KexPV^V^t K &* ^k o)vy Kal ^u)i>rj, ib., 593). It was
noticed that Pausanias, who was a Cappadocian, spoke with a
thick utterance, running together his consonants and making
long vowels short and short vowels long (ib., 594).
/
238 UNIVERSITIES OF ANCIENT GREECE
thoughts and the emotions of the one he was imper-
sonating. It is evident that in the manner of handling a
theme a good deal of latitude was possible. The sophist
might by his method of treatment give to a subject
otherwise one of the commonest an individual char-
acter, while one and the same subject might in different
hands put on entirely different aspects. The display
was doubtless often regarded as an intellectual study,
wherein the sophist introduced to his students and to
the public new methods and new ways of treatment.
Generally he would introduce his declamation by a few
words of preface, in which he would take occasion to
explain briefly the technical features of the theme he
was about to discuss, mention any novelties in the way
of treatment which he would introduce, and call upon
the audience to observe with what success he put into
practice the principles which he taught. Let us hear
from Himerius and Choricius examples of this sort of
introduction. The first example, from Himerius, is the
introduction, not to a deliberative or judicial theme, but
to a so-called IT poire furri/cos , or speech of farewell, 1 one
of the many forms of speeches cultivated in the sophistic
schools.
Themes which are common property [says Himerius]
are given an individual character by the method of treat-
ment. Thus, so-called farewell speeches, though they are
a modern invention, may by artistic handling be made to
smack of antiquity. Such handling I have here given a
farewell speech. The present theme I have put into the
form of a dialogue, but, in so doing, I have neither injured
• Ec, x.
PUBLIC DISPLAYS 239
the subject-matter nor have I neglected the stately elegance
which is peculiar to dialogues. I have, after the manner of
Plato, though my subject is ethical, introduced physical
and speculative matter, and have mingled this with the
ethical. Plato, further, disguised the more divine parts of
his argument by putting them into the form of myths, and
you must observe whether I have successfully imitated
him in this. The other characteristics of dialogues, the
interruptions, the descriptions, and the digressions, as
well as the various beauties of style and the general
dramatic quality, all these my speech itself will best show
whether 1 have attained. Dialogues begin with a plain
style, in order that the simplicity of the style may enhance
the simplicity of the matter, but, as the ideas swell and
increase, the style also becomes fuller and rounder.
Whether I have in this matter adhered to the rule, those
of you whose cars have been trained by technical instruc-
tion to the judging of such matters may determine.
Of the speech of which this was the introduction we
have only excerpts.
The second and third examples, 1 from Chorieius, the
fifth century sophist of da/a, arc the introductions re-
spectively to the two speeches on opposite sides of a
judicial theme. The theme is this: A certain wealthy
and covetous old man has determined to marry his son
to a well-to-do but ill-favored girl. The son falls in love
with another girl, who is poor but handsome, and he
asks his father for permission to marry her. 'Phis the
father refuses to give. War occurs, and the son dis-
tinguishes himself on the field of battle. According to
the law, the son is now at liberty to BJSk for any reward
he may wish. lie asks for the hand of his beloved.
' Rhetn. Mus., 49, pp. 484, 504.
240 UNIVERSITIES OF ANCIENT GREECE
The father objects. The orator, at this time a young
man, takes the part, first of the son, then of the father,
each of whom is represented as speaking in his own be-
half. The introduction to the son's speech is as follows:
The laws of the art (i. e., sophistry) admit also of sons
contending with fathers. For all the kinds of suits that
occur in real life are imitated in the fictitious cases. Now
there are many reasons why this young man has the sym-
pathy of the people : he has gained a victory on the battle-
field, he has rescued his country from danger, he comes
here with the law on his side, he asks for a reasonable
reward — a girl brought up in modest circumstances.
But although he has all these advantages weighing on his
side, he is still not free from anxiety, and he is not con-
fident that he will win his suit without a struggle. For
son is opposed to father, and poverty to wealth — the lat-
ter a thing which all men like, but which is especially dear
to him who is covetous. Therefore it is with reason that
the son is at once boastful and flattering; the war has given
him boldness and confidence, but before his father, not-
withstanding his victory, he is humble and submissive.
For he would not have any of his audience judge his whole
life from the present controversy, and, inferring that he is
by nature contentious and brazen toward his parents, be
less favorably disposed toward him. Now, of course, it
would have been best for the boy to overcome his love, but
since he did not, the second best, as the saying is, is that he
should appear not to have acted in an immoderate fashion ;
his contention is that this is the first time that he has been
in love, that he did not carry the girl off by force, and in
general that he did nothing that could lead to any disgrace,
nothing of the sort that lovers usually do. He thus clears
his own character and at the same time gives his beloved
an added brightness by showing that her excellence has
attracted the love of a modest young man. This is what
PUBLIC DISPLAYS 241
he wrll do, and he will try, to the best of his ability, to make
it clear that the object of his affection, rather than the
well-to-do girl, should be chosen; and if he shall happen
to seem to praise the former overmuch, he must be par-
doned, since he is a lover. The father I hand over as a
study to the old and covetous, who are of like habits with
him ; I have naturally assumed the part of the young man,
for like takes to like, as the old proverb says.
The orator afterward decides to defend the part of
the father, and he introduces the father's speech by the
following explanation :
The old man, in the study, has also fallen in love —
but not with a beautiful maiden, for old age has no dis-
sipations of that sort, but with a large dowry, and if he
shall seem to be urging his son to an orderly course of
life and to be upbraiding him for his love of the girl, he
directs all his words to one end, the end toward which he
decided at the outset to direct his life. He considers the
well-to-do girl as more preferable, not, it may be, because
he finds her very comely, for his intelligence is blinded by
his love of the dowry, and the beauty of the poor girl is
dimmed in the eyes of the covetous judge. In fact, the
judgment of both is at fault, that of the son owing to his
love for the girl, that of the father through his desire for
money. Now the latter's reason is interfered with by
several emotions — desire and fear and pain ; he loves
money, he is suspicious of the alliance with a poor girl,
he is grieved at losing a sweet hope which allowed him a
glimpse of gold as the result of his son's prowess; for he
expected his son to ask as his reward that which was the
object of his own desire. But though tormented in all
T 'hese ways, he does not yet show great rage toward his
son, for fear that he shall irritate the people by attacking
too bitterly the savior of the city, but he at one time
gives vent to his anger, as at once a father and an old
242 UNIVERSITIES OF ANCIENT GREECE
man — for age is naturally quick-tempered — and at an-
other time he puts a check on his feelings and shows him-
self mild in consideration of his son's prowess. And the
youth having given proof of his early modesty and having
shown that he knows how to honor his parents, the father,
naturally, falls in with this line of proof, in order that he
may exhort his son to be true to himself and may show
that he has laid himself open to greater blame. For when a
man changes from a good course of life to the opposite,
the disgrace is twofold. Thus I will assume the r6le of
the covetous father, though I am not, I believe, naturally a
great lover of money, nor am I a father of children; but I
will take the imitation of both characteristics from my art.
It is worth while to have dwelt thus long on this
aspect of our subject, for we gain from it an idea of
what the tasks were which these men set themselves.
Of course, the tasks set the students in the schools were
similar in all respects to those undertaken by the soph-
ists themselves. We see that the question was not
simply one of harmoniously grouped words, well-modu-
lated voice, and graceful manner; there was, besides,
a real intellectual problem involved — often, as in the
case here dealt with from Choricius, a careful study of
character. It was this, we may believe, no less than
the charm of voice and manner and the music of words,
that in most cases pleased the audience and drew forth
their applause.
It would be interesting to examine some of the dis-
play speeches of Himerius and others, in order to see
how these sophists treated their themes and what it
was that appealed so strongly to the intellect of the
people of those days. We should find, perhaps, that in
PUBLIC DISPLAYS 243
many cases the so-called originality of treatment was
nothing more than a recurrence to old forms and
methods. Often it was a clever saying, or a clever way
of putting an old saying, a striking simile or metaphor,
an antithesis either of word or of thought, that called
forth the applause. For such examination, however,
we have not at present the space, but we may glance at
a few of the samples of style contained in the pages of
Philostratus, and from these, perhaps, gain a suggestion
of what these sophists' methods were like.
One of the favorite themes of Herodes Atticus was
that wherein he impersonated the wounded Athenians
in Sicily begging of their brother Athenians, who were
preparing to depart for home, death at their hands. 1
With tears in his eyes, he uttered the words : vol Nt/eia,
val irdrep, ovtcos ' KQr)va<$ 1801$, "In the name of Nicias,
in the name of father, may you then see Athens." At
these words the sophist Alexander, who was Herodes's
auditor, is said to have exclaimed, "Ah, Herodes, we
other sophists are all only fragments of you." Much
of the effect of Herodes's words was doubtless pro-
duced by the manner and the tone of voice in which
they were spoken, but we can well understand how this
appeal of those who never expected to see Athens again
to those who were on the point of departing for home
was designed to touch the hearts of the listeners. The
words of Herodes became famous and were hummed on
the street.
One of Secundus's themes was this : 2 The man who
begins a revolution is to be put to death, the man who
^hilos., 574. *Philos., 545.
/
244 UNIVERSITIES OF ANCIENT GREECE
ends one is to be rewarded; the same man begins and
ends a revolution, and then demands a reward. This
theme Secundus summarized thus: Now which did
you do first ? Started the revolution. Which second ?
Ended it. Very well, pay the penalty for your wrong
deed, and then take the reward for your good, if you
can. This kind of airopia, or mental puzzle, was a
favorite exercise with the sophists, and the interest of
the audience was engaged to see how the orator would
dispose of the perplexity in a striking and effective way.
Sometimes our author passes judgment on the ex-
tracts that he gives. Thus, the following, from the pen
of the great Lollianus, is described as being a brilliant
lightning-flash of wit: 1 Lollianus is inveighing against
the law of Leptines, which has closed the Hellespont to
Athenian vessels, and he says: "The mouth of the
Pontus has been closed by law, and a few syllables
shut off the supplies of the Athenians. Lysander
waging war with ships, and Leptines waging war with
law, are equally powerful" (jceickeicrTai to aro^a tov
Uovtov vo/jlg) teal ras ' 'AOrjvaicov rpo(f)a<; 6\iycu kq)\vovvcriv). 2
A student once expressing in the presence of Isseus
admiration for the inflated speech of Nicetes in the
Xerxes theme, "To the royal galley let us fasten the
isle yEgina" (e/c T77? fiaaiXeiov yew? ' Acytvav avaSrj-
o-co/xe^a), Isseus, with a loud laugh, said, "How, you
fool, will you set sail then?" 3
y Many features of style that are commonplace enough
to us to-day, metaphors that we hardly longer recognize
as metaphors, and the like, were then being discovered
by the Greeks for the first time, and they bore all the
charm of novelty; especially in a language whose
directness in general precluded the over-free use of such
figures.
The literary style of the different sophists varied, and
it is therefore difficult to fix upon any well-defined
idiosyncrasy or mannerism and to say that that was
probably characteristic of the style of all. Certain
general tendencies, however, it may be presumed,
were present to each man, coloring, to a greater or
less degree, his language and his manner of thought.
1 574. 2 Philos., 583. 3 Philos., 513.
246 UNIVERSITIES OF ANCIENT GREECE
Two of these may be mentioned. First, there was
the tendency to clothe a single thought in manifold
expression. We know that this was a tendency, be-
cause, as we shall soon see, the ability to do this thing
was greatly applauded by the audiences of those
days and admired by the critics. 1 The ability testifies
once more to the wonderful command which these
men had over words, shuffling and arranging them
as the juggler shuffles and arranges his cards. It
has also left its mark on the sophistic writings, in the
form of a certain inability to leave a good point when
once made, a tendency to play around it and to view it
from several different sides, and often to an undue
dwelling on unessential or trivial matter. 2 Secondly,
there was the tendency to disguise one's thoughts, to
put them in an indirect way, or, perhaps, figuratively.
This tendency was fostered in the schools; in its nature
it was not so far removed from the other tendency just
mentioned, and it often led to obscurity and ambiguity,
if these were not sometimes even aimed at. 3
In order to gain an idea of the personality of some of
these men and of their appearance on the stage, let us
1 There were some, however, who opposed the principle, saying
that there was one best way of saying a thing, which, when
found, should not be changed: Theon, i. p. 152 (Speng., Rh. Gr.,
ii. p. 62). Theon argues strongly against this view. Cf. Cic,
Pro Arch, poeta, viii. 18: Quotiens revocatum eandem rem dicere,
commutatis verbis atque sententiis; and Seneca, Contr., iv. prcef., 7.
8 See, for examples, Lib., i. 277, 286.
3 Philos., 519: ApLcrros p.kv o5v ko! OT4-
pus eiireiv. For the general ornateness and artificiality of the
sophistic style, see Brandstatter, Hermes, 15, pp. 131-274. See
also Norden, Die antike Kunstprosa.
PUBLIC DISPLAYS 247
turn to the description of Scopelian's manner, given by
Philostratus, and to the picture drawn by Eunapius of
the great Proseresius.
He came before his auditors [says Philostratus of
Scopelian 1 ], not in a scornful or swaggering way, nor as
if scared, but as one should come who is about to enter a
contest in which his reputation is at stake and in which
he is confident of making no slip. When he spoke from
his seat, he spoke with elegance and grace, but when he
spoke standing, his words were full of strength and energy.
His theme he examined, not in his own house, nor in the
presence of the audience, but in a side room, where it
took him but a moment to look it over in all its parts.
His voice was clear and loud, and pleasing in quality, and
he often struck his thigh, while speaking, to arouse his
audience and himself.
And of Proseresius, Eunapius says: 2
The writer of these lines crossed from Asia to Europe
and Athens at the age of sixteen. Proseresius had then
reached his eighty-seventh year, according to his own
statement. Notwithstanding his great age, his hair was
still curly and remarkably thick, and, being very gray, it
resembled the sea when covered with foam, and it had
also a silvery tinge. He was then at the height of his
powers as a speaker, and the youthfulness of his spirit
gave to his aged body strength and vigor, so that the
present writer looked upon him as one who was immortal
and destined never to grow old, and attached himself to
him as to some god who had come, self -bidden and without
labor, among men. . . . His 3 physical beauty was such
that one could well doubt if any person in youth had ever
been so beautiful as he was in old age. . . . His size was
«619 »P. 73. 3 P. 77.
248 UNIVERSITIES OF ANCIENT GREECE
beyond all credence and hardly conjecturable, for he
seemed to be almost nine feet high, and he looked, when
seen by the side of the tallest men of his time, like a
veritable colossus.
Scopelian and Proseresius were two of the greatest of
the sophists, and they were free, as were doubtless all
the really great sophists, from many of the more offensive
mannerisms of the class. A strong personality, as we
see from the words of Philostratus and Eunapius, was
at the back of their popularity. 1
Much, in the displays of which we have been speak-
ing, depended on the inspiration and enthusiasm of the
1 We may notice, in passing, the advanced age to which many
of these men attained. Proaeresius lived to be ninety-one,
Priscus was over ninety when he died, Chrysanthius was eighty,
Libanius was about eighty, Himerius was over seventy, and
Themistius was about seventy-five or eighty. These were of the
fourth century. Of the forty-one sophists of the two preceding
centuries whose lives are contained in the pages of Philostratus,
one died at the age of ninety, two others at the age of eighty or
over, seven others at the age of seventy or over, five others at
the age of sixty or over, and five others at the age of fifty or
over. Eight others are called "old" or "very old" at the time of
their death, and two "middle-aged;" one is called "not old."
In the case of eight the age is left uncertain. Two died young,
one of them at the age of twenty-five or twenty-eight. Of the
eight about whose age nothing is said in Philostratus, Herodes
died at the age of about seventy-five, and Isaeus lived to be over
sixty (Plin., ep., ii. 3). Hermogenes was an Infant Phenomenon.
At fifteen he attracted the attention of the emperor Marcus by
his power as a sophist, but when he reached man's age, this
power suddenly and unaccountably forsook him, and he died in
obscurity. The author of the Macrobii (18) accounts for the
longevity of teachers on the ground that they take better care of
their health than other men. "Fifty-six," says Philostratus
(543), "the end of youth in the other arts, and the beginning
of old age, is for the sophist still youth; for this art, as it grows
old, gathers wisdom." C/. Lib., i. 208 jf.
