. >J^" o^^\ ;^4-^' . ..: \*SS^-> " X - N ">V \ 1 V \ « vSv Cn" ^> i^LlBRARY OF CONGRESS. ^ i SHELF j^^(0-- i- UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.; Usi HISTORICAL PAPERS BY CHARLES WESLEY TUTTLE. jui^^f£^ccA^ Capt. Francis Champernownh, THE DUTCH CONQUEST OF ACADIE. BY CHARLES WESLEY TUTTLE, ESQ., Ph.D. EDITED BY ALBERT HARRISON HOYT, A.M., With Historical Notes. IV/TH A MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR, By JOHN WARD DEAN, A.M. BOSTON: PRINTED BY JOHN WILSON AND SON, SHniberatta ?Ptess. MDCCCT.XXXIX. L • N0.. f3f>B8 THREE HUNDRED COPIES. TABLE OF CONTENTS. Page List of Illustrations ix Preface xi-x\i Memoir of Charles Wesley Tuttle 1-54 Memoir of Mrs. Ma.ry Louisa Tuttle 5 7-59 Captain FRA^XIS Champernowne 61-124 I. His AncestT)- and Kindred 61-100 n. His Life in New England 100-124 Conquest of Acadie by the Dutch 127-159 The Report of ax Indian Massacre at Fox Point, Xewing- TON, New Hampshire 163-171 Establishment of the Royal Provincial Government of New Hampshire 175-194 New Hampshire w^TH0UT Provincial Govern?*ient .... 197-214 Hope-Hood 217-221 Christopher Kilby 225-238 Hugh Percy 241-267 CoL"RT OF Vice- Admiralty over America 271-274 Edward Randolph 277-326 His Will 280-281 Notes on Edward Randolph and his Ancestn,* 282-321 Letters and Papers in Print 321-325 Letter to Gyles Randolph 325 Letter to John Usher 326 vi Table of Contents. APPENDIX. Page No. I. Combinations for Local Government in New Hampshire 329-335 On the Lower Pascataqua 329 At Exeter ZZ^ In the Hilton Patent m No. 2. Francis Champernowne's Will 335-^33^ No. 3. The Cutt, Elliot, and Elliott Families .... 338-340 No. 4. The King's Letter to Massachusetts, announcing War with the United Provinces, 3 April, 1672 . 341-343 No. 5. Action of the Governor and Council on Receipt OF the King's Letter in Regard to the Dutch Fleet 343-345 No. 6. Letters of Count Frontenac 345-349 Count Frontenac's Report to M. Colbert 345-347 Count Frontenac's Letter of Safe-Conduct to M. Norman- ville 347-348 Count Frontenac's Letter to the Magistrates at Boston . 348-349 No. 7. John Freake's Complaint of Injuries to his Ves- sel 349-350 No. 8. Order of the Governor and Council to stop all Vessels going to the eastward from Boston . 350-352 Captain Mosley ordered with a Naval Force against dep- redators on Massachusetts Shipping 351 Instructions for Captain Mosley 35^-352 No. 9. Deposition of George Manning 352-355 No. 10. Examination of the Prisoners captured by Cap- tain Mosley 355-357 No. II. Indictment and Sentence in the Case of Peter Roderigo and of John Rhoade 358-359 No. 12. Defence of the Prisoners charged with Piracy 360-376 No. 13. The Commissions from the Dutch West India Company to John Rhoade and Cornelis Steen- WYCK 376-381 Table of Contents. vii Page No. 14. Letter from the Dutch Ambassador to the King OF Great Britain respecting the Prisoners held at Boston, 5 August, 1675 382 No. 15. Orders in Council on the Dutch Ambassador's Memorial, ii February, 1676 383 The King's Letter to the Governor and Council of Massachusetts, 18 February, 1676 384 No. 16. Answer of the Governor and Council of Massa- chusetts TO the Dutch Ambassador's Memo- rial, 5 October, 1676 385-388 No. 17. Correspondence between the States-General and THE English Court respecting the Arrest and Trial of Rhoade and others as Pirates, etc. . 389-399 The Dutch Ambassador's Letter to the States-General, 15 August, 1679 389-390 Memorial of the Dutch Ambassador to the King of Great Britain, 14 August, 1679 390~39^ Letter from the Dutch West India Company to the States- General, 1679 391-393 Letter from the Dutch Ambassador to the States-General, 22 August, 1679, enclosing the King's Reply to the Memorial of the, Dutch Ambassador, 8 Au- gust, 1679 393-394 Letter from the Dutch Ambassador to the States-General, 3 October, 1679, with enclosures 394— 39^ Letter from the Dutch West India Company to the States- General 398-399 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. / Page Portrait of Charles Wesley Tutti,e to face Titlepage. ^ Dartmouth, Devon to face 64 ^ Dartington House, Devon (ancient view) to face 69 ^ Dartington House (modern view) to face 70 r^ Portrait of Gawen Champernowne to face 72 / Entrance to Fulford House, Devon to face 78 V Fulford House ^oface 79 ^ Site of Francis Champernowne's House, Greenland, New Hampshire ^^face 104 ^ Map of Pascataqua to face 11 1 y Facsimile of Signatures to Francis Champernowne's Will to face 121 / Francis Champernowne's Grave, Champernowne's Island, KiTTERV, Maine ^^face 124 PREFACE. /^HARLES WESLEY TUTTLE was my intimate friend and companion, and his death is a source of abiding sorrow. By all who duly appreciated his char- acter, ability, and attainments, his decease was greatly mourned. Speaking after the manner of men, he seems to have been cut off in the midst of his years, and before he had accomplished his most cherished purposes. Mr. Tuttle contemplated an historical work of larger scope than anything he gave to the press, or anything he left in manuscript. His studies and many of his writings were but preliminary to this more elaborate undertaking. It will continue to be a matter of regret that this intent was not realized. In his addresses and papers read before historical soci- eties, in his contributions to the public press, and espe- cially in his Life of Captain John Mason, the founder of New Hampshire, — a work completed and edited since the xii Preface. author's death by John Ward Dean, A.M., with acknowl- edged abiHty and learning, — Mr. Tuttle gave ample evi- dence that he possessed in a large measure the qualifications for writing authentic and authoritative history. First of all, he was indefatigable and thorough in re- search, even to the minutest details. But, what is of the highest importance, he estimated facts in their proper relation and due proportion. To this it is to be added that he was singularly free from the bias of place, of party, and of early education. He had in a rare degree the judicial faculty as applied to historical events and charac- ters. Having reached his conclusions, he was fearless in expression, — fearing nothing save the danger of falling into error. Born and bred in New England, and a life-long stu- dent of her history, he was proud of the stock from which he grew, — a stock having its root in the civilization of Old England, — the men and the women who colonized this northern wilderness, and, under extraordinary hazards and difficulties, laid the foundations for prosperous common- wealths of self-governing peoples. A history of New England colonization and of New England affairs in the seventeenth century was suited to his trained faculties and large information. Had he accomplished this, as he de- signed, the result could not have failed to be valuable. Mr. Tuttle left a considerable number of papers on his- torical subjects which, it is evident, he intended to enlarge Preface. xiii and complete for publication in a durable form. These papers were carefully arranged and preserved by his widow and her father, the late Honorable John C. Park. Pursu- ant to the testamentary direction of Mrs. Tuttle, — as more fully appears on the fifty-eighth page of this volume, in the graceful sketch of her life by Mrs. Harriet Prescott Spofford, her intimate friend, — a selection from these papers has been made for the press. They constitute the chief portion of this collection of Historical Papers. Having been asked to edit these Papers, I have en- deavored to discharge the duty committed to me in such a manner as not to detract from the author's justly earned reputation. An effort has been made to verify every ma- terial statement by a careful reference to the authorities cited by the author and to other original sources of infor- mation. This has required much time and labor. Only such additions have been made as were necessary to com- plete the narrative of events, and only such corrections as were required in the light of facts discovered since the author's death. In no instance has any alteration been made which would in the slightest degree change his expressed opinions, judgments, or criticisms. These rep- resent his deliberate conclusions, for which he was willino; to be responsible. Notes and other historical illustrations have been added by the editor where it seemed necessary or desirable. The most extended of these notes relate to Edward Randolph, xiv Preface. and are intended to be illustrative of Mr. Tuttle's paper which precedes them. These notes contain much new matter pertaining to one of the most remarkable characters in the early history of New England. The volume is enriched with portraits, views of his- torical scenes and places, and other illustrations. For the views of houses and scenes in Devonshire, the editor is indebted to the Reverend Richard Champernowne, M.A., the venerable Rector of Dartington, England, and to his nephew, the late Arthur Champernowne, Esquire, of Dart- ington Hall. To the Reverend Mr. Champernowne I am indebted also for the portrait of one of his most distin- guished ancestors. He informs me that it is the portrait of Gawen Champernowne, grandfather of Captain Francis Champernowne. It is still preserved at the Hall, and bears the date of 1590. In the upper right-hand corner is the following inscription : " II donne tout qui donne soi- meme." This may properly be understood as referring to the valiant service in arms rendered by Gawen Cham- pernowne to the Huguenots of France under one of their most eminent leaders, the Count Montgomery, whose daughter Gawen Champernowne married, as is related by Mr. Tuttle in the following pages. The Appendix includes a considerable number of in- teresting papers and documents, obtained in part from foreign archives, and now for the first time printed. In the Paper (No. i) entitled "Combinations for Local Gov- Preface. xv ernment in New Hampshire," the editor has stated all that is known, as he believes, of the history and character of those early attempts at self-government. Since Mr. Tuttle's death several of his most valued foreign correspondents have passed away. Among his English correspondents were the late Reverend Frederick Brown, M.A. ; Arthur Champernowne, Esquire, already named ; and Colonel Joseph L. Chester, D.C.L. Their warm interest in the author's researches entitles their names to this mention. Among the living, to whom the editor is much indebted, is Edmund Randolph, Esquire, of the Isle of Wight. From John Ward Dean, A.M., the learned editor of the New England Historical and Genealogical Register, I have received valuable aid. The multitude of persons who for the space of twoscore years have profited by his re- markable knowledge of New England history will appreciate how serviceable that aid has been. My acknowledgments are likewise due to John S. H. Fogg, M.D., of Boston, whose rich collection of original papers was always open to Mr. Tuttle, as it has been to the editor. I am also indebted to the Honorable Andrew M. Haines, of Galena, Illinois, not only for the use of his correspondence with Mr. Tutde respecting the early his- tory of Greenland, New Hampshire, but also for infor- mation on the same subject kindly communicated to me. Mention should also be made of assistance in my xvi Preface. researches from the Honorable Charles Levi Woodbury, of Boston ; from Mr. Edward F. Safford and Mrs. H. S. Hinman, both of Kittery, Maine ; from J. Hamilton Shapley, Esquire, of Exeter, New Hampshire ; from Mr. J. Clement Weeks and Charles W. Pickering, A.M., both of Greenland; and from Mr. Nathaniel J. Herrick, of Portland, Maine. My thanks are also due to Abner C. Goodell, Jr., Esquire, of Salem, for the generous loan of his copies of certain papers in the archives of the State. I should be remiss did I not acknowledge my obligations to the Honorable John J. Currier, of Newburyport, the executor of Mrs. Tuttle's Will, for his lively interest in the preparation of this volume, and for his wise counsel. I gladly avail myself of this opportunity to return my thanks to Messrs. John Wilson & Son, University Press, Cambridge, and to their very excellent proof-readers and printers, who have so faithfully and successfully co-operated in the work of giving a fitting typographical dress to this volume. All here named have thus helped in various ways to carry into execution in a worthy manner the last Will and Testament of Mrs. Tuttle, in this final expression of her respect for the memory of her lamented husband. A. H. H. Boston, i6 Marlborough Street, 20 September, 1889. MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR, BY JOHN WARD DEAN. MEMOIR. r^HARLES WESLEY TUTTLE was born in New- ^ field, Maine, Nov. i, 1829. His father, Mr. Moses Tuttle, was a descendant in the sixth generation from John Tuttle, who settled at Dover, N. H., previous to 1640. His mother, Mary, daughter of Lieut. Joseph Merrow, was the fifth in descent from Dr. Samuel Merrow, or Merry, who was an inhabitant of Dover as early as 1720. The subject of this Memoir numbered among his ancestors many of the early settlers of New Hampshire, and was allied by blood to some of the most distinguished personages in the history of that State.^ His boyhood was passed with his parents at Newfield, and the rudiments of his education were obtained in the schools there. From an early age he was an ardent admirer of the works of Nature, and, having a keen eye and an observing spirit, he soon became familiar with every flower, tree, bird, and animal in his neighborhood. He delighted ^ For Mr. Tuttle's paternal and ma- vol. xxi. pp. 132-140; and the Hon. ternal ancestry, see the New England John Wentworth's Wentworth Gene- Historical and Genealogical Register, alogy, Boston, 1878, vol. ii. p. 284. 4 Memoir of the Author. in studying their peculiarities and habits. But his chief attraction was found in the sky above him. Night after night he watched with wonder and awe the myriad stars in the heavens, studying their motions when he had no help except that furnished him by a common almanac. He availed himself of every source of information bearing upon his favorite study. When from twelve to fourteen years old, while attending the district school at Newiield, then taught by Mr. Eben Hurd, afterwards a physician, one of the scholars, Hannah Cranch Bond, some three or four years older than himself, had a copy of Elijah H. Burritt's book. The Geography of the Heavens, which she was studying. A schoolmate, Mrs. Hannah Drew Hutchings, now residing at Kittery Depot, Maine, who furnishes this information, writes to me that she remembers when Miss Bond, Charles, and herself were returning from spelling-schools in the evening. Miss Bond would often talk about astronomy, and point out the different stars and con- stellations ; and she recollects that her schoolmate, at sub- sequent meetings, frequently expressed surprise at the judg- ment shown by Charles in his observations. Miss Bond was a niece of William Cranch Bond the astronomer, and a second cousin to Charles. His mother died Aug. 23, 1845. Charles was the eldest child of the family which she left. Besides him there were four sons and one daughter,^ all of whom are now dead, with the exception of three sons, — Freeman, residing at Cambridge, Mass. ; Horace Parnell, attached to the Naval 1 See Wentworth Genealogy, 1878, vol. ii. pp. 284-286, for their names and the events in their lives. Memoir of the Author, 5 Observatory at Washington, a distinguished astronomer, the discoverer of Tuttle's Comet, and of two planets, Maia and Clytia; and Lieutenant Francis, of Oakland, Cal., an officer of the United States Revenue Marine. Charles, who at the death of his mother was nearly sixteen years old, was placed in the family of his uncle, Mr. John W. Tuttle, of Dover, N. H. Mr. Tuttle's wife was a sister, and he was a cousin, of Charles's father. In religion they were Meth- odists, as were also — as might be inferred from the Chris- tian names they gave to him, their eldest son — Charles's parents. Under the influences of this denomination Charles was brought up. Later in life his views inclined to Unita- rianism, to which denomination his wife and her family belonged. His father and uncle were Democrats in politics, and Charles acted with this party during his life. At Dover, Charles attended the town schools, and made good progress in his studies. An intimate friend of later years, the Rev. Alonzo H. Quint, D.D., who had charge temporarily of a school which he attended, has described him to me as a bright and studious scholar, and very quick of apprehension. When the time arrived for him to se- lect an occupation for life, he chose that of a printer, and pleaded hard that he might be apprenticed to it; but his uncle would not comply with his wishes, thinking it better that he should be taught his own trade, that of a carpenter. As an apprentice he was industrious and skilful, faithfully discharging all his duties. The time not required for work, however, was devoted to study, and this was often protracted to the hour of midnight. His passion for astronomy and mathematics continued, and books that taught him these 6 Memoir of the Author. subjects had a preference, though his reading made him fa- miliar with belles-lettres, history, and general literature. He would sit with the household about him, with callers com- ing and going, and would know nothing of what occurred, so intent was he on the book before him. The neigh- bors made inquiries, too, as to who was at the Tuttles', for there was a light from one window all night long. His aunt, a sister of his father, sympathized with the lad, and to her he confided his plans of life. He said to her, " I mean to do something worth living for." This, it has been well said, was " the key-note of his single-minded and faithful spirit." His fondness for astronomy has been mentioned. " The sublime phenomena of the starry heavens made a deep impression on his youthful mind long before he could understand the science. The impressive phenomenon of an eclipse of the sun in 1836," when he was six years old, "for- ever fixed his interest in astronomy. The great comet of 1843, so grand and mysterious, also made a deep and lasting impression on him. While still a boy he constructed with his own hands the first telescope he ever saw, and was de- lighted to see in it all the wonderful celestial phenomena discovered by Galileo." ^ This telescope is still preserved, and those who have seen it are surprised that so perfect a piece of mechanism should have been constructed, considering the disadvantages under which he labored. The telescope is now the property of Mr. James G. Shute, of Jamaica Plain, Mass., who was an apprentice in the same shop that Charles's uncle occu- * Unpublished Memoir of Mr. Tuttle, author unknown. Memoir of the Author. 7 pied when the telescope was constructed. Mr. Shute in- forms me that Charles could not wait to make a tripod on which to mount it before he tried it, but the two friends fastened it to a stake in a fence against a snow-drift, and took a look through it at the stars. It was on a very cold night, and Mr. Shute thinks it was in December. As neither of them had looked through a telescope before, they were both of course very much excited ; but Mr Shute does not remember which looked through the telescope first. The friends had similar tastes, and Mr. Shute, who had a small library, loaned a number of books to his friend, among them Shakspeare's works, and a set of the writings of Thomas Dick, LL.D., whose books on astronomy were then very popular. It was the Practical Astronomy of Dr. Dick that suggested to the youth the construction of a telescope, and furnished directions for making it. At one time Charles heard that Dr. Dick was coming to this country, and inquired about it of Dr. Robert Thompson, of Dover, a gentleman of literary and scientific tastes. Dr. Thompson was a native of Scotland and a graduate of the Royal College of Surgeons, and had recently settled at Dover. The conversation which followed, and the thirst for knowledge shown by the boy, caused the doctor, who had a large library, to say, " Charles, my library is always free to you." It is needless to state that the privilege was appreciated and gladly accepted. Young Tuttle found here many books on scientific as well as other subjects, the contents of which he eagerly devoured. Another place where he found food for his mind was the bookstore of Deacon Edmund J. Lane, who was often surprised by his 8 Memoir of the Author. inquiries for books that the veteran bookseller had never seen, and sometimes had never heard of. He had heard of the Observatory, then recently estab- lished at Cambridge, and had an ardent desire to visit it. Availing himself of a holiday, he repaired to Cambridge. Without any introduction he presented himself at the Observatory and asked permission of Prof. William Cranch Bond, the Director, to examine the telescope. He was at first refused ; but a remark which he made, as he was going away, struck Professor Bond with surprise, and he granted him permission. This was the first telescope, except the small one he had himself constructed, that he had ever seen. In 1849 his father, who had the previous year married again, removed to Cambridge, Mass., and Charles went with him. It is said that Charles had some influence with his step-mother and his father in selecting Cambridge as their residence. Not long after their removal to that city Charles made the acquaintance of Truman Henry Safford, a youth of thirteen years, whose wonderful achievements in mathe- matics and astronomy were then astonishing the learned world. Young Safford, who was preparing to enter Har- vard College, and was a frequent visitor at the Observa- tory, obtained the consent of Professor Bond to invite Mr. Tuttle to accompany him in his visits, — a privilege which was much guarded. The professor was struck with Mr. Tuttle's interest in and knowledge of astronomy. The re- sult was that the latter was invited to accept a position there. Mr. Tuttle gladly availed himself of the oppor- tunity. In July, 1850, three years after the Observatory Memoir of the Author. 9 had been established, he entered it as a student with a small stipend. Here he spent a few months in studying practical astronomy, and the use of astronomical instruments. The acquaintance with astronomy which he showed, — an ac- quaintance which he had derived solely from the study of books, and from sweeping the heavens nightly with his small telescope, — surprised Professor Bond. Mr. Tuttle made such rapid progress in his astronomical studies, that in the following October he was elected by the College Corporation as Second Assistant Observer, and this election was unanimously confirmed by the Over- seers, Feb. 7, 185 1. He now had a larger salary, and en- tered with zeal upon his chosen profession, which he ar- dently hoped, and had good reason to believe, would be his life labor. His pursuit of astronomy, and particu- larly of practical astronomy, was rewarded with gratifying success. Less than six months after he entered the Observatory as a student, and the month after his appointment as an observer, he was able to make an important addition to scientific knowledge. A series of observations on the planet Saturn and its rings had, since 1847, been made at the Observatory.^ In one of these observations Professor Bond discovered new and interesting phenomena in connec- tion with the rings of Saturn. On the 15th of November, 1850, Mr. Tuttle's observations led him to furnish a satis- factory scientific explanation of these phenomena by show- ^ These observations were begun in printed in the Annals of the Astronomi- the summer of 1847, and ended in the cal Observatory of Harvard College, spring of 1857. An account of them is vol. ii. pt. i., 1857, pp. 1-136. lo Memoir of the Author. ing the existence of a new interior ring, now known as the Dusky Ring of Saturn. Mr, Tuttle's record of his obser- vations on that night is as follows: — Saturn looks remarkably distinct, its belts are easily seen, and the division of the ring is quite conspicuous. I notice that dark penumbral light, on the inside of the interior ring at its greatest apparent elongation from the ball, which I have seen several times before on good nights. It resembles very much the unilluminated part of the disc of the moon just before and after conjunction with the sun. It is similar on either side of the planet. Its estimated width is about the same as that of the outer ring, or a little less. The greatest width of this dark ring is at a point on each side of the planet, in a line with the axis major of the other rings. From this point it diminishes as it passes behind and in front of the planet, where it appears as a dark line on the disc. Close to the inner edge of the interior ring, the inside of this dark ring is very sharply defined, but I cannot see that it is detached from it. A dark band of considerable width, the shadow of the ring on the disc of the planet, is seen below.^ Prof. William C. Bond appends the following note to the record as printed : — On the evening of the 15th the idea was first suggested by Mr. Tuttle of explaining the penumbral light bordering the interior edge of the bright ring outside of the ball, as well as the dusky line cross- ing the disc on the side of the ring opposite to that where its shadow was projected on the ball, by referring both phenomena to the ex- istence of an interior dusky ring, now first recognized as forming part of the system of Saturn. This explanation needed only to be proposed, to insure its immediate acceptance as the true and only satisfactory solution of the singular appearances which the view of ^ Annals of the Astronomical Observatory, vol. ii. p. 48. Memoir of the Author. 1 1 Saturn had presented during the past season, and which we had previously been unable to account for.^ In 1852 Mr. Tuttle, being worn out with long and un- interrupted application to his duties at the Harvard College Observatory, was advised to go into New Hampshire and there rest. " Upon this," he writes, " I resolved to visit the White Mountains, and satisfy a youthful longing and am- bition. Taking a few scientific instruments for my amuse- ment while absent, I set out for Dover, where I remained several weeks. While there I made an excursion to the Isles of Shoals, and stayed a few days at the Appledore House.^ On my return to Dover I was so far recovered as to undertake my journey to the Mountains." He left Dover, July 13, and in two days reached Gibbs's hotel, and on the next morning, July 15, on horseback, began the ascent of Mt. Washington, reaching the summit at half-past twelve, after a ride from the hotel of three hours and forty minutes. His "chief purpose, a long cherished one, was to compare the lustre of the stars and planets, seen from that great height, with their lustre at the sea-level, and also to witness the sublime phenomena of a sunset and sunrise." He found at the summit men engaged in building the first house erected on the top of that mountain. " It was a structure," he says, " whose walls were of rough stone, — quarried on the site, as I was informed, — one story high and of considerable length, with a wooden roof kept down to the walls by strong cables of rope thrown over the ridge ^ Annals of the Astronomical Obser- 1852, from Appledore House, Isles of vatory, vol, ii. p. 48. Shoals, was printed in the Dover Ga- 2 A letter from him, dated July 7, zette about that time. 12 Memoir of the Author. and fastened to rocks. Workmen were just finishing the southern gable, while others were employed inside." A straggling party of tourists followed him, but they returned about two o'clock in the afternoon. Mr. Tuttle asked per- mission to pass the night in the building, but was told that it was not ready. On explaining the object of his visit, he was told that he could stay if he would put up with their fare. Before sunset the summit of the mountain became enveloped in a thick cloud, shutting out the view of the heavens and the landscape on all sides. " A nightcap had been set," he writes, " on the head of Mt. Washington, and there remained till break of day, when it was silently and quietly withdrawn, to give me, what I much longed for, a sunrise, the most magnificent spectacle that I ever expect to witness. My disappointment in not seeing the stars and planets was much lessened on seeing the sun rise over so vast a region of territory. I did not cease to deplore my failure to see the midnight heavens. The workmen ex- pressed their sympathy for me, but seemed to agree that I ought to be satisfied with having seen a sunrise, and with being the first traveller to sleep in a house on Mt. Washington."^ In the following autumn he took a voyage to Philadel- phia, leaving Boston on the 25th of September, and arriving 1 Three accounts of Mr. Tattle's first dated Oct. 15, 1879, appeared in The ascent of Mt. Washington, in July. 1852, State Press, Dover, N. H., on the 24th written by himself, have been printed, of that month. The third account, date Tlie first, a letter from Gibbs's Hotel, unknown, was printed one year after his White Mountains, dated July 16, 1852, death, in Burt's Among the Clouds, — the day of his return from the summit, a newspaper printed on the summit of appeared soon after in the Dover Ga- Mt. Washington, — July 14, 1S82. zette. The second, a letter from Boston, Memoir of the Author. 13 at Philadelphia on the morning of the 27th. A diary of this voyage is preserved among Mr. Tuttle's papers. He visited various places of interest in that historic city, and wrote two descriptive letters to the editor of the Dover Gazette, who printed them in his newspaper.^ On the evening of Thursday, March 8, 1853, at about nine o'clock, Mr. Tuttle discovered a telescopic comet in the constellation Eridanus, about five degrees south, pre- ceding the bright star Rigel, and computed the elements of its orbit and an ephemeris of its course. This comet revolves around the sun in not less than sixteen hundred years. In a newspaper article by Mr. Tuttle, published in 1858, relating to fourteen comets which had then been dis- covered at the Harvard College Observatory, — nine by Mr. George P. Bond, one by himself, and four by his brother, Mr. Horace P. Tuttle, — the difficulties attending the discovery of telescopic comets are thus described : — Few persons are aware of the patience and labor exercised by the astronomer in making discoveries of this kind. It requires several years' study and practice, to qualify one to discover a telescopic comet. It is undoubtedly very easy to look at a comet, already visible to the naked eye in the heavens ; but when it is required to discover an unknown one, wandering in its " long travel of a thousand years " in the profound abyss of space, the labor then becomes truly prodigious. The amount of physical suffering, occa- sioned by exposure to all kinds of temperature, the bending and twisting of the body when examining near the zenith, and the con- stant strain of the eye, cannot be fully understood and appreciated by one unacquainted with an astronomer's life. * These letters bear date Sept. 29, and Oct. i, 1852. 14 Memoir of the Attthor. The astronomer with his telescope begins at the going down of the sun, and examines, in zones, with the utmost care and vigilance, the starry vault, and continues till the " circling hours " bring the sun to the eastern horizon, when star and comet fade from his view. It requires several nights to complete a thorough survey of the heavens ; and often these nights do not follow in succession, being interrupted by the full moon, by cloud and auroras, and by various other meteorological phenomena. He is frequently vexed by pass- ing clouds fleeting through the midnight sky, and strong and chilly breezes of the night. His labors are continued throughout the year ; and his unwearied exertions do not slacken during the long wintry nights, when the frozen particles of snow and ice, driven before the northern blast, cause the stars to sparkle with unusual lustre, and his breath to congeal on the eye-piece of his telescope. It frequently happens that his labors are not crowned with a discovery until after several years* search. It was with great satisfaction that Mr. Tuttle was able to announce to the scientific world, so early in his astronomi- cal career, the discovery of a telescopic comet. Afterwards it was learned that the comet "had been seen two days earlier at Rome by Professor Secchi,"^ but this discovery of course was unknown in this country. It was not long before Mr. Tuttle became known among astronomers as a skilful observer and expert calculator. The archives of the Observatory show how diligently and extensively he explored the heavens while his health per- mitted him to do so. He and Prof. George P. Bond jointly made the observations of the fixed stars which form the first series of Zone Observations printed in the Annals of the Observatory.^ ^ Annals of the Astronomical Observatory, vol. i. p. clxxii. ' Annals, vol. i. pt. ii. Memoir of the Author. 15 On Friday, the 26th of May, 1854, there was an annular eclipse of the sun ; and preparations were made by Pro- fessor Bond to have it observed in New Hampshire from the top of Mt. Washington, and in its vicinity, points near the northern limit of the annular phase of the eclipse. In accordance with previous arrangements with Dr. Alexan- der Dallas Bache, the superintendent of the United States Coast Survey, three of Professor Bond's assistants, Mr. George P. Bond, Mr. Tuttle, and Mr. Richard F. Bond, were furnished with telescopes and time-keepers for this duty.^ On the 17th of May they left Cambridge for the White Mountains. A diary of this expedition by Mr. Tuttle is preserved among his papers. After arriving at the White Mountains, Mr. Richard F. Bond proceeded to the Station House to take observations there, and Mr. George P. Bond and Mr. Tuttle, attended by guides, started for the summit of Mt. Washington, which they reached amid a drenching storm of rain -and hail, on the afternoon of Thursday the 25th. " The storm raged fearfully, and the wind rushed around the summit with great velocity."^ The rain con- tinued on Friday, and as there was no appearance of its abating, at a quarter before 3 p.m. the party returned. After reaching the Glen House, there being indications that the clouds would clear away, the telescopes were adjusted for observations, but they were again doomed to disappointment. The same month (May, 1854) Mr. Tuttle was obliged to resign his position at the Observatory, which he did with 1 Annals of the Astronomical Observatory, vol. i. pt. i. p. clxxviii. 2 Mr. Tuttle s Diary. '16 Memoir of the Author, great reluctance.^ " Too constant application to astronomi- cal work brought on a serious difficulty with his eyesight, occasioned in part by the action of the intense light of celestial objects seen through the great refractor, and by reading the divisions on finely graduated instruments at night. A system of treatment failed to relieve him, and he was obliged to suspend observing altogether. After some delay, finding no relief for his eyes, he reluctantly resigned the position of Assistant Observer, a position which it had been the aim of his life to attain."^ Professor Bond, in his annual report in 1854, thus refers to this event : — During the year some changes have taken place in regard to the assistants at the Observatory. Mr. C. W. Tuttle found himself under the necessity of resigning his connection with the Observa- tory, in consequence of the failure of his eyesight, a circumstance much to be regretted, as he participated faithfully and ardently in our pursuits, and had proved an eminently capable assistant during the four years of his engagement. A journey to the West, afford- 1 From an anonymous article pub- Henry Safford, the eminent mathematician, lished in the Evening Courier, Boston, v/ho has won independent titles to distinc- June 7, 1865, I make these extracts : — tion by important researches in theoretical "The personnel of the Observatory has astronomy, vvas then appomted assistant never been large ; and, in the order of t''^'''^'\ ^^^% .^r' '"" r'^ • ^'Tt° ^„^„*o fu.-^ , u„ <;,^* * 1 tu ~ have had any ofncial connection with the events, those who nrst turned those mag- <-.< . / -^ ^ « i- i i. • o .,:fi^^„^ ; ,-*.. ™„ ^ *„ tu^ u Observatory from Its establishment m iN47. nincent instruments to the heavens are now « ™, -' , ^, ,, , ^' ^^ .^„,-» Ti „ 1 t I wTw r^ \^ 1 here are, however, three well-known no more. 1 he lamented William Cranch • ^-r \ u i , T,„ 1 „,„„,• i.„ 1 1 .1 . ^- f»i scientific gentlemen who have been acting Isond superintended the construction of the • ^ ^^ ^ ■ .. -..i • ^i, i ^ r\K, „, iL 1 •.. c I T-v- 4. assistants at various times within the last Observatory, and was its first Director. . at • e- i /^ vj n c a H.I-', . ,-1 TJi -ir r> 1 ten years, — MaiorSidney Loolidge, U.S.A., is son, the late George Phillips Bond, was u •'r n ' ^i ■' .. i ^A cr-\-\ appointed first assistant observer, and on ^tn >" the great battle of Chickamauga. the death of his father in 1859 became "I^^^^ S^^^^^^^'y leading his regiment to a Director. Charles Wesley Tuttle was ap- g^^'-g^ = "7^.f u^T. I Jn >' ^^7 /" pointed an assistant observer in 1850, bit Europe, and attached to the United States his eyes proving unequal to the sever^ de- ^ayy ; and Prof. Asaph Hall now of the mands of astronomy, compelled him to re- National Observatory at Washington, sign after a few years' service. Truman ' Anonymous Memoir before quoted. Memoir of the Author. 1 7 Ing relaxation from an undue exertion of his eyes, has so far arrested the progress of the malady, as to enable him partially to resume his duties as an assistant, while at the same time he has entered himself as a law student at Dane Hall. In July, Mr. T. H. Safford, of the graduating class of this year, was engaged as an observer and computer. More recently Mr. Sidney Coolidge has joined the Observatory.* . Mr. Tuttle still kept up his interest in astronomy. " He not only made occasional telescopic observations, but he computed the parabolic elements of the comet of 1857, of the three that appeared in 1858, and in i860 observed the occupation of Venus; and his several reports were published in the Astronomical Journal, printed in Boston, and edited by Dr. Benjamin Apthorp Gould." ^ He lectured on astro- nomical subjects, and contributed to the magazines and newspapers many articles on these subjects. On leaving the Observatory he was undecided what pro- fession to adopt. After much consideration he chose that of the law. On the ist of September, 1854, he entered the Harvard Law School, where he remained till the 8th of August of the next year, attending the lectures, which gave him an opportunity to rest his eyes. After the close of the academical year at the Law School, he went to England with one of the Chronometric Expedi- tions of the United States Coast Survey, for determining the difference of longitude between Liverpool, England, and Cambridge, Mass. Of this expedition Mr. Tuttle 1 Annals of the Astronomical Obser- by the Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, A.M., vatory, vol. i. pt. i. p. clxxix. in Proceedings of the Massachusetts 2 Memoir of C. W. Tuttle, Ph.D., Historical Society, vol. xxi. p. 409. 1 8 Memoir of the Author. had joint charge with his friend Mr. Sidney Coolidge. " In this important undertaking about fifty chronometers were transported across the Atlantic, a strict surveillance being maintained over every circumstance which could affect their performance. It was a work demanding constant care, and a great amount of labor and skill in conducting the astro- nomical observations, and in the treatment of the valuable collection of instruments employed. To the fidelity and scrupulous care in the discharge of this responsible service must in a great measure be attributed the complete success of the enterprise. The results of these expeditions form the most important contribution which has yet been made to the determination of the zero of longitude for the western con- tinent." Messrs. Coolidge and Tuttle left Boston in the steamer Asia at noon on Wednesday, Aug. 15, 1855, and arrived at Liverpool, Saturday, August 26. They returned in the Africa, which left Liverpool at noon, Saturday, Sep- tember I, and reached her dock in Boston, Wednesday, the 12th of that month. Mr. Tuttle kept a diary on his voyages to and from England, and during his brief stay there. His keen powers of observation are shown by his graphic entries, which have frequently a touch of humor. The peculiarities of his fellow-passengers, of whom, when he went on board, he did not know a single person, with the exception of Mr. Coolidge, are well described. His chief attraction, however, seems to have been the wonders of Nature. A few of his descriptions are here extracted : — The wind is apparently blowing from the southeast. It looks finely now. A cumuli stratus is dissolving into fine cumuli, Memoir of the Author. 19 making that ' beautiful semblance of a flock at rest,' of Bloomfield. They do not appear so round as those seen on land, but only jagged and torn. The sun is approaching the horizon, and the ocean beneath it looks like liquid gold. . .' . A golden sunset. The sun went down amidst a gorgeous array of clouds. The sky was covered mostly with broken clouds, ex- cept near the horizon, where they were solid and unbroken. The sun seemed to break up the uniformity except where it went down and made a passage-way glorious to behold. The soft rose-color of the under side of the clouds fading away into gold and purple seemed to exceed anything I had ever seen. There is a landscape painting in the Athenaeum representing the setting of the sun, and a flock of sheep lying down and standing up, on a little knoll, which I have frequently looked upon with much satisfaction, more especially perhaps on account of the peculiar softness of the colors of the clouds. The clouds at sunset to-night were scattered and tinted like those in that picture, which I well remember, having seen it this morning. . . . Fog ! Fog ! Fog ! Sometimes we see the sun glimmering through the mist, and then we hope for a speedy clearing up. But all of a sudden it disappears, and the fog gathers up close to the ship, so that we can see but little beyond the sides of it. I am tempted to think that we are in the land of Ossian, and I sometimes look for the ghosts through whose shadowy forms the stars are said to have " dim twinkled." . . . It is impossible to describe the beautiful appearance of the several groups of gulls, with their snowy breasts rising and sinking in the blue waves. We passed a great many, and they made no eflbrt to get far from us. Now and then a solitary one looked ex- ceedingly beautiful. How contented they seem here in the solitude of the Atlantic. The storm and the winds give them no concern. 20 Memoir of the Author. I cannot help leaning over the railing at the stern, gazing upon the path which the ship makes. We have heard of the trackless ocean ; but for a mile the waters show the terrible track of the monster ship. When it is cloudy, or when the sun is east of the meridian, there may be seen splendid emerald tints over which liquid silver is gliding in a thousand different forms. . . . I am not surprised at the murmurs of the sailors of Columbus's little expedition, when they had been many days at sea, at the im- probability of return, and the dark uncertainty before them. I can- not look at the distant horizon, although I am well aware of what is beyond, without feelings bordering on the melancholy. There is something wonderfully sublime in looking at a horizon which has no bounds, and seems to terminate with the blue arch of heaven ; the dark-blue waters foaming in the tempest, and the lonely gull gliding over the burnished summits of the billows, and skimming without effort the vales between them. . . . This afternoon the clouds gathered as for a storm, and the ship rolled more than it has before on the voyage. At about four o'clock it commenced raining, and the ship began to roll more vio- lently. The clouds were somewhat broken up in the west, and the sun went down giving them a crimson hue of indescribable beauty. Later it began to rain hard, and the clouds became thicker and blacker as the darkness of the night came on. At nine o'clock, ship's time, on deck, it was truly sublime. It rained very fast, and there was great darkness on every side. The sails were of inky blackness, and as the wind did not blow in a right direction to fill them, they flapped occasionally with a great noise, partly owing, I suspect, to their being wet. The officer of the deck, who had always heretofore had a numerous company of passengers about him, was now deserted. He was silent, walking or leaning over the railing of the ship, and I could see as he passed, by the light of the binna- cle, his long oil-cloth coat glistening with rain-water. The wake of Memoir of the Author. 21 the ship for a great distance was a brilliant galaxy sparkling with meteoric stars. Indeed, it resembles one very much, and seemed a reflection of that " high and ample road " whose " dust is gold, and pavement stars." . . . The waves are often compared to mountains ; and though this is an exaggeration so far as size is considered, in every other respect the comparison is correct. The ship is now riding immense billows, the result of the storm yesterday, and they do indeed resemble mountains. . . . A couple of extracts about his fellow-passengers must suffice. I could not help observing what a jolly set of fellows the French passengers are. They are always lively in all sorts of weather. If they play cards, they talk and laugh continually, while a party of English close by, doing the same thing, sit in mopish silence. When these fellows walk the deck, they frisk all about, joking each other as they pass and repass. . . . Just in the rear of the smoke-pipe, on the saloon deck, is the place for smokers, story-tellers, and loafers in general. The Yan- kees generally assemble there to talk of monetary affairs, which gives them a heart content for a while. The others consist of every nation under the sun, I believe, judging from their appearance and accent. . . . They stopped at Halifax, Nova Scotia, on their voyage, and Mr. Tuttle gives a graphic description of his adven- tures there. On board, he witnessed some experiments in table-tipping. The vessel passed a number of steamers and sailing-vessels, the incidents in connection with which are duly recorded. He had expected to find much time for 22 Memoir of the Author. reading, but other things engrossed so much of his atten- tion that he read but little. He spent a good part of one day in reading a recently-published book by a Northern man in defence of slavery. This he pronounced " a detest- able book." " The Southerners," he adds, " cannot but be disgusted with it. It is the weakest apology for slavery I ever read." Mr. Tuttle spent only a week in England. All the time not required on the chronometers, which were placed at the Liverpool Observatory, was devoted to visiting historic places with which his reading had made him familiar. His diary shows that he saw and understood, in the few days he was able to devote to sight-seeing, more than many a traveller has done in a month. This was owing to the fact that what he had gathered from books was so carefully treasured in his mind that he had it always at his command. London and Stratford-on-Avon were the only places at which he allowed himself to spend much time. He made an early visit to Westminster Abbey, and looked with reverence on the graves and monuments of the illustrious dead of England. He was particularly at- tracted to Poets' Corner. He also heard in the chapel an impressive service. He visited the Tower of London, and saw the room in which Sir Walter Ralegh was confined ; the Bloody Tower, where the young princes were mur- dered; the ancient armor and weapons of war, the crown jewels, and the other curiosities of the place. Somerset House, which then contained the rooms of the Royal So- ciety and of the Royal Astronomical Society, was visited, and he saw there some of Newton's hair, and the reflecting Memoir of the Author. 23 telescope constructed by that illustrious man. In St. Paul's he viewed the monuments, and went up to the Whispering Gallery, and also to the Golden Gallery, from which he looked out " over the length and breadth of London " on the people in the various streets who " appeared like mice,'' and it made his "brain turn to look at them." He records also his visit to the British Museum, with its Gallery of Sculpture from Greece, Egypt, and Nineveh, — " the disin- terred remains of three and four thousand years ; " the Gal- lery of Animals ; and the innumerable things besides these, all curious and instructive. His visits to the National Gallery, to St. James Park, and the Suspension Bridge, are all noted in his diary. The Parliament House and Westminster Hall were closed, and he could only see the exterior. The localities which had been hallowed by the presence of those master minds, Shakspeare and Milton, seem to have had peculiar attractions for him. Bread Street, where the latter was born, was visited, as was also St. Giles's Church, Cripplegate, where he and his father are buried. I quote from Mr. Tuttle's diary this entry: — ■ When Paradise Lost and Comus enraptured me in America, I would gladly have gone any distance to pay my devoirs to so great a mind. Here I was in the very church in which perhaps when he was in the flesh he may have bowed to Him whose " Light discerns abstrusest thoughts." John Fox the martyrologist is buried here, and some other persons of more or less note ; but all are obscure beside the " sun-brightness " of Milton ; Milton ever glorious, Milton whose Paradise Lost, " itself 24 Memoir of the Author. instinct with spirit," has been the source of so many happy hours to me, — hours whose values are inexpressible "By numbers that have name." All hail, Great Milton ! The sweetness of thy voice never will cease to delight my ears. No ! "With thee conversing I forget all time, All seasons and their change : all please alike." While at London, Mr. Tuttle went to the Princess' Theatre, Oxford Street, where he saw Charles Kean and his wife, Mrs. Ellen Tree Kean, in Shakspeare's tragedy of Henry VII I. Mr. Kean took the part of Cardinal Wolsey, and Mrs. Kean that of Queen Katharine. He liked them both, but especially Mrs. Kean, who "acted nobly." The trial scene and the dream he pronounced " exquisite." Mr. Tuttle also witnessed a parade of the Horse Guards, which he thought " grand," but not worth the delay it had caused him. He left London Wednesday afternoon for Stratford-on- Avon, and arrived at midnight at the Shakspeare Hotel in that town. The next day was a perfect autumn day, and Mr. Tuttle was delighted with the beautiful scenery and pure atmosphere. He spent it in visiting the places con- nected with the memory of the bard of Avon. Early in the morning he went to the fields to hear the wonderful song of the skylarks, but was disappointed, being told that it was the season for them to moult, when it is rare to hear them sing. The scenery interested him much. He then visited the house where Shakspeare was born, and saw the various Memoir of the Author. 25 apartments in it. His feelings when the guide on entering a room said, " This is the room in which Shakspeare was born," are thus described in his diary : — I stood for a moment in silence, reflecting upon the great event which had transpired in this room, — an event which gave to the world a poet unrivalled in every grace of language, and the master of every passion that moves the human breast. After having thoroughly examined the house in which Shakspeare was born, he went to the church in which he was buried. After entering the Church of the Holy Trinity, he found himself among the sculptured memorials of celeb- rities of more or less note; but these did not detain him long. The guide advanced towards the railing before the altar, and said, " This is the great object which visitors come to see." At the same time he pointed with his hand to the north wall. " I raised my eyes," he writes, " and beheld the renowned monument of Shakspeare. The celebrated bust which preserves for us the lineaments of the great bard looked down upon me from its niche in awful majesty." The guide then rolled up a straw carpet which covered the floor directly in front of Shakspeare 's monument, and Mr. Tuttle's eye rested on the famous inscription beginning, " Good friend, for Jesus' sake forbear," which covers his dust. » Awful lines," Mr. Tuttle calls them, " such as never before guarded the resting-place of mortal. It is useless," he adds, " to attempt to describe my feelings while I gazed upon the inscription. No one has dared to violate the dreadful in- junction by opening his grave." The brass tablet bear- ing the epitaph of Shakspeare's wife, and the memorials 4 26 Memoir of the Author. of other members of Shakspeare's family, and of other per- sons connected with his history, were reverently examined, as the diary shows. Mr. Tuttle passed the site of New Place, where Shak- speare lived after his return from London, and where also he died. The building, which was ruthlessly demolished more than a hundred years ago, is called in early convey- ances the " Great House," and Mr. Tuttle remarks : " It can- not but give the highest satisfaction to the admirers of ' the myriad-minded poet,' that his last days were passed in the best house that his native town afforded." The site is now a garden enclosed by high walls. He visited the Town Hall, " every part of which showed its antiquity," and saw, among other things, the pictures of Shakspeare, Garrick, and others. He then went to a house in Bridge Street, where various relics of Shakspeare were collected, — a family that formerly occupied the house in Henley Street, where Shak- speare was born, having removed them to this place. An " arm-chair without arms," in which it is claimed the bard used to sit ; a table much cut away, said to have been his ; a veritable piece of the mulberry-tree said to have been planted by Shakspeare himself; and other relics of more or less authenticity, are noted in the diary. Here he found the registers of visitors to Shakspeare's birthplace in Henley Street, from 1812 to 1820, and noted many American names. Mr. Tuttle also made a pilgrimage to Shottery, to see the building claimed to be " Anne Hathaway 's cottage." He left the town that afternoon to return to Liverpool, taking: the sta2:e-coach for Leaminsfton from Stratford at the Red Horse tavern. While waiting here for the coach Memoir of the Author. 27 he entered into conversation with an Englishman who had dined with him at the Shakspeare Hotel. Perceiving by the address on Mr. Tuttle's trunks that he was an American, he asked him if he had been to the Crystal Palace at Syden- ham. On his replying in the negative, he exclaimed, "Why! I should rather have gone there than come here to Strat- ford to see ' Shakspeare's house.' " Mr. Tuttle said nothing ; but when the Englishman asked him why so many Ameri- cans came here to " see Shakspeare," he briefly told him of the high estimation in which Shakspeare's writings were held by every intelligent American. After his return to America Mr. Tuttle published in the Dover Gazette a series of articles on the historic places he had visited. One article is entitled, A Few Hours in West- minster Abbey ; the title of another is, A Visit to the Tower of London ; while four articles are devoted to A Glimpse at Stratford-upon-Avon. They show a familiar knowledge of history, acute observations, and just reflections. The sea-voyage and a long period of comparative rest improved his eyes, so that after his return from England he was able, in November, 1855, to enter the law oflice of the Hon. Harvey Jewell, of Boston, and complete his law studies. In 1856, at the March term of the Massachusetts Superior Court, held at Boston, he was admitted a member of the Suffolk bar, and authorized to practise in the courts of this State. He began practice that year at 20 Court Street, Boston, but removed to Newburyport in the spring of 1857, where he continued to practise his profession. Two years later he returned to Boston, where he practised till his death. His first office was at 46 Washington Street. 28 Memoir of the Author. Here he remained till Jan. i, i860, when he formed a law partnership with the Hon. Richard S. Spofford, Jr., and removed to No. 81 in that street. They had also an office at 31 State Street, Newburyport. In November, i860, they removed their Boston office from Washington Street, and took one at 27 Tremont Row, where they were joined by the Hon. Caleb Gushing. In July, 1864, Mr. Tuttle removed to 47 Court Street, where he remained nearly five years. In 1869 he took an office at 32 Pemberton Square, from which place he removed, about 1870, to 25 Bromfield Street. In the spring of 1872 he returned to 27 Tremont Row, which was his law office till his death. On the 15th of October, 1858, he was admitted to prac- tise in the United States Circuit Court, and on motion of Mr. Cushing, March i, 1861, to practise in the Supreme Court of the United States. In October, i860, he was appointed a United States Commissioner, in place of Mr. Sidney Webster, who had resigned the office. On the i8th of November, 1874, the United States Court of Alabama Claims appointed him a commissioner to take testimony to be used before that court. In 1865 he was elected a member of the New England Historic Genealogical Society, and from that time took an active part in its proceedings. He was a member of the board of directors from January, 1867, till his death, and was for a time its secretary. He was also a member of the publishing committee, served on various special committees, and read papers at meetings of the Society. In 1873 he was chosen a member of the Massachusetts Historical Society. Here he was a member of the Council, acted on Memoir of the Author. 29 special committees, read papers at its meetings, and other- wise contributed to the work of the Society. He was also an honorary member of . the New Hampshire Historical Society, and a corresponding member of the State His- torical Societies of Maine and Wisconsin, besides being a member of various other associations.^ On the 8th of Sep- tember, 1859, he was elected a member of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company. In 1872 he became a mem- ber of the Prince Society, in which he successively held the ofifices of treasurer and corresponding secretary ; was active in procuring its act of incorporation in 1874, and his name appears in the act. In 1854, while connected with the Ob- servatory, he received from Harvard College the degree of Master of Arts. He is said to have been " the youngest person that had ever received an honorary degree from that College." In 1880, Dartmouth College conferred upon him the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. He early became interested in the history of his ancestors. In the Dover Enquirer, Nov. 25, 1854, appeared an article 1 The following is a list of the his- 1874, corresponding; 8. Maine Genea- torical societies of which he is known logical and Biographical Society, Au- to have been a member: i. Essex In- gusta, Feb. 7, 1876, corresponding; 9. stitute, Salem, Mass., elected Dec. 9, Newport Historical Society, Newport, 1863, corresponding member; 2. New R. I., Oct. 23, 1877, corresponding ; 10. England Historic Genealogical Society, Antiquarian and Historical Society of Boston, Mass., April 5, 1865, resident Old Newbury, Newburyport, Mass., member; 3. State Historical Society of Feb. 20, 1878, corresponding ; 11. New Wisconsin, Madison, March 20, 1868, Hampshire Historical Society, Concord, corresponding member; 4. Pemaquid July 16, 18S0, honorary. He may have Historical Monument Association, Bris- belonged to other historical societies, tol, Maine, April 3, 1872, honorary ; 5. He was also elected a member of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Bos- two following associations: i. Boston ton, Feb. 17, 1873, resident; 6. New Society of Natural History, Boston. Jan. Hampshire Historical Society, Concord, 20, 1859, member; 2. Appalachian Jan. 17, 1874, corresponding ; 7. Maine Mountain Club, Boston, June 15,1876, Historical Society, Portland, July 22, active member. 30 Memoir of the Atithor. by the Rev. Dr. Quint, on John Tuttle, his emigrant an- cestor, one of the founders of Dover, N. H.^ Mr. Tuttle was able, with the aid of public and private records, and the memory of his relatives, to connect himself with this John Tuttle, and began collecting everything he could find relat- ing to the history of the family. On the 2d of October, 1865, he issued a circular, " To the Living Descendants of John Tuttle," stating that he had collected details relative to upwards of five hundred descendants, extending to the ninth generation. He solicited further genealogical records to complete the work, and also subscriptions to a book he intended to prepare, the cost of which would be not far from a dollar and a half. He adds: — Through the medium of wills and deeds I have ascertained the site and homestead of our emigrant ancestor on Dover Neck. It is a charming spot, forming a part of a wonderfully beautiful and pic- turesque landscape. I suggest that a granite monument, with ap- propriate inscriptions, be erected there to mark permanently a site forever memorable in the annals of our family, and to commemorate the name and memory of one in whom we all have an equally affec- tionate interest. A small contribution from every descendant would procure a column commensurate in size to the end proposed. The completion of such a monument might be made the occasion of a family reunion at that place, so much desired by many members of the family. Mr. Tuttle published an article on The Tuttle Family of New Hampshire, in the New England Historical and Genealogical Register, for April, 1867; but the intended 1 This was No. 146 of Historical menced in that paper by the Rev. Alonzo Memoranda, a series of articles com- H, Quint, D.D., July 31, 1850. Memoir of the Author. 