more's rights, and, when he could not find an excuse for^invading them, he did not scruple to make one. -At the head of forty horsemen, "for pomp and safe- ty," he made an irruption into the territory of Maryland, passing Watkins' Point, and penetrating as far as Monoakin, where he arrested the officers of the Proprietary and harried the defenceless people. To justify this proceeding he referred to an act of the grand assembly of Virginia, (passed without doubt by his influence,) which declares Watkins' Point to be above Monoakin, authorizes the survej'or-general to make publication com- manding all persons south of Watkins' Point to render obedience to his majes- ty's government of Virginia, and requiring Col. Scarborough, with Mr. John Catlett and Mr. John Lawrence, or one of them, to meet the Maryland authori- ties, upon due notice, (if they were not fully convinced of their intrusions,) and debate and determine the matter with them. Scarborough did none of these things. His conduct throughout violated the act of the Virginia assembly as grossly as it violated the Maryland charter. To vindicate the claim for a boundary as high up as Manoakin, he put in his own affidavit, and that of seven others, that the place described in Ciipt. Smith's map for Watkins' Point, was not at the Pocomokc nor at the Annamessex, but as far above the small spiral point at the mouth of the latter river as a man could see in a clear day, and that the Pocomoke was never called or known by the name of Wighco. This was sworn to in the very liice of the map itself, where Watkins' Point was described as lying on the Pocomoke, and where the Pocomoke was distinctly named the Wighco. \ In June, 1G64, Charles Calvert, lieutenant-governor of Maryland, sent Philip, the chancellor, on a special mission to Sir William Berkeley, then governor- of Virginia, to demand justice upon Scarborough for entering the province of Ma- ryland in a hostile manner, for outraging the inhabitants of Annamessex and Manoakin by blows and imprisonment, for attempting to mark a boundary thirty House Doc. Xo. 6. 15 miles north of Watkins' Point, and for publishing a proclamation at Manoakin wholly unauthorized. Col. Scarborough was too great a man to be punished, but his acts were repudiated, the claim for his spurious boundary was disavowed, Watkins' Point was again fully acknowledged to be where it always had been, and so the land had rest for a season. But the quiet time did not last long. The very next year we find Colonel Scarborough on the east side of the Pocomoke, north of the boundary, cutting out a large body of Lord Baltimore's land, and dividing it by surveys to himself and his friends. The necessity was manifest for having the true line traced and marked on the ground between Watkins' Point and the sea. To do this Colo- nel Scarborough was appointed a commissioner on one side, and Philip Calvert on the other. But, instead of closing the controversy as their respective con- stituents intended, their work was done so imperfectly that it has been a prin- cipal cause of error and misunderstanding ever smce. Their instructions, as recited by themselves, required them to "meet upon the place called Watkins' Point." That they did m^et there does not appear, but they say that, "after a full and perfect view of the point of land made by the north side of Pocomoke Bay and the south side of Annamessex, we have and do conclude the same to be Watkins' Point, from which said point, so called, we have run an east line, agreeable with the extremest part of the western angle of said Watkins' Point, over the Pocomoke river, to the land near Eobert Holston's, and there have marked certain trees which are continued by an east line to the sea," &c. ; and they agreed that this should be I'eceived as the bounds of the two provinces "on the eastern shore of the Chesapeake bay." Whosoever shall try to get at the sense of this document, will find himself *' perplexed in the extreme." What was it that they concluded to be Watkins' Point ? Not the whole body of the territory between the Annamessex and the Pocomoke. Nobody understands it in that way. Not Point Ployer ; for they both knew, and one of them swore, it was not there. Did they actually run any line west of the Pocomoke ? If yes, they must have known with per- fect certainty where the true line would cross the river ; and in that case, what was the necessity for founding a mere conclusion about it upon the lay of the land between the two bays? If it was then ascertained by actual demonstra- tion with the compass that a western extension of the marked line would strike Watkins' Point, why does it not strike that point now, instead of terminating, where it does, far above, at the Annamessex? Again, why was it not marked ? Why was it never recognized, acknowledged, or claimed by either party after- wards? Our rendering may seem a strain upon the words, but we infer from the paper and the knoYvn facts of the case, that the commissioners, instead of meeting at Watkins' Point, came together on the east bank of the Pocomoke, from thence took a view of the country on the other side, and thereupon erroneously concluded that an east line running from Watkins' Point would cross the Pocomoke at the place near Holston's, where they marked certain trees. ThJ^ being satisfactory to themselves, they proceeded, without further preliminary, to mark the eastern end of the line between the river and the sea. Scarborough may have known that he was not on the true line, but if so he kept his knowledge to himself. It is very certain that Calvert had full faith in 16 House Doc. Xo. 6. the correctness of his work. No doubt he lived and died in the belief that the marks he assisted to make were on a due east line from the westermost angle of "Watkins' Point, properly so called. If any one thinks this a.blunder too gross to be credited, let him remember by whom it was shared. Herrman and all sub- sequent mapmakers place the marks on the straight line where Calvert thought it was. All the public men of the colonies had the same opinion. The error was not discovered, nor even suspected, for more than a hundred years. But it is argued that the call of the charter is for a straight line ; that com- missioners were appointed to ascertain where it ran ; that they did ascertain it, and marked a part of it; that their judgment being conclusive, the whole line is established as certainly as if it had been marked. So far as this is a geomet- rical proj^osition, it is undoubtedly true. Bnt mathematics cannot determine this case against law and equity. Their own description of the line they agreed upon is inconsistent with itself. They call it an east line from Watkins' Point, and give it an outcome by a course corresponding with,IIolston's tree. If this be a straight line, how shall we find it? If we begin at Watkins' Point and run east to the sea, we go far below the marked line ; if we begin at the marks and run west to the bay, we reach the Annamessex, which is equally wide of the fixed terminus at that end. Yet by one way as much as by the other, we follow the agreed line of the com- missioners. We reconcile these contradictions, and carry out the whole agree- ment, if we run the east line from Watkins' Point until it begins to conflict with the marked line, and from there to the ocean let the marked line be taken for the exclusively true one. Plainly, it never was intended by the commissioners, or anybody else, that the territory west of the Pocomoke should be divided by a line extending westward from Holston's to the mouth of the Annamessex. If that was the technical effect of the agreement, it was instantly repudiated by the common consent of both provinces. Maryland had held before, and continued after- wards to hold and possess, all the territory between the Pocomoke and the Bay down to the latitude of Watkins' Point, granting the lands, taxing them in the hands of her gi'antees, and ruling all the inhabitants according to her laws and customs. Her jurisdiction was not intermitted, nor any of her rights suspen- pended, for a moment. Virginia never expressed a suspicion that this posses- sion of Maryland was inconsistent with any right of hers under the agreement. Scarborough himself acquiesced in it to the day of his death as a true con- struction of his covenants with Calvert. Our conclusion is that Virginia, by the agreement and her undisturbed oc- cupancy, has an undoubted title to the land east of the Pocomoke, as far north as the Scarborough and Calvert line, while Maryland, by the charter and by her continued possession under it, has a perfect right to the territory west of the Pocomoke and north of Watkins' Point. We must now go back to Smith's Island. That island is clearly north of the charter line, and all the rights which Virginia has there must depend on the proofs which she is able to give of her possession. The commissioners, agents, and counsel on both sides have, with infinite labor, collected a great volume of evidence on this part of the case, and discussed it at much length. House Doc. Xo. 6. 