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 iXj^* THE distance of the writer from the Press has prevented an examination 
 ofth" nroo: ■ibeets in due time, so that several errors have intervened, which 
 
 t,he : -"^ ' jr i desired to correct. 
 
 in the title page, for "Carolinian" read "Carolin/an." 
 
 In til? 5thpaf^e and 17th line, for "prerjart- 7" read "prepare." 
 
 In the 6th paq-e 3rd line, for •■editors" read "orders/" 
 
 In t .e 7th paj^e in 6th line fiom the bottom, for "turned" read "trerr.cd, •' 
 
 In tlie 9th pa-^e, for "warned" read " -.varmed." 
 
 In the 14th page, for "g-enious" read "genius." 
 
 In the 18th page, for "germe"read "germ." 
 
 In the 20th page, for "bases" read "basis." 
 
 Tn 21st page Istline of the note, for "Southr'-j;," rfsd "Soutiic-;;." 
 
Some of the objections lo Mr. CUAWFORD as a, 
 candidate for President of the United States, spe- 
 cifically stated ; caused by a book lately publish-' 
 ed in Columbia, urging his pretentions to that. 
 Office on the People of South-Carolina. 
 
 A careful perusal of the book above alluded to, will 
 shew that but few of the objectioos of the people of South 
 Cavoliiia against Mr. Crawford^ for the important office 
 to which he so ardently aspires, are noticed, and those 
 which have attracted the atientiou of "the Author^*' are 
 passed over with merely a sligiit observa tiouj or are un- 
 fairly met, or superficially answered. It is not my in 
 tention to go into the details of this great labor of 63 pa- 
 ges, or to answer them further than a plain undisguised 
 statement of my objections will have that effect. 
 
 '^ The Author'^ of the book asserts that the people of 
 < his state have been unduly and unfairly excited and 
 prejudiced against Mr. C. This, as a general proposi- 
 tion, is by no means true. His desires for that office 
 have been known to the people liere ever since his me- 
 morable Caucus contest with Mr. Monroe in 1816, a pe- 
 riod of eight years, and the prominence of the offices 
 which he has filled, has caused his political course to 
 have been viewed with deliberation and fairness for a 
 much longer time. It is therefore entirely incorrect to 
 insinuate that tlie people, as a body, have been impro- 
 perly, or suddenly excited against /z//?z or any other can- 
 didate. It is true however tliat there is excitement 
 ?igainst him, and very general excitement, but this arises 
 j'rom the circumstance that a man against whom there 
 a-re so many and such weighty objections, should per- 
 t^evere against the v, ishes of the people, and not fronjL 
 any personal hoslility to, or prejudice against him. 
 
 That there may not be the shadow of ground for com 
 plaint upon this score, I shall state my objections m nu- 
 merical order, in so condensed a form as to preclude pas- 
 sion or declamation, and in language as gentle and mod- 
 •irate as may be compatible with a f^-itliiui and just com- 
 
Munication of my Ideas. I shall uot theiefore set out 
 with a vain boast of my candor and impartiality ; of tliese 
 the people will judge. Some oi* my objections may b^ 
 entitled to less weight than I am disposed to give them, 
 but if /??ft;<yGf them do not merit the deepest considera- 
 tion, then v.ill I admit that I am utterly unfit to judge of 
 political men or ?neasures. I am so located that I can 
 not have immediate access to the documents of the dif- 
 ferent departments of the Executive, or Journals of Con 
 gress, but I pledge myself to state but few, if any facts, 
 which are not either matters of general concession and 
 notoriety, or established by the published documents oi' 
 speeches of the person?? referred to. 
 
 1. As Mr. Crawford is brour-ht forward as the uni- 
 form and exclusive Republican of the Jefferson school. 
 my first objection to him is that he commenced his politi- 
 •cal career as a Federalist, by acting as the chairman of 
 atommittee of five, in Augusta, Geo. on the 2d. July, 
 1798, having drafted and sanctioned an address to Pre 
 sident Adams, amidst the excitement produced by the 
 most violent measures of his administration, expressing 
 '^ the most unlimited confidence in the firmness, justice 
 and ivisdom of that administration.^^ The Alien la\\ 
 was approved on the 25th of June, 1798 ; the Sedition 
 law on the l4th July, 1798,* and several other of the 
 most offensive acts v* ere passed before, and about the 
 time of the address, so as not only to have been known 
 at Augusta, at that time, but to have caused the greatest 
 excitement throughout the Union. These laws were in 
 progress and discussion sometime before they were ap- 
 proved. The address at length is to be found on the 
 files of the Augusta Chronicle, published at that time. 
 
 I will merely ask what sort of a republican was lie, 
 who, in 1798, had ^' the most unlimited confidence'^ in 
 the wisdom and justice of the Mien and Sedition laics, 
 and other measures, which were then the only tests of 
 Federalists and Republicans ? What sort of a Repub- 
 lican of the Jefferson school, must he be who appro ve(l[ 
 of the very measures, by the odium of which Mr, Ad 
 
 •See 3 Vol. Laws U. S. pages 66, 74, 97, Stp 
 
itiijs wa:s prostrated; mulMr. Jeft'erson elected ? Thea^i- 
 IJior of Mr. Cran ford's book slides over this by a sweep 
 iiiiir assertion, in the teeth of Mr. C\s recorded act. 
 
 2. As a further objection and proof that Mr. Craw- 
 ford opposed the tiucilepublicau dortriiie, asameinberof 
 tlw Senate of tiie United States in 1807, he voted ae^-ainst 
 the Embar<»;o, a mcasiu-e recommeiuLd by Mr. Jefferson 
 to snve our immenn^f^ mercantile cap] ial from (he desola- 
 ting sweep of the j^'reiich decrees, and British orders in 
 council. The support of the administration in that mea- 
 sure was the touch-stone of Repriblicanisni. This is 
 apparent fVom the fact thiit Mr. Crav.'ford voted in &. 
 small minority. (1 think live in number.) all violent Fed- 
 eralists, ^v'nhJIr. Fickerlng* at their head. fSee the 
 Journals of the Sf^nate.J 
 
 3. Mr. Crawford voted against the repeal of the Eui 
 bargo in 1809>. Vvhen Mr. .TelTerson and the Republican 
 party had deiermined to abandon it, and prepared for 
 
 more vigorous measures. 
 
 Now those wlio condemn the Embargo as a substi- 
 tute forwarj admit that it was a wise, necessary and ail- 
 important measure jivpjmratory for war, — of course it 
 was expedient when Mr. C. voted againt it, and unwise 
 in its continuance^ when he voted for it — What a tissue 
 of disastrous comradictions ! Always changing, alivays 
 'n'rn;i<r, and aluHUiS agaiiwt the ad mini tit rat iuu.- — Against 
 that administration of which he is iield up as tiie strictest 
 follower and exclusive friend. 
 
 4. Mr. Crawford, just before the close of Mr. Jeifer 
 son's administration, was notoriously attaclied to a par 
 ty of which Mr. Randolph, (vvdio had become dissatlsli- 
 »>d with Mr. Jefferson,) was at the head. They did no!, 
 hesitate to praise each other, and find fault, almost con- 
 f^fantly, with the administration. J have the authority 
 of moie than one member of the then Congress, for the 
 truth of this ; and in confirmation of Mr. Crawford's 
 hostile t'eelinsrs towa,rds the, Republican administration, 
 
 "* Ytv. Pickering'^ l^Ir. Otis, nnd clher distinguished Fedcrr.l Icr.cler.vaided b} 
 ihe N. York Evening- 1'"- .':;-' '' ■ r Fyderid'pre^e'' • - -^ '^v' ■^' .-•c-.v -uduiy 
 
 L'Jr. Crawf'jrd 
 
he dciiveved a pointed and personal piuiipjMc againsi: 
 Mr. Madison, on account of the message of Mr. M. de- 
 tailing the injuries inflicted by the British editors;, and 
 recommending Congress to put the nation in a state of 
 defence. lie characterized the message as ha^ ing " the 
 ■imbiguity of ares.ponjie from the Delphic Oracle/' con 
 ended against a war, averring that the Embargo ought 
 to have been adhered to. Does this look like being a 
 tVicnd to the war, and of iliose measures necessary for 
 its vigorous prosecution ? 
 