31 volume was never completed. In his genealogical re- searches he found that he was a descendant of Ambrose Gibbins, the trusted agent, at the settlement on the Pascata- qua, of Capt. John Mason, the founder of New Hampshire. This fact awakened in him a deep interest in Mason him- self, of whom the accounts were very meagre, and he began to collect matter relating to him. In April, 187 1, he an- nounced, in the New England Historical and Genealogical Register, his intention of writing a memoir of Captain Mason, and on Wednesday evening, the 14th day of the following June, he read before the New Hampshire His- torical Society at Concord a paper on Mason, embracing much new matter which he had collected from English and American sources. The paper was repeated before the New England Historic Genealogical Society, April 3, 1872, additional matter obtained by subsequent researches being introduced. Mr. Tuttle also prepared a paper on Capt. Francis Cham- pernowne, which was read for him by Gen. John Marshall Brown, before the Maine Historical Society at Bath, Feb. 19, 1873. The next year he began writing a series of articles on Champernowne, three of which appeared in the Historical and Genealogical Register for April, July, and October, 1874. Another paper on which he bestowed much laborious research is entitled The Conquest of Acadia by the Dutch. It was read before the Maine His- torical Society at Portland, March 22, 1877, and repeated before the Newport Historical Society, Oct. 24, 1877, ^^^ New England Historic Genealogical Society, June 4, 1879, and before the New York Historical Society, Nov. 4, 1879. 32 Memoir of the Author. Mr. Tuttle continued to collect materials for his Life of Capt. John Mason, with the intention of issuing a volume on the Founders of New Hampshire. In 1873, while he had the matter under consideration, he was invited by the Prince Society, of which he was an ofificer, to prepare for the Publications of that Society a volume on Mason, in which should be embodied a reprint of Mason's tract on Newfoundland, first published in 1620, his only known publication ; the several American charters in which he was a grantee; and other papers illustrating the history of Mason and his colonization enterprises. This invita- tion Mr. Tuttle accepted, and continued his researches as he had opportunity. He delayed, however, to prepare the work for the press, in the hope of obtaining more materials. His principal hope was that the English Commission on Historical Manuscripts, which had brought to light many important documents found in private hands, would dis- cover valuable manuscripts illustrating the life and services of Capt. John Mason, and that possibly the papers of Mason himself, as well as those of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, would be found. These would throw much light not only on the events of Mason's life, but upon the early history of New England.-^ After Mr. Tuttle's death his unfinished work on Mason was placed in my hands to be prepared for the press. This task I performed to the best of my ability, and in the autumn of 1887 the work was given to the public by the Prince Society, as one of its Publications. It is evi- ^ The many difficulties encountered Hampshire Historical Society, at its by Mr. Tuttle in these researches are annual meeting in 1880, printed in the narrated in his remarks before the New Boston Evening Traveller, Oct. 9, 1880. Memoir of the Aiithor. 35 dent, from the materials which he left, that he Intended to make it a more elaborate work than it was deemed advisable to attempt. No one regrets more than his editor that Mr. Tuttle did not live to complete the book and carry it through the press. Some of the more important articles by him in the Historical and Genealoo-ical Resfister are the followins:: The Tuttle Family in New Hampshire, 1867; The Isles of Shoals, 1869; Col. Nathaniel Meserve, a Memoir, 1869; Christopher Kilby, a Memoir, 1872; John Alfred Poor, a Memoir, 1872; Sketches of Capt. Francis Champernowne, 1874. Among the articles in the Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society may be named Edward Randolph, 1874; Belknap's House at Dover, N. H., 1875; William Blaxton, 1875 ; Historic Mansions in Devonshire, 1876; The Spelling of Sir Walter Ralegh's Surname, 1877 ; Hon. Benjamin F. Thomas, 1878; The Indian Name, Pas- cataqua, 1878; Hon. Caleb Cushing, 1879; Hon. George S. Hillard, 1879; Report of the Committee on a Circular Letter from the Superintendent of the United States Coast Survey, on Restoring and Preserving the Ancient Names of Places, 1879; Indian Massacre at Fox Point, 1879; The Establishment of a Court of Vice Admiralty over America, 1879. One of the articles printed in the New England Historical and Genealogical Register, and three that ap- peared in the Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, were reprinted as separate works. Among Mr. Tuttle's manuscripts are lists of his contributions to the Historical and Genealogical Register; the Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society; Notes and Queries, 5 34 Memoir of the Author, published in London ; the Historical Magazine ; the Amer- ican Historical Record; the Magazine of American His- tory ; and the Maine Genealogist and Biographer. I intend to deposit with the New England Historic Genealogical Society, and the Massachusetts Historical Society, manu- script copies of these lists. He frequently lectured before lyceums. These lectures were delivered at Boston, Newburyport, and other places. In the spring of 1861 he delivered in Boston a course of public lectures on the Astronomy of Comets. On the 19th of April, 1880, the anniversary of the battle of Lexington, he delivered an address at the Hawthorne Rooms, Boston, on Hugh Percy, Lieutenant General in the British Army. \\\ the following December he delivered the Bi-Centennial Address before the New Hampshire Historical Society, commemorating the establishment, in 1680, of the first civil government over that province. He contributed articles to Dr. Gould's Astronomical Journal, to Dr. Brunnow's Astronomical Notices, and to various antiquarian and historical magazines. He was a frequent contributor to the newspapers of elaborate arti- cles on astronomical and historical subjects. He wrote for Johnson's Cyclopaedia valuable historical articles. He contributed also many articles illustrating the history and genealogy of New Hampshire, and particularly of Dover, to the series which the Rev. Dr. Alonzo H. Quint had begun in the Dover Enquirer, under the head of Historical Memoranda.^ ^ The articles by Mr. Tuttle in the 265 to 267, 292. They appeared in the Historical Memoranda, seventeen in Dover Enquirer between July 19, 1866, number, are Nos. 246, 248 to 258, 262, and Jan. 18, 1877. Memoir of the Author. 35 A year before Mr. Tuttle's death he prepared a Hst of the works upon which he was engaged, which was printed in the New England Historical and Genealogical Register for July, 1880. Since his death one of these works has been prepared for the press, and printed; namely, Capt. John Mason, published by the Prince Society, as before stated. His Life of Champernowne, his account of the Con- quest of Acadie by the Dutch, and other papers, have been edited by Mr. Tuttle's friend, Albert H. Hoyt, A.M., and will be printed with historical documents in the present volume. The following is a list of Mr. Tuttle's publications in separate form : — I. Christopher Kilby. A Memoir. Boston, 1872. 8vo, pp. 15. Reprinted from the New England Historical and Genea- logical Register, January, 1872. II. Caleb Cushing. 8vo, pp. 6. Reprinted from the Proceed- ings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, January, III. Indian Massacre at Fox Point in Newmgton. 8vo, pp. o. Reprinted from the Proceedings of the Historical Society, June, 1879. IV, New Hampshire without a Provincial Government. 1689- 1690. An Historical Sketch. Cambridge, 1880. 8vo, pp. 13. Reprinted from the Proceedings of the Historical Society, October, 1879. V. Capt. John Mason, the Founder of New Hampshire : includ- ing his Tract on Newfoundland, 1620; the American Char- ters in which he was a grantee; with Letters and other Historical Documents, and a Memoir. By Charles Wesley Tuttle, Ph.D. Edited, with Historical Illustrations, by 36 Memoir of the Author. John Ward Dean, A.M. Boston : Prince Society. 1887. Fcp. 4to, pp. xiv-f- 492. VI. Historical Papers. Edited by Albert H. Hoyt, A.M. [The present volume.] Mr. Tuttle's contributions to historical literature are of great value. Their trustworthiness is a marked character- istic. He was always ready to follow truth, though it led him to give up preconceived opinions. His researches were thorough and unremitting. His temperament prevented him from leaving a subject before he had exhausted it as far as there was a possibility of doing this ; before he had gathered all the facts concerning it within his reach ; in fact, before he had seen it on all its sides. Another char- acteristic was a breadth of thought which enabled him to comprehend all the bearings of the subject on which he was engaged. He was critical in the use of language, and bestowed much labor on the construction of his sentences, and in correcting and polishing them. The result was that he expressed his ideas with clearness and perspicuity, and yet with beauty and grace. The Rev. Andrew P. Peabody, D.D., LL.D., of Cam- bridge, has furnished me with the following reminiscences of Mr. Tuttle: — I first knew Mr. TutUe as a young lawyer in Newburyport, where he was held in very high regard by the best people. After I became a resident of Cambridge I saw him often, and he soonbe- came, and continued through the residue of his life, a not infrequent visitor at my house. I became greatly interested in him as a man of superior scientific attainments, literary taste, and general culture, and as thoroughly conscientious, upright, high-minded, and true- Memoir of the A tit ho r. 37 hearted. At an early stage of my intimacy with him he delivered a course of lectures on astronomy, in Boston, to a small but intel- ligent audience. I commenced attending the course for his sake ; I continued attendance for my own. The lectures showed a strong grasp and clear comprehension of the science, and a rare capacity of statement and exposition. With the advantages of voice and manner, which he lacked, he might have commanded and delighted large audiences. I had from time to time conferences with him on historical subjects, especially on matters appertaining to the early history of New Hampshire, in which we had a common interest. His honesty would not suffer him to perform any work in that department otherwise than faithfully to the utmost of his ability ; and he had a love for such work that enabled him to perform it with no reference to any possible revenue of reputation or of gain, but solely as a labor of love. I of course knew nothing in detail of his professional standing, but I have been told, by those who knew, that he was a well-read lawyer, and capable, prompt, and trustworthy in the discharge of business. In my estimate of his character, he seems to me to have possessed a large endowment in talents of pure gold, while his chief deficiency was in brass, which, if not the most precious of metals, is often needed to keep gold in currency. The Hon. Charles Levi Woodbury, of Boston, well known as an able lawyer, who shared Mr. Tuttle's his- torical tastes, thus wrote concerning him : — Mr. Justice Clifford, who had in his youth practised law at Newfield, Maine, where Charles had lived, feeling a sympathy for his already distinguished and peculiar career, very kindly gave him the appointment of a Commissioner of the Circuit Court of the United States. The duties of this position were those of a committing magistrate under the United States penal laws, and the taking of depositions, etc., in civil matters, — a kind of Master 2,S Memoir of the Author. in Chancery work. Mr. Tuttle very readily acquired a familiarity with these duties, and obtained good success in attending to them. Particularly useful to him was the employment of taking down and presiding over the long examinations of the numerous witnesses and experts in some of the contested patent cases. I have myself sought his service in such cases, and indeed perhaps I was one of the first to do so. This was many years ago, I know that afterwards he had some patent cases himself, which he attended to with model assiduity. Mr. Tuttle had considerable and varied business in the State Courts, and also in the Federal Courts, both here and at Wash- ington. This he performed with scrupulous care, and with a skill that indicated a knowledge of the principles and practice of the profession. As his historical studies grew upon him, he formed a resolution to banish them entirely from the usual business hours of the day ; and he kept this resolution with an admirable self- control. The consequence was not so well for him. Before and after office hours a second day's work would go on, earnestly and without self-restraint, until tired nature drove him to his bed ex- hausted, to rise the next day and renew the routine. The bow was ever strung, and the tough hickory failed at last. Though Mr. Tuttle could not be called an orator, he argued a point very well. Occasionally, many years ago, he indulged in political oratory on the stump with decided success. This was due more to his straightforward honesty and blunt sincerity than to the conventional rules which Quintilian and David Paul Brown have laid down for the forensic art. Though always attractive and amiable, he would not sacrifice his opinions to please others. He enjoyed the respect of the Courts where he practised, and the esteem of his comrades at the bar. He was a good talker ; and whenever he concentrated his attention on a subject, he showed natural powers of mind that made him the peer of any other laborer in the particular field. He had a strong affection for New England. I recall that when Memoir of the AutJior. 39 the executors of General dishing wished to employ him to go to Minnesota, and look after the titles, etc., of the large landed property of the estate there, he declined, remarking, with decided emphasis, that he did not wish to cross the Hudson River ever again in his life ! The Hon. Richard S. Spofford, of Newburyport, who for some years was a law-partner of Mr. Tuttle, furnishes the following reminiscences : — My acquaintance with Charles Wesley Tuttle began in 1858, when, being several years my senior, he was practising law at Newburyport. Absent from the city during his earlier residence there, I had nevertheless heard much of Mr. Tuttle's character and acquirements before I had seen him, and also of the warm friend- ship between himself and my own family, growing out of his inti- macy with my honored father, and arising from studies congenial to both, especially that of astronomy. I was thus prepared, on my first introduction to Mr. Tuttle, to greet him with cordiality, and begin the experience of that heart-warm regard which subsisted between us until his death. Having continued for some months subsequently to the period of which I have spoken, in the success- ful practice of the law at Newburyport, Mr. Tuttle afterward changed his residence to Boston, leaving behind him a host of admiring friends. Here soon after he formed a partnership with myself. We began business in what is now the Rogers Building, where we remained about a year, removing then to 27 Tremont Row. During our occupancy of the latter offices, in common with Hon. Caleb Cushing and Mr. Nicholas St. John Green, then in the pride of his success as a lecturer in the Law Schools of Boston and of Cambridge, our neighbors on the same floor were a group of remark- able men with whom there was daily a delightful intercourse ; among them, Theodore H. Sweetser, that Dantonesque legal advo- cate and leader of the bar ; Governor Andrew, fresh from his 40 Memoir of the Author. wonderful civic career; and William S. Gardner, that upright judge and urbane gentleman, whose recent death numbers all except my- self with the great majority. With but brief interruption we con- tinued in these offices, although not in the relation of partners, to the hour of Mr. Tuttle's death. In the earlier years we were not only in the constant association of office life, but we occupied common quarters for our place of residence ; and I can therefore speak, as one having full knowledge, of his private character, his public relations, and his abilities and attainments ; there was that about him, at the time, which made him an object of peculiar interest to all who knew him. Having already achieved high eminence as an astronomer, he had been obliged through the failure of his eyes to abandon his lofty pursuit, and to look to the profession of law as the means of obtaining a livelihood, and of gratifying his ambition. He was thus, as it were, an involuntary exile from the region of his pride and aspiration ; and it was not to be expected that in his new surroundings he could wholly divest himself of his early predilection for scientific studies, in which he always continued to feel a profound and active interest, — a predilection, indeed, constantly kept alive, and in a measure gratified, by the success attending the career of his emi- nent brother, Horace Parnell Tuttle. One of my most pleasur- able remembrances is that of the meetings of the two brothers, and their mutual enthusiasms, when some new astronomical dis- covery brought them together. Almost totally uninformed on the subject which at such times they discussed, and even of the terms employed, I had my share of the enthusiasm in my appreciation of theirs, to say nothing of the offhand names with which we would christen, to suit our fancies, some newly-discovered asteroid, or a comet that had been waiting for I know not how many thousands of years to be discovered by one of the Tuttles. But while thus cherishing his astronomical tastes, he was never neglectful of his professional obligations. Much of our business was in connection with important cases, Memoir of the Author. 41 in which Mr. Gushing — then but recently having closed his term of office as Attorney-General of the United States — was engaged, and than whom no one more highly appreciated Mr. Tuttle, whether in his professional or other relations. During our partnership we were employed in many suits in which Mr. Gushing was principal counsel, of which the most notable were the Federal Street Ghurch case; certain amicable suits to obtain a judicial construction of the will of John Quincy Adams ; the Portland Gity case, involving the title to Portland Gity, Oregon; the Myra Glarke Gaines case; and others of no inconsiderable magnitude. Always a patient and con- scientious worker, Mr. Tuttle's zeal in his profession was not less earnest than that exhibited while engaged in his astronomical labors. He neglected no interest intrusted to his oversight, and shrunk from no labor which any professional exigency demanded. I need not speak further of Mr. Tuttle in his professional rela- tions. But how can I sufficiently portray his qualities of a social and friendly character .-• The sweet simplicity of his nature, the in- tegrity of his life and convictions, his earnestness and enthusiasm, his apprehensive mind and sound judgment, the originality of his intellectual perception, illustrated by an enlarged erudition, and interpreted with a splendid diction modelled on that of his favorite authors, Milton and Burke, — all of these high qualities combined to make him, to the recognition of those who came within the range of his companionship, and especially of his friendship, " the continent of what part a gentleman would see." It was not until the later years of his life that his historical studies began to exert that emphatic influence which induced him to bestow so much time on them, and to dedicate himself with such self-forgetting earnestness to the special objects of this character which had enlisted his thought. But if ever such pursuits were to their devotee an exceeding great reward, these were such to Mr. Tuttle ; and it is a melancholy reflection that, aside from this re- ward, he had little other for labors as valuable, as original, and as instructive as any which have claimed the attention of the histo- 6 42 Memoir of the Author. rian and genealogist. He was as a youth among the elders of the leading historical societies of Massachusetts and of other States; but there was no immaturity in his intuitions, endeavors, or accom- plishment. His unexpected death in the midst of his labors was the more deplorable as it left in an incomplete condition work to which he had given years of effort, and which made his loss yet more deeply felt than did his remarkable personal qualities. For myself, I can only add that, thus endeared by so many ties of personal intercourse and relationship, and so many years of un- marred friendship, his loss was an irreparable one, and my sense of it as keen as that of the Latin poet when he declared that the departure of his friend took away "Animae dimidium meae," — the half of my soul ! Mrs. Harriet Prescott Spofford, the well-known author, wife of the writer of the preceding recollections, thus wrote to Mrs. Tuttle concerning her husband, — the subject of this memoir: — When I first saw Charles, the impression that he made upon me had a strange romance about it. He had come to the place where I lived, a comparative stranger, but we all knew that he had been compelled to abandon the aim of his life and the dream of his heart, owing to threatened blindness, and to open a new path for himself ; and that fact gave him a sort of heroic cast in our thoughts. I never divested him of a certain poetry that hung about him then ; he seemed to belong to the region of great un- known equations, to be a part of the world of stars, out of which he had come into our more common and prosaic life. He had lived among those stars ever since he was a child, fashioning with his own hand, when a boy, the tubes for a telescope, to buy the lenses of which he had saved all his pennies ; but when he took it out, finished for its trial, his excitement was so great that he could not look through it, and another, who had been nearly as Memoir of the Atithor. 43 much interested in it as he himself was, had to take the first view of the sateUites of Jupiter and the phases of Venus. He was just as eagerly intent on everything he undertook all his life long. On the Observatory roofs he used the astronomical instruments till his eyes were nearly destroyed by the star and lunar rays ; and later in life he made his historical studies and research with the same rapt ardor, pursuing a theory or hunting down a fact to the absolute forgetfulness, for the time being, of almost everything else in life, with small idea of the passage of time or the value of money. Perhaps his leading characteristic was this eminent single-mindedness ; and the power of concen- trating thought belonging to it gave him a singular force. The mathematical habit of his mind produced in him a rare discern- ment and discrimination almost like another sense, — the sense of truth; and when he stated a thing positively, you would be sure that it was as fixed and demonstrable as one of the immutable facts of the universe. With this, moreover, there was the trans- parency and the guilelessness of a child, although far from him were all childish things ; for the nature of his own pursuits made everything less noble appear frivolous to him, and it seemed in- deed as if he never saw such things, but that his extended vision looked over them and beyond them. His mind was a treasure- house of great ideas and realities ; and, earnest, passionate, and natural to the last degree, he never could fit the words to them fast enough, as they poured forth in any moment of enthusiasm. His afifections partook of this general earnestness of his nature; where he had once bestowed them, the fibres of his being went with them ; and unlike most of the promoters of science, he was singularly tender-hearted. He loved a child, a singing bird, a flower, as he loved a star ; but it was the star that led him away into regions where he saw the beckoning hand of God ; for he had his times and seasons of that devoutness which the poet Young thought must seize every student of the nightly heavens who is not mad. 44 Memoir of the Author. I never shall forget a night that I spent with him, in the company of my husband, — who was long in close professional and family relationship with him, a most tender attachment being cherished between them, — in the Cambridge Observatory, looking through the immense telescope there. It would have been no different had we gone into the realm of unreal things, and among the arcana of magic, while that great engine tipped at the touch of the finger, while the swift sliding stars shot like meteors over the field before the clockwork was attached, while the iron dome turned and crackled as if the heavens rolled together like a scroll, while we had the freedom of the vast outer universe where double stars resolved their separate splendor, and nebulae shed their shining vapors and hung revealed a moment. In his knowl- edge, his enthusiasm, his gentleness, his genius, I thought of him that night as a greater wonder himself than the wonders he showed us ; he seemed like the lord of the domain, into which one night years afterward he was so swiftly and fortunately translated ; and I think of him now only with those of whom the old Rosicrucian legend speaks, " Astra castra, Numen lumen." Mr. Frank W. Hackett, of Portsmouth, N. H., writes me as follows: — You have asked me to give you my impressions of the charac- ter of our late friend, Charles W. Tuttle. I take pleasure in so doing. In my boyhood at Portsmouth I used to see Mr. Tuttle occa- sionally, and I looked up to him with a boy's admiration. My recollection is (though I may be wrong) that he was then connected with the Observatory at Cambridge. I distinctly remember that from the first he used to speak warmly, I may say enthusiastically, of Portsmouth and its neighborhood, so that somehow I got from him an idea that it was highly creditable in me to have been born there. Of course, I later saw plainly enough that it was the rich Memoir of the Author. 45 historic material, and the associations of the early period, that most attracted him. When I had begun the practice of the law at Boston, a little more than twenty years ago, I had frequent opportunity of meet- ing Mr. Tuttle. I shall not forget how cordial and encouraging were his greetings, and how kind were his inquiries for my pro- fessional success. Leaving Boston in 1871, it was my fortune to be there three or four times every year, and I often availed myself of the occasion to call at his office for a friendly chat. He was, as you well know, genial and simple in manner, and very fond of his friends. The conversation was more likely to turn upon Cham- pernowne and Capt. John Mason than what was going on in the courts. He loved to talk about Strawberry Bank, speaking with animation and respect of our antiquary, Mr, John Elwyn, of John Scribner Jenness, and others. You know that it was owing to the advice and encouragement of Mr. Elwyn that he undertook to in- vestigate the history of Francis Champernowne. He once said of Elwyn : " I have walked with him again and again over all the venerable acres of old Strawberry Bank, and far beyond, and heard him discourse, as no one else could, of the olden time." I could not thus meet with Mr. Tuttle, and listen to what he said, without feeling that he was imparting to me somewhat of his ardor for a study of our early annals. Our friend, I should say, had a warm, sympathetic nature that laid hold of an acquaintance and soon made of him a friend. He was quick to detect in another a taste for his favorite pursuit, and he inspired one with a confidence that he sought accuracy above all things, sparing no pains to be accurate, even in matters of apparently trifling moment. A lover of truth, no man surpassed him in the relish with which he set about its discovery. I think I do not err when I characterize him as having been remarkably unselfish in his method of exhuming and using historical facts. By this I mean that he cared nothing for gaining the credit of finding a paper or a book, as a first discoverer, — thought little 46 Memoir of the Author. of enlarging his repute as an antiquary ; he was intent only that the fact should be brought to light for what it might be worth, not to him, but to the world. Indeed, he displayed a generosity in this field that was most admirable. Mr. Tuttle was tolerant. He may have been impatient of the blunders of others, but so far as I ob- served, nothing in word or tone escaped him that savored of harsh criticism. His thoughts and energies seemed to be concentrated on the men of the early time and their doings, rather than on what was going on around him ; and he welcomed every worker in the field of historic research who sought his aid or advice. Of his affectionate nature others can better speak than I ; but even one who but slightly knew him, felt its ever-present charm. His untimely death is sincerely mourned, and the memory of him is precious. As the years go by, and the early history of the Pascataqua becomes more clearly outlined, the value of Mr. Tut- tle's labors will be all the more appreciated. His personal traits, however, lend an indescribable delight to what he has written ; and it is but simple justice to his memory, that his warm-hearted, lovable nature should be known of by those who in future years will recur to the treasures he freely gathered for lovers of history. I feel that it is scarcely possible to say too much in his praise. The Rev. Edmund F. Slafter wrote a Memoir of Mr. Tuttle for the Massachusetts Historical Society, which has before been quoted. I make the following extract: In his social relations Mr. Tuttle was gentle, modest, and un- assuming. He was warm-hearted, and always overflowing with the spirit of kindliness. He was moderately reticent, and had little ambition for seeming to impart to others information which he did not possess ; but on themes that lay within the sphere of his personal observation, particularly those to which he had given a scrutinizing investigation, he was warmly responsive, and ready freely to unfold all the rich treasures of his accumulated knowledge. Memoir of the Author. 47 He was simple and dignified in his bearing, faithful in his friend- ships a genial and instructive companion; and his death m what seemed to be the prime of his career of usefulness, will long be deplored by a large circle of scholars who knew him well and appreciated his excellent and rare qualities.i Prof. Truman H. Safford, of Williams College, Williams- town, Mass., writes of him: — I first met Mr. Tuttle at Cambridge in 1849, when I was thirteen years old. At that time I was much at the Observatory. Mr Tuttle was then at his carpenter's trade, near my parents home at Mt. Auburn, in the edge of Watertown, and visited me there, showing me a telescope which he had himself constructed In a few days I went with him to the Observatory, and introduced him to the Bonds. They were pleased with him, and shortly after asked me if he would not be a good man to come to the Observa- tory on a small stipend,-! think five hundred dollars yearly, - and be generally usefulin the work of the Observatory; receiving the stipend, at first on the order of the Director and afterwards as a permanent thing, in the regular way, on the College pay- roll. He was in fact invited to accept the position -I suppose provisionally -before he went ''as a student" and received the appointment from the Corporation, when it was found that he was practically ready for a fixed position. His first position was in fact that of an " Eleve," as it is called in some places abroad, - a hishlv promising learner under pay. In hi position at the Observatory he made great progress outside of his specified duties. He discovered one comet in 1853. independently of Father Secchi, at Rome, who preceded him by two days; and his calculations of the orbits of these bodies are still kept upon record in the catalogues of such works, published 1 Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, xxi. 411, 4i2. 48 Memoir of the Author. in Germany. He went once to Europe in charge of the chro- nometers which were sent backward and forward in the interest of the longitude-work of the Coast Survey. This was a mission that required a very good observer, as whoever went was obliged to take observations at Liverpool, in company with Mr, Hartnup, the astronomer there. Mr. Tuttle had also great mechanical skill, which was called into play in various ways on this mission, as well as at the Observatory. For myself, Mr. Tuttle's leaving the Ob- servatory was a personal loss, as I was much there during his term of office, and his companionship was very pleasant. Prof. Sylvester Waterhouse, LL.D., of Washington Uni- versity, St. Louis, Mo., wrote of him : — My acquaintance with Mr. Tuttle began in 1853. Towards the close of my last year in Harvard University our class was invited to visit the Observatory, It was on the occasion of this visit that I first met Mr. Tuttle. He was then an assistant of Professor Bond. An accidental conversation led to a friendship which lasted through life. His sterhng virtues endeared him to me. The modesty of his nature, the loyalty of his friendship, the strength of his intellect, and the accuracy of his scholarship were traits that could not fail to win regard. Apart from my sense of personal loss, it is a profound regret that a man so capable of public usefulness was removed in the prime of his powers. The constant expansion of his mind was fitting him for broader work. Had his life been spared, doubtless his later labors would still more conspicuously have illustrated the clearness and breadth of his intelligence, Mr. Tuttle was married, Jan. 31, 1872, to Mary Louisa Park, only daughter of the Hon. John C. Park. Her in- terest in his literary labors, and in his reputation as an author, is shown in the careful preservation of his manu- Memoir of the Author. 49 scripts after his death, the collection of facts illustrating his life, and the provision in her will for editing and printing his unpublished manuscripts. His health had been failing for a year or more before his death, and in the spring of 1S81 he made a brief trip to the island of Bermuda, partly for his health, and partly to search the records for facts which his friend, the Hon. John Wentworth, LL.D., was desirous of obtaining. He did not long survive his return, dying at Boston on Sun- day morning, July 17, 1881, aged 51. Services were held in King's Chapel, the Rev. Edward H. Hall officiating. His funeral was attended by many relatives and friends, among whom were members of various societies with which he was connected. His remains were dejDOsited in Forest Hills Cemetery. The death of Mr. Tuttle was announced to the New England Historic Genealogical Society, at the first meet- ing after his decease, Sept. 7, 1881, by the President, Hon. Marshall P. Wilder, LL.D. Feeling tributes were paid to his memory by Hon. Charles Levi Woodbury and Mr. Frank W. Hackett, and a committee was appointed to prepare resolutions for future action. At the next meet- ing, on the 5th of October, Mr. Jeremiah Colburn reported resolutions, which, after remarks by President Wilder, the Rev. Dorus Clarke, D.D., and the Rev. Edmund F. Slaftcr, were unanimously adopted. The speakers expressed a high opinion of Mr. Tuttle as a man of ability and integrity, and as an historical writer, with a deep regret that he had been cut off in the midst of his usefulness. The resolutions are as follows : — 7 50 Memoir of the Author. Resolved, That the death of our associate member, Charles Wesley Tuttle, A.M., Ph.D., is a great loss to the historical litera- ture of New England. He took a deep interest in the early colo- nial history of this country, particularly in that of the colonies of New Hampshire and Maine, and devoted the energies of a mind singularly clear and free from prejudice to its investigation. He was never wearied in the pursuit of the truths of history, and was only satisfied when he had exhausted all possible sources of in- formation upon the points he was investigating. His Life of Capt. John Mason, the Founder of New Hampshire ; his Conquest of Acadia by the Dutch ; his Life of Francis Champernowne, and other works which he had undertaken, and on some of which he had bestowed years of patient toil, would have added much to the reputation he had already gained as a truthful historian, had he lived to complete them. Resolved, That this Society loses in him a valued member, who took a deep interest in its objects, and who was always ready to perform his share of its labors, and unselfishly to aid his brother members and others in their researches. Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions be sent to the family of Mr. Tuttle. At the first meeting of the Massachusetts Historical So- ciety after the summer recess, Sept. 8, 1881, the President, the Hon. Robert C. Winthrop, LL.D., announced the death of several members since the last meeting of the Society, and accompanied the announcement with brief tributes to their memory. That to Mr. Tuttle vi^as as follows : — Mr. Charles Wesley Tuttle, who was born in Maine, Nov. i, 1829, died, most unexpectedly to us all, on the 17th of July last, at his residence in this city. There are others of our number, who knew him more intimately than I did, who will bear testimony to his character and accomplishments. But I cannot forbear express- Memoir of the Author. 51 ing briefly my own sense of his devotion to the work in which we are engaged, I knew him first while I was — as, I believe, I still am — one of the Visiting Committee of the Astronomical Observa- tory at Cambridge. He was there as one of the corps of observers, and distinguished himself by the discovery of a telescopic comet, in 1853. In the following year he was attached to the United States expedition for determining the difference of longitude between Cambridge, in New England, and Greenwich, in Old England, In this relation he made several contributions to the Astro- nomical Journal, and to the Annals of the Harvard Observatory. Finding, however, that he had taxed his eyes too severely, he was compelled to abandon his scientific pursuits, and after a year or more at the Dane Law School, he was admitted to the Suffolk Bar in 1856, and entered at once on the successful practice of his profession. He soon began to evince an eager interest in New England history, and contributed many historical articles to the Register of the New England Historic Genealogical Society, of which he was long an active member. Our own Proceedings bear abundant evidence of the earnestness with which he entered into our labors after he became a member of this Society in 1873. He was rarely absent from our monthly meetings, and was a frequent contributor of interesting and valuable matter to our volumes. At the time of his death he was engaged in prepar- ing a Memoir of his friend the late Hon. Caleb Gushing, and other biographical works, which it may be hoped will not be lost. He was a man of great intelligence and energy, valued by us all as an associate and friend ; and his death, at only fifty-one years of age, is a serious loss to the working corps of our Society. Mr. Winthrop, with the authority of the Council, offered resolutions of respect to the memory of the resident mem- bers, which were unanimously adopted. That on Mr. Tuttle was as follows: — 52 Memoir of the Author. Resolved, That we have heard with deep regret the announce- ment of the death of our valued associate and earnest fellow-worker, Charles VV. Tuttle, Esq., and that the President appoint one of our number to prepare a Memoir of him, for our Proceedings. On this occasion Mr. Winslow Warren paid the following tribute to Mr. Tuttle: — Mr. President, — I labor under the same difficulty that many of us experience, in attempting to add anything to your own ad- mirable remarks ; but my friendship for our deceased associate, Charles W. Tuttle, leads me to a few simple words of recognition and respect. It is a great regret to me that our friendship had not begun at an earlier period, that I could have done more ample justice to his early fame as an astronomer and scientific man ; but of that portion of his life, so full of promise, and of performance also, I have little knowledge other than as gathered from the regrets of his many friends and co-workers, that he should have been compelled to forsake a career opening so brilliantly, to tread the more prosaic paths of the law. Mr, Tuttle was admitted to the bar of Suffolk County in 1856, and upon my own admission, a very few years later, I became acquainted with him through a similar prac- tice in the courts. The intimacy thus formed, continued without interruption to the time of his most unexpected decease, and gave me full opportunity to see and appreciate the strength and purity of his character. Very early in my interviews with him at his office or elsewhere, I became impressed with his earnest devotion to the interests of his clients, and with the persistent energy in which he delved at the very foundations of principles of law involved in the cases with which he was connected. He gave to his cli- ents the utmost of his abilities, and those of no mean order, and he left untried no honest method for success. Wherever the study of the law led, as it often does, along the paths of history, his ardor was so enkindled anew, and all the enthusiasm of his Memoir of the Author. 53 nature so fully aroused, that in his earliest practice one wondered whether the lawyer would absorb the astronomer, or the historian the lawyer. He was a man of great simplicity of character, and with an un- obtrusive modesty that gave charm to social intercourse, though in some degree perhaps obscuring marked abilities, and proving a hindrance to professional success. His true field was that of the historian and scholar, rather than of the busy man of affairs. He possessed a remarkable fund of historical knowledge, more particu- larly of matters connected with the early settlement of Maine and New Hampshire, was critical and accurate, and indefatigable in investigation of nice and doubtful points. For some years before his admission to this Society, in 1873, he had been a member of the New England Historic Genealogical Society, and of several State Historical Societies; and their records attest the value and constancy of his work. To this Society I feel that his loss is a very great one. Probably not many here present knew him well ; but those that did know him, appreciated the ex- tent of his attainments, the power for work there was in him, and the promise of important historical contributions to our collections. Of the younger members there are but few whose attendance has been more constant, whose interest more active, and whose contri- butions more valuable ; and if in the full maturity of his powers he had been enabled to devote himself more completely to those his- torical researches so congenial to his tastes, his rank would have been among the highest of our laborers in the field of history. At the time of his death he was engaged upon a life of Capt. John Mason, and had made a very extensive collection of material. It is to be hoped that this may not be lost to the world, and that his work was so far advanced as to make its completion by others possible. Our friend has been taken almost in the prime of his strength, but he has left a worthy example of an earnest, painstaking, labo- rious life, and furnished a rare instance of a man combining the 54 Memoir of the Author. astronomer, the lawyer, and the historian, and achieving a good degree of success in each profession. At a meeting of the Council of the Prince Society, held at Boston, March 13, 1882, the Hon. Charles H. Bell, LL.D., of Exeter, N. H., a vice-president of the Society, offered the following resolutions, which were unanimously adopted : — Resolved, That the Council of the Prince Society desire to place upon record their deep sorrow at the death of one of their asso- ciates, the late Charles Wesley Tuttle, Ph.D., which occurred on Sunday, the 17th of July, 1881. Mr. Tuttle became a member of this Society in 1872. He was its treasurer from 1873 to 1874, and its corresponding secretary from 1874 to the time of his death. He had prepared a monograph on Capt. John Mason, the patentee of New Hampshire, to be printed by the Society. An enthusiastic student of history, a profound and painstaking explorer of ancient records, a conscientious and accurate writer, his loss will long be felt, not only by this Board, but by numerous historical associations, and by all who appreciate the value and importance of historical studies. Mrs. Mary Park Tuttle survived her husband nearly six years. She died at Brookline, April 25, 1887, and her re- mains were laid by his side. Over the place where Mr. Tuttle's body reposes, on Clematis Path, Forest Hills, is an unhewn block of granite, placed there by his widow. It bears, on a bronze tablet, this inscription : — CHARLES V^^ESLEY TUTTLE 1829 ^ 1881 ASTRA CASTRA, NUMEN LUMEN BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF MARY LOUISA PARK TUTTLE. BY HARRIET PRESCOTT SPOFFORD. MARY LOUISA PARK TUTTLE. IV/rARY LOUISA PARK, of whose devotion to the •^^^ memory of her husband, Charles W. Tuttle, this book is a witness, was the daughter of the Hon. John C. Park, a distinguished member of the legal profession, and was born in Boston, on the 5th of May, 1840. On her mother's side she was a lineal descendant of Christopher Kilby, of colonial fame; and the very romantic and pic- turesque story of her own immediate ancestry — as Mr. Tuttle's Memoir of Christopher Kilby exhibits it — led her to take a warm interest in genealogical studies, such as those which her husband pursued. She was married to Mr. Tuttle in the Arlington Street Church, by the Rev. Dr. Peabody, on the 31st of January, 1872, and her com- panionship and love and care were of inestimable value to him, surrounding him always with those tender obser- vances without which it would have been impossible for him to continue his researches and work as he did. In her youth possessed of much beauty, Mrs. Tuttle was still, at the time of her death, of elegant and attractive per- sonality, with peculiar grace and dignity. But her chief 8 58 Mary Louisa Park Tttttle. charm lay in an apprehensive inteHigence, a perfect!}^ equable disposition, a quick wit, and a lively sense of humor that made a dull hour in her society impossible. Unselfish to a marked degree, her great patience and strength of character were shown throughout the linger- ing illness — an affection of the heart — of which she died on the 25th of April, 1887, and whose acute sufferings she bore with an almost saintly sweetness. Through the gen- erous love of her friend, Mrs. Carrie E. Evans, a very com- fortable income was for many years assured to her; and, as the following paragraph of her will shows, a portion of the principal w^as set aside by her for the purpose of publishing the works of her husband, to be found in this volume. Item TJiird. In memory of my beloved husband Charles W. Tutllc, that some of his historic works should be published, I hereby direct that my said executor shall cause to be published " Francis Champernovvne " and other works, if he and my hus- band's friend, John Ward Dean, think advisable ; and I hereby request that the said John Ward Dean select such other work or works as he in his judgment deems best to be published, and that he either edit the same, or cause some competent person under his supervision to do the same, and to see that such work or works be properly published. I further direct that as to the manner and form of their publication the said Dean shall consult with my husband's friend Thomas Weston, Jr. I hereby direct my said executor to pay out of my estate all proper expenses attending such editing and publishing the said " Francis Champernowne," and such other of said historical works of my beloved husband as the said Dean shall direct to be so published. It was a large-souled and large-minded woman who in exemplifying her appreciation of her husband, and in her Mary Louisa Park Ttittle. 59 desire to gratify his friends by giving them works of his which otherwise might never see the Hght, dictated this provision. She was indeed one who, if devoted and fault- less as a wife, was not less so as a daughter, sister, friend. She made the world brighter while she lived in it, and sadder when she left it. CAPTAIN FRANCIS CHAMPERNOWNE, HIS ANCESTRY AND KINDRED, WITH A SKETCH OF HIS LIFE. BY CHARLES VV. TUTTLE. ^^^-^^5^ ^^.ts^ CAPTAIN FRANCIS CHAMPERNOWNE. I. HIS ANCESTRY AND KINDRED. nPHE spectacle of families living with a broken hearth- •^ stone, one fragment resting in the Old World and the other in the New, the affections and sympathies of kindred remaining unsevered, is one of the most impressive in the domestic lives of our ancestors. It is a scene that cannot be contemplated without emotion and concern. The his- tory of those who left their fatherland in the period of early colonization to find homes and graves in the Ameri- can wilderness, is invested with a melancholy and fascinat- ing interest. Life under such circumstances is surrounded with new perils and strange incidents, and subjected to new vicissitudes. The career of the immigrant, fresh from the influence of venerable traditions, customs, and feudal limitations, is dramatic and interesting in proportion as it mingles with historical movements and events which come within the range of our sympathies and solicitude. An 64 Captain Francis Champ ernowne. interest verging on the romantic gathers around him if he happens to be a scion of an ancient or noble family, or to bear a name made illustrious by his European ancestors. More than two centuries ago, in the reign of Charles I., the people of the ancient, picturesque, and almost sea-girt counties of Devon and Cornwall in England were closely allied with the dwellers in New England, especially those living between the Merrimack and the Penobscot rivers. One was the offspring of the other ; similar relations sub- sisted between them, although separated by a wide waste of waters, as now subsist between the people of the same stock in the Atlantic and the Pacific States. So frequent and continuous was the communication between these peo- ple, that the domestic circle was scarcely broken. Vessels sailed periodically between Dartmouth, Plymouth, Fal- mouth, and harbors bordering on the Bristol Channel, and from the Pascataqua, the Isles of Shoals, and harbors to the eastward, laden with merchandise and passengers, and bearino: tokens of affection and remembrance. Na- ture seems to have designed these ancient counties to form some intimate relations with the New World, by thrusting them far westward into the Atlantic ocean. Their territory lies nearer to America than that of any other shire of England. In the fore part of the reign of Charles I., when the tide of English emigration set strongly towards New England, more persons originating in Devon and Cornwall, and perhaps Somerset, were living on the sea-coast of Maine and New Hampshire, and on the adjacent islands, than His Ancestry and Kindred. 65 from all other counties in England. Looking over the family names in our early records, one would imagine he was between Land's End and Bristol in England, so numerous are the coincidences in this respect. These immigrants transferred to their new homes local names dear to them, and for ages to their ancestors, as memorials of their birthplaces. Before the time of King Philip's War, which happened more than two centuries ago, the names of Devonshire, of Somersetshire, and of Cornwall had been formally affixed to maritime districts lying in Maine, divided by great rivers, and having the functions and organization of English counties. The names of many towns and cities within those ancient shires had also been transferred to places in these new counties. In- deed the entire social, commercial, and political aspects of these new settlements were strikingly similar to those of the southwest of England. Perhaps the similitude in ex- tent was not then to be found in the other English settle- ments in America.^ To Devon, more than to the other two counties, these immigrants to the shores of the gulf of Maine owed their origin, their knowledge of commerce and of the arts of life. This shire was then distinguished above all others of Eng- land for navigation and agriculture, mining and manufac- tures, — employments which admirably fitted the people for new settlements in America. Its inhabitants were ac- counted " bold, martial, haughty of heart, prodigal of life, constant in affections, courteous to strangers, yet greedy of glory and honor." Fuller, comparing them with the ^ Compare Williamson's Maine, and Folsom's Saco and Biddeford. 9 66 Captain Francis Champernowne. inhabitants of other shires of England, declares that they were distinguished for having universal genius; and Queen Elizabeth used to say of the Devon gentry, " They were all born courtiers with a becoming confidence."^ The nobility and the gentry of Devon had no superior in England as regards ancient lineage and historic renown. The Hollands and the Seymours, the Carews and the Courtenays, and others, dukes and earls, fill a considerable space in the history of this shire. Its gentry shine with steady lustre through all periods of English history.^ The memorable deeds of Ralegh^ and of Gilbert, of Drake and of Hawkins, — and to these may be added the ever honored name of Gorges, — are sufficient to prove the quality of the people of this shire in the age of Elizabeth and of James. In antiquity and splendor of descent the family of Champernowne* is surpassed by few, if any, in the west of England.^ It is of Norman origin, and takes its name from the parish of Cambernun in Normandy, where it long flourished. Antiquarian and historical writers of the age of Elizabeth, and later, take notice of the several lustrous branches then flourishing in Devon, and of its 1 Fuller's Worthies of England, Dev- signatures I have seen. In the old onshire ; Westcote's View "of Devon- provincial records, contemporary with shire, 42, 55. him, in New Hampshire and Maine, the 2 Among these were the Cliamper- recording officer has quite uniformly nowne, Fulford, Bampfylde, Ralegh, spelled the name as in the text. In Grenville, Gilbert, Drake, Hawkins, Carew's History of Cornwall, printed in Gary, and Gorges families. 1602, in the English State papers of ^ Sir Walter Ralegh must be allowed this period, and in Burke's Landed Gen- to be the best authority for the mode of try, the name is usually in this form, writing his own surname : 1 follow him. The family now in possession of the ^ The last syllable of this name is ancestral manor of Dartington write it variously spelled. I have adopted the this wise. spelling of Captain Champernowne him- ^ Burke's Landed Gentry, Champer- self in the only undoubted autograph nowne. His Ancestry and Kindred. 67 alliances with distinguished families. The learned Camden styles it a " famous and ancient family," havmg the mheri- tance and possession of the town of Modbury in his time. Westcote, a Devon antiquary of great authority, writing in the first year of the reign of Charles I., speaks of the "clarous and knightly family of Champernowne," of Devon- shire- and Prince, the author of the Worthies of Devon, in a later reign, speaks of the "eminent persons of this name and family, the history of whose actions and exploits, for the greatest part, is devoured by time.''^ While the mists of antiquity conceal the remote generations of this family, from the long and memorable reign of Henry II. the stream of descent in Devon is clear to this day, through- out a period of more than seven hundred years.^ Dynasty after dynasty has come and gone, and yet this family has survived. During this long time the name of Champer- nowne winds like a silver cord through the naval annals of England. Before the reign of Henry VIII. the family of Champer- nowne, having the lineage of many illustrious houses, even that of the royal house of the Plantagenets, had united by marriage with the ancient families of the Gilberts and the Raleglts, and thence sprang Sir Humphrey Gilbert and Sir Walter Ralegh, the two foremost names in Anglo- American history.^ Near the end of the reign of Elizabeth, iWestcote's View of Devonshire, Life of Sir Walter Rakg^^^^^^^^ 68 Captain Francis Champernowne. an alliance with the old and knightly family of Fulford issued in a son, Francis Champernowne, whose destiny it was to share in the perils and fortunes of colonizing the New World, and to leave his name in the early annals of New England.^ The Champernowne family lived with dignity and splen- dor in Modbury, — a parish about midway between the great commercial towns of Plymouth and Dartmouth, — during many centuries. It was accounted ancient there in the reign of Henry VII. Sir Arthur Champernowne, great-grandfather of Francis, was a younger son of Sir Philip Champernowne and Katherine, daughter of Sir Edmund Carew, Baron of Carew,^ a gallant soldier who fought in the memorable battle of Bosworth Field, under the victo- rious banners of the Earl of Richmond. This Arthur was one of the many distinguished sons of the Modbury house of that period. In his younger days he was concerned with his cousin. Sir Peter Carew, in the western con- spiracy against Queen Mary of England and her match with Philip II., — a very notable event in her short reign, — and was sent to the Tower. In the reign of Elizabeth he was vice-admiral of the west, and otherwise much employed in public affairs. He was associated with his celebrated nephew Sir Humphrey Gilbert — son of an elder sister — in making plantations in Ireland, and was connected with many other famous enterprises at home and spondent living in Greenland, N. H., where he also lived, tradition says he where Captain Champernowne lived was the "son of a nobleman." more than two centuries asjo, informs ^ Westcote, 434, 614. me that tradition reports his "descent ^ Baron Carew was slain in France, from royalty." On the other side of in 1513. the Pascataqua River, in Kittery, IVIaine, His Ancestry and Kindred. 69 abroad. For some public service, most probably, he was rewarded with the gift of the Abbey-site of Polsloe, near Exeter, one of the monastic spoils of Henry VIII. This he exchanged, early in the reign of Elizabeth, for the historic barony of Dartington, situated on the western bank of the beautiful river Dart, two miles above Totnes and ten from Dartmouth, where his name and posterity continue to this day. Traditions of his illustrious family connections, and of his baronial and cavalier style, linger in the neighborhood of his residence. A stately monu- ment of alabaster in the parish church of Dartington commemorates his name and deeds.^ From the Conquest this barony had been the seat of illustrious families, — the Hollands, of royal lineage, Dukes of Exeter, being the last. Dartington House, the baronial and ducal mansion, a very ancient and stately structure, is seated on an eminence in the peaceful and romantic scenery of the Dart, overlooking the town and vale of ancient Totnes. It still bears the marks of feudal gran- deur and power, and it ranks among the most famous of the antiquities of Devonshire. The original buildings were arranged in quadrangular form, enclosing a full acre of ground. The architecture, grand and massive, belongs to a period anterior to the reign of the Tudor princes. Viewed in connection with the parts now lying in ruins, the whole structure in its palmy days must have been imposing and magnificent, the fitting residence of the 1 Prince, Worthies, i68, 192, 500; History of England, vi. 146, 148; ix. Burke's History of the Commoners, ii., 365, 366. It is worthy of note that 273 ; Calendar of State Papers (Domes- Mr. Froude, the historian, was born in tic), 1 547- 1 580 ; Westcote, 408 ; Froude's Dartington. See note i, p. 76, postea. 70 Captain Francis Champernowne. princely Dukes of Exeter.^ These venerable buildings, thickly overgrown with ivy and patched with moss, now wear a picturesque and romantic aspect, differing but little from what they were in the days of James I., when the youthful Francis Champernowne played among their ruins, gambolled in their antique halls, and listened to the tales of their ancient glory. This is now the seat of Arthur Champernowne, Esq., having descended to him from his distinguished ancestor Sir Arthur, the proprietor in the reign of Queen Elizabeth.^ John Champernowne, of Modbury, heir of the house, the elder brother of Sir Arthur, of Dartington, married Katherine, a daughter of the Lord Mountjoy, while his sister, Katherine Champernowne,^ by two marriages, be- came the mother of five knights, — among whom were the renowned Sir Humphrey Gilbert and Sir Walter Ralegh. How august a title to our reverence and to that of future generations has this English Cornelia ! She alone would suffice to make the name of Champernowne illustrious ; and she is as deserving of a statue to her memory as was the great Roman matron.* 1 Prince, uhi supra. A view of the and Sir Walter Ralegh. She is buried Dartington House is in Polwhele's in Exeter Cathedral. Tuckett's Pedi- Devon, and in Lyson's Devon ; also in grees, ubi supra ; Pole's Devon, 310. Moore's History of Devonshire, from "* "There lived then a remarkable which this heliotype view is taken. woman, — remarkable for having two 2 Since this was written, Arthur sons of different fathers, whose heroic Champernowne, Esq., has died. See temperament and versatile talents must note I, p. ^6, postea. — H. have been derived from their common 8 Katherine Champernowne's first mother. The half-brothers, Humphrey husband was Otho Gilbert, of Green- Gilbert and Walter Ralegh, were more way, and their sons were Sir John, Sir alike in tastes and genius than is often Humphrey, and Sir Adrian Gilbert, seen in a nearer relationship. It was Her second husband was Walter the blood of the Champernownes, — a Ralegh, and their sons were Sir Carew name that has a place of its own in our o w I— I Q H O !zi W o 02 o <1 o His Ancestry and Kindred. 