PUBLIC DISPLAYS 249
moment, and the orator was often as if in a frenzy
during his performance. 1 "The moment the light of
the god flows about the speaker," says Aristeides, 2
". . . and, like a draught from the spring of Apollo,
enters into his soul, then does the soul straightway be-
come tense, and it is filled with heat and a kind of tran-
quillity; he lifts his eyes upward and his hairs stand
apart; he looks at nothing . . . but at his words and
the springs from which they flow." The audience also
did not remain impassive, but met the orator half-way
and encouraged him with hand-clapping and words of
praise. These were things that he could not do with-
out. 3 Wildly frenzied speakers, working, by their
words and actions, on the feelings of emotional audi-
ences, are not unknown to-day: preachers have at
times been heard to break forth, in the midst of their
sermons, into song, and to clap their hands and stamp
the ground. One great point of difference, how-
*The display is sometimes spoken of as if it involved great
physical or mental strain; e.g., Philos., 541: IS&v 81 fwvbfiaxov
IdpwTi f>e6fiepov Kal bedibra rbv vickp rrjs 4' v Xn i dyQpa, ovTtat, elxev,
iyuvi^t, us neXerav /xtWuv. The sophist often advanced to speak
with fear and trembling (Lib., i. 335, 16; ii. 288, 6; Syn., Dion,
11). For the inspiration of the sophist, see Aristeid., ii.
pp. 525, 528, 533. The custom of speaking as if inspired is said
to have begun with ^Eschines (Philos., 509: rb ybp deltas \4yeiv
otfxct) ixkv £irex(*>pla(r€ v awovdats, drr' Klax^-vov 8' ijp^aro
6eo. A weak
idea, a wrong figure, or an inappropriate word was at once
detected.
* i. 63, 4. Men of all ages flocked to Libanius's displays at
Constantinople (Lib., i. 57, 3; cf. ii. 219, 12), and men and women
of all conditions at Antioch (see below in text); women at Con-
stantinople also (Themis., 304 b). The ol iroWoi, as well as the
better class of people, attended Aristeides's displays at Smyrna
(Aristeid., ii. 562). Again, the sophist's audience is spoken of as
PUBLIC DISPLAYS 251
in the morning — much as men do nowadays when a
favorite actor or singer comes to town. In some places,
the moment a professor's gown appeared, the people
ran, and, as Themistius says, 1 clung to it as iron clings
to a magnet. "I have met a number of people from
Antioch," writes the Christian orator Basil to the
pagan sophist Libanius, 2 "who have spoken most ad-
miringly of your eloquence. They said that you held a
display under the most brilliant auspices; and the per-
formance, they said, attracted so much attention that
everybody flocked to it, so that the city seemed as if
divided into two camps: Libanius, who was contending,
and everybody else, who was listening. Nobody wished
to be left out, from the nabob, high in dignity and sta-
tion, and the military commander, distinguished for his
rank, to the common workman. Even the women
came in crowds. Now, what was this performance?
What was the discourse that could thus bring the whole
city together ? They told me that you represented the
character of a fretful man. Send me without delay this
speech which is so much admired, that I, too, may be
one of your admirers." Sometimes a distinguished
sophist would be followed from place to place by his
students, who would settle wherever the sophist settled. 3
The presence of Proseresius at Athens was sufficient to
being made up of all sorts of people (Themis., 201 a, 313 d). See
also Lib., i. 335, 11; ii. 80, 18. An audience of one thousand is
mentioned in Epictet., iii. 23, 19.
1 299 a; c/. 289 a, 293 d. In Athens a certain class of people
made it their business to tag after the sophists (Philos., 578, 587).
» Ep., 351, Migne (Lib., ep., 1596).
• Luc, Dem., 31; Lib., i. 54, 15; 70, 14.
252 UNIVERSITIES OF ANCIENT GREECE
attract to the city the educated men from all parts of
Greece. 1 The enthusiasm in the lecture-hall was, as
we have already seen, often great; hand-clapping and
shouting were the approved methods of expressing ad-
miration, and old men and men that were sick were at
times known to jump from their seats and wildly
gesticulate. 2 Libanius used sometimes to chuckle in
secret over the thought that he had one student who
shouted like fifty ordinary students. 3 Being thus forced
1 Eunap., p. 90.
2 Lib., i. 63, 10. For clapping and shouting, see Lib., iii. 378,
19; Themis., 243 b, 282 d; Eunap., p. 69; Luc., Nigr., 10; and p.
249, n. 3. At a funeral oration on one occasion the audience
shouted at every word (Procop., ep., 49), but Plutarch advised
against such practices (De rect. rat. aud., 13). Cf. Lib., i. 87, 3.
See also Norden, Die antike Kunstprosa, i. pp. 274, 275, 295,
296. Sometimes unruly students tried to prevent those who
were well disposed from shouting (ib., i. 200, 12). Men occasion-
ally shouted themselves hoarse {ib., ii. 375, 10), and people on
the street were disturbed by the hooting in a sophist's hall (Plut.,
De red. rat. aud., 15). See, further, Lib., ii. 80 /. For jumping
from the seat, see Themis., 311 c, 315 c, 343 b, 366 c; Luc, Rhet.
prac, 21; Lib., ep., 348, 613, 1593. At times the audience be-
came so excited that they all but turned somersaults (Lib., ii.
375, 10; cf. p. 262 of the text). Gesticulating with the hands
was also common, as well as waving the cloak (Luc, Rh . prrnc,
21; Eunap., p. 73). roi>$ iv reus iiridel^eaL wdvra ttoiovptols, says
Libanius, i. 211, 3. The audience tried to find extravagant
words of praise, such as detus, 0eo0opijTws, 'divine,' 'inspired,'
dirpovlrus, 'inimitable' (Plut., De rect. rat. aud., 15; cf. Lib., i.
179, 9); vTreps, 'marvellous' (Epictet., iii. 23, 11); davpuarus,
'wonderful,' OiSi, 'Rah' (Epictet., iii. 23, 24). The usual words
were koKQs, u>s, dXydus. Antipater, who taught the children
of the emperor, was called Qe&v di5&v (Himer., or., xxii. 7), ipyaar^piov \6yuv
(Lib., i. 103, 15), rdv M.ov7k6s (ib., ep., 1594). A 'lecture-
room ' is diarpov (Eunap., p. 69), diarp^ (Philos., 529), aKpoarr/piov
(Himer., or., 22, title), povTiv i).
Also in Eunapius's account of Libanius; Libanius, says Eunapius
(p. 96; see p. 298, below), did not join the school of the sophist
Epiphanius, nor that of the far-famed Proaeresius, " fearing that
he should be swamped in the crowd of students and the great
reputation of the teachers" (ws iv t<£ irXi^ei tQp dfxiXrjT&v Kal tv SiSaaKdXuv Ka\vi pyrbpuv rbv x°P^ v > an d
i. 335, 11: rpets x°P°i pyrbpuv, the reference is to public speakers
(also in ib., ep., 248) — 'companies' or 'firms,' possibly; though
may they not also, perhaps, have been members of schools? x°P^
was sometimes used of a 'ring,' a 'gang' (e. g., Lib., i. 437, 9;
459, 17); sometimes of the audience of a sophist (Luc, Rhet.
prcec, 21). Lib., iii. 86, 12: ^ei 5^ wore ical b t&v €P, however, seems to suggest but a single x°pt> s (of phi-
losophers) to a city, or at least to Apamea. For x°P^> of a
student-corps, see p. 296.
THE SCHOOL OF ANTIOCH, ETC. 275
that the members had no official appointment and
salary, though doubtless subject to official supervision
and direction.
/Sophists and rhetors, however, were not the only
teachers who were established at Antioch: there were
also philosophers, ' grammarians/ lawyers, and vari-
ous others of lower grade. 1 All these, together with
the sophists and rhetors, constituted the School of
Antioch, and of this School — not simply of his own
corps of rhetors — Libanius was Head. He had gen-
eral , oversight and supervision of matters pertaining to
the teachers and schools of the city, subject, of course,
to the implied direction of the municipal council and
the emperor, 2 and he acted as the mouthpiece of council
and teachers in their dealings with each other. It even
seems to have lain within his prerogative to make the
selection of a new teacher, and his power was great
enough to compel at times a teacher's acceptance of a
call or to increase a teacher's salary. When it was
determined to establish a chair of law at Antioch, and
the council had passed an order putting the determina-
tion into effect, Libanius set about to secure a man to
fill the place. He fixed upon Domnio, or Domninus,
who was then teaching at Berytus. In the letter which
Libanius wrote to Domnio offering him the chair and
urging him to come to Antioch, he spoke as one who
1 The mention of schools and teachers at Antioch is frequent
(e. g., Lib., ii. 600, 14; 601, 13; iii. 261, 4).
2 Lib., ii. 207, 8 ff. Doubtless, as a sophist himself, he had
more intimate relations with the sophists than with the other
teachers of the School (#>., ii. 218, 5), and he, of course, had
closer relations with the members of his own x°P^ s than with
other sophists.
276 UNIVERSITIES OF ANCIENT GREECE
was in charge of affairs and whose privilege it was to
select the teachers and, if he so desired, to compel their
attendance. 1 On another occasion Libanius was in-
strumental in increasing a sophist's salary. 2 Some-
times parents brought their boys to Libanius for guid-
ance and advice in the matter of studies, and Libanius
placed the boys among the different sophists. 3 Again,
the sophists themselves would come to Libanius after
school hours and make such complaints with regard to
their condition as occurred to them. 4 Bv no means were
the different sophists of the town always harmonious,
however; we see them receiving one another's renegade
students and vilifying one another's good name, and
Libanius found it necessary once, in the general interest
of all, to recommend common action putting an end to
this state of affairs. 5 The importance of the position
which Libanius held as Head of the School of Antioch
is shown by the fact that, as he says of himself when at
the height of his career, he had no rival. The under-
sophists, being none of them superior to another, were
obliged to compete for the favor of the students, but
• Ep., 209 (360 A. D.; Seeck, Brief e d. Lib., p. 372). Cf. ib.,
ep., 1240 and 1277 a (which Seeck, pp. 322, 327, assigns to the
years 355 and 356 respectively, but which seem to belong to
about the same time as ep., 209). See also Libanius's letters to
Olympius, urging him to accept a position at Antioch (p. 272,
n. 2), and his letter to Acacius, in which he says that he could
compel Acacius to return to Antioch if he desired (ep., 277).
So Themistius called sophists from various places to build up
the University of Constantinople (Lib., ep., 367, 371).
2 Lib., i. 76, 7. ■ Lib., ii. 420, 16.
4 Lib., ii. 430, 15. It appears from this that while Libanius
(and, probably, his staff) taught in the senate-house, the other
sophists had other quarters (see p. 267, n. 1).
6 Lib., or., xliii. (ii. 420-432). See p. 326.
THE SCHOOL OF ANTIOCH, ETC. 277
not so he, who was overseer of them all. 1 It was in
virtue of this position as Head of the School that he was
called by John Chrysostom "the Sophist of Antioch." 2
In a passage in one of his orations Libanius takes
occasion to describe the etiquette that was observed in
the conduct of the members of the School toward their
Head. 3 There had been two Heads preceding himself.
The first of these had been a native of Ascalon, in Pales-
tine — a man tyrannical in temper and strict in his
requirement of the observance of form. Whenever he
appeared in the school-room, 4 all the teachers had been
expected to rise and attend him as long as he remained
or until he gave them permission to sit. No one was to
raise his eves or look his master in the face, but all were
to acknowledge his supremacy. He had even been
known to threaten or to strike a teacher on occasion.
Imposing a certain tax (the nature of which is unknown)
> Lib., ii. 421, 1.
*Or. de S. Babyl. contra Jul. et gent., 18 (Migne, i. p. 560:
6 TTJs 7r6Xews (ro^to-rijs); Suidas, s. v. Aifidvios.
»ii. 312, 4-314, 12. The reference here seems to be to the
whole School, and not to the ' circle ' of sophists simply, rofowv,
in 312, 6, which Reiske supposes to refer to the students, evi-
dently refers to the teachers, while in 313, 4-6 the teachers are,
as the context shows, again meant; though it is true that a-vpetuai
is a common word referring to the intercourse of teachers and
students. If the 'circle' of sophists is meant, it is hard to see
how the Head could fail to know all their names, their number
being small, but this might well be the case if all the teachers of
all grades are referred to. It is to be noticed that Libanius here
speaks of 'the teachers' (rods 5idas 5iSav Kadrjyrjr^s (Agath., ii. 29, p. 68 c).
i Several taught in the same room* therefore.
278 UNIVERSITIES OF ANCIENT GREECE
on the students, he had made the teachers responsible
for the payment of this. The second Head, also a
native of Palestine, had been of an entirely different dis-
position from the first. He had not aimed at the same
personal ascendancy, nor had he even been acquainted
with all the teachers by name. Libanius, as he himself
affirms, was different from either. Affable and genial,
he mingled freely and on equal terms with the teachers,
allowing them to jest in his presence and oftentimes
himself taking part in the sport.
It is probable that the school system of Antioch found
its counterpart, though generally on a smaller scale, in
most cities of the Greek world at this time. There was
apparently a school at Gaza similar to that of Harpo-
cration and Eudsemon mentioned above, 1 and another
at Apamea resembling Libanius's, 2 while Themistius,
doubtless, held much the same position in the School of
Constantinople that Libanius held in that of Antioch.
Those who filled the chair of sophistry at Athens in the
second and third centuries seem to have been at the
same time Heads of the School of Athens, and the posi-
tion for which there was such competition after the
death of the sophist Julian in the fourth century was
doubtless the same as that held by these men in the
preceding centuries.
At Antioch teaching was usually confined to the fore-
noon, the hours after the mid-day meal being left free of
lessons, 3 but this rule was probably often broken;
« Lib., iii. 189, 8 ft. » Lib., iii. 86, 12.
3 Lib., ii. 430, 16; 600, 1; iii. 256, 5; ep., 473; cf. ep., 923; ii.
316, 2.
THE SCHOOL OF ANTIOCH, ETC. 279
Libanius at one time had so many students that he
could not get to the end of them till evening, 1 while
Acacius sometimes taught till night. 2 At other places
the custom in this regard may have been different.
Philostratus says that the most of the sophist's day was
devoted to teaching. 3 Lucian intimates that children
went to school both in the morning and in the after-
noon. 4 Probably a difference was made between the
elementary and secondary schools and the university.
Sometimes a man taught rhetoric in the forenoon and
* grammar ' in the afternoon, 5 and Eunapius, while en-
gaged in teaching rhetoric in the morning, himself
took lessons in philosophy under Chrysanthius in the
afternoon. 6
The long vacation extended from the early part of
the summer until well into the autumn. 7 Often, how-
ever, sophists gave displays during the summer months,
and these were sometimes attended by the students
who were in town. 8 Occasionally a sophist broke
1 Lib., i. 73, 4; 74, 7; ep., 407. Sometimes the time was short-
ened (ib., ep., 119). a Lib., ep., 277.
•614. * De parasit., 61; cf. Amores, 45.
8 Strabo, xiv. p. 650. See also Lib., ep., 1383.
6 Eunap., p. 114. See, further, Grasberger, Erzieh. u. Unterr.
im klass. Alterth., iii. 429, and Sievers, Leben des Lib., p. 23.
7 Generally winter is spoken of as the time when the schools
were in session at Antioch, and summer as the time of vacation
(e. g., Lib., ep., 319, 382, 394 a, 1036 a; i. 64, 10, 17; 199, 10; cf. ep.,
57, 1150). Once the middle of summer is mentioned as being the
time when the schools closed (ib., i. 76, 1 and 3). At Athens
(Himer., or., xiv. 3; xxii. 6). Libanius arrived at Athens, when
he went to study there, in the autumn (Lib., i. 13, 5), and
Eunapius at the time of the autumn equinox (Eunap., p. 74).
At Constantinople (Lib., i. 55, 5 and 9; 62, 1).
8 Lib., i. 64, 11 ff.; ep., 394 a.
280 UNIVERSITIES OF ANCIENT GREECE
through the custom here referred to, and, as a mark of
special consideration, took a student even in the sum-
mer. 1 Holidays regularly occurred on the days of the
pagan festivals. 2 Custom, however, prescribed that on
certain other occasions as well the regular exercises of
the day should be omitted. Thus, at Antioch, it was
usual, when some distinguished man or the relative or
friend either of the teacher or of one of the students
died, for the teacher, perhaps accompanied by his class
in a body, to honor the funeral with his presence. If
this was not done, he spent the day in eulogizing with
his students the dead man's virtues. 3 Again, when any
one of the sophists held a public display, it was cus-
tomary for all the students of all the sophists in the city
to be released from further work on that day, and, in
Libanius's school at least, the display of one of the stu-
dents was the occasion for a similar holiday. 4 Irregu-
lar 'cuts/ due to unforeseen circumstances, doubtless
often occurred. Libanius lost every year a number of
days by reason of his health, 5 and at the time of the
great riot at Antioch the schools were closed for thirty-
» Lib., ep., 87.