17 In early times Virginia granted lands high up on the island; and Marjdand, without expressly denying the right of Virginia, made grants of her own in the same region. The lines of these grants are so imperfectly defined by the surveys that it is not at all easy to tell where they are, and some of them are believed to lie afoul of others. The occupancy, like the titles, was mixed and doubtful. The inhabitants did not know which province they belonged toj at least that was a subject on which there were divers opinions. A line running nearly across the middle of the island was at first claimed by Virginia as being the old boundary; but a subsequent personal examination and a more careful reconsideration of the evidence brought the -counsel them- selves to the opinion that a claim by that line could not be supported. They insisted, however, and do still insist, that another line, which runs about three- quarters of a mile above that from Sassafras Hammock to Horse Hammock was and is the true division. There is some evidence that this was once thou-^ht to be the boundary. Two grants, one by Maryland and one by Virginia, each calling for the divi- sional line between the states, without describing where the divisional line was, were so located on the ground that they met on the line in question. It is inferred from this that a line had been previously run at that place, which was understood to be the division between the provinces or the states. But this argument a priori is all that sup»ports the theory of a state line there. If it ever was actually run, it cannot now be told by whom, when, for what pur- pose, by what authority, or precisely where. All the evidence relating to it is very doubtful. It dates back to what may be called the prehistoric times of the island. Some witnesses affirm and others deny, on the authority of their forefathers, that this was the dividing line of the states. But none of them can give ahy substantial grounds for his belief. Out of this contradictory evidence and above the obscurity of vague tradition there rises one clear and decisive fact, which is this : That for at least forty years last past Maryland has acknowledged the right of Virginia up to a line which, beginning at Sassafras Hammock, runs eastward across the island to Horse Hammock, and Virginia has claimed no higher. By that line alone both states have limited their occupany for a time twice as long as the law requires to make title by prescription. By that line Maryland has bounded her election district and her county. North of it all the people vote and pay taxes in Maryland, obey her magistrates, and submit to the process of her courts. South of it lies, undisturbed and undisputed, the old dominion of Virginia. We have no doubt whatever that we are bound to regard that as being now the true boundary between the two states. There are not two adjoining farms in all the country whose limits are better settled by an occupancy of forty years, or whose owners have more carefully abstained from all intrusion upon one another within that time. We have thus ascertained to our entire satisfaction the extent and situation of the territory which each state has held long enough to make a title by pre- scription, and the boundary now to be determined must conform to those possessions, no matter at what expense of change in the original lines. We 3 18 House Doc. Xo. 6. know therefore Low the land is to be divided. But how does prescriptive title to land affect the right of the parties in the adjacent waters? It has been argued with great force and ingenuity that a title resulting merely from long possession can apply only to the ground which the claimant has had under his feet, together with its proper appurtenances; that a river, a lake, or a bay is land covered with water; that land cannot be appurtenant to land; that therefore title by prescription stops at the shore. But this is unsound, because the water in such a case is not claimed as appurtenant to the dry land, but as part of it. One who owns land to a river owns to the middle of the channel'. Upon the same principle, if one state has the territory on both sides the whole river belongs to her. Nor does it make any difference how large or how small the body of water is. The Romans called the Mediter- ranean Mare Nostrum, because her territory surrounded it on all sides. This construction applies with equal certainty to every kind of title, whether it be acquired by express concession, by lawful conquest, or by the long continuance of a possession which, at first, may have been but a naked trespass. In the last case the silent dereliction of the previous proprietor implies a grant of his whole I'ight as fully as if it had been given by solemn tjeaty. A few observations upon the several sections of the J^roken line which we adopt in place of the straight line of the charter will suffice to apply the prin- ciples we have endeavored to set forth. We run to Sassafras Hammock and from that to Horse Hammock, because we cannot in any other possible way give Virginia the part of Smith's Island to which she shows her right by long possession. We go thence to the middle of Tangier Sound and from thence downward we divide Tangier Sound equally between the two states, because the possession of Virginia to the shore is proof of a title whose proper boundary is the middle of the water. We give Maryland the other half of the sound for the same or exactly a similar reason, she being incontestibly the owner of the dry land on the opposite shore. The south line dividing the waters stops where it intersects the straight line from Smith's Point to Watkins' Point, because this latter is the charter line, as modified by the compact, and Maryland has no rights south of it. From that point of intersection to Watkins' Point we follow the straight line from Smith's Point, there being no possession or agreement which has changed it since 1785. At Watkins' Point the charter line has stood unchanged since 1632, and the call for a due east line from thence must be followed until it meets the middle thread of the Pocomoke. At the place last mentioned the boundary turns up the Pocomoke, keeping the middle of the river until it crosses the Calvert and Scarborough line. It divides the river that far because the territory on one side belongs to Maryland and on ihe other to Virginia. From the angle formed by the Scarborough and Calvert line with the line last described through the middle of the Pocomoke, the boundary follows the marked line of Scarborough and Calvert to the seashore. It will be readily perceived that we have no faith in any straight-line theory which conflicts with the contracts of the parties, or gives to one what the other House Doc. No. 6. 19 has peaceably and continuously occupied for a very long time. The broken line which we have adopted is vindicated by certain principles so simple so plain, and so just, that we are compelled to adopt them. They are briefly as follows : ^ 1. So far as the original charter boundary has been uniformly observed and the occupancy of both has conformed thereto, it must be recognized as the boundary still. 2. Wherever one state has gone over the charter line taken territory which originally belonged to the other and kept it, without let or hindrance, for more than twenty years, the boundary must now be so run as to include such terri- tory within the state that has it. 3. Where any compact or agreement has changed the charter line at a par- ticular place, so as to make a new division of the territory, such agreement is binding if it has been followed by a corresponding occupancy. 4. But no agreement to transfer territory or change boundaries can count for anything now, if the actual possession was never changed. Continued occu pancy of the granting state for centuries is conclusive proof that the agreement was extinguished and the parties remitted to their original rights. 