71 Sir Arthur Champernowne/ the first proprietor of Dart- ington, married Mary, the daughter of Sir Henry Norreys, the widow of the heroic Sir George Carew,^ and had several children, — among whom were Gawen and Elizabeth, both destined to advance the interests and the honor of the family. Elizabeth Champernowne became the wife of Sir Edward Seymour, Baronet, of Berry Castle, a grandson of the Duke of Somerset, Lord Protector of England. A stately monument in the church of the parish of Berry Pomeroy, hard by Dartington, perpetuates her memory and that of her husband and children. Her descendants, the present ducal house of Somerset being among them, have been high in rank, and have filled eminent stations in England down to the present time. Her grandson, cousin to Capt. Francis Champernowne, is the subject of eulogy by Lord Macaulay in his history of England. " An adversary," he says, " of no common prowess was watching his time. This was Sir Edward Seymour, of Berry Pomeroy Castle, member for the city of Exeter. Seymours birth put him on a level with the noblest sub- jects in Europe. He was the right heir-male of the body of that Duke of Somerset who had been brother-in-law of King Henry VI H., and Protector of the realm of England. Colonial history, — and not that of the pride of the English navy, sunk off Gilberts and Raleghs, which made them Portsmouth in 1545. He was the com- what they were." (Dr. Samuel F. Ha- mander of this ill-fated ship at the time, ven, Lowell Institute Lectures, iS6g, and went down with all on board. His p. 134.) — H. widow, Mary, the daughter of Sir Henry 1 Sir Arthur Champernowne died in Norreys, was sister to Henry, Baron 1578. Norreys, Queen Elizabetli's ambassador ^ Sir George Carew, a noted and ac- to France. Sir Arthur Champernowne, complished naval commander, perished of Dartington, was cousin to her first in the celebrated Mary Rose, the husband. 72 Captain Francis C hamper nowne^ From the elder son was descended the family which dwelt at Berry Pomeroy. Seymour's .fortune was large, and his influence in the west of England extensive. Nor was the importance derived from descent and wealth the only importance which belonged to him. He was one of the most skilful debaters and men of business in the kingdom. He had sat many years in the House of Commons, had studied all its rules and usages, and thoroughly understood its temper. He had been elected Speaker in the late reign under circumstances which made that distinction peculiarly honorable. During several generations none but lawyers had been called to the chair; and he was the first country gentleman whose abilities and acquirements enabled him to break that long prescription. He had subsequently held high political office, and had sat in the Cabinet; but his haughty and unaccommodating temper had given so much disgust that he had been forced to retire." Gavven Champernowne inherited a passion for martial life.^ In his youth he and his distinguished cousins. Sir Walter Ralegh and Henry Champernowne, served with the English con- tingent in France, commanded by the famous Huguenot general, the Count of Montgomery, whose misfortunes alone would suffice to make his name memorable.^ In a grand tournament held in Paris, on the occasion of a great festival in honor of the marriage of one of the royal family,^ the King of France, Henry II., having van- quished several princely antagonists, challenged the young ' Two Champernownes were cru- Westcote, 406 et seq.; Edwards's Life saders. tic, nlii supra. ^ Tuckett and Burke, tibi supra; 3 Margaret, sister of the King and the Duke of Savoy. GAWEN CHAMPERNOWNE. Grandfather op Capt. Francis Champernownk. H6LI0TVPE PRINTING CO., BOSTON. His Ancestry and Kindred. 73 Count of Montgomery, then Captain of the Guards, to break a pair of lances with him. The Count reluctantly accepted. The King and his gallant subject met in full array, in the presence of the noblest assemblage in France ; and on the first tilt a fragment of the lance held by the Count struck the King in his left eye, at the instant when the sudden shock had moved the visor of his helmet, and he fell mortally wounded. Upon this awful mishap the Count retired, first to Normandy, and then into England, filled with the deepest grief for what had only accidentally happened. While in England he became a convert to the reformed religion ; and when the civil war broke out in France a few years later, he joined the Prince of Conde and the Admiral Coligny in the cause of the Huguenots. The Champernowne family, like many others in the west of England, espoused the cause of the reformers in France, and aided it with their fortunes and their valor. The mar- riage of Gawen Champernowne, a.d. 1571, and the Lady Gabrielle, the beautiful and accomplished daughter of the Count of Montgomery, united the interests of the two families. He followed the fortunes of his father-in-law through many years of civil strife, until the latter was taken prisoner at Domfront, in 1574, and publicly executed in Paris, by the victorious Guises. Gawen Champernowne now returned to England bereft of considerable of his fortune hazarded in the strife, while his wife lost all, the vast estates of her father having been confiscated. His mili- tary experience while in France enabled him afterward to render good service to his country in the war with Spain, which came on a few years later, and he was intrusted by 10 74 Captain Francis Champernowne. the Queen with many responsible military offices in Devon- shire. He was associated with the renowned Sir Francis Drake in several public employments; and such was his friendship for this great navigator that he bequeathed to him in his last will a ring of gold.^ Gawen^ Champernowne and the Lady Gabrielle, daughter of the Count of Montgomery, had nine children, who lived to adult age. Arthur, the father of Captain Francis, was the only son and heir. Seven of the eight daughters were married, all to gentlemen of ancient families, several of them being of the rank of knights of England.^ Arthur Champernowne succeeded to the ancestral manor of Dartington on the death of his father, which happened in a few years after the memorable Spanish Armada threat- ened England.^ He was no less fond of adventure, and endowed with no less mental capability, than his ances- tors ; but these personal qualities were displayed in quite an- other way. The losses of his father and grandfather in the religious wars of France had diminished his patrimony to some extent; and this circumstance probably directed his energies into fields of enterprise calculated to restore the ancient opulence of his house, and to provide a home in the New World for some of his many sons.^ To commerce and to plantations in America was an easy transition, for 1 Edwards's Life, etc., ubi supra; from the Carews. Sir Gawen Carew, Nouvclle Biographic Gdndrale, Mont- a distinguished person at the court of gomery ; Browning's History of the Queen Elizabeth, was a son of Sir Ed- Huguenots ; Calendar of State Papers mund, Baron Carew, the great grand- (Domestic), years 1 583-1584; Will in father of Gawen Champernowne. Prerogative Office, London. ^ Tucl^ cr-i-' ■>-■. rx ) -^ \^ jH^{^ o ^^v^'M.ii -.^§ "■-'O cy. ^.^ ^f^^ ^^ 55 Vvs* ^ 1 X •^1 ^M / His Life in New England. 121 but he had a great affection for his wife's children by Robert Cutt, and often speaks of them as his own, which fact has misled some writers.^ His principal residence in Kittery was within a few miles of Gorgeana, now York, the metropolis of the Province. A narrow stream separated his homestead from that of Edward Godfrey,^ sometime Governor of the Province. In 1666, the town of Kittery granted to him five hundred acres of land near his residence, and, in 1669, three hun- dred acres additional at Kittery Point. The latter part of his life was devoted chiefly to the care of his plantation, while the ostensible interest which drew him to New England, and to which he devoted his younger years, was commercial. Captain Champernowne lived in New England half a century. This period was about equally divided between Portsmouth and Kittery. Tradition still preserves his name and memory in both of these places. There is no contemporary account of him, nor any portrait extant. His form and features can be restored only by fancy, but his character may be inferred with considerable cer- tainty from his acts, and the respect shown him by his contemporaries. On November 16, 1686, he made his Will, devising his island home in equal parts to his wife and her daughter, 1 Williamson (History of Maine, i. the Province. There was much that is Appendix, 667), erroneously states that pathetic in his career, and especially in Champernowne had three daughters, his closing days in London. For a full Other writers have copied this error, account of his life, see Edward Godfrey; H. His Life, Letters, and Public Services, 2 Edward Godfrey was for many 1 584-1664, by Charles Edward Banks, years very prominent in the affairs of M.D., privately printed, 1887. — H. 16 122 Captain Frajtcis Champernowne. Elizabeth, the wife of Humphrey Elliot. This island, now known as Cutts, was soon after Champernowne's death conveyed to his wife's son, Richard Cutt, whose descend- ants have owned the larger part, and resided upon it until recently. He made his wife's grandson, Champer- nowne Elliot, his heir-at-law and residuary legatee.-"^ Captain Champernowne died sometime in the Spring of 1687, the day and month not now known. He desired to be buried on his island where he died. No other monu- ment marks his last resting-place but a heap of stones, which some friendly hand placed above his grave, where they may be seen to this day. In a large open field slop- ing to the south, a rude stone wall encloses a small area, dotted over with mounds, indicating the graves of some of Champernowne's contemporaries, or of succeeding own- ers and occupants of the land. In the northerly corner a large oblong pile of moss-covered stones denotes his own burial-place. " THOMAS DE CAMBERNON for Hastings field Left Normandy : his Tower sees him no more ! And no Crusader's Warhorse plumed and steeled Paws the grass now at Modbury's blazoned door : No lettered marble nor ancestral shield — Where all the Atlantic shakes the lonesome shore Lies our forgotten, — only Cobblestones To tell us Where are Champernowne's poor Bones ! " ^ 1 For Champernowne's Will, see Feb. i, 1801, and died in Portsmouth, Appendix No. 2. For notes on the Jan. 30, 1876. His father, Thomas Elliot, Cutt, and Elliott families, see Elwyn, Esq., a native of the city of Appendix No. 3. Canterbury, Eng., and a graduate of 2 The autlior of these lines, the late Trinity College, Oxford, came to the John Elwyn, Esq., of Portsmouth, N. H., United States in 1796, while a young was born at Clifton, near Bristol, Eng., man. After completing his travels, he His Life in New England. 123 The v/aves on the sandy beach not far off continuously throb a monotonous requiem, while from the vast expanse of the ocean in full view come deeper and more solemn sounds. Here rests the first and the last of his name in New England, — the kinsman of the immortal Gilbert, Ralegh, and Gorges. read law in Philadelphia. There he made the acquaintance of the family of the Hon. John Langdon, an eminent citizen of New Hampshire, and at this time a Senator in the Federal Congress. He married Governor Langdon's only child, Elizabeth, and she was the mother of Mr. John Elwyn. Thomas Elwyn settled in Portsmouth, and died there in 1 81 6. John Elwyn was graduated at Harvard College in 1819. While in College, and for many years afterwards, he wrote his name, John Langdon- Elwyn. He lived nearly all his hfe in Portsmouth, and was buried on his estate at the head of Sagamore Creek. This estate he inherited from his mater- nal grandfather. It had been owned and occupied by the Langdons from the early years of the settlement of New Hampshire. Mr. Elwyn was a life-long and diligent student, and his acquire- ments in the languages, both ancient and modern, of Europe and of Asia, were extraordinary in extent. He was remarkably well-informed respecting the genealogies of the old families of England. He was no less well-informed in regard to the genealogies of the old families and the antiquities of the Pas- cataqua region, and his information was always at the service of those seeking his aid. In his second volume of " Poems of Places — New England," Mr. Long- fellow inserted the verses above quoted, under the title : " The Grave of Cham- pernowne," with a prefatory note from Mr. John Albee (Harv. Theo. School, 1858), of New Casde, New Hampshire, but inadvertently Mr. Longfellow located the grave in New Castle. In his charm- ing monograph on New Castle, Mr. Al- bee pays an appreciative tribute to the character, learning, and poetic ability of Mr. Elwyn. The fine sonnet on the page follow- ing this, from the pen of Mr. Albee, is here reproduced with his consent. It fitly concludes this paper on Champer- nowne by his friend, Mr. Tuttle. Among Mr. Albee's published works are the following: St. Aspenquid of Mount Agamenticus, an Indian Idyl (Ports- mouth, N. H., 1879); Literary Art (New York, 1881) ; Poems (New York,i883) ; New Castle, Historic and Picturesque, illustrated (Boston, 1885). — H. 124 Captain Francis Champernowne. AT THE GRAVE OF CHAMPERNOWNE. BY JOHN ALBEE. Here poise, like flowers on flowers, the butterflies ; The grasshopper on crooked crutch leaps up, The wild bees hum above the clover cup. The fox-grape wreathes the walls in green disguise Of ruin: and antique plants set out in tears — Pink, guelder-rose, and myrtle's purple bells — Struggle 'mid grass and their own wasting years To show the grave that no inscription tells. Here rest the bones of Francis Champernowne ; The blazonry of Norman kings he bore ; His fathers builded many a tower and town, And after Sehlac England's lords. Now o'er His island cairn the lonesome forests frown. And sailless seas beat the untrodden shore. o tt» 1-^ H *^ w > Q z; SI o % !Z2 ►3 H o 2 a o > ^ % i2| hj H H a? S) hH ^ o > ?d c» O ?3 t> of Portsmouth. In 1663 the town elected him constable, but he refused to accept, and paid his fine, five pounds. He was an active and a conspicuous member of the Rev. Joshua Moody's church. His name stands with the original members.^ Richard Waldron, one of the council, had no equal for ability and force of character in the whole Province. He had been longer a resident than any other member of the board, and was a steady adherent to Massachusetts. He had been many years a member of the General Court and seven years Speaker of the House of Deputies. He was strongly opposed to Mason's interest, and his influence in New Hampshire had always been great. The other five members of the council named in the commission, Richard Martyn, William Vaughan, Thomas Daniel, John Oilman, and Christopher Hussey, had had considerable experience in the local government under Massachusetts. ' See note 2, p. 120. 192 Establishment of the Royal Provincial The royal commission having passed the seals, the King wrote a letter to the president and council, and placed both, with the provincial seal, in the hands of Edward Randolph, to carry to the Province of New Hampshire. The King also gave Randolph a portrait of His Majesty, and the royal arms to be set up at the seat of government. Randolph placed these somewhat bulky articles on a New England vessel which never reached its destination, and thus New Hampshire was deprived of these memorials of royalty, Randolph's route lay by the way of New York. He sailed from England the last of October, and arrived in Portsmouth on the 27th of December, 1679, little more than three months after the royal commission had passed the seals. Randolph at once presented himself to Mr. John Cutt, "a very just and honest man," says Randolph, and acquainted him with his royal errand. Cutt lost no time in sending summons to the members of the council named in the commission to meet at his house and receive from Ran- dolph His Majesty's communications. On the first day of January, 1680, the council assembled, and Randolph placed in their hands His Majesty's letter, and the royal commis- sion for the government of the Province. The letter and commission being read, most of the council desired time to consider whether they would accept. Waldron and Marty n were decidedly opposed to the commission. President Cutt, and John Gilman of Exeter, were ready to accept the com- mission. Nearly three weeks were spent in deliberating the matter by the hesitating members of the council. At last, seeing that the president was determined to organize the Government of New Hampshire. 193 government within the time required by the commission, and that their places were likely to be filled by others, they accepted, and took the oaths of office on the 21st of January. Meantime President Cutt notified the inhabitants of the Province to assemble at Portsmouth on the 2 2d day of Jan- uary, and hear His Majesty's commission read and proclama- tion made of His Majesty's having received the Province of New Hampshire under his gracious favor and protection. This must have been a memorable day in Portsmouth, for it is recorded that great acclamation and firing of cannon followed the announcement that they were under His Maj- esty's government.^ On that day the, organization of the executive government was completed. The president made choice of Richard Waldron as deputy president, and the number of the coun- cil was made complete by the election of three new mem- bers. Proclamation was then made that all persons holding office in the Province should continue in their places until further orders be taken by His Majesty's government. The next step was to summon an assembly. A warrant was despatched to the selectmen of all the towns, then only four in number, requesting them to send to the president and council a list of the names and estates of the inhabitants. This being done, the council selected from the selectmen's list the names of such persons as they judged qualified to vote for assemblymen, and returned these names to the 1 Belknap's History of New Hamp- and Bibliographical on the Laws of shire, Farmer's ed., 90-96 ; Paper by New Hampshire, by Albert H. Hoyt, in Charles Deane, LL.D., on the Records Proceedings of American Antiquarian of the President and Council of New Soc, 1876; and Jenness's Transcripts Hampshire, in Proceedings Mass. Hist, of Original Documents relating to New Soc, xvi. 256-260; Notes Historical Hampshire. — H. 25 194 The Royal Provincial Government. selectmen. Great complaint was made that many fit per- sons were deprived of the elective franchise. It is easy to see that the council had an opportunity to make the assem- bly, and probably did so The election was ordered to take place March 9, and not above three persons for the assem- bly were to be chosen in any one town. The members of the assembly were summoned to appear at Portsmouth, on March 16, to attend to His Majesty's service. On that day the first legislature in New Hamp- shire assembled and was organized. It consisted of eleven persons, two from Exeter, and three from each of the other towns. Thus, in two and one half months after the arrival of the royal messenger with the commission, the govern- ment was completely organized over the Province, — a government that was destined to continue, with but few interruptions, for a hundred years. New Hampshire was restored to her place on the political map of New England, never again to disappear. She was raised to the dignity of a British Province in America. Portsmouth had the honor to be the seat^ of ofovernment during the entire period of the royal government. Here were the scenes of all that was splendid in a provincial court. Portsmouth gave of her citizens the chief of the new government, John Cutt, and she also gave the last royal governor, Sir John Went worth. The provincial gov- ernment was succeeded by a republican government, whose centenary is at hand. Esio Perpetiia. 1 The principal officers of the gov- Castle), which until 1693 was included ernment resided, and the asseml^ly con- in the town of Portsmouth. See note 2, vened, on Great Island (now New p. 103. — H. NEW HAMPSHIRE WITHOUT PROVIN- CIAL GOVERNMENT. 1 689-1 690. \ NEW HAMPSHIRE WITHOUT PROVIN- CIAL GOVERNMENT. 1 689-1 690. " I 'HE political condition of the royal Province of New ^ Hampshire during the short period it was without government, beginning with the deposition of Sir Edmund Andros on the i8th day of April, 1689, and ending with the re-annexation of that Province to Massachusetts on the 19th of March, 1690, — eleven months, — has received but little attention from historians.^ Dr. Belknap gives but little space, — less than twenty lines, — in his admirable history of New Hampshire, to the consideration of the civil affairs of this period, and is not entirely accurate in this. His re- lation of other events is more extended and correct.^ The fall of the government of Sir Edmund Andros over New England, an event in which neither the Province nor the people of New Hampshire had any part, left that Prov- ^ This paper is reprinted, by per- ^ Mass. Records, vi. i, 3, 127, 128; mission, from the Proceedings of the Belknap's Hist, of New Hamp., Farmer's Massachusetts Historical Society, Oct. ed,, 121, 122. 1879. — H. 198 New Hampshire ince without any government. The provincial officers of his appointment, civil and military, had no authority to act after his overthrow by the action of the people of Mas- sachusetts. The four ancient towns, Portsmouth, Dover, Hampton, and Exeter, which then constituted that entire Province, were again in a state of independence, as they were when annexed to Massachusetts in the year 1641. They were now stronger in population and in political organization. Fifty years' experience had given them an almost perfect system of domestic self-government. But for the exigencies of the times, which required a bond of politi- cal union, and unity of action, they might have remained in their independent state without inconvenience, so well regulated were their domestic concerns, and orderly their inhabitants. The people of the other Colonies and Provinces in New England, under the government of Sir Edmund Andros, were likewise left without government ; but they had sys- tems of government under which they had long been accus- tomed to live, and which they could readily resume. In less than one month after the overthrow of Andros, the Colonies of Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, and Plymouth returned quietly to their former governments, and recalled their former magistrates.^ New Hampshire had been a royal Province little more than nine years when the revolution in New England oc- curred. During this period it had been governed by royal commissions in the hands of officers appointed by the King of England. Two entirely different systems of government 1 Palfrey's Hist. New England, iii. 596, 597. without Provincial Government. 199 had been set over the Province, neither of which suited the genius and wants of the whole people. They were there- fore without any system of government, suited to their de- sires, to fall back upon. The four towns remained eleven months without union, or any provincial government. The war with the eastern Indians, begun in the Province of Maine in the summer of 168S, was only slumbering when the government of Sir Edmund Andros was overthrown in April, 1689. It was destined to break forth with great and terrible energy, supported by the moral strength, at least, of a new foe, before the summer ended, and to rage with little interruption till the Peace of Ryswick, more than seven years later.^ To add greater calamities to New England, on the 7th of May England declared war against France, — an act that finally led to a fierce and bloody conflict between their American Colonies, notwithstanding the treaty of colonial neutrality made between these two crowns less than three years before. This unhappy event in Europe encouraged the Indians in their war on the English, and darkened the prospect of all New England.^ A mighty scheme for the conquest of New York and of Hudson's Bay was already devised in F^rance, although the treaty of colonial neutrality provided that, if the two crowns should break friendship in Europe, their colonies in America should remain in peace and neutrality. Actual collision with the French did not take place before November, — a delay more on account of Boston trade than on account of 1 Belknap's Hist, of New Hamp., - Brodhead's Hist, New York, ii. Farmer's ed., 131-143- 475, 545; Mass. Hist. Soc Coll., xxxi. 99. 200 New Hampshire I the treaty stipulations. The blow then came from a squad- ron on the coast of Acadie, recently from France, and said to be designed to surprise Boston.^ The four towns in New Hampshire, nestling between Massachusetts and the Province of Maine, again under the jurisdiction of the Bay Colony, seemed far enough removed from either of the enemies of the English. Suddenly, in the darkness of the morning of the 28th day of June, the third month after their government had been withdrawn, a body of Indians swooped down like a bird of prey on the frontier village of Cocheco, in Dover, and de- stroyed it ; killing a large number of the inhabitants, and carrying away into captivity as many more. Among the slain was the venerable Richard Waldron, for more than forty years the admitted chief in civil and military affairs in the Province. Within one week after the overthrow of Andros, he had been appointed by the Council of Safety, in Massachusetts, Commander-in-Chief of the New Hampshire Regiment.^ A few hours after this memorable tragedy had ended, six of the principal gentlemen of Portsmouth received from Richard Waldron, Jr., a brief account in writing of what had befallen his venerable father and others at Cocheco, by the hands of the barbarous Indians. They immediately wrote a joint letter to Major Pike at Salisbury, the nearest 1 Documentary Hist, of New York, done does not appear. Nor does it ii. 47 ; Murdoch's Nova Scotia, i. 178, appear that Major Waldron exercised 179; Brodhead's Hist. New York, ii. over the militia any functions of this 547 ; Mass. Archives, xxxv. 106. commission. Belknap's Hist, of New 2 Wiiat political relation the Council Hamp., Farmer's ed., 126,129: Pike's of Safety resjarded the Province to have Journal in Proceeding's Mass. Hist. Soa to Massachusetts when this act was (Sept. 1875), 124; Mass. Records, vi. 6. without Provincial Government. 201 military commander in Massachusetts, enclosing this account of the disaster, for the Governor and Council, and request- ing assistance in this exigency of affairs, "wherein the whole country is concerned." Major Pike wrote a short letter to the Governor, request- ing speedy orders and advice, and forwarded it with the others to Boston. Governor Bradstreet received the letters at midnight the same day of the massacre, and next day laid them before the General Court. Their contents were quickly considered, and a letter to the gentlemen of Portsmouth was prepared and forwarded. The Court expressed concern for their friends and neighbors, looking upon the affair as concern- ing all, but declined " to exert any authority in your Prov- ince." The letter concluded with advice to them to "fall into some form or constitution for the exercise of govern- ment for your safety and convenience."^ A few days later, the 2d day of July, seeing the defence- less condition of the Province, the General Court ordered that " drums be beaten up in Boston and the adjacent towns for volunteers to go forthwith for the succor and relief of our neighbor friends at Pascataqua, distressed by the Indian enemies." To encourage volunteers, the court offered to provide their sustenance, and gave them liberty to nominate their own ofiBcers. They were also authorized to receive from " the public treasury eight pounds for every fighting man's head or scalp that they shall bring in," and also to share all plunder taken from the Indians.''^ This dreadful massacre — the greatest, in all points of 1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc, xxi. 88-90. ^ Mass. Records, vi. 53. 26 202 New Hampshire view, in the annals of the Province — spread terror among the inhabitants, and weakened their strength. It opened their eyes to the fact that their geographical position offered them no security from the blows of the barbarous enemy. It brought freshly before them their helpless condition by reason of the want of provincial government. Executive authority to raise military forces and provide for them, by impressment if necessary; to construct public defences and garrison them ; to levy and collect taxes ; and, above all, to make a treaty with other Colonies for joining in a common defence against common enemies, was now needed more than ever. The magistrates and military officers in the Province, appointed by Andros, had undoubtedly exercised a feeble sway. The question had long been debated by the inhabi- tants whether their functions were wholly suspended. At length they generally concluded, " that we had no Governor nor authority in this Province so as to answer the ends of government, and to command and do in defence of their Majesties' subjects against the common enemy." -^ The refusal of the General Court to exercise in the Prov- ince any of the functions of government, now so much needed there, the advice to form a o-overnment anions: themselves, and the great and pressing need of one at this juncture of affairs led to the first attempt to that end since the fall of Andros. Several gentlemen of Portsmouth and Great Island sent letters to the several towns in the Prov- ince, requesting them to make choice of fit persons to meet 1 Nathaniel Weare's Letter to Robert Pike, in Coll. N. H. Hist. See, i. 135-140. without Provincial Government. 203 on the nth day of July, and to "consider of what shall be adjudged meet and convenient to be done by the several towns in the Province for their peace and safety, until we shall have orders from the crown of England." Whatever o should be agreed on by this convention was to be submitted to the towns for their approval. Nothing appears to have come of this.^ While the matter of provincial government was under consideration and debate in rhe towns, Massachusetts was actively preparing for the common defence of all the New England Colonies, against the French as well as the Indians. On the 17th of July she summoned her ancient allies, the Colonies of Connecticut and Plymouth, to send commission- ers to Boston, " according to the rules of our ancient union and confederation," to consider measures for " a joint and vigorous prosecution of the common enemy." The com- missioners assembled on the i6th day of September, and carefully examined the causes of the Indian war. They formally declared " the same to be just and necessary on the part of the English, and ought to be jointly prosecuted by all the Colonies." They directed notice to be sent to the towns in New Hampshire of their meeting and action, with a request for their " concurrence and assistance in a joint management of the war," and adjourned to meet again on the 1 8th day of October.^ With the first month of autumn came another attack of the barbarians on the Province. On the 13th of September, ^ Coll. N. H. Hist. Soc, viii. 399; cvii. 244 ; Coll. Mass. Hist. See, xxxv. Weare's Letter. 203, 212; Bradstreet's Letter to Gov- 2 Mass. Archives, xxxv. 50 ; Ibid., ernor Treat, Connecticut Archives. 204 New HanipsJiire the settlement on Oyster River — a place fated to feel the stroke of savage vengeance oftener and more severely than any other in the Province — was attacked by Indians, and eighteen persons were slain.^ On the loth day of October, Governor Bradstreet carried out the request of the commissioners by direction of the General Court. He wrote a letter to Richard INIartyn, Wil- liam Vaughan, and Richard Waldron, principal persons in New Hampshire, acquainting them of what had been done by the commissioners of the United Colonies, and request- ing a commissioner to be sent from that Province to meet the commissioners at their next meeting. On the i6th these gentlemen sent a joint answer, wherein they ex- pressed their thanks for what had already been done for the defence of the countr}^ and regretted that there was insufficient time for the towns to assemble and make choice of a commissioner before the next meeting of the commis- sioners. They declared their determination to communi- cate the request to the several towns forthwith, so that a commissioner might be chosen for any later meeting of the commissioners,^ Near the end of October the several towns held meetings * Manuscript Letter of Maj. Robert Capt. Andrew Gardner, of Boston, Pike, in Mass. Archives, cvii. 314 ; Coll. of the forces of Major Swayne lately Mass. Hist. Soc, xxxv. 212; Mather's sent into those parts, had a company Magnalia, lib. vii. 67 ; Belknap, Farmer's of soldiers scouting there, whose head- ed., 131. Major Pike says the garri- quarters were at Salmon Falls. Pike son attacked was Langstaff 's ; and in his journal says it was James Hug- that the number slain and carried cap- gin's garrison, and carries the event tive was nineteen. Mather savs it was back into August, which is clearly Lieutenant Huckin's garrison that was wrong. The date of this attack has attacked ; and that " Captain Garner " never before been fixed, pursued the Indians. His statemenf - Mass. Archives, xxxv. 50, 57. has been accepted by all historians. without Provincial Government. 205 and voted for a commissioner of the United Colonies of New England, — an act that gives the Province new imjoor- tance in history. The votes of the towns were sent to Ports- mouth, and it appeared that William Vaiighan was elected commissioner.^ Dover appointed John Tiittle agent to take the vote of the town to Portsmouth to be counted with the votes of the other towns, and to assist in mvino- instructions to the commissioner chosen as to the manacfe- ment of the war." The commissioners of the United Colonies now assumed the direction of the war, which was carried on at the joint expense of all. Connecticut had strongly hinted that Rhode Island shauld be invited to join the confederation. Governor Bradstrcet was prevailed on to write to Gover- nor Clark on the 2d day of August, setting out the ne- cessity of making a joint defence against the common enemies of the English, and requesting advice and assist- ance. It does not appear that any ever came. Rhode Island had not been admitted to the confederation in former years.^ On the 6th of December the commissioners of the Colo- nies, Vaughan with them, assembled in Boston to consider the war with the French. Although this war had been declared seven months before in Europe, no considerable injury had been inflicted on New England till recently. Intelligence had now arrived that war had been publicly de- clared against the English at Port Royal, and that English ^ N. H. Prov. Papers, ii. 30, 32; Ibid., cvii. 247; Colony Records of Mass. Archives, xxxv. 106. Conn., 1689-1706, p. 3 ; Church's Phil- - Coll. N. H. Hist. Soc, viii. 39S. ip's War, pt. ii. 55, 58; Arnold's Hist. 8 Mass. Archives, xxxv. 63, 106; Rhode Island, i. 156, 157. 2o6 New Hampshire fishing vessels in that quarter had been seized, some kept and others sent to France ; that the French were aiding and assisting the Indian enemy with arms and ammunition, thereby showing their intention, by all ways and means, to hurt and destroy their Majesties' subjects, — a thing they will continue to do so long as they have any considerable forti- fied fort or harbor near us. The commissioners therefore recommend that in the United Colonies and Provinces in these parts his Majesty's declaration of war against France be forthwith published, and that care be taken that the militia be well setded, and the fortifications in seaport towns be made serviceable. They also recommend that a committee of fit persons be appointed to inquire into the present condition of our French neighbors, and to find what measures need be taken in regard to them, so as to prevent their doing further injury, and giving further assist- ance to the Indians, and make report.^ On the 1 8th of December, Hampton was so sensible of the want of government that three of its principal inhabitants, namely, Nathaniel Weare, Samuel Sherburne, and Henry Dow, were selected to meet persons chosen by other towns, and consider and debate this matter of government, and make report at the next town meeting. Nothing, however, seems to have come of this, except that Hampton now began to be very jealous of the other towns.^ When the memorable year 1689 ended, the four towns in 1 Mass. Archives, xxxv. io6; Doc. Colonies and their action, as related Hist. N. Y., ii. 47. here. Our historians have omitted to men- - N. H. Prov. Papers, ii. 31, 43, 44 ; tion the commissioners of the United Weare's Letter. witJiout Provincial Govermnent. 207 New Hampshire were still without union and without gov- ernment. The prospect of having a provincial government set over them by William and Mary was no better than when the government of Andros was withdrawn from them, more than eight months before. A conflict of arms with the French was impending. The veteran Frontenac, the greatest soldier in the New World, now again the military chief of New France, had been three months in Canada, and was preparing to crush the English settlements in New Eno^land.^ At this juncture of affairs, Portsmouth, Dover, and Exeter came to an understanding that each should choose commissioners with full power to meet in joint convention and devise " some method of government in order to their defence against the common enemy." Hampton seems to have been unreasonably jealous of the other towns, and to have delayed action in the matter of providing a provincial government. This applies to part, not all the inhabitants. Portsmouth, Dover, and Exeter elected their commissioners to the Convention ; and the commissioners of the two former towns were forced to re- quest Hampton to elect her commissioners. She delayed action nearly three weeks in a matter of so much conse- quence, and finally brought all to nought. Exeter sent four delegates, and the other towns six each, to the Convention, making twenty-two in all. They were the chief persons in the four towns of the Province, and heads of families. The commissioners met in Convention in Portsmouth, the metropolis of the Province, on the 24th 1 Brodhead's New York, ii. 603, 606; Belknap, Farmer's ed., 132. 2o8 New Hampshire of January, 1690. How they organized, or who their officers were, is unknown. The Convention unanimously adopted a simple form of self-government, substantially like that set over the Province by the royal Commissions of Charles II. to President Cutt and also Lieutenant-Governor Cranfield. To give their act the greatest force and authority, each and every member of the Convention set his hand to the instru- ment in which was drawn the form of the new provincial government. This celebrated document, the only remain- ing record of the Convention now known, is in the hand- writing of John Pickering, a lawyer of Portsmouth, and a member of the Convention.^ Having finished its labors, the Convention adjourned to meet again, after the elec- tion of officers for the new government, and count the votes.'^ This venerable State document, now printed here for the first time, came to my hands many years ago, with some manuscripts of John Tuttle of Dover, a member of the Convention, and my paternal ancestor.^ The Convention being a novel proceeding, its records would not likely go with the public archives of the Province. It is amazing that so fragile and homeless a document should find its way down to this time in such good state of preservation. It could not have been seen by Dr. Belknap, otherwise he would have related more fully and accurately the action of the Convention. 1 N. H. Prov. Papers, ii. 31-34; ^ Dover Town Records, January, Weare's Letter above referred to. 1690. Also the original record printed on ^ K biographical sketch of John Tut- pages 213, 214. tie is in the New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xxi. 135-137- withottt Provincial Government. 209 The new government was to consist of a President, Sec- retary, and Treasurer to be chosen by the whole Prov- ince; also a Council of ten members to be chosen by the four towns, — Portsmouth and Hampton having three each, and Dover and Exeter two each, — and a Legislative Assembly.-^ On the 30th day of January, 1690, six days after the adop- tion of the form of government, a town meeting was held in Dover to choose two members of the Council, and to vote for President, Secretary, and Treasurer. Capt. John Ger- rish and Capt. John Woodman, two leading citizens, were elected members of the Council. The votes for the other provincial officers were given and sealed up, to be opened by the commissioners and counted with the votes of the other towns.^ About the same time a town meeting was held in Hamp- ton to elect three members of the Council, and to vote for President, Secretary, and Treasurer of the Province. A majority agreed not to vote for any provincial officers, to the great surprise of the whole Province. The six commis- sioners of Hampton had agreed in Convention to the form of government, and subscribed the record. This action speedily put an end to the attempt to form a provincial government.^ The events of the war were thickening. Schenectady 1 See the original record printed Nathaniel Weare, furnish an outline of on pasres 213, 214. the political history of the Province 2 Dover Town Records, January, during this period. Portsmouth and i6qo. Exeter town records show but little of 8 Weare's Letter. It is worthy of their action; while Dover records sup- note that the town records of Hamp- ply valuable information nowhere else ton, with the letter, so often cited, of to be found. 27 2IO New Hampshire had been destroyed at one blow, and a French and Indian force was already on its way from Canada to the Pascata- qua, though then unknown in the Province. A crisis had arrived. These towns must have a government over them. Some of the leading gentlemen in Portsmouth drew up a petition, addressed to the Governor and Council of Massachusetts, praying for government and protection as formerly, till their Majesties' pleasure should be known, and declaring readiness to bear a proportion of the charge for defence of the country against the common enemy. This was now the 20th of February, 1690. The peti- tion was quickly carried through all the towns, and re- ceived three hundred and seventy-two signatures. Fifteen members of the Convention, two thirds of the whole, signed it, — all from Exeter, and all from Portsmouth, except Robert Elliot ; all from Dover, except John Tut- tle, John Roberts, and Nicholas Follett ; and all from Hampton, except Nathaniel Weare, Henry Dow, and Henry Green.^ The original petition is preserved with the Mas- sachusetts Archives. Nathaniel Weare, a principal inhabitant of Hampton, and a member of the Convention, was much grieved at the action of Hampton in refusing to elect officers and com- plete the organization of the provincial government. He was in favor of the plan of self-government, and opposed to annexation to Massachusetts to the same extent as before. He says that this petition was brought to Hampton on the ^ Coll. N. H. Hist. Soc, viii. 293- seventh volume of the Collections of the 298 ; Mass. Archives, xxxv. 229. The New Hampshire Historical Society, names are very incorrectly spelled in the without Provincial Government. 2 1 1 26th day of February, while the mihtia were assembled there, and that many signed it without knowing what it was ; and also that many children and servants there did the same. Hampton now clearly preferred to remain in her independent state.^ This petition was quickly taken to Boston by John Pick- ering and William Vaughan, and was presented to the Governor and Council on the 28th day of February. It was received, and the prayer of the petitioners granted. The Governor and Council forthwith appointed William Vaughan, Richard Martyn, and Nathaniel Fryer, known adherents to the Colony, magistrates over the Province ; and Vaughan then and there took the oath of office.^ Order was given for the towns to make choice of civil and military officers, to complete the new organization, and present their names to the General Court for confirmation, which was quickly done. In a few weeks John Pickering was despatched to Boston in behalf of the Province, with a full list of officers, civil and military, and a joint letter of recommendation from William Vaughan and Richard Waldron, to lay the same before the Governor and Council and the Deputies. On the 19th day of March, 1690, both branches approved the action of the Governor and Council on the 28th of Febru- ary, and confirmed the list of officers/^ Only the day be- fore, Frontenac's party of French and Indians had fallen on 1 Weare's Letter. A biop;raphical ^ Mass. Archives, xxx. 308 ; N. H. sketch of Nathaniel Weare, by the late Prov. Papers, ii. 40, 41; Mass. Rec, Chief-Justice Bell, is in Coll. N. H. vi. 127, 128; Belknap, Farmer's ed.. Hist. Soc, viii. 381-394- '32- 2 Sewall Papers, i. 312; Weare's Letter. 212 New Hampshire the eastern frontier of Dover, and destroyed the village of Salmon Falls. The Province was now again fully restored to its former relations with Massachusetts, and remained till the Com- mission of Samuel Allen as Governor of the Province was published there Aug. 13, 1692.' During this period of suspended government over the Province, only one act of violence appears against any of the officers appointed by Andros. Richard Chamberlain was Secretary from 1680 to 1686, when the government of Joseph Dudley was extended over the Province, and that office abolished. He was then made clerk of the judicial courts, and held that office till the government of Andros was withdrawn. The records and files of the Province as well as of the courts were in his possession, having come there by virtue of his official station. The people resolved to get them from him, although no one had a better right to hold them. Capt. John Pickering, a resolute man, — the same mentioned in these pages, — with an armed force proceeded to Chamberlain's house, and demanded the records and files. Chamberlain very properly refused to give them to him without some legal warrant for his security and protection ; thereupon Pickering seized them with force, and carried them out of the Province.^ 1 N. H. Prov. Papers, ii. 71. mer's ed., 149, 150. A Memoir of 2 N. H. Prov. Papers, i. 590, 600; Capt. John Pickering^ is in Coll. N. H. Ibid.^ iii. 298; Belknap's Hist., Far- Hist. Soc, iii. 292-297. without Provincial Government. 213 [Form of Government.] At a meeting of the Committee chosen by the Inhabitants of the respective towns within New Hampshire this Province for settlement of a method of IN New England. order and government over the same, until their Maj''" take Care thereof, held in Ports- mouth the 24th of January, 1689. Whereas, Since the late revolution in the Massachusetts Colony, no order from their Maj"" has yet arrived for the settlement of government in this Province, and no Authority being left in the Province save that of the late Justices of Peace ; which, consider- ing our present circumstances, cannot answer the end of govern- ment, viz., the raising men, money, and so forth, for our defence against the Common Enemy, Resolved, That a President and Council, consisting of ten persons, as also a Treasurer and Secretary, be chosen in the Province, in manner and form following : viz., for the Council, three persons of the Inhabitants of Portsmouth, three persons of the Inhabitants of Hampton, two persons of the Inhabitants of Dover, and two per- sons of the Inhabitants of Exeter ; which persons shall be chosen by the major vote of the Inhabitants of the town where they live, and the President, Treasurer, and Secretary to be chosen by the major vote of the whole Province, which President shall also have the power over the mihtia of the Province as major, and the Presi- dent and Council so chosen, or the major part thereof, shall with all convenient speed call an assembly of the representatives of the peo- ple not exceeding three persons from one town, which said Presi- dent and Council, or the major part of them, whereof the President or his Deputy to be one, together with the representatives aforesaid, or the major part of them, from time to time shall make such acts and orders, and exert such powers and authority as may in all re- spects have a tendency to the preservation of the peace, punish- 214 New Hampshire. ment of offenders, and defence of their Maj"^'' subjects against the common enemy, provided they exceed not the bounds his late Maj'^ King Charles the Second was graciously pleased to limit in his Royal commission to the late President and Council of this Province. Rob'' Wadleigh, Will"" Hilton, Samuell Leauett, Jonathan Thing, John Woodman, John Gerrish, John Tuttle, Thomas Edgeley, John Robearts, Nich. Follett, Henry Green, Nath"- Weare, Samuell Shuebern, his Morris X Hobs, mark Henry Dow, Edward Goue, Nathan"- Fryer, W"" Vaughan, Robt. Elliot, Rich'* Waldron, John Pickerin, ThO. COBBETT.l ^ The spelling and punctuation of lowed to remain as they were written, this manuscript have been made to con- A heliotype of the original manuscript form with modern usage in this printed is given in the Proceedings of the Mass. copy. The names of persons are al- Hist. Society, Oct. 1879. HOPE-HOOD. H o p E - H o o d; OEVERAL years ago I was turning over the leaves of a *^^ venerable folio volume in the Registry of Deeds at Exeter, New Habipshire, when my eye accidentally fell upon the name Hope-Hood, or Hope Whood, as it was then written.^ On examination, I found the name was in a deed conveying land now in the County of Strafford, New Hampshire, executed by Hope-Hood and three other In- dians, calling themselves native proprietors of those parts of New England. Hubbard says that Hope-Hood, the first-named grantor in the deed, was son of Robin Hood, a noted Indian of an east- ern Abnaki tribe. This Hope-Hood first appears in history a few months after the breaking out. of King Philip's war, leading an attack on a house in Berwick, Maine.^ Mather * Reprinted, by permission, from the Proceedings of the Mass. Hist. Society, February, 1880. — H. 2 The name of this Indian is vari- ously spelled. I follow Hubbard the historian. Hope-Hood was also known under the name Wayhamoo (Proceed- ings Mass. Hist. Soc, March, 1878). Mather's alias for him is Wohawa. 28 [To the letters of John Hogkins, a Pen- acook sachem, May 15, 1685 (Belknap's Hist., Farmer's ed., 50S), his name is af- fixed as Hope-Hoth. But the spellins: of Indian names depended very much on the ear of the scribe. — H.] 3 Hubbard's Narrative of the Trou- bles with the Indians in New England, from Piscataqua to Pemmaquid, 14, 20. 2 1 8 Hope-Hood. styles him a "memorable tygre,"^ and says he was acciden- tally killed in the summer of 1690.^ Williamson says he was "one of the most bloody warriors of the age." He and his followers were with the French at the destruction of Salmon Falls, and also of Casco, two months later, in the spring of 1690.^ Hope-Hood was one of the Indian chieftains who signed the treaty of peace made Sept. 8, 1685, between His Ma- jesty's subjects inhabiting the Provinces of New Hampshire and Maine, and the Indians dwelling in the same Provinces. His name is also on each of the letters written May 15, 1685, by Kankamagus, alias John Hogkins, to Lieutenant-Gov- ernor Cranfield, imploring protection from the Mohawk In- dians. His mark standing for his signature to the treat}^ and also to the letters, is the same as on the deed to Coffin."* The names of his three Indian associates, grantors in the deed, are scarcely known. They appear, however, with his, on the letters to Cranfield,^ The name Ould Robin suoforests a family connection. IVIaybe he is the veritable Robin Hood mentioned by Hubbard. 1 Mather bestows also other seem- that time, as to make it somewhat ingly well-deserved epithets upon Hope- doubtful whether Mather has not con- Hood : "that hellish fellow," "the founded these two Indians (N. Y. Col. wretch," "that hideous loup-i:_arou,'^ Doc, ix. 473-479). There is no men- " the villain," etc. He also states that tion of the death of Hope-Hood in the this savage was "once a servant of a French narratives of that time. Be- Christian master in Boston." (Magna- sides, a Hope-Hood from Norridge- lia, Bk. vii. Appendix, art. x.) — H. wock was present at the [making of the] ^ Magnalia, Bk. vii. Appendix, art. X. treaty with the English at Falmouth p. 74. The only authority which supports [Maine], in June, 1703. Mather in regard to the accidental kill- ^ Williamson's History of Maine, i. ing of Hope-Hood may be found in 618-623. Public Occurrences, the first newspaper ^ N. H. Provincial Papers, i. 583, printed in Boston, dated Sept. 25, 1690. 584, 588. [See note 3 on page 217. The circumstances of his death so much — H.] resemble those of the accidental killing ^ N. H. Provincial Papers, i. 583, of Kryn, the "Great Mohawk," about 584. Hope-Hood. 2.1c) Peter Coffin, the grantee named in the deed, was one of the most considerable inhabitants of Dover, New Hamp- shire, and afterward chief justice of the Province. How- ever contemptible an Indian deed may have appeared at that time in the eyes of Sir Edmund Andros, to the mind of Peter Coffin, a frontiersman, it was sufficient to give him the rischt and title to so much of the wilderness as was bounded and described therein. He was not a man to part with seven pounds for a worthless title.^ It is worthy of note that this Indian grant lay within the limits of Captain Mason's patent of 1629; and that his grand- son, Robert Mason, was then contending in the judicial courts of New Hampshire for possession of all the lands lying within the patent, not granted by himself or his ances- tors. Coffin's motive for buying the Indian title at this time may have been to anticipate the issue of Mason's suits. While Hope-Hood hovered much on the eastern frontier of New Hampshire, he has not been supposed by historians to have had any connection with that Province, except as a raider and an enemy, during the Indian wars.^ There is, however, one place in Dover, on the western bank of the Bellamy River, near where it falls into the Pascataqua, which has borne the name " Hope- Hood's Point " for nearly two centuries, — almost back to the date of this deed of convey- ance.^ This fact, and his act in conveying hereditary lands ^ The author must here be understood s.ociates had received no grant, and there- as presentinsj the view which Coffin en- fore could convey no legal title. — H, tertained. But it was an erroneous view. '^ I have shown that the (reported) The title to the soil was in the King of attack on Fox Point, in 1690, which England or his grantees. This was the Mather charges that Hope-Hood led, law of England, and it was in harmony never occurred. See pages 163-171. with the accepted public law of Europe '^ New Eng. Hist, and Gene. Rcgis- at this period. Hope-Hood and his as- ter, xx. 373 ; xxviii. 203 ; xxxiv. 205. 220 Hope-Hood. in this quarter to Coffin, indicate that his savage ancestors or his tribe had been possessors of that region. The spelling in the following deed is modernized, except the names of persons and places. To all Christian people to whom this present writing shall come and appear: — Know ye that the natives of New England or Indians whose names are known in the English tongue, are called by the name of Hoope Whood, and Samll Lines, and Ould Robbin, and Kinge Harry, now we, the before-named Indians and natives, as by our native right, are the proprietors of these parts of New England which do join and border upon the rivers called by the names of Newitchawanoke River, and Cochechow River, and Oyster River and Lamperill River, within the Province of New Hampshire. Now know all men that we, the said Hope Whood, Samll Lines, Ould Robbin, and King Harry, for and in consideration of the sum of seven pounds to us in hand paid by Mr. Peter Coffin of the town of Dover, in the Province of New Hampshire, the receipt whereof we acknowledge, and of every part and penny thereof, do free, ac- quit, and discharge the said Peter Coffin, his heirs, executors, and administrators. By these presents do give, grant, bargain, and sell and confirm unto the said Mr. Coffin and to his heirs, executors, administrators, and assigns for ever, all our right and title which we, the said natives ever had, have, or ought to have, unto all the marshes, and pine timber standing or lying, that is or shall be within the two branches of Cochecho and half way between northernmost branch of Cochechow River and Newchewanoke River, beginning at the run of water on the north side of Squammagonake old plant- ing ground (and between the two branches) to begin at the spring where the old cellar was, and so to run ten miles up into the coun- try between the branches by the rivers, all which said marshes, lands, and timber as is before mentioned, and expressed in the bounds aforesaid, shall be to the sole and proper use, benefit, and Hope-Hood. 221 behoof of Mr. Peter Coffin, his heirs, executors, administrators, and assigns for ever, to have and to hold the premises aforesaid and all privileges and appurtenances thereunto belonging, and to every part and parcel thereof, and also we do warrant to make good, and main- tain the before bargained and sold premises against all and all man- ner of natives or Indians which shall lay any claim or right or title to the same. In witness whereof we, the said Hoope Whood, Samll Lines, Ould Robbin, and Kinge Harry, do bind ourselves and every of us jointly and severally, and our heirs and successors firmly by these presents. Dated the third day of January, in the second year of the reign of our sovereign Lord King James the Second, over England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith, &c. Annoq. domini, 1686. Signed, sealed, and The mark X of Hoope Whood, \llt\\ delivered in presence u U Samll Lines, [.Tat] of Benjamin Herd, S Ould Robbin, [sTat] Test. John Evens. O Kinge Harry, \l^^'\ Benjamin Herd personally appeared this seventh day of January, 1709-10, and made oath that he was present and saw these several sachems or Indians sign and seal the above written instrument and set to his hand as witness, and that Jno Evins also set to his hand as witness at the same time. Before me, Nathll Weare, Justice Peace. Entered and recorded according to original, 18 January, 1709. Wm. Vaughan, Recorder} ^ Provincial Deeds at Exeter, vol. the northern limits of Dover. It is vii. fols. 366, 367. The tract of land now within the limits of Rochester, described in the deed lay just outside Barrington, Strafford, and Farmington. CHRISTOPHER KILBY. ^ CHRISTOPHER KILBY.' nPHE capacity, public services, wealth, and liberality of ■^ Christopher Kilby place him among the worthies of Boston of the last century. While he lived abroad most of his days, and died there, and while most of his living posterity are now in England and Scotland, he was never- theless a son of Boston, began his public life here,^ remem- bered his native town in its affliction, bequeathed his name to one of its most public streets, and a few of his posterity still live here. Although his name appears frequently in the records of his time, is mentioned by Hutchinson and other historians, and is memorably associated with his na- tive city, but little is publicly known of his career and his connections. His personal history derives fresh interest from the fact that his great-granddaughter was the first wife of the seventh Duke of Argyll, — the grandfather of the Marquis of Lome, who recently^ married Her Royal Highness the Princess Louise, of England. » Reprinted from the New Enj^lancl i)ul)lislie(l in 1S72, Several persons Historical and Genealogical Register mentioned by liie author as living when for January, 1872. he wrote, have since then died. (See " The reader will bear in mind that page 235.) — H. this Memoir was written in Boston, and 29 226 Christopher Kilby. Christopher Kilby was the son of John and Rebecca (Simpkins) Kilby, of Boston. He was born May 25, 1705, and bred to commercial pursuits. In 1726 he became a partner in business with the Hon. William Clark,^ a distin- guished merchant of Boston, whose eldest daughter he mar- ried the same year. Mr. Clark carried on an extensive commercial trade with England and the West Indies ; and Kilby was several times in those countries, on business of the firm, during the continuance of the partnership, which terminated on his return from England in 1735. In this period of nine years he passed three abroad, employed in commercial undertakings. He now formed a partnership with his brother-in-law, Mr. Clark's youngest son, Benjamin, and continued in the same business until he went to Eng- land in 1739 as agent for Massachusetts. ^ The Hon. William Clark was ings taken from its walls ; he also brother of the Hon. John Clark, of has the centre part of a wooden mosaic Boston, for many years Speaker of floor of the house, having the arms of the House of Representatives, and Clark wrought therein. The late Mr. grandson of Dr. John Clark, an emi- Peter Wainwright, of Boston, had nent physician, whose portrait is in the among his collection of family portraits cabinet of the Massachusetts Historical one of the Hon. William Clark, full size, Society. Mr. William Clark was a painted in 1732. These portraits were member of the House and of the Pro- destroyed, or much damaged, by the vincial Council. He was a merchant, Boston fire in 1872. Mr. Clark died and acquired a large estate. He lived July 24, 1742. His first wife, the in the largest, most elaborately finished mother of his children, was Sarah, and furnished house in Boston. It daughter of Robert Bronsden, of Bos- was a brick structure, standing on Gar- ton, to whom he was married May 14, den Court Street, leading from Clark's 1702. His second wife was Sarah, Square, so called ; next to the mansion- daughter of William Tyler, of Boston, house afterwards occupied by Governor She died about 1762. It is said that Hutchinson, at the North End. It was William and Sarah (Bronsden) Clark subsequently owned and occupied by had fifteen children. Of these we Sir Henry P>ankland, and is mentioned have the following names: (i) Sarah, in one of Cooper's novels. Mr. Row- who married Christopher Kilby •, (2) land Ellis, now of Newton Centre, Robert ; (3) Benjamin ; (4) Rebecca, Mass., who Hved in it many years, has who married Samuel Winslow, June 8, a fine exterior view of this famous 1729; and (5) Martha, who married house, and also several elaborate paint- Dea. Thomas Grcenough, May 9, 1734- Christopher Kilby. 