Digitized by tine Internet Archive 
 in 2010 with funding from 
 The Library of Congress 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/statepaperscorreOOunit 
 
ni Congress, \ HOUSE OF KEriiESENTATlVES. i Document 
 
 M Session. f "( No. 431. 
 
 STATE PAPERS AND CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 BEARING UPON TUE 
 
 WASHINGTON: 
 
 GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFIgE, 
 1903. 
 
HOUSE CONCURRENT RESOLUTION. 
 
 By Mr. Gaines. , 
 
 Resolved hy the House of Representatives {the Senate concurring)^ 
 That there be published and bound 6,000 copies of the State papers 
 and all correspondence bearing- upon the purchase of the territory of 
 Louisiana by the United States, including the treaty of purchase, 
 4,000 for the use of the House of Representatives and 2,000 for the 
 use of the Senate. 
 
 Passed the House May 10, 1902. 
 
 Concurred in by the Senate May 13, 1902. 
 
STATE PAPERS AND CORRESPONDENCE BEARING UPON THE 
 PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 Mr. King to the Secretary of State. 
 
 London, March W, 1801. 
 
 Dear Sir: In contirniation of the rumor.s of the day, Carnofs aii.swcr 
 to Bailleul, published during the exile of the former, .states the project 
 which has been discussed in the Directory, to obtain from Spain a 
 cession of Louisiana and the Floridas. A reference to that perform- 
 ance, copies of which I at the time sent to the Department of State, 
 will show the manner in which it was expected to obtain the consent 
 of Spain, as well as afford a clue to the view^s of France in seeking- this 
 establishment. What was then meditated, has, in all prol)a1iility, since 
 been executed. The cession of Tuscan}^ to the Infant, Duke of Parma, 
 by the treat}' between France and Austria, forms a more compact and 
 valuable compensation to this branch of the House of Spain than was 
 formerh" thought of, and adds ver}" great credit to the opinion which, 
 at this time, prevails both at Paris and London, that Spain has in return 
 actually ceded Louisiana and the Floridas to France. There is reason 
 to know that it is the opinion of certain influential persons in France, 
 that nature has marked a line of separation between the people of the 
 United States living upon the two sides of the range of mountains 
 which divides their territory. Without discussing the considerations 
 which are suggested in support of this opinion, or the false conse- 
 quences, as I wish to believe them, deduced from it, I am apprehen- 
 sive that this cession is intended to have, and may actually produce, 
 I effects injurious to the Union and consequent happiness of the people 
 'of the United States. Louisiana and the Floridas may be given to the 
 French emigrants, as England once thought of giving them to the 
 American tories; or, they may constitute the reward of some of the 
 armies which can be spared at the end of the war. 
 
 I learn that General Collot, who was a few years ago in America, 
 and a traveler in the western country, and who, for some time, has been 
 in disgrace and continement in France, has been lately set at liberty; 
 and that he, with a considerable number of disaffected and exiled 
 P]nglishmen, Scotchmen, and Irishmen, is soon to proceed from France 
 to the United States. Whether their voyage has any relation to the 
 
 3 
 
4 PUECHASE OF THE TEERITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 cession of Louisiana is a matter of mere conjecture; but having heard 
 of it in connection with that project I think proper to mention it to you. 
 
 What effect a plain and judicious representation upon this subject, 
 made to the French Government by a minister of talents and entitled 
 to confidence, would be likely to have, is quite beyond any means of 
 judging- which 1 possess; but on this account, as well as others of 
 importance, it is a subject of regret that we have not such a character 
 at Paris at this time. 
 
 With perfect respect and esteem, 1 have the honor to be, dear sir, 
 your obedient and faithful servant, 
 
 RuFus King. 
 
 [Extract.] 
 
 Mr. King to the Secretary of State. 
 
 London, June i, 1801. 
 On this occasion, among other topics of conversation, His Lordship 
 (Hawkesbury) introduced the subject of Louisiana. He had, from 
 different quarters, received information of its cession to France, and 
 very unreservedly expressed the reluctance with which they should be 
 led to acquiesce in a measure that might be followed by the inost 
 important consequences. The acquisition might enable France to 
 extend her influence and perhaps her dominion up the Mississippi; 
 and through the Lakes even to Canada. This would be realizing the 
 plan, to prevent the accomplishment of which, the seven yeai's' war 
 took place; besides, the vicinity of the Floridas to the West Indies, 
 rand the facility with which the trade of the latter might be inter- 
 ! rupted, and the islands even invaded should the transfer be made, were 
 i strong reason why England must be unwilling that the territory 
 should pass under the dominion of France. As I could not mistake 
 his Lordship's object in speaking to me on the subject, I had no diffi- 
 culty or reserve in expressing my private sentiments respecting it; 
 / taking for my text the observation of Montesquieu, " That it is happy 
 for trading Powers that God has permitted Turks and Spaniards to be 
 in the world, since of all nations they are the most proper to possess a 
 great empire with insignificance. " The purport of what I said was, 
 that we are contented that the Floridas remain in the hands of Spain, 
 but should not be willing to see them transferred except to ourselves. 
 With perfect respect and esteem, I have the honor to be, sir, your 
 obedient and faithful servant, 
 
 EuFus King. 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 5 
 
 [Extract.] 
 
 Mr. Madison, Secretary of State, to Charles Pinckney. 
 
 Department of State, 
 Washington^ June 0, 1801. 
 
 On different occasions, since the commencement of the French Revo- 
 kition, opinions and reports have prevailed that some part of the 
 Spanish possessions, including New Orleans and the mouth of the 
 Mississippi, had been or was to l)e transferred to France. Of late, 
 information has been received through several channels, making it 
 probable that some arrangement for that purpose has been concerted. 
 Neither the extent of the cession, however, nor the consideration on 
 whi(.'h it is made, is yet reduced to certaint}" and precision. The whole 
 subject will deserve and engage your early and vigilant inquiries, and 
 may require a verv delicate and circumspect management. What the 
 motives of Spain in this transaction may be, is not so obvious. The 
 policy of France in it, so far, at least, as relates to the United States, 
 can not l)e mistaken. While she remained on the footing of confi- 
 dence and affection with the United States, which originated during 
 our Revolution and was strengthened during the earl}' stages of her 
 own, it may be presumed that she adhered to the policy which, in the 
 treaty of 1778, renounced the acquisition of continental territory in 
 North America, and was more disposed to shun the collisions threat- 
 ened ])y possessions in that quarter, coterminous with ours, than to 
 pursue objects to which the commanding position at the mouth of the 
 Mississippi might be made subservient. Circumstances are not now 
 the same. Although the two countries are again brought together by 
 stipulations of amity and commerce, the conffdence and cordiality 
 which formerly subsisted have had a deep wound from the occurrences 
 of late years. 
 
 Jealousies proliabl}^ still remain, that the Atlantic States have a par- 
 tiality for Great Britain, which may, in future, throw their weight into 
 the scale of that rival. It is more than possible, also, that, under the 
 influence of those jealousies, and of the alarms which have at times 
 prevailed, of a projected operation for wresting the mouth of the 
 Mississippi into the hands of Great Britain, she may have concluded a 
 preoccupancy of it b}' herself to be a necessary safeguard against an 
 event from which that nation would derive the double advantage of 
 strengthening her hold on the United States, and of adding to her com- 
 merce a monopoly of the immense and fertile region communicating 
 with the sea through a single outlet. This view of the subject, which 
 suggests the difficulty which ma}' be found in diverting France from 
 the object, points, at the same time, to the means that may most tend 
 to induce a voluntary relinquishment of it. She must infer, from our 
 conduct and our conununications, that the Atlantic States are not dis- 
 
6 PUEOHASE OF THE TEREITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 f posed to enter, nor are in danger of being drawn, into partialities 
 'toward Great Britain unjust or injurious to France; that our political 
 and commercial interests afford a sufficient guarant}'^ against such a 
 state of things; that without the cooperation of the United States, 
 Great Britain is not likely to acquire any part of the Spanish posses- 
 sions on the Mississippi; and that the United States never have favored 
 nor, so long as the}^ are guided b}^ the clearest policy, ever can favor, 
 such a project. She must be led to see again, and with a desire to 
 shun, the danger of collisions between the two Republics from the 
 contact of their territories; and from the conflicts in their regulations 
 of a commerce involving the peculiarities which distinguish that of the 
 Mississippi. Such are the general observations which the President 
 has thought it proper should be communicated to j'ou, that, knowing 
 the light in which the subject is viewed by him, j^ou may be less in 
 danger of presenting it in any other. It is not expected that you 
 will have occasion to make any positive use of them in relation to the 
 councils of the French Republic, the Minister to which will be charged 
 with that task. In relation to the Spanish Government, although the 
 chief difficulty is not supposed to lie there, the President wishes you to 
 cultivate a favorable disposition by every proper demonstration of the 
 preference given by the United States to the neighborhood of that of 
 every other nation. This may be the more important, as it is not 
 improbable that her councils also may have been afl'ected by rumors of 
 proceedings in this countrj^ connected with schemes of Great Britain 
 for getting possession of New Orleans. 
 
 [Extract.] 
 
 James Madison, Secretary of State, to Robert R. Livingston, Minister to 
 
 France. 
 
 Department of State, September 28, 1801. 
 
 You have been already informed of the intention of the President 
 that your departure from France should be hastened, and that 3^ou 
 would be furnished with a passage in the Boston frigate, which, after 
 landing you in Bordeaux, is to proceed to the Mediterranean. 
 
 From different sources information has been received that, by some 
 transaction concluded or contemplated between France and Spain, 
 the mouth of the Mississippi, with certain portions of adjacent terri- 
 tory, is to pass from the hands of the latter to the former nation. 
 Such a change of our neighbors in that quarter is of too momentous 
 concern not to have engaged the most serious attention of the Execu- 
 tive. It was accordingly made one of the subjects of instruction to 
 Mr. Charles Pinckney, our Minister Plenipotentiary to the Court of 
 Spain. You will find an extract of the passage hereto annexed, 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 7 
 
 No. 1. A paragraph connected with the same .subject, in a letter to 
 Mr. King-, i.s also extracted and annexed. No. 2. In these extracts 
 you will see the ideas entertained by the Executive, and the general 
 considerations which, it is presumed, will have most tendency to isd- 
 suade the parties from adhering to their object. As soon as \'Ou shall 
 have prepared the way by the necessary inquiries at Paris, it will be 
 proper for you to break the sul^ject to the French Government, and 
 to make the use of these considerntions most likely to give them their 
 full weight. You will probably find it advantageous to press, in a 
 particular manner, the anxiet}'^ of the United States to maintain har- 
 mony and confidence with the French Republic, the danger to which 
 these will be exposed by collisions, more or less inseparable from a 
 neighborhood under such circumstances, and the security which 
 Franco ought to feel that it can not be the interest of this country to 
 favor anj^ voluntary or compulsive transfer of the possessions in 
 question from Spain to France. 
 
 Among other topics to be emploj^ed on the occasion, you may, per- 
 haps, find it eligible to remark on the frequent recurrence of war 
 between France and Great Britain, the danger to which the Western 
 settlements of the United States would be subject, of being embroiled 
 by military expeditions between Canada and Louisiana, the inquietudes 
 which would be excited in the Southern States, whose numerous slaves 
 have been taught to regard the Frencii as the patrons of their cause, 
 and the tendency of a French neighborhood, on this and other accounts, 
 to inspire jealousies and apprehensions which maj^ turn the thoughts 
 of our citizens toward a closer connection with her rival, and possibl}^ 
 produce a crisis in which a very valuable part of her dominions would 
 be exposed to the joint operation of a naval and territorial power. 
 Suggestions of these kinds must be managed with much delicacy, or 
 rather the expedienc}^ of hazarding them at all, as well as the manner 
 of doing it, must be left to 3'our own information and discretion. 
 
 Should it be found that the cession from Spain to France has irre- 
 vocably taken place, or certainly will take place, sound polic}^ will 
 require in that state of things, that nothing be said or done which will 
 unnecessarily irritate our future neighbors, or check the liljerality 
 which they may be disposed to exercise in relation to the trade and 
 navigation through the mouth of the Mississippi; everything ])eing 
 equally avoided at the same time, which may compromit the rights of 
 the United States beyond those stipulated in the treatv between them 
 and Spain. It will be proper, on the contrar}'^, to patronize the inter- 
 ests of our \^"estern fellow-citizens )>y cherishing in France every just 
 and liberal disposition toward their commerce. In^the next place, it 
 will deserve to be tried whether France can not be induced to make 
 over to the United States the Floridas, if included in the cession to 
 her from Spain, or at least West Florida, through which several of 
 
8 PURCHASE OF THE TEERITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 our rivers (particularly the important river Mobile) empty them- 
 selves into the sea. Such a proof on the part of France, of good will 
 toward the United States, would contribute to reconcile the latter to an 
 arrangement in itself much disrelished by them and to strengthen the 
 returning friendship between the two countries; and by affording a 
 fund for indemnifying and soothing our fellow-citizens who have suf- 
 fered from her wrongs, would, in that view also, be a measure founded 
 not less in an enlarged policy than in solid justice. The great impor- 
 tance of West Florida to the United States recommends to 3^our 
 patriotism the prudent use of every fair consideration which may 
 favor the attainment of the object. 
 
 These ideas suppose that the cession to the United States is to be 
 obtained from the single will of France. But it may happen that the 
 Floridas are so far suspended, on unfinished negotiations between her 
 and Spain, as to admit or require the concurrence of both in gratifying 
 the wishes of the United States. In this state of things, France may 
 yield to the considerations suggested with less of concession and 
 reluctance; and as Spain, too, must feel an interest in the good will of 
 the United States, and is responsible, in justice, for very considerable 
 depredations on their commerce, there may be the greater possibility 
 of her joining in the measure. 
 
 Should the Floridas neither have been ceded to France, nor be an 
 acquisition contemplated hj her, still it will be material, considering 
 her intimate and influential relations to Spain, to dispose her to favor 
 experiments on the part of the United States, for obtaining from Spain 
 the cession in view. The interest which the latter has in cultivating 
 our friendly dispositions, and the obligation she is under to satisfy our 
 claims for spoliations, for doing which no other mode ma}^ be so con- 
 venient to her, are motives to which an appeal may be made with no 
 inconsiderable force. Mr. Pinckney is accordingly to avail himself of 
 the most auspicious occasions for sounding and exciting the disposi- 
 tions of the Spanish Government on this subject; and your efforts at 
 Paris can not be too attentively combined with his at Madrid, as well 
 on the last supposition that Spain alone is to make the cession, as on 
 the former, that France is to have a direct share in the transaction. 
 Mr. Pinckney 's instructions will relate to each alternative, and you 
 will be sensible of the advantages of such a correspondence between 
 you as will give the proper concert to your operations. 
 
 Mr. King to the Secretary of State. 
 
 London, November W^ 1801. 
 Sir: If the annexed copy of the treaty between France and Spain, 
 respecting the establishment of the Prince of Parma in Tuscany, be 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 9 
 
 genuine, of which 1 have no reason to doubt, you will perceive the 
 value which these Powers seem to have placed upon Louisiana; the 
 cession whereof to France is confirmed by the seventh article of this 
 treaty. 
 
 I am in hopes that I shall be able to obtain and send 3'ou a copy of 
 the treaty cedino- Louisiana to France: this would enable us to deter- 
 mine whether it includes New Orleans and the Floridas. 
 
 There is, doubtless, an understanding- between England and France 
 in respect to the expedition now nearl}" ready to proceed to Saint 
 Domingo, and I think I am not mistaken in the l)elief, whatever may 
 be the intentions of France in respect to the occupation of Louisiana, 
 that no part of the forces now collecting and which are going to Saint 
 Domingo, will be employed for this purpose. 
 
 It is not a little extraordinary that during the whole negotiation 
 between France and England not a word was mentioned on either side 
 respecting Louisiana, though this Government was not ignorant of 
 the views of France in this quarter. 
 
 With perfect respect and esteem, I have the honor to be, sir, your 
 obedient and faithful servant, 
 
 RuFus King. 
 
 [Extract.] 
 
 Mr. Livingston to the Secretary of State. 
 
 Paris, December 10^ ISOl. 
 1 found, from a variety" of sources here, and some I think I can 
 depend on, the business of Louisiana has been concluded, and it was 
 understood it had been given in exchange for the Spanish port of St. 
 Domingo, to be restored to its old master. Several circumstances 
 concurred to induce me to believe this report was not void of truth. 
 I therefore took the earliest opportunity to touch upon that subject 
 with the Minister, and to hint at the reason of polic}" (as it respected 
 the French Government as well as ourselves) that made the object 
 interesting to us. He seemed at first inclined to waive the sul)ject; 
 but when he found I pressed more closely he admitted that it had been 
 a subject of conversation, Init nothing had been concluded or even 
 resolved on, in that aft'air, I left him with a hint that perhaps both 
 France and Spain might find a mutual interest in ceding the Floridas 
 to the United States. 
 
 [Extract.] 
 
 Mr. Livingston to the Secretary of State. 
 
 Paris, Decemher 12, 1801. 
 In addition to what I wrote yesteraay, I have only to mention that 
 I am more and more confirmed, notwithstanding what I there say of 
 
10 PUECHASE OF THE TEREITOBY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 the Minister's assurance, that Louisiana is a favorite object, and that 
 they will be unwilling- to part with it on the condition I mentioned. 
 Speaking of the means of paying their debts to one of their Ministers, 
 yesterda}^, I hinted at this. His answer was, " None but spendthrifts 
 satisfy their debts b}^ selling their lands;" adding, however, after a 
 short pause, "but it is not ours to give." 
 
 [Extract.] 
 
 Mr. Livingston to Mr. King, Minister to England. 
 
 Paris, December 30, 1801. 
 
 Among the objects that would most naturally engage ni}^ attention 
 on my arrival was the state of the negotiation between France and 
 Spain regarding Louisiana; with a view, if it had not been concluded 
 on, to throw obstacles in the waj'^, so far as it could be advantageously 
 done; or, if it had been effected, to make some such arrangements as 
 would lessen the inconveniences which might result from it to our 
 Western territory. I have, however, reason to think the whole busi- 
 ness had been settled before my arrival. 1 took occasion, on my first 
 private audience of the Minister of Exterior Relations, to press him 
 directlj'^ upon the subject, taking the common reports as a foundation 
 for ni}" inquir}^. He explicitly denied that anything had been con- 
 cluded, but admitted that it had been a subject of conversation. I know, 
 however, from a variety of channels, that it is not a mere matter of 
 conversation, but that the exchange has actually been agreed upon; 
 that the armament destined, in the first instance, for Hispaniola, is to 
 proceed to Louisiana, provided Toussaint makes no opposition. Gen- 
 eral Collot, whom you may have seen in America, was originally 
 intended for Governor of the province, but he is at present out of 
 favor. I think it probable the Minister will justify his concealment to 
 me, by its not having been definitely closed with Spain, as this, though 
 determined between the two Governments, may form an article in the 
 general treaty. His absence (being at Lyons) prevents my coming to 
 something more explicit with him. That Spain has made this cession 
 (which contravenes all her former maxims of policy) can not be doubted, 
 but she is no longer a free agent. 
 
 I wish to know from you in what light this is seen by England. It 
 will certainl}^, in its consequences, be extremely dangerous to her, as 
 it will give an almost unbounded power to her rival. 
 
 It puts Spain in a perpetual state of pupilage, since she must always 
 tremble for the safet}' of her colonies in case of rupture. To avoid 
 this evil, she must grant ever}^ commercial and j)olitical advantage to 
 France. Her manufactures will find their way, through this channel, 
 into every part of the Spanish territory, to the exclusion of those of 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 11 
 
 Britain. Our AVestern territory may })o rondored so dependent upon 
 them as to promote their political views, while the interest they have 
 always nurtured with the Indians, and the national character of the 
 peasantry of Canada, may render the possessions of Britain very pre- 
 carious, to say nothino- of the danger which must threaten her islands 
 in case a respectable establishment should be made by France in 
 Louisiana, which will not fail to be the case, as the territory is uncom- 
 monly tine, and produces sugar and every article now culti^'ated in 
 the islands. 
 
 I suggest these hints, that they, Avith many others which may occur 
 to you, may be made use of with the British Ministr}- to induce them 
 to thi'ow all the obstacles in their power in the way of a tinal settle- 
 ment of this business, if it is not alread}' too late. You know, how- 
 ever, the importance of not appearing yourself or permitting me to 
 appear much opposed to it, if you tind the thing concluded, since it 
 might bo made use of to embroil us with France, and Britain will have 
 sufficient address to endeavor to keep up a mutual jealousy, if possible, 
 between us. 
 
 [Extraot.] 
 
 Mr. Livingston to the Secretary of State. 
 
 Paris, Becemhcr 31, 1801. 
 The business of Louisiana is very disagreeable to Spain, as far as I 
 can learn. If it should be equally so to Britain, perhaps it ma}" meet 
 with some obstacles. It is a very favorite measure here. Mar])ois 
 told me yesterda}^ it was considered important to have an outlet for 
 their turbulent spirits; yet w^ould not explicitly acknowledge that the 
 business had been concluded. 
 
 [Exlnict.] 
 
 Mr. Livingston to the Secretary of State. 
 
 Paris, Jan nan/ IS, 1802. 
 
 My former letters left you little doubt on the subject of the cession 
 of Louisiana. I\y the inclosed copy of the late treaty ])etween France, 
 and Spain you will tind that it is a transaction of pretty long standing. 
 
 The absence of the Minister prevents my applying to him for the 
 former treaty, whii-li he will hardly know how^ to give me after aliso- 
 lutely denying that any had been formed on the subject. By the 
 secrec}^ and duplicity practiced relative to this object, it is clear to 
 me that they apprehend some opposition on the part of America to 
 their plans. 1 have, however, upon all occasions, declared that, as long- 
 as France conforms to the existing treaty between us and Spain, the 
 
12 PUECHASE OF THE TEREITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 Government of the United States does not consider herself as having 
 any interest in opposing the exchange. The evil our country has 
 suffered by their rupture with France is not to be calculated. We 
 have become an object of jealousy both to the Government and people. 
 The reluctance we have shown to a renewal of the Treaty of 1778 
 has created many suspicions. Among other absurd ones, they believe 
 seriously that we have an eye to a conquest of their islands. The busi- 
 ness of Louisiana also originated in that; and they saj^ expressly that 
 they could have no pretense, so far as related to the Floridas, to make 
 this exchange, had the treaty been renewed, since by the sixth article 
 they were expressly prohibited from touching the Floridas. I own I 
 have always considered this article and the guaranty of our independ- 
 ence as more important to us than the guaranty of the islands was to 
 France; and the sacrifices we have made of an immense claim to get 
 rid of it at a dead loss. We must calculate upon every effort from 
 every maritime Power in Europe to diminish our commerce. France 
 has already excluded us from her African colonies. Her premiums 
 will exclude our oil; and her heavy duties upon tobacco in foreign 
 bottoms will prevent our carrying that article for ourselves. She 
 refuses to naturalize our ships, so that a large capital in that article 
 will sink in our hands. The American Government have it in their 
 power to counteract these measures; but they must do it instantly and 
 decidedly, so as to show that measures of hostility to her commerce 
 will not produce the effect contemplated by the nations of Europe. 
 Let the United States impose a duty upon special articles, of her own 
 produce, exported in foreign bottoms, equivalent to the difference of 
 duty paid in Europe on such articles when imported in American or 
 national vessels. This will secure to us the carriage of our own arti- 
 cles; first, because we can carry cheaper; and, second, because this 
 duty being paid in advance imposes a greater burden than one that is 
 paid out of the sale of the produce. 
 
 [Extract.] 
 
 Mr. King to the Secretary of State. 
 
 London, January 15, 1802. 
 Sir: I have before mentioned to you that the cession of Louisiana 
 (of which it seems to me we can have no doubt, notwithstanding what 
 may be said to amuse us) was not only a topic of inquiry or discussion 
 in the negotiation of the preliminaries: and for the same reason that 
 it was not heard of on that occasion. Lord Hawkesburj^ has recently 
 informed me that it had not been and would not be, mentioned at 
 Amiens. It is impossible for me to suspect collusion in this affair, 
 and my persuasion, after most careful attention, is, that England 
 
PUECHASE OF THE TEEEITORY OF LOUISIANA. 13 
 
 abstains from mixing herself in it, precisely from those considera- 
 tions which have led her to acqiiiesce in others of great importance to 
 the balance of Europe, as well as her own repose, and upon which she 
 has been altogether silent. 
 
 KuFUS King. 
 
 [Extract.] 
 
 Mr. King to the Secretary of State. 
 
 London, Fehruary 5, 1802. 
 
 Sir: I have seen a letter, dated Paris, February 26, which says, it is 
 definitively settled to send a colony to Louisiana and Florida. Gen- 
 eral Bernadotte is to have the direction and command of it: prepara- 
 tions are making for the first expedition, whose departure will perhaps 
 depend upon the accounts expected from St. Domingo. It is asserted 
 that the Indian nations, adjoining to Florida, have agents, now here, for 
 the purpose of making treaties with this country to unite themselves 
 with the troops and settlers that may be sent hence. The establish- 
 ment of this colony is a darling object, and will be pursued with ardor 
 "and upon a great scale, unless affairs of St. Domingo shall, for the 
 moment, derange the plan. Louisiana, Guiana, and the desert islands 
 of Tristan de Cunha, are each spoken of as places to which the rebel- 
 lious and untractable negroes and people of color may be sent from 
 St. Domingo and the other French colonies. 
 
 With perfect respect and esteem, I have the honor to be, sir, 3'our 
 
 obedient and faithful servant, 
 
 KuFus King. 
 
 [Extract.] 
 
 Mr. Livingston to the Secretary of State. 
 
 Paris, Fdiruaiiyi26, 1802. 
 On the subject of Louisiana, I have nothing new. The establish- 
 ment is disapproved bj^^ every statesman here as one that will occasion 
 a great waste of men and money, excite enmities with us, and produce 
 no possible advantage to the nation. But it is a scheme to which the 
 First Consul is extremely attached; and it must, of course, be supported. 
 You will find, b}^ the enclosed note, that I have pressed an explanation 
 on the subject, but I have received no answer. I have it, however, 
 through a friend, from the First Consul, that it is by no means their 
 intention to obstruct the navigation of the Mississippi, or violate our 
 Treaty with Spain. General Bernadotte is understood to be designed 
 for the command, and to have asked 10,000 troops. 
 
14 PURCHASE OF THE TERKITOKY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 Mr. Livingston to the Minister of Exterior Relations. 
 
 VA.ms, Fehruary 20, 1802. 
 
 The undersigned, Minister Plenipotentiary of tlie United States, has 
 seen, witli some concern, the reserve of the French Government, with 
 respect to the cession they liave received from Spain of Louisiana. 
 
 He had hoped that they would have found a propriety in making 
 such frank and open communications to him as would have enabled 
 him to satisfy the Government of the United States that neither their 
 boundary, nor the navigation of the Mississippi, secured by their 
 treaties with Spain, would be, in any way, affected by the measure. 
 It would also have been very satisfactory to him to have taken such 
 arrangements with the Minister of Exterior Relations as would have 
 had a tendency to dissipate the alarms the people of the Western ter- 
 ritory of the United States will not fail to feel on the arrival of a 
 large body of French troops in their vicinity; alarms which will proba- 
 bly be increased by the exertions of those Powers that are interested 
 in keeping the two Republics from cementing their connection. The 
 policy of the former Government of France led it to avoid all ground 
 of controversy with the United States, not onh^ by declining to possess 
 any territory in their neighborhood, but by stipulating never to hold 
 any. The undersigned does not, by this reference to the Treaty of 
 1778, mean to reclaim any rights under it, since, by the convention 
 of Paris, 30th September, 1800, it is understood to be revoked; but 
 merel}^ to lead the French Gov^ernment to reflect how far a regard to 
 the same policj^ might render it conducive to the mutual interests of 
 both nations to cover, by a natural bo.rrier, their possessions in 
 America, as France has invariably sought to do in Europe. 
 
 The undersigned prays the Minister of Exterior Relations (if the 
 request is not inconsistent with the views of the Government) to inform 
 him whether East and West Florida, or either of them, are included in 
 the treaty made between France and Spain; and to afford him such 
 assurances, with respect to the limits of their territory and the navi- 
 gation of the Mississippi, heretofore agreed on between Spain and the 
 United States, as may prove satisfactory to the latter. 
 
 If the territories of East and West Florida should be included within 
 the limits of the cession obtained by France, the undersigned desires 
 to be informed how far it would be practicable to make such arrange- 
 ments between their respective Governments as would, at the same 
 time, aid the financial operations of France, and remove, by a strong 
 natural boundarj^, all future causes of discontent between her and the 
 United States. The undersigned embraces this opportunity of renew- 
 ing to the Minister of Exterior Relations his, etc. 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TEKRITOKY OF LOUISIANA. 15 
 
 [Hxli-iK-l.J 
 
 Mr. King to the Secretary of State. 
 
 London, Fehrmry ^7, 1802. 
 Sir: From all 1 can rather upon the sul)j(>ct we may consider the 
 cession of Louisiana and the Floridas as an affair decided. Without 
 doubt, you are fully aware of its various and extensive consequences. 
 Has it occurred to you that the French Government will probably 
 send thither a large body of people from France, and that it may add 
 to them all the refractory and discontented blacks and persons of color 
 of their West India colonies? 
 
 With perfect respect and esteem, etc. , 
 
 RuFus King. 
 
 Mr. Livingston to the Secretary of State. 
 
 Paris, March 15, 1802. 
 Sii; vfter closing ni}^ packet, I received the note of which the within 
 is a cop3\ It amounts to nothing, but nmst servo to keep mc quite a 
 few da3's longer, till they see what turn the business takes at Amiens, 
 wdiich becomes more and more doubtful. The bad news from St. 
 Domingo also renders it necessary to keep us in suspense. I have 
 already expressed m}" fear that American property in the island will 
 not be very safe; and the passage in Leclerc's letter relative to the 
 powder and arms may serve as an apology. 
 
 I am, sir, etc., R. R. L. 
 
 Paris, March 13, year 10. 
 
 Sir: I have received the different notes which you have done me 
 the honor to address to me, relating to the debts, and to the American 
 captures; and I have made them the subject of a report to the First 
 Consul. As soon as his decision shall be made, 1 shall hasten to inform 
 you of the result. 
 
 Do you doubt, sir, that the questions ^yhich concern the United 
 States, the determination of which may affect their relations with 
 France, will be examined with equal interest and attention? 
 
 Accept, sir, the assurances of m}^ high consideration. 
 
 Ch. Mau. Talleyrand. 
 
 President Jefferson to Mr. Livingston. 
 
 Washington, AjjrU IS, 1802. 
 The cession of Louisiana and the Floridas by Spain to France, works 
 most sorely on the United States. On this subject the Secretary of 
 
16 PUECHASE OF THE TERRITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 "^ State has written to you fully, yet I cannot forbear recurring- to it 
 personally, so deep is the impression it makes on my mind. It com- 
 pletel}^ reverses all the political relations of the United States, and 
 will form a new epoch in our political course. Of all nations of any 
 consideration, France is the one which, hitherto, has offered the few- 
 est points on which we could have any conflict of right, and the most 
 points of a communion of interests. From these causes, we have ever 
 looked to her as our natural friend^ as one with which we never could 
 have an occasion of difference. Her growth, therefore, we viewed 
 ]as our own, her misfortunes ours. There is on the globe one single 
 [spot, the possessor of which is our natural and habitual enemy. It is 
 New Orleans, through which the produce of three-eighths of our ter- 
 ritory must pass to market, and from its fertility it will ere long yield 
 more than half of our whole produce, and contain more than half of 
 our inhabitants. France, placing herself in that door, assumes to us 
 the attitude of defiance. Spain might have retained it quietly for 
 years. Her pacific dispositions, her feeble state, would induce her 
 to increase our facilities there, so that her possession of the place 
 would be hardly felt by us, and it would not, perhaps, be very long 
 before some circumstance might arise, which might make the cession 
 of it to us the price of something of more worth to her. Not so can 
 it ever be in the hands of France: the impetuosity of her temper, the 
 energy and restlessness of her character, placed in a point of eternal 
 friction with us, and our character, which, though quiet and loving- 
 peace andthe pursuit of wealth, is high-minded, despising wealth in 
 competition with insult or injury, enterprising and energetic as any 
 nation on earth; these circumstances render it impossible that France 
 and the United States can continue long friends, when they meet in so 
 irritable a position. They, as well as we, must be blind if the}^ do 
 not see this; and we must be very improvident if we do not begin to 
 make arrangements on that hypothesis. The day that France takes 
 possession of New Orleans, fixes the sentence which is to restrain her 
 forever within her low-water mark. It seals the union of two nations, 
 who, in conjunction, can maintain exclusive possession of the ocean. 
 From that moment, we must marry ourselves to the British fleet and 
 nation. We must turn all our attention to a maritime force, for which 
 our resources place us on very high ground; and having formed and 
 connected together a power which may render reinforcement of her 
 settlements here impossible to France, make the first cannon which 
 shall be fired in Europe the signal for the tearing up any settlement 
 she may have made, and for holding the two continents of America in 
 sequestration for the common purposes of the United British and 
 American nations. This is not a state of things we seek or desire. 
 It is one which this measure, if adopted by France, forces on us as 
 necessarily, as any other cause, by the laws of nature, brings on" its 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. l7 
 
 necessary etfcct. It is not from a fear of France that we deprecate 
 this measure proposed by her. For however greater her force is than 
 ours, compared in the abstract, it is nothing- in comparison of ours, 
 when to be exerted on our soil. But it is from a sincere love of peace, 
 and a tirm persuasion, that bound to France by the interests and the 
 strong sympathies still existing in the minds of our citizens, and hold- 
 ing relative positions which insure their continuance, we are secure of 
 a long course of peace. Whereas, the change of friends, which will 
 l)e rendered necessarj- if France changes that position, embarks us 
 necessaril}' as a belligerent power in the first war of Europe. In 
 that case, France will have held possession of New Orleans during 
 the interval of a peace, long or short, at the end of which it will be 
 wrested from her. Will this short-lived possession have been an 
 e(|uivalent to her for the transfer of such a weight into the scale of 
 her enemv? Will not the amalgamation of a 3'oung, thriving nation, 
 continue to that enemy the health and force which are at present so 
 evidently on the decline? And will a few years' possession of New 
 Orleans add equally to the strength of France? She may say she 
 needs Louisiana for the suppl}' of her West Indies. She does not 
 need it in time of peace, and in war she could not depend on them, 
 because thev would be so easil}' intercepted. I should suppose that 
 all these considerations might, in some proper form, be brought into 
 view of the Government of France. Though stated by us, it ought 
 not to give ofl'ence; because we do not bring them forward as a men- 
 ace, but as consequences not controllable l)y us, but inevitable from 
 the course of things. We mention them, not as things Avhich we desire 
 by any means, but as things we deprecate; and we beseech a friend to 
 look forward and to prevent them for our common interest. 
 
 If France considers Louisiana, however, as indispensable for her 
 views, she might perhaps be willing to look about for arrangements 
 which might reconcile it to our interests. If auA'thing could do this, 
 it would be the ceding to us the island of New Orleans and the Flori- 
 das. This would certainly, in a great degree, remove the causes of 
 jarring and irritation between us, and perhaps for such a length of 
 time, as might produce other means of making the measure perma- 
 nently conciliatory to our interests and friendships. It would, at an}" 
 rate, I'elieve us from the necessity of taking immediate measures for 
 countervailing such an operation by arrangements in.another quarter. 
 But still we should consider New Orleans and the Floridas as no 
 equivalent for the risk of a quarrel wifch France, produced by her 
 vicinage. 
 
 I have no doubt you have urged these considerations, on every 
 
 proper occasion, with the government where you are. They are such 
 
 as must have effect, if 3"ou can find means of producing thorough 
 
 reflection on them b}^ that government. The idea here is, that the 
 
 H. Doc. 431 2 
 
18 PUECHASE OF THE TEBEITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 troops sent to St. Domingo, were to proceed to Louisiana after finish- 
 ing their work in that island. If this were the arrangement, it will 
 give you time to return again and again to the charge. For the con- 
 quest of St. Domingo will not be a short work. It will take consider- 
 able time, and wear down a great number of soldiers. Every eye in 
 the United States is now fixed on the affairs of Louisiana. Perhaps 
 nothing since the revolutionary war, has produced more uneasy sensa- 
 tions through the bod}^ of the nation. Notwithstanding temporary 
 bickerings have taken place with France, she has still a strong hold 
 on the affections of our citizens generally. I have thought it not 
 amiss, by way of supplement to the letters of the Secretary of State, 
 to write you this private one, to impress you with the importance we 
 affix to this transaction. I pray you to cherish Dupont. He has the 
 best disposition for the continuance of friendship between the two 
 nations, and perhaps you may be able to make a good use of him. 
 
 President Jefferson to M. Dupont de Nemours. 
 
 Washington, A2)ril ^<5, 180'2. 
 Dear Sir, — The week being now closed, during which you had given 
 me a hope of seeing you here, I think it safe to enclose you my letters 
 for Paris, lest they should fail of the benefit of so desirable a convey- 
 ance. They are addressed to Kosciugha, Madame de Corney, Mrs. 
 Short, and Chancellor Livingston. You will perceive the unlimited 
 confidence I repose in your good faith, and in your cordial dispositions 
 to serve both countries, when you observe that I leave the letters for 
 Chancellor Livingston open for your perusal. The first page respects 
 a cypher, as do the loose sheets folded with the letter. These are 
 interesting to him and myself only, and therefore are not for your 
 perusal. It is the second, third, and fourth pages which I wish you 
 to read to possess yourself of completel}^, and then seal the letter 
 with wafers stuck under the flying seal, that it may be seen b}^ nobody 
 else if any accident should happen to you. I wish you to be possessed 
 of the subject, because you may be able to impress on the government 
 of France the inevitable consequences of their taking possession 
 of Louisiana; and though, as I here mention, the cession of New 
 Orleans and the Floridas to us would be a palliation, yet I believe 
 it would be no more, and that this measure will cost France, and 
 perhaps not very long hence, a war which will annihilate her on 
 the ocean, and place that element under the despotism of two 
 nations, which I am not reconciled to the more because my own 
 would be one of them. Add to this the exclusive appropriation of 
 both continents of America as a consequence. I wish the present 
 order of things to continue, and with a view to this I value highly 
 a state of friendship between France and us. You know too well 
 
PUKCHASE OF TBE TEREITORY OF LOUISIANA. 19 
 
 how sincere I have ever been in these dispositions to dou})t them. 
 You know, too, how much I value peace, and how unwillingly I 
 should see any event take place which would render war a neces- 
 sary resource; and that all our movements should change their char- 
 acter and object. I am thus open with you, because 1 trust that you 
 will have it in 3'our power to impress on that government considera- 
 tions, in the scale against which the possession of Louisiana is nothing. 
 In Europe, nothing l)ut Europe is seen, or supposed to have any right 
 in the affairs of nations; but this little event, of France's possessing 
 herself of Louisiana, which is thrown in as nothing, as a mere make- 
 weight in the general settlement of accounts, — this speck which now 
 appears as an almost invisible point in the horizon, is the embryo of a 
 tornado which will burst on the countries on both sides of the Atlan- 
 tic, and involve in its effects their highest destinies. That it may yet 
 be avoided is my sincere prayer; and if you can be the means of 
 informing the wisdom of Bonaparte of all its consequences, you have 
 deserved well of both countries. Peace and abstinence from Euro- 
 pean interferences are our objects, and so will continue while the pres- 
 ent order of things in America remain uninterrupted. There is 
 another service you can render. I am told that Talleja-and is person- 
 ally hostile to us. This, I suppose, has been occasioned by the X Y Z 
 history. But he should consider that that was the artifice of a party, 
 willing to sacrifice him to the consolidation of their power. This 
 nation has done him justice by dismissing them; that those in power 
 are precisely those who disbelieved that story, and saw in it nothing 
 but an attempt to deceive our countr}^; that we entertain towards him 
 personall}^ the most friendly dispositions; that as to the government 
 of France, we know too little of the state of things there to mider- 
 stand what it is, and have no inclination to meddle in their settlement. 
 Whatever government the}- establish, we wish to be well with it. 
 One more request, — that you deliver the letter to Chancellor Livings- 
 ton with your own hands, and, moreover, that you charge Madam 
 Dupont, if an3^ accident happen to you, that she deliver the letter with 
 lier own hands. If it passes only through her's and your's, I shall 
 have perfect confidence in its safety. Present her my most sincere 
 respects, and accept yourself assurances of my constant affection, and 
 my praj'ers, that a genial sky and propitious gales may place you, 
 after a pleasant voyage, in the midst of your friends. 
 
 [Extract.] 
 
 James Madison, Secretary of State, to R. E. Livingston, Minister to France. 
 
 Department of State, ALarch. 16^ 1S02. 
 The subject of your letter to Mr. King, of the 30th of December, 
 is regarded by the President as not less delicate than you have supposed. 
 
20 PUECHASE OF THE TERRITOKY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 Considering the particular views which Great Britain may mingle with 
 ours, and the danger that a confidential resort to her may be abused, 
 for the purpose of sowing jealousies in France, and thereby thwart 
 our object, you and Mr. King will both be sensible that too much 
 circumspection cannot be employed. 
 
 [Extract.] 
 
 Mr. Livingston to the Secretary of State. 
 
 Paris, Marcli H, ^802. 
 
 On the business of Louisiana, they have, as yet, not thought it proper 
 to give me any explanations, though I have omitted no opportunity to 
 press the subject in conversation, and ultimatel}^, by the note sent you 
 on the 25th of February, (a duplicate of which was forwarded on the 
 28th), with a copy of another note enforcing the above, to which I 
 have, as yet, received no answer. 
 
 The fact is, they believe us to be certainly hostile to this measure, 
 and they mean to take possession of it as early as possible, and with 
 as little notice to us as the}^ can. 
 
 They are made to believe this is one of the most fertile and impor- 
 tant countries in the world; that they have a much greater interest 
 with the Indians than anj^ other people; that New Orleans must com- 
 mand the trade of our whole Western country; and, of course, that 
 the}^ will have a leading interest in its politics. It is a darling object 
 with the First Consul, who sees in it a mean to gratify his friends, and 
 to dispose of his armies. There is a man here, who calls himself a 
 Frenchman, by the name of Francis Tatergem, who pretends to have 
 great interest with the Creek nations. He has been advanced to the 
 rank of General of Division. He persuades them that the Indians are 
 extremely attached to France, and hate the Americans; that they can 
 raise 20,000 warriors; that the country is a paradise, etc. I believe 
 him to be a mere adventurer; but he is listened to, and was first taken 
 up by the old Directors. 
 
 I can not help thinking that it would be advisable for the present 
 Congress to take measures for establishing the Natchez, or some other 
 port, and giving it such advantages as would bring our vessels to it 
 without touching at Orleans. On this subject, however, you will form 
 ^a better judgment than I can. I have but one hope left as to defeat- 
 ) ing this cession: it consists in alarming Spain and England. The 
 Spanish Minister is now absent; but I have not failed to show, in the 
 strongest light, to the Minister of Britain, the danger that will result 
 to them from the extension of the French possessions into Mexico, 
 and the probable loss of Canada, if they are suffered to possess it. 
 
 I have requested Mr. King to press this subject, also a^ opportunity 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 21 
 
 offers. I enclose a copy of my last letter to him. If the treaty does 
 not close soon, I think it would be advisable for us to meet at Amiens, 
 and have according-ly proposed it to him. 
 
 I believe, such is the state of things here and such the desire for 
 peace, that Britain may force them to relinquish Louisiana; particu- 
 larly as the people here are far from desiring the establishment of 
 any foreign colony which they consider as a weak point and drain for 
 the population and wealth. 
 
 [Extrat'l.] 
 
 Mr. Livingston to Mr. King, Minister at London. 
 
 Paris, March 10, 1802. 
 If Louisiana goes into the hands of France without any explana- 
 tions on the part of her Government to us, (and this I have not yet been 
 able to bring it to, though 1 have pointedl}' pressed it, both verball}' 
 and by note,) on the subject either of her boundary or the navigation 
 of the Mississippi, it is impossible to see the extent of the power she 
 will have in and over America. As part of the territory of Spain, 
 Louisiana has no precise boundary ; so that it is easy to foresee the fate 
 of Mexico, especially when it is considered that General Bernadotte, 
 who is marked for this expedition, has demanded, it is said, a large 
 body of men. Britain will judge how far she is able to contend with 
 France, enriched by the treasures of Spain. The boundary between 
 Canada and Louisiana is alike unsettled. The dispositions of a great 
 part of the natives of that country are friendly to France; her influ- 
 ence over the Indian tribes has always been, and will again be, much 
 greater than that of the British, both from the disposition and manners 
 of her people, aTid from the whole body of carriers in the Indian trade 
 being native Canadians, and nmch the greater part of them mongrel 
 French. It is impossible to say what their influence may be upon our 
 Western country, in case of a controvers}" with Great Britain, particu- 
 larly if they keep the keys of it hs possessing the mouth of the 
 Mississippi or invite their aid in the plunder of Mexico. That the 
 possession of that country, aided by the power of France in Europe, 
 will draw after it that of all the islands, is easily foreseen. I mention 
 these circumstances to you (though I know the}^ could hardlv escape 
 you) as hints that you may use with advantage to introduce this busi- 
 ness at Amiens. You well know how to give them additional weight. 
 Nor is the right of Britain to interfere unfounded. By the sixth 
 article of the treaty with us of 1778, they absolutely renounce all right 
 to take, under any circumstances, any part of the country possessed 
 then or before by Great Britain on that continent. Though we have 
 relinquished all advantages deducible from that treat}', 3'et, so far as 
 
22 PUKCHASE OF THE TEKRITOKY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 other nations were interested in it, at the close of the last war, they 
 have a ri^ht to enforce it. And surely it was a very important guar- 
 anty to Britain of her colonies; and it might, for aught we know, 
 have had great influence upon the terms of the then peace. 
 
 [Extract.] 
 
 James Madison, Secretary of State, to Mr. Pinckney. 
 
 Department of State, March 30, 1802. 
 
 We are anxious to hear from you on the several subjects with which 
 you have been charged; particularly on that of Louisiana. By a treaty 
 entered into between Spain and France, in March, 1801, and lately 
 published in the Paris newspapers, it appears that in an antecedent 
 treaty the cession of that country had been stipulated b}^ Spain. Still 
 it is possible that the cession may have been since annulled; and that 
 such was, or was to be the case, has been stated in verbal accounts from 
 Madrid. At Paris Mr. Livingston has been given to understand, by? 
 the French Government, that the cession has never been more than a 
 subject of conversation between the two Governments. No informa- 
 tion, however, has been received from him subsequent to the publica- 
 tion of the Treaty of March, 1801, which must have led to some more 
 decisive explanations. 
 
 The copies herewith enclosed of a memorial of sundry inhabitants 
 living on waters running from the United States through Florida into 
 the Gulf of Mexico, and of a letter from the late Mr. Hunter, repre- 
 sentative in Congress of the Mississippi Territory, will present to 
 your attention a subject of some importance at this time, and of very 
 great importance in a future view. The Treaty Avith Spain having, as 
 these documents observe, omitted to provide for the use of the Mobile, 
 Chatahoochee, and other rivers running from our territory through 
 that of Spain, by the citizens of the United States, in like manner with 
 the use of the Mississippi, it will be proper to make early efforts to 
 supply the defect. Should a cession, indeed, including the Spanish 
 territorj^ eastward of the Mississippi, have finally taken place, it can 
 answer no purpose to seek from the Spanish Government this supple- 
 mental arrangement. On a contrary supposition j^ou will avail your- 
 self of the most favorable moment and manner of calling its attention 
 to the object. In support of our claim you will be able to use the 
 arguments which enforced that to the navigation of the Mississippi. 
 If it should be observed that a greater proportion of these rivers than 
 of the Mississippi run through the exclusive territory of Spain, it may 
 be a set-off that the upper parts of the rivers run, exclusively, through 
 the territory of the United States, and do not merely divide it, like the 
 Mississippi, from that of Spain. 
 
PUECHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 28 
 
 But neither the one nor the other cireunistance can essiMitially affect 
 our natural rights. Should the Spanish (Jovernnient l>e fav()ral)ly 
 disposed, it will be proper for you to pave the way for a formal con- 
 vention on the subject, endeavoring- to obtain, in the meantime, such 
 regulations from its authority, and such instructions to its otticers, as 
 will answer the purposes of our citizens. Among other hardships, of 
 which they now complain, and for which a regulation is particularh' 
 wanted, one 1 understand, is, that the article, cotton, which is act[uir- 
 ing rapid importance in that quarter, must, after it has been conveyed 
 to Mol)ile, be shipped to New Orleans and pay a duty of about twelve 
 and one-half per cent, before it can be exported. 
 
 [Extraft.] 
 
 Mr. Livingston to the Secretary of State. 
 
 Paris, Ajrril 2^, 1802. 
 The business most interesting to us, that of Louisiana, still remains 
 in the state it was. The Minister will give no answer to any inquiries 
 I make on that sul)ject. He will not say what their boundaries are, 
 what are their intentions, and when they are to take possession. And 
 what appears very extraordinary to me, is, that b}" a letter I have just 
 received from Mr. Pinckney, I tind that he still supposes that the Flor- 
 idas are not included in the cession:, and he writes me that he has made 
 a proposition to purchase them, which lies before the Minister, with 
 whom he is to have a conference on the subject. You may, however, 
 be fully assured that the Floridas are given to France; that they are 
 at this moment fitting out an armament from here to take possession. 
 This will be conmianded by General Bernadotte. The number of 
 troops designed for this object is between five and seven thousand. 
 They will shortlj^ sail for New Orleans, unless the state of afi'airs in 
 St. Domingo should change their destination. You may act upon this 
 information with absolute certainty, since I have no doubt of the chan- 
 nel through which I have received it. It would be wise immediately 
 to take measures to enable the Natchez to rival Orleans. I have sug- 
 gested the means: and I hope they will not be neglected by the Congress 
 now sitting. That you may judge of the light in which this country 
 is viewed by some here, I send j^ou the extract of a paper that now lies 
 before the Minister. If Congress makes the Natchez a free port, and 
 if the state of affairs in St. Domingo should employ the troops designed 
 for Louisiana, time will still be left for gold to operate here. But it 
 must be plentifully and liberally bestowed, not barel}^ in the assuiup- 
 tion of debts, but in active capital, afforded in supplies, to aid their 
 armaments in the islands. Give me your instructions as to the utmost 
 amount, if, as you will be better able to judge than I can, the affairs of 
 St. Domingo are likely to be protracted. 
 
24 PURCHASE 01^ THE TERRITOEY OF LOUISIANA* 
 
 [Extract.] 
 
 James Madison, Secretary of State, to Robert R. Livingston. 
 
 Department of State, 
 WasMngtoji, 3£ay 1, 1802. 
 
 The conduct of the French Government, in paying so little attention 
 to its obligations under the treaty; in neglecting its debts to our citi- 
 zens; in giving no answer to your complaints and expostulations, 
 which you say is the case with those of other foreign Ministers also; 
 and particularly in its reserve as to Louisiana, which tacitly contra- 
 dicts the language first held to you bj- the Minister of Foreign 
 Relations — gives tokens as little auspicious to the true interests of 
 France herself, as to the rights and just objects of the United States. 
 
 The cession of Louisiana to France becomes daily more and more 
 a source of painful apprehensions. Notwithstanding the Treaty of 
 March, 1801, and notwithstanding the general belief in France on the 
 subject, and the accounts from St. Domingo that part of the armament 
 sent to that island was eventually destined for Louisiana, a hope was 
 still drawn, from your early conversations with M. Talleyrand, that 
 the French Government did not mean to pursue the object. Since the 
 receipt of your last communication, no hope remains, but, from the 
 accumulating difficulties of going through with the undertaking, and 
 from the conviction jou may be able to impress, that it must have an 
 instant and powerful effect in changing the relations between France 
 and the United States. The change is obvious: and the more it can be 
 developed in candid and friendly appeals to the reflections of the 
 French Government, the more it will urge it to revise and abandon 
 the project. A mere neighhorJiood could not be friendly to the harmony 
 which both countries have so much an interest in cherishing; but if a 
 possession of the mouth of the Mississippi is to be added to other 
 causes of discord, the worst events are to be apprehended. You will 
 consequently spare no efforts, that will consist with prudence and dig- 
 nity, to lead the councils of France to proper views of this subject, 
 and to an abandonment of her present purpose. You will also pur- 
 sue, by prudent means, the inquiry into the extent of the cession — 
 particularly whether it includes the Floridas as well as New Orleans — 
 and endeavor to ascertain the price at which these, if included in the 
 cession, would be yielded to the United States. I cannot, in the 
 present state of things, be more particular on this head than to observe 
 that, in every view, it would be a most precious acquisition, and that, 
 as far as the terms could be satisfied by charging on the acquisition 
 itself the restitution and other debts to American citizens, great liber- 
 ality would doubtless be indulged by this Government. The President 
 wishes you to devote every attention to this object, and to be frequent 
 and particular in your communications relating to it. 
 
t>URCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 25 
 
 [Extract.] 
 
 James Madison, Secretary of State, to Rufus King, Minister to England. 
 
 DErARTMKNT OF StATE, J\l((l/ i, ISV^i. 
 
 We are fulh^ aware of the tendency of the reported ces.sion of 
 Louisiana to plant in our neighborhood troubles of different kinds, 
 and to prepare the way for very serious events. It has accordingly 
 been a primary object with the President to obviate such an event. 
 
 Mr. King to the Secretary of State. 
 
 London, May 7, 1802. 
 
 Sir: Among the few great principles of national policy worthy of 
 fixing the attention of our statesmen, I am willing to hope there is not 
 one concerning which there is greater unanimity, in opinion, than in 
 that w^hich enjoins upon us all to do our utmost in every way, and 
 upon all occasions, to maintain and perpetuate the union of our countr3\ 
 
 With this persuasion, though the subject may not be thought to be 
 included among the duties of my mission, 1 have not been able to 
 remain inattentive or indiff'ei'ent to the cession of Louisiana and the 
 Floridas to France, because I have viewed it as a measure calculated 
 and possibly intended to weaken and divide us. I have ah-eady com- 
 municated to 3"ou w4iat passed between me and the Minister of this 
 country in relation to this cession, during the negotiation of peace; but 
 as these communications were merely verbal, and as it aj^peared to me 
 to be of some importance that they should be distinctly and formally 
 confirmed, as well as that we should be ascertained of the sentiments 
 of this Government in respect to this cession, 1 prepared and sent to 
 Lord Hawkesbury a confidential letter upon the subject, a copy 
 whereof, together with a copy of his answer, is annexed. 1 will only 
 add that I have I'eason to be satisfied that the cession of Louisiana and 
 the Floridas is considered b}^ all the late Ministry, as well as all other 
 men of influence in this country, as a measure of the greatest conse- 
 quence, and Avhich must have an unavoidable influence upon the dura- 
 tion of peace. 
 
 With perfect respect and esteem, I have the honor to be, sir, your 
 obedient and faithful servant, 
 
 Rupus King. 
 
 Mr. King to Lord Hawkesbury. 
 
 London, Ajyril 21, 1802. 
 My Lord: By the Treaty of Alliance concluded at Paris, in 1778, 
 between the United States of America and France, the latter renounced 
 
26 PUKCHASE OF THE TEKEITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 forever the possession of every part of the continent of America lying 
 to the east of the course of the river Mississippi. This renunciation, 
 confirming that which had been previous!}^ made in the treaty of 1763, 
 between Great Britain and France, authorized the expectation that 
 France, content with her widely spread dominions, would abstain from 
 seeking an extension of them in this part of the American continent; 
 an expectation that appeared the more reasonable, inasmuch as the 
 motives to such extension could not be satisfactorily reconciled with a 
 just regard to the rights and security of those Powers between which 
 this portion of America is divided, and by which the same is at present 
 possessed. 
 
 Contrary, nevertheless, to expectations which have been entertained 
 on this subject, if credit be due to uniform and uncontradicted reports, 
 the Government of France has prevailed upon His Catholic Majesty 
 to cede to France both the provinces of Louisiana and the Floridas, 
 and having thus acquired a station at the mouth, and on the sides of 
 the Mississippi, maybe inclined to interfere with and interrupt the 
 open navigation of the same. 
 
 By the Treaty of Peace concluded at Paris, in 1783, between the 
 United States of America and Great Britain, it is mutually stipulated 
 that "the navigation of the river Mississippi, from its source to the 
 ocean, shall forever remain free and open to the subjects of Great 
 Britain and the citizens of the United States." Without enlarging 
 upon the great and peculiar importance of this navigation to the 
 United States, a large and increasing proportion of whose people can 
 conveniently communicate with each other, and with foreign countries, 
 by no other route, I take the libert}^, through your Lordship, to request 
 that the British Government will, in confidence, explain itself upon 
 this subject, and especially that it will explicitly declare whether any 
 communication has been received by it from the Government of 
 France or Spain respecting the said cession; or whether His Britannic 
 Majesty has, in any manner, acquiesced in or sanctioned the same, so 
 as to impair or affect the stipulation above referred to concerning the 
 free navigation of the Mississippi. In a word, I entreat your Lordship 
 to open yourself on this occasion with that freedom which, in matters 
 of weighty concern, is due from one friendly nation to another, and 
 which, in the present instance, will have the effect to do away all those 
 misconceptions that may otherwise prevail in respect to the privity of 
 Great Britain to the cession in question. 
 
 With the highest consideration, 1 have the honor to be, 
 
 KuFus King. 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 27 
 
 Lord Hawkesbury to Mr. King. 
 
 DowNiN(i Street, May 7, 1802. 
 
 Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge receipt of your letter of the 
 21.st ultimo. 
 
 It is inipossil)le that so important an event as the cession of Louisi- 
 ana by Spain to France should be regarded b}' the King in any other 
 light than as highly interesting to His Majesty, and to the United 
 States; and should render it more necessary than ever that there should 
 subsist between the two Governments that spirit of confidence which is 
 become so essential to the security of their respective territories and 
 possessions. 
 
 With regard to the free navigation of the Mississippi, I conceive 
 that it is perfectlj" clear, according to the law of nations, that, in the 
 event of the district of Louisiana being ceded to France, that countrj" 
 would come into possession of it subject to all the engagements which 
 appertained to it at the time of cession; and that the French Govern- 
 ment could, consequently, allege no colorable pretext for excluding 
 His Majesty's subjects, or the citizens of the United States, from the 
 navigation of the river Mississippi. 
 
 With regard to the second question in j^our letter, I can have no 
 difficulty in informing you that no communication whatever has been 
 received by His Majesty from the Government of France or Spain, 
 relative to an 3^ convention or treaty for the cession of Louisiana or the 
 Floridas; and I can, at the same time, most truly assure you that His 
 Majesty has not in any manner, directly or indirectly, acquiesced in 
 or sanctioned this cession. 
 
 In making this communication to you, for the information of the 
 Government of the United States, I think it right to acquaint you that 
 His Majesty will be anxious to learn their sentiments on ever}' part of 
 this subject, and the line of policy which ih&y will be inclined to adopt 
 in the event of this arrangement being carried into effect. 
 
 1 have the honor to be, with great respect, sir, your most obedient, 
 humble servant, 
 
 Hawkesbury. 
 
 James Madison, Secretary of State, to Charles Pinckney, Minister of 
 
 Spain. 
 
 Department of State, May 11., 1802. 
 We are still without a line from you since your arrival at Madrid, 
 and feel an increasing solicitude to hear from 3'ou oil the subject of 
 Louisiana. The latest information from Paris has confirmed the fact 
 that it was ceded by a treaty prior to that of March, 1801; and, not- 
 withstanding the virtual denial of the cession in the early conver.sa- 
 tions between Mr, Livingston and the Minister of Foreiofn Relations, a 
 
28 PURCHASE OF THE TERRITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 refusal of any explanations at present seems to admit that the cession 
 has taken place. Still there are chances of obtaining a reversal of 
 the transaction. The repugnance of the United States to it is, and 
 will be, pressed in a manner that can not be without some effect: it is 
 known that most of the French statesmen best informed on the sub- 
 ject, disapproved of it; the pecuniary difficulties of the French Gov- 
 ernment must, also, be felt as a check ; whilst the prospect of a protracted 
 and expensive war in St. Domingo; must form a very powerful obstacle 
 to the execution of the project. The councils of England appear to 
 have been torpid on this occasion. Whether it proceeded from an 
 unwillingness to risk a fresh altercation with France, or from a hope 
 that such a neighborhood between France and the United States would 
 lead to collisions which might be turned to her advantage, is more 
 than I can decide. The latter consideration might justly have great 
 weight with her; but as her eyes may be more readily turned to the 
 immediate and certain purposes to be answered to her rival, it is to be 
 presumed that the policy of England will contribute to thwart the 
 acquisition. What the intentions of Spain may be, ■s^'e wait to learn 
 from 3^ou. Verbal information from inofficial sources, has led us to 
 infer that she disowns the instrument of cession, and will rigorously 
 oppose it. Should the cession actually fail from this, or any other 
 cause, and Spain retain New Orleans and the Floridas, I repeat to j^ou 
 the wish of the President, that every effort and address be employed 
 to obtain the arrangement by which the territory on the east side of 
 the Mississippi, including New Orleans, may be ceded to the United 
 States, and the Mississippi made a common boundary, with a common 
 use of its navigation for them and Spain, The inducements to be held 
 out to Spain were intimated in your original instructions on this point. 
 I am charged by the President now to add, that you may not only 
 receive and transmit a proposition of guaranty of her territory be3^ond 
 the Mississippi, as a condition of her ceding to the United States the 
 territory, including New Orleans, on this side, but, in case it may be 
 necessary, may make the proposition yourself, in the forms required 
 by our constitution. You will infer from this enlargement of your 
 authority, how much importance is attached to the object in question, 
 as securing a precious acquisition to the United States, as well as a 
 natural and quiet boundary with Spain; and will derive from this con- 
 sideration additional motives to discharge, with a prudent zeal, the task 
 committed to you. 
 
 [Extract.] 
 
 Mr. Livingston to the Secretary of State, 
 
 Paris, May W, 1802. 
 The same conduct was held (by the Minister of Exterior Relations) 
 with respect to Louisiana. He would not acknowledge that the Gov- 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 29 
 
 ernment had yet formed any specific plan with respect to it, or that 
 an}^ troops were going out; but assured me, in general terms, that noth- 
 ing should be done that should give us any ground of complaint; on 
 the contrary, their vicinity would promote our friendship. 
 
 I will not trouble you with the answers that obviously presented to 
 this reasoning. It terminated, however, as all my conversations on the 
 subject have done, in nothing. 
 