* At the New Year's (Lib., i. 258, 16). At one time, at the
festival of Artemis at Antioch (ib., i. 236, 15 ff.). Libanius took
few holidays when he was at Athens (ib., i. 19, 8). At Antioch,
when the public officials attended the theatre or the hippodrome,
it would have been quite in order, says Libanius (ii. 427, 16-428,
5), for the sophists to observe holidays, but, instead of that, they
preferred to keep school.
•Lib., ii. 277, 5-279, 10. «Lib., ii. 279, 11-281, 9; 268, 3.
8 Lib., ii. 276, 1; 277, 2; iii. 145, 4. Sometimes the philosopher
caroused too freely and was then obliged to omit his lessons on
the following day (Luc, Hermot., 11). He then posted a notice
on a board in front of his door, to the effect that there would be
no school on that day.
THE SCHOOL OF ANTIOCH, ETC. 281
four days. 1 Otherwise the occasions when students who
lived out of the city interrupted their studies to go home
seem to have been few; the death or urgent need of
some member of the family was generally required. 2
1 Lib., ii. 269, 1. Sometimes students complained of the loss
of time (ib., ii. 268, 11 and 18).
'Lib., iii. 194, 9; 195, 10; ep., 291, 1336. Outbreak of a pes-
tilence (ib., i. 142, 14). In ep., 57, Libanius mentions a boy who
was called home to console his father, because all the other
children had gone away from home and the father was left alone;
also in some way to assist his father by his eloquence. Libanius
rather reluctantly allows the boy to go, but reminds the father
that it has been stipulated that the boy shall return before the
end Of the summer. Titianus went home to attend his sister's
wedding (ib., ep., 374, 376). Calycius interrupted his studies to
be married (ib., ep., 374, 376, 382, 383). See, in general, Lib.,
or., lvi. (iii. pp. 185-205), and Sievers, Leben des Lib., p. 23
CHAPTER XIII
THE BOYHOOD OF A SOPHIST
We have in the preceding chapters traced the course
of collegiate instruction in Grecian lands from the time
when that instruction began, in the centuries before
Christ, to the time when it was brought to a close, in
the year 529 A. D., have taken a glance at the profes-
sor's standing in the community, the manner of his
appointment, his salary, his privileges and immunities,
have dropped into the Muses' workshop, as Himerius
calls it, 1 and observed the professor and his students at
their daily task, and have also seen the professor in
those grand moments of triumph when he came before
the public in the character of interpreter of his own art.
We are now to look at Greek university life from still
another point of view — the point of view of the stu-
dent. Did the ancient student, we should like to know,
have the same aspirations as his brother in modern
times; did he, if he happened to be born in a distant
province, turn with the same longing eyes and wonder-
ing thoughts to the great university afar off of which he
had heard so much; did he engage in the same, or
similar, college practices, and have the same, or similar,
college customs; and did he, finally, in his old age look
1 rb rdv Movawv 4pyaffT^piop (pr. } xxii. 7).
282
THE BOYHOOD OF A SOPHIST 283
back with the same fondness and regret to the years
spent in study and to the friendships then formed ? We
should think it strange, indeed, if, when there is so much
in our knowledge of ancient life and thought that is
only fragmentary, we could answer all these questions
fully. But we can say something — not, by any means,
so much as we could wish, but still something that is
really definite — on every one of them. The most of
our information bearing on the student life is of the
fourth century, and here we are fortunate in having,
first of all, that rich mine of information on many sub-
jects, Libanius, who is perhaps the greatest of the
fourth-century sophists, if not of the sophists of all time. 1
So much of the material contained in the pages of
Libanius is autobiographical in character that we shall
find it at once profitable and interesting in this account
to group as many of the facts as we can about his early
life; and, so far as may be, we will let him tell the story
in his own words.
. Libanius's life was nearly coincident with the rise and
fall of fourth -century sophistry: sophistry, after its de-
cline under the ruinous conditions which prevailed in
the latter half of the third century, once more came into
prominence under Constantine, at the beginning of the
fourth century, but again declined toward the end of
that century; Libanius was born in 314, and he died
in 394 or 395. He was born at Antioch, that city
1 Second in point of importance, perhaps, is Eunapius, whose
Lives of Philosophers and Sophists contains much that is interest-
ing and curious. Other authors from whom we obtain valuable
information are Himerius, Themistius, Gregory Nazianzene, and
so on.
284 UNIVERSITIES OF ANCIENT GREECE
where the followers of the new faith were first called
Christians, a city famed for its beauty and size — it was
reckoned by the ancients themselves the third city of
the world and the first of the Roman Empire in the
East 1 — but also notorious for the free and easy life of
its inhabitants. In its streets, as in those of Alexandria,
the East and the West jostled each other, and, while the
architecture and the culture were Greek, the general
tone of the life was Eastern. Here the pursuit of
pleasure was the chief business of life, and, side by side
with the Greek sophist, the actor, the singer, the ballet-
dancer, and the circus clown clamored for the popular
favor.
Built by Seleucus not long after 300 B. C, and sub-
sequently enlarged by other members of the Seleucid
line, Antioch was a typical example of the foundations
established by the followers of Alexander in many parts
of the East. It stood in a narrow plain, between the
Orontes River on the north — at a point about thirteen
miles inland, where that river, coming from the south,
turns abruptly to the west, and then flows down to the
sea — and Mount Casius on the south, and had, at the
time of Libanius, one broad thoroughfare about four
miles long, running east and west through the centre of
the town and flanked on either side by colonnades and
public buildings, and, crossing this at right angles at
its middle point, another similar thoroughfare running
north and south. Narrower streets ran at right angles
« Lib., i. 471, 16; 673, 7; ii. 254, 15; Jos., Bell. Jud., iii. 2, 4;
Procop., Bell. Pers. t i. 17, p. 87, 12. It was pre-eminent for its
size, wealth, beauty, and prosperity. Rome and Alexandria
alone surpassed it.
THE BOYHOOD OF A SOPHIST 285
from each of these thoroughfares, and along the river
and in the neighborhood of the mountain were many
handsome residences and beautiful gardens.
Libanius, who is fond of dwelling on the charms of
his native town, thus speaks of the hillside, or southern,
section of the city: 1 "Some of these (i. e. f the narrower
streets just mentioned) stretch toward the south to the
foot of the mountain, gradually carrying forward the
inhabited part as far as is possible, while at the same
time preserving the symmetry of the city as a whole
and not raising this section so far above the rest as to
make it stand apart. . . . The mountain stretches
along like a shield raised on high for the protection of
the city, and those who live farthest up on the side have
nothing to fear such as one might expect from the
neighborhood of a mountain, but, instead, inducements
to perfect cheerfulness — streams of running water,
trees and plants, gardens, breezes, flowers, the songs of
birds, and the enjoyment, earlier than those below, of
the delights of spring."
This was the form of the old city so-called; the new
city was built on an island in the river, and was con-
nected with the old city by five strong bridges ; here were
other thoroughfares and other colonnades, and here
was the palace, the residence of the rulers of the East.
"The palace itself," says Libanius, 2 "occupies as much
of the island as would constitute a fourth part thereof.
For it touches the centre . . . and extends to the
outer branch of the river; so that the wall, instead of
being battlemented, is surmounted by pillars, and, with
« i. 338, 4. s i. 340, 12.
286 UNIVERSITIES OF ANCIENT GREECE
the river flowing beneath and the suburbs on all sides
rejoicing the sight, makes a picture fit for a king."
It would be interesting to follow Libanius through
his description of the beautiful grove, Daphne, which
lay among the hills, about four and a half miles to the
south-west of Antioch, and was filled with every sort of
delight, and then, accompanying him farther, to hear
him discourse on the hundreds of fountains, both pub-
lic and private, that were found in every part of the city,
and on the crowds that thronged the streets at all hours
of the day and night — "To one stopping and gazing
at the spectacle for the first time/' he says, 1 "it would
seem as though there were, outside the city, before each
gate, a festival, and as though the populace, dividing
itself by its preferences, were pouring out in accordance
with some custom to visit these " — and on the many
kinds of goods that were displayed before all the shops,
and the illumination by night, which rivalled that of
the sun by day; but for all this our space is at present
too limited. We may remark simply, as supplementary
to what has already been said, that the population of
Antioch, at the time of which we are speaking, was,
according to ancient statements, between 150,000 and
200,000, not including the women, children, and slaves,
or those dwelling in the various suburbs, and that about
one-half of the inhabitants are said to have been
Christians. 2
» i. 329, 2.
2 For the last statement, John Chrysostom" is our authority
(see Benzinger in Pauly's Real-Encyc). Libanius (ep., 1137)
gives the population as 150,000; John Chrysostom, at the begin-
ning of the fifth century, as 200,000. The most important an-
THE BOYHOOD OF A SOPHIST 287
The family to which Libanius belonged was one of
the old respected families of Antioch, the members of
which had for generations been noted for their culture
and public spirit. The little account that was in those
days made of Latin in the eastern part of the Empire is
hinted at in the fact that one of Libanius's great-grand-
fathers was thought by many to have come from Italy,
because he wrote a speech in the Latin tongue; 1 this
was a feat that was then quite beyond the power of most
men in that part of the world. The family had at one
time possessed considerable wealth, but, as a result of
political disturbances in the reign of Diocletian, this
had been confiscated, and Libanius's parents had at
first been in straitened circumstances; a meagre part of
the family fortune had, however, been recovered before
the fathers death. Libanius was the second of three
sons; when Libanius was eleven years of age, the father
died, leaving the three children to the care of the mother
and her two brothers. We now obtain in Libanius's
account some pleasing pictures of the family life of that
time. "My mother," says Libanius, 2 "standing in
dread of the wickedness of guardians, and, such was
her natural modesty, shrinking from the possibilities of
litigation, undertook to bring us children up herself.
cient description of Antioch is given by Libanius in the oration
called Antiochicos (i. 275-365). Additional information is con-
tained in the Byzantine historian Malalas, who also was a
native of the city. The most important modern authorities are
K. O. Muller, Antiquitates AntiochencB (1839), and R. Forster, in
the Jahrbuch d. kaiserl. deutsch. arch. Inst., xii. pp. 103 ff. (1897);
see also H. C. Butler, in Publ. of the Amer. Arch. Ex. to Syria in
1899-1900, pt. ii.
•Lib., i. 3, 9. »i. 5,6.
288 UNIVERSITIES OF ANCIENT GREECE
In the main she held to her task with great success,
though it cost her much labor. But in the matter of
our education, though she paid out many a sum for
teachers, she could not bring herself to be severe if one
of us fell asleep over his books, for she considered it the
part of a fond mother never to oppose her son in any-
thing. So that, as a result, we spent the most of the
year running about the fields instead of at our studies."
This sort of thing lasted four years, till Libanius
reached his fifteenth birthday. Then, suddenly, he was
seized with a passionate desire for learning, which
carried him as far in the other direction. He sold his
tame pigeons, stayed away from horse-races and public
shows, and gave up running about the fields. One of
the teachers whom he had had in the earlier time was
"a man," as he says, 1 "from whose lips poured forth
eloquence in streams." In those days Libanius had
paid slight attention to this man's instruction, and now
that he was himself interested in study, the man was
dead. "So," says Libanius, 2 "I continued to yearn for
him who was no longer there, and, like those who eat
barley-bread for want of something better, made use,
as a last resort, of such teachers as were at hand —
mere shadows of sophists; but making no progress and
finding myself in danger of falling into a pit of igno-
rance by following these blind guides, I finally said
good-by to them, and refrained thenceforth from exer-
cising my brain with composing, my tongue with
1 i. 8, 6. This cannot have been Zenobius, as Forster in his
edition of Libanius (pp. 84, 289) intimates, for Zenobius did not
die till many years later. * i. 8, 10.
THE BOYHOOD OF A SOPHIST 289
speaking, or my hand with writing. One thing only did
I do, and that was to memorize passages from the
ancients. I had as a teacher in this line a man with an
excellent memory — one quite capable of introducing
boys to the beauties contained in those old authors. I
clung to him so closely that not even after school hours
did I leave his side, but, book in hand, followed him
through the market-place, and made him recite to me
whether he would or not. It was evident that he did not
fancy this sort of thing at the time, though he praised me
afterward." We here see illustrated in brief the re-
spective duties of the sophist and the 'grammarian/
or teacher of lower grade : the duty of the sophist was to
teach the brain to compose, the tongue to speak, and
the hand to write; that of the 'grammarian' was to in-
terpret the ancient authors.
Once Libanius met with an accident, the effects of
which he never ceased to feel to the end of his life.
"I was one day," he says, 1 "engaged on Aristophanes's
Acharnians; my teacher was seated and I was standing
by his side. Suddenly the sun became obscured by
heavy clouds and it seemed as though day were turned
to night. There came a loud clap of thunder and at
the same instant a flash of lightning. My eyes were
blinded by the flash, and my head was stunned by the
noise. I did not suppose that I had received any per-
manent injury, but thought that the confusion in my
head would pass away soon. After I had gone home,
however, and while I was at breakfast, I seemed again
to hear the thunder crash and to see the bolt fly past the
' i. 9, 13.
290 UNIVERSITIES OF ANCIENT GREECE
house. Fright started the sweat out on me, and, jump-
ing up from the table, I fled to my bed. I thought I
must say nothing, but must keep the matter secret, for
fear that, if I should tell the doctors, I might have to
take some medicine or undergo some treatment that
would cause me the inconvenience of interrupting my
studies. By this very course the trouble became firmly
fixed upon me, whereas, if it had been taken in the
beginning, it might, I am told, easily have been cured."
Five years Libanius continued in this path, till he
was twenty. Then came the first impulse toward the
sophist's life. "I had thus stored my mind," he says, 1
"with the writings of the best authors, when I received
my first impulse toward the sophist's life. One of my
companions was a Cappadocian named Jasion — a
backward scholar, but a lover of hard work if there ever
was one. Day in and day out, one may say, he re-
hearsed to me the stories he had heard from his elders
about Athens and the doings there; strange accounts he
gave me of one Callinicus and Tlepolemus and other
mighty sophists not a few, and of the contests and the
victories and the defeats. All this inspired me with a
longing for the place, but not until later, I thought to
myself, would I make known my intention of sailing
thither." We see the young man, in his far-away home,
his thoughts filled with glowing pictures of the life at
Athens, forming in his mind the determination some
day to visit this spot and taste the spring of learning at
its source. For it was always Athens, "golden Athens,"
that exercised the charm over men's minds, and no
1 i. 10, 14.
THE BOYHOOD OF A SOPHIST 291
matter where else one had studied, one's thoughts
fondly turned at last to the real home of letters, Athens.
The Christian orator Basil, after studying at Csesarea
and Constantinople, "was sent," says Gregory, 1 "by
God and his own noble and unquenchable thirst for
knowledge to the real home and seat of learning,
Athens." That the history and associations of the city
exercised a powerful influence over the imaginations of
men at that time, as, indeed, they exercised through all
antiquity, is evident from many passages in the authors. 2
At length, after many months, Libanius broached the
subject that was in his mind, for he could contain him-
self no longer. " I think," he says, 3 " that, like Odysseus,
I should have spurned even a marriage of the gods for
one glimpse of the smoke of Athens." His mother, as
may be supposed, could not bear to think of his leaving
home. "Now my mother shed tears and could not
endure even to hear the subject mentioned. Of my
two uncles, the elder, thinking that he must uphold my
mother, bade me desist from striving for the impossi-
ble; no matter how much I wished to go, he said, he
1 Or., xliii. 14.
• "Nymphidianus," says Eunapius (p. 101), "although he had
never shared in the learning and education that are to be had at
Athens, was still worthy of the name of sophist." Themistius
devotes a whole speech to the consideration of the question, why
it is that young men, in selecting a university, look to the an-
tiquity and associations of the city rather than to the ability of
the teachers (331 d-341 a). The reference is, of course, to Athens
(c/. 336 d). "Athens, the most ancient, the wisest, the most di-
vinely favored of cities, the common love of men and gods," says
Libanius (i. 410, 10) One Ecdicius complimented Libanius by
saying that in sending his sons to him he was sending them to
Athens (i&., ep., 1529). See pp. 337 ft. 8 i. 11, 23.