227 In May, 1739, he was chosen representative to the General Court from Boston, his colleagues being Thomas Gushing, Jr., Edward Bromfield, and James Allen. The session of the Gourt began near the end of May, and con- tinued, with several intermediate adjournments, to the end of the year, the domestic affairs of the Province being in a troubled state. Mr. Kilby served on all the important com- mittees, and took an active part in the business of the ses- sion. Important questions relative to the issue of paper money and to the boundaries of the Province were dis- cussed and acted upon. Governor Belcher had received in- structions from the King to limit the issue of bills of credit to a period not exceeding in duration those current at the time of a new issue, and the consequence was that all be- came payable in 1741. The Governor declined to recede from his instructions, although the public distress was great. The last of September the House of Representatives re- solved to send a special " agent to appear at the Gourt of Great Britain, to represent to His Majesty the great difficul- ties and distress the people of this Province labor under by reason of thus being prevented from raising the necessary supply to support the government and the protection and defence of His Majesty's subjects here." Thomas Gushing, a distinguished member of the House, and formerly its Speaker, was chosen agent ; and a committee of eight, Mr. Kilby being one, was appointed to draw up his instructions. On account of continued ill health, Mr. Gushing declined the office, and Mr. Kilby was, on the 2d of October, chosen in his place.^ 1 Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts ; Journal of House of Represen- tatives, 1739. 228 Christopher Kilby. The Province had always selected its ablest men to act as agents, the functions of the office being of a diplomatic char- acter, requiring ability, sagacity, prudence, and a knowledge of public affairs. Mr. Kilby, then only thirty-four years of age, accepted the appointment, and Capt. Nathaniel Cunningham, an eminent merchant of Boston, was chosen to succeed him in the House.^ Early in December Kilby received his instructions, and immediately sailed for Eng- land. He presented to the King in Council the petition of the House, praying for a modification of the royal in- structions to Belcher concerning the issue of bills of credit ; but the King could not be persuaded to make the change asked for.^ In October, 1741, Francis Wilks, long an agent of the Province in England, was dismissed, and soon after died, and Kilby was chosen in his place. About this time ^ Capt. Nathaniel Cunningham was Leicester, where he built several fine one of the richest merchants in Boston houses. He gave the town, now Spen- in his day. He died in London, Sept. cer, land for a meeting-house and 7, 1748, leaving wife Susanna, and chil- training-field. (See Hist, of Spencer, dren ; namely, Nathaniel, who married and Suffolk Probate Records.) Su- Sarah Kilby; Ruth, who married the sanna Cunningham, relict of Nathaniel celebrated James Otis; and Sarah, who Cunningham, Esq., and only sister of married Andrew McKenzie, of Boston, the Hon. Charles Paxton, Esq., died merchant, in 1749. His estate was Feb. 13, 1770, in the 69th year of her valued at nearly ^50,000. To each age. She was his second wife. [ Capt. daughter he gave _;^r 0,000, and an- Timothy Cunningham, a brother of Na- nuities for their support while minors; thaniel, died Sept. 12, 1728, and by his to Dr. Sewall's church sixty ounces of will gave ^200 to the " South Church in silver, to be made into a proper vessel Boston." At the request of Nathaniel for the service of the Holy Sacrament this money was expended for the pur- of the Lord's Supper, the expenses of chase of tlie bell long used in the Old making to be paid out of his estate ; South. It was recast in London about to the poor of the church, /500 ; the 1816. and now hangs in the tower of rest of his large estate to his only son the New Old South. — H.] Nathaniel. He mentions Charles Pax- "- Journal House of Representatives; ton, Esq., as his brother-in-law. Mr. Hutchinson's Hist, of Mass.; Mass. Cunningham was one of the proprietors Archives. of the lands in the west parish of Christopher Kilby. 229 Massachusetts took an appeal from a decision of the com- missioners respecting the boundary line between it and Rhode Island. In January, 1742, Robert Auchmuty — an able lawyer of Boston — and Christopher Kilby were chosen joint agents to prosecute the appeal before the King in Council. Auchmuty continued in this service till April, 1743; and Kilby did not cease his exertions in the matter of the appeal till 1746.^ The removal of Governor Belcher was one of the ques- tions which agitated the people here and in New Hamp- shire when Kilby went to England. He was one of the strong party opposed to Belcher, and he used his influence to displace him, aiid to secure the office for Shirley, who was appointed governor in 1741.^ Mr. Kilby continued to act as standing agent of the Prov- ince till the middle of November, 1748, performing many important services, among which may be mentioned the pro- curing from the British government reimbursement to the Province for expenses in the famous expedition for the conquest of Louisburg in 1745, commanded by Lieut- Gen. William Pepperrell' William Bollan, a lawyer of Boston, son-in-law of Governor Shirley, was chosen joint agent with Kilby to prosecute this claim for expenses in " taking and securing the island of Cape Breton and its de- pendencies." In the prosecution of this claim Kilby la- bored with untiring industry and energy. His official and 1 Journal House of Representatives; London, in 1749. See Parsons's Life Arnold's History of Rhode Island; of Pepperrell, 222 ; and Papers relating M'iJ5S Archives. to Lieut.-Gen. Pepperrell, Lieut.-Gen Hutchinson's History; Kilby's St. Clair, and Admiral Knowles, in a^^^^' „ ^^^v Eng. Hist, and Gene. Resjister, 3 Pepperrell resided with Kilby in xxviii. 451-466. —H. 230 Christopher Kilby. private letters show this; and nothing but ignorance or jealousy has kept this fact from being more publicly known. In a letter to Secretary Willard, dated March 10, 1747, he says : " No other affair I am concerned in but what is made subservient to this important and most necessary point of reimbursing the Province and relieving it from distress which is not possible to be endured long, for I have an un- shaken and immovable zeal for the welfare of my country." He writes to the Speaker of the House, from Portsmouth, England, where he then was in conference with Admiral Sir Peter Warren, under date of April 6, 1748, that the House of Commons passed a bill on the 4th inst., "granting to Massachusetts ^183,649 02 7^, the time and manner of payment being left entirely with the treasury."^ The Duke of Newcastle promised the governorship of New Jersey to Kilby, on the death of Morris ; but the friends of Belcher persuaded the Duke to change his pur- pose at the last moment, and Belcher got the appointment. While agent of Massachusetts he was member of the firm of Sedgwick, Kilby, & Barnard, of London. On the death of Sedgwick, the firm name was Kilby, Barnard, & Parker. The business of the firm was extensive, especially with the American Colonies.^ In 1755, Boston, having some grievances of its own, ap- pointed Kilby its agent at the Court of Great Britain. He accepted the appointment, and performed the duties required of him to the entire satisfaction of his native town.^ 1 Mass. Archives ; Kilby's Letters, the town of Boston, with other papers re- 2 Kilby's Letters. lating to his agency, is among the MSS. * A volume containing the original in the possession of the New England letter of instructions to Air. Kilby from Historic Genealogical Society. — H. Christopher Kilby. 231 In May, 1756, England formally declared war with France. John Campbell, fourth Earl of Loudoun, was ap- pointed commander-in-chief of the King's forces in North America, and governor of Virginia. Kilby was appointed "agent-victualler of the army" under the Earl, and sailed from Portsmouth, England, May 20, for New York, arriving there about the middle of July. The Nightingale man- of-war, having the Earl and his staff, and also Thomas Pownall, soon after appointed governor of Massachusetts, on board, sailed from the same port, and arrived at New York a few days later than Kilby. The organization of the army went forward, and great preparations were made for subduing the Frer^ch in Canada and elsewhere on this con- tinent. Kilby addressed himself to the furnishing of sup- plies for the army.^ In January, 1757, the Earl of Loudoun and many of his officers came to Boston to meet the commissioners of the several Provinces, to consult about raising an army, and other matters, for the campaign of that year. The Boston Gazette of Jan. 24, 1757, after speaking of the arrival of the Earl in Boston, adds : — At the same time, and in company with the Earl of Loudo[u]n, arrived Christopher Kilby, Esq., who went from hence about 17 years past as Agent for this Province at the Court of Great Britain : the warm affection he has discovered for his countrymen, and the signal services he has rendered this Province during that space, has greatly endeared him to us. The Selectmen of the Town waited upon him as Standing Agent of the Town with their congratulations and Thanks for the Favors he has from Time to Time shown us. A * Boston Gazette, July and August, 1756 ; Doc. Hist, of New York. 232 Christopher Kilby. Committee of the General Court has invited him to Dine at Concert Hall this Day ; and his townsmen rejoice at the opportunity they now have of testifying the deserved esteem they have for him. With Pleasure we can acquaint the Publick that he is in a good measure recovered from the illness which attended him this Fall while at Albany. Kilby probably remained in this country till the peace of 1763. He was in New York when the terrible fire occurred in Boston, in March, 1760, destroying many dwelling-houses and causing much distress. Upon hearing of this calamity Kilby sent two hundred pounds sterling to the sufferers, a sum that was regarded as enormous at the time. The dis- trict burnt over embraced both sides of " Mackerill Lane," so called. When this part of the town was rebuilt, and the lane widened and extended, it was called Kilby Street, by common consent, in compliment to Mr. Kilby for his generous donation, and for his zeal for the interests of his native town.^ On his return to England he purchased a large estate in the parish of Dorking, co. Surrey, where he "built a curious edifice called the priory, and several ornamental seats." There he lived many years prior to his death,^ which took place in October, 1771. He left an immense estate, which he distributed among his seven grandchildren, after provid- ino- for his wife.^ Mr. Kilby was twice married. His first wife was Sarah, eldest daughter of the Hon. William Clark, whom he mar- 1 Boston Post Roy, April 7, 1760. s Allen's History of Surrey and 2 "Late of Tranquil Dale, so called, Sussex, vol. ii. ; Whitmore's Heraldic in the parishes of Betchworth and Journal. Buckland, in the county of Surrey." Christopher Kilby. 2^3 ried Aug. i8, 1726. Mrs. Kilby died April 12, 1739, about six months before her husband was sent as aoent to Eno:- land, leaving two young daughters, Sarah and Catherine.^ A son William died young. In 1742 his father-in-law, Clark, died intestate. Kilby being in England, his warm personal friend, Thomas Hancock, an eminent merchant, and uncle to Gov. John Hancock, was appointed guardian of Sarah and Catherine Kilby, and secured for them their share of their grandfather Clark's estate. Five years later they were sent to England, their father receiving them at Portsmouth. Catherine appears to have died soon after her arrival. Mr. Kilby was now married again, but had no other chil- dren. His second wife's name was Martha, and she sur- vived him. Her family name is not known here. On Sarah Kilby, his surviving daughter, he bestowed every ad- vantage that wealth could command. She received the best education England could afford; and in 1753 was betrothed to Nathaniel, only son of Capt. Nathaniel Cunningham, a merchant of the greatest wealth of any in Boston. His daughter Ruth married the celebrated James Otis, patriot and orator. Sarah Kil'oy returned to this country just be- fore her marriage, which took place June 20, 1754. Mr. Cunningham settled in the fine mansion-house of his father, — now deceased, — situated on an eminence in Cambridge, now Brighton. In Price's view of Boston, taken in 1743, dedicated to Peter Faneuil, this house is a conspicuous ob- ject, and designated by name, being the finest mansion- 1 "Last week dy'd suddenly Mrs. to the Hon. William Clark, Esq." — Kilby, Wife of Mr. Christopher Kilby Boston Weekly News Letter, April 17, of this Town, Merchant, and Daughter 1739. 30 234 Christopher Kilby. house in the vicinity of Boston. Nathaniel Cunningham died near the end of the year 1756, leaving two infant chil- dren, Susanna and Sarah.-^ His widow died in Ayrshire, Scotland, July 15, 1779. When the Earl of Loudoun visited Boston, a few months after this event, there came with him his aide-de-camp, Capt. Gilbert McAdam, as well as Kilby, who introduced his widowed daughter to Captain McAdam. He was of an ancient Ayrshire family, and uncle to John Loudoun Mc- Adam, the inventor of macadamized roads. In September, 1757, Capt. McAdam married the widow Sarah Cunning- ham, and took her and her- two children to New York, the principal headquarters of the army. At the close of the war, possibly before, Captain McAdam returned to Ayr- shire with his family.^ Susanna and Sarah Cunningham were the special objects of Kilby s bounty and solicitude. They were sent to France, and there educated with care. Their domestic lives, and the lives of some of their descendants, are invested with an air of romance. Susanna was thrice married. Her first husband was James Dalrymple,^ of Orangefield, Ayrshire, the friend and patron of Robert Burns. By this marriage she had one son, Charles Dalrymple, an officer of the Brit- ish army. Through subsequent marriages, first with John Henry Mills,^ and afterwards with William Cunningham, 1 Susanna Cunningham, bap. May i, mon emphatically calls ' a friend that 1755; Sarah Cunningham, bap. Aug. sticketh closer than a brother.' " 20, 1756. — Trinity Church Records, ■» John Henry Mills and Susanna his Boston. wife had son John and daughter Mary, 2 Kilby's Letters; Family Papers. who came to lioston, where Mary mar- 3 In one of Burns's letters he writes ried Col. Abraham Moore (H. C, thus of Dalrymple : "I have met in Mr. iSo6), and had Susanna Varnum, and Dalrymple, of Orangefield, what Solo- Mary Frances, who married the Hon. Christopher Kilby. 235 both of Scotland, she is now represented in this country by her grandchildren, Mrs. Frances Maria Spofford, wife of the venerable Dr. Richard S. Spofford, of Newburyport, Mrs. Susanna Varnum Mears, of Boston, and Capt. Thomas Cunningham, of Somerville. Her sister, Sarah Cunning- ham,^ married William Campbell, of Ayrshire, and had two daughters, the eldest of whom, Elizabeth, married the seventh Duke of Argyll, grandfather, by a second marriage, of the present Marquis of Lorne;^ and the other daughter, Martha Kilby Campbell, married Charles Mc Vicar. The following is a copy of an original letter from Chris- topher Kilby to Thomas Hancock, before referred to.^ Spring Garden, iS July, 1746. Dear Hancock, — I am greatly oblig'd for the dispatch in Lum- ber and Bricks to Newfoundland, and for your advice of the vessels arrival there. The Louisburg affair is not in the deplorable case you have imagined, Capt. Bastide^ is Engineer, and the thing lays with him and his officers ; and I think you cannot fail of a season- John Cochran Park (H. C, 1834). Cunningham, above named, I am in- Their daughter, Mary Louisa Park, debted for permission to examine letters married Charles W. Tattle, author of and family papers in their possession this Memoir. — H. relating to the subject of this memoir. ^ "On the 19th current was married I am also indebted to Charles L. Han- at Mount Charles, William Campljell, cock, Esq., for information contained Esq., Jun., of Fairfield, to Miss Sally in letters of Kilby and others, in his Cunningham, second daughter of the possession. late Nathaniel Cunningham, Esq., of * John Henry Bastide, royal engi- Boston." (London Chronicle, Nov. 3, neer for Nova Scotia. In April, 1745, 1772, p. 430.) She died in London, Massachusetts granted him ^140 for Dec. 31, 17S1; her husband, WiUiam his services in the repairs of the Campbell, had died before. forts in tliis Province. He was made 2 Burke's Peerage and Landed director of engineers in 1748, and Gentry. afterward raised to the rank of major- 2 To the grandchildren of Susanna general. 236 ChristopJicr Kilby. able part if any advantage is to be had ; but these officers arriving and a i;Tcat sum of Stcrhnu; money to be spent amongst you I should think Exchange must be constantly lowering till this service is over, and however that may be you'll certainly not want as much of their money as I should think you would be willing to take. I have men- tioned you to most of the Staff Otlicers on this Expedition.^ Mr. Abercrombie,^ who is Muster Master General, having directions to you in his Pocket-book, and if it should be necessary will intro- duce you to the General,'^ to whom indeed you '11 not need it, but apply to him as early as possible with the use of my name, and I hope he will receive you as my best Friend. We have been often together since his return to Town, and I believe he has a good opin- ion of my services in recovering the Expedition after it was laid aside. Pray do him all the service you can, and if you find it not incon- venient offer him a lodging in your house for a night or two, till he can be otherwise accommodated. His Power is great and may be useful to you; he is honest, open, and undissembling; you'll like him very well on increasing your acquaintance. Belcher* has got the Government of the Jerseys ; it was done by Duke of Newcastle yesterday, which neither Dr. Avery '^ nor I ex- pected two days before. I have not seen the Dr. since the appoint- ment, nor shall till his return to Town on Tuseday next. The vessel 1 Tliis cx'ioilition was desicjncd to next in command to the Earl of Lou- proceed ai;ainst Can.\da. A squadron doun in 1756; he commanded the under Admir.U Warren was to go to English forces sent against Ticonde- Quehec by waj' of tlie St. Lawrence, roga in 175S. and a land force to Montreal by way of '^ Lieut.-Gen. James St. Clair. [For Albanv under the commantl of General a further notice of Lieut-Gen. St. Clair, St. Cl.iir. The Englisli troops collected see New Eng. Mist, and Gene. Register, at Portsmouth, England, and sailed x.wiii. 451-406. — H. | several times, but returned. They •» J^'"i^<'-^" InMcher, provincial gov- finally sailed for Franco, and the Can- ernor of ^Lissachusotts from 173010 ada expedition was ab.uuloned. Kilhy's 1741 . letter indicates that they were to coine " Dr. T^enjamin Avery, a man of to lioston, — at least' the principal the greatest inliuence at Court al^out officers. this time. ^ Gen. James Abercrombie ; he was CJiyistopher Kilby. 237 that brought the News from Boston was several days below before her bag of Letters came up, and its said the Advice was sent in the mean time to Belcher's Friends. It's a shocking affair, and must destroy any favorable opinion entertained of the Duke of Newcastle by the People of the Colonics ; and I am of opinion it will lessen Gov'r Shirley's Influence in his own and in the Neighboring Gov- ernments. There is a very worthy set of people in the Jerseys that it will most fatally prejudice. I fear they have been almost ruined by Law without a possibility of getting so far thro' it -as to have an appeal home, and I am mistaken if some of them have not defended their possessions by fire and sword ; they will be in fine hands under Belcher, who is to be the Tool of the Quakers, as they are one would imagine of Satan. Some time past this seemed to be allotted for me^ by the desire of the Gentlemen who came from thence who had engaged Dr. AveYy's Interest to perfect it, and it was mentioned to, and approved of [by], the Duke of Newcastle. The vacancy has at last happened when it was impossible for me to accept it, and after consulting the Doctor we had laid a Plan for keeping the ap- pointment off till we could hear from our Friends, which neither he nor I have done by the ships that bring the News of Morris's''^ death, nor had many months before. But the Duke '^ differing in this In- stance from every other circumstance of this sort during his Admin- istration, has fix't the thing in the greatest hurry (on some other motive certainly than the Interest of the Quakers). As the thing concerns myself I am in no pain, not having been defeated ; but as it may be hurtful to the honest people who are to fall under his Gov- ernment and will stagger and discountenance the very best people 1 Provincial /governor of New Jcr- of New Jersey. He died May 21, sey. Kilby's aspirations were not be- 1746. hind those of other Massachusetts * Du!:e of Newcastle, minister of a;i;enls, who always aspired for royal British America from 1724 to 1748. appointments as soon as they got fiiirly " Newcastle was of so fickle a head and Anglicized. so treacherous a heart that Walpole "^ Lewis Morris, ancestor of a very called his name ' Terfidy.' " — Bun- distinguished family, was chief-justice croft's History, of New York, and afterwards governor 238 Christopher Kilby. in our own and the neighboring Colonies, it gives me much concern. This Letter must be broke off here to go to Portsmouth, where the Ships tarry, and [if] anything occurs I shall back it by another, being, dear Sir, Your most sincere Friend and obliged humble Servant, Chris. Kilby. To Mr. Thomas Hancock, Merchant in Boston. HUGH PERCY. HUGH PERCY, DUKE OF NORTHUMBERLAND, LIEUTENANT- GENERAL IN THE BRITISH ARMY.i /^NE hundred and twenty years ago the din of war and ^-^ clash of arms still resounded along the frontiers of New England and New France. The fleets and armies of England were in deadly conflict with the fleets and armies of France, contending for empire in America. In 1760 this great and memorable strife had been going on with varying success, marked from time to time by dreadful barbarities of savage allies, five long and weary years. Throughout all the land, — " Each new morn, New widows howl ; new orphans cry ; new Sorrows strike heaven in the face." At length England put forth anew her military and naval strength, and supported by her American Colonies moved ^ By the invitation of a number of day, April 19, 18S0, — the one hundred prominent citizens of Boston, Mr. Tut- and fifth anniversary of the British at- tle read the following paper before an tack on Concord and Lexington. — H. audience in Hawthorne Hall, on Mon- 31 242 Hugh Percy. against the fleets and armies of France, which soon melted away. Wolfe and Amherst and Boscawen won immortal renown. The frontiers of the British Empire rolled west- ward to the Pacific Ocean, and northward to the frozen seas. The name of New France disappeared forever from among the Provinces of North America. The conquest was complete, and England rose to the highest pitch of renown and greatness. The end of this great and memo- rable conflict, known in our annals as the last French and Indian War, but in Europe as the Seven Years' War, was sealed with the Peace of Paris, in the year 1763. At this great epoch in our history the English Colonies were as much attached to the English monarchy and gov- ernment as were any of the shires and counties between the Humbcr and Land's End. The people of the Colonies, grateful for the sacrifices made by England in crushing for- ever their ancient hereditary foe in America, felt a new at- tachment to the mother country. But in this victory, so glorious and so memorable, there lay concealed from mortal vision the germ of an internal political strife that ten years later led to a fratricidal war, dismembering the English Em- pire, and turned the fruits of victory to bitterness and to ashes. The expense of this great conquest in America had drained the English Exchequer; and the British ministry, in an evil hour, resolved to replenish it by taxation extend- ing throughout the empire. They said that inasmuch as the war in America had been carried on at vast outlay of money for the protection of the American Colonies, and had resulted in crushing forever the ancient disturber of Hugh Percy. 243 their peace, it was but reasonable that the Colonies should contribute towards paying the expense of the war. To this end a rigid enforcement of the old Acts of Trade and Navigation, limiting the trade of the Colonies to Eng- land, was immediately undertaken. A royal naval force was despatched to cruise between Newfoundland and Flor- ida, to seize unlawful traders, and to assist the officers of His Majesty's customs in the execution of their duties. Parliament soon passed the famous Stamp Act, establish- ing a system of internal revenue in the Colonies, by which it was expected that ;^ 100,000 would annually thereafter flow into the English Exchequer. Oppressive and galling to the colonial trade as the en- forcement of the ancient Navigation Act was, there seemed no way of successfully resisting it ; but as to the Stamp Act, a new method of taxation, nearly all the Colonies protested against it. They contended that taxation and representa- tion went together; and that inasmuch as they had no rep- resentation in the British Parliament when the Stamp Act was passed, they were not bound to abide by it; and they resisted it, and it was reluctantly repealed in 1766. But the English ministry stoudy contended that they had a constitu- tional right to tax the Colonies, and immediately resorted to other methods of taxation through the royal custom-houses in the Colonies. Resistance to this new method of taxation was likewise made, and in Boston cargoes of tea sent from London were daringly cast into the harbor in December, ^11 "h- This last act of violence and defiance of English laws made for the Colonics roused the English government to adopt measures of coercion. Parliament immediately 244 Htigh Percy. passed acts shutting up the harbor of Boston, curtailing the charter rights of the Province, and ordering rebellious subjects to be sent into England, or other Provinces, for trial. These acts were ordered to be carried into immediate execution, and a portion of the royal army and navy was despatched to Boston in the spring of 1774. Among the veteran regiments that responded to this call was the Fifth Regiment of P'^oot, now and long since known as the Northumberland Fusileers, but then stationed in Ire- land and commanded by Col. Earl Percy, eldest son and heir of the Duke of Northumberland. This regiment was one of the oldest of the royal army. Its military annals extended back to the reign of Charles II., a period of one hundred years. Its origin was coeval with the formation of the English standing army, and its history crowded with thrilling events in the affairs of Europe. It was formed out of the English forces engaged in that memorable strug- o-le between the United Provinces and tha allies France and England. When England retired from that war of conquest — for it was the design of the allies at the outset to crush forever the nationality and independence of the United Provinces — in the spring of 1674, this regiment was one of several that were organized out of the Eng- lish force then to be disbanded. At that time, on account of the preponderance of Irish officers and soldiers in the rcf^iment, it was known as the Irish Regiment, its colonel then being O'Brien, Viscount of Clare. Although it soon lost its Irish character, yet it is probable that in memory of its origin the green was continued in its regimental colors, and likewise in its uniform. Hugh Percy. 245 This war still continued with France, and the States-Gcn- eral made arrangements with Charles II. to take this and other English regiments into their service as an auxiliary force. So, wheeling about, this English force turned its arms against the French, its old ally, and fought them till the Peace of Nimeguen in 1678. Under the banners of the Prince of Orange this regiment fought with desperate valor, sometimes in divisions commanded by the Earl of Ossory,' and sometimes by the renowned Duke of Monmouth.' When this war ended, the States-General continued to keep this regiment and some others in its service and pay. In November, 1688, this regiment was called on to form part of that military force designed to accompany the Prince of Orange into England. It had revolted from the service of King James II. No one who has read Baron Macaulay's history of that bloodless campaign into E:ngland, need be told again of the conspicuous place of this regiment in that picturesque and gorgeous military cavalcade which escorted the Prince from Torbay to London, to ascend the throne of England under the title of William III. In that masterly narrative the Fifth Regiment is designated " Tolmash," the name of its then colonel. Afterwards it fought in the bat- tle of the Boyne under the eye of King William, and was later at the siege of Athlone and Limerick. I need not recount the battles, sieges, and fortunes of this Fifth Regi- ment of Foot during the three quarters of a century which followed, ending with its embarkation for Boston in the fore part of May, 1774. Earl Percy, colonel of this regiment at this last epoch, was descended not only from the noblest and most ancient houses 246 Hugh Percy. of England and France, but also from royal houses of both kingdoms. In France his lineage is traced back to Charle- magne, a period of a thousand years. He had in his veins as much, and perhaps more, of the blood of the Norman, the Plantagenet, and the Tudor sovereigns of England as had King George III. The histories of England and France recount the deeds of his illustrious ancestors from the down- fall of the Western Empire. Among his lines of descent in England is the ancient warrior-house of Percy, the founder of which, William de Percy, a Norman baron, came into England with William the Conqueror, founded the Abbey of St. Hilda, and died in the Holy Land during the first Crusade. His descent in this illustrious family is through all the famous historical Earls of Northumberland, who flour- ished between the reigns of Edward III. and James II. At last, on the death of the eleventh Earl of Northumber- land the honors and the wealth of this great house descended to an heiress, the Lady Elizabeth Percy. She married Charles Seymour, the Duke of Somerset, descended from the Protector Somerset. Before this marriage, this proud noble of a historical house was obliged to bend and give his consent that he would surrender his great inherited name and take that of Percy. This, however, was waived by his wife after marriage. Their granddaughter, the Lady Elizabeth Seymour, daughter of Algernon Seymour, also Duke of Somerset and Earl of Northumberland, became the heiress of both these illustrious houses, Percy and Sey- mour. There was nothing that could add to her worldly honors and estate. Titles to six ancient baronies had de- scended to her, and all the castles and estates of the ancient Earls of Northumberland. "The blood of all the Percys Hugh Percy. 247 and Seymours swelled in her veins and in her fancy," says Horace Walpole. In 1740 this great lady was married at Percy Lodge to Sir Hugh Smithson, a Yorkshire baronet of ancient family and great possessions. The fortunes and vicissitudes in the life of Sir Hugh Smithson have but few parallels in history. This marriage conferred on him great distinction in the estimation of his contemporaries ; but it was only a step to greater things. On the decease of Algernon Seymour, his wife's father, in 1750, the titles of Earl of Northumberland and Baron Warkworth descended to Sir Hugh Smithson, pursuant to a limitation in^ the grant of these titles to Seymour, making him a peer of England. At the same time Parlia- ment enacted that his family name, Smithson, should be changed to Percy, — the name contemplated in the marriage settlement of the Baroness Percy and the proud Duke of Somerset seventy-five years before, — and that he should take and bear the arms of the ancient Earls of Northum- berland, from whom his wife was descended. This now Sir Hugh Percy, Earl of Northumberland, was soon made lord of the bedchamber of George H., vice-admiral of Northum- berland, knight of the garter, lord-lieutenant of Middlesex and Westminster, and viceroy of Ireland. At this epoch he appears, or rather should appear, in our American history ; for in 1764 he was appointed by the King vice-admiral over all America. When this appointment was announced here, Benning Wentworth, royal governor of New Hampshire, in honor of the Earl, soon bestowed the name Northumberland on a 248 Httgh Percy. new township in that Province. Two years later (1766) he was created Earl Percy and Duke of Northumberland. In 1784, as if no number of titles of honor could suflfice, he was created Lord Lovaine and Baron Alnwick of Alnwick. Two years later he died ; and his hereditary titles and estates descended to his eldest son, Hugh Percy, of whom I am discoursing. I may add that this great per- son was born, not only to leave his own name, but the names of two sons, immortalized in the pages of American his- tory, — one in the annals of the Revolutionary War, and the other (James Smithson, founder of the Smithsonian Institution at Washington) in the brightest pages of the catalogue of public benefactors. The number of castles, baronies, and manors of this newly-married pair, in 1740, admitted of their having a home in many parts of England. But in 1742 they were living in the parish of St. George, Hanover Square, London, where, on the 25th day of August (new style), their eldest son, Hugh (then Smithson), was born. Before he vi^as eight years old he found his surname transmuted into Percy, and his title, Lord Warkworth, — the second title of his father, then Earl of Northumberland. By this title — a title of courtesy — he was known to the public until 1766, when his father was raised to a dukedom, and Lord Warkworth became Earl Percy, by which title he is known in our annals. Young Lord Warkworth was educated at Eton, and was there with Earl Cornwallis, who was a Brit- ish general in our Revolutionary War. A passion for war seems early to have possessed him ; and no wonder, when he had read the deeds of his illustrious ancestors in the his- Httgh Percy. 249 toric pages of England, especially of the ancient Earls of Northumberland. Before he was eighteen years of age he had served one whole campaign in Germany, as a volun- teer officer under Prince Ferdinand, in the Seven Years' War; and before he was twenty he was appointed lieutenant- colonel of the First Foot Guards. In July, 1764, at the age of twenty-two years, Lord Warkworth married the Lady Anne Stuart, daughter of the Earl of Bute, late prime minister of England, and grand- daughter of the renowned Lady Mary Wortley Montagu. In the month of December following he was appointed aide-de-camp to King George III. In the early part of 1768, Earl Percy, formerly Lord Warkworth, was elected a member of Parliament for Westminster; and again in 1774, while he was in Boston. In November, 1768, he realized what all ambitious English soldiers much desire, — the colonelcy of the Fifth Regiment of Foot in the royal army. This was obtained through Lord Granby, the commander-in-chief. This ap- pointment was not well received, especially among those who thought their military services entitled them to that place. Three months hardly passed before Earl Percy was astonished, and perhaps mortified, to see his name made conspicuous before the whole kingdom in a publication that ranks among English classics. A masked political writer, from his den of concealment, turned his baleful eye and scorching pen upon this act of Lord Granby. " Did he not," shouted Junius, "betray the just interests of the army in permitting Lord Percy to have a regiment } " Sir William Draper, a general in the army, came forward to defend his 32 250 Hugh Percy. chief, and to answer Junius. " In placing Earl Percy at the head of a regiment," said Sir William, " I do not think either the rights or best interests of the army are sacrificed and betrayed, or the nation undone. ... I feel myself happy in seeing young noblemen of illustrious name and great property come amongst us. They are an additional security to the kingdom from foreign or domestic slavery. Junius needs not be told, that, should the time ever come when this nation is to be defended only by those who have nothing more to lose than their arms and their pay, its danger will be great indeed." From the time of his marriage in 1764, to his appoint- ment as colonel in the army, he had lived with his wife at Stenwick. But now some domestic infelicity imbittered his home, and he and Lady Percy entered into articles of separation, and thereafter lived apart, having no communi- cation whatever with each other. Lord Percy joined his regiment in Ireland, and was in England only twice during the four years which preceded his embarkation for America. A few illustrative anecdotes are related of him at this period, which place his character in an amiable light. Hearing that there was in his regiment a private soldier of good reputation, the son of a half-pay officer, Lord Percy, at his own charge, procured for him the commission of ensign, and presented it to the poor soldier. As his regi- ment was on the point of embarking for Boston, he stepped forward and discharo:ed all the debts of those officers who had not the means at hand. Hearing that the wife of a poor soldier was sick with the small-pox and must be left behind, he generously gave eight guineas for her comfort Hugh Percy. 251 and support, and ordered her to be sent to her husband in Boston, on her recovery, at his charge. Another anecdote is related of him, supposed to illustrate his habit of econ- omy. Horace Walpole spoke of him as " a penurious, un- dignified young man in America." But Horace Walpole did not love the Percys, and his sayings of them are to be taken with much allowance for his antipathy. While in Ireland, Lord Percy gave a dinner to the officers of the garrison at Limerick, stipulating with the landlord that it should not cost above eighteen pence per head for fifty per- sons. The officers, hearing of this arrangement, privately made a contract with the landlord to provide an entertain- ment that should cost a guinea a head, and if Lord Percy failed to pay the difference, they would. Wlien this ban- quet was served, there was but one astonished person at the board, and that was his lordship, who beheld a feast for the gods, which he had ordered at eighteen pence per head. On all sides he heard compliments of his generosity, the excellence of the viands and wines. His health was drunk with an enthusiasm that fairly bewildered him. When he rose to return thanks it dawned upon him what had oc- curred to derange his expectations, and he enjoyed the joke. It was said at the time that Lord Percy came to America at the special request of the King. This may be true ; but he was a soldier and a firm believer in using force to reduce the rebellious Colonies to obedience. The Kino: undoubt- edly wished to avail himself of the moral effect of some of those qualities mentioned by Sir William Draper on his soldiers as well as on the people of the Colonies. Rank 252 Hugh Percy. and power, to awe the people of Massachusetts to obedi- ence ! King George did not know his subjects on this side of the Atlantic ! On the 7th of May, 1774, Lord Percy embarked with his regiment at Kinsale, in government transports, for Boston in New England. Part of the regiment reached Boston on the ist of July; the remainder, in the same trans- port with Lord Percy, on the 4th of July, — a day then in no wise memorable in our political calendar, but destined only two years later to take a rank never to be surpassed in our annals ! From the day he left Ireland for America to the day of his return to England, — a period of three years, — the eyes of the British people never turned from him, whether he was in battle or in camp ; nor was he less ob- served by the people of the Colonies. The Colonial press everywhere heralded his coming. It was announced that " a descendant of the never-to-be-forgotten hero who fought the battle of Chevy Chase " (as he truly was, for he carried the blood of Hotspur in his veins) was soon expected in America with his regiment. Tuesday, the 5th day of July, the weather, as is recorded, was "fair and pleasant" in Boston. That day Lord Percy's regiment landed at Long Wharf, marched through the streets directly to the Common, and there encamped. This martial pageant attracted the gaze of thousands of citizens, and the spectacle was long remembered. While in Ireland the regiment had earned for itself the significant name, "the Shiners," from its extreme cleanliness and attention to dress. The coats of the rank and file were faced with gosling green, and medals of merit shone on the breasts of many Hugh Percy. 253 a veteran soldier. The officers were richly dressed in scarlet and gold. A green silken flag having thereon the figures of Saint George and the Dragon, with the ancient and ex- pressive motto, Quo Fata Vacant, waved gently above the heads of these heroes of many battlefields. The grena- dier company was led by a young officer who afterwards rose to be a lieutenant-general in the British army and a peer of the realm. This lieutenant, Lord Francis Rawdon, of ancient and noble lineage, a few years later commanded the royal troops in South Carolina, became governor-general of India, and the Marquis of Hastings. There were already encamped on the fresh grass of Bos- ton Common two -^veteran regiments of the British line, when Percy's went into camp. One of them was the Fourth, or King's Own, and it must have suggested no pleasant memories to Massachusetts men who knew its history. A century before it had been commanded during many years by the infamous Col. Percy Kirke, the same person who had been selected by Charles II. in the last months of his reign to be governor of Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and Plymouth, after the overthrow of the Charter in the year 1684. His name had been for generations a synonym in New England for all that was cruel and barbarous. Earl Percy soon found one of the best houses in Boston for his residence. This fine mansion stood at the corner of Winter and Tremont streets, almost within the sound of my voice ; and although standing back from both streets, leaving a fine lawn around it, its windows overlooked the Common. It was then owned by John Williams, a commissioner of His Majesty's customs in Boston. It had been the residence 254 Hug J I Pei'cy. of some very noted persons, Colonel Vetch, WInthrop, Ox- nard, and others well known in the history of Boston. There are many persons now living who remember that venerable structure. Here Earl Percy lived in a style be- fitting his rank as an officer and a nobleman, besides spend- ing a large sum in acts of charity and generosity, until he quitted Boston with the army in March, 1776, a period of nearly two years. Soon after Earl Percy's arrival in Boston, Sir John Went- worth, the royal governor of New Hampshire, complimented him by giving the name Percy to a new township in the north- ern part of that Province, adjoining Northumberland. For more than half a century the town flourished under this historic and romantic name. General Stark, hero of Ben- nington and patriot of wide renown, had lain several years in his grave without his name being attached to any moun- tain peak or any township. But in 1832 the patriotic citi- zens of New Hampshire could no longer endure this neglect of the memory of their favorite warrior, and applied to the Legislature of the State to substitute the name Stark for that of Percy, and it was accordingly done. The name Percy, however, still clings to that region. The Percy Peaks, two conical mountains rising above all the adjacent region, bear his name and proclaim themselves far and wide. Boston must have been a dreary abode for his lordship, in spite of all his ample means to make himself comfortable. There was no place in the whole British Empire, whither he could have gone, more gloomy and more rebellious than Boston. The port had been shut more than a month when he arrived, and all commercial transactions in this metropo- Hugh Percy. 255 lis of New England were at an end. Days of fasting and prayer on account of " the present alarming situation of our affairs " were proclaimed in the newspapers. Droves of cattle and flocks of sheep, the gifts of sympathizing persons in the Colony to the needy inhabitants of Boston, poured throuG:h the streets. BreathinGfs of defiance and hatred of the English government could be heard on all sides and snuffed in every breeze. The inhabitants gazed sullenly on the martial spectacle augmenting on the Common. Every day the breach between England and her Colonies widened. Edmund Burke justly observed that as the number of acts of Parliament increased, the number of His Majesty's subjects in the Colonies decreased. Had his lordship been in Boston six years before, he might have witnessed a spectacle that showed how these people detested the ministers of the King whose acts had led to this state of affairs. He might have seen drawn through these very streets where his regiment had so proudly marched the effigies of his own father-in-law, the Earl of Bute, and of George Gren- ville, both in full court dress, saluted with every insult and indignity that an angry people could suggest, landed at the gallows on the Neck, and there burned amid the jeers and shouts of the multitude. When Lord Percy landed at Boston, General Gage, gov- ernor of Massachusetts, and commander-in-chief of the British army in America, was staying at his summer resi- dence near Salem. He immediately put Lord Percy in command of the royal troops in Boston. This gave him sufficient employment ; for there were constant collisions between the troops and the inhabitants, and many com- 256 HiigJi Percy. plaints reached the attentive ear of Percy.^ At the end of the first week in August, about a month after his arrival, the royal troops had poured so fast into Boston that there were six regiments, besides several companies of artillery. General Gage formed these regiments into two brigades, and appointed Colonel Lord Percy a brigadier of the first, and Colonel Pisfot bricradier of the second. The storm of war was approaching. Both parties were collecting ammunition, especially the Provincials. General Gage thought it good policy to get into his hands the am- munition of the insurgents. On the ist of September he sent a military force to the powder-house in Charlestown, and took away all the powder which had been collected there. Another force went to Cambridge and took away two pieces of cannon. These acts produced an immense uproar, and thousands of persons in the country seized their arms and hastened towards Boston. The people refused to be comforted. Gage at once fortified the Neck "to protect His Majesty's troops and His Majesty's subjects." This sudden and threatening movement was magnified in London into an attack on Boston, and it was reported that Lord Percy was slain. Bets were freely made and taken on the event. Lord Percy was a candidate for re-election to Parliament, and the election was at hand. Those op- posed to him industriously propagated the rumor of his death ; but it availed not, for he was elected.^ 1 For several interesting references under date of Oct. 12, 1774, to Joseph to Earl Percy's intercourse with the Galloway, says: "It teing objected to people of Boston, see tlie Letters of one of the candidates for Westminster, John Andrews in Proceedings of Mass. Lord Percy, that he was absent on the Hist. Society, viii. 316-412. — H. wicked business of cutting the throats 2 Dr. Franklin, writing from London, of our American brethren, his friends Hugh Percy. 257 During the four months' civil administration of General Gage he had been industriously issuing proclamations with the view to stay the progress of the rebellion ; but he failed in his purpose. Every act of his seemed to promote a col- lision. The reins of executive government were now fall- ing from his hands. On the same day that he seized the powder and cannon he summoned the General Court to meet at Salem on the 5th of October. A week before that day came round he issued a proclamation forbidding it. The members of the Court met, nevertheless, resolved themselves into a Provincial Congress, and adopted meas- ures by which they effectually called into being a govern- ment of the people. The authority of Parliament was no longer recognized. The Provincial Congress, now wielding the executive and legislative powers of government, immediately took measures to organize a military force sufficient to oppose and repel the English troops now encamped in Boston. From this mo- ment a steady preparation for hostilities went forward to the hour of the first conflict at Lexington, five months later. But a single public occurrence worthy of mention took place in the career of Lord Percy between October and the memorable day at Lexington, in April, 1775. On the last day of March, 1775, at the head of his brigade, he made an excursion into the country, going as far as Jamaica Plain. The people became alarmed, and messengers were quickly sent hither and thither to cfive notice of this movement of have thought necessary this mornins: to These circumstances [he had mentioned pubhsh a letter of his expressing that several] show that the American cause he is on good terms with the people of begins to be more popular here." (Frank- Boston, and much respected by them, lin's Works, viii. 138, 139.) — H. 33 258 HitgJi Percy. the royal troops. Great numbers of the Provincials assem- bled, fully armed. It was first supposed that the troops designed to go to Concord to seize and destroy stores ; for rumor had some time before made known such an intent. The most considerable complaint of this military movement came from the farmers residing on the road through which Percy and his troops passed. While on the march the soldiers found it convenient to do a good deal of flanking service, at the expense of stone walls, rail fences, tender shrubbery, and fields recently sown with grain. The yeo- manry of that region howled vengeance on the red-coats, and may have gotten it near the end of the next three weeks. Curses both loud and deep followed hard upon the heels of their rear-guard. The memorable conflict of the British troops and Provincials at Concord and Lexington has been related here so many times within a few years that you must know it all. Earl Percy shared in this first baptism of fire and blood, of which this day is the one hundred and fifth anni- versary. He led reinforcements to Lexington, and he also led the retreat to Boston. That he conducted that retreat according to approved military rules, that he showed courage and coolness in the most trying moments, has always been allowed. That he escaped death, under a fire of several hours, was regarded a miracle. Indeed, a report went forth, even to England, that he was killed. " News came that Lord Percy was dead and buried," wrote the minister of Portland, Maine, Dr. Deane, in his diary of that date. In the dreadful battle of Bunker Hill, two months later, he was not a participant, his brigade not being summoned Hug J I Percy. 259 to take part in that engagement, but left to protect Boston. His regiment, being in the brigade of General Pigot, was in that action, where, says General Burgoyne, who was a spec- tator of the battle, " it fought best and lost most." Percy was active in giving relief to the sufferers of that day. In the midst of all this suffering an Irish officer put the camp in a roar by exclaiming, " Indade, we have gained — but a loss ! " On the loth of July, before news of the battle reached England, Percy was appointed a major-general in the British army in America. He had served in the capacity of brisradier-general almost from the time of his arrival. Eight months passed without any considerable event in his military life. The British troops were now shut up in Boston, with only a passage out by water, and guarded by no less a person than General Washington, who had arrived at Cambridge and taken command of the Provin- cial army. I beg leave to read a single letter written by Percy at this time to General Haldimand in London, showing how cheer- ful he was, how attentive to the business of the army, and what pains he had taken to oblige a friend : — Boston, Dec. 14, 1775. Dear Sir, — Since I did myself the pleasure of writing to you last, our situation is exactly the same. The Rebels, however, have been too fortunate in other places. . Canada, as you will have been already informed, is in their hands. Besides this, they have been very successful at sea, having taken a brig loaded with military stores, and — what was to them still a greater prize — a ship from Glasgow with great quantities of blanketing, woollens, and shoes, all which they were before in great want of As they have yes- 26o Hugh Percy. tcrday begun to fling up a work upon Phip's Farm, just opposite to liarton's Point, I fancy they mean to bring the mortar which they took in the ordnance brig. If they do, they may trouble us a good deal, as they are within about looo yards of the Town. It is very odd that Great Britain still persists in sending out vessells to this part of the world unarmed. The Transports with the troops from Ireland are not yet arrived. One, indeed, with 4 Companies of the 17th Reg., came in here about 6 weeks ago; we imagine the rest are gone to the West Indies. Our Discipline is exactly the same as when you left us, which we shall begin to perceive now the Troops have got into winter quarters. I am extremely happy to find that your reception in London was agreeable to you ; you merited it. I had no doubt that His Majesty would do what was proper. I as- sure you, you are by no means forgot by your friends on this side the Atlantic. Gen. Howe, in the handsomest manner, in the Aug- mentation, appointed your nephew a 2nd Lieu* in his own Reg., imagining, as you had desired he might do duty with it, that such a step would be agreeable to you ; and yesterday he very obligingly appointed him a full Lieutenant in the 45th Reg., chusing particu- larly that Corps, as there were two situations vacant ; by which means your nephew would have a Lieutenant under him, and there- fore would not be broke, tho' the youngest Company should be again reduced. I have had the pleasure of being acquainted with Lt. Col. Monkton, and shall take care to particularly recommend Mr. Haldimand to his care. Adieu, my dear Gen. Keep yourself warm this cold weather, and be assured I am, with greatest truth. Your sincere friend And humble servant, Percy. I beg you will be kind enough to make my very best compliments to Capt. Dorkins, and tell him the Engineers have not found it necessary to alter his works in the least, which have been found remarkably useful. Hugh Percy, 261 The next important military event in Boston in which Percy was concerned took place early in March, 1776, when the Provincial army took possession of Dorchester Heights. The British army was even more surprised to see our troops there than they had been to see them at Bunker Hill. And well they might be ; for unless they were removed, the whole British force would immediately be prisoners to General Washington. General Howe resolved to attack them by night, and appointed Percy to command the troops. Percy proceeded to Castle Island to carry out the design ; but the wind and wave prevented the attack, and it was given up. General Howe now resolved to evac- uate Boston, and did so on the ever memorable 17th of March, 1776. Percy proceeded with the troops to Halifax. Ten days after he left Boston he was made lieutenant- general in the British army in America. Although the British army had left Boston without ac- complishing the purpose for which they had been sent, the British Ministry no more faltered in its purpose of coercion than the Colonies in their purpose to resist.^ Back came ^ The patriotic zeal of the people his text 2 Kings vii. 7 : " Wherefore was greatly stimulated and sustained they arose and fled in the twilight, and by the clergy generally. A few hours left their tents, and their horses, and after the enemy retreated from Bos- their asses, even the camp as it was, ton, the Rev. Abiel Leonard, D.D., and fled for their life." chaplain to the Connecticut troops, The Rev. Andrew Eliot, D.D., preached at Cambridge a sermon be- preached a discourse, on March 28, fore General Washington and others being the Thursday lecture (General of distinction, from Exodus xiv. 25 : Washington and the Council be- " And took off their chariot wheels, ing present by invitation), from Isaiah that they drave them heavily ; so that xxxiii. 20 : " Look upon Zion, the the Egyptians said, Let us flee from city of our solemnities: thine eyes the face of Israel ; for the Lord fighteth shall see Jerusalem a quiet habitation, for them against the Egyptians." a tabernacle that shall not be taken The Rev. Ebenezer Bridge, of down ; not one of the stakes thereof Chelmsford, preached a discourse in shall ever be removed, neither shall any Boston, March 24, 1776, having for of the cords thereof be broken." — H. 262 HngJi Percy. this army, early in July, much refreshed, and prepared for a new campaign against the rebellious Colonies. It gave Boston a wide berth, landing at Staten Island. While Earl Percy was there celebrating the second anniversary of his arrival in America, the members of the Continental Con- gress at Philadelphia were signing an immortal Declaration, putting the war on a new issue, — Freedom, and Independ- ence of England. The British army, on receiving large reinforcements, was organized into three great divisions. Earl Percy, now a lieutenant-general, having command of one. General Howe attacked the Provincial army on Long Island with complete success, Earl Percy's division having a share in this battle. The British army, flushed with victory, followed the Provin- cial army to New York, and there again was successful. At the attack on Fort Washington, Earl Percy led his division into the thickest of the fight. His horse was shot under him. His valor was applauded. On the ist of December General Howe sent the fleet under Sir Peter Parker, and also six thousand men under the joint command of Earl Percy and Sir Henry Clinton, to take Newport, R. I. The large frigates passed outside Long Island, and the smaller ones, with the transports having the troops, inside. While this fleet stood off New London, so vast did it appear that it seemed as if the very waters groaned under its pressure. This was on the 5 th of De- cember, a day memorable in the life of Earl Percy. For on this day his mother, the Duchess of Northumberland, died in London, and the ancient baronies of Percy, Lucy, Poyn- ings, Fitz-Payne, Bryan, and Latimer, which had come down with the blood of the ancient Earls of Northumber- Hugh Percy. 2.62) land, to his mother, descended to her son. Earl Percy. He was now a peer of the realm in his own right, and his title Baron Percy. A new election was ordered at Westminster to fill his place in the House of Commons. The fleet and army were entirely successful. Newport fell into their hands with scarce a struggle. Sir Henry Clinton soon after left, and Percy succeeded to the com- mand. Here occurred an event which led to his leaving America some months later. While Howe and Cornwallis were struggling with the Provincial forces in New Jersey, they suddenly needed reinforcements. Howe sent to Earl Percy for fifteen hundred men, and got only eleven hun- dred, Percy assigning as a reason for withholding men that he was daily expecting an attack by the Provincials, and that his garrison was already too weak to resist a resolute attack. General Howe was enraged, and wrote Percy a sharp reproof for not obeying his order to the letter. This reproof Percy thought undeserved, and he procured leave to return to England. He sailed from Newport on the 5th of May, 1777, and never returned to America.^ 1 On his departure from Rhode form regard to Religion and Decency Island, a considerable number of the which would add Dignity to the meanest most respectable inhabitants of New- station, with that condescending Affa- port presented the Earl with a formal bility which stoops without any view to address expressive of their high appre- private Advantage; and above all, with ciation of his liberal and humane con- that unbounded and well-directed Gen- duct, and of his personal character, erosity which has so often procured for After mentioning in terms of gratitude your Excellency the blessings of tiiose the good order and discipline he had who were ready to perish." (Newport maintained among his troops, they add: Gazette, May 8, 1777.) "The fear of offending (not insensi- The Independent Chronicle (Boston), bility) prevents us, at present, from of Oct. 23, 1777, has the following : "It attempting to express how much we are is impossible to express the regret of affected with your Excellency's great the army on the departure of Lord and amiable private virtues, with that Percy. Provincials as well as our own spotless Integrity of Manners and uni- people, if in distress, shared alike in his 264 Hugh Percy. In November he moved the address to the King in the House of Lords. Among other things he defended the officers of the British army in America from aspersions cast on them in England, and spoke encouragingly and hopefully of the war if prosecuted with vigor.^ In 1779 benefactions. He kept open table for inferior officers. In short, he spent while in America ten thousand pounds of his own fortune, all his pay, and up- wards of twenty-five thousand pounds remitted to him by the Duke and Duchess." Soon after his return to England Lord Percy was fixed upon as a fit per- son to be placed at the head of the commission to negotiate with the Colo- nies, but this service he declined. (Gentleman's Magazine, Ixxxvii. 