 I shall wait a few daj's in hopes of hearing from you, after having 
 received a cop}^ of my first note, when I shall act agreeably to your 
 instructions, or, if you aft'ord me none, send in a second, in which 1 
 shall press for a communication of the treaty with Spain, which, 
 however, I am in hopes you may receive through Mr. Pinckncy. 
 
 I believe that, for the present, the armament designed for Louisiana 
 will be sent to Hispaniola, about which, I find, that much anxiety is 
 entertained here. 
 
 Mr. Livingston to the Secretary of State. 
 
 Paris, May 28, 1802. 
 
 Sir: Since ni}^ last I have acquired information which I can depend 
 on, relative to the intentions of this Government with respect to Loui- 
 siana. Bernadotte is, as I told you, to command: Collot second in com- 
 mand. Adet is to be prefect: but the expedition is delayed till about 
 September, on account (asTalle^^rand expressed himself to Bernadotte) 
 of some difiiculty which he did not explain; but which, I have no doubt, 
 has arisen from the different apprehensions of France and Spain rela- 
 tive to the meaning of tlie term Lousiana, which has been understood 
 by France to include the Floridas, but probably ])y Spain to have been 
 confined to the strict meaning of the term. This explains why 1 could 
 never get an answer to my questions relati^'e to the extent of the ces- 
 sions; and upon which the French Government had probably no doubt 
 till we started it. Believing, if this conjecture as to the cause of delay 
 of the expedition was right, that no time should be lost in throwing 
 obstructions in the way of its conclusion, I wrote the note of which 
 the inclosed is a copy, with the double purpose of alarming Spain, and 
 furnishing with arguments, arising from the good faith they owed us, 
 against giving their cession the construction France would wish. I 
 consider this as the more important, because 1 believe that ever}^ nego- 
 tiation for this object will be carried on here. I shall, however, give 
 the earliest and fullest information I can on this subject to Mr. Piuck- 
 ney, who will enforce at Madrid the arguments 1 may use here to 
 excite the alarm of the Court of Spain. 
 
 I wait impatiently some further instructions from you; those 1 have 
 in some sort prohibiting such measures as may show any dissatisfac- 
 
30 PURCHASE OF THE TEREITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 tion on the subject, of which, however, I doubt the polic3^ The sub- 
 ject is so interesting as to induce us to risk something to defeat it. 
 
 If I do not hear from you soon I shall present a pointed memorial 
 to this Government stating fully and candidly our objections to their 
 taking possession of the Floridas, and demanding security for the 
 rights we had originally, and by treaty with Spain. 
 
 I am, sir, etc., R. R. L. 
 
 Mr. Livingston, Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States, to His 
 Excellency Chevalier d'Azara, Ambassador of His Catholic Majesty. 
 
 Paris, May 28, 1802. 
 
 Sir: The powerful interests that our respective Governments have, 
 that the sincerest friendship and harmony should subsist between their 
 territories in America, naturally leads to mutual confidence between 
 their Ministers, and a full exposition of their sentiments upon subjects 
 which may have a tendency to interrupt that union. I think it my 
 dut}^, therefore, to open m3^self to you with freedom on one which is 
 very important as it regards the good faith which, I trust, both 3^our 
 Government and mine will consider as the first of obligations, as it 
 respects the great territorial interests of both Spain and the United 
 States; and I flatter myself, sir, that with these objects in view, I 
 shall meet with equal frankness and confidence on your part. It is 
 generall}^ understood that Spain has made a cession of Louisiana to 
 France; and it might have been expected, considering the situation of 
 this territory, and the friendly connection between both countries and 
 the United States, that a communication would have been made of this 
 treaty to their Government. Passing over this circumstance, probably 
 owing rather to inattention than to a want of confidence, I proceed to 
 make some observations on the treat}^ now in force between the Court 
 of Madrid and the United States, and to inquire how far Spain has pro- 
 vided for the stipulations contained in that treaty, and secured thereby 
 to the United States. The boundary between our respective Govern- 
 ments having been established, it is not to be doubted that the cession 
 has confined itself to the same limits. But, sir, bjj^ the fourth article 
 of that treaty, it is agreed that the midchannel of the Mississippi, 
 where it divides the territories of Spain from those of the United 
 States, shall be the boundary, and that the navigation of this river 
 shall be confined to the subjects of Spain and the citizens of the United 
 States, unless it shall be extended to others by special convention. I 
 am solicitous to know, sir, in what manner the rights of the citizens 
 of the United States in this river are preserved by the terms of the 
 cession. 
 
 Where the river runs wholly within the territor}^ of Spain, the 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 31 
 
 United States have, I)}' the treaty, a qualiliecl ricrht of navigation of 
 which they can not be divested. They have also the assurance of 
 Spain tliat no other nation shall share this right unless by convention; 
 by which I understand that Spain binds herself not to grant this right 
 without some previous agreement on the subject with the United 
 States: and this is rendered more evident from the words of the article 
 not being confined to the river below the thirty-tirst degree of north 
 latitude, but extending to the whole of the Mississippi, as well above 
 as below: whereas, half the river above that boundary belonging to 
 the United States, it could not have been intended that either of the 
 contracting parties should have a right to grant, without the consent 
 of the other, a right that was held in common. The word convention 
 must, therefore, be intended to mean a convention between Spain and 
 the United States; nor can an}^ cession of the territor}^ carry with it a 
 right to admit other Powers to a participation of the advantages of the 
 navigation of the Mississippi, unless by convention previously entered 
 into between His Catholic Majesty and the United States. It is to be 
 presumed that, in the cession which Spain has made, the Floridas are 
 not included, because of the evident interest that she has in retaining 
 them as security for her territories in South America, if unfortunate 
 events should hereafter produce a rupture between France and Spain. 
 In this case, the Floridas, b}^ lying in the rear of the French colonies, 
 would serve as an effectual check as well to them as to those turbulent 
 spirits in the adjoining States who might, in spite of the efforts of 
 their Government, incline to associate in the enterprises of France. 
 Upon this subject, sir, however, I pra}^ to have more explicit informa- 
 tion,.because you will observe that, b}^ the existing treaty between our 
 respective nations, there are special stipulations mutually agreed upon, 
 and which the United States have a right to expect some security for, 
 in any cession that Spain ma}' make of that countr3\ 
 
 By the fifth article it is agreed that Spain will restrain by force all 
 hostilities on the part of the Indian nations living within their bound- 
 ar}'^, either on the citizens of the United States, or the Indians within 
 their territor}'^, &c. You will easily see, sir, that as this is a national 
 obligation, it may be doubtful whether it will pass with the territory, 
 and yet is of such a nature as to entitle the United States to look for 
 its performance from the good faith of Spain, who can not, without 
 the consent of the United States, place herself in a situation to render 
 it of no effect. By the twentj^-second article of the same treat}', Spain 
 stipulates to permit the citizens of the United States to deposit their 
 goods at New Orleans, and to export from thence free of duty; or, in 
 case of withdrawing this permission, to assign them an establishment 
 for this purpose on another part of the banks of the Mississippi. I 
 take the liberty to ask, sir, (if the Floridas are included in the cession 
 to France,) what stipulations the cession contains insuring to the 
 
32 PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 United States this important privilege, which they considered them- 
 selves entitled to by the best of all guaranties, the good faith of His 
 Catholic Majesty? You will easily see, sir, that if a naked cession has 
 been made to France, without attention to these articles, how much 
 reason the United States will have to complain of the measure: and I 
 trust, sir, that you will see the propriety of their forming one of the 
 parties to any treaty in which their rights may be so materially affected. 
 I know, sir, that observations might, and I doubt not will be made 
 officially to your Court by the Minister of the United States at Madrid; 
 but, in the meantime, sir, as it is my intention to address myself upon 
 this subject to the Government of France, I wish to receive from you 
 every information which might throw light upon the subject, and the 
 rather as knowing the confidence that His Catholic Majesty reposed in 
 your talents and patriotism; and seeing, at the same time, that in 
 everything that related to this object our respective nations had a joint 
 interest. 1 have believed that you will receive with pleasure this 
 unofficial note as a mark of my confidence, and afford me your aid in 
 giving efficacy to a treaty which has served as a basis of friendship 
 
 between our respective nations. 
 
 R. R. L. 
 
 [Extract.] 
 
 Mr. Livingston to the Secretary of State. 
 
 Paris, June 8, 1802. 
 Enclosed is the answer of the Spanish Ambassador to my letter, a 
 copy of which was forwarded on the 28th ult. It accords with the 
 conclusions I drew from the delay of the expedition, and the conduct 
 of the Minister of Exterior Relations. I have had a conversation with 
 Collot and Adet, separately. I find that, though they both consider 
 their going in official characters to Louisiana as settled, yet that they 
 have neither seen the treaty, nor know precisely the boundary of the 
 territory acquired. Pensacola and Mobile, they say, are expressly 
 given: as to the rest, or whether it includes West Florida, they can not 
 say. That France intended that it should, 1 have no doubt; and I still 
 think it probable that she will make it yield to her intentions: for in 
 Europe she does what she will, and it will require firmness and exer- 
 tion to prevent her doing so in America. 
 
 The Chevalier d'Azara, Ambassador of His Catholic Majesty, near the 
 French Republic, to Mr. Livingston, Minister Plenipotentiary of the 
 United States. 
 
 Paris, June 2, 1802. 
 Sir: I pray you to excuse my not having been able to see you when 
 
 you were so good as to call at my dwelling; the ill state of my health 
 
 for the last ten days has deprived me of that honor. 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 33 
 
 I return you thanks for the frankness disclosed in your unoliicial 
 note of the 28th May; and, in adopting the same friendship and ecjual 
 frankness, I have the honor to inform you that the affair concernintr 
 which 3'ou have addressed me, not having- passed througli my haiids, 1 
 am unable to give 3'ou all the information which you have desired. It 
 appears certain, however, that a treaty ceding- Louisiana has been con- 
 cluded; but I am of opinion that the Floridas are not comprised in the 
 cession. 
 
 As the Minister of the United States at Madrid will Ije required, 
 (agrceal)ly to what 3'Ou have had the goodness to inform me), to demand 
 explanation of my Court concerning the treaty in (juestion, your Ciov- 
 ernment will receive, through him, all the information which may ])e 
 proper. Nevertheless, I will write to my Court, and will not fail to 
 communicate all that I may learn, for the purpose, as far as depends 
 on me, of removing your doubts and dispelling your inquietude. 
 
 J. NicoLAY d'Azaka. 
 
 James Madison, Secretary of State, to Rufus King, Minister to England. 
 
 Depaktment of State, July ^J, 180%^ 
 The subject of }-our letter of Ma}^ 7th, namel}% your correspondence 
 Avith Lord Kawkesbury on the cession of Louisiana and the Floridas 
 to France will receive from the President all the consideration which 
 it** great importance demands; and as soon as an answer can be founded 
 on the result of his reflections no time will be lost in transmitting it. 
 
 [Extniut.] 
 
 James Madison, Secretary of State, to C. Pinckney, Minister to Spain. 
 
 Department of State, Jultj M^ 180?i. 
 The information from Paris renders it certain that the cession of 
 Louisiana to France has actually been concluded, and that the cession 
 comprehends the two Floridas. In this state of the business, it seems 
 unnecessar}' to decide on the price which Spain might be led to expect 
 for a cession of the Floridas, including New Orleans, to the United 
 States; and the more so, as it would ])e of use for us previously to 
 know the value she places on the guaranty proposed in my letter to 
 3^ou of the 25th of September last. For the present, the cession 
 wished by the United States must be an object of negotiation with the 
 French Government. It will, notwithstanding, continue to be proper 
 for you to cultivate the good dispositions of Spain in relation to it, 
 both as they maj^ not be entirely disregarded by France, and as, in 
 H. Doc. 431 3 
 
34 PUECHASE OF THE TERRITOKY OF LOUISIAISIA. 
 
 the turn of events, Spain ma}^ possibly be extricated from her engage- 
 ments to France, and again have the disposal of the territories in 
 question. 
 
 [Extract.] 
 
 Mr. Livingston to the Secretary of State. 
 
 Paris, July 30, 1802. 
 
 I have received your dispatches and the President's by M. Dupont 
 de Nemours. I shall reply more particularly to theui at the next 
 opportunity, as I am now very much engaged in preparing a lengthy 
 memoir on the subject of the mutual interests of France and the United 
 States, relative to Louisiana, b}^ which I hope to convince them that, 
 both in a commercial and a political view, the posession of it would be 
 disadvantageous to France. In my last, I hinted to you my suspicions 
 that France and Spain did not understand each other on the subject of 
 Louisiana, and communicated to you my letters to the Spanish Ambas- 
 sador, calculated to sound this business, and interpose some difficulty 
 to its execution. His answer confirmed my opinion. I have since 
 received, verbally, his explicit assurance that the Floridas are not 
 included in the cession; and I have been applied to, b}^ one of the 
 Ministers here, to know what we understand, in America, by Louisi- 
 ana. You can easily conceive my answer. I have just received a let- 
 ter from Mr. Graham, in which he communicates the Spanish Minister's 
 answer to Mr. Pinckney's application upon the same subject, in these 
 words: "If the King should think proper to cede Louisiana, he will 
 take care that the interest of the United States shall not be affected by 
 it." It appears also, by the fifth article of the Treaty of Madrid, March 
 21st, 1801, that the cession had been made of Louisiana generall3\ The 
 French, 3"ou know, have always extended it to South Carolina and all 
 the country on the Ohio. Since the possession of the Floridas by 
 Britain, and the Treaty of 1763, 1 think there can be no doubt as to the 
 precise meaning of the term. 
 
 I find a certain degree of raideur in the Spanish Ambassador, on that 
 subject, which it will be our interest to cherish at the Court of Spain 
 unless we should have a prospect of purchasing the Floridas. In the 
 present state of things, until the point is settled, I think it probable 
 the expedition to Louisiana will be postponed. In the meantime, all 
 that can be done here will be to endeavor to obtain a cession of New 
 Orleans, either by purchase, or by offering to make it a port of entry 
 to France, on such terms as shall promise advantages to her commerce, 
 and give her hopes of introducing her manufactures and wines into 
 our western country. An arrangement of this sort, if they listen to it, 
 would certainly be beneficial to both countries and only hurtful to 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TEKRITUKY OF LOUISIANA. 35 
 
 Britain. If to this we could add a stipulation that she shall never ])os- 
 sess the Floridas. l)ut, on the contrary, in case of a rupture with Spain, 
 and a conquest of them, cede them to lis, our atiairs in that ((uarter 
 would stand as well as I would wish; and the colonies that France 
 might attempt to establish on the west side of the Mississippi would 
 be too feeble to injur(> us. 
 
 I find them very anxious to huve the ports of Fensacola and St. 
 Augustine, as they dread our having- command of the Gulf. I confess 
 this appeal's to me no very important object; and if they would be con- 
 tent with these, and give us West Florida and New Orleans, even at a 
 large price, we should not hesitate. I am sorr}^ that you have not com- 
 municated to me what are precisely the utmost limits of the sum I may 
 venture to offer in cash, or in our own demands. As the Minister has 
 been absent some time, and has but just returned, I can not state precisely 
 to you what we may hope on this subject; but be persuaded that I am 
 fully impressed with the importance of the subject, and that nothing 
 will be left undone which I can do to effectuate your wishes. I saw 
 him last night, and was very cordiall}" received. His health is so much 
 amended by the waters, that 1 hope he will be able to go through busi- 
 ness more speedily than he has done. 
 
 [Extnict.] 
 
 Mr. Livingston to the Secretary of State. 
 
 Paris, AtKjust 10, 1802. 
 Our own affairs have advanced but little, since the whole attention 
 of those in power are turned to objects nearer holne. 1 have had sev- 
 eral conferences on the subject of Louisiana, but can get nothing more 
 from them than I have already communicated. I have thought it best, 
 b\ conversation and bj^ writing, to pave the way, prior to anj^ direct 
 application, till I know better to what object to point. For this pur- 
 pose, I haA'e written the enclosed essay, which I have had translated, 
 and struck off twent}^ copies; I have just got them finished; I have 
 placed some of them in such hands as I think will best serve our pur- 
 poses. Talleyrand has promised me to give it an attentive i)erusal; 
 after which, when I find how it works, I will come forward with some 
 proposition. I am very much, however, at a loss, as to what terms 
 3"ou would consider it as allowable to offer, if they can be brought to 
 a sale of the Floridas, either with or without New Orleans: which last 
 place will be of little consequence, if we possess the Floridas, because 
 a nuich better passage ma}" be formed on the east side of the river. 
 I may, perhaps, carry my estimate of them too high; but when I con- 
 sider, first, the expense it will save us in guards and garrisons, the 
 risk of war, the value of duties, and what may be raised by the sale of 
 
56 PURCHASE OF THE TERRITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 lands, I should think them a cheap purchase. I trust, however, that 
 you will give me some directions on this head, and not leave the respon- 
 sibilit}^ of offering too much or too little, entirely at my door. I 
 speak, in all this business, as if the affair of the Floridas was arranged 
 with Spain; which, I believe, is not yet the case. But I took occasion 
 to touch on the subject three daj^s ago, with the Spanish Ambassador, 
 with whom I was dining, and think he appeared to have somewhat 
 relaxed on that ground, but would say nothing decisive; nor were the 
 time and place proper to press him. 
 
 Memoir, referred to in the preceding dispatch. 
 
 Whether it will be advantageous to France to take possession of 
 Louisiana ? 
 
 This question presents itself in two points of view: 
 
 First, as it affects the commerce and manufactures of France. 
 
 Second, as it affects her positive or relative strength. 
 
 Colonies are never cherished for themselves, but on account of the 
 influence they may have upon the general prosperity of the nation. 
 And as one man at home, contributes more to this than two at a dis- 
 tance, no wise nation colonizes but when it has a superfluous popula- 
 tion, or when it has a superfluous capital that can not otherwise be 
 rendered productive. 
 
 The population of France, though very considerable, has by no 
 means attained the point which renders it necessary to colonize. The 
 soil, climate, and local situation, give it advantages as a commercial 
 and more particularly as a manufacturing, nation, over every other 
 part of Europe. The ingenuit}^, taste, and industry of the inhabit- 
 ants have placed them in the highest rank; but these advantages are 
 very much restricted by the want of a sufficient capital to bring them 
 into operation. A rival nation, inferior in all the circumstances I have 
 mentioned, by the single effect of a large capital, has attained a superi- 
 ority both in commerce and manufactures which, in return, those cir- 
 cumstances enable it to maintain by continually adding to that 
 national wealth. Capital increases manufactures by the introduction 
 of machines, by the regular payment of workmen, by reducing the 
 interest of money, and, above all, by forcing new markets. The 
 wealthy mechanic alone can afford those expensive and slow opera- 
 tions which, in many cases, give perfection to a fabric. And the rich 
 merchant, alone, can afford to make long voyages, from which he has 
 slow returns; or give such extensive credits as will tempt those of for- 
 eign countries to purchase his commodities in preference to such as 
 are offered b}^ nations who expect more speedy payment. Such is the 
 want of capital in France, that no manufacturer has any quantity of 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 37 
 
 ^oods on hand to answer an immediate demand; and, of course, no for- 
 eign merchant can rely upon the certaint}' of obtaining such an assort- 
 ment of goods from the French consignee of liis cargo, as will answer 
 his purpose, without either detaining his vessel, or being compelled to 
 take a considerable proportion in articles of ver}' inferior value, 
 picked up from difi'crent manufactories; so that if frauds are com- 
 mirted, no one can be charged with them; a circumstance that renders 
 character of little importance to the French mechanic. 
 
 To this cause is owing that when a foreign ship, particidarly one 
 from a distant nation, disposes of her cargo in France, she has orders 
 to take wines and brandies in return, because these are the onl)'^ 
 artich's tliat the owner can depend upon having, in time, of the quan- 
 tity he orders. On the contraiy, any species of goods is obtained in 
 England at an hour's warning from a single manufacturer, whose 
 character is at stake if they should not prove equal to the sample. 
 This circumstance will always induce a foreign merchant to prefer 
 dealing for goods of the same natui'e with a British, rather than with 
 a French factor: and accordingly ^ye find cargoes sold in France, and 
 the monej'' remitted to England to purchase articles that France might 
 furnish, were her manufacturers sufficientl}^ rich to supply them, at a 
 short notice, without compelling the buyer to seek them at diU'erent 
 deposits. This evil can only be remedied by an increase of capital in 
 the hands of manufacturers. To show how this capital might be 
 ol)tained, would lead me too far out of ni}' present subj(>ct. But it 
 must be obviously diminished either where a navy is raised at the 
 expense of the manufacturer, or where the capital of the nation is 
 employed in distant countries. The operation of capital in oj^ening 
 new markets is obvious; for nothing is more evident than that mer- 
 chants of foreign countries, not possessing large capitals, are content 
 to be agents of those who can furnish them goods upon credit. And 
 it is by this means that Britain has found no loss of market in America, 
 in consequence of their having become independent; their immense 
 capital having created a moneyed dependence which has supplied, in a 
 commercial point of view, that which the}" before derived from the 
 supremacy of her Government. The increase of American capital is 
 now freeing her, in some sort, from that dependence, and enabling her 
 to extend her commercial operations, and even to afford a capital to 
 other nations, who shall know how to estimate the value of the market 
 she ati'ords to the manufactures and luxuries of Europe. It will readily 
 be aduiitted that transmarine colonies add nothing to the strength of 
 a nation. They are, on the contrary, weak points, that are guarded at 
 great expense of men and money; more particularly where the}^ are 
 placed in warm and unhealthy climates. The simple question, then, 
 is — Has France such a superfluity of capital or people as will justify 
 the establishment of new colonies "i 
 
38 PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 Those that France already possesses in the West Indies and at Cayenne 
 are more than sufficient to supply all the demands of France, and 
 indeed, the demands of all Europe, were they fully cultivated, for those 
 commodities that constitute their staples. But how are they to be 
 cultivated ? Experience has proved that the inhabitants of warm cli- 
 mates are never led by their necessities to labor. Force alone can 
 supply those taskmasters (cold and hunger) which nature has placed 
 under northern skies. Hence the necessity of slaves in rendering the 
 West Indies productive. These are only to be procured at a ver}'^ con- 
 siderable expense. The Spanish port of St. Domingo was almost 
 uncultivated for want of slaves. It is now in the hands of France; 
 and to render it productive, an immense capital in slaves, in buildings, 
 and in improvements of uncultivated lands, will be necessary. Great 
 capital will also be required to supply the losses that the French part 
 of the island has sustained, to say nothing of the other islands. From 
 whence is this capital to be drawn? Persons that settle in remote and 
 unhealthy climates seldom possess much. It must, then, be drawn 
 either from France, or some other country that possesses superfluous 
 capital. If drawn from France, it must, to a certain degree, injure 
 the manufactures of France at home. It maj", however, where the 
 territory is so extremely productive as the French islands are, where 
 the lands are already in a state of cultivation, and the capital advanced 
 will produce an immediate interest, be found advantageous, in a national 
 point of view, to encourage the application of French capital to this 
 object. But while the interest of money is liigh in France, while the 
 interior of the Republic afl'ords a variety of profitable speculations to 
 the capitalist, and while few persons are found possessed of superfluous 
 wealth, it will be difficult to induce many to vest their capital in a 
 distant country, subject to risk from the dishonesty of their agents, 
 and those others which recent transactions will teach them to dread. 
 Foreign capital was once drawn from the United Provinces. The 
 state, however, of the Batavian colonies, and the losses sustained by 
 the war, preclude all hope that much of this will now be applied to 
 ameliorate the French islands. The United States possess an extensive 
 capital in money, and in products necessary for the reestablishment of 
 the islands. Money will not be lent, in large quantities, upon the credit 
 of the planters; but with proper encouragement, there is little doubt 
 that products for which money must otherwise be paid, might be 
 obtained. And the mercantile speculations of the United States will 
 embrace the French islands, when the private and public credit of 
 France shall be reestablished, and experience shall have taught her the 
 futility of attempting to raise a revenue upon foreign commerce, while 
 in fact she is throwing it upon her own citizens. 
 
 In St. Domingo 20 per cent is paid on articles introduced by foreign- 
 ers. This is, indeed, collected from the foreigners; and owing to the 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 39 
 
 misnmnag-ement and frauds which generally prevail in custom-houses 
 at a distance, is a source of very considerable yexation to the trader. 
 But the money is paid by the planter: for it is always added to the 
 price, and eyen an interest or profit charged upon the dut}' itself, and 
 a compensation for all the yexations the merchant suffers. What, 
 then, is the effect of this operation but to deduct, at least, one-(|uarter 
 from the money which the planter has with difficult}' drawn from 
 France or elsewhere, and so far to impede the reestablishment of the 
 capital that can aloiu^ render the island ultimately productiye to France? 
 I say ultimately, for it will be idle to expect that they should compen- 
 sate the actual expenses of the French Goyernment till years have 
 elapsed, Na}', I will yenture to saj', that, unless the ports of St. 
 Domingo are thrown open to all vessels bringing necessaries, unless 
 the inhabitants are permitted to bu}" cheap and to sell dear, bj?^ encour- 
 aging a competition among bu3'ers and sellers, unless every species of 
 vexation is removed, and every possible assurance given that foreign 
 capitals entrusted to the islands will be perf ectl}^ safe, ages will elapse 
 before St. Domingo will cease to drain the wealth and strength of 
 France without offering an equivalent return. It is obvious, then, 
 that if France possessed no other transmarine property than her islands 
 in the West Indies, she would ffnd room to place all the capital she can 
 now, or probably will be able to spare in a long course of years. But, 
 if, in connection with this, we look to her immense territory in the 
 Brazils, to its productions, and the capital it will require to give it the 
 value it is susceptible of; if we add to this the establishments it may 
 be necessar}^ to make in the East Indies in order to enable the French 
 ports to possess all that variet}- of commodities which in\'ite exchanges 
 and give activity to commerce; we shall find a centurj^, at least, will 
 elapse before France needs such new establishments. But as she, like 
 ever}"^ other country, possesses a limited capital, the sole ol)ject of 
 inquiry should be, where can this capital be best placed? At home? 
 In the islands? At Cayenne? In the East Indies? Or in Louisiana? 
 For it is obvious, that whatever is placed in one is taken from the 
 other. It is equalh" obvious that the national expense must be increased 
 by the increase of its establishments, and the points of attack and 
 defense be multiplied in the same proportion in case of war. 
 
 Many able statesmen have doubted whether, to a countr}^ situated as 
 France, any colonies were of use; but it is not my design to enter into 
 those theories. France possesses colonies. She has urged her citizens 
 to remove themselves, and invest their property therein, and she is 
 bound in good faith to retain and protect them. But she is not bound 
 to create new colonies, to multiply her points of defense, and to waste 
 a capital which she needs both at home and abroad. In what view 
 would the possession of Louisiana be useful to France? First, like 
 every other warm climate, it must be cultivated by slaves. The capi- 
 
40 PUECHASE OF THE TEEEITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 tal employed in purchasing these slaves, or the slaves themselves,would 
 be carried to the islands, if a new market was not open for them. The 
 competition will enhance the price to the planters in the islands, and 
 so far obstruct their speedy reestablishment. When the slaves arrive 
 in Louisiana, they must be employed in the unproductive labor of clear- 
 ing the immense forests with which that countrj^ is covered; a labor 
 ill calculated for slaves, since it requires long habit in the use of the 
 ax, and a strength and activity seldom found in slaves. At all events, 
 they must be maintained, clothed, and fed for years before any profit 
 will result from their labor: how long, may be determined, in some 
 sort, from this fact. When new lands are put out to lease in the 
 Northern or Middle States of America the usual terms are ten years 
 free of rent, and, after that, twelve bushels of wheat per hundred acres 
 forever. It is obvious, then, that the first ten years are considered as 
 years of expense, during which the landlord asks nothing; but, in the 
 Southern States, land can not even be put out on these terms, because 
 there the white inhabitants place a higher value upon their labor, and 
 the clearing lands by slaves involves too great an expense for any man 
 who is not absolute owner of the soil. Who, then, will cultivate Loui- 
 siana with slaves? Who among the French citizens will vest a large 
 capital in so precarious a property, with the hope of a distant return? 
 There are, also, circumstances in the situation of Louisiana which ren- 
 der it more diflicult. 
 
 Louisiana is bounded by an immense wilderness. Slaves, emploj^ed 
 in the clearing of forests, will form acquaintances with the natives; 
 and they will, upon every occasion, escape from labor to the indolence 
 of a savage life. It may be asked, why does this not happen in the 
 Southern States of America? First, because none are so far south as 
 to be free from the rigors of winter, which make it diflicult for the 
 inhabitants of a warm climate to endure a savage life; and, next, be- 
 cause the Southern States are, in a great measure, surrounded by the 
 sea, and b}^ the mountains which onl}' know a white population, and 
 intercept the communication of the slaves with the waste forests in 
 their rear. But supposing all these difficulties surmounted, what 
 advantage would result to France, in a commercial point of view, from 
 the establishment of this colony; so far as its productions are similar 
 to those of their islands, nothing would be gained, because the islands, 
 well cultivated, are equal to every demand of France, and, indeed, of 
 Europe. The introduction of those from Louisiana would only reduce 
 the price, without adding to the value; and France would find herself 
 compelled, in order to prevent the ruin of those who had vested their 
 capital in the colonies, to imitate the Dutch, who destro}^ their spices 
 and teas when they find that the quantity debases the value. Commodi- 
 ties not raised in the islands, and which might be found in Louisiana, 
 are only wood, and, perhaps, rice; but it is certain that these produc- 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 41 
 
 tions, when attoiidcd with the expense of procuring them in a warm 
 and unhealthy climate, will not compensate the expense, or, at least, 
 furnisli the same profit to labor that might he obtained, were it em- 
 ployed as in the islands, in raising- more valuable commodities; a proof 
 of which will be found in the United States. It is not from (xeorgia 
 oi' South Carolina that the West India islands are supplied with Avood, 
 but principally from the Northern States, though wood lands are much 
 scarcer and more valuable w^ith them than to the Southward, The 
 reason is, that the furnishing, lumber, the preparing it for the market, 
 the mills necessary for that purpose, all require the labor of free hands 
 content to work for a small profit. 
 
 Though it ma}" seem paradoxical, I will venture to sa}" that it is 
 not the interest of France to supply herself with wood, even if she 
 could do it from Louisiana: and that, for two reasons. The lumber 
 supplied to her islands hj the Northern States is paid for in molasses, 
 and a small quantity of taffia. The first costs nothing to the planter, 
 being an otherwise useless product of his sugar; and the second a 
 trifling expense in the distillation. If these were not consumed in 
 America, the molasses would absolutely be thrown away, (as it was 
 when the United States were British colonies.) because the commerce 
 of France offers no other market for it. The islands may then be 
 trul}" said to have their lumber from the United States for nothing. 
 If, on the contrary, an establishment was made in Louisiana for the 
 purpose of furnishing lumber, all the expense of such an establish- 
 ment to the nation, together with all the labor emplo^^ed in cutting the 
 wood, preparing- and sending it to market, would be actual loss to the 
 nation, even supposing the woodcutter content to be paid in molasses 
 and rum, because his labor produces nothing to the nation. But it is 
 certain that Louisiana would afford no market for either molasses or 
 rum. The consumption of those is found onlv in the Northern States 
 of America: the Southern prefer spirits made from grain, apples, and 
 peaches, to that distilled from molasses. The planters, then, sup- 
 posing their supph" of kmiber to l)e exclusive!}" furnished by a French 
 colony in Louisiana, would be compelled to pay for it in money, or in 
 some article of real value. If it was not exclusively furnished, it 
 would not be furnished at all; because the woodcutter in a southern 
 climate could never work so cheap as to compete with the hardy sons 
 of the North. It may be thought that the molasses would find a 
 market in the Northern States, even if not given in return for lum])er: 
 l)ut this is not the fact. The only inducement with them to take it is 
 that they get it in return for another commodity for which they have 
 little other mai'ket. Let the islands refuse to take the wood of the 
 Northern States, and they will instantly substitute spirits distilled 
 from grains and apples, for that drawn from molasses: (because, in this 
 case, the price of rum must necessarily rise,) and all commerce between 
 
42 PURCHASE OF THE TEREITORY OP LOUISIANA. 
 
 the islands will stop, except for articles of provision, in return for 
 which they will only take money, or what will produce money at a 
 foreign market. The second reason why France should not, were it 
 even in her power, seek her supply of lumber from a colony in 
 Louisiana, is, that, in case of a war, supposing Britain to maintain her 
 naval superiority, those supplies would be rendered extremely pre- 
 carious. Nor would the want of them be easily supplied from the 
 United States; for having, during peace, given up that branch of com- 
 merce, (and the persons emploj^ed in it having turned their attention 
 to other objects, and the mills created for sawing the lumber having 
 gone to decay,) it would not be easil}^ reestablished on the breaking 
 out of a war;, the calamities of which would by this means fall doubly 
 hard upon the islands. 
 
 In a commercial point of view, then, it is obvious that the coloniza- 
 tion of Louisiana would be injurious t^ France; because it would 
 divert a capital that might be more usefally emplo^^ed in her other 
 colonies; because that capital would be unproductive for many years; 
 and because, when it became productive to the individual, it would 
 add nothing to the mass of national wealth, but merely lower the price 
 of commodities supplied b}" the West Indies, and lessen the profits of 
 labor. It may, however, be supposed that the possession of Louisiana 
 would afford an additional market to French manufactures, and so far 
 compensate the nation for the expense of the establishment. This 
 question is worthy of examination: and the supply or consumption of 
 French fabrics must have a reference either to the free population, or 
 to that of the slaves. If the free population is to be supplied by 
 emigration from France, it will consist of that class of people who 
 could not onl}^ maintain themselves in France, but add something to 
 its.wealth by their labor; for France is not overstocked with inhab- 
 itahts; and, of course, none can emigrate without leaving a void some- 
 where oi"^\,some useful labor unperformed. The actual emigrant, 
 then, takes something from the general stock of productive labor in 
 the parent State. He also carries with him a part of the capital, (for 
 he can not go empty-handed,) and he must remain, as I have stated, 
 ten years before he renders his new establishment more than suificient 
 to support himself. In the meantime, he must live with the utmost 
 economy; for having nothing to give in exchange, he can furnish 
 little from the parent country; and, indeed, the nature of a Southern 
 climate exacts very few of those articles which are necessaries in 
 Europe. There can be no question, then, that, so far as relates to 
 the actual emigrant, the few articles he will require from French 
 looms will not compensate the nation for the loss of his labor: nay, 
 that he will consume so much less in America than he would have 
 done in France, that, besides his labor, the manufacturer that supplied 
 in both countries will be an actual loser by his removal. Black popu- 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITOKY OK LOUISIANA. 43 
 
 lation will contribute still less to aid the maiuifactures of France, 
 ))ecause their consumption is extremely small in tin; article of clothing-. 
 Even in South Carolina it does not amount to more than forty francs 
 a year for each ])lack. In Louisiana, as the winter is less severe, it 
 will be proportionably less. It will consist of cotton, much of it 
 made at home, and much more of it obtained from the United States 
 b}^ an illicit commerce. But if even the whole were brought from 
 France, after deducting- the value of the raw material Avhich France 
 must purchase, the whole protit of the French manufacturer and mer- 
 chant would not exceed thirty livres a head for each slave. 
 
 Now, ever}' slave sent to Louisiana will cost the nation one thousand 
 francs; and as this capital should produce at least ten per cent, em- 
 ploj^ed in any species of commerce or manufacture, the whole differ- 
 ence between one hundred francs, the product in France, and thirty 
 francs, drawn from the advantage of clothing him, will be an actual 
 loss to France, for the first ten years, at least, in which the}' can, (as 
 I have before proved,) at the utmost, do no more than support them- 
 selves. As numbers will die in the seasoning, and many will elope, 
 the actual loss to France on every slave imported and employed in 
 Louisiana will be 160 francs per annum. But if the profit resulting- 
 from the labor of the same slave, who might have been carried to one 
 of the islands, instead of Louisiana, is added to the account, (and cer- 
 tain it is that all carried to Louisiana are taken from the islands,) it 
 will be found that the actual loss to the nation, in the mis-employment 
 of his labor, will amount to upwards of 600 francs a year, so that the 
 first loss to the nation, on the introduction of one thousand slaves into 
 Louisiana, beyond the first cost of the slaves, will ])e six hundred 
 thousand francs. It is true, that if peace continues, and the colony, 
 contrai'v to ever}^ reasonable expectation, should fiourish, the wealthy 
 planters would consume more French fabrics, but the consumption of 
 the slaves will alwavs be trifling, and their labor absolutely unprofit- 
 able; because, as I have before observed, being employed in raising 
 articles that can be better raised in quantities equal to the demand in 
 the islands, and for which the market is limited, they will onlv, b}' 
 adding to the quantity, lower the price of those commodities which it 
 is the interest of France, who possesses such productive islands, to 
 keep up. 1 know an idea prevails that the connnodities of France can, 
 by means of the Mississippi, find their way into the western part of 
 the United States. Nothing could give birth to this idea but the 
 most perfect ignorance of the navigation of that river; and of the 
 wants of the inhabitants. 
 
 It is certain that the wines of France are ill calculated for so warm 
 a climate as they must pass through to arrixe in the Western States, 
 and worse suited to the palates or purses of the inhabitants; both of 
 which are better adapted to their own liquors, cider, beer, whisky, 
 
44 PUECHASE OF THE TERBITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 and peach brandy; the last of which, with age, is superior to the best 
 brand}^ of France. Instead, then, of receiving- these articles from 
 France, through Louisiana, they will more probably supply the colony 
 with them. Glass, or earthenware, as they have all the materials on 
 hand, they make for themselves, in all the back countries of America. 
 The consumption of china is exceedingly small, and, were it greater, the 
 French china is too dear to enter into competition with that of the 
 Ea-st Indies. Bulky articles in iron are also made among themselves; 
 and the hardware of England has such an acknowledged superiority 
 over that of France, that none of the latter could be vended, were the 
 market open to both. The only articles, then, that could be possibly 
 introduced, would be silks, cambrics, and other light articles of luxmy. 
 These, however, will never pass by the wa}^ of the Mississippi. The 
 dangerous navigation of the Gulf, the slow and expensive passage up 
 the river against the current, the large capital of the American and 
 British merchants at Philadelphia, and the great improvements that 
 are daily making in the inland canals and roads, will always carry these 
 by land to the Ohio and other rivers, from which they can be trans- 
 ported to every other settlement on cheap and eas}" terms. It is a 
 well-known fact that dry goods have been carried from Philadelphia 
 to New Orleans by this route, in preference to going thither direct^ 
 by water. It is chimerical, therefore, to expect to vend the commodi- 
 ties of France, through that channel, when even England, with all her 
 enterprise, her right to the navigation of the Mississippi, and the 
 prejudice of Americans in favor of her fabrics, has never ventured to 
 send her commodities by that channel, well knowing that through 
 Baltimore and Philadelphia they will find an easier entrance. 
 
 But should France wish to introduce more bulky articles by this 
 channel, and habituate the inhabitants of the Western States to her 
 wines and to her fabrics, it can only be done by putting New Orleans 
 into their hands, stipulating, at the same time, that it shall ever remain 
 a free port of entry to French ships and French fabrics, subject to no 
 greater duties than those paid by American ships. This will, at once, 
 interest the American merchants settled in New Orleans, in their com- 
 merce, turn their capital from England to France, and give the latter 
 all the advantages of the island, without the expense of maintaining 
 it; and the money acquired by the activity of America from the Span- 
 ish Government would center in France, because England, not having 
 the same facilities, and paying higher duties, could not supply them 
 upon the same terms. Should France, on the other hand, determine to 
 keep the island, a great part of the commercial capital now in 
 Orleans (which is principally American and British) will, in that case, 
 be moved to such other place as the United States shall fix upon, and 
 this being naturally placed in a state of rivalry to New Orleans, and 
 freed from the vexations that never fail to attend a military Govern- 
 
rUKCHASE OV THE TERKITOKY OF LOUISIANA. 45 
 
 mentat a distance from the e^^e of the sovereic^n, will, iiotwithstand- 
 ing any disadvanta^'e in point of situation, draw after it the coniinerec 
 that now centers thei'c. The limits settled between Spain and the 
 United States, and lately between the latter and Britain, preclude the 
 inhabitants of Louisiana from any share of the fur trade, which, 
 indeed, never could have been considerable, as the southern furs are 
 of little value; the few deer skins the}' receive are an object of no 
 moment in a commercial view, as will be found from a vieM' of the 
 exports of New Orleans, even now that the United States Mississippi 
 territory transports through that channel. 
 
 In these reflections I have not taken into account the hardships, 
 expenses, and loss of lives, that result from the establishment of new 
 colonies in a marsh}^ countrj^and warm climate, the inroads of savages, 
 the insurrection of slaves, the insubordination of troops, and the abuses 
 of officers when far removed from the superintending eye of the Sov- 
 ereign; any or all of which may defeat the object, and ruin the estab- 
 lishment. There is, however, one consideration, and that a very 
 important one, that ought to have some weight. Man}'^ who carry 
 their families and their capital into Louisiana, iinding that land is 
 equally' cheap on the American side of the line, will, sometimes from a 
 preference for their form of government, sometimes from caprice, some- 
 times from pique, or to get rid of the oppression of a military govern- 
 ment, (for such that of Louisiana must necessarily be,) remove to the 
 territory of the United States, even in time of peace. In case of a war 
 between France and Spain, this desire will be general; because, sup- 
 posing Britain to maintain her naval superiorit}', (which I have upon 
 a former occasion shown that she will, unless the commercial svstem 
 of France shall be much more liberal than it now is.) the mouth of the 
 Mississippi will 1)C blocked up and the planters of the French Colony 
 be reduced to the utmost distress, while those of the United States will 
 acquire advantages from the war. In this case, a great proportion of 
 the capital that France shall place in Louisiana will be transferred to 
 the United States, where farms read}' cleared may be purchased at 
 half the price at Avhich a French planter can clear his, owing to the 
 dexterity of American woodsmen, who have been educated to the use 
 of the ax, and acquired that strength in the muscles of the ai'm, 
 which is unattainable by men who have been brought up to other 
 employments. Past experience has evinced the truth of these obser- 
 vations. Louisiana, though settled near a century, has flourished 
 neither in the hands of Spain nor of France; and, at this moment, at 
 least half the trade of Orleans is carried on upon the capital of citi- 
 zens of the United States, under the faith of their treaty with Spain. 
 When France shall establish a rival colony there, this will l)e removed 
 to such other place on the Mississippi as it shall be the policy of the 
 United States to eucouraffe. 
 
46 PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 If, in a commercial view, the settlement of Louisiana shall not be 
 advantag-eous to France, but, on the contrarj^ really injurious, b}?- 
 diverting her capital from more important objects; in a political one, 
 it will be found still more inconsistent with her interests. To France, 
 considered either as a maritime or a commercial nation, the' United 
 States are of the last importance. On the first subject, I have, upon 
 a former occasion, expressed my sentiments full3^ On the latter, 
 there can be no doubt that an agricultural nation, whose industry 
 enables them to purchase with the product of their raw materials the 
 luxuries and fabrics of Europe, and whose habits and pursuits prevent 
 them from manufacturing for themselves, must offer an important 
 market to the inhabitants of the Old World. In this view the trade of 
 the United States is considered as extremel v valuable to Britain. But 
 France, when her manufactures shall attain the perfection of which 
 they are susceptible, and her trade be placed upon the proper founda- 
 tion, presents a much greater variety of subjects for the 'sup^6«:'t of 
 this commerce than Britain. From the last, America receives only 
 the product of her looms and her forges. From the first, she will not 
 only take these, but aid her agriculture b}^ the purchase of her wines, 
 her oils, and her brandies; while, on the other hand, France affords a 
 better market than Britain to many of the products of the United 
 States. These circumstances, and the relative position of France, 
 which precludes all idea of danger or rivalship, either by sea or by 
 land, between her and the United States, has made them view her as a 
 natural all}^, and consider the measure of her power as an additional 
 pledge for the safety of their commerce and their future tranquillity. 
 They have done homage to the wisdom of those statesmen who, at the 
 end of a successful war, conceived it more advantageous to France to 
 insure the lasting friendship of the United States, than to acquire a 
 territory which might excite their jealousy, and throw them back into 
 the hands of the nation from whom they had but just aided to liberate 
 them. 
 
 I am aware of the delicacy of touching upon the political evils that 
 may result to France and to the United States from the fornier pos- 
 sessing itself of New Orleans and the Floridas, lest, on the one hand, I 
 should leave unsaid what truth requires to be spoken, and, on the 
 other, give umbrage by freedom which haughty spirits may construe 
 into menace. Feeling mj^self , however, a citizen of one of these States, 
 and warmly attached to the other, I trust that those into whose hands 
 this shall be placed, will duly appreciate m}" motives in endeavoring 
 to remove all ground of controversy between nations formed to aid 
 each other; and, while they believe me sufficiently acquainted with the 
 resources of my own countr}-, not to dread the power of an}^ European 
 nation, they will think me equally incapable of so ridiculous an idea as 
 that of menacing a Government before whose power united Europe 
 
rUKCHASE OF THE TERKITURY\OF LOUISIANA. 47 
 
 litis bowed. I have observed that France and the I'nited States are so 
 happily placed with respect to each other, as to have no point of colli- 
 sion. The}' can mutually aid, without havinu- the smallest temptation 
 to injure, each other. And as there is no nation at present on the 
 globe Avhose consumption otters such encouragement to foreign manu- 
 factures as that of the United States; as this consumption is rapidly 
 increasing; as they have the means of establishing a navy whenever 
 their situation shall render it necessary, how strong, how powerful, 
 should the inducement be that compels France to lose these advan- 
 tages, and convert a natural and warm ally into a jealous and suspi- 
 cious neighbor, and, perhaps, in the progress of events, into an open 
 
 enemy 
 
 Experience has evinced that no two nations can border ui)on each 
 other, without having the spirit of rivalr}- excited; and if this is true 
 with respect to neighboring nations, it will be found to apply more 
 forcibly to the Colony, of a great and powerful nation placed at a dis- 
 tance from home, and a Sovereign adjoining such nation. The reason is 
 obvious. Where two nations join each other, everything passes under 
 the eye of the Sovereign; and ditt'erences mav be accommodated as 
 soon as they arise; but when the Governor of a Colony, relying for 
 protection from home, is guilty of an act of hostility, the wound festers 
 before the physician can be called in. The oft'ended Sovereign, too, 
 will presume that the ofiicer will mett with support, the greater as his 
 nation is more powerful; will endeavor to anticipate the hostilities it 
 dreads; it will recriminate; and the nations will be plunged into a 
 Avar before explanations can take place. If there is a situation in the 
 world that would lead to these melancholy consequences, it would be 
 that of France in possession of New Orleans. It blocks up the great 
 outlet to a great number of the American States, and to a very exten- 
 sive and growing population. On this island a military government 
 will be established. The commander and his troops, justly elated with 
 the glory of their nation, will look down upon surrounding people. 
 Commerce will be despised, and those who practice it ))e subjected to 
 the despotism of men who will seek a compensation for their priva- 
 tions in being sent to a distant country and unhealth}" climate, in the 
 acquisition of wealth. The Colony itself att'ords no legitimate sources 
 for this, but those which arise graduall}- from commerce and agricul- 
 ture, equally ill suited to the military character. No vigilance on the 
 part of the parent country can control the oppressions that will be 
 practiced by men at such a distance; nor will the ardent spirits of the 
 new settlers in States that border on the Mississippi, in many cases, 
 be sufliciently controlled, (even by their own Governraent,) to prevent 
 their endeavors to avenge themselves, rather than to wait the tard}- 
 justice that they may hope for from diplomatic representations. The 
 resentments of the people w^ill be sharpened against each other; the 
 
48 PUECHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 ties of friendship will be broken, and the Government of the United 
 States, which always partakes of the feelings of the people, will find 
 itself unavoidably placed in such a situation as to change its connexion, 
 and to guard against the supposed hostilit}^ of its old alh^, by forming 
 cautionary connexions with Britain, who will court their alliance and 
 stimulate their resentments against France; because by this connexion 
 she will hope to retain the commerce of America, which she almost 
 exclusively possesses, give security to her Colonies, and, in case of war, 
 facilitate her attempts to conquer the French islands; and, above all, 
 prevent that commercial and maritime union between France and the 
 United States, on which alone France can hope to engraft a naval 
 superiority. It may be asked why these jealousies, that 1 appear so 
 greatl}^ to apprehend with respect to France, do not prevail with respect 
 to Britain in possession of Canada. 
 
 First, because Britain has, very prudently, separated her territory 
 by a natural boundry, which keeps the inhabitants of the respective 
 nations from coming into contact. While she held posts on the south 
 side of the lakes, the United States viewed her with jealousv, and there 
 is no sort of doubt that hostilities and national hatred would have been 
 the consequences of her retaining them, when the American population 
 in their neighborhood had increased; symptoms of which had frequently 
 been exhibited before they were relinquished. Second, because the 
 natural export of the United States being by their own rivers, there 
 is no communication of any moment between them and Canada; but, 
 thirdl}^, because Upper Canada is principall}- settled bj^ emigrants from 
 the United States, who, in case of a rupture, would probably join them 
 if the spirit of the American Government did not prohibit an exten- 
 sion of their limits. 
 
 And, after all, what advantages, political or commercial, can France 
 obtain by the possession of New Orleans and the east side of the Mis- 
 sissippi, that can compensate for the losses she will sustain in both 
 respects, by placing herself in a state of rivalry with the United States? 
 The Floridas are a narrow slip of very barren lands, absolutely inde- 
 fensible in case of a rupture, and which will require more than they 
 are worth in guards, garrisons, and Indian subsidies; and however val- 
 uable New Orleans may be to the United States, it will be of little value 
 to France, when the foreign capital shall be withdrawn from it, or a 
 rival city established by the United States. I find, upon the most 
 careful inquiry, that one-third of the mercantile houses now employed 
 "^in New Orleans belongs to the citizens of the United States. No 
 sooner shall a military government be established there, than these 
 houses, with all the capital that gives activity to the commerce of New 
 Orleans, will be removed either to such other place as the United 
 States shall receive agreeably to the terms of their treatj^ with Spain, 
 or to the Natchez, to which any vessel that may enter at New Orleans 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TEKKITOKY OF LOUISIANA. 49 
 
 t'iin l)e rt'coived, Lurgc vessels have ;il ready <ione fi-oni France iiiid 
 unloaded their cargoes there without any difficulty. As the market is 
 always the better the further 3^ou advance, there is little doubt that 
 this will become a rival city to that of New Orleans; and when the 
 American capital shall be withdrawn from the lattei-, when the Gov- 
 ernment of the United States shall declare it a port free of duties, New 
 Orleans will become of little consequence as a conmiercial city, and 
 only remain a useless expense to France, and a source of endless jeal- 
 ousies between them and the United States. 
 
 The cession of Louisiana is, however, very important to France if 
 she avails herself of it in the only waj^that sound polic}' woidd dictate. 
 1 speak of Louisiana proper; in which I do not include the Floridas, 
 presuming- that they make no part of the cession. Since, by this 
 cession, she may acquire a right to navigate the Mississippi, and a 
 free trade; and if she knows how to avail herself of this circumstance, 
 by a perfect understanding with the United States, she will find a vent 
 through it for a vast variet}" of her commodities when she has given 
 the people of the Western States the habit of consuming them, in 
 preference to those they receive from Britain. This can only l)e done 
 by atJording them cheaper. She can onh' ali'ord them cheaper Ijy 
 interesting the American merchant in their sale, and having the use of 
 his capital, and l)y engaging the Government of the United States to 
 give them a preference. These objects can only be attained by a 
 cession of New Orleans to the United States, Avith a reservation of a 
 light of entry, at all times, free of any other duties than such as are 
 exacted from the vessels of the United States; together with a right 
 to navigate the Mississippi. This will give her ships an advantage 
 over those of every other nation, will retain and increase the capital 
 of New Orleans, from which her supplies for her islands will ])e pur- 
 chased on the easiest terms, will carry the fabrics of France into all the 
 Western territory, which the United States will have no interest in 
 checking, as all rivalry between the two nations would then lie removed. 
 France will then command the respect, without exciting the fear of 
 the two nations whose friendship is most important to her comnun-ce, 
 and to the preservation of her islands; and all this without the expense 
 of establishments that would drain the National Treasury, and divert 
 the national capital from its proper objects; while, on the other hand, 
 should France retain New Orleans, and endeavor to colonize Louisiana, 
 she will render herself an object of jealousy to Spain, the United States 
 and Britain, who will not only discourage her commerce, but compel 
 her to make expensive establishments for the security of her rights. 
 
 In reasoning upon this subject, I have contined myself to such obser- 
 vations as obvioush" presented themselves, without seeking any of 
 those subtleties which might serve to mislead the judgment. 1 have 
 candidly exposed the plainest facts, in the simplest language. If ever 
 H. Doc. 431 4 
 
50 PUKCHASE OF TH3<: TEKKITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 they are opposed, it will be by a contrary course. Eloquence and 
 sophistry ma}^ reply to and may obscure them; but time and experience 
 will evince their truth. 
 
 [Extract.] 
 
 Mr. Livingston to the Secretary of State. 
 
 Paris, August 16, 1802. 
 I informed you in m}^ last letter that I found some relaxation on 
 the subject of the Floridas in my last conversation with the Spanish 
 Minister. I have reason to think that within these few days the}^ have 
 come to a settlement with France on that subject. What it is I can 
 not precisel}^ say; but I presume it is whatever France wishes it to 
 be. I find all the old French maps mark the river Perdido as the 
 boundar}" between Florida and Louisiana. It is possible that this maj^^ 
 have been insisted upon. If so, the remainder was hardly worth the 
 keeping. Whatever it is, the project of taking possession has resumed 
 a certain degree of activity. General Victor is appointed. He is to 
 have under him a General of Division, two Generals of Brigade, and 
 three thousand men only. No more than two millions of francs are 
 allowed to this service; so that the}^ must starve or find resources in 
 the countr3^ Saturday the General was all day with the Minister of 
 Marine, arranging the inferior appointments to be submitted to the 
 First Consul. I have been pressing, for some time past, with every- 
 body that I thought could have any influence in this business. And, 
 as I have been happ}^ enough to convince most of them, I do not abso- 
 lutely despair, though I am much discouraged from this last arrange- 
 ment. The same silence is observed by the Minister. I can get him 
 to tell me nothing. I shall see him this morning again, and if I can 
 not induce him to speak on the subject more plainly than he has done, 
 I will put in a note insisting on our claims under the Spanish Treaty, 
 and demanding an explicit recognition of them. On this I believe 
 there will be little difficulty, as they have always agreed that the ces- 
 sion must be subject to the restrictions under which Spain held the 
 territory. There are obvious symptoms of ill humor between this 
 country and Britain, and I think it will not be long before the}^ assume 
 a serious aspect. Good may arise out of this evil, if it should happen. 
 
 Mr. Livingston to the Secretary of State. 
 
 Paris, August 19, 1802 
 Sir: I write in haste, in hopes that this may overtake Mr. Lyle, and 
 correct an error in my last. Notwithstanding the appointment of 
 General Victor, and several other ofiicers for Louisiana, among others 
 
PUECHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 51 
 
 ji coinptrollcr of the forests, no prefect is yet appointed. Nor is the 
 (lilference relative to the Floridas settled. Spain insists that they arc 
 not ceded; and I have certain information that two days ago the Min- 
 ister of Marine wrote to the Minister of Foreign Affairs that Avithont 
 the Floridas there could be no Louisiana. Nothing shall ])e neglected 
 on my part to keep up this ditference; for, while it lasts, there will, 1 
 believe, be no expedition; and time and change may work in our favor. 
 I am, sir, etc., 
 
 R. R. L. 
 
 Mr. Livingston to the Secretary of State. / 
 
 Paris, Sejjteiuher i, 180S (J). 
 
 Sir: 1 yesterday made several propositions to the Minister on the 
 sul)ject of Louisiana. He told me frankly, that every offer was pre- 
 mature; that the French Government had determined to take posses- 
 sion first; so that you must consider the business as absolutely 
 determined on. The armament is what 1 have already mentioned, and 
 will be ready in about six weeks. I have everj^ reason to believe the 
 Floridas are not included. They will, for the present, at least, remain 
 in the hands of Spain. There never was a Government in w^hich less 
 could be done by negotiation than here. There is no people, no Legis- 
 lature, no counsellors. One man is everything. He seldom asks 
 advice, and never hears it unasked. His Ministers are mere clerks; 
 and his Legislature and counsellors parade officers. Though the sense 
 of ever}^ reflecting man about him is against this wild expedition, 
 no one dares to tell him so. Were it not for the uneasiness it excites at 
 home, it would give me none; for 1 am persuaded that the whole wall 
 end in a relinquishment of the countr}", and transfer of the capital to 
 the United States. Their islands call for much more than France can 
 ever furnish. The extreme hauteur of this Government to all around 
 them will not suffer peace to be of long continuance. The French 
 Minister at Lisbon, it is said, is coming home without taking leave. 
 England is very sour; the debts due the Northern PoAvers unpaid, as 
 well as ours, though their justice is admitted. Helvetia is still in arms; 
 the little Cantons not acceding to the new form of Government. 
 
 I propose to make an excursion of about fifteen daj's into the Low 
 Countries, as I find nothing pressing at this moment here that I can 
 forw^ard by my stay. 
 
 1 am, sir, etc., R. R. L. 
 
 President Jefferson to Mr. Livingston. 
 
 Washington, Octoher 10, 1802. 
 Dear Sir, — The departure of Madame Brugnard for France fur- 
 nishes me a safe convevance of a letter, which I cannot avoid embrac- 
 
52 PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 ing, although I have nothing particular for the subject of it. It is 
 well, however, to be able to inform you, generall}^, through a safe 
 channel, that we stand completely corrected of the error, that either 
 the government or the nation of France has any remains of friendship 
 for us. The portion of that country which forms an exception, though 
 respectable in weight, is weak in numbers. On the contrary, it 
 appears evident, that an unfriendly spirit prevails in the most impor- 
 tant individuals of the government, towards us. In this state of 
 things, we shall so take our distance between the two rival nations, as, 
 remaining disengaged till necessity compels us, we may haul finally 
 to the enemy of that which shall make it necessary. We see all the 
 disadvantageous consequences of taking a side, and shall be forced 
 into it only by a more disagreeable alternative; in which event, we 
 must countervail the disadvantages by measures which will give us 
 splendor and power, but not as much happiness as our present system. 
 We wish, therefore, to remain well with France. But we see that no 
 consequences, however ruinous to them, can secure us with certainty 
 against the extravagance of her present rulers. I think, therefore, 
 that while we do nothing which the first nation on earth would deem 
 crouching, we had better give to all our communications with them a 
 very mild, complaisant, and even friendl}^ complexion, but alwaj^s inde- 
 pendent. Ask no favors, leave small and irritating things to be con- 
 ducted by the individuals interested in them, interfere ourselves but 
 in the greatest cases, and then not push them to irritation. No matter 
 at present existing between them and us is important enough to risk 
 a breach of peace; peace being indeed the most important of all things 
 for us, except the preserving an erect and independent attitude. 
 Although I know your own judgment leads j^ou to pursue this line 
 identically, yet I thought it just to strengthen it by the concurrence 
 of nij own. * * * 
 
 [Extract.] 
 
 James Madison, Secretary of State, to Robert R. Livingston, Minister to 
 
 France. 
 
 Department of State, October 15, 1802. 
 The suspense which has taken place in relation to Louisiana and the 
 Floridas is favorable to the efi'orts for diverting the French Govern- 
 ment from its unwise project. Whether we regard the sentiments 
 prevailing in this country oh the subject, or the striking tendencies of 
 the project itself, no pains ought to be spared for putting an end to it. 
 If the occasion can be so improved as to obtain for the United States, 
 on convenient terms. New Orleans and Florida, the happiest of issues 
 will be given to one of the most perplexing of occurrences. I post- 
 pone more particular remarks on this subject until the President shall 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 53 
 
 know the impressions on the French Councils, resulting from the 
 views of it to which 3^ou will l)e led by the despatches, of which ]Mr. 
 Dupont was the bearer. 
 
 President's Message. 
 
 Gentlemen of tuts House of Kepresentatives: 
 
 I now transmit a report from the Secretary o State, witli tlie infor- 
 mation requested in your resolution of the 17th instant. 
 
 In making- this communication I deem it proper to observe that 1 
 was led b}' the reg-ard due to the rights and interests of the United 
 States, and to the just sensibilit}^ of the portion of our fellow-citizens 
 more inmiediately affected by the irregular proceeding at New Orleans, 
 to lose not a moment in causing- every step to be taken which the occa- 
 sion claimed from me; being* equally aware of the obligation to main- 
 tain, in all cases, the rights of the nation, and to employ, for that 
 purpose, those just and honorable means which l)elong to the character 
 
 of the United States. 
 
 Th. Jefferson. 
 December 22, 1802. 
 
 Report of the Secretary of State to the President. 
 
 Department of State, Deceinher 21^ 180^. 
 The Secretar}^ of State, to whom the resolution of the House of 
 Representatives of the United States of the 17th instant was referred 
 l)y the President, has the honor to enclose to him the letters and com- 
 munications annexed, from the Governor of the Mississippi Territory, 
 the Governor of Kentucky, and from William E. Hulings, formerly 
 appointed Vice-Consul of the United States at New Orleans. In addi- 
 tion to this information on the subject of the resolution, it is stated, 
 from other sources, that, on the 29th of October, American vessels 
 from sea remained under the prohibition to land their cargoes; and 
 that the American produce carried down the Mississippi could be 
 landed only on paying a duty of 6 per cent; with an intimation that 
 this was a temporary permission. Whether, in these violations of 
 treaty, the officer of Spain at New Orleans has proceeded with or without 
 orders from his Government, can not as yet be decided by direct and 
 positive testimony; l)ut it ought not to be omitted in the statement 
 here made, that other circumstances concur with the good faith and 
 friendship otherwise observed by His Catholic Majesty, in favoring a 
 belief that no such orders have been given. 
 
 James Madison. 
 
54 , PURCHASE OF THK TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 Mr. Hulings's Statement. 
 
 New Orleans, Octoler 18, 1802. 
 
 Sir: I have the honor to enclose 3^011 an extract from a decree this 
 day published l)y the Intendantof the Province of Louisiana, b}" which 
 you will see that the Americans are no longer permitted to deposit 
 their merchandise in this city. No information of any other place 
 being appropriated for an American deposit is yet given; nor have wo 
 any reason to hope that the Government has such place in view. The 
 season for the cotton from the Natchez, and other produce from the 
 settlements higher up to come down, approaches. The difficulties and 
 risks of property that will fall on the citizens of the United States, if 
 deprived of their deposit, are incalculal)le; their boats being so frail, 
 and so subject to be sunk by storms, that they can not be converted 
 into floating stores, to wait the arrival of sea vessels to carr}'- away 
 their cargoes. 
 