 5. When the war became inevitable, at a later peri 
 od, Mr. Craivford opposed ike erection of a JS^avi/, pro- 
 nouncing it '•■worse than ridiculous to think of defend- 
 ing our commerce by a JWvy/' This he did, when 
 every politician of sagacity must have been convinced of 
 the folly and impotence of declaring w^ar against Great 
 Britiiin without a Navy. I admit that he did finally 
 s^ote for the war, but I deny that he did support It worm 
 ly. or those measures upon whicji its success depended. 
 We have seen that he opposed the great engine by wliick 
 it was supported — ^tlie most cheap, least dangerons, and 
 most efficient means of defence and protection to the na- 
 
 !on. His speecli against the J\''avy has been published 
 and can be referred to. We have seen no speech from 
 him in favor of the war, or one of its measures, nor was 
 such an one ever published. His speech against the 
 Navy v/as delivered on the 2d February, 1810, in which 
 he pronounced it a fungus on the body politic which 
 ought to be amputated — ^that the nation had spent on it 
 about 12,000,000 of dollars, &c. 
 
 6. Altho' the war was a time of the most imminent pe 
 ril the nation had seen since the revolution, and calcula 
 ted to elicit the highest eflbrts of the patriot stateman in 
 the councils of the Republic at home, yet shortly after if 
 
 vas declared, we see Mr. Crawford taking refuge from 
 responsibility and danger in a foreign court, (France,) 
 where no great or extraordinary object was to be effected, 
 and Tvhere no service, so far as I have ever heard, was 
 rendered. There he remained till the storm had subsi- 
 ded ! Wa^ this the course pf a great statesman, or an ar 
 
dent pairiot fitted to stand at tlic helm and guide the 
 vessel of state ? 
 
 7. Butaltho' Mr. Crawford did not breast the shock 
 of war, yet shortly after the return of peace, we find him 
 ambitiously aspiring to that high office which a grateftd 
 peoiile had almost ananinwusly desia-natedfor the loni^ 
 services and recent sdf-devotion of Mr. Monroe. Tliis 
 is certaiiily the most censurable act which could occur 
 in the political life of any man under such circumstances.. 
 I know- it is said that he did not seek, but retired from 
 the contest. From the existing circumstances, no im- 
 partial man can believe it. He could have stopped by a 
 shigle decided command, the exertions of his friends. 
 He ought not to have hesitated a moment to have done so, 
 because he mimt have known that he was not the choice 
 ^)f the people. From his political progress thitherto, lie 
 must have known that then he had not been thought of by 
 the nation. His nomination would have overwhelmed 
 the people with surprize and astonishment ! 
 
 It is true that Br. Bibb, a friend of his, did, under 
 some pretext, write a letter in which he stated that Mr. 
 Crawford ^'did not wish to be considered one of those 
 from whom a choice was to be made." Upon the vert 
 face of this letter there is nothing positive. — It in fact 
 amounts to an invitation to his friends to persevere. li 
 ivas almost literally ^'^ Cesser putting aside the crown 
 that it might he the more strenuously urged iqion him." 
 This presumption amounts to certainty, when we see it 
 immediately afterwards declared in the Washington Ci 
 ty Gazette, a paper e^^n then devoted to Mr. Crawford, 
 that it was authorized to state that " nothing in that let 
 ier was intended to convey the idea that Mr, Crawford 
 would not permit his name to be used, but that he would 
 yield to the determination of his friends."* From that 
 time till the caucus, his friends exerted themselves to se 
 cure his nomination, and the Gazette turned w ith denun 
 ciations of Mr. Monroe, Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Madison, 
 ^/and the Virginia dynasty. It wai? urged in messes and 
 private circles among the members, &c. that he would 
 vacate all offices and fill them with his supporters, thus. 
 attempting to purchase the government^ ivith its own 
 
cv 
 
 patroridfis. liarin;;5ali this time, the declarutldti in Vue 
 Gazette Avas navcrcouiradictedby Mr. C„ erhisfiieridiT' 
 aud it was understood that he stiiaulated theiii^ at least 
 till he found the game desperate. To illustrate this 
 dark transaction. Ishall quote some of the remarks oi 
 the National Litelligeacer of the Sth April^, 1816, As 
 the editors of this paper are liow the devoted fr iends of 
 Mr. Crawford, it is presumed their authority will not bf* 
 questioned. 
 
 They say '* our astonishment increases, hy vetiospec 
 tion, at the formidable numl)er of the Republican raeet-- 
 in^ opposed, to tlie nomination of Mr. Monroe. We 
 c-onsult our inclination and probably the interests of the 
 ^reat republican family, in avoiding an examination of 
 the circumstances,, a cnmhination of ivhich had nearly 
 produced a noniiuation in direct opposition to the 
 
 PUBLIC WILL." 
 
 ^^It is a fact iHidis-puted, we believe, that the acUviti/ 
 and preconcert of (he opponents of Mr, Monroe^ and a 
 fastidious delicacy of Iiis best friends, which prevented 
 active exertions in support of his nomination, produced a 
 state of things astonishing to most of the good people of 
 the United States, who ex})ccted nothing less, than that 
 division of sentiment which ])revailed among their repre- 
 sentatives. The decided friends of Mi*. J^Ionioe were 
 so backward in their exertions, that at one time their op- 
 ponents, mistaking silent conviction for apathy, looked 
 forward to certain victory. On their jt?a?'^ however no 
 exertions ivere spared. As no labor was too great, so 
 
 so MEANS WERE TOO HUMBLE TcT' AID THEIR OBJECT. 
 
 Witness the use made of the columns of an ephemeral 
 priniin this city to soil the character and lacerate the 
 feelings of their opponents. 
 
 '• Si has been said that the meeting was got up by Mr, 
 Alonrac's friends under circumstances peculiarly favor- 
 able to their views. This is not true. On the contrary, 
 it w-as his opponents, flushed with sanguine hopes of 
 success — the result of consultations previously held — it 
 was they who urged the meeting — it was they who con- 
 voked it,*' '"'It is well known /z pre. that had all t-he 
 
Republicans atteiidt'd, his (Mr. Monroe'^) majority 
 would have been more than double." 
 
 Such is the character of tiiis transactionj and yet it is 
 to his conduct in relation to it^ that Mr. Crawford's 
 friends appeal for proof of liis unaspiring modesty. Can 
 any man, at all versed in human nature, say that Mr. 
 Cs friends were not Avarned liud animated by the mas- 
 tic spirit ? Can any one believe that he was the unwil- 
 lins; inQtrument of all this distractinii; aa'itation in the 
 Republican party ? Could a man, not dreamed of for 
 the presidency by the people, thus be brought forward 
 and sustained at iiie very capitol where he dwelt— -at his 
 very door, without his agency or concm^rence. It is im- 
 possible ! 
 