182.) — H. 1 The following, taken from Almon's Parliamentary Register, ix. 2-5, is the report of the Duke's address on the occasion referred to in the text. — H. Lord Percy acquainted the House that it had fallen to his lot to have the honor of moving an address in answer to the most gracious speech now read. He acknowl- edged his own insufficiency for an under- taking which called for the most zealous and energetic language that House was capa- ble of expressing itself in. His Lordship observed an event had happened since they last sat there, which ought to give every noble Lord present the most heartfelt pleasure ; that was the birth of a princess, as it was an additional secu- rity to the Protestant religion, and the en- joyment of those constitutional rights which were known to be so peculiarly the care of the amiable and virtuous sovereign on the throne, and were likely to be transmitted to the latest posterity through his illustrious house. . . . He acknowledged his obliga- tions, in conunon with the officers serving in America, for the very gracious testimony which has been given of their services by their royal master, and the high confidence he expressed in the spirit and intiepidity of his forces both by sea and land. He la- mented, as a professional man, what a dis- agreeable situation persons serving in high commands stood in, when accidents which it was frequently not in the power of the greatest military skill or foresight to de- scry or prevent were attributed to neglect or incapacity. He lamented the fate of those brave and able men who were thus liable to suffer under unjust censures ; and whose absence in a distant country neces- sarily prevented them from having an op- portunity to defend themselves. From his own knowledge he could affirm that they were as cruel as ill founded. It was im- possible, at this distance, to pass a judg- ment on the operations of war ; it was injudicious and unfair to estimate their pro- priety by the events. It was with particular satisfaction, therefore, that he perceived His Majesty and his ministers, and he believed a very great majority of the nation, en- tertained sentiments of a very different kind. ... His Lordship expressed great sorrow for the occasion of the war, and the effusion of human blood, which was inseparable from such a state ; but he was convinced, how much soever His Majesty, the Parliament, and the nation might feel on the occasion, the temper of America made it necessary; the people there had been deluded and mis- led by their leaders ; and nothing, he feared, would compel them to return to their alle- giance, but a continuance of the same de- cisive exertions on our part till we were fully enabled to convince them that as our rights were indisputably superior, so our strength was fully adequate to their full maintenance and support. He concluded his remarks on the speech with passing great commendation on the humane, gracious, fatherly spirit w'hich, he said, it breathed, and the invitation it held forth to our deluded Colonies to return Hugh Percy. 265 he procured a divorce from his wife, with whom he had not lived for ten years, and by whom he had no issue, and in the same year married Frances JuHa Burrell, one of the daughters of a house not then distinguished for opulence, antiquity, or renown, but for making great matrimonial alliances.^ He soon retired to Stenwick with his new wife, and there watched with much interest the American war and public affairs, without taking any part in them. He was much disgusted with the leaders of affairs in England, and was stung with neglect of the Ministry. In 1782 he wrote from Stenwick to his friend, the Right Hon. George Ross, as follows : — What encouragemeht is there for any man of Rank to exert him- self in the service of the King and country, when the only reward he is likely to meet with is a total neglect, and constantly to have the mortification of seeing every person without either weight, consequence, or merit, preferred before him in every instance, both civil and military. I may without vanity assert that there is not an officer in the army who has done his duty in the line of his profession, with more zeal and attention than myself ; and in con- sequence of that it is now fourteen years since I have received the smallest mark of approbation of His Majesty or his Ministers. In 1784 he resigned the colonelcy of the Fifth Regiment, on being promoted to the command of a troop of the Grenadier Guards. In 1 786 his father, the Duke of North- to their loyalty and their former constitii- chioness of Exeter, the Countess of rn^ry^°"T.?r£ordlrrn"^^:;;^v?d'S ^VP^ ^^' -^^^ ^^^>'1>- ^^elssul humble address ^^ ^'^'^ marna-e was five daughters, 1 TTro^o^c T V Tj ,1 , . . , °"^ °^ ^^'^°™ married Lord James Mur- Frances Julia Burrell was the third ray, second son of the Duke of Athol • dau,^hter of Peter Burrell, Esq., of and two sons, whose names are given Beckenham, Kent, sister to the Mar- in the text. — H. 34 266 Hugh Percy. umberland, died, and Lord Percy succeeded to the title of Duke and Earl of Northumberland, and other titles, and to vast estates in Great Britain. In 1793 he was made a general in the royal army. Above all, he was made knight of the garter, — the most ancient and splendid order of knighthood in England, if not in all Europe. He was member of the House of Commons eight years, and of the House of Peers forty years ; yet if the indexes to the journals of these Houses are correct, he spoke not once in the Commons, and but twice in the House of Peers, during all that time. For the last twenty years of his life he was afflicted with gout, and quite withdrawn from public view. He interested himself with the organization of fifteen hundred of his ten- antry in Yorkshire into a military body, whom he clothed, fed, and paid, — showing a bias for military employments to the last. The annual revenue from his estates was esti- mated at eighty thousand pounds sterling.^ ^ The followino^, extracted from the Percy Yeomanry, the whole being clothed, Gentleman's Magazine tor July, 1S17, appo'inted, paid, and maintained"" by him- gives additional facts in the life of the self ; Government finding arms and accou- j)y[^g Y^ trements alone. To his tenants he was a " . ' . most excellent landlord ; and the monu- IIis tmie and attention have been chiefly n^e„t j^^t erected by them in honor of him employed in continuing and completing will transmit to posterity the memory of his the improvements begun by his father in kindness and indulgence, and of their grati- the princely mansions of ^orthumbcrland t^^e. Q„e custom which he introd\iced House Zion House, and Alnwick Castle, among them cannot be too highly praised in Northumberland, where, in his extensive ^^ too extensively imitated ; it^ wis that of domains, upwards of a million of timber providing for the industrious hinds of every and other trees were annually planted for j^^^ge farm by giving them a cottage and many years. 1 he large income of his ten" acres of land, which proves an e^1C0ur- Grace, estimated at not less than ;^!>o.ooo agement to industrious youth and a secur- per annum, was expended in these useful itV against want in old age. In readv money pursuits and in keeping up the ancient teu- ^is Grace was for years Considered the most dal splendor in the Castle of the Percys, wealthy man in England ; which he often During the Kite war with France he raised emploved in rescuing industrious families from among his tenantry in the country fro,„ ruin. . . . The^ personal property is from winch he derived his title a corps of g^o^n to as under ;^7do,ooo. 1,500 men, under the denomination of the HttgJi Percy. 267 Lord Percy died at Northumberland House in London, July 10, 181 7, and a week later his body was borne to West- minster Abbey, with extraordinary pomp and solemnity, and deposited in the Percy vault in St. Nicholas Chapel.^ He left two sons, both of whom succeeded to his titles and estates. The eldest, Hugh Percy, who had already distinguished himself in Parliament, now became Duke of Northumberland, and died in 1847, without issue. The titles and estates then went to his brother, Algernon Percy, a naval officer, and a man of science and learning. He died in 1865, without issue. Thus ended the male line of Lord Percy. The titles and estates thence passed into the line of his youngest brother, Algernon Percy, Earl of Beverly.^ ^ An extended account of the funeral Nineteenth Century, by Edward Bar- is given in the Gentleman's Magazine, rington de Fonblanque, issued in two Ixxxvii. S3-S5. — H. _ volumes, for private circulation, have 2 Since this Memoir was printed, been noticed in the Quarterly Review the Annals of the House of Percy, from for April, 1889. — H. ^ the Conquest to the Opening of the COURT OF VICE-ADMIRALTY OVER ^ AMERICA. L'4 COURT OF VICE-ADMIRALTY OVER AMERICA.^ T T /"HILE looking into the details of the civil and mili- * ^ tary career of Lord Percy, who commanded the British reinforcements sent from Boston to Lexington April 19, 1775, some years ago, I found that his father, the Earl, afterward Duke, of Northumberland, had in 1765, and sev- eral years after, the official title, "Vice-Admiral over all America." No American and no English history that I had then or have since read, mentions any such officer.^ I could not help turning for a while from my principal design and looking up the origin of this official station. Proceed- ing from one thing to another, I came at length upon the official announcement in the London gazettes of 2 2d De- cember, 1764, that His Majesty had been pleased to ap- point the Right Hono'-able Hugh, Earl of Northumberland, "Vice-Admiral over all America;" to which was added, " This appointment being made pursuant to a late act of Parliament." 1 Reprinted, by permission, from ^ jhe author refers to general his- the Proceedings of the Massachu- tories. The eslaliHshment of the Court setts Historical Society, December, is mentioned by Washburn in his Judi- 1879. — H. cial History of Massachusetts (175).— H. 272 Court of Vice- Admiralty over Ajnerica. This was " An act for the granting certain duties in the British Colonies and Plantations in America," etc., and providing, among other things, for the punishment of breaches of the revenue laws. By this act the Admiralty Courts in the several Colonies were authorized to take cog- nizance of breaches of the revenue laws. It provided also for the establishment of a new Vice-Admiralty Court over all America, having jurisdiction of breaches of the reve- nue laws wherever the offence might occur in the British Colonies. The Colonies at once objected to this extended jurisdic- tion of the Admiralty Court, and also to the proposed estab- lishment of a Court of Vice-Admiralty. But I find no men- tion, in the discussions of this subject at that time, or later, or in contemporary histories, of the organization of this new Admiralty Court. It was therefore a surprise to me to find, in the London gazettes of 1764, the appointment, at various times, of a full board of officers of this great Court of Vice- Admiralty over all America, and a still greater surprise when I came upon a proclamation announcing the opening of this Court in Halifax, Nova Scotia, in October, 1764. The following persons were appointed, at various dates between the passage of the act and the end of the year 1764, to constitute this Court: Vice-Admiral, the Earl of Northumberland; Judge, the Right Worshipful William Spry, LL. D. ; Registrar, the Hon. Spencer Percival ; Marshal, Charles Howard, Gent. It is manifest that none of these officers expected to execute these offices in person : that was to be done by deputy. Judge Spry, whose wife was niece of the Earl of Court of Vice- Admiralty over America. 273 Chatham, arrived in Halifax, with his family, on the 25th of September, and on the 9th day of October following, opened the Court of Vice-Admiralty, and on the i6th of October the Court issued the proclamation printed below. Whether this Court was opened for business in any other Province, as designed, I am not yet informed.^ The pas- sage of the Stamp Act the next year, and the riots it oc- casioned in America, together with the violence offered to the local Admiralty Courts, very likely prevented further extension of this new Court. In 1767 Judge Spry was appointed Governor of Bar- bados. He removed there, and died in office in 1772. It is singular that jthe elaborate histories of Nova Scotia contain no account of this Vice-Admiralty Court over all America. The proclamation mentioned above is as follows : — Whereas, by an Act of Parliament, made and passed in the fourth year of His Majesty's Reign, entitled, "An Act for the grant- ing certain Duties in the British Colonies and Plantations in America," etc., it is thereby, among other Things, Enacted and Declared, That from and after the twenty-ninth Day of September, A. D. 1764, all the Forfeitures and Penalties inflicted by that or any other Act of Parliament, relating to the Trade and Revenues of the said British Colonies, or Plantations in America, which shall be in- curred there, shall and may be prosecuted, sued for, and recovered in any Court of Record, or in any Court of Admiralty, in the said Colonies or Plantations where such Offence shall be committed, or 1 Mr. Washburn also states that there as Supreme Juds^e of Vice-Admi- the year followinaj the proclamation ralty." Undoubtedly'the cause of his given below, Judge Spry "made ar- not removing was the one suggested rangements for removing from Halifax by Mr. Tuttle ; namely, the political to Boston, to enter upon his duties disturbances in Boston. — H. 35 274 Cottrt of Vice- Admiralty over America. in any Court of Vice-Admiralty which may, or shall be, appointed over all America (which Court of Admiralty or Vice-Admiralty are hereby respectively authorized and required to proceed, hear, and determine the same), at the Election of the Informer or Prosecutor ; And whereas His Majesty, by Letters Patent, under the Great Seal of His High Court of Admiralty of Great Britain and Ireland, etc., dated at London, the fifteenth Day of June, a. d, 1764, has been pleased to appoint the Right Worshipful William Spry, Doctor of Laws, to be Judge of His Majesty's Court of Vice- Admiralty over all America, with Power to proceed, hear, and determine all Causes, civil and maritime, arising in any of the Provinces of America, or the maritime Parts thereof, and thereto adjacent, at the Election of the Informer or Prosecutor ; Public Notice is Hereby Given, That the Right Worshipful William Spry, Doctor of Laws, the Judge of His Majesty's said Court of Vice-Admiralty over all America, hath opened his said Court on the ninth Day of October, Instant, at Halifax, in the Province of Nova Scotia ; hath thought fit to fix the first and third Wednesdays of every Month as Term Days for the sitting of said Court at Halifax, aforesaid, when and where all Causes, civil and maritime, arising in any Province of America, or the maritime Parts thereof or thereto adjacent, may be prosecuted. Of which all Parties concerned therein are hereby desired to take Notice. By Order of the Court. James Brehton, Dep. Registrar. Halifax, i6th October, 1764. EDWARD RANDOLPH. ?S€p3^" EDWARD RANDOLPH; pDWARD RANDOLPH holds so conspicuous and so ■"^-^ important a place in our colonial history, that any- thing concerning him is worthy of consideration, especially if new. It is surprising, in view of the extent of our his- torical inquiries, that the arch-enemy of Puritanism in all its aspects, the prime mover and the actual abettor of the overthrow of the first political and ecclesiastical establish ments of New England, should have excited so little in- terest and be so little known. Measured simply by the results of his own undertakings, Edward Randolph is justly entitled to rank among the most remarkable men of his time. In that dramatic period of our history which em- braces the closing scenes of the life of the first charter, he is the central figure and the chief actor, — not inaptly called the "destroying angel." His public acts are memo- rable, and they form the chief interest in the history of that time. * Reprinted, by permission, from the Proceedings of the Massachusetts His- torical Society for February, 1874. — H. 278 Edward Randolph. His career in New England may be characterized as me- teoric in many respects; it certainly is without parallel in our history. He came suddenly into public view from be- yond the Atlantic, the unwelcome bearer of a royal message having a menacing aspect, at a time when the Colonies were in a death-struggle with the Indian enemy. For a period of thirteen years he was regarded by our fathers as the most baleful and malignant luminary that ever appeared in the political skies of New England. His name was a synonym for something dreadful, and his fame — an ill one it was — extended to all the Colonies. On the records of that age no name is branded by writers with so many, so varied, and so strongly denunciative epithets as that of Edward Randolph. It is but just to his memory to say that his excessive zeal for the interests of the Crown and for the Church of England, his undaunted courage and uncompromising spirit, were the chief causes of his great unpopularity. Whence he came or whither he went has hardly been thought worthy of inquiry by our antiquaries in a period of two centuries. His history, so far as known, begins and ends with his career in New England. Dr. Palfrey, who looked after many neglected worthies of our colonial times, as his History attests, made special search in the archives of England for some light on the early career of Randolph, but without success. While collecting materials for my projected "Life of Captain John Mason," patentee of New Hampshire, I no- ticed in letters of Robert Mason, grandson of Captain Ma- son, and also in letters of Edward Randolph, expressions Edward Randolph. 2'jc) indicating some degree of relationship between them. Fol- lowing up this hint, I came to the origin and parentage of Randolph himself, — singularly enough in the first Christian city and spiritual metropolis of England. He was the son of Edmund Randolph, Doctor of Physic, of the city of Canterbury. His mother was a daughter of Gyles Master, of the same city. Both parents were of gentle lineage, and of high character and standing. Edward Randolph mar- ried Jane Gibbon, of West Cliff, in the county of Kent. Her brother, Richard Gibbon, Doctor of Physic, married Anne Tufton, sister of Robert Mason. It is proper to ob- serve that Robert Tufton assumed the surname Mason to inherit his grandfather Mason's estate in New England. On the death of his wife, in 1679, Randolph again came to New England, bringing his family, designing, it would seem, to remain here permanently. He had been appointed by the Commissioners of Customs, collector of customs in New England. Having other public employments, he ap- pointed his brother Gyles deputy in his place. Another brother, Bernard Randolph, also his deputy, was an author of considerable note in his day. In 1 69 1, Edward Randolph was appointed surveyor- general of customs in all the English Provinces in North America. This fact shows that he was recognized as an able and faithful officer by the English government.^ ^ Mr. Tuttle intended to write the no progress in the work up to the time life of Edward Randolph, but had made of his death. — H. 2So Edward Randolph. EDWARD RANDOLPH'S WILL. In the name of God, amen. This fifteenth day of June, in the yeare of our Lord one Thousand seaven hundred and two, I, Edward Randolph, Esq'., Surveyour-Gen" of Her Ma— Customes in all her Plantations and Colonies in America, sound of body and memory, thanks be given to Allmighty God for all his mercies, yet neverthe- less taking into my serious consideration the frailty of human life, and being about to make my seaventeenth sea-voyage to America, doe make this my last Will and Testament in manner and forme fol- lowing. After having comended my soul, body, and estate to the mercies and protection of Allmighty God, hoping for salvation at my dissolution through the merits of my blessed Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, I dispose of my temporall estate wherewith it hath pleased God to bless me, as followeth ; viz. I doe hereby give and bequeath unto my youngest daughter, Sarah Randolph (whoe is otherwise unprovided for), all such summe and summes of money as are or shall be due to me of my sallary as Surveyor-General, pay- able from the Commissioners of Her Ma— Customes for the time being, and which I have not allready given to my daughter Wil- liams or to my daughter Deborah Randolph, which said salary is usually received and paid for me by my Worthy friend Richard Savage, Esq'. And in case it should please God that my said daughters Williams and Deborah, or either of them, shall happen to dye in the life-time of my said daughter Sarah, then I doe will and bequeath such parte and parts of my said sallary as I have or- dred to be paid to them, or either of them, to be thenceforth paid to my said daughter Sarah ; and I doe also give and bequeath unto my said daughter Sarah all my plate which I leave in the hands of my loving friend Mr. Edward Jones of the Savoy, and all such summe and summes of money as is or shall be recovered for my use of Gil- bert Nelson, late Chiefe Justice of the Island of Burmuda, whether the same be in the hands of Mr. Samuell Spofforth or any other person Edward Randolph. 281 whomsoever, and all such summes of money as shall be recovered for my use of George Plater, Esq^, living in Potuxent, in the province of Maryland, and which the said Plater hath or may receive for my use of Samuell Willson or any other person, and all and singular debts due and payable, or which shall be hereafter due or payable to me. But in case my said daughter Sarah shall happen to depart this life before she attaine the age of eighteen years, and be married (which I enjoine and require her not to doe without the consent and approbation of Mrs. Mary Fog, and Nathaniell Bladen of Lincoln's Inn, Esq'., thereunto in writing first had and obtained), then I will that my daughter Elisabeth Pirn, and (if she be dead) her son Mr. Charles Pim, or her and his children, shall have all that is herein bequeathed to my said daughter Sarah. But if neither my said daughter Pim, nor her said son Charles, nor any child or children of hers or his shall be living, then I will that whatsoever 1 have herein bequeathed to my said daughter Sarah shall go to my daugh- ters Williams and Deborah and their children equally, and I doe hereby constitute and appoint my said daughter Sarah sole execu- trix of this my last will and Testament, by these presents revoking and annulling all former wills by me made heretofore and declared by word or writing, and this only to be taken for my last will and Testament. In witness whereof I have hereby declared and published this to be my last will and Testament, the day and yeare above written, in the presence of Humphrey Walcot, Gent., Mrs. Catherine Bladen, and Nathaniel Bladen. -c tj . c r- Ed. Randolph, S.-G. Witness, Humphrey Walcott, Catharine Bladen, Nathaniel Bladen. 7 Dec. 1703. Administration to Sarah, wife of John Howard, Guardian assigned to Sarah Randolph, a minor, dau' and Execu- trix named in the Will of Edward Randolph, late of Acquamat in Virginia, deceased. (234 Degg.) 36 282 Edward Randolph. NOTES BY THE EDITOR. nPHE Randolph family claims to be of Norman origin. ■^ Persons bearing this name figure conspicuously in English and in Scottish history. Sir Thomas Randolph is mentioned in Domesday Book as ordered to do duty against the King of France. In 1298 Sir John Randolph, Knt, was a commissioner to summon knights, and attended the coronation of Edward II. in 1307. In 1329 Sir Thomas Randolph, Earl of Murray, was with common consent made governor of Scotland, and died in 1331, universally la- mented.^ John Randolph, of Hampshire, connected with the Exchequer in 1385, was an eminent judge. Sir Thomas Randolph, son of Avery of Badlesmere, co. Kent, and cousin of Thomas Randolph the poet, was born in that parish in 1523. He rendered important public services in the reign of Elizabeth, having been employed by that sovereign in no less than eighteen different embassies. He died in 1590. One of his wives was a cousin of Sir Francis Walsingham. An Avery Randolph was principal of Pembroke College, Oxford, in 1590. On the roll of bishops of the Church in England appears the name of Dr. John Randolph, born in 1749, son of Dr. Thomas ^ Douglas's Peerage of Scotland, 498. Notes by the Editor. 283 (1701-1783), archdeacon of Oxford. He became the bishop of Oxford in 1799, of Bangor in 1806, of London in 1809, and died in 181 3. Edward Randolph — the subject of these notes — was a grandson of Bernard Randolph, who married Jane, daughter of William Boddenham, of Biddenden, Hundred of Barkl3% CO. Kent, and through this marriage became possessed of the estate of Lessenden in that place. Bernard died in 1628. This estate continued in the family until 1808, when it was sold by the then holder, the Rev. Herbert Randolph. Bernard and Jane Randolph had several children, among whom were John, Herbert, and Edmund. It is a fam- ily tradition that John emigrated to Virginia. Herbert married Elizabeth, daughter of Gyles Master, of the city of Canterbury, and died in 1644. He had a son Her- bert, who married Elizabeth Best, of Canterbury, and died in 1685. The last-named Herbert had a son Herbert, who was a barrister, and held the ofifice of recorder of Canterbury, and died possessed of Lessenden in 1726. He was twice married: (i) to Mary, daughter of Dr. John Castillion, dean of Rochester, of the Italian family of Castiglione; and (2) to Grace, daughter of John Blome, of Sevenoaks, Kent. He left two children by his first wife : Herbert, and Mary, who married Christopher Packe, M.D. By his second wife he had eight children : Thomas, D.D., archdeacon of Oxford, and, president of Corpus Christi College; George, M.D., of Bristol ; Francis, D.D., principal of Alban Hall, Oxford ; Charles, bred to the law ; and four daughters. 284 Edward Randolph. Out of this branch of the family sprang Bishop Randolph, above mentioned. Herbert, son of Herbert and Mary (Castillion) Randolph, was of All Souls' College, Oxford, and rector of Deal, Kent, and died in 1755. He married (i) Catharine Wake, daughter of Dr. Edward Wake; and (2) Mary, daughter of Nathaniel Denew. By his first wife he had a son Her- bert, rector of Croxton, Lincolnshire, and prebendary of Salisbury, who married Elizabeth Adcock, of Ashford, Kent, and died in 1803. The last-named Herbert, by his wife Elizabeth, had a son Herbert, fellow of Corpus Christi College, Oxford, rector of Lctcombe Basset, Berks, and vicar of Chute, Wilts. He died in 1828, having married Jane, daughter of Benjamin Wilson, of Leeds, and sis- ter of Gen. Sir Robert Wilson, K. M. T.' He had ten children, of whom two survive ; namely, Francis and Edmund. The latter married Georgiana H. Sherlock, daughter of Col. Francis Sherlock, K. H.,'-^ and has had issue five sons and one daughter, of whom one son, Her- bert, is dead. Edmund Randolph (baptized in the parish of Biddenden, Kent, in 1600), fifth son of Bernard, was a doctor of physic both of Oxford and Padua. He married at Canterbury, about the year 1628, Deborah, daughter of Gyles Master, of that city, and there followed his profession. He died in 1649, and was buried in St. George's church. The inscrip- tion on his monument, formerly existing in that church, was as follows : — 1 Knight of the order of Maria ' Knight of the Guelphic order of Tlieresa. Hanover, instituted by George IV. Notes by the Editor. 285 Edmundus Randolph ex antiqua Familia ortus MEDICIN.E Doctor exercitatissimus AlIORUM l^ROTELANDO VITAM DECURTAVIT SUAM. NuMEROSA AUCTUS PROLE FiLIIS DECEM, MOLLIORISQUE SEXUS QUINQUE MUNDUM SIMUL AC DOMUM LOCUPLETAVIT SUAM HiSCE LIBENS SOCIAM DEDIT OPERAM DEBORAH FyEMINA, SI QUiE ALIA, SPECTATISSIMA D!li ^GiDii Master NuPER de civitate Cantuari^ armigeri FiLIA QUARTA Uxor semper fida, semper impense dilecta. , Ultima ^ Lethi Vis rapuit rapietque gentes. FrUAMUR PRiESENTI Anno D2i MDCLXXXI.2 Edmund and Deborah (Master) Randolph had fifteen children. The three oldest were baptized at Biddenden, Kent, the five youngest at St. George's, Canterbury ; namely, Mary, in 1639; Gyles, in 1640; Jane, in 1641 ; another daughter, in 1642; and Bernard, in 1645. Their fourth son, Edward, so intimately connected with the affairs of New England from 1676 to 1689, was baptized in the parish of St. Margaret, Canterbury, on the 9th of July, 1632. Edward Randolph was married three times. His first wife was Jane, born in 1640, daughter of Thomas Gibbon, ^ Hor. Odes, ii. 13. Ultima is sub- erected until 168 r. The delay may stituted for hnprovisa. have been due to the political troubles 2 Although Dr. Edmund Randolph of the intervening years, died in 1649, his monument was not 286 Edward Randolph. of West Cliffe, Kent, by his wife Dorothy Best. Of the issue of this marriage we have the names certainly of three daughters, — Jane, Deborah, baptized July 6, 1661, and Elizabeth, born in 1664. There was a fourth daugh- ter by the first or by the second marriage ; namely, Mary, who is mentioned by Randolph in his letter of July 18, 1684, to Samuel Shrimpton.^ RANDOLPH Bernard = Tane Boddenham I Herbert = Elizabeth Master John, Edmund = Deborah Master I emigrated to I j America | Herbert — Elizabeth Best I d. 1679 Herbert = (i) Mary Castillion I (2) Grace Blome Herberts (i) Catherine Wake I (2) Mary Denew (i) Jane Gibbon = Edward = (3) Sarah (Backhouse) (2) Grace Grenville, d. 1682 Platt, d. before 1702. Sarah, not 18 in 1702 Jane = Williams living in 17 12 I Elizabeth = Pym living in 1712 I I Mary, Charles d. before 1702. Deborah = Thomas Smith, M.D. Herbert = Elizabeth Adcock bap. July 6, I I 1661 ; m. I i after 1 702; j Herbert = Jane Wilson living in | I '712 Deborah = Otwat, j T of the army. Herbert = (i) Martha Pryor Edmund = Georgiana H. Sherlock (2) Rosabella Stanhope | Wilson, dau. of Sir 5 sons and i daughter. Robert Wilson ^ Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc, Fourth Se- on my daughter[s] Betty and Mary, ries, viii. 543. " Pray haue a strict eye Their sister Jane hath shewn them a Notes by the Editor. 287 Jane (Best) Gibbon was of the same family as the historian Edward Gibbon. Her brother Matthew had a son Edward,^ and the latter also a son Edward, father of the historian. Another brother of Jane Gibbon, namely, Richard, married Anne Tufton, sister of Robert, who, pursuant to the will of his grandfather, Capt: John Mason, assumed the name of Robert Mason. Jane (Gibbon) Randolph died in 1679. The place of her death is not known. GIBBON Dorothy Best = Thomas Gibbon = Alice Taylor d. 1634 b. 1590, m. Alice in Oct. 1635 Richard =xAnne Tufton b. 1624 sister of d. 1652 Robt. Mason d. May 31, 1648. Edward = Martha Roberts b. 1637 I d. 1677 Jane = Edward Randolph b. 1640. Jane: b. 1675 m. 1704 John Brydges b. I 680-1 Edward = Jemima Egerton Sir Saml Egerton Brydges, Bart, the author. Matthew = Hesther — bap. 1642 I Edward = Cath. Acton b. 1666 I Edward = Judith Porter b. 1707 I m. 1736 I Edward, the historian, b. Ap. 27, 1737. The Bests were also a Kentish family, with which the Randolphs have been several times allied. Edward's first very bad example, and is a lost child to me. God give her grace to repent." It is ro be inferred that Jane and Deborah were at this time in England. Elizabeth and Mary were in Boston, and probably living in the family, or under the care, of Mr. Shrimpton. ^ For a very full genealogical his- tory of the Gibbon family, see Sir Eger- ton Brydges's essay on that subject in the Gentleman's Magazine, 1797, Ixvii. 915-919, 1104-1107. The writer cor- rects several errors into which the historian Gibbon fell in his autobio- graphical account of his family. ERRATA. Page 286, first line, for Dorothy Best read Alice Taylor. 287, first line, for Jane (Best) Gibbon read Jane (Taylor) Gibbon. 288, line seven, dele Jane Gibbon = Edward Randolph. 311, third line, for Elliott's read Eliot's. 288 Edtvard Randolph. cousin, Herbert, married one of them, namely, Elizabeth. The following table will show the relationship between Elizabeth and Dorothy Best : — Richard Best = Dorothy Barrow Dorothy Knatchbull = John Best — Ann Rooke Dorothy Best = Thos. Gibbon John Best = Elizabeth Clark I I Jane Gibbon = Edward Randolph Elizabeth Best = Herbert Randolph Ursula Best, sister of John Best, sr., was grandmother of Sir George Rooke, vice-admiral of England, the hero of Gibraltar. She married Thomas Finch, and their daughter Jane married Sir W. Rooke, Knt., father of Sir George. The second wife of Edward Randolph was Grace Gren- ville, of the parish of St. Martin-in-the-Fields, London. The marriage occurred in that parish, Aug. i8, i6Si. She died in Boston, New England, late in November, or early in December, 1682.^ It is to her undoubtedly that Ran- dolph refers in his letter of May 13, 1684, to Sir Robert Southwell : " I lost a wife in New England." And in his letter to the same, of Aug. i, 1684, he says, "The troubles of 1 68 1 [in New England] broke my wife's heart." ^ Edward Randolph's tliird wife — to whom he was mar- ried in London, in 16S4 — was Sarah Piatt, the widow of 1 New England Hist, and Gene. Re- and family. 25 ; they sit in Mr. Joyliffe's gister, xxxvii. 155-159, and note. She pew, and Mrs. Randolph is observed to "is mentioned by Judjie Sewall in his make a curtsey at Mr. Willard's naming Diary (Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc, vi.. Fifth Jesus, even in prayer-time." Series. 17 *): "Dec 17; Foye arrives, in -Proceedings Mass. Hist. Soc, whom Mr. Randolph, and his new wife xviii. 256, 257. Notes by the Editor. 289 Peter Piatt. Her maiden name is supposed to have been Backhouse, for the following license from the vicar-gencral of the Archbishop of Canterbury is preserved: " 1671-2, Jany. 31. Peter Piatt of Swallowfield, Berks, Gent., Bache- lor, aged about 30, and Sarah Backhouse of Aston, near Stafford, co. Stafford, Spinster, aged about 22, at her own disposal, to marry at St. Sepulchre's, London." The regis- ter of St. Sepulchre's shows that the said parties were mar- ried in that church Feb. i, 167 1-2. The burial of Peter Piatt is recorded in the register of St. Martin-in-the-Fields, as of Nov. 3, 1 68 1. The license for the marriage of Ed- ward Randolph and Mrs. Sarah Piatt is as follows: " 1684, Dec. 22. Edward Randolph of St. Margaret's, Westminster, Esq*", widower, and Sarah Piatt of St. Martin-in-the-Fields, widow, to marry at St. Martin-in-the-F'ields ; " and in the register of the last-named parish occurs this entry: " 1684, Dec. 24. Edward Randolph of St. Margaret's, Westminster, and Sarah Piatt of this parish, by license from the Arch- bishop." The Backhouses were also of Swallowfield, Berks ; and Sarah may have been a daughter of Sir John Back- house, knight of the bath, who died in 1649. She was re- lated to the wife of Edward Hyde, the Earl of Clarendon. The grandfather of Mary Castillion, who, as stated above, married Herbert Randolph, was Douglas Castillion ; and two of his sisters married Hydes, — one being Sir Lawrence, — thus becoming aunts to Edward Hyde, for a brother of their husbands was his father.^ 1 The chief portion of the genea- the late Charles W. Tuttle, Ph.D., by lo<3;ical statements respecting the Ran- Edmund Randolph, Esq., of the Isle of dolphs in these notes has been gathered Wight, by the editor from letters addressed to 37 290 Edward Randolph. Randolph's third wife was the mother of Sarah, *' my youngest daughter," mentioned in his Will. In his letter to Sir Robert Southwell, under date of Aug. 19, 1683,^ he writes : " I have now 4 daughters living." These were Jane, Deborah, Elizabeth, and Mary. As will be seen, he mentions four children in his Will ; namely, Deborah, Mrs. Williams, Elizabeth Pim, and Sarah, and his grandson Charles Pim. His daughter Jane married a Williams, and was the " daugh- ter Williams " named in the Will. Deborah married, sub- sequently to 1702, Thomas Smith of Maidstone, M.D.^ Elizabeth married a Pim (or Pym). Mary, not mentioned in the Will, had probably deceased before 1702. Sarah was born after 1684, as she had not reached the age of eighteen at the date of the Will. It is to be inferred that he had other children who did not survive him. He left no son. Two brothers of Edward Randolph came to New Eng- land and held office as his deputies ; namely, Gyles and Bernard, both born in the city of Canterbury, the first named in 1640, the second in 1645. Bernard was a deputy collector of customs in 1683, and again in 1684, as appears by contemporary letters. He was suspected by Dr. In- crease Mather of being concerned, with his brother Edward, in the authorship or transmission of the famous " forged letter" of Dec. 3, 1683, signed "I. M.," the authorship of which Dr. Mather denied.^ In a letter from Edward Cran- field, royal governor of the Province of New Hampshire, to Mr. Secretary Jenkins, under date of June 19, 1683, it is stated that " Mr. [Edward] Randolph's Bro^ who was left 1 Proceedings, Mass. Hist. Soc, ^ Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc, Fourth xviii. 254, 255. Series, viii. loo-iio, 702-704; Pal- 2 Gentleman's Magazine, Ixvii. 1107. frey, iii. 556. Notes by the Editor. 291 here his Deputy, not being able to serue his Maj"^ (as things are now managed here, being dayly affronted and abused, as I haue been an Eye Witness of), goes to England to make his complaints to your Hon"" and the Lords of the Treasury." ^ And in a letter of the same date to the Lords of the Committee of Trade and Foreign Plantations, Cran- field also says : " The bearer hereof, M"" Bernard Randolph, Deputy Collect', comes home with fresh complaints against the Boston Governm' of things I have been an eye Witness of. ... I have sent another exemplification of Goue's tryall by M"" Randolph's Bro": who has been so ill treated in the Execution of his place that he is compelled to quit the King's seruice."^ ,His place was supplied by his brother Gyles,^ who was commissioned deputy-collector for New England, Nov. 26, 1683. Edward Randolph, writing from London under date of July 18, 1684, to Samuel Shrimpton, of Boston, says : " I send my brother ouer to succeed my brother Gyls."* From this it would appear that Bernard Randolph came again to New England and served as deputy collector. He was the author of at least two works ; namely, The Present State of the Morea, Oxford, 1686, London, 1689, 4to ; and The Present State of the Islands in the Archipelago, Oxford, 1687, 4to. ^ Jenness's Transcripts, 151. hands ; his head broke therewith. Gat- 2 Under date of June 13, 1683, Ber- chell was shrewdly [severely?] beaten, nard wrote to his brother Edward as ... I have been very uneasy, but with follows : " I have received many af- my life and fortune will ever serve His fronts since my being in the office you Majesty." (Colonial Papers, quoted in left me, and cannot have any justice. Palfrey, iii. 375.) I ordered Gatchell to go aboard a sloop ^ Jenness's Transcripts, 157. at Marblehead to search her. . . . The * Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc, Fourth constable had his staff taken out of his Series, viii. 525. 292 Edward Randolph. Of Gyles Randolph we learn nothing further, except that he married in America and had a son ; but the son's history is not known.-^ It is supposed that Gyles died in Boston, or elsewhere in New England, late in the Spring of 1684. His death is reported by Governor Cranfield in a letter to the Lords of the Committee of Trade, dated May 14, 1684;^ but in his letters written prior to May of that year he makes no mention of this event. It has already been stated that it is a tradition in the English branch of the Randolph family that John, a son of Bernard and uncle of Edward, emigrated to Virginia. There were Randolphs in that Colony at an early period besides those descended from William Randolph, who until recently has been supposed to be the earliest immigrant of that name.^ One of the descendants of this William, in the present generation, has united himself in marriage ^ Letter from Edmund Randolph, married one of his sisters, fled to Amer- Esq., of the Isle of Wight, to the editor, ica." In the Gentleman's Magazine for 2 Jenness's Transcripts, 155-157. the }'ear 1797, Sir Egerton Brydges also 3 Sir Egerton Brydges, Bart., in his states that "tradition relates that Mr. poetical work entitled The Lake of Ge- Randolph, having for some years rented neva, etc., published in Geneva, Svvitzer- the mansion and estate at WestclifTe, till land, in 1832, devotes much space to by imprudence he was involved in con- the liistory of the Gibbon family, with siderable arrears of rent, fled to Amer- which he was allied. He had carefully ica, where he founded a family who have studied the English parish registers and made figure in the Congress there." other sources of information for that Edward Randolph, who is the "Mr. purpose. In a note he says : " A sister Randolph" here referred to, did not of Edward and Matthew married a Ran- "flee to America," nor, it is hardly dolph, and thence sprang the Randolphs necessary to say, was he the founder of and Jeffersons of Virginia." Of course a family here. There is a strong proba- this is an error. Edward Randolph was bility. however, that the persistent tradi- not the ancestor of any Virginians, so tion in the Randolph family of England far as is known. In another note he that one or more of the Randolphs of says : " I suppose the manor of West- Kent settled in Virginia, rests upon a clifFe descended by i,'rt;7/ And entertaine him not w''' joy, but Greife. J 40 314 Eihvard RcDidoIpJi. When Heauen would Job's signall Patience try, He gaue Hell leaue to Plott his Misery, And Act it, too, according to it's will, With this exception, — don't his body kill. Soe Royall Charles is now about to proue Our Loyalty, Allegiance, and Loue, In giuing Licence to a Publican, To Pinch the Purse, but not to Hurt the Man. Patience raised Job unto the height of Fame, Lett our Obedience doe tor us the Same. It is not intended in this place to enter upon an extended discussion of any one of the .several questions involved in Randolph's connection with the affairs of New England from 1676 to 16S9; nor to engage in a formal defence of his character or his acts against the accusations made by his enemies, and repeated by many historical writers since his day. Nor is it intended to discuss at length the conduct and motives of the leading public men of Massachusetts, dur- ing the period in question, in respect to those acts of omis- sion or commission of which the King repeatedly complained, and on account of which he at last intervened. Whoever de- sires to learn the facts will resort to the original sources of information. The facts are detailed or referred to by Dr. Palfrey in his History of New England with sufficient ful- ness to enable the student to see very clearly whether or not the merits of that controversy were confined to one side. That able and justly esteemed author aimed to be candid and impartial ; but the temptation to become the advocate of a party — a temptation that assails and triumphs over most writers of history — was not wholly resisted by him. His readers will fail to find any admission that in his judg- Nofes by the Editor. 315 ment there was a reasonable ground or proper justification for the King's intervention. The only other American writer of acknowledged weight and historical learning who has treated the subject specially and at length, is the author of a recent work on the Puri- tan Age and Rule in Massachusetts.^ While naturally disposed, it may be assumed, to make the best possible showing for Massachusetts in that long and disagreeable controversy which resulted in the forfeiture of the first charter, he has stated the chief grounds of contention and defence with fairness and frankness. The work referred to is a contribution in the direction and in the interest of a critical and impartial history of the period named, and as such is a step towards a restatement of that history. When that restatement shall appear in a formal narrative, as it must, w^e may reasonably believe it will be seen that there were two sides to the controversy, as there were two parties, and that by reason of their obstinacy and lack of foresight, if not lack of statesmanship, the leaders of public thought and action in Massachusetts were themselves chiefly responsible for whatever of misfortune befell them in the loss of their power and their government. But was the fall of the theocratic government of the old Puritan leaders a misfortune for Massachusetts or for New England? It was based on an impracticable theory ; it had served its end, and so was destined in the nature of things, or rather, as we may more properly say, under the hand of Providence, 1 The Puritan Age and Rule in 1629-1685, by George E. Ellis. Boston, the Colony o£ the Massachusetts Hay, 1888. 3i6 Ed'ican-i RaiidoIpJi. to be removed out of the way sooner or later. It was for- tunate for the people of New England that the end came when it did, and that the event was not marked by blood- shed or extreme violence. We may also expect that some men who then rested and still rest under a load of distrust, and even hatred, will receive, when the evidence is more discriminatingly consid- ered, a less rigorous treatment than has hitherto been visited upon them. Among these nuMi Randolph, so long the target for invective, will probablv receive a fairer esti- mate. His side of the case will also be presented. Justice demands that he should be fairly and fully heard. It will appear that he was a man of no ordinary ability, and there is no evidence that he was open to reproach on the score of personal morality. It will be seen that he was not a volunteer in the mission that brought him to New England; that he came as the agent of the King, with instructions to do a prescribed work. As such he was en- titled to a respectful reception and to respectful treatment. It was charged against hini that he behaved rudely and arrogantly towards the authorities. The inquiry will have to be made whether or not the treatment he received would not be likely to goad a man of spirit, acting under the au- thority of his sovereign, into a display of intemperate zeal and the expression of irritated feelings. It was charged that he sent home exaggerated reports and malicious state- ments as to the motives and acts of the ruling men in New England. It must be conceded that many of his statements proved to be exaggerated; but this fault was not peculiar to Randolph. Malice is always more easily charged than Notes by the Editor. o' / proved. He wrote and probably uttered many harsh tliinos concernnig the men wlio resolutely and steadily labored Ui baffle his efforts and hinder him in the discharoe of his ofJice ; but did he in any case give more than a " Roland for an Oliver"? Many other charges, more or less grave, were made against him. The question will be, whether the charges rest on credible evidence, or only on the assertions of his enemies.' It will be borne m mind that he gained and retained the personal friendship of some men of good standing and in- fluence in New England, and that he secured the confidence of three sovereigns in succession. If it be objected that to have been the trusted agent of Charles II. and of James II. reflects no credit upon him, it must be remembered that he had likewise the confidence of a better man than either, a more sagacious statesman, a far more respected sovereign, William III., and that he died while holding an important commission from that monarch. Of Randolph's early history little is known. It is evident that he had been educated in the classics. His occasional use of Greek and of Latin phrases, always accurate and pertinent, would indicate so much, at least. It would also appear that, previous to his coming to New England, he had been employed in the affairs of the Admiraltyrand per- » It appears that Randolph had one paper, wherein the absurdities and in- detect which has not liecn charged sanities of the times mi.Hit have been as^^mst him : he lacked the sense of lashed out of si-lu. or out of hcarin- humor But in this he was not very by the whip o^ ridicule. One yeai's clilierent from the people among whom issue of Punch would have done more he lived a troubled life for ten years good than two synods, or half a dozen and more. 1 he greatest boon for the sessions of the General Court I urit.ms would have been a daily news- 3i8 Edward Randolph. haps also in the department of Customs. His letters and reports compare favorably in style with similar papers of that day. When Dudley was commissioned president of New Eng- land, Randolph was named as one of his counsellors, and he was also a member of the council in Andres's government. How far he was individually responsible for whatever was harsh, arbitrary, and oppressive in Andres's administra- tion, does not appear. The career of Andros was in most respects an ignomin- ious failure. He and most of the men who came in his train, or were drawn about him as advisers, were singularly unsuited to the business intrusted to them. They were ill- fitted to deal with a people who aimed, even in that early period, at independence of the Crown and the Parliament, and acknowledged their allegiance only under stress or compulsion. A more conciliatory policy, a more moderate course of procedure, would in the end probably have ac- complished all that the King desired. Randolph was involved in the downfall of Andros's ad- ministration by the uprising of the people, and after a close and not very humane imprisonment in the common jail in Boston for nearly ten months, was, by the King's order, with Andros and several other prisoners, sent to England for trial. The order was dated the 30th of July, 1689, but was not complied with until the 9th of February of the fol- lowing year.^ No one appeared at the trial to support the ^ Mass. Arch. xxxv. 231. The King's and others our Subjects, that have been order required that " Sir Edmond An- in like manner seized by the said Peo- dros, Edward Randolph, John Trefry. pie of Boston, and shall be at the Re- Notes by the Editor. 319 charges made against the prisoners, and they were released without even a reprimand. Andros and Randolph were soon afterward appointed by the King to important offices in America. As has already been stated, Randolph, though tempo- rarily removed from America in consequence of the revolt against Andros's government, gained the confidence of his new sovereign, and returned to America with a new commission, and with larger powers than those previously conferred upon him. In 1691 he was made surveyor- general of His Majesty's customs in all the English Prov- inces and Plantations in America. How soon he entered upon the duties of his office does not appear, but it is ceipt of these Our Commands detained there under Confinement, be forthwith sent on Board the first ship bound hither, to answer before us what may be Objected against them, and that you take care that they be Civilly used in their Passage from New England, and safely Conveyed to our Royall Pres- ence." Some of the prisoners had been released. The order to Captain Bant to receive the prisoners, and his re- ceipt, are as follows : — To Gilbert Bant, Cofnander of the Ship Mehetabel. Pursuant to his Ma"" Comands in his Gracious Letter of ye 30th of July last past, Copy whereof is above written, you are Required in their Ma^'^^ names to re- ceive into your charge & custody on board the Ship Mehetabel, whereof you are Com- and"! , now bound for England, Sr Edmund Andros, Ki", Joseph Dudley, Esq^ , m"; Ed- ward Randolph, vs\\ John Palmer, mt John West, m': James Grayham, m": James She- lock, and ni; George Farewell, & every of them herewith delivered unto you by Cap".<^ John Fayerweather, and them safely to con- vay according to his Ma''«s Cofnands in said Letters, which you are exactly to observe in all Respects, hereof faile not, as you will answer the contrary at yoT peril. Dated at Boston within the Colony of the Massachu- setts Bay in New England the Fifth day of Feburary, 1689. In the First year of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord and Lady, William and Mary, by the grace of God King & Queen of England. Sim: P5radstreet, Gozm'' in the name of the Gen'all Cour. By virtue of the withinwritten Precept Signed by the Ilon^l''^ Simon Bradstreet, Esq": , Governo": , pursuant to his Majesties Comands I have received (together with the said Precept and Copy of his Ma''=^ said Comands thereabovewritten) into my charge and custody, on board the Ship Me- hetabel, the severall persons named in the said precept, viz'. S': Edmund Andros, K"!, Joseph Dudley, Esq": , mi: Edward Ran- dolph, m. John Palmer, mr John West, m> James Grayham, m. James Sherlock, and mr George Farewell. As also a Letter from the Government directed to the Right Hon''!e the Earle of Nottingham, One of his Ma'i'-s most Hon'''.*^ Privy Councill and Principl' Secretary of State For his Ma''5* Service. t^' Gilbert Bant. Boston in Nrw Enijland, y« gth February, 1689 [1689-90]. ^20 Edzciirii Riiudoip/i. o probable that he came soon after receiving his commis- sion. From the glimpses we get of him after this time, he would seem to have been almost constantly travelling from one colony to another. He was at Annapolis, Maryland, Dec. i6, 1697, and in Philadelphia, March 17, 169S; in New York, April 26 and May 21; in Rhode Island, May 24; in Boston, May 2>'^\ and again in New York, July 6 and August 25. He appears to have been in London in 1699, and in 1702. It will be obser\-ed that in his Will he speaks of himself as about to make his seventeenth voyage to America. This would indicate that he crossed the ocean many times after the date of his last commission. Where Randolph fixed his principal residence subsequent to 1 69 1 has not been definitely ascertained. Cotton Mather says : " Anon he died in Virginia, and in such Miserable Circumstances that (as it is said) he had only Two or Three Negro's to carry him unto his Grave." ^ If this statement as to the circumstances of his death be true, it would seem to indicate that he fell ill while on a journey, and died among strangers, or at some point remote from English habitations. As his duties would lead him to the West Indies, as well as to the southern Colonies, it may be he had a residence in Virginia or in Maryland, at some place convenient for taking ship. It has been conjectured that he had relatives of the same name living in Virginia, and for that reason also fixed his residence in that Colony. That he did so, is rendered probable by a clause in the certificate appended to his Will ; namely, " Edward Randolph, late of Acquamat in Virginia, deceased." There is no place or ^ r.irentator. or Remarkables of Dr. Increase M.ither. 107. Notes by the Editor. 321 district bearing this name. Doubtless Accomac is the name intended. No complete collection of the letters and official papers of Edward Randolph has as yet been printed. His Narrative, covering his proceedings and voyages in connection with his agency in the King's affairs in New England between the years 1675 and 1687 is printed in the Andros Tracts, and in the Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical So- ciety for November, iSSo. In the last-named publication there are also abstracts of Randolph s letters in the library oi the late Sir Thomas Phillipps. of England. The Hutch- inson Papers also contain letters to and from Randolph ; and in the New England Historical and Genealogical Regis- ter for 1SS3 are other papers and letters from his pen. Several of his letters are preserved in the Bodleian Librar}', Oxford, and others are in the State Paper Office of Eng- land. The Historical Magazine for September, 1S6S, has a list of the manuscripts in the Bodleian relating to Amer- ica, prepared by the late Joseph L. Chester, D.C.L. This list comprises nine papers and letters from Randolph ; namely : — 1. Letter, from Boston, to Archbishop Sancroft, on the aversion of the inhabitants to the discipline of the Church, Dec. 1 1, 16S2. 2. Letter to the same, relating to Patent of the Com- pany for evangelizing the Indians in New England, March 26, 16S4. V A General Account of the Patent irranted to the Company mentioned above in No. 2. 41 322 Edward Randolph. 4. Letter to Archbishop Sancroft, asking his assistance in raising money as bail in an action brought against him, dated Aug. 23, 1684. 5. Letter to Dr. Lloyd, Bishop of St. Asaph, on the state of affairs in Boston, March, 1685. 6. Letter to Archbishop Sancroft on the same subject, Aug. 2, 1686. 7. Letter to the same on the sad and distracted condi- tion of New England, May 28, 1689. 8. Abstract of letters sent to Randolph from the inhab- itants of Boston after the notice of the vacating of the Charter . 9. A short account of the state of New England.^ In the Andros Tracts^ is a list of Randolph s letters and papers already printed, prepared by the editor of that work. This useful list, considerably enlarged, is here reproduced. 1676. June 17. Randolph's Letter to Sec. Coventry Jenness's Transcripts, 60. June 23. Randolph's Letter to Gov. Leverett Andros Tracts, iii. 218. July 6. Randolph's Letter to Gov. Leverett Andros Tracts, iii. 219. Sept. 20. ) Randolph's Report on the Colonies* « Hutch. Coll. ii. 210. 167S. July 9. Randolph's Instructions from the Commissioners Mass. H. S. Coll. xxvii. 129. 1679-80. Jan. 4. Randolph's Letters, — abstracts . . Jenness's Transcripts, 84. ^ Of the above papers, those num- "^ Published by the Prince Society; bered respectively 2, 3, 4, and 9 are William H. Whitmore. A.M., editor, printed in the New England Historical ^ The papers marked by an aste- and Genealogical Register for April, risk are printed in Bishop Perry's Papers 1883; those numbered I, 5, 6, 7, and 8, relating to the Church in Massachu- in the Register for July, 1S83. — H. setts. — H. Notes by the Editor. 323 1679-so. Jan. 29. 1680. 1 68 1-2. Feb. 15. 1682. May 29. June 14. July 14. Dec. II. 16S3. July II. Sept. 2. Oct. X. Dec. 13. 16S4. Mar. 26. Mar. — . June IQ. July 18. 21. Aug. 23. Sept. 4. Dec. 3. 1684-5. Feb. 9. Randolph's Letter to Gov. Josiah Winslow relating to his proceed- ings at Pascataqua Mass. H. S. Coll. vi. 92. Randolph's Instructions against the Bostoners Hutch. Coll. ii. 264. Randolph against Gen. Ct. of Mass. Hutch. Coll. ii. 265. Randolph's Letter to Bp. of London Hutch. Coll. ii. 271. Randolph's Letter to E. of Clarendon Hutch. Coll. ii. 275. Randolph's Letter to Bp. of London Hutch. Coll. ii. 279. Randolph's Letter to Archbishop of Canterbury* His. & Gene. Reg. x.\.xvii. 267. Randolph's Memorial to Archbishop of Canterbury His. & Gene. Reg. xxxvii. 268. Randolph's Letter from Gov. Leverett Palfrey's Hist. iii. 375. Randolph's Letter to Lords of Trade giving account of the Rebellion in New Hampshire Belknap, Farmer's ed. 463. Randolph's Letter to L Mather . . Mass. H. S. Coll. xxxviii. 524. Randolph's Letter to Archbishop of Canterbury, with an account of the Company for Evangelizing Indians in New England * Randolph's Short Account of Pres- ent State of New England * Randolph's Letter to Gyles Randolph Randolph's Letter to S. Shrimpton . Randolph's Letter to S. Shrimpton . Randolpli's Letter to Archbishop of Canterbury * Randolph's Letter to S. Bradstreet . Randolph's Letter to Lords of Treas- ury Randolph's Letter from Bradstreet . Randolph's Letter to Dudley . . . His. & Gene. Reg. xxxvii. 156. His. & Gene. Reg. xxxvii. 157. Tuttle's His. Papers, 325. Mass. H. S. Coll. xxxviii. 524. Mass. H. S. Coll. xxxviii. 525. His. & Gene. Reg. xxxvii. 15S. Mass. H. S. Coll. xxxviii. 527. Mass. H. S. Coll. xxxviii. 530. Mass. H. S. Coll. xxxviii. 527. Hutch. Coll. ii. 283. 324 Edward Randolph. 1685. Mar. 28. Randolph's Letter to Bp. of St. Asaph, with abstract of Letters of S. IJradstreet and Richard Wharton * His. it Gene. Reg. xxxvii. 26S. July 7. Randolph's Report and Trivv Coun- cil's Report N. V. Doc. iii. 362. Aug. 3. Randolph's Proposals about Ouo Warranto R. I. Rec. iii. 177. 18. Randolph's Proposals about Quo Warranto R. I. Rec. iii. 17S. Randolpli's Articles against R. L . R. L Rec. iii. 175. Sept. 21. Randolph's Commission .... I\Liss. H. S. Coll. xxvii. l6l. 1686. May 27. Randolph's Letter to Gov. Treat . Conn. Rec. iii. 352. July 7. Randolph's Letter to Archbishop of Canterbury Hutch. Coll. ii. 291. July 28. Randolph's Letter to Lords of Trade Hutch. Coll. ii. 285. Randolph's Letter to W. Blathwayt Hutch. Coll. ii. 28S. Aug. 2. Randolph's Letter to Archbishop of Canterbury * His. & Gene. Reg. xxxvii. 270. 23. Randolph's Letter to Lord Treasurer Mass. H. S. Coll. xxvii. 154. Randolph's Letter to Board of Trade R. L Rec. iii. 205. Oct. 27. Randolph's Letter to ArchlMshop of Canterbury Hutch. Coll. ii. 294. Dec. 23. Randolph's Letter to Gov. Treat . Conn. Rec. iii. 375. 28. Randolph's Letter to RLijor Pynchon Mass. H. S. Coll. xviii. 237. 16S7. ]\Liy 21. Randolph's Letter to Povoy . . . Hutch. Coll. ii. 297. Randolph's Letter to l>lath\vayt . ^Llss. H. S. Coll. xx.\viii. 531. 16S7-8. Jan. 24. Randolph's Letter to Povey . . • Hutch. Coll. ii. 299. Mar. 10. Ranilolph's Letter from Pdathwayt . Hutch. Coll. ii. 301. 18. Randolph's Letter from Povey . Hutch. Coll. ii. 303. 1 688. June 21. Randolph's Letter to Povey . . . Hutch. Coll. ii. 304. Oct. 8. Randolph's Letter to Lords of Trade N. Y. Doc. iii. 567. Nov. 9. Randolph's Letter to Pen .... Mass. H. S. Coll. xxxviii. 531. 16S9. May 16. Randolph's Letter to Gov. of Vv.xr- bados Hutch. Coll. ii. 314. 28. Ranilolph's Letter to .Archbishop of Cantorlnny * His. >."v Gone. Rog. xxxvii. 273. Notes by tJie Editor. 325 1689. May 29. Randolph's Letter to Lords of Trade N. Y. Doc. iii. 578. Nov. 25. Ramhilpli's Letter to Elisha Cooke . Hutch. Coll. ii. 318. Dec. 28. Randolph's Letter to BrockhoUs . . N. Y. Doc. iii. 664. 1692. Sept. 28. Randolph to John Usher .... Tutllo's His. Papers, 326. 1698. April 26. Randolph's Letter to Lords of Trade N. Y. Doc. iv. 300, May 16. Ranilolph's Letter to Lonls of Trade N. Y. Doc. iv. 31 1. 