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 '■ ■•!■ 
 
 POLITICAL SITUATION. ' 
 
 RESULTING FROM TIIE 
 
 LATE STATE ELECTION. 
 
 ^ HERALD "INTER VI J±;"W." 
 
 liEPORTED Bl' STEl HEX UOYKS, Eaq. 
 
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 THE 
 
 
 POLITICAL SITUATION, 
 
 BJESULTING FROM THE 
 
 LATE STATE ELECTION. 
 
 
 
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 [HERALD 
 
 INTERVIEW WITH PETER Si/, 
 
 SIVEENV.] 
 
 
 V/^ 
 
 PUBLISHED BY 
 
 THE J^CKSOISr AS SO ci^Tio^sr, 
 
 

 CENTRAL JACKSON ASSOCIATION. 
 
 At a meeting of this Association, held at Tammany 
 Hall, Nov. 27th inst., the following resolution was unani- 
 mously adopted, viz. : 
 
 Resolved, That we emphatically indorse and approve 
 the views expressed by Peter B. Sweeny, as published 
 in the Herald of yesterday, and direct that the same 
 be printed in pamphlet form, for distribution, under the 
 direction of* the officers of the Association. 
 
 JOSEPH H. TOOKER, 
 
 President. 
 Henry A. Smith, 
 
 Secretary. 
 

 THE DEMOCRATIC POLICY. 
 
 [Frojn The New York Herald of Nov. 26ih, 1869.) 
 
 PETER B. SWEENY'S HOROSCOPE. 
 
 The Political Situation, State and National — The Presidential 
 Policy Analyzed — The "Erie Bill" — Municipal Recon- 
 struction and Reform — Police, Excise, and Labor Move- 
 ments — A General Sivinging Round the Political Circle. 
 
 As a great deal of speculation and considerable 
 doubt exist in the minds of all classes of this city 
 and State as to what the Democracy will do with 
 their late great accession of political fortune in mat- 
 ters of State policy, municipal reconstruction for 
 the Empire City, and on the local questions relat- 
 ing to the Excise, Police, and Fire departments, and 
 other State-appointed boards, the Herald, anx- 
 ious to lay before its readers the earliest and most 
 reliable information on the subject, yesterday sent 
 a reporter to interview the great Peter Bismarck 
 Sweeny, the chief of the new Tammany Regency. 
 Our reporter made his way to the headquarters of 
 the chief, the Chamberlain's office, in the new 
 Court House. He states that he found the ante- 
 room leading to the sanctum crowded with the 
 
4 The Political Sihiation. 
 
 political candidates who are contesting the coming 
 charter election, and their chief friends and sup- 
 porters, and with many others politically interested 
 in State matters and in the local political questions 
 of the day. The inner room, or sanctum itself, was 
 also filled with the higher class of local leaders, all 
 intent on imparting information or receiving in- 
 struction and advice. A momentary glance of his 
 sharp and brilliant eye satisfied the great Peter B, 
 that our reporter was not a candidate for ofiice or a 
 claimant for place, and he immediately moved to 
 his side, and in a low voice peculiar to his manner 
 of speaking, but pleasing and musical withal, in- 
 quired our reporter's business. Telling him where 
 he hailed from and the object of his visit — being 
 to " interview " him, and to ask a few questions 
 with regard to the policy to be adopted at Al- 
 bany in the coming session of the Legislature — 
 Mr. Sweeny very blandly inquired why he of all 
 the leaders should be appealed to for such infor- 
 mation. Why not, he said, have called on Senator 
 Tweed, Mayor Hall, or Comptroller Connolly .f* 
 Our reporter's modesty forbade him to indulge in 
 any very complimentary strain in answer to this 
 query ; but he said enough to draw a smile from 
 the lips and an extra twinkle from the bright eyes 
 of the Tammiany chief, which was almost an assu- 
 rance that his request for the interview would be 
 granted. Mr. Sweeny, however, did not at once 
 
The Political Situation. 5 
 
 yield the compliance that his look and smile had 
 promised. He said : " But, my dear Mr. Reporter, 
 I am averse to giving any views of my own on the 
 political situation for publication, though the Her- 
 ald would certainl}^ be selected by me as the me- 
 dium of publishing such views if they possessed 
 any importance, or were of any value to the read- 
 ers of the Herald." Here was an opportunity 
 that even reportorial modesty could not overlook, 
 and with a confident smile our reporter begged to 
 assure Mr. Sweeny that no other of the leaders of 
 the party could furnish an)- information near so 
 valuable as he himself could. With another of his 
 blandest smiles and a still brighter twinkle of the 
 eye, Mr. Sweeny succumbed to the compliment. 
 He said : " Well, then, call again at three p. m., 
 and I will endeavor to make time for you to inter- 
 view me till you get all the information you seek, 
 so far as I can give it to you. But," he continued, 
 " you must not connect my name with what you 
 publish, but give the matter as the statements of a 
 Democrat, and let the information go for what it is 
 worth." Our reporter did not specially agree to 
 this, but hurried from the presence before a pledge 
 was asked from him. 
 
 At the appointed time our reporter returned to 
 the sanctum of the chief, and still found him busily 
 engaged with the ever coming and moving crowds 
 of politicians. He at once cleared himself of the 
 
6 The Political Siitiation. 
 
 importunate applicants and office-seekers, and^ 
 beckoning to our reporter, left the lower office and 
 repaired to a private room on the floor above. 
 This is Mr. Sweeny's retreat when he holds coun- 
 cils with the more trusted and talented leaders of 
 the party. The room is handsomely and luxuri- 
 antly fitted up with sofas, tempting lounges, and soft 
 easy-chairs, whereon a sybarite might repose; also 
 a green-baized table, on which were quill pens, ink- 
 stands, paper-cutters, pen handles, and all the ma- 
 terials of literary work. Lighting a fragrant Ha- 
 vana and handing one to the reporter, who laid it 
 aside till after the interview was got through with, 
 Mr. Sweeny took a seat. We took our notebook 
 and the interview commenced, Mr. Sweeny submit- 
 ting to our examination and answering all our ques- 
 tions in the freest and kindliest manner. The in- 
 terview was as follows : — 
 
 GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS OF THE POLITICAL SITU- 
 ATION. 
 
 Reporter — I desire, Mr. Sweeny, to ascertain for the Her- 
 ald what pohcy, if any, has been decided on by the Demo- 
 cratic party in the State, especially in reference to the recovered 
 municipal powers of this city. 
 
 Sweeny — No policy has been finally decided on 
 as yet. There has been only an informal inter- 
 change of views among the leading men of the 
 State, but the plan of municipal reconstruction has 
 
The Political Situation. 7 
 
 not yet been marked out. The victory of the last 
 election was a substantial conquest — we have cap- 
 tured all the strongholds of the enemy, with all 
 their materials of war, especially in this city. It 
 was quietly accomplished by a " still hunt," and 
 the full measure of the success has scarcely been 
 realized yet by either side. We may be said to 
 have captured everything but. the standards of the 
 enemy ; those would be of little use to us. It 
 gives us a great opportunity for a long lease of 
 power in the State, and to lay a substantial foun- 
 dation for the Democratic party of the country. It 
 is a great opportunity, but it is at the same time 
 a great responsibility. This responsibility we 
 must look straight in the face and keep in anxious 
 regard. We will be held justly accountable for the 
 government in the city and the State, and all our 
 acts must be capable of the closest scrutiny and 
 investigation. The Republican press have already 
 served us with notice of trial. 
 