292 UNIVERSITIES OF ANCIENT GREECE
would not allow it. But then came the Olympic games
instituted by my younger uncle, and after that, when
I was at last becoming reconciled to the inevitable,
Fortune sent to the city, or rather to the whole land, the
affliction of Panolbius's death. (Panolbius was the
name of my elder uncle.) My mother's tears no longer
availed to the same purpose with Phasganius, for he
was not a man to yield to idle grief. So he persuaded
her to bear the pain, which, he said, would not be for
long and promised great reward, and then opened wide
the door for my departure." ■
Libanius was at this time twenty-two years of age. 2
This was above the average age of university students,
although there were, without doubt, many students at
Athens as old as that, or even older. From fifteen to
twenty may have been the usual age; the Emperor
Julian, however, when a student at Athens, was twenty-
four, Basil was twenty-five, and Gregory Nazianzene
was, when he left the city, nearly thirty. Probably, as
at the present day in a large university centre, all
periods of youth and early manhood were well repre-
sented in the crowds of students that flocked to Athens
in the fourth century of our era. At Rome students were
forbidden by an edict of 370 to stay in the city for pur-
1 i. 11, 24.
2 At least two years elapsed between the time when he first
conceived the idea of going to Athens and the time when he
finally set out, for the Olympic games just mentioned (c/. iii. 110)
took place in the year 336. He was at Athens during his twenty-
fifth year (i. 20, 3), and it is probable that the four years of his
university study extended from his twenty-second to his twenty-
sixth year, that is, from 336 or 337 to 340 or 341 (see Sievers,
Ltiben des Lib., p. 43, n. 2).
THE BOYHOOD OF A SOPHIST 293
poses of study after the age of twenty, and at Berytus
the limit was fixed for law students at twenty-five. In
other places all ages were again probably represented.
Libanius apparently studied under a sophist at Antioch
before he was fifteen, and he refers to a student of his
own who, when he began to study, was over twenty. 1
Libanius had at first evidently had it in mind to go to
1 See Sievers, Leben des Lib., p. 20. The sophist Adrian was
eighteen when he went to study at Athens (Philos., 585). Euna-
pius was sixteen (Eunap., p. 74). For Rome, see Dig., xxvii. 2, 3,
5; Cod. Th., xiv. 9, 1. For Berytus, Cod. Jus., x. 50, 1 and 2.
The reason for the setting of a limit to the period of study was to
prevent students from evading their public duties. For Libanius,
see p. 288 (cf. ib., i. 526, 9, of Julian). For Libanius's pupil, ib. t
ep., 605. Lucian speaks of a boy of eighteen who had made
good progress in his philosophy (Philops., 14). For the age of
fifteen or under, see Orelli, Inscr., No. 2432: studioso eloqnentice,
vixit annis xv; Kaibel, Ep. Gr., 229: €tij 8' irl irtvre \6yoiaiv
fly 'E^&rwi oiTG>vTes, 'frequenters' (Lib., ep., 187; i. 178, 13); irwXot, 'colts'
(ib., ep., 154); 8avp.a£6pievoi, 'admirers' (Syn., Dion, 13); irir^Setoi,
'friends' (Themis., 291 a); TrXtjaid^ovret, 'associates' (Jul., ep., 42);
iraTpoi, 'companions' (Lib., ep., 160); x°P eVTa ^, 'corpsmen' (ib.,
ep., 285); diaawrai, 'classmen' (Procop., ep., 108); 6p4p.fw.ra, 'chil-
dren' (Lib., ep., 343); ii. 342, 10; iii. 200, 15;
ep., 940), or his mother (ib., ep., 288), or some other relative (ib.,
ep., 87, 640), or he came recommended by letter (ib., ep.,
940), and on occasion the sophist seems to have given the
boy an examination before admitting him to the class (ib., ep.,
358, 460, 1048; cf. 187, 1203). In view, however, of the compe-
tition that existed among the sophists, it is likely that the
examination was often waived. Schlosser (Univ., Stud. u. Prof,
d. Griech., p. 232) says that students were won for this or that
sophist before leaving home, and that they even sometimes
engaged as early as that to become leaders of a corps. There is
no authority for the last statement, and the fact is extremely
unlikely. It is doubtful if they were, except possibly in rare
cases, even sworn to any particular sophist before leaving home.
Libanius had apparently selected his teacher before arriving at
Athens, but purely in a voluntary way. Eunapius and his com-
panions were taken to Proseresius, because the skipper of the
phip in which they were brought to Athens was a friend of
^oseresius. At the time of the great contest for the chief chair
of rhetoric at Athens, the different nations sent their students,
according to the respective nationalities of the teachers, to
Epiphanius, Diophantus, and Proseresius; but it does not appear
that any canvassing or press-gang work was done in the provinces.
The reader who has some acquaintance with the customs pre-
298 UNIVERSITIES OF ANCIENT GREECE
tions it l as a fact worthy of notice that Libanius, when
he reached Athens, did not join the school of the sophist
Epiphanius, who was a Syrian and had a wide reputa-
tion, nor that of the far-famed Proseresius, "fearing
that he should be swamped in the crowd of students and
the great reputation of the teachers"; but that, instead,
he attached himself to a third sophist — one Diophantus
of Arabia. Again, as we may remember, at the time
when these three distinguished sophists, Epiphanius of
Syria, Diophantus of Arabia, and Proseresius of Ar-
menia, were all competing for the official chair of
sophistry at Athens, the Roman world in the East was
divided in its sympathies among these three; the Orient
held to Epiphanius, Arabia supported Diophantus,
while nearly the whole of Asia Minor, as well as Egypt
vailing among the students at the German universities at the
present day will be reminded, in reading of the Greek xopol, of
the German Corps. It is probable that at first the Greek x°P°L
were, as were the German Corps, based on nationality. This is
suggested by the use of such terms as 'the Greeks' (ol "EXX^es,
Philos., 571), 'the Greek crowd' (rb 'E\\7}pik6i>, ib., 587), 'the
Armenians' (ol 'Ap/xtvioi, Greg. Naz., or., xliii. 17), 'the Laco-
nians' (Eunap., p. 73). For long the majority of the students
of any one sophist may have been of the sophist's own nationality,
but other students were from the first doubtless welcomed, and
even sought. In the second half of the fourth century nationality
was probably, in ordinary times, a lesser bond of union. The
captain of Julian's Spartan band was an Athenian (Eunap., p.
70). Himerius at Athens had students from a variety of coun-
tries, as did Libanius at Antioch. It would seem to have been
the case at one time in Antioch that teachers did not have the
liberty of rejecting students who were brought to them (Lib., i.
213, 9: oiK otfarjs rots SiSaovcdXots ii-ovvlas, oh (HoijXoivto, kXcIciv tAj
(tipai), though perhaps we must not press this statement too far.
Reference may also be made, in connection with the x°P°*> to
the Nations which formerly existed at European universities.
« P. 96.
STUDENT DAYS 299
and the regions toward Libya, sent their pupils to
Proseresius. Not always, however, or perhaps in the
majority of cases, was the young man allowed to reach
his journey's end without interference. The various
student corps, performing the part of press-gangs in
the service of their respective teachers, not only paraded
the streets of Athens, but beset every avenue of ap-
proach, for the purpose of obtaining recruits for their
ranks. Interesting descriptions of this press-gang ser-
vice and of the initiatory rites practised upon the would-
be Freshman in ancient times are given by the fourth-
century Gregory Nazianzene in his Life of Basil and by
Photius in a summary from the work of the historian
Olympiodorus of the early part of the fifth century.
Though of different periods, the two accounts supple-
ment each other.
The most of the young men at Athens [says Gregory J j
— the more foolish among them — are sophist-mad ; being
not only the base-born and the insignificant, but even such
as are of good family and prominent station; for they are
a mixed crowd, and young, and not easily restrainable in
their impulses. They do just such things as we see done
at horse-races by lovers of horses and public shows. These
jump and shout, throw dust into the air, play the charioteer
from their seats, lash the air for a horse with the finger as
a whip, and make believe to shift their horses from one
chariot to another, though really they can do none of
those things which they pretend to do. With the greatest
ease they exchange drivers, horses, stalls, and managers.
And who are they that act thus ? The poor often and the
needy, who perhaps have not enough for their own sup-
1 Or., xliii. 15.
300 UNIVERSITIES OF ANCIENT GREECE
port for a single day. Exactly similar are the actions of
the young men with reference to their teachers and the
rival sophists, in their endeavors to increase their own
numbers and to bring by their efforts added prosperity to
their professors. The whole proceeding is, indeed, quite
astonishing and absurd. Towns, roads, harbors, mountain-
tops, plains, and frontier lines — in fact, every inch of
Attic, and, indeed, of Grecian, soil is preoccupied, and
even the inhabitants are, for the most part, taken posses-
sion of, for they, too, are divided in their sympathies.
When, now, a young man arrives and becomes a captive
(for this always happens, either with or without his con-
sent, such being the Attic custom, a form of sport not un-
mingled with seriousness), he is first entertained at the
house of one of his captors, or of one of his friends or rela-
tives or fellow-countrymen, or, it may be, of one of those
who, adepts in the sophistic practices and clever at securing
gain for their teachers, are for that reason greatly honored
by the latter (for it is as good as money to these to have
enthusiastic supporters); then he is made the object of
jest and banter by all who wish to take part in the sport.
The purpose of the last-mentioned proceeding is, I think,
to humble the conceit of the new student and to bring him
at once under the authority of the corps. The bantering
is either rough and insulting, or it is moderate in tone,
according as the object thereof is himself boorish or
refined. To the inexperienced the proceeding looks most
frightful and cruel, but, when one knows beforehand what
is to occur, it is very pleasant and humane; for the dem-
onstration made by these threateners is greater than the
performance. After the bantering, the victim is marched
in procession through the market-place to the public
bath. The procession is made up as follows: Those who
form the escort arrange themselves in a double line,
two by two, with a space after each couple, and so
conduct the youth to the bath. When they come near,
STUDENT DAYS 301
they begin to jump, and to shout at the top of their
voices, as if possessed, those in front calling to those
behind not to advance, but to halt, as the bath cannot be
entered; and at the same time they batter the door and
terrify the young man with the noise. At length they
allow him to enter and give him his freedom, putting him,
now that the ordeal of the bath is over, on an equal footing
with themselves and receiving him as one of their number.
This, indeed, is the most pleasant feature of the initiation,
that the deliverance from the ordeal is speedy and the
dispersal immediate.
In the summary of Olympiodorus we come upon a
new feature — the student's gown. We are familiar
with the coarse gown worn, more or less regularly, by
philosophers from the time of Socrates, as a badge of
humility and studiousness; this was of a dark color,
but the sophist's gown, we are told, was red or purple. 1
We recollect that, when Hippodromus dropped into
1 Schol. in Greg. Naz., Migne, p. 906: rplfiuves 5e TrepijSXiJ/iard' riva
tGiv prjrdpcov fikv ipvdpol re /ecu (powiKol, aiol 8£ tG>v § fXT) iirtrpcTre)
imply united action on the part of the sophists, the fact is note-
worthy, and serves to supplement what we know of united
action among the professors at Antioch in the time of Libanius
(see pp. 270 //., 326). A further suggestion of combined action —
this time on the part of the different student-corps — may be
contained in the final words of Olympiodorus given above (els
tovs tG>v $ict77n/3u)j/ irpotTTdras tous \eyop.4vovs 'A^pw^rai). Bern-
hardy (Gr. Lit., p. 710) sees a reference in Phot., Bibl., cod.
242, p. 352 a, 16: \6yovs . . . 4ire8eiKv6fjL7)v irpdrepov, rbv iwl
{>7)TopiKXJ TpL(3r]ToptK6s, a>$ zeal
0i\6ao0o5, to a sort of Doctorate. Sometimes the hazing seems
to have consisted of an intellectual browbeating, as when the
band of Armenians attempted to argue Basil down (Greg. Naz.,
or., xliii. 17). » i. 13, 13.
304 UNIVERSITIES OF ANCIENT GREECE
next evening I was in the city and in hands I little liked;
and on the following night, in still other hands, as little
to my liking as the former. But of him whom I had
come to see and hear, not a glimpse was to be had, for
I was confined in a cell not much larger than a wine-
jar; such were the tricks they played on the new arrivals
as they came. We shouted, my sophist and I, he from
one room and I from another, deprived of each other's
presence; but my gaolers paid no attention to our cries.
Like another Aristodemus, I was guarded, Syrian though
I was, until I took the oath; but after I had sworn
allegiance to the party whose captive I was, the door
of my cell was opened, and from that time forth I
attended the lectures of all three sophists: those of the
one, without delay and as a regularly enrolled pupil,
those of the other two, according to the regulation in
force governing attendance at lectures." l
1 i. 14, 4: 7}Kpo(i>fx.r]VTOv fj£v evdds iv rdl-ei fiadrjrov, toip Svoiv bk KCLTk
vbfMv 8r] rbv tQv ividel^euv . The regulation here referred to
may have been similar to that in force at Antioch, whereby,
when any one of the sophists held a display, the students of all
the other sophists in the city were released from work on that
day and allowed to attend the lecture (see p. 280). Cf. Philos.,
578, where a student of one sophist seems to have had the oppor-
tunity of attending the aKpodaeis of another (see also ib. f 617).
At Antioch students seem at times to have been attached to two
sophists at once (Lib., ep., 474, 498; iii. 262, 2 ff.). Of course, it
was not unusual for a student to attend the lectures of two or
more sophists at different periods of his course. With iv rc£|et
fiadrjTov, cf. Lib., i. 527, 3: ^ p.T)v kyhv /n^re yevtaOcu firjTe KXrjdijvai.
os) and 'Cleaver' (icoirk). The sophist
Secundus was called 'Peggy ' (iirlovpos), because his father was a
carpenter (Philos., 544). a i. 14, 6.
STUDENT DAYS 311
by my ill health." And yet Diophantus, the sophist to
whom Libanius attached himself, was one of the most
famous sophists in the city; it was both in Libanius's
own nature, however, and in the spirit of the times to
carp at rival eminence. 1 As it was, Libanius devoted
himself to the study of the ancients, and paid not much
attention to his lectures. In after times he professed
to have benefited by this proceeding. "In the very
matter of my style," he says, addressing an Antioch
audience, 2 "I should have become the imitator of the
sophist under whom I was studying — my love for the
man would have brought that about — and I should
then have followed in the footsteps of men whom you
yourselves know only too well and whom it is better
that I should not mention. Imagine, if, instead of the
masters of style whose forms you now recognize in my
speeches, my sentences were to suggest to you some
poor starveling rhetorician." We may compare with
this account Eunapius's description of Libanius's
method of study : 3 "Having been impressed by Dio-
phantus^ pupils, he attached himself to Diophantus;
and, as those who became well acquainted with the
man said, he, understanding the purport of what had
been done, very rarely presented himself at the lectures
and the meetings of the class, and afforded no trouble
to the teacher, but confined himself to the practice of
declamations, and forced himself into conformity with
the ancient type, moulding his mind and his speech.
1 It is not impossible, however, that the real virtues of Athens
fell behind her reputation (see pp. 337 ff.). Even as a boy Li-
banius had failed to find any good in the sophists of Antioch
(Lib., i. 8, 11 ff.). * i. 18, 12. 'P. 96.
312 UNIVERSITIES OF ANCIENT GREECE
As, in the case of those who shoot again and again and
sometimes hit the mark, continued practice begets, as
a rule, through use of the instruments, not an under-
standing of the art of sharp-shooting, but a knowledge
of the way how to shoot straight, so Libanius, attaching
himself, and keeping close, to the best guides, the
ancients namely, and following the correct masters, did,
by dint of emulation, and imitation after comparison,
enter upon the right path and enjoy to the full the
fruits of his course."
In the matter of corps-service also Libanius was not
a loyal supporter of his professor. The waylaying of
new arrivals at the ports of entry was not the only form
of service which the various corps undertook in the
interests of their masters: rival corps often came to
blows in the streets of Athens, 1 and students and even
professors were attacked and roughly handled. Even
in a previous century, when the rivalry was less bitter
than it was in the fourth century, Heracleides had been
driven from his chair at Athens by the party of Apol-
lonius and had retired to Smyrna to teach, 2 and in the
fourth century, as we have already seen, Proaeresius
was in a like manner compelled to leave the city for a
time. The populace sometimes took sides and perhaps
even assisted in the frays, 3 while the professors them-
selves were generally only too ready to abet their pupils
1 Also at Antioch in the second half of the century (Lib., ii.
345, 6; iii. 254, 20), and doubtless elsewhere. In the time of
Libanius's boyhood student battles were probably unknown at
Antioch (see p. 314). 'Philos., 613.
• Eunap., p. 69. They are even accused of being the prime
offenders (Lib., iii. 254, 8). Cf. Eunap., p. 76.