30. Randolph's Letter to Lords of Trade R. L Rec iii. 339. The following letters ^ from Randolph are now for the first time printed: — EDWARD RANDOLPH TO GYLES RANDOLPH. Junk 19, 16S.). Bi^o. Gyles, — I have not further to trouble you by this ship only to acquaint my friends what was done in their Charter yesterday at y'^ Court of Chancery: A Rule for judo^ment to be as of this Term : but in case they shall appear by the first day of next Term & plead so as to go to tryall that Term, then tlie jiuli;"mcnt not to be re- corded. By the inclosed you see what is done with 1)' Gates. To- morrow Sir Thomas Armstrong is to be executed at Tyburn. Here was a flying rcjiort that h'erguson was taken, but that is contra- dicted. Be sure you [are] very exact in your ce[r]tiricates for ships loaden for liarbados, Jamaica, etc : Sir Richard Button goes now aboard for Barbados. My blessing to my Dear children. Be careful in delivery of all my letters as directed, & believe that I am Your very Lo: Brother, En. Randolph. My service to Mr. Shrimpton. Mn Wharton, & Mr. Usher: & to all my friends. [Endorsed, in the hand of John Usher : " Edward Randolph's letter, 19 Ju: to Giles Randolph.''] ^ The originals of these letters are Jeffries, who has kindly permitted copies in the possession of Mr. Walter Lloyd to be taken for this volume. — H. 326 Edw4 Randolph. EDWARD RAJ>OLPH TO JOHN USHER. Boston, Sept. 28, 1692. Sir, — I have scarce wSd my mouth since eat a messe of good broath at your house foi-iiy Breakfast : where your lady, son Jef- fryes, your daughter Jefyes, Jenny, John, David, and httle pretty Betty are all well : I c not question your manage [ment] every where, nor the respect ,40wn you by y" Inhabitants where you have to do : yett we are no without some foolish sham discourse which no wise body believes, ho' many fooles employ themselves about it. I expected Mr. Hirst >f Salem here to make out the truth of what he said to me abouty" Dutch bottom at Great Island & salt. But upon a second enqiry she was loaded with European goods and came directly from Cales [Cadiz] & was consigned to M' Gedney & M' Hirst, havijg Goods & bills for building a very large ship So that she is seiza)le. M' Brenton (J'' Court) [ ?] has appealed, but against a verdict i: judgment in Court: & he can make nothing of it. Now, if M' Elliott can prove her unlivery [unlading .''] of Goods before Entry, pray upon your Establishing of Courts both ship & cargo of salt be prosecuted upon my Information, you will save the King's & your third part, & pay the charges of my journey & save M' Brenton 100 £ : which he will be forced to pay if Tho: Wilkinson obtain a confirmation of his verdict. You will hear from me befor I leave this place. I am, dear frind, / Your obliged humble s'v't, * Ed. Randolph. Let M' N ewton be retained for me. i r I ( I APPENDIX. APPENDIX. No. I. Page io8. COMBINATIONS FOR LOCAL GOVERNMENT IN NEW HAMPSHIRE. THE grant of territory in New England to Capt. John Mason did not confer upon him any power of poHtical government ; but the grant of so much power as should be necessary to protect his own rights and the rights of his servants, as well as to preserve order, must be understood as implied in the concession made to him. In the absence of any general government, even of the sim- plest sort, the several communities or clusters of inhabitants in New Hampshire found themselves compelled at an early period to combine for self-protection. These separate communities were settled at and in the neighborhood of Strawberry Bank (Ports- mouth), Great Island (New Castle), Exeter and Dover. Tlie Lozver Pascataqua. It is not possible, at the present time, to determine the year when the inhabitants on the lower Pascataqua, including Strawberry Hank, Great Island, and Little Harbor, first entered into a " com- bination " or local government. Hubbard^ says, that "after Captain ^ History of New England, 219, 220. 42 330 Appendix. Neal's going away" to England (1633) the inhabitants entered into a combination for the better enabling them to live orderly one by another." They chose for their first governor " Mr. Francis Wil- liams, an agent sent by Captain Mason, this Williams being a prudent man, and of better quality than the rest." He held this office for several years. In 1638 he exercised his authority, seem- ingly, however, beyond the limits of his jurisdiction, in quelling the violent disturbance at Dover, which grew out of the factious disputes between Larkham and Knollys and their respective partisans.^ It would appear that the inhabitants on the lower Pascataqua entered into a combination for a second time previous to 1643. The editor of the Provincial Papers of New Hampshire mentions an existing court record, bearing date the year last named, in which "John Pickering is injoyned to deliver the old combination of Straw- berry Bank the next court." And in the grant of glebe lands by the "inhabitants of the lower end of Pascataquack," May 25, 1640, signed by " Francis Williams, Governor, Ambrose Gibbins, Assis- tant," and others, reference is made to an existing " combination." ^ The record of both the earlier and later combinations has undoubt- edly perished, nor is there any record of their substance. When Massachusetts extended her jurisdiction over New Hampshire, all these combinations were dissolved, and some of the persons, like Williams, who had been prominent in the local governments, were appointed to civil or military offices under the government of Massachusetts. Exeter. In the year 1638 the Rev. John Wheelwright and others, who had been banished in the preceding year from the Colony of Massachusetts Bay, on account of their active participation in 1 Belknap, Farmer's ed., chap. ii. ^ Prov. Papers of New Hampshire, i. in, 112. Appendix. 331 the theological controversy incited by Mrs. Ann Hutchinson, or on account of their known sympathy for her doctrines, made a set- tlement at Exeter. They first instituted a church, concerning which Winthrop, under date of Dec. 13, 1638, says: — Those who went to the falls at Pascataquack gathered a church, and wrote to our church [in Boston] to desire us to dismiss Mr. Wheelwright to them for an officer ; but because he desired it not himself, the elders did not propound it. Soon after came his own letters, with theirs, for his dismission, which thereupon was granted. Others also (upon their re- quest) were dismissed thither.-' The people whom the Rev. John Wheelwright led or early at- tracted to the " falls at Pascataquack," entered into a written com- bination for the purpose of government in 1639. Shortly afterward this instrument was altered to suit the views of those who were not inclined to profess in strong terms their allegiance to the King. But in the year 1640 there was a reaction in public sentiment, and the original combination " in substance " was readopted, with the following preliminary statement : — Whereas a certen combination was made by us, the brethren of the church of Exeter, w"> the rest of the Inhabitants, bearing date Mon. 5''' d. 4, 1639, ^^'* afterwards, upon the instant request of some of the brethren, was altered & put into such a forme of wordes, wherein howsoever we doe acknowledge the King's Majesty our dread Soueraigne & our selves his subjects : yet some expressions are contained therein w*^ may seeme to admit of such a sence as somewhat derogates from that due Allegiance w"^ we owe to his Hignesse, quite contrary to our true intents & meaninge : We therefore doe revoke, disannull, make voyd, and frustrate the said latter combination, as if it never had beene done, and do ratify, confirme, & establish the former, w'' wee onely stand unto as being in force & virtue, the w'' for substance is here set downe in manner & forme following. Mon. 2"^ d. 2, 1640. Whereas it hath pleased the lord to moue the heart of our Dread ^ Winthrop's Hist, of New England, i. 338. 332 Appendix. Soueraigne Charles by the grace of god king of England, Scotland, France, & Ireland to grant license & liberty to sundry of his subjects to plant them selves in the Westerne partes of America : Wee his loyall subjects, brethren of the church of Exceter, situate & lying upon the riuer of Pisca- taquacke,^ w'*^ other inhabitants there, considering w''^ our selves the holy will of god & our owne necessity, that we should not Hue w'*' out wholsome lawes & civil gouernment amongst us, of w'' we are altogether destitute, doe in the name of Christ, and in the sight of god, combine our selves together, to erect & set up amongst us such Government as shall be (to our best discerning) agreeable to the will of god : professing our selves subjects to our Soueraigne Lord King Charles according to the libertys of our English Colony of the Massachusetts, and binding our selves solemely by the grace & helpe of christ & in his name & feare to submit our selves to such godly & christian laws as are established in the Realme of Eng- land to our best knowledge : & to all other such lawes w'^ shall upon good grounds be made & inacted amongst us according to god, y* we may live quietly & peaceably together in all godlyness & honesty. Mon. 5"^ d. 4'^, 1639-' The following names vv^ere subscribed to the above : — 1 It will be observed that Gov. Win- granted [1629-30], the name Piscata- throp uses the phrase, "the falls at ^z^a was ever applied by the English or Pascataquack," and that the Exeter the Indians to Exeter River." As we compact of civil government contains have seen, the name was so applied in the expression, ''Exceter, situate & 1638 and 1639, and it is probable that its lying upon the riuer of Piscataquacke." application then was in harmony with Both expressions refer to the stream the popular usage from the time of the now called the Exeter River, the Indian first English settlements on the Pas- name for which was Squamscott. The cataqua. See note 3, pp. 103, 104, falls in the river are still popularly antca. — H. called Squamscott Falls. The reader ^ It appears that the original writing, will consider the importance of the fact containing the combination adopted in that in 1638 and 1639 the expressions 1639, has been lost; but we have it above cited were used to designate " for substance " in the new combina- the Pascataqua River, or a branch of tion adopted in 1640, as given above, it, as bearing upon the contention Unless this fact is borne in mind, the of Mr. Jenness (Notes on the First date, " Mon. 5"' d. 4"', 1639," affixed to Planting of New Hampshire, etc.) re- the paper draughted in 1640, is likely specting the southern limits of the to mislead the reader. For a fac- Hilton Patent. He remarks (pp. 54, simile of the paper, see Bell's History 55) : " It may well be doubted whether of Exeter. — H. at the time the Hilton Patent was John Wheelwright Augustine Storre Thomas Wight William Wentworth Henry Elkins his George X Walton mark Samuell Walker Thomas Pettit Henry Toby William Wenbourne his Thomas X Crawley mark Chr Helme his Darby X Feild mark his Robert X Read mark Appendix. Edward Rishworth his Francis X Mathews mark Ralph Hall his Robert X Soward mark Richard Bullgar Christopher Lawton his George X Barlow mark Richard Moris Nicholas Needham his Thomas X Wilson mark his George X Rawbone mark his William X Coole mark his James X Walles mark Thomas Levitt Edmund Littlefield his John X Crame mark his Godfrye X Dearborne mark Philemon Pormort Thomas Wardell Willia X Wardell mark Robert X Smith mark Hilton Patent. It is probable that the settlers within the territory granted in 1630 to Edward Hilton (see note 3, pages 103 and 104) had some kind of civil government as early as 1633, but there is no record of a formal combination for that purpose prior to the year 1640. The form of local government entered into on the 22d of October, 1640, is usually, but erroneously, spoken of by Hubbard, Belknap, and more modern writers, as the " Dover Combination." The instru- ment is here reproduced. It will be observed that the name Dover does not occur in it, and that the signers describe themselves as residing on "the River Pascataquack." The Hilton Patent included, so it was claimed, not only a portion of the present town of Dover, but also a portion of the present towns of Newington, Greenland, and Stratham. Among the signers was Captain Francis Cham- pernowne. Champernowne never resided in Dover. His residence in 1640 was in that part of Greenland which was then claimed to be a portion of the Hilton Patent. 334 Appendix. The original Hilton Patent Combination is supposed to be lost, but a copy, made for Governor Cranfield, was sent by him to Eng- land in 1682, and is now in the Public Record Office. Some of the subscribed names are evidently misspelled. The following copy is taken from Jenness's Abstracts of Original Documents relating to New Hampshire : — Whereas sundry Mischeifes and inconveniences have befaln us, and more and greater may in regard of want of Civill Government, his Gra- tious Ma''= having hitherto Setded no Order for us to our Knowledge — Wee whose names are underwritten being Inhabitants upon the River Pascataquack have voluntarily agreed to combine ourselves into a Body Politique that wee may the more comfortably enjoy the benefit of his Maj''" Lawes, and do hereby actually engage our Selves to submit to his Royal Maj"" Lawes, together with all such Orders as shalbee con- cluded by a Major part of the Freemen of our Society, in case they be not repugnant to the Lawes of England and administered in the behalfe of his Majesty. And this we have mutually promised and concluded to do, and so to continue till his Excellent Maj"« shall give other order concerning us. In Witness wee have hereto Set our hands the two and twentieth day of October in the Sixteenth yeare of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord Charles by the grace of God King of Great Brittain, France, & Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c. Annoq : Dom' 1640. John FoUett Robert Nanney William Jones Philip Swaddon Richard Pinckhame Bartholomew Hunt William Bowden John Wastill John Heard John Hall Fran. Champernoon Hansard Knowles Edward Colcord Henry Lahorn Abel Cannmond Henry Beck Robert Huggins Thorn. Larkham Richard Waldern William Waldern William Storer William Furbur Tho. Layton Tho. Roberts Edward Starr James Nute Anthony Emery Richard Laham Bartholomew Smith Samuel Haines John Underhill Peter Garland John Dam Appejtdix. 335 Steven Teddar John Phillips John Cross John Ungroufe Tho. Dunstar George Webb Thomas Canning William Pomfret James Rawlins This is a true copy compared with y= Originall by me Edw, Cran field. [Endorsed] New England N. Hampshire. The Combination for Gov- ernment by y« people at Pascatq (1640). Rci ab' 13'h Febr, 82-3. No. 2. Page 122. FRANCIS CHAMPERNOWNE'S WILL.i In the Name of God, Amen : I, Francis Champernowne, Gent, Inhabitant of the Island commonly called Champernowne's Island, in the Towneship of Kittery in the Province of Main in New Eng- land, being weake in Bodie but of sound and perfect Memory, doe make and ordaine this my Last Will and Testament in manner and forme following, Vizt. : Imprimis. I commit my soule unto God, hoping by his Mercy through the Merits of Jesus Christ to enjoy Life Eternall, and my Bodie to the Earth to be decently buried in such manner as my Executrix hereafter named shall think fitt, and as for my Temporall Estate and Goods with which it hath pleased God to endue me, after my Just Debts and Funeral! Charges are payd, I give and bequeath as followeth : Item. I make, Ordaine, and Constitute my welbeloved Wife Mary Champernowne full and sole Executrix of this my last Will and Testament. Item. I give, bequeath, and confirme unto my said Executrix the One half part of y* said Champernowne Island, w^*^ I now possesse, 1 The editor is indebted to John S. copy of the Will, made from the original H- Fogg, M.D., of Boston, for this in his possession. S3^ Appendix. to her my said Executrix for Ever, which I have ah-eady given by Deed under my hand and scale to my said Executrix. Item. I give and bequeath and confirme unto my Son in Law Humphrey Elliot and Elizabeth his now wife and their heirs for Ever the Other part of my said Island, which I have already given by Deed under my hand and scale to the said Humphry and Eliza- beth his Wife. Item. I give and bequeath unto my Son in Law Robert Cutt, my Daughter in Law Bridget Scriven, my Daughter in Law Mary Cutt, and my Daughter in Law Sarah Cutt, and to their heires for Ever, All that part of Three Hundred Acres of Land belonging unto me lying between Crocket's Neck & the Land formerly belonging unto Hugh Gullison on the Eastward side of Spruce Creek, to be equally divided between the said Robert, Bridget, Mary, and Sarah, Except what I have not before the making of this my Last Will and Testa- ment disposed of to any other person, and also excepting Thirty Acres of Land in this my last Will and Testament hereunder given to Elizabeth Small. Item. I give and bequeath unto Elizabeth Small my Servant Maid, and to her heirs for Ever, in behalfe of what I formerly promised her, Thirty Acres of Land at Spruce Creek, which s<^ Thirty Acres of Land, part of the aforesaid Three hundred Acres, It is my will shall be first layd out by my Executrix and my Overseers hereunder named. And also I doe give and bequeath unto the said Elizabeth Small Ten Pounds, to be payd to her in Cattle, and ten pounds in goods, which is in Lieu of what I promised her. Item. I give and bequeath unto my Son in Law Richard Cutt the Summe of Five pounds, to be payd by my said Executrix. Item. In respect of the great Affection that I beare unto my Granchild Champernowne Elliot, Son of Humphry Elliot, I doe by these presents adopt, declare, and make the said Champernowne Elliot my heir, giving to him, the said Champernowne, all the Lands of right belonging unto me or that may belong unto me either in Old England or in New England not by me already disposed of, and Appendix. 337 doe by this my last Will and Testament appoint and constitute him, the said Champernowne, my Executor of all my Estate that either is or may of right belong or be due unto me in Old England from any person, and the same to have and enjoy to him the said Cham- pernowne and his Heires for ever. Item. I doe hereby constitute Robert Mason, Esq^, John Hincks, Esq^, Major John Davies of Yorke, and Robert Elliot of Great Island, Merchant, my loving Friends, to be Overseers of this my Last Will and Testament, and desire chey may see the same per- formed and be Assistant to my said Executrix. Lastly. I doe declare and Publish this to be my Last Will and Testament, annulUng and making void all former and other Wills and Testaments. In witnesse whereof I have hereunto put my hand and Scale this Sixteenth day of November, in the Yeare of our Lord God One thousand Six hundred and Eighty Six, Annoqe R. R^ Jacobi secundi 2^°, &c. Franc: Champernowne. Signed, Sealed, declared and published to be the last Will and Testament of Francis Champernowne, Gent. In the presence of us, William Milborne, Edm: Geach, RoBT Elliot. M"" William Milborne made oath this 28 : nouember, 1687, before John Hinckes, one of his Majestes Councill for his Teritory and Dominion of New England, that this was the Last will and Testa- ment of Captin Francis Champernown. John Hinckes Edmon Gaege and Rob'. Eliot, Esq":, Came before us this 20"! day of Sepf., and made oath they weare present and Saw Cap^'t Fransis Champernown Signe, Scale, and declare this Instrument to be his Last will and testament. W. Barefoote, J. P., Tho : Graffold. 43 338 Appendix. At his Majestyes Inferiour Court of Common P[l]eas held at Wells for this Province this 14* Province of March, 1687, M' Robert Ell[i]ott, & Edmund Main. Gage appeared before Joshua Scottow, Esq^ Judge of the Said Court for the S^ Province, & M*" Samuell Wheelright & Cap* Francis Hooke, two of his Majestyes Justices of the Peace for the Sayd Province, & made Oath that they Saw the late Cap* Francis Champernoon Sign, Scale, & proclaimed the within written Will as on the other Side expressed (he the S4 Champernoon being in full and perfect Under- standing), & that they Sett their handes to the Said Instrument as Witnesses, Francis Hooke, Just, p. Josh : Scottow, Sam'-'- Wheelwright: Jus: Pece. Thomas Scottow, Cler". The within written Will entered in y' Book of Records for Wills, &c., Aug" 18*, 1698, Fol. 56. ^ Joseph Hammond, Register. No. 3. Page 122. THE CUTT, ELLIOT, AND ELLIOTT FAMILIES. Three brothers, John, Robert, and Richard Cutt (in modern times the name is Cutts), came to New England and settled on the Pascataqua. Savage states that they were natives of Wales, but upon what authority it does not appear. The precise date of their immi- gration has not been determined. John Cutt was an eminent mer- chant at Portsmouth, in the Province of New Hampshire, and by appointment of the Crown in 1679 was the first President of the royal government instituted in that Province. He died in 1681, and was spoken of as an aged man. He is usually mentioned as the Appendix. 339 eldest of the brothers. In the town records his name does not appear until Jan. 30, 1653-4; his brother Richard's name is re- corded under date ot April 5, 1652. The last named was at first engaged in the fisheries at the Isles of Shoals ; but he finally settled at Portsmouth, and died there in 1676.^ Robert Cutt was a shipmaster, and resided for some time at Bar- bados, where he married his second wife, Mary Hoel. Returning to New England, he settled at Kittery, in the Province of Maine. Here he carried on the business of ship-building. He died in 1674, and his will, dated June 18, 1674, was admitted to probate on the 6th of July next ensuing. His estate was inventoried at £Z ; a large sum, says Savage, for that neighborhood. Among the chattels enumerated were eight negro slaves. By his wife Mary, R^obert Cutt had one^ son and four daughters ; namely, Mary, Bridget, Sarah, Elizabeth, and Robert. Sometime subsequent to 1675 his widow married Capt. Francis Champer- nowne. As will be seen by reference to Champernowne's Will (Appendix, No. 2), his wife and her children received by gift or devise the principal part of his estate. Bridget Cutt married the Rev. William Screven, the first Baptist minister in Kittery. Having suffered persecution for his relig- ious opinions, and being finally expelled, he removed to South Carolina, where he helped to establish his religious denomination on a permanent basis. He appears to have been an able and de- voted minister. His descendants are among the most respected people of South Carolina and Georgia.^ Elizabeth, the fourth daughter of Robert and Mary Cutt, married Humphrey Elliot, a resident on the Pascataqua. They had two 1 For the Wills of John and Richard a necessary one. He may have been Cutt, see Brewster's Rambles about a son of Robert Cutt by his first wife. Portsmouth, First Series, No. 5. — H. Champernowne bequeathed to him 2 Champernowne in his Will men- ^5. — H. tions his son-in-law, Richard Cutt. ^ For a notice of Mr. Screven and Hence it has been inferred that this his labors, see New England Historical Richard was also a son of Robert and and Genealogical Register for October, Mary Cutt; but the inference is not 1889. — H. 340 • Appendix. sons, Robert and Champernowne. The latter, who was named heir and residuary legatee by Captain Champernowne, is supposed to have died early, as no mention is subsequently made of him in the records of Maine or in those of South Carolina. Humphrey Elliot, with his wife and family, and his mother-in- law, Mrs. Mary Champernowne, accompanied or followed Mr. Screven to South Carolina, where it is supposed they continued to reside, and where they died. After the death of Humphrey Elliot his widow married Robert Witherick, also of South Carolina. Robert, son of Humphrey Elliot, married Elizabeth Screven, proba- bly a daughter of the Rev. William Screven. The descendants of the Elliots and Screvens are numerous. The Elliotts of South Carolina and Georgia are for the most part descended from Joseph and Elizabeth Elliott, who removed from Barbados to South Carolina previous to 1697. It is not improbable that the Elliots of Pascataqua and the Elliotts of Barbados were originally of the same stock, and nearly related by blood. Persons bearing this surname have been eminent in every succeeding gen- eration, in Church and State, in arms and in civil life. By inter- marriage the family is connected with many of the families in South Carolina and Georgia, who for more than a century have been most distinguished and influential.^ 1 An extended ,s[enealogy of the Esq., of Charleston, S. C, will be Elliots and Elliotts of South Carolina found in the New England Historical and Georgia, communicated to the and Genealogical Register for January, writer of this note by Langdon Cheves, 1890. — H. Appendix. 34 1 No. 4. Page 135. THE KING'S LETTER TO MASSACHUSETTS, ANNOUNCING WAR WITH THE UNITED PROVINCES, April 3, 1672.1 Charles R. Trusty and Wellbeloved, Wee greet you well. Having found Our selfe obliged for the iust vindication of the antient & undoubted Rights of Our Crowne, and for reparation as well of the many affronts & indignities done to Our Royall Person & Dignity, as of the frequent wrongs and iniuries done to Our Sub- jects by the States Generall of the United Provinces, to declare warr against them, Wee have thought good hereby to give you Knowl- edge thereof, willing you forthwith upon receipt hereof in the usual manner to cause the said warr to bee proclaimed within that Our Colony according to Our Declaration (Coppies of which Wee have directed to bee herewith sent you), and that att the same time you cause seizure to bee made of all Shipps-goods & Marchandises be- longing to the said States Generall, or their Subjects. And be- cause Wee have reason to beleeve from the constant evill mind they have always been known to bear to Our Foreigne Colonies & Plan- tations, and having Hkewise understood that a considerable number of private men of warr are preparing in Holland & Zealand to bee forthwith sent into the West Indges to infest & annoy our Plan- tations there. Wee have thought fitt of Our Princely care & regard to the safety of those remote parts of Our Dominions, and for the securing Our good Subjects inhabiting there, or trading thither, to recommend it to you, as Wee do by these very particularly, forth- 1 Mass. Archives, ccxli. 263, 264. 342 Appendix. with to apply your selves jointly to consider of the condition there- of, and by all the speediest & most effectuall means you can, early to provide for its safety & defense, and for the protection and secur- ity of such Shipps & Vessells as shall bee from time to time rideing in the Roads & Harbo''s there from the assaults & attempts of the Dutch. And particularly Wee think fitt to repeat Our former orders to you, That all such Shipps which shall come thence bee enioined to saile in considerable numbers, for their common secur- ity, and that then and ever during their stay there, it will bee fitt, some of the most experienced Officers have authority given them to command the rest. Wee have thought fitt hereby to authorize & empower you to do therein what according to this or any other emergencies shall appear to be most for the safety of Our Colony & Navigation of Our Marchants ; and further, that in all other matters relating to the Jurisdiction of Our most Dear Brother, the Duke of York, Our High Admirall, &c., you observe such orders and direc- tions as you shall from time to time receive from him, whom Wee have commissionated to grant letters of Marque & generall Repri- salls against the Shipps, goods and Subjects of the States of the United Provinces : conformable to which Our Will & Pleasure is, that you take & seize the Shipps, Vessells, & goods belonging to the said States or any of their Subjects or Inhabitants within any their Territories, and to bring the same to Judgment and condemnation according to the course of Admiralty & laws of Nations. And these Our letters that you communicate to the rest of our Colonies your Neighbo''s ; Our Pleasure being that with all care and appli- cation possible they arme themselves against the dangers which threaten them in this coniuncture from such an Enemy, and pro- ceed according to these Our directions, and such as they shall receive from Our said Dear Brother, assuring them and all Our loving Subjects in those parts that Wee shall not bee wanting on Our part on all occasions to helpe and succor them to the utmost of Our power, and to contribute all possible means for the security and improvement of the trade and Commerce. And so Wee bid Appendix, 343 you farewell. Given att Our Court att Whitehall, the 3^^ day of Aprill, in the 24*'' year of Our Reigne. By His Maj"^^ Command. Arlington. These, for Our trusty & Wellbeloved the GovernL & Council for Our Colony of the Massachusetts, To bee communicated to the other Colonies. No. 5. Page 137. ACTION OF THE GOVERNOR AND COUNCIL ON RECEIPT OF THE KING'S LETTER IN REGARD TO THE DUTCH FLEET.i Att A meeting of the Gourn'' & Council in Boston, 31'^ July, 1673, upon Information of a Considerable fleet of Dutch Infesting the Coasts of Virginia, It is Ordered that all masters and Com- pany= of vessells, whither ketches, shallop^ or other Coasting boates, that rainge these Coasts & doe belong to this Jurisdiction, doe after publication hereof endeavou"" to make a true discovery, & forthwith give notice unto the Govern"" or any magistrate, or others in Au- thority of the approach of any fleet of shipps being fower in number or upwards; for which their care & timely intelligence givin, the Council will Order a meet recompense to be Given to them for that service. By the Councill. Edward Rawson, Secrefy. It is Furthe^ ordered that the Constables in the Port tounes doe Commicat this Order unto the mast^''s of the Severall vessells be- longing to or Coming into such Ports, and Give them Expresse order to be vigilant & circumspect in the prosecution thereof from time to time until the Council shall take further Order, By the Council. Edw. Rawson, Secrefy. ^ Mass. Archives, Ixi. 6, 7, 8. 344 Appendix. It is ordered that Cap' James Oliver of Boston do take special care that there be some meet person or persons appointed to look out by day & night upon Point Allerton, to descry the approach of any fleet of ships, and upon discouery of four or more to fier a beacon, the w*=** he shall ord"" to be erected on the highest part of y^ said Point, as also on Long Island, soe that it may be scene at Castle Island by the Coiuand'' in cheife, who is to act accordingly, & the charges thereof the Treas'^ is hereby ordered to sattisfie. E. R., 5. It is ordered that y^ Secretary issue out speedy warrants accord- ing to these orders to the seuerall Constables, requiring all the Inhabitants to yeild due & speedy assistance, & to the parties concerned. At the opening df the Council the Gouern^ declaring wh' Infor- mation he had recieued from Nathaniel Walker & William Masters ^ lately arrived here from Virginia, that seuenteen Dutchmen of war being there, & had engagement w*'^ two of his Majesty's friggots & seuerall other English Shipps & vessells there in the road, who fierd and burnt sixe of the English & took sixe more. What further their intents are or may be towards the Country not fully understood. The Gouern^ & Council Assembled judged it an Incumbent duty on them to improue all opportunity and meanes that God hath put into their hands for the safety and welfare of his Majesty's interests in these partes ; in order whereunto It is ordered that all masters of ketches & other vessells, shallops Cruising to and againe [going ?] between the Capes, Cape Ann & Cape Cod, on their fishing & other occasions, take notice that they & euery are hereby required in his Majesty's name to make dilligent & exact discouery of the Dutch Cap[tai]n[s] or other vessells, which they shall see to be in Company aboue the number of three on any part of our Coasts, and of their number of men & intents what they can, and to speed such intelligence so obtained to the ^ The last two words may be Williams, masters. — H. Appendix. 345 first Magistrate, Gouern'' or Assistant in the nearest port, that so all due further meanes may be used for the preservation of the Country. To the Constable or Constables of Boston or either of them. These require you & every of you in his majestyes name to take speciall notice of the Orders of the Council above written, and that you & every of you forthwith put forth yo*" utmost dilligence effec- tually to Accomplish the same in all respects, as you will answer the Contrary at yo"" utmost perrill. Dated in Boston this first of August, 1673. By order of y^ Council, Edw. Rawson, Secrefy. No. 6. Page 141. LETTERS OF COUNT FRONTENAC. Count Frontenac to M. Colbert} Memoire de M. le Comte de Frontenac au Ministre. A Quebec, le 14 Novembre, 1674. Quoyque je suis desespoir de n'avoir qu'a vous mander des nou- velles aggreables, je ne puis m'empescher de vous donner avis du malheur arrive a M. de Chambly, de sa blessure, de sa prison et de la prise de Pentagouet avec celle de Gemisic dans la Riviere S- Jean et du SI de Marson, qui y commandoit. Ce que j'en sgay par une lettre que le dit S- de Chambly m'a escrit, est que le 10 Aoust, il fust attaque par une bastiment de Boucaniers qui venoient de S- Domingue, et qui avoient passe ^ Baston, dans lequel il y avoit cent dix hommes, qu'apres avoir mis pied a terre, soustenu pendant une heure leur attaque. II revolt un ^ Paris Documents, Mass. Archives, ii. 287-289. 44 346 Appendix. coup de mousquet au travers du corps, que le mist hors de combat, et qu'aussy tost son Enseigne et le reste de sa garnison qui n'estoit composee avec les habitans que de trente hommes, mal intentionnez et mal armez, se rendisent a discretion. Que ces forbans ont pille le Fort, emporte tout le canon, et qu'ils devoient mener le dit S- de Chambly a Baston avec le dit S- de Marson, qu'ils envoyerent prendre dans la Riviere St. Jean par une detachment qu'ils firent, et I'ayant mis a rangon, et luy voulant faire payer mille castors. Comme je n'ay regeu cette nouvelle qu'apres le fin de Septembre, par des Sauvages que le dit Sieur de Chambly m'a envoyee son en- seigne, pour me conjurer de donner ordre a sa rangon, et que ne restant plus qu'un mois de navigation, j'estois dans I'impuissance de pouvoir envoyer a I'Acadie du secours, quand mesme j'aurois eu les choses necessaires pour cela, je ne suis contente d'envoyer quelques gens avec canots pour essaier d'avoir de nouvelles de I'estat ou il aurent laisse le Fort, et s'il n'aurent rien entrepris contre Port Royal, de leur ordonner de remener la damoiselle de Marson et ceulx qui sont restez dans la Riviere St Jean, et d'envoyer a un correspondant que le S- Formont m'a donne a Baston, les lettres de change pour la rangon de M. de Chambly, que je me suis oblige de faire acquitter par mon marchand a la Rochelle, ne croyant pas qu'il fust de la gloire du Roy, pour laquelle je sacrifiray toujours le peu que j'aurai de biens, de laisser a la vue de nos voisins un Gouverneur entre le mans des Pirates, qui I'auroient amen6 avec eulx, on peut estre assome, outre que ce pauvre Gentilhomme est assurement, par son merite et ses longs services, digne d'une meileure destin^e. J'ay aussy escrit au Gouverneur de Baston une lettre dont je vous envoye la copie pour laquelle je luy tesmoigne I'estonnement ou je suis de voir que n'y ayant point de rupture entre sa Majeste et le Roy d'Angleterre, il donne retraite a des forbans qu'ils nous ont faict un pareille insulte et que pour moy je croyois manquer aux ordres que j'ay d'entretenir avec eulx une bonne correspondance si j'en usois de la sorte. Appendix. 347 Je suis persuade que ceulx de Baston se sont servis de ces gens la pour nous cette avanie, leur ayant mesme donne un Pilote Anglois pour les conduire, supportant impatienment nostra voisinage et la contraintre que cela leur donne pour leurs pesches, et pour leur traitte. Je ne sais sy ceulx que j'ay envoyez pourront estre de retour avant le depart des vaisseaux, et si je pourray vous mander d'aultre nou- velles plus escris presentement, et sur ce que M. de Chambly vous mandera infailliblement par la premiere voye qu'ii trouvera vous pourriez voir les ordres que vous a donner pour la seurete de I'Acadie, et ce que vous voulez que je fasse puisque vous sgavez bien que je suis dans I'impuissance d'y pouvoir manquant de toutes choses, et que vous me deffendez tres expressement de faire aulcune depense extraordinaire, ce que j'observeray avec la derniere exactitude. II est k propos, je croy, que je finisse cette lettre qui vous doibt ennuyer il y a desja longtemps, et que j'y ajouste seulement les protestations que je vous faicts d'estre, jusqu'au dernier soupir de ma vie. Monseigneur, Vostre tres humble, tres obeissant, et tres oblig6 serviteur, Frontenac. Count Frontenac' s Letter of Safe-Conduct to M. Normanville} The Earle of Frontenac; Counseller of the King In his Counsels, gouernor & generall Lieftenant for his majesty In Canada, Acadie, Isles of newfoundland, and others places of the Northerne french. To all Lieftenant-generalls, gouernors of Principaltyes ; mayors. Consults, Sherifs, Judges & officers of Cittyes, Cap-' of bridges, & Customes, places, passages & Straigh's, Greeting: haueing Coiiianded m' Normanville to goe speedilly to Boston for the express affaires of his majesty & our, wee doe Injoine to all upon whom our authoritty is, & Intreate all others to lett him freely & safly pass with one of ^ Mass. Archives, ii. 515. The original is missing. -- H. 348 Appendix. our Line gard their men, Canoes, & Equipage ; without any trouble or hinderence both in goeing, staying, & Returning, Butt Rather to giue them all helpe & fauor In what they shall haue need, tendreing for the licke Case to Doe the same. In witnesse whereof wee haue signed these presents, to which wee haue sett our seale & vnder- written by one of our secretairyes. giuen In Quebec the 24"' of May, 1675. Frontenac, By my Lord, vahassem.^ Letter of Count Frontenac to the Magistrates at Boston?' A Quebec, ce 25 May, 1675. Messieurs, — Si tost que j'eiis appris I'lnsulte qu'on avoit fait au S' de Chambly, Gouverneur de I'Acadie, et qu'apres la prise du fort de Pentagoiiet on I'avoit conduit prisonnier a Baston. Je vous depe- chay par deux dififerents endroicts pour vous temoigner la surprize ou j'etois que nonobstant la bonne correspondance dans laquelle le Roy mon maistre m'a commande de vivre avec vous et les ordres que vous avez du re^evoir du Roy d'Angleterre sur le meme sujet, de forbans et gens sans aveu eiissent trouve une retraite dans vostre ville;^ et pour vous conjurer aussi en mesme temps de procurer 1 It is impossible to determine what Memoir above referred to. A translation was the oric-inal name which the trans- of the passage, beginning with the words lator in 1675 transformed into t/rt//ajjm. "Je luy tesmoigne" (p. 346), is as fol- It may have been S' Luisson. — H. lows : " I expressed to him my astonish- 2 Mass Archives, ii. 517. ment at seeing that, while peace exists 8 It has been seen that Frontenac, between his Majesty and the King of in his Memoir, dated Nov. 14, 16741 to England, he gives shelter to pirates the minister. M. Colbert, after giving an and ruffians without a commission, after account of the capture of Pentagoiiet, they had so grievously insulted us ; and and the captivityofM.de Chambly and that, for my own part, I should deem the Sieur de Marson. goes on to say myself delinquent m respect to the that he had written to the "Governor of orders I had received, to cultivate a Boston " a letter, of which he encloses good understanding with them, it 1 had a copy. This letter is not now in the behaved toward them in like manner. Archives of Massachusetts, nor have we He repeats this language, in part, in the any copy of it. But we may gather the foregoing letter to the magistrates at substance of it from a passage in the Boston. — H. Appendix. 349 aupres deux la liberty du dit Sieur de Chambly ayant mis entre les mains de ces memes personnes par qui je vous ecrivois des lettres de Change pour payer la Ran^on dont il estoit convenu avec eux. Cependant quoique je leur eusse ordonne devenir me retrouver sur les neiges avec toute la diligence possible je vois I'hiver pass6 et la saison fort avancee sans que j'aye eue de leurs nouvelles ny que j'aye pu apprendre ce que le S- de Chambly est devenu. C'est ce qui m'oblige Messieurs a vous depescher pour la trois fois le Sr de Normanville accompagne d'un de mes gardes pour vous reiterer la mesme priere et vous supplier de lever tous les obstacles qui regarderont la liberie tant du S' de Chambly que des autres personnes qui sont avec luy. Si par hazard ils estoient encore pri- sonniers. J'ay meme este bien ayse que cela m'ait fourny une occa- sion de vous donner de nouvelles assurances de la bonne union & intelligence que je desire entretenir avec vous dans I'esperance que j'ay que vous y correspondrez avec autant de franchise que vous me I'avez assure par vos lettres. Prenez done s'il vous plaist une entiere croyance en tout ce que le S- de Normanville vous dira de ma part et me croyez tres veritablement, Messieurs, Votre tres humble & tres obeissant Serviteur, Frontenac. No. 7. Page 145. COMPLAINT OF JOHN FREAKE.» To the Hon""' Gouerno' & the Rest of the Hon''^ Magistrates Setting in Councill at Boston, Feb. 15, 1674-5. Amen. The Complaint of John Freake of Boston humbly sheweth, That whereas yo Complainant had a Small Vessell under the comand of George Manning bound home on her voyage from the Eastward was ^ Mass. Archives, Ixi. 66. 350 Appendix. by accident met with all in the River of St. John by John Roades & some Dutchmen his complices in a small vessell Sometime in the Month of December last past ; who overpowering of them with men pyratically seized my said Vessell & goods on board her, & haue wounded the Master of her & another of his Company, & doe still keepe both vessell, goods, & men, as by a letter from the Master given in to yo' Hono"" My humble Request therefore to yo' Hono'^ is that you would be pleased to take some speedy Order for the Seizing of the said Roades & his Complices by Commissioning some meete persons whom yo' Hono" shall think fit with such aide as may be requisite to go out in a small vessell & range along the said Coast, & to seize & secure the said Roades & all his Complices, & to bring them to Boston for due tryal, being out upon a pyraticall Account, & having Seized severall of the goods of the Inhabitants of this Jurisdiction besides yo' Complainants, & it 's very probable will doe much more mischief, without yo' Hono" in yo"" Wisdoms finde some speedy Course to prevent the same. Submitting myselfe to yo' Hone" Wisdom & dispose therein, I subscribe Yo' Hono" Most humble Servant, Jno. Freake. No. 8. Page 146. ORDER OF THE GOVERNOR AND COUNCIL TO STOP ALL VESSELS GOING EASTWARD FROM BOSTON.! Whereas M' Waldern & others not long since complayned to the Goun' & Councill Assembled in Boston 29 December last past, and M' John Freake of Boston, merchant, complayning to the Honoured Goun' & Councill of y'' peratical actions of one Jn" Roades & others, Inhabitants of y'' Colony joyning w"' some Dutch & other nations ! Mass. Archives, Ixi. 67. Appendix, 35 1 in seizing of seuerall of o' vessells, spoiling them both of their vessells & goods to their great losse & damage, and hailing lately taken y* ketch of y° said Jn° Freake, wounding of y" Master of his said ketch, George Manning, & some other, w"' seuerall their acts of Piracy on y*" seas upon seuerall Inhabitants of y*" place their lawfull negotia- tions, in all which the Council judgeth it meet to order a coiuission be granted to A. B. C. for y*" Apprehending & seizing of y*" said Jn° Roades & his Company in order to his & their tryall before any Court of y" jurisdiction that hath cognizance of such cases, and that he & they so Apprehended & seized be brought before y*" Goiin'' & other Authority of the Colony to be secured in order to his & their tryall ; that so y" said Freake and such others as have suffered may be in a way to get their satisfaction & reparation for such their losses, and that y" trade of this country be y' better secured & damage prevented. Past by y"' Councill this 15"' Feb. ?874. E. R[awson, Secretary]. Cap' Samuel Mosely being proposed to y" Councill by M' Jn" Freake as y" Commander of ye design, the Goun' & Councill approve thereof. — E. R., 5. Also y"-" Councill ordered that the vessells stopd by y" Goiin' on y^ Saturday last, y^ Councill ordered y' all vessells going or to go forth into those parts till y" said Capt Samuel Mosely be gone, till y^ Goiin' give further order & that y^ secretary issue out warrants to y" seuerall Constables of Boston accordingly. — E. R., 5. Instruciiojts for Cap' Samuel Mosely} 1. That you looke to yo' Company y' they keepe Good orde' aboard y'' vessell and abroad : 2. that you suffer no Injury to be done to any of His Majesties subjects in these pts or any in Freindship w"" his majty their Goods or Estates by Sea or land, ^ Mass. Archives, Ixi. 68. 352 Appendix. 3. that you Labour w"" all your Care & skill to seaze & surprize y^ said Roades & his Company w"'out blood if it may be : & to secure them & bring them forthwith to Boston in order to their tryall. past by y^ Councill, 15 Febr. 1674- E. R., 5. To y^ Constables of Boston. You & euery of you by virtue of an ord' of the Goiin' & Councill [are] hereby Required in his Majesty's name forthwith to make stop of all such ships or other vessells thiat are now in the Harbour bound out to the Eastward till Cap' Samuell Mosely begon forth ; and untill further Order be Given by y" Honoured Goiin' hereof you & they are not to fail at yo' & their perill, p' Edward Rawson, Secretary, By ord' of the Goiin" & Councill. Dated in Boston, the 15''' February, 1674 [5]. No. 9- Page 146. DEPOSITION OF GEORGE MANNING.* The Deposition of George Manning, Aged thirty years or there Aboutts, Testiffieth That Being sent outt By the Latte M' Jo" Freke a traideing voy- adge to the Eastward in y'' Shallopp Called the Philipp, Was on the Fowerth day of Decemb? last Surprized and taken in Adowake Bay to y" Estward of Mount deZart By Cap! Fetter Rodrigoe & Cap? John Rodes In Maner as ffollowing : I Being att an Ancor as aboue Said, they Came vpon vs w'l' theire Duch Cullers fflyn, and Co- manded me a board By Cap! Fetter Rodrigoe, & their vpon I went w'!' my boatte on board of their vesell ; and being there hee ordered mee to bee their detained, & Went him Selfe, w'l' seuf of his Comp^ 1 Mass. Archives, Ixi. 117, 118. Appendix. 353 on board of my shallop, & their Opened the hatches & tooke all my peltery & Caried itt on board their owne Vesell, and alsoe Seuf Other things, and the*! they would haue me Sett my hand to a paiper that they had taken nothing Frome me but w': was of the groath of that Countrey ; butt knowing of itt to bee Fals, I Refused Soe to doe, butt I deseired him to Shovve me his Comition by Vertue of w'.'' hee was Soe Impowered to acctt as hee did, vpon w".'' hee said hee would goe and Fech itt, and then brought a lardg paiper w'|' Seuer"." sealls, an Extract, butt nether Read itt nor would sufer me soe to doe, butt only asked mee what I thought of itt ; to w'^^ I Replyed, nott haueing opertunity to hearr itt nor to Read itt, I Did not know butt itt might bee a Lawfull Comition ; vpon w"^ hee Demanded my Invoice of y"" goods I had. I Replyed againe that his people hauing rumedged my Chest & Cabin, that some of his Comp';" might haue itt; butt hee asking of them they all denied itt, whervpon I went on board to Looke for itt, and their found itt, and then being downe in y*" Cabing, James Debeck handing on^ of the Small guns that was on the Deck downe, before I Receud the Other ther was an vproar amongst them, and they presently Fiared in Seu^" Shott vpon vs, by w'^I' I was wounded in my hand, and presently Comanded James on board of their vessell and much abused him in striking him many blowes, w'':*' I heard, and alsoe heard him Crie for god sake to spaire his Life ; after w'l'' y" Cap! hauing broake his Cuttles aboutt James, he presently went aft and fetched my Cuttles, & Came Forward to mee saying, wher is this dogg, Maning, I must talke w"' him alsoe ; whervpon I beged them to Spaire my Life. Sume of them Replyed that if I would Come vpe I should haue noe harme ; butt Coming vp by y*" Scuttell I Receud Seuerall blows vpon my head, w'.'' soe stuned me that for a good Space of time was depriued of my Senses, nott knowing where I was, thought [I had been] throwne ouerboard ; and Caried [me] one board of their vessell and keept me prisner till the next day, whereupon they Concluded to Send me away w''' my Boatt, and hall my vessell ashoer and burne here ; I then heareing of theire Sentance, I beged Cap' Rodrigoe that I might nott be sent away ; soe Considering the Condition I Was 45 354 Appendix. in, and y^ time of y* yeare, & wounded as I am, hee Shaking of his head replied that hee Could nott doe anything in itt w%ut y^ Con- sent of y"" Rest of y*" Compf, wherevpon I Adresed my Selfe to Cap* Roedes ; hee then Replyed w'l" an oth, Saying, Dam you ! what doe you Come to mee For ? Can I Clear you ? then I Adresed my Selfe to Ran- dall Jetson, desiering of him y*" Like, hee then w'!' y*" Like others told me if I had my desarts should bee turned ashoar vpon an Island and there to Eatt the Rootts of the trees, where vpon I desiered that I might Rather bee keept as a prisnor amongst them and goe A Long w*l' them then to bee done Soe by, w':"" Could nott bee granted. Then I desiered that I might bee putt outt of my troubles and End my days att y" mast ; they then hering of What I Said Withdrew them Selues, Consulting what they should doe w'!" mee, and hailing Tho: Michells Vesell on board of me and take outt all my goods and prouision Except a Small Mattf of prouition, pretending itt Was to Cary mee home, and gaue mee my Vessell againe, butt by Cap' Roeds & Tho: Michells Doengs was Forced to Condesend to goe along w'!' them ; & Further Cap* Roads did before my going Frome boston thretne John King that if hee went to the Estward w*!" me hee would be y" death of him ; & iff itt had nott ben for y^ rest of their Com- pany hee had suffered. The nit before I Sailed Frome boston I demanded of Cap! Urrin^ iff hee did grant any Comision to Cap? Roades or any of y^ Comp^ that went w'!' him For to take any Englishmen. I desiered him iff hee did hee must Resolue mee of itt ; where vpon hee replyed hee had nott nor would nott grant any, and that I had as much liberty to goe, or any one, as they had, and Wishing mee a good prosperous voyadge, wherevpon hee departed. After wee Sett Saille Frome Adowaket to Aplaisse Called muspeka Racke, where I Caused ou' boatte to bee histed outt, and went aboard of them, and Desiered that they would looke vpon my hand ; Finding My Selfe in much paine, I desiering they would Clear me For I was ^ Capt. Jurriaen Aernouts, commander of the Flying Horse, is probably the person referred to. — H. Appendix. 355 afraid of loosing of my hand, and they Replyed itt was a fleshe wond, and their was noe fear of y° Cure, Soe would nott lett me goe home, butt was forced to goc withem ; and further sayeth nott. taken vpon oath in open Court the 17"" of June, 1675. As Attests Edward Rawson, Secrefy. Georg Mannig on his forme' oath ouned y® testimony on his forme' oath to y? trueth as to y' p' of Judgmt. 17 June, 1675. E. R., 5. No. 10. Page 147. EXAMINATION OF THE PRISONERS CHARGED WITH PIRACY.i 21 Aprill : 1675 : The Examinacon of the severall prison" brought in by Cap' Sam" Mosely ^ are as followeth : — Jn° Rhodes^ Examined. S"" that hee came now from the Eastward w'!" Cap' Mosely : being asked whither hee had any cofnission, hee Answered No ; being asked why hee Fought ag' the King's colours, hee answered, because that they with Cap' Mosely fought under French colours, dutch colours, & English colours, & they thought they should haue noe quarter & therefore fought. This was ouned to be the trueth by Jn" Rhoades in open Court 25 May, 1675.— E. R., S. Peter Rodriego^ Examined. S'!" that his name is Peter Rodriego, & that hee sailed from Boston to Nova Scotia with power from Cap' Vrin-Arnelson,^ which power was written at the beare in Boston, & that the si' Arnelson put the Scales to it. — S'^ that hee hath taken two english vessells, one from George Manning, the other from Wal- ton, & that goeing to the Eastward, stopping at Casco, hee was 1 Mass. Archives, Ixi. 72. * Roderigo. 2 Mosley is the correct spelling. ^ Jurriaen Aeriiouts. 8 Rhoade. 356 Appendix. one day asleep in his cabbin, & his men went ashoare & killed four Sheep & brought them aboard. Ouned in Court by Peter Rodriego, 24 May, 1675, this his confession on examination to be the trueth, & in open Court, as Ates's E. R., 5. Cornelius Anderson,^ Examined. S'!" that hee came now from round pond as neere Muscongus Island, S* that hee hath taken two Eng- lish Vessells, one from Waldron, the other from Hilliard. Ouned that he had took two vessells vnder his insf .'' but deliuered them againe ; only took the peltry from them. — E. R., 5. Tho: Mitchell Examined. S'!* that hee lives neere Mauldon, & that hee came last from Penequid, & that hee sailed in a vessell part of her his own, & that the privateers hee carried with him tooke some English Vessells, that hee himselfe was in her, & one Peter Rodriego comanded her; but it was against his s^ Mitchell's will they tooke the vessells, & that hee eat of the mutton that the company on board his vessell tooke away from mr Mountjoy, which were in number Four, and that Rodrigo, Grant, Fowler, & Rhodes compelled him to pilot the vessell from Johns unto twelve penny harbour, where they plundered one Lantrimony & killed his cattle. Randolph Judson — Examined. S* that hee came now from Matchias with Cap' Mosely, & that hee was one of Cap' Rodrigo's company, & was at the taking of George Manning's Vessell, Waldron's Vessell, & Hilliard's Vessell, & that they tooke them by virtue of the comission given to Peter Rodrigo, & that George Manning was wounded in the hand & James Debeck was cut over the arme by Cap' Rodrigo. Ouned in Court 17"' June, 1675. — E. R., 5. Edward Youring Examined. S"' that hee went out in a vessell with Thomas Mitchell upon a trading Voyage to the Eastward, & that going along the Shoare Cap' Rodrigo & the Company on board theire vessell tooke George Manning's & Waldron's vessells. Richard Fowler Examined. S'l' that hee was in company with Peter Rodrigo & sundry others when they tooke George Manning's & George Walton's vessells & goods, & that hee was on shoare at casco 1 Cornelis Andreson. Appendix. 357 & Fetcht on board theire vessell some Sheep, from off an Island saide to bee m' Mountjoy's, & that Tho: Mitchell sent him on shoare for them, Saying there was noebody lookt after them. — y" examination was ouned as abuve writt 17"' June, 1675. — E. R., S^ Peter Grant Examined. S"" that hee was in company with Peter Rodrigo & sundry others when they tooke George Manning's & George Walton's vessells & goods by order of theire Cap. Rodrigo, & that hee was ashoare at Casco & did help take the Sheep on board & Fech't wood to make the Fire to dress them with & eat part of them. — Peter Grant ouned the i'' pt of this Confession as to be w"" Cap' Peter Rodriego, &c. — E. R., 6". John Williams Examined. S'!' that hee is a cornish man, sailed out of Jamaica with Cap* Morrice, was taken by the dutch & carried to Carrisaw,^ came hither with Cap' Urin-Arnelson, & that hee went from Boston in comp^ with Capt Peter Rodrigo & sundry others, & was in company & acted with the s^ Rodrigo & the rest in the taking of George Manning's Vessell ; but was ashoare at Machias when the rest were taken. John Tomas Examined. S"" that hee was one of the company that sailed with Cap' Peter Rodrigo & sundry others, & was present at the taking of George Manning's & George Walton's Vessells. Being asked whither hee did not kill a Frenchman, hee denyed it ; confessed that hee did shoote at him, but knew not that hee hit him. Taken and read to the several persons & ouned by them before us John Leverett, Gov. Edward Tyng. The partyes all ouned in Court their seQll Confessions as aboue written, being Read to them in Court of Admiralty .^ ^ Curagoa. last two sentences and the signatures, " The original record of the exami- in the handwriting of Isaac Addington. nation of the prisoners, from which the The signatures appear to be auto- foregoing paper is copied, is, except the graphs. — H. 358 Appendix. No. II. Page 149. INDICTMENT AND SENTENCE OF PETER RODERIGO.i Att a Court of Assistants held at Boston y' 24'^ of , ^ p'-^sent •' ^ J no. Leueret Esq' | may, 1675, & called by y^ Court for tryall of the Goui ( SamSymondEsqi \ prisoners. dept Go. j Peeter Rodriego^ Dutchman being presented & In- symon wTiiard^^ dieted by the Grand Jury, was Indicted by the name xho'Danforth Esqr of Peeter Rodriego for that he not hauing the feare g^j^^-^'n^'^" of God before his eyes, he w'h other his Complices w^ stoughton sometimes in the mounth' of November, December, Grand jurymen & January last by force of Armes did vpon the ye^c^rt s^swo^rne sea"* pyrattically & Felloniously seize & take severall ^^^^'' smale English vessells (and theire Companyes) be- !^.^J?°^??,^'■"'^" " . ^ i^ J y Richfi Wilhngton longing to his Majtys subjects of this Colony & Rich-i Baker .... . The. Russell made prize 01 theire Goods, & in particular the Jn ■ Long barque Phillip & her goods belonging to the late jn^woodmansey m' John Freake of Boston, Georg mannig being {SSeSuer master then of hir, wounding the said manig & his -I"" Bateman ^ " Jonas Clarke mate contrary to the peace of our Soueraigne Lord Ff^'ing ^oore ■' ' r /-> Hastings the Kins his Croune & dignity, the lawes of God & Jn^ Bowies ,-,.,.,.. .T, , T 1- . , . • Tho.Weld of this Jurisdiction. To wch Indictm' y^ prisoner at the barr pleaded not Guilty, put himself on triall by lenJeT"thfjuryof God & the Country, saying he had no exception ag' ^^^''^l^n checkiy any of y*" Jury : the Case proceeded, and after the i"^^^^^. Indictment & euidences in the case were Read, Coiii- Benj Moore _ ^n , 1 T-> 1 r Benj Gillam itted to the Jury & are on file w*h the Reccords ot Samuel Coffe this Court the Jury brought in the virdict ; they found tho.' Fanfg""^"^ him Guilty according to the aboue written Indict- 7no°Stonf "^' ment, and Accordingly had sentenc of death pro- oaniefBf^wer nounc' ag' him by y^ Court to be Carryed from hence * Records of the Court of Assistants, in the records. Roderigo is the correct 2 This name also is variously spelled spelling. — M. Appendix. 359 to the place from whence he came, & thence to the place of Execution, & there to hang till he be dead, and on his peticon the Court Gaue him opp'tunity to peticon the Geiill Court for his life. INDICTMENT AND SENTENCE OF JOHN RHOADE.i Att A Court of Assistants on Adjournment held at , present •* J no Leueret Esq' | Boston 17"' June, 1675, Jn° Roads was brought to the Gour | ,,. ... , TT 11 1 Sam Symonds ( barr & holding vp his hand was Indicted by the Esq^deptGorj name of John Roads late of Boston, for that he not D^nid Gooktn ^^'^ having the feare of God before his eyes, he w'h others gf^'J^ wiiiard his Complices sometimes in the months of November, £j^^^''J^"f ^'1 ^ Tho. Danforth December, & January last, past did by force of Armes Edw^ xyng ■r. • 11 o T^ 11 • 1 • o 1 W'>' Stoughton vpon the seas Pyrattically & relloniously seize & take Thomas ciaike seuerall smale English vessells & theire Companyes jno Roads ob- belonging to his Maj'^ subjects of this Colony, and fn?'^ checkiy™ made prize of their Goods, & in particcular the barque ^enja Giiiam was _^ _ ^ ^ Foreman m the rest. Phillip & her Goods belonging to the late m' John Jurymen impaneid .^ _. n/r--i- 1 ^ Svvome were for rreake 01 Boston, George Mannig being then master ye Xriaii of these. of hir, wounding the said Mannig & his mate Con- jnoBirT^ ' ^"^ trary to the peace of our Soueraigne Lord the King w"\vhitweii his Croune & dignity, the lawes of God & of this R'ch^^ Knight ° ■' _ Sam Gofte Jurisdiccon, to wch he pleaded not Guilty, put him- Tho. Longhorne self on God & the Country for his triall. After y'' In- Daniel Brewer dictment & evidences produced ag' him were read, jno swe^tt '^°° Comitted to the Jury & are on file w'h the Reccords of J"° D^^^nport y*" Court, the Jury brought in their virdict; they found him Guilty according to Indictment, and ac- cordingly y" next day had sentenc of Death pro- nount ag' him : y' he should Goe from the barr to y^ place from whenc he Came, & thence to the place of executione where hang till he be dead. ^ Records of the Court of Assistants. 360 Appendix. No. 12. Page 151. THE DEFENCE OF RODERIGO, ANDRESON, AND OTHERS CHARGED WITH PIRACY. CapV Pette^ Rodrigo, & Cap" Cornelius Andreson, and theire Asociates, officers & Souldiers belonging to the Prince of Orrange, & as his Subiects Inhabytants In his highneses Terrytories in New Holland, Allias Nova Scotia, And now Prisono'.' in the jurrishdiction of the Massathusetts Collony, in New England, etc. Thier Plea And Answare for theire Defence against what they stand Charged With and Impeached of as Pirates For Acting Pirazie on Sev- erall vessells belonging to the inhabytants of the aforesaid Jurishdiction : May it Please yo' Honno7 The Honno''!^ Bench : To take notis that wee thankefully acknoledg the Hon''.''' Benches Fauou' in a Redy Answareing ou' Petition by vouchsafeing vs to Express our Broaken English by way of Decleration, And that wee might not be to Copiuous therein, shall in shortt p'sent this Hono^i" Court as a direct Answare to the Tenor of our jnditement as wee stand Im- peached of Pirazie, or being Pirates, we doe Say that wee are not Guiltye, neither in Act nor yet intent, neither are wee Contieous to ou' Selues of anny thing that wee have Done, that is either a breach of anny knowne Law, or may So much as tend either by ou' words or acts jniureous to the Libertyes or Genurall Priveleadges of this yof jurishdiction or Coiiion Wealth ; but if anny of yo' inhabytants haue Sustayned Loss by vs they haue benne only ptickeler psons Private Intrests occationed by them Selues (or there owne Seekeing) and not ours, in theire Presumeing To In- treanch vppon our Great Princes Rights and Priveledges Gained him From His Declared Enemies by the Blood & Swoards of his Leige Subiects, amongst whome wee are nombread. Yett notwith- standing had anny of those yo' Inhabytants Found themselues Agreeued, there was a more regular way for theire Releefe w"'' they Appendix. 