 8. But how has Mr. Monroe's magnanimity and del- 
 icacy in failing to discard a political opponent from his 
 cabinet been rewarded ? Instead of sustaining the ad- 
 ministration as Mr. Crawford was bound to do by eve- 
 ry principle which bind men together in relations of con- 
 fidence, has he not secretly reared a party as violently op- 
 posed to Mr. Monroe; as the Federal party ever waste 
 Mr. Jefterson or Mr. Madison. A few years ago, and 
 on its incipiency, this party was open and undisguised ; 
 assumed the name of Radicals, and accused the most 
 economical administration with which we have ever he&n 
 blessed, of ruinous extravagance, and held up Mr. Craw 
 ford as the great reformer of abuses. But since it is 
 seen that the people frown indignantly upon such an 
 attempt to undermine Mr. Monroe's administration, Mr. 
 C. and friends, disavow the very name of Radical, and 
 profess not to know what is meant by Radicalism ! 
 
 The evidence however has gone abroad, and all the 
 '* multidinous waves" of the ocean would not wash from 
 Mr. Crawford's hands the stain of Radicalism. Let us 
 advert to a few facts which are believed to be incontro- 
 vertible. Every Radical in the United States is the 
 friend, and the most of them the active partizans of Mr 
 Crawford, so far as Iknov\^, without an exception. — The 
 Radicals in Congress, as a party, have invariably sup- 
 "poiif'd hiiii. It was openly predicted by them, that thef 
 administration was unpopular and must go down. Mr, 
 
10 
 
 Gilmer ♦ of (Teovgia.. a political and persoiial trieiid of 
 Mr. C. in a violent attack upon the administration, said. 
 '* it would rain the counlij, and that he wished to see, 
 the line drawn and parlies designated." Cluirsed with 
 the views and feelings of Mr. C . lie Avas too iionest and 
 candid to conceal them. I)r. Flovd of Virginia, a gen- 
 tleman of the banie honest principles, declared, during; 
 iho. same deba-.c, that '^ he regrelitd that tltc period was 
 eo remote that would terminate the administration of Mr 
 Monroe." Tiie speeches of these two gentlemen and 
 tiie replies they elicited, were never published, for rea- 
 sons no doubt, satisfactory to the editors of the Intelti- 
 g&ncer. If the discubKiun had taken place before the 
 collected body of the American people, a single doubt 
 ivould not now remain as to the existence, thejirincipleSy 
 or the uliimate object of the Radical party. " The Au- 
 thor" of the book might not have sulfered as he professes! 
 now to do, for the dclinition of Kitdicalism. 
 
 Hitherto I acknowledge myself greatly indebted to an 
 able address to the people of North Carolina, on the 
 presidential question, published last winter, in which 
 many important facts are collected, from which I have 
 extracted freely, and which 1 could wish now to see re- 
 published entire. 
 
 I have however other objections to Mr. Crawford, no 
 less weighty than those which have been presented, nia- 
 ny of which relate either to his want of talents or want 
 of inclination, properly to perform the duties of the se- 
 veral high offices which he has held. 
 
 9. I shall first refer to his acceptance of the office of 
 Secretary of War, Avhich he held for a considerable time, 
 (perhaps two years,) immediately after the late war, and 
 although from the number of incumbents who had held 
 it, and the great confusion of the war, was in a state of 
 great di'^organizaiion ; yet so far as I have been able to 
 learn, he never did progress a single important step to- 
 wards reducing It to order, remedying the various evils 
 incident to it, or giving it that complete organization of 
 which it was susceptible in the hands of an able and in- 
 dustrious man, and A\hich would SrtL'e ti?ne, save moneij, 
 ^oc^lcre our almost unknown territory^ point out the vul 
 
11 
 
 ■nei\2bU: and assailable yoinfs of our CGuat, vccommend 
 the remedy, aid in impovtant works of internal improve' 
 inent) such as roads, stations, ^'c. connected loiih the de- 
 fences of the country, and render our army as efficient ae 
 was jnmcticahle. I repeat it, that if ^Ir. Crawford did 
 take any step towards effecting these Important objects; 
 I have never known it, for 1 would not willingly suppress 
 a single fact redounding to his credit. 
 
 10. As Secretary of the Treasury Department, I ob- 
 ject to him, because his course has been negative^ hidden 
 -or doubtful, weak, illegal and unconstitutional. 
 
 It is impossible in the limits necessarily assigned to such 
 a production as this, to go much into detail, but I will 
 give an example in each particular : 
 
 1. His course has been negative, which is demonstra' 
 ted from his uniform timidity and backwardness to sus- 
 tain the views and policy of the administration in his re- 
 ports, by marshalling the resources of the nation. Hi^ 
 object seems to have been to diminish the funds really 
 I'xisting, instead of drawing other resources into activity 
 in incicase the Navy, according to the provisions by law 
 already provided, and to go on with fortiiications, &c, 
 I now reiser to the years 1820-1821, when Mr. Craw- 
 ford's friends in Congress, under the popular idea of 
 avoiding internal taxes, (which in no event would have 
 been necessary,) cut down the Army from 10,000 men^^ 
 to less than 6000, and exerted themselves to cut down the 
 Navy in the same way, to wit, by moving to diminish 
 the permanent appropriation of 83,000,000 for its in- 
 crease, down to S 1,500,000, to reduce the number of 
 seamen and boys, and to lay up the ships to be built un- 
 der cover, ivithout jmrchasing those equijnnents^ &c. in 
 despensible for a speedy outfit in case of emergency ; 
 and the same party did actually suspend the appropria- 
 tion altogether for some important fortifications, and 
 greatly and injuriously lessened others, though the pub- 
 lic faith had been already pledged by contract for carry- 
 ing them on. The great JMid deserved popularity of the 
 Navy only saved it, and it was to check this ruinous spi- 
 rit of Radicalism, fnot true economy,) that president 
 Monroe, immediately after, came out v. Ifh liis firm and 
 
i2 • 
 
 '*nli£;]ui'?ie(i iiiaui;ural addiess, in which, reprobatine, 
 that lliictuatiui:;, wasteful and riiijioiis policy, which, a? 
 !. regarded our valuable institutions, changes with the 
 f.tateof the Treasury, and under the pretext of poverty, 
 wotild pull down, or uegkct, or lay waste, in one year, 
 what it was wise, economical and safe to have built up 
 the year ])efore ; he declares that '^ onr great resources 
 remained unfouched/' and that for any purpose which 
 miy affect •• the vital interests of the nation, they are in- 
 exiiaa^^tibie."^ Mr. Crawford, in his report, cries out 
 retrencii or cut down, &c. or vou must resort to internal 
 taxes, the bug-bear he always held up. Mr. Monroe 
 gays ^* o!U" great resources remain untouched.'^' — That 
 '^ they are more especially to be found in the virtue, pat- 
 riotism and intelligence of our fellow-citizens, and the 
 devotion with which tljey would yield up by any just 
 Measure of taxsition, all their property in siqjjjort of tJu 
 rif^hts and Jimici' of their coimtry.^' (See the Journals 
 of Congress— Mr, Monroe'^ second inaugural address 
 and Mr. Crawford's annv.al report. 
 
 2. His course has been /liV/f/a^i, Ivccausebv the solemn 
 mandate of the House of llepreentatives in 1818, he wag 
 required to report io the next session on the subject oi 
 internal improvements, which he has, up to this day re- 
 fused to do, knowing, (as we must suppose,) that if he 
 reported favorably, either on the expediency or constitu- 
 tionality of such a system, he would lose the great bulk 
 of his Virginia, North Carolina and Georgia friends, 
 with whom he is popular as a supposed enemy to internal 
 improvements, and if unfavorably, he would lose his 
 friends in New York, Pennsylvania and other states, 
 who are the strenuous advocates of such a s;ystem. 
 