 The port is also this day shut against foreign commerce, which can 
 only be carried on by Spanish subjects, in Spanish bottoms. 
 1 am, sir, with greatest respect. 
 
 Wm. E, IIULINGS. 
 
 Hon. flAMES Madison, Secretary of State. 
 
 [Extract.! 
 
 Proclamation of Juan Ventura Morales, Intendant at New Orleans. 
 
 As long as it was necessary to tolerate the commerce of neutrals 
 which is now abolished, it would have been prejudicial to the province 
 had tlu^ Int(nidant, in compliance witli his duty, prevented the deposit 
 in this eit}^, of the property of the vVmericans, granted to them by the 
 twenty-second article of the Treaty of Friendship, Limits, and Navi- 
 gation, of the 27th of October, 1795, during the limited term of three 
 years. 
 
 With the publication of the ratilication of the Treaty of Amiens 
 and the reesta])lishment of the communication between the English 
 and Spanish subjects, that inconvenience has ceased. Considering 
 that the twenty-second article of the said treaty takes from me the 
 power of continuing the tolei'ation which necessity reciuired; since, 
 after the fulfillment of the said term, this Ministr}^ can no longer con- 
 sent to it without an express order of the King; therefore, and with- 
 out prejudice to the exportation of what has been admitted in proper 
 time, 1 order, that from this date, the privilege which the Americans 
 had of importing and depositing their merchandise and eft'ects in this 
 capital, shall be interdicted: and, that the foregoing may be publicly 
 known, and that nobod}' ma>' allege ignorance, 1 order it to be pub- 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 55 
 
 lishod ill tho usual places, copies to })o posted up in the public sitioefi; 
 and that the necessary iiotic(> l)e oiven of it to the ofHcers of finance, 
 the aduiinistrator of rents, and otlierwise, as ma}' be necessary. 
 
 The present being given under my hand, and countersigned h\ the 
 undei'written notary of finance pro ii'nii><>i'<\ in thi^ oflice of Intendancy 
 of New Oi-leans, October It'., 1S()2. 
 
 Juan Ventura Morales. 
 
 By ord(M" of the Intendant: 
 
 PkDUC ) 1*K1)KSCLAUX. 
 
 Governor Claiborne to the Secretary of State. 
 
 Near Natchez, Octolx'r IS, 1802. 
 
 Sir: 1 have the honor to enclose you a letter which I last cn^ening 
 received from ]\Ir. William E. Hulings, together with a translation of 
 an extract from a ])ublication made hy Juan Ventura Morales, Intend- 
 ant of the Province of Louisiana, etc., dated Octol)er K), 1802. These 
 dispatches announce that the port of New Orleans is shut against for- 
 eign commerce, and also the American deposit. 
 
 Not understanding from the Intendant's proclamation whether or 
 not another place on the banks of the Mississippi had ])een assigned 
 by His C-atholic Majesty, (in conformity with our treaty with Spain,) 
 for '*an equivalent establishment," 1 have, l)y letter, (a copy of which 
 is inclosed), re(j[uested information upon this point, from the Governor- 
 General of the Province of Louisiana: when his answer is received it 
 shall be forwarded to 3'ou. 
 
 The late act of the Spanish Government at New Orleans has excited 
 considerable agitation at Natchez and its vicinity. It has inflicted a 
 severe wound on the agricultural and commercial interests of this 
 Territory, and will prove no less injurious to all the Western country. 
 
 There bt>ing at present an interruption in the post between this 
 Territory and Tennessee, and supposing it of importance that the Gov- 
 ermnent should be early apprized of the late event at New Orleans, I 
 have forwarded this letter ])y express to Nashville, where it will be 
 deposited in the mail. 
 I am, sir, etc., 
 
 Wm. V. C. CLATliORNE. 
 
 Hon. Secretary ok State, U. S. 
 
 Mr, Hulings to Governor Claiborne. 
 
 New Orleans, Octoher 18, 1802. 
 Sir: I have to announce to you that this day the port is shut against 
 foreign commerce, and not against foreign commerce only, but against 
 
56 PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 the American deposit in this city. In the decree posted up in the pub- 
 lic places, no mention is made of an}^ other place appointed for a 
 deposit. You will use this information as you may think proper. 
 I am, with great respect, etc., 
 
 Wm. E. Hulings. 
 Wm. C. C. Claiborne, 
 
 Governoi' Mississippi Territory. 
 
 Governor Claiborne to the Governor-General of Louisiana. 
 
 Natchez, October 'B8, 1802. 
 
 Sir: 1 was this day informed that, in a proclamation issued on the 
 16th instant b}^ the Intendant of the Province of Louisiana, it was 
 announced, "That the citizens of the United States should no long-er 
 be permitted to deposit their merchandises and effects in the port of 
 New Orleans." 
 
 Information of an event so immediately interesting to the citizens 
 of the United States led me to peruse attentively "the Treaty of 
 Friendship, Limits, and Navigation between the United States of 
 America and the King of Spain," and, upon adverting to the twenty- 
 second article, I found it expressly declared that, ' ' His Catholic Majest}^ 
 will permit the citizens of the United States, for the space of three 
 3^ ears from this time, to deposit their merchandises and effects in the 
 port of New Orleans, and to export theili from thence, without pa3dng 
 any other duty than a fair price for the hire of the stores; and His 
 Majesty promises either to continue this permission, if he finds, during 
 that time, that it is not prejudicial to the interests of Spain, or, if he 
 should not agree to continue it, then he will assign to them, on another 
 part of the banks of the Mississippi, an equivalent establishment." I 
 have here quoted the words of the treaty, and find them too explicit 
 to reqire comment, or to admit of a doubtful construction. 
 
 If, therefore. His Catholic Majesty has discontinued his permission 
 to the citizens of the United States to deposit their merchandises and 
 effects at the port of New Orleans, will your Excellency" be good enough 
 to inform me whether anj", and what, other place on the banks of the 
 Mississippi has been assigned (in conformity to the treaty) for "an 
 equivalent establishment ?" The subject of this inquiry is so interesting 
 to the commerce of the United States and to the welfare of her citi- 
 zens, that I must request your excellency to favor me with an early 
 answer. 
 
 Accept assurances of my great respect and high consideration. 
 
 Wm. C. C. Claiborne. 
 
 His Excellency Manuel de Salvado, 
 
 Governor- General of Louisiana. 
 
PUECHASE OF THE TERRlTOKY OF LOUISIANA. 57 
 
 The Governor of Kentucky to the President of the United States. 
 
 State of Kentucky, 
 
 FmvJi-fort, Noveiiihr SO, 1802. 
 Sir: Two daj^s ag-o,. I roceived the enclosed letters from Dr. Jiiino.s 
 Speed, and Meeker & Co., from New Orleans, together with a copy of 
 a proelamatioii issued ])y Juan Ventura Morales. Intendant of tlii^ Span- 
 ish Gov^ernment of Louisiana, and which I do myself tlie honor to 
 enclose for your information. The citizens of this State are very much 
 alarmed and tio'itated, as this measure of the Spanisli (xovernment will, 
 if not altered, at one blow, cut up the present and future prosperity' 
 of their best interests by the roots. To you, sir, the}' naturally turn 
 their eyes, and on your attention to this important suljject their best 
 hopes are tixcd. Permit me to request you will give me information 
 on this I)usiness as soon as you can say, with certainty, what we may 
 rely on; and let ni}' solicitude on this occasion be my apology for this 
 request. 
 
 With sentiments of respect, etc., James (tarrard. 
 
 Read in Senate February 23, 1803, by Mr. White, of Delaware. 
 advertisement. 
 
 Under date of the 16th instant (December) the Intendant-General 
 of these provinces tells me that the citizens of the United States of 
 America can have no commerce with His Majestv's subjects — they only 
 having the free navigation of the river for the exportation of the fi'uits 
 and produce of their establishments to foreign countries, and the 
 im])ortation of what the}' may want from them. As such I charge you, 
 so far as respects you, to be zealous and vigilant, with particular care, 
 that the inhabitants neither purchase nor sell anything to the shipping, 
 liat-bottomed boats, barges, or any other smaller vessels that may go 
 along the river, destined for the American possessions, or procc^eding 
 from them, that they shall be informed of it, for their due compliance 
 of the same. 
 
 Carlos de Grandpree. 
 
 Baton Rouge, Decemlwr 22, 1S02. 
 
 The foregoing is a translation of the oi-iginal, directed to me hy his 
 Lordship Carlos de Grandpree, Colonel of the Royal Armies, and 
 
 Gov^ernor of Baton Rouge. 
 
 J. O. Conner, 
 Cyndic of Fourth iJlutrict. 
 Baton Rouge, IJecemher 27, 1802. 
 
58 PURCHASE OF THE TERRITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 Mr. Livingston to the President of the United States. 
 
 Paris, Octoher^S, 1802. 
 
 Dear Sir: Nothing very important having- occurred for some time 
 past, I have not thought it necessary to trouble you, particularly as I 
 concluded that you would, for a time, have quitted the seat of Gov- 
 ernment, and sought repose from the fatigues of politics. 
 
 While the union between France and Russia subsists, the discontents 
 which almost every nation in Europe feels at the extreme loftiness of 
 the first will be suppressed. But as fear and not affection occasions 
 the suppression, the.y are read^^ to break out on the first favorable 
 moment. Many think that moment not very distant. Great changes 
 have taken place in the Administration: Wormzoff is known to be 
 inclined to Britain; and I find that the change occasions considerable 
 sensation here, not only among the foreign Ministers, but among those 
 of France. One effect of it has been to send off Andriotte, who has 
 hitherto been retained till Lord Whitworth arrived, even though 
 formal notice had long since been given that he was to go in eight 
 daj's. Britain is seriously dissatisfied; and, indeed, has some reason to 
 complain; several of her vessels which put in here, (as is said by stress 
 of weather,'' having been detained, and Mr. Murray's representations 
 treated with neglect. 
 
 The affairs of Helvetia have also excited great uneasiness in Eng- 
 land, where all parties seem to conciir in wishing to oppose some 
 barriers to the power of France. The British republicans are dis- 
 gusted with the changes which have taken place here; while the royal- 
 ists dread the stability that the Government has assumed in the hands 
 of the First Consul. The mercantile and manufacturing interests, 
 who looked to peace for the renewal of the Treatj^ of Commerce, from 
 which they derived such advantages, are sore at the severity with 
 which their commerce is interdicted here. You will accordingh^ find, 
 by the British papers, that both those of the majorit}^ and minority 
 teem with abuse on France, and blow aloud the trumpet of discord. 
 
 By the Treat}^ of Madrid, 3"ou recollect that the reigning Duke of 
 Parma and Placentia was to renounce them in favor of France; in con- 
 sideration of which, his heir was to have the kingdom of Etruria. 
 This he has constantly refused to do, and has latel}^ died without mak- 
 ing any renunciation. The Spanish Ambassador here has been called 
 upon to complete the treaty. He replied that be had no powers. And 
 General Bournonville has gone express to Spain to effect this object — 
 the Knag of Etruria being now Duke of Parma. Whether he will 
 prefer the Crown he now holds to his hereditary dominions I know 
 not; but I think he must submit to what is dictated here, or risk the 
 loss of both. 
 
 The Mississippi business, though all the officers are appointed, and 
 
PTJECHASE OF THE TEERITORY OF LOUISIANA. 59 
 
 the army under orders, has met with a check. The army under orders 
 is obstructed for the moment. Events may possibly arise, of which 
 we may avail ourselves. 
 
 I had, two days ago, a very interesting conversation with Joseph 
 Bonaparte, having put into his hands a copy of the memoir on Louisi- 
 ana, which I sent the Secretary of State. I took occasion to tell him 
 that the interest he had taken in settling the differences between our 
 respective countries had entitled him to our conhdence, and that I 
 should take the libert}'' to ask his advice in matters that were likely to 
 disturb the harmon}^ that subsisted between our respective Republics. 
 He seemed pleased at the compliment, and told me that he would 
 receive with pleasure any communication 1 could make; but as he 
 would not w^ish to appear to interfere with the Minister, he ])egged 
 my conmiunication might ])e informal and unsigned — exactly what I 
 w'ished, because 1 should act with less danger of committing m3^self, 
 and of course with more freedom. He added, you must not, however, 
 suppose ni}' power to serve you greater than it actually is; m}^ brother 
 is his own counsellor; but we are good brothers, he hears me with 
 pleasure, and as I have access to him at all times, I have an oppor- 
 tunity of turning his attention to a particular subject that might 
 otherwise be passed over. 1 then asked him whether he had read ni}" 
 notes on Louisiana. He told me that he had, and that he had conversed 
 upon the subject with the First Consul, who, he found, had read them 
 with attention; that his brother had told him that he had nothing more 
 at heart than to be upon the best terms with the United States. 1 
 expressed to him my apprehensions of the jealousies that would natur- 
 all}^ be excited from their vicinit}^, and the impossibility of prevent- 
 ing abuses in a military government established at so great a distance 
 from home. 
 
 Wishing to know with certainty whether the Floridas were included, 
 (which, however, I had pretty well ascertained before,) I told him that 
 the only cause of difference that might arise between us, being the debt 
 and Louisiana, 1 conceived that both might be happil}^ and easily 
 removed })y making an exchange with Spain, returning them Lousiana, 
 retaining New Orleans, and giving the latter and the Floridas for our 
 debt. 
 
 He asked me whether we should prefer the Floridas or Louisiana? 
 I told him that there was no comparison in their value, but that we 
 had no wish to extend our boundary across the Mississippi, or give 
 color to the doubts that had been entertained of the moderation of our 
 views; that all we sought was security, and not extension of territory. 
 He replied, that he believed any new cession on the part of Spain 
 would be extremely difficult; that Spain had parted with Trinidad and 
 Louisiana with great reluctance. 1 have, however, reason to think 
 that Bournonville is instructed to effect this object, not, however, with 
 
60 PUECHASE OF THE TEERITOEY OF LOUISIAISTA. 
 
 a view to my project, but with intention to procure for France some 
 port in the Gulf, from which they think they may secure their own 
 and annoy the British commerce; so that, if we should, contrary, to 
 our hopes, make any bargain with them, I fear that East Florida will 
 not be included. However, everything is yet in air; and I doubt 
 much, considering the present state of things in Europe, whether 
 Spain will make any exchange that will give France a command of the 
 Gulf. Though this is a favorite object with France, she may not, in 
 the present state of things in Europe, think it prudent to press too 
 hard. It is time that she should acquire some character for moderation. 
 
 The First Consul is gone to Rouen, and is to be back by the 18th 
 Brumaire. The British fear he means to examine the coast. The 
 prospect of a rupture grows more serious. I can tell you, with cer- 
 tainty, that a remonstrance, in pretty strong terms, has been presented 
 by her Minister, on the subject of the Consul's interference in the 
 affairs of Helvetia. How it will be received I know not; but 1 think 
 it would not have been made if it had not been the intention of Britain 
 to seek a quarrel. 
 
 I refer you to the Secretary of State for information on our partic- 
 ular affairs. 
 
 l^af a3^ette's situation demands the aid of our country. * * * jje 
 was ready to sacrifice everything for us, and we owe him something- 
 effectual, I must pray you to get Mr. Randolph, or some other leading 
 member of Congress, to patronize him. Our gratitude will do us 
 honor abroad, and not be unpopular at home. 
 I have the honor to be, etc.. 
 
 R. R. Livingston. 
 
 Th. Jefferson, Esq., 
 
 President of the United States. 
 
 [Extract.] 
 
 Robert R. Livingston, Minister to France, to James Madison, Secretary 
 
 of State. 
 
 Paris, November 2, 1802. 
 My letter to the President, sent by the way of England, will show 
 you that the business of Louisiana has met with a check, though I fear it 
 will soon be resumed; and that troops will go out this Autumn, as every- 
 thing was arranged, and they were under marching orders. Florida is 
 not, as I before told you, included in the cession. You will see in the 
 President's letter my conversation with Joseph Bonaparte: this I shall 
 have a convenient opportunity to renew, as he has promised to give 
 me a shooting party at his country house in a few days. Time may 
 afford circumstances of which we may avail ourselves. I therefore 
 
PUKCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 61 
 
 ])niy you to be explicit in your instructions, uiul in your replies to some 
 (|uestions that 1 have asked you relative to this subject in my former 
 letters, since I am at present wholly unauthorized as to any offers that 
 it would ])e proper to make; and we certainly do not expect to receive 
 this country, or anv interest in it, as a free gift. 
 
 Robert R. Livingston, Minister to France, to James Madison, Secretary 
 
 of State. 
 
 Paris, Novemxler 11, 1802. 
 France has cut the knot. The difficulty relative to Parma and 
 Placentia, that stopped the expedition to Louisiana, lias ended by their 
 taking- possession of the first, as you see by the enclosed paper. Orders 
 are given for the immediate embarkation of troops (two demibrigades) 
 for Louisiana; the}" will sail in about twenty days from Holland. 
 The Government here will give no answer to my notes on the subject. 
 They will say nothing on that of our limits, or of our right under the 
 Spanish Treaty. Clarke has been presented to General Victor as a 
 merchant from Louisiana. The General did not probably conceal his 
 views, which are nothing short of taking exactl}'' what they find con- 
 venient. When asked what they meant to do as to our right of entre- 
 pot, he spoke of the treaty as waste paper; and the prefect did not 
 know that we had such right, though it had been the subject of many 
 conversations with the Minister, and of three different notes. The 
 sum voted for this service is two millions and a half; as to the rest, 
 they expect to compel the people to support the expenses of the Gov- 
 ernment, which will be very heavy, as the number of the officers, civil 
 and militaiy, with their suits, is great; and thej^ are empowered to 
 draw: so that the first act of the new Government will bo the oppres- 
 sion of their people and our commerce. 1 believe you may add to this 
 an early attempt to corrupt our people, and, if I ma}^ judge b}" the 
 temper that the General will carry with him, an early attempt upon 
 the Nachez, which they consider as the rival of New Orleans. If you 
 look back to some of my letters on this subject, 3^ou will see my opinion 
 of the necessity of strengthening ourselves hj force and ships at home, 
 and by alliance abroad. No prudence will, I fear, prevent hostilities 
 ere long; and perhaps the sooner their plans develop themselves the 
 bettei'. Li a letter to the President, sent b}" wa}'^ of England, I men- 
 tion a conversation with Joseph Bonaparte, from which I derive some 
 small hopes; but they are of no avail now that the expedition is deter- 
 mined upon. I had 3^esterday written j'ou a long letter upon the 
 general state of our affairs, but, having no one to copy it, and being 
 anxious to give you this intelligence as early as possible, I confine 
 m3\self to this single object, lest I should miss the ship which is about 
 to sail from Havre. 
 
62 PUECHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 I am, dear sir, with the most respectful consideration, j^our most 
 obedient servant, 
 
 R. R. Livingston. 
 
 James Madison, Secretary of State. 
 
 
 Eobert R. Livingston, Minister to France, to James Madison, Secretary 
 
 of State. 
 
 . Paris, Novemher 11, 1802. 
 
 Sir: After writing mine of this date, I called on the Minister and 
 insisted on some positive answer to m}^ notes. He told me that he was 
 expressly instructed hy the First Consul to give me the most positive 
 assurances that the treaties we had entered into with Spain or them, 
 relative to Louisiana, should be strictly observed. When I expressed 
 my surprise that their officers should not be informed on that head, 
 though on the eve of departing, he assured me that they would be fur- 
 nished with copies of the treaties, and directed to conform strictly to 
 them. I asked why these assurances were not given to me in the usual 
 form, by replying to m.j notes? He said that he hoped that there 
 would be no difficulty on that head, when the Consul should arrive 
 (he is now absent). I have stated this that you might, by comparing 
 this conversation with the contents of the letter, and the information 
 derived from Clarke's conversation with the General, draw your own 
 inferences. I shall endeavor to-daj^to see J. Bonaparte, though he 
 has all along assured me that it was the Consul's intention to cultivate 
 our friendship, and by no means to do anything that would endanger 
 it. It will, however, be well to be on our guard, and, above all, to 
 re-enforce the Natchez, and to give it every possible commercial advan- 
 tage. If we can put ourselves in the situation to prevent the danger 
 of hostility, I think we may hope that the dissatisfaction of inhabitants, 
 the disappointment of officers, and the drain of money which the 
 establishment will occasion, will facilitate our views after a very short 
 time. 
 
 I am, dear sir, with the most respectful consideration, your most 
 obedient servant, 
 
 Robert R. Livingston. 
 
 Hon. James Madison, 
 
 Secretary of State. 
 
 P. S. — In my letter to the President, I informed him that General 
 Bournonville had gone post to Spain, and that I had reason to think 
 he had it in charge to obtain the Floridas. I know that he went with 
 the greatest speed; accordingly, on his very first conference, he 
 proposed to Spain to relinquish Parma and Placentia for the Flori- 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. ()3 
 
 das. * * * But 8i)ain may be forced to give thonu thouoh she 
 should not like the exeliange. You sec l)y this how much it is a favorite 
 object with the First Consul, and judge from thence of our prospects. 
 
 What effect the news from St. Domingo may have I know not. The 
 armj'^ there is reduced to 1,200 effectives. Other particulars you will 
 have more correctly than we have here. 
 
 The Consul is still absent, lait daih' expected. Lord Whitwortli is 
 on his way from Calais, and will be here to-morrow. 
 
 Robert R. Livingston, Minister to France, to James Madison, Secretary of 
 
 State. 
 
 Paris, Noveinhcv U, 1802. 
 In addition to my last, (duplicates enclosed,) I have ol)tained accurate 
 information of the offer to Spain. It is either to sell them Parma for 
 forty -eight millions of livres, or to exchange it for Florida. You see 
 by this the value they put on Florida. I fear Spain will accede to 
 their proposition. Lord Whitworth has arrived. The affairs of Switz- 
 erland are in a train to be settled as France thinks proiper; the Diet 
 being dissolved and deputies appointed to come to Paris. Sweden has 
 made a peace with Tripoli, for which sjae pays one hundred and iifty 
 thousand dollars. The Emperor is not 3^et satisfied with the indemni- 
 ties, and there are many sj-mptoms of change in the politics of Kussia. 
 
 Mr. Madison, Secretary of State, to Charles Pinckney, Minister to Spain. 
 
 Department of State, Xovamljer 27., 1802. 
 
 A letter from a contidential citizen at New Orleans, a copy of which 
 is enclosed, has just informed us that the Intendant, at that place, b}^ 
 a proclamation,. from which an extract is also enclosed, had prohibited 
 the deposit of American effects stipulated by the Treatj^ of 1795; and, 
 as the letter is interpreted, that the river was also shut against the 
 external commerce of the United States from that port. Whether it 
 be the fact or not that this latter prohibition has also taken place, it is 
 evident that the useful navigation of the Mississippi so essentially 
 depends on a suitable depository for the articles of commerce, that a 
 privation of the latter is equivalent to a privation of both. 
 
 This proceeding is so direct and palpable a violation of the Treat}^ of 
 1796, that, in candor, it is to be imputed rather to the Intendant solel}^ 
 than to instructions of his Government. The Spanish Minister takes 
 pains to impress this belief, and it is favored by private accounts from 
 New Orleans, mentioning that the Governor did not concur with the 
 Intendant. But, from whatever source the measure may have pro- 
 ceeded, the President expects that the Spanish Government will neither 
 
64 PURCHASE OF THE TERRITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 lose a moment in countermanding- it, nor hesitate to repair every dam- 
 age which ma}^ result from it. You are aware of the sensibility of our 
 Western citizens to such an occurrence. This sensibility is justified 
 by the interest the}^ have at stake. The Mississippi is to them every- 
 thing. It is the Hudson, the Delaware, the Potomac, and all the navi- 
 gable rivers of the Atlantic States, formed into one stream. The 
 produce exported through that channel last jesir amounted to one mil- 
 lion six hundred and twenty-two thousand six hundred and seventy- 
 two dollars from the districts of Kentucky and Mississippi onlj"-, and will 
 probabl}^ be fifty per cent, more this yea,Y, (from the whole AVestern 
 country. Kentucky alone has exported, for the first half of this year, 
 five hundred and ninety -one thousand four hundred and thirty-two 
 dollars in value,) a great part of which is now, or shortly will be, 
 afloat for New Orleans, and consequentl}^ exposed to the effects of 
 this extraordinary exercise of power. Whilst 3^ou presume, therefore, 
 in your representations to the Spanish Government that the conduct 
 of its officer is no less contrar}^ to its intentions than it is to its good 
 faith, you will take care to express the strongest confidence that the 
 breach of the treaty will be repaired in ever}^ way which justice and a 
 regard for a f riendl}^ neighborhood may require. 
 
 1 have communicated the information received from New Orleans 
 to the Chevalier d'Yrujo, with a view to obtain his immediate interpo- 
 sition, as 3^ou will find by the enclosed copy of a letter to him. He 
 readily undertakes to use it with all the effect he can give it b}^ writ- 
 ing immediately on the subject to the local authority at New Orleans. 
 I shall write at the same time to Mr. Hulings, who will enforce, as far 
 as he may have an opportunity, the motives for recalling the unwar- 
 rantable prohibitions. It is to be hoped that the Intendant will be led 
 to see the error which he has committed, and to correct it before a 
 ver}" great share of its mischief will have happened. Should he prove 
 as obstinate as he has been ignorant or wicked, nothing can temper 
 the irritation and indignation of the Western countr}^ but a persuasion 
 that the energy of their own Government will obtain from the justice 
 of that of Spain the most ample redress. 
 
 It has long been manifest that, whilst the injuries to the United 
 States, so frequently occurring from the colonial officers scattered 
 over our hemisphere, and in our neighborhood, can only be repaired 
 by a resort to their respective Sovereigns in Europe, that it will be 
 impossible to guard against most serious inconveniences. The instance 
 before us strikes with peculiar force, and presents an occasion on 
 which you may advantageously suggest to the Spanish Government 
 the expediency of placing in their Minister on the spot, an authority to 
 control or correct the mischievous proceedings of their colonial offi- 
 cers towards our citizens; without which any one of fifteen or twent}^ 
 individuals, not always among either the wisest or best of men, may, 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERKITORV OF LOUISIANA. 65 
 
 at any time, thi-eaten the good understanding- of the two countries. 
 The distance between the United States and the old continent, and the 
 mortitying dela^^s of exphmations and negotiations across the Atlantic 
 on emergencies in our neighborhood, render such a provision indis- 
 pensable, and it can not be long before all the Governments of Europe, 
 having American colonies, must see the policy of making it. 
 
 Extract from the Message of the President of the United States to Congress. 
 
 December 15, 1802. 
 The cession of the Spanish province of Louisiana to France, which 
 took place in the course of the late Avar, will, if carried into effect, 
 make a change in the aspect of our foreign relations, which will 
 doubtless have just weight in any deliberations of the Legislature 
 connected with that subject. 
 
 Robert R. Livingston, Minister to France, to James Madison, Secretary of 
 
 State. 
 
 Paris, Bccemher W, 180^. 
 Sir: I have received vour favor by Mde. Broniau, and had, as you 
 will find, anticipated your wishes in finding another manual to the First 
 Consul. The consequence of which is, that I have, at this moment, 
 a very strong memorial under his eye, and some projects which appear 
 to be well received. But the subject is too delicate to treat here; 
 when a safe conveyance offers I shall write to you more at large. 
 The Minister has changed his conduct much for the better, either 
 because of our late difference, or because he suspects that I have 
 another passage to the First Consul. France has not yet got Florida; 
 but there is not much doubt that her negotiations on this subject will 
 succeed, as Parma is a favorite object with Spain. Pray be explicit 
 in the amoiuit of what I may offer, and consider the value of the 
 country— its importance to peace — the expensive establishment it will 
 save, and its intrinsic worth, from the price of the land and actual 
 revenue. I do not, however, mean that you should infer from this 
 that my prospects of obtaining the object are great, because I find, as 
 Mr. Talleyrand told me yesterday, the First Consul entete with this 
 project. But I have made so many converts, that I would wish, in case 
 favorable circumstances should arise, to know how to act. If left to 
 myself I may go beyond the mark. General politics you will collect 
 from the papers I send. I have mentioned that the storm in England 
 will blow over for the present; and the peace will not be lasting. The 
 armament for Louisiana has not yet sailed; the civil officers are yet 
 here, if 1 am rightly informed by the Minister from whom I had it 
 yesterday. 
 
 H. Doc. i31 5 
 
66 PUKCHASE OF THE TEERITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 The necessity of my sending this immediately prevents my adding 
 anything but the assurance of the highest esteem. 
 
 1 have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient and humble servant, 
 
 KoBERT R. Livingston. 
 
 P. S. December 23. — The armament has not yet sailed; Florida not 
 ceded; more hesitation and doubt on the subject than I have 3'et 
 observed. I have, in a private memoir under the Consul's eye, 
 touched a string that has alarmed them. I can not now explain. The 
 Minister knows nothing of this. Set on foot negotiation fixing our 
 bound with Britain, but by no means conclude until you hear from me 
 that all. hope here is lost. It is an important card in my hands, and 
 must, for the present, at least, be somewhat under my control. Do 
 not absolutely despair, though jou may have no great reason to hope 
 should New Orleans be possessed by a small force. 
 
 This letter goes by the way of England by Mr. Murray, who has not 
 allowed me time to give it you in any better dress. I must wait for 
 some more direct conveyance to write fully to you. 
 
 James Madison, Secretary of State, to Robert E,. Livingston, Minister to 
 
 France. 
 
 Department of State, 
 
 December 23, 1802. 
 Sir: In the latter end of last month we received information from 
 New Orleans of the interdiction of the deposit there for our merchan- 
 dise, stipulated by the treaty with Spain, without an equivalent estab- 
 lishment being assigned. A copy of the Intendant's proclamation to 
 that effect is enclosed. Private accounts render it probable that the 
 Governor of the province openly dissented from that act; but private 
 letters, of so late a date as the 29th of October, inform us that it is still 
 enforced. The Legislature of Kentucky have voted a memorial to Con - 
 gress complaining of it, and they will, probably, be followed by other 
 portions of the Western people. Should it not be revoked before the 
 time for the descent of the boats in the Spring, both the injury and irri- 
 tation proceeding from it will be greatly increased. The House of 
 Representatives passed a resolution on the 17th of this month, calling 
 for information upon this subject, a copy of which, if it should be 
 printed earl}^ enough, will be enclosed. The result of their delibera- 
 tions can not be anticipated; but I may hazard the remark that, whilst 
 we have no clear foundation on which to impute this infraction to 
 orders from the Spanish Government, it would be contrary to the duty, 
 policy, and character of our own to resort for redress in the first 
 instance to the use of force. 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 67 
 
 January 3, 1803. 
 
 The delay in the sailing of the British packet, ])y which this is for- 
 warded, gives an opportunity of adding that, since the date of the above, 
 a letter has been received from Governor Claiborne, of the Mississippi 
 Teiritory, inclosing one from the Governor of Louisiana, which says 
 that the suspension of the deposit by the Intendant was without orders 
 from the Spanish Government, and that the measure did not accord 
 with his judgment. He observes, also, that he had connnunicated the 
 proceeding to the Governor of the Havana, who has some kind of super- 
 intendence over the authorities at New Orleans. This information 
 strengthens the liope that the irregularity ma}' be corrected before it 
 can have w^'ought extensive injury to our Mississippi connnerce. The 
 occurrence has drawn forth the clearest indications, not only of the 
 sensiljility of the Western country with respect to the navigation of 
 the Mississippi, but of the sympatlw of their Atlantic fellow-citizens on 
 the subject. 
 
 I have the honor to be, etc., James Madison. 
 
 Robert R. Livingston, Esq. 
 
 James Madison, Secretary of State, to Charles Pinckney, Minister to Spain. 
 
 Department of State, Janaanj 10^ 180 J. 
 Sir: Since my letter of November 27th, on the subject of what had 
 taken place at New Orleans, a letter has been received from the Gov- 
 ernor of Louisiana to Goxcrnor Claiborne, in w'hich it is stated that 
 the measure of the Intendant was without instructions from his Gov- 
 ernment, and admitted that his own judgment did not concur with that 
 of the Intendant. You will lind, by the printed documents herewith 
 transmitted, that the subject engaged the earlj^ and earnest attention 
 of the House of Representatives; and that all the information relating 
 to it possessed ))y the Executive prior to the receipt of that letter, 
 was reported, in consequence of a call for it. The letter itself has been 
 added to that report; l)ut being confidentially connnunicated, it does not 
 appear in print; a translation of it, however, is herewith enclosed. 
 You will find, also, that the House has passed a resolution explicitly 
 declaring that th(> stipulated rights of the ITnitcd States on the Missis- 
 sippi will be inviolably maintained. The disposition of many members 
 was to give to the resolution a tone and complexion still stronger. To 
 these proofs of the sensation which has been produced, it is to be added, 
 that representations, expressing the peculiar sensibility of the AVestern 
 countiy, are on the wa}^ from every quarter of it to tlie Government. 
 There is, in fact, but one sentiment throughout the Union with respect 
 to the dutv of maintaining our rights of navigation and boundary. 
 The only existing difierence relates to the degree of patience which 
 ought to be exercised during the appeal to friendly modes of redress. 
 
68 PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIAT^A. 
 
 In this state of things, it is to be presumed that the Spanish Govern- 
 ment will accelerate, hy every possible means, its interposition for that 
 purpose; and the President charges you to urge the necessity of so 
 doing with as much amicable decision as you can emplo3^ We are not 
 without hopes that the Intendant will yield to the demands which have 
 been made on him: and to the advice which he will have received from 
 the Spanish Minister here. But it will be expected from the justice 
 and good faith of the Spanish Government, that its precise orders to 
 that effect will be forwarded by the quickest convej^ance possible. The 
 President wishes, also, that the expedient suggested in the letter above 
 referred to, for preventing similar occurrences and delays, may also be 
 dul}^ pressed on that Government. 
 
 I have the honor to be, etc., James Madison. 
 
 Charles Pinckney, Esq. 
 
 President Jefferson to Mr. Monroe. 
 
 Washington, January IS, 1803. 
 Dear Sir, — I dropped you a lino on the 10th, informing 3^ou of a 
 nomination I had made of you to the Senate, and yesterday I enclosed 
 you their approbation, not then having time to write. The agitation 
 of the public mind on occasion of the late suspension of our right of 
 deposit at New Orleans is extreme. In the western country it is 
 natural, and grounded on honest motives. In the seaports it proceeds 
 from a desire for war, which increases the mercantile lottery: in the 
 federalists, generall}^, and especially those of Congress, the object is 
 to force us into war if possible, in order to derange our finances, or if 
 this cannot be done, to attach the western country to them, as their 
 best friend, and thus get again into power. Remonstrances, memorials, 
 &c., are now circulating through the whole of the western country, 
 and signed by the body of the people. The measures we have been pur- 
 suing, being invisible, do not satisfy their minds. Something sensible, 
 therefore, has become necessary; and indeed our object of purchasing 
 New Orleans and the Floridas is a measure liable to assume so many 
 shapes, that no instructions could be squared to fit them. It was 
 essential then, to send a minister extraordinary, to be joined with the 
 ordinary one, with discretionary powers; first, however, well impressed 
 with all our views, and therefore qualified to meet and modify to these 
 every form of proposition which could come from the other party. 
 This could be done only in full and frequent oral communications. 
 Having determined on this, there could not be two opinions among 
 the republicans as to the person. You possessed the unlimited confi- 
 dence of the administration and of the western people; and generally 
 of the republicans everywhere; and were you to refuse to go, no other 
 man can be found who does this. The measure has already silenced 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 69 
 
 the federalists here. Congress will no longer l)c agitated by them; 
 and the country will become calm fast as the infoi-mation extends over 
 it. All eyes, ail hopes are now fixed on 3'ou; and Avereyou to decline, 
 the chagrin would be universal, and would shake under your feet the 
 high ground on which you stand with the public. Indeed, I know 
 nothing which would produce such a shock. For on the event of this 
 mission depend the future destinies of this republic. If we cannot 
 by a purchase of the country, insure to ourselves a course of perpetual 
 peace and friendship with all nations, then as war cannot ])e distant, 
 it behooves us immediately to be preparing for that course, without, 
 however, hastening it; and it may be necessar}' (on your failure on 
 the continent) to cross the channel. We shall get entangled in Euro- 
 pean politics, and iiguring more, be nuich less happy and prosperous. 
 This can only be prevented ]\v a successful issue to your present 
 mission. 1 am sensi))le after the measures you have taken forgetting 
 into a different line of business, that it will be a great sacriiice on 
 3^our part, and presents from the season and other circumstances 
 serious difficulties. But some men are born for the public. Nature 
 by titting them for the service of the human race on a broad scale, 
 has stamped them with the evidences of her destination and their duty. 
 
 James Madison, Secretary of State,, to Robert R. Livingston, Minister to 
 
 France. 
 
 Department of State, January 18^ 1803. 
 Sir: Mj letters of December 28d and Januar}^ 8d, conununicated the 
 information which had been received at those dates, relating to the 
 violation, at New Orleans, of our treaty with Spain; together with what 
 had then passed between the House of Representatives and the Execu- 
 tive on the subject. I now enclose a subsequent resolution of that 
 branch of the Legislature. Such of the debates connected with it as 
 took place with open doors will l)e seen in the newspapers; which it is 
 expected will ])e forwarded l),y the Collector at New York l)y the pre- 
 sent opportunity. In these debates, as well as in indications from the 
 press, you will perceive, as you would readily suppose, that the ces- 
 sion of Louisiana to France has been associated as a ground of much 
 solicitude with the affair at New Orleans. Such, indeed, has been the 
 impulse given to the public mind b}^ these events, that every branch 
 of the Government has felt the obligation of taking the measures most 
 likely, not only to re-esta])lish our present rights, but to promote 
 arrangements hj which they may be enlarged, and more effectually 
 secured. In deliberating on this subject, it has appeared to the Presi- 
 dent that the importance of the crisis called for the experiment of an 
 
70 PUECHASE OF THE TERRITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 extraordinary nnssion; carrjdng- Avith it the weig-ht attached to such a 
 measure, as well as the advantage of a more thorough knoAvledge of 
 the views of the Government, and the sensibility of the people than 
 could be otherwise conveyed. 
 
 He has, accordingly, selected for this service, with the approbation 
 of the Senate, Mr. Monroe, formerly our Minister Plenipotentiary at 
 Paris, and lately Governor of the State of Virginia; who will be joined 
 with yourself in commission extraordinaiy to treat with the French 
 Republic; and with Mr. Pinckney in a like commission to treat, if 
 necessar}^ with the Spanish Government. The President has been 
 careful, on this occasion, to guard effectually against an}'^ possible mis- 
 constructions in relation to yourself, by expressing, in his Message to 
 the Senate, his undiminished confidence in the ordinary representation 
 of the United States, and by referring the advantages of the addi- 
 tional mission to considerations perfectly consistent therewith. 
 
 Mr. Monroe will be the bearer of the instructions under which you 
 are jointl}^ to negotiate. The object of them will be to procure a ces- 
 sion of New Orleans and the Floridas to the United States; and con- 
 sequently the establishment of the Mississippi as the boundary between 
 the United States and Louisiana. In order to draw the French Gov- 
 ernment into the measure, a sum of money will mark part of our 
 propositions; to which will be added, such regulations of the commerce 
 of that river, and of the others entering the Gulf of Mexico, as oug'ht 
 to be satisfactory to France. From a letter, received by the President 
 from the respectable person alluded to in ni}' last, it is inferred, with 
 probability, that the French Government is not averse to treat on 
 those grounds. And such a disposition must be strengthened by the 
 circumstances of the present moment. 
 
 I have thought it proper to communicate thus much to you, without 
 waiting for the departure of Mr. Monroe, who will not be able to sail 
 for two weeks, or perhaps more. I need not suggest to you that, in 
 disclosing this diplomatic arrangement to the French Government, 
 and preparing the way for the ol^ject of it, the utmost care is to be 
 used in repressing extravagant anticipations of the terms to be offered 
 by the United States, particularl}' the sum of money to be thrown into 
 the transaction. The ultimatum on this point will be settled before 
 the departure of Mr. Monroe, and will be communicated by him. The 
 
 sum hinted at in the letter to the President above referred to, is — 
 
 livres. If less will not do, we are prepared to meet it; but it is hoped 
 that less will do, and the prospect of accommodation will concur with 
 other motives in postponing the expedition to Louisiana. For the 
 present I barely remark, that a proposition made to Congress with 
 closed doors is under consideration, which, if agreed to, will authorize 
 the payment of about ten millions of livres, under arrangement of 
 time and place that may be so convenient to the French Government 
 
 I 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 71 
 
 as to invite a prompt as well as favorable decision of tiie case. The 
 sum to whicii the proposition is limited, and wliich will prol)ably not 
 be effectually concealed, may, at the same time, assist in keeping down 
 the pecuniary expectations of the French Cabinet. 
 I have the honor to be, etc. 
 
 James Madison. 
 
 (The following- is one of the memoirs, or essays, referred to in the 
 preceding- letter from Mr. Li\ingston to the President, dated March 12, 
 and in Mr. Madison's letter to Mr. Livingston of May 25, 1803.) 
 
 Thoughts on the relative situation of France, Britain, and America, as 
 commercial and maritime nations. 
 
 The power of France having reached a height that leaves her nothing 
 to wish or to fear from the continental sovereignties of Europe, she 
 might be considered as invulnerable if she could either divide the 
 empire of the sea, or place it in so many hands as to conmiand, by her 
 influence, or the advantages of her commerce, such a portion of it as 
 would, with her own maritime exertion, reduce her rival to terms of 
 equality. 
 
 It is certain that, for the last century, she has not been able to effect 
 this; although she has generall}^ had the aid of Spain, and sometimes 
 that of Holland. Spain and Holland are diminishing in naval impor- 
 tance. Holland, by the shallowness of her harbors, which do not, with- 
 out great difliculty, admit ships of the great size which are every day 
 found more necessar}^ in battle; by the ruin of her colonies; b}^ the 
 cession of the island of Ceylon; b}- the derangement of the affairs of 
 her connuercial companies; and, alwve all, by thv great comparative 
 advantages enjoyed by Britain in the East Indies: add to these cir- 
 cumstances the loss of seamen which she has sustained b}- the war, and 
 the disaffection which has led many of them into foreign service, 
 together with the accunuilated debt of the nation, and it will appear 
 that little aid can be expected from her in case of a maritime war. It 
 nuist, at least, be doubtful, if she quits that system of neutrality so 
 congenial to her own situation, whether she will take part with Britain 
 or France. The neigh])orhood and force of France must, indeed, make 
 her tremble for her possessions in Europe; but still she ma}' find 
 resources against them in the aid of the neighboring nations. But 
 where is she to look for support against the power of Britain, who, 
 in the very commencement of a war, will strip her of every foreign 
 possession, and cut off all her resources? 
 
 Spain is uuich in the same situation; her wealth and credit depend 
 upon her colonies. One of the most valual)le of these (part of His- 
 paniola) has been ceded to France; and the possession of Trinidad, 
 
72 PIJECHASE OF THE TERKITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 which the great capital of England will soon render verj^ important, 
 will afford her such a point of support, in America, as must render 
 the situation of the remaining islands very precarious, and always 
 keep Spain in pain for her colonies; this will lead her to seek for 
 safety, as far as possible, in neutrality. But at all events, the mari- 
 time power of Spain must diminish by the circumstances I have men - 
 tioned, and by the illicit trade which the possession of the Mosquito 
 shore, the bay of Honduras, and the island of Trinidad, will enable 
 the British to carry on in spite of the vigilance of Spain — a vigilance, 
 too, which will be, in some sort, relaxed from the apprehension of 
 provoking a war bv too much rigor. 
 
 The naval power of Britain has, on the other hand, acquired an 
 immense accession, during the last war, by that maritime superiorit}^ 
 which gave protection to her commerce in every part of the world; by 
 her conquests in the East Indies; and b}^ the cession of Trinidad. 
 But, besides the extent of her colonies; she has, in her peculiar posi- 
 tion, an advantage unattaina))le by France. The fuel for all the great 
 cities of England and Scotland is coal. Not less than three thousand 
 and six hundred ships enter the port of London 3^early, charged with 
 this article alone. This, together with similar exports to other cities, 
 and the situation of the capitals of England and Ireland, is a great 
 nursery for seamen, which France wants; and makes a coasting trade, 
 which is more than four-fold of all the coasting trade of France taken 
 tog*ether, and is not less than the whole colonial trade of Britain, 
 including the East Indies. It also has this peculiar advantage, that, in 
 time of war, all the seamen emplo3^ed in this commerce may be engaged 
 in the navy with very little inconvenience, only by permitting (which 
 is not done in peace) the coal to be brought to London by inland 
 navigation. 
 
 It becomes, then, a serious question with France, how she is to 
 counterbalance the advantages enjoj^ed b}^ her rival. Shall she estab- 
 lish foreign colonies? 
 
 Unless she has a naval force capable of protecting them, these col- 
 onies must soon change their masters; and the whole expense employed 
 in their support redound to the benefit of her rival. But admit that 
 they could be secured by land forces. How trifling will all the sea- 
 men afforded by the commerce of those colonies be, compared to the 
 number produced by the colonies of Britain in the East and West 
 Indies, America, Africa, and the Southern Ocean. But supposing 
 them equal, still the seamen Britain derives froni her coasting trade 
 alone more than equal those drawn from all these sources. 
 
 Will France create a marine by becoming the carrier of other 
 nations? This is impossible. Except Britain, there is no nation in 
 Europe which can not navigate their ships as cheap as France. The 
 materials for shipbuilding, and more especially naval stores and pro- 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 73 
 
 visions, arc dearer in France than in the Northern States, and labor is 
 equally high. 
 
 Will she be her own carrier;! If she will it must be by restrictions 
 on the trade of other nations, who will certainly not submit to them 
 without imposino- similar restrictions on France. Suppose, for instance, 
 she should say (as indeed she has said) that tobacco brought to France 
 in foreign yc^ssels shall i)ay an extra duty. How easy will it )>e for 
 the country which grows tol)acco to say that that article, exported in 
 French ships, shall pay a similar duty? And what will ])e the end of 
 this commercial warfare. ])ut that every nation shall carry its own pro- 
 duce, and let their ships return home empty, if the partial duties are 
 liiglr^ Thus, if France imposes a high duty on tobacco, and America 
 a hii>h duty on Avines and other articles of France in foreign bottoms, 
 the tobacco must lie brought in French ships, and charged Avith a double 
 expense of freight, because they can carry out no cargo to pa}'^ the 
 expense and insurance of the ships on their outwai'd-])ound \oyage. 
 Of course, this expense must fall on the consumer of tobacco; and for 
 what? Why, in oi'der that ten French seamen ma}^ be employed rather 
 than ten foreigners. A ship of three hundred tons must make, in 
 order to clear herself, seventy thousand francs a 3^ear. The whole of 
 this, with insurance out and home, must be charged on the tobacco 
 Imported, in the case I mention; whereas only the one-half would be 
 [)aid if she could take out a cargo. Thus, then, the consumer of 
 tol)acco in France, pays, annually, to the maintenance of ten seamen, 
 thirty five thousand francs, or three thousand five hundred for every 
 seaman; and this, too, without being of the smallest advantage to that 
 class of people whose wages are not therebj" at all increased. This is 
 purchasing sailors at such a rate as I believe no nation in the world Avould 
 oxcv long submit to. But should the same reasoning he applied to the 
 manufactures and wines of France, and she, by attempting to be her own 
 carrier, charge them with a double freight, it must necessarily follow that, 
 with respect to every article which other nations can suppl}' , she Avould 
 soon lose the carriage by losing the sale; for if a foreign ship can carry 
 out a cargo to Lisbon, and take l>ack one from thence, charged with no 
 extra duty, the wine and oil of Lisbon will be preferred, though of 
 inferior quality, to those of France. Thus, whatever she giv^es to her 
 seamen liy discouraging a free trade, she takes from her agriculture 
 and manufactures: and yet her agriculture and manufactures can alone 
 form the basis of her commerce. In time of war, unless this operation 
 can really create a naval power, sufficient to protect her commerce, (of 
 which there is not the smallest prospect,) foreigners having been 
 driven from her ports by this operation, she must cease to trade alto- 
 gether. Thus the sources of her wealth will be cut off at the moment 
 she most needs them. 
 
 What, the* is to be done? Is France to abandon her colonies as 
 
74 PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIATSTA. 
 
 weak points in her system, which she can not maintain? Is she to 
 suffer a tyranny to be established upon the ocean, which shall forever 
 hold her in check ? Is she to allow such an accumulation of wealth as 
 will forever enable her rival to interfere in the affairs of the Conti- 
 nent and provoke new combinations against her^ I answer these 
 questions by returning to my first position. 
 
 She must place the empire of the sea in more hands, without attempt- 
 ing to grasp it alone. She must make it the interest of those who aid 
 her in the attainment of a considerable portion of it to maintain her 
 superiority. Spain and Holland are not to be neglected; though, as I 
 have stated, they will, in the situation in which their colonies are now 
 placed, incline to neutrality; and if otherwise, their aid would be 
 insufficient during a war. The United States have physical advan- 
 tages which, like those of Britain, must necessarily lead them to be a 
 considerable maritime nation. The mass of their population lies 
 upon the ocean, and upon large rivers that are navigable for sea ves- 
 sels to the intenor of the country, which is generall}" rough and hilly 
 between the rivers. Hence it happens that there is little land carriage 
 in America. If merchandises are to be transported from one State to 
 another, it is by water; and that not solely b}^ rivers or canals, but b}'^ 
 descending one river, passing out into the ocean, and ascending another. 
 This circumstance, together with the variance between the productions 
 of the Southei'n and Northern States, which promotes much inter- 
 course, must give to them a nursery of seamen in their coasting trade, 
 equal to that which Britain enjoys in her coal trade: to which a grow- 
 ing coal trade, from mines found in the banks of the James river, and 
 in other places, will be added, when wood diminishes, or when the 
 policy of the country shall charge the importation of British coal 
 with heavier duties. Our large cities consume, even now, very consid- 
 erable quantities of this article. The advantage also that the United 
 States enjoy in the cheapness of the articles for building, and, above 
 all, for victualling their ships, more than counterbalances the high 
 price given to their seamen. Their situation relative to the cod and 
 whale fisheries also calls numbers to a maritime life. 
 
 The islands, to whomsoever they may belong, from the various 
 incidents to which they are liable, and the difficulty of supplj'ing them 
 from Europe, must receive their provision and timber from the United 
 States; and, if they choose, they can compel them to receive only in 
 American bottoms. Were the Powers of Europe, therefore, to lay 
 the severest restrictions on her commerce, the United States would 
 still be a very important commercial nation. 
 
 But who is interested in preventing their rapid rise to the height to 
 which their position and their destinies lead them? No nation upon 
 earth; unless Britain should one day fear them more as rivals than she 
 will value them as customers. While thev confine themselves to the 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 75 
 
 prodaction of niw niatoriiils, they must prove the l)e.st market for 
 such nations as can afford them maiuifactures, wine, oil, and fruit, in 
 return. Weak, indeed, would that nation be who should treat them 
 with neglect, or drive them, by ill-judg-ed laws, from their harbors. 
 Britain is so sensible of this, that she has never attempted to prevent, 
 by partial duties, the American vessels from carr3Mng' their own prod- 
 uce to them, or their fabrics back in return. She well knows that 
 every such UH'asure would have a tendency to drive them from her 
 harbors, to which she so much Avishes to invite them, that she even 
 grants them a right, l)y treaty, to enter all her ports in the East 
 Indies. 
 
 While Britain refuses to naturalize American ships she never will 
 be able to navigate (because she can not build, tit, oi- victual) her ships 
 so cheap as those of America. It must follow, therefore, that the 
 trade of Britain to and from the United States will be chiefly carried 
 on by American ships; and, as her articles are very bulk}-, a great 
 number will l)e employed. There exists, indeed, at this moment a 
 circumstance Avhich will give them considerable advantages, unless 
 France should instantly step in and prevent its operation. 
 
 The advanced price of living in Britain, owing to the debt con- 
 tracted by the war, has naturall}^ raised the price of labor; w^hile the 
 peace, which gives more activity to her commerce, will make this 
 operate upon seauien's wages, and thus give some check to her carrj^- 
 ing trade. On the other hand, this diminution of the trade of the 
 United States will throw at least twentj^-fivc thousand seamen out of 
 emplo3^ These will, from their habits and mamiers, naturally pass 
 into the service of Britain, and thus enable her to keep down wages 
 and maintain her advantages. 
 
 It is ol)vious that it is much the interest of France to prevent this; 
 and more particularly'" when it is considered that all these men are 
 skillful mariners, and many of them experienced fishermen; who ma}^ 
 transplant the wdiale tisher}' to Britain, and thus add a new^ source to 
 her naval power. The efforts of France to establish a tishery \\\\\ be 
 of little avail against this; nor will it ever be found practicable to 
 render this a flourishing branch of business, except b}- the aid of 
 American fishermen; and even then ])y a charge upon a material useful 
 in their manufactures more than equivalent to the value of the 
 tishery. 
 
 I shall be asked how long it will take to make the United States a 
 naval Power etjual to (jreat Britain? I answer, that a country which 
 possesses tim])er, naval stores, provisions, and men accustomed, by an 
 active commerce, to a sea life; a country whose credit is unblemished, 
 and who has no debt but what she can instantly discharge; is certainl}^ 
 so far ecjual as her muiibers are equal to one who has no advantages 
 over her in any of these circumstances, and is inferior in others. It 
 
76 . PUKCHASE OF THE TERRITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 will be allowed, too, that, according to every rational probability, tbeir 
 numbers will be equal to those of the British isles in twenty years, and 
 their wealth not inferior. But it is by no means necessary to carry 
 the navy of America to the extent of that of Britain, in order to ren- 
 der her a useful ally, or a respectable enemy. The trade of Britain 
 with her islands, and the Indies, must approach the coast of America. 
 Her privateers could, even Avithout protection from a navy, destroy a 
 great proportion of this. With a navy of thirty ships of the line, and 
 a proportionate number of frigates, which need never be more than 
 one week's sail from their own shores, such protection would be given 
 to smaller vessels as would enable them to capture a great part of their 
 trade, unless protected by large fleets. For this purpose one-half of 
 the British navy must be kept at a vast expense, at a great distance 
 from home, and in an unhealthy climate; while all the expenditures of 
 the American navy would be made in their own ports. It will cer- 
 tainl}^ admit of little doubt, that a nation who has no frontier to defend, 
 who has six hundred thousand armed men at home, and who has no 
 debts, need only will it to have a fleet of the size I mention. And it 
 is ver}^ certain that such a fleet by acting alwa3^s together, would com- 
 pel any European nation greatly to weaken her naval force in her own 
 seas. No convoy could be less than the whole of the American fleet; 
 nor could a smaller force be left in the islands; so that thirty ships 
 in America, would demand for convo3^s, out and in, and the stations 
 in the islands, not less than ninety ships of equal force. What power 
 could Britain oppose to this f Dree, combined with an equal number of 
 French ships, with the advantage of all the harbors of the United 
 States? What refuge would she have against storms and accidental 
 separation when on the coast of America? And how, under these dis- 
 advantages, would she maintain her superiority in Europe? I infer, 
 from this reasoning, that it is the true interest of France to promote 
 the commerce and maritime force of America; and, at the same 
 time, to interest her in the extension of the commerce of France? I 
 do not mean to say that this force will always operate directly in favor 
 of France. This will depend upon a variety of political circumstances 
 that can not be foreseen or controlled. The first interest of America 
 will doubtless lead her to a state of neutrality. But such has always 
 been the overbearing spirit of Britain at sea, that it is highly probable 
 occurrences will arise, which may compel America, when she feels her 
 strength, to enter into a war to preserve her commercial rights from 
 violation. But should she maintain her neutrality, she will indirectly 
 serve France if the plan I suggest is adopted: 
 
 1st. By carrying on her commerce for her during a war; 2d. By 
 emplojnng a great number of seamen who would otherwise go 
 into the service of Britain; 3d. By seizing upon many branches of 
 trade from whicb Britain derives her wealth, and which, when once 
 
 1 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 77 
 
 divoitcd, limy never return. But my pliin embraces not only an 
 extension of the American maritime force, ])ut that of France, by an 
 easy and natural operation, without imposin»i- a ]ni)-den upon, ])ut in 
 fact giving' the highest encouragement to, her manufactures and agri- 
 culture. It consists in a treaty of commerce which .shall put the trade 
 and shipping of ])oth countries on the most perfect equality. That is 
 to say, the ships of France shall be admitted into the ports of America, 
 paying a duty of six per cent, ad valorem only on all articles, and the 
 same tonnage duty as the American .ships l)ay. The American ships 
 shall be admitted into all the ports of France and her colonies upon 
 the same terms, provided that the}' should never carry to the colonies 
 anything ])ut the produce of their own country or of France; that the 
 colonial products in American ships should be subject to every regu- 
 lation as to their being landed in France, as they are in French ships. 
 The tirst advantage of this treaty would be, if immediately entered 
 into, the saving to America of twenty-five thousand seamen, who will, 
 without this encouragement go into the British service; and thus increase 
 not only her relative but her actual force: 2d. The sale of a num- 
 ber of her ships to France, which will now become a dead capital 
 in her hands: 3d. The preserving to the United States their fi.sh- 
 eries, which may be otherwise greatly afl'ected by the removal of their 
 seamen to Britain. In these objects France has a mutual advantage; 
 and I will venture to say, that she never acts more inconsistently with 
 her own interest, or more conformably with that of Britain, than when, 
 under the idea of raising a fishery at home, while she has not seamen or 
 shipping for her other branches of commerce, she endeavors to dis- 
 courage the fisheries of America, which, from a variety of physical 
 causes, can alone keep them from falling into the hands of the English. 
 France should l>ear in mind, that, were her colonies as extensive as 
 tho.se of Britain; were her trade in P^uropeand America equal to hers; 
 yet, from the reasons I have mentioned, arising from the geographical 
 and physical situation of England and Ireland, .she would not possess 
 more than two-thirds of the number of seamen, these circiuiistances 
 alone producing nearly as many as all the other trade of Britain. 
 France can only incrca.se her relative strength l)v diminishing that of 
 her rival, and keeping her from drawing from other sources new means 
 of power. 
 
 France may inj.ure, and perhaps ruin, the whale fishery in America; 
 but England only will profit by it. The fir.st Avar will break up her 
 establishments; and the Americans in her ser\4ce will return with 
 their wealth into their own country. 
 
 The interest that France will have in this treat}' will be much more 
 extensive: 1st, The raising up a new marine Power; 2d, Giving that 
 Power such an interest in her prosperity, as must not only keep it 
 from being inimical to, but, on the contrary, frequently connected 
 
78 PUKCHASE OF THE TEREITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 with her in hostile operations; 3d, The transfer of ships to France; 
 4th, The increase of French seamen: for, as tlie wages of seamen 
 are lower in France than in America, and must continue to be so, 
 on account of the demand for men in a new countr}^, while, on the 
 other hand, ships, and the provisions for their outfit, are cheaper in 
 America, French merchants, by fitting- many of these vessels, and 
 navigating them with French seamen, will be able to sail cheaper than 
 the Americans themselves, and thus increase the number of their sea- 
 men. These seamen in case, of a war, will be drawn into the navy; 
 while their places will be supplied, during the war, at somewhat more 
 expense, by Americans, without injuring their commerce. In the 
 cod fishery, France will derive clear and obvious advantages from the 
 American ports for her outfits, &c. 
 
 But even these advantages will be inferior to that derived from the 
 increase of the commerce of exchange, by that removal of restrictions; 
 an operation which, I will venture to say, will at least double the 
 whole commerce and number of seamen employed by France, and 
 quadruple it with respect to her navigation with America. It should 
 also be considered that this works doubly in favor of France, 1st, 
 So far as it is a direct advantage to her maritime power; 2nd, So 
 far as it subtracts from the navigation of Fngland. 
 
 The benefits that will result to the manufactures of- France from 
 this operation are incalculable: 1st, The raw materials will be pur- 
 chased on easy terms to the manufacturer; 2nd, The intercourse 
 that this system will establish between the two nations will make their 
 fabrics known, and render them fashionable in America; will draw off 
 their custom from England, whose fabrics will continue to be charged 
 with a heavy duty, unless, receding from her navigation act, she pur- 
 chases an exemption. 
 
 • Useful as this act may have been in its conunencement, when the 
 Dutch were the general carriers and rivals of Britain, and while 
 Ihe nations of Europe were ignorant of commercial principles, very 
 enlightened statesmen now see many inconveniences in it to the gen- 
 eral commerce of England; nor is there anything necessary to its 
 entire overthrow, but for other nations to pass similar laws, so far as 
 respect Britain, while their trade is put upon a liberal footing with 
 regard to other nations. This, by promoting their own commerce of 
 exchange, while that of Britain is restricted, will place her flag under 
 such disadvantages, that her own merchants will seek a foreign bottom 
 ^■\lKn they have an operation that requires a circuitous voyage. This 
 nnist ultimately, in spite of all her prejudices, compel her to repeal 
 this selfish law, after having some time suffered under it. But while 
 the navigation act exists in Britain, it will, under the circumstances of 
 the treaty 1 suggest, operate as a bounty on the navigation and fabrics of 
 France; because it is obvious that the freight and charge on any spe- 
 
PUECHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 79 
 
 citic article carried in a ship that iiuiv iiiak(» a circuitous voyage, is 
 much less than they would be if part of the voyage was made in bal- 
 last. Thus, a French ship carrying- a cargo of wine to America, tak- 
 ing in a load of tobacco, and returning from thence to Bordeaux, 
 could take the wine on a much smaller freight than if the duties 
 imposed in America on the importation of Avine in a French ship 
 should be equivalent to the duties upon tobacco imported in an Ameri- 
 can ship into France; because, in that case, the French ship would 
 go out empty for the tobacco, and the American ship empty for the 
 wine; and the double freight and insurance must be charged on each 
 of these articles. It should always be remembered, that whatever 
 is saved in freight is a bounty upon agriculture and mainifactures. 
 But even this is a small advantage compared to that derived from the 
 increase of adventures that will be occasioned by the very circumstance 
 of freight for the whole outward and homeward voyage, and the con- 
 sequent consumption of the commodities of the country that encour- 
 ages it. 
 
 In this plan, Spain, (under some restrictions with regard to South 
 America,) the Italian States, and any others who should incline to 
 engage m it, should be associated; without, however, delaying the 
 project between France and the United States, lest they should lose, 
 and Britain acquire, at this critical moment, that great body of sea- 
 men, who will, by the peace, be thrown out of emplo3anent. 
 
 Were France to declare her determination to support this lilieral 
 system, such is her advantage in point of product and manufactures, 
 that she could not fail to command the greatest foreign commerce of 
 any nation in the world. 
 