 COUNCIL FOR CONSULTATION CALLED BY GOVERNOR 
 HOFFMAN, TO MEET AT ALBANY, NOVEMBER 30. 
 Reporter — How is it proposed to meet this responsibility? 
 
 Sweeny — On this point there is a very clear un- 
 derstanding in the party. All our movements are 
 to be made deliberately and on the fullest consid- • 
 eration. The success which has been achieved and 
 the consequences belong to the whole party. 
 
8 The Political Situation. 
 
 Governor Hoffman, from his position, is the offi- 
 cial head of the party. He is a man of broad and 
 liberal views, and will be actuated by no narrovv^ 
 policy. He represents and belongs to the whole 
 State, and will consult no special interest or local- 
 ity in regard to his policy. I learn that he has 
 already issued invitations to leading men of the 
 State to meet at Albany on the 30th inst, for con- 
 sultation. 
 
 Reporter — Can you give me an idea as to who are invited 
 to this grand pow-wow ? 
 
 Sweeny — Not by authority. But I have learned 
 enough to know that they will be such men as ex- 
 Governor Seymour, Lieutenant-Governor Beach, 
 William Cassidy, of the Argics, Sandford E. 
 Church or some representative of him, Samuel J. 
 Tilden, Henry C. Murphy, Comptroller Allen, At- 
 torney-General Champlain, Secretary of State Nel- 
 son, Treasurer Bristol, Engineer Richmond, com- 
 posing the State officers ; Grand Sachem Tweed, 
 Mayor Hall, and Comptroller Connolly, from our 
 city; Warren and others, of Buffalo; Augustus 
 Schell and others equally prominent from differ- 
 ent parts of the State. I have given names enough 
 to indicate the character of the men who will be 
 called into the council, and the broad ground which 
 will be covered. 
 
 Reporter — Will not such a meeting create jealousies, es- 
 pecially among the legislative representatives. 
 
TJu Political Situation. , 9 
 
 Sweeny — No. To invite all the members of the 
 Legislature would make a convention or mass 
 meeting, and those gentlemen will be dul}^ con- 
 sulted and have their influence recognized when 
 they come to Albany. The preliminary meeting 
 must necessarily be limited and enlarged from time 
 to time. Besides, the Democratic party was never 
 in such harmonious accord, free from jealousies 
 and disputed claims for leadership, as at the present 
 time. 
 
 THE DIVISIONS AND INTRIGUES IN THE STATE TIL- 
 
 DEN's POSITION. 
 
 Reporter — I am surprised to hear you say that. I thought 
 the country Democracy were hostile to the growing power of 
 Tammany Hall — especially that Tilden was intriguing to pro- 
 duce this condition of things. 
 
 Sweeny — That is all humbug. Tammany Hall 
 asks nothing from the State. ... It has all the 
 patronage and power that it desires in and on Man- 
 hattan Island. I think Tilden got an idea last 
 summer that war was to be made on him, but there 
 was no foundation for it. He don't stand in the 
 way of any one down here. He is a safe and 
 prudent as well as an experienced counsellor in 
 political matters, and, so far as I can see, has no 
 selfish object to accomplish in the position of chair- 
 man of the State Committee. Tammany Hall 
 elected him a delegate to the last State Conven- 
 tion, and sustained his re-election to the head of the 
 
lO The Political Situatioji. 
 
 State Committee. At the last Convention we sent 
 a delegation of first-class men — such as Hall, O'Gor- 
 man, Law, Cox, Magnus Gross, Schell, Tilden, and 
 the like — equal to those from any other section 
 of the State. We determined not to control any 
 nomination, and divided our votes so that all the 
 disputed nominations were made by the votes of 
 the country. There was the warmest feeling of 
 kindness and friendship on the part of the country 
 members towards our delegates. I know this, 
 because I was there. Why should it be otherwise? 
 The present organization of the Democracy in the 
 city of New York has built up the party with such 
 power that it has invigorated the whole State. A 
 few years ago the city only gave from 15,000 to 
 20,000 majority. We now give from 45,000 to 
 70,000 majority. This result has required great 
 work, opposed as we have been here by the Federal 
 patronage, Custom-house, Post-office, and Inter- 
 nal Revenue departments; the power and patron- 
 age of the Republican Commissioners, Police, Ex- 
 cise, Fire, Health, Croton Department, and the 
 other Radical devices of partisan management. Our 
 vote fell off in November, because of the reaction 
 from the Presidential struggle of last year and the 
 absence of any exciting issue. Besides, we had to 
 vote ten tickets, and this led to so much delay that 
 many left the polls without voting, and many others 
 could not get the opportunity to vote at all. Our 
 
The Political Situation. i \ 
 
 percentage of falling off is not much greater than 
 that of the State at large. To do what we did in 
 bringing out our vote, getting it registered and 
 then polled, required constant and very great as 
 well as expensive labor. At our great ratification 
 meeting we had 50,000 live Democrats in procession. 
 This was no small work to accomplish. 
 
 WHO CARRIED THE STATE AT THE LAST ELECTION. 
 
 Reporter — But you know, Mr. Sweeny, the State Committee 
 claim to have carried the State. 
 
 Sweeny — I don't know anything of the kind. 
 The State Committee did its part of the work very 
 well in sending out documents and asking statis- 
 tical information, and what may be called the read- 
 ing, writing, and ciphering part of the work; but 
 they did not send out a dollar to organize the 
 State. What was done in providing the sinews of 
 war was the work of Tammany Hall alone. I will 
 not say how much was done in this direction, be- 
 cause that is a private affair; but the candidates in 
 doubtful districts know that Tammany Hall did its 
 duty fully and with open hand to the State as we.H 
 as the city. 
 
 STATE POLICY, APPOINTMENTS, AND MEASURES. 
 
 Reporter — What will be the general features of the policy 
 of the State in regard to appointments ? 
 
 Sweeny — In my judgment, the Democracy of the 
 
t2 The Political Situation. 
 
 State will be thoroughly satisfied with the results. 
 There will be no divisions growing out of the dis- 
 tribution of patronage. The effort will be to secure 
 the best men in the points of qualifications and 
 political claims. The appointments of superintend- 
 ents of the bank and insurance departments will be 
 of great importance, because they affect such vast 
 and delicate interests. The Health Ofiice is the 
 greatest in the State in emolument and responsi- 
 bihty; but of course a first-class physician, not 
 politician, is needed there. The harbor masters 
 and port wardens will be liberally distributed. We 
 have so much patronage of our own that we can 
 afford to practise self-denial here and be very liberal 
 to the State — that is to say, we will not claim what 
 our vote entitles us to. We shall not persecute the 
 Governor with our applications. 
 