STUDENT DAYS 313
in this form of warfare. On one occasion, as we read, 1
Athens was as if in a state of siege, and the streets were
so dangerous by reason of the terrorization practised
by the student-corps that no professor dared go down-
town to the public school-rooms, but each held his class
in his private auditorium, which was built in his own
house. We read in Libanius 2 how a certain Arabian
professor, while going to his breakfast, or mid-day meal,
from the bath, was attacked by two hired agents of a
rival band of students and had his face plastered with
mud, and how another, from Egypt, was hounded from
the city and his profession. In the latter case the poor
sophist was actually dragged from his bed and carried
to a well, where he escaped a ducking only by promising
to leave the city. Himerius 3 was on one occasion so
1 Eunap., p. 69.
a i. 60, 12. The professor was probably Diophantus.
3 Or., xxii. The Emperor Justinian put an end to all such pro-
ceedings on the part of students at Constantinople and Berytus
(Dig., proef. omnem, 9). With the liberty which prevailed at
Athens it is interesting to compare the strictness of the regulations
governing the movement of students at Rome (Cod. Th., xiv. 9, 1):
"Whoever comes to Rome for the purpose of study must first
present to the head of the board of censors a letter from the
judges of his province (from whom he in the first instance received
permission to come), containing the name of his city, and a state-
ment of his age and qualifications. As soon as he arrives, he must
signify to what studies he intends to devote himself. The board
of censors must be kept informed of his residence, in order that
they may see that he follows the course which he has laid out
for himself. The censors must likewise see that, when the stu-
dents come together, they conduct themselves as persons who
have a proper regard for their reputation, and who consider that
those societies which we hold to be next to criminal are to be
avoided; also that they do not attend public shows too often, or
banquets that last far into the night. Furthermore, if any
student acts in a manner unbecoming his condition as one pur-
suing a course of liberal study, he shall, under authority by us
314 UNIVERSITIES OF ANCIENT GREECE
severely handled by the students of a rival sophist that
he was obliged for a considerable time to intermit his
lectures. From all such escapades Libanius held himself
aloof. "I had heard . . . ," he says, 1 "ever since I was
a boy, of the battles between the student-corps waged
in the very streets of Athens; of the clubs and swords
and stones and wounds; of the indictments that resulted
from all this, and the defences that were made, and the
sentences that were pronounced; of all the wild and
daring deeds undertaken by the students to win for their
teachers gain and glory. I held these fellows brave for
the dangers that they ran, and their cause a just one;
not less so than that of those who take up arms in their
country's defence. And I prayed to the gods that it
might fall to my lot, too, to win such laurels; to run
down to the Peirseus and to Sunium and the other ports
and waylay the new arrivals as they disembarked from
the trading-vessels; and then to go to Corinth 2 and
given, be publicly flogged, and then straightway put on board
ship, taken from the city, and transported back to his home.
Those who devote themselves assiduously to their studies may
remain in the city till their twentieth year; after that time, who-
ever neglects to return to his home of his own accord shall be
made to do so by the city-prefect under disgrace. That these
regulations may be carefully observed, it shall be the duty of
Your Sincerity to advise the board of censors that they each
month make a list of those who are studying in the city, stating
whence they come, and how many, by reason of their age, are
ready to return to Africa and the other provinces; an exception
being made in the case of those who are burdened with the duties
of corporations. Similar lists are to be transmitted yearly to the
office of Our Clemency, in order that, learning the qualifications
and proficiency of each, we may judge whether, and at what
time, he is necessary to Our service." ■ i. 15, 16.
2 Corinth was at this time the seat of government for the
province of Achaia, and it was there that the proconsul had his
residence and administered justice.
STUDENT DAYS 315
stand trial for my conduct; and to string dinner on
dinner in endless succession, and, after quickly going
through my money, to cast about for somebody from
whom to borrow more. But the goddess, Fortune, well
aware that I was headed straight for what would have
been my ruin — that snare so fair in appearance and
with so fair-sounding a name, a corps-captaincy — very
wisely, as it is her wont to do, withdrew me from that
sophist in whose defence I considered it obligatory
upon me to undertake such service, and, hurrying me
apart, put me under another, with whom I was to know
only the labors done for study's sake. This result came
about in the following way: Owing to the indignity
which had been put upon me in the matter of the oath,
I would not myself undertake any of the services I
have mentioned, and, inasmuch as my condition of
bondage was not a voluntary one, no one would order
me to do what I would not do willingly. Furthermore,
the students were not without fear that I might become
annoyed at the burden of such duties, and, assigning
as my excuse the compulsion under which I lay, take
it into my head to revolt against my oath. I was
therefore relieved from the necessity of taking part
in their expeditions and campaigns and battles and
reviews, and even in the Great Battle, in which every-
body, not excepting those who were exempted by reason
of their years, engaged, I sat apart by myself and re-
ceived from others the account of what befell." *
1 It would seem from the last sentence that the older students
were exempted from service of the sort. In later life, when
Libanius came to speak to his own students, he expressed him-
self on occasion quite differently with relation to the customs
which he as a youth condemned (i. 202, 20).
316 UNIVERSITIES OF ANCIENT GREECE
The Great Battle here referred to was a contest mem-
orable of its kind; it was fought in the Lyceum, east of
the city proper. 1 Another memorable contest took
place many years before Libanius came to Athens.
The case that grew out of this contest was celebrated in
the annals of sophistry. The description of this event
is preserved to us by Eunapius, 2 who based his account
on the narrative of an eye-witness; the case well
illustrates the customs prevailing at Athens at this
time.
It had happened, in the course of this civil warfare, that
the boldest of Apsines's pupils got the better, in a hand-
to-hand contest, of the pupils of Julian; and having, in
truly Laconic fashion, roughly handled them, they then,
as though they were themselves the injured party, made a
public accusation against those whom they had thus se-
verely treated and brought to within an inch of their lives.
The case was carried to the proconsul, and he, showing
himself a stern and formidable officer, gave orders that
both the teacher and all those against whom the accusation
had been lodged should be arrested and imprisoned, like
common cutthroats. The man seemed, however — natu-
rally, being a Roman — to be well educated, and not to have
been reared in a rough and unpolished school. Julian
came at the appointed time — for he had been summoned
to appear — and Apsines also was present — though he
had not been summoned, but came to speak in behalf of
those who made the charge.
When the time set for the examination was at hand, the
plaintiffs were allowed to enter. The leader of this unruly
Spartan band was Themistocles, an Athenian, who was also
the originator of the trouble; being over- violent and arro-
gant, he was a disgrace to his name. The proconsul,
1 Lib., ep., 627. « P. 69.
STUDENT DAYS 317
straightway eying Apsines fiercely, said, "Who ordered
you to come here?" "I have come," answered Apsines,
"to plead for my children." The governor concealed his
thoughts by saying nothing, and the prisoners, who were
the injured party, were allowed to enter in their turn, and
with them came their teacher. Their hair was unkempt,
and their bodies were battered and bruised; so that pity
might have been awakened even in the heart of the judge.
The plaintiffs were given the floor, but Apsines had
hardly begun to speak when the proconsul, interrupting
him, said, "Stop! this is not the Roman way of conducting
a case. Let the one who first made the accusation now
come forward and conduct the trial." They were quite un-
prepared to undergo the ordeal of a trial then, and Themis-
tocles, who had made the original accusation, finding him-
self compelled to take the floor, first changed color and bit
his lips in his embarrassment, and then, looking stealthily
at his companions, asked under his breath what was to
be done. They had come into court simply to shout and
applaud their teacher's speech, and consequently the
silence and embarrassment were great. . . . First Julian
remarked plaintively, "Let me speak." Then said the pro-
consul, raising his voice, "Let there be no applause, either
on the part of you who are practised speakers or on the
part of the students. You shall soon know what Roman
justice is. Let Themistocles carry through the accusation,
and be the defence made by whomever you, Julian, select
as best." No one rose to accuse, Themistocles proving a
disgrace to his name, but, when the proconsul ordered
whoever could, to make answer to the original charge, then
said the sophist Julian, "By your strict observance of
justice, Proconsul, you have made of Apsines a veritable
Pythagoras, for he has learned, though late, a needed
lesson, the way to hold his tongue. Long ago — and of
this you yourself have experience — he taught his pupils
the Pythagorean art of silence. If, now, you bid us defend
ourselves, release from bondage one of my pupils, Prose-
318 UNIVERSITIES OF ANCIENT GREECE
resius by name, and you shall yourself judge whether he
has been taught the art of Pythagoras or that of the Attic
people." . . .
At once quite calmly . . . Proaeresius, one of those
under accusation, came forward unfettered, and, his teacher
crying to him loudly and in a high tone of voice — like
those who incite and urge on the runners at the games —
and sharply withal, the words, "Speak, Proaeresius, now
is the time to speak," he pronounced the opening of a
speech. . . . He broke forth into a lament over the in-
dignities he and his companions had suffered, and here
and there in the introduction were words in praise of his
teacher; there was also, scattered through it, reproof,
conveyed in the turn of a phrase, of the precipitancy of
the proconsul, who had made them undergo and endure
things which they ought not to have undergone even if
they had been convicted. The proconsul sat with bowed
head, deeply impressed by what Proaeresius had said, and
by the dignity, the ease, and the well-rounded sonorous-
ness with which he spoke; and then, while the whole audi-
ence, eager to applaud, but awed as before an omen sent
from Zeus, sat wrapped in a mysterious silence, Proaeresius,
putting his words into the form of a second introduction,
began again thus . . .: "If," he said, "one is permitted
to do every wrong, to accuse his neighbor and have his
words believed even before the defence is made, well and
good, let the whole city go with Themistocles." Then the
proconsul, stern and inflexible man, jumping to his feet
and waving his purple-bordered robe . . . applauded
Proaeresius like a boy. Apsines also applauded — not that
he wished to do so, but necessity knows no master; and
Julian, the teacher, only wept. The proconsul ordered
the defendants to be dismissed, and then taking aside, first
the teacher from among the plaintiffs, and afterward
Themistocles and the Laconians, reminded them of the
festival called the Scourging at Sparta and also of the
process called by that name at Athens.
STUDENT DAYS 319
Libanius has intimated that running into debt and
giving 'spreads' were two of the favorite forms of
amusement of students at Athens. There were others,
however. "Never," he says, 1 "while I was at Athens,
did I engage in a game of ball; and I was far from
joining in a carousal or participating in the night raids
made on the houses of the poorer people." Himerius,
we remember, warned his students at the beginning
of the term against playing ball, practising athletics, run-
ning about town, and going to the theatre. Drinking-
bouts were frequent, and often at these bouts, as well
as at the ' spreads/ intellectual entertainment and con-
tests of wit were joined to good cheer. Favorite oc-
casions for ' club ' or ' class ' dinners were the Saturnalia
and other holidays. 2
Student life at Athens and student life at Antioch
probably differed very little. The rivalry between the
various sophists was more intense at Athens than it was
at Antioch, and the warfare between the student-bands
was carried on with greater bitterness and fierceness;
there may also have been at Athens certain traditional
customs which had failed to take root at Antioch; but the
main characteristics of the student life of the two places
must have been essentially the same. We shall not be
far wrong, therefore, if, in order to gain a clearer idea
of the conditions that prevailed at Athens at the time of
Libanius's stay there, we glance at the picture which
> i. 18, 2.
" Philos., 585, 586, 587; Gell., xv. 2; xviii. 2 and 13. Some-
times the students went a-hunting (Philos., 587). For further
evidence that athletics sometimes interfered with studies, see
Lib., ep., 1119.
320 UNIVERSITIES OF ANCIENT GREECE
Libanius draws of his own experience as a teacher at
Antioch.
Swearing at goldsmiths, insulting cobblers, drubbing
carpenters, kicking weavers, hauling hucksters, threat-
ening oil-dealers, were among the pastimes of Libanius's
own students. 1 Libanius on one occasion delivered a
lecture 2 wherein he dissuaded his students from taking
part in any such unseemly pranks, as also from engaging
in street-fights with the students of rival corps; he
urged them rather to stand as an example to the towns-
men of the advantages of an education.
It is evident that Libanius often had hard times with
his students. "Perhaps some think," he says, when
giving his reason for having intermitted for a time his
usual displays, 3 "that I shall give as the reason the in-
justice that exists in connection with the fees." Aiter
describing how the student, having received money
from his father to give to the sophist, squanders this
on wine and dice, he continues:
And then, after behaving thus shamelessly toward his
teacher, he bounds into the school-room, bawling at the
top of his voice and threatening and using his fists ; holding
everybody in contempt and looking upon his simple pres-
ence there as sufficient pay for the sophist. Now the stu-
dent of scanty means we can forgive, at the same time that
we censure him; for he gives not because he has not; but
when he arrays himself in line with the others and joins
them in their insolence, how can anybody tolerate such
> Lib., iii. 254, 13.
1 Or., lix (iii. 252). A student was once sent to Libanius, recom-
mended by the promise he gave of turning out a good fighter
(Lib., ep., 58).
" i. 197, 16.
STUDENT DAYS 321
conduct? Sometimes those who are poor go to even
greater lengths than those who are rich, as though they
hoped, by so doing, to conceal the fact that they have not
paid their fees. Then, cringing at the feet of the rich, they
spend their time in such flattery as this (flattery so credit-
able to them !), and, when they leave the school, they either
ignore the sophist altogether or do their best to work him
all manner of harm.
[Another man, then, might make this his excuse for not
speaking in public, but not so Libanius; he had long been
accustomed to charge nothing for his instruction, and the
matter of fees could, therefore, have no influence with him.]
What is the reason, then, if this is not ? Why, I fail to
see that my students as a body care in the least for my
declamations, or have the slightest appreciation of my
worth. And of this the students themselves have given clear
proof, both in spring and in winter, whenever I have spoken
at either time of the year. For see : I send my servant out
to invite them to a lecture; he hurries off and executes my
order. They, instead of, as they ought, outstripping the
servant, are absolutely unmoved by his example. Some
linger over their songs, which they all know, others loiter
away the time in idle foolery or in laughter. Then, after
arousing by their deliberateness the ire of all beholders,
they, if they ever do decide to come, walk, both outside
and inside the room, as gingerly as young girls, or, rather,
as men balancing on a tight rope. It is indeed enough to
make those who are seated indignant, to have to wait for
such dawdlers as these to enter the room. All this takes
place before the speaking begins; after the sophist has
entered upon his declamation and begun to speak, then
the students keep up a constant signalling back and forth
about drivers and mimes and horses and dancers, and
about this or that battle that has taken place or is to take
place. Further, some stand like statues, with one arm
thrown over the other, while others delve in their noses
322 UNIVERSITIES OF ANCIENT GREECE
with both hands at once; still others sit without moving
a muscle, notwithstanding all the brilliant points that I
make, or forcibly detain in their seats those who have been
moved by my words. Some count those who come in after
them, while others find it sufficient to gaze at the leaves,
or are better pleased to chatter over chance subjects than to
listen to the speaker. Surpassing all this in audacity is
the act of those who interrupt genuine applause with
spurious, choke the voice of enthusiasm at its source, and
parade through the whole theatre, withdrawing from the
lecture all whom they can influence, either by false mes-
sages or by invitations to come and bathe before breakfast
— this also being an extravagance on which some spend
their money. . . .
Now no one can accuse me of dealing in slander and of
uttering false charges, on the ground that, if that was done
which I say was done, I should have flown into a passion
at once and have spoken then and there words of anger
against the wrong-doers. You know well enough that
that is the very thing I often did, and that I, on not a few
occasions, raising my voice, bade my man seize the loafer
by the neck and throw him out of doors. If this was not
done, it was by reason of the prayers which were uttered
in his behalf. . . .
Evidence that the students, when they attended a decla-
mation, did not pay the attention they should have paid,
is furnished by the fact that on no occasion did they carry
away in their minds a word of what was said. Exactly
the opposite was the case with those who preceded you in
these halls. They departed from the lecture, each with
some different scrap of what was said stored in his memory.
Then, when they were outside, they tried to fit together
what they remembered and so restore my speech; and if
anything, however little, was forgotten, they felt grieved
at the loss. And for three or four days after that they did
nothing at home but recite my words to their parents, and
STUDENT DAYS 323
here at school they kept this up for a much longer period.