 3. That his course has been douhtfuly is evinced by 
 the cloud of ambiguity and mystery in which he seems 
 disposed to envelope his opinions generally,' and partic 
 ularly whenever he is steering between two great con- 
 flicting parties or interests, both of which he is anxious 
 to conciliate. I will give an example or two, in his an- 
 nual report of the 13t(i December, 1819, upon the sub- 
 ject of the Tr/Wj^. He says ^' under all the circumstan- 
 "^s, it is respectfully submitted, that the public interest 
 
18 
 
 reqiiii^K that the levenue be augraeuted, or that the ex- 
 penditures be dimiuIsL 'd." " Should an increase of the 
 revenue be deemed expedient, a portion of the deficit may- 
 be supplied by an addition to the duties now imposed 
 upon various articles of foreign merchandize, and by a 
 reasonable duty upon sales at auciion, but it is not pro- 
 bable that any modification of the existing Tariff can su- 
 persede tlie necessity of resorting to internal taxation, if 
 the expendure is not diminished. Should Congress 
 deem it expedient to modify the present rate of duties ivith 
 41 vieiv to that iirotection, to our cotton and looollen and 
 iron manufactures, which is necessary to secure to them 
 the dcmestic market, the necessity ofreborting to a sys- 
 tem of internal taxation will be augmented. It is believ- 
 .^d that the jfrese7it is a favorable inoment iov. affording 
 effvcient protection to that increasing and important in^ 
 terest, if it can be done consistently with the general 
 iaterest of the nation." 
 
 Now reader, what can you make of such an opinioi> 
 as this ? It is literally 
 
 " Point look out, and point look in, 
 
 Foint, no point, and point aj^iiin." 
 
 I hope it will not be treating with too much levity, so 
 grave a subject, by supposing the honorable Secretary 
 to be seated between two of his dlstir.guished, yet warm 
 friends, Governor Dickerson of New Jersey, a strenu- 
 ous advocate of the Tariff, himself, deeply interested in 
 the manufacture of iron, and Governor Barbour of Vir- 
 ginia, a gentleman as violently opposed to the system. 
 To Governor D. he, (Mr. Crawford,) says ^" the reve- 
 nue must be augmented. ^^ To Governor B. *^o?^ the 
 expenditure must be diminished/'^ 
 
 To the former, ^^ the revenue may be increased by 
 additional duties on various articles of foreign merchan- 
 dize." 
 
 To tlie latter, ^^ but it is not probable thai any modi- 
 fication of the existing Tariff can prevent a resort to in* 
 ternal taxation, ?/thc expenditure be not diminished." 
 
 To the former, " should Congress modify the Tariff 
 sv mi^ afford that protection to cotton;, tvooUen andiron 
 
14 
 
 which AVill give them the domestic markelj'' w)iy thei); 
 Gov. B. "" the necessity of internal taxes will be aug- 
 mented/*' 
 
 I really believe Gov. D. that '^ the present is a favor- 
 able /nom-mtiov aftbrding efficient protection to that in- 
 creasing .\n{\ important interest (cotton, wool and iron,) 
 turning to Gov. B. ''if it can be done consistejitlij ivitk 
 the general interest of the nation/ ■ " 
 
 If the reader will examine the remainder of the re- 
 port touching this subject, he will find it still wrapt up 
 •*' in all the ambiguity of a response from the Delphic 
 Oracle." Fro)n it we can collect but one thing certain, 
 viz.. that the expenditures must be reduced, (whether it 
 cuts doAvn the Navy, or impedes fortifications, &c.) m' 
 we must be visited by that greatest of all terrors, *• a 
 system of internal taxes.'' 
 
 I do not intend to enter into an examination of all Mr. 
 Crawford's reports to shew him friendly to the Tarilf; 
 for ifitAvere necessary, I am not so fortunate as " the 
 A-uthor" of Mr. Craw ford's book, in having access to aZZ 
 these reports ; and it could not be expected that I should 
 rely on tlie partial scraps of quotations which that book 
 furnishes. I am willing to admit that in his overwean 
 ing sj)irit of conciliation he, although the officer appoint- 
 ed to shed light on all these subjects, in most instances, 
 gets astraddle of the proposition, and leaves the ques- 
 tion exactly where he found it, without receiving one ray 
 of light from the plaistic power of his genious. It is 
 sufficient for my purpose, to know that in answer to a 
 resolution of Congress, he did recommend a higher duty 
 on cotton bagging, on iron, on cotton cards and on vari 
 ous other articles of prime importance to southern inter- 
 ests than there did exist, when the duties were ad valo-t 
 rem, and not specific. It is sufficient for my purpose, to 
 know, that although the most of his reports leave the sub- 
 ject in so questionable a shape, that each side of this 
 momentous question may and do claim him as friendly 
 to their respective interests ; yet on the 31st December, 
 1824, ivhen it was ivell ascertained that a majority of 
 Congress tvere friendly to the Tariffs a flood of light 
 hursts in upon him, and lie vohmteev^ a declaration, mv 
 
15 
 
 asked for by Congress, and pot rendered necessary b^ 
 the occasion, '^ that if it be deemed advisable to give in- 
 creased extension or activity to the INavy, or to aid in 
 objects of internal improvements," (tAvo of llKemcst pop- 
 ular topics he could have touched,) " such additional 
 means as were required, might be obtained by a judi- 
 cious revision of the TariC It was then found thsit 
 :^iich a measure " ivithout bc.mg onerous to the commu-. 
 nitjij would be advantageous to the revenue, and leneji- 
 cial to the manufactures of the country.'' 
 
 It is sufilcientVor me to know, that if Mr. Crawford had 
 felt the measure, (in any view of it,) to have been uncon- 
 constitutionaL or calculated to rob one class of his fel- 
 low citizens, to put into the pockets of another class, he 
 could and would, as an honest patriot attached to sou- 
 thern rights, have said so, crhave intimated it, in such a 
 way, as to have been intelligible, wiihout trenching upon 
 that delicacy possessed by a man of honor, or due to the 
 office he held. 
 
 If I may be allowed to quote the same kind of author- 
 ity, repeatedly referred to by " the Author" of Mr- 
 Crawford's book, I can aver that I have high authority 
 for saying that Mr. Crawford did Jissure Mr. Baldwin, 
 (whose bill four years ago, was far more objectionable 
 than the bill, as passed by the house at its last session,} 
 that his, (Mr. B's) bill met his approbation, with but 
 some slight revision or modification. This Mr. Bald- 
 win will not deny, and all will recollect that Mr. Bald- 
 win's was avowedly a bill/or_/?i'ofec.#io??, and not a hill 
 for revenue. If Mr. Crawford had not been distinctly 
 understood, at least among tlie Tariff advocates, to be 
 friendly to the scheme, there are oth«r members, now 
 amongst his warmest friends, besides Governor Dicker 
 son, who would not have supported his pretentions to 
 the presidency for a moment. 
 
 4. The next objection to Mr. C. in his' office as Se- 
 cretary, is his tceakness — of which, I will give this me- 
 morable instance, that in his annual report of 1820, in 
 marshalling ^'the ways and means" of the nation, he 
 did make an undoubted blunder of about S 3,000,000 
 against the revenue. His friends were driven to confess 
 
this, ilioiigh Mr. C. endeavored to acfeen himself frofsi 
 the imputntioii in iwo or three successive ameadatory it: 
 ports; 
 
 If this was not a blunder arising from weakness, it 
 must have arisen from desigyi, — A design probably ta 
 cut down the influence of the Array and Navy^, which 
 from their perfect organization, ifcc. were said io be ra- 
 pidly rising in Mr. C's way. Be this as it may. Mi*. 
 C. is driven to one or the other of these alternatives. 
 