 EFFECT OF THE ADOPTION OF THE JUDICIARY 
 ARTICLE. 
 
 Reporter — Will not the adoption of the Judiciary amend- 
 ment increase the difficulties in the State ? 
 
 Sweeny — Not necessarily. It may be the best 
 thing that could have happened to the party. One 
 great objection to it was the power given to the 
 Legislature to locate the judges in General Terms. 
 It would have given a Republican Legislature power 
 to send a lot of carpet-bagging political Judges to 
 any part of the State to exercise the judicial power 
 
The Political Situation. 1 3 
 
 for political ends, and it is not difficult to see the 
 result. Now, however, with a Democratic Legisla- 
 ture, this danger is not to be apprehended. Judicial 
 officers will be allowed to exercise their functions 
 in the districts for which they are elected. For the 
 new Court of Appeals it seems probable that Jus- 
 tices Grover, Lott, and Earl, the present Demo- 
 cratic members of the existing court, will be nomi- 
 nated ; and if elected, the Governor will have the 
 power to fill their places by appointment on the 
 commission court provided for. There will be a 
 very general feeling in the vState to nominate Judge 
 Allen for the new court. He would have preferred 
 to have been nominated for the Court of Appeals 
 at the last Convention, but deferred his desires to 
 the wishes of the State that he should accept the 
 renomination for Comptroller. If he is nominated 
 and elected to the Court of Appeals, the Governor 
 will fill the vacancy in the Comptrollership. I think 
 Samuel J. Tilden will also be nominated if he will 
 take it. I don't know whether Judge Comstock 
 will be a candidate. He is entitled to most of the 
 credit of carrying the judicial amendment. I 
 think Judge Leonard of this city will be also pre- 
 sented. The danger will be in getting out the vote 
 at the election. If we should be defeated, the Court 
 of Appeals will be Republican for the next fourteen 
 years. The article adopted requires that the elec- 
 tion of the new Judges shall be held between April 
 
14 The Political Si tit a lion. 
 
 and June, It will probably be fixed for the same 
 time as the town elections ; and in our city we will 
 have some exciting issue to be voted on at the 
 same time, probably the election of Excise Com- 
 missioners, which will bring out the vote. 
 
 Reporter — How about the State measures at the approach- 
 ing session of the Legislature ? 
 
 Sweeny — They will be pretty much as indicated 
 in the Governor's message of last year. We have 
 now the opportunity of converting Democratic doc- 
 trines into practical principles of government — 
 against special legislation and jobs of all kinds and 
 descriptions, in favor of economy in all branches 
 of the government, the improvement of the canals 
 and the lowering of the tolls and charges, a uni- 
 form election law for all parts of the State, and the 
 restoration of municipal rights to the cities. These 
 will be prominent ideas. A prompt performance 
 of legislative business and an early adjournment 
 will also be urged. There are other important 
 measures under consideration, which I do not feel 
 at liberty to mention. The pressure from all parts 
 of the State will be to run the Legislature clear 
 and clean from taint or stain. If this is not suc- 
 cessful, the veto power will be freely exercised. All 
 leo-itimate efforts will be directed to reduce taxa- 
 tion, as a conspicuous result of Democratic admin- 
 istration. I think one of the first acts will be to re- 
 peal the action of last winter approving the fif- 
 
The Political Situation. 15 
 
 teenth amendment. It is conceded on both sides 
 by the leading men that any State can withdraw its 
 assent before the measure becomes fixed by the con- 
 currence of the required number of the States. 
 
 THE NEGRO QUESTION. 
 
 Reporter — Is it proposed to keep up the negro agitation by 
 this course ? 
 
 Sweeny — The fifteenth amendment goes beyond 
 the negro. It proposes, as I understand it, to ab- 
 sorb the whole subject of suffrage, by which Con- 
 gress will be enabled to disfranchise the whites 
 while enlarging the area of negro domination. 
 The Radicals will give it the broadest construction, 
 andean convert Congress into a power as absolute in 
 controlling popular suffrage as that of Louis Napo- 
 leon in the first days of the last Empire. The negro 
 question is assuming an entirely new attitude. At 
 the South our Democratic friends are fast coming 
 into political alliance with the negro voters. The 
 negroes prefer to sustain the men of the soil, with 
 whom and their homes and interests they have been 
 identified in the past, rather than the broken-down 
 carpet-bag adventurers of the North, who want 
 their votes for the sake of office. In our State the 
 negro question is greatly exaggerated in import- 
 ance By the census of 1855 the total number of 
 colored males over twenty-one years of age was 
 about eleven thousand; by the census of 1865 it 
 
1 6 The Political Situation. 
 
 was five hundred less, showing a slow but steady 
 decrease. The total number of nes^roes now de- 
 barred from voting by the property qualification re- 
 quirement is only about thirty-five hundred in the 
 whole State, of whom 1,200 are to be found in our city. 
 The larger part of the negroes now voting in our city 
 vote the Democratic ticket, especially in the Eighth 
 ward and that vicinity ; and they will be all as ac- 
 cessible to us as to the Republicans. Our boys un- 
 derstand how to get them. It would not, there- 
 fore, have been a great calamity to us if we had 
 all voted to remove the property qualification. It 
 seems an anomalous state of things to contend that 
 the negro is the inferior of the white man, and yet 
 in a community in which he must live to refuse 
 him equal rights. We ought to get rid of the 
 negro agitation. It hurts more than the negro 
 vote could injure us. It introduces a moral issue 
 — a sentiment of justice — and presents the capti- 
 vating cry of universal suffrage, which carries away 
 many votes, especially among the Germans, and 
 prevents the legitimate political questions of the 
 country from having their just weight before the 
 people. It seems plain that it will be an unfortu- 
 nate day for the negro when he is divested of the 
 sympathy and support of the moral and benevolent 
 agitators of the country, who make his welfare the 
 permanent issue of the day, and is left to take care 
 of himself on equal terms with a superior race. 
 
The Political Situation. 1 7 
 
 INTRIGUES IN REGARD TO THE NEXT PRESIDENTIAL 
 NOMINATION. 
 
 Reporter — Before coming down to the municipal question 
 I would like to niake one or two inquiries — for instance, about 
 the intrigues said to be on foot for the next Democratic nomi- 
 nation for the Presidency. 
 
 Sweeny — There is no intrigue that I am aware 
 of, and I don't think there will be any from this 
 State. When the time comes the man will be in- 
 dicated by his services, capacity, and popular claims. 
 Intrigue has not been successful in Democratic 
 national Conventions. No candidate has been 
 nominated by pre-arrangement since the time of 
 Martin Van Buren, of the old Regency, except in 
 the case of Buchanan; and he would not have suc- 
 ceeded if it had not been for the contest between 
 the " Hards and Softs " of this State, each side send- 
 ing delegates. The result was that New York had 
 no voice in the national councils, and each side of 
 the contestants made its bargain with the Buchanan 
 men for admission to seats. Both sides were ad- 
 mitted on equal terms, and the vote of New York 
 nominated Buchanan. But for this condition of 
 affairs William L. Marcy would no doubt have 
 been nominated and elected, and the country saved 
 from Buchanan and Rebellion. 
 