 The wealth arising from this source would be unbounded. But 
 while her great capital is in the center of the Republic, she never can 
 have an extensive coasting trade; and she can only make up this defi- 
 ciency, in a contest with Britain, by the increase of her wealth and 
 credit; by nursing up new maritime nations; by which, if she adds 
 little to her positive power, she adds nuich to her relative strength, in 
 diminishing that of her rival. 
 
 To cite a single instance: America can build and victual her whaling- 
 vessels much cheaper than either France or England, and of course 
 afford oil cheaper; but if France excludes American oil from her 
 market, she throws such a discouragement upon this fishery as will 
 compel the whalers to seek another place of residence. In this case, 
 though a few may be invited to France, the great bulk of them will 
 go to England: First, because of their language, religion, and habits; 
 and next, because they know that a war will ruin their establishments 
 in E" ranee, and thus it will encourage those of Britain. The very com- 
 ])anies established in France, at great national expense, will receive 
 their oil at sea from English fishermen. Thus fifteen thousand men 
 
80 PURCHASE OF THE TEERITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 will be thrown into the scale of Britain, to support one thousand in the 
 vain attempt to establish a fishery in France. This, however, is a 
 small part of the loss. By the encouragement which France might 
 give to the fisheries of the United States, she could destroy those of 
 Britain; and, as the French ships that brought oil, or the American 
 that brought French goods, would not go or return empty, a greater 
 market would be created for French wines, brandies, &c. Let the 
 loss upon this be calculated. The additional expense upon the first 
 price to the inhabitants of France, and the countries given, they will 
 find that they purchase their oil at a ruinous rate. 
 
 Let the difference between fifteen thousand men, added to those 
 employed in the British fishery, and eight thousand taken from them 
 by the encouragement given to the American fishery by France, mak- 
 ing together the loss or gain of twenty-three thousand to Britain, be 
 put in the scale with the comparatively few fishermen France can make, 
 and she will form a fair estimate of the attempt, considering her as a 
 rival power to Britain. 
 
 Great as are the advantages proposed by this system to the com- 
 merce and navigation of France, they are small compared to those 
 which she will derive from having opened a wa}^ to the establishment 
 of free and liberal principles, that can not fail to give room for the 
 exertion of those talents and that industr}^ for which her citizens are 
 distinguished. Ever^^ nation, except one, will eagerl}' embrace them; 
 and their mutual interest will lead them to protect them against the 
 power of any maritime despot. The advantage that the vessels of this 
 association would have over all others, could not fail to produce such 
 a revolution in the principles and practice of commerce and naviga- 
 tion as would be highly interesting to humanity, honorable to the 
 nations who should first adopt the system, and not unworthy of the 
 enlarged views of that distinguished statesman to whom Europe is 
 already so much indebted, and who, alone, has sufficient power to 
 carry it into effect. 
 
 [Extract.] 
 
 Mr. Madison, Secretary of State, to Mr. C. Pincxney, American Minister 
 
 at Madrid. 
 
 Department of State, January 18, 1803. 
 
 [After informing Mr. Pinckney, as well as Mr. Livingston, of the 
 reasons which had induced the mission of Mr. Monroe, the letter pro- 
 ceeds as follows:] 
 
 The President has been careful, on this occasion, to guard effectually 
 against any misconstruction in relation to yourself, by expressing, in 
 his Message to the Senate, his undiminished confidence in the ordinary 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 81 
 
 repi'oscntatioii of the United States, and by refcn-in.o- the advantages 
 of the additional mifssion to eonsideratioiis perfectly coiisistcnt there- 
 with. 
 
 Mr. Monroe will l)e the bearer of instructions under whicii you are 
 to negotiate. The ol)ject of them will be, to procure a cession of New 
 Orleans and the Floridas to the United States, and consequently, the 
 establishment of the Mississippi as the boundary between the United 
 States and Louisiana. In order to draw the French Government into 
 the measure, a sum of money will make part of our propositions; to 
 which will be added such regulations of the commerce of that river, 
 and of the others entering the Gulf of Mexico, as ought to be satisfac- 
 tory to France. P'rom a letter received by the President from a 
 respecta])le person, it is inferred, with probability, that the French 
 Government is not averse to treat on those grounds; and such a dispo- 
 sition must be strengthened by circumstances of the present moment. 
 
 Though it is probable that this mission will be completed at Paris, 
 if its ol)jects are at all attainable, yet it was necessary to apprize you 
 thus far of Avhat is contempkited, both for your own satisfaction, and 
 that you may be prepared to co-operate on the occasion, as circum- 
 stances may demand. Mr. Monroe will not be able to sail for two 
 weeks. 
 
 Robert R. Livingston, Minister to France,' to James Madison, Secretary 
 
 of State. 
 
 Paris, January '^ilf., 18(1). 
 Sir: 1 have just now heard of an opportunity from Havre. 1 am 
 doubtful whether my letter will arrive in time for it. 1 therefore 
 confine myself to inform you that General Bernadotte is njimed Minister 
 to the United States, in the place of Otto, who will ])e employed here. 
 General Bernadotte is brother-in-law to Joseph Bonaparte, is a very 
 respectable man, and has the character of a decided republican. I 
 have endeavored to impress upon him the necessity of making some 
 arrangements relative to the debt previous to his departure, which he 
 has much at heart. But neither he nor anybody else can influence the 
 councils of the First Consul. You can hardly conceive anything more 
 timid than all about him are; they dare not be known to have a senti- 
 ment of their own, or to have expressed one to anybody. But I must 
 defer writing to you more at large on this subject, as w^-ll as a full 
 communication of a very delicate step that I have hazarded, which 
 promised success for some time, l)ut from which I, at present, hope for 
 no important result. The Minister informs me that the expedition to 
 Louisiana will sail shortly. General Bernadotte will go in about three 
 weeks. He will have full powers to settle everything. I asked the 
 Minister, what confidence you can have in any new offer to treat, when 
 H. Doc. 481 1) 
 
82 PUKCHASE OF THE TERRITOKY OF LOUISIAITA. 
 
 the last treat}^ is unexecuted; and if he had not better send out Gen- 
 eral Bernadotte with a treaty in his hand, than only with powers that 
 will be suspected; and how he can make arrangements upon the debts, 
 which must depend upon the Legislature? He answers this by saying, 
 they want information as to right of deposit, &c. As to the debt, I 
 have no hope that they have any intention to pay it, or even to fund 
 it. From the disposition which I know to be entertained b}^ some that 
 go out with Victor, I have no doubt that they will provoke an Indian 
 war, by pajdng them nothing; and that, in their solicitude to acquire 
 wealth, they will act over again the tyranny of St. Domingo. It will 
 be necessary, therefore, to take the position that will best guard you 
 against the effects of these evils. As to myself, I am left wholly with- 
 out any precise instruction how to act, or what to offer. Enclosed are 
 two memoirs lately sent in, with as little effect as those that have gone 
 before them; though I have reason to think that the Minister wishes 
 well to my project for Louisiana, but the First Consul is immovable. I 
 confess to you I see very little use for a Minister here, where there is 
 but one will; and that will governed by no object but personal security 
 and personal ambition: were it left to my discretion, I should bring 
 matters to some positive issue, or leave them, which would be the only 
 means of bringing them to an issue. 
 I am, &c. , 
 
 Robert R. Livingston. 
 
 Hon. James Madison, &c. 
 
 Mr. Livingston to . 
 
 No. 4.] December 24, 1802.« 
 
 Sir: I can not but feel the utmost anxietj^ to know whether my 
 project, which you had the goodness to submit to the inspection of 
 the First Consul, is likely to meet with his concurrence. Upon ordi- 
 nary occasions I should consider the delay of a few weeks as of little 
 moment; but there are circumstances which render every da}'^ impor- 
 tant in what relates to the United States and France. In the twelve 
 months that I have been here, I have not been so happy as to receive 
 a conclusive answer to any one business that 1 have had to transact 
 with the Minister. Congress are now in session; they will infer from 
 every paper submitted to them by the President, that the French 
 Government are disposed to show them but little attention. The 
 obscurit}^ that covers the designs of France in Louisiana (for not the 
 least light can I, officially, obtain on the subject) will double their 
 apprehensions; this, added to the clamors of ruined creditors, and the 
 extreme severity with which some of their citizens have been treated 
 
 «It does not appear with, certainty by what dispatch this memoir was communicated. 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRIToKY OF LOUISIANA. 83 
 
 in St. Domingo, :uul the cxtruordiniirv clccisions ot" the (■ouiicil of 
 Prizes, &c., will leave a fair tiekl for the intrig-ucs of the enemies of 
 France, and even enlist the ])est patriots of America on their side. 
 At this moment Britain eomes forward and pays, witii the most scrupu- 
 lous attention, everv demand, and proposes to settle her Southwestern 
 line with the United States. In doing this, she is anxious to come 
 down to a navlgal)le part of the Mississippi, so as to connnunicate 
 with Canada I)}' that channel. It is obvious that she can ha\'e no inter- 
 est in this, hut such as looks to the future possession of the mouth of 
 that river; a pi'oject that she would naturally form the moment she 
 saw Louisiana ])ass into the hands of her rival. 1 am sorry to say it is 
 one that she will find no difficulty in executing, unless prevented by the 
 United States; for France is too far to protect a young Colony from 
 an established one, and the numerous savages, provincial troops, and 
 others, that Canada will afiord. While the conduct of France speaks 
 a language so painful to the feelings of the American Government, 
 there is too nuich reason to believe that there will be little solicitude 
 in so forming their limits as to cover her possessions. I am anxious, 
 sir, to know our prospects. If they should be such as I Hatter myself 
 the mutual interests of France and the United States would lead to, I 
 would wish to have it in my power to arrest in Mr. King's hands any 
 conclusion on the subject of our Western bounds. In case my project 
 should be honored with the approbation of the First Consul, it will be 
 essential to the security of the possessions of France and the peace of 
 that country, to remove the British boundary as high up the river as 
 possible, so as to prevent any communication with Canada, by the 
 rivers that fall on the one side into the lakes, and, on. the other, into the 
 Mississippi. If this l)usiness is obstructed only by the non-conclusion 
 of the treaty with Spain for the Floridas, one ma}' still go between us 
 for New Orleans and the territory above the Arkansas river, with a 
 condition annexed, in case the treaty with the Floridas should succeed 
 agreeably to the wishes of France. Should the treaty wdth Spain fall 
 through, every reason of policy should induce France, either to relin- 
 quish her designs on Louisiana altogether, or to cover her frontier by 
 a cession to the United States; since, without a single port in the 
 Gulf, it will be impossible to protect their Colony; and all the expense 
 incurred ])y the attempt will ultimately redound to the advantage of 
 Britain, who will not fail to attack them with advantage both by sea 
 and land. 
 
 The treaty I propose might also form a basis for the immediate dis- 
 charge of the debts due to our citizens; in the doing of which, advan- 
 tageous arrangements may be made, and, at the same time, the funds of 
 France })e considerably raised: provided such secrecy is observed in 
 the whole of this transaction as will prevent the debts being the object 
 of speculation. I know, sir, a distinction has been taken between 
 
84 PURCHASE OF THE TEEEITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 debts due from the former Government iind that which now happily 
 prevails in France. But, sir, if this distinction is just, it does not 
 apply to the demands of the United States. They are specifically 
 assumed by the new Government, when they made the object of the 
 treaty, and an equivalent has alread}^ been paid the present Govern- 
 ment by that of the United States; so that they stand upon a different 
 ground from that of the debts of other nations having demands on 
 France; and they not onl3^have to plead their justice, and the circum- 
 stance under which they were contracted, but the pledged faith of 
 the existing Government. 
 
 I can not, sir, but be solicitous to know that what I have hitherto 
 taken the liberty to write to you has passed into no hands but those of 
 the First Consul, or some other member of your own family, as I fear my 
 communications out of the ordinary channel might be ill taken where 
 I am solicitous to stand well. 
 
 I have the honor to be, sir, with the most profound consideraiion, 
 
 your most obedient servant, 
 
 R. R. Livingston. 
 
 Beport of committee to whom was referred a resolution providing for an 
 additional appropriation of two million of dollars for the purpose of 
 intercourse with foreign nations. 
 
 January 12, 1803. 
 The object of this resolution _s to enable the Executive to commence, 
 with more effect, a negotiation with the French and Spanish Govern- 
 ments relative to the purchase from them of the island of New Orleans, 
 and the provinces of East and West Florida. This object is deemed 
 highl}^ important and has received the attentive consideration of the 
 committee. The free and unmolested navigation of the river Missis- 
 sippi is a point to which the attention of the General Government has 
 been directed, ever since the peace of 1783, by which our independence 
 as a nation was finally acknowledged. The immense tract of country 
 owned by the United States, which lies immediately on the Mississippi, 
 or communicates with it by means of large navigable rivers rising 
 within our boundaries, renders its free navigation an object, not only 
 of inestimable advantage, but of the very first necessity. The Missis- 
 sissipi forms the western boundary of the United States, from its 
 source to the thirty-first degree of north latitude, and empties itself 
 into the Gulf of Mexico, about the twent}^ -ninth degree of north lati- 
 tude. It furnishes the only outlet through which the produce of the 
 Indiana Territory, the States of Ohio, Kentucky and Tennessee, and of 
 the western parts of Pennsylvania and Virginia, and a portion of the 
 Mississippi Territory, can be transported to a foreign market, or to 
 ports of the Atlantic States. From the thirtj^-first degree of north lati- 
 tude, which is the southern boundary of the United States, to the mouth 
 
PUECHASE OF THK TEKRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 85 
 
 of the river, the territory on each side has heretofore l)een in possession 
 of the Spanish Government; the province of Louisiana lying to the 
 West, and those of East Florida, with the island of New Orleans, to the 
 East. 
 
 Although the United States have insisted on an uncontrollable right 
 r<) pass up and down the river, from its source to the sea, yet this 
 right, if admitted in its most ample latitude, will not secure to them 
 the full advantages of navigation. The strength and rapidit}' of the 
 current of the Mississippi are known to render ascent so extremely 
 difficult, that few vessels of burden have attempted to go as far as our 
 boundar3% This circumstance obliges the citizens of the Western 
 country to carry their produce down the river in boats, from which it 
 is put on ])oard ships capable of sustaining a sea voyage. It follows, 
 therefore, that to enjoj^ the full benefits of navigation, some place 
 should ])e fixed which sea vessels can approach without great incon- 
 venience, where the American produce ma}^ be deposited until it is 
 again shipped to be carried abroad. This great point was secured to 
 us in the year 1795, by the Spanish Government, who agreed, in the 
 Treaty of San Lorenzo el Real, that Americans should have the right 
 of deposit at New Orleans. This right has been used from that time 
 till a late period; Init the conduct of the Intendant at that place shows 
 low lial)lc the adviuitageous navigation of the ri^'er is to interruption, 
 md strongly points out the impolic}^ of relying on a foreign nation for 
 benefits, which our citizens have a right to expect should be secured 
 to them by their own Government. It is hoped that the port of New 
 Orleans ma}^ again ])e opened l)efore any xery material injuries arise; 
 but should this l)e the case, or if, as the treaty provides, a new place 
 of deposit should be assigned, the late occurrence shows the uncer- 
 tainty of its continuance. Experience proves that the caprice or the 
 interested views of a single officer may perpetually subject us to the 
 alternative of submitting to injury, or of resorting to war. 
 
 The late violation of our treaty with Spain necessarily leads to the 
 inquiry; how far the AVestern country nnw be afi^ected in other points, 
 not connected with New Orleans^ The Mississippi Territory extends 
 from the confines of Georgia to the river Mississippi, and from the 
 thii'ty-first to the thirty-fifth degree of north latitude. It is estimated 
 to contain more than fifty millions of acres, and, from its numerous 
 advantages, must one day or other possess an immense population. 
 The variety, richness, and abundance of its productions, hold out to 
 settlers the strongest inducements to resort thither, and the United 
 States may safely calculate on drawing a considerable revenue from 
 the sale of lands in this, as well as in other quarters of the Western 
 country. The value of these, however, may be diminished or increased, 
 and the sale impeded or advanctnl by the impression made on the 
 
86 PUECHASE OF THE TERRITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 public mind, by shutting the port of New Orleans, and by eventual 
 jneasures which may be adopted to guard against similar injuries. 
 
 West Florida is bounded on the north by the Mississippi Territory, 
 from which it is separated by no natural boundary; on the east by the 
 river Apalachicola, which divides it from East Florida; on the west by 
 the river Mississippi, and on the south by the Gulf of Mexico. The 
 MississippiTerritory is intersected by many large and valuable rivers, 
 which rise within its own boundaries, and meander through it in a 
 general direction from north to south, fmt empty themselves into the 
 Gulf of Mexico through the province of West Florida. In fact, with 
 the exception of that part of the Territorj^ which lies immediately on 
 the Mississippi, the whole must depend on the Mobile and the Apa- 
 lachicola, with their numerous branches, and on some other rivers of 
 inferior note, for the means of sending its produce to market, and of 
 returning to itself such foreign supplies as the necessities or conven- 
 ience of its inhabitants may require. In these rivers, too, the eastern 
 parts of the State of Tennessee are deeply interested, as some of the 
 great branches of the Mobile approach very near to some of those 
 branches of the Tennessee River, which lie above the great Muscle 
 Shoals. Even if it should prove difficult to connect them, yet the land 
 carriage will be shorter, and the route to the sea more direct than the 
 river Tennessee furnishes. These rivers possess, likewise, an advan- 
 tage which is denied to the Mississippi. As their sources are not in 
 the mountains, and their course is through a level country, their cur- 
 rents are gentle, and the tide flows considerably above our boundary. 
 This circumstance, together with the depth of water which manj' of 
 them afford, render them accessible to sea vessels, and ships of two 
 hundred tons burden may ascend for several hundred miles into the 
 heart of the Mississippi Territory. These rivers, however, which run 
 almost exclusively within our own limits, and which it would seem as 
 if nature had intended for our own benefit, we must be indebted to 
 others f oj" the beneficial use of, so long as the province of West Florida 
 shall continue in possession of a foreign nation. If the province of 
 West Florida were itself an independent empire, it would be the 
 interest of its Government to promote the freedom of trade, by lajdng 
 open the mouths of the rivers to all nations; this having been the 
 policy of those Powers who possess the mouths of the Rhine, the 
 Danube, the Po, and the Tagus, with some others. But the system of 
 colonization which has always heretofore prevailed, proves that the 
 mother country is ever anxious to engross to itself the trade of its 
 colonies, and affords us ever}^ reason to apprehend that Spain will not 
 readily admit us to pass through her territory to carrj^ on a trade 
 either with each other or with foreign nations. This right we may 
 insist on, and perhaps it ma}'' be conceded to us; but it is possible 
 
 li 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 87 
 
 that it may be denied. At all events, it may prove, the source of end- 
 less disagreement and perpetujil hostilit}-. 
 
 In this respect East Florida ma}' not perhaps be so important, but 
 its acquisition is nevertheless deemed desirable. From its junction 
 with the State of Georgia, at the vivev St. Mar3^s, it stretches nearly 
 four hundred miles into the sea, forming a large peninsula, and has 
 some very fine harbors. The southern point, Cape Florida, is not 
 more than one hundred miles distant from the Havana, and the possession 
 of it mav be benoticial to us in relation to our trade with the West 
 Indies. It would likewise make our whole territory compact, would 
 add considerably to our seacoast, and by giving us the Gulf of Mexico 
 for our southern boundary, would render us less liable to attack, in 
 what is now deemed the most vulnerable part of the Union. 
 
 From the aforegoing view of facts, it must be seen that the pos- 
 session of New Orleans and the Floridas will not onl}- be required for 
 the convenience of the United States, but will be demanded by their 
 most imperious necessities. The Mississippi and its branches, with 
 those other rivers above referred to, drain an extent of countr}-, not 
 less, perhaps, than one-half of our whole territory, containing at this 
 time one-eighth of our population and progressing with a rapidity 
 beyond the experience of any former time, or of any other nation. 
 The Floridas and New Orleans command the only outlets to the sea, 
 and our best interests, require that we should get possession of them. 
 This requisition, however, arises not from a disposition to increase our 
 territory; for neither the Floridas nor New Orleans offer any other 
 inducements than their mere geographical relation to the United States. 
 But if we look forward to the free use of the Mississippi, the Mobile, 
 the Apalachicola, and the other rivers of the West, by ourselves and 
 our posterity. New Orleans and the Floridas must become a part of 
 the United States, either b}' purchase or l)y conquest. 
 
 The great question, then, which presents itself is, shall we at this time" 
 lay the foundation for future peace by offering a fair and equivalent 
 consideration; or shall we hereafter incur the hazards and the horrors 
 of war? The Government of the United States is differently organized 
 from any other in the world. Its object is the happiness of man; its 
 policy and its interest, to pursue right by right means. War is the 
 great scourge of the human race, and should never be resorted to but 
 in cases of the most imperious necessity. A wise government will 
 avoid it, when its views can be attained by peaceful measures. Princes 
 tight for glory, and the blood and treasure of their subjects is the 
 price they pay. In all nations the people bear the burden of war, and 
 in the United States the- people rule. Their Representatives are the 
 guardians of their rights, and it is the duty of those Representatives 
 to provide against any event which ma}^, even at a distant dav, involve 
 the interest and the happiness of the nation. We may, indeed, have 
 
88 PURCHASE OB^ THE TEERITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 our rights restored to us by treat}^, but there is a want of fortitude in 
 applying- temporary remedies to permanent evils; thereby imposing on 
 our posterity a burden which we ourselves ought to bear. If the pur- 
 chase can be made, we ought not to hesitate. If the attempt shall fail, 
 we shall have discharged an important duty. 
 
 * War may l^e the result, but the Au^erican nation, satisfied with our 
 conduct, will be animated bj^ one soul, and will unite all its energies in 
 the contest. Foreign powers will be convinced that it is not a war of 
 aggrandizement on our part, and will feel no unreasonable jealousies 
 toward us. We shall have proved that our object was justice; it will 
 be seen that our propositions were fair; and it will be acknowledged 
 that our cause is honoi'able. Should alliances be necessary they may 
 be advantageously formed. We shall have merited, and shall there- 
 fore possess, general confidence. Our measvires will stand justified 
 not onl}^ to ourselves and our country, but to the world. 
 
 In another point of view, perhaps, it would be preferable to make 
 the purchase, as it is Ijelieved that a smaller sum would be required 
 for this subject, than would necessaril}?^ be expended, if we should 
 attempt to take possession by force; the expenses of a war being, indeed, 
 almost incalculable. The Committee have no information before them, 
 to ascertain the amount for which the purchase can ])e made, but it is 
 hoped that, with the assistance of two millions of dollars in hand, this 
 will not 1)6 unreasonable. A similar course was pursued for the pur- 
 pose of settling our diti'erences with the Regency of Algiers, by an 
 appropriation of one million of dollars, prior to the commencement of 
 the negotiation, and we have since experienced its beneficial efi^ects. 
 
 Mr. Livingston to the Minister of Exterior Eelations. 
 
 Sir: I have so often had occasion to mention to you the claims of 
 American citizens upon the French Government, and, with so little 
 effect, that I feel pain whenever I am compelled to touch upon that 
 subject. But, sir, I never had reason to doubt, both from the tenor 
 of your note, and conversations, that it would become a question 
 whether these debts, just in themselves, and solemnly confirmed by a 
 treat}^, should l)ecome the subject of liquidation. The Board of 
 Accounts accordingly proceeded to liquidate and give certificates for 
 about one-quarter of the whole amount. Upon the debt so liquidated 
 the American merchant was enabled to raise the small sums necessary 
 for his support, till arrangements were made (which they never per- 
 mitted themselves to doubt would be finally done) for their discharge. 
 But, sir, even of this support they are now deprived; for though the 
 board has proceeded to liquidate more of their claims, the gentleman 
 at the head of the Department refuses to give the usual certificates; 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 89 
 
 under what protenso I am at loss to conceive. 1 am told he considers 
 the treat}^ asapplyino- to debts contracted dui'ino- the present Govern- 
 ment, when, in fact, no such debts existed at the time of the treaty, 
 nor is there a word in the treaty which authorizes such construction; 
 the whole treaty referrino- to matters that had passed, not oidy under 
 the Government that had preceded the present, but under tliat which 
 preceded the Revolution. Upon what other principle has the United 
 States, with the strictest good faith, paid tiie debt contracted under 
 Louis XVI, and those which the existing- (Jovernment demanded under 
 the late Convention for injuries sustained under the late Directors? 
 
 It is time, sir, that matters should ])e brought to some issue; that 
 the citizens of the United States and their Government should know 
 how far the treaty is binding upon France, and what construction 
 ouo-ht to be o'iven to it; for hitherto, it has only served as a means to 
 surprise their good faith, and to involve both the Government and the 
 people of the United States in fresh expenses. 
 
 1 have the honor to renew to vour excellency the assurances of my 
 high consideration. 
 
 R. R. LlVINtiSTON. 
 
 Robert R. Livingston, Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of 
 America, to the Minister of Exterior Relations. 
 
 Paris, January 10^ 180S. 
 Sir: 1 have just learned through a channel, which, though not offi- 
 cial, is such as leaves me no doubt of its authenticity, that the Governor 
 of New Orleans has denied the citizens of the United States a right of 
 depot there, under the pretense that the provision for that purpose 
 in the treaty has expired. You are not ignorant, sir, of the vahie that 
 the Western inhabitants of the United States place upon that right, 
 nor of the spirit with which they will defend it; a spirit to which the 
 Government must yield, even if they could themselves be indifferent 
 to the object. It is peculiarl}^ unhappy, sir, that this circumstance 
 should have happened at the ver}^ moment that France is about to pos- 
 sess that country; since, taken in connexion with the silence of the 
 French Government, as to its intention, it will (I very nuich fear) give 
 room to jealous and suspicious persons to suppose that the Court of 
 Spain has, in this instance, acted in concurrence with that of France; 
 though, sir, I do too much justice to the integrit}' of France to believe 
 that she would approve of a breach of treaty and render their first 
 entrance into our vicinity an act of hostility; 3'et it certainly is of a 
 nature to call the inunediate attention of France to the several matters 
 which I had the honor to mention to you, the neglect of which has 
 excited the liveliest sensation in the United States. I therefore avail 
 myself of this opportunity and the permission you gave me to oli'er 
 
90 PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 you the outline of a treaty that I presume will afford the most obvious 
 benefits to France, and strengthen the connexion which every enlight- 
 ened American wishes to subsist between her and the United States. 
 
 Presuming that the Floridas are in the hands of France, and 
 unless they are Louisiana can never be worth her possessing, because 
 it affords no ports for its own protection, I shall predicate what I have 
 to offer upon that presumption. 
 
 France can have but three objects in the possession of Louisiana 
 and Florida: the first is the command of the Gulf; second, the supply 
 of her islands; third, an outlet for her people, if (which however 
 appears to me a very distant expectation) her European population 
 should be too great for her territory. The first of these will be 
 effectually secured by the possession of West Florida, which includes 
 the bay of St. Esprit and Pensacola, together with the town and har- 
 bor of St. Augustine. There are no other ports of the smallest 
 importance east of the Mississippi. The second will be" better effected 
 by confining their establishment to some reasonable limits on the sea- 
 coast, or within a moderate distance from it, than by scattering their 
 capital and inhabitants over an extensive territory, which will have a 
 tendenc}^ to render them savage and independent, and compel France 
 to keep up a ver^^ expensive establishment to protect them from the 
 incursions of savages. 
 
 This country must either be settled by foreigners, or by emigrants 
 from France. In the first case, no nation in Europe can retain them 
 in a state of dependence, because they will, when settled some hundred 
 miles from the sea, be absolutely inaccessible to their power. In the 
 second, the emigration will be such a drain to the wealth and popula- 
 tion of France as will inflict as deep a wound to her agriculture and 
 manufactures as that felt by her on the revocation of the Edict of 
 Nantes, or b}^ Spain, on the expulsion of the Moors; and, after all, the 
 day on which they will be independent will arrive whenever they 
 shall have suflicient wealth and strength no longer to need her aid. 
 
 Having treated this subject more at large in a paper which you have 
 had the goodness to read, I will not dwell upon it here, but propose 
 what it appears to be the true polic}^ of France to adopt, as affecting 
 all her objects, and at the same time conciliating the affections of the 
 United States, giving permanency to her establishments, which she 
 can in no other way hope for. First, let France cede to the United 
 States so much of Louisiana as lays above the mouth of the river 
 Arkansas. By this, a barrier will be placed between the colony of 
 France and Canada, from which she may otherwise be attacked with 
 the greatest facility, and driven out before she can derive any aid 
 from Europe. Let her retain the country lying on the west of the 
 Mississippi and below the Arkansas River — a country capable of sup- 
 porting fifteen millions of inhabitants. By this, she will place a barrier 
 
 I 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 91 
 
 between the United States and Mexico, if (which I hope will never be 
 the case) they should have the wild idea of carrvino- their arms into 
 that countr}', and at the .same time be at hand to protect the Spanish 
 esttiblishments against the ambitious views of any European Power. 
 Let her possess East Florida as far as the river Perdido, with all the 
 ports on the Gulf, and cede West Florida, New Orleans, and the terri- 
 tory on the west bank of the Mississippi, to the United States. This 
 cession will be only valuable to the latter from its g-iving- them the 
 mouths of the river Mobile and other small rixers which penetrate 
 their territor}^ and in calming their apprehensions relative to the 
 Mississippi. The land ceded (if we except a narrow strij) on the ])ank 
 of the river) will, for the most part, consist of barren sands and sunken 
 marshes; while that retained by France, on the west side of the 
 Mississippi, includes the great bulk of the settlements and a rich and 
 fertile countr3\ It ma}" be supposed that New Orleans is a place of 
 some moment; it will be so to the United States, but not to France, 
 because Fort Leon, on the opposite bank, affords a much more advan- 
 tageous station; has equal advantages as a harbor; is higher, healthier, 
 and more defensible; and, as the great bulk of the settlements must 
 necessaril}^ be on that side, the capital must be transplanted there, 
 even if France continued in possession of New Orleans, which is a 
 small town, built of wood, and upon which all the expenses that France 
 should make in public building-s, &c., would ultimately be thrown 
 away when the capital was removed. 
 
 The right of depot which the United States claim, and will never 
 relinquish,' must ])e the source of continual disputes and animosities 
 between the two nations, and ultimatel}' lead the United States to aid 
 any foreign Power in the expulsion of France from that colony. Inde- 
 pendent of this, as the present commercial capital of New Orleans is 
 mostly American, it wnll be instantl}" removed to Natchez, to which 
 the United States can give such advantages as to render New Orleans 
 of little importance. 
 
 Upon any other plan, sir, it needs but little foresight to predict that 
 the whole of this establishment must pass into the hands of Great 
 Britain, who has, at the same time, the command of the sea, and a 
 martial colon}" containing (WQvy means of attack. While the ileets 
 block up the seaports, she can, without the smallest difficulty, attack 
 New Orleans from Canada with fifteen or twenty thousand men, and a 
 host of savages. 
 
 France, by grasping at a desert and insignificant town, and thereby 
 throwing the weight of the United States into the scale of Britain, will 
 render her mistress of the New World. By the possession of Louisiana 
 and Trinidad, the colonies of Spain will lie at her mercy. By expel- 
 ling France from Florida, and possessing the ports on the Gulf, she 
 will command the islands. The East and the West Indies will pour 
 
92 PURCHASE OF THE TEERITORY OF LOUISIANA.. 
 
 their commodities into her ports; and the precious metals of Mexico, 
 combined with the treasures of Hindostan, enable her to purchase 
 nations whose aid she may require in confirming her power. 
 
 Though it would comport with the true policy, and the magnanimity 
 of France, gratuitously to offer these terms to the United States, yet 
 they are not unwilling to purchase them at a price suited to their 
 value, and to their own circumstances; in the hope that Fran(;e will at 
 the same time satisfy her distressed citizens the debts which thej^ have 
 a right bj^ so many titles to demand. 
 
 These short hints, I flatter myself, will serve to draw your attention 
 to the subject; in which case I am satisfied that man}" othei" reasons 
 for the adoption of this plan will suggest themselves to your reflec- 
 tion; reasons on which I do not, from a respect to 3"our time, think it 
 necessary to enlarge. I would only observe that Congress aj"e now 
 in session; that if no treaty is concluded before they rise, or if a 
 Minister should go only with powers to treat, without being the 
 bearer of anything conclusive, he will have to encounter unnumbered 
 suspicions and jealousies, and when he opens the negotiation, he will 
 have to contend with all the intrigues of the Court that is most inter- 
 ested in preventing the completion of objects so hostile to its views. 
 Many things are ratified when a treaty is formed, that would be 
 obstacles to the formation of one in a popular Government. 
 Accept, sir, the assurances of my high consideration, 
 
 R. R. Livingston. 
 
 James Madison, Secretary of State, to Rufus King, Minister to England. 
 
 Department of State, January 29, 1803. 
 Sir: My lotter of the 23d ult., with a postscript of the 3d of this 
 month, communicated the information which had been received at 
 those dates relating to the violation at New Orleans of our treat}^ with 
 Spain, together with what had then passed between the House of Rep- 
 resentatives and the Executive on the subject. I now enclose a subse- 
 quent resolution of that branch of the Legislature. Such of the 
 debates connected with it as took place with open doors will be seen 
 in the newspapers. In those debates, as well as in indications from 
 the press, you will perceive, as you would readily suppose, that the 
 cession of Louisiana to France has been associated as a ground of 
 much solicitude with the affair at New Orleans. Such, indeed, has 
 been the impulse given to the public mind by these events that every 
 branch of the Government has felt the obligation of taking the meas- 
 ures most likely, not onl}" to re-establish our present rights, but to 
 promote arrangements by which they may be enlarged and more 
 effectually secured. In deliberating on this subject, it has appeared 
 
PURCHASE OF THP: TERRITORY OK LOUISIANA. 93 
 
 to the President that tlie importance of the erisi.s called for the experi- 
 ment of an extraordinary mission, carrvinj>- with it the weight attached 
 to such a measure, as well as the advantage of a more thorough knowl- 
 edge of the views of the Government and of the sensibility of the 
 public, than could be otherwise conveyed. He has accordingly selected 
 for this service, with the appro})ation of the Senate, Mr. Monroe, 
 formerly our Minister Plenipotentiary at Paris, and latel}' Governor of 
 Virginia, who will ))e joined with Mr. Livingston in a connnission 
 extraordinary to treat with the French Republic; and with Mr. Pinck- 
 ney in a like commission to treat, if necessary, with the Spanish 
 Government. 
 
 Mr. Monroe is expected here to-morrow, and he will pr()})ably sail 
 shortly afterwards to New York. 
 
 These comnumications will enable you to meet the British Minister 
 in conversation on the su])ject stated in your letter of May Tth, 1S02, 
 The United States are disposed to live in amity with their neighbors, 
 whoever they ma}' l)e, as long as their neighbors shall duly respect 
 their rights; but it is equalh' their determination to maintain their 
 rights against those who may not respect them; premising, where 
 the occasion may require, the peaceable modes of obtaining satisfaction 
 for wrongs, and endeavoring, by friendly arrangements and provident 
 stipulations, to guard against the controversies most likely to occur. 
 
 Whatever may l)e the result of the present mission extraordinaiy, 
 nothing certainly Avill be admitted into it not consistent with our 
 prior engagements. The United States and Great Britain have agreed, 
 each for itself, to the free and common navigation by the other of the 
 river Mississippi — each being left, at the same time, to a separate adjust- 
 ment with other nations of questions between them relative to the 
 same subject. This being the necessary meaning of our treaties with 
 Great Britain, luid the course pursued under them, a difference of opin- 
 ion seems to be precluded. Any such difference would be matter of 
 real regret; for it is not only our purpose to maintain the best faith 
 with that nation, but our desire to cherish a uuitual contideru-e and 
 cordiality, which events may render highly important to both nations. 
 
 Your successor has not yet been named, and it is now possil)le that 
 the time you may have fixed for leaving England will arrive ))efore 
 any arrangements for the vacancy can have their effect. Should this 
 be the case, the President, sensi))le of the inconvenience to which you 
 might be subjected by an unexpected detention, thinks it would not l)e 
 reasonable to claim it of you. It may be hoped that the endeavors to 
 prevent an interval in the legation be successful; and as it can not be 
 more than a verj^ short one, no great evil can Avell happen from it. 
 I have the honor, &c., 
 
 James Madison. 
 
94 PUKCHASE OF THE TEEEITOET OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 President Jefferson to M. Dupont. 
 
 Washington, February i, 1803. 
 Dear Sir, — I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favors of 
 August the 16th and October the 4th. The latter I received with 
 peculiar satisfaction; because, while it holds up terms which cannot 
 be entirely yielded, it proposes such as a mutual spirit of accommo- 
 dation and sacrifice of opinion may bring to some point of union. 
 While we were preparing on this subject such modifications of the 
 propositions of your letter of October the 4th, as we could assent to, 
 an event happened which obliged us to adopt measures of urgency. 
 The suspension of the right of deposit at New Orleans, ceded to us by 
 treat}^ with Spain, threw our whole country into such a ferment as 
 imminently threatened its peace. This, however, was believed to be 
 the act of the Intendant, unauthorized b}^ his government. But it 
 showed the necessity of making effectual arrangements to secure the 
 peace of the two countries against the indiscreet acts of subordinate 
 agents. The urgency of the case, as well as the public spirit, there- 
 fore induced us to make a more solemn appeal to the justice and judg- 
 ment of our neighbors, by sending a minister extraordinary to impress 
 them with the necessity of some arrangement. Mr. Monroe has been 
 selected. His good dispositions cannot be doubted. Multiplied con- 
 versations with him, and views of the subject taken in all the shapes 
 in which it can present itself, have possessed him with our estimates 
 of everything relating to it, with a minuteness which no written com- 
 munication to Mr. Livingston could ever have attained. These will 
 prepare them to meet and decide on every form of proposition which 
 can occur, without awaiting new instructions from hence, which might 
 draw to an indefinite length a discussion where circumstances imperi- 
 ously obliged us to a prompt decision. For the occlusion of the 
 Mississippi is a state of things in which we cannot exist. He goes, 
 therefore, joined with Chancellor Livingston, to aid in the issue of a 
 crisis the most important the United States have ever met since their 
 independence, and which is to decide their future character and career. 
 The confidence which the government of France reposes in you, will 
 undoubtedl}^ give great weight to your information. An equal confi- 
 dence on our part, founded on 3^our knowledge of the subject, your 
 just views of it, your good dispositions toward this country, and my 
 long experience of your personal faith and friendship, assures me 
 that you will render between us all the good offices in your power. The 
 interests of the two countries being absolutely the same as to this 
 matter, 3^our aid may be conscientiousl}^ given. It will often perhaps, 
 be possible for you, having a freedom of communication, omnibus 
 horis., which diplomatic gentlemen will be excluded from by forms, to 
 smooth ditficulties by representations and reasonings, which would be 
 received with more suspicion from them. You will thereby render 
 
 I 
 
PURCHASE OF THP: TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 95 
 
 great good to both countries. For our circuin.stunce.stire.so imperious 
 as to admit of no dcUi}' as to our course; and the use of the Mississippi 
 so indispensable, that we cannot hesitate one moment to hazard our 
 existence for its maintenance. If we fail in this effort to put it ]>eyond 
 the reach of accident, we see the destinies wo have to run, and prepare 
 at once for them. Not but that we shall still endeavor to go on in 
 peace and friendship Avith our neighbors as long as we can, if our 
 rUjliU of navigation and depoii'd (I I'e rei<pecte(l^h\\\, as we foresee that 
 the caprices of the local officers, and the abuse of those rights by our 
 boatmen and navigators, which neither government can prevent, will 
 keep up a state of irritation which cannot long be kept inactive, we 
 should Ije criminally improvident not to take at once eventual meas- 
 ures for strengthening ourselves for the contest. It may be said, if 
 this object be so all-important to us, why do we not otfer such a sum 
 as to insure its purchase? The answer is simple. We are an agri- 
 cultural people, poor in mone}', and owing great debts. These will be 
 falling due by installments for fifteen years to come, and require from 
 us the practice of rigorous economy to accomplish their pajauent; and 
 it is our principle to pay to a moment whatever we have engaged, and 
 never to engage what we cannot, and mean not faithfully to pay. 
 We have calculated our resources, and find the sum to be moderate 
 which they would enable us to pay, and we know from late trials that 
 little can be added to it b}^ ])orrowing. The countrv, too, which we 
 wish to purchase, except the portion already granted, and which must 
 be confirmed to the private holders, is a barren sand, six hundred 
 miles from east to west, and from thirt}^ to forty and fifty miles from 
 north to south, formed by deposition of the sands by the Gulf Stream 
 in its circular course round the Mexican Gulf, and which being spent 
 after performing a semicircle, has made from its last depositions the 
 sand bank of East Florida. In West Florida, indeed, there are on the 
 borders of the rivers some rich bottoms, formed l)v the mud brought 
 from the upper country. These bottoms are all possessed by individ- 
 uals. But the spaces between river and river are mere banks of sand; 
 and in East Florida there are neither rivers, nor consequently any 
 bottoms. We can not then make anything b}- a sale of the lands to 
 individuals. So that it is peace alone which makes it an object with 
 us, and which ought to make the cession of it desirable to France. 
 Whatever power, other than ourselves, holds the country east of the 
 Mississippi becomes our natural enemy. Will such a possession do 
 France as much good, as such an enemy may do her harm? And how 
 long would it be hers, were such an enemv, situated at its door, added 
 to Great Britain ? I confess, it appears to me as essential to France 
 to keep at peace with us, as it is to us to keep at peace with her; and 
 that, if this cannot be secured without some compromise as to the ter- 
 ritory in question, it will be useful for both to make some sacrifices 
 to efiect the compromise. 
 
96 PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 You see, my good friend, with what frankness I communicate with 
 you on this subject; that I hide nothing from you, and that 1 am 
 endeavoring to turn our private friendship to the good of our respec- 
 tive countries. And can private friendship ever answer a nobler end 
 than by keeping two nations at peace, who, if this new position which 
 one of them is taking were rendered innocent, have more points of 
 common interest, and fewer of collision, than any two on earth; who 
 become natural friends, instead of natural enemies, which this change 
 of position would make them. My letters of April the 25th, May the 
 5th, and this present one have been written, without any disguise, in 
 this view; and while safe in your hands they can never do anything 
 but good. But you and I are now at the time of life when our call to 
 another state of being cannot be distant, and ma}^ be near. Besides, 
 your government is in the habit of seizing papers without notice. 
 These letters might thus get into hands, which, like the hornet which 
 extracts poison from the same flower that jaelds honey to the bee, 
 might make them the ground of blowing up a flame between our two 
 countries, and make our friendship and confidence in each other efltect 
 exactly the reverse of what we are aiming at. Being yourself thor- 
 oughly possessed of every idea in them, let me ask from your friend- 
 ship an immediate consignment of them to the flames. That alone can 
 make all safe, and ourselves secure. 
 
 President JeiFerson to Mr. Livingston. 
 
 Washington, Fehnuiry 3, 1803. 
 Dear Sir, — My last to you was by Mr. Dupont. Since that I 
 received j^ours of May 22d. Mr. Madison supposes you have writ- 
 ten a subsequent one which has never come to hand. A late suspen- 
 sion by the Intendant of New Orleans of our right of deposit there, 
 without which the right of navigation is impracticable, has thrown 
 this country into such a flame of hostile disposition as can scarcely be 
 described. The western country was peculiarly sensible to it as you 
 may suppose. Our business was to take the most efl^ectual pacific 
 measures in our power to remove the suspension, and at the same time 
 to persuade our countrymen that pacific measures would be the most 
 effectual and the most speedily so. The opposition caught it as a 
 plank in a shipwreck, hoping it would enable them to tack the West- 
 ern people to them. They raised the cry of war, were intriguing in 
 all quarters to exasperate the Western inhabitants to arm and go down 
 on their own authority and possess them selves of New Orleans, and in 
 the meantime were daily reiterating, in new shapes, inflammatory 
 resolutions for the adoption of the House. As a remedy to all this 
 we determined to name a minister extraordinar}^ to go immediately to 
 
PUECHASE OF THE TEEEITORY OF LOUISIANA. 97 
 
 Paris and Madrid to settle this matter. This measure being a visible 
 one, and the person named peculiarly proper with the Western coun- 
 try, crushed at once and put an end to all further attempts on the 
 Legislature. From that moment all has become quiet; and the more 
 readily in the Western country, as the sudden alliance of these new 
 federal friends had of itself already began to make them suspect the 
 wisdom of their own course. The measure was moreover proposed 
 from another cause. We must know at once whether we can acquire 
 New Orleans or not. We are satisfied nothing else will secure us 
 against a war at no distant period; and we cannot press this reason 
 without beginning those arrangements which will be necessary if war 
 is hereafter to result. For this purpose it was necessary that the 
 negotiators should be fully possessed of every idea we have on the 
 subject, so as to meet the propositions of the opposite party, in what 
 ever form they may be offered; and give them a shape admissible by 
 us without being obliged to await new instructions hence. With this 
 view, we have joined Mr. Monroe with yourself at Paris, and to 
 Mr. Pinckney at Madrid, although we believe it will be hardly neces- 
 sary for him to go to this last place. Should we fail in this object of 
 the mission, a further one will be superadded for the other side of the 
 channel. On this subject you will be informed by the Secretary of 
 State, and Mr. Monroe will be able also to inform you of all our views 
 and purposes. By him I send another letter to Dupont, whose aid 
 may be of the greatest service, as it will be divested of the shackles of 
 form. The letter is left open for your perusal, after which 1 wish a 
 wafer stuck in it before it be delivered. The ofiicial and the verbal 
 communications to you by Mr. Monroe will be so full and minute, that 
 I need not trouble you with an inofficial repetition of them. The 
 future destinies of our country hang on the event of this negotiation, 
 and I am sure they could not be placed in more able or more zealous 
 hands. On our parts we shall be satisfied that what you do not effect, 
 connot be effected. Accept therefore assurances of my sincere and 
 constant affection and high respect. 
 
 R. B. Livingston to James Madison. 
 
 Paeis, February 6, 1803. 
 Dear Sir: Not knowing where to direct the enclosed, I submit it to 
 your care. The bearer of this to Nantz waits, so that I can write you 
 nothing but that the Louisiana armament is still icebound. The 
 Floridas are not yet ceded, owing, I believe, to some difiiculty about 
 Parma, and the solicitude of the Emperor of Russia to provide for the 
 King of Sardinia. Spain is however prepared to make the cession, 
 and I presume it will be done. I have precise answers from you to 
 H. Doc. 431 7 
 
98 PUECHASE OF THE TERRITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 none of my inquiries, and am much at a loss how to act. I hav^e much 
 to say, but am not allowed to enlarge. You shall hear from me by the 
 first safe conveyance. 
 
 I am, etc., R. R. Livingston. 
 
 Hon. James Madison, 
 
 Secretary of State. 
 
 James Madison, Secretary of State, to Charles Pinckney and James Monroe. 
 
 Department of State, 
 
 February 17, 1803. 
 
 Sie: You will be herewith furnished with a joint commission to treat 
 with His Catholic Majesty, and with a letter of credence to him. For 
 the object of the commission, and as a guide to your negotiations, I 
 refer you to the instructions given in relation to the French Govern- 
 ment. Whatever portion of the arrangements contemplated may be 
 found to depend not on the French, but on the Spanish Government, 
 is to be sought from the latter, on the like terms as if they had 
 depended on the former. 
 
 The scale of value applied to the distinct territories in question will 
 deserve particular attention; so will the provision for pa3ang our citi- 
 zens who have claims on Spain out of the sums stipulated as the price 
 of her territorial possessions. Among these claims it will be important 
 to include, not only those within the description contained in the con- 
 vention signed by Mr. Pincknej^ in August last, but such as may be 
 founded on unlawful acts committed within Spanish responsibility by 
 other than Spanish subjects, and on acts committed by Spanish sub- 
 jects, within the Spanish colonies, inconsistent with true equity, though 
 not with the forms of law. 
 
 Your particular attention will also be due, in case a cession should 
 not be attained, to an enlargement of our right of deposit at New 
 Orleans, to the establishment of suitable deposits at the mouths of the 
 rivers, passing from the United States through the Floridas, as well as 
 to the free navigation of those rivers by citizens of the United States. 
 Useful hints on these subjects may be found in the letter of which a 
 copy is annexed from the Consul of the United States at New Orleans. 
 
 I refer for another object which will deserve your attention, to the 
 letter from the Department of State of the 2Tth of November, to the 
 Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States, which urges the neces- 
 sity of some provision by the Governments of Europe having Ameri- 
 can Colonies, by which the irregular and injurious proceedings of 
 colonial officers towards the United States may be more effectually 
 controlled, or more expeditiously corrected, than by crossing the 
 Atlantic with representations on such occasions. Such a provision is 
 
PUECHASE OF THE TEERITORY OF LOUISIANA. 99 
 
 not more due to our just expectations than to the interests which those 
 Governments have in maintaining the amicable relations which subsist 
 with the United States. In the same letter, notice was given that the 
 Spanish Government would be held responsible for whatever damages 
 might be sustained by our citizens in consequence of the violation of 
 the treaty by the Intendant at New Orleans. It will be proper to 
 obtain from that Government a stipulation that will provide for such 
 contingent damages. In case the convention, already on foot, should 
 be open for such an article, it may be therein inserted. Should that 
 opportunity not exist, it will be necessary to authorize, by a supple- 
 mental article, the Commissioners appointed under that convention to 
 award the indemnifications. 
 
 I have the honor, &c. , - James Madison. 
 
 R. R. Livingston to the Secretary of State. 
 
 Paris, February 18, 1803. 
 
 Dear Sir: I have been honored by yours of the — November. I 
 am pleased to find that you are satisfied with my applications to the 
 Government on the subject of the debt; I am only sorry that those 
 applications have hitherto been unsuccessful, and, as far as appears, 
 will continue to be, unless some motive more efiicacious than that of 
 justice, or national faith or credit, is held out. To enter into the finan- 
 cial arrangements of people in power here would lead me into very 
 delicate discussion, which would not tend to any advantage propor- 
 tioned to the risk it might subject me to. I still think that if anytliing 
 is done to satisfy our citizens, it must be by some advantageous offer 
 on the part of our Government. You will find some of my ideas on 
 that subject sketched in my former letters. 
 
 As you have intimated the propriety of opening some other channel 
 of communication with the First Consul than through the Minister, 
 this I have effectually done, so as to have got several unofficial com- 
 munications under his eye, and to have learnt his sentiments thereon. 
 1 can have a personal conference with him when I choose, having 
 made arrangements for the purpose; but I defer it for two reasons: 
 First, I have never yet had any specific instructions from you how 
 to act or what to offer. To meet him merely to talk of the justice of 
 our claims, and of our rights on the Mississippi, would be onl}- to say 
 ungracious truths, and excite prejudices which may render a future 
 conference more difficult; and, second, because it is one of the traits of 
 his character when he has once fully avowed a sentiment not easily 
 to change it. I have, therefore, thought it best to address myself 
 officially to the Minister, and unofficially to the onl}^ man supposed 
 to have any sort of influence over him. I have accordingly put into 
 
100 PURCHASE OF THE TEEEITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 his hands some notes containing plain truth mixed with that species 
 of personal attention which I know to be most pleasing. The deli- 
 cate subject of these notes makes me unwilling to send them unless 
 I can find time to put them in cipher, which 1 fear will not be 
 the case by this conveyance; you will, however, have them in the 
 first letter I write to the President, which will be hy this or the 
 next conveyance. I do not mention the channel 1 allude to, because 
 I wish it only to be known to j^ourself and the President, and my 
 last letter to him has sufficiently explained it. The only basis on 
 which 1 think it possible to do anything here is to connect our claims 
 with our offers to purchase the Floridas. Upon this subject my notes 
 turn. I have first endeavored to show how little advantage France is 
 likely to make from these colonies; the temptation they offer to Britain 
 to attack them by sea and from Canada; the effect the conquest of them 
 by Britain would have upon the islands; and the monopoly which that 
 conquest would give to a rival Power of the trade of the West as well 
 as of the East Indies. I have dwelt upon the importance of a friendly 
 intercourse between them and us, both as it respects their commerce 
 and the security of their islands; and I have proposed to them the relin- 
 quishment of New Orleans and West Florida, as far as the river Per- 
 dido, together with all the territory lying to the north of the Arkan- 
 sas, under an idea that it was necessary to interpose us between them 
 and Canada, as the only means of preventing an attack from that 
 quarter. 
 
 I did not speak of East Florida because I found they consider the 
 navigation of the Gulf as very important; for this I proposed an 
 indefinite sum, not wishing to mention any till I should receive your 
 instructions, that it should be a condition of this treaty that the Amer- 
 ican debt should be inscribed on their 5 per cent, stock. I knew it 
 would be vain to render them our creditors by deducting this out of 
 our payment, because actual money would alone have any effect in 
 carr3dng the plan through; and even that must be managed with some 
 circumspection, or no plan will succeed. These proj^ositions, with cer- 
 tain accompaniments, were well received, and were some days under 
 the First Consul's consideration; when it was thought a better bargain 
 might be made on the spot; and I was told that General Bernadotte 
 would have full power to treat on this subject in America on the basis 
 on which I had placed it. My answer to this information you will 
 find in the enclosed note. I am now lying on my oars in hopes of 
 something explicit from yo';.. 1 consider the object of immense impor- 
 tance; and this, perhaps, the favorable moment to press it, because the 
 affairs of the islands are yet very doubtful, and the armament is still 
 blocked up by the ice in Holland; though as we now have a thaw here 
 I fear they will not be so much longer. My plan is much relished by 
 the person through whom it was proposed. General Bernadotte sees 
 
 
PUECHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 101 
 
 the awkward situation in which he will be placed if he goes out while 
 our demands remain unsatisfied. But nobody dares to offer an opinion 
 when that of the First Consul has been expressed. And, at present, a 
 very unexpected difficulty has arisen. 1 told 3^ou that Parma would 
 be offered for the Floridas, and that General Bournonville was sent to 
 negotiate the business. It was never doubted a moment here that it 
 would be effected; this I learned from Talleyrand and the Spanish 
 Ambassador. They intimated that the treaty would be signed the day 
 the King returned from Barcelona; and their information accorded 
 with that which Lord Whitworth had received. I learn now from the 
 Spanish Ambassador that the thing has met with some difficulty, as he 
 says, not because of any aversion in the Court to make the cession, but 
 of some difference between the Prince of Peace and General Bournon- 
 ville. I believe, however, that this is not the sole cause; but that 
 Spain begins to see that, in receiving Parma, she will receive nothing; 
 as it will be rendered subservient to another arrangement, as I hinted 
 in my last. You will consider this rather as a conjecture than as any- 
 thing I am perfectly founded in relating. The essential fact for us is 
 that the Floridas are not yet ceded. 
 
 Mr. Dazara, yesterday, told me that he began to have his doubts 
 whether they would be; but France is fully impressed with the nullitj^ 
 of her possession in Louisiana unless she has some port in the Gulf. 
 Indeed, the Minister told me yesterday that there were no difficulties 
 of any moment. I presume that she will, ultimately, find some way to 
 cut the Gordian knot; and I can not but sincerely wish that you ma}^ 
 have availed yourselves of the pretense Spain has given you to take 
 possession. It will be best to treat with the subject in our hands; but, 
 at all events, tell me what to do if they should go into the hands of 
 France; and fix the sum you are willing to give in case they should 
 listen anew to ui}^ proposition; for as to Bernadotte doing anything 
 with you I have no great faith. I pray you again to give me some 
 instructions, for I ma}^ be acting contrary to j^our intentions; and I 
 should be very sorry to do anything that you may find it proper to 
 disavow. I am not satisfied, from examining my instructions and com- 
 mission, that I am empowered to do anything but the common routine 
 of business. As I did not receive this till I was going oft' I had no 
 opportunity of objecting to them. I find that I have no precise diplo- 
 matic character, not even an envoy ordinary or extraordinary, though 
 it had been usual for the United States to grant this latter grade to 
 gentlemen of less standing than myself. But this by the bye, which I 
 should not have mentioned if I did not find that it is not quite so agree- 
 able here, as Bernadotte is a man of high rank, and would have wished, 
 like his brother Generals, to have gone out with a more elevated rank, 
 but which ihej can not give while the United States only retain a Min- 
 ister Plenipotentiary here. It is proper that I should say a few words 
 
102 PURCHASE OF THE TEREITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 on General Bernadotte; he is one of the old Jacobin party, and has 
 been much looked up to by them; but being brother-in-law to Joseph 
 Bonaparte, he is favorably connected; but has not ceased to be an object 
 of some jealousy. And I believe you may consider his present mission 
 as an honorable banishment. He proposes only to stay a few months 
 in America. I have had many conversations with him. His disposi- 
 tions are just such as I would wish with respect to us; but his temper 
 is warm and fiery, and you will have to flatter his pride and that of his 
 nation, if you would stand well with him. 
 
 In several conversations that I have had with Lord Whitworth I find 
 that Britain is very averse to the projected exchange for the Floridas; 
 and he thinks that, if effected, it will be taken up very warmly by the 
 nation. Mr. King, however, in an answer this day received to some 
 questions I have put on that subject, thinks differently. I find that 
 the sentiments of the two nations, with respect to each other, have 
 totally changed from what they were a year ago; the}^ at present 
 mortally hate each other; and nothing but the want of allies keeps 
 Britain from breaking out. You will find in one of the Moniteurs 1 
 have sent you, a curious journal of Sebastiana, which has been evi- 
 dently published to prepare this nation for some new operation in 
 Egypt; it is extremely offensive to the British. I have a letter from 
 Mr. Graham, who is far from being satisfied with the conduct of the 
 Spanish court; who act like this in saying nothing on the subject of 
 their treaty with France, and who have passed a law prohibiting any 
 American vessel to enter their ports till they have performed a quar- 
 antine in some foreign port. 
 
 1 mentioned to you my wish to be empowered to recognize the 
 Italian Republic; to be accredited to the Consul, as has been done by 
 most of those Powers who wish to please him; and as this is a compli- 
 ment without expense, it might not be amiss to paj?^ it, particularly as 
 we shall have some commercial connection with the Italian States. 
 
 From the best accounts I can receive from Holland the armament 
 will be detained there till about the last of March, so that you will not 
 have them in New Orleans till June; a precious interval, of which you 
 may think it prudent to avail yourselves. 
 
 I broke off here that I might have an explicit conversation with the 
 Minister, founded upon the newspaper intelligence from our countrj'-; 
 for I have had no other since the date of your letter of — November. 
 I endeavored to impress him strongly with the idea of our determina- 
 tion never to suffer our rights on the Mississippi to be impeded; and 
 of the little value that that country would be to them in the production 
 of a revenue; of the almost certainty of war between them and the 
 savages in case their stipends were withheld; the pain it must give the 
 First Consul to be the means of the destruction of the white inhabit- 
 ants, whom it would be impossible to defend; and upon the benefits 
 
PUEOHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIAKA. 103 
 
 that would result to the commerce and manufactures of France from a 
 friendly connection with us. These seemed to make an impression 
 upon him; and he promised to represent them strongly to the First 
 Consul to-morrow; but added, that however my other plans might be 
 received, 1 must consider the purchase of the country as out of the 
 question; intimating that a sale was below their dignity; so that 1 fear 
 my hopes, founded on their necessities, are frustrated. 
 
 I am, sir, with the most respectful consideration, your obedient, 
 humble servant. 
 
 Robert R. Livingston. 
 
 Hon. James Madison, Secretary of State. 
 
 (The following, Nos. 2 and 3, are supposed to be the memoirs referred 
 to in Mr. Livingston's despatch of the 18th February.) 
 
 No. 2. 
 To : 
 
 I am sensible, sir, that I have already taxed your patience in the 
 memoirs that I have submitted to your attention; but, sir, (pardon the 
 frankness with which I speak,) the critical moment is arrived which 
 rivets the connection of the United States to France, or binds a young 
 and growing people for ages hereafter to her mortal and inveterate 
 enemy. 
 
 How highl}^ I estimate the alliance of France, and how much I 
 believe the happiness of both nations may be promoted by it, not only 
 appears from the whole of my political conduct, but has been stated 
 in an essay upon the relative maritime power of France and Britain, 
 which, as I have learned, has been honored by the First Consul's 
 attention. 
 
 The United States have at present but two possible causes of differ- 
 ence with France — the debt due to her citizens, and the possession of 
 Louisiana. The first of these France is not only bound to pay by the 
 laws of justice, but by the solemn stipalations of a treaty which has 
 been observed with the utmost good faith by the United States, who 
 have advanced large sums in consequence, without suffering them- 
 selves to doubt that it would meet with equal attention on the part of 
 France. Give me leave to add, sir, that your signature was considered 
 as a guarantee of that treaty by the people of the United States, who 
 had long since learned to estimate the candor and integrity of your 
 character. 
 
 My present object, sir, is to show, in a very few words, that Lou- 
 isiana affords France not only the means of discharging their debt, and 
 promoting the other object which I took the liberty to hint at before, 
 but even of placing her colony of Louisiana in a better situation, 
 
104 PURCHASE OF THE TEEEITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 should it be her wish to retain that colonj^, than she would do by 
 listening to no compromise with the United States. 
 
 The object of France in forming this colony is to supply her islands; 
 to afford an outlet for such of her population as she thinks she can 
 spare from home. But not to scatter her people over an immense wil- 
 derness, where they will be lost for her and to the world; or to fill her 
 territory with inhabitants that would withdraw their allegiance the 
 moment they found themselves in a situation so to do; which will cer- 
 tainly be the case if these, or if any but the natives of France are 
 permitted to settle it. 
 
 It is, then, the interest of France to limit her territory, and to render 
 it as compact as possible, without placing it at such a distance from the 
 sea as to put it totall}^ out of her control. While with the remainder of 
 the territory, she fulfills other important objects, and, above all, builds 
 her future connection with the United States upon mutual interests, 
 and that strict and solemn regard for treaties which can alone lull the 
 apprehensions that her power excites, and to which, more than the 
 force of her arms, Rome was indebted for the dominion of the world. 
 
 The produce of Louisiana must be conveyed by the Mississippi, and 
 there are no ports for her marine to the west of Pensacola. If, there- 
 fore, France should possess Pensacola, and all the ports to the east of 
 it, she will have the complete command of the Gulf. And if she pos- 
 sesses the free navigation of the Mississippi, and all Louisiana lying to 
 the west of that river, and south of the river Arkansas, comprehending 
 a tract nearly as large as the ancient Government of France, she will 
 have more territory than will suffice to supply all the wants of her 
 marine, and West India colonies, with such articles as that country can 
 produce. 
 