5. The waters are divided by the charter line where that line has been undis turbed by the subsequent acts of the parties; but where acquisitions have been made by one from the other of territory bounded by bays and rivers such acquisitions extend constructively to the middle of the water. ' Maryland is by this award confined everywhere within the original limits of her charter. She is allowed to go to it nowhere except on the short line run ning east from Watkins' Point to the Middle of the Pocomoke. At that place Virginia never crossed the charter to make a claim. What territory we adjudge to Virginia north of the charter line she has acquired either by compacts fairt made or else by a long and undisturbed possession. Her right to this terri- tory, so acquired, is as good as if the original charter had never cut it off to Lord Baltimore. We have nowhere given to one of these states anythin<^ which fairly or legally belongs to the other; but in dividing the land and the waters we have anxiously observed the Eoman rule suum cuique trihuere. J. S. BLACK, Pennsylvania. A. W. Graham, Secretary. ^^^^' =^' J^NKIxXS, Georgia, 20 House Doc. Xo. 6. ^TV^A^RD. And now, to wit, January 16, Anno Domini 1877, the undersigned, being a majority of the arbitrators to whom the states of Virginia and Maryland, by acts of their respective regislatures, submitted the controversies concerning their territorial limits, with authority to ascertain and determine the true line of boundary between them, havijig heard the allegations of the said states and examined the proofs on both sides, do find, declare, award, ascertain, and de- termine tiiat the true line of boundary between the said states, so far as they are conterminous with one another, is as follows, to wit : Beginning at the point on the Potomac river where the line between Vir- ginia and West Virginia strikes the said river at low-water mark, and thence following the meanderings of said river by the low-water mark to Smith's Point at or near the mouth of the Potomac, in latitude 37° 53^ 08'^ and longi- tude 76° 13^ 46'^ ; thence crossing the waters of the Chesapeake Bay, by a line running north 65° 30^ east, about nine and a half nautical miles, to a point on the western shore of Smith's Island, at the north end of Sassafras Hammock, in latitude 37° 57^ 13'^, longitude 76° 02' 52'^ ; thgnce across Smith's Island south 88° 30' east five thousand six hundred and twenty yards, to the center of Horse Hammock, on the eastern shore of Smith's Island, in latitude 37° 57' 08", longitude 75° 59' 20"; thence south 79° 30' east four thousand eight hun- dred and eighty yards, to a point marked ''A " on the accompanying map, in the middle of Tangier Sound, in latitude 37° 56" 42", longitude 75° 56' 23", said point bearing from Jane's Island light south 54° west, and distant from that light three thousand five hundred and sixty yards; thence south 10° 30' west four thousand seven hundred and forty yards, by a line dividing the waters of Tangier Sound, to a point where it intersects the straight line from Smith's Point to Watkins' Point, said point of intersection being in latitude 37° 54' 21", longitude 75° 56' 55", bearing from Jane's Island light south 29° west, and from Horse Hammock south 34° 30' east. This point of intersection is marked "2J" on the accompanying map. Thence north 85° 15' east six thousand seven hundred and twenty yards along the line above mentioned, which runs from Smith's Point to Watkins' Point until it reaches the latter spot, namely, Watkins' Point, which is in latitude 37° 54' 38", longitude 75° 52' 44". From Watkins' Point the boundary line runs due east seven thou- sand eight hundred and eighty yards, to a point where it meets a line running through the middle of Pocomoke Sound, which is marked " C '•' on the accom- House Doc. Xo. 6. 21 panying map, and is in latitude 37° 5V 38'^, longitude 75° 47^ 50^^ ; thence, by a line dividing the waters of Pocomoke Sound) north 47° 30' east five thousand two hundred and twenty yards, to a point in said sound marked " J>" on the accompanying map, in latitude 37° 56' 25'', longitude 75° 45' 26" ; thence fol- lowing the middle of the Pocomoke river by a line of irregular curves, as laid down on the accompanying map, until it intersects the westward protraction of the boundary line marked by Scarborough and Calvert May 28, 1668, at a point in the middle of the Pocomoke river and in latitude 37° 59' 37", longi- tude 75° 37' 04" ; thence, by the Scarborough and Calvert line, which runs 5' 15' north of east, to the Atlantic ocean. v The latitudes, longitudes, courses, and distances here given have been meas- ured upon the Coast Chart No. 3'3 of the United States Survey, (sheet No. 3, Chesapeake Bay,) which is herewith filed as a part of this award and explana- tory thereof. The original charter-line is marked upon the said map and shaded in blue. The present line of boundary, as ascertained and determined, is also marked and shaded in red, while the yellow indicates the line referred to in the compact of 1785 between Smith's Point and Watkins' Point. ■ * In further explanation of this awai'd, the arbitrators deem it proper to add that — 1. The measurements being taken and places fixed according to the Coast Survey, we have come as near- to perfect mathematical accuracy as in the nature of things is possible. But in case of any inaccuracy in the described course or length of a line or in the latitude or longitude of a place, the natural objects called for must govern. 2. The middle thread of Pocomoke river is equidistant as nearly as may be between the two shores without considering arms, inlets, creeks, or affluents as parts of the river, but measuring the shore lines frorn headland to headland. 3. The low-water mark on the Potomac, to which Virginia has a right in the soil, is to, be measured by the same rule, that is to say, from low-water mark at one headland to low-water mark at another, without following indentations, bays, creeks, inlets, or affluent rivers. 4. Virginia is entitled not only to full dominion over the soil to low-water mark on the south shore of the Potomac, but has a right to such use of the river beyond the line of low-water mark as may be necessary to the full enjoy- ment of her riparian ownership, without impeding the navigation or otherwise interfering with the proper use of it by Maryland, agreeably to the compact of 1785. In testimony whereof we have hereunto set our hands the day and year above written. J. S. BLACK, of Pennsylvania. CHAS. J. JENKINS, of Georgia. A. W. Graham, Secretary. 22 House Doc. No. 6. OPINION OF JAMES B. BECK, OF KENTUCKY. I agree with my colleagues in the conclusion they have reached as to the rights of Maryland on the Potomac river. But I regret to be compelled to differ with them as to the location of the "Watkins' Point" of Lord Balti- more's charter, and consequently as to the true line of division between the states on the eastern shore of the Chesapeake Bay. I am satisfied, from all the facts and cii-cumstances before u?, that the promontory at the extreme western angle of the body of land, called by Calvert and Scarborough, Watkins' Point, in 1668, from which or " agreeable " to which they ran their divisional line east straight to the ocean, is the true Watkins' Point of the charter, and conse- quently the line of Calvert and Scarborough is the true line from the bay to the sea. My colleagues have decided that the true "Watkins' Point " is at Cedar Straits, which is a low, marshy cape or angle of the Chesapeake, on the north- western side of Pocomoke Bay, from which the charter line of Lord Baltimore ran 'east to the ocean, but that, owing to the action of the commissioners in 1668, the present .true line now runs thence east to the middle of Pocomoke Bay ; thence, following the middle of the bay, to the mouth of Pocomoke river; thence up the middle of the river till it reaches the line of Calvert and Scarborough, four or five miles north of their Watkins' Point ; thence with that line east to the ocean. Being unable to see how this crooked line can be reconciled or made to agree, either with Lord Baltimore's charter or Calvert and Scarborough's settlement of the boundary in 1668, I am compelled to disagree with them, and propose to give my reasons for declining to sign the award. The length of time which has elapsed, and the loss of records which would have explained many of the transactions, render it difficult to speak with accuracy as to actions and events so remote. Much has to be inferred from the necessary or probable connection of isolated facts : whilst the impossibility of obtaining evidence outside of the documents laid before the commission by the distinguished counsel for the states to test the truth of the deductions and conclusions arrived at, makes an elaborate, and it may be somewhat tedious, statement of the case necessary to a proper understanding of it. I shall not attemj^t to give my views a judicial appearance, but rather set forth the reasons and arguments which have impelled me to the conclusion I have reached. House Doc. 'So. 6. 23 By reference to the acts of the legislatures of Maryland and Virginia appoint- ing this commission, it will be seen that we are directed to determine the true line of boundary between the states ; and as the line across the Eastern Shore from the Chesapeake to the ocean is the opening line of Lord Baltimore's char- ter under which Maryland claims, it must first be settled, as the closing hne from the mouth of the Potomac to the initial point cannot be determmed un- til the beginning point is ascertained. That done, the closing line bemg " the shortest line" from the west side of the bay to the beginning, only reqmres the drawing of a straight line to the initial point to answer the call of the charter, in which the first or controlling line is thus described : " All that part of the Peninsula or Chersonese lying in parts of America between the ocean on the east and the Bay of Chesapeake on the west, divided from the residue thereof by a right line drawn from the promoniori/ or headland called Watkins' Point, situate upon the Bay aforesaid, near the river Wighco on the west, unto the main ocean on the east. " The location of the right line called for in the foregoing recital is the main point in dispute, especially the mathe- matical point which shall be determined to be the Watkins' Point, from which the surveyor should start the right line from the Chesapeake to the ocean. In reference to "Watkins' Point," several things must be observed: First. It is described in the opening line as a promontory or headland, and in the closing line thus : " Thence by the shortest line unto the said promontory or place called < Watkins' Point,'" In Webster's Unabridged Dictionary a "promon- tory" is thus described: "From pro, before, and mons, mountain. [Geog.) A high point of land or rock projecting into the sea beyond the line of the coast; a headland. It differs from a cape in denoting high land. A cape may be a similar projection of land, high or low. ' Like one who stands upon a promon- tory,'" {Shak.) Second. It is situated on Chesapeake Bay. Third. It was near (not upon or necessarily connected with) the river Wighco. Fourth. The line to be run from Watkins' Point on Chesapeake Bay was to be a '' righV or straight line "from that initial point to the ocean on the east." When the charter for Maryland was granted by Charles I to Cecelius, Lord Baltimore, in 1632, there was no map of the country in existence except that made by Captain John Smith to accompany the history of his explorations and adventures in America, and no means existed of determining the location and character of the place called by him "Watkins' Point," except the description given of it in his history. The name "Watkins' Point" is written on the land in Smith's map in such a manner that no person can say, by looking at it with the certainty that ought to be required in settling a question of boundary between colonies or states, what spot is intended to be indicated as the mathe- matical point from which a line of survey should be run. The history which the map was drawn to illustrate makes it conclusive that the marshy angle at Cedar Straits could not be the " Watkins' Point" named by Captain Smith, the only description of which is given by him in volume 1, page 183, as follows: " Watkins', Read's, and Momford's poynts are on each side Limbo, Ward, Cantrell, and Sicklemore's, betwixt Patawomack and Pamaunkee, after the names of the discoverers. In all these places and the furtherest we came up the rivers we cut in trees so many crosses as we would, and in many places 24 House Doc. Xo. 6. made holes in trees, wherein we writ notes, and in some places crosses of brasse, to signifie to any, Englishmen had been there." It is agreed that Smith gave the name of "Limbo" to the straits known as "Hooper's Straits," about twenty miles north of Cedar Straits; and the proof is conclusive that the angle at Cedar Straits is, and always was, a low, marshy point, on which no trees ever grow and which has none of the elements of a promontory. The southernmost angle of it lies south of, and is hidden from the view of navigators, on the Chesapeake Bay, by the northern pojjit of Fox Island, which is, and always has been, a part of Accomac county, in Virginia. Fox Island lies near to and west-southwest of the southern point of the main shore at Cedar Straits, and was 'granted by Virginia in 1678, Watts' Island, south of it, having been granted in 1673. They were both islands then; and there being no evidence to show that they were not both islands in 1608 and 1632, the presumption is that they were. A straight line cannot now be drawn, and I assume never could have been drawn, from the southern extremity of the main shore at Cedar Straits, either to Cinquack or Smith's Point, on the western side of the bay, without running across Fox Island. My colleagues have been compelled to run through it, as the line on their map shows, in order to reach their so-called Watkins' Point. It would be hard to explain how Maryland became entitled to it. It is not contended that any land has been made at this point since the charter was granted; and whatever washing away has taken place only renders the fact less certain now than it was two centuries ago. These facts will appear by an examination of any map of the United States Coast Survey, and such examination will show that the southern point of the mainland at Cedar Straits never was in any sense a promontory or headland on the Chesapeake Bay. The Maryland Commissioners in their stc^tement to this commission, pages 46 and 47, give such a description of the character of the coast on each side of Cedar Straits as show that the point now determined to be Watkins' Point by my colleagues was not believed by them to be the Watkins' Poirt of the charter. If it was not so originally, no changes in the character of the coast since can make it so now. John Smith named it long before any charter was thought of. The commissioners say : "The mouth of the Wichcocomoco or Pocomoke was then as it is now south of what is known as Watts' Island, thence going north you pass Tangier Island, thenoe ( including Fishbone and Ilerne Islands) extending as far north as Fox Island is now. From the mouth of the Pocomoke to Point Ployer at that time (lOOS) the coast was low broken isles of marsh, and from Cedar Straits to Jane's Island such is noiv the character of the coast. Tliere may then have been, (in 1608,) and for thirty years thereafter, an unbroken neck of land, as we have supposed, flanked on the east and west by low broken islands of niArsh, which have long since been waslied away, and some of them have been shbmerged within the memory of living witnesses. * * * The isles they called •Limbo were evidently those now know as Smith's Islamls and Holland Islands. And the only point of high land upon the main from Russels' (Tangier) Isles to Nanticoke river was that since known as Jane's Island, which must have been the Point Ployer of Smith's History." The point at Cedar Straits never was called " Watkins' Point " in any patent or conveyance : it remained vacant land till 1702, when it was granted by Lord House Doc. :^o. 6. 25 Baltimore by the name of " Plane's Harbox' " to Isaac and Nathan Horse3\ The grant contained 407 acres ; its bounds calls for " Cedar Straits, " but no- where suggests that " Watkins' Point" is in the grant. In 1748 Isaac Horsey conveyed it, and again gives its bounds with " Cedar Straits " among the calls ; no mention being made of " Watkins' Point. " No line ever was run from Cedar Straits east to the ocean. The majority of the board do not now propose to run a line from their " Watkins' Point" east according to the calls of Loi'd Baltimore's charter, which they admit calls for a straight line from the Chesa- peake Bay to the Atlantic. They are obliged to meander along the Pocomoke Bay and river more than four miles north of an east line from Cedar Straits to the line established in 1668 by Calvert and Scarburg, and follow that line from the Pocomoke River east to the ocean, and to admit, Jirst, that their line is not the true charter line, and second, to claim thai the Calvert and Scarburg line of 1668 is not the true charter line, though they adopt it in order to sustain their theory that the point at Cedar Straits is the "Watkins' Point" of Lord Baltimore's charter. I assert that no man could take Smith's History and map, with the description of the country for fifteen miles north and south of Cedar Straits, as given in tlie Maryland statement of this case, and locate the "Watkins' Point" of Lord Baltimore's charter at Cedar Straits, even if no line had been run by Cal- vert and Scarburg; and when in^ddition to this it is shown that, more than two hundred years ago, commissioners appointed by the highest authority in Maryland and Virginia did in fact run a divisional line between the colonies straight from the Chesapeake Bay to the ocean on what" was then decided and settled to be the charter line, which strikes the Chesapeake about four miles north of Cedar Strait at a point which has all the requirements of the " Wat- kins' Point" of Smith's History and map, it seems to me that the assumption that Cedar Straits is the true " Watkins' Point " cannot be maintained, con- ceding the possession by Maryland of the point of land south of the true charter line, which is explained on grounds easily understood, without doing violence to the well-settled facts in the case. In order to present my views clearly I will be compelled to give a somewhat detailed statement of the causes which led to the Calvert and Scarburg survey and agreement ; an explanation of its true meaning, and the protraction of its line west over Smith's Island, and east to the sea. The true divisional line between Maryland and Virginia, f»om the Chesapeake Bay to the ocean, became the subject of serious controversy between the colo- nies at a verjr early period, yet no line was established and no settlement of the controversy had until 1668. From 1632, when the charter for Maryland was granted by Charles I to Cecilius, Lord Baltimore, up to the settlement of the line by Phillip Calvert, the chancellor of Maryland, and Edmond Scarburg, the surveyor-general of Virginia, 1C68, all sorts of extravagant claims were as- serted on both sides — Lord Baltimore claiming down to Onancock, which is many miles south of what he had assumed to be his charter line in the map published by him in 1635, to accompany his " Relation of Maryland ;" and Vir- ginia, by the act of her gi'and assembly of September 10, 1663, claiming