361 might haue had : Naimely, that vppon Makeing theire Complaynt to this Authoritie, We should vppon the Least Summons from the Cheife Authoritye of this Place, in honno' to our Prince, and vinde- cation of our Selues, So farr Honnored them (being Desireous of a Continewed amecable vnitye & Commerce of Trayd as Naighbores, and being Subiects to Such Great Princes in Loue, pease, And ametye with each other) as forthwith to a dispatched a shallop away with not only one to Give acc°" of our actions, but with Soffitient Effects to a Answared anny Civell action in yo' Law ; and then if by Law wee Could not a warranted our Actions we ware Redy to giue and make the iniuried psons Sattisfaction, w^-"* in our Aprehentions would A benn farr better then Such Indirect And hosteele proseeding against vs, that Except by the wisdom of yO: Authority be not tymely Pevented, will inevetably invoulue the Subiects of a Potent ' Prince, and yo' Coiiionwealth whare euer they meete in such Brieles & Discontents (w'''' yet by a Preu- dentiall Care may be Prevented, but if not) as will hardly Bee Determaned without a Declaritiue warr from ou Great-masters, Which God Forbids that anny of our Blood Should be shead to be omynus as bespeak So Sad a Conclution : for as its ile medling with edg tooles so its as ile intermedleing to vsurp Princes Prerogatiues & Priveledges. . . . I'' Therefore with Leaue may it please the Honor^''/^ Court to take Cognizence that wee are parsons whome by our Aleigance are Swoarne Subiects to the Great Prince of Orrange his heires And Sucsesers, and as Such ware the Last yeare vndo- the Coiiiand of Cap? Vrine Arnhoutson, Comando' of the Flying horse Frigott, whome Receued from the Renouned Governo' our Princes Repre- sentatiue at Carrysaw in the west-indias a Generall Comition in our Princes naime, in Genarall tearmes Comprehending to take Plundo' Spoyle and Poses anny of the Garrisons, Townes, terrytories, Priveleadges, Shipps, Persons, or Estates belonging to anny of his highneses Enemies that are at varyence and in acts of Hostilitye against his highnes & the Great states of Holland. And accompt 46 362 Appendix. thereof to take, and the Tenths thereof Secure all Princely Preroga- tiues indeauou' to mayntayne for the Honno' of our Prince accord- ing to our Powre and Alleagence jn psueance of w''*' Coiiiition our Frigatt Arriued at New Yoarke, Dureing w^.'' tyme of our abode theire to recruit with Vituall, Cap- John Roades Came to vs from Boston, who Gaue ou' Comando' Such a Satisfactory accompt of his aquaintence on the Coasts of Nova Scotia and occada, and Ras- inall Probabilities of makeing ou'selues Masters thereof to ad to or inlardg our Great Princes terrytories, it being then Mantayned and Possesed by the French, our Masters Implacable and Declared Enemies in open hostillitye, wee did with a vnanimus Consent all conclude to dispatch the Designe as an Honnor^^'^ Expedition, to w- end ingaged Cap" John Roades as our Pilott, haueing Swoarn him to aleagence To our Prince, the Prince of Orrange our master, and then admited him one of vs our Princes Leige Subiects, whare in Due tyme wee Arrived on the Coast of Nova Scotia and Landed at Penobscott, the Enemies Princeple Garrison, the w''*' in storming, after a shortt Dispute, by Gods Blessing quickly made our Selues Masters thereof ; but haueing not Sofitient Strength to Leaue to Garrison the Place, wee demolished the Fort and fired Sume of the houses of the French, bringing away the Artillerye & Plundo'. And after we had made oure Selues masters also of S- Johns, Mathyas, and Gamshake,^ & Severall other Places of Fortification And trayding houses of the French and Brought away the Plundo- and Princeple Persons Prisono", wee did not only Burrye in two Glass Botles at Penobscott & S! Johns vnde' Ground A tru Copia of our Cap" Coiii- ition, and a Breviate of the Manno' of takeing the Said Places by the Swoards of the Prince of orringe Subiects for his hignes vse, but also Left both att Penobscot and gamshake sume men of the poorer soart of oure Cap"'."^' the formor Inhabytance, whome had Submited to be subiects to our Prince, to whome wee gaue libertye to trayd and order^ to keepe Possion for his highnes till farther ordo' or Sum of vs Retorned theither. Wee then Coming a ^ Gemesic or Gemsic. — H. i Appendix. 363 way in ou' Frigott to Boston, whare after your Authorytie was aquainted with our Coiiiiision and Enterprizes, w''.'' was So farr Satis- factory to them as manufasted theire Aprobation theireof by Admit- ing vs to Dispose & share ou- Plundo' & sell our Marchandize & Plundo*" to the Inhabytants heere, yea ou^ Cannon or Great Gunns being Bought for the Safegaurd & vse of this very Colloiiy whare our Cap^. was Adresed to by Severall trayders to the East-ward belong- ing to this Jurrishdiction, to grant them Libertye to trayd in those his higneses the Princes of Orranges psinctes taken by vs, but by our Coinando': in Cheife was Reffused, whome Replyed to them that if there was anny Priveleadg of trayd to be had it did j)perly belong to his men, who had with him ventered theire Lines with the Loss of there blood for it. And therefore all Such psons vppon the Perrell of there being made Prize on was by him forbid Comeing to trayd on those Coasts, witHin our Masters psinctes, &c. Yett not with- standing did sum of these psons in Contempt intrench on our Prive- ledges as is heere after Expresed. For after our Frigott was Gon From Boston, and the Cheife Comandor had Given Cap" Petter Rodrigo & Cap" Cornelius Andreson, with 8 more of there Consearts, an ordo"' to Retorne to new holland. Alias novascotia & occada, our Princes Lands (w*"'' after wee had Gained it by the Swoard Called it as afforesaid, new holland), and orders from him theire to trayd, keepe posesion, & in what vs Lay mantayne our Princes Prerogatiues theire till farther Ordor, either from our Masters in holland or him- selfe, Wee then did with the Assistence of sume Creditt in Boston fitt a Cople of smale vessells out & went to new holland. Alias Nov^ Scoti^ whare as we ware on our Coasts. The First English we mett with theire was one billiard, of Sallem, whome finding him trayding on ou' Coast Comanded him aboard, whome jmediatly Submiting and Complayning of his bad voyage. And that he was ignorant of our being theire, we Retorned him not only his vessell and Goods againe, but also all there Peltry. And after we had Bought Sume nesesaryes of them. Paying them theire Price for the Same, wee dismissed them with an Admonition And 364 Appendix. warning to Com no more on there Perrell to trayd theire within those our Masters persinctes. The Second English vessell wee tooke was William Waldron, whome we had forwarned Severall tymes not to p''sume to Coin to take away our Priveledges of trayd on therre Perall of being made Prize on by vs ; yet in verry Contempt, as wee may say, he Came to take our trayd from vs, whom when wee found him that he had ben trayding with the jndians and was vppon our owne Coasts, wee tooke him and made Prize of ownly his Peltry, And after A Civell treating them, Dismised them with is vessell and other Goods. The Third English vessell we tooke was Georg Mailing, whome was forewarned, both by our Coinandor of our Frigott & our Selues at Boston, that if Came to trayd theire in ou' Princes Persinctes wee would make Prize of him ; but now finding of them that he had ben trayding, wee Comanded him aboard And demanded of him weather he had Anny ordo' from the Honno'''" Governo' or Authoritye of this Place to Coiil and trayde theire or Anny Lett Pass from anny Authoritye of this Jurishdiction, he tould vs no ; so then finding his Peltry aboard him wee only tooke that from him, and Civerly treat- ing him, we tendread him also a Pass to Goe free from being againe Examined by our other Consoarts, and also A Letter to m' John Freake his Marchan' that wee would Secure his Peltrye by it Selfe & Send it to Boston (with others) in the Spring. And if we did not then and there Cleare to be a Leagall Prize would Retorn it to his Imployer againe, and in the mean tyme haue a faire Corry Spondengsye with them ; to which End the Said Mailing went aboard his owne vessell And theire invited Cap" Rodrigo aboard, whom (after that Civell vsedg) he had Privately designed to murdor, haueing prepared a Pistell Charged with a Brace of Bullotts vndo' his Pillow, And whilst he was a drinkeing in his Cookeroome to a Pis- tolled him, Butt was discovered by the boye aquainting Cap" Rodrigo to Looke to him Selfe, informing of his masters designe, w'^'' Caused the Said Rodrigo forth with to Coiri out vppon the Deck, and rann to the Cabbin of Georg Mailing according to the boyse information, Appendix. 365 And found the Pistol! theire Loaden as aforesaid, whome after he had in few words sharply Reproued Georg Mailing for his treach- erous and Murdorous designe, Cald for his owne Boat and Goes aboard his owne vessell, whare had not ben Long, but vnexspectedly Geo. Mailing, haueing had all his Gunns and Blunderbuss Redy on his decke, at once Presented his Gunns at vs, Leueling them each one at our men vppon our deckes, Desineing at once to Cutt them off, and then to Surprize vs and Cutt off the Rest. And whilst they ware Thus a Fireing at vs, as God in his mercie and wisdom ordered it, there Powde Flashed in there Panns, and there Gunns Did not Goe off (to Admiration by w''"' Meanes wee may all thanke God theire hath benn no blood shead), the w^'' oure Men Perceueing at once Leapt Doune for theire Armes, Cryeing, Cap" shall wee be Killed without Fighting for our Lines ; at w"'' word in A Maize euery man of vs hasted vpp his Armes and forthwith Gaue them Such a charge as Coinanded him aboard vs ; then wee thought that wee had Good Reason to Condemne him whollye for a Prize, but instead thereof wee only tooke his Goods and Gaue him his vessell againe, and would a dismissed ; but he so ernestly beged and Be- sought vs that he might stay with vs, and that wee would take his vessell and men into our Seruis, at whose solicitation wee hired of him his vessell with him selfe & men, and jngaged to Pay him Seauen Pounds j> month; it being his first pfer & full demand of vs. The Fourth and Last English vessell wee tooke was, viz Mair Sheapleigh Barque, whome wee Found by Seuerall Papers that they had not only trayded for Peltry, but was Coiii with pvition from Port Royall to Releue ou' Enemies at Gamshake,w''!' Place had Reuoalted From vs, w*"!* actions to vs was Ground Sofitient to make Prize there of ; but we only tooke from them y*" quantitie of three Beefes and a few Skynes, and after a Civell vseadge of them, Gaue them a dis- mission, et'. After w'^'" wee ware betrayed by Georg Mailing to Cap" Sam: Mosely, whome at the takeing of vs wee ware at one tyme psued And chaced with vessells vndo' both English, French, 366 Appendix. & Dutch Collors, Cap* Sam" Mosely Fighting vs vndo' EngHsh Col- lors, And had Putt Both force and men aboard the French, and Georg Mailing fireing vppon vs vndo"^ dutch Collors ; w^."" manor of disiplyn and actions wee vndo'stand not, And therefore with Sub- mision Desiere Cap" Moselyes Coiiiission may be Produced and Read to the Honn''''.'^ Bench, that So it may Appeare weather the Cuntrey And Authoritye will vindicate not only Such theire actions, Butt by Force bringing of vs from out of our Princes Countrye Gained him by the Swoards of his Leige Subiects and also his Accomadateing of our Princes declared Enemies, with both force, men, Amonition, & pvition against vs, and thereby to disposes our Great Prince of his Rights, Priveleadges, & Prerogatiues So Honnor- ably Gained him. Thus may it Please y^ Hon''';''' Bench we haue Given A shoart accompt of our Particuler acts and tranceactions as they are in truth ; & now with Leaue in the Second place shall shoe by what Powre or the Reasons of our thus farr pseedings and wherfore wee haue thus Acted as viz": — i" Because wee Looke at and beleeue Cap" Vrn Arnhoustons Coinissio To be Sofitiently Lawfull and warrantable for the takeing the fore Mentioned Places of Nova Scotia, w"" the Priveledges and trayd thereof To Ad to his highnes our Masters Terrytories and also alike Confirmed Lawfull by this authoretye as by ou'' Second Con- seption heereafter Expresed. 2'^ : A second Reason for ou"" thus acting is Because wee ware pswaded and doe judg the ordo' wee had from Cap* vrin Arnhout- son, as our then Cheife Cofnando";, had it ben only verbaly, ware Equivealent with his Coiliision vnto vs that was Equally Concearned in the stormeing & takeing y^ Same, Butt more Espeatially for the keepeing Possesion & mantayneing our Princes Prerogatiues & Priveleadges w''' wee had for the Honno'' of our Prince before so gained by our Swoards with the Loss of our Blood and Perrill of our Liues. 3'^: Because of the Great ^vocations of and Insolencies Coinited Appendix. 367 by the English in theire first abuseing and Plundering ou"" Subiects, And Conquered Places before euer wee Assumed to medle with anny of yo'' jnhabytants vessels, w^."* is more Fully Explayned heere- after in the first & Second Recited iniuryes wee haue Sustayned. 4^ : we had Sofitient Reason because wee ware not vnsensable that verry Places thus for our Prince Gained him by vs hath in all Changes of Govermen* ben a Lowed a distincke Priveledg Place of Trayd ; and all psones Attempting So to trayd without Licence from the then Present ppriato''s to be made Lyable to be made Prize on ; & that both vessells and Goods, w''' Propriato''s at p''sent wee owne our Selues to bee in the behalfe and for the vse of the Prince of Orrange, to whome only we are Legaly accomptable for what we haue doune. 5'^ : Because we ware farther Sensable that the Authoritye of this jurrishdiction hath taken Such Cognizence of our Last foregoing Reasons as hath made it a Ground to Establish a Law, as in Pag: 75, Granting Libertye to anny Private Parson, as an inhabytant, To zeise both vessell and Goods of anny so trading in the persincts of this Jurrishdiction, and Therefore warrantable for vs to mantayne those formar Priveledges, as we mind the vindication and mantayne- ing of the Honno'' Prerogatiue and Priveledges of our Great Prince in this his highneses Territories Gaind him by vs As afiforesaid, 6'*' : Because wee being jletterate ouf Selues, or at Least the prin- ceples of vs. The Consideration of the Aprobation of the Authoritye of this Place, Aproueing of ou^ Comando" Comision Manufasted by Admiting vs not only to sell and share our Plundo^ heere, but yo"" Authoritye Eyeing our Great Gunns for the vse & Safegaurd of this verry Jurrishdiction, Confirmed our judgmen'? in the Legality of our pseedings and actions. 7 : Because those Coiiiando''' of the vessells wee did so take & make Prize off ware only such men whome wee had forbiden and Given fore warning not to Coin to trayd or p''sume on our Prive- leadges in these our masters psinctes vppon the Perrill of Being made Price, w".'' we Legaly might according to the Practis of Sum of 368 Appendix. the Inhabetants of this Jurisdiction when they had the Powre as ppriato'^ of the very Same places ; vvitnes the Case of Cap Spenser & others ; but wee ware so favorable as tooke only there Peltrye. 8. Because further, what wee haue acted hath not bin out of anny Mallace or Prejudize wee haue to this Cuntrey or ile will to the Authoritie thereof, but out of a tru Souldiers of Fortunes intrest and vallou";, and an vpright, Honnest heart to Mantayne the Honnof, Priveleadges, & Prerogatiues of our Prince, w'.'' wee haue Lately Espoused in his highneses jntrest in new holland, Allias Nova Scotia, etc« And thus haueing Given the Honno'**''^ Court sum Princeple Groundes and reasons w''!' we make for our defence and vindecation, shall in the Third Place, with Leaue, give the Bench a short acC: of the jnjuries wee haue Sustayned And Abuisses given vs by yof in- habetents, and then Leaue to yo' worships Breasts to Consider weather wee haue not benne Sofitiently pvoaked to a acted with farr Create"^ Seuerritye then as yett wee haue donn. if Gamshake Fort, w'^'' wee Left for a Garrison for those that wee Left behind, in w^'' wee putt Sum of the Honnestest and Poorer Soart of the Formar Inhabytents that Submited themselues to vs in y^ Possesion theire of, and to keepe the Same for the vse of ou"" Prince vntill Sume of vs Retorned ; but George HoUett, Rich. Suiet, And John Greene, in octobef Last, went to Port Royall, & from thence Trance Ported Frenchmen, our Enemies, to the Said Fort, & Setled them theire, Furnishing of them with Arms, Amonition, & Goods ; that when wee Came to S' Johns Riuer in ordo! to Posses the said Fort, The French, so setled by them, maintayned it against vs, and, being winter time, wee Could pseed no farther, but Retreated to Penobscott and the other of our Conquared Places, whare wee found those wee Left there welcoming vs and Redely yealding there obe- dience to vs ; w'" thing, when Coin to vnderstand, wee thought it straing that yo'' inhabytants should not only indeauoer to Cercomvent vs of the Priveledges of our trayd with the Indians, the w^"" they might, one would a thought, haueing taken there share thereof, a Appendix. 369 benn Contented, and not a medled with states matters in furnishingf the French, ou*" Enemies, and Suporting of them against y^ Dutch, (with whome you are at Amytie), and that in ou^ Princes owne Cun- trye. So that how this is Consistant with the Late Articles of Peace made betwext our Great masters, wee Leaue for the wise to judg. 2'^ : The jnhabytants of Pemequick or quid & severall EngHsh Fishermen Came to Penobscott, whare did not only Breake vpp the Plankes of our Demolished Fort and Gott out y" Iron worke and Spikes & Carryed them away, but also Robed, pilidged, & Plun- dered ou*" Poore Subiects theire, w'"' wee Left to keepe Possesion for our Prince till we Retvrned of all theire pvition and store w^'' wee Left them for to Sustayne their Poore Famelyes in the hard winter that nessetated The men to Leaue there wifes and Children to Joyne with the Indians, and with them Runn in the woods a hunting for there Famelyes to Keepe them from starueing, whilst yo"" English had taken there pvition as aforesaid from them \ soe that when wee Re- torned, those our Subiects presently welcoming of vs Gaue vs a ptickeler accompt thereof, & with all declareing to vs that the abuises they so Receved From the English was tenne times worse then when the dutch first Came and tooke there Forts ; and all this was done before euer wee offered to take anny of yo'' vessels, according to our third Reason, before Recited. 3'^: On march the lo':" Last Thomas Coole, of Nantaskett, on of yo"" Inhabytants, Came to maythyas, a place whare wee had built A Trayding howse and Layd in a stocke of Goods, the said Coole Came a shoare with his boat full of men. Armed with Gunns, Pistels, swoards, whare, finding but foure of our men, takes them at a disad- vantadge, Surprizes ther psons Prisonors, Riefels and Plundo" ou' house, and Carryes away all our Peltry and other trading Goods, Plucks Downe our Princes Flagg as it was Flying, & Carryes our men Prisoners aboard his vessell, and in pticuler binds Randall judgsons Arms behind him and torned him ashoar for foure nights & foure dayse with out anny shelter or Couering in that Could 47 370 Appendix. Season, but in that Condition to be Left as a pray to the mercye of his Enemies, had they found him, and all this without anny Powre or Coiiiision from anny Authoritye ; so that how farr this Lookes like Pirazie, wee Leaue the jmpartiall to judg. 4'^: Geo: Mailing, after that Ciuell vsedg shewed to him at our first takeing of him, that he should so Secritly, in a treacherous way, Contriued and Designed to murdor our Cap', & after discovered, and our men all aboard our owne vessel!, to Cora vp vnexspectedly and Attempt to fire a broad side of smale shott vppon vs, who Could a done Less in there own defence then wee did ? yett wee Rewarded him Good for his Euell, as witnes Geo: mafiings owne Letters to m[ John Freake; this Likewise wee desire may be Considered, with its Cercomstances. 5'^: vppon CapV Moselyes takeing of vs, this Geo: mailing Re- uoalts fro vs, being then vndoy both our Coiiiand, jmploy, & hire, both for men and vessell, and with a Lye in his mouth he betrayes vs, and afterwards fires vppon vs or Fights vs vndo"" dutch ou' owne Princes Collors ; and how like New England Pirazie or Pirates this may be tearmed, w"'' Law of Pirazie defines those that Rise vpp in Rebellion against ther Comando'.', marchan?, owno", or Imployers, to be, such wee Leaue to the jmpartiall oppinion of this Honnor"*"^ Bench to judg, etc. 6'^ : whilst wee ware thus taken by Cap" Mosely, hee had before Furnished a French man, our Enemie, with both men & force to assist him against vs ; and after wee So Submited, he Plundo'.' vs of all wee had Gotten the whole Winter, not only by ou'' Swoards from ou"" Enemies, but all that w""'' wee had trayded with the stocke w'^.'' wee Carryed out of Boston with vs, and also all our owne Goods & the Remaindol" of the Goods w'^'' wee had on the Credit of those Merch*f in Boston to whome wee are still obleiged, and thus Brings vs all away from our Princes Cuntrey, Leaueing it to be Sirpriz'^ by OUT Enemies, whilst hee by his Consoarts Reapes the Great Benefitt & Advantadg of our Spring trayd, and that with our Goods, And wee kept Close Prisono'^ all the while, and not Admited neither our owne Appendix. 371 nor yet a Copia of our Coruission or ordo? from Cap" Vrin Arn- houthson, our Cheife Comando^ and Papers taken from vs By Capp" Mosely, by w'.'^ wee should better be Capassitated to make our De- fence, Although hath ben Requested of Cap" Mosely Severall times ; and how farr these actions are Consistant with the Maintaynence of that Amycable Peace made betwext ou"" Great masters for there Subiects in these Parts thus to act, wee Leaue to the wisdom of the Prudent jmpartialy to Judg Whome are the Trancegressers, ef". Thus may it Please the Hon^'':'*' Court, haueing Given Sum shoart accompt of the Princaple Iniuries wee haue sustayned, Craue only yo!" Patience to Give vs Leaue with Submition, in the fourth And Last Place, to Present you with Sume few Conseptions of ou": owne as an Aditiiiall matter for our Defence And Confirmation of our Rea- sons before Recited, ^ that Grounded vppon either Precept or Example of This verry Jurisdiction, viz", if Wee humbly Conceue if our first Coinison, Given Cap" vrin Arnhouthson, By vertue of w'.'' wee tooke the Cuntrye, be warranta- ble, & by Law Legall, then as we ware j)portionably Concearned & Parties in that Expedition, all that wee haue acted for the Keepeing Posesion & Mayntayning the Priveledges of the Same for the Honno"" of ouf Prince is alike warrantable and by Law Legall ; for if the Cuntry thus Gained becomes thereby pperly the stats of hollands Land, then all the intrest and Priveledges of trayd in those his high- neses pSinckes Belongs to the Hollands o'' likewise. 2^. \ Wee Humbly Conceue that if the Authoritye of this Place, when they first saw our Coinando''^ Coinision and had a full & tru accomp" of our Actions, jn there wisdom had not benne well & fully Satisfied jn the justis or justness and Legalytie of our Enterprizes, they would not a Suffered anny Such Goods or Plundo'; Soe vniustly taken to a benne Receued or Sould Amongst yo"" jnhabytants. By Reason (Receuers And takers in A Sence are termed a like), But Rather, by a Discountenanceing the Same, would A bear a testymony against vs as an Enterprize vn Lawfull, and so ile legal!, etc. Butt ou- CoiTiision and Enterprize, by this Authoritye, was so well Aproued 372 Appendix. on & Satisfied in, as boath ou"" Coinando^ & men ware Civelly treated and Admited to share and Sell our Plundoy to yo"" Inhabytent, and our Great Gunns, Bought By yo'' Authoritye for the farther Safe- guard And vse of this verry Collony, and therefore vnto vs Con- firmes our Enterprize and Actions to be boath Lawfull, warrantable, and Legall, By w"'' this Authoritye also hath Confirmed our first before Recited Reason, etc., as we humbly Conceue. 3'f Wee Humbly Conceue that should wee out of zeale for the Honno"" of ou'' Prince through our want of judgmen' as being jleiter- rate or misvnderstanding of ou'' ordo" Goe beyond our Coiiiision in anny of the acts wee haue donne, Wee are accomptable only to ou' Prince For the Same, at whose marcie wee are, who is Sofitiently Respond to make Good anny jnjurie his Subiectes Doth (weather it be Reall or in Pretence), vndo'' a Collo'' of his name or Athorietye, he haueing Security given in hollonds from all pravateteers to make good y*" same before there Comision is granted. 4'?': Wee Humbly Conceue that as ou' Accusations toucheth Life, that wee are not Lyable to answare anny such charge heere ; neither doe wee beleeue the Authoritye of this Place is pper for the tryall and detcrmening this our Case (at Least without a joynt consent) by Reason the I'act wee are Charged with was Donne in the Hol- lando' Cuntrye, Farr Enough out (with Submition) of the Powre of the Charto' of this jurishdiction, the Case and matter indefferrance arriseing there by Sum English of the inhabytants of this Collonys intreanching vppon the Prince of orrange, ou! Great masters trayd & Priveledges in his owne pSincte ; and that without anny ordo": or Comision from either anny Authoritye or ppriato' to jmpowre them soe to doe but at the ownly Hazard of theire owne fortunes of being made Lyable to be made Prise off. 5'^: Wee Humbly Conceue againe, that the Esentiall Part of this Differrence Lyeth not so much in Meum & tueum of Single psons Litrcst properly, as matters of Genarall Priveledges and Princely Prerogatiues. And therefore none but ou! Great masters or Sume j mediately Authorized from them, is Legally Capable to take Cogni- Appendix. 373 zence thereof, So as to Contradict vs or hindof vs in ou' Dutys as obleiged by ou' oaths, & in Ilonno'' to mantayn to ou' Powre for ou' Prince all Formar Priveledges in this ou' Case vntill wee are Contradicted by ou' Superiours of ou' Great Masters Leige Subiectes, etc. 6'^: Wee Humbly Conceue if yo' Honno" Please only to Consult yof owne Lawse and Record, and but Exarsize yo' Refletiue P'acul- ties by Lookeing back on the Practises in yo' Remembrances, you will find Such Parellell Cases with ours to bee tearmed warrantable and Legall. That Putt vs to a startle how wee Can be questioned for ou[ Lines with Pirazie without Breach of yo"^ owne Law, Page 143, Grant- ing Libertye for straingers to haue Equall Priveledges of justis as yo' owne inhabytants without Parshallitye, and that wee may Cleare this ou' Argumen! wee shall indcauoer to Euince the Honno'able Bench with the truth of ou' Assertion, by Sum pticuler Instances w'^'' wee may appeale to the Contiences of Sum of yo' Honno? Breasts, for the verrytie of a Good Part theireof, viz". (i") Instance Maio' Sedgwicke, that well Knowne Worthy Com- ando. whome jn his Comision for these parts, Doubtles, by pticuler instructions was Designed agst new yoarke, the Dutch being then Declared enimies Although his CoiTiision at Lardg against anny of the protecto'' Enemies (if sum of vs then ware not mis informed), but when he Came heere, before he Could Gett Redy, newse of peace betwext the two states Came that torned his Expedition another way to these verry French Forts, w'^'' places after so taken became the then states of Englands Lands trayd and Priveledges w'.** was by this Authoritye Counted warrantable and Lawfull. A Case pellell with our first before recited Reason, whare ou' Cap'/ CoiTiision though in Genarall tearmes against ou' Princes Enimies yet pticu- lerly I'Lxpressed to Coin to these Parts on the Coasts of vergina against the English, our Enemies, as the Dutch ware then, but sence our Coming Into these parts, the welcom newse of Peace Came be- twext ou' Great Masters that torned our Expedition another way, to 374 Apperidix. the makeing ou'selues Masters of the selfe same Forts and Places now gained from ou*^ Declared Enemies ; and therefore those Lands, trayd, And Priveledges of Nova Scotia are now properly becom the staits of Hollands Proprietye, and so with Submision wee humbly Conceue alike Lawfull & warrantable. (2) Instance, Those officers and Souldiers, maio' Sedgwicke Left behind to keepe posesion Looked at it as theire Dutye to mantayne those Priveledges of trayde in those parsincts w""" they ware actiue in Gaineing by the Swoard, for doeing of w"'' they ware not Deemed Pirates, but by this Authoritye Such actions then ware accompted iust and Legall ; a Case parelell with ou' Second before recited Rea- son, Wee being psons Equally ingaged in the Gaineing the Places with the Loss of ou[ Blood and Perrell of our hues, and thereby obleiged to mantayne the Priveledges thereof, & therefore ou' Actions therein a Like Legall. (3) Instance Both in Maior Sedgwick & Collonall temples tyme, and all other chang of Govermen" those vessells that hath Presumed to a traided with the Indians in those psinctes without Lycence from the Propriato" hath Ben Deemed by this Authoritye Law Full Priztis (to pticulerize the Case of Cap' Spencer not out of memory), A Case pelell with ou' 3 before Recited Reason. Where, we being for ou' Prince till farther ordor the psent ppriato""". Such vessells Coming not only without ou' Leaue, but in Contempt to vs, after fare warning, to vsurp fiom vs our trayd and Priveledges, becoiiis Legaly a like Lawfull Prize. (4) againe ; for anny Private inhabytent in this jurrishdiction to zeise and make Prize both of vessell and Goods of anny So trayding in this Jurishdiction it is by yo' Law, Page 75, warrantable, w''' Case is pelell with ou"' fourth before recited Reason, whare wee in like nature Acting for the Priveleadges for ou^ Prince in his Territories may with Submision to yo' Honno Judgm'; be a like warrantable. So that wee thinke we may say we haue either by Preceipt or Ex- ample of the Practises or Lawse of this Cuntry for to justifie the Legallitye of what wee haue donn without being deemed Pirates, the Appendix. 375 Cercomstances of w":** with submition shall Leaue to the Breasts of the Hon'';'"-' Court to seriously Consider. Butt seventhly, and in the last Place, with out troubling yC Hon- no's farther wee Humbly Conceue that if the Authoritye vppon heereing and Debateing our Case see Ground to acquit vs, as we see no Cause to the Contraye ; yett wee Cannot but pswade ou'Selues that there might be Such a Coiiiodations propossed or found out as Rationaly might Reconsile all psons agreeable or injured on boath sides ; that so our masters might heere only of the Amicable accord- ing of theire Leige Subiects in these Parts of ou' Great masters ter- ritoryes. . . . Thus may it please the Hon^"*?'" Court, having vouch- safed vs yo' Patienc, now to beare with our Copiaousnes, Exscuseing ou' obserdityes, Pardon ou' Bouldnes and Accept of this ou' Deffence and decleration as wee are not only in the vindecation of ou' persons Arraigned for ou' Liues, but the Honnor Priveledges and Preroga- tiues of ou' Prince w*"" as Swoarn Subiects wee are in Good Contience to ou' Gods, tru valour as Souldiers, and Loyaltye to ou' Lord and master, obleiged to mantayne to the Last Drop of Blood in ou- Bodyes. And Surely then wee that hath So oft Hazearded and jeoperded our liues for triefels or things of Nought, wee hope shall not vppon So Honorable accompt be affrieghted at the threating of Death, for its not that wee feare, being Consceous to our selues That it is not imposeble for men by the Subtlety of there Adversaryes to be Cheated out of there sweet liues when in justis they Cannot be taken from them ; but blessed be God that we haue not only Ground to hope, but beleeue our Lott is not Cast in such a place, but amongst mersifull judges, and men so feareing God as we doubt not but will judge for God. And then will before judgmen' Consider That what wee haue Donne and acted against anny of the Inhabytents of this Jurishdiction hath Benne from the Reasons Before Expressed, and not out of anny Piraticall designe, or mallas to the Cuntrye, but in Honno- and Aleigence to ou' Prince ; and if we haue Earred therein wee hope the Honorable Court will impute it Rather to ou' ignorance then anny mischeife Designed by vs ; and thus Beseaching the 376 Appetidix. Hon''';''' Court with the most favourable Construction of our Lynes to way the varrieous Cercomstances of this our Defence in the Bal- lance of a tru and jmpartiall judgmen' To which End that wisdom may be a directorye therein, wee doe Submissiuely Conclude, Sub- scribing ou' Selues Loyall Subiects To ouf Great mastef the Prince of Orrang, And yo' Honno? Closs Confined Prisono'', to Doe with all in justis As wisdom shall Dirrecte. wee Subscribe fo' ou' selues \ And our Asociates / or Soldiers ■ ' his PeTTER X RODRIGO. mark Jn° Rhoades Randall Judson Richard Fowler Peter Grant John Thomas Jn° Williams. his Cornelius x Andreson. mark all these in open Court owned this pap' or their declaration to be there deffence to y'^ Court as \f^ may, 1675. E. R., S. No. 13. Page 153. THE COMMISSION OF JOHN RHOADE.i The Directors of the Privileged Genej'al West India Company of the United Netherlands. To all those who shall see or hear these presents — Greeting :■ Know, that whereas, in the year 1674, Captain Jurriaen Aer- nouts, Master of the Frigate The Flying Horse, from Curagoa, and ^ The originals of thie Commissions of John Rhoacle and Cornelis Steen- wyck, and the other documents included in No. 13 of the Appendix, are in the possession of the New York Historical Society. Translations of the same are printed in General De Peyster's mono- graph, The Dutch at the North Pole and the Dutch in Maine : New York, 1857. -H. Appendix. 377 charged with a Commission of his Highness the Prince of Orange, has conquered and subdued the coasts and countries of Nova Scotia and Acadie, in which expedition was also present and assisted, with advice and force, John Rhoade : Therefore, we, after consulting the demand of the aforesaid Rhoade, to estabhsh himself in the aforesaid countries, and to remain there, and to maintain himself, have consented and permitted, and do con- sent and permit hereby, that the aforesaid Rhoade, in the name and by the consent of the General West India Company, shall take pos- session of the aforesaid coasts and countries of Nova Scotia and Acadie, in whatever place of that district it may please him, to build houses, and to establish, to cultivate, and to keep in repair, planta- tions ; that he may trade and negotiate with the natives, and all others with whom the State of the United Netherlands and the aforesaid Company is in peace and alliance : in the first place, to send hither and thither his own goods and merchandize, after paying the duties to our Company ; in the second place, to defend and maintain himself against every foreign and domestic power of enemies. Also, we charge and command our Managers, Captains, Ship-Masters, and all other officers in the service of our Company, and we request all persons who do not belong to our Company, not to trouble or dis- turb the aforesaid Rhoade ; but, after shewing this Commission, to assist him in the execution thereof, and to give him all help, aid, and assistance. Given at Amsterdam, Sept. 11, 1676. Gasper Pellicorne. For Ordinance of the aforesaid Directors. C. QUINA. 48 378 Appetidix. COMMISSION OF CORNELIS STEENWYCK. TJie Directors of the Privileged Genei^al West India Company of the United Netherlands. All those who shall see or hear these presents — Greeting : Know, that we, being convinced that the wealth of this Company would be greatly increased by the cultivation of those lands and places under the jurisdiction of our aforesaid grantees, and that it will be useful that these aforesaid lands and places should not remain uninhabited, but that somebody be duly settled there, and populate the country ; and afterwards thinking on expedients by which the navigation, commerce, and traffic of the aforesaid Company, and of all others who belong to it, may after some time be increased and augmented ; so is it that we, wishing to put our useful intention in execution, for the aforesaid and other reasons, by which we are per- suaded; following the second article of our aforesaid grant, and by the authority of the high and mighty States-General of the United Netherlands, and upon mature deliberation of the Council, have committed and authorized, and we do commit and authorize Cor- NELis Steenwyck, in the name of, and for, the High and Mighty and the Privileged General West India Company, to take possession of the coasts and countries of Nova Scotia and Acadie, including the subordinate countries and islands, so far as their limits are ex- tended, to the east and north from the River Pountegouycet ; and that he, Steenwyck, may establish himself there, and select such places for himself, in order to cultivate, to sow, or to plant, as he shall wish. Moreover, to trade with the natives of the country, and all others with whom the Republic of these United Netherlands and the afore- said Company are in peace and alliance, to negotiate and to traffic in the goods and merchandizes belonging to them, send them hither and thither, and fit out ships and vessels for the large and small fisheries, to set the cargo ashore, to dry and afterwards to sell them, Appendix. 379 so as he shall think it best ; and, generally, to sustain and maintain himself and his family, by no other than honest means. Moreover, that he, Steenwyck, in the name of the High and Mighty, and of the General West India Company, will be admitted to make contracts and alHances and engagements with the natives of that country ; also to build some forts and castles, to defend and to protect himself against every foreign and domestic force of ene- mies or pirates ; and also to admit and to protect all other persons and famihes who wish to come under obedience to the Company, if they swear due faithfulness to the much esteemed High and Mighty, as their highest Sovereign Magistrate, to his Highness, My Lord the Prince of Orange, as the Governor-Captain and Admiral- General, and to the Directors of the Privileged West India Company. That, moreover, the aforesaid Steenwyck, with the title and power of Manager and Captain, will provide, deliver, and execute everything that belongs to the conservation of these countries ; namely, — The maintenance of good order, police, and justice, as would be required according to the laws and manners of those countries ; and, principally, that the true Christian reformed religion is practised within the limits of his district, after the usual manner ; that Steen- wyck, according to this, may place some one — if he is a free-born subject — in his office ; who, in name and authority, moreover, with the title and a power as aforesaid, may take possession of the afore- said countries to establish himself there ; and further, to do and execute all those things whereto Steenwyck himself, in aforesaid manner, is authorized ; all those things, nevertheless, without ex- penses, charges, or any kind of burdens to the Company ; and with the invariable condition that the aforesaid Steenwyck, or the per- son whom he might place in his office, will be obliged to execute the present Commission and authorization within the next eighteen months, or that by negligence or failure thereof it will be in our faculty and power to give such a Commission and authorization to 380 Appendix. other persons than Steenwyck, or his Lieutenant, without any reference to this present one. Moreover, that the aforesaid Steenwyck, or whom he shall commission, and who establish himself within the limits of that particular, privileged, and conceded district, shall have freedom and immunity of all rights and recognizances for the time of six years successively. At last, and to conclude, that the aforesaid Steenwyck, or his Lieutenant, within the limits of the aforesaid district, will have the right to distribute to others such countries and places for Colonies and farms as he shall think best ; and that the managers and prin- cipals of those Colonies and farms, for the time of six years, shall be entirely possessed of the aforesaid rights and recognizances. We command and charge all our Directors, Managers, Captains, Masters of ships, and all our other officers who may belong to them, that they will have to acknowledge, to respect, and to obey, the aforesaid Cornelis Steenwyck, or his Lieutenant, as Manager and Captain, within the limits of the aforesaid district ; and to pro- cure, to give, and to afford him every help, aid, and assistance in the execution thereof, — seeing that we find it useful for the service of the Company. Given in Amsterdam, October 27, 1676. Gasper Pellicorne. For Ordinance of the aforesaid Directors. C. QUINA. Most Honorable, Valiant, and Honest Beloved, Faithful : In answer to the remonstrance of your brother-in-law, Nicolaas, the Governor, we have thought convenient to send your Honor the enclosed Commission and authorization, being the permission to take possession of the coasts and countries of Nova Scotia and Acadic, so far as its limits are extended from the River Pentegoiiet, to the east and north, in the name and upon the authority of the High and Mighty States-General of the United Netherlands and the Appejidix. 38 1 Privileged West India Company, confirming all such conditions as your Honor will see himself, by reading the aforesaid Commission. But our intention is not to prejudice a Commission of the ii"" Sept'r last, given to John Rhoade, a native of England, was helping to conquer and subdue the aforesaid coasts and countries in the year 1674, under the direction of Capt. Jurriaen Aernouts. A Copy of that aforesaid Commission is herewith, as witness for you: — We have commanded the aforesaid Rhoade to give your Honor, from time to time, his advice in regard to the state of affairs, and as to what could be done for them by virtue of our aforesaid Commis- sion, and we hope that it will be observed by him. Moreover, we ask and desire eagerly, that as soon as your Honor shall have taken possession of the aforesaid lands, or may have sent somebody there in his name, you will tell us the state of affairs there, and also what kind of business could there be practised with gain and advantage ; also to let us know all those things which you may think advantageous for us to know. If, afterwards, there should be found any minerals in any place there, we wish that your Honor would send us some samples, with, and besides, your opinion and advice in order to decide upon it. Finally, we command your Honor to do all that which may increase the wealth of our Company. Wherewith finishing, we commend you to the protection of God. Amsterdam, October 27, 1676. Gasper Pellicorne. For Ordinance of the aforesaid Directors. C. QUINA. 382 Appendix. No. 14. Page 154. LETTER FROM THE DUTCH AMBASSADOR TO THE KING OF GREAT BRITAIN. Au Roy de la Grande Breiagne, Le soubsigne Ambassadeur Extraordinaire de Messeigneurs les Estats des Provinces Unies se trouve oblig6 par ordre expres de ses Maistres de representer a sa Maj*^ qu'iin Capitaine nomme Juriaen Aerents Commendant le vaisseau Le Cheval de poste de Curassao estant party du dit Curassao avec commission du Gouverneur de cett' isle, et s'estant rendu Maistre des Forts Penatscop, et de S' Jan appartenants aux Francois, et situez sur la Riviere Pontegouet qui est du Nord de I'Amerique dans Les Paifs de la Nouvelle France, et y aiant laisse une partie de ses Gens pour la garde des dites places et pour traffiquer avec les peuples du Pays d'alentour. II a plu aux Anglois qui sont a Boston d'attaquer a main armee les gens y laissez en garnison, de les faire prisonniers, et de raser les forti- fications y faites dans la seule veue de n'y pas souffrir d'Hollandois. Ce qu'estant une violation ouverte du Traiete de la Paix faite avec Sa Maj-. Elle est tres humblement price du faire punir exemplairement les coupables, et d'envoyer les ordres necessaires pour le promt re- lachement des dits prisonniers et la restitution des dits Forts avec entier dedommagement. A Windsor ce ^^l'^^^^ 1675 C. Van Beuningen.i ^ Copied from the original in the English State-Paper Office. — H. Appendix, 383 No. 15. Page 155. ORDERS IN COUNCIL. At Whitehall, February the ii"' i67s[-6]. Present the King's Most Excellent Majesty. Upon the Memoriall of the Ambassador Ex- The Bostoners in traordinary of the States General of the United New England to An- Provinces representing that Capt. Jurian Aren- swer the Complaint Commander of the Shipp Flying Horse of OF THE Dutch Ambr. ^ ' , . . , ^ ' ^ . . ^ Curasso, having received a Commission irom the Governor of that Island, made himself Master of the Forts of Penotscop and S' John, belonging to the French, situated upon the river of Pentagolt in 'the North of America in New France, and having left part of his men there, for the defense of the said places, and to trade with the inhabitants thereabouts, the English of Boston did by force of armes attack the men left in Garrison in the said places, made them Prisoners, and razed the Fortifications, upon no other consideration but because they would not suffer any Hollander there ; Praying his Majestic to cause exemplary punishment to be inflicted upon the Offenders, and to send requisite Orders for the speedy setting at liberty the Prisoners, and restitucion of the said Forts, with satisfaction for damages. It is this day Ordered that a Copie of the said Memoriall be sent unto the Magistrates of Boston in New England, who are hereby required to return their answer to said Complaint, That so 'his Majestic understanding the nature of the Fact may give such order as is agreeable to justice therein. And the Right Hon*^'" M' Secretary Williamson is to prepare a letter for his Majesties Signature accordingly. [Charles II., vol. xii. 119.]^ 1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc, xxxii. (4th Series), 286, 287. — H. 384 Appendix. Here follows the King's letter : — The King's Letter to the Governor and Council of Massachusetts. Charles R. Trusty and welbeloved. We greet you well. Whereas the Amb". Extraord*: of the States Generalls of the United Provinces hath complained unto Us, that Cap' Juriaen Arenson Coiiiander of the ship Flying Posthorse of Curassao having received a Com- mission from the Gouvernor of that Island, and made himself master of the Forts Penatscop and S' John belonging to the French scitu- ated upon the River Pountegoult in the West of America in New- France, and having left part of his men there for the defence of the said places, and to trade with the Inhabitants thereabouts. That some English belonging to Boston did by force of armes attack the men left in Garrison in the said places, made them prisoners and razed the fortifications upon noe other consideration, as is pretended, but because they would not suffer any Hollander there. We having taken the same into Our Royall consideration, have thought fit by the advice of our Privy Councill to send a Copy of the said Memoriall to you, and to require you to returne your speedy answer to the said complaint, that soe We understanding the nature of the Fact may give such order as is agreable to Justice therein, in pur- suance of the good correspondence between Us and the said States. And soe We bid you farewell. Given at Our Court at Whitehall the iS"" day of February i67f in the eight and twentieth yeare of Our Reign. By His Maj'>^= Command. J. Williamson. To our Trusty and welbeloved The Gouvernor and Councill of the Massachussets Colony in New England.^ ^ Copied from the original in English State- Paper Office. — H. Appendix. 385 No. 16. Page 156. ANSWER OF THE GOVERNOR AND COUNCIL OF MASSACHU- SETTS TO THE MEMORIAL OF THE DUTCH AMBASSADOR.! To THE King's most Excellent Majesty: The answer of the Gouerno": & Councill of the Mattachusetts Colony to the complaint exhibited against them by the extraordi- nary Embassado' of the Lords States Generall of the United Prov- inces, January 22^ i^/f, which came to o'. hands Sept' 3'? 1676. That Capt' Jurian Aronson, Coinand' of the Ship Flying Post horse of Curassoa, haveing received Coiiiission from the Gouernof of that Island, made himselfe Master of the Forts Penatskop and S' John, belonging to the French and scituate upon the River Pente- goult in the North of America in New France, and having left part of his men there for defence of the s"! place and to trade with the Inhabitants thereabouts : The English of Boston have thought fit by force of armes to attack the men left in garrison — in the s'* place making them prison-' and raceing theire Fortification made upon no other consideration but because they would not suffer any Holland" there ; which being an open violation of the treaty of peace, &c. That Capt" Jurian Aronson CoiTiandr of the Ship Flying Post horse of Curassoa came into the harbour, in the Mattachusetts, in the yeare 1674, and applied himselfe to the Gouernoy to have liberty to come up to Boston to repaire & revictuall his Ship, hee having been at the River of Pentegoult and there made himselfe Master of the Fort & brought the French Gouerno^ his prison- Shewing his Coinission for what hee had done ; which Coiiiission was against English as well as French ; the Gouerno- having the proclamation of the peace agreed between his Majesty and theire Lordships, granted him the s'' Capt" Liberty according to his desire to come up with his Ship ; who informed the Gouerno- that hee had not left any men to keepe possession of his conquest ; but had dismantled ! Mass. Archives, Ixi. 134-136. — H. 49 386 Appendix. the Fort and brought away the gunn's. The Capt" having fitted his Ship and dispatched his buisness, hee came to the Gouerno- to take his Leave and have a permit for his Sayling ; at which time the Gouerno' asked him if hee had given Coiiiission to any to goe and keepe that Country or any part of it, or whither hee had given to any a coppie of his Coiiiission to that end ; hee said hee had given no CoiTiission nor a coppie of his, nor would hee give any, for that hee would not make himselfe liable to answer for others' actions, this was in October 1674. at his departure hee left in Boston sever- all that had been of his company iii the former action — Viz| John Rhodes, a Boston man, and four other English — two of them of Boston — with one Cornelius Andreson, a dutchman, and Peter Rod- rigo, a Flanderkin ; The Gouerno- hearing that there were of those men going forth to those parts, sent for John Rhodes, being informed that hee was the principall, and demanded of him whither hee was goeing, hee saide a trading to the Eastward, being asked whither hee nor any of the company did not goe to take vessells that were coasting and trading there, hee answered no, nor had they any CoiTiission so to doe. In december following William Waldron made his complaint to the Gou'. & Councill, that upon the Seas coming homeward, hee was met with by Cornelius Andreson, John Rhodes, and some others in a Vessell, out of which they fired two guns at him, & coiiianded him to anchor ; they came on board him, and forceably tooke from him beaver, with other peltry & small Purr's to value of about £,60 Sterl. & carried himselfe & goods by force on board theire vessell, and there forced him to Set his hand to a writing drawn by John Rhodes that they had taken from him nothing but peltry, and had taken it in New Holland. After, in February 167I John Freake, Merchant, made complaint that hee had a small vessell, under the coriiand of George Manning, bound homewards on a Voy- age from the Eastward, by accident was met withall in the River of S' John by John Rhodes & Some Dutchmen his complices, in a small Vessell sometime in the month of Deccmb- last past ; who over- powering them with men, piratically Seized his s.' Vessell & goods Appendix, 387 on board her, had wounded the Master & another of his company, and kept both Vessell, goods, & men ; Severall other of his Ma""'^ Subjects complained, some of them being of the Jurisdiction of the Mattachusetts, that the s'^ persons had robbed & plundered them ; who prayed that some course might bee taken for theire Security against them. Whereupon the Gou'. & Council taking the same into theire consideration what might bee requisite to bee done for the securing of the Inhabitants on shore & the navigation by Sea, concluded it necessary to send forth, that they might bee certainly informed by what Coinission the s'! persons and theire complices had so acted, and in case of theire resistance to bring them in by force, and for that end comissioned Capt" Sam" Moseley ; who in pursuance of his Coinission Seized & tooke John Rhodes, Peter Rodrigo, Peter Grant, Thomas Mitchel, and Edw''- Youring in the vessell that was Tho: Mitchels, whome they hired for a trading voy- age as by Charter party appeared ; afterwards hee also tooke the other vessell wherein Cornelius Andreson, John Thomas, & John Williams with others were, and returned to Boston with them the 2.^ of april 1675. Capt" Moseley bringing his prisoners before the Gouerno."' and Magistrates at Boston, who Examined them, whither they had done according to the complaints exhibited against them in Seizing goods & Vessells &c., they owned the Fact, but denied that they had done it piratically ; then it was demanded of them by what coinission they had done what was done in taking Vessells & goods from his Ma*'^' Subjects in a hostile way, and by wh authority they had robbed & plundered the Inhabitants of this Colony, all which was fully proved against them by honest men upon Oath; where- upon Peter Rodrigo produced a paper w'.'' three Scales according to the inclosed Coppie. Cornelius Andreson produced another of the like tenor without any Scale, which gave them no power to Seize any Vessell or goods, onely had liberty to trade, keepe the Country, & Saile upon the coast ; for which they were not Seized and im- prisoned ; but for piratycally Seizing the Vessells & goods that be- longed to his Ma"^' Subjects and so were coinitted in order to theire tryall. Peter Rodrigo, John Rhodes, Richard Fowler, Randolph 388 Appendix. Judson, Peter Grant, and Cornelius Andrcson, by the Grand] my were indicted severally by theire severall bills for such thcire pyraticall practices, and after, by the Jury of Tryalls all but Cor- nelius Andreson found guilty ; for which they were Sentenced to death ; but after repreived, and upon theire humble petitions to the Generall Court wherein they acknowledge the justness of the Courts proceedings, the s'l Court pardoned them for theire lives, but banished them the Colony upon pain of death unless they should obtain from authority leave to return. So that what was done in prosecution of that matter was not done because the Eng- lish would not suffer any Hollanders to bee nigh them ; but to pre- vent & suppress the pyraticall practices of English, Dutch, or other Nations. Of them that were brought to tryall there was but one Dutchman, Four Englishmen, & one Flanderkin, Wee did not nor do judge it tolerable for any Gouernment, much less for a Gouer'm' deriving theire authority from his Ma"." to Suffer any under pre- tence of theire useing the name of any Prince or State from whome they have derived no power, to associate themselves and by waycs of hostility molest peaceable and quiet minded Subjects in theire lawfull occasions ; So that had the matter been truly laide before the Lords States Generall, wee doubt not but theire Lordships would have seen the justice of o' proceedings at Boston — both by the law's of God, of all civill Nations, as well as the Law's of o' Col- ony, & no cause of complaint against the innocent whose principles, profession, & practices are against such proceeding as the complaint imparts : and wee doubt not but by the clemency & Justice of his Ma"'" o' Sovereign to bee justified in these o' just proceedings & have not been any violato'.' of the treaty of peace between his Ma"' and theire Lordships. This letter ^ or narrative is past by y" Council to be sent to one of his Maj'>" Secretary' of state to be presented to his Maj'*^ as an Answer to his Maj'^' Coiiiands. 5"' of October, 1676. Edw" Rawson, S(rre'\ ^ The draught of this letter in the Massachusetts Archives is in the hand- writinfr of Isaac Addincton. — H. Appefidix. 389 No. 17. Page 159. CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN THE STATES-GENERAL AND THE ENGLISH COURT RESPECTING THE ARREST AND TRIAL OF RHOADE AND OTHERS AS PIRATES, etc. The Dutch Ambassador to the Lords of the States-General} Westminster, August {^, 1679. Most High and Honorable Lords : My Lords, — The King returned yesterday to Windsor from his trip to Duyns and ror[t]smouth, having spent only so nnich time in these places as was allotted for that purpose. It is my intention to call this evening on His Majesty at Windsor. You, the Most High and Honorable, having ordered me to con- tinue the matter commenced by Mr. Beuningen, and which he did not finish, I have, therefore, at the request of the Directors of the West India Company, insisted upon the release and the indemnification of one John Rodes,^ who, being duly provided with a commission from the West India Company, had attempted to trade in New Scotland and Accadie on the Coast of America, and was prevented to do so by one Capt. Namton,^ who took away from him his ship and mer- chandise, and besides detained him as prisoner. In consequence of a Memorial preceding, I presented myself to Mr. Beuningen on the 2I5-* of May last, and requested indemnification for damages inflicted upon the citizens (or subjects) of the State by those of Boston in taking and destroying the two forts Penaskop* and St. John, which the Capt. Juriaan Arentsz^ with his ship, the Flying Horse, in the 1 This letter, and all the letters in 2 Rhoade is the proper spelling. — II. English that follow, were tninslated for ^ Knapton. — H. this volume from the Dutch by tlie Rev. ^ Penobscot. This name is variously J. W. Warnshuis, A.M., late pastor of spelled in this correspondence. — H. the Holland Reformed Church, New ^ Capt. Jurriaen Aernouts is the per- York, now pastor of the Reformed son referred to. — H. Church at Alton, Iowa. — H. 390 Appendix. year 1674 bad taken from the French, as you, the Most High and Honorable, will please learn from the accompanying Memorial, and would also order that in the future such excesses must not again take place. I was promised that in the near future an answer would be given me with reference to this matter, but by way of anticipa- tion, it was said that the King's orders were little obeyed by those of Boston and the adjacent colonies, that they consequently scarcely dare send goods in exchange or ships to England, since those colo- nists lived there in a kind of independent republics ; however, they would carefully consider every thing pertaining to the matter. It appears, etc. — Since the King is away and the members of the Council, nothing happens here worthy the knowledge of you, the High and Honorable ; wherefore for the present I will close, remaining, High and Honorable Lords, Your humble, obedient, and faithful servant, D. V. Leyden van Leeuwen. Here follows the Memorial mentioned above: — Au Roy de la Grande Bretagne : Le soubsign6 AmbassI ExL« de Messeigneurs les Estats Generaux des P?! Unies, a ordre de representer a Sa Majlf que, nonobstant qu'il soit sans contredit, qu'en I'annee 1674 le capitaine Juriaen Aer- nouts avec la fregatte le cheval volant, par ordre et commission de L. H. P. aye pris sur les franqois, les forteresses de Penatscop et Si Jean, situ6es sur la riviere de Pointegourt dans I'Amerique, dans la nouvelle Escosse et Arcadie, et qu'aynsi L. H. P. s'estans mis en possession par le droit de la guerre de ces terres appartenantes a leur ennemis. Les sujets de Sa Maj= establis a Boston ont entrepris sans aucune raison de chasser led! capHf Juriaen Aernouts de ses con- questes et de demolir les d!! forteresses, en un temps, que L. H. P. avoient I'honneur d'estre amis et allies de Sa Mail, et que depuis ceux du di Baston ayants pretendu la possession des difes terres ap- Appendix. 391 pertenantes a la compagnie Belgique des Indes Occidentales, jusques la, qu'un certain capitaine Namton se soyt say si de la personne, du vaisseau et des marcbandises de Jean Rodes, quoy qu'authorise des Directeurs de la susd. compagnie Belgique, par commission datce des jlj- Septembre 1676, pour trafficquer avec les peuples de la sus- dite Acadie et d'autant, que le Sr van Beuningen cy devant AmbL Exil a cette cour, aye au nom de L. H. P. demande, par une me- moire presente le W May 1679, reparation et chastiment exem- plaire dud. exces, et qu'il plaise a Sa Maj'i donner les ordres necessaires pour relacher et dedommager le dit Jean Rodes, in- terdisant a mesme temps ses sujets de ne plus troubler ceux de L. H. P. dans leur commerce et autres droits dans le susdi pais de 1. Acadie et que jusqu'a present on n'aye eu aucune reponce sur le susdl memoire. Le soubsigne Ambl 'Ex2 supplie treshumblement Sa MajH de vou- loir en toute equite et justice terminer sans plus long delay, cette affaire. Westminster, ce ^4 d'Aoust, 1679. Letter from the West India Company to the States-General. Aen de Hoogh Mogende Heeren Staten Generael DER Vereenigde Nederlanden. Hoogh Mogende Heeren, — Aengesien de Bewinthebberen van de Generale Geoctr: Westindische Compagnie deser landen, beright werden, dat seecker capiteyn off commissie vaerder, met name Jur- rian Aernouts, voerende 't schip genaemt 't Curacaosche vliegende postpaert, eenigen tydt geleden uyt de haven van Curacao, met be- hoorlycke commissie van den directeur aldaer is uytgeseylt, omme de vyanden van desen staet affbreuck te doen, ende dat uyt kraghte van dien, den voorn : capiteyn vervolgens van de Fransche heeft ingeno- men ende verovert de forten Penatscop en St. Jan, gelegen op de riviere Pountegouet alwaer hy eenige van syn volck hebbende gelaten 392 Appe7tdix. soo omme de possessie van de voorgedaghte plaetsen te behoudcn ende te maincteneren, als vvel, omme met de naturcllen aldaer te lande, in rust en vrede te trafficqueren ende te handelen, het gebeurt is, dat die van Baston, gehoorende onder syne Conincklycke Mayes- teyt van Groot Brittannien, hier van jalours synde, sigh niet ontsien hebben de aldaer geblevene personen, waervan U. Ho. Mog. de namen des noots gesuppediteert connen werden, vyantlyck aen te tasten, ende gevanckelyck na Baston voorsz. wegh te voeren, heb- bende alvoorens gedestrueert ende ter neder gcsmeten de logien ende seeckere vastigheyt, die de voorn : personen aldaer by provisie opge- reght ende gemaeckt hadden, contrarie den uytgedruckten text van het jongste vredens tractaet tusschen hoogstgedaghte syne Coninck- lycke Mayesteyt, ende desen staet gesloten, dicterende, dat naer expiratie van de respective termynen tusschen de wederzydsche volckeren ende onderdanen, soo buyten als binnen Europa, in alle landen, heerschappyen ende plaetsen, van derselver gebiedt aenstonts sullen comen op te houden, ende verboden syn alle acten van hos- tiliteyt ende vyantschap ende dat oversulcx ongeoorloft is naer het sluyten van soo een opreghte vaste en onverbrekelycke vrede directe- lyck ofte indirectelyck, onder wat prastext het oock sonde mogen wesen, te vernielen, beschadigen, aen te tasten, te bevegten ofte te spolieren des anders goederen, landen, ofte eenige van de ingesetencn van dien soo vinden de voorn : Bewinthebberen sigh ampts ende pligts halven genootdruckt U. Ho. Mo. hiervan by desen kennisse te geven, ende in aller onderdanigheyt te versoecken, dat het derselver goede geliefte sy, den heer Ambassadeur extraordinaris van desen staet by hoogstgedagte syne Conincklycke Mayesteyt, ende aen 't Hoff van Groot Brittannien voorsz. spccialyck aen te schryven ende te recommanderen, aldaer serieuse instantien ende devoiren aen te vvenden, ten eynde de personen, die in maniere, als vooren naer Baston gevanckelyck syn weghgevoert, ten alderspoedigsten op vrye voeten mogen gestclt werden, ende dat voorts meer hoogstgemelte syne Conincklycke Mayesteyt, die voorsieninge come te doen, ende alsulcken ordre te beramcn, dat van de voors : plaetsen met al den Appendix. 