 It could not be the effect ofinattentio}!^ because in hi* 
 subsequent reports, he endeavorsto justify the error. 
 
 5. The next objection goes to shew that Mr. Crav.- 
 ford's conduct as Secretary, was illegal and imcanstiti'- 
 tional. I allude to tlic charges preferred by Kinian Ed- 
 wards. For my purpose. Air. Edwards^ character or 
 motive, whether good or bad, is perfectly immaterial, 
 for the truth of the charges do not at all depev^d on his 
 teMimony. The question is as iQ Mr. Crawford's con- 
 duct, and althougli the committee screen bim from cor- 
 rupt inotive, yet they admit some parts of his conduct'^ to 
 have been *^ irregular and dangerous. '' They admit in 
 fact, the truth of the four following essential allegations 
 wluch are established beyond a question, viz : 
 
 That he received uncui^ent and depreciated paper 
 from the bank of Missouri, and other banks to a larse 
 amo!i:it, when he might have demanded, and it was hi.^ 
 daty to have demanded cash. 
 
 That in numerous instances, he had made State banks 
 the depositories of public money, and gave them stand- 
 ing deposites to near a million of dollars, without report- 
 ing to Congress any reason for withholding the deposites 
 from the bank of the United States, ivhich the act cf Con- 
 gress positively requires. 
 
 Tiiat he loaned to several banks in the BitrliJ ; ' 
 L'olunibia, which were under great pressure, large sum;-'^ 
 of pu^dic money v/ithout interest, whilst the government 
 was borrowing money on interest. — That to one a^ the 
 banks of Alexandria, a loan of $ 50,000 or near that 
 sum, was made to enable it to wind up its business, and 
 that this sura is lost to the government. 
 
 This was hoihunconstitidicnal and illegal: Ttic c-nid 
 
17 
 
 these loans were sanctioned hv the President To im 
 plicate tiiis distinguished oilicer in so serious a charge, 
 the nation would require so?«e evidence j of which, not a 
 particle has been offered. But the allegation is utterly 
 urfomided in fact. 
 
 I need not descant on the alarming na.iiir8 of a prac 
 lice so scrupulously guarded against both by constitu 
 tion and law. If without the sanction of these, an oiii^ 
 cer can. lend the funds of the niition, either to acquire 
 popularity, or from pure benevolence, then every liga 
 ment of confidence which binds the government to the 
 people, is destroyed. 
 
 The fourth charge admitted by the committee, is that 
 in more tisau one instance, when the secretary was call- 
 ed on to transmit certain information to the House of Re- 
 prejientatives, he suppressed cr kept back, a part of the 
 information clearlv embraced Avitliin the call, and which 
 '«'-?-?! material to a right nndersiaiiding of the subject. I 
 especially refer to documents relating to the case of Af- 
 ricans smuggled into Greorgia. 
 
 A prosecution against D. B. Mitchell, a friend of Mr. 
 C. v/askept back, until it was too late, as determined by 
 the Judge of the Federal court, under the act of Congress, 
 though Gen. Mitchell, as Indian agent, was subsequent- 
 ly tried for his agency in this transaction, and dismissed 
 from office by the President. (See Mr. Wirt's opinion 
 as attorney general, on Mitchell's case.) 
 
 I have now mentioned some of the principal objec- 
 tions which at present occur to me against Mr. Crawford 
 as Secretary of the Treasury, with only some of the ma- 
 ny proofs by which they are sustainetl. I have merely 
 mentioned them, because I had neither time nor room, in 
 so hurried a production as this, to recite at large, even 
 those documents within my reach — the most of them are 
 however matters of general concession and notoriety. 
 
 Again, 
 
 11. I object to Mr. Crawford because he is now open- 
 ly su]>ported by his principal friends in Virginia, (who 
 may be presumed to know his private opinions best,) as 
 an enoiiiy to internal improvements, both on the g;roiHid 
 of their infxpediency and n7iconstitutionality 
 
 3^ 
 
IS * 
 
 T belio\ e a m vstem af liie kind, iudiciouslv viiid&rtakf n, 
 and enerp;e^)caUy and economiculJij prosecuted, will do 
 iiH)re toiaciiitaie and cliPiisli iaicFiiai coniincrce, enrich 
 the country, render \is iinprcc;Ei:ible in time of Avar, ce- 
 ■mf'wi the various pavfs of the Union, and thereby perpet- 
 uale its libei'lies and ensure its duration, than perhaps 
 any o^her plan that has ever been thought of by our wi- 
 sest patriot!;:. 
 
 12. Eecanse I view him as not only unfriendly to a 
 naticaai system of internal improvements, but that his 
 popuisrity so far as it goes, is now priricipally founded 
 on a pledge, that he will, if elected, pursue that JSorf/cf//, 
 creepmg jiolicy, which, €^er fearful of resorting to taxes, 
 woiild cut down our Army even from its present small 
 size, stop our essential foidfications, and impede the pro- 
 gress of our Navy, upon whicii, greatly depeiid our 
 peace, safety and liberty, at almost every crisis of the 
 country, but particularly when the crowned heads of Eu- 
 rope. '• the Holy Alliance'^ arc conspiring against the 
 liberties of mankind, and want only to see us vveak and 
 defenceless, to prostrate the germe of freedom in this hap- 
 py land I 
 
 Herein is the difference between the policy wiiich 3Ir.. 
 Monroe is pursuing, and has solemnly inculcated in eve- 
 ry message he has delivered, and in v/hich he is heartily 
 secondedby Jackson, Adams, Calhoun, and in truth, all 
 his distiiitiui-rhcd otiiceri^, as well jisthe nation : and the 
 Kadical parfv to whicli Mr. Crawford j.s devoted. The 
 former do not disregard ecorwrni/ — on rhe contrary', true 
 econonvjj is the distinguishii:.': (rait of the administration,, 
 but it 13 that economy Vviiich is founded upon the pep* 
 maneut iustitutions and prosperity of ihe country — 
 which would not hesitate to expend a million this year,, 
 +0 avoid the expenditure of 50 or 100 miUions in a war,, 
 a few ^'t?J:Ti hence, which a weak, inefficient and lluctu- 
 ating policy would invile. That the principal part ofl 
 those devoted to Mr. C. and to which indeed, he w devo- 
 trdy Mould pursue this iluctuatlng, temporising policy ; 
 their conduct for live years back in Congress, will abun- 
 dantly attest. Even the 3'Jilitary Academy at West 
 Pointj the only institution where the all-important ele- 
 
 1 
 
19 
 
 inenis of ih&i science, whkh AvUi eii:ible uss to defend uur 
 selves, are taught, has been, from session to seMsion, as- 
 sailed by a party of that horror struck, and tax-fearing 
 
 interest ! 
 
 The author of Mr. Crawford's book, vvho seeing to h& 
 so puzzled for the definition of Radicalism, may here 
 fairly infer my explanation of it. ^ 
 
 13. lobjecUo 1dm because he does liot combine in lii-j 
 favor, any large body of the people — on the contrary^ 
 almost every possible indication daily evinces, that he h 
 less popular than any one of the ( aiididates — certainly 
 far less popular dum two of them. It need not be urged 
 that in a fr'^.e government, it is of vast importance that 
 our Chief Magistrate should be sustained by tlie people 
 to make us prosperous in ])eace, and successful in war. 
 