up to Nanticoke or Nanokin, many miles north of the "River Wighco," on Smith's map. I rei:)eat that there was no map of that country in existence when Lord 4 26 House Doc. Xo. 6. Baltimore's charter was granted, except Captain John Smith's, and his history furnished the only information which we have any right to assume either the king or Lord Baltimore had when the grant was made; neither of them ever were in America. The map accompanying Lord Baltimore's Eelation of Maryland in 1635, was, of course, his advertisement of his claim, made up and published in London, to induce people to emigrate there, and certainly included all he thought he could possibly embrace within the limits of his charter. Until a line was run from the ocean to Watkins' Point, or from "Watkins' Point to the ocean, which is the same thing, it was perhaps natural that Lord Baltimore should seek to extend his limits a^. far south as possible, as he obviously did on his map, by changing the whole character and shape of the land at Watkins' Point, as laid down on Smith's map, of which he professed his was a copy, ex- tending the southern point far into the bay beyond what Smith had done, and from that southern point, so made arbitrarily, he extended his " charter line," by a dotted line straight east to the ocean. If he had been entirely impartial between himself and the king, he would have made a true copy of that part of Smith's map, at least, and if he claimed from the southern angle of the point, instead of the westermost, would have dotted his southern line thence east to the sea, as Smith's map located it, instead of creating an artificial point or tongue of land, as he did, so as to claim across the whole eastern shore all the land for many miles south of what a line projected from the southern point on Smith's map would have given him. Tlie king, after closing the grant to him, had taken the precaution to say, in the charter, that it was laid off " so that the whole tract of land divided by the line aforesaid, between the main ocean and Watkins' Point, unto tlie promontory called Cape Cliarles, may entirely remain for ever excepted to us, our heirs and successors forever." It must therefore have been obvious to Lord Baltimore, that he was attempting to take from the king a large amount of property not granted to him, when he so drew his map as to extend his southern boundary from the Chesaiaeake east to the ocean, from a point far south of that laid down on Smith's map, from which he professed to have copied his own. Again, and I am only showing now that each side, prior to the running of the divisional line in 1668, by Calvert and Scarburg, as an adjustment of all dis^jutes from the Chesapeake Bay to the ocean, set up extravagant and unfounded claims. Lord Baltimore obtained from Sir John Harvey, (whose history is too well known to require further comment than that he was hated and despised by the people, whom he as cordially disliked,) after the banishment and return of that governor, a jiroclamation, dated October 4, 1638, forbidding all citizens of Virginia from trading "with the Indians or savages inhabiting within the said province of Maryland, viz : northward from the river Wiconowe, commonly called by the name of Onancock, on the eastern side of the grand bay of Ches- apeake," * * "without license first obtained for their so doing from the Lord Baltimore, or his substitute,'' pose, however, they generally voted in Maryland. It seems to me that the patents, deeds, marks, and traditions ought not to be abandoned for a precinct line which recognizes neither the Cedar Straits nor the Calvert and Scarborough line, especially as it was established so recently by men who never saw it. 52 House Doc. Xo. 6. If the action of the Marvlaii'l authorities, in regard to the election precinct and otlier matters on Smith's Ishmd is to be regarded as conclusive or highly- persuasive as to her right, the action of her courts ought to be more so. The case of the schooner "Fashion" was one of the principal causes leading to the passage by Maryland of the act of 1852, out of which this commission grew, and may be briefly stated as follows: Some time previous" to 1851 Maryland had passed a stringent law prohibiting the dredging for oysters in her waters. John Tyler, sometimes called John Tyler of Severn, was captain of the " Fashion," and was dredging for oysters on the Little Eock, in Tangier Sound, in what was clearly Maryland waters, if Cedar Straits is the boundary line, and in what is clearly Virginia waters, if the Calvert and Scarborough line extended to the western angle at Jane's Island. The volume containing the Maryland and Virginia Eeports of 1872, from pages 225 to 240, gives the pleadings and court entries in full. They were laid before us the record in the case. Dis- tinguished counsel appeared on both sides, J. W. Crisfield, W. S. Waters and "William Daniel being attorneys for John Tyler, and "William Tingle and I. D. Jones for Cullen. "While there was a good deal of testimony taken in regard to it, it is very clearly stated in the deposition of John Tyler, taken at Crisfield, Maryland, June 27, 1876, as the following extract shows : "3d question by same. "Were you concerned in the trial of the schooner Fashion for dredging for oysters unlawfully in Tangier Sound in 1851, and how ? "Answer. 1 was captain of the vessel, and was arrested by Captain John Cul- len, who was on board of the steamer Herald, and was carried before Justice J. B. Stevenson, of Maryland, and was convicted, and the vessel was con- demned. "4th question by same. "Where were you dredging? "Answer. I was dredging on the Little Rock, which is between Great Rock and Filliby's Rock. "5th question by same. "Were you present when the appeal in the case was tried at Princess Anne? "Answer. I was. "6th question by same. Did the question arise in the case as to where th& state line ran from Smith's Island to Little Annamessex, or what was the ques- tion in the case? "Answer. That was my only plea, tliat I was dredging in Virginia waters. " 7th question by same. Did you hear the testimony in the case, and who were examined as witnesses? " Answer. I heard the testimony, and Thomas Tyler, my grandfather, "William Tyler, James II. Hoffman, "W. G. Hoffman, and others, were my witnesses. The state had Mr. James Lawson, and other old gentlemen from the lower part of Annamessex Neck, on her behalf. "Sth question by same. "Were other parts of the line between the states en- quired into, and what parts? "Answer. My grandfather I had heard speak a great deal about the line, and I rested on what he had told me about the line, and dredged in accordance with what he told me. The line across th'e island, and I believe also the line extend- ing from the island as far as to Pitt's Creek on the Pocomoke River, was dis- cussed in court. "9th question by same. State what was proved as to the line across Smith's Island, and the line across the sound? " Answer. My grandfather said that the line ran from the stone three-quarters of a mile above Ilorse Hammock, west to the bay, and from the stone easterly to the mouth of Little Annamessex river. He and Mr. James Lawson, the two oldest men summoned in the case, agreed as to the line, and upoji their evidence I House Doc. 'No. 6. 53 loas cleared. Mr. James Lawson was summoned for the state of Maryland, and my grandfather was summoned on my side. "iOth question by same. Was the evidence sustained by other witnesses in the cause? "Answer. It was (I think) by all who testified about the line. The old wit- nesses testified on that point." When asked as to the location of Filliby's Eock, the Little Rock, and the Great Rock, he said : "Answer. They all three lie east of the Sound channel; and Filliby's Rock is farthest north, the northern part of which is perhaps one-quarter of a mile south of the light-house near Jane's Island. The Little Rock is farther south, perhaps from one-half to three-quarters of a mile south of the light-house afore- said, it lying between Filliby's and the Great Rock. G#eat Rock lies southwest •of Little Rock; the western part goes down to the channel, but the great body of it lies towards the Annamessex shore. By 7-ock we mean a bed of oysters.''