 Louisiana, within these limits, can support a population of 15,000,000 
 of people. You will judge, sir, whether it would be possible for 
 France to retain more than that number in subjection; or whether it 
 would be good policy to extend her population beyond the number she 
 can govern. 
 
 The settlers to the north of the river Arkansas would be too far 
 from the sea to fear any force from France. A distant colony must 
 be of moderate size, compactly settled, and not remote from the sea, 
 or the parent State will soon lose all control over it. The interest of 
 France, then, requires that her colony in Louisiana should not exceed 
 the limits I mention, and the separation of this territory from that 
 lying to the east of the river Perdido would afford an additional secu- 
 rity to France for the possession of both, not only as it would break 
 the connection of the colonies, but as their interest would be totally 
 different, the last possessing little valuable land, (for both East and 
 West Florida are barren tracts,) would be military posts and commer- 
 cial entrepots; from which the trade would be carried on to and from 
 
 I 
 
PUECHA8E OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 105 
 
 the Mississippi in small vessels; while that with France would, on 
 account of her safe and commodious harbors, center in East Florida. 
 
 The inhabitants of this country would be deeply interested in a con- 
 tinuance of their connection with the mother country. While the 
 interposition of West Florida, in the hands of the United States, would 
 prevent any coercion on the part of the inhabitants of Louisiana, if 
 they should at any time be disposed to revolt; east Florida, on the 
 contrar}^, while loyal to France, would, by means of her navy, have a 
 powerful control on the colony of Louisiana. 
 
 The example of England should have some weight. The Dutch 
 possessed New York; England, for the sake of uniting her colonies, 
 purchased it from Holland. Had it been left in the hands of the 
 Dutch, that union, which has lost the whole to Britain, would have 
 been prevented. 
 
 The Colonies of Louisiana and East Florida, within the limits pro- 
 posed, being thus secured, the remainder of the Spanish cession is 
 only valuable as it enables France to pursue other great objects, to 
 wit: the payment of the debt in conformity to her treat}^; and the con- 
 ciliation of an ally which may on so many important occasions be use- 
 ful to her; and the one of no less magnitude to which I have in my 
 last the honor to allude. 
 
 The United States possess the east side of the Mississippi, from its 
 source to the thirty-first degree of north latitude. It would be very 
 interesting to them to acquire the possession of the remainder of the east 
 bank of that river to its mouth, and that narrow strip of land which 
 lies between the thirty-first degree of latitude and the sea, as far as 
 the river Perdido; not on account of the value of the land, for, except 
 a small quantity on the banks of the river, it is for the most part a 
 sandy barren, or a sunken marsh; but because it would give them the 
 mouths of those rivers which run through their territory, and afford 
 an outlet to the sea. 
 
 To the cession of this country but one possible objection can be 
 raised on the part of France; it may attach a value to New Orleans 
 which it by no means merits. The fact is, that to France, who has the 
 choice of fixing her capital on either side of the river. New Orleans 
 has no circumstance to recommend it. It is placed on the naked bank; 
 it has no port, basin, or quay, for shipping; has no fortification of any 
 strength; and is incapable of being rendered a good military position; 
 and the houses are only of wood, subject to continual accidents. The 
 situation was fixed first by France on account of its being on the 
 Florida side of the river where the settlements commenced; but as it 
 was soon found that the lands of the west side of the river were much 
 richer, the principal part of the population is now there. The bank 
 opposite to New Orleans is higher and better calculated for a town: 
 it already has a strong post in Fort Leon, the most commanding posi- 
 
106 PUECHASE OF THE TEEEITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 tion in that country; and the harbor, or rather the road, is in all 
 things equal to that of New Orleans. As a Government house and 
 barracks, stores, &c. , must be built either at New Orleans or at Fort 
 Leon, there can be no doubt, even if France retains both, that the 
 latter ought to have the preference, since a regular and handsome 
 capital could be laid out there, and in a healthier and stronger 
 situation than at New Orleans. 
 
 It is highly probable that, in this case, the superiority it would have 
 in point of health, the advantages of the Government, and, above all, 
 the free trade with France and her islands, would render it in three 
 years more populous than New Orleans now is. The French merchants 
 would sell their houses in the one to the Americans, and establish them- 
 selves in the other. Should France retain the whole of the Spanish 
 cession on both sides of the river, she will find it absolutely necessary 
 to remove her capital to the west side. The river for three months is 
 impassable from the violence of the inundation, and the trees that it 
 brings down with it. As the bulk of the colony is on the west wide of 
 the river, it must necessarily draw its capital after it, or submit to be 
 cut off from it during this period. A town will, therefore, rise 
 at Fort Leon, where the richest establishments are already formed, 
 which must increase with the population of the country. 
 
 The diiEculty of removing the caj)ital from New Orleans will increase 
 as its buildings become more numerous, and its population greater. 
 It is, therefore, in every event the true interest of France to commence 
 the establishment of a capital on a regular plan on the west side of the 
 river, where it must ultimately be, rather than expend money upon the 
 old town of New Orleans, which they will find too much insulated for 
 the capital of Louisiana. 
 
 Permit me, sir, to examine the subject in a point of view which I 
 conceive is important not only to France and the United States, but to 
 every maritime power. It can not be doubted that the peace between 
 France and Britain has been too disadvantageous to the latter to be of 
 long duration. Strong symptoms of an approaching rupture have 
 already appeared; and the statesmen of both countries will begin to 
 examine the points of attack and defense, and the acquisitions that 
 afford the most p(^.rmanent advantages. The Cape, Malta, and Egypt, 
 have already awakened the cupidity of Great Britain. Should she 
 extend her views across the Atlantic, (and what is to limit them?) the 
 cession of Louisiana to France offers her the fairest pretense to invade 
 that countrj^, either from Canada or by the Atlantic. 
 
 She felt no reluctance in leaving them to Spain; but she will not 
 quietly see them in the hands of France. She will strain every nerve 
 to acquire them. By uniting them with Canada and Nova Scotia she 
 encircles the United States; and, having the same manners, the same 
 religion, the same language, and a number of partisans among the 
 
PUECHASE OF THE TEREITORY OF LOUISIANA. 107 
 
 commercial inhabitants of the'United States; having carefully removed 
 ever}' conflicting question, and even conciliated, by the liberality of 
 her restitutions, those whom her conduct during the war had irri- 
 tated; it will be difficult to say what will be the extent of her influence. 
 But, independently of this circumstance, if Britain should unite Loui- 
 siana and West Florida to her other American possessions, no power 
 in Europe will be able to oppose her force. The bay of St. Esprit will 
 become another Gibraltar, from which she will ravage every island 
 and continental possession of France, Spain, and Holland; she will 
 monopolize the commodities of the West as she has already done those 
 of the East Indies. Not a moment, sir, should be lost for placing a 
 barrier between the settlements that France may wish to retain in 
 Louisiana and Canada, by ceding to the United States the portion I 
 have proposed above the Arkansas; and by the cession of New Orleans 
 and West Florida, to take from them the first inducement to attack 
 that country. France should exert all her resources and all her 
 strength in the immediate fortification o f Pensacola and the bay of St. 
 Esprit; or, if she has not the means of doing it, she should leave them 
 in the hands of Spain (if she can consent to leave her at peace) or to 
 some other neutral nation. For 1 will venture to say that the acquisi- 
 tion of that country, by a nation who possesses Newfoundland, Nova 
 Scotia, and Canada, with a powerful maritime force, will annihilate 
 the external trade of every other nation in Europe; and that it would 
 be the true interest even of Spain herself, rather to see her ports in 
 Florida in the hands of the United States, who alone can defend them, 
 than to keep them in her own, at the risk of having them wrested from 
 her by Britain. Perhaps, in the present state of things, considering 
 the superiority of the British navy at this moment, the great capital 
 that it will require to reinstate the French islands, and her continental 
 possessions in the East Indies and in America, the wisest measure 
 would be, not only to make the cession I have asked, but to hypothe- 
 cate the whole of East Florida for a term of years, for such part of 
 the American debt as may remain unsatisfied. 
 
 But as this is a mere hasty, undigested idea, rather intended to turn 
 your attention to this subject, than as a matter sufficiently matured to 
 take the form of a proposition. I can not, sir, conclude this note, 
 without turning your attention to the present feelings of the people 
 of all parties in the United States with respect to France. The 
 total silence of the French Government on the subject of their inten- 
 tion as to the navigation of the Mississippi, and their rights of entrepdt 
 at New Orleans, secured to them by the most solemn treaty with 
 Spain; the mystery with which all the arrangements of France for 
 taking possession of that country are concealed from the Minister of 
 the United States, notwithstanding his repeated notes- to the Minister 
 of Exterior Relations on the subject; have excited the most lively 
 
108 PURCHASE OF THE TEREITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 apprehensions of designs unfriendly to their commerce and their rights. 
 The total neglect of every measure that leads to a security for their 
 debt, notwithstanding the provisions of the treaty, and the ruin of 
 numbers of their citizens by this; and the very extraordinary decisions 
 which have, in several instances, taken place in the Council of Prizes, 
 for which I have been able to receive not merely no redress but even 
 no answer; contrasted with the good faith displayed by their own 
 Government with respect to France, with the scrupulous attention that 
 Great Britain has paid to repair, by the most liberal conduct, the 
 abuses she has permitted herself to commit during the war, leads to a 
 belief that France limits her rights by her power; and insensibly dis- 
 poses them to alliances, both offensive and defensive, which it has 
 heretofore been her policy to avoid. Can it possibly be the interest 
 of France, sir, to drive the United States into these alliances, while 
 she forms colonies, and retains islands in their neighborhood? Can 
 she look with contempt upon an enterprising and hardy nation who 
 possesses means of defense at home, and for a maritime force which 
 will render her respectable abroad ? The immense power of France 
 has rendered her an object of jealousy to the Old World; while the 
 inhabitants of the New felt no other sensations than those of admiration 
 and respect. 
 
 In Europe, France only knows secret enemies and hollow friends. 
 In America, she has grateful allies. Let her not, sir, for the bubble 
 of the day, cast them off; but let her avail herself of the advantages 
 she has acquired, to bind them to her. Should she, relying on her 
 own strength, never need their aid, she still will find a consolation in 
 reflecting that the sacrifices (if such they ma}^ be called) she makes, 
 are sacrifices at the altar of justice and national faith. She will cheaply 
 purchase the esteem of men and the favor of Heaven by the surrender 
 of a distant wilderness, which can neither add to her wealth nor to 
 her strength. 
 
 R. R. L. 
 
 No. 3. 
 
 January T, 1802. {'() 
 
 To . 
 
 In a conversation which I yesterday had with General Bernadotte, 1 
 find that some idea is at present entertained by the First Consul of 
 treating at Washington of the several matters I had the honor to men- 
 tion to you. I should be extremely pleased at this arrangement, because 
 I should see in it those advantages to my country which are always 
 derived from carrying on a negotiation at home, where the views of 
 the Government are clearly known, where they can avail themselves 
 of every light and information, while the Minister with whom they 
 
PUKOHASE OF THE TERKITORY OF LOUISIANA. 109 
 
 treat is isolated, and must rely on his own resources and those he 
 draws from suspicious channels. But, sir, there are circumstances 
 which, in the present instance, appear to me to counterbalance those 
 advantages, and which render it peculiarly the interest of France and 
 the United States to come to a more immediate arrangement of several 
 matters that interest them in this negotiation. 
 
 I can not conceal from you, sir, that both the Government and the 
 people of the United States are at present in such a state of mind as to 
 be tilled with doubts and jealousies with respect to the views and dis- 
 positions of France. Many among her firmest friends are ruined hj 
 the inexecution of that article of the treaty which provides for the 
 payment of their debts; many by hast}^ measures at Santo Domingo, 
 and the disregard, in some instances, of the common principles of the 
 law of nations in the decisions of the Council of Prizes. The silence of 
 the French and Spanish Governments on the subject of their intentions 
 relative to the navigation of the Mississippi and the right of entrepdi 
 at New Orleans, has given just grounds of alarm. But, sir, a circum- 
 stance has just come to my knowledge, though not officiall}^ yet in 
 such a way as leaves me little room to doubt of its authenticit}", which 
 can not fail to drive the United States into some violent measure. 
 
 "On the 20th of October, the Governor of New Orleans issued a 
 proclamation, in which, speaking of the Americans, he says they will 
 not in future be permitted to make a deposit of their cargo in New 
 Orleans, in conformit}^ to the twenty-second article of their Treaty of 
 2Tth October, 1795, which has expired." 1 have examined the treaty: 
 there is no pretense for this construction of it; and, as the right has 
 been regularly exercised till now, it will be generally believed in the 
 United States that this construction could only have been suggested 
 by a wish on the part of France to get rid of the provisions of the 
 treaty before she took possession. Now, sir, I will frankly confess to 
 you that the United States will rather hazard their very existence than 
 suffer the Mississippi to be shut against them. Of this you will easily 
 be convinced when you learn that, when their numbers were but half 
 of what they now are, and their means of defense infinitely less, their 
 instructions to their Ministers that made the first treaty with Great 
 Britain were, by no means to sign a treaty without securing the free 
 navigation of that river. You will not, therefore, be surprised if this 
 step of Spain should wind up the American people and Government 
 to so high a pitch of resentment as shall lead them to a close and 
 intimate connection with Britain, and perhaps to an immediate rupture 
 with Spain. 
 
 If, under these circumstances, an Ambassador should arrive in 
 America without being the bearer of a treaty which terminates their 
 differences, and should propose to enter upon a treaty with the Amer- 
 ican Government, they will naturally ask, why has our Minister been 
 
110 PUECHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIAIN-A. 
 
 able to effect nothing in fourteen months? Why have our debts 
 remained unpaid? Why has he received no sort of satisfaction on any 
 subject on which he has addressed himself to the Government? And 
 why does France now, at this late day, prefer making a treaty in 
 America to concluding one at home ? While, at the same time, she is 
 sending out large armies to the islands, and possessing herself of 
 Louisiana and the Floridas ? Is it not to paralyze those measures of 
 security that common prudence would suggest to the United States? 
 Is it not to stop the treaty which we are about to make relative to our 
 W^estern boundary with Great Britain ? Is it not to give France time 
 to arrange her affairs in the islands, to strengthen her ports in Amer- 
 ica? Some months will elapse before the treaty is made, and many 
 before it is ratified. What security have we that this treaty, when 
 made, will meet the approbation of the First Consul, when time has 
 made a change in circumstances? These, sir, and a thousand other 
 doubts, will arise in the minds of the citizens of the United States, and 
 they will be blown into certainties by the agents of Britain, who are to 
 be found in all our commercial towns. 
 
 There is no doubt that the Government of the United States will 
 receive with attention the French Ambassador; that they will listen to 
 his propositions; and will treat with him with pleasure upon the basis 
 I have mentioned. But they will not, on that account, cease to con- 
 sider the conclusion as very distant, or relinquish any measure that 
 they may deem it wise to pursue, in case no treaty was proposed. 
 Treating under these circumstances, I fear there will be much less 
 ground to hope a cordial and friendly intercourse than if the earliest 
 moment was embraced, and the Ambassador of France was the bearer 
 of a treaty already completed. 
 
 There are other considerations, sir, which I believe will have some 
 weight with the First Consul, if suggested to him. The terms I have 
 proposed as a basis of a treaty, are precisely those which would be 
 most repugnant to the interests of Britain. By interposing the United 
 States between Canada and the French establishments on the Missis- 
 sippi, her views upon a communication with the sea by that channel 
 are completely cut off'. By giving France the ports on the Gulf of 
 Mexico, the British islands are held in check. By interposing the 
 establishments of France between the United States and Mexico, by 
 the only practicable route, the jealousies of Spain, with respect to the 
 United States, will be calmed, and she will have in France an ally at 
 hand to protect her from the ambitious views of Britain. At present, 
 Britain feels little uneasiness about the possessions of France in Lou- 
 isiana, because, believing that they will operate to render the United 
 States enemies of France, they count upon their aid in dispossessing 
 them, and in reaping the fruits of their labor. It will be extremely 
 difficult, if a negotiation is set on foot in the United States to conduct 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITOEY OF LOUISIAlSrA. Ill 
 
 it with such secrecy as to escape the vigilance of Britain. In a pop- 
 ular Government, where she has many friends, it may not be difficult 
 to prevent success. Nor will she hesitate to make important sacrifices 
 to defeat this object. 
 
 There are other matters which, though less important, deserve con- 
 sideration. France apprehends that the rebels in the islands are 
 supplied with arms, &c. , from the United States. I trust that appre- 
 hension has hitherto been unfounded. She may wish for laws pointed 
 to this object. The party hostile to France, the person jealous and 
 suspicious of her views in their present state of irritation, may con- 
 sider her islands as the point in which she is most vulnerable; and, 
 while they decline any active part in support of the revolters, they 
 may be unwilling to see them reduced to submission. The British 
 influence will have room to opeiate on this subject. Laws pass very 
 slowly, and there are many means of obstructing their passage. But 
 a treaty is, in the United States, the most solemn of all laws. Any 
 provision that we agree upon here must be binding. If, then, a treaty 
 is formed here, the Minister, instead of having a law to solicit, in the 
 face of a thousand intrigues and jealousies, will carry the law out with 
 him, and will have only to watch over its execution. 
 
 All these, and many other reasons, which I will spare you the 
 trouble reading, suggest the propriety of finishing the treaty here, 
 and that as speedily as possible. It is certain that more light can be 
 acquired relative to that country at Paris, (if doubt should be enter- 
 tained as to my assertions,) than any foreign Minister could obtain at 
 Washington. 
 
 1 speak, sir, perhaps with too much freedom on the views of your 
 country and my own. But I speak with freedom, from a conviction of 
 the integrity of my own intentions, and the absolute certainty that 
 the measures I suggest are not less the interest of the one than of the 
 other. As no chicanery, no crooked policy, will mingle itself in our 
 treaty, one may be concluded in a week, if the Consul shall be pleased 
 to name yourself or General Bernadotte, in whose candor and infor- 
 mation I have great confidence. It would certainly be very grateful 
 to him to be the bearer of a treaty which insures him the cordial and 
 friendly reception in the United States that his mission and his merits 
 entitle him to. 
 
 1 am, sir, &c., Robert R. Livingston. 
 
 James Madison, Secretary of State, to Robert R. Livingston, Minister to 
 
 France. 
 
 • Department of State, February 23, 1803. 
 Sir: Since my last, which was of the 18th of January, I have 
 received your several letters of the 11th and 14th of November, 1802. 
 
112 PUECHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 As 3^ou will receive this from the hands of Mr. Monroe, I refer to 
 him for full information relative to our internal affairs generally, and, 
 in particular, to the violation to our right of deposit at New Orleans, 
 with the impressions and proceedings which have resulted from it. 
 
 In his hands also, are the commission and instructions in which he is 
 joined with j^ourself, to treat with the French Government for an 
 enlargement of our rights and our security in the southwestern neigh- 
 borhood of the United States. These documents, with the communi- 
 cations and explanations which Mr. Monroe will be able to add, will 
 put you in full possession of the subject. 
 
 The negotiation to be opened will bring the disposition and views 
 of the French Government to a test. If it should meet the negotia- 
 tion in a proper spirit, and with a just estimate of the real interests 
 of France, not only a favorable issue may be expected, but it will be 
 proper for 3"ou to avail yourself of the occasion, to insist on a prompt 
 and complete fulfillment of the convention, so long delayed on that 
 side, but which was so readily and so liberally executed on ours; and 
 on a fair discharge of the pecuniary engagements of every description, 
 to the citizens of the United States. 
 
 The occasion may be proper, also, for obtaining satisfaction to Cap- 
 tains Kodgers and Davidson for the outrages committed on them in 
 St. Domingo. The death of General Le Clerc will have lessened the 
 influence of his connection with the subject, in obstructing a just con- 
 sideration of it. 
 
 A return to your representations on the subject of the French navi- 
 gation laws, niaj be equally recommended bj^ the occasion. Although 
 the present session of Congress, like the last, will pass over without 
 any countervailing regulations here, it can not be doubted that the dis- 
 criminations made b}^ France, with a view to exclude our shipping 
 from a fair share in the freight of our own productions, will, and can 
 be efl'ectuall}^ counteracted by the United States, if not corrected by 
 herself. Should a disposition appear to take up the whole subject of 
 commerce between the two countries, with a view to conventional 
 regulations on just principles, the President authorizes 3^ou to express 
 a like disposition in the Government of the United States. But he 
 prefers for the discussions, this place to Paris, for the double reason 
 that the requisite commercial information could be more readily 
 gained here than there, and that a French negotiator might here be 
 more easil}^ and fully impressed with the importance of our commerce 
 to France, than could be done at Paris. Mr. Otto, it is presumed, 
 would not be an unfavorable Minister for such a business; and may, if 
 the French Government incline, bring with him the necessary author- 
 ities and instructions for entering upon it. 
 
 If, instead of these friendly sentiments and purposes, which may be 
 improved into a solid and satisfactory adjustment of the mutual inter- 
 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 113 
 
 ests of the two nations, the French Government should betray a 
 settled repugnance to just arrangements with the United States; and, 
 above all, if it should manifest or betra}^ a hostile spirit towards them, 
 or be found to meditate projects inconsistent with their rights, and, 
 consequently, leading to a rupture, not a moment is to be lost in for- 
 warding the information, in order that the measures, both external 
 and internal, adapted to such a state of things, may be seasonably 
 taken. 
 
 I have the honor, &c., James Madison. 
 
 R. R. Livingston, Esq., &c. 
 
 Mr. Madison to Mr. Monroe. 
 
 Washington, March 1, 1803. 
 
 Dear Sir, — Since you left us we have no further intelligence from 
 New Orleans, except a letter dated January 20th from the Vice Con- 
 sular agent there, from which it appears that the letters to the Gover- 
 nor and Intendant from the Spanish Minister here had arrived about 
 the 13th, and had not, on the 20th, produced the desired change in the 
 state of things. The delay, however, does not seem to have been 
 viewed by the Consul as any proof that the Intendant would not con- 
 form to the interposition. The idea continued that he had taken his 
 measures without orders from his Government. There are letters 
 (according to that from the Consul) for the Marquis Yrujo now on the 
 way by land. These will probably shew whether the Intendant will 
 yield or not. The despatch vessel which carried the Marquis's letters 
 is not yet returned. The detention of her beyond the allotted time is 
 favorably interpreted by him, on the presumption that she waits for a 
 satisfactory answer, which the pride of the Intendant postpones as long 
 as possible. 
 
 The newspapers will have informed you of the turn given to the 
 proceedings of Congress on the subject of New Orleans, &c. The 
 propositions of Mr. Ross in the Senate, which drove at war thro' a 
 delegation of unconstitutional power to the Executive, were discussed 
 very elaborately, and vjith ojyeii doors. The adversaries of them tri- 
 umphed in the debate, and threw them out by 15 votes against 11. On 
 the motion of Mr. Breckenridge, measures of expenseless or cheap 
 preparation, in the style of those which attended Mr. Jay's mission to 
 G. Britain, have been agreed on in the Senate. It is uncertain whether 
 even these will pass the House of Representatives. If they should, as 
 is, perhaps, not improper, they will not be understood as indicating 
 views that ouglit to excite suspicions or unfriendly sensations in either 
 of the Governments to which your Mission is addressed. The truth is, 
 that justice and peace prevail not only in the public councils, but in 
 H. Doc. 131 8 
 
114 PURCHASE OF THE TEREITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 the body of the community; and will continue to do so as long as the 
 conduct of other nations will permit. But France and Spain cannot be 
 too deeply impressed with the necessity of revising their relations to 
 us thro' the Mississippi, if they wish to enjoy our friendship, or pre- 
 clude a state of things which will be more formidable than any that 
 either of those powers has yet experienced. Some adjustments, such 
 as those which you have to propose, have become indispensable. The 
 whole of what we wish is not too much to secure permanent harmony 
 between the parties. Something much better than has hitherto been 
 enjoyed by the States is essential to any tolerable degree of it, even 
 for the present. * * * 
 
 [Extract.] 
 
 Mr. Madison, Secretary of State, to James Monroe. 
 
 Department of State, March ^, 1803. 
 
 Sir: You will herewith receive two commissions with the corre- 
 spondent instructions, in which j^^ou are associated as Minister Plenipo- 
 tentiary and Extraordinary to the French Republic and to His Catholic 
 Majest}^; together with the respective letters of credence to those 
 Governments. 
 
 Your mission to Madrid will depend on the event of that to Paris, 
 and on the information there to be acquired. Should the entire cession 
 in view be obtained from the French Republic, as the assignees of 
 Spain, it will not be necessary to resort to the Spanish Government. 
 Should the whole or any part of the cession be found to depend, not 
 on the French, but on the Spanish Government, you will proceed to ]oin 
 Mr. Pinckney in the requisite negotiations with the latter. Although 
 the United States are deeply interested in the complete success of 
 your mission, the Floridas, or even either of them, without the island 
 of New Orleans, on proportionate terms, will be a valuable acquisition. 
 I have the honor to be, &c., 
 
 James Madison. 
 
 James Monroe, Esq., &c. 
 
 Mr. Livingston to Mr. Madison. 
 
 Paris, March 3, 1803. 
 Dear Sir: You will receive, with this, duplicates of two letters 
 which contain a general statement of our affairs here. This is merely 
 to inform jon. that I have received your letter of the 18th of Januar}'-, 
 in which j^ou notify me of Mr. Monroe's appointment. I shall do 
 everything in my power to pave the way for him; and sincerely wish 
 
 I 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TEEEITOEY OF LOUISIAN^A. 115 
 
 his mission may be attended with the desired effect. It will, however, 
 cut off one resource on which I greatly relied; because T had estab- 
 lished a confidence which it will take Mr. Monroe some time to inspire. 
 Enclosed is a letter addressed to the First Consul himself, and sent 
 him before I heard of Mr. Monroe's appointment. The Minister told 
 me 3''esterday that I should have an answer to it in a few days. What 
 that answer will be I know not: but I have been indefatigable in my 
 applications to everybody who will probably be consulted on this 
 subject. When I arrived here 1 found Louisiana a very favorite 
 object. Some books were published representing it as a paradise. I 
 think I have greatly aided in dispelling this mania; and, had the Flori- 
 das been granted, and the necessary powers given me, I believe that 
 something might have been effected; because at this moment there is 
 not a man about the Court but inclines to our ideas upon the subject. 
 The Floridas are still in the hands of Spain. I have explained the 
 cause in my last: and not knowing how far we might succeed in our 
 negotiations, or what sacrifices you would make, I have thought it 
 best to use every exertion with the Spanish Ambassador and the British 
 Minister to obstruct that negotiation. 
 
 The person of whom you speak may be able to give you information 
 as to the expedition; because he had passed as an important inhabitant 
 of the island, and the General, &c., relied upon his aid in their money- 
 making plans. I am much surprised, however, that he should talk of 
 the designs of this Court, the price, &c. ; because these he must have 
 derived from his imagination only; as he had no means of seeing any- 
 body here that could give him the least information on those subjects. 
 I mention this that the President may not place an}^ sort of reliance 
 upon what he receives through that channel, except as it respects Gen- 
 eral Victor personally; who, I will venture to say, knows himself less 
 about what passes here than you do: and even this information he 
 must receive with some grains of allowance, as the gentleman has a 
 pretty warm imagination, and is liable to be deceived. 
 
 The armament is still icebound in Holland. 
 I am, sir, &c., 
 
 Robert R. Livingston. 
 
 Hon. James Madison, 
 
 /Secretary of State. 
 
 Mr. Livingston to Citizen Bonaparte, First Consul of France and Presi- 
 dent of the Italian Republic. 
 
 Paris, February 27, 1803. 
 Citizen First Consul and President: Though I am satisfied that 
 my notes to the Minister of Exterior Relations have been truly repre- 
 sented to you, yet as, in the immense varietj^ of important objects that 
 
116 PUEOHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 occupy your time and attention, they may have escaped 3^our memory, 
 I can not justify myself to my Government without making every 
 effort to bring them under your view; since I consider the object of 
 them as too closely connected with that harmony which can not be indif- 
 ferent to two countries whose physical and political relations enable 
 them to be mutually serviceable to each other. And 1 find that it has 
 not been unusual, upon great occasions, for the Ministers of foreign 
 Powers to address themselves directly to you. This I prefer to do by 
 letter, rather than by personal conference; as well because I consider it 
 as more saving of your time, as because 1 feared that my imperfect 
 knowledge of the French language would have prevented me from 
 expressing myself with the clearness I might wish. 
 
 I pass over, citizen First Consul, a variety of circumstances of minor 
 importance, and, which, without being useful to France, serve to dis- 
 tress the commerce and the mercantile citizens of the United States, 
 which have, at different times, been represented to the Minister for 
 Foreign Affairs, and others of your Ministers, without having hitherto 
 met with the attention they merited. I presume, when a negotiation 
 shall be set on foot for the arrangements on great points, smaller ones 
 will meet with little difficulty. 
 
 The claims of the American citizens against the Government of 
 France, are so well founded that no administration that ever prevailed 
 in France has refused to recognize them; and even after the debts of 
 the citizens of France were reduced by the law of 24th Frimaire, year 
 6, the Government declared that those due to foreigners were not 
 comprised in the regulation; for this obvious reason, doubtless, that 
 they were not to be benefited by the revolution, and that those only 
 would be justly charged with the expenses to whom the advantages 
 were to result; and they accordingly reported, that a large sum should 
 be applied to the discharge of the demands of foreigners; who were 
 only deprived of the benefit of the report by the change that was after- 
 wards effected in the constitution. In this report France pursued 
 the example of good faith set by the United States of America, who, 
 in the fiscal arrangements, which necessity compelled them to adopt, 
 respected the rights of foreigners, and paid their contracts, with the 
 most scrupulous exactitude, in specie, while their own citizens were 
 compelled to acquiesce in those arrangements which the general 
 interest of their country (in whose prosperity they were benefited) 
 rendered necessary. 
 
 If, sir, the validity of claims could be tested either by the advan- 
 tages received by the debtor, or the loss sustained by the creditor, 
 none can stand upon stronger ground than those of American citizens 
 against France. They are chiefly founded upon contracts, for articles 
 of the first necessity, furnished when they were most needed, and 
 when the want of them would have plunged France in the utmost 
 
PFECHASE OF THE TEEKITORY OF LOUISIANA. 117 
 
 distress. They were furnislied, too^ at the greatest risk to the pro- 
 prietor, and to so little comparative advantage to the furnisher, that 
 those who either from political motives, or from juster combination, 
 carried similar commodities to Britain or neutral ports, have been 
 enriched, while those whose enthusiasm in the cause of France led 
 them to seek her harbors will, if strictly paid their capital and interest, 
 be barely snatched from ruin. It was this predilection, too, in favor 
 of France, that furnished Britain with a pretense to commit those 
 depredations on our commerce, by which it so materially suffered, but 
 which, indeed, ever attentive to the preservation of her interests in 
 the United States, she is, of late, very amply compensating by full 
 payment of principal, interest, and damages, for any illegal capture 
 made during the war; while compensation for those which fell under 
 that description in France have, in a great measure, been given up by 
 the late convention; and that due for the remaining few, which ought 
 to have been satisfied by that treaty, have been eluded by some very 
 extraordinary decisions of the Council of Prizes, or by that delay 
 which all the claims of American citizens have hitherto met with. 
 
 But, citizen First Consul, it is not now necessary to state the jus- 
 tice of American claims : this has been solemnly recognized by a treaty 
 which expressly stipulates for their payment, and distinguishes the 
 claims of American citizens from those of ever}^ other nation. This 
 treat}^ had been carried into effect in the United States, the Govern- 
 ment of which, not allowing themselves to doubt the good faith of 
 France, paid into the hands of the agent of France, and upon his appli- 
 cation, a very considerable sum of money, even before it could be 
 strictly claimed under the treaty, and at the moment when her own 
 citizens were entitled to a considerable balance to France; listening, 
 in this transaction, only to those sentiments of good will w^hich 
 influence the conduct of the present Government of the United States 
 toward France, and to her wish to aid her military operations. 
 
 There may be cases, citizen First Consul, in which the necessities 
 of a nation may compel her to leave the obligations of a treaty unful- 
 filled; but, after the flattering picture which is daily exhibited of the 
 prosperity of France, I trust that no such necessity exists here; but, 
 were it otherwise, I am persuaded that you will think that the nation 
 who pleads her necessities for the breach of her treaties can not, with 
 honor, avail herself of advantages to be drawn from those treaties. 
 
 France would never have permitted her Minister to claim a payment 
 under the treat}^, if she had not determined also, on her part, to pay 
 all that was due from her in virtue of it. 
 
 Your signature, citizen First Consul, the attention j^ou manifested 
 to remove ambiguities, by the form under which you were pleased to 
 ratify it, gave a peculiar weight to the treat}^ because they show that 
 it was naturally examined by j^ou, and not passed over in the hurry of 
 
118 PUEOHASE OF THE TEREITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 other business. But, sir, the receiving money under it is such a con- 
 summation of the act, as would make it criminal in me to doubt jour 
 ultimate intention to fulfill it. 
 
 If, sir, justice, if good faith, and those considerations of magna- 
 nimity which influence great nations, urge the immediate fulfillment 
 of the treaty, the wisdom of the provision which stipulates for the dis- 
 charge of the debt is evinced by its being more consistent even with 
 the pecuniary interest of France to make the fullest payment under it, 
 than it would have been to have canceled the debt by the treaty. 
 How early, and how happily soever the war may terminate in the 
 islands, it will take many years before this capital is restored, and the 
 waste of war repaired. 
 
 During the whole of this period considerable supplies must be 
 obtained from the United States. Let them stand at the moderate 
 sum of twenty millions annually. This must be paid either in specie 
 shipped from France, or by credits obtained in the United States. The 
 interest of monej^, as applied to any improvement in agriculture or 
 manufactures in France, is at least worth eight per cent. ; the loss upon 
 the French coin shipped to the United States, is not less than two and 
 one-half per cent., the risk or insurance two and one-half, the time the 
 money must be unemployed before it is shipped in its transit and in 
 America, will average about six months; which makes, at the rate of 
 eight per cent, interest, four per cent. : these difi'erent sums make the 
 loss upon the shipment of money to America not less than nine per 
 cent. This, upon twenty millions, is one million eight hundred thou- 
 sand, whereas, the American debt, principal and interest, computing it 
 at twentji^ millions, if funded, would only require one million to dis- 
 charge the interest; and in case this debt was funded, it would be 
 unnecessary to ship Siuy money: for, in that case, the credit of France 
 would be so firmly established, that money might be obtained in any 
 part of America for Government bills, at the current rate of exchange, 
 which is generally in favor of the commercial nations of Europe, but 
 would, in no event, amount to more than three per cent. ; upon which, 
 supposing -the bills were drawn at sixty days, France would receive an 
 actual profit to more than this amount in the use of money in America, 
 many months before it became payable in France. 
 
 But this consideration, citizen First Consul, is trifling when com- 
 pared to the advantage France would derive from keeping her money 
 at home, where it is so much needed to invigorate her commerce and 
 manufactures, and from the facilities that payments made here to 
 American merchants would afford, in the extension of their commerce 
 with France; notwithstanding the loss that the American creditor 
 would sustain by receiving stock instead of money, after so many 
 years of delay, yet, accommodating themselves to the circumstances of 
 the nation, they would readilj^ acquiesce in accepting that species of 
 
 
PUECHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 119 
 
 payment, if none more advantageous can be conveniently offered by 
 the Government. Nor can I, citizen First Consul, see but one possible 
 objection to placing the American debt upon the five per cent stock; 
 the trifling interest can certainly be no consideration, unless the Gov- 
 ernment should apprehend a depression of the stock by the quantity 
 of American debt that their necessities may induce them to throw into 
 the market. But, sir, this may be easily guarded against, if some plan 
 should be adopted, which, having a reference to Louisiana, may render 
 the United States debtor to France for a greater amount than what is 
 due to their citizens; in which case, I am prepared to enter into stipu- 
 lations for such provisions as will prevent any possible depression of 
 the French funds. Or if, citizen First Consul, you should not think 
 it proper to treat upon the affairs of Louisiana, as having any reference 
 to this object, still it will be easy (by compelling the American 
 creditors to subscribe, in the name of some trustee that shall be 
 appointed by their minister,) to prevent any sale of the stock they hold, 
 under a limited price, or within a limited time. 
 
 The next object that has awakened the sensibilities of the United 
 States is, the change that is about to take place in the situation of 
 Louisiana, heightened, as they are, by the silence which the Govern- 
 ments of France and Spain have observed, and still observe, with 
 respect to their treaty, and the rights that the United States claim, and 
 have long exercised, at New Orleans. I have pressed the Minister to 
 some pointed declaration on the subject of our right of depot at New 
 Orleans, on the limits as settled with Spain, and on the navigation of 
 the Mississippi; for though it necessarily follows that those rights can 
 not be injured by a change of jurisdiction, yet it would have been 
 highly satisfactory to the United States to have received some such 
 assurances upon these subjects as would haye shown that the treaty 
 between them and Spain was clearl}^ understood, and served to over- 
 awe such of the officers of Government, as, emboldened by their dis- 
 tance from the Sovereign, might act from their own impressions. A 
 recent event, citizen First Consul, has demonstrated the extreme sensi- 
 bility of the United States on this subject. The Intendant of New , 
 Orleans having thought it proper to withdraw the right of depot, 
 secured to the citizens of the United States by the Treaty of Madrid, 
 a spirit of resentment has been manifested from one end of the Union 
 to the other, and nothing but the interposition of the Spanish Minis - 
 ter, the disavowal of the act by the Governor of New Orleans, and the 
 extreme solicitude of the American Government to avoid everything 
 which might have a tendency to interrupt the harmony which at pres- 
 ent so happily subsists between the United States and every Power in 
 Europe, could have prevented an immediate recurrence to arms; nor 
 am I now without apprehension that, if nothing is done to calm their 
 anxiety before the season for bringing down the produce of the coun- 
 
120 PUECHASE OF TBE TEREITORY OF LOUISIAT^A. 
 
 try occurs, the Government will be compelled to follow the impulse of 
 the people. Under these circumstances, citizen First Consul, it can 
 not appear improper, prizing, as I do, the connextion between our 
 respective countries, to press for some such explicit and early declara- 
 tion on the subject of our rights as will serve to calm the anxiety of the 
 United States. Should the agents of France, who are to take posses- 
 sion of the Colony, continue the regulations in the face of the treaty 
 which they may find established by the Spanish Intendant, a fatal 
 blow will be struck at the future peace and harmony of both countries. 
 That 1 may not intrude too far upon your patience, I will merely take 
 the liberty to transport such loose hints as you may possibly think 
 might be improved into some arrangements, alike useful to France 
 and the United States, should you deem it proper to appoint some per- 
 son to treat with me on this subject. But, in the meantime, as the 
 moments are precious, and the United States will suffer extremely in 
 their commerce, if the officers of France, who are directed to take 
 possession, should not be explicitl}^ instructed to respect the right of 
 r navigation and depot claimed by the United States, I must earnestly 
 i solicit some treaty; explanatory of the terms on which France has 
 ) received the cession of Louisiana from Spain, and recognizing the 
 rights of the United States. Should you, citizen First Consul, vol- 
 untarily add, as an expression of your good will, provisionally, in case 
 the cession of the Floridas should be completed, a grant to the United 
 States of the free passage through the rivers Mobile aud Pensacola, 
 together with a right of depot at their mouths, you would, while you 
 were serving the commerce of France, confer an obligation on the 
 United States that would greatly tend to strengthen the bands of 
 friendship between the allied nations. For though the commerce 
 of these rivers is, at present, very insignificant, yet, at some future 
 period, when the country settles, it may become more important; and, 
 in the meantime, the cession would derive considerable value from 
 the evidence it would afford to the United States of your friendly 
 disposition. 
 
 / That France will never derive any advantage from the colonization 
 / of New Orleans and the Floridas, is fairly to be presumed, from their 
 / having been possessed, for more than a century past, by three differ- 
 ' ent nations. While the other colonies of these nations were increasing 
 rapidly, these have always remained weak and languid and an expen- 
 sive burden to the possessor. Even at this moment, with all the 
 advantages that New Orleans has derived from foreign capital, and an 
 accession of inhabitants from the United States, which has brought its 
 free population to about 7,000 souls, the whole of the inhabitants east 
 of the Mississippi does not more than double that number; and those, 
 too, are, for the most part, poor and miserable; and there are physical 
 reasons that must forever render them inadequate to their own sup- 
 
 \ 
 
PUECHASE OF THE TEEEITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 121 
 
 port, in -the hands of any European nation. They are, however, 
 important to the United States, because they contain the mouths of 
 some of their rivers, which must make them the source of continual 
 disputes. The interest that the United States attach, citizen First 
 Consul, to your friendship, and the alliance of France, is the principal 
 cause of their anxiety to procure your consent to their accession of 
 that country, and of the sacrifices that they are willing- to make to 
 attain it. They consider it as the only possible ground of collision 
 between nations whom so many other interests unite. I can not, then, 
 citizen First Consul, but express my doubt of any advantage to be 
 derived to France from the retaining of that country in its whole 
 extent; and I think I could show that her true interest would lead her J 
 to make such cessions out of them to the United States as would at \ 
 once afford supplies to her islands, without draining the money of | 
 France, and rivet the friendship of the United States, by removing all 
 ground of jealousy relative to a country of little value in itself, and 
 which will be perpetually exposed to the attacks of her natural enemy, 
 as well from Canada as by sea. 
 
 Should this idea not be so fortunate as to meet your approbation, 
 there are still a variety of views in which, by a partial cession, perma- 
 nent commercial advantages may be acquired; but it would be to 
 intrude too much upon your time to detail them here, deeming them 
 more proper subjects for discussion, if you should think it proper to 
 render them the objects of a treaty. 
 
 Permit me, citizen First Consul, before 1 conclude, to mention a 
 circumstance which embraces the interest both of France and the 
 United States, and of hum.lnit3^ The savages on the east side of the 
 Mississippi are numerous and brave; considerable sums of money are 
 annually expended by Spain in purchasing their friendship. Should 
 these supplies be withheld, through neglect or misapplication, a uni- 
 versal massacre of all the planters will ensue. Their detached situation 
 renders it impossible to protect them. I am the more emboldened in 
 making this observation, from the interest the United States have in 
 turning your attention to this object, since, should this melancholy 
 event take place, malignity, or those whose negligence or infidelity 
 may have occasioned it, will not fail to impute it to the intrigues of 
 the United States. 
 
 I pray you, citizen First Consul, to pardon the length of this letter, 
 which you will have the goodness to attribute to my extreme anxiety 
 to remove all causes of dispute between France and the country I 
 represent, and to my conviction that some early and effectual arrange- 
 ments are necessary to prevent those that already exist from growing 
 to an alarming height. No evil can possibly arise from empowering 
 the Minister, oi such other person as you shall please, to treat with 
 me on the subject of New Orleans; since even the appointment itself 
 
122 PUECHASE OF THE TEKEITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 will have a conciliatory appearance, and you, citizen First Consul, 
 will govern the negotiation, in which, I trust, nothing will be proposed 
 on my part, that will not be equally beneficial to both France and the 
 United States. 
 
 I have the honor, citizen First Consul, to remain, with the most 
 profound respect and the highest consideration, your most obedient, 
 humble servant, 
 
 Robert R. Livingston. 
 
 The Secretary of State to Messrs. Livingston and Monroe. 
 
 Department of State, March ^, 1803. 
 
 Gentlemen: You will herewith receive a commission and letters of 
 credence, one of you as Minister Plenipotentiaiy, the other as Minister 
 Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary, to treat with the Government of 
 the French Republic on the subject of the Mississippi, and the terri- 
 tories eastward thereof, and without the limits of the United States. 
 The object in view is to procure, by just and satisfactoiy arrangements, 
 a cession to the United States of New Orleans, and of West and East 
 Florida, or as much thereof as the actual proprietor can be prevailed 
 on to part with. 
 
 The French Republic is understood to have become the proprietor, 
 
 by a cession from Spain, in the year , of New Orleans, as part of 
 
 Louisiana, if not of the Floridas also. If the Floridas should not have 
 been then included in the cession, it is not improbable that they will 
 have been since added to it. 
 
 It is foreseen that you may have considerable difiiculty in overcom- 
 ing the repugnance and the prejudices of the French Government 
 against a transfer to the United States of so important a part of the 
 acquisition. The apparent solicitude and exertions, amidst many em- 
 barrassing circumstances, to carry into effect the cession made to the 
 French Republic; the reserve so long used on this subject by the French 
 Government, in its communications with the Minister of the United 
 States at Paris, and the declaration finallj^ made by the French Minister 
 of Foreign Relations, that it was meant to take possession before any 
 overtures from the United States would be discussed, show the import- 
 ance which is attached to the territories in question. On the other 
 hand, as the United States have the strongest motives of interest, and 
 of a pacific policy, to seek by just means the establishment of the Mis- 
 sissippi, down to its mouth, as their boundarj'-, so there are considera- 
 tions which urge on France a concurrence in so natural and so con- 
 venient an arrangement. 
 
 Notwithstanding the circumstances which have been thought to 
 indicate, in the French Government, designs of unjust encroachment, 
 
PUECHASE OF THE TEERITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 123 
 
 and even direct hostility, on the United States, it is scarcely possible 
 to reconcile a polic}^ of that sort with an}^ motives which can be pre- 
 sumed to sway either the Government or the nation. To say nothing 
 of the assurances given both by the French Minister at Paris, and by 
 the Spanish Minister at Madrid, that the cession by Spain to France 
 was understood to carry with it all the conditions stipulated by the 
 former to the United States, the manifest tendency of hostile measures 
 against the United States to connect their councils -and their colossal 
 growth with the great and formidable rival of France, can neither 
 escape her discernment, nor be disregarded by her prudence, and 
 might alone be expected to produce very different views in the 
 Government. 
 
 On the supposition that the French Government does not mean to 
 force or to court war with the United States, but, on the contrary, that 
 it sees the interest which France has in cultivating their neutrality and 
 amity, the dangers to so desirable a relation between the two countries 
 which lurk under a neighborhood modified as is that of Spain at pres- 
 ent, must have great weight in recommending the change which you 
 will have to propose. These dangers have been always sufficiently 
 evident; and have, moreover, been repeatedly suggested by collisions 
 between the stipulated rights or reasonable expectations of the United 
 States and the Spanish jurisdiction at New Orleans. But they have 
 been brought more strikingly into view by the late proceeding of the 
 Intendant at that place. The sensibility and unanimity in our nation, 
 which have appeared on this occasion, must convince France that 
 friendship and peace with us must be precarious until the Mississippi 
 shall be made the boundary between the United States and Louisiana; 
 and consequently render the present moment favorable to the object 
 with which you are charged. 
 
 The time chosen for the experiment is pointed out also by other 
 important considerations. The instability of the peace of Europe, the 
 attitude taken by Great Britain, the languishing state of the French 
 finances, and the absolute necessity of either abandoning the West 
 India islands, or of sending thither large armaments at great expense, 
 all contribute at the present crisis to prepare in the French Govern- 
 ment a disposition to listen to an arrangement which will at once dry 
 up one source of foreign controvers}^, and furnish some aid in strug- 
 gling with internal embarrassments. It is to be added, that the over- 
 tures committed to you coincide in great measure with the ideas of the 
 person through whom the letter of the President of April 30, 1802, 
 was conveyed to Mr. Livingston, and who is presumed to have gained 
 some insight into the present sentiments of the French Cabinet. 
 
 Among the considerations which have led the French Government 
 into the project of regaining from Spain the province of Louisiana, 
 
124 PUECHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 and which you may find it necessary to meet in your discussions, the 
 following suggest themselves as highly probable: 
 
 First. A jealousy of the Atlantic States, as leaning to a coalition with 
 Great Britain not consistent with neutrality and amity toward France, 
 and a belief that, by holding the key to the commerce of the Missis- 
 sippi, she will be able to command the interests and attachments of the 
 western portion of the United States, and thereby either control the 
 Atlantic portion also, or, if that can not be done, to seduce the former 
 into a separate Government and a close alliance with herself. 
 
 In each of these particulars the calculation is founded in error. 
 
 It is not true that the Atlantic States lean toward any connexion 
 with Great Britain inconsistent with their amicable relations to France. 
 Their dispositions and their interests equally prescribe to them amit}^ 
 and impartiality to both of those nations. If a departure from this 
 simple and salutary line of policy should take place, the causes of it 
 will be found in the unjust or unfriendly conduct experienced from 
 one or other of them. In general, it may be remarked, that there are 
 many points on which the interests and views of the United States and 
 of Great Britain may not be thought to coincide, as can be discovered in 
 relation to France. If less harmony and confidence should, therefore, 
 prevail between France and the United States than may be maintained 
 between Great Britain and the United States, the difference will lie, 
 not in the want of motives, drawn from the mutual advantage of the 
 two nations, but in the want of favorable dispositions in the Govern- 
 ment of one or other of them. That the blame, in this respect, will 
 not justl}^ fall on the Government of the United States, is sufficiently 
 demonstrated by the mission, and the objects with which you are now 
 charged. 
 
 The French Government is not less mistaken, if it supposes that the 
 Western part of the United States can be withdrawn from their pres- 
 ent union with the Atlantic part into a separate Government, closely 
 allied with France. 
 
 Our Western fellow-citizens are bound to the Union, not only by 
 the ties of kindred and affection, which for a long time will derive 
 strength from the stream of emigration peopling that region, but by 
 two considerations which flow from clear and essential interests. 
 
 One of these considerations is, the passage through the Atlantic 
 ports of the foreign merchandise consumed by the Western inhabitants, 
 and the payment thence made to a treasury, in which they would lose 
 their participation by erecting a separate Government. The bulky 
 productions of the Western country maj continue to pass down the 
 Mississippi; but the difficulties of the ascending navigation of that 
 river, however free it may be made, will cause the imports for con- 
 sumption to pass through the Atlantic States. This is the course 
 through which the}^ are now received; nor will the impost to which 
 
PUECHASE OF THE TEERITORY OF LOUISIANA. 125 
 
 they will be subject change the course, even if the passage up the 
 Mississippi should be duty free. It will not equal the difference in 
 the freight through the latter channels. It is true that mechanical 
 and other improvements in the navigation of the Mississippi may 
 lessen the labor and expense of ascending the stream; but it is not the 
 least probable, that savings of this sort will keep pace with the improve- 
 ments in canals and roads, by which the present course of impost will 
 be favored. Let it be added, that the loss of the contributions thus 
 made to a foreign treasury would be accompanied with the necessity 
 of providing, by less convenient revenues, for the expense of a sepa- 
 rate Government, and of the defensive precautions required by the 
 change of situation. 
 
 The other of these considerations results from the insecurity to 
 which the trade from the Mississippi would be exposed by such a revo- 
 lution in the western part of the United States. A connection of the 
 Western people, as a separate State, with France, implies a connexion 
 between the Atlantic States and Great Britain. It is found, from long 
 experience, that France and Great Britain are nearly half their time 
 at war. The case would be the same with their allies. During nearly 
 one-half the time, therefore, the trade of the Western country 
 from the Mississippi would have no protection but that of France, 
 and would suffer all the interruptions which nations having the com- 
 mand of the sea could inflict on it. 
 
 It will be the more impossible for France to draw the Western 
 country under her influence, by conciliatory regulations of the trade 
 through the Mississippi; because regulations which would be regarded 
 by her as liberal, and claiming returns of gratitude, would be viewed 
 on the other side as falling short of justice. If this should not be 
 at first the case, it soon would be so. The Western people believe, as 
 do their Atlantic brethren, that they have a natural and indefeasible 
 right to trade freely through the Mississippi. They are conscious of 
 their power to enforce this right against any nation whatever. With 
 these ideas in their minds, it is evident that France will not be able to 
 excite either a sense of favor, or of fear, that would establish an ascend- 
 ency over them. On the contrary, it is more than probable, that the 
 different views of their respective rights would quickly lead to disap- 
 pointments and disgusts on both sides, and thence to collisions and 
 controversies fatal to the harmony of the two nations. To guard 
 against these consequences is a primar^^ motive with the United States 
 in wishing the arrangement proposed. As France has equal reasons 
 to guard against them, she ought to feel an equal motive to concur in 
 the arrangement. 
 
 Secondly. The advancement of the commerce of France, by an estab- 
 lishment on the Mississippi, has, doubtless, great weight with the 
 Government in espousing this project. 
 
126 PURCHASE OF THE TEREITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 The commerce through the Mississippi will consist, first, of that of 
 the United States; second, of that of the adjacent territories to be 
 acquired by France. 
 
 The first is now, and must for ages continue, the principal com- 
 merce. As far as the faculties of France will enable her to share in 
 it, the article to be proposed to her, on the part of the United States, 
 on that subject, promises every advantage she can desire. It is a fair 
 calculation that, under the proposed arrangement, her commercial 
 opportunities would be extended rather than diminished; inasmuch as' 
 our present right of deposit gives her the same competitors as she 
 would then have, and the effect of the more rapid settlement of the 
 Western country, consequent on that arrangement, would proportion- 
 ally augment the mass of commerce to be shared by her. 
 
 The other portion of commerce, with the exception of the island of 
 New Orleans, and the contiguous ports of West Florida, depends on 
 the territory westward of the Mississippi, ^^'ith respect to this por- 
 tion, it will be little affected by the cession desired by the United 
 States. The footing proposed for her commerce, on the shore to be 
 ceded, gives it every advantage she could reasonably wish, during a 
 period within which she will be able to provide every requisite estab- 
 lishment on the right shore, which, according to the best information, 
 possesses the same facilities for such establishments as are found on 
 the island of New Orleans itself. These circumstances essentially 
 distinguish the situation of the French commerce in the Mississippi, 
 after a cession of New Orleans to the United States, from the situation 
 of the commerce of the United States, without such a cession; their 
 right of deposit being so much more circumscribed, and their territory 
 on the Mississippi not reaching low enough for a commercial estab- 
 lishment on the shore, within their present limits. 
 
 There remain to be considered the commerce of the ports in the 
 Floridas. With respect to this branch the advantages which will be 
 secured to France by the proposed arrangement ought to be satisfac- 
 tory. She will here also derive a greater share from the increase 
 which will be given, by a more rapid settlement of a fertile territory, 
 to the exports and imports through those ports, than she would obtain 
 from any restrictive use she could make of those ports as her own 
 property. But this is not all. The United States have a just claim to 
 the use of the rivers which pass from their territories through the 
 Floridas. They found their claim on like principles with those which 
 supported their claim to the use of the Mississippi. If the length of 
 these rivers be not in the same proportion with that of the Mississippi, 
 the difference is balanced by the circumstance that both banks, in the 
 former case, belong to the United States. 
 
 With a view to permanent harmony between the two nations, a ces- 
 sion of the Floridas is particularly to be desired, as obviating serious 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TEERITORY OF LOUISIANA. 127 
 
 controversies that might otherwise grow even out of the regulations, 
 however liberal in the opinion of France, which she may establish at 
 the mouths of those rivers. One of the rivers, the Mobile, is said 
 to be at present navigable for four hundred miles above the thirty- 
 first degree of north latitude, and the navigation may no doubt be 
 opened still further. On all of them, the country within the boundary 
 of the United States, though otherwise between that and the sea, is 
 fertile. Settlements on it are beginning; and the people have already 
 called on the Government to procure the proper outlets to foreign 
 markets. The President, accordingly, gave, some time ago, the proper 
 instructions to the Minister of the United States at Madrid. In fact, 
 our free communication with the sea through those channels is so 
 natural, so reasonable, and so essential, that, eventually, it must take 
 place: and in prudence, therefore, ought to be amicably and effectually 
 adjusted without delay. 
 
 Third. A further object with France may be, to form a colonial 
 establishment having a convenient relation to her West India islands, 
 and forming an independent source of supplies for them. 
 
 This object ought to weigh but little against the cession we wish to 
 obtain, for two reasons: first, because the country which the cession 
 will leave in her hands on the right side of the Mississippi is capable 
 of employing more than all the faculties she can spare for such an 
 object, and of yielding all the supplies which she could expect or wish 
 from such an establishment: second, because in times of general peace 
 she will be sure of receiving whatever supplies her islands may want, 
 from the United States, and even through the Mississippi, if more 
 convenient to her; because in time of peace with the United States, 
 though of war with Great Britain, the same sources will be open to her, 
 whilst her own would be interrupted; and because in case of a war with 
 the United States, which is not likely to happen without a concurrent 
 war with Great Britain, (the only case in which she could need a dis- 
 tinct fund of supplies,) the entire command of the sea, and of the trade 
 through the Mississippi, would be against her, and would cut off the 
 source in question. She would consequently never need the aid of her 
 new colony, but when she could make little or no use of it. 
 
 There may be other objects with France in the projected acquisition; 
 but they are probably such as would be either satisfied by a reservation 
 to herself of the country on the right side of the Mississippi, or are of 
 too subordinate a character to prevail against the plan of adjustment 
 we have in view, in case other difficulties in the way of it can be over- 
 come. The principles and outlines of this plan are as follows, viz: 
 
 Article 1. France cedes to the United States forever the territory 
 east of the river Mississippi, comprehending the two Floridas, the 
 island of New Orleans, and the islands lying to the north and east of 
 that channel of the said river, which is commonly called the South Pass, 
 
128 PURCHASE OF THE TERKITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 together with all such other islands as appertain to either West or East 
 Florida; France reserving- to herself all her territory on the west side 
 of the Mississippi. 
 
 Art. 2. The boundary between the territory ceded and reserved by 
 France, shall be a continuation of that already defined above the thirty- 
 first degree of north latitude, viz: the middle of the channel or bed of 
 the river through the said South Pass to the sea. The navigation of 
 the river Mississippi in its whole breadth from its source to the ocean, 
 and in all its passages to and from the same shall be equally free and 
 common of the United States and of the French Republic. 
 
 Art. 3. The vessels and citizens of the French Republic may exer- 
 cise commerce to and at such places on their respective shores below 
 the said thirty-first degree of north latitude as may be allowed for 
 that use by the parties to their respective citizens and vessels. And 
 it is agreed that no other nation shall be allowed to exercise commerce 
 to or at the same or any other place on either shore, below the said 
 thirty-first degree of latitude. For the term of ten years, to be com- 
 puted from the exchange of ratifications hereof, the citizens, vessels, 
 and merchandises of the United States, and of France, shall be subject 
 to no other duties on their respective shores, below the said thirty-first 
 degree of latitude, than are imposed on their own citizens, vessels, and 
 merchandises. No duty whatever shall, after the expiration of ten 
 years, be laid on articles the growth or manufacture of the United 
 States, or of the ceded territory, exported through the Mississippi in 
 French vessels; so long as such articles so exported in vessels of the 
 United States shall be exempt from duty: nor shall French vessels 
 exporting such articles ever afterwards be subject to pay a higher 
 duty than vessels of the United States. 
 
 Art. 4. The citizens of France may, for the term of ten years, 
 deposit their efl'ects at New Orleans, and at such other places on the 
 ceded shore of the Mississippi, as are allowed for the commerce of the 
 United States, without paying any_ other duty than a fair price for 
 the hire of stores. 
 
 Art. 5. In ports of commerce of West and East Florida, France 
 shall never be on a worse footing than the most favored nation; and 
 for the term of ten years her vessels and merchandise shall be subject 
 therein to. no higher duties than are paid by those of the United 
 States. Articles of the growth or manufacture of the United States, 
 and of the ceded territory, exported in French vessels from any port 
 in West or East Florida, shall be exempt from duty as long as vessels 
 of the United States shall enjoy this exemption. 
 
 Art. 6. The United States, in consideration of the cession of terri- 
 tory made by this treaty, shall pay to France millions of livres 
 
 tournois, in the manner following, viz: They shall pay -millions 
 
 of livres tournois immediately on the exchange of the ratifications 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 129 
 
 hereof; they shall assume, in such order of priority as the Govern- 
 ment of the United States may approve, the payment of claims which 
 have been or may be acknowledged by the French Republic to be due 
 to American citizens, or so much thereof as, with the payment to be 
 made on the exchange of ratifications, will not exceed the sum of 
 
 ; and in case a balance should remain due after such payment and 
 
 assumption, the same shall be paid at the end of one year from the 
 final liquidation of the claim hereby assumed, which shall be payable 
 in three equal annual payments, the first of which is to take place one 
 year after the exchange of ratifications, or they shall bear interest, at 
 the rate of 6 per cent, per annum, from the dates of such intended pay- 
 ments, until they shall be discharged. All the above-mentioned pay- 
 ments shall be made at the Treasury of the United States, and at the 
 rate of one dollar and ten cents for every six livres tournois. 
 
 Art. 7. To incorporate the inhabitants of the hereby ceded territory 
 with the citizens of the United States on an equal footing, being a 
 provision which can not now be made, it is to be expected, from the 
 character and policy of the United States, that such incorporation will 
 take place without unnecessary delay. In the meantime they shall be 
 secure in their persons and property, and in the free enjoyment of their 
 religion. 
 
 OBSERVATIONS ON THE PLAN. 
 
 1st. As the cession to be made b}^ France in this case must rest 
 on the cession made to her by Spain, it might be proper that Spain 
 should be a party to the transaction. The objections, however, to 
 delay, require that nothing more be asked on our part than either an 
 exhibition and recital of the treaty between France and Spain, or an 
 engagement on the part of France, that the accession of Spain will be 
 given. Nor will it be advisable to insist even on this much, if attended 
 with difficulty or delay, unless there be ground to suppose that Spain 
 will contest the validity of the transaction. 
 
 2d. The plan takes for granted, also, that the Treaty of 1795, 
 between the United States and Spain, is to lose none of its force in 
 behalf of the former, by any transactions whatever between the latter 
 and France. No change, it is evident, will be, or can be admitted to 
 be produced in that treaty, or in the arrangements carried into effect 
 under it, further than it may be superceded by stipulations between 
 the United States and France, who will stand in the place of Spain. 
 It will not be amiss to insist on an express recognition of this by 
 France as an effectual bar against pretexts of any sort, not compatible 
 with the stipulations of Spain. 
 
 3d. The first of the articles proposed, in defining the cession, refers 
 to the south pass of the Mississippi, and to the islands north and east 
 of that channel. As this is the most navigable of the several chan- 
 H. Doc. 431 9 
 
130 PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 nels, as well as the most direct course to the sea, it is expected that 
 it will not be objected to. It is of the greater importance to make it 
 the boundar}^, because several islands will be thereby acquired, one of 
 which is said to command this channel, and to be alread}^ fortified. 
 The article expressl}^ includes also the islands appertaining to the 
 Floridas. To this there can be no objection. The islands within six 
 leagues of the shore are the subject of a British proclamation in the 
 year 1T63, subsequent to the cession of the Floridas to Great Britain 
 by France, which is not known to have ever been called in question 
 hj either France or Spain. 
 
 The second article requires no particular observations. 
 