 14. Because being destitute of the refptisite popularity, 
 th<5 artifice of a caucus has been resorted to, to forctt 
 Mr. Crawford upon the nation, in spite of, anil directly 
 against the icill of the peojtlc, and the fundamental prin 
 ciples of our governmeni:. This was not only a Con- 
 greshional caucus, tending to distract the members from 
 their designated duties, and to corrupt their purity, 
 slioukl the dection devolve upon them, but it was a small 
 minority caucus, not warranted even by those dangerous 
 party times, w hich gave rise to other meetings of the 
 same kind, and utterly precluded the idea of aiiy thing 
 like a fair expression of the piiljlic will. 
 
 The stratagem and combination resorted to in Xew 
 York, to force Mr. C. upon the people of t]:at great 
 state, against the declared voice of the people, are of a 
 kind with the caucus at Washington. 
 
 15. Because in despite of our interest, and the solemn 
 Rdmoniiory advice of Washington, Mr. C's friciujs are 
 now exerting themselves toc.-eatean odious and danger- 
 ous jealousy between North, Soiith and West; to sow 
 the seeds of that disaffection wliicli in springing up to 
 maturity, will threaten a dis-union of these happy states ; 
 and this to ensure his popularity at the South. 
 
 For proofs of this, ? eethe address of a meeting acMil- 
 kdgeville, Geo. im #c 'I'avitl', signed by a committee^ of 
 Sve, with Mr. Joel Cr^v. ,^ord a<- their head, in which 
 
30 
 
 (his apiiU orjcaLou.sv in the Soiiili. is iuciiicaied h^ aii:- 
 ji;ation«r that the govenimeiit has disbursed the nationai 
 revenue at the J\'ortIij in almoHt all the public establish 
 merits^ such as the Military Academy, Navy Yards, 
 Armories, &c. in v/hich tiic interests of the South have 
 been disregarded. To excite a jealousy against tlie 
 West, it is more than intimated, that the national funds 
 have been expended tljere, (alluding to the Yellow-stone 
 expedition, kc. up the Missouri, &c.) to favor the West 
 without a due regard to the general good. What ren- 
 ders such efforts more suspicious, is, that they are made 
 at local or sectional meetings at the South, instead of re 
 monstrating in a ilrm and manly way, to the proper or- 
 gan for a remedy of the evils, if audi really exist, 
 
 Anoihrr memorable proof of this disposition, is offer- 
 ed by Mr. Crawford's book, wherein it is insisted upon, 
 that should Mr. ^Mains be elected, v, e may expect " re- 
 strictions upon state sovereignties, which shall end in 
 the abolition of slavery, by emancipation among us." 
 This assertion is utterly groimdless, for although Mr. Ad- 
 ams is not my favoiite for the Presidency, yet as a mat 
 ler of common justice, I feel bound to state from authori- 
 ty quite satisfactory to my mind, and higher than the 
 writer of this book has given for much he has said, that 
 Mr. Adams was. in heart and hi sentiment, opposed utter- 
 ly to touching, v/Ijai is usually called ^^ the Missouri 
 question.'' I iirmly believe that no man in the Union 
 would be more unwilling to defeat, or in any way, mo- 
 lest that part of our Federal compact which has its bases 
 in a solemn recognition of this population, as it existed 
 at the time of its adoption. 
 
 Tills "Author" more than once, briwgs to our re- 
 membrance that the Northern and Eastern states, who are, 
 from principle, opposed to slavery, are the most numer- 
 ous^ the strongest. In the name of Heaven then, where 
 is the policy of owr disturbing the question? — Of our ex- 
 citing a premature jealousy against our Northern and 
 Eastern brethren upon this score ! — Our course should 
 be peace and conciliation, not from fear, but from prin- 
 ciple ; relying upon their faith and the plighted faith of 
 ^he nation to do us justice, and if necessary, to protect us 
 
21 
 
 in our i?aci'ed rights, — Indeed j 1 have heard a veiy seusi 
 ble gentleman, perhaps as deeply mterested in this spe 
 cies of property as any other, avow it to be our policy to 
 elect a Northern or Eastern President, (he mentioned 
 Mr. Adams,) upon the ground of i:;eneral conciliation 
 and harmony. Let us rely then with a due degree of 
 oonlidence and maananimitv, knowisi^ that the indul- 
 gence of ill-blood, hatred and jealousy, will more than 
 
 .every other cause, give rise to Missouri questions, and 
 those dangerous and distracting subjects of discord 
 hich may threaten our Union. We have rights which 
 ,m'st be held sacred, and an attempt to irrfringe them, 
 would rally every man, vjoman and child hi the Southern 
 states, around one common standard, for thdv defence. 
 For myself, I have no fears upon this very delicate sub- 
 ject ;* and it is with pain I see it dragged into this dis- 
 
 , cussion for party purposes, to help a candidate on to the 
 object of his ambition. 
 
 I am not however, about to enter upon the defence of 
 .Mr. Adams, for if I had time or talent to do so, the char- 
 ges exhibited in Mr. Crawford's book need no defence. 
 He is accused of having been a Federalist, when every 
 Ile/piiblican President^ for more than tv» ency years, has 
 
 It is a fact which will be remembered by many Soiithren members of Congi-ess, 
 that the most z-alous advocates ot the Missouri restriction, were heartily sick of it, 
 'before the matter ended. The question anionij tliem, was, -vho should incur 
 the odium of giving ivay, and when a sufficient numbci" did recede^ to carry the 
 
 2uestion in our favor, Mr. Sargeant himrelf, the leading speaker on that side, 
 eclarcd that he rejoiced tliat the matter was at rest. The truth is, that the 
 Northern people, by the discussion and progress of that distracting debate, be- 
 came better acquainted with our situation and more thorojighly impressed with 
 a conviction, that the Southern states never would permit their rights to be in- 
 vaded. It is but just to state however, that all the Testvictionists li-om the be- 
 ginning, declared that this was not their object ; and 1 do most conscientiously 
 believe that distant, very distant; will be that dav-, wlien Northern men v/ill have 
 ithe hardihood to attempt disturbing tiie compact which secures our rights. 
 
 So far from v/ishingto throvs' my countrymen off their guard, I vfould exhort 
 to vigilarice ; — At the same time, however, I would wait to have some evidence 
 upon which, to condemn a distinguished statesman, before 1 would brand him 
 with the charge of animosity to our interests. — I would not raise a quanel with 
 the strongest party about them, before they were assailed. — I would not renew 
 i contest by holding up past jealousies and remembrances, which mipht other- 
 wise, forever be dormant, especially when nu possible good is to be attained 
 by it. (.. 
 
 I refrain from entering into the many and powetful jeasons, which, upon 
 commercial princljjies, as well as every other, oughtiicw emphatically to unite 
 '.'..«.- 5>t>utiiffn a'dKii:.V;rnEtatf=; ... 
 
22 
 
 confined upon him the hii^-hest offices in tiie govenimeMt; 
 as marks of their distinguished confidence^ and this too 
 by the eulogist of a Inan Avliose first known act in politi- 
 cal lifC;, stamped him with the unequivocal test of a Fed- 
 eralist, and who is now endeavoring to gather strength 
 through the agency of Timothy Pickering, H. Ct. Otis, 
 the N. York Evening Post, and other distinguished Fed- 
 eral men and presses. He is accused of being a friend 
 to the Tariff ivithout proof, and when four fifths, per- 
 haps nine tenths of the state which supports him and 
 gave him birth, (I believe I may add of New England 
 generally,) are deeply interested in commerce.^ and di- 
 rectly opposed to exorbitant protecting duties. 
 