You go back to your songs, which you remember with the
greatest facility. ... If any one asks you whether I
have spoken and on what subject, to the first question he
will doubtless receive an answer, but, as for what I said,
nobody can tell that. 1
The principal reason given by Libanius for not ex-
pelling students is noteworthy: 2
The greatest consideration of all is my regard for these
students' parents and native cities. I greatly fear that, if
they should hear of their sons' expulsion, they would treat
those that were thus disgraced as if they were dead, at the
very least; looking upon dishonor as worse than death and
knowing that such dishonor as this is greater than that in-
flicted by the courts. For from the latter men may be
freed, but the former remains with them forever, accom-
panying them, at every age, from boyhood to death, and
depriving them of all sense of freedom. " Shameless, dog-
eyed one, wert thou not banished from the holy rites of
learning, because thou didst pollute the altar of the
Muses?" It was, then, because I wished to spare their
mothers and fathers, their cities, and their future children
— for even to them this disgrace would have to descend —
1 Ingratitude and rudeness were not uncommon on the part of
students toward their teachers (Lib., i. 146, 1; ii. 311, 4; 422, 16;
iii. 443, 5; Themis., 289 a; Himer., or., xx; ec, xvii). For
talking 'horse,' etc., in school, see Tac, Dial, de or., 29; cf. Cic,
De orat., ii. 5, 21. Compare the proceedings of students at
Carthage (Augustin., Confess., v. 8). Sometimes, according to
Epictetus (ii. 21, 12 and 13; cf. iii. 24, 22 and 24), during the
lectures, students from afar would let their thoughts wander
homeward, and, recalling how their parents had sent them forth
with great hopes, would wonder why no letter came from home
and allow themselves to get discouraged at the arduousness of
their task; then the lecturer's words fell on deaf ears.
* i. 207, 6.
324 UNIVERSITIES OF ANCIENT GREECE
that I did not expel from my class these unruly students,
but, instead, decided to speak no more, and, as I believe,
decided wisely.
The strap ' and the rod 2 were the common instru-
ments of chastisement, but Libanius, in his later years,
abandoned the use of these; "for I have given up," he
says, 3 " trying to bring my students into a path of recti-
tude by means of blows and stripes, finding that these
often produce the opposite effect to that desired. Being
of the belief that counsel and exhortation are more
beneficial and can better effect a cure, I have recourse
to them." Early in life, however, he was not averse to
the use of the strap on lazy boys. Occasionally he
received remonstrating letters from the boys' fathers,
which he found it necessary to answer.
i aKdTos (Lib., i. 479, 17); i/xrfr (ib., ii. 425, 12); £vri}/> (Themis.,
261c); ndant (Lib., iii. 253, 5).
^ fi&fidos (Lib., ii. 425, 12).
8 iii. 253, 5. Cf. ib., ii. 311, 6; iii. 270, 18. His students, he says,
did everything for him willingly, without the fear of blows (i. 178,
15). In school, boys were laid on their stomachs and flogged on their
backs and posteriors (ib., i. 646, 6), but possibly university stu-
dents received more dignified treatment. Sometimes they were
lashed about the legs (ib., ep., 1119). Gregory of Nyssa (De
castigat., 312) recommends, first to whip the boy, then to keep
him after school and deprive him of his breakfast. Libanius
sometimes caused unruly students to be evicted from his dis-
plays (i. 200, 23). Himerius was also opposed on principle to
corporal punishment (or., xv. 2). Philager, noted for his quick
temper, is said on one occasion to have boxed the ears of a pupil
whom he caught napping in the class-room (Philos., 578).
Proclus, in order that his pupils might not hiss and jeer at one
another, practices which, says Philostratus (604), were common
in the class-room, had them enter in a body, and seated them,
the older boys singly, and the younger boys and the pedagogues
filling in the spaces between these (cf. Quint., Inst, or., ii. 2, 14).
STUDENT DAYS 325
The person who sent you word about the strap and the
whipping [he writes on one occasion 1 ] ought to have
added the reason for the whipping. For then you would
not have felt hurt, as is now the case. For your sorrow
seems to be due, not to the fact that your son has received
a whipping, but to the thought that, if he had not com-
mitted some great wrong, a whipping would not have been
considered necessary. Now hear my attitude in regard to
these matters. If one of my students commits a wrong
which it is disgraceful even to mention, I expel him, and
allow him not to taint my class with his infection. But if
a student is lazy and neglects his studies, I use the lash.
In the first case, I fear him as I should fear a festering
sore, and drive him from my presence; in the second case,
I arouse with the strap one who is sleeping. Now the
latter was the error and the punishment of your son. He
abandoned his books and became a sprinter, but he also
made amends on his legs, and now practises his tongue
instead. Now don't inflict on him a second chastisement,
in the shape of your displeasure, or consider the boy bad,
for he looks on his brother as an example, respects you,
and will some day perhaps make his performances equal
yours.
That teachers were often deterred from punishing
their pupils by the fear of losing their patronage is clear
enough. 2 Libanius says that the defection of students
from one sophist to another was in the time of his youth
a thing almost unheard of; a few had been known to
transfer their allegiance, but the action had been con-
sidered dishonorable, and the students who engaged in
it had been shunned by nearly all their friends. In his
later life, however, hardly a day passed without its
example of such defection, and sometimes a student
■ Ep., 1119. 2 See Lib., ii. 425, 12 ft.
326 UNIVERSITIES OF ANCIENT GREECE
went the rounds of all the sophists, swearing allegiance
to each in turn. To remedy this evil, Libanius once
called the sophists of Antioch together and proposed
that they should enter into an agreement whereby no
sophist was to accept a student who came to him in
that way. Any father who was dissatisfied with the
sophist under whom he had placed his son was to have
the privilege of examining his son or of having him
examined by competent persons, in order to determine
if the sophist was neglecting his duty. If there was ap-
parent evidence that the sophist was neglecting his duty,
then the father might enter a formal complaint against
him and have the case tried before a board of his own
selection, composed of teachers and non-teachers. In
case this board adjudged the sophist guilty, the boy
might be transferred to another sophist; otherwise no
change could be made. 1 Such a contract, we learn, was
actually made and put in force. 2
On one occasion the students of Libanius's school
1 Or., xliii (ii. 420). The act of transferring one's allegiance
from one sophist to another was called apostasis (airdaraais; in
Eunap., p. 80, per av&araa is). Students often resorted thereto
to avoid paying their dues, and they improved the occasion to
insult their former teacher (Lib., ii. 422, 16; cf. Augustin., Con-
fess., v. 12). Owing to the custom of apostasis, the sophist was
made the slave of the pedagogue, who, if things did not go to his
liking, could induce his ward to transfer his allegiance (ib., ii. 283,
7; 425, 7; iii. 445, 24). Apostasis, in the second half of the
century, was common at Athens and elsewhere (Himer., or.,
xxxiv; Synes., Dion, 13). Sometimes a student went from
one university town to another (Lib., iii. 457, 1).
2 Lib., ii. 314, 8. Some measure to forbid transference of
allegiance Libanius seems to have recommended to the council,
and even to have carried through, shortly after his settlement in
Antioch (ep., 407).
STUDENT DAYS 327
went to the length of tossing in a blanket a certain
pedagogue who had incurred their displeasure. The
process is thus described : l
They stretch a carpet on the ground and then take hold
of it on all four sides — sometimes more, sometimes fewer,
according to the size of the carpet. Then, placing the un-
happy victim in the centre, they toss him as high as they
can (and that is not a short distance), accompanying their
action with laughter. Great is the amusement also of the
standers-by, as they behold the pedagogue spinning in the
air and hear him cry out as he goes up and again as he
comes down. Sometimes he falls in the carpet, which is
held high above the ground, and he is then saved; at
other times, missing the carpet, he strikes the ground, and
leaves the field, with some of his limbs maimed or bruised
— danger being thus added to insult. And, worst of all,
even such an event arouses the mirth of the students.
This attack on the pedagogue, however, was a unique
case, for generally the pedagogue was held in high
esteem and was much respected by both students and
sophists. 2
■ iii. 259, 14.
2 The pedagogue, in the Greek sense of the word, was a slave
who was a sort of personal attendant of the boy and kept watch
and ward over him. "He is the protector of his fresh young
age," says Libanius (iii. 255, 13), "his guardian and his defence.
. . . He beats off all attacks, as a barking dog beats off wolves.
. . . The pedagogue has, as his sole care, the boy and the boy's
welfare." He awoke the boy in the morning and made him learn
his lessons. "What the boy has received from his teacher, it is
the duty of the pedagogue to preserve for him; for the means of
preservation belong to him: he urges the boy, he shouts at him,
he produces the rod, he brandishes the strap, he endeavors, by
laboring at his task, ... to drive into his memory the lesson
he has heard." When the boy went to school, he was accom-
panied by the pedagogue and by a foot-boy, the latter of whom
328 UNIVERSITIES OF ANCIENT GREECE
Such is the picture drawn by Libanius of the student
life at Antioch in the second half of the fourth century,
and similar, as has been said, must have been the
student life at Athens when Libanius was himself a
student there. During these years that he was a
student there, he studied hard and faithfully. "Not a
day," he says, 1 "was without its labors, except — which
was not often the case, I think — when some holiday
intervened to give me rest." He travelled about the
country with an eager interest in its antiquities and its
local customs. "I visited Corinth, 2 neither as a de-
fendant nor as a prosecutor, but at one time when
hurrying to attend a Spartan festival, the Scourging, at
another time while on my way to Argos, there to be
initiated in the local mysteries." He must have dis-
tinguished himself among the students at Athens, for,
when a proconsul, who was determined to have peace
in the town, deposed three of the most contentious of
the sophists, he selected Libanius, who was then only
carried his books (Lib., ii. 80, 19; iii. 145, 2; 260, 13; cf. Luc,
Amor., 44, and the Philostratus passages referred to below).
Girard (L'Ed. athen., p. 116) and Becker (Charades, trans., p.
226) say that the pedagogue carried the books, but there seems
to be no evidence for this (if we except the passage in Lucian,
Amor., 44, which is not decisive). The pedagogue was superior
to such service. Sometimes the pedagogue and the foot-boy
waited outside the school-room until the boy had finished his
lessons (Philos., 618), sometimes they accompanied him inside
(ib., 604; Lib., iii. 200, 15). Many students, especially the older
ones, were unaccompanied by a pedagogue. At times the
pedagogue abetted the student in his resistance to the professor
(p. 187, n. 1; Lib., iii. 445, 24; cf. ep., 1173, 1508).
« i. 19, 8
' i. 18, 9. So Gellius visited Delphi and iEgina (Gell., xii. 5;
ii. 21).
STUDENT DAYS 329
twenty-five years of age, to fill one of the vacant chairs.
The anger of the proconsul becoming in time appeased,
the three sophists were reinstated; "but the honor was
mine," says Libanius, 1 "in that I had been deemed
worthy of the place."
Many friends also Libanius made at Athens — friends
who were a consolation to him in later years. 2 Life-
long friendships were formed at college in those days
as they are in these. Two celebrated instances are those
of Gregory and Basil, and of Proseresius and Hephaes-
tjon. "Thence he was sent," writes Gregory, referring
to Basil, 3 "by God and his own noble and unquench-
able thirst for knowledge to the real home and seat of
learning, Athens; 'golden Athens/ it was indeed tome,
if ever to anyone in this world, and the introducer to
all things beautiful. For there my acquaintance with
this man was cemented into firm friendship, and, seek-
ing knowledge, I gained happiness; in another way
having the experience of Saul, who, while seeking his
father's asses, found a kingdom." Proseresius and
Hephsestion were students together at Athens in the
school of Julian. It was hard at that time to say which
showed the greater ability or which was the more in-
digent, but they were firm friends. They had, we are
told, 4 but one coarse cloak and one outer mantle be-
tween them, and three or four faded and threadbare
« i. 20, 6.
2 E. g., Ecdicius (Lib., ep., 147); Flavianus (ib., ep., 556);
Severus (ib., ep., 1145); Eugnomonius, to whom Libanius recalls
old times (ib., ep., 473). Mygdonius, he says, was like a father to
him at Athens (ib., ep., 471). See also ib., ep., 1135.
« Or., xliii. 13. 4 Eunap., p. 78.
330 UNIVERSITIES OF ANCIENT GREECE
blankets. One day Proaeresius would go to lectures and
Hephaestion would lie abed and study, and on the next
day Hephaestion would appear in public and Proaeresius
would stay at home. We remember that, at a later time,
when both Proaeresius and Hephaestion had been nomi-
nated for the chair of sophistry at Athens, and party
feeling ran high, Hephaestion withdrew from the city,
so as not to interfere with his friend's success.
We should be glad to learn where Libanius lived
while at college, but on this point he has left us little
information. We know that his 'chum* was one
Chromatius, with whom he had a room and with whom
he took his meals. 1 So far as we are aware, there were
no dormitories for students in those days, but the pro-
fessor sometimes took the student into his own family. 2
Otherwise, the student took private lodgings, or, pos-
sibly, he sometimes found quarters at an inn. 3
Libanius had been four years at Athens when the
time came for his departure. He had intended to stay
four years more. "I had the intention," he says, 4 "of
adding, before leaving Athens, another four years to
the four I had already passed in the city, my mind, as
it seemed to me, requiring a more thorough training
than it had yet received. For, however perfect I seemed
to others, I by no means felt myself to be so, but I was
disturbed by the fear that, no matter where I went,
sophists would swarm about me and try by ten thousand
1 Lib., ep. t 393.
*Ep., 285, 290, 378, 379, 381. Libanius at one time allowed
two of his students to room at Daphne (ep., 1235).
3 Lib., ii. 359, 21; Philos., 553; Themis., 293 d; Eunap., p. 75.
• i. 20, 15.
STUDENT DAYS 331
tests to pull me down. It seemed to me necessary,
therefore, ever to seek and gain more knowledge."
Whether four years was the usual length of the college
course, we are not informed. Libanius speaks 1 of one
of his own students who was obliged to leave in the
second year of his instruction, when he had hardly
acquired even the rudiments of his art. Some students,
we know, spent more than four years at college: Euna-
pius, for instance, five, 2 and Gregory Nazianzene from
ten to twelve. 3 Of course, the expense was often a
determining factor in the matter of the length of stay.
Lodging, board, tuition, and, especially, books were
among the chief sources of outlay, 4 and sometimes a
father found it necessary to take up a contribution
among his friends, in order to defray the cost of his
son's education. 5
1 iii. 229, 1; cf. 202, 13 ft. « Eunap., p. 92.
8 See Sievers, Leben des Lib., p. 31, n. 144. The law course at
Berytus was four years, until Justinian made it five {Dig., prcef.
omnem). In an earlier age, Isocrates's course was from three to
four years (Isoc, De antid., 87). Crispinus, mentioned in the
text below, studied at Athens the same length of time as Libanius
(Lib., i. 21, 10). Rohde (Rhein. Mils., 40, p. 75) considers the
usual length of time to have been five years. The fact that
Libanius's school at Antioch contained four rhetors suggests a
course of four years. See Luc, Rhet. prcec, 9. A letter of
Hadrian suggests as a possibility a residence of at least ten years
in a city for the purpose of study (Cod. Jus., x. 40, 2).
* Lib., ii. 289, 9; ep., 1192.
5 Lib., ep., 1192; cf. ib., ep., 322; Luc, Somn., 1; John Chrys.,
De sacerdot., i. 5. Travelling expenses were another item. Some-
times the sophist gave assistance (Lib., ep., 22, 1452, and pp.
182, 183, 308, n. 2). Letoius, a senator of Antioch, once assisted
needy students out of his own pocket (ib., ep., 464, 467). The
Praetorian Prefect, Anatolius, sent to a poor student who was
studying under Libanius one hundred staters, which, according
to Libanius, would not go a great way toward defraying the
332 UNIVERSITIES OF ANCIENT GREECE
The reason which induced Libanius to change his
mind and to leave Athens was one of the heart rather
than of the head. One of his most intimate friends,
Crispinus, had been summoned home to Heraclea in
Asia Minor, and he strongly urged Libanius to ac-
company him. After much hesitation, Libanius deter-
mined to go, but, before leaving Athens, he made avow
to return at some future time. 1
Regretfully in those days did the student look forward
to the hour when he must say good-by to his college
and his college friends. The scene that was enacted on
the occasion of Basil's departure was not unusual.
And now the day of departure was at hand [writes
Gregory 2 ] and was marked by all the usual features of
such an occasion — farewell speeches, good wishes, calls
for us to return, laments, embraces, and tears. For nothing
is ever so hard as for those who have lived together at
Athens to tear themselves from the city and from one
another. The scene that was then enacted was indeed
mournful and worthy of long remembrance. Friends and
fellow-students, the members of our college corps, and
with them many even of the teachers, standing in a ring
about us, refused, whatever should happen, to let us go,
entreating us, holding us back by force, and using words
of persuasion. What did they not say, and what did they
not do, that beings in great sorrow would be likely to say
cost of the boy's education (ib., ep., 78). For other cases of as-
sistance given to students, see ib., ep., 1237, 1308. Sometimes
students worked their way through college (ib., i. 162, 7). The
student sometimes deposited his funds with his teacher (Luc,
Symp., 32; Lib., ep., 78).