 THE POSITION OF JUDGE CHASE TOWAFD THE PARTY. 
 Reporter — Does it not appear probable that Chase will be 
 nominated in the next Democratic Convention ? 
 
 2 
 
1 8 The Political Situation. 
 
 Sweeny — Of course no one can say what will 
 be the influences controlling then. But let us look 
 at probabilities. When the last Convention met 
 we had not yet recovered froiu the consequences 
 of the attitude of many of our leading men in 
 regard to the war. Besides, a false and unneces- 
 sary financial issue was sprung on the party. We 
 were not strong enough to win with the Democratic 
 vote ; but it was possible and practicable to break 
 down the Republican party by making an alliance. 
 Judge Chase was the man for that time, and we of 
 the city of New York were strongly for him. It 
 appeared to us as plain as demonstration that it 
 was the time for a compromise which would be 
 accepted by the whole country, and that Chase was 
 the man to compromise on. But when the next 
 Convention meets things will be different. Then 
 the Republican party will be broken down by 
 Grant, and the Democratic party will need and 
 demand a representative Democrat, and not a Re- 
 publican ally. I should not be surprised to see 
 Judge Chase the Republican candidate for the 
 Presidency at the next election. 
 
 Reporter — How do you make that out? 
 
 Sweeny — Why, the Republican party will then 
 be somewhat in the same necessity that the Democ- 
 racy were on the 4th of July, 1868. The Radicals 
 will need an alliance with the Conservative branch 
 of the party. Chase is not only a statesman in the 
 
The Political Situation. 19 
 
 best sense of the term, but he is a politician also, 
 and knows how to pave the way to success in his 
 own party. He knows men and their motives 
 well. He will not be injured by the popular strength 
 which he exhibited when his name was considered 
 on the Democratic side of the house. And he 
 was not, in fact, compromised in our Convention. 
 He put neither his hand nor seal to anything com- 
 mitting him to us. He was represented by many 
 who claimed to have authority from him ; but there 
 was no written power of attorney, and there is no 
 record against him. 
 
 A CARTE DE VISITE OF COLFAX. 
 Reporter — How about Colfax's prospects ? 
 
 Sweeny — Well, he would seem to have been 
 placed in the line of succession, but I don't think 
 he has a strong hold on the country. He is a 
 mere politician, and not a statesman. He is a 
 genial, bland, and enterprising politician, a good- 
 natured, hand-shaking, clever fellow. But, to give 
 an illustration, if he were a doctor he would be 
 the most popular one in town ; he would smile his 
 way into the sick-room and talk his way out, but 
 his prescriptions would not amount to anything. 
 The ladies would run after him, and the children 
 would cry for him, but no physician of knowledge 
 and experience would ever think of asking him to 
 a consultation on a serious or doubtful case. 
 
20 The Political Situation. 
 
 THE " POLICY " OF GRANT. 
 
 Reporter — What do you understand to be the poUcy of 
 Grant ? 
 
 Sweeny — When Grant is in doubt his trump 
 card is " do nothing." This is his pohcy. Thus 
 he has allowed the Alabama question to subside 
 into temporary oblivion, and thus with all the 
 opportunities he has had to make affirmative issues. 
 This is natural. The capacity to decide grent 
 political questions is not a matter of intuition. 
 Grant had neither knowledge, habits of thought, 
 nor discipline to grapple with great political ques- 
 tions before he entered on the Presidency ; conse- 
 quently he is not able to tell, from his own convic- 
 tions, what is right or wrong in any political prob- 
 lem presented or advice given to him. As soon 
 as a question broadens and threatens danger, he 
 ties up the papers and puts them out of the way as 
 an annoyance to be avoided. He does not want 
 to hear anything more about it. He is, withal, a 
 proud man rather than an egotist. He brought 
 about him mediocre men, because he did not care 
 to be measured, and he did not wish to get into 
 water so deep that he could not wade ashore. He 
 expressed the wish of his soul when he said he 
 looked forward as eagerly as a schoolboy for his 
 holiday to the end of his term. He wants peace. 
 He would like to smoke cigars, drive fast horses, 
 and go junketing for the balance of his days. I 
 
The Political Situation. 21 
 
 think he is entitled to do so for his share in putting- 
 down the rebellion. He means to make no mis- 
 takes which can be prevented by masterly inactiv- 
 ity. He might have had a brilliant administration 
 if he had been willing to sink himself to a nominal 
 position. The Republican party was built up by 
 its political leaders, and they should have been 
 allowed to administer the estate which they had 
 secured. Suppose he had called such men into 
 his Cabinet as Sumner, Stanton, Ben Wade, Gree- 
 ley, Sherman, Ben Butler, and Charles A. Dana, 
 who were representative men of the success 
 achieved. He would have had the most pro- 
 nounced administration of later years, and the 
 Republican party would have pursued its mission 
 to the end. Another trouble with Grant is that he 
 entered on the Presidency as owner, instead of 
 "trustee, of his party; and he bestows his appoint- 
 ments as personal gifts, instead of rewards for party 
 services, or swaps them off for pecuniary benefits 
 received. 
 
 THE ALABAMA QUESTION. 
 Reporter — Then you consider the Alabama question out 
 of the way at present, and all the issues likely to be with the 
 Democracy. 
 
 Sweeny — It seems to me that if we do well with 
 our trial in the State of New York, the future of 
 the Democracy is assured. The Alabama question 
 will live, and the people will be ripe for it whenever 
 
2 2 The Political Situation. 
 
 it is vigorously pressed. If Great Britain had, in 
 defiance of our protest, openly and boldly fitted 
 out the Alabama, and furnished her to the rebels 
 to prey on our commerce, a claim to indemnity for 
 the consequences would not be disputed by any 
 nation of the world. What England failed to do 
 boldly she did clandestinely, connivingly, and 
 fraudulently, while pretending to be with our gov- 
 ernment at the time. England is responsible for 
 all the consequences, and sooner or later will be 
 compelled to meet them. The Alabama not only 
 destroyed the vessels she met, but she drove our 
 shipping from the seas, because of the danger 
 which was threatened, and Great Britain reaped 
 the profit. Before the war our shipping was greater 
 than that of England ; now the latter has a mer- 
 chant marine five times the tonnage of ours, and 
 we have ceased to be a maritime power. This 
 question and these consequences cannot be allowed 
 to sleep or die out. We will have a revival of the 
 old spirit of " fifty-four forty or fight," which grew 
 out of the North-western boundary, and which 
 elected James K. Polk. There are many other 
 questions. 
 
 THE ISSUES OF THE NEXT PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION 
 
 CUBA AND MEXICO. 
 
 Reporter — Such as what? 
 