 Article three is one whose import may be expected to undergo the 
 severest scrutin3^ The modification to be desired is that which, whilst 
 it provides for the interests of the United States, will be acceptable 
 to France, and will give no just ground of complaint and the least of 
 discontent to Oreat Britain. 
 
 The present form of the article ought, and probably will be, satis- 
 factory to France: first, because it secures to her all the commercial 
 advantages in the river which she can well desire; secondly, because it 
 leaves her free to contest the mere navigation of the river by Great 
 Britain, without the consent of France. 
 
 The article, also, in its present form, violates no right of Great Brit- 
 ain, nor can she reasonabl}^ expect of the United States that they will 
 contend, beyond their obligation, for her interest, at the expense of 
 their own. As far as Great Britain can claim the use of the river under 
 her treaties with us, or b}^ virtue of contiguous territory, the silence 
 of the article on that subject leaves the claim unaffected. As far again 
 as she is entitled under the treat}^ of 1794, to the use of our bank of 
 the Mississippi above the thirt}" -first degree of north latitude, her title 
 will be equally entire. The article stipulates against her only in its 
 exclusion of her commerce from the bank to be ceded below our 
 present limits. To this she can not of right object. First, because, 
 the territory not belonging to the United States at the date of our 
 treat}^ with her, is not included in its stipulations. Secondly, because 
 the privileges to be enjoyed by France are for a consideration which 
 Great Britain has not given and can not give. Thirdly, because the 
 exclusion in this case being a condition on which the territory will be 
 ceded and accepted, the right to communicate the privilege to Great 
 Britain will never have been vested in the United States. But although 
 these reasons fully justify the article in its relation to Great Britain, 
 it will be advisable, before it be proposed, to feel the pulse of the French 
 Government with respect to a stipulation, that each of the parties may, 
 without the consent of the other, admit whomsoever it pleases to navi- 
 gate the river and trade with their respective shores, on the same terms 
 as in other parts of France and the United States, and ^s t^ a,s the^ 
 
PUECHASE OF THE TERRITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 131 
 
 disposition of that Government will concur, to vary the proposition 
 according■l3^ It is not probable that this concurrence will be given, 
 but the trial to obtain it will not only manifest a friendly regard to the 
 wishes of Great Britain, and, if successful, furnish a future price for 
 privileges within her grant, but is a just attention to the interests of 
 our Western fellow-citizens, whose commerce will not otherwise be 
 on an equal footing- with that of the Atlantic States. 
 
 Should France not onlj^ refuse any such change in the article, but 
 insist on a recog-nition of her right to exclude all nations other than 
 the United States from navigating the Mississippi, it ma}^ be observed 
 to her that a positive stipulation to that effect might subject us to the 
 charge of intermeddling with and prejudging questions merely exist- 
 ing between her and Great Britain; that the silence of the article is 
 sufficient; that, as Great Britain never asserted a claim on this subject 
 against Spain, it is not to be presumed that she will assert it against 
 France, on her taking the place of Spain; that, if the claim should be 
 asserted, the treaties between the United States and Great Britain will 
 have no connexion with it, the United States having, in those treaties, 
 given their separate consent only to the use of the river b}^ Great 
 Britain, leaving her to seek whatever other consent may be necessary. 
 
 If, notwithstanding such expostulations as these, France shall 
 inflexibly insist on an express recognition to the above effect, it will be 
 better to acquiesce in it, than to lose the opportunity of fixing an 
 arrangement in other respects satisfactory; taking care to put the 
 recognition into a form not inconsistent with our treaties with Great 
 Britain, or with an explanatory article that may not improbably be 
 desired by her. 
 
 In truth, it must be admitted, that France, holding one bank, may 
 exclude from the use of the river any nation not more connected with 
 it by territory than Great Britain is understood to be. As a river 
 where both its banks are owned by one nation belongs exclusively to 
 that nation, it is clear that, when the territory on one side is owned by 
 one nation, and on the other side by another nation, the river belongs 
 equally to both, in exclusion of all others. There are two modes by 
 which an equal right may be exercised; the one by a negative in each 
 on the use of the river by any other nation, except the joint propri- 
 etor: the other by allowing each to grant the use of the river to other 
 nations, with the consent of the joint proprietor. The latter mode 
 would be preferable to the United States. But if it be found abso- 
 lutely inadmissible to France, the former must, in point of expediency, 
 since it nvdy in point of right, be admitted by the United States. Great 
 Britain will have less reason to be dissatisfied on this account, as she 
 has never asserted against Spain a right of entering and navigating the 
 Mississippi, nor has either she or the United States ever founded on the 
 treaties between them a claim to the interposition of the other party 
 
132 PUKCHASE OF THE TEREITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 in an}'^ respect, although the river has been constantl}^ shut against 
 Great Britain from the year 1783 to the present moment, and was not 
 opened to the United States until 1795, the year of their treaty with 
 Spain. 
 
 It is possible, also, that France ma}^ refuse to the United States the 
 same commercial use of her shores, as she will require for herself on 
 those ceded to the United States. In this case, it will be better to 
 relinquish a reciprocity than to frustrate the negotiation. If the 
 United States held in their own right the shore to be ceded to them, 
 the commercial use of it allowed to France would render a reciprocal 
 use of her shore by the United States an indispensable condition. But 
 as France may, if she chooses, reserve to herself the commercial use 
 of the ceded shore as a condition of the cession, the claim of the United 
 States to the like use of her shore would not be supported bj^ the 
 principle of reciprocity, and may, therefore, without violating that 
 principle, be waived in the transaction. 
 
 The article limits to ten 3'ears the equality of French citizens, ves- 
 sels, and merchandises, with those of the United States: should a 
 longer period be insisted on, it may be yielded. The limitation may 
 even be struck out, if made essential by France; but a limitation in this 
 case is so desirable, that it is to be particular!}^ pressed, and the 
 shorter the period the better. 
 
 Art. 1. The right of deposit, provided for in this article, will accom- 
 modate the commerce of France to and from her own side of the river, 
 until an emporium shall be established on that side, which it is well 
 known will admit of a convenient one. The right is limited to ten 
 years, because such an establishment may within that period be formed 
 by her; should a longer period be required, it may be allowed, 
 especialh" as the use of such a deposit would probably fall within the 
 general regulations of our commerce there. At the same time, as it 
 will be better that it should rest on our own regulations than on a 
 stipulation, it will be proper to insert a limitation of time, if France 
 can be induced to acquiesce in it. 
 
 Art. 5. This article makes a reasonable provision for the commerce 
 of France in the ports of West and East Florida. If the limitation to 
 ten years of its being on the same footing with that of the United 
 States should form an insuperable objection, the term may be enlarged; 
 but it is much to be wished that the privilege may not in this case be 
 made perpetual. 
 
 Art. 6. The pecuniary consideration to be offered for the territories 
 in question is stated in the sixth article: you will of course favor the 
 United States as much as possible, both in the amount and modifications 
 of the payments. There is some reason to believe that the gross sum 
 expressed in the article has occurred to the French Government, and is 
 as much as will be finally insisted on; it is possible that less may be 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OE' LOUISIANA. 133 
 
 accepted, and the negotiation ought to be adapted to that supposition. 
 Should a greater sum be made an ultimatum on the part of France, the 
 President has made up his mind to go as far as fifty millions of livres 
 tournois, rather than lose the main object. Every struggle, however, 
 is to be made against such an augmentation of the price, that will 
 consist with ultimate acquiescence in it. 
 
 The payment to be made immediately on the exchange of ratifica- 
 tions is left blank; because it can not be foreseen either what the gross 
 sum or the assumed debts will be, or how far a reduction of the gross 
 sum ma}^ be influenced by the anticipated payments provided for by 
 the act of Congress herewith communicated, and b}^ the authorization 
 of the President and Secretary of the Treasury indorsed thereon. This 
 provision has been made with a view to enable you to take advantage 
 of the urgency of the French Government for money, which ma}^ be 
 such as to overcome their repugnance to part with what we want, and 
 to induce them to part with it on lower terms, in case a payment can be 
 made before the exchange of ratifications. The letter from the Secre- 
 tary of the Treasury to the Secretary of State, of which a copy is here- 
 with inclosed, will explain the manner in which this advance of the ten 
 millions of livres, or so much thereof as may be necessary, will be 
 raised most conveniently for the United States. It only remains here 
 to point out the condition or event on which the advance ma}^ be made. 
 It will be essential that the convention be ratified by the French Gov- 
 ernment before any such advance be made; and it ma}^ be further 
 required, in addition to the stipulation to transfer possession of the 
 ceded territory as soon as possible, that the orders for the purpose, 
 from the competent source, maj" be actually and immediately put into 
 your hands. It will be proper, also, to provide for the payment of the 
 advances, in the event of 'a refusal of the United States to ratify the 
 convention. 
 
 It is apprehended that the French Government v/ill feel no repug- 
 nance to our designating the classes of claims and debts, which, embrac- 
 ing more equitable considerations than the rest, we maj^ believe entitled 
 to a priorit}^ of payment. It is probable, therefore, that the clause of 
 the sixth article, referring it to our discretion, maj^ be safely insisted 
 upon. We think the following classification such as ought to be 
 adopted b}' ourselves: 
 
 First. Claims under the fourth article of the Convention of Septem- 
 ber, 1800; 
 
 Secondly. Forced contracts or sales imposed upon our citizens by 
 French authorities; and. 
 
 Thirdly. Voluntary contracts which have been sufi^ered to remain 
 unfulfilled by them. 
 
 Where our citizens have become creditors of the French Govern- 
 ment in consequence of agencies or appointments derived from it, the 
 
134 PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 United States are under no particular obligation to patronize their 
 claims, and, therefore, no sacrifice of any sort, in their behalf, ought to 
 be made in the arrangement. As far as this class of claimants can be 
 embraced without embarrassing the negotiation, or influencing in any 
 respect the demands or expectations of the French Government, it 
 will not be improper to admit them into the provision. It is not 
 probable, however, that such a deduction, from the sum ultimately to 
 be received b}'^ the French Government, will be permitted, without 
 some equivalent accommodation to its interests, at the expense of the 
 United States. 
 
 The claim of Mr. Beaumarchais, and several other French individu- 
 als, on our Government, founded upon antiquated or irrelevant grounds, 
 although they may be attempted to be included in this negotiation, 
 have no connexion with it. The American Government is distin- 
 guished for its just regard to the rights of foreigners, and does not 
 require those of individuals to become subjects of treaty in order to be 
 admitted. Besides, their discussion involves a variety of minute top- 
 ics, with which j'^ou may fairly declare yourselves to be unacquainted. 
 Should it appear, however, in the course of the negotiation, that so 
 much stress is laid on this point, that, without some accommodation, 
 your success will be endangered, it will be allowed to bind the United 
 States for the payment of one million of livres tournois to the repre- 
 sentatives of Beaumarchais, heretofore deducted from his accounts 
 against them; the French Government declaring the same never to 
 have been advanced to him on account of the United States. 
 
 Article 7 is suggested b}^ the respect due to the rights of the people 
 inhabiting the ceded territory, and by the delay which may be found 
 in constituting them a regular and integral portion of the Union. 
 A full respect for their rights might require their consent to the act of 
 cession; and if the French Government should be disposed to concur in 
 any proper mode of obtaining it, the provision would be honorable to 
 both nations. There is no doubt that the inhabitants would readily 
 agree to the proposed transfer of their allegiance. 
 
 It is hoped that the idea of a guaranty of the country reserved to 
 France may not be brought into the negotiation. Should France pro- 
 pose such a stipulation, it will be expedient to evade it, if possible, as 
 more likely to be a source of disagreeable questions between the parties, 
 concerning the actual casus foederis^ than of real advantage to France. 
 It is not in the least probable that Louisiana, in the hands of that 
 nation, will be attacked by any other, whilst it is in the relations to 
 United States on which the guaranty would be founded; whereas, 
 nothing is more probable than some difference of opinion as to the 
 circumstances and the degree of danger necessary to put the stipula- 
 tions in force. There will be less reason in the demand of such an 
 article, as the United States would set little value on a guaranty of 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 185 
 
 any part of this territory; and, consequently, there would be no just 
 reciprocity in it. Should France, notwithstanding these considera- 
 tions, make a guaranty an essential point, it will be better to accede 
 to it than to abandon the object of the negotiation; mitigating the evil 
 as much as possible, by requiring, for the casus foederis, a great and 
 manifest danger threatened to the territory guaranteed, and by sub- 
 stituting for an indehnite succor, or even a definite succor, in military 
 force, a fixed sum of money paj^able at the Treasury of the United 
 States. It is difficult to name the proper sum which is in no posture 
 of the business to be exceeded, but it can scarcely be presumed that 
 
 more than about dollars, to be paid annually during the existence of 
 
 the danger, will be insisted on. Should it be unavoidable to stipulate 
 troops in place of money, it will be prudent to settle the details with as 
 much precision as possible, that there may be no room for controvers}^, 
 either with France or with her enemy, on the fulfillment of the 
 stipulation. 
 
 The instructions, thus far given, suppose that France maj^ be willing 
 to cede to the United States the whole of the island of New Orleans, 
 and both the Floridas. As she may be inclined to dispose of a part 
 or parts, and of such only, it is proper for you to know that the 
 Floridas, together, are estimated at one-fourth the value of the whole 
 island of New Orleans, and East Florida at one -half that of West 
 Florida. In case of a partial cession, it is expected that the regula- 
 tions of every other kind, so far as they are onerous to the United 
 States, will be more favorably modified. 
 
 Should France refuse to cede the whole of the island, as large a 
 portion as she can be prevailed on to part with may be accepted; 
 should no considerable portion of it be attainable, it will still be of 
 vast importance to get a jurisdiction over space enough for a large 
 commercial town, and its appurtenances, on the back of the river, and 
 as little remote from the mouth of the river as may be. A right to 
 choose the place would be better than a designation of it in the treaty. 
 Should it be impossible to procure a complete jurisdiction over any 
 convenient spot whatever, it will only remain to explain and improve 
 the present right of deposit, by adding thereto the express privilege 
 of holding real estate for commercial purposes, of providing hospitals, 
 of having consuls residing there, and other agents who may be author- 
 ized to authenticate and deliver all documents requisite for vessels 
 belonging to, and engaged in, the trade of the United States, to and 
 from the place of deposit. The United States can not remain satis- 
 fied, nor the Western people be kept patient, under the restrictions 
 which the existing treaty with Spain authorizes. 
 
 Should a cession of the Floridas not be attainable, your attention 
 will also be due to the establishment of suitable deposits at the mouth 
 of the rivers passing from the United States through the Floridas, 
 
136 PUECHAtiE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 as well as of the free navigation of those rivers by citizens of the 
 United States. What has been above suggested in relation to the 
 Mississippi, and the deposit on its banks, is applicable to the other 
 rivers; and additional hints relative to them all may be derived from 
 the letter, of which a copy is enclosed, from the Consul at New Orleans 
 
 It has been long manifest that, whilst the injuries to the United 
 States, so frequently occurring from the colonial officers scattered 
 over our hemisphere and in our neighborhood, can only be repaired 
 by a resort to their respective Governments in Europe, it will be 
 impossible to guard against the most serious inconveniences. The late 
 events at New Orleans strongl}^ manifest the necessit}^ of placing a 
 power somewhere nearer to us capable of correcting and controlling 
 the mischievous proceedings of such officers toward our citizens; with- 
 out which, a few individuals, not always among the wisest or best of 
 men, may at an}" time threaten the good understanding of the two 
 nations. The distance between the United States and the old continent, 
 and the mortifying delays of explanations and negotiations across the 
 Atlantic on emergencies in our neighborhood, render such a provision 
 indispensable; and it can not be long before all the Governments of 
 Europe, having American Colonies, must seethe necessity of making it. 
 This object, will likewise claim your special attention. 
 
 It onl}^ remains to suggest, that, considering the possibility of some 
 intermediate violences between citizens of the United States and the 
 French or Spaniards, in consequence of the interruption of our right 
 of deposit, and the probability that considerable damages will have 
 been occasioned b}^ that measure to citizens of the United States, it 
 will be proper that indemnification in the latter case be provided for, 
 and that in the former it shall not be taken on either sides as a ground 
 or pretext for hostilities. 
 
 These instructions, though as full as they could be conveniently 
 made, will necessaril}^ leave much to your discretion. For the proper 
 exercise of it, the President relies on your information, 3^our judg- 
 ment, and your fidelity to the interests of your country. 
 
 James Madison. 
 
 Mr. Monroe to Mr. Jefferson. 
 
 New York March 7. 1803. 
 Dear Sir, — 1 rec*^. yours of the 25. ulto. with one to M"". Cepeda 
 this morning, when I also rec^. my instructions from the department 
 of State, with all the other documents connected with my mission to 
 France & Sp". The ship, Richmond, of ab*. 400 tons burden, whose 
 cabbin I have taken, cleared at the custom house on Saturday, m}'^ 
 baggage was put on board, in expectation of sailing yesterday as M"". 
 Madison informed me my instructions ought to arrive by 8 in the 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITOBY OF LOUISIANA. 137 
 
 morning; but it being Sunday, the}^ were delayed till to-day. We 
 are now detained by a snowstorm and contrary wind, but I shall sail 
 as soon as it clears up, & the wind shifts. 
 
 The resolutions of M"". Ross proved that the federal part}" will stick 
 at nothing to embarrass the adm"., and recover its lost power. The}^ 
 nevertheless produce a great effect on the publick mind and 1 presume 
 more especially in the western country. The unanimity in the pub- 
 lick councils respecting our right to the free navigation of the river, 
 and its importance to every part of the U States, the dissatisfaction at 
 the interference of Sp". which will not be appeased while the power 
 of a similar one exists, are calculated to inspire the hope of a result 
 which may put us at ease forever on those points. If the negotiation 
 secures all the objects sought, or a deposit with the sovereignt}^ over 
 it, the federalists will be overwhelmed completely: the union of the 
 western with the Eastern people will be consolidated, republican 
 principles confirmed, and a fair prospect of peace and happiness pre- 
 sented to our country. But if the negotiation compromises short of 
 that, and leaves the management of our great concerns in that river, 
 which comprise everything appertaining to the western parts of the 
 U States, in the hands of a foreign power, may we not expect that 
 the publick will be disappointed and disapprove of the result. So far 
 as I can judge, I think much would be hazarded by any adjustment 
 which did not put us in complete security for the future. It is doubt- 
 ful whether an adjustment short of that would be approved in any 
 part of the union; 1 am thoroughly persuaded it would not to the 
 westward. If they were discontented, there "would grow up an union 
 of councils and measures between them and the Eastern people which 
 might lead to other measures & be perverted to bad purposes. 
 The Eastern towns, which govern the country wish war for the sake 
 of privateering: the western would not dislike it especially if they 
 were withheld from a just right, or the enjoyment of a privilege nec- 
 essar}^ to their welfare, the pursuit of which by force would create a 
 vast expenditure of money among them. Their confidence is now 
 reposed in the adm". from the best of motives, — a knowledge that it is 
 sincerely friendly to their interests: it is strengthened by a distrust 
 of these new friends; but an inquietude has been created by the late 
 event, an inquiry has taken place which has shown that every part of 
 the union especially the Eastern, is deeply interested in opening the 
 river; that the attempt to occlude it on a former occasion was a base 
 perhaps a corrupt intrigue of a few ; their hopes and expectations have 
 been raised, and it is probable they expect from the mission by a 
 peaceful course everything which their enemies promised b}^ war. 
 The consequences of a disappointment are not easily calculated. If it 
 restored the federal party to power and involved us in war, the result 
 might be fatal. It therefore highly merits consideration whether we 
 
138 PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 should not take that ground as the ultimatum in the negotiation which 
 must in every possible event preserve the confidence & affection of the 
 western people. While we stand well with them we shall prosper. 
 We shall be most apt to avoid war, taking ten 3' ears ensuing together; 
 and if we are driven by necessit}^ into it, it is much better that it be 
 under the auspices of a republican than a monarchial adm''. These 
 ideas are expressed in haste for y"". consideration for I have not time to 
 give them method or form. I shall most certainly labor to obtain the 
 best terms possible, but it is for you to say, what are the least favor- 
 able we must accept. You will have time to weigh the subject & feel 
 the publick pulse on it before anything conclusive ma}^ be done. I 
 hope the French gov*, will have wisdom enough to see that we will 
 never suffer France or any other power to tamper with our interior; 
 if that is not the object there can be no reason for declining an accom- 
 modation to the whole of our demands. * * * 
 
 [Extract.] 
 
 James Madison, Secretary of State, to Charles Pinckney, Minister to Spain. 
 
 Department of State, March 8, 1803. 
 
 Sir: My last letter was of January 18. Yours since received are of 
 the 6th and 2Sth of November. 
 
 Our latest authentic information from New Orleans is of Januarj'^ 
 20. At that date the edict of the Intendant against our right of deposit 
 had not been revoked, although the letters to him and the Governor 
 from the Spanish Minister here had been previously received. And it 
 appears that the first outrage had been followed l^y orders of the most 
 rigid tenor against every hospitable intercourse between our citizens 
 navigating the river and the Spanish inhabitants. 
 
 This continuation of the obstruction to our trade, and the approach 
 of the season for carrying down the Mississippi the exports of the 
 Western countr}', have had the natural effect of increasing the Western 
 irritation, and imboldening the advocates for immediate redress by 
 arms. Among the papers enclosed, 3^ou will find the propositions moved 
 in the Senate by Mr. Koss, of Pennsylvania. They were debated at 
 considerable length, and with much ardor, and, on the question, had 
 11 votes in their favor against 14. The resolutions moved by Mr. 
 Breckinridge, and which have passed into a law, will, with the law 
 itself, be also found among the enclosed papers. 
 
 These proceedings ought more and more to convince the Spanish 
 Government that it must not only maintain good faith with the United 
 States, but must add, to this pledge of peace, some provident and 
 effectual arrangement, as heretofore urged, for controlling or correct- 
 ing the wrongs of Spanish officers in America, without the necessity of 
 
PURCHASE OE' THE TERRITORY OF LOtJISIANA. 1.^9 
 
 crossing- the Atlantic for the purpose. The same proceeding, will 
 show, at the same time, that, with proper dispositions and arrangements 
 on the part of Spain, she may reckon with confidence on harmony and 
 friendship with this countr3^ Notwithstanding thedeep stroke made 
 at our rights and our interests, and the opportunity^ given for self- 
 redress, in a summary manner, a love of peace, a respect for the just 
 usages of nations, and a reliance on the voluntary justice of the Span- 
 ish Government, have given a preference to remonstrance, as the first 
 appeal on the occasion, and to negotiation as a source of adequate pro- 
 visions for perpetuating the good understanding between the two 
 nations; the measures taken on the proposition of Mr. Breckinridge 
 being merely those of ordinary precaution, and precisely similar to 
 those which accompanied the mission of Mr. Jay to Great Britian in 
 1794. Should the deposit, however, not be restored in time for the 
 arrival of the Spring craft, a new crisis will occur, which it is presumed 
 that the Spanish Government will have been stimulated to prevent, by 
 the very heavy claims of indemnification to which it would be other- 
 wise fairly subjected. The Marquis de Casa Yrujo does not yet 
 despair of receiving from New Orleans favorable answers to his letters; 
 but the remed}^ seems now to be no more reasonably expected from 
 Madrid. If the attention of the Spanish Government should not have 
 been sufficiently quickened by the first notice of the proceeding, from 
 its own officers, we hope that the energy of your interpositions will 
 have overcome its tardy habits, and have produced an instant despatch 
 of the necessary orders. 
 
 Mr. Monroe was to sail from New York to Havre de Grace j^esterday. 
 He carries with him the instructions in which you are joined with him, 
 as well as those which include Mr. Livingston. 
 
 The convention signed with Spain in August, though laid before 
 the Senate at an early day, had no question taken on it till the close of 
 the session. It was then postponed till the next session, which is to 
 commence in November. More than a majority, but less than two- 
 thirds, which the Constitution requires, would have acquiesced in the 
 instrument in its present form; trusting to the success of further nego- 
 tiations for supplying its defects, particularly the omission of the 
 claims founded on French irregularities. But it is understood that it 
 would have been a mere acquiescence; no doubt being entertained that 
 Spain is bound to satisfy the omitted as well as the included claims. 
 In explaining, therefore, the course taken by the Senate, which mingles 
 respect for the Spanish Government with a cautious regard to our own 
 rights, 3^ou will avail yourself of the opportunity of pressing the 
 reasonableness and the sound policy of remodeling the convention in 
 such a manner as to do full justice. I need not repeat the observa- 
 tions heretofore made on the Spanish responsibility for the conduct 
 of French citizens within Spanish jurisdiction; but it ma}^ be of use 
 
140 PUECHASE OF THE TEEEITOKY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 to refer you to the enclosed cop}^ of a ro_yal order, issued by the Spanish 
 Government, in 1799, which will enable you to remind them of their 
 own view of the subject at that time. In this document it is expressly 
 declared that the French consular jurisdiction was not admitted, and 
 that French Consuls, in Spanish ports, were in the same condition as 
 those of every other nation. After such a declaration against the 
 authority of French Consuls the Spanish Government would be charge- 
 able with no less disrespect to the French Republic than to itself, in 
 saying that Spain was not left at liberty to prevent an exercise of the 
 usurped authority; and, if at liberty, she is indisputably answerable 
 for the consequences of not preventing it. 
 
 With sentiments, &c. , 
 
 James Madison. 
 Charlks Pinckney, Esq. 
 
 R. R. Livingston to James Madison, Secretary of State. 
 
 Paris, March 11, 1803. 
 Dear Sir: 1 have a few days since written to you, transmitting a 
 letter addressed to the First Consul: for though 1 had numerous notes 
 and observations under his eye, in an informal way, yet I have reason 
 to fear that what 1 wrote to the Minister, particularly on the subject 
 of the debt, had not reached him; besides that, I believed that he could 
 not pass over a more direct address to him personally. I found, upon 
 conversing with some of the Ministers here, that they considered my 
 direct address as improper, and likely to offend the Minister^ if not the 
 Consul. But our situation was such as to require something decisive; 
 and as 1 daily found the dispositions of M. Talleyrand were friendly 
 to our views, 1 promised the Minister to write, and offered to submit 
 my letter to him ))efore 1 sent it. He was pleased wdth this mark of 
 confidence, and promised not onl}^ to deliver it, but to support my 
 application. When 1 showed him the letter, he seemed to think that 
 all relating to the debt was hopeless. 1, however, could not abandon 
 this important object, but immediately upon sending it, took care to 
 have that part of it supported by Consul Le Brun, who has the prin- 
 cipal direction of the affairs of finances, with whom 1 am upon a very 
 friendly footing, and between whom and my friend Marbois, there is a 
 family connexion, strengthened by the marriage of their children. I 
 have the pleasure to enclose you an answer to that letter; you will find 
 in it such strong and such satisfactory assurances on the subject of the 
 debt, as 1 think gives us the firmest prospects of its speedy payment. 
 I have thought it necessary to communicate this to the Americans 
 here, in order to prevent their parting with their claims at an insig- 
 nificant price. 1 have, also, as I know that this account would reach 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 141 
 
 America by private conversances, before 3^011 could communicate it, 
 thought it proper to mention it generally to one of my friends, with 
 directions to speak of it publicly, in order to prevent the creditors 
 from suffering by the speculations of those who were in the secret. 
 
 I told 3^0 u that M. Talleyrand had assured me that no sale would be 
 heard of. You will find a passage in the note which was doubtless 
 intended to convey that idea in very strong terms. As I know it to 
 be the fixed determinatian of this Government to treat only in Amer- 
 ica, I have nothing more to do on this subject than to endeavor to get 
 the right of depot left upon the footing it was till your negotiations 
 are concluded. This I shall endeavor to effect. If, upon the arrival 
 of Mr. Monroe, he can suggest an3sthing better, I shall heartily concur 
 with him. In treating with General Bernadotte, you will have every 
 possible advantage. The nearer he views the object, the less he will 
 value it. His dispositions are as friendl3s as possible to our Govern- 
 ment and country; and his ideas relative to our connexion, and the 
 little importance of Louisiana, exactly such as I would wish. My 
 conversations with him on that subject were frequent and interesting; 
 as well with Mr. Adet, who is much in his confidence, and who thinks 
 exacth^ as I do. The great object that he will be instructed to keep 
 in view will be, I think, from what I learn here, to keep the British 
 out of the river, and to secure as much as possible of the carr3dng 
 trade to France. Dupont de Nemours has shown me a plan that he 
 gave to Consul Le Brun, of which I send 3SOU a copy. I have endeav- 
 ored to convince those who may be consulted of its impracticability. 
 The reasons are too obvious to make it necessary for me to state them 
 to 3"ou. I have hinted at making the island of New Orleans an inde- 
 pendent State, under the Government of Spain, France, and the United 
 States, with a right of depot to each, subject to a dut^^ on imports of 
 one and a half per cent, in lieu of storage, wharfage, &c., suggesting 
 the advantage that France would derive from being the onl3' manufac- 
 turing nation of the three. The advantages of this to our carr3"ing 
 trade (while it left our revenue untouched) are obvious. And in such 
 a treaty, arrangements might be made extremely advantageous to the 
 Western people. The new nation must always feel its dependence upon 
 us^ and, of course, respect our rights. I should not have thought it 
 worth while to mention this, had it not been that I gave an unsigned 
 and informal sketch of it to Joseph Bonaparte: it may possibly be 
 given to General Bernadotte. If, as I begin to believe, they do not 
 get the Floridas, they will put the less value on New Orleans. 
 
 Things every day look more towards a rupture between this country 
 and Britain; and though the politicians think otherwise, I believe a 
 war not verv distant. The stocks here have been sixty -five; they are 
 now sixt3s-one. This, however, is an artificial operation; mone3" being 
 
142 PUECHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 employed by the Government to keep them up. Their real price 
 would be about fift3^-,seven. 
 
 I am, dear sir, with the highest consideration, j^our most obedient 
 humble servant, 
 
 Robert R. Livingston. 
 
 James Madison, Secretary of State. 
 
 Mr. Talleyrand to Mr. Livingston. 
 
 Paris, Ventose, an 11, {Fehruary 19), 1803. 
 
 Sir: The First Consul, in placing in m}^ hands the memoir which you 
 have presented to him, has ordered me to assure jou that he has taken 
 into serious consideration the objects }^ou have had in view, and the 
 various demands which you have presented. 
 
 He has, at the same time, caused a report to be made on all the sub- 
 jects which may arise in consequence of these demands, and on the 
 clauses of the convention between France and the United States, to 
 which you refer. It is the intention of the First Consul (and he has 
 charged me to make it known to you) that this convention shall be 
 executed, in eveiy particular, with scrupulous exactness. 
 
 The reflections contained in your memoir, in relation to the difficul- 
 ties which, on the part of France, may attend its execution, do not 
 apply, with the least foundation, either to the dispositions of the 
 Government of the French Republic, or to the state of her finances. 
 The First Consul is persuaded that the impressions b}^ which you have 
 on this point been misled, have been occasioned by your friendly solici- 
 tude; but these impressions are not supported by facts. No embar- 
 rassment exists in the finances of France. The French Government 
 has the means, as well as the inclination, to be just; and if it should be 
 placed in a position in which the discharge of its obligations would be 
 attended with difficulties, it will know how to surmount those obstacles, 
 and satisfy every claim that can be justly demanded. 
 
 As to the American debts, of which you have given an estimate, in 
 the memoir addressed to the First Consul, I ought to apprize you that 
 it is entirely new to us that they can be raised, by any valuation what- 
 ever, to the sum of twenty millions. The First Consul charges me to 
 request of you an exact, full, certain, and verified statement of these 
 debts. The perfect confidence with which you have inspired him will 
 not permit him to doubt that in the examination of the particulars, 
 which will form this statement, you will exercise your accustomed 
 acuteness of mind and frankness of character. You may rest assured, 
 sir, that, upon being furnished with such a statement, every claim will 
 be promptly and fully discharged. 
 
 As to the second question in your memoir, which relates to Loui- 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TEERITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 143 
 
 siana, the First Consul would have preferred its having been the sub- 
 ject of a separate note. Affairs so different in their nature ought to 
 be kept as much as possible apart, and should certain 1}^ not be united. 
 It is entirely opposed to the maxims of Government, adopted by the 
 Republic, to mingle important and delicate political relations with cal- 
 culations of account and mere pecuniary interests. 
 
 The First Consul, alwaj^s appreciating the motives which have 
 induced you to insist on an explanation of the new relations which 
 ought to exist between the two Republics, has charged me to inform 
 you, that, aware of the solicitude, perhaps premature, but, in reality, 
 natural and plausible, which the United States have manifested in this 
 discussion, has come to the determination to send immediatel}^ to the 
 United States a Minister Plenipotentiary, who will communicate on 
 every point the information necessary to a final decision. 
 
 Under these circumstances, as well as in all others presenting topics 
 for discussion between the two Governments, the First Consul desires 
 that you shall give, on the subject of his dispositions towards the United 
 States, the most positive and formal assurances, that attachment for 
 your Republic, and esteem and personal consideration for its present 
 Chief Magistrate, are national sentiments which, as a Frenchman, and 
 as the chief of a people, the ancient and uniform friend of the Ameri- 
 can nation, he loves to profess, and of which he will always be under 
 the pleasing obligation to furnish unequivocal proofs. 
 
 While I felicitate mj'^self upon being, at this time, the medium by 
 which these sentiments of the First Consul are expressed, allow me, 
 sir, to renew the assurance of uw high consideration. 
 
 Ch. Mau. Talleykand. 
 
 His Excellency R. R. Livingston, 
 
 Minister plenipotentiary^ ike. 
 
 Extract of a note from Mr. Dupont de Nemours to the Consul Le Brun. 
 
 " I see many ways of terminating this contest, and I desire that, 
 whatever it may be, while favoring our commerce, it ma}^ exclude as 
 much as possible the commerce of the five States of the West which 
 are most interested in this question. The first, and most simple, 
 appears to be this: to declare New Orleans a free port for the two 
 nations, France and Spain, whose commerce shall enter and depart 
 through the delta of the Mississippi; and that the United States shall 
 only enter from above, and depart by the same embouchure of the 
 river. The navigation remaining free to the three nations throughout 
 its whole course, on the express condition that the United States shall 
 exempt from every species of duty French or Spanish merchandise 
 entering their territory by the Mississippi or Ohio. 
 
144 PUECHASE OF THE TERRITOKY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 "In this manner we shall have conquered, for the benefit of our 
 manufactures, our silks, ironmongery, and glass of every description, 
 and for the consumption of our wines, vinegar, oil, and dried fruits, 
 all the commerce of the five States of the West, as well as of the new 
 States, which, in this country, multiply so rapidly. 
 
 "The products of the English manufactories not being admitted, 
 except by land, and then burdened with a duty of twelve or fifteen 
 per cent., will, in reality, be excluded from competition with those of 
 France. Thus will our enemies be struck in the part most susceptible 
 of injury, while the good will of our friends will be advantageously 
 confirmed. This will give us the assurance that the interior of 
 America, from the AUeghen}" on the one side, to the elevated moun- 
 tains beyond the Lakes on the other, will only be populated and sup- 
 plied by means of the manufacturing industr}^, the agricultural pros- 
 perity, and the commercial riches of France." 
 
 ,^ i [Extract.] 
 
 V^ • Robert R. Livingston to the President of the United States. 
 
 Paris, March 12, 1803. 
 
 Dear Sir: 1 have delayed replying to your friendly letter by 
 Madame Brougniart, in the hope of having something important to 
 communicate; but, in the meantime, have been so full in mv letter to 
 the Secretary of State, that I have left myself little to say on the sub- 
 ject of my public affairs. I can only tell you, generall}^, that we have 
 been gaining ground here for some time past; and although some prop- 
 ositions which I had an opportunity to make to Joseph Bonaparte to 
 be submitted to the ConsuPs inspection were not agreed to, yet the 
 matter and the manner left a favorable impression, and 1 meant to 
 renew the subject on the same grounds. 
 
 My letter to the First Consul, which you will find couched in pretty 
 strong terms, and such as are not usual here, and, so far as it related 
 to the claims, repugnant to the Minister's sentiments, has been attended 
 with happ3^ effects, as you will find b}^ the answer transmitted here- 
 with to the Secretary of State. 1 think it impossible, after this, for 
 him to go back; and I have accordingly given information to the 
 American creditors of the state of their affairs, that they may not be 
 speculated upon. 
 
 With respect to a negotiation for Louisiana, I think nothing will be 
 effected here. I have done everything I can, through the Spanish 
 Ambassador, to obstruct the bargain for the Floridas, and I have great 
 hope that it will not be soon concluded. The Ambassador tells me that 
 the Consul often complains to him of the delav that business meets 
 with: and, while Spain keeps the Floridas, Louisiana will be considered 
 
PUECHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIAISTA. 145 
 
 here as an object of little moment, as they are absolutely without ports 
 in the Gulf, and so far facilitate your negotiations with General Ber- 
 nadotte. I have had many interesting)- conversations with him, and 
 have nothing" to complain of. Remember, however, neither to wound 
 his pride nor that of his nation; both being extremely irritable. 
 
 Mr. Madison has never told me whether he has received two little 
 essays, calculated, the one to raise our importance in the views of this 
 Government as a naval Power; and the other to disgust them with 
 Louisiana, preparatory to our future negotiations. They were both 
 read with considerable attention by the First Consul, having had them 
 translated for that purpose. 
 
 I broke off this part of my letter to attend Madame Bonaparte's 
 drawing-room, where a circumstance happened of sufficient importance 
 to merit your attention. * * * After the First Consul had gone 
 the circuit of one room, he turned to me, and made some of the com- 
 mon inquiries usual on those occasions. He afterwards returned, and 
 entered into a further conversation. When he quitted me, he passed 
 most of the other Ministers merely with a bow, went up to Lord Whit- 
 worth, and, after the first civilities, said: "I find, my Lord, your 
 nation wants war again." L. W. " No, sir, we are very desirous of 
 peace." First Consul. "You have just finished a war of fifteen 
 years." L. W. "It is true, sir, and that was fifteen years too long." 
 Consul. " But you want another war of fifteen 3"ears." L. W. "Par- 
 don, me, sir, we are very desirous of peace." Consul. " I must either 
 have Malta or war." L. W. "I am not prepared, sir, to speak on 
 that subject; and I can only assure you, citizen First Consul, that we 
 wish for peace." 
 
 The prefect of the palace, at this time, came up to the Consul, and 
 informed him that there were ladies in the next room, and asked him 
 to go in. He made no reply, but, bowing hastily to the compau}^, 
 retired immediately to his cabinet, without entering the other room. 
 Lord Whitworth came up to me, and repeated the conversation as I 
 now give it to you. I asked Lord Whitworth whether, there were any 
 pending negotiations relative to Malta, He told me that there were; 
 that the conduct of France having convinced them that they still had 
 views upon Egypt, and the guaranties to which they were entitled, 
 with respect to Malta, not having been executed, they thought the}^ 
 could not surrender it with safety. But what brought on the business 
 to-day was, a message from the King of Great Britain to the Parlia- 
 ment on the 1st, which has just been received here, speaking with 
 distrust of the armaments in the French ports, and, in fact, preparing 
 them for war. 
 
 This you will have sooner by the wa}^ of England than this letter. 
 It is, then, highly probable that a new rupture will take place, since 
 it is hardly possible that the First Consul would commit himself so pub- 
 H. Doc. 431 10 
 
146 PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 licly, unless his determination had been taken. I am fearful that this 
 may again throw some impediment in the way of our claims, which 
 1 believed in so prosperous a train. In other views it may serve us, 
 and 1 shall give all my attention to avail myself of circumstances as 
 they arise; in which I hope shortW to receive the assistance of Mr. 
 Monroe. 
 
 I must pray you, sir, to furnish Mr. Madison with such an extract 
 from this letter as ought to be on his file of correspondence with me; 
 since the fear of losing the opportunity, and the necessity of the 
 greater activity at this interesting moment, will deprive me of the 
 pleasure of writing further to him b}^ this conveyance. 
 I am, &c. , 
 
 Robert R. Livingston. 
 
 Mr. King to the Secretary of State. 
 
 London, March 17^ 1803. 
 Sir: War seems more and more probable; indeed, it appears to me 
 inevitable. Holland will be involved, and Spain and Portugal must 
 obe}^ the commands of France. The day after the King's message to 
 Parliament was communicated to the French Government, Bonaparte 
 delivered to Lord Whitworth a paper (a copy of which 1 have seen) 
 stating: 
 
 1. That the expedition preparing in the Dutch ports was, as all the 
 world knew, destined for America; but, in consequence of the message, 
 that it had been recalled and would not proceed. 
 
 2. That if the armament announced in the message be not satisfac- 
 torily explained, or, if it take place, France would march twenty 
 thousand men into Holland. 
 
 3. That the forces debarked in the ports of Holland would be reen- 
 forced and assembled on the coast of Flanders. 
 
 4. That the French army will be immediately put on a war estab- 
 lishment. 
 
 5. That camps would be formed on the coast between Dunkirk and 
 Boulogne. 
 
 6. That an arni}'^ would enter Switzerland. 
 
 7. That an arm}^ would march into Italy, and occupy Tarento. And, 
 
 8. That England must not expect, under the cover of an armament, 
 to avoid the execution of the Treaty of Amiens. 
 
 The greatest activity continues to prevail in the military and naval 
 departments. It is understood that the squadrons in the West and 
 East Indies, and in the Mediterranean, will not immediately require 
 reenforcement, and that a respectable fleet will soon appear in the 
 Channel and on the coast of Ireland. The regular army on foot in 
 Great Britain (exclusive of the force in Ireland, Egypt, Malta, Gibral- 
 
PUECHASE OF THE TEREITORY OF LOUISIANA. 147 
 
 tar, and the Colonies,) consists of twenty-seven thousand infantry, and 
 twelve thousand cavalry; and will be reenforced immediately by thirty- 
 seven thousand of the militia, which have been called out. 
 
 I do not hear of Mr. Monroe's arrival, though I learn from Mr. 
 Livingston that he is daily expected in France. Mr. Merry is pre- 
 paring to embark for the United States, and is pressed b}^ his Govern- 
 ment to be ready to leave England in the first week of April. 
 
 With perfect respect and esteem, 1 have the honor to be, sir, 3^our 
 obedient and humble servant. 
 
 RuFus King. 
 
 Mr. Livingston to Mr. Madison. 
 
 Paris, March 18, 1803. 
 
 Sir: I sent despatches a few daj-s ago to Havre, in expectation of 
 their going by a vessel which left that place for Philadelphia, but they 
 arrived too late. Duplicates were sent to go by a vessel bound for 
 New York. You will, therefore, I fear, have originals and duplicates 
 by the same vessel. This compels me to send triplicates by this con- 
 veyance. You will see that, on the subject of New Orleans, the answer 
 to my letter is very unsatisfactory. I, at first, intended to let the mat- 
 ter rest till Mr. Monroe arrived; but, on reflection, I dreaded the con- 
 sequences of dela}", if France should take possession, and continue the 
 policy of Spain; and, as the moment was critical, and the time of Mr. 
 Monroe's arrival uncertain, I sent in the enclosed note, and am doing 
 all that 1 can to get a speedy and favorable answer. 
 
 On the subject of the debts, I have already met with a great deal of 
 trouble in procuring the necessary information, and this is not to be 
 wondered at. I hope to get through with it, strengthened as I am by 
 the 'First Consul's engagement. 
 
 I can not but wish, sir, that my fellow-citizens should not be led to 
 believe, from Mr. Monroe's appointment, that I had been negligent of 
 their interests, or too delicate on anj^ of the great points intrusted to 
 my care. I trust that a communication of mj^ notes to some of them 
 would show that I had gone as far as it was possible for me to go, and 
 perhaps further than my instructions would justify. 
 
 We are here all in a bustle, not .knowing whether we are to have war 
 or peace. In England, they expect war certainly. Here they are very 
 anxious to avoid it; and I, who have hitherto believed that a rupture 
 would happen, begin, from some circumstances I heard last night at 
 Consul Le Brun's, to believe the storm will pass over. But this is by 
 no means certain; because it is possible that England will rise in her 
 terms as France recedes. Peace will, in no event, last long. I frankly 
 confess, that, though I believe a war would be extremely dangerous 
 for Great Britian, yet 1 think her ruin inevitable if France continues 
 ten years at peace, 
 
148 puechase of the territoey of louisiana. 
 
 March 19. 
 Nothing decisive, as yet, on the subject of war or peace. The idea 
 of peace seems to gain ground; and, in fact, war is so much dreaded 
 by all the neighbors of France that they will make every effort to 
 maintain peace, lest they should be drawn into the vortex. I shall 
 call this morning on the Minister in order to enforce upon him the 
 subject of my note. 
 
 I have the honor to be, &c., Robt. R. Livingston. 
 
 Mr. Livingston, Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, 
 
 to His Excellency the Minister for Exterior Relations of the French 
 
 Republic. 
 
 Paris, March 16, 1803. 
 
 Sir: I have received, with great sensibilit}^, yonv note containing 
 the First (consul's reply to that which 1 had the honor to present to 
 him on the subject of the American claims. The sentiments are such 
 as would naturally be entertained by an enlightened statesman, who, 
 after advancing his country to the highest pinnacle of military glory 
 and national prospects, had determined to give permanency to that 
 prosperity, by establishing it upon the lirm bas4s of religion, good 
 faith, justice, and national credit. On this subject, sir, I have no 
 doubts; and I am satisfied that, when the claims are brought forward, 
 they will, as you have the goodness to declare, be promptl}^ and full}^ 
 satisfied. But, sir, as this will form the subject of a future note, I 
 shall beg leave to proceed to the consideration of a question in the 
 highest degree interesting to the harmony of France and the United 
 States, and which, I am soriy to sa}^, is of a nature too pressing to 
 admit of any delay. 
 
 The First Consul has done me the honor, through you, to inform me 
 that he proposes to send a Minister to the United States, to acquire such 
 information as he may deem necessary previous to his taking any 
 measures relative to the situation in which the acquisition of Louisiana 
 will place France with respect to the United States. If, sir, the ques- 
 tion related to the formation of a new treaty, I should find no objection 
 to this measure. On the contraiy, I should readily acquiesce in it, as 
 that which would be best calculated to render the treaty mutually 
 advantageous. But, sir, it is not a new treat}^ for which we now press, 
 (though one mutually advantageous might be made,) but the recogni- 
 tion of an old one. by which the United States have acquired rights, 
 that no change in the circumstances of the country obliges them to 
 relinquish, and which they never will relinquish but with their polit- 
 ical existence. By their treaty with Spain, their right to the naviga- 
 tion of the Mississippi is recognized, and a right of depot granted, 
 with a provision, on the part of the King of Spain, to revoke this 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TEERITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 149 
 
 ri^ht, if, within three years, he found it prejudicial to his interests; in 
 which case, he is to assign another equivalent establishment. The King 
 of Spain has never revoked that right; but, after having made the 
 experiment of its effects upon his interests for three years, he has con- 
 tinued it. The United States have, by this continuance, acquired a per- 
 manent and irrevocable right to a depot at New Orleans; nor can that 
 right now be called in question, either by Spain or by any other nation 
 to whom she may transfer her title. Even the assignment of another 
 equivalent establishment can not, at this day, be forced upon the United 
 States without their consent. The time allowed to Spain has passed, 
 and she has preferred to have the depot at New Orleans to placing it 
 elsewhere; and I will venture to say, that, in so doing, she has acted 
 wisely, for New Orleans derives its whole value from its being the 
 market for American produce, and their principal port of entry; and, 
 if this consideration was important to Spain, it is infinitely more so to 
 France, the produce of whose agriculture and manufactures will then 
 find a ready exchange for the raw materials of the United States. 
 Under these circumstances, at the very moment that Spain is about to 
 relinquish the possession of that country to France, she violates her 
 treaty without any apparent interest, and leaves the countrj^ with a 
 stain upon her character. 
 
 In what situation, sir, are we now placed? An armament is on the 
 point of sailing for New Orleans; the port has been shut bj' the order 
 of Spain; the French commandant will find it shut. Will he think 
 himself authorized to open it? If not, it must remain shut till the 
 Envoy of France shall have arrived in America, and made the necessary 
 inquiries, and transmitted the result of those inquiries to the First Con- 
 sul. In the meanwhile, all the produce of five States is left to rot upon 
 their hands. There is only one season in which the navigation of the 
 Mississippi is practicable. This season must necessarily pass before 
 the Envoy of France can arrive and make his report. Is it supposable, 
 sir, that the people of the United States will tranquill}^ wait the prog- 
 ress of negotiations when the ruin of themselves and their families 
 will be attendant on the delay? Be assured, sir, that, even were it 
 possible that the Government of the United States could be insensible 
 to their sufferings, they would find it as easy to prevent the Mississippi 
 from rolling its waters into the ocean, as to control the impulse of the 
 people to do themselves justice. If, sir, in pursuance of the treaties 
 that France has made with the Porte, she had established valuable 
 comptoirs upon the Black Sea, and, subsequent to this, the Dardenelles 
 were ceded to the Emperor, would France suffer him to shut up the 
 passage, and ruin their merchants, till a new treaty had been negotiated 
 for an object that she already possessed? Sir, I would venture to say, 
 that, were a fleet to shut up the mouths of the Chesapeake, Delaware, 
 and Hudson, it would create less sensation in the United States than the 
 
150 PURCHASE OF THE TEREITOKY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 denial of the right of depot at New Orleans has done. The people of 
 the Western countr}" were emigrants from the different States, in 
 which they have left connexions deeply interested in their prosperity. 
 This circumstance, combining with the just sense of national independ- 
 ence and national dignity, makes them extremely sensible to the injus- 
 tice they have suffered. Nor is it without the utmost difficulty that 
 they have been restrained from breaking out into acts of immediate 
 hostility against Spain, by the prudent measures of Government, and 
 by the hope that the mission of a Minister, who will bring with him a 
 conviction of their feelings on this subject, will procure them the most 
 immediate and express recognition of their rights by France, in whose 
 justice and good faith thej" hope to find a resource against the breach 
 of faith bj^ the officers of Spain. 
 
 I can not but flatter m3^self, sir, that the answer which the First 
 Consul has been pleased to honor me with, has a reference only to 
 such new treaties as it may be for the mutual interest of both coun- 
 tries early to negotiate. But that relative to the rights the United 
 States already possess, in virtue of existing treaties with Spain, he is 
 ready to afford me those explicit and formal assurances which are 
 necessary to calm the emotions which have been so unwisely excited 
 in the United States. I can never bring myself to believe, sir, that 
 the First Consul will, by deferring for a moment the recognition of a 
 right that admits of no discussion, break all those ties which bind the 
 United States to France, obliterate the sense of past obligations, change 
 every political relation that it has been, and still is, the earnest wish of 
 the United States to preserve, and force them to connect their interests 
 with those of a rival Power; and this, too, for an object of no real 
 moment in itself. Louisiana is, and ever must be, from physical causes, 
 a miserable country in the hands of a European Power. Nor can any 
 principal of sound polic}^ dictate to France (even if bound by no 
 treaty) a change in the circumstances of New Orleans, that should 
 exclude the citizens of the United States from that right of depot to 
 which alone it must be indebted for its prosperity. I feel a pleasure 
 in declaring, sir, that the people and Government of the United States 
 will receive the highest satisfaction from the assurances that the First 
 Consul has empowered you to make to me of his attachment to them; 
 and will reflect with pleasure on his having called to mind, that, 
 amidst the changes that both nations have undergone, they have been 
 mutually forward in tendering their alliance to each other. Nor will 
 it be less flattering to the President to have acquired, as a magistrate 
 and as a man, the esteem of a chief who has merited and obtained that 
 of the world. But these occurrences add to my pain when I reflect 
 on occurrences that may lay the foundation for future enmities; and I 
 trust, sir, that they will serve as an apology for anything that may 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OP LOUISIANA. 151 
 
 appear harsh in this note. For, if ever there was a moment in which 
 it becomes a Minister to speak with freedom, it is when he feels that 
 the dearest interests of his countr}^ are at stake, and has reason to 
 hope that a knowledge of the truth may prevent the breach of rela- 
 tions between nations that esteem and respect each other, and the 
 calamities that humanity may feel in such breach. 
 
 1 pray your Excellency to receive my thanks for the interesting 
 manner in which you have made the communications of the First 
 Consul, and my assurances of the highest consideration. 
 
 Robert R. Livingston. 
 
 Mr. Livingston to the Secretary of State. 
 
 Paris, March 21^, 1803. 
 
 Dear Sir: The question of war yet remains undetermined. My 
 letters from JNIr, King of the 18th leave me to beli_eve, as well as m}- 
 persuasion of the present system of politics in England, that war will 
 come soon. Here there is an earnest and sincere desire to avoid it, as 
 well in the Government as the people. 1 enclosed, in my last, a note 
 to the Minister. Some da3^s after, I called on him. He told me that an 
 answer was prepared, and that everything should be arranged; and 1 
 have no doubt the answer contained all those assurances which I have 
 been so long soliciting. Unfortunateh", despatches arrived at that 
 moment from Mr. Pichon, informing them that the appointment of 
 Mr. Monroe had tranquilized everything. Conceiving, then, that thej^ 
 might safely await his arrival, they determined to see whether the 
 storm would not blow over; in which case, they will treat to more 
 advantage. The}^ accordingly substituted, for the first note, which, as 
 the Minister told me, arranged everything, the inclosed No. 1, which 
 contains nothing. To this I put in the note No. 2, which I suppose 
 will produce no effect if the war does not happen. Last night I received 
 another note, No. 3, complaining of our supplying the blacks at St. 
 Domingo; to this I returned the answer No. 4. 
 
 I have had a great deal of conversation with General Bernadotte, and 
 communicated my two notes to him. 1 gave them to him to show to 
 the gentlemen I have mentioned, and endeavored to convince him that 
 he was personally interested; that the specific declarations I require 
 should l)e given before he goes out, which will be in a few days. Upon 
 the whole, 1 think everything is prepared for Mr. Monroe. I can not 
 but hope that something may be effected, though 1 fear Dupont de 
 Nemours has given them, with the best intentions, ideas that we 
 shall find it hard to eradicate, and impossible to yield to. 
 
 Florida is not yet ceded, nor, as I hope, very likely to be so. The 
 
152 PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 armament in Holland, designed for Louisiana, is stopped for ths pres- 
 ent, in consequence of the state of thing-s here. 
 
 I am, dear sir, with the highest consideration, your most obedient, 
 humble servant, 
 
 Robert R. Livingston. 
 Hon. James Madison, 
 
 Secretary of State. 
 
 Mr. Talleyrand to Mr. Livingston. 
 
 Paris, March m, 1803. 
 
 Sir: I see with pleasure, by the last letters from the French lega- 
 tion in the United States, that the excitement which had been raised 
 on the subject of Louisiana has been allayed by the wisdom of 3'our 
 Government, and the just confidence which it inspires, to that state of 
 tranquillit}'^ which is alone proper for discussion, and which, in the 
 existing relations between the two nations, can not fail to lead to suit- 
 able explanations on difiiculties arising from contingent circumstances, 
 and draw still closer the bands by which they are mutually united. 
 1 ought to acknowledge, sir, that, in the publicity recently given to 
 the proceedings respecting Louisiana, it is difficult to recognize the 
 ancient sentiments of attachment and confidence with which France 
 has always been desirous to inspire the people of the United States, 
 and by which, from the first moment of their existence as an inde- 
 pendent and sovereign nation, she has been induced to consider her 
 concerns with the United States as among the most important of her 
 political relations. 
 
 On what account, then, either political or commercial, can the Amer- 
 ican nation view the proximity of France with so unfriendlj^ an e^^e? 
 Has the French Republic ever evinced a desire to arrest the pros- 
 perity of the United States, assume an influence to which she had no 
 right, weaken her means of safety or annoyance, or place an obstacle 
 in the way of their expanding commerce? Your Government, sir, 
 ought to be persuaded that the First Consul entertains for the American 
 nation the same affection with which France has been at all times ani- 
 mated; and that, among the advantages which he expects to derive 
 from the possession of Louisiana, he estimates the additional means 
 which will be at his command, to convince the Government and people 
 of the United States of his uniform!}^ liberal and friendly sentiments. 
 
 I ought, sir, at the present time, to confine m3^self to this declara- 
 tion, which alone should be sufficient to quiet the apprehensions 
 expressed in j^our last letters. The subject itself does not rest on that 
 accurate and extensive information which alone could authorize a more 
 detailed explanation. In announcing to me, moreover, the speedy 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 153 
 
 departure of Mr. Monroe, who has been appointed a Minister Extra- 
 ordinary to discuss this matter, you give me reason to conclude that 
 3^our Government desires that this Minister should be received and 
 heard; because every point susceptible of contradiction should be com- 
 pletely and definiteh'^ discussed. In the meantime, the First Consul 
 charges me to assure j^our Government, that, although he does not 
 think that his new position in relation to Louisiana ought to be the 
 subject of just inquietude, or can occasion the least injury to the United 
 States, he will yet receive with the greatest pleasure the Minister 
 Extraordinary whom the President is about to send, and that he hopes 
 his mission will terminate in a way to give mutual satisfaction to both 
 nations. 
 
 At the same time, sir, 1 avail myself of this occasion to renew the 
 assurance of my high consideration. 
 
 Ch. Mau. Talleyrand. 
 
 No. 2. 
 
 R. R. Livingston to the Minister of Exterior Relations. 
 
 Paris, W Ventose, mi 11 [March 11, 1803).'^ 
 Sir: I acknowledge that I feel some mortification in finding that the 
 note with which you honor me yesterday contains nothing more deci- 
 sive upon the interesting subject that I have submitted to your con- 
 sideration; and still more, that you should think the sensibility that 
 the inhabitants of the United States have manifested upon the change 
 in the situation of Louisiana repugnant to the sentiments of friendship 
 which the former conduct of France ought to inspire. 
 
 I should be deficient, sir, in that frankness which has alwaj^s formed 
 the basis of my communications with you, if 1 should conceal that the 
 vicinity of a nation whose political situation puts it out of her power 
 to injure the United States, was less alarming than that of an active, 
 powerful, and enterprising people, whom a variety of circumstances 
 might lead, in the common course of events, to painful discussions; 
 and you will, sir, readily admit that the profound secrecy that the 
 Government of France has always observed in whatever related to 
 Louisiana was ill calculated to allay those alarms. To this moment, 
 the treat}^ to which they might have expected to be parties is concealed 
 from them; and while explications are given to another Power upon 
 the destination of the armament, in which the United States were most 
 interested, not the most distant hint is afforded to the Minister of the 
 United States, nor is he informed, except through the medium of 
 
 « There seems to be some mistake either in the date of this letter (March 11) or in 
 that of the preceding letter (March 21) to which this is an answer. The originals 
 have been followed. 
 
154 PURCHASE OF THE TEREITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 another Court, of the present arrangement with respect to that arma- 
 ment. 
 
 Under these circumstances, sir, how painful soever it may be to 
 manifest a distrust of a nation to whom they have formerl}^ been 
 indebted, and to whom, in return, they have manifested their grati- 
 tude, it would be to discover an ignorance of the change that was about 
 to take place in their situation, and a blamable indifference to their 
 most important interest, if they did not demand those securities to 
 which they are entitled for the performance of engagements that 
 France has assumed by putting herself in the place of Spain. 1 would 
 earnestly hope, sir, that the information you have received from the 
 legation of France in the United States, was more correct than that 
 which induces me to fear that, seeing in your note a determination to 
 postpone to the latest moment those arrangements which they will 
 conceive need only to have been mentioned to have been taken, they 
 will resort to those precautionarj'^ remedies which prudence justifies, 
 and which their situation in the present state of Europe most pecul- 
 iarly demands. 
 
 The United States, sir, have vested me with full powers to receive 
 and make those arrangements; and, in the appointment of Mr. Monroe, 
 jointly with me, as Minister Extraordinary to the First Consul, it was 
 by no means their intention, considering the variety of accidents 
 which ma}^ postpone or prevent his arrival, to defer receiving from 
 the Government of France those explicit confirmations of the Treaty 
 of Madrid which must precede every arrangement which it might be 
 thought proper hereafter to enter into. 
 
 A treat}", sir, is a work of time; and it can hardl}^ be presumed that 
 an ardent and intelligent people should wait the slow progress of 
 negotiations for the attainment of objects that admit of no dispute, 
 and see with indifierence France strengthen herself in their vicinity, 
 while she declines to acknowledge the validity of a treat}'^ which, in 
 their opinion, she has virtually adopted. It is not, sir, to negotiate 
 for this acknowledgment that an additional Minister is sent; for this, 
 as I have before had the honor to inform your Excellency, is not con- 
 sidered in the United States as susceptible of controversy: but it was 
 with a view to such further arrangements as might be rendered neces- 
 sary, in case (as was generally presumed) the Floridas should be added 
 to the acquisitions of France. It was that he might be the bearer of 
 the strong sentiments of the people upon the late measures of Spain, 
 and show to France the inutility of these acquisitions, and the senti- 
 ments of distrust that they would naturally excite between her and the 
 United States. 
 
 Having thus, sir, frankly stated the evils that may result to both 
 countries from the indecision of France on a question that admits of 
 no dispute, I can onh^ lament the inefficacy of my representation, and 
 
PUBCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OP LOUISIANA. 155 
 
 hasten to submit your note to the inspection of my Government. From 
 which, taken in connexion with the general politics of Europe and 
 America, the}^ will naturallj'^ draw their Own conclusions. And I 
 merel}'' wish that the measures, which it is at their option to adopt, 
 may be such as will tend less to their future harmony with France than 
 to their own security. 
 
 The President will receive great pleasure from your assurances of 
 the attachment of the First Consul to the Government and people of 
 the United States; and will felicitate himself upon having fixed upon 
 one so perfectly acceptable to the First Consul in the person of his 
 additional Minister, as to insure him the agreeable reception which 
 3'ou so politely promise him. 
 
 I avail myself, sir, of this occasion to renew to you the assurances 
 of my high consideration. 
 
 R. R. Livingston. 
 
 Mr. King to the Secretary of State. 
 
 London, April 2, 1803. 
 
 Sir: Nothing further has occurred since the date of my last: no 
 answer has yet been given to the note of the French Ambassador, which 
 declines all discussion respecting Malta. Lord Hawksbuiy's answer 
 will probably be delivered to-da}^; it will, without doubt, persist in the 
 determination communicated in his first note, and may disclose new 
 and additional reasons in its support. If, as is said to be the case, 
 the First Consul has lately made an overture to Russia for a partition 
 of the Turkish Empire, the fact may be urged on this occasion, not- 
 withstanding the refusal of Russia to listen to the proposal. 
 