>i. 21, 9; 25, 11.
a Or., xliii. 24. Julian, the emperor, wept at leaving Athens
(Jul., Ep. ad Ath., 275 a), and one of Libanius's students at leaving
Libanius (Lib., ep., 631). Cf. also Isoc, De antid., 88.
STUDENT DAYS 333
and do ? Here I do indeed blame myself, as well as that
divine and incomprehensible soul, presumptuous though
it be in me to say so. He, giving the reasons which induced
him to depart, showed himself superior to those who tried
to detain him, and secured, though not without the
exercise of physical force, consent to his departure, but I
was left behind at Athens; partly (for I will tell the truth)
because I was too weak to persevere in my resolution, and
partly because I was betrayed by my friend, who was
induced to let me go from his side, though I relaxed not my
hold on him, and to yield me to the mercy of those who
pulled me back.
Libanius and his friend went, not by sea, but over-
land, to Constantinople; on their way through northern
Greece and Macedonia they entertained many of the
cities through which they passed with samples of their
eloquence, and were greeted with great applause.
From Constantinople to Heraclea the distance was
short, and in the latter place they were entertained by
one of Crispinus's relatives. Here Libanius took leave
of his friend, and set out to return to Constantinople. 1
i Lib., i. 23, 2.
CHAPTER XV
AFTER COLLEGE
When Libanius left his friend, Crispinus, at Heraclea,
and returned to Constantinople, he was intent upon
carrying out the vow which he had made to revisit
Athens. Arriving at Constantinople, he went down to
the Great Harbor and proceeded to look about him for
a shipmaster bound for Greece. "While I was thus en-
gaged," he says, 1 " I felt a tug at my cloak, and one of
the teachers of the place — you know him, Nicocles, the
Lacedaemonian — whirling me around and bringing me
face to face, said: 'This is not the tack for you; you
should take a different course/ ' What different course/
said I, 'when I am bound for Athens?' 'Why, bless
you/ said he, ' stay with us and take charge of the young
men here; there are many rich fathers in Constantinople.
Give up your voyage and listen to me. Would you in-
jure the prospects of both of us and run away from all
the great good fortune in store for you ? When you can
stay here and be professor, why go farther to put your-
self under the instruction of another ? I will engage to
make you within twenty-four hours 'boss' of the town
and lord over forty young men, the cream of the place.
Once lay the foundation and you will find riches pour
in upon you in floods/"
« i. 24, 5.
334
AFTER COLLEGE 335
Libanius, however, was deaf to all entreaties, and
took ship to Athens. He appears not to have stayed
long at Athens this time, but, mounting a two-wheeler,
he was off again at the beginning of winter. On arriving
at Constantinople, he at first met with discouragement.
"When I entered the market-place at Constantinople,"
he says, 1 "I was just in time to see a Cappadocian pro-
fessor taking his chair — one, it chanced, who had been
appointed by the emperor in compliance with a request
of the local council. He was an excellent speaker, and
had received the call, I believe, as the result of a single
contest. There he stood in all his glory. I made
inquiries of an old man as to the name of the sophist,
his country, the manner of his coming and the terms,
and was struck to the heart by the answer I received.
Going to Nicocles, who had offered to introduce me to
the city, I referred to our previous conversation. i You
are simple/ he said, 'very simple, if you do not know
the value of striking while the iron is hot, and this after
you have been at Delphi. It is useless for you to think
of the promises I then made or to remind me of them;
you destroyed all that when you sailed away to Athens.' "
Setting up a school of his own, however, Libanius soon
drew large crowds of students. "Each man urged his
neighbor, and it was not many days before my corps
numbered more than eighty. Some poured in to me
from without the town; others, deserting their former
masters, flocked to me from within; those who had
been all agog for the races and the theatre changed their
interests and became devotees of letters. ,, 2
» i. 27, 1. 2 i. 29, 6.
336 UNIVERSITIES OF ANCIENT GREECE
But the intrigues of rival sophists soon drove him
from the city, and he retired, first to Nicsea, then to
Nicomedia. In the latter place he spent five prosperous
and happy years, at the expiration of which time he was
obliged, much against his will, to return to Constan-
tinople. During the period of his second residence at
Constantinople, he received an invitation to go to
Athens to teach, which he recognized as a great honor,
but, remembering the bitter spirit that prevailed among
the sophists there, he declined to accept the call. 1 One
summer he visited Antioch. Sixteen years or more had
passed since he left it, to go to the University at Athens.
"I saw once more," he says, 2 "the roads and gates
I loved so well, I saw the temples and the colonnades, I
saw the house where I had lived as a boy, now old and
gray, I saw the whitened hairs of my mother, I saw my
uncle, still happy in the name of father, and my own
elder brother, now called grandfather, I saw my many
school companions, some of whom were in office, while
others were acting as advocates, I saw the old family
friends, though few, alas! their number, I saw the city,
prosperous and happy in its wealth of learned men."
While at Antioch, he spoke before the people, and
won such applause that he was moved to sue the em-
peror for permission to remove from Constantinople to
his home. He was successful in his application, but
just as he was about to start for Antioch, he received a
bitter message. "My cousin," he writes, 3 "was dead,
and my uncle lay stricken with grief. Fortune spoiled
her gift, for I no longer had any care to return to the
« i. 58, 4 * i. 62, 2. 3 j. 67, 5.
AFTER COLLEGE 337
city of my birth, where I should see but the tomb of her
who was to have been my wife." His uncle, however,
was urgent that he should come. "Accordingly I went,
but not with the same heart as before." l At Antioch,
as at Constantinople, he at first met with disappoint-
ment, but in the end prospered, and before long received
an official appointment.
We have now carried Libanius through his college
days and seen him established as a professor of elo-
quence in his native town. At this point we should
properly leave him. Let us, however, before we do so,
see how in his mature years he looked back on the days
spent at Athens and on the life there.
Notwithstanding his love for the city, he probably
never lost his repugnance to the barbarous customs
which prevailed there. "No wonder," he says in a letter
to a friend, 2 "if one falls in love with the Attic land, for
it is a land that naturally awakens love, whether one
has seen it or not. Fathers believe that their sons will
bring back from Athens either learning or, at least, the
reputation for learning. Now, in that I respect Acacius,
I approve of his having sent his son thither; but as I
kove the man, I should prefer that he had kept the boy
at home. Of the teachers there, some are old fogies, fit
only to eat and sleep at their ease, while others seem in
need of teachers themselves, who shall teach them this
first of all: that cases are decided, not by arms, but by
arguments. As it is, they produce for us soldiers rather
• i. 67, 13.
*Ep., 627. Cf. ep., 330 (of Athens): fi4ya y&p els rbv \ovtrbv
filov, rb fj.r] tt)v t6\iv aypoetv.
338 UNIVERSITIES OF ANCIENT GREECE
than orators. 1 Many a one have I seen bearing the
scars of the wounds which he received in the Lyceum
fight." But for the city itself and its associations he
never had anything but the fondest remembrances.
"Happy is he," he says in another letter, 2 "who can
run through many places in a few days, and then say:
I have seen the Areopagus, I have seen the Acropolis,
I have seen the shrine of those who after great anger
were reconciled, when he who had supported his father
was freed from guilt, I have seen her who acquired the
city as the result of a contest, the nurse of Erechtheus.
Such a man I count happy for what he has seen, and
you I count happy in that you can enjoy all these
things and many more every day." "Berytus," he
says again, 3 "I confess, I love for many things, but
Athens for all." Occasionally some circumstance would
unexpectedly recall the old days to his mind. "When I
saw Clematius," he writes, 4 " I was reminded of the old
happiness of the days when I first greeted Athens — the
Athens of Theseus. I recalled the first evening, the
bath, the 'spread/ and the conversation that there took
place." Still, those days seemed much like a dream
to him. "You will see again," he once more writes, 5
"our old friend, the gentle Severus, who has enjoyed
1 Elsewhere the teachers at Athens are spoken of as being
inferior to their reputation. Cf. Themis., or., xxvii; and Eunap.,
p. 87, of Anatolius. But Anatolius was chronically disaffected
to sophists (Lib., ep., 78). See also Cicero, for a much earlier
time (De orat., iii. 11, 43). Cf. p. 311.
*Ep., 881. *Ep., 10.
4 Ep., 1071. Then, as is the case now, those who had been to
college used fondly to talk over their student days (ib., iii. 268, 1).
8 Ep., 1511. See also ep., 866, 1080, 1389; and p. 291.
AFTER COLLEGE 339
Athens to the full. As for me, I seem to have passed
quickly through there as in a dream, and to have gone
on my way, but he, knowing how much this spot sur-
passes all other spots, prolonged his happiness there.
Hence he has reaped from the land more profit than
others have. The profit which one reaps from Athens
is not learning only, but friends, in whom, indeed,
Severus considers no land inferior to his own."
CHAPTER XVI
CONCLUSION
As we review in our minds the education that has
here been described, we cannot fail to be impressed by
the great part which personality played in it. Even in
the fifth and fourth centuries B. C, as we have else-
where seen, 1 the personality of the wandering teacher
of ethics or of science was one of the chief forces which
drew young men in the direction of a life of study. The
same, or similar, was the case in the later period. The
young man, brought up in his distant home at Antioch,
is, to be sure, attracted to Athens by his own unquench-
able thirst for knowledge and the halo that hangs about
the city, but faint rumors of the men there and of their
personality reach even his ears. When he arrives at
Athens, he does not select this or that study to pursue,
but he chooses a certain man. Indeed, the choice could
not well lie among subjects, for if the boy did not, as
comparatively few did in the fourth century, wish to de-
vote himself to philosophy, he was sure to turn to the
subject of sophistry. Now the subject of sophistry was
the same for all teachers and for all students, and only
by the personality of the man who taught it was it made
to differ in the hands of one from what it was in the
hands of another. In some cases, the establishment of
1 P. 16.
340
CONCLUSION 341
a distinguished sophist in this or that city was sufficient
to divert the stream of studying youth from all other
centres, 1 and a man of the personality and force of
Themistius could for a time draw students even away
from the study of sophistry and toward that of philoso-
phy. Not unfrequently it happened that, as in the case
of Julian, who afterward became emperor, a student
went from one university town to another, drawn each
time by the name of some distinguished man whom he
wished to hear. The place, if we except Athens alone,
was not so important as were the men.
Owing to the important part which personality
played in the popularity of the teacher, there grew up
between the teacher and the student that strong per-
sonal relation which was characteristic of the Greek
university life. The teacher, as we have seen, was the
intellectual parent of the pupil, and he acted as the
pupil's guide and protector; the pupil was under moral
obligation to take an interest in his teacher's welfare
and to support his teacher in all ways in which this was
possible. 2
Though the custom which prevailed, whereby a stu-
1 When Libanius was teaching at Nicomedia, students flocked
thither, instead of, as before, to Athens (Lib., i. 39, 10). So
Heracleides, when teaching at Smyrna, drew young men, not
only from Asia, but from Europe and Africa as well (Philos., 613).
Julian drew young men to Athens from all quarters of the earth
by the excellence of his oratory and his nobility of character
(fieytdei 0i5s, Eunap., p. 68; nobility of character distinguished
Proaeresius also, ib., p. 78). These are but a few out of many cases.
2 The students were, of course, expected to fight in their
teacher's behalf (Lib., i. 16, 4 ff.). See especially the two striking
orations, Lib., xxxii (ii. 266) and xxxv (ii. 307), where a plea is
made to the boys for support on the ground of moral obligation.
342 UNIVERSITIES OF ANCIENT GREECE
dent was required to attach himself to a single teacher,
had its pleasant feature in this close personal relation
between the teacher and the student, it apparently had
in another way its unfortunate side. In some cases it
probably led to servile imitation of the teacher and his
literary style by the student, when the student could
better have put his attention upon the old masters of
style. 1 If it had been the custom for the student to
attach himself to more than one teacher, he would,
doubtless, by a broader acquaintance with men and
with methods, have been able to avoid this evil. Per-
haps, however, the evil was not so great as has some-
times been supposed, 2 for there seems to have been a
regulation at Athens, as well as at Antioch, whereby a
student was allowed to attend at least the displays, and
possibly the instruction, of a second teacher, not the one
to whom he was regularly bound, 3 and the custom of
changing from one teacher to another became more
common as the fourth century wore on. The cases also
are not infrequent in which we are told that this or that
man attended at different periods of his course the
lectures of more than one sophist. 4
1 Lib., i. 18, 12. The Emperor Julian is said to have imitated
Libanius's style (ib., i. 527, 10), and he succeeded so well in this
that he was held to have been a pupil of Libanius (ib., i. 452, 24).
Favorinus was said to have been a pupil of Dio, but his style
differed as much from Dio's as did that of those who had never
heard the latter (Philos., 491). Cf. ib., 522, 527, 535, 576;
Himer., ec, x. 13. Imitation of the ancient authors also, of
course, played a prominent part in the sophistical education.
Cf. Quint., Inst, or., x. 2.
2 E. g., by Herzberg, Gesch. Griech., iii. p. 350.
3 Lib., i. 14, 4; ii. 279, 280. See p. 304.
4 E. g., Philos., 576, 594, 605.
CONCLUSION 343
[Another important feature of the ancient Greek uni-
versity life was the great weight that was put, in the in-
struction of the day, on the spoken word. The spoken
word, indeed, as we have already elsewhere seen, 1
was a matter of racial instinct, and the whole sophis-
tical education was based on the communication of
ideas by speech. The student did not so much learn
from books as he did from the teacher's mouth, or at
least the lessons that he obtained from books were ex-
pounded and enforced by oral instruction. This fact is
emphasized by the word that was used to express the
relation of student to teacher: 'to be the pupil of' was
regularly a/cpodadac, 'to hear/ The ancient student
did not ' read ' sophistry under such and such a teacher,
nor did he 'take a course under' this or that professor,
but he 'heard' such and such a sophist. It was the
influence of the living voice and the contact of mind
with mind on which stress was laid. This is seen most
notably in the grand displays of the sophists themselves.
In these much of the effect produced was doubtless due
to the circumstances of the moment and arose from the
personality and manner of the sophist, reinforced by the
sympathetic encouragement of the audience, rather than
to any more enduring qualities of thought and style. 2
Still, it may be doubted whether the living voice was
considered quite so potent a force in instruction in the
centuries after Christ as it had been in the time of
Socrates. As we have seen, memory played an im-
' Pp. 5, 25.
2 It was recognized by the ancients themselves that extempore
speech did not conduce to thorough work (Syn., Dion, 12; Philos.,
583, 607; Luc, Rhet. prcec, 20).
S
344 UNIVERSITIES OF ANCIENT GREECE
portant part in the sophistical training, and the cultiva-
tion of the memory resulted in, if it was not necessitated
by, the accumulation of stores of facts in the minds of
the students. Facts, as well as a thorough knowledge of
the ancient authors, the student was obliged to have.
Thus it happened that polymathia {iro\vfia6Ca) y much-
learning, was considered at this time a valuable part of
a man's education, and the 7ro\vfjLa6rj<;, the man of many
facts, was looked up to and admired. 1 This attitude
toward education was quite opposed to that of an
earlier time. In the fifth century B. C. an harmonious
development of the parts of man — moral, mental, and
physical — and a rational adjustment of these toward
the outer world were considered of more importance
than much knowledge.
The custom of the present day is rather to decry the
ancient sophistical training. Its weaknesses are so ap-
parent, and its insufficiency, as judged by modern
standards, is felt to be so great, that it is easy to de-
nounce the whole system as artificial and barren. And
yet, perhaps, the better way is to see what there really
was in this education and what it professed to do in the
world as it was at that time. Artificial and barren, in a
certain sense, the education was. By laying too great
stress on the form in which a thing was said, we may
1 Longinus is called by Eunapius (p. 7) " a living library and a
walking museum" (jSi/3\io0i}k7/ tis f\v efvpvxos Kal wepiiraTOvv
/iovviov rbv airb rod
TLepi.ir6.Tov, iicelvov yap iro\vypafj./JuxTd)Tepov &vdpa otiirw eyvuv. Also
of Polemo (541). iroKvuad'qs and irokvpuOla are common expres-
sions in this period (e. g., ib., 627; Porphyr., Vit. Plotin., 20).