 Sweeny — Cuba and Mexico, as well as the Fe- 
 nian and Alabama issues with England, will enter 
 
The Political Situation. 23 
 
 into the next election. There is a prospect of fih- 
 busterism entering somewhat largely into the next 
 Presidential campaign. Then the tariff. We will 
 be as near free-trade as the necessities of the Gov- 
 ernment will permit. The negro question will be 
 out of the way then. So, too, in regard to the pay- 
 ment of the war debt, as we will have resumed spe- 
 cie payments, or have that result within our grasp. 
 We will have a capital issue on the question of tax- 
 ation. The expenses of the government the year 
 before the war were about eighty-five millions ; it is 
 difficult to know what they are now, but for the hall 
 year up to January i, 1869, they were nearly five 
 hundred and seventy-six millions, or at the rate of 
 over a thousand millions a year, although the appro- 
 priations for 1869 were nominally about one hun- 
 dred and sixty-two millions. The extravagances, 
 defalcations, and imbecility of the Administration 
 will give us issues enough. The army appropri- 
 ation was about thirty-four millions, and the expen- 
 ditures on that account were probably doublethat 
 sum. Governor Hoffman's position in regard to 
 the equality of native and adopted citizens, and the 
 duty of protection to all who have sworn allegiance 
 to our Government against the world, will also be 
 a prominent Democratic principle. There will be 
 questions enough, but I have not time to go into 
 them now. 
 
24 The Political Situation. 
 
 PLAIN, UNVARNISHED TALE OF "THE ERIE BILL " 
 UNFOLDED. 
 
 Reporter — While on general subjects, how about the 
 " Erie Bill," that the Republican press make so much fuss 
 about ? 
 
 Sweeny — There never was a subject so misre- 
 presented and misunderstood. The RepubHcan 
 press have lied about it with a purpose. The bill 
 in question, which is just as much a New York 
 Central Railroad as it is an Erie bill, is in precise 
 words a copy of the law adopted by the Republi- 
 can Legislatures of Pennsylvania, Ohio, Illinois, 
 and Indiana, and approved by ihe Republican 
 Governors of those States. It was passed by the 
 Legislature in this State when both branches were 
 Republican. The vote, on its passage in the Sen- 
 ate, was nearly unanimous. It was laid on the 
 table in the Assembly for about a month, for 
 objections, but none came. The bill provides that 
 a certain number of directors shall go out each 
 year instead of the whole board ; but it does not 
 interfere with the power of the courts to correct 
 abuses, nor does it tie up legislation. It can be 
 repealed at any time. It has not been of any prac- 
 tical value to either the Erie or Central road. The 
 Erie stockholders, at their election in October last, 
 unanimously elected an entire board without avail- 
 ino; themselves of the advanta2:es of the law. The 
 bill was introduced into our Legislature purely as 
 
The Political Situation. 25 
 
 a defensive measure against the action in the 
 Pennsylvania Legislature looking to the control of 
 the Erie road in the interest of that State and sub- 
 ordinate to the Pennsylvania Central, by which 
 the trade of the West would be diverted to Phila- 
 delphia from New York. The Pennsylvania Legis- 
 lature, having passed a bill precisely like that under 
 consideration for the protection of the Pennsyl- 
 vania Central, authorized that company to make a 
 large foreign loan, which it leaked out was intended 
 to buy up the Erie stock for the purpose I have 
 indicated. Governor Hoffman held on to the bill 
 for objections, but not a single stockholder re- 
 monstrated against it. Those who did confer with 
 him urged him to sign the bill, as being calculated 
 to settle the wrangling and issuing of stock to con- 
 trol the road, and likely to work to the advantage 
 of the stockholders. At all events it was an ex- 
 periment, and if it did not work well it could be 
 repealed at any time. Since its passage the stock 
 has been registered, and its capital is on a per- 
 manent basis. If the Governor had not signed the 
 bill, and the result had been that the Pennsylvania 
 Central obtained control of the Erie road, he would 
 have been condemned on all hands for the undue 
 and improper exercise of the veto power. This is 
 the plain unvarnished tale of " the Erie bill." Why 
 don't the Republican press pitch into Governor 
 Geary, of Pennsylvania, and the Republican Gover- 
 
26 The Political Situatioii. 
 
 nors of the States I have named, for having signed 
 the same bill, word for word ? The bill has thus 
 far been of no advantage to either the Central or 
 Erie road, and does no harm that I can see, be- 
 cause the vote for the new Erie Board of Direc- 
 tors was unanimous, as I have stated. It had one 
 advantage — it arrested the schemes of the Pennsyl- 
 vania Central road to obtain the control of the Erie 
 and divert trade to Pennsylvania. 
 
 MUNICIPAL RECONSTRUCTION. 
 
 Reporter — To return to the more immediate question, from 
 which I have wandered so far, what do you think will be the 
 scheme for the reorganization of the municipal government of 
 New York ? 
 
 Sweeny — The measures have not yet been ma- 
 tured. The engrossing duties of the late and ap- 
 proaching election have absorbed the time of those 
 who will be instrumental in preparing the plan. So 
 far as Tammany Hall is concerned, she means to 
 proceed deliberately and with moderation. The 
 Democratic party is pledged to restore local self- 
 government. This is a pledge which must be re- 
 deemed. The commissions were inventions to rob 
 the people of their rights for partisan ends, and they 
 will, of course, be wiped out if the party is true to 
 itself. 
 
 Reporter — How will that be done ? 
 
 Sweeny — It is very simple in principle. Let 
 New York and Brooklyn have their own police 
 
The Political Situation. 27 
 
 government through their own representatives, and 
 responsible for their own expenditures ; let our Fire 
 Department (Brooklyn has its own) be placed un- 
 der a board composed in like manner, or under the 
 direction of the Police Department ; have locally 
 appointed officers for the Health and Excise boards 
 and the Croton Aqueduct Department, and the 
 work is done. 
 
 Reporter — How is it proposed to officer the departments, 
 by election or appointment ; and if by the latter, by what au- 
 thority ? 
 
 Sweeny — We can never have a consolidated 
 government unless we have a responsible head. 
 Our city has been as much divided in this respect 
 as the States of New York, New Jersey, and Con- 
 necticut by their separate sovereignties. We are 
 willing to accept the trust of government, and to 
 be held as a party responsible for its administra- 
 tion. The Mayor should have the power to ap- 
 point and remove all heads of departments except 
 the finance and law — the Comptroller and Counsel 
 to the Corporation — who, for obvious reasons, 
 should continue to be elective. This power should 
 be subject to the approval of some representative 
 body. We had a trial under the charter of 1847 of 
 electing all the important officers of the city gov- 
 ernment. Then we elected a street commissioner, 
 a commissioner of repairs and supplies, a commis- 
 sioner of lamps and gas, and all other departments 
 
2 8 The Political Situation. 
 
 and bureaus ; the result was that we had a collec- 
 tion of petty sovereignties, each independent of the 
 other, and all spending money without any account- 
 ability anywhere. These officers were all nomina- 
 ted in convention by combinations of politicians, 
 and the best men were not successful. We were 
 soon glad to have this scheme repealed. Then we 
 had the ten governors of the Almshouse ; all will 
 remember their career, and realize the salutary 
 change to appointments by local authority through 
 which the Board of Charities and Correction was 
 secured. When the authority is devolved upon the 
 Mayor of appointing prominent officials, the eyes 
 of the whole community are on him, and he 
 must, from regard to his own character and that of 
 his office, make the best appointments practicable. 
 So, too, when complaints are made which he has the 
 power to redress, he will be compelled to apply the 
 remedy or take the consequences in public con- 
 demnation. We have had two striking illustrations 
 of the healthful results of appointments by local 
 authority during the past year. First, in the Com- 
 missioners of the Board of Education. They are 
 all first-class men, and have discharged their duties 
 with ability and conscientious fidelity. At the rate 
 that the old Commissioners were progressing, the 
 expenses of common-school education in this city 
 would have been nearly $4,000,000 for the ensuing 
 year. They were over $3,000,000 last year. The 
 
The Political Silualion. 29 
 
 new Commissioners find that they can get along 
 with a Httle over $2,000,000. So, too, with the new 
 Tax Commissioners appointed by local authority 
 They are accomplishing great reforms in correcting 
 old abuses and long-continued favoritisms, which 
 will soon be made manifest to the public. 
 