^ It will thus be seen that before this controversy arose, the court of Somerset county, Maryland, reversed the decision of the justice of the peace, acquitted John Tyler, and released his schooner when he vras dredging not less than three miles north of Cedar Straits, on the east, or Maryland side of Tangier Sound, and therefore not protected even by the Horse Hammock and Sassafras Ham- mock line across Smith's Island, solelt/ upon the ground that he was dredging in Vir- ginia waters, being south of the boundary line between Maryland and Virginia on Janes' Island, extending, as was proved, over Smith's Island. In short, he was protected expressly by a judicial recognition of the Calvert and Scarburg line, as, I insist, it was located by them. Afterwards Tyler sued Mr. Cullen for damages, for seizing and detaining the Fashion, and after verdict a judgment was rendered against him, which he paid. Mr. Cullen testified that his coun- sel, Judge Tingle, and Mr. Crisfield, the attorney for Tyler, both sj^oken of as able lawyers, agreed that he had to pay the judgment, but they thought he had a good casie to petition the legislature of Maryland for relief on, as he was an ofKcer who thought he was discharging his duty in making the seizure. This case led to the subsequent legislative action. It is hard to understand how Maryland, through her courts and her lawyers, could have given a more absolute recognition of Virginia's right, under the line of 1668, than the "Fashion" case presents. It is certain that there was no ground for believing that Cedar Straits was the Charter Watkins' Point, or such judgments never would have been rendered by the Maryland courts, with such lawyers defending. It was shown clearly before us that Maryland never had exercised exclusive jurisdiction over any portion of the waters of Tangiei' Sound soutk of the line of Calvert and Scarburg, at the Watkins' Point claimed by Virginia, and that she not only never exercised exclusive jurisdiction over any portion of the waters of the Pocomoke Bay, but that Virginia repeatedly as- serted her right of sovereignty over the whole of the Bay of Pocomoke; she established police and revenue regulations over it, and a citizen of Maryland was killed in an affray originating in the effort of Virgiriia officials to enforce a very rigorous construction of the Virginia laws over the right of oystering in the bay. Virginia paid five-eighths and Maryland three-eighths of all light* house and other expenses on it. Virginia alone could try foreigners for offen- 54 House Doc. Xo. 6. ses committed on foreigners, and in many other forms asserted her superior right. I think it may be safely said that Maryland never asserted more than a common right with Virginia in Pocomoke bay, and never claimed exclusive jurisdiction over any part of its waters. Before sjieaking of the effect to be given to possession, I will close this long and somewhat disconnected review of the history of this controversy, and of .the reasons which controlled me in reaching the conclusions I have arrived at, by noticing as briefly as I can the effect which the last or closing line has on the question. Although it was argued, I think it can hardly be seriously contended, that the language used in describing the closing line of the charter to Lord Balti- more, which calls for the^" shortest line" or a straight line (which is always the shortest) from Cinquack or Smith's Point to WatMns'' Point, throws any light on the question as to the location of the true Watlins' Point on the Eastern Shore. Whether it was at " OnancocJc,'^ as Lord Baltimore first claimed, or at " Xaniicoke,^^ as Virginia asserted, or at the lower point of Watts' Island, as the Maryland commissioners lately believed, or at Cedar Straits, as Maryland now assumes, or at the westernmost angle of the promontory on the Calvert and Scarborough line of 1668, as Virginia insists it is, the closing line from the western side of ' the Chesapeake must be drawn straight to it, and can be drawn as well to one as the other, without throwing any light on which is the true beginning. The closing line must run to the beginning. The survey of the charter could not otherwise be closed. " Watkins'' Point" is nowhere assumed, either in the char- ter or in any controversy between the colonies or the states, to be the point or place nearest the western side of the bay at the mouth of the Potomac. It is not certain that Captain Smith knew where the mouth of the Potomac was when he named " Watkins Point." It is very certain that he did not so name it because it was the land nearest to the place he called '■^Cinquack'''' on the western side of the bay. Wherever he fixed Watkins' Point is the tru^charter- line of division, which both states have directed us to ascertain and report j and though there may be a dozen places or angles or points on the Eastern Shore nearer to Smith's Point or Cinquack than John Smith's Watkins' Point, we cannot close the Maryland charter boundary line by running the line to any of them. The fact that no one, either under the colonies or the states, in all the controversies relative to the true initial point of Lord Baltimore's charter, ever suggested that the call in the closing line for the "shortest line" to the beginning, threw any light as to where the beginning point was, or that it con- trolled the first line that the charter required to be run, or determined its locality, is highly persuasive evidence, if any is needed, to show that thei^ is no real merit in the argument on that point. I have up to this point avoided speaking or the adniilted fact that Maryland has always held possession of and exercised jurisdiction over all the land west of the Pocomoke river and south of tlie line of Calvert and Scarburg, which t have been contending is the true divisional line, because, if I have failed to show that I am right as to that line, there can be no question as to the right of Maryland to all the land west of Pocomoke river down to Cedar Straits. I shall assume, therefore, when speaking of the effect of possession, that I- am House Doc. No. 6. 55 right as to the line of Calvert and Scarburg extending from the Chesapeake bay to the ocean, and that it is the true southern line of Lord Baltimore's charter on the Eastern Shore. That being so, what rights have been acquired by possession of the land south of the true line? The King, in the charter of 1G32, after setting out the boundaries of the grant, add?, "so that all that tract of land divided by the line aforesaid drawn between the main ocean and Watkins' Point unto the promontory called Cape Charles and all its appurte- nances do remain entirely excepted to us, our heirs and successors forever." AVith that express restriction and reservation in the charter. Lord Baltimore could not, either by laying off the county of Somerset to Cedar Straits, or to Onancock, or to any point south of his charter line, have acquired title by l^ossession against the King. Certainly not without avowing his intention to hold it, even though it was outside of his charter. Virginia remained a Eoyal Province till she declared her independence in 1776. Her right and title was the right and title of the King up to that time. She could not, if she had tried, have deprived the King of his sovereign jurisdiction over all the territory he had ^^ entirely excepted" in the charter for Maryland to himself, his heirs and successors forever, and there is no evidence that she ever attempted to do so. Neither the possession of Lord. Baltimore nor the neglect or ignorance of the agents of the King in Virginia in allowing him to hold south of his charter line could destroy or weaken the title of the King to the property he had so expressly reserved. It is certain that Virginia never granted anything to Lord Baltimore south of his charter line. Her complaint to the King in 1682, which I have already set forth, proves that she was more aggrieved at what Calvert and Scarburg had given him than disposed to grant him anj' more ; and it is equalljr certain that he received no additional grant from the King, and never asserted anj^ right, by possession or otherwise, south of the line of his charter. The letters sent by the King's order to Lord Baltimore, relative to his bounda- ries, and to the settlement of his controversy with William Penn, assume that the line fixed by the Commissioners in 1668 as the southern boundary of his charter was conclusive, as Lord Baltimore's own letters, answers to the Com- missioners in, London, and his conveyances and orders assumed that it was. Therefore the presumption of a grant which, after possession for a great length of time, arises as between private individuals, does not operate in the matter we are considering. That was beyond question the Eiiglish law prior to the Revolution. Looking over the whole ground, it is not difficult to understand how Mary- land happened to retain the land west of the Pocomoke and south of the charter line. Greneral Michler, in his report in 1859, says " that the land lying south of tlie prolonged or broken line is principally marsh, the area of the firm land south of it and west of the Pocomoke not exceeding eight square miles." The whole quantity of land south of the line, on the west side of the river, is about twenty-three square miles, or less than 15,000 acres, and the firm land is only about 5,000 acres. The line from the Pocomoke river to the western angle of the point on the bay is fifteen miles long, so that there was less than 1,000 acres of land of any sort, and only about 300 acres of firm land on an average to tlie mile along the whole line. It could hardly be supposed or expected, at 56 House Doc. Xo. 6. a time when land was cheap and population sparse, that men who wanted to locate in Virginia would seek to obtain grants from her authorities and settle where they would be separated from the great body of Accomac county, de- prived of all the protection and advantage of Government, to live in isolated spots surrounded by swamj^s. It must not be forgotten that religious intole- rance prevailed at that time to an extent which we would now regard as absurd, if not impossible. The few scattered Virginians who could have been located, or .