CONCLUSION 345
admit, it led to all manner of excesses and extravagances
in the matter of style; and this, too, we cannot deny:
it did not contain within itself the possibilities of great
speculative or scientific truths. If we look, however, to
the grand displays of the sophists themselves, we can
say — as has been said by others * — that we no longer
have the means of judging of these aright. Many
things in them are lost to us to-day, and of others we
have but an imperfect understanding and appreciation.
The play of accent and rhythm, the delicate adjustment
of sound and sense in the selection and arrangement of
words, the harmony of form, we try to understand, but
do so only imperfectly. The orator, his personality, the
rise and fall of his voice, the variety and appropriateness
of his gestures — these we can only imagine. Even the
bare words which were spoken are in most cases un-
known to us.
But — and this is a thing that is more often lost sight
of — however the case may be with these displays, it
does not seem that it is from these alone, or from these
primarily, that the sophistical education is to be judged.
They were admittedly the sublimation of the sophist's
art. The great university of to-day is judged, not so
much by the comparatively small number of specialists
whom it fits to be teachers, as by the great body of stu-
dents whom it sends out into the world. Greek sophistry,
did not profess to teach men scientific knowledge or
abstract theories — the performance of that task was
left to the specialists and to the various schools of phi-
losophy, as long as these existed — but it did profess to
■ E. g., by Rohde, Gr. Rom., p. 334.
346 UNIVERSITIES OF ANCIENT GREECE
prepare men for the active duties of citizenship — the
citizenship of those days — and to provide them with a
broad and liberal culture, and this task it performed on
the whole satisfactorily and effectively for several hun-
dred years. The fact should be emphasized that rhet-
oric meant in those days more than what we under-
stand by the term. It was the common heritage of the
Greek-speaking peoples and that which distinguished
them from barbarians. 1 In this sense it meant educa-
tion, culture, humanism, civilization even. It provided
a literary training on classic lines, and at the same time
developed the mental and moral parts of the boy. The
sciences in their elements, it should be remembered,
the boy had, if he had been properly brought up, studied
before he entered the sophist's school, and, if he studied
them further than that and to the neglect of sophistry,
he was in danger of receiving a purely technical educa-
tion. Of the product of the schools it is unjust to judge
by the school exercises that we possess. With more
reason do we turn to the orations of the few sophists of
whom we have literary remains, and here, if we have
Himerius with his mincing, dainty style and meagre
thought, we have also Libanius, direct, forceful, sincere,
and often truly eloquent.
1 See p. 4. Cf. Isoc, Paneg., 50: (y ir6\is tjplQv) rb rCtv 'EXXiJpwi'
6vo/ia ireTrolrjKe p.rjK^Tt tov y£vov$ dXXa tt)s diavotas doKetv ehac, Kal
fiaWov IZWyvas KaXeiffdat roiis rijs 7rai5ei$s
ttjs Kotvijs (pfoeias p.€T^x 0VTa ^ ' Lib., ep., 372: toijtovs (i. e., X670US) av
afifoy rtj, els Xaov ipx^fxeda to?s fiapfidpois. X6701 (rhetoric) and
ircu5«/a or iraldevats are often identified; e. g., Lib., i. 365, 9:
'EWrjviKjj vaideta Kal \6yois' ib., i. 452, 20: AvSpes iv 7rcu5ei/pocrvvr} , Sikcuoctvvt) y avSpeia 1 ) — "all
these have been produced by rhetoric, and what gym-
nastic and the physician's art are in the case of the body,
that rhetoric is shown to be in the case of the soul and
matters of state." This view that there was an ethical
value in the study of letters is expressed in one form or
another in many authors. 2 The man of literary train-
1 ii. p. 72. The cardinal virtues. Cf. Menander, Speng., Rh.
Gr., iii. p. 361; also Syn., Dion, 8, and Themis., 146 d.
2 E. g., Lib., ep., 1143: tA ykp £k ireTrai.fevixhr)s \jsvxys oiaivifi^
k&Wovs ner^x eLV ' Theon, Progym., 1, p. 148 (Speng., Rh. Gr., ii.
60) : 17 5ti TTJs xP e ^ as yv/J-vaaia ov fxdvov tlvol ftivaiuv \6yuv ipydferai,
dXXd Kal xPWrbv Tt ?j9os. According to Aristeides, rhetoric is con-
nected with all the virtues: it is begotten of prudence, upholds
justice, is supported by temperance and fortitude (ii. p. 72; cf.
pp. 58, 64-66, 128, 132). It holds together and is the ornament
of communities (p. 136). It aims at what is best, and is the in-
structor of the people (pp. 56, 58). The orator will himself be a
good man. In so far as he does or advises wrong, he is an im-
perfect orator (pp. 76, 77, 80, 81, 154). His goodness, however,
is apparently primarily a matter of policy (p. 83). Whether
Aristeides understands that there is a sort of reflex action pro-
duced by rhetoric, such that the orator, simply by practising his
profession, is himself benefited morally, is less clear. The view
of Aristeides is that of Quintilian, who defines the orator as a
good man skilled in speaking (Inst, or., xii. 1; cf. prcefat., 9, and ii.
15, 1). This was also Marcus Cato's definition (see, further,
Seneca, Contr., i. prcefat., 9; Cic, De orat., ii. 20, 85; and ib., De
350 UNIVERSITIES OF ANCIENT GREECE
ing could by his wise guidance preserve the state, and
he possessed within himself the means for his own
salvation.
The ideal of the education of these centuries is stated
in the words of Julian, the emperor, and has already
invent., i. 3, 4). Goodness, with Quintilian, is a part of the intent
of the word orator. In so far as the orator is not a good man, he
is no orator. The orator gets his morality through study (xii. 2,
1). The view of Aristeides and Quintilian is, of course, far in ad-
vance of the prevailing view of the fifth century B. C, when
oratory was commonly held to be fully as often on the side of
wrong as on the side of right (for Plato's view, however, see the
Gorgias and the Phcedrus, and Quint., Inst, or., ii. 15, 28 ff.),
and, apparently, somewhat in advance of the view of Isocrates.
Isocrates enumerates the benefits which oratory has conferred
on mankind: it has civilized men and enabled them to live in
communities, it has established laws about the good and the
bad, the just and the unjust, etc. (De antid., 253-257). But
this is all the part of the (morally) good oratory; there might
also, apparently, be a (morally) bad oratory. Isocrates seemu
not to have arrived at the point of declaring that the bad orator
is no orator, though this seems almost to be implied by his point
of view. Thus, he says that "true and right and just speech is
the reflection of a good and faithful soul" (255), but it is only
the true and right and just speech that has any worth for him.
Isocrates's orator is a good man chiefly as a matter of policy,
for it is seen that words supported by character carry more
weight than words alone (285); but still the civilizing effects of
the study and practice of oratory on the orator's character are
recognized (254). Aristotle's view is about that of Isocrates,
except that Aristotle affirms that there may be bad orators as
well as good orators. With him, the orator is considered with
reference to his art, not with reference to his moral principle
(Rhet., i. 1, 14). Rhetoric is a good which may be misused
(i. 1, 13). Its ends, however, are the expedient, justice, and
honor (i. 3, 5). In Theon the ethical effect is more definitely
stated: "it produces not only command over words, but a kind
of good moral disposition" (see above). This disposition may
be supposed to be produced in two ways: by the general human-
izing effect of the study of literature, and by the habit engendered
in the orator by constant dealing with noble and honorable
themes and with matters involving questions of justice, tern-
CONCLUSION 351
been given above. 1 "Right education I consider to be,
not the gracefulness that resides in words and on the
tongue, but a healthy disposition of an intelligent mind,
and true opinions about the good and the bad, the noble
and the base." This ideal, however, received its em-
bodiment in the man who had been trained, morally,
intellectually, and aesthetically, to use his powers in the
interest of the state. Such a man was the orator.
The orator was not the man of fluent tongue and grace-
ful speech solely; nor was he the man of scientific
attainments or technical knowledge; he was the man
of broad learning and general culture, trained to see the
distinctions of right and wrong, and to act with refer-
ence to them in the service of his ttoXis, or native city.
The teaching of the best educators of the day, men like
Libanius and Themistius, was in full accord with the
profession of Julian, just quoted.
These, then, are some of the things that sophistry in
ancient times professed to do. Not always did it carry
out its professions, and it led to excesses and abuses
which were recognized, even in those days, by such men
perance, and the like. With Himerius, \6yos is the handmaid of
dpenj and carries out her behests (ec, xvi. 2). Libanius con-
stantly recognizes the beneficial effect of education on character
(e. g., ep., 192, 1048), and the sophists in general realized that
they were the guardians and educators of the morals, no less
than of the intellect, of their students; Herodes Atticus was re-
proved by another sophist for neglecting (as was charged) the
conduct of his pupils (Philos., 579), while Julian says (ep., 42)
that the teaching of morals was a part of the sophist's profession.
From the beginning of the Attic education to the close of this
Hellenistic education the moral development of the student
always played a leading part.
» P. 125, n. 2. See Jul., ep., 42, 422 A.
352 UNIVERSITIES OF ANCIENT GREECE
as Lucian and Themistius. Both Lucian and The-
mistius, however, were sophist-bred, and to both was
opened up the rich inheritance of the race — the store-
house of ancient thought — in the ' grammarian's ' and
the sophist's school.
INDEX
Acacius, sophist, his salary,
175 n.; held an imperial
chair, 177; trick played on
him by Libanius, 186 n.;
left Antioch in 361, 274 n.;
sometimes taught till night,
279.
Academic school, foundation
of, 27; in first three cen-
turies A. D., 101, 102; after
Diocletian, 105, 107, 171,
199.
$5civ, 234.
Adrian of Tyre, sophist, re-
ceives appointment, 91 ; as he
went to and returned from
his lectures, 134; took part
in sports of his students,
187; his eloquence, 236;
eighteen when he went to
study at Athens, 293 n.;
affection of his students for,
309.
Mrariumy 172.
JEschines, transplants the
study of rhetoric to Rhodes,
35; on educational legisla-
tion, 59, 60.
Agathias, trans, from, on emi-
gration of Neo-Platonic phi-
losophers, 127, 128.
&yd>v, 231 n.
d/coirtTtnJs, 36.
dicpoaadcu, 220 n., 343.
&Kpba, 173 TO.
Denarius, the, 172 to., 184, 185.
'Description,' the, 7, 204, 208.
Dexippus, schoolman and his-
torian, 105.
dtddoxoi of the philosophical
schools, 102.
SidXefa, 220 to., 223.
8iicaviK&, 220 to., 224 to.
Dio Cassius, trans, from, on
the establishment of the
University of Athens, 93.
Dio Chrysostom, 82, 83, 95.
Diocletian, his accession, 106;
and Maximian, edicts, 166,
167; his maximum scale of
prices, 184, 185.
Diodorus Siculus, trans, from,
6 TO.
Diogeneion, the, 38, 133.
Dionysius, sophist, 215, 256.
Dionysius of Halicarnassus,
trans, from, 21 to.
INDEX
357
Diophantus, sophist, com-
petes for chair of rhetoric,
154, 298; Libanius attaches
himself to, 298, 304 n., 311;
hounded from Athens, 313 n.
Displays, held by sophists of
the first century A. D., 72
n.; of judicial and delibera-
tive themes, introduced into
the sophistical schools, 74,
75, 220 n. ; given by students,
211 n.; time of year when
given, 218; generally public,
219; generally free, 220; an
integral part of the sophist's
course, 221, 222; introduced
by short speech, 223; the
main speech, of various
kinds, 223, 224; speech pre-
pared or given extempore,
224, 225; theme, how se-
lected, 225, 226; power of
sophists to grasp the nature
of a theme, 226, 227; sam-
ples of themes, 227, 228;
dramatic character of; 228-
230; action of the sophist in,
230-232; voice, language,
and delivery of the sophist
in, 233-237, 245, 246; sam-
ples of introductions, and
passages from themes, 238-
245; descriptions of the
manner of certain sophists
in, 246-248; enthusiasm at,
248-253; involved strain,
249 w.; people flocked to
hear, 250, 251 ; examples of,
255-262; in what buildings
held, 267 n.; we cannot
judge of, aright, 345.
Dispositio, 211.
Doctorate, 303 n.
Domitian, 82.
Domnio, lawyer, 275.
Dramatic character of dis-
plays, 228-230.
Drawing, 22.
Drinking-bouts, 319.
Siva/us, 271 n.
Educated man, Isocrates's
ideal of, 33 n.
Education, Greek, was contin-
uous, 9; at Athens in the
fifth and fourth centuries
B. C, 10-40; and the state,
58-67; cost of, 183, 331; the
sophistical, 195-217; the
ideal of the sophistical, 350,
351.
£yia&K\ia irai.8eifj.aTa, fxad^fxara,
79 n., 198 n.
iyidiKhios iraidela, 198 71.
Elementary instruction at Ath-
ens, 10-13, 18-23.
Elocutio, 211.
Elusa, 172.
Encomia, 264 n.
Encyclopaedias, 7.
Enthusiasm at displays, 248-
253.
iir&\\ v , 211 n.
iirayyekla, eirdyyeXfia, 271 fl.
iirayyeWeadai, 271 n.
iirapayvQvai, 211 n.
Ephebi, College of the, 26, 35-
40.
Ephesus, 77 n., 95.
Epicurean school, foundation
of, 29; and Hadrian, 84, 85.
Epicurus, founds the Epicu-
rean school, 29; apparently
the first man to use the word
sophist in a purely technical
sense, 75 n.
Epideictic, oratory, taught by
Isocrates, 32, 71; oratory,
given a wider significance by
the introduction of judicial
and deliberative themes, 74,
75, 220 n.; speeches, charac-
ter of, 263, 264.
iiriSell-ets. See Displays.
2077/Sos, 35.
Epiphanius, sophist, 154, 298,
304 n.
Epistle, the imaginary, 7.
Epistle-writing, 211 n.
Epitaph, trans, of, 56.
Eratosthenes, 49.
358
INDEX
Eudaemon, 172, 274.
Eumenius, appointed professor
at Autun by the emperor,
141 n.; offers salary for res-
toration of university build-
ing, 163 n.; his salary, 172.
Eunapius, biographer, 107;
discussion of passage in,
142 n.; trans, from, on con-
test for chair at Athens, 153-
158; of himself, at sixteen,
214; on Libanius's declama-
tions, 203; on character-
istics of Libanius, 205, 206;
trans, from, on Eustathius
and Chrysanthius, 237; trans,
from, on Proaeresius, 247;
taught in the morning, took
lessons in the afternoon,
279, 293 n.; important
source of information, 283 n. ;
trans, from, on Nymphidi-
anus, 291 n.; age at which
he went to Athens to study,
293 n.\ escaped full initia-
tory rites, 305, 306; trans,
from, account of his arrival
at Athens, 306, 307; his de-
scription of the sophist Juli-
an's house, 308, 309; his de-
scription of Libanius 's meth-
od of study, 311, 312; trans,
from, the case of Apsines and
Julian, 316-318; remained
five years at college, 331.
Euphorion of Chalcis, 50.
Eusebius, sophist, 170.
Eustathius, 237.
Examinations, for the Ephebic
College, 38; for philosophi-
cal and sophistical chairs,
135, 147 n., 153; for a soph-
ist's class, 297 n.
Excusatio, 164 n.
Expenses of students, 331.
Extempore speaking, 224-227,
343.
'Fable/ method of treatment
of, 207-210.
Farewell speeches, 238, 263,
266.
Fees, taken in the philosophi-
cal schools, 29; of Isocrates,
32; of the sophists, 179-
184, 187-189.
Fielding, Henry, Tom Jones
quoted, 171 n.
Fiscus, the, 172.
Flamininus, Titus Quinctius,
45, 52.
Friendships made at college,
329, 330.
Gaza, 112 n., 124, 278.
Gellius, Aulus, on student life
at Athens, 132, 133.
Geography, 25, 96, 197.
Geometry, 24, 197.
Gesticulation of the sophists,
230-232.
Gorgias, 6 n.
Goths, the, 104, 121.
Gown, academic, 301-303.
Grades in education, 18, 19, 64.
Graduate professional schools,
120 n.
Grammar, meaning of the
word, as used by the Alexan-
drians, 20; the study of , pro-
moted by the fifth- century
sophists, 20, 21; method of
learning, in the time of
Dionysius of Halicarnassus,
21 n.; Greek, foundations of
syntax laid, 96.
'Grammar,' chairs of, 88,
143-145; character of the
course in, 23, 24, 201, 202.
'Grammarians,' their course
of study, 23, 24, 201, 202;
immunities of, 81, 87-90,
165-170; officially appoint-
ed, 88, 134 n., 143-145; hon-
ored with title, 150; salaries
of, 172, 178; in Libanius 's
school, 271; at Antioch,
275.
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