 THE ARGUMENT AND EXAMPLE IN BROOKLYN. 
 
 Reporter — But in Brooklyn they appear to be against com- 
 missions and appointed boards ? 
 
 Sweeny — I don't think there would have been 
 any objection to the Water Board of Brooklyn if 
 they had managed their affairs so as to give satis- 
 faction to the people of that city. They have not 
 been fortunate in this respect. The Democratic 
 objection to commissions has been to those ap- 
 pointed at Albany, imposed, as it were, by foreign 
 authority, and not responsible to the constituency 
 to be affected. There is no objection, in principle, 
 to a commission appointed by locally elected repre- 
 sentatives, and subject to removal by the same 
 authority for maladministration. 
 
 the danger of breaking down in new YORK. 
 
 Reporter— Don't you think there is great danger of all this 
 power breaking down the Democratic party in this city ? 
 
 Sweeny — Of course there is every danger, if the 
 responsibility is not appreciated, and the power 
 wisely exercised. In a mere party point of view, 
 
30 The Political Situation. 
 
 we have made more by the poHce and excise 
 powers continuing in the hands of the Republicans, 
 and administered with the hot-headed zeal, fanati- 
 cism, and despotic tyranny of John A. Kennedy, 
 than if we had the power and responsibility in our 
 hands. But we are bound to accept the situation 
 and do our best. The Police Department, execu- 
 tively directed by such a man as John Jourdan or 
 Judge Dowling as Superintendent, will be a hun- 
 dred-fold more effective in preventing and detect- 
 ing crime than under John A. Kennedy's rule. 
 Kennedy is a very clever fellow, personally and 
 socially ; but in executing power he is the veriest 
 tyrant that ever lived. He knows this, and rather 
 glories in the fact. Besides, the police will be 
 made more efficient than ever ; and the petty sys- 
 tem of prying through shutters and crawling 
 through chimney-flues to detect the smell of liquor 
 will cease to be the chief business of the police 
 force. 
 
 AN ANALYSIS OF THE COST OF GOVERNMENT — WHO 
 IS RESPONSIBLE ? 
 
 Reporter — How do you expect to make manifest the ad- 
 vantages of the proposed change ? 
 
 Sweeny — Acts are the best interpreters of inten- 
 tions. We intend to show by practical results the 
 advantages to the people. For instance, we mean 
 to present our tax levy early in the session, invite 
 the closest scrutiny, and submit to the lowest fig- 
 
The Political Situation. 31 
 
 ures. We will take the expenses of last year, under 
 the rule of Republican Commissioners, and compare 
 them with those of this year, under Democratic 
 government and local sovereignty. Here are the 
 expenses of the city and county government on 
 the back of this tax-bill, which you might as well 
 copy, as it contains the information in a condensed 
 form. 
 
 EXPENSES OF CITY AND COUNTY GOVERNMENT FOR 1869. 
 
 For State purposes $2,672,820 18 
 
 For county purposes, viz. : — 
 For the support of the Metro- 
 
 pohtan Pohce $2, 72 7,365 07 
 
 Board of Health 110,186 15 
 
 City College 125,000 00 
 
 For interest on county debt.. 1,375,981 00 
 Various public institutions. . . 283,688 75 
 
 For general purposes 3,171,386 66 
 
 87,793,607 di 
 
 Less amount of county reve- 
 nues, not otherwise appro- 
 priated 80,000 00 
 
 . $7,713,607 dz 
 
 For city purposes, viz. : — 
 
 For Board of Education $3,150,000 00 
 
 For free schools, otherwise .. 219,398 00 
 
 For Commissioners of Cen- 
 tral Pai'k 285,000 00 
 
 For Public Charities and Cor- 
 rection 1,213,000 00 
 
 For Fire Department 907,940 00 
 
 For interest on city debt. .. . 1,429,945 86 
 
 For redemption of debt 202,420 69 
 
 For general purposes 5,815,403 38 
 
 $13,223,108 53 
 
32 The Political Situation. 
 
 Less amount of revenues of 
 the Corporation not other- 
 wise appropriated by law. . $2,300,000 00 
 
 $10,923,108 53 
 
 To supply deficiencies 603,377 79 
 
 Total to be raised by tax $12,912,914 13 
 
 If any one will trouble himself to make the ad- 
 dition, he will find of this total that the expenses 
 over which the city and county governments have 
 no control, amount to about fourteen millions — in- 
 cluding the State tax, Police, Health, Fire, Educa- 
 tion, Charities and Correction, interest on debt. 
 Central Park, &c. The interest on the county 
 debt, it will be seen, is over ^1,300,000. The 
 larger part of this debt was incurred in consequence 
 of the war, for bounties, supporting families of sol- 
 diers, &c. The items included in the tax for police 
 and the several commissions are not embraced in 
 the tax law passed by the Legislature, but the com- 
 missions have virtually had authority under general 
 laws to include what they think proper. All these 
 figures we expect to reduce, including the items 
 for general purposes of the city and county. 
 
 THE EXCISE QUESTION WHAT WILL BE DONE WITH 
 
 IT.? 
 
 Reporter — Have not you got a very dangerous power in 
 the Excise question ? Will not the grog shops force unlicensed 
 free rum as a city institution ? 
 
 Sweeny — No; I think not. Look at the sub- 
 
The Political Situation. 33 
 
 ject practically. The Democratic party and the 
 city of New York have only temporary power over 
 the question. If the power is abused and the 
 moral sense of the State is aroused at what they 
 consider paramount evils, the rural districts will 
 make the issue, and elect a Legislature which will 
 impose greater restrictions than ever. There are 
 7,000 liquor dealers in the city of New York. 
 This is a great power ; but at the same time it is a 
 great interest to risk. I think the liquor dealers, 
 as a matter of protection against future legislative 
 aggression, and for self-preservation, will be in favor 
 of consei'v'ative and moderate measures. The 
 greatest objection to the present Excise law has 
 arisen from the despotic and mean manner of its 
 execution. The moral sense of all communities is 
 against the open sale of liquor during the hours 
 of worship on the Sabbath, and in favor of a rea- 
 sonable period at night to close the traffic ; and I 
 think the liquor dealers will see that it is to their 
 interests to pay reasonable license fees, by which 
 irresponsible parties will be kept out of the trade. 
 The right of the liquor dealer is subject to all other 
 rights, but equal to every other. The Republicans 
 are cornered on this Excise question ; the Demo- 
 cratic party means to hold its position, but at the 
 same time be true to all the interests of govern- 
 ment 
 
34 The Political Situation. 
 
 THE LABOR MOVEMENT. 
 