 Neither will 1 be driven into a defence of Gen. Jack- 
 son, the man to wliom /would confide the vessel of state, 
 and who has been so unjustly assailed in the book be- 
 fore me. That lie too, has his imperfections, I am rea- 
 p^y to admit, but I can never be persuaded that it would 
 be^ecessary, in his native state, to defend liim from the 
 assauit* of a writer, whose heaviest charges against him 
 must forever stand as monuments of his decision, wisdom, 
 and due subordination to the laws of his country. I 
 mean the execution of Arbuthnot and Ambrister, by 
 which he put an end to the effusions of the blood of our 
 innocent and unoffending women and children, and which 
 he had an unquestionable right to do, both by the laws 
 of God and man ; and the salvation of New Orleans, of 
 the Western country, perhaps of the Union itself, by a 
 temporary declaration of martial law. — By a resort to 
 the great first principle of self preservation, he immortal 
 ized himself by saving a section of country of the most 
 vital importance to the integrity of the whole ; and the 
 moment the necessity for this wise exertion of his energy 
 ceased, he gave one of the most illustrious examples of 
 subordination to, and veneration of the laws of the land, 
 wliich can be found in history. He not only surrender 
 ed himself a prisoner to the civil authority for a neces- 
 sary disobedience to its mandate, but cheerfully paid the 
 fine imposed, though by a single nod, the people would 
 have paid it for hiiii. or have rescued him from the gi-asp 
 of the law. 
 
23 
 
 Great, however, as is the debt of gratitude we oweiiim 
 for his marvellous military services, yet I do not support 
 him for the Chief Magistracy upon this ground. His 
 exalted talents, his ardent love of country, the purity of 
 his character, the impartiality with which he would re- 
 gard every part of the continent, the sagacity with which 
 he would select his confidential officers, and above all, 
 the inilexible fidelity with which he would prosecute the 
 •vise and enilghtened course of policy adopted by his 
 distinguished predecessor ; these, I say, furnish the 
 grounds upon which I support his claims to the high of- 
 ilce. Whilst I thus avow my partiality for Jackson, 1 
 am by no means insensible to the sterling merit, perfect 
 political discipline, great acquirements and talents, and 
 correct principles of Mr. Adams. Should our country 
 deem him best qualified to fill the station, I should rest 
 satisfied, because principles and measures, and not me7i<, 
 are my objects, and I belie^ e Jackson and Adams to be 
 so identified in these cardinal points, that they would 
 both pursue substantially the same political course. — 
 That the nation would receive the advantages of the same 
 enl!i2:hten( d counsels in the event of the success of either 
 the one or the other. 
 
 There is scarcely a doubt, liowever, but that South- 
 Carolina will continue inflexibly to support her favorite 
 son Jackson ; and although by the political artifice of 
 •'•' the Author,'^ and other partizans of Mr. Crawford, lie^ 
 has lately been shuffled out of the contest, yet every indi- 
 cation of the pu])lic sentiment warns us of his increasing 
 prospects of success. It would indeed be a master- 
 stroke in the game wliich Mr. Crawford is playing, to 
 get the irresistibly increasing popularity of Jackson out 
 of his way, and then to have the easier task of prostrating 
 Mr. Adams by an unfounded jealousy upon the Missou- 
 ri question. This cannot be effected ; for as ^^ the reign 
 of error in South-Carolina,'' according to the author of 
 Mr. Crawford's book, ^^ cannot be terminated in a day,''' 
 so neither can the second saviour of his country, be de 
 throned from the affections of an admiring people, in a 
 day, a year, or even for ages. All the management of 
 the Gumiingest contrivers, cannot blot from a nations grat- 
 
) ■* 
 
 itude, au ;ibi(ling remembrance of Jackson's services an;^ 
 virtues. If lie ascends to the most exalted station kno v, = . 
 to a republican government, it will be upon the aiiec- 
 tions and supported by the feelings of ten millions of 
 freemen. If Mr. Crawford attains it, I verily believe it 
 will be principally by the combined a£;ency of political 
 managers and anxious expectants of office, directij 
 against the wishes and feelings of the great bulk of ih 
 people. 
 
 As noticed in the outset, I intended to confine mysel* 
 simply to a specification of the objections against Mj 
 Crawford. The reader will iind an apolos;y for thr-. 
 slight departure made, in the nature of tb€ subject^, anrS 
 the complexion of some of the changes so artfuily mad - 
 by '' the author of the address.*^ I trust I shall be ex 
 cused in a few remarks in answer to that part of it, which 
 stigmatizes South- Carolina as being obnoxious to th^ 
 charges of *'' iincertaintyinj^oliticsJ' and subs^ittlng t'. 
 ^' the reign of error. '^ The words of "the autijOT," 
 are " had our vigilence been av/akened upon the lir;-;- 
 display of such a departure from repui)iican principles . 
 So t.itJi- Carolina ivould not now be charged with imcer 
 taintij ofj)olitics. To return to tliemis perhaps liot now 
 practicable. The reign of error is not so evanescent ft/ 
 fo hp. terminated in a day.'^ &c. 
 
 Let every honest South -Carolinian, freeing 5^;: ci; 
 irom passion and prejudice, ask hoiv a.nd ivheti did om 
 state make this departure from Republican principles P 
 Was it in the election and support of Mr. Jefferson, of 
 Mr. Madison, and of Mr. Monroe, and their respective 
 administrations? Was it in an indignant resentment of 
 the injuries inflicted on us by Great Entain and France 
 previously to 1812, which had nearly reduced us to a 
 second state of colonization, or the ardent zeal and iin 
 yielding firmness with which we supported the late war, 
 whicli grew out of these injuries ? Have we departed 
 from the true faiths laid ourselves onen to the char£:e ' of 
 an certainty in politics,^' or submitted to " a reign of 
 err-or,^- because v/e have heartih^ sanctioned and sup- 
 ported the leading measures of Mr. Monroe's policy. 
 hich are based upon the experience of the late eventfuj 
 
25 
 
 iv ar, and consecrated by tlie hloQcl of our best citizens f 
 Here^ my brethren of South Carolina, we intleed find 
 ^^ the liead and IVonL of our oHending." 
 
 We have seen that Mr. Crawford opposed some im- 
 portant points even of Mr. Jciierson's policy — of Mr, 
 Madison's, and that he has been gradually diverging 
 from Mr. Monroe, and in many instances, directly op- 
 posed to him, (judging from his inseparable friends and 
 parfcizans.) although he had a seat in his counsels. His 
 friends openly declared tiiis administration wasteful, ex- 
 travagant, and anli-republican, and here !>as risen up a 
 writer within three moaths of the next presidential elec- 
 tion, Substantially claimisig for Mr. Crawford the bene- 
 fit of these allegations, and denouncing South-Carolina 
 SiS heretical, '' uncertain ^'^ and subject to ^' a reign of 
 e^rroVf-^ because she disbelieved them,. and stedfastly 
 supported Mr. Monroe. Carolina has no such blind or 
 idolatrous veneration for any ?nan, as has, or ever ivill 
 lead her to sacrijice princijjles. It is her lofty devotion 
 to principles, which has led this writer to single iier out 
 from that part of the politicians of two of her sister states, 
 Virginia and Georgia, who have acted from more fluctu- 
 ating and grovelling political views, and who are devoted 
 to Mr. Crawford ! — Who distrusting the virtue of the 
 people, and without looking at the true principle of econ- 
 omij, viz. whether the measures proposed, are calculated 
 to ensure the peace, liberty, and pros})erity of the coun- 
 try, would discard them uilder the paltry fear that the 
 people might be taxed. 
 