^' seated,'^ as it was then called, on the spots of firm ground, would have felt very much like convicts, surrounded by Quakers, Catholics, and other Non- conformists, whom thej' had i^erhajis aided in driving out of Virginia because of their heretical opinions. A very different condition existed as to the settlement of this strip of land under the Government of -Maryland. Lord Baltimore had, as early as 1661-'62, urged his officers to push his settlements as far and as rapidly southward on the eastern shore as possible, and while Virginia was pushing north on the eastern side of the Pocomoke so rapidly that before 1668 she had granted over 33,000 aci'es, or more than fifty square miles, north of the line established by Calvert and Scarburg, Maryland was pushing South, on the "West side of that river, wnth all 2?ossible energy. Lord Baltimore had made a nuniber of grants, as the Patents laid before us showed, on the west side south of the Calvert and Scar- burg line from 1664 to 1667. He had laid off the county of Somerset in 1666 so as to embrace all the land Avest of the river and north of Pocomoke Baj'. He had established "hundreds," and laid out roads, organized the militia, and had all the settlers looking to his officials for protection and assistance. When the Calvert and Scarburg line was establislied he had covenanted to pro- tect all the grants made by Virginia north of the line. No protection was given by Virginia to his grantees south of it. Of course all who could, clung to the Maryland Government for protection, all west of the Pokomoke did so, as there were no Virginia grants there to call for the line or for protection under the agreement. The Maryland courts were convenient; everything in short combined to make Virginia neglect and Maryland hold on to the slip of land south of the line and west of the Pocomoke, while every interest united to cause the lines east of it to be carefully maintained. Scarburg does not appear any more after 1668. It was not shown when he died. Lord Baltimore, in 1671-72, in the recitals in the grants he made under the agreement of 1668, speaks of him as " the late Surveyor General of Virginia.^' Very few patents were issued by Lord Baltimore for any land south of the line west of the river for several years after 1668, only one or two for five yearSj and very few for seven or eight, until it became apparent that the settlers still clung to Maryland, and Virginia took no steps to interfere. Probably after Scarburg was gone hardly any one cared anytliing about tiiat detached fragment of land. He must have been well advanced in years when the line was run, as he was a representative of Accomac county in the Grand Assembly of Virginia thirty-eight years before he ran the line. Soon after 1668 Herrman's map appeared ; it purported to be a map of Virginia and Maryland, " published by authority of his majesty's royal license and particular privileges * * * for fourteen years from the year of our Lord 1673. It laid down the Calvert and Scarburg line straight from the House Doc. JN'o. 6. 57 ocean to tlie Chesapeake, drew the double rows of trees along the line east of the Pocomoke, but made the line run through the bay of Pocomoke to the southern angle at Cedar Straits showing no land south of the straight line of 1668 west of the Pocomoke river. Doubtless it was extensively circulated in both colonies, and was well calculated to deceive, and no doubt did deceive the people of Virginia and the authorities by making them believe that Virginia had no land to grant on the eastern shore west of the Pocomoke. Mr. Jeffer- son's map, as well as that of Fry & Jefferson, follow Herrman's. They evidently copied theirs from his. The line of Calvert and Scarburg is marked and the date of it given on each of them ; that of Mr. Jefferson extending it as Herr- man had done, sti'aight to Smith's Point, but throwing it down so as to cross Pocomoke Bay six or eight miles lower than where we know it actually is, and leaving no land in their jirotraction of the Calvert and Scarborough line in Virginia west of the Pocomoke. All of them are now known to be palpably wrong, but they deceived Virginia as to her rights, and show how it was that Maryland retained possession of the land which lay south of her charter line on the west side of the Pocomoke river. It was a rule in the English colonial office to require governors and proprietors of colonies and grants in America to report, in answer to interrogatories, such facts relative to the condition of their provinces, their boundaries, trade, &c., as the "Lord of the Committee of Trade and Plantations" required. The reply and complaint of Virginia in 1G82, claiming that the Calvert and Scarborough line had been unfair to her by not fixing " Waikins' Point" at Nan- ticoke, fifteen miles north of the line they agreed on, was in answer to inter- rogatories of that sort. "We have before^ us, from pages 217 to 222 of the Book of Eeports and Statements, &c., of 1872, a series of similar questions pro- pounded to Lord Baltimore on the 10th of April, 1678. Tlie tenth question is, *' What are the boundaries, longitude, latitude, and contents of land within the province? — what number of acres patented, settled or unsettled, and how. much of manureable land ?" Lord Baltimore's answer to this question as to his boundaries has been given in another connection, but it is better perhaps to repeat it here. He says : '' To the 10th I answer, that the boundarys, longi- tude, and latitude of this Province are well described and set forth in a late map or chart of this Province lately made out and prepared by one Augustine Herrman, an inhabitant of the said Province, and printed and publicly sold in London by his Majesty's license, to which I humbly refer for greater certainty, and not to give their Lordships the trouble of a large, tedious description here." Nothing api^ears to indicate that the commissioners demanded any more sjoecific description of the boundaries. Herrman had not only drawn the divisional line straight from the ocean to the bay, but he had with great min- uteness described his line as the line laid down by Calvert and Scarborough. Lord Baltimore ad'opted it, and the commissioners accepted it. Michler and others have established and located it. Lord Baltimore never claimed nor did Virginia or the king ever concede that he was entitled to any land or water south of it. His holding, therefore, south of the line, west of the Pocomoke river, was simply by mistake on both sides, and not by either claim of right on one side or hy concession or abandonment of right on the other. 58 House Doc. Xo. 6.* I am satisfied that the English authorities before the Revolution all agree that such liolding vinder a charter containing such absolute exceptions in favor of the king to all the land and its appurtenances south of the charter line did not vest the title in Lord Baltimore, nor abridge in any way the king's absolute right to take it away at any time. This mistake on both sides was brought about in great part by erroneous maps, which were circulated extensively and relied on without examination as to their correctness, as all of them showed that Virginia had no land west of the Pocomoke River by the map-makers' protraction of the line of Calvert and Scarborough. ^ If I am right in the assumption that Maryland acquired no right either from the king or Virginia by possession under the circumstances I have indicated,, she had no title to it when the colonies threw off their allegiance to the king. The next question is, what title has she acquired since. Virginia, by the 21st section of her constitution of 1776, already referred to, provided that "The territories contained within the charters erecting the colonies of Maryland, Pennsylvania, North and South Carolina are hereby ceded, released, and for- ever confirmed to the people of those colonies respectively." This provision certainly contained no grant beyond what the charter of Mciry- land gave her, and parted with nothing of hers which Maryland had in' posses- sion outside of her charter line. The compact between the then sovereign and independent states of Maryland and Virginia, entered into in 1785, while it rejieatedly recognizes the Pocomoke River as being within the limits of Virginia, as it undoubtedly is, from the point where the Calvert and Scarburg line crosses it to its mouth, if I am correct in my construction of their action ; and as it undoubtedly is not for any distance whatever, if the crooked line from Cedar Straits is accepted as the true one, in the tenth article makes the following provisions : '' Tenth. All piracies, crimes, or offenses committed on that part of Chesa- peake Bay which lies within the limits of Virginia, or that part of the said bay where the line of division from the south of Potowmack River (now called Smith's Point) to Watkins' Point, near the mouth of Pocomoke River, may be doubtful ; and on the part of Pvcomoke river, icithin the limits of Virgwia, ov where the line of division between the two states upon the said river is doubtful, by any persons not citizens of the commonwealth of A'^irginia against the citizens of Maryland, shall be tried in the court of the state of Maryland which hath legal cognizance of such oftense. And all piracies, crimes, and offenses com- mitted on the before-mentioned parts of Ciiesapeake Bay and Pocomoke river,, by any persons not citizens of Maryland, against any citizen of Virginif\, shall be tried in the court of the commonwealtJi of Virginia which hath legal cog- nizance of such offense. All piracies, crimes, and offenses committed on the said parts of Ciiesapeake Bay and Pocomoke River, by persons not citizens of either state, against persons not citizens of either state, shall be tried in the court of the commonwealth of Virginia having legal cognizance of such offenses."' If Maryland's holding down to Cedar Straits had been adverse and avcjwed, and she had maintained her undoubted right to that point as the Watkins' Point of her charter, it is hard to understand why she would have made or agreed to a provision which substantially admitted that the Wat/dns' Point of the charter was doubtful. There could have been no doubt about it if Mary- land had maintained and Virginia had admitted that "Cedar Strait'" was the House Doc. JNTo. 6. 