 Reporter — You had in the last election a new element — 
 that of the "labor unions." Don't you think that this labor 
 movement is the rock ahead for both political parties ? 
 
 Sweeny — I think not, for what seem to me to be 
 obvious reasons. The Democratic party is sound 
 on ah the questions affecting the laboring interests. 
 The Eight Hour law is accepted now by both po- 
 litical parties. Eight hours to work, eight hours to 
 rest, and eight hours for social, moral, and intellect- 
 ual improvement and enjoyment have become an 
 established maxim. In regard to the conspiracy 
 law, one of the first acts of the approaching Legis- 
 lature will be to repeal this odious and absurd law. 
 This will be so much credit to Democratic account. 
 The Republicans refused to repeal it ; the Demo- 
 crats will make it one of their first acts. It is ab- 
 surd that while the men who w^ork cannot combine 
 for mutual protection, the men who do not work 
 can and do combine for every purpose under hea- 
 ven. The gold and stock brokers, those lilies of 
 the golden valley, have their boards ; the insurance 
 men have their association of underwriters; the 
 banks have their clearing-house; the grain dealers 
 their exchange; the railroad men their conven- 
 tions. All these are associations for mutual pro- 
 tection. In fact, capital is organized in every field 
 of speculation and enterprise, and yet when labor 
 combines for its protection against the combina- 
 
The Political Sitttation. 35 
 
 tions of capital it is a conspiracy and the members 
 are liable to be indicted. This absurdity will be 
 speedily eradicated. Capital must make up its mind 
 that it has to treat in future with associated labor 
 and communities of interest. It is no longer com- 
 bined capital against the individual. Submission 
 to strikes will, after a while, be a necessity, and the 
 excesses, if any, in the claims made for the time be- 
 ing must be left to the after good sense and so- 
 ber second thouQ;ht of the unions. Lono-.resisted 
 strikes lead to great evils, and are as injurious to 
 capital as they are demoralizing to the men. Capi- 
 tal and labor are mutually dependent on each other, 
 and when their relations are more firmly established 
 under the new order of things they will harmonize 
 more thoroughly. The capitalists, the aristocracy 
 of wealth, and the bondholders who enjoy immu- 
 nity from taxation are in the Republican party. 
 Equal taxation of all capital and property is alike 
 the principle of the Democratic party and of the 
 laboring interests. The Democratic party are the 
 natural allies and helpmates of the laborers of the 
 country. If any one thinks that the labor union- 
 ists are not reflecting men, and do not understand 
 themselves and their rights and duties, let him go 
 to a union meeting where a question is to be dis- 
 cussed, and listen to the straightforward talk and 
 hard-headed sense of the debaters. Of course 
 there is danger of the labor movement being 
 
36 The Political Situation. 
 
 wrecked by being converted into a political ma- 
 chine. There are demagogues among them, as 
 there are among all other associations of men, and 
 there are selfish leaders, who would like to ride 
 into power on the strength of the labor movement. 
 There was an illustration, and a very ridiculous one, 
 in the candidacy of Nelson W. Young for Coroner 
 at the late election. Holding inquests on dead 
 men's bodies had as much to do with the labor in- 
 terests as keeping a pound for stray animals. I 
 don't think we are likely to see a repetition of such 
 an absurd spectacle. 
 
 THE POWER OF THE " MACHINE." 
 
 Reporter — What is the secret of the immense strength of 
 Tammany Hall, and the certainty with which it brings its forces 
 into action? 
 
 Sweeny — It is chiefly from the completeness of 
 its organization and the thoroughness of its disci- 
 pline. General McCook, of Ohio, remarked at the 
 last time I saw him, that, next to the Roman army 
 under Caesar, the organization of Tammany Hall 
 was the most thoroughly disciplined body that the 
 world has seen. We have good discipline. Our 
 plan is very simple. Each ward of the city is re- 
 presented in general committee by delegates elected 
 each year for the ward at large, according to its 
 vote. This is the central or county organization, 
 and consists of between 300 and 400 representatives. 
 
The Political Situation. 37 
 
 This body is charged with the general party manage- 
 ment during the year, such as calHngpubHcmeetings, 
 nominating conventions and primary elections. 
 This general committee is composed of experienced 
 politicians — generally the same men from year to 
 year — the changes being chiefly in the wards which 
 do not hold their own, where the defeated dele- 
 gates give way to their successful competitors. 
 Then we have a ward organization for each ward, 
 consisting of delegates from each election district, 
 who are in permanent session in the wards. These 
 district representatives may be considered the cap- 
 tains, who marshal and lead into action the rank 
 and file of the Democratic host in this city. These 
 local leaders have great experience, and know all 
 the voters in their districts, and how to get them 
 out Then, again, we are harmonious in Tammany 
 Hall. Our nominations are made after the fullest 
 consultation with the leaders throughout the city, 
 and the organization moves with the precision of 
 a well-regulated machine. Great vigilance is exer- 
 cised to keep up its discipline. The outside or- 
 ganizations don't amount to anything — they are 
 ephemeral, self-constituted, and generally spring up 
 over night in the interest of a few broken-down 
 politicians, rejected by Tammany Hall, and exist 
 for the purpose of " striking " the candidates. Be- 
 sides, Tammany Hall is the organization of the 
 party in regular succession, and has the patronage 
 
38 The Political Situation. 
 
 and prestige on its side, and has acquired a national 
 fame for its vigorous fidelity to the Union during 
 the entire period of the war. 
 
 Reporter — I have taxed your patience considerably. I 
 have but one other question to ask, and I shall have finished, 
 and that is — Do you not find the position of political leader in 
 this city a very troublesome and thankless oftice ? 
 
 Sweeny — I am glad you have asked me that 
 question, because it gives me the opportunity to 
 set myself right on the subject, I am not, and 
 never claimed to be, a leader. If there is any one 
 entitled to that designation among the Democracy 
 of our city, it is Senator Tweed. He is Chairman 
 of the General Committee, and Grand Sachem of 
 the Tammany Society. He has remarkable execu- 
 tive ability, and is a recognized leader. Mayor 
 Hall, Comptroller Connolly, and others I might 
 name, are more leaders than I am. I am a sort 
 of adviser. I try to harmonize the interests of the 
 party, and endeavor to secure good nominations and 
 sound principles, as I understand them. But I do 
 not aspire to the position of a leader. I am simply 
 a passenger in the ship, with the privilege of going 
 ashore if I do not like its management or its course. 
 