 If I were asked, what are and have been the politics 
 of South- Carolina, now denounced as un certain and er- 
 roneous, I would proudly appeal to the policy of Wash- 
 ington, of JeJSerson, of Madison, and of Monroe, for a 
 solution of the question, and demand to be informed in 
 what instance she had infrinsred or come short ?^ — I would 
 more especially refer to the proud monuments of Mon- 
 roe's wisdom, because they are fotinded upon that uni- 
 vernal touchstone which tests every thing human, and 
 because the supposed error for which our state is 
 denoanc?A lias arisen from a rigid tind fearless adher- 
 ence to that policy^ although it lias led to ihe rejecr- 
 
•46 
 
 tion of Mr. Crawford.- Can any one in hk senses^ be 
 lieve that we should be held up aHJl'ichiatijig, uncertainy 
 and prrnrieousiw polUu s : if wo had united v. ilh Virgin' 
 ia and fxeorgia in support of him. Avho may be emphati- 
 cally termed 'Mho lladical candidate."" Yea, "the 
 very chief of the Radicals?" In referring to the inau- 
 gural speeches and annual messages of Mr. Monroe, for 
 a fair text of Carolina politics, I cheerfully suhniit to the 
 nation how far that text may have received a just and ap- 
 propriate commentary from the labors of Lowndes, Cal- 
 houn, Cheves, McDuffie, Hayne, and other sons, iden- 
 tified with her rise, clierished in her growth, and endear- 
 ed to her by eN cry principle which can bind faithful 
 agents to an admiring people. If iliey have been true 
 and consistent — so has been Carolina. If they, (who 
 have lived to practice virtue and adorn humanity,) have 
 adhere.d to the Rppuhlican standard ; so has Carolina, 
 and thus she stands exonerated from the charges of un- 
 certahity unA error. 
 
 The truth is, that these imputations against us, are of 
 a piece with tJiat, in the same hook, which charges upon 
 the oificer* of the administration, a coalition among them 
 selves, Wd with Gen. Jackson, unjustly and uufairly lo 
 defeat the election of Mr. Crawford. What an auda- 
 cious and afiVontiijg charge ! I would hope that there is 
 not a considerate man in tlie nation, who would not re- 
 pel it. One fact 1 will frankly admit, and that is, that 
 they are all opposed to his political elevation ; but oppo- 
 sed /ram j?rmc?/?/e, and not by coalition. They are op- 
 posed just as the most of those illustrious men,. dra^Au 
 from various parts of the Union and lit to fill such high 
 stations, would be opposed to him, if collected together. 
 Is it wonderful tiiat they should oppose his election, 
 wiien the people, in at least, 22 out of 24 states oppose it ? 
 This is shewn by the convocation of thousands, almost 
 daily, from one end of the continent to the other, speak- 
 ing the strongest language in favor of Jackson or Adams, 
 whilst we find but very few meetings, and those very 
 fcmall, in favor of Mr. *C. — Strange fdca indeed, that be 
 cause there is a very general opposition to him, and be 
 cause Jackson, Adami^, Calhoun, McLean, Wirt, aii4 
 
Southard J (names sacrqd to vii'lii« inid iiben,y_,) are ali 
 opjjosed to liim ; there must necessarily be an iinprin.- 
 cipied coalition to defeat him ! It augurs badly of the 
 7nan and of the cause, that there is so unauimious an op- 
 position among characters so high and so pure. It au- 
 gurs badly that even in Georgia^ his adopted state, the 
 legislature at its last session, and upon a direct question, 
 refused to intrust the people with the election of electors. 
 Is it strange that South- Carolina should be opposed to 
 such a man ? 
 
 Is it marvellous that she should be opposed to a man, 
 who has attained a very high distinction, without even 
 having furnislied any act or measure, laying a just foun- 
 dation for such destine ion? 
 
 Thus have I, (contrary to my first intention.) made a 
 few remarks in direct application to some of the points 
 urged in the book, and presented my objections to Mr. 
 Crawford as a statesman. 
 
 They prove him in his outset, untrue to the Republi- 
 'an party; from which he now claims confidence as the 
 pxdusive friend — that he was inimical to a Navy — that 
 lie retired to ?i foreign court during the war, when the 
 most devoted exertions of our patriot statesmen were re- 
 quired at home — that immediately after, he ambitiously 
 aspired to the Executive Department of the Nation 
 against Monroe, when not thought of by the Nation — that 
 he has been wavering, hidden, and feeble in his ofiiciai 
 course, illegally and unconstitutionally loaning the pub- 
 lic money — contumaciously resisting the authority of the 
 House of Representatives of Congress ; both in refusing. 
 to report on a subject of vital importance, and to yield 
 documents and information required of him — that he is 
 inimical to Southern interest under tiie specious guise of 
 being its only friend — against the great internal improve- 
 ments of the nation — devoted to a policy which, under 
 the supposed popular pretext of saving money, would 
 neglect and prostrate the defences of the country, invite 
 fore}s;n aggression, and' waste our lives and treasure.— 
 Disposed to infiame the South against the JsToi'th, to 
 Mnite the Southern States in his favour, just before the 
 Presidential election ^ and finally, withput that popular- 
 
iiy neceH55«ry in a republican government to exalt Lin 
 to the object of his ambition, a cducns and other artifu es 
 with the agency of some of the most leadirta; JS'ci'thei'y 
 federalists and presses are resorted to, to seat him ii 
 power, against the first idea and true spirit of a rcpubi 
 Dean government, the will of the people. 
 
 If either passion, prejudice, or a want of correct iu^ 
 formation, 7na7j have have carried me too far on some* 
 
 foints, the error has been inmitentionaL In the mahVf 
 am sure I cannot be mistaken, for I have for years been 
 a close observer of his political course. I have careful^ 
 ly refrained from intermeddling with those objectioE^^ 
 against him, which have split the State of Georgia intcj 
 two great, and nearly equally divided parties, for a se 
 ries of years. The writer of his book urges that ^' he is> 
 amiable, honest and intelligent, (it is conceived 
 means,) in jtrivate life. If it be so, let him enjoy th€8( 
 full benefit of such a reputation. I shall not go to Geoi?|' 
 gia, the scene of his early aspirations, and contests, i 
 disturb the question. It is as a politician alone that 
 have viewed him. It would have been well, had thi 
 task fallen on other hands, for added to a want of prope 
 qualiiications, I have not had an opportunity of even 
 copying a production, intended in the outset, only as on 
 or two numbers in the public prints. It is still hope 
 that an abler pen will undertake, in a more enlarged an 
 critical form, such a duty. It is true, I did not, noif 
 do I now, suppose that an answer to tlie book, Avould| 
 be at all necessary to guide, or in any way to iniiuenc^- 
 or alter the vote of South- Carolina. A fact, of which • 
 the writer himself seems to despair. But I reg-arded it 
 as due to the honor and elevated republican principles j:; 
 of my native state, so far as I could, to vindicate her or 
 thodoxy, and to give condensation and point to h^r hon 
 est objections to the Georgia candidate. In fine,* to evinc^ 
 to c;;.r sister states, that deeply r.s we are charged to b 
 involved in error and delusion, and uncertain as r->ny b 
 our politics, we have sagacity enough to tell when au un 
 fit candidate presents himself for our approval, and firm 
 ness and nationality enough to reject him in despite o 
 a party appeal made to our prejudices and jealousies a 
 Southern men, A SOUTH- CAROLINIAN. 
 
 S9 
 

 
 
 
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