393 aencleven van dien, sender eenigh verhinder ofte empeschemcnt, daer ende sulcx behoorlyck is, costeloose en schadeloose restitutio magh geschieden. Tvvelck doende etc. Uyt den name van de Bewinthebberen als boven C. QuiNA, Letter of the Dutch Ambassador to the Lords of the States-General. Westminster, August \\, 1679. High and Honorable Lords: My Lords, — Since my last letter I have received the accompany- ing reply to my memorial, a copy of which was sent to you, the High and Honorable, on the y^^th instant, touching the releasing and the indemnification of John Rodes, and also the repairing of the excesses committed by those of the colony of Boston, in taking by force the forts Penatskop and St. John in New Scotland and Acadie, and since I have been informed in person that the position taken in my me- morial will need to be proven, as the King has returned it to the Commissioners, to whom it was referred, for the purpose of inform- ing him, and believing that the necessary papers for that purpose are in the hands of the authorized West India Company, I have, therefore, with the permission of you, the High and Honorable, written to them about the matter. It appears that His Majesty, etc. High and Honorable Your humble, obedient, and faithful Servant, D. v. Leyden van Leeuwen. Here follows the King's reply to the Memorial of the Dutch Ambassador : — Le roy ayant vu un mc^moire de son Ex'^f Monsieur van Leeuwen Ambassadeur Extra= de Messieurs les Estats Generaux en date du 4=" de ce mois contenant une plainte contre la colonic de Boston 50 394 Appendix. dans la nouvelle Angleterre, de ce qu'ils ont entrepris de chasser le capitaine Juriaen Aernouts, de ses conquestes, qu'il avoit fait sur les frangois en I'annee 1674 dans la nouvelle Escosse et I'Accadie, et de demolir les forteresses de Penatscop et S= Jean situees sur la riviere de Pointegomt, lesquels ledit capitaine avoit aussi pris des frangois et de ce que depuis ceux de Boston se sont saisis de la personne, du vaisseau et des marchandises de Jean Rodes, quoy qu' authorise des Directeurs de la Compagnie Belgique des Indes Occi- dentales pour traffiquer avec les peuples de la susdite Accadie, et suppliant aussi le Roy de vouloir donner les ordres necessaires pour relacher ledit Rodes, et interdire a ses sujets de Baston de ne plus molester ceux de Messieurs les Estats dans leur commerce. Sa Maj'i a ordonne de faire cette reponse audit Sieur Ambass' extra=^ qu' elle a desja donne ordres aux Seigneurs de son conseil d^putez pour les affaires du commerce et des colonies, de s'informer au plutost de cette affaire, et d'en faire rapport a sa Maj= afin qu'elle puisse estre terminee selon ce que la justice et la bonne correspondence, que Sa Maj=. veut conserver entre les deux nations, requereront. Fait au chasteau Royal de Windsor, ce 82? jour d'Aoust, 1679. Sunderland. Letter of the Dutch Ambassador to the Lords of the States- General. Westminster, October 3, 1679, S. N. High and Honorable Lords : My Lords, — In the prosecution which I have been conducting here with reference to the excesses committed against the person of John Rodes, and the ship under his command, and the merchandise, who was provided with a commission from the authorized West India Company, I have at last been informed that as regards this matter and his imprisonment in New York, representation thereof must be made, not to the King, but to His Grace the Duke of York, to whom, in sovereignty, and independent from the crown of Eng- land, His Majesty had ceded that country. Appendix. 395 I have, therefore, on the occasion when His Royal Highness was present at the Court here, spoken to him about the matter, and I found him favorable disposed to make repairs of excesses committed, with many protestations of good will which said His Royal Highness bore to the State of you, the High and Honorable ; and although said Duke assured me that he was entirely ignorant of this matter, and that never any complaint had been made to him about it, yet he agreed to seek all possible information, and after two days he sent his Secretary to me, together with a person who had recently come from New York and was the General Steward of His Highness at that place, who then informed me, and showed me on maps that seemed to be accurately made, that the river St. George was not in Nova Scotia and Accadie but in New England ; that consequently the aforesaid John Rodes, nor any other person, could be qualified by the West India Company to trade with the natives on that river ; that, there- fore, the aforesaid John Rodes, with his ship and goods, although seized upon and brought to New York, had, nevertheless, been released after having been detained only about fourteen days, and the ship and goods, not belonging to the aforesaid John Rodes, but to a cer- tain merchant of New London, had been returned without cost, and that only a fine of ten pounds sterling had been required of him, which was still unpaid; and that with regard to the patents of Sir William Temple, that in these not only the river of St. George was included, but that they also extended to seventy miles along the coast, in which would be included the greatest part of Accadie itself ; but that in the year 1670 an agreement had been made with the French, that the river Pontegourt should be the limits, and that so much as lay west of said river should belong to the Duke, and that which is on the East side to the French, in such a manner that the English should manage the said west side of the same river with the natives, and the French the east side, to that extent that His Royal Highnes, as far as it concerned him, would lay no claim to anything East of the river Pontegourt, and could have even witnessed with indifference in case the West India Company had taken Nova Scotia 39^ appendix. and Accadic from the French, and thereby obtaining certain rights, should have exercised and maintained the same, giving me, further- more, to understand, that the aforesaid John Rodes did not have the best reputation of being an honest man, but should have committed many dishonest deeds. I have taken a great deal of trouble to get a written statement of what was said, but have been put off until cer- tain papers that were on ship-board at Dover should have been sent hither, and I fear that His Royal Highness shall have left for Brusscl before I shall have obtained it [the written statement], I shall in the meantime not cease to prosecute the claims of repairing the ex- cesses committed by those of Boston in the year 1674, with reference to which the King has appointed commissioners ; but these delay the matter, saying that they, by the first chance, will write to Boston for information, and as soon as that arrives they will make report thereof to the King. I have the treaty, etc. With which I remain. High and Honorable Lords. P. S. I have also sent a copy of this missive to the Directors of the West India Company. High and Honorable Your humble, obedient, and faithful servant, D. V. Levuen van Leeuwen. Westminster, October 6, 1679, S. N. High and Honorable Lords: My Lords, — His Excellency, the Ambassador Jenkins, return- ing, etc. — His Royal Highness, the Duke of York, sent to me the day before his departure from here the accompanying answer (see enclosed copy No. 4), in the matter of John Rodes and his ketch, of which matter I gave you, the High and Honorable, an extended account in my last letter of the third instant. I should have been very much Appendix. 397 pleased if I had seen in the answer the proof that the river Pontegourt was the acknowledged boundary line between what the English and formerly the French had possessed in that quarter of America ; but His Royal Highness has declined to do so, saying that it could not be required of him to make a declaration about the boundary lines, without obtaining further knowledge thereto. I also send copy of this answer to the Directors of the West India Company. With which I remain, High and Honorable Lords, Your, high and honorable, humble, obedient, and faithful servant, D, V, Leyuen van Leeuwen. Copy N? 4. His Roy'i High^i^ Jiaveing perused a Memoriall from the Ex- traordinary Ambassadour of the States Gen'i of the United Prov- inces dated the 19*^ instant, is pleased to returne this answer there- unto. That His R!i High'=? is informed that St. Georges River, there in mentioned, is unquestionably within the limits of His R'i High*??* territoryes, belonging to Pemaquid in America, and is not in Nova Scotia, and hath allwayes beene in the possession of the English. That ensigne Knapton was commands of the fort at Pemaquid, and its dependancyes, and that he did seise on the person (and ketch) of Jean Rodes, in the s^ river of St. George, for presuming to trade there, contrary to act of Parliament, and the lawes of that govern- ment, haveing neither passports, cleerings, nor certificates from any P^nglish place or port. That the s^ ketch and part of the cargo, being brought to New Yorke, were condemned by due course of law, and in open court, wherein most of the magistrates were Dutchmen originally, though now inhabitants of new Yorke. Notwithstanding which soe reasonable sentence (the si Jean Rodes after a very short confinement having allready gotten his liberty) such kindness was used herein, that the s'i ketch was restored to the 39^ Appendix. owner and master (John Alden an inhabitant of Boston, from whom the si Rodes had hired her, in partnership for a tradeing voyage) and that only ten pounds worth of the cargo was distributed among the souldiers that fetched her from SI Georges to Pemaquid, the rest being all returned by inventory, without payment of any Fees or court chardges. That the truth of this information can plainely be made out, by authenticke papers from New Yorke, for which His RU High^if (if it be desired) wil give immediate orders, that they may be sent hither by the first opportunity, and if anything farther be necessary for the reasonable satisfaction of the States Generall of the United Provinces or theire extraordinary AmbassadL touching this matter. His RL' High^Jf will att all times hereafter readily grant such orders as may most effectually conduce thereunto. Whitehall, 23^ September, 1679. Letter from the Directors of the West India Company to the Lords of the States-General. To THE High and Honorable Lords States-General of the United Netherlands. High and Honorable Lords, — The Directors of the general authorized West India Company of these lands did on the i ill^ of September, 1676, grant to John Rhodes, an Englishman, a commis- sion that he might sail to the coasts and lands of Nova Scotia and Acadia, and furthermore that he might trade with the natives of that country in quietness and peace ; yet the Directors aforesaid have learnt by the advises, at least of the aforesaid John Rhodes, that a certain Capt. Napton, being commander of a certain adjacent Eng- lish fort, had hostilely prevented him from doing so, and had taken him, John Rhodes, prisoner, besides seized his ship and its cargo under pretence that by virtue of the aforesaid commission he had no right to come there, nor to trade, notwithstanding the aforesaid coasts and lands of Nova Scotia and Acadie in the year 1674, by the Appendix. 399 Capt. Jurriaan Aernoutsz, commanding the frigate called the Flying Horse of Curasao, and was provided with a Commission from His Highness, the Prince of Orange, in name of the aforesaid Company, were taken from the French, and consequently, by the right of war, became the property of that Company ; therefore, the aforesaid Direc- tors have felt compelled to inform by these presents you, the High and Honorable, thereof, which we do in all obedience, and humbly pray that His Excellency, the Ambassador Extraordinary, in behalf of this State at the Court of England, may be informed and advised to use all diligence and every obligation with the King, to the end that not only the aforesaid John Rhodes may again be set at liberty, and his ship and goods be released without cost and without dam- age ; but that also His Royal Highness will please provide and enact such an order, that the aforesaid West India Company may hold quietly and peacefully possession of the aforesaid coasts and lands, so that this Company, or any one who may have been sent there by them, or may be sent, shall not again be troubled or hindered in any manner whatsoever in maintaining the aforesaid possession. The doing of which, etc. In behalf of the Directors as above. C. QUINA. INDEX. INDEX. The names of authors, publications, and other authorities, cited in this volume, are placed alphabetically in the Index under the words Attthorities Cited ; names of places, towns, and cities, under the word Places ; Kings and Queens, under the word Sovereigns. Academic degrees are omitted. Abercrombie, Gen. James, 236. Acadie, its extent and boundaries, early settlement and occupation by the French, 129; long contended for by France and Great Britain, 130; again seized by the English in 1654, 130, 132; in 1670, restored to France, 132 ; contention between Massachu- setts and the French as to its west- ern boundary, 133, 134; in 1674, conquered by a Dutch naval force, 135-140; the Dutch proceed to Boston and dispose of their plunder, 142, 143; a portion of the force re- turns to Acadie and captures trad- ing vessels from New England, 144, 145 ; Massachusetts sends ships and men to capture the Dutch force, 145, 146 ; the capture made and the prisoners brought to Boston, 147 ; the prisoners indicted and tried for piracy, and certain of them sen- tenced to suffer death, 148-152 ; ac- tion of the Dutch West India Company in respect to the conquest, 152, 153; the States-General com- plain, and demand the release of the prisoners, 154; the King addresses a letter to Massachusetts in regard to the same, 154; the reply of Massa- chusetts, 154-156; Cornelis Steen- wyck commissioned by the Dutch West India Company to be gov- ernor of Acadie and Nova Scotia, John Rhoade to be his lieutenant, 156; Rhoade taken prisoner by the English, 157; proceedings of the Dutch West India Company and the States-General thereupon, 157; the King's letter to Massachusetts, in 1672, announcing war with the Dutch, 341-343; action of Massa- chusetts thereupon, 343; letters of Count Frontenac respecting the Dutch conquest of Acadie, 345-349; complaint of John Freake respect- ing the seizure of his vessel by the Dutch, 349, 350 ; order of the Gov- 404 Index. ernor and Council of Massachusetts, to stop all vessels going eastward 350-352 ; deposition of Manning, captain of Freake's vessel, 352-355; examination of the prisoners charged with piracy, 355-357; indictments of Peter Roderigo and John Khoade, 35'"^. 359; the defence of Roderigo and the other prisoners charged with piracy, 360-376; the commis- sions of Rhoade and Steenwyck, 376-381 ; letter of the Dutch ambas- ' sador to the King of Great Britain in regard to the treatment received by Rhoade and others, 382 ; orders in Council thereupon, letter from the King to Massachusetts, and the reply, 3S3-38S. Achim, Mary Fulford, 89. Achim, Thomas, 89. Acton, Catharine, 2S7. Adams, Hon. John Ouincy, 41. Addington, Isaac, 304, 3*57. Aernouts, Capt. Jurriaen, of the Dutch frigate Flying Horse, com- missioned to capture r»ritish and French possessions in North Amer- ica, 137, 13S ; makes a conquest of Acadie, 139-141 ; proceeds to Bos- ton and sells his plunder, 142 ; his conversation with Governor Leverett, 142, 143 ; commissions John Rhoade to hold and occupy Acadie, 143; mentioned, 151, 156, »59. 354. 355. 357. 361, 363. 364. 366, 367, 371,376, 3SJ-3S6, 389-394- Albee, John, 123 ; his sonnet on "The Grave of Capt. Francis Champernowne," 124. Allen, Bozoan, 307. Allen, Samuel, 212. Amherst, Gen. JetTrey, 242. Andreson, Cornelis, engaged under Aernouts in the conquest of Acadie, 127-142; assists Rhoade in holding possession of the same, 143-146; taken prisoner by Captain Mosley, tried for piracy, and acquitted, 147- 150; his services in King Philip's War, 150; his defence against the charge of piracy, 360-376; men- tioned, 386-388. Andrew, Hon. John A., 39. Andros, Sir Edmund, Governor of New England, 120; receives the surrender of New Netherlands, 137 ; mentioned, 197-200, 202, 212, 219, 318, 319 ; his government of New England overthrown, 319; the order from the King that he be sent to England, 319. Archdale, John, 115. Argyle, Duke of (John Douglas Ed- ward Henry Campbell), 225, 235. Arlington, Lord (Henry Bennett), 343- Ashurst, Sir Henry, 15S. Athole, Duke of (John Murray), 265. Auchmuty, Robert, 229. Authorities cited: — Almon's Parliamentary Register, 264. Andros Tracts, 322. Annals of Astronomical Observatory, Cambridge, Mass., 9, 10, ii, 14, 15. 17- Allen's Surrey and Sussex, 232. American Antiquarian Society's Pro- ceedings, 75. Archieologia Americana, 14::, 14S. Index. 405 Arnold's Rhode Island, 205, 229. Athenieum Lilirary Catalogue, 129. Bancroft's United Slates, 237. lianks's Memoir of Edward God- frey, 106, 121. Beauties of England and Wales, 7H, 79- IJell's History of Exeter, N. H., 332. Hell's Memorials of the Civil Wars, 97- Belknap's New Hampshire (Far- mer's edition), 102, 104, 118, 166, 178, 189, 193, 197, 199, 200, 204, 207, 211, 212, 217, 323, 330. Berry's Hampshire Pedigrees, 91. Boston I'ost Boy, 232. , Boston Weekly News Letter, 233. Brewster's Rambles about Ports- mouth, N. H., 120. Brodhead's New York, 137, 13'^, 199, 200, 207. Browning's Huguenots, 74. Burke's Extinct l^eerage, 80. Burke's Commoners, 69. Ikirke's Landed Gehtry, 66, 67, 72, 78. Burke's Visitation of Seats and Arms, n. 78. Burt's Among the Clouds, 106. liurton's Uiary, 106. Calendar of State Papers, 69, 74, 75, 92-98. Camden's Britannia, 67. Camden Miscellany, 92. Carew's Cornwall, 66, Charlevoix's New France, 132, 139. Church's Philip's War, 205. CoUins's Peerage, 91. CoUinson's Somersetshire, 90, 91. Connecticut Archives, 203. Connecticut Colonial Records, 205. Davys's Works, 87. IJcane's Indenture of David Thom- son and others, 178, 181. Deane's Records of President and Council of New Hampshire, 193. De I-'eyster's Dutch in Maine, etc., 37^^- Douglas's Peerage of Scotland, 282, 295. Dover (N. H.) Records, 208, 209, Edwards's Ralegh, 67, 72, 74. Ellis's Puritan Age and Rule in Massachusetts, 3rs. Farmer's and Moore's Historical Collections, 3ri. Folsom's Documents relating to Maine, 95, 97, 105, 11 2-1 14, 116, 117. I'olsom's Saco and Biddeford, 65, 114. l'>anklin's Works, 257. I'Voude's England, 69. i''uller's Worthies, 66. Gentleman's Magazine, 264, 266, 267, 287, 290. Gibbon's Life of Dr. Watts, 295. Gorges's Brief Narration, 89, 96, 97- Gorges's Narrative, 94. Harleian Miscellany, 106. Hazard's Collections, 105, 115. Hoare's Wiltshire, 90. Horace's Odes, 285. Hoyt's Notes, Historical and Biblio- graphical, on the Laws of New Hampshire, 193. Hubbard's New England, 166, 178, 329- 4o6 Index. Hubbard's Troubles with the In- dians, 217. Hume's England, 80, 91, 94, 95, 127, 128. Hutchins's Dorset, 90, 96. Hutchinson Collection, 117, 133, 142, 295, 322. Hutchinson's Massachusetts, 115, i33i 136, 158. 227, 229. Independent Chronicle, 263. Jenness's Isles of Shoals, 85. Jenness's First Planting of New Hampshire, iii, 178, 332. Jenness's Original Documents, 117, 119, 183, 193, 291, 292. Jewitt's Plymouth (Eng.), 92. Jordan Memorial, 112. Josselyn's Voyages, 97. Lansdovvne MSS., 106. London Morning Chronicle, 235. Longfellow's Poems of Places, 123. Lower's Family Names, 67, 76. Lyson's Devon, 70, 93. Lyson's Magna Britannia, 78, 80, 81, 90. Markham's Voyages, 87. Massachusetts Archives, 116, 134, 150, 164, 167, 200, 203-206, 211, 229, 230, 308, 318, 341, 343, 345, 347-352, 355. 385- Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, 120, 130, 166, 199, 201, 203, 204, 286, 310-3T2, 383. Massachusetts Historical Society Proceedings, 17, 35, 46, 50, 52, 163, 170, 178, i8r, 197, 200, 217, 256, 271, 277, 288, 290, 29t. Massachusetts Records, 102, 133, 136, 150, 152, 197, 200, 201, 211. Mather's Magnalia, 164, 171, 204, 218, 219. Mather's Parentator, 310, 320. Maine Historical Society Collec- tions, 82, 96, 102, 117, 118. Memorials English and French Com- missaries, 129, 132. Moore's Devonshire, 70. Murdoch's Nova Scotia, 130, 139, 200. Narrative and Critical History of America, 129. New England Historical and Genea- logical Register. 30, 31, 35, 89, 106, no, 118, 130, 148, 219, 236, 288, 292, 296, 322. New Hampshire Historical Society Collections, 118, 175, 189, 202, 203, 205, 210-212. New Hampshire Provincial Papers, 104, 105, 120, 178, 205, 206, 208, 211, 212, 218, 330. New Hampshire Town Papers, 102. Newport Gazette, 263. New York Colonial Documents, 132, 141, 218, 312, 324, 325. New York, Documentary History of, 170, 200, 206, 231. Nouvelle Biographie Gendrale, 74. Palfrey's New England, 102, 105, 115, 117, 120, 198, 291, 296,309, 324- Parsons's Pepperrell, 229. Perry's Papers relating to the Church in Massachusetts, 322. Pole's Devon, 70. Polwhele's Devonshire, 70. Popham Memorial, 83, 89. Portsmouth (N. H.) Records, in. Prince Collection, 296, 304. Index. 407 Prince Society Publications, 90, 1 19, 179. Prince's Worthies, (i^^ 69, 70, ^6, 78, 81, 92. Rhode Island Records, 120, 324, 325. Rockingham County (N. H.) Deeds, III, 221. Rushworth's Collections, 95. Savage's Gen. Dictionary, 120. Sewall Papers, 211. Sibley's Harvard Graduates, 14S. Smith's General History, 86, 88. Smith's New England, 83, 86. Stephen's Dictionary of National Biography, 87. Sullivan's Maine, 105. Trelawny Papers, no, 11,2. Tuckett's Devonshire Pedigrees, 67, 70, 72, 74, 86, 89, 03. Tuttle's Historical Papers, 36, 323, 325- Tuttle's Mason, 104, 119, 178, 179. Vivian's Visitation of Devon, 86. Walford's County Families, 76, 78. Washburn's Judicial History of Mas- sachusetts, 271, 273. Wentworth Genealogy, 34, 120. Westcote's Devonshire, 66-69, T^i 76, 78, 79. Williamson's Maine, 65, 105, 112, 115, 117, 118, 121, 139, 218. Willis's Portland, Me., 112. Wilson's Dissenting Churches, 295. Winthrop's New England, 102, 106, 329, 331- York County (Me.) Deeds, 100. Avery, Dr. Benjamin, 236, 237. Bache, Prof. Alexander Dallas, 15. Backhouse, Sir John, 289. Backhouse, Samuel, 289. Bale, Benjamin, 358, 359, Ballard, Gervaise, 307. Bampfylde, Sir Richard, Tj. Bampfylde, Ursula, 96. Bancroft, Hon. George, 158. Banks, Charles E., 106, 121. Barlow, George, 333. Bastide, Capt. John Henry, 235, Bateman, John, 358. Bath, Earl of, 76. Bawden, William, 334. Ba.xter, James Phinney, 90. Baxter, Rev. Richard, 303. Beck, Henry, 334. Belcher, Gov. Jonathan, 227-230, 236, 237. Belknap, Rev. Jeremy, 169, 197, 208, 333- Bell, Ann, 96. Bell, Edward, 96. Bell, Hon. Samuel D., 104. Best, Ehzabeth, 283, 288. Best Family, 287, 288. Beuningen, C. Van, Dutch Ambas- sador, his letter to the King, 382 ; mentioned, 383-38S> 389^ 39i- Beverly, Earl of (Algernon Percy), 267. Bird, John, 358, 359. Bladen, Catharine, 281. Bladen, Nathaniel, 281. Blathwayt, William, 324. Blaxton, Rev. William, 33. Blome, John, 283. Bodge, Rev. George M., 118. Bollan, William, 229. Bolston, Jonathan, 358. Bond, Prof. George P., 13, 14, 15. Bond, Hannah Cranch, 4. Bond, Richard F., 15. 4o8 Index. Bond, Prof. William Cranch, 4, 8, 10. Bonville, Lord, 76. Boscawen, Admiral Edward, 242. Bourchier, Lord, 76. Bradstreet, Gov. Simon, 149, 164, 169, 2or, 203, 204, 205, 306, 323, 324, 358, 359- Brenton, James, 274. Brenton, Mr., 326. Brewer, Daniel, 358. Bridge, Rev. Ebenezer, 261. Bridge, Edward, 358, 359. Brockholls, 118, 325. Bromfield, Edward, 227. Brown, David Paul, 38. Brown, Rev. Frederick, xv, 89, 96, 108. Brown, Gen. John Marshall, 31. Briinnow, Dr. Friedrich, 34. Bridges, Sir Egerton, 287. Brydges, John, 2S7. Budokeside, Roger, 93. Budokeside, Winifred, 93. Bulkley, Peter, 156. Bullgar, Richard, 333. Bullivant, Benjamin, 293. Burke, Rt. Hon. Edmund, 41, 255. Burns, Robert, 234. Burrell, Peter, 265. Burritt, Elijah H., 4. Bute, Earl of (John Stuart), 249, 255. Cammond, Abel, 334. Campbell, Duncan, 307. Campbell, Elizabeth, 235. Campbell, Martha, 235. Campbell, William, 235. Canning, Thomas, 335. Carew, Sir Edmund, 68, 74. Carew, Sir Gawen, 74. Carew, Sir George, 71. Carew, Katharine, 68. Carew, Sir Peter, 68. Caril (Caryl), Rev. Joseph, 297, 300. Carr, Sir Robert, 115. Cartwright, George, 115. Castillion, Douglas, 289. Castillion Family, 283. Castillion, Dr. John, 283. Castillion, Mary, 289. Castine, Baron de, 129. Cater, Beckford, 293. Cater, Grace, 293. Chamberlain, Richard, 212. Chambly, M. de, 1 39-141, 345-349. Champernowne, Arthur, xiv, xv, 70, 74-76, 86, loi, 102. Champernowne, Sir Arthur, 68, 70, 71. Champernowne, Bridget, 76, 86. Champernowne, Elizabeth, 71, 81. Champernowne, Frances, 93. Champernowne, Capt. Francis, 31, 33, 45, 58 ; his ancestry and kindred, 60-124; baptism, 86; education and early associations, 86-88 ; his life in New, England, 100-124; arrival in New England, 102 ; pur- chases land in what is now Green- land, N. H., and erects a dwelling, 103, 104; a councillor in Sir Ferdi- nando Gorges's Province of Me, 106-107 ; a signer of the Hilton Patent Combination, 108 ; probable return to England, and service with the royalists in the Civil War, 108 ; sells a portion of his lands in Kit- tery. Me., 109; goes to Barbados on trading voyages, 109; receives grants of land in Greenland, N. H., from the town of Portsmouth, no; description of his farm in Greenland, Index. 409 no, III; sells the same, and re- moves to Kittery, Me., 11 1; ap- pointed one of the agents of Gorges for his Province of Maine, and his proceedings as such, 112, 113; his authority opposed by Massachusetts, 1 14 ; with his associate agents issues a proclamation in the interest of Gorges, 114 ; welcomes and aids the Royal Commissioners (1664), 115; appointed a civil magistrate by the Royal Commissioners, 115, xi6; again opposed and frustrated by Massachusetts, 116, 117; in 1672, again unsuccessfully endeavored to re-establish the royal government in Maine, 117; in 1678, as , one of the commissioners appointed by Massa- chusetts, made a treaty of peace with Indian chiefs in Maine, 118; in 1684, nominated councillor of New Hampshire by Gov. Cranfield, 1 19 ; appointed by Massachusetts one of the trustees of lands in Kit- tery, Me., granted by Gorges and others for the benefit of the inhabi- tants, 119; a councillor in the ad- ministration of President Dudley, and in that of Sir Edmund Andros, 120 ; his character and standing, 1 1 8- 1 20; his marriage, 120; receives a grant of land from the town of Kittery, 121 ; his later life, 121; makes his Will, 121, 122 ; his death, burial, and poetic tributes to his memory, 122-124; mentioned, 333, 334; his Will, 335-338. Champernowne, Gawen, ix, 72-74. Champernowne, John, 70. Champernowne, Katherine, 68, 70. 52 Champernowne, Mary (Cutt), wife of Capt. Francis Champernowne, 120- 122,335, 336. Champernowne, Mary (Norreys), 71. Champernowne, Sir Philip, 68. Champernowne, Rev. Richard, xiv, Champernowne, Sir William, 93. Champlain, Samuel de, 129. Charlevoix, Pierre Francois Xavier, 158. Chatham, Earl of (William Pitt), 273. Checkley, Anthony, 149, 293, 307. Checkley, John, 149, 358, 359. Chester, Col. Joseph L., xv, 321. Clarendon, Earl of (Edward Hyde), 323. Clark (or Clarke), Benjamin, 226. Clark, Dr. John, 226. Clark, John, 226, Clark, Jonas, 358. Clark, Martha, 226. Clark, Rebecca, 226. Clark, Sarah, 226, 232, 233. Clarke, Major Thomas, iii, 133, 149, 359- Clarke, Rev. Dorus, 49. Clarke, Gov. Walter, 205. Clifford, Hon. Nathan, yj. Clinton, Sir Henry, 262, 263. Cobbett, Thomas, 214. Cobbett, Rev. Thomas, 308. Cofllin, Peter, 218-221. Colbert, Jean Baptiste, 345, 347. Colburn, Jeremiah, 49. Coligny, Admiral Gaspard de, 'j'})- Collins, John, 117, 142. Combinations for local government. See New Hampshire. Conant, Rev. John, 303. 4IO Index. Cooke, Elisha, 325. Code, Thomas, 369. Coole, William, 333. Coolidge, Major Sidney, 16, 18. Cornwallis, Earl Charles, 248, 263. Courtenay, Edward, 96. Courtenay Family, 76. Courtenay, Philip, 'j'j. Courtenay, Sir Philip, 'j'j. Court of Vice-Admiralty over Amer- ica, 269-274. Coventry, Rt. Hon. Henry, 322. Crame, John, 333. Cranfield, Edward, Governor of New Hampshire, 119, 208, 218, 290, 292, 334, 335- Crawley, Thomas, 333. Cromwell, Oliver, 130, 131, 162. Cross, John, 335. Cunningham, Capt. Nathaniel, 228. Cunningham, Nathaniel, Jr., 228, 233, 234- Cunningham, Ruth, 228. Cunningham, Sarah, 228, 234, 235. Cunningham, Susanna, 228. Cunningham, Susannah, 234. Cunningham, Thomas, 235. Cunningham, Timothy, 228. Cunningham, William, 234. Currier, Hon. John J., xvi. Cushing, Hon. Caleb, 28, n, 35, 39, 41, 51. Cushing, Thomas, Jr., 227. Cutt, Bridget, 339. Cutt, Elizabeth, 339. Cutt Family, 338-340. Cutt, John, President of New Hamp- shire, 188-194, 208, 338, 339. Cutt, Mary, 339. Cutt, Richard, 338, 339. Cutt, Robert, 336, 338, 339, 340. Cutt, Sarah, 339. Dalrymple, Charles, 234. Dalrymple, James, 234. Dam, John, 334. D'Andigny, Hubert, 135. Danforth, Thomas, 114, 119, 149, 158, 358, 359- Daniell, Thomas, 188, 194. Dartington House, description of, 69. Dartington House, view of, vi. Davenport, John, 359. Davies, Major John, 337. Davys, Capt. John, navigator, 82, 87. Dean, John Ward, author of the Me- moir of Charles Wesley Tuttle, i- 54; mentioned, xii, xv, 32, 36, 58, 119, 179- Deane, Rev. Samuel, 258. Debeck, James, 353, 356. D'Estrades, Count Godfrey, 128. De Monts, Pierre de Guast, 129. Denew, Mary, 284, 286. Denew, Nathaniel, 284. Denison, Gen. Daniel, 149, 359. De Peyster, Gen. John Watts, 1 59, 376. De Ruyter, Admiral Michael Adriaan- zoon, 135. Devonshire, Earl of (Edward Cour- tenay), 76. Dick, Dr. Thomas, 7. Dorkins, Capt., 260. Dow, Henry, 206, 210, 214. Drake, Sir Francis, 66, 74, 82, 87, 99. Draper, Sir William, 249, 250. Dudley, President Joseph, 120, 212, 294, 296, 303-309, 3i9> 323- Dunstar, Thomas, 335. Dyer (or Dyre), William, 312. Index. 411 Edgeley, Thomas, 214. Egerton, Jemima, 287. Eliot, Rev. Andrew, 261. Elkins, Henry, 333. Elliot, Champernowne, 122, 336, 337, 340. Elliot, Elizabeth, 122, 336, 339. Elliot Family, 338-340. Elliot, Humphrey, 122, 336, 339, 340. Elliot, Robert, 210, 214, 337, 338, 340. Elliott Family, 340. Ellis, Rev. George E., 315. Elwyn, Elizabeth (Langdon), 123. Elwyn, John, 45 ; his verses on " The Grave of Capt. Francis Champer- nowne," 122; biographical notice of, 122 123. \ Elwyn, Thomas, 122, 123. Essex, Earl of (Walter Devereux), 92, 94, 297, 300. Evans, Mrs. Carrie E., 58. Evens, John, 221. Exeter, Duke of (Thomas Holland), 80. Fairfax, Lord, 97. Fairfax, Sir Thomas, 78. Faneuil, Peter, 233. Fanig (Fanning), Thomas, 358. Farewell, George, 293, 307. Farmer, John, 166. Feild, Darby, 333. Ferguson, Robert, 296, 302. Finch, Jane, 288. Finch, Thomas, 288. Finch, Ursula (Best), 288. Fog, Mrs. Mary, 281. Fogg, Dr. John S. H., xv, 335. Follett, John, 334. Follett, Nicholas, 210, 214. Formont, Sieur, 346. Fowler {alias Fulford), Richard, 149, 152, 356, 357, 388. Fox, John, 63. Fox Point, Newington, N. H., Re- port of an Indian massacre at, 161- 165 ; the report shown to have been false, 165-171. Freake, John, 145, 147, 148, 349, 350, 351, 352, 358, 359. 364, 370, 386. Frontenac, Count de (Louis de Buode), Governor of Canada, 134, 139, 141, 207, 211 ; his letter to M. Colbert announcing the conquest of Acadie by the Dutch, 345-347 ; his letter of safe-conduct to M. Normanville, who was sent to Boston in behalf of French prisoners taken thither by the Dutch, 347, 348; his letter to the magistrates of Boston, 348-349. Froude, James Anthony, 76. Froude, Archdeacon R. H., 76. Fryer, Nathaniel, iii, 118, 119, 211, 214. Fulford, ancient and distinguished family of, 76-78. Fulford, Sir Amias, 77. Fulford, Sir Baldwin, 76, 'JT- Fulford, Bridget, 87. Fulford, Rt. Rev. Francis, Metropoli- tan of Canada, 'j']. Fulford, Sir Francis, 78, 89. Fulford House, description of, 78. Fulford House, view of, vi. Fulford, Mary, 89. Fulford, Richard. See Fowler. Fulford, Sir Richard, 149, 151, 152. Fulford, Sir Thomas, 76, 77. Fulford, Ursula, "]•]. Fuller, Rev. Thomas, 65, 66. Furbur, William, 334. 412 Index. Case (also Gacge, Gcacli), EdimiiKl, 337, Zl'^- Gage, Gen. Thomas, 256, 257. Gaines, Mrs. Myru Clarke, 41. Garland, Peter, 334. Garner (Gardner), Capt. Andrew, 204. Gedney, Col. Bartholomew, 326. Gerrish, Capt. John, 164, 209, 214. Gerrish, Sarah, loi. Gerrish, Col. Timothy, loi. Gibbins (or Gibbons), Ambrose, 31, 330. Gibbon, Alice (Taylor), 2S7. Gibbon, Anne (Tut'ton), 279, 2S7. Gibbon, Catiiarine (Acton), 287. Gibbon, Dorotliy (Best), 2S6-2SS. Gibbon, Edward, 287. Gibbon, Jane, 279, 2S5, 287, 2SS, Gibbon, Jemima (Egerton), 287. Gibbon, Martha, 2S7. Gibbon, Richard, 279, 2S7. Gibbon, Thomas, 2S5, 2S7, 2S8. Gibson, William, 307. Gilbert, Adrian, 70. Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 66-68, 70, 82, ^T, 88, 03, 103. Gilbert, Kathcrine (ChamiuTnownc), 70. Gilbert, Sir John, 88. Gilbert, Otho, 70. Gilbert, Capt. Ralegh, 88. Gillam. Benjamin, 149, 35S, 359. Gilman, John, 18S, 191, 102. Glouer ((Clover), Habbaccuk, 35S. Godfrey, Mrs. Ann, 112. Godfrey, Edward, 121. Goffe, Samuel, 3 58, 359. GofFe, William, 299, 302. Goodell, Abncr C, Jr., xvi. Goodwin, William H., 101. Gookin, Gen. Daniel, 117, 149, 359, Gorges, Ann (Bell), 96. Gorges, Ann Howard, 91, Gorges, Sir Arthur, 93, 94. Gorges, Barbara, 106. Gorges, Sir Edmund, 91. Gorges, Sir Edward, 91, 93. (Gorges, l-^lizabeth, 94. Gorges, Ellen, 96. Gorges, Sir Ferdlnando, 32, 66, 75, 85, 88; his ancestry and birth, 89-91 ; his military services, 91, 92 ; in com- mand ot" the castle and defences of riymouth, 92, 93 ; serves under the Earl of Essex against the Spaniards, and is concerned in the insurrection r.iised by the Earl, 94 ; opposes send- ing English forces to fight against the Brotostants of France, 95 ; re- tires from the command at Plymouth, and devotes himself to furthering his long-cherished projects for colo- nizing New England, 95 ; his writ- ings in that interest, 95 ; his death, 95, 96 ; his three marriages, 96 ; his character, and his share in coloniz- ing New England, 96-100; by royal grant becomes proprietor of the Prov- ince of Maine, and establishes a lo- cal government there, 105-107. Gorges, Frances, 94. Gorges, Henry, 106. Gorges, Honora, 96. Gorges, John, 96. Gorges, Sir Ralph de, 90. Gorges, Capt. Robert, 96, 177, 184, 185. Gorges, Robert, 93. Gorges. Rose (Alexander-Mallach), 106. Index. 413 Gorges, Thomas, Deputy Governor of Maine, 106 ; his ancestry and family, 106. Gorges, Tristram, 93, 96. Gorges, Sir William, 93. Gouge, Rev. Robert, 295. Gouge, Rev. Thomas, sketch of his life, 29s ; forged letter, signed " I. M.," addressed to, 296-300 ; men- tioned in Dr. Increase Mather's letter to President Dudley, 300. Gould, Dr. Benjamin Apthorp, 17, 34. Gove, Edward, 214. Granby, Lord (John Manners), 249. Grant, Peter, one of the prisoners cap- tured by Capt. Mosely, and charged with piracy, I49> i5i> '5^, 356> 357, 376, 387, 388. Green, Henry, 210, 214. Greenland, N. H., incorporation of, 105 ; origin of the name, 105. Green, Nicholas St. John, 39. Grenville, George, 255. Grenville, Grace, 286. Gwydyr, Lord (Peter Burrell), 265. Hackett, Frank W.,his communication respecting the character of Mr. Tut- tle, 44-4'5- Haines, Hon. Andrew M., xv, 1 10. Haines, Deacon Samuel, no, 334. Haines, Hon. William P., no. Haldimand, Gen. Sir Frederick, 259. Hale, John, 307. Hall, Prof. Asaph, 16. Hall, Rev. Edward H., 49. Hall, Ralph, 333. Hammond, Joseph, 338. Hammond, Capt, Lawrence, 170. Hancock, Charles L., 235. Hancock, Thomas, 235, 238. Hartnup, John, 48. Hastings, Thomas, 358. Hathaway, Anne, 26. Hathorne, 114, 149, 359. Haven, Samuel F., his lecture before the Lowell Institute, 71. Hawkins, Sir John, 66, 82. Heard, Capt., 164. Heard, John, 334. Helme, Christopher, 333. Herd, Benjamin, 221. Higginson, Rev. John, 308. Hill, Valentine, i r i. Hillard, Hon. George S., 33. Hilliard, Edward, 356, 363. Hilton, Edward, 103, 104, 333, 334. Hilton Patent, 103, f04, 332-334. See Squamscott Patent. Hilton, William, 214. Hincks, John, 337. Hinman, Mrs. H. S., xvi. Hirst, Mr., 326. Hobby, Morris, 214. Hobby, William, 307. Hoel, Mary, 339. Hogkins, John (Kankamagus), 218. Holbrook, John, 359. Holland, Sir Thomas, 80. Holland, Thomas, 80. Hope-Hood, or Hope-Whood (Way- hamoo), 217 ; leads an attack by Indians at Berwick and Casco, Me., and at Salmon flails, N. H., 217, . 218 ; signs a treaty of peace (1685), and letters to Gov. Cranfield, 218 ; conveys his rights in lands in New Hampshire to Peter Coffin, 220, 22r. Hooke, Capt. Francis, 338. 414 Index. Howard, Lady Anne, 91. Howard, Charles, 272. Howard, John, 281. Howard, Robert, 307. Howard, Sarah, 281. Howard, Lord (Thomas Howard), 94. Howe, Gen. Sir William, 260-263. Hoyt, Albert Harrison, 35, 36. Hubbard, Rev. William, 217,333. Huckins, Lieut., 204. Huggins, Robert, 334. H unking, Mark, 183. Hunt, Bartholomew, 334. Huntington, Earl of (John Holland), 80. Hurd, Eben, 4. Hussey, Christopher, 188, 191. Hutchings, Mrs. Hannah Drew, 4. Hutchinson, Mrs. Anne, 331. Hutchinson, Thomas, 225. Hyde, Edward, 289. Hyde, Lawrence, 289. Illustrations, list of, ix. Indian Massacre. See Fox Point. Jeffries, Walter Lloyd, 325. Jenkins, Sir Leoline, 290, 299, 302, 306. Jenness, John Scribner, 45 ; his views respecting the Hilton (or " Squam- scott ") Patent stated, 104; the same reviewed, 332. Jewell, Hon. Harvey, 27. Jocelyn, Henry, 112, 115, 117. Jones, William, 334. Jordan, Rev. Robert, 112, 115. Josselyn, John, 106, 112. Josselyn, Sir Thomas, 105, 112. Judson, Randall (or Randolph), ar- rested by Capt. Mosley, tried and convicted on the charge of piracy, 147, 151, 354, 356, 376,388. Junius, 249, 250. Kean, Charles, 24. Kean, Ellen Tree, 24. Kent, the Fair Maid of, 80. Kick, Mr., 299, 300. Kilby, Catharine, 233. Kilby, Christopher, his ancestry, birth, and early business connections, 226 ; an active and prominent member of the General Court, 227 ; drew the in- structions for Mr. Cushing, special agent of Massachusetts to the Brit- ish Court, 227 ; chosen agent in place of Mr. Cushing, 227 ; pre- sented the claims of Massachusetts to the King in Council, 228 ; chosen general agent of Massachusetts to the British Court in place of Francis Wilks, 228 ; appointed joint agent with Robert Auchmuty to prosecute the appeal in the disputed boundary question between Massachusetts and Rhode Island, 229; secured the re- moval of Gov. Belcher from office, 229 ; joint agent with WilHam Bollan to obtain reimbursement to Massa- chusetts for expenses incurred in the reduction of Louisburg, 229, 230 ; disappointed in not being made the governor of New Jersey, 230 ; en- gaged in business enterprises while acting as agent, 230 ; agent for Bos- ton, in 1755, at the Court of Great Britain, 230 ; in 1756, appointed agent-victualler of the army serving in North America under the Earl of Loudoun, 231 ; in 1757, visits Boston Index. 415 with the Earl, 231, 232; in 1760, makes a large contribution of money in behalf of the sufferers by the fire in Boston, 232; " Mackerill Lane " is named Kilby Street in his honor, 232 ; returns to England and pur- chases an estate, 232 ; his death and his estate, 232 ; his two marriages and his descendants, 232-235 ; his letter to Thomas Hancock, 235-238. Kilby, John, 226. Kilby, Martha, 233. Kilby, Rebecca, 226. Kilby, Sarah, 228, 232, 233. King, John, 354. King Philip, 65. Kirke, Col. Percy, 253. \ Kittery, Maine, origin of the name, loi ; description, 109, no. Knapton, Capt. Caesar, 157, 389, 391, 397, 39S. Knight, Richard, 359, Knowles, Admiral Sir Charles, 229. Knollys, Hanserd, 330, 334. Lahorn, Henry, 334. Lane, Ebenezer J., 7. Langdon, Elizabeth, 123. Langdon, Hon. John, 123. Langhorne, Thomas, 358, 359. Langstaff, Henry, iii, 204. Larkham, Thomas, 330, 334. Lawton, Christopher, 333. Layton, Thomas, 334. Leavitt, Samuel, 214. Leeuwen, D. v. Leyden van, ambas- sador from the States-General to the Court of Great Britain, his letters to the States-General respecting Acadie, John Rhoade, etc., and his memorial on that subject to the King, 389-398- Leonard, Rev. Abiel, 216. Leisler, Jacob, 170. Leverett, Gov. John, mentioned, 117, 130-132, 134, 135, 141-143, 145, 148, 155, 322, 323, 357, 358, 359, 384, 385. Levitt, Thomas, 333. Lewis, Philip, in. Ley, Lord (James Ley), 102. Lidstcne, T., loi, 102. Littlefield, Edmond, 333. Lloyd, William, Bishop of St. Asaph, 322, 324. Long, John, 359. Loudoun, Earl of (John Campbell), 231, 234, 236. Lusher, Eleazer, 114. Lynde, Simon, 358. Mallach, Rawlin, 106, 107. Mallach, Rose, 106, 107. Manning, George, 146, 350-359, 364- 366, 370. Margaret of Savoy, 72. Marlborough, Earl of (James Ley), 102, 108. Marson, M. de, 140, 141, 346, 348. Martyn, Richard, 188, 191, 192, 204, 211. Mason, Capt. John, 31, 32, 35, 45, 50, 102-104, n4, 176-182, 191,219,278, 287, 329, 330- Mason, Joseph, 1S4. Mason, Robert, i\T, 181-185, 187-190, 219, 278, 279, 287, 337. Master, Deborah, 284. Master, Elizabeth, 283. Master, Gyles, 279, 283, 284, 293, 294, 307- 4i6 Index. Masters, William, 344. Mather, Rev. Cotton, 163-165, 167- 169, 171, 309, 310, 320. Mather, Rev. Increase, 148, 290; de- fendant in a suit for defamation brought by Edward Randolph, 295 ; a forged letter attributed to him by Randolph, 296-300 ; his denial in a letter to Joseph Dudley, 300-303 ; trial of the suit for defamation, 304- 308, 309. Mathews, Francis, 333. Mavericke, Samuel, 115. McAdam, Capt. Gilbert, 234. McAdam, John Loudoun, 234. McKenzie, Andrew, 228. McVicar, Charles, 235. Mears, Susanna Young, 235. Meserve, Col. Nathaniel, 33. Mills, Henry, 234. Mills, John, 234. Mills, Mary, 234, Milton, John, 23, 24, 41. Mitchell, Thomas, 354, 356, 357, 387. Monmouth, Duke of (Charles Fitz- Roy), 245. Montagu, Lady Mary Wortley, 249. Montgomery, Count, 72, 74, 79. Montgomery, Gabrielle, 73, 74, 79. Moody, Rev. Joshua, 191. Moore, Col. Abraham, 234. Moore, Benjamin, 358. Moore, Fearing, 358. Moore, Mary Frances, 234. Moore, Susanna Varnum, 234. Morrice, Capt., 357. Moris, Richard, 333. Morris, Lewis, 230, 237. Morrow, Lieut. Joseph, 3. Morrow, Mary, 3. Morrow, Samuel, 3. Mosley, Capt. Samuel, 145-147, 149, 150, 154, 351, 352, 355-356, 365, 366, 370, 371, 387- Mountjoy, Mr., 356, 357. Murray, Lord James, 265. Nanny, Robert, 334. Neal, Capt. John, 330. Needham, Nicholas, 333. Nelson, Hon. Gilbert, 280. Newcastle, Duke of (Thomas Pelham), 237- New Castle, N. H., date of its incor- poration, and the origin of the name, 103. New Hampshire, granted to Capt. John Mason, 177; Mason's designs respecting, 17S; jurisdiction as- sumed by Massachusetts, 179-180; Robert Mason's efforts to recover possession, 180-184 5 ^ royal gov- ernment established, 185-187; John Cutt commissioned President, 188 ; outline of the form and powers of government instituted, 188, 189; the first magistrates under the com- mission, 189-191; organization of the government, 192-194; is brought under the government of Sir Ed- mund Andros, 197 ; on the over- throw of Andros is left without government, 197-199; suffers from Indian warfare, 199-206; the in- habitants make efforts to estab- lish a government, 206-209 ; they invite Massachusetts to reassume government, 210; Massachusetts consents, and appoints magistrates, 211, 212; form of government insti- Index. 417 tuted by the inhabitants in 1689, 213,214; combinations among the inhabitants for local government on the lower Pascataqua, at Exeter, and within the territory granted to Edward Hilton, 329-335. Newton, Thomas, 293, 326. Normanville, M. de, 347, 349. Norreys, Baron (Henry Norreys), 71. Norreys, Sir Henry, 71. Northumberland, Duke of, 241, 244, 247. Northumberland, Earl of, 246, 265, 267. Nute, James, 334. Gates, Titus, 299, 302. O'Brien, Viscount of Clare, 244. Oliver, Capt. Peter, 344. Orange, Prince of, 128, 136, 137, 139, 140. Ossory, Earl of (Thomas Butler), 245. Otis, James, 228, 233. Otway, Deborah (Smith), 286. Ould Robbin, 220. Owen, Rev. John, 297, 300. Packe, Dr. Christopher, 283. Packer, Thomas, 11 1. Paddy, William, in. Palfrey, Hon. John Gorham, 158, 278, 309' 314- Park, Hon. John Cochran, xiii, 48, 57, 235- Park, Mary Louisa, her marriage, 48. See Tuttle. Parker, Sir Peter, 262. Parsons, Humphrey, 307. Partridge, William, in. Pascataqua. See Places. Paulet, Lord, 76. S3 Paxton, Charles, 228. Peabody, Rev. Andrew Preston, 36, 57- PelHcorne, Gasper, 361, 363, 364. Pepperrell, Lieut.-Gen. Sir William, Bart., 229. Percival, Hon. Spencer, 272. Percy, Hugh, Duke of Northumber- land, Lieut.-Gen., his ancestry, 241- 248 ; his education, 248 ; early mili- tary services, 249; his first marriage, 249; elected to ParHament, 249; made Colonel of the Fifth Regiment of Foot, 249 ; his appointment criti- cised by Junius, and defended by Gen. Sir William Draper, 249, 250 ; separates from his wife, 250 ; anec- dotes of his military life in Ireland, 250, 251 ; embarks with his regi- ment for Boston, 252; character and services of his regiment, 244, 245, 252, 253 ; arrives in Boston, 252, 253; his residence, 254; a township in New Hampshire named for him, 254 ; Boston at that period, 254, 255 ; is made commander of the royal troops in Boston by Gen. Gage, 255; appointed Brigadier- General by Gen. Gage, 256 ; re- elected to ParHament, 256; parti- cipates in military expeditions to Jamaica Plain, Cambridge, and Charlestown, 256-258 ; his regiment at Breed's Hill and Bunker Hill, 259; commissioned Major-General, 359 ; his letter to Gen. Haldi- mand, 259, 260; appointed by Gen. Howe to command the troops designated to drive the American forces from Dorchester Heights, 4i8 Index, 261 ; proceeds to Halifax with the royal forces, 261 ; commissioned Lieutenant-General, 262; displays valor at the capture of Fort Wash- ington, 262 ; becomes Baron Percy, 263; takes part in the capture of Newport, R. I., 263; having been accused by Gen. Howe of dis- obeying orders, he obtains leave of absence and returns to England, 263 ; tributes to his character and conduct in America, 263 ; his gen- erosity, 263, 264; moves the address in the House of Lords to the King, and defends the officers of the army in America, 264; his speech in mov- ing the address, 264 ; his second mar- riage, 265; his letter to the Rt. Hon. George Ross, complaining of neg- lect by the ministry, 265; resigns the colonelcy of his regiment, and becomes commander of the Grena- dier Guards, 265; succeeds his father as Duke of Northumberland, 266 ; made General in the army, and Knight of the Garter, 266; on account of illness withdraws from public view, 266 ; his last years, 266 ; organizes and supports a large body of yeomanry as a military force, 266 ; his annual income, 266 ; his death and burial, 267 ; his children, 267. Pettit, Thomas, 333. Philip's War, 150, 152. PhiUips, John, 335. Phillipps, Sir Thomas, 321. Pickering, Charles W., xvi. Pickering, Capt. John, 1S3, 208, 211, 212, 214, 330. Pigot, Col. Sir Robert, Bart., 256. Pike, Rev. John, 170, 171. Pike, Major Robert, 200, 201, 204. Pim (or Pym), Charles, 281. Pim (or Pym), Mrs. EHzabeth (Ran- dolph), 281, 290. Pinckhame, Richard, 334. Places : — Albany, N. Y., 170, 236. Amsterdam, Neth., 295, 296, 300, 301, 377, 380, 381. Annapolis, Md., 320. Ashton Court, Eng., 96. Ashton Phillips, Eng., 95, Athlone. Ire., 245. Bangor, Eng., 283. Barbados, 107, 109, 273, 299, 302, 325. 339. 340. Battcombe, Eng., 106, 107 Beckenham, Eng., 265. Bermuda, 49, 280. Berwick, Me., 109, 217. Betchworth, Eng., 232. Beverly, Mass., 307. Biddeford, Me., no. Biddenden, Eng., 285. Boston, Mass., 12, 16. 27, 34, 39, 45, 54, S1^ loi, 102, III, 131, 133, 135, 136, 138, 141-148, 152, 164, 169, 170, 184, 1S6, 201, 204,211, 218, 226, 227-234, 237, 238, 241- 244, 252-262, 271, 286, 288, 291- 293, 296, 300-304, 311, 312, 318- 320, 326, 331, 343-358, l^li 364, 370, 382, 386-388. Bosworth Field, Eng., 91. Breda, Neth., 128, 129. Brighton, Mass., 233. Bristol, Eng., 283. Bristol, Me., no. Brookline, Mass., 54. Index. 419 Buckland, Eng., 232. Budockshed, Eng., 96. Cambridge, Mass., 4, 8, 17, 36, 39, 44, 47, 5 ^ I47» 233, 256, 259, 261. Canterbury, Eng., 122, 279, 283-285, 290, 293. Casco (Portland), Me., 118, 134, 167, 218, 356, 357. Charlestown, Mass., 130, 170, 256. Cheddar, Eng., 106. Chelmsford, Mass., 261. Chickamauga, Tenn., 16. Cocheco (in Dover), N. H., 164, 167. Cockington, Eng., 106, 107. Concord, Mass., 258. Concord, N. H ,31. Curagoa, W. I., 128, 137, 357, 361, 376, 382-385, 391, 399. Dartington, Eng., 69, 71, 74, 76, 79, 81, 86, 87, loi, 102. Dartmouth, Eng., 64, 68, 69, 75, loi, 110, 112. Deal, Eng., 284. Domfront, France, 73. Dorking, Eng., 232. Dover, N. H., 3, 5, 7, 11, 12,30, no, 166, 170, 178, 179, 185, 186, 188, 198, 205-210, 219, 220, 329, 330, 333- Dover Neck, N. H., 166. Eliot, Me., 109. Exeter, Eng., 70, 71, 106. Exeter, N. H., 104, in, n2, 180, 185, 186, 188, 192, 198, 207, 209, 210, 221, 329, 330, 331, 332. Falmouth, Me., 64. Fern Bank, Eng., 89. Fox Point (Newington), N. H., ii^ 166, 168, 170, 171, 219. Galena, 111., no. Gemesic (or Gemisic) Fort, 132, 140, 345 > 362, 365, 368. Geneva, Switz., 292. Glasgow, Scot., 259. Gomerock (or Godmorock), Eng., lOI. Gorgeana (York), Me., 97, 121. Great Fulford, Eng., 76. Greenland Dock, Eng., 105. Greenland, N. H., 68, 103-105, 108, no, III, Z1Z- Halifax, N. S., 21, 272, 273, 274. Hammes, Eng., 293. Hampton, N. H., ni, 178-180, 186, 188, 198, 206-210. Heavitree, Eng., 106-108. Ipswich, Eng., 295. Ipswich, Mass., no. Isles of Shoals, N. H., 64, 85. Jamaica, W. I., 130, 325. Jamaica Plain, Mass., 6, 257. Kinsale, Ire., 252. Kittery, Eng., loi, no. Kittery, Me., 4, loi, io9-n2, n9- 121, 170, 339. Kittery Court, Eng., no. Leamington, Eng., 26. Lexington, Mass., 257, 258, 271. Limerick, Ire., 245. Liverpool, Eng., 18, 26. London, Eng., 22, 23, 24, 27, 96, 117, 121, 130, 228, 230, 234, 256, 259, 262, 267, 281, 283, 288, 289, 291, - 295, 320, 343, 383, 384, 389, 393, 394, 396, 398- Martinico, W. I., 136. Modbury, Eng., ()"], 70, 92, 93, 122. Monhegan Island, Me., 83. Montreal, Can., 236. 420 Index. Muscongus Island, Me., 152. Nantasket, Mass., 369. New Albion, 86. Newburyport, Mass., 28, 34, 36, 39, 235- Newcastle, Eng , 103. New Castle, N. H., 100, 123, 194, 329, 337, 339- Newfield, Me., 3, 4, 37. New Haven, Conn., 130. Newichawanneck (Berwick), Me., 164. Newington, N. H., 161, 163, 166, 333. New London, Conn., 262. Newport, R. I., 262, 263. Newton Centre, Mass., 226. New York, 136-139, 157, 170, 192, 231-234, 262, 294, 312, 320, 362, 376, 395- Noyon, France, 92. Nynehead Court, Eng., 106. Oyster River, 166. Pascataqua, 64, 75, 82, 84, 88, 100, 102, 103, 104, 167, 201, 210, 330, 331. 333, 334- Pascataqua River, 108, 163, 166, 178, 181, 329, 332, 338- Pemaquid, Me., 397, 398. Pentagoet, Me., 138-140. Philadelphia, Pa., 12, 13, 123, 320. Plymouth, Eng., 64, 68, 75, 92, 93, 99. Portland, Me., 112, 133, 258, Portland, Ore., 41. Port Royal, 365, 368. Portsmouth, Eng., 231, 389. Portsmouth, N. H., 44, 45, 103, no, 118-123, 164-166, 175, 180, 183- 193, 198, 205, 207-210, 213, 329, 338. 339- Potuxeut, Md., 281. Quebec, Can., 345. Rochelle, France, 346, 348. Rochester, Eng., 283. Rome, Italy, 14, 47, 301. Roxbury, Mass., 305. Salem, Mass., 144, 255, 257, 326. Salisbury, Eng., 284. Salisbury, Mass., 200. Salmon Falls, N. H , 218. Sandridge, Eng., 87. Saugus (Lynn), Mass., 130. Schenectady, N. Y., 209. Sevenoaks, Eng., 283. Somerville, Mass., 234. South Berwick, Me., 109. Squamscott (Exeter) River, N. H., 104, 332. Stratford-on-Avon, Eng., 22, 24-27. Stratham, N. H., 333. Strawberry Bank (Portsmouth N. H.), 166, 329. Surinam, South America, 128. Swallowfield, Eng., 289. St. Budeaux, Eng., 94. St. Domingo, W. I., 345. St. John, N. B., 362, 368, 383, 385, 390-394. St. Louis, Mo., 48. Taunton, Eng., 106. Tawton, Eng., 76. Totnes, Eng., 69, 79. Underleigh, Eng., 'jd. Washington, D. C, 248., Wells, Me., 170, 338. Westbury, Eng., no. West Cliffe, Eng., no. W^indsor, Eng., 382. Woburn, Eng., 130. Wraxall, Eng., 96. Index. 421 Writtle, Eng., 96. York, Me., 106. Plater, George, 281. Piatt, Peter, 289. Piatt, Sarah, 288. Pomfret, William, ^iZS- Poor, Hon. John Alfred, 33. Pormort, Philemon, 333. Porter, Judith, 287. Povey, John, 294, 324. Pownall, Gov. Thomas, 231. Pryor, Martha, 286. Quina, C, 361, 363, 364. Quint, Rev. Alonzo H., 5, 30, 34. Ralegh, Sir Carew, ^o. s Ralegh, Sir Walter, 22, 66, 67, 70, 72, 82, 87, 93, 98-100, 1 1 J, 123. Ralegh, Walter, 70. Randolph, Dr. Avery, 2S2. Randolph, Bernard, 279, 283-285, 290- 292, 323, 325. Randolph, Catharine (Wake), 284, 286. Randolph, Charle.s, 283. Randolph, Deborah, 280, 284, 286, 290. Randolph, Dr. Edmund, 279, 284, 285. Randolph, Edmund, 283, 284, 289. Randolph, Edward, mentioned, 33, 118, 133, 184, 192; Mr. Tuttle's commu- nication concerning his character and public life to the Mass. Hist. Society, 277-279 ; his Will, 280, 281 ; his ancestry, 2S2-287 ; his three marriages and his children, 285-290 ; his brothers Gyles (or Giles) and Bernard, 290-292 ; his supposed re- lationship to Gyles Master, some- time a lawyer in Boston, 293 ; charges Dr. Increase Mather with being the author of a letter signed " I. M.," addressed to the Rev. Thomas Gouge, 295 ; the forged letter, 296-300 ; Dr. Mather's let- ter to Dudley denying the author- ship of the letter, and charging Randolph with the forgery, 300- 303 ; Randolph's suit for defamation against Mather, and the trial of the same, 304-308 ; the question as to the authorship of the forged letter considered, 291 «., 298, 308, 308 n., 309; a list of epithets applied by historical writers to Edward Ran- dolph, 309-311 ; verses concerning him, 311-314; his character and ca- reer in America considered, 314-318 ; involved in the overthrow of the government of Andros, sent to Eng. land with Andros and others for trial by the King's order, and re- leased without trial, 318-319; ap- pointed surveyor- general of the King's customs in North America and the British West India Islands 319; his subsequent movements in America, and his death, 320-321 ; his letters and papers, 321 ; a list of his letters and papers in print, 322-325 ; his letters to Gyles Ran- dolph and John Usher, 325, 326. Randolph, Elizabeth, 280, 281, 286, 290. Randolph, Elizabeth (Adcock), 284, 286. Randolph, Elizabeth (Best), 283, 286, 288. Randolph, Frances, 293. Randolph, Dr. Francis, 283. Randolph, Francis, 284. Randolph, Dr. George, 283. 422 Index. Randolph, Georgiana H. (Sherlock), 284, 286. Randolph, Grace (Blome), 283, 286. Randolph, Grace (Grenville), 286, 288. Randolph, Gyles, 279, 285, 290-292, 323, 325- Randolph, Rev. Henry J., 293. Randolph, Herbert, 283, 284, 2S6, 289. Randolph, Rev. Herbert, 284. Randolph, Jane, 285, 286, 290. Randolph, Jane (Gibljon), 279, 285, 286. Randolph, Jane (Bodden), 283, 286. Randolph, Jane (Wilson), 284, 286. Randolph, John, 282, 283, 292. Randolph, Dr. John, Bishop, 282-284. Randolph, Sir John, Knt., 282. Randolph, Martha (Pryor), 286. Randolph, Mary, 283, 285, 286, 290. Randolph, Mary (Castillion), 283, 284, 286, 289. Randolph, Mary (Denevv), 284, 286. Randolph, Mary (Packe), 283. Randolph, Rosabella Stanhope (Wil- son), 2S6. Randolph, Sarah, 280, 281, 290. Randolph, Sarah (Piatt), 286, 288, 289. Randolph, Dr. Thomas, 283, 284. Randolph, Sir Thomas, 282. Randolph, Sir Thomas (Earl of Mur- ray), 282. Randolph, Thomas, 282. Randolph, WiUiam, 292. Randolph, Rev. WiUiam Cater, 293. Rawbone, George, 333. Rawdon, Lord Francis, 253. Rawlins, James, 335. Rawson, Edward, Secretary of Mas- sachusetts, 343, 344, 345. 35 1 > 352, 355-357, 388. Raynes, Francis, 115. Read, Robert, 333. Rhoade, Capt. John, 138, 143, 145, 151 152, 156, 159, 350-352, 354-356; his indictment and sentence on the charge of piracy, 359 ; his defence before the Court of Admiralty, 360- 376 ; his commission from the Dutch West India Company, 377, 378 ; men- tioned, 381, 386-388, 391, 393; cor- respondence relating to him between the States-General and the English Court, 389-399. Richmond, Earl of (Henry Tudor), 91. Rishworth, Edward, 115, 333. Robbins, Rev. Chandler, his note on the forged letter signed " I.M.," 309. Roberts, John, 210. Roberts, Thomas, 334. Robin-Hood (or Whood), 217, 218. Roderigo, Peter, charged with piracy, 143, 149-151, 155, 352-357; his in- dictment and sentence, 358, 359 ; his defence before the Court of Admi- ralty, 360-376 ; mentioned, 386-388. Rooke, Ann, 288. Rooke, Sir George, 288. Ross, Rt. Hon. George, 265. Rosse, George, 295. Russell, Richard, 149, 358, 359. Russell, Lord William, 297, 300. Safford, Edward F., xvi. Safford, Prof. Truman Henry, men- tioned, 8, 17 ; his reminiscences of Charles Wesley Tuttle, 47, 48. St. Clair, Lieut.-Gen. James, 229, 236. Saltonstall, Robert, 103. Sancroft, Archbishop William, 321- 324- Index. 423 Saunders, Edward, 108. Savage, Richard, 280. Scarlett, Capt. Samuel, 148. Scottow, Joshua, 338. Scottow, Thomas, 338. Screven, Bridget, 336, 339. Screven, Elizabeth, 340. Screven, Rev. Wm., Baptist minister, expelled from Kittery, Me., 339, 340. Secchi, Prof. Angelo, 14, 47. Sedgwick, Elizabeth (Howe), 130. Sedgwick, Gen. Robert, 130, 373, 374. Sedgwick, William, 130. Seymour, Algernon, 246, 247. Seymour, Charles, 246. Seymour, Sir Edward, 71, 81, 89. Seymour, Elizabeth, 247. Shaftsbury, Earl of (Anthony Ashley Cooper), 296, 300. Shakspeare, William, mentioned, 24, 25, 26, 27. Shapleigh, Alexander, 'j^, no. Shapleigh, Nicholas, 112, 118. Shapley, J. Hamilton, xvi, 112. Sherborn, Capt., 164. Sherborn, Samuel, 206, 214. Sherlock, Col. Francis, 284. Sherlock, Georgiana H., 284. Sherlock, James, 119, 304. Sherman, John, 35S. Shirley, Gov. William, 229. Shrimpton, Samuel, 145, 291, 323,325. Shute, James G., 6, 7. Slafter, Rev. Edmund F., 17 ; extract from his Memoir of Charles Wes- ley Tuttle, 46, 47. Small, Elizabeth, 336. Small Lines, 220. Smith, Bartholomew, 334. Smith, Deborah (Randolph), 286, 290. Smith, Capt. John, 83, 85, 86. Smith, Robert, 333. Smith, Dr. Thomas, 286-290. Smithson, Sir Hugh, 247, 248. Smyth, Elizabeth, 96. Smyth, Sir Hugh, 96. Somerset, Duke of (Edward Seymour), 71- Somerset, Duke of (Charles Seymour), 246. Southwell, Sir Robert, 288, 290. Sovereigns : — Charles I., 64, ()■], 95, 105, 109, 332. Charles H., 112-117, 132, I3S-I37, 154-156, 181-193, 244, 245, 298, 317, 341, 382-394. Cromwell, 130, 131. Edward I., 80, 90, 91. Edward II., 282. Edward III., 80, 246. Edward VI., Si. Elizabeth, 66, 70, 74, 78, 81, 90, 94, 95, 98, 280. Francis I., 95. George II., 247. George III., 227, 228, 246, 249, 251, 252, 264, 271, 273, 274. Henry II., 6"], 72, 76. Henry IV. of France, 92. Henry VII., 68. Henry VIII., 6"], 69, 71. James I., 70, 79, 82, ^t, 90, 98, 176. James II., 245, 246,317,337. Mary (I.), 69. J^Iary (II.), 280. Prince of Orange, 128, 136-140, 245, 361-381, 399. Richard II., 80. • William and Mary, 207, 245, 317, 319. Soward, Robert, 333. 424 Index. Spenser, Capt., 368. Spofford, Harriet Prescott, her recol- lections of Charles Wesley Tuttle, 42- 44 ; her biographical sketch of Mrs. Mary Louisa Park Tuttle, 55-59. Spofford, Dr. Richard S., 235. Spofford, Richard S., 28 ; his tribute to Mr. Tuttle, 39-42. Spofford, Frances Maria, 235. Spofforth, Samuel, 280. •Spry, Rt. Worshipful William, Judge of the Court of Vice- Admiralty over America, 273 ; his death, 273 ; his proclamation respecting the Court, 273, 274. Squamscott Patent, 103 «., 104 «. Squando, Indian chief, 118. Stanbury, Thomas, 307. Stark, Gen. John, 254. Starr, Edward, 334. Steenwyck, Cornells, mentioned, 153, 156, 159; his commission from the Dutch West India Company as Gov- ernor of Acadie, 378-380. Stoddard, Simeon, 307. Stone, John, 358. Storer, William, 334. Storre, Augustine, 333. Stoughton, Judge William, 149, 156, 35^> 359- Stuart, Lady Anne, 249. Suiet, Richard, 368. Swadden, Philip, 334. Sweetzer, Thomas H., 39. Swett, John, 359. Symonds, Samuel, Deputy-Governor of Mass., 149, 358, 359. Taylor, Alice, 287. Teddar, Steven, 335. Temple, Sir Thomas, 131, 132. Thaxter, Mrs. Celia, loi. Thaxter, John, 10 1. Thing, Jonathan, 214. Tiiomas, Hon. Benjamin F., 33. Thomas, John, 149, 152, 357, 376, 387- Thompson, Dr. Robert, 7. Thomson, David, 82, 178, 181. Toby, Henry, 333. Treat, Gov., 203, 324. Tufton, Anne, 279. Tufton, Robert, 279. Turfrey, George, 307. Tuttle, Charles Wesley, mentioned, xi, xii, xiii, xiv, xv ; memoir of, by John Ward Dean, 1-54. Tuttle Family, 30. Tuttle, Lieut. Francis, 5. Tuttle, Freeman, 4. Tuttle, Prof. Horace Parnell, 4, 13,40. Tuttle, John, 3, 205, 208, 210, 214. Tuttle, John W., 5, 30. Tuttle, Mary, 3, 4. Tuttle, Mrs. Mary Louisa (Park), 48, 54; memoir of, 55-59 ; mentioned, xiii, xvi, 235. Tuttle, Moses, 3. Tyng, Edward, 357-359- Underbill, Capt. John, 102. Ungroufe, John, 335. Urin, Edward, 356, 387. Usher, John, 117, 325, 326. Van Beuningen, C, ambassador from the States-General to the Court of Great Britain, his letter to the King complaining of the interference of the English of Massachusetts with Index. 425 the Dutch in Acadie, 382 ; men- tioned, 383, 384, 385, 389. Van Tromp, Admiral Count Cornelis, 135- Vaughan, William, 164-166, 168, 170, 188, 191, 204, 205, 211, 214, 221. Vetch, Col, 254. Wadleigh, Robert, 214. Wake, Catharine, 284. Wake, Dr. Edward, 284. Walcott, Humphrey, 281. Waldron (or Waldern), Richard, 188, 191, 200, 204, 211, 214, 334. Waldron, Richard, Jr., 200. Waldron, William, 334, 350, 356, 364, 387. Walker, Nathaniel, 344. Walker, Samuel, 333. Walles, James, 333. Walpole, Sir Horace, 247, 250. Walton, George, 333, 356, i^T. Wardell, Thomas, 333. Warden, William, 333. Warren, Admiral Sir Peter, 229, 236. Warren, Winslow, 52. Washington, Gen. George, 259, 261. Wastill, John, 334. Waterhouse, Prof. Sylvester, his trib- ute to Charles Wesley Tuttle, 48. Weare, Nathaniel, 202, 204, 206, 208- 211, 214. Webb, Christopher, 293. Webb, George, 335. Webster, Sydney, 28. Weeks, J. Clement, xvi. Weld, Thomas, 358. Wenbourne, William, 333. Wentworth, Gov. Benning, 247. Wentworth, Hon. John, 3, 49. Wentworth, Sir John, 194. Wentworth, William, 333. West, John, 294. Weston, Thomas, Jr., 58. Whalley, Major-Gen. Edward, 299, 302. Wharton, Richard, 324, 325. Wheelwright, Rev. John, 178 ; ex- pelled from Massachusetts, founds a church at Exeter, N. H., and a local government, 330, 331. White, Capt. Paul, 109, in. Whitwell, William, 359. Wight, Thomas, 333. Wilder, Hon. Marshall Pinckney, 49. Wilkinson, Thomas, 326. Wilks, Francis, 228. Willard, Simon, 230, 358, 359. Williams, Gov. Francis, 330. Williams, John, 143, 149, 152, 253,357, 387. Williamson, Sir Joseph, Secretary of State, 155, 383, 384. Willington, Richard, 358. Wilson, Gen. Sir Robert, 286. Wilson, Rosabella Stanhope, 286. Wilson, Samuel, 281. Wilson, Thomas, 333. Winslow, Gov. Josiah, 311. Winthrop, Adam, 307. Winthrop, Hon. Robert Charles, his remarks on the death of Charles W. Tuttle, 50, 51. Wiswell, Capt., 165. Witherick, Mrs. Elizabeth (Cutt-Elliot), 1 01, 340. 54 426 Index. Witherick, Robert, 340. Withers, Thomas, 109, no, 115. Wolfe, Major-Gen. James, 242. Woodbury, Hon. Charles Levi, xvi, 37 ; his tribute to Charles W. Tuttle, 49. Woodman, Capt. John, 164, 209. Woodmansey, John, 358. Woolsey, Cardinal, 24. York, Duke of (Thomas Stuart), 177. Young, Rev. Edward, 43. University Press : John Wilson & Son, Cambridge.