 •^C)" 
 
 At this point our reporter thought he had notes 
 enough to transcribe, and sufficient information 
 collated, and, intimating as much to Mr. Sweeny, 
 who seemed exhaustless on the subject of politics, 
 
The Political Siiuatiojt. 39 
 
 measures, and men, begged to conclude the inter- 
 view. A few moments more and the work of 
 transcribing was commenced, and the result of our 
 reporter's interview with Peter Bismarck Sweeny 
 is now before the readers of the Herald. 
 
PROPOSED "LEGISLATION" TO "ENFORCE" THE XVxn 
 AMENDMENT. 
 
 " The Gentleman from Massachusetts ofEered the following Bill: 
 "An Act to Enforce the Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution." 
 
 Be it enacted by the Senate and HouwofltepresentaUbes of the. United 
 States of America, in Congress assembled : 
 Sec. 1. It shall be the diity of the Secretary of the Interior to appoint, 
 or cause to be appointed, three Commissioners for each election district 
 of the several Congressional districts of the United States, to enforce 
 the provisions of the fifteenth amendment to tha Constitution. The 
 said Commissioners for such puiiDOse shall have the sole right to decide 
 on the qualilications of all voters who shall ofEer to vote for Members of 
 Congress or Electors for President and Vice-President, and the exclusive 
 authority to receive the ballots cast at any such election. 
 
 - Sec. 2. It shall be the duty of such Commissioners to certify the re- 
 sult of the election in their districts respectively, duly sealed to the 
 said Secretary of the Interior. 
 
 Sec. 3. The Secretary of the Interior shall certify under his hand and 
 seal the names of the persons who appear to him by the aforesaid re- 
 turns to be elected Members of Congress or Electors for President and 
 Vice-President, and the persons who shall receive such certificate of 
 election shall hold the office or exercise the authority therein designa- 
 ted, subject to the sixth section of this act. 
 
 Sec. 4. It shall be the duty of the L^nited States Marshals in their 
 respective districts to su.stain the Commissioners of Election herein 
 provided for in the performance of their duties, and shall detail a suffi- 
 cient force of deputies to secure order at the elections herein provided 
 for ; and in the event of the force of any such Marshal proving made- 
 quate, the Mar.shal shall have the right to call on the nearest command- 
 ing officer of troops of the United States to aid such Marshal to pre- 
 serve order. 
 
 Sec. 5. It shall be the duty of the Secretary of War to so station the 
 troops of the United States immediately preceding any Election herein 
 provided for, at convenient poiiits adjacent to the principal polling- 
 places of the several Congressional Districts, and in the principal cities a 
 commanding force of such troops shall be encamjied in the parks or 
 other suitable places of such cities, at and preceding any election as 
 aforesaid. 
 
 Sec. 5. All questions in regard to the regularity' and fairness of the 
 election of Members of Congress shall be referred by the Commissioner 
 of the Interior to the House of ReiDresentatives, who shall have e.xclusive 
 jurisdiction thereof; and in like manner all questions relating to the 
 election of Electors for President and Vice-President shall be referred to 
 the President, who shall appoint a Commission of not less than three 
 suitable persons, to examine and decide all such questions, and whose 
 decision shall be final and conclusive. 
 
 Sec. 6. This Act shall go into effect when Congress shall, by resolu- 
 tion, duly declare that three-fourths of the States have ratified the 
 proposed fifteenth amendment, and have decreed that the Constitution is 
 amended accordingly. 
 
The Political Situation. 41 
 
 THE FIFTEENTH AMENDMENT. 
 
 In reply to an editorial of the Herald, taking 
 exception to Mr. Sweeny's remarks on the suffrage 
 amendment, the following letter appeared in the 
 Herald of Nov. 28th : 
 
 To the Editor of the Herald: 
 
 In the Herald of to-day issue is taken with me 
 on my remark that the fifteenth amendment " goes 
 beyond the negro," and gives to Congress the 
 power to absorb the whole subject of suffrage. 
 Now let us see how far wrong I am in the design 
 of the proposed amendment. It is as follows : 
 
 Article X-V. — The right of the citizens of the 
 United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by 
 the United States, or by any State, on account of race, 
 color, or previous condition of servitude. 
 
 Congress shall have the power to enforce this article 
 by appropriate legislation. 
 
 After prohibiting the denial of the right to vote 
 on account of color, race, or previous condition of 
 servitude, the authority is conferred on Congress 
 to enforce the article by " appropriate legislation." 
 Suppose Congress should deem it " appropriate " 
 to do this by appointing direcUy, or through its 
 agents, inspectors for every election poll in the 
 United States, to decide on the qualification of 
 electors, and to receive and count the votes cast. 
 
42 The Political Situation. 
 
 Would not this be absorbino- in Cono'ress the sub- 
 ject of suffrage ? If Congress may so appoint the 
 judges of elections, may it not appoint them all of 
 the deepest-dyed Radical stripe, and import them 
 from one State to conduct the elections in another 
 State? What tribunal is to decide the meanino: 
 and limit of appropriate legislation? Why, Con- 
 gress itself, in the first instance at least. And if 
 the power should be resisted in any State, we 
 would see a repetition of the scenes of 1864, when 
 our Democratic strongholds, especially the city of 
 New York, were filled with armed soldiery and 
 parks of artillery, to overawe the people, under the 
 command of such conservative warriors as Major- 
 General Benjamin F. Butler, 
 
 Such constitutional amendments do not mcai; 
 reconstruction — they mean revolution. 
 
 It may be said that the assumption by Congress 
 under this amendment to enforce its operation by 
 exercising supervisory control over the elections 
 would be a stretch of authority. Wlien did a 
 Radical Congress hesitate to stretch or strain 
 authority or override restrictions for the accom- 
 plishment of a political object or to aggrandize 
 power ? 
 
 It would have been a very different matter if Con- 
 gress had simply defined the rights of citizens with- 
 out regard to color, race, or previous condition, and 
 stopped there. Then the right of the colored man 
 
The Political Situatimi. 43 
 
 would have stood in the same category with that 
 of the white man, and could have been exercised 
 and enforced in like manner, leaving the regulation 
 and control of elections where they were placed 
 by the framers of the Constitution — in the several 
 States — for their protection and preservation against 
 destructive centralization. 
 
 Many measures of Congressional usurpation have 
 been tolerated by the people as " war measures " 
 during periods of imminent peril — such as the as- 
 sumption of the power to issue paper currency 
 when the authority is expressly limited to making 
 coin, the taking away from the States the control of 
 the militia under the name of volunteers, and the 
 suspension of the habeas corpus in peaceful dis- 
 tricts. These instances were direct though re- 
 mediable invasions of the Constitution. But this 
 amendment strikes at the vital existence of the 
 States, and is a subversion of the essential prin- 
 ciples upon which our government was founded. I 
 would be glad to believe that you are right in your 
 view of the scope of the amendment, but the lan- 
 guage employed is meant for all its value, and is of 
 too broad import : I knov/ that Republican politi- 
 cians claim for it all that I allege, and do not hesitate 
 to boast of the measures which will be adopted under 
 its authorit}^ to hold the control of the general ad- 
 ministration in spite of any Democratic majority. 
 
 Peter B. Sweeny. 
 New York, Nov. 27th, 1869. 
 
LB S 12 
 
 f-^-^