 1 shall continue to believe the war unavoidable, in which England 
 can have no expectation of a single ally. The system of Russia is 
 pacific, with less attachment, however, to France than to England; 
 Austria is not yei recovered from the blows by which she was driven 
 from the contest; and Prussia will be inclined to adhere to her past 
 policy. Although Denmark and Sweden have been much dissatisfied 
 with England, France, contrary to her usual policy, has done nothing 
 to secure their confidence; while England has been endeavoring to 
 reestablish her ancient friendship with these States. For this purpose, 
 she has given assurances that what is called the two Swedish convoys 
 shall be restored or paid for: the first, which consisted of seventeen 
 vessels, was condemned, and the Envoy of Sweden has given in his 
 claim of compensation, which amounts to sixty thousand pounds 
 sterling; the claim for the second, consisting of twenty-one vessels, 
 and which, 1 think, is not yet condemned, will be about ninety thou- 
 sand pounds sterling. B}^ cultivating the friendship of these Powers, 
 England expects, with the good will of Russia, to keep the Baltic open 
 
156 PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 against the efforts that France will again make to close it. Portugal 
 will be compelled to exclude the English trade; and Spain, with all 
 Italy, must obey the orders that shall be given them. 
 
 I have sought occasions both with Ministers and other leading men 
 since the discussions with France, to inculcate the disadvantage which 
 England has heretofore brought upon herself by the system of war- 
 fare she has been accustomed to pursue, and which has been chiefly 
 directed against the colonies of her enemj^, which, after being acquired 
 at the expense of much blood and treasure, in addition to the vexation 
 of the commerce of neutral nations, have been commonly restored, 
 enriched by English capital, at the conclusion of peace. Instead of a 
 warfare liable to these objections, and which has moreover furnished 
 an opportunity to France to appear as the friend and protector of 
 neutral States, a sj^stem might be suggested that would not only avoid 
 these disadvantages, but which would materiall}" contribute to the 
 future prosperity of Great Britain. No neutral commerce would be 
 interrupted b}^ it; on the contrary, it would serve to increase and 
 extend it; and, when the object was once attained, no Treaty of Peace 
 would restore things to their former state. 
 
 This conversation has been everywhere understood and well received; 
 and it is my firm belief, if the war breaks out, that Great Britain will 
 immediatel}^ attempt the emancipation and independence of South 
 America. 
 
 In a late conversation with Mr. Addington, he observed to me, if the 
 war happen, it would, perhaps, be one of the first steps to occupy New 
 Orleans. I interrupted him by saying, I hoped the measure would be 
 well weighed before it should be attempted; that, true it was, we could 
 not see with indifference that country in the hands of France; but it 
 was equally true, that it would be contrary to our views, and with much 
 conceiui, that we should see it in the possession of England; we had 
 no objection to Spain continuing to possess it; they were quiet neigh- 
 bors, and we looked forward without impatience to events which, in the 
 ordinary course of things, must, at no distant day, annex this country 
 to the United States. Mr. Addington desired me to be assured that 
 England would not accept the country, were all agreed to give it to 
 her; that, were she to occupy it, it would not be to keep it, but to 
 prevent another Power from obtaining it; and, in his opinion, this end 
 would be best effected by its belonging to the United States. I 
 expressed my acquiescence in the last part of his remark, but observed, 
 that, if the country should be occupied by England it would be sus- 
 pected to be in concert with the United States, and might involve us 
 in misunderstandings with another Power, with which we desired to 
 live in peace. He said, if you can obtain it, well, but if not, we 
 ought to prevent its going into the hands of France; though, you may 
 rest assured, continued Mr. Addington, that nothing shall be done 
 
PUKCHASE OF THE TEERITORY OF LOUISIANA. 157 
 
 injurious to the interests of the United States. Here the conversa- 
 tion ended. 
 
 I have lately received 3^our letter of January 29; and as soon as 
 Lord Hawkesbury shall have named a time to receive me, which I have 
 requested him to do, I will explain to him, in conversation, the Presi- 
 dent's views relative to the Mississippi. 
 
 Considering the critical state of affairs, it is much to be wished that 
 my successor may arrive before my departure. I shall delay taking 
 my leave to the last moment; and should the posture of affairs, in my 
 opinion, require it, I will risk the expense of detaining my vessel even 
 bej^ond the time in which I have engaged to embark: in an};- event, 1 
 shall not leave London before the last week of the present month. 
 
 With perfect respect and esteem, I have the honor to be, sir, your 
 obedient and faithful servant, 
 
 RuFus King. 
 
 Robert R. Livingston to the Hon. James Madison, Secretary of State. 
 
 Paris, April 11, 1803. 
 
 Dear Sir: My note will tell you how far 1 have officially pressed 
 the Government on the subject of Louisiana. I have omitted no 
 means, in conversation, of eradicating their prejudices in its favor; 
 and I informed you that I had reason to think that 1 had been suc- 
 cessful with all, unless it was the First Consul, to whom I addressed 
 myself in the letter and essays that you have seen, and which were 
 attentivel}^ read by him, as well as several informal notes to his 
 brother. I had reason to think that he began to waver; but we had 
 nothing to offer but money, and commercial advantages: of the latter, 
 I did not think m3\self entitled to be liberal; and of the first, I found 
 in them a certain degree of reluctance to treat, as derogatory to the 
 dignity of the Government. The affair of New Orleans gave me two 
 very important strings to touch: I endeavored to convince the Gov- 
 ernment that the United States would avail themselves of the breach 
 of the treaty to possess themselves of New Orleans and the Floridas; 
 that Britain would never suffer Spain to grant the Floridas to France, 
 even were she so disposed, but would immediately seize upon them as 
 soon as the transfer was made; that without the Floridas, Louisiana 
 would be indefensible, as it possesses not one port even for frigates; 
 and I showed the effect of suffering that important country to fall 
 into the hands of the British, both as it affected our country, and the 
 naval force of all Europe. 
 
 These reasons, with the probability of war, have had, I trust, the 
 desired effect. M. Talleyrand asked me this daj^, when pressing the 
 subject, whether we wished to have the whole of Louisiana. I told 
 him no; that our wishes extended only to New Orleans and the Floridas; 
 
158 PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 that the policy of France should dictate (as I had shown in an official 
 note) to give us the country above the river Arkansas, in order to 
 place a barrier between them and Canada. He said, that if they gave 
 New Orleans the rest would be of little value; and that he would wish 
 to know "what we would give for the whole." I told him it was a 
 subject I had not thought of; but that I supposed we should not object 
 to twenty millions, provided our citizens were paid. He told me that 
 this was too low an offer; and that he would be glad if I would reflect 
 upon it, and tell him to-morrow. I told him that, as Mr. Monroe would 
 be in town in two days, I would delay my further offer until I had the 
 pleasure of introducing him. He added, that he did not speak from 
 authority, but that the idea had struck him. I have reason, however, 
 to think that this resolution was taken in Council on Saturday. On 
 Friday, I received Mr. Ross's motion: I immediately sent it to M. Tal- 
 leyrand, with an informal note expressive of my fears that it would be 
 carried into effect; and requesting that General Bernadotte might not 
 go till something effectual was done, I also translated it, and gave it 
 to General Bernadotte, and pressed upon him the necessity of asking 
 express instructions, in case he should find the island in possession of 
 the Americans. He went immediately to Joseph Bonaparte. These, 
 I believe, were exciting causes to the train we are now in, and which 
 1 flatter myself we shall be able, on the arrival of Mr. Monroe, to 
 pursue to effect. I think, from every appearance, that war is very 
 near at hand; and, under these circumstances, 1 have endeavored to 
 impress the Government that not a moment should be lost, lest Britain 
 should anticipate us. I have used every exertion with the Spanish 
 Ambassador and Lord Whitworth, to prevent the transfer of the 
 Floridas; and wrote to Mr, Graham, in Mr, Pinckney's absence, to 
 give every attention to that object, and to avail himself of the coolness 
 which subsisted between the French Ambassador and the Prince of 
 Peace. This has retarded the negotiation ; and unless they get Florida 
 I have convinced them Louisiana is worth little, I would rather have 
 confined our views to smaller objects; and I think that, if we succeed, 
 it would be good policy to exchange the west bank of the Mississippi 
 with Spain for the Floridas, reserving New Orleans, Perhaps, how- 
 ever, I am too sanguine in my expectations: we will not, therefore, 
 dispose of the skin till we have killed the bear. 
 
 I have written to Mr. King, pressing him to stay until a successor 
 is appointed. The moment is so critical that we can not justify being 
 without a Minister in England, and he is a very useful one. 
 
 I believe you ma}" calculate that Britain will not give up Malta, and 
 that France will not leave it in her hands by consent; and, of course, 
 hostilities must commence, or Britain be kept, at immense expense, in 
 her present warlike attitude, while France expends nothing. This she 
 can not submit to, and must, therefore, strike the first stroke, which 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TEERITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 159 
 
 this country wishes, in order to render the war more popular here. 
 France has marched troops into Holland, and those of Vi(;tor are 
 embarking, but, I think will not sail, or, if they do, will be inter- 
 cepted by England, who will probabl}^ think the}^ are designed for 
 the islands, which is very probable. 
 
 Mr. Monroe arrived on the 1st at Havre. I expect him here in two 
 days at furthest from this date. His passage was twenty-nine days. 
 
 I shall see the Minister again to-morrow, in order to sound him more 
 fully before we offer anything formal on Mr. Monroe's arrival. 
 
 I wished and proposed that General Bernadotte should wait until 
 something was done, having formally notified the Minister that Mr. 
 Monroe had arrived, but I could not prevail upon him to make any 
 alteration. He said that Mr. Bernadotte, having received his des- 
 patches, was to be considered by him as gone. 
 
 You will receive this by Mr. Petrie, his secretary, who waits here 
 until to-morrow. 
 
 I am, R. R. Livingston. 
 
 P. S., 12th. — Orders are gone this day to stop the sailing of vessels 
 from the French ports; war is inevitable; my conjecture as to their 
 determination to sell is well founded; Mr. Monroe is just arrived here. 
 
 Hon. James Madison, 
 
 Secretary of State. 
 
 Mr. Livingston to Mr. Madison, Secretary of State. 
 
 Paris, Ajyril 13, 1803, midnight. 
 
 Dear Sir: I have just come from the Minister of the Treasury. Our 
 conversation was so important, that I think it necessary to write it, 
 while the impressions are strong upon m}^ mind; and the rather, as I 
 fear I shall not have time to copv and send this letter, if I defer it till 
 morning. 
 
 By my letter of yesterdaj^, you learned that the Minister had asked 
 me whether I would agree to purchase Louisiana, «fec. On the 12th, I 
 called upon him to press this matter further. He then thought proper 
 to declare that his proposition was only personal, but still requested 
 me to make an offer; and, upon declining to do so, as I expected Mr. 
 Monroe the next day, he shrugged up his shoulders, and changed the 
 conversation. Not willing, however, to lose sight of it, I told him I 
 had been long endeavoring to bring him to some point; but, unfortu 
 nately, without effect: that I wished merely to have the negotiation 
 opened by any proposition on his part; and, with that view, had writ- 
 ten him a note which contained that request, grounded upon my appre- 
 hension of the consequence of sending General Bernadotte without 
 
160 PURCHASE OF THE TERRITOET OF LOUISIAISTA. 
 
 enabling him to say a treaty was begun. He told me he would answer 
 my note, but that he must do it evasivelj^ because Louisiana was not 
 theirs. I smiled at this assertion, and told him I had seen the treaty 
 recognizing it; that I knew the Consul had appointed officers to gov- 
 ern the country, and that he had himself told me that General Victor 
 was to take possession; that, in a note written by the express order of 
 the First Consul, he had told me that General Bernadotte was to treat 
 relative to it in the United States, &c. He stiil persisted that they 
 had it in contemplation to obtain it, but had it not. I told him that I 
 was very well pleased to understand this from him, because, if so, we 
 should not commit ourselves with them in taking it from Spain, to 
 whom, by his account, it still belonged; and that, as we had just cause 
 of complaint against her, if Mr. Monroe concurred in opinion with 
 me, we should negotiate no further on the subject, but advise our 
 Government to take possession. He seemed alarmed at the boldness 
 of the measure, and told me he would answer my note, but that it 
 would be evasively. I told him I should receive with pleasure any 
 communication from him, but that we were not disposed to trifle; that 
 the times were critical, and though I did not know what instructions 
 Mr. Monroe might bring, I was perfectlj^ satisfied that they would 
 require a precise and prompt notice; that I was ver}" fearful, from the 
 little progress I had made, that my Government would consider me as 
 a very indolent negotiator. He laughed, and told me that he would 
 give me a certificate that I was the most importunate he had met with. 
 
 There was something so extraordinary in all this, that I did not detail 
 it to you till I found some clue to the labyrinth, which I have done, 
 as you will find before 1 finish this letter; and the rather, as I was 
 almost certain that I could rely upon the intelligence I had received 
 of the resolution to dispose of this countr3^ 
 
 This day Mr. Monroe passed with me in examining ni}^ papers; and 
 while he and several other gentlemen were at dinner with me, I 
 observed the Minister of the Treasury walking in my garden. I sent 
 out Colonel Livingston to him; he told him he would return when we 
 had dined. While we were taking cofiee he came in; and, after being 
 some time in the room, we strolled into the next room, when he told 
 me he heard I had been at his house two days before, when he was 
 at St. Cloud; that he thought I might have something particular to 
 say to him, and had taken the first opportunity to call on me. I saw 
 that this was meant as an opening to one of those free conversations 
 which I had frequently had with him. I accordingl}^ began on the 
 subject of the debt, and related to him the extraordinary conduct of 
 the Minister, &c. He told me that this led to something important, 
 that had been cursorily mentioned to him at St. Cloud; but as my 
 house was full of company, he thought 1 had better call on him any time 
 befox'e 11 that night. He went away, and, a little after, when Mr. 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 161 
 
 Monroe took leave, I followed him. He told me that he wished me 
 to repeat what I had said relative to M. Tallej-rand's requesting- a 
 proposition from me as to the purchase of Louisiana. I did so; and 
 concluded with the extreme absurdity of his evasions of that day, and 
 stated the consequence of any delay on this subject, as it would enable 
 Britain to take possession, who would readily relinquish it to us. He 
 said that this proceeded upon a supposition of her making- so success- 
 ful a war as to be enabled to retain her conquests. 1 told him that it 
 was probable that the same idea might suggest itself to the United 
 States; in which case, it would be their interest to contribute to render 
 her successful, and I asked whether it was prudent to throw us into 
 her- scale? This led to long discussions of no moment to repeat. We 
 returned to the point: he said, that what I had told him led him to 
 think that what the Consul had said to him on Sunday, at St. Cloud, 
 (the day on which, as I told j^ou, the determination had been taken to 
 sell,) had more of earnest than he thought at the time; that the Consul 
 had asked him what news from England ? As he knew he read the 
 papers attentively, he told him that he had seen in the London papers 
 the proposition for raising fifty thousand men to take New Orleans. 
 The Consul said he had seen it too, and had also seen that something 
 was said about two millions of dollars being disposed among the peo- 
 ple about him, to bribe them, &c. ; and then left him. That after- 
 wards, when walking in the garden, the Consul came again to him, 
 and spoke to him about the troubles that were excited in America, and 
 inquired how far 1 was satisfied with his last note. 
 
 Here some civil things were introduced, for which I presume I am 
 more indebted to the Minister's politeness than to his veracity; so lee 
 them sleep. He (Marbois) then took occasion to mention his sorrow 
 that any cause of difi^erence should exist between our countries. The 
 Consul told him, in reply, "Well, you have the charge of the treasury; 
 let them give you one hundred millions of francs, and pay their own 
 claims, and take the whole country." Seeing, by my looks, that I was 
 surprised at so extravagant a demand, he added that he considered the 
 demand as exorbitant, and had told the First Consul that the thing 
 was impossible; that we had not the means of raising- that. The Con- 
 sul told him we might borrow it. I now plainlj^ saw the whole busi- 
 ness: first, the Consul was disposed to sell; next, he distrusted 
 Talleyrand, on account of the business of the supposed intention to 
 bribe, and meant to put the negotiation into the hands of Marbois, 
 whose character for integrity is established. I told him that the 
 United States were anxious to preserve peace with France; that, for 
 that reason, they wished to remove them to the west side of the Mis- 
 sissippi ; that we would be perfectly satisfied with New Orleans and the 
 Floridas, and had no disposition to extend across the river; that, of 
 course, we would not give any great sum for the purchase; that he was 
 H. Doc. 431 11 
 
162 PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 right in his idea of the extreme exorbitancy of the demand, which 
 woukl not fall short of one hundred and twentj'-five millions; that, 
 however, we would be read}^ to purchase, provided the sum was reduced 
 to reasonable limits. He then pressed me to name the sum. I told 
 him that this was not worth while, because, as he only treated the 
 inquiry as a matter of curiosity, any declaration of mine would have 
 no effect. If a negotiation was to be opened, we should (Mr. Monroe 
 and myself) make the offer after mature reflection. This compelled 
 him to declare, that, though he was not authorized expressly to make 
 the inquiry from me, 3^et, that, if I could mention any sum that came near 
 the mark, that could b3 accepted, he would communicate it to the First 
 Consul. 1 told him that we had no sort of authority to go to a sum 
 that boreanj^ proportion to what he mentioned; but that, as he himself 
 considered the demand as too high, he would oblige me by telling me 
 what he thought would be reasonable. He replied that, if we would 
 name sixty millions, and take upon us the American claims, to the 
 amount of twent}' more, he would try how far this would be accepted. 
 1 told him that it was vain to ask anything that was so greatly beyond 
 our means; that true policy would dictate to the First Consul not to 
 press such a demand; that he must know that it would render the 
 present Government unpopular, and have a tendencj^, at the next elec- 
 tion, to throw the power into the hands of men who were most hostile 
 to a connection with France; and that this would probably happen in 
 the midst of a war. I asked him whether the few millions acquired 
 at this expense would not be too dearly bought ? 
 
 He frankly confessed that he was of ni}^ sentiments; but that he 
 feared the Consul would not relax. I asked him to press this argu- 
 ment upon him, together with the danger of seeing the countr}^ pass 
 into the hands of Britain. I told him that he had seen the ardor of 
 the Americans to take it b}^ force, and the difficulty with which they 
 were restrained by the prudence of the President; that he must easily 
 see how much the hands of the war party would be strengthened, when 
 they learned that France was upon the eve of a rupture with England. 
 He admitted the weight of all this: "But," says he, "you know the 
 temper of a youthful conqueror; everything he does is rapid as light- 
 ning; we have only to speak to him as an opportunity presents itself, 
 perhaps in a crowd, when he bears no contradiction. When I am alone 
 with him, I can speak more freely, and he attends; but this oppor- 
 tunity seldom happens, and is alwa3\s accidental. Try, then, if you 
 can not come up to ni}^ mark. Consider the extent of the country, 
 the exclusive navigation of the river, and the importance of having 
 no neighbors to dispute you, no war to dread." I told him that I con- 
 sidered all these as important considerations, but there was a point 
 beyond which we could not go, and that fell far short of the sum he 
 mentioned. 
 
 I 
 
PUJRCHASE OF THE TEEEITORY OF LOUISIANA. 163 
 
 I asked him, in case of a purchase, whether they would stipulate 
 that France would never possess the Floridas, and that she would aid 
 us to procure them, and relinquish all right that she might have to 
 them. He told me that she would go thus far. I added, that I would 
 now sa}^ nothing on the subject, but that I would converse with Mr. 
 Monroe; and that I was sure to find him disposed to do everything 
 that was reasonable, or could be expected to remove every cause of 
 difference between the two countries. That, however, if any negotia- 
 tion should go on, I would wish that the First Consul would depute 
 somebody to treat with us, who had more leisure than the Minister for 
 Foreign Affairs. 
 
 I said this to see whether my conjectures relative to him were well 
 founded. He told me that as the First Consul knew our personal 
 friendship, he having several times had occasion to speak of me and 
 my family, and the principles that we held, he believed that there would 
 be no difficulty, when this negotiation was somewhat advanced, to have 
 the management of it put into his hands. He earnestly pressed me to 
 make some proposition that was so near the First Consul's as to admit his 
 mentioning it to him. 1 told him that I would consult Mr. Monroe, 
 but that neither he nor I could accede to his ideas on the subject. 
 Thus, sir, you see a negotiation is fairly opened, and upon grounds 
 which 1 confess I prefer to all other commercial privileges ; and always 
 to some a simple money transaction is infinitel}'^ preferable. As to the 
 quantum, I have yet made up no opinion. The field opened to us is 
 infinitely larger than our instructions contemplated; the revenue 
 increasing, and the land more than adequate to sink the capital, should 
 we even go the sum proposed by Marbois; nay, I persuade myself, that 
 the whole sum may be raised by the sale of the territory west of the 
 Mississippi, with the right of sovereigntj'', to some Power in Europe, 
 whose vicinity we should not fear. I speak now without reflection, 
 and without having seen Mr. Monroe, as it was midnight when I left 
 the Treasury Office, and is now near 3 o'clock. It is so very important 
 that you should be apprized that a negotiation is actually opened, even 
 before Mr. Monroe has been presented, in order to calm the tumult 
 which the news of war will renew, that I have lost no time in commu- 
 nicating it. We shall do all we can to cheapen the purchase; but my 
 present sentiment is that we shall buy. Mr, Monroe will be presented 
 to the Minister to-morrow, when we shall press for as early an audi- 
 ence as possible from the First Consul. I think it will be necessary 
 to put in some proposition to-morrow: the Consul goes in a few days 
 to Brussels, and every moment is precious. 
 
 I am, dear sir, with the most respectful consideration, your most 
 obedient, humble servant, 
 
 Robert R. Livingston. 
 
16-4 PUKCHASE OF THE TEKRITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 Mr. Monroe to Mr. Madison. 
 
 Paris April 15, 1803. 
 Dear Sir, — It is proper for me to mention to \^ou in confidence 
 some circumstances which I wish not to include in an ofiicial letter. 
 I was informed on my arrival here by Mr. Skipwith that Mr, Living- 
 ston mortified at my appointment had done everything in his power to 
 turn the occurrences in America, and even my mission to his account, 
 by pressing the Government on every point with a view to show that 
 he had accomplished what was wished without ni}^ aid: and perhaps 
 also that my mission had put in hazard what might otherwise have 
 been easily obtained. His ofiicial correspondence will show what 
 occurred prior to my arrival & sufliciently proves that he did not 
 abstain even on hearing that 1 was on ni}^ wa}^, from the topics intrusted 
 to us jointly. Col. Mercer who was present says this information was 
 given next morning at the second interview. When 1 called on him 
 he told me that this government had resolved to sell Louisiana &c but 
 that the resolution had grown out of the state of things in Europe, & 
 the danger of a war with England: that that point would be decided in 
 a fortnight, perhaps immediately on the return of a courrier from 
 Russia who was expected in less time: that he had been with Talley- 
 rand that day, advised him that I was on the way from Havre & pressed 
 him on the subject of my mission, & ultimately on being asked what 
 we would give had actually offered terms. On the next day I dined 
 with Mr. Livingston; while at dinner Mr. Marbois came there, with- 
 drew and returned after we arose from dinner; they had a private con- 
 ference and it was agreed, there being company with him, that Mr. 
 Livingston should call on him after the company dispersed at his (Mr. 
 Marbois') house to confer relative to the purchase of Louisiana. He 
 told me he was going there & the object, and in a private conference 
 with Mr. Skipwith who dined with him on the same da}^, after repeat- 
 ing the above, he regretted his misfortune in my arrival, since it took 
 from him the credit of having brought everj^thing to a proper conclu- 
 sion without uw aid. You will perceive the dilemma into which I have 
 been & am still placed by this course of proceeding, since I have not 
 onl}^ to negotiate with the French Government, especially its ministers, 
 but my colleagues also. There is a plausible pretext for not present- 
 ing me to the Consul till the monthl}^ audience, & in strict propriety 1 
 ought to hold no communication or sanction one with this government 
 till I am presented: tho' my colleague considers my reception by the 
 minister, his official notes relative to it, the terms in which he spoke 
 of me on the part of the Consul & the information he gave us that a 
 person would be designated to treat with us, with whom we might hold 
 informal communications in the interim as placing me on the ground 
 of a person recognized. If I held back on the rule of strict etiquette 
 
 t 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TEEEITOEY OP LOUISIANA. 165 
 
 & permitted no communication at all in case our negotiation failed 
 1 exposed myself & our government to the charge of having lost, 
 by the measure taken, a brilliant opportunity of securing all our 
 objects here & myself particularly of sacrificing everything thro' 
 selfish motives. It is well known that the crisis pressed here and 
 stil] does, that the Consul had resolved to sell, that Marbois was a 
 minister & entitled to credit, that my colleague was one also already 
 recognized & jointly associated with me in the trust. He was also 
 pos3essed with the views of our government as well as myself, & 
 might speak without my approbation with whom he pleased. 1 could 
 not withhold confidential communications with him. Under these 
 circumstances I have been driven by necessity, in private communi- 
 cations with him, signing nothing or authorizing it on his part, to 
 permit him to state to Mr. Marbois that I would assent to the pur- 
 chase of Louisiana at the price we were willing to give for the terri- 
 tory to the left of the river, France relinquishing all pretensions to 
 the Floridas, & engaging to support with her influence our negotiation 
 with Spain for them. By so doing I disarm those who might wish 
 it of charging on me or our government the fault of future events, 
 should they be unpropitious, and am not aware that I substantially 
 hazard anything. All this attention to my colleague &c may be an 
 intrigue tho' on the part of Marbois. I put confidence in the facts 
 he states. It may be wished to inspire jealousy and distrust between 
 my colleague & myself; the minister may suppose he will be less 
 reserved, tho' it is certain till my appointment was known that he 
 often treated him with great neglect & even disrespect. The opinion 
 entertained of the character of the Consul for promptitude & decision, 
 that if he liked the terms he would conclude at once, & if he was dis- 
 gusted would perhaps not soon return to the subject induced me with 
 the consideration mentioned to assent to the above. My Colleague has 
 now promised me in the most explicit terms to hold no further com- 
 munication with Mr. Marbois or any other person, till 1 am recognized, 
 & a person regularly appointed to treat with us. I do not know that 
 any real injury will occur to the object of the mission by what has 
 passed. 
 
 Mr. Monroe's Journal or Memoranda. 
 
 April 27. 
 M''. Marbois came to my lodgings by appointment of M''. Livingston, 
 at two o'clock and I being indisposed it was agreed that I might repose 
 as it suited me. M"". Marbois opened the conversation by presenting 
 us with a project of a treaty given him by the gov*, to be proposed to 
 us, which he admitted he thought hard and unreasonable; he presented 
 at the same time another project which he called his own, which had 
 
166 PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 not been seen by the g-ov*. , but to which he presumed the first consul 
 would assent, as he had told him he would not insist on the terms con- 
 tained in the first, and would only ask or propose such as he had drawn 
 in the second; but to which he declared that the first consul had not 
 assented explicitly. M"". Marbois thought himself however at liberty 
 to propose his own project as the basis of our negotiation. That proj- 
 ect claimed one hundred millions & the debts due our citizens esti- 
 mated at 20. more. His own reduced that demand to 80, including 
 the debt. There were some other differences between them, his going 
 more into detail, in the form of a publick act. M"". Livingston 
 observed that the debt was a thing to be provided for in an especial 
 manner; that the consul had said to him it should be paid; that we 
 ought to begin from points agreed & proceed to difficulties — that the 
 points agreed were the debts that were due and our right of deposit. 
 M"". Marbois said that if we made a treaty on the general & great sub- 
 ject of the Louisiana, he would include in it a provision for the debts; 
 that if he did not make a treaty of that kind he would have nothing to 
 do with the debts. M''. Livingston repeated the promise of the Consul 
 &c. for the payment of them, to which M"". Marbois replied that he 
 did not mean to impair the force of our claim founded on the treaty 
 & the promise of the gov*. — what he meant to say was, that if our 
 negotiation succeeded in the object of it, the debts would be comprized 
 in it & provided for, and if it did not succeed he would leave them 
 where he found them; the claim would still be supported by the treaty 
 & any assurance M"". Livingston may have received from tho gov*, 
 since. M"". Livingston still pressing the high ground on which the 
 claim to the payment of the debt rested, M"". Marbois observed that in 
 the promise referred to no time was fixed or sum specified, & inti- 
 mated that the Consul did not contemplate a greater sum than 3 or 4 
 millions of livres. I then observed that I thought we were all of the 
 same opinion respecting the debts that the ground on which they stood 
 could not be impaired by the failure of this negotiation; that a pro- 
 vision might be made for the payment of them by it; that we had 
 better go on to the other object & with that view to examine & discuss 
 the project presented by M''. Marbois. One of the articles contained 
 in M"". Marbois's project, proposed that thepa3^ment to our citizens & 
 the French gov*, should proceed in equal degree regarding the amount 
 to be paid to each party, by the month, that is that neither should 
 have a priority or preference, to the other as to time or proportion. 
 M*". Livingston insisted that the payment to our citizens should be 
 prompt & full, which he supposed we might make, without render- 
 ing ourselves unable to meet the views of the French gov*, in any sum 
 we might stipulate to give in point of time: to that M"". Marbois seemed 
 to have no objection. 
 Appendix I. — I objected to the commerce priviledge, as being cal- 
 
PUECHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 167 
 
 culated to embarrass our revenue sj^stem, create irregularities between 
 one part and another, give offense to foreign powers, fix a badge of 
 degradation on the part of the Union, & actually defeat the policy of 
 France in inclining us to Engl*^. — Ele seemed to think that being the 
 condition of the cession it was not liable to all the objections stated — 
 both m}^ colleague and myself observed that that idea had not been 
 communicated by him to either of us in our former conversations, w*". 
 he admitted on our word, but observed that it was an omission on his 
 part, his gov*, having always contemplated it — that it imported the 
 honor of the govt., to furnish a publick motive for the cession distinct 
 from money — I then objected to the perpetuity of the stipulation to 
 which he assented — 12 years were proposed to which he agreed. 
 
 At the same time that we presented to Mr. Marbois our project we 
 gave him a paper drawn by my colleague on the subject, translated in 
 French, w'^. being long, it was deemed then unnecessary to read it, 
 but proposed by my colleague that Mr. Marbois sho*^. keep & read it 
 himself & shew it to the consul, w*^. he promised. This paper was 
 given me by my colleague some days before, but it being lengthy & I 
 being much engaged in the arrangement of our project had paid but 
 little attention to it — when my colleague called on me on his way to 
 Mr. Marbois he asked me for it; I gave it to him, he asked me to sign 
 it — I told him there were passages I did not like, particularly the 
 admission that the formation of our adm'^^ depended on the conduct of 
 foreign powers: that that was not the fact, that that idea was degrad- 
 ing to our country, that the application of the term sovereign to the 
 first consul was improper, that of Ch: Magistrate was the correct one — 
 I also did not like the terms used relative to the debts due by France — 
 tho' I wished & wod secure them in our treaty — he said that the 
 paper contained mere cursory observations, — that the first idea w'\ I 
 objected to wod. have weight here, since this gov*, did not wish a 
 change of adm'\ in the U. States so that he thought the paper might 
 have use. On the intimation that he considered the paper as contain- 
 ing cursorv observations, by which I understood that he meant it as 
 informal, I signed it — I did this on the principle that the negotiation 
 had reached a stage which prevented this paper from doing harm, and 
 to put it out of my colleague's power to say that I prevented his doing 
 good. I never heard of the paper afterwards, tho' my colleague told 
 me next day on leaving the first consul's that Mr. Marbois had informed 
 him that the first consul had approved it — I had conferred with Mr. 
 Marbois just before my colleague did & arranged our meeting that 
 night at his home, in w^. he said nothing of that paper. I therefore 
 inferred that what he did say was in consequence of the enquiry of my 
 colleague, & on perusing that he felt some interest respecting it. 
 
 Journal. — My colleague took M'". Marbois's project with him & 
 brought one very loosely drawn founded on it, which with our com- 
 
168 PURCHASE OF THE TERRIIORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 munications together on the subject & the moditications we gave it, 
 will be noted hereafter. 
 
 We called on M*". Marbois the 29*'' and gave him our project which 
 we read to him & discussed. We proposed to offer 50. millions to 
 France & 20. on ace*, of her debt to the citizens of the U States, mak- 
 ing TO. in the whole. On reading that article he declared that he 
 would not proceed in the negotiation on a less sum than 80. Millions, 
 since it would be useless as the Consul had been sufficiently explicit 
 on that point; Indeed he assured us that his government had never 
 positively instructed him to take that sum, but that as he had told the 
 Consul it was enough, that he would ask no more, and to which he 
 understood the Consul as giving his assent, he M'". Marbois had 
 thought himself authorized to accept & propose it to us, but that he 
 could not proceed unless we agreed to give it. On this frank & explicit 
 declaration on his part & after explaining to him the motive which led 
 us to offer that sum w^e agreed to accede to his idea & give 80. millions. 
 He asked us if we could not advance something immediately, we 
 replied, we did so in discharge of their debt to our citizens; that they 
 had suffered and it was for the interest of France as well as the U 
 States, that they should be promptly paid, or as soon as possible. To 
 the payment in stock he did not object, nor did he say anything 
 respecting the loss to be sustained by it: he asked what effect the pro- 
 tracting the redemption of the stock for 15 years would have on its 
 value; we told him to raise its price. 
 
 On the proviso to the commercial stipulation he seemed to entertain 
 a doubt, but on our shewing the abuse of which the article was capable 
 without it, being not simpl}^ to give a preference for 12 years to 
 French vessels & manufactures over those of other countries in the 
 ports of the ceded territory, but to enable France to monopolize the 
 carriage of the exports from the Mississippi, and prevent a single 
 article raised there being brought from the other States, such as 
 tobacco, rice, &c. He admitted that such a power was not sought on 
 their part. 
 
 He seemed desirous to secure by some strong provision the incor- 
 poration of the inhabitants of the ceded country with our union; we 
 told him that we would try to modify the article to meet his ideas as 
 fairly as we could — we left our project with him, in expectation of 
 hearing from him soon the result, as he said he should see the Consul 
 next morning on the subject. He informed me that M'". Talleyrand 
 had asked him whether I was in health to be presented to the first 
 Consul, & on my answering in the affirmative; advised me to let him 
 know it. My colleague promised as we returned home to inform the 
 minister next day that I had recovered m}^ health. To guard against 
 accidents however I wrote the minister to that effect next morning, 
 and a note to my colleague to request him to call for me as he went to 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA..^ 169 
 
 the house of the minister. Just as I was ready to \dsit the minister 
 my colleague returned from him & informed me that it was arranged 
 that I should be presented next day, that is on the first of Ma3^ 
 
 (May 1st, 1803, Sun(3ay.) 
 
 I accompanied mj^ colleague to the Palace of the Louvre, where I 
 was presented by him to the Consul. While standing in the circle I 
 received a communication by the prefect of the palace, from the min- 
 ister, stating that he was indisposed, but that I must present the Con- 
 sul m}^ letter of credence, & that the Consul desired I would dine with 
 him. 
 
 When the Consul came round to me, M'", Livingston presented me 
 to him, on which the Consul observed that he was glad to see me. " Je 
 suis bien aise de le voir." "You have been here 15 days?" I told 
 him I had. " You speak French? " I replied "A little." "You had 
 a good vo3^age ? " Yes. ' ' You came in a frigate ? " No in a merchant 
 vessel charged for the purpose. Col, Mercer was presented; saj^s he 
 "He is Secretary of legation?" No but my friend. He then made 
 enquiries of M''. Livingston & his secretary how their families were, 
 and then turned to M"". Livingston & myself & observed that our 
 affairs should be settled. 
 
 We dined with him. After dinner when we retired into the saloon, 
 the first Consul came up to me and asked whether the federal city 
 grew much. 1 told him it did. " How many inhabitants has it? " It 
 is just commencing, there are two cities near it, one above, the other 
 below, on the great river Potomack, which two cities if counted with 
 the federal city would make a respectable town, in itself it contains 
 only two or three thousand inhabitants. "Well; M''. Jefferson, how 
 old is he?" Ab*. sixty. "Is he married or single? " He is not mar- 
 ried. "Then he is a garcon.'''' No he is a widower. " Has he chil- 
 dren?" Yes two daughters who are married. "Does he reside 
 alwaj^s at the federal city ? " Generally. "Are the publick buildings 
 there commodious, those for the Congress and President especially?" 
 They are. " You the Americans did brilliant things in your war with 
 England, you will do the same again." We shall I am persuaded 
 always behave well when it shall be our lot to be in war. " You may 
 probably be in war with them again." I replied I did not know, that 
 that was an important question to decide when there would be an occa- 
 sion for it. 
 
 At i after eight we met M"". Marbois at his own house, in con- 
 formity to an appointment which we made with him at the Consul's, 
 and entered on the subject of our proposed treaty. He objected to 
 the first article as being long & containing superfluities, & shewed us 
 a remark to that effect on it by the department of foreign affairs, as 
 being an act more suited to a private transaction before a notary pub- 
 
170 PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 lick. He objected also to any guarantee against France or Spain, as 
 against France as useless, since the cession was as strong a guarantee 
 against her as she could make, and against Spain as improper & useless 
 since it would be an ungracious act to her from France, & we had 
 nothing to fear from Spain. He had no objection to inserting the art: 
 of the treaty of II defonso b}^ which France acquired the territory, in 
 our treaty, & would make her good offices with Spain in support of 
 our negotiations for the Floridas. From the 2**. art: he agreed to 
 strike out whatever restricted the application of publick buildings 
 to the same use hereafter; & to be contented with the security of 
 property to individuals; and also to omit the obligation to transfer 
 the archives &c. to the local authorities. The articles at the close of 
 our project which respected the cession & transfer of the territory, 
 he proposed to put together in the commencement, which we examined 
 & modified somewhat by consent. That which respected the commer- 
 cial privilege, he said was objected to in the proviso; he admitted 
 however that it was not wished or contemplated to enjoy more than 
 an exemption from foreign duties in favor of French productions, 
 manufactures & tonage in the transportation of the same into the 
 ports of the Mississippi but not to afi'ect the terms on which our prod- 
 uce should be carried from it, since he readil}^ foresaw that such a 
 power might be greatly abused. I proposed an amendment which 
 was in sentiment agreed to. To the payment to be made thera in 
 stock, and the mode b}^ which we proposed to ascertain the amount 
 and persons entitled to the debt which they owed our citizens, he said 
 objections were entertained. They wish the payment to be made here 
 of 5. millions of livres the month, which we told him was impossible — 
 He believed it was. He wished the term for which the stock was 
 irredeemable to be omitted & adjusted afterwards between ourselves, 
 intimating that on that point difiSculties existed with his gov*, which 
 proceeded from want of time to examine it, but that we must agree 
 (on) something, indeed seemed to assent explicitly to our ideas on 
 the subject. On our explaining the reasons why some check on the 
 liquidation of the debt due our citizens was necessar}^, since otherwise 
 the sum destined to them might be absorbed, by liquidations in favor 
 of Americans not entitled, or even not Americans, he admitted the 
 propriety of the check we proposed. He said he would see the Consul 
 next morning, fix the points in question, & come prepared sometime 
 in the course of that day to conclude & sign the treaty as of yester- 
 day, being Saturday. 
 
 May 2*^. We actually signed the treaty and convention for the sixt}^ 
 millions of Francs to France in the French language, but our copies 
 in English not being made out we could not sign in our language. 
 They were however prepared and signed two or three days after- 
 wards. The convention respecting American claims took more time 
 
PtJKCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. I7l 
 
 & was not signed till about the 8. or 9*^. A more minute view of this 
 business as promised in the third page will be annexed hereafter. 
 
 We nominated provisionally Col: John Mercer, J. C. Barnett & 
 W™. M'^Clure to examine the claims of Americans on the French gov*, 
 and perform the duties assigned to our board b}^ the convention 
 respecting that subject. 
 
 As soon as we had dispatched the treaty &c. b}^ M"". Hughes, with 
 duplicates & triplicates, I resolved to go to Spain in pursuit of my 
 instructions, which M'". L. approved of and strongl}" urged. With 
 that view I wrote a note to the minister of foreign affairs asking the 
 good offices of his gov*, with Spain as had been promised by M"". Mar- 
 bois intimating that I wished to set out in a few days for Madrid. On 
 the Sundaj^ following I dined with the Consul Cambaceres, who arrived 
 late from the counci'l at St. Cloud. The party was not large; I sat 
 next him; he observed "3^oumust not go to Spain at present." I 
 asked his reason. He replied " it is not the time, you had better defer 
 it." I revived the subject repeatedly but he declined going more into 
 it. After dinner when we were in the saloon, he came up to me, and 
 on my telling him that he had given me some concern b}- what he had 
 said, he replied " it was only his opinion, but you will talk on the sub- 
 ject with the minister of the publick treasury (M'". Marbois,) which I 
 promised. I went immediately to M'". Marbois's but he was not at 
 home. Reflecting on the hint from the Consul it occurred it would be 
 proper to call on the ambassador of Spain & confer with him on the 
 subject, as I had always intended before I sate out for Spain. I found 
 him at home with two Spanish gentlemen, one the husband of the 
 daughter of Don Galvez who was also present. I told him that I 
 intended going to Spain to treat for Florida with the ministers of his 
 Catholic Majesty, & asked what he thought of it. He replied with 
 great candor that he wished the affair amicably settled between our 
 gov*^ , and that two days before he had written to his Court by an 
 extraordinary courier at the desire of M"". Livingston to propose to it 
 the question whether it would make the cession to the U States and as 
 I understood to authorize him to treat here for it. As M'". Living- 
 ston had never spoken to me on the subject, as he had pressed my 
 going to Spain, or at least given his decided opinion that I ought to 
 go there, this information surprised me much, especiall}^ when I 
 recollected that he not only had no power to treat on the subject, but 
 knew that it was committed to others. I asked when he expected 
 an answer to his letter ? He said if it was sent by an extr^. courier 
 it might be in 12 days, as it required 7 to go and as many to return; 
 & it had been sent 2 alrea(^y: that if it came b}^ the ordinary post it 
 would take a much longer time as it required 12 days to convey a 
 letter from Paris to Madrid in that mode. I told him that I thought 
 I should go to Madrid & then explained to him something of the 
 
172 PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OP LOlTlSIAlsrA. 
 
 nature of the commission which existed for treating with his govern- 
 ment, it being thought ])y ours more respectful to his to treat at 
 Madrid than here, but without giving cause to infer that I disapproved 
 the measure taken b}^ M''. Livingston or indeed that I was ignorant 
 of it. 
 
 ^ Next day M''. Livingston and myself called on M"". Marbois on some 
 question relative to the treat}' &c. On our return he asked me when 
 I should set out to Spain % I told him that I had called on the Marquis 
 D'Azara to confer with him on the subject, the night before, and of 
 the step he had taken at his request to draw the subject here; that 
 under those circumstances it would be an idle errand for me to go 
 there, at least till the Marquis got an answer to his letter;. that the 
 affair ought not to pla}" between the two countries; He said that what 
 had passed between him and the Marquis had happened casually at the 
 minister of foreign affairs: that the Marquis had sent the Extr^. 
 courier to announce our treaty, & hearing him say he intended to send 
 one, he had suggested the idea of his proposing to his court to make 
 the cession, but not to obtain the authority to treat here for it. I 
 told him that after the arrangement made bj^ our gov\ with respect to 
 Spain, the affair ought to have its course in the train in which it was 
 placed by it: that I could not see an}^ benefit to be derived from an 
 application of the Ambassador of Spain to his Court in the manner 
 stated b}^ M''. Livingston, especialh^ if I was to go there. 
 
 Mr. Livingston to Mr. Madison. 
 
 Paijis, April 17, 1803. 
 Sm: Mr. Petrie having been detained, I have an opportunity to give 
 you a relation of what has passed since my letter of the 13th. On 
 the Ittth I called upon Mr. Monroe, to present him to the Minister, 
 who had, upon my application, fixed 3 o'clock that daj^ for his recep- 
 tion. Before we went we examined our commission, in which there 
 are two circumstances with which I am not quite satisfied; one, indeed, 
 of little moment, because it only respects me personally ; and the other 
 very important, as it may, if things should take a turn favorable to 
 France, defeat all that we may do, even at the moment of signing. The 
 first is that I have not the same rank in the commission with Mr. 
 Monroe. It is important that I should be thought to stand as well 
 with our Government as anj^ other person. If so, my age, and the 
 stations I have held entitle me not to have had any other person 
 placed above me in the line I have filled. The second is, that the com- 
 mission contains power only to treat for lands on the east side of the 
 Mississippi. You will recollect that I have been long preparing this 
 Government to yield us the countr}^ above the Arkansas, because I saw 
 
PUECHASE OF THE TERKITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 173 
 
 the effect of their holding and giving encouragement to settle it would 
 draw off a prodigious population from our side of the river, and from 
 such a connexion between the inhabitants of the Western countr}^ and 
 these new settlers, who would be their relations and friends, as would 
 be extremely dangerous. In my private negotiations Avith Joseph 
 Bonaparte, I had ui'ged every reason that I could think of to induce 
 them to give us the country: and those reasons have had their effect. 
 I am, therefore, surprised that our commission should have entirely 
 lost sight of that object. Mr. Monroe, however, agrees with me that 
 we will proceed as well as we can; and, as we left no copy of the com- 
 mission, it may possibly escape unnoticed,, though it will operate to our 
 prejudice if our negotiation should not please at home. It is abso- 
 lutely necessary, my dear sir, to repose confidence in Ministers who 
 are placed so far from the seat of Government. You will recollect 
 that I have been absolutely without powers to the present moment; 
 and that though 1 have hazarded many things upon a presumption that 
 I should have them, none have been received till now, and now they 
 are unfortunately too limited. 
 
 But to proceed. On waiting upon the Minister we found M. Mar- 
 bois there, who told me that he had come to communicate to the 
 Minister what had passed between us, and that he greatly regretted 
 the not being able to bring us to such an offer as he might mention to 
 the First Consul. I told him that it was unnecessary to repeat what 
 would compel us to limit our offers to a much more moderate sum, as 
 I had already detailed them at large; and he knew they exceeded our 
 means. We were very graciously received b}^ the Minister, whom I 
 pressed to obtain as early a day as possible for the reception of Mr. 
 Monroe, as time pressed, and we were anxious to conclude our busi- 
 ness, for reasons arising out of the present disturbed state of America. 
 He told me he would speak to the First Consul that night on the sub- 
 ject; and that he hoped some person would be appointed to treat with 
 us, even before Mr. Monroe was presented. After a little general 
 conversation, he took leave, in expectation that Mr. Monroe would be 
 presented this day, (Sunday,) being a day of reception for the civil 
 officers of the Government. The next da}^ Mr. Monroe and myself, 
 after spending some time in consultation, determined to offer fifty 
 millions, including our debts; we presumed it would be best only to 
 mention forty in the first instance. This 1 accordingl}^ did, in a con- 
 ference I had on the 15th with M. Marbois. He expressed great 
 sorrow that we could not go beyond that sum, because he was sure 
 that it would not be accepted, and that perhaps the whole business 
 would be defeated, which he the more feared, as he had just received 
 a note from the Minister, indicative of the Consul's not being quite 
 pleased that he had so greatly lowered his original proposition. He 
 said that he saw our situation, and he knew that there was a point 
 
174 PURCHASE OF THE TEREITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 beyond which we could not go safely to ouryelves or the President; 
 but he wished us to advance to that point. He said that he would, 
 if 1 wished, go that very day to St. Cloud, and let me know the result. 
 I reminded him of the Consul's promise to pay the debt. I placed in 
 the strongest light his personal obligation on this subject; and desired 
 him to urge it as an additional reason to conclude an agreement which 
 would facilitate the means of doing it. The next morning, which was 
 yesterday, I again called to see him. He told me that he had been to 
 St. Cloud; that the Consul received his proposition very coolly; and 
 that I might consider the business as no longer in his hands, since he 
 had given him no further powers; that he had urged the Consul's 
 promise relative to the debt, which he admitted; but said, at the same 
 time, he did not think it had exceeded three millions, though my letter 
 expressly mentioned twenty. He expressed great sorrow upon the 
 occasion; and advised me to press M. Talleyrand to present Mr. Monroe 
 the next day, (that is, this day;) that he hoped that, if the Consul saw 
 me, as he had a very particular esteem for me, he would renew the 
 subject with me himself. ' 
 
 1 went to Mr. Monroe, and carried him to the Minister, who had not 
 returned from St. Cloud; and afterwards went again, but could not see 
 him. 1 dined with the Second Consul yesterday; and in the evening 
 M. Marbois came in. I took him aside, and asked him if anything 
 further had passed: he said not; but, that as he was to go to St. Cloud 
 the next day, it was possible that the Consul might touch upon the sub- 
 ject again; and that, if he did not, I might consider the plan as relin- 
 quished; and that, if I had any further proposition to make, it would be 
 well to state it. I then told him that on further conversation with 
 Mr. Monroe, we had resolved to go to the greatest possible length, and 
 that we would give fifty millions. He said he had ver}^ little hopes 
 that anything short of his proposition would succeed; but that he 
 would make the best use of the arguments I had furnished him with, 
 if an opportunity was offered; and if nothing was done the next day, 
 I might conclude that the Consul had changed his sentiments; that, 
 having given the Kingdom of Etruria, whose revenues were twenty- 
 five millions, in exchange for this country, it was natural that the First 
 Consul should estimate it beyond its real value. 
 
 Thus we stand at present, resolving to rest a few days upon our oars; 
 in the meantime I shall press the payment of the debt as an excite- 
 ment to forward the other business. 
 
 No notice has been given of Mr. Monroe's reception; and I am not 
 without my fears that he will not be received before the usual diplo- 
 matic day, which will not be till the 15th, and, before that time, the 
 Consul will probably go upon his tour to Flanders. Mr. Monroe hav- 
 ing been compelled, when here, to be well with the party then upper- 
 most, and who are now detested by the present ruler, it will be 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 175 
 
 some time before they know how to estimate his worth; and Talleyrand 
 has, I find, imbibed personal prejudice against him, that will induce 
 him to throw every possible obstruction in his way, that he can do con- 
 sistently with their own views. 
 
 I shall attend to the other subjects of your letter at the first moment 
 of leisure. At present I think it will be improper to touch upon less 
 important matters, which may either divert the attention or irritate. 
 
 I am sorry you have not thought it proper to attend to ray request 
 as to the Italian Republic. It has, I believe, been acknowledged by all 
 the Powers of Europe except Great Britain. Compliments that cost 
 nothing should, I think, always be paid, where j^ou have points to carry. 
 Be so obliging, in answering my letters, as to notice any project I 
 throw out; because it is not enough to have them passed over in silence, 
 as that leaves me in doubt; whereas the approbation or rejection of 
 them precisely would inform me of your sentiments, and enable me to 
 act accordingly. 
 
 I am, dear sir, with much esteem and respect, your most obedient, 
 
 humble servant. 
 
 E. R. Livingston. 
 
 Mr. Madison to Messrs. Livingston and Monroe. 
 
 Department of State, April 18, 1803. 
 
 Gentlemen: A month having elapsed since the departure of Mr. 
 Monroe, it may be presumed that, by the time this reaches you, com- 
 munications will have passed with the French Government, sufliciently 
 explaining its views towards the United States, and preparing the way 
 for the ulterior instructions which the President thinks proper should 
 now be given. 
 
 In case a convention and arrangement with France should have 
 resulted from the negotiations with which you are charged; or, in case 
 such should not have been the result — but no doubt should be left that 
 the French Government means to respect duly our rights, and to culti- 
 vate sincerely peace and friendship with the United States — it will be 
 expedient for you to make such communications to the British Gov- 
 ernment, as will assure it that nothing has been done inconsistent with 
 our good faith, and as will prevent a diminution of the good under- 
 standing which subsists between the two countries. 
 
 If the French Government, instead of friendly arrangements or 
 views, should be found to meditate hostilities, or to have formed pro- 
 jects which will constrain the United States to resort to hostilities, 
 such communications are then to be held with the British Government, 
 as will sound its dispositions, and invite its concurrence in the .war. 
 Your own prudence will suggest that the communications be so made 
 as, on the one hand, not to precipitate France into hostile operations; 
 
176 PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 and, on the other, not to lead Great Britain from the supposition that 
 war depends on the choice of the United States, and that their choice 
 of war will depend on her participation in it. If war is to be the 
 result, it is manifestl}^ desirable that it be delayed until the certainty 
 of this result can be known, and the legislative and other provisions 
 can be made here; and also of great importance, that the certainty 
 should not be known to Great Britain, who might take advantage of 
 the posture of things to press on the United States disagreeable con- 
 ditions of her entering into the war. 
 
 It will probably be most convenient, in exchanging ideas with the 
 British Government, to make use of its public Minister at Paris, as less 
 likely to alarm and stimulate the French Government, and to raise the 
 pretensions of the British Government, than the repairing of either of 
 you to London, which might be viewed by both as a signal of rupture. 
 The latter course, however, ma}^ possibly be rendered most eligible by 
 the pressure of the crisis. 
 
 Notwithstanding the just repugnance of this country to a coalition 
 of any sort with the belligerent politics of Europe, the advantages to 
 be derived from the cooperation of Great Britain in a war of the 
 United States, at this period, against France and her allies, are too 
 obvious and too important to be renounced. And notwithstanding 
 the apparent disinclination of the British councils to a renewal of hos- 
 tilities with France, it will probably yield to the various motives which 
 will be felt to have the United States in the scale of Britain against 
 France, and particularly for the immediate purpose of defeating a 
 project of the latter, which has evidently created much solicitude in 
 the British Government. 
 
 The price which she may attach to her co-operation can not be fore- 
 seen, and, therefore, can not be the subject of full and precise instruc- 
 tions. It may be expected that she will insist at least on a stipulation 
 that neither of the parties shall make peace or truce without the con- 
 sent of the other; and as such an article can not be deemed unreasona- 
 ble, and will secure us against the possibility of her being detached, in 
 the course of the war, by seducing overtures from France, it will not be 
 proper to raise difficulties on that account. It may be useful, however, _ 
 to draw from her a definition, as far as the case will admit, of the objects 
 contemplated b}^ her, that whenever, with ours, they may be attainable 
 by peace, she may be duly pressed to listen to it. Such an explanation 
 will be the more reasonable, as the objects of the United States will be 
 so fair and so well known. 
 
 It is equall}^ probable, that a stipulation of commercial advantages 
 in the Mississippi, beyond those secured by existing treaties, will be 
 required. On this point, it ma}^ be answered at once, that Great Brit- 
 ain shall enjoj'^ a free trade with all the ports to be acquired by the 
 United States, on the terms allowed to the most favored nations in the 
 
PUECHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. l77 
 
 ports, g-enerally, of the United States. If made an essential condition, 
 you may admit, that in the ports to be acquired within the Mississippi, 
 the trade of her subjects shall be on the same footing for a term of 
 about ten years with that of our own citizens. But the United States 
 are not to be bound to the exclusion of the trade of any particular 
 nation or nations. 
 
 Should a mutual guaranty of the existing possessions, or of the con- 
 quests to be made hj the parties, be proposed, it must be explicitly 
 rejected, as of no value to the United States, and as entangling them in 
 the frequent wars of that nation with other Powers, and very possibly 
 in disputes with that nation itself. 
 
 The anxiety which Great Britain has shown to extend her domain 
 to the Mississippi, the uncertain extent of her claims from North 
 to the South, beyond the Western limits of the United States, and the 
 attention she has paid to the Northwest coast of America, make it prob- 
 able that she will connect with a war on this occasion, a pretension to 
 the acquisition of the country on the west side of the Mississippi, 
 understood to be ceded by Spain to France, or at least of that portion 
 of it lying between that river and the Missouri. The evils involved in 
 such an extension of her possessions in our neighborhood, and in such 
 a hold on the Mississippi, are obvious. The acquisition is the more 
 objectionable, as it would be extremely displeasing to our Western 
 citizens, and as its evident bearing on South America, might be expected 
 to arouse all the jealousies of France and Spain, and to prolong the 
 war, on which the event would depend. Should this pretension, there- 
 fore, be pressed, it must be resisted as altogether repugnant to the 
 sentiments and to the sound policy of the United States. But it may 
 be agreed, in alleviation of any disappointment of Great Britain, that 
 France shall not be allowed to retain or acquire an}" part of the terri- 
 tor}'', from which she herself would be precluded. 
 
 The moment the prospect of war shall require the precaution, you 
 will not omit to give confidential notice to our public Ministers and 
 Consuls, and to our naval commanders in the Mediterranean, that our 
 commerce and public ships may be as little exposed to danger as pos- 
 sible. It may, under certain circumstances, be proper to notify the 
 danger immediately to the collectors in the principal ports of the 
 United States. 
 
 A separate letter to you is enclosed, authorizing you to enter into 
 such communications and conferences with British Ministers as may 
 possibly be required by the conduct of France. The letter is made a 
 separate one, that it may be used with effect, but without the formality, 
 of a commission. It is hoped that sound calculations of interest, as 
 well as a sense of right, in the French Government, will prevent the 
 necessit}^ of using the authority expressed in this letter. In a contrary 
 state of things, the President relies on j^our own information, to be 
 H. Doc. 431- 12 
 
178 PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 gained on the spot, and on your best discretion, to open with advan- 
 tage the communications with the British Government, and to propor- 
 tion the degree of an understanding with it to the indications of an 
 approaching war with France. Of these indications, also, you will be 
 best able to judge. It will only be observed to you that, if France 
 should avow or evince a determination to deny to the United States 
 the free navigation of the Mississippi, your consultations with Great 
 Britain ma}^ be held on the ground that war is inevitable. Should the 
 navigation not be disputed, and the deposit alone be denied, it will be 
 prudent to adapt your consultations to the possibility that Congress 
 ma}^ distinguish between the two cases, and make a question how far 
 the latter right may call for an instant resort to armt;, or how far a 
 procrastination of that remedy may be suggested and justified by the 
 prospect of a more favorable conjuncture. 
 
 These instructions have thus far supposed that Great Britain and 
 France are at peace; and that neither of them intend at present to 
 interrupt it. Should war have actually commenced, or its approach be 
 certain, France will, no doubt, be the more apt to concur in friendly 
 accommodations with us, and Great Britain the more desirous of 
 engaging us on her side. You will, of course, avail yourselves of 
 this posture of things, for avoiding the necessity of recurring to Great 
 Britain, or, if the necessity can not be avoided, for fashioning her dis- 
 position to arrangements formed with Great Britain in reference to 
 war, the policy of the United States requires that it be as little entan- 
 gling as the case will permit. 
 
 Our latest authentic information from New Orleans is of the 25th 
 of Februar}". At that date the port had been opened for provisions 
 carried down the Mississippi, subject to a duty of 6 per cent., if con- 
 sumed in the Province, and an additional duty, if exported; with a 
 restriction, in the latter case, to Spanish bottoms, and to the external 
 ports permitted by Spain to her Colonial trade. A second letter, 
 written by the Spanish Minister here, has been received by the Inten- 
 dant, but without effect. On the 10th of March his interposition was 
 repeated in a form which you will find, by his translated communica- 
 tion to the Department of State, in one of the enclosed papers, was 
 meant to be absolutely effectual. You will find in the same paper the 
 translation of a letter from the French charge d'affaires here to the 
 Governor of Loliisiana, written with a co-operating view. A pro- 
 visional letter to any French agents who might have arrived, had been 
 previously written by him, in consequence of a note from this Depart- 
 ment, founded on a document published at New Orleans, showing that 
 orders had been given by the Spanish Government for the surrender 
 of the Province to France; and he has of late addressed a third letter 
 on the subject of the Prefect said to have arrived at New Orleans. It 
 does not appear, however, from any accounts received, that Louisiana 
 has yet changed hands. 
 
PCTECHASE OF THE TERKITORY OF LOUISIANA. 179 
 
 What the result of the several measures taken for restoring the riglt 
 of deposit will be, remains to be seen. A representation on the sub- 
 ject was made by Mr. Graham, in the absence of Mr. Pinckney, to the 
 Spanish Government, on the 3d of February. No answer had been 
 received on the 8th, but Mr. Graham was led by circumstances to make 
 no particular inference from the delay. The silence of the French 
 Government to Mr. Livingston's representation, as stated in his letter 
 
 of the dav cf , is a very unfavorable^indication. it might 
 
 have been expected, from the assurances given, of an intention to 
 observe the treaty between Spain and the United States, and to culti- 
 vate the friendship of the latter, that the occasion would have been 
 seized for evincing the sincerity of the French Government; and it 
 may still be expected that no interposition that may be required by the 
 actual state of things will be withheld, if peace and friendship with 
 the United States be really the objects of that Government. Of this, 
 the mission of Mr. Monroe, and the steps taken b}^ you on his arrival, 
 will doubtless have impressed the proper convictions. 
 
 During this suspense of the rightful commerce of our Western 
 citizens, their conduct has been, and continues to be, highly exemplary. 
 With the just sensibility produced by the wrongs done them, they have 
 united a patient confidence in the measures and views of their Govern- 
 ment. The justice of this observation will be confirmed to you by 
 manifestations contained in the Western newspapers, herewith enclosed; 
 and, if duly appreciated, will not lessen the force of prudential as well 
 as other motives, for correcting past, and avoiding future trespasses 
 on American rights. 
 
 April 20. 
 
 The letter from the Marquis d' Yrujo, of which you will find a trans- 
 lated copy in the enclosed newspaper of this date, was yesterday 
 received. The letters to which it refers, as containing orders for the 
 re-establishment of our deposit at New Orleans, were immediately for- 
 warded. They will arrive In time, we hope, to mitigate considerably 
 the losses from the misconduct of the Spanish Intendant; and they are 
 the more acceptable, as they are an evidence of the respect, in the 
 Government of Spain for our rights and our friendship. 
 
 From the allusion in this communication from the Spanish Minister to 
 a future agreement between the two Governments, on the subject of an 
 equivalent deposit, it would seem that the Spanish Government regards 
 the cession to France as either no longer in force, or not soon to be 
 carried into execution. However this may be, it will not be allowed, 
 any more than the result of our remonstrance to Spain on the violation 
 of our rights, to slacken the negotiations for the greater security and 
 the enlargement of these rights. Whether the French or the Spaniards, 
 or both, are to be our neighbors, the considerations which led to the 
 
180 PUECHASE OF THE TEEKITOKY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 measures, taken with respect to these important objects, still require 
 that they should be pursued into all the success that may be attainable. 
 With sentiments of great respect, &c., 
 
 James Madison. 
 R. R. Livingston and James Monkoe, Esqs. 
 
 The Secretary of State to Messrs. Livingston and Monroe. 
 
 Department of State, April 18, 1803. 
 