59 clmrtev jmni. Time does riot run against the commonwealth any more than it does against the king. When the holding was either doubtful or subject to future adj ustment it is clearly excluded from all principles under which title by possession can be acquired from a sovereign: The language of that section clearly concedes a doubt by both states, both on the Chesapeake Bay and Po- comoke River, which neither desired to secure any advantage from over the other, by reason of accidental possession, as all their future legislation on the subject shows. That uncertainty and doubt became more serious as population grew more dense and the trade in oysters became the subject of state regula- tion and taxation. The case of the *' Fashion " is a prominent example, which need not be re- peated. It illustrates this branch of the case very clearly. I will not prolong this already too prolix statement by noticing any of the old acts of the states after the adoption of the constitution. Those of recent date make the question clear, both as to the doubt regarding the true line and the friendly character of the holding by either of whatever might be found to belong to the other. On the 29th of March, 1852, the legislature of Maryland passed an act which recites that "the true location of that part of the line separating the state of Virginia from Maryland, intervening between Smithes Point at the mouth of the Potomac River and the Atlantic Ocean, has from lapse of time become uncertain, thereby involving innocent parties in difficulties to them irrem- ediable, therefore Virginia is invited to appoint joint commissioners to entrace that portion of the line and to mark the same by the erection of suitable mon- uments at proper points." For some unexplained reason Virginia did not ac- cept this invitation until 1858. Under these acts Messrs. Lee and McDonald were appointed by their respective states to entrace and mark the doubtful (kivi- sional line on the eastern shoi'e. Lieutenant Michler's survey and report is part of their work. Their report and Michler's were referred by the legis- lature of Maryland to a select committee, which made a report, saying that the committee ^did not find the uncertainties described in chapter 60 to be existing in the boundary betw een Smith's Point at the mouth of Potomac River and the Atlantic ;" and they say " it appears that the commissioners of 1668 established and marked the whole boundary across the peninsula or Cher- sonese by a line between Pocomoke River and the marsh of the seaside, begin- ning therefor on the Pocomoke River, east by compass from the extremest point of the locsterninost angle of said Watkins' Point, as by thein defined ;" '^ and that consequent upon this action of tlie commissioners, the divisional line aci'oss the bay was and is now known and recognized to be a line from Smith's Point, at the mouth of the Potomac, to this same westernmost angle of Watkins' Point, and these are the true limits of this state to the south and west." And they reported a bill accordingly; but it was amended in its pas- sage by strikin g out "westernmost" and inserting "southernmost," as descrip- tive of the line from Smith's Point across the Bay. The committee reported the true state of facts, as Michler's report shows, but the legislature changed it. No reason was shown for the change, so far as I have been able to ascertain. The committee's report was unanimous, and its conclusions after examination are entitled to full consideration, notwithstand- 60 House Doc. No. 6. ing the action of the House, which cannot usually examine all the facts as well as a committee. However that may be, the action taken by the state since the comijact of 1785, was entered into, confirms the admission therein made and assumed, that the divisional line across the Eastern Shore was doubtful, neither asserting a positive claim to any fixed initial point, nor claiming, as against the other, anything either might happen to hold by mistake as to their rights. The difference between the Maryland legislature and its committee, illustrates how honestly these differences of opinion might exist. Their action proves further that both agreed that the true line was the line of Calvert and Scarbo- rough. They did not by their legislation undertake to establish a new line ; they only proposed to retrace and mark an old one. As there never had been any other run or attempted to be run except that established in 1668 by Calvert and Scarborough, of course that was what they both agreed should be the boun- dary between them when ascertained, regardless of any encroachments by one or the other while ignorant of their rights. The acts of the states appointing this commission, are framed in the same spirit, and guard the rights of their citizens against any injui-y which might otherwise follow by reason of the mistakes by possession growing out of the un- certainty as to the true divisional line. The proviso referred to is as follows: " Provided, hovjever, That neither of the said states, nor the citizens thereof shall, by the decision of the said arbitrators, be deprived of any of the rights and i^rivileges enumerated and set forth in the compact between them, entered into in the year seventeen hundred and eighty-five, but that the same shall re- main to and be enjoyed by said states and the citizens thereof forever; and pro- vided further, that the landholders on either side of the line of boundary be- tween the said states, as the same may be ascertained and determined by the said award, shall in no manner be disturbed thereby in their title to and posses- sion of their lands as they may be at the date of said award, but shall in any case hold and possess the same as if their said title and 2iossession had been de- rived tinder the laws of the state in which by the fixing of the said line by the terms of the said award, they may be ascertained to be." It would unquestionably be better that the small strip of countiy west of the Pocomoke river, and south of the Calvert and Scarborough line, should be trans- ferred to Maryland. But I am unable to see, from the view I take of the action of the commissioners in 1668, and the subsequent action of the two colonies and states, how T can find the facts to be otherwise than as set forth in the fore- going statement. In order to illustrate more clearly where I think the true line runs than I can do by description, I have procured two copies of the map of Thomas I. Lee, the Maryland commissioner of 1860, and have protracted his line of Calvert and Scarburg froiji the Pocomoke river to Watkins' Point on the Chesapeake, thence over Smith's Island, and from the western side of that Island. I have drawn a straight line to Smith's Point; I have also marked in red ink, with substantial accuracy, the line agreed on by the other arbitrators, so that a map may be de- livered to each state as part of my view of the case. I do not jiretend that the charter line runs from Watkins' Point west over Smith's Island; and it is well known that Smith's Point, at the mouth of the Potomac, is not the charter point from which its closing line starts to cross the bay. That line was a straight House Doc. No. 6. 61 one from "Cinquack," which was somewhere about six miles south of Smith's Point to Watkins' Point, on the Eastern Shore. "Cinquack" seems to have been abandoned long ago, certainly as early as 1785, when the compact was en- tered into, and the east and west line was by the- action of Lord Baltimore and the governor of Virginia, protracted from the "Watkins' Point" of Calvert and Scarburg as early as 1667 and 1682, as an equitable division of an outlying and for a time neglected island. JAMES B. BECK, of Keniuchj. Note. — The copy transmitted to the House of Delegates of Virginia, and by it furnished to its printer, was printed, and he has followed the spelling, punc- tuation, &c., verbatim.