 Gentlemen: The reasonable and friendly views with wliich you 
 have been instructed by the President to enter into negotiations with 
 the French Government, justify him in expecting from them an issue 
 favorable to the tranquillity and to the useful relations between the 
 two countries. It is not forgotten, however, that these views, instead 
 of being reciprocal, may find, on the part of France, a temper adverse 
 to harmony, and schemes of ambition, requiring, on the part of the 
 United States, as well as of others, the arrangements suggested by a 
 provident regard to events. Among these arrangements, the President 
 conceives that a common interest may recommend a candid under- 
 standing, and a closer connexion with Great Britain : and he presumes 
 that the occasion may present itself to the British Government in the 
 same light. He, accordingly, authorizes you, or either of you, in case 
 the prospect of your discussion with the French Government should 
 make it expedient, to open a confidential communication with Ministers 
 of the British Government, and to confer freely and fully on the pre- 
 cautions and provisions best adapted to the crisis, and in which that 
 Government may be disposed to concur; transmitting to j^our own, 
 without delay, the result of these consultations. 
 With sentiments of high respect, &c., 
 
 James Madison. 
 
 R. R. Livingston and James Monroe, Esqs. 
 
 [Extract.] 
 
 Mr. King to the Secretary of State. 
 
 April 19, 1803. 
 Li Lord Whitworth's last despatch, he says: "Two days ago, General 
 Bernadotte left Paris, on his mission to the United States, with assur- 
 ances of the First Consul's sincere desire to cultivate the friendship of 
 that country; and j^esterday Mr. Monroe, the American Envoy, arrived 
 here." The United States, says his Lordship, are likely to reap the 
 first fruits of our disagreement with France; the settlement of their 
 affairs being already so nearlj^ finished that little remains to be done 
 by Mr. Monroe, who is said to be destined to relieve Mr. King at 
 London. 
 
tUKCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 181 
 
 [Extract.] 
 
 Mr. King to the Secretary of State. 
 
 London, April 28, 1803. 
 "In a conference with Lord Hawkesbury on the 6th instant, I 
 explained to him the object of the extraordinary mission of Mr. Mon- 
 roe, pursuant to the tenor of your letter of the 29th of January, and 
 I iiave the pleasure to inform you that his Lordship received the com- 
 munication in good part, suggested no doubt of our right to pursue 
 separately and alone the objects we aim at, and appeared to be satisfied 
 with the President's views on this important subject." 
 
 Mr. Madison to Mr. Monroe. 
 
 Washington, April W, 1803. 
 Dear Sir, — You will receive with this all the communications 
 claimed by the actual and eventual posture of our affairs in the hands 
 of yourself and Mr. Livingston. You will find, also, that the Spanish 
 Government has pretty promptly corrected the wrong done by its 
 officer at New Orleans. This event will be a heavy blow to the clamor- 
 ous for war, and will be very soothing to those immediately interested 
 in the trade of the Mississippi. The temper manifested hy our West- 
 ern Citizens has been throughout the best that can be conceived. The 
 real injury from the suspension of the deposit was, however, much 
 lessened by the previous destruction of the entire crop of wheat in 
 Kentucky, by the number of sea vessels built on the Ohio, and by 
 throngs of vessels from Atlantic ports to the Mississippi, some of 
 which ascended to the Natchez. The permission, also, to supply the 
 market at New Orleans, and to ship the surplus as Spanish property 
 to Spanish ports, was turned to good account. The trial, therefore, 
 has been much alleviated. Certain it is that the hearts and hopes of 
 the Western people are strongly fixed on the Mississippi for the future 
 boundary. Should no improvement of existing rights be gained, the 
 disappointment will be great. Still, respect for principle and charac- 
 ter, aversion to poor rates and taxes, the hope of a speedy conjunc- 
 ture more favorable, and attachment to the present order of things, 
 will be persuasive exhortations to patience. It is even a doubt with 
 some of the best judges whether the deposit alone would not be waived 
 for a while, rather than it should be the immediate ground of war and 
 an alliance with England. This suggested a particular passage in the 
 official letter now sent you and Mr. Livingston. * * * 
 
182 PUECHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 President Jefferson to Dr. Hugh Williamson. 
 
 Washington, April 30, 1803. 
 Dear Sir, — I thank you for the information on the subject of navi- 
 gation of the Herville contained in 3'ours of the 10th. In running 
 the late line between the Choctaws and us, we found the Amite to be 
 about thirty miles from the Mississippi where that line crossed it, 
 which was but a little northward of our southern boundary. For the 
 present we have a respite on that subject, Spain having without delay 
 restored our infracted right, and assured us it is expressly saved by 
 the instrument of her cession of Louisiana to France. Although I do 
 not count with confidence on obtaining New Orleans from France for 
 money, yet I am confident in the policy of putting off the day of con- 
 tention for it till we have lessened the embarrassment of debt accumu- 
 lated instead of being discharged by our predecessors, till we obtain 
 more of that strength which is growing on us so rapidly, and especially 
 till we have planted a population on the Mississippi itself sufficient to 
 do its own work without marching men fifteen hundred miles from the 
 Atlantic shores to perish by fatigue and unfriendl}^ climates. This 
 will soon take place. In the meantime we have obtained by a peace- 
 able appeal to justice, in four months, what we should not have obtained 
 under seven years of war, the loss of one hundred thousand lives, an 
 hundred millions of additional debt, many hundred millions worth of 
 produce and property lost for want of market, or in seeking it, and 
 that demoralization which war superinduces on the human mind. To 
 have seized New Orleans, as our federal maniacs wished, would only 
 have changed the character and extent of the blockade of our western 
 commerce. It would have produced a blockade, by superior naval 
 force, of the navigation of the river as well as of the entrance into 
 New Orleans, instead of a paper blockade from New Orleans alone 
 while the river remained open, and I am persuaded that had not the 
 deposit been so quickly rendered we should have found soon that it 
 would be better now to ascend the river to Natchez, in order to be 
 clear of the embarrassments, plunderings, and irritations at New 
 Orleans, and to fatten by the benefits of the depot a city and citizens 
 of our own, rather than those of a foreign nation. 
 
 [Extract.] 
 
 Mr. Madison to Mr. Monroe. 
 
 Washington, May 1, 1803. 
 
 The order from Spain for the restoration of the deposit has had a 
 
 good effect everywhere. We are told at the same time, in the very 
 
 words of the Article, that, in the cession of Louisiana, our rights 
 
 under the Treaty of '95 are saved. On the 1st of April, Laussat, the 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 183 - 
 
 Prefect, was at New Orleans, and the late Governor, Casa-Calvo, was 
 expected in a few days from the Havana, to deliver possession to the 
 French, Whether this message will be delayed for the arrival of the 
 Cap*. General, or what may result to it from other causes, can be 
 better understood with you than here. Laussat professes to be kindly 
 disposed, and undertakes to affirm that the French Government had 
 nothing to do in the arrest of the deposit by the Spanish officer, and 
 that if he had been there in authority no such thing would have hap- 
 pened. He does not admit that he has any authority to meddle in any 
 way at present, and gives this answer to Pichon's exhortation. The 
 Intendant had declined in like manner to obey the advice of Yrujo. 
 The last more peremptor}^ interpositions of these Ministers had not 
 arrived, and the importance of them was superceded b}^ the orders from 
 Spain. The attention here is much alive to the transfer of the coun- 
 try to France, and it becomes her, if she wishes to be on cordial terms 
 with us, to proceed in every step with strict justice and exemplar}^ 
 frankness. 
 
 Extract of a letter from Mr. Cevallos, Minister of His Catholic Majesty, 
 to Charles Pinckney, esq. 
 
 Aranjuez, May ^, 1803. 
 
 The system adopted by His Majesty not to dispossess himself of any 
 portion of his States, deprives him of the pleasure of assenting to the 
 cessions which the United States wish to obtain by purchase, as I have 
 intimated for their information to the Marquis of Casa Yrujo, 
 
 By the retrocession made to France of Louisiana, this Power regains 
 the said province with the limits it had, and saving the rights acquired 
 by other Powers. The United States can address themselves to the 
 French Government to negotiate the acquisition of territories which 
 may suit their interest. 
 
 Mr. King to Messrs. Livingston and Monroe. 
 
 London, May 7, 1803. 
 Gentlemen: War seems to be quite inevitable, though it is possible 
 that the offer of France to leave Malta in the hands of Russia, Austria, 
 or Prussia, may create some hesitation, and, had it been early made, 
 would perhaps have prevented the present crisis. In case of war, it is 
 the purpose of this Govej'nment to send an expedition to occup}'^ New 
 Orleans. If it be ceded to us, would it not be expedient openly or 
 confidentiall}^ to communicate the fact here? I have reason to be 
 satisfied that it would prevent the projected expedition. I shall 
 remain here till the Ittth, in hopes that I may receive your answer, 
 which might be expedited by a courier, should the communication be 
 deemed prudent. 
 
184 PURCHASE OF THE TEERITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 Mr. Monroe to Mr. Livingston. 
 
 Mat 6, 1803. 
 
 Dear Sir, — I have examined with great attention the articles of the 
 project which we presented as agreed & amended between ourselves, 
 to Mr. Marbois & that which he returned to us, & find that neither is 
 drawn with sufficient accuracy to accomplish the object which is 
 intended. A reference to the statement heretofore given to you by 
 the commercial agent here and by you retuined to the minister of for- 
 eign affairs, cannot be considered, as defining with sufficient accuracy, 
 the claims, that are to be admitted, as it probably comprises many that 
 are excluded, by the latter part of the same article, & may exclude 
 others that ought to be admitted; the time too, at which the interest 
 is to commence does not appear to me to be sufficiently definite, or 
 founded in justice. The irregularity in the condition of the creditors, 
 some of whom are to be paid immediately & others at the end of the 
 9 months after their claims are liquidated, is also highly objectionable. 
 The absolute submission to the decision of the French bureaus, in 
 cases where the claims of our citizens have, or may be rejected, ought 
 also to be provided against. It is equally proper, that the powers of 
 our board should be enlarged & more clearly defined, especially that 
 it should extend, to the requiring & receiving of evidence, necessary 
 to guide them to a just decision. Some provision is also necessary, 
 in favor of the creditors, whose claims have accrued since the last 
 convention. 
 
 If the board is organized, as we propose, it appears to me, to be 
 unnecessary to assign, to our commercial agent, the duty which is pro- 
 posed in our project; the more so, as if it is not comprised in his duty 
 assigned by the Government, we should incur an useless expense. 
 
 I have drawn such a paper as appears to me to be free from those 
 objections, which 1 beg to submit to your consideration. I have 
 assumed the Debt, reserving to the United States, the sum, which may 
 remain, if any, after paying it, of the 20 millions assigned for the 
 purpose. I will be happy to call on you, or receive you here imme- 
 diately; after you have examined the enclosed, as may be most con- 
 venient to you. Very sincerely &c. 
 
 Mr. Monroe to Mr. Livingston. 
 
 May 6, 1803. 
 Dear Sir, — 
 
 I send you a translation of the project for the debts. The French 
 copy I sent to Mr. Marbois last night at 11. not being able to do it 
 sooner. I informed him that if he wished a meeting this morning wc 
 would attend him on a notification to that effect. I find that the dd. 
 Art. does not go as far as it ought to do. It does not give to the 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 185 
 
 board to be established by the U. States a power over the clahns to be 
 liquidated, of the same extent as is given to them over those which are, 
 in respect to the character of the debt & of the claimant. The board 
 is also restrained from the cognizance of such claims which are not 
 objected to by our agent, which if proper as to the merit of such 
 claims, can not be so on the principle referred to. The money also 
 should be paid on the certificate of that board & the order of our 
 ministers as in other cases. I send you a note on that subject which I 
 wish you to examine, to be added to the end of that article & incor- 
 porated in it, if you approve. 
 
 Mr. Monroe's Draft of Convention. 
 
 Art. 1. The debts due by France to citizens of the United States 
 which accrued before the 2'^. Vend''* 9 year of the French Republic, 
 30 Sep*. 1800, shall be paid according to the following principles with 
 interest at six per cent: from the time they respectively became due. 
 
 The debts which it is hereby intended to provide for, according to 
 the true intent & meaning of the 5*^^ Art: of the above mentioned 
 convention, are such as are due to American citizens for supplies fur- 
 nished to the French Republic, for embargoes & other detention of 
 vessels, for captures in which the appeal has been properly lodged 
 within the time specified by the said convention. It being the express 
 intention of the contracting parties to preclude from the benefits of 
 this article, all contracts for covering goods not the sole property of 
 American citizens; all commercial speculations made by American 
 citizens establishing houses of commerce in France, England or other 
 foreign country, in their own names or in conjunction with foreigners, 
 whereb}^ they are to be considered in the commercial transactions of 
 such houses, as domiciliated in the countries where such houses are 
 established, and entitled to the aid of the governments under which 
 they were so established. 
 
 It is agreed that the government of France shall by means of its suit- 
 able department adjust the whole amount of such of the above claims 
 as have been returned or presented to the several bureaus, within the 
 space of months from the date of this treaty, & that it will cause all 
 other claims which may hereafter be presented to be adjusted with the 
 least possible delay. As soon as any claim shall be thus adjusted, the 
 department by whom the adjustment is made, shall grant a certificate 
 for the sum due, stating the object or consideration for which it 
 became due, to the person entitled to it, who shall present the same 
 for revision to the board provided for in the following article. 
 
 Should any claim be rejected by such department of the French Gov- 
 ernment, the party thinking himself thereby injured shall be entitled 
 
186 PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 to a statement of his ease comprising- the motive of the rejection, to be 
 presented in like manner before the said board. 
 
 Art. 2. And that suitable & adequate provision may be made for 
 the payment of all just debts due by the French Government to the 
 citizens of the United States, above described & none other, according 
 to the true intent & meaning of the 5**^ article of the said convention, 
 it is further agi'eed that the ministers plenipotentiar}'^ of the United 
 States shall appoint a board consisting of three persons to act till the 
 same are finally adjusted, or until the President with the advice of the 
 Senate shall appoint others, who or a majorit}'^ of them shall have full 
 power to revise all such claims thus adjusted or rejected by the said 
 department of the French Government, & to reject or admit the same, 
 in part or in whole, as in their judgment shall appear right & just on 
 the principles above stated. To enable this board fully & completely 
 to execute the duties hereby assigned it, it shall be authorized to 
 require and review such testimony, in all cases as may be necessary to 
 a full & impartial decision & also to examine all authentic pieces & 
 documents in the bureaus of the French Republic, relative to the said 
 claims, & to take copies of the same when necessary. 
 
 When an 3^ claim is admitted by the above mentioned board, the party 
 entitled to the same shall receive from the said board a certificate for 
 the amount due, in which shall be stated the time at which it became 
 due, & the Ministers Plenipotentiary of the United States in case 
 there be more than one present, shall give orders on the Treasury of 
 the United States for the payment of the same, with interest thereon 
 from the time the debt became due at the rate of six per cent per 
 annum till paid, which orders shall be paid at the Treasury three 
 months after sight, in case the treaty has been previously ratified by 
 both parties, and the ceded territory delivered into the possession of 
 the United States. 
 
 It is understood that the rejection of any claim by this board shall 
 produce no other efl'ect than to exempt the United States from the 
 payment of it: The party holding such claim shall have the same 
 right to demand it of the Goverimient of France; as if this treaty had 
 not passed. It is also understood that nothing in this treaty is 
 intended or shall be construed in such manner as to aifect the claims 
 of citizens of the United States on the French Government for debts 
 which have been contracted since the 30*'' of Sept. 1800. 
 
 Art. 3. The United States engage to pay the amount of the debt 
 due by the French Republic to their citizens, as above described & 
 whose adjustment is provided for in the preceding articles, which debt 
 is estimated at a sum not exceeding 20 millions of francs. 
 
 It is further agreed that should the claims provided for in the pre- 
 ceding articles not amount to the sum of twenty millions of francs, 
 and other claims be hereafter presented to the Government of France, 
 
 I 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 187 
 
 which were they now presented would be entitled to payment under 
 this convention that such surplus shall be applied in discharge of the 
 same. 
 
 Messrs. Livingston and Monroe to Mr. King. 
 
 Paris, Maij — , 1803. 
 Sir: We have the honor to inform 3^ou that a treat}^ (the 30th April) 
 nas been signed between the Minister Plenipotentiary of the French 
 Government and ourselves, by which the United States have obtained 
 the full right to and sovereignty in and over New Orleans, and the 
 whole of Louisiana, as Spain possessed the same. If sir, 3^ou should 
 find it necessary to make any communication to the British Govern- 
 ment on this subject, you may likewise inform them that care has 
 been taken so to frame the treaty as not to infringe upon any of 
 the rights that Great Britain might claim in the navigation of the 
 Mississippi. 
 
 Mr. Livingston to the Secretary of State. 
 
 Paris, May m, 1803. 
 
 Sir: You have seen in my late letter the direct commencement of 
 the negotiation previous to the arrival of Mr. Monroe, and, in our 
 joint letter, its consummation. It will be matter of curiosity, at least 
 to you, to be more intimately acquainted with the exciting causes 
 which have been long operating, and which I have hinted at in my 
 letters to the President, but which, from their extreme delicacy, I 
 have not thought it proper to detail. As this goes with the treaty by 
 a special and safe messenger, I will send you the papers I referred to 
 in my letters to the President. 
 
 On my arrival, I found the credit and character of our nation very 
 low. They were considered as interested speculators, whose god was 
 money. The features of our statesmen, drawn from the caricatures 
 in our newspapers, were viewed as real likenesses; and the democracy 
 of America was believed to be the mad Jacobinism of France. The 
 President was considered as among the most mad, because the head of 
 the party; and it was not doubted that his Minister to France partook 
 of his phrenzy. Some of my former friends were sent artfully to sound 
 me on the subject of the existing Government here. As I had seen 
 and heard enough to be satisfied that nothing short of the change that 
 had taken place could have lessened the calamities of France, I 
 answered them sincerely in such manner as to satisfy them that I 
 meant to have no intrigues with its enemies; I carefully avoided all 
 
188 PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 connexion with them; and, in consequence of this, began to acquire a 
 degree of favor at Court. 
 
 As the attention to Great Britain began to diminish, for reasons 
 which it will take me too much time to explain, and was gradually 
 converted into aversion by the freedom with which the election of the 
 First Consul to that dignity for life, and his other great measures, were 
 treated in England, we of course grew more in favor; and if, in any 
 instance, they relaxed from the extreme hauteur with which they 
 treated all the foreign Powers, it was more particularly with us. They 
 answered my notes politely, though not satisfactorily; while they left 
 those of many other Ministers, who had demands upon them, unan- 
 swered. Among the most favorite projects of the First Consul, was 
 the colonization of Louisiana. He saw in it a new Egypt; he saw in 
 it a Colony that was to counterbalance the eastern establishment of 
 Britain; he saw in it a provision for his Generals; and, what was more 
 important in the then state of things, he saw in it a pretense for the 
 ostracism of suspected enemies. To render the acquisition still more 
 agreeable to the people, exaggerated accounts of its fertility, &c., 
 were sold in every print shop. My first endeavor was to remove these 
 impressions from the minds of the people most likely to be consulted, 
 in which 1 was, generally speaking, very successful. But they all 
 told me that it was a favorite project with the First Consul; nor would 
 any of them hear of disposing of it by sale; yet so ignorant were they 
 of the nature of their acquisition, that they never once suspected the 
 Floridas were not included in their treaty, till they were convinced of 
 the contrary by the inquiries they set on foot in consequence of my 
 information. The Floridas, as you know, they endeavored to give in 
 exchange for Parma; and in that negotiation set the price for which 
 they would buy one, or sell the other, at forty millions of francs. 
 
 I endeavored, as far as possible, to obstruct that negotiation, and, at 
 the same time, urged the absurdity of attempting to colonize Louisiana 
 without ports in the Gulf. When I found impressions were made by 
 these measures, 1 wrote the treaties I have sent you, entitled Memoire 
 sur cette question: Est il avantageux a la France de prendre possession 
 de la Louisianef As the first Consul had before read with consider- 
 able attention, my notes on the relative naval force and commerce of 
 France and England and the United States, (which I have also sent 
 you,) and paid me some compliments upon it, I got this essay under 
 his eyes through the same channel. It was read with attention; and, 
 though I have reason to think it weakened his belief in the impor- 
 tance of Louisiana, yet, as he does not easily relinquish his plans, he 
 still prosecuted them, though with much less ardor than he had before 
 done. As I knew that his Ministers seldom dared to interpose their 
 opinions, it was necessary to apply directly to him, through the only 
 person who was supposed to have any influence with him; and whO' 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TEREITORY OF LOUISIANA. 189 
 
 that was, you have seen in my private letters to the President. I will 
 not hazard the repetition here. After breaking the subject in a con- 
 versation with this gentleman, I sent him the note No. 1. He received 
 it very graciously. Reading it in my presence, he told me that, if I 
 would permit him, he would show it to the First Consul. 1 made some 
 hesitation on account of the delicacy of the subject. He assured me 
 that he would take care that 1 should not be committed by it. Some 
 days after, he told me that the First Consul had read it with attention; 
 that so far as it referred to personal objects, he could not listen to it; 
 but that the general and public motives I had mentioned merited par- 
 ticular attention; that he approved my proposition, in part, but not to 
 the extent I had proposed. I am satisfied that from this period they 
 had determined to let us have New Orleans, and the territory above 
 the Arkansas, in exchange for certain commercial advantages; and 
 that, if they could have concluded with Spain, we should also have had 
 West Florida; but that nothing could be done until that business was 
 terminated. This note had the effect of removing, in the fullest 
 degree, every doubt that could possibly have remained relative to my 
 sentiments of the present Government; and certain circumstances in 
 it led to a kind of personal consideration which I have ever since 
 enjoyed here. 
 
 Not willing, however, to let the impressions I have made wear off, I 
 wrote the note No. 2, which was also read with attention by the First 
 Consul; and I believe produced a determination to enter upon the sub- 
 ject as soon as matters were arranged with Spain. As I believed, from 
 the First Consul having spoken on this subject to the Minister of For- 
 eign Affairs, that the channel through which I submitted my observa- 
 tions was known to the latter, and of course could not be very 
 
 pleasing to him; and as this was intimated to me by , who, in 
 
 answer to my note No. 3, requested me to break the subject to the 
 Minister; you will have seen in my several notes, that I did not neglect 
 to do so. But two causes suspended any absolute determination. 
 First, the state of the negotiation with Spain relative to the Floridas; 
 and next, my total want of power or instructions, which reduced me 
 to the necessity of bringing forward nothing more specific; while I 
 endeavored to pave the way for something conclusive when I should, 
 as I had long hoped, receive them. The First Consul, too, had con- 
 ceived an idea that, b}'' taking possession of the country, he could more 
 advantageously treat with our Government; and Mr. Talleyrand 
 accordingly told me several times, in general terms, that everything 
 would be arranged; but that they must first take possession. After 
 General Bernadotte was appointed, he assured me that he should have 
 powers for this purpose; but as I had then received the newspaper 
 account of the conduct of the Governor of New Orleans, I thought it 
 would be a good ground for pressing something decisive, both with 
 
190 PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 the Minister and through ; with a view then to bring them to 
 
 make some proposition here, or at least to give such discretionary 
 powers as would facilitate your treaty with General Bernadotte. My 
 
 notes to the Minister you have. No. 4 is a copy of my letter to , 
 
 which was also submitted to the First Consul, .and produced nothing 
 more than a verbal promise that all would be arranged when proper 
 information could be received through General Bernadotte. 
 
 I have no doubt that it has, long; been their intention to make the 
 arrangements I proposed, in exchange for commercial advantages. A 
 sale has always been disrelished, as I was constantly told by Marbois 
 and Talleyrand; and, as is clearly to be inferred, from the Consul's 
 note in answer to my letter. What, however, I believe, principally 
 drove him to this measure, was the promise which the First Consul had 
 hastily made me to pay our debt fully and promptly; and which he 
 found himself in no situation to fulfill, and yet knew not how to elude, 
 as I pressed it at every turn, and spoke of it to Talleyrand and all the 
 Consul's friends, assured them that 1 had communicated it not only to 
 the Government but to the creditors, with the declaration that the}^ 
 might firmly rely on it, as no one could believe that a man of the Con- 
 sul's character, a sovereign and a soldier, could break his word. I told 
 the Minister of the Treasury that, as I owed it to myself to justify 
 what 1 had said, I thought myself bound to publish my letter to the 
 First Consul, with his answer, and the execution of his solemn engage- 
 ments. I asked what his enemies would say to such a publication? He 
 replied — Or his friends? 
 
 The resolutions proposed in Congress, in consequence of the busi- 
 ness of New Orleans, coming to hand, I sent a translation of them by 
 
 General Bernadotte to , and also enclosed them to the Minister. 
 
 They proved we would not be trifled with; and the probabilit}^ of a 
 rupture with England, and the effects of which upon the country, as 
 you have observed in my notes, have been very strongly stated to 
 them, hastened their determination; and they saw, as Mr. Talleyrand 
 told me, that if the}^ gave what I asked, the rest was not worth keep- 
 ing. This, and the impossibility of otherwise keeping faith with us, 
 produced a determination to sell ; which was communicated to the Coun- 
 cil, as I informed you on the 8th of April. There was a moment, even 
 after Talleyrand called on me to set a price, that I thought the whole 
 might drop through. It was then, as 1 informed you, he pretended 
 he spoke without authority, and that Louisiana was not theirs, &c. 
 But, as I have since written to you, that mystery was cleared the 
 next day. 
 
 The subsequent measures j^ou have in my letters and notes, and m 
 those Mr. Monroe and mj^self have jointly written to you. As 1 
 believe that, next to the negotiation that secured our independence, 
 this is the most important the United States have ever entered into. 
 
PUECHASE OF THE TEEKITORY OF LOUISIANA. 191 
 
 I thought everything that led to it might interest 3^011 and the Presi- 
 dent. 1 wished 3^011 to be minutely acquainted with every step I had 
 taken; my verbal communications with ever3^body to whom 1 had 
 access, whose interest I conceived might be useful, it would be impos- 
 sible to detail. Nothing, however, was neglected on my part: and 1 
 sincereh^ hope the issue may be acceptable to our country. 
 
 Lord Whitworth retired last night, after the arrival of a messenger 
 from Russia. The Emperor undertakes the mediation, but England 
 will certainly decline, as it would be to continue her present ruinous 
 expense, and derange her commerce probably for an unlimited time. 
 
 I have yet no time, nor indeed thought it proper, to interpose any 
 business of less importance, while the arrangements relative to, and in 
 consequence of, the treaty were going on. The moment our messen- 
 gers are despatched I shall give it all my attention. 
 I have the honor to be, &c., 
 
 R. R. Livingston. 
 
 Messrs. Livingston and Monroe to Mr. Madison. 
 
 Paris, May 13, 1803. 
 
 Sir: We have the pleasure to transmit to you by M. Dirieux a treaty 
 which we have concluded with the French Republic for the purchase 
 and cession of Louisiana. The negotiation of this important object 
 was committed, on the part of Erance, to M. Marbois, Minister of the 
 Treasury, whose conduct therein has already received the sanction of 
 his Government, as appears by the ratification of the First Consul, 
 which we have also the pleasure to forward to you. 
 
 An acquisition of so great an extent was, we well know, not contem- 
 plated by our appointment; but we are persuaded that the circum- 
 stances and considerations which induced us to make it will justify us 
 in the measure to our Government and country. 
 
 Before the negotiation commenced we were apprized that the First 
 Consul had decided to offer to the United States, by sale, the whole of 
 Louisiana, and not a part of it. We found, in the outset, that this 
 information was correct, so that we had to decide, as a previous ques- 
 tion, whether we would treat for the whole, or jeopardize, if not 
 abandon, the hope of acquiring any part. On that point we did not 
 long hesitate, but proceeded to treat for the whole. We were per- 
 suaded that, by so doing, it might be possible, if more desirable, to 
 conclude eventually a treat3^ for a part, since, being thus possessed of 
 the subject, it might be easy, in discussion, at least, to lead from a view 
 of the whole to that of a part, and with some advantages peculiar to a 
 negotiation on so great a scale, ^y treating for the whole, whereby 
 we should be enabled to ascertain the idea which was entertained by 
 this Government of its value, we should also be able to form some 
 
192 PUECHASE OF THE TEKRITOKY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 estimate of that which was affixed to the value of its parts. It was, 
 too, probable that a less sum would be asked for the whole, if sold 
 entire to a single purchaser, a f riendlj^ Power, who was able to pay for 
 it, and whom it might be disposed to accommodate at the present junc- 
 ture, than if it should be sold in parcels either to several Powers or 
 companies of individuals; it was equally so, if this Government should 
 be finally prevailed to sell us a part, that some regard would be paid in 
 the price asked for it to that which was demanded for the whole. 
 Lastly, by treating for the whole, whereby the attention of this Gov- 
 ernment would be drawn to the United States, as the sole purchasers, 
 we might prevent the interference of other Powers, as also that of 
 individuals, who might prove equally injurious in regard to the price 
 asked for it, whether we acquired the whole or any part of the terri- 
 tory. We found, however, as we advanced in the negotiation, that 
 M. Marbois was absolutely restricted to the disposition of the whole; 
 that he would treat for no less portion, and, of course, that it was 
 useless to urge it. On mature consideration, therefore, we finally 
 concluded a treaty on the best terms we could obtain for the whole. 
 
 By this measure, we have sought to carry into effect, to the utmost 
 of our power, the wise and benevolent policy of our Government, on 
 the principles laid down in our instructions. The possession of the left 
 bank of the river, had it been attainable alone, would, it is true, have 
 accomplished much in that respect; but it is equalh'^ true that it would 
 have left much still to accomplish. By it our people would have had 
 an outlet to the ocean in which no Power would have a right to dis- 
 turb them; but while the other bank remained in the possession of a 
 foreign Power, circumstances might occur to make the neighborhood 
 of such Power highly injurious to us in many of our most important 
 concerns. A divided j urisdiction over the river might beget jealousies, 
 discontents, and dissensions, which the wisest policj^ on our part could 
 not prevent or control. With a train of colonial governments estab- 
 lished along the western bank, from the entrance of the river far into 
 the interior, under the command of military men, it would be difficult to 
 preserve that state of things which would be necessary to the peace and 
 tranquillit}^ of our country. A single act of a capricious, unfriendly, 
 or unprincipled subaltern might wound our best interests, violate our 
 most unquestionable rights, and involve us in war. But by this acquisi- 
 tion, which comprises within our limits this great river, and all the 
 streams that enter into it, from their sources to the ocean, the appre- 
 hensions of these disasters is banished for ages from the United States. 
 We adjust by it the only remaining known cause of variance with this 
 very powerful nation; we anticipate the discontent of the great rival 
 of France, who would probably have been wounded at any stipulation 
 of a permanent nature which favored the latter, and which it would 
 have been difficult to avoid, had she retained the right bank. We cease 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIAJSTA. 198 
 
 to have a motive of urgency, at least, for inclining to one Power, to 
 avert the unjust pressure of another. We separate ourselves in a great 
 measure from the European world and its concerns, especially its wars 
 and intrigues. We make, in fine, a great stride to real and substantial 
 independence, the good effect whereof will, we trust, be felt essentially 
 and extensively in all our foreign and domestic relations. Without 
 exciting the apprehension of any Power, we take a more imposing- 
 attitude with respect to all. The bond of our Union will bo strength- 
 ened, and its movements become more harmonious by the increased 
 parity of interests which it will communicate to the several parts which 
 compose it. 
 
 In deliberating on this subject in a financial view, we were strongly 
 impressed with the idea that while we had only right of deposit, or, 
 indeed, while the right bank remained in the possession of a foreign 
 Power, it was always to be expected that we should, at some time or 
 other, be involved in war on questions resulting from that cause. We 
 were well satisfied that any war would cost us more than is hereby 
 stipulated to be given for this territory; that none could produce a 
 more favorable result; while it might, especially in the present dis- 
 turbed state of the world, prove the ruin of our affairs. 
 
 There were other considerations which, though of minor importance, 
 had, nevertheless, their due weight in our decision of this great ques- 
 tion. If France, or an}^ other Power holding the right bank of the 
 river, imposed lighter duties than comported with the revenue system 
 of the United States, supposing even that we had acquired the left 
 bank, all the supplies destined for our extensive and populous settle- 
 ments on the other side would be smuggled in through that channel, 
 and our revenue thereby considerably diminished. Should such Power 
 open offices for the sale of lands on the western bank, our population 
 might be drained to the advantage of such Power, the price of our 
 lands be diminished, and their sale prevented. But, by the possession 
 of both banks, these evils are averted. 
 
 The terms on which we have made this acquisition, when compared 
 with the objects attained by it, will, we flatter ourselves, be deemed 
 advantageous to our countr3^ We have stipulated, as you will see by 
 the treaty and convention, that the United States shall pay to the 
 French Government sixty millions of francs, in stock, bearing an 
 interest of six per cent. ; and a sum not exceeding twenty more to our 
 citizens, in discharge of the debts due to them by France, under the 
 convention of 1800; and also to exempt the manufactures, productions, 
 and vessels, of France and Spain, in the direct trade from those coun- 
 tries, respectively, in the ports of the ceded territory, from foreign 
 duties for the term of twelve years. The stock is to be created irre- 
 deemable for fifteen years, and discharged afterwards in three equa] 
 annual installments. The interest on it is to be paid in Europe, and the 
 H. Doc. 431 13 
 
194 PURCHASE OF THE TERRITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 principal, in case this Government thinks proper to sell it, disposed of 
 in such manner as will be most conducive to the credit of the Ameri- 
 can funds. The debts due to our citizens are to be discharged by 
 drafts on the Treasury. We omit a more minute view of the stipula- 
 tions of these instruments, since, as you will possess them, it is 
 unnecessar3^ 
 
 Louisiana was acquired of Spain by France, in exchange for Tuscany, 
 which latter is settled by treaty on the son-in-law of the King of Spain, 
 with the title of King of Etruria, and was estimated in the exchange, 
 in consideration of the revenue, at one hundred millions of francs. 
 The First Consul thought he had made an advantageous bargain in 
 that exchange, as appeared by the high idea which he entertained of 
 its value, as shown on many occasions. Louisiana was the territory 
 which he promised, in his proclamation at the peace, as an asylum to 
 those who had become unfortunate by the Revolution, and which he 
 spoke of as vast and fertile. When he made up his mind to offer the 
 cession of it to the United States, it was contemplated to ask for it one 
 hundred millions, exclusive of the debts they owed to our citizens, which 
 ■ they proposed we should also pay, with a perpetual exemption from 
 foreign duties on the manufactures, productions, and vessels of France 
 and Spain in the ports of the ceded territory. From that demand how- 
 ever (in respect to the sum) he receded, under the deliberations of his 
 own cabinet; for the first proposition which M. Marbois made to us was 
 that we should pay eighty millions — sixty of which in cash, the balance 
 to our citizens, the whole in one year in Paris, with a perpetual exemp- 
 tion from foreign duties as above. The modification in the mode of 
 payment, (that is by stock, for from the quantum he never would depart,) 
 and the limitation of the term of the duties to twelve years, with the 
 proviso annexed to it, which was introduced into the treaty, with every 
 other change from his project, was the efi'ect of negotiation and accom- 
 modation, in which we experienced, on his part, and that of his Govern- 
 ment, a promptitude and candor which were highly grateful to us. 
 
 In estimating the real value of this country to the United States, a 
 variety of considerations occur, all of which merit due attention. Of 
 these, we have already noticed many of a general nature, to which, 
 however, it may be difiicult to fix a precise value. Others present 
 themselves of a nature more definite, to which it will be more practi- 
 cable to fix some standard. By possessing both banks, the whole 
 revenue or duty on imports will accrue to the United States, which 
 must be considerable. The value of exports, we have understood, was 
 last year four millions of dollars. If a portion only of the imports 
 pass through that channel, (as under our Government we presume 
 the}^ will,) the amount of the revenue will be considerable. This will 
 annually increase in proportion as the population and productions in 
 that quarter do. The value of the lands in the province of Louisiana 
 
 I 
 
PUECHASE OF THE TEREITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 195 
 
 (amounting to some hundred millions of acres, of the best quality, and 
 in the best climate) is perhaps incalculable. From either of these 
 sources, it is not doubted that the sum stipulated may be raised in 
 time to discharge the debt. 
 
 We hope to be able to forward you herewith the order of this Gov- 
 ernment for the delivery of the possession of the ceded territory to 
 the United States, or to communicate its arrangements for that purpose, 
 as also its views relative to the sale of the stock, since it is understood 
 that their intention is to sell it. It has been intimated to us that the 
 house of Baring, in London, connected with that of Hope, in Holland, 
 will tak« the whole at their risk, at the current price in England, on a 
 commission to be agreed on, paying to France a stipulated sum b}^ the 
 month. Their object is said to be, exclusive of that of making profit 
 by it, to keep up the credit of our stock, they being much interested 
 in it. Considering the great capital of these houses, it is presumable 
 that they would be able to comply with any engagement thej^ might 
 make to that effect. And it can not be doubted that it would be more 
 advantageous to us that the whole should be thus disposed of, than 
 remain in the hands of France, who, under the pressure of difficulties, 
 might have it less in her power to preserve or regard our credit in the 
 disposition of it. We shall communicate with M. Marbois fully on 
 this subject, and apprise you of the result. 
 
 We received, some days past, a letter from Mr. King, in which he 
 says, that, in case of war, which he deemed inevitable, the British Gov- 
 ernment contemplated taking possession of the island of New Orleans. 
 He desired information to be communicated to that Government, 
 whether it had been ceded to the United States, as he presumed a 
 knowledge thereof would prevent the measure. W'e gave an imme- 
 diate reply to his letter, in which we informed him that the whole of 
 Louisiana had been ceded to the United States, which he was at libert}^ 
 to communicate to the British Government. W^e likewise made the 
 same communication to Lord Whitworth, the British Ambassador 
 here, who expressed himself to be well satisfied with the event. 
 
 These countries, France and England, have been on the point of 
 a rupture for some time past. At present, the prospect of an accom- 
 modation is more remote, as the English Ambassador left Paris at 10 
 o'clock last night: still some hope of it is entertained by some persons 
 in power here. This nation is desirous of peace, and it is believed 
 that its Government is similarly disposed. 
 
 Permit us to express an earnest wish that the President and Senate 
 may decide with the least possible delay on the treaty and conven- 
 tions which we have concluded, and have the pleasure to transmit 
 to you. If it is the sense of our Government to ratify them, the 
 sooner that fact is known to this Government the better its effect 
 will be. 
 
196 PUKCHASE OF THE TERKITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 The list of the debts due by France to American citizens not being 
 yet prepared, owing to M. Marbois's absence to-day from Paris, and 
 the previous delaj^s of the offices in which the evidences were, can 
 not be sent by this conveyance. In consequence, we retain the 
 original of the convention to which it should be annexed, and send a 
 cop3^ of it: we shall forward in a day or two the original. By the 
 list, it may be inferred that the debts amount to a greater sum than 
 they really do: they will be subject, according to the convention, to 
 the revision of our board, by whom it is expected thej^ will be reduced 
 considerably. We have full confidence that, including the interest, 
 they will not exceed the sum of twenty millions of francs, which is 
 much to be desired, as in that case all our citizens, whose claims are 
 entitled to the support of our Government, will be provided for and 
 paid by it. You will observe that, in the mode adopted, considerable 
 indulgence is given to our treasury. The whole sum is to be paid 
 there, and under delaj^s which will free it from embarrassment. 
 We have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servants, 
 
 R. R. Livingston. 
 
 James Monroe. 
 
 P. S. — It was intended to have forwarded this by M. Derieux; but 
 he being forced to leave Paris some days since on his way to Bor- 
 deaux, from whence he sails, we commit it to Mr, Hughes, who will 
 embark at Havre. We shall forward to-morrow or next day an 
 exemplification of it by Bordeaux, under the care of M. Derieux. 
 
 Mr. King to Lord Hawkesbury. 
 
 London, May 15, 1803. 
 
 My Lord: In the present critical posture of affairs, I lose no time 
 in communicating to your Lordship, for His Majesty's information, 
 that a treaty was signed at Paris on the 30th April, past, by the Pleni- 
 potentiaries of America and France, by which the complete sover- 
 eignty of the town and territory of New Orleans, as well as of all 
 Louisiana, as the same was heretofore possessed by Spain, has been 
 acquired by the United States of America. 
 
 In drawing up this treat}^, care has been taken so to frame the same 
 as not to infringe any right of Great Britain in the navigation of the 
 river Mississippi. 
 
 I flatter myself that this communication will be received with satis- 
 faction, and regarded as a new proof of the disposition of the United 
 States to observe towards His Majesty a spirit of amity and confi- 
 dence, important at all times, and more especiallj^ so in present cir- 
 cumstances, to the harmony and mutual prosperity of the two countries, 
 
 I 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 197 
 
 Lord Hawkesbury to Mr. King. 
 
 Downing Street, May 19^ 1803. 
 Sir: Having laid before the King your letter of the 16th of this 
 month, in which 3^ou inform me that a treaty was signed at Paris on 
 the 30th of last month, by the Plenipotentiaries of America and France, 
 by which the complete sovereignty of the town and territory of New 
 Orleans, as well as of alFLouisiana, has been acquired hj the United 
 States, I have received His Majesty's commands to express to 3^ou the 
 pleasure with which His Majestj^ has received this intelligence, and to 
 add that His Majesty regards the care which has been taken so to 
 frame this treaty as not to infringe any right of Great Britain in the 
 navigation of the Mississippi as the most satisfactory evidence of the dis- 
 position on the part of the Government of the United States (corre- 
 spondent to that which His Majesty entertains) to promote and improve 
 that harmony and good understanding which so happily subsists 
 between the two countries, and which are so conducive to their mutual 
 benefit. I have it also in command to assure you, sir, that the senti- 
 ments which you have expressed, in making this communication, are 
 considered by His Majesty's Government as an additional proof of that 
 cordiality and confidence which you have uniformly manifested in the 
 whole course of your public mission, and which have so justl}^ entitled 
 you to the esteem and regard of His Majesty's Government. 
 
 Messrs. Livingston and Monroe to the Secretary of State. 
 
 Paris, May 16, 1803. 
 Sir: We have the honor to enclose the account which should be 
 annexed to the convention transmitted to you. The Bordeaux embargo 
 is in assignats.^ and two-thirds will be deducted. From manj^ of the 
 others, we have reason to think^ from a particular account now in our 
 hands, there will be such considerable deductions as will reduce the 
 whole charge to less than twenty millions of livres, including the 
 interest. The Consul has agreed to ratify immediately, and we hope 
 to have the honor of transmitting you the ratified treaty, with an order 
 to deliver the territory, in a few days. Such arrangements will also, 
 we trust, be made relative to the stock as will prevent it coming on 
 the market to any loss, or any part of it from being sold in America. 
 We have the honor to be, &c., 
 
 R. R. Livingston. 
 
 James Monroe. 
 
 Mr. Monroe to Mr. Madison. 
 
 Paris May 18, 1803. 
 Sir, — Since the conclusion of the treat}" with France for the pur 
 chase of Louisiana, which was forwarded to 3^ou on the 13*" by M"". 
 
198 PURCHASE OF THE TEKRITORY OF LOUISIAiSfi, 
 
 Hughes, with a joint letter from my colleague and myself, I feel 
 myself much at a loss what part to take respecting the Floridas. 
 There are some considerations in favor of an immediate pursuit of 
 that object with Spain which have great weight on my mind. The 
 cession of Louisiana by France to the U. States must lessen the value 
 of the Floridas to Spain, and she will be apt to feel that effect more 
 sensibly immediately after she hears it than at any other time. France 
 too who has promised her aid in the negotiation with Spain, would 
 probably take more interest in it, at this moment, while the obligation 
 to yield it, is in a manner personal, than she might do hereafter. At 
 this crisis of affairs between France and England which comprises 
 Spain in an equal degree, there is reason to believe that we should 
 derive much aid from a pressure on Spain, from that cause. It is 
 equally presumable that England even in case of war would not inter- 
 fere with our pursuit, much less break with us for obtaining the 
 Floridas. The exclusion of her manufactures from the Continent of 
 Europe, is a principal cause of her present unquiet and distressed sit- 
 uation. It is her interest to cherish the U. States and Russia, as her 
 best markets; a policy which 1 believe she understands and pursues 
 with sincerity. To be involved in a war with us at this epoch would 
 prove a great calamity to her. I have no doubt that at this time she 
 is either indifferent respecting our acquisition of Louisiana, and that 
 which we propose to make of the Floridas, or in no situation to oppose 
 it. Indeed it is not improbable that she may wish it, as it weakens 
 these powers, in that quarter and promises to open new markets to her 
 manufactures. Should- we not however acquire this territory of Spain 
 at this period, there is danger of its falling into the hands of some 
 other power hereafter; a circumstance which might give us much 
 trouble, as it commands the mouths of several of our rivers, and gives 
 a right to the navigation of the Mississippi. There are also Consid- 
 erations against ni}^ pursuing the object at present of great weight. 
 We have alreadj^ stipulated for a much greater sum than it was con- 
 templated we should give for the object of my mission. To go further 
 might embarrass our treasur3^ It may be advisable to exchange a 
 portion of Louisiana next Mexico for the Floridas, and I have no 
 power to make such an arrangement. I have weighed these consid- 
 erations with the attention thej^ merit, and the result is that I am of 
 opinion that it is more in conformity to the spirit of my instructions, 
 and to the interest of my country, that I should proceed immediately 
 to Madrid to endeavour to obtain the Floridas than remain inactive 
 and suffer the favorable occasion which is now presented to be lost. 
 The acquisition of the Floridas is an important object with our gov- 
 ernment, as is sufficiently shewn by our instructions. The purchase 
 of the whole of Louisiana, tho' not contemplated is nevertheless a 
 measure founded on the principles and justified by the policy of our 
 
PUECHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 199 
 
 instructions, provided it be thoug-ht a good bargain. The only diiler- 
 ence between the acquisition we have made, and that which we were 
 instructed to make in that respect, is, that a favorable occasion pre- 
 senting itself which indeed was not anticipated by the administration, 
 in the measures which led to that event and laid the foundation for it, 
 we have gone further than we were instructed to do. But the extent 
 of that acquisition does not destroy the motive which existed before 
 of acquiring the Floridas, nor essentiall}^ diminish it. In our instruc- 
 tions the idea entertained by the President of the value of that country 
 is defined. It is to be presumed that under existing circumstances it 
 may be had at a cheaper rate, since its importance to Spain is much 
 diminished. And altho' the sum to be paid for Louisiana is consider- 
 able, yet the period at which that portion which is applicable to the 
 Government of France is to be paid, is so remote, and such delays are 
 incident to that which will be received by our citizens, that it is to be 
 presumed the pajanent of what it would be proper to stipulate for the 
 Floridas, would subject our treasury to no embarrassment. I am the 
 more confident in this opinion, from the belief that it would be easj^ to 
 raise on the land alone, retaining to our government the jurisdiction, 
 a sum which would be sufiicient to discharge the greater part of what 
 it is probable Spain would ask for it. The bias of mj mind there- 
 fore is to pursue this object by repairing immediately to Madrid and 
 endeavoring to obtain bj^ treaty the territory in question thereby extir- 
 pating the last remaining source of controversy or indeed jealousy 
 with these powers. If I proceed it will be in a week from this time, 
 within which term every arrangement incident to the treaty and con- 
 vention we have formed with this republick will probably be com- 
 pleated, and the little provision necessarj^ for m}^ journey to Spain 
 likewise made. On this subject 1 shall write you again soon, let the 
 decision which I take be what it may. In case I go I shall leave my 
 famil}" at St. Germain till my return, which I shall expect to do in a 
 few months. I am with great respect & esteem y"". ob*. servant. 
 
 Mr. Livingston to the Secretary of State. 
 
 Paris, J% 20, 1803. 
 Dear Sir: The subject of this letter is too important to admit of 
 dela}", in case the treaties should have been any time in your hands; 
 but, as it has not yet been full}'^ considered by Mr. Monroe, he thinks 
 he can not make it that of a joint letter till we have more inWj dis- 
 cussed it, which we propose to do to-morrow, or the next da}^ But 
 as that will be too late for this conveyance, I throw out these hasty 
 thoughts for j^our consideration. In the meantime 3'^ou will consider 
 this rather as a private than as a public letter; since it ma}^ or ma}^ not 
 
200 PURCHASE OF THE TERRTTORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 be made use of to promote such measures as, upon mature delibera- 
 tion, the President shall think proper to adopt. I do not, however, 
 doubt that Mr. Monroe will concur with mejn opinion, after we have 
 discussed the subject; and that we shall, by the next opportunit}^, write 
 to you officially thereon. 
 
 I informed you long since, that, on inquiring whether the Floridas 
 were within the cession of Spain, I was told by M. Marbois he was 
 sure that Mobile was, but could not answer further, I believed his 
 information incorrect, because I understood that Louisiana, as it then 
 was, made the object of the cession; and that since the possession of 
 the Floridas by Britain, the}^ had changed their names. But the 
 moment I saw the words of the Treaty of Madrid I had no doubt but 
 it included all the country that France possessed by the name of Lou- 
 isiana, previous to their cession to Spain, except what had been con- 
 veyed by subsequent treaties. 1 accordingly insisted, with M. Mar- 
 bois, at the time we negotiated, that this would be considered as within 
 our purchase. He neither assented nor denied, but said that all they 
 received from Spain was intended to be conveyed to us. That my 
 construction was right, is fairly to be inferred from the words of the 
 treaties, and from a comment upon them contained in the Spanish 
 Minister's letter to Mr. Pinckney, in which he expressl}^ says that 
 France had recovered Louisiana as it formerly belonged to her, sav- 
 ing the rights of other Powers. This leaves no doubt upon the subject 
 of the intention of the contracting parties. Now, it is well known 
 that Louisiana, as possessed by France, was bounded by the river Per- 
 dido, and that Mobile was the metropolis. For the facts relative to 
 this I refer you to Reynal and to his maps. I have also seen maps 
 here which put the matter out of dispute. 
 
 I called this morning upon M. Marbois for a further explanation on 
 this subject, and to remind him of his having told me that Mobile made 
 a part of the cession. He told me that he had no precise "idea on the 
 subject, but that he knew it to be an historical fact, and that on that 
 only he had formed his opinion. I asked him what orders had been 
 given to the prefect, who was to take possession, or what orders had 
 been given by Spain as to the boundary, in ceding it? He assured 
 me that he did not know; but that he would make the inquiry, and let 
 me know. At -i o'clock I called for Mr. Monroe to take him to the 
 Minister of Foreign AflE'airs; but he was prevented from accompanying 
 me. I asked the Minister what were the east bounds of the territory 
 ceded to us? He said he did not know; we must take it as they had 
 received it. I asked him how Spain meant to give them possession? 
 He said, according to the words of the treaty. But what did you 
 mean to take? I do not know. Then you mean that we shall construe 
 it our own way? I can give j^ou no direction; you have made a noble 
 bargain for yourselves, and I suppose you will make the most of it. 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 201 
 
 Now, sir, the sum of this business is, to recommend to 3^ou, in the 
 strongest terms, after having obtained the possession, that the French 
 Commissary will give you, to insist upon this as a part of your right; 
 and to take possession, at all events, to the river Perdido. I pledge 
 myself that your right is good; and, after the explanations that 
 have been given here, you need apprehend nothing from a decisive 
 measure. Your Minister here and at Madrid, can support your claim; 
 and the time is peculiarly favorable to enable you to do it without the 
 smallest risk at home. It may also be important to anticipate any 
 designs that Britain ma}^ have upon that country. Should she possess 
 herself of it, and the war terminate favorably for her, she will not 
 readily relinquish it. With this in your hand, East Florida will be 
 of little moment, and may be yours whenever you please. At all 
 events, proclaim j^our rights and take possession. 
 I am, sir, &c., 
 
 RoBT. R. Livingston. 
 
 Hon. James Madison. 
 
 James Madison, Secretary of State, to Robert R. Livingston, Minister to 
 
 France. 
 
 Department of State, May ^5, 1803. 
 
 Sir: Your several letters of March 3, 11, 18, and 21, with their enclo- 
 sures, have been duly received, as has been that of March 12, to the 
 President. According to the request in this last, I now acknowledge, 
 also, or perhaps repeat the acknowledgment, of the two papers enclosed, 
 the one in yovx letter of Februaiy 26, the other in that of August 10, 
 1802. 
 
 The assurances given by the Chief Consul, on the subject of our 
 claims, can not but be acceptable, although they amount to less than 
 justice; because no more than justice would have been done if the 
 claims had been satisfied without the delay which has intervened, and 
 according to the example of good faith and punctuality in executing 
 the treaty given by the United States. It is to be hoped that the 
 sincerity of these assurances will be verified b}^ the success of the 
 measures you are taking for a final and favorable settlement in behalf 
 of our citizens, who have never doubted, as far as I know, your solici- 
 tude or your exertions to obtain justice for them. 
 
 The assurances given, at the same time, by the Chief Consul, of his 
 regard for the United States, and of his personal esteem for their 
 Chief Magistrate, are entitled also to favorable attention, as an indi- 
 cation that a juster value begins to be placed on our friendly relations 
 to the French Republic. Whether this language of the French 
 Government be the effect of the political crisis in which it finds itself. 
 
202 PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 or of a growing conviction of the important destinies and honorable 
 policy of the United States, or, as is probable, of both these consider- 
 ations, you will, in return, communicate the assurances, with which 
 you are charged by the President, of his disposition to cherish a reci- 
 procity of these sentiments, and that sincere amity between the two 
 nations, which is prescribed to both by such weighty advantages. 
 
 The persevering evasion of j^our demands on the subject of the 
 deposit at New Orleans, and generally of the rights of the United 
 States, as fixed by their treaty with Spain, is not a little astonishing. 
 It is as difficult to be reconciled with the sincerit}" of the late profes- 
 sions of the French Government, and with the polic}" which the 
 moment dictates to it, as with any other rational motives. It is the 
 more extraordinary, too, as it appears, by a late communication from 
 the Spanish Government to Mr. Pinckney, (of which, he says, he for- 
 warded a copy to Paris, and of which another is herewith inclosed,) 
 that the treat}" of cession expressly saves all rights previously stipu- 
 lated to other nations. A conduct so inexplicable is little fitted to 
 inspire confidence, or to strengthen friendship; and rendered proper 
 the peremptory declaration contained in your note of the 16th of 
 March. The negotiations succeeding the arrival of Mr. Monroe can 
 not fail to draw out the views of France on this important subject. 
 
 You were informed, in my letters of the 18th and 20th of April, that 
 orders had been transmitted by the Spanish Government for restoring 
 the deposit. The answers from New Orleans to the Spanish and French 
 Ministers here show that their successive interpositions, including the 
 peremptor}^ one from the Marquis d'Yrujo, of the 11th of March, were 
 all unavailing. The orders of the King of Spain will, no doubt, be 
 obeyed, if they arrive before possession be given to the French author- 
 ity; nor is it presumable that, in that event, they would be disregarded. 
 Still it is possible that the French agents may choose to wait for the 
 French construction of the treaty before they relinquish the ground 
 taken b}^ the Intendant; and the more possible, as the orders to the 
 Intendant may contain no disavowal of his construction of it. Under 
 these circumstances, it will be incumbent on the French Government 
 to hasten the orders necessary to guard against a prolongation of the 
 evil, and the very serious consequences incident to it. It can not be 
 too much pressed, that the justice and friendship of France, in relation 
 to our rights and interests on the Mississippi, will be the principal 
 rules by which we shall measure her views respecting the United States, 
 and by which the United States will shape the course of their future 
 policy toward her. 
 
 We are still ignorant of the result of the armed negotiations between 
 Great Britain, and France. Should it be war, or should the uncer- 
 tainty of the result be spun out, the crisis ma}" be favorable to our 
 just rights and our just objects; and the President assures himself that 
 
PUECHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 203 
 
 the proper use will be made of it. Mr. Monroe's arrival has not j^et 
 been mentioned in any accounts which have not been contradicted. 
 I have the honor to be, &c. 
 
 James Madison. 
 Robert R. Livingston, Esq. 
 
 Mr. Monroe to the Virginia Senators. 
 
 Paris, May 25, 1803. 
 Gentlemen, — We have as you will find concluded a treat}^ & two 
 conventions with this Government for the cession of the whole of 
 Louisiana. I flatter myself that the terms will be thought reasonable 
 when compared with the immense advantages resulting from acquisi- 
 tion. The subject however will be before j^ou, & it belongs to the 
 suitable authorities to decide whether we have acquitted ourselves with 
 propriety in the trust reposed in us. 1 consider this transaction as 
 resulting from the wise & firm tho' moderate measures of the Executive 
 and Congress during the last session. Without these measures we 
 should not have acquired Louisiana. The pressure of the crisis here, 
 but an approaching rupture with England, assisted in producing the 
 result, but had our country not formed a character, or rather a prom- 
 inent feature in the transactions of the day, it would not have taken 
 place. Nor could it have succeeded so promptlj^ or advantageously, 
 by taking any other attitude than that which was taken. Had we 
 broken the pacific relations subsisting between these countries & the 
 United States, or indeed had not a respect for this Government, and 
 a desire to preserve peace with it, been clearly marked in our meas- 
 ures 1 do not think that we should have brought it to the issue we 
 have. It is proper that you should possess a correct knowledge of 
 the facts here which led to this result. 1 arrived at Havre on the 
 8*^" of April, which fact was known here on the 9**". On the 10*'' 
 this Government resolved to ofi^er us by sale the whole of Louisiana, 
 at a certain price, which was diminished by the negotiation. On 
 the 12. 1 arrived in town, on the 14**^ was received b}^ the minister, 
 recognized by him, by order of the First Consul & informed that 
 altho I might not be presented to the Consul till the audience day 
 according to usage, that a person would be appointed to treat with 
 us with whom we might proceed in the interim. This was accord- 
 ingly done, Mr. Marbois was appointed, the negotiations immediately 
 commenced, & brought to as speed}^ a conclusion as possible. The 
 decision to offer us the territory by sale was not the effect of any 
 management of mine, for it took place before I reached Paris; nor of 
 my colleague or it would have taken place sooner: Being postponed 
 until my arrival in France or indeed till the mission was known, is a 
 
204 PURCHASE OF THE TEERITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 full proof that it was the result of the causes above mentioned & of 
 those only. I enclose you a copy of a letter from Mr. Livingston 
 bearing date on the 10*^ of April, in answer to one from me of the 8*" 
 announcing my arrival, which establishes the above facts. I com- 
 municate this letter to you as a measure of precaution, that j^^ou may 
 not only know that the above facts exist but the nature of the evidence 
 which supports them. Had the measures of our government, of which 
 my mission was only a subaltern part, failed, whether the failure 
 might be atributed to their impolicy, or to such a delay on my part as 
 suffered the crisis with England to pass, all the responsibility would 
 have been on the government & myself. It is equally just in refer- 
 ence to the result that facts should be correctly known to guard against 
 misrepresentation. Personally I pretend to nothing but zeal & indus- 
 try after I got here, a merit which is equally due to my colleague. If 
 my mission produced any effect it was owing altogether to the motive 
 which induced the President to nominate me, that is, the pronounced 
 character which I had in reference to the object in question, & the 
 belief that I would bring the affair promptly to an issue. It is to be 
 presumed that the transaction will rest on its true ground in the United 
 States, but as the contrary may be the case & it is impossible to foresee 
 what misrepresentations may be given of it, or the ends that may be 
 intended to subserve, I think it not only justifiable but a duty to make 
 to you this communication. You will consider the letter itself as 
 strictly confidential since altho' it is proper to communicate it to a few 
 from whom it is my custom to withhold nothing, yet it would be other- 
 wise if it should go further, for reasons that will readily occur. It is 
 proper to add that I expect no misrepresentation from my colleague 
 & that I am happy to have it in m}^ power to bear testimony in the 
 most explicit manner in favor of his zealous, sincere & diligent 
 co-operation thro' the whole of this business. 
 
 IVTr. Madison to Messrs. Livingston and Monroe. 
 
 Department of State, 3Iay 28, 1803. 
 Gentlemen: Since my last, which was of April 18, the tenor of 
 information from France and Great Britain renders a war between 
 these Powers in the highest degree probable. It va^j be inferred, at 
 the same time, from the information given by Mr. Livingston and Mr. 
 King, that the importance of the United States is rising fast in the 
 estimation both of the French and the British Cabinets; and that Louisi- 
 ana is as much a subject of solicitude with the latter, as it has been an 
 object of acquisition with the former. The crisis presented by this 
 jealous and hostile attitude of those rival Powers has, doubtless, been 
 seen in its bearings on the arrangements contemplated in your commis- 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TEREITORY OF LOUISIANA. 205 
 
 sions and instructions; and it is hoped, though we have not yet heard, 
 that the arrival of Mr. Monroe will have taken place in time to give 
 full advantage to the means of turning the actual state of things to the 
 just benelit of the United States. 
 
 The solicitude of England with respect to Louisiana is sufficiently 
 evinced bj^ her controlling the French expedition from Holland to that 
 country. But her views have been particularly unfolded to Mr. King 
 by Mr. Addington, who frankly told him, that, in case a war should 
 happen, it would, perhaps, be one of their first steps to occupy New 
 Orleans; adding, that it would not be to keep it, for that England 
 would not accept the country were all agreed to give it to her, but to 
 prevent another Power from obtaining it, which, in his opinion, would 
 be best effected by its belonging to the United States; and concluding 
 with assurances that nothing should be done injurious to their inter- 
 ests. If the councils of France should be guided by half the wisdom 
 which is here displayed on the part of her rival, 3^our negotiations will 
 be made very easy, and the result of them very satisfactory. 
 
 Although the immediate object of Great Britain in occupying New 
 Orleans ma}/^ be that of excluding France, and although her prudence 
 ma}^ renounce the falacious advantage of retaining it for herself, it is 
 not to be presumed that she will yield it to the United States without 
 endeavoring to make it the ground of some arrangement that will 
 directly or indirectly draw them into her war, or of some important 
 concessions in favor of her commerce, at the expense of our own. 
 This consideration necessarily connects itself with the explanation and 
 friendly assurances of Mr. Addington, and so far leaves in force the 
 inducement to accomplish our object by an immediate bargain with 
 France. 
 
 In forming this bargain, however, the prospect held out by the 
 British Minister, with the nature of the crisis itself, authorizes us to 
 expect better terms than your original instructions allow. 
 
 The President thinks it will be ineligible, under such circumstances, 
 that any convention whatever on the subject should be entered into, 
 that will not secure to the United States the jurisdiction of a reasonable 
 district on some convenient part of the bank of the Mississippi. 
 
 He is made the more anxious, also, by the manner in which the 
 British Government has opened itself to our Minister, as well as by 
 other considerations, that as little concession as possible should be 
 made in the terms with France, on points disagreeable to Great Britain, 
 and particularly that the acknowledgement of the right of France as 
 holding one shore of the Mississippi, to shut it against British vessels, 
 should be avoided, if not essential to the attainment of the great object^ 
 we have in view, on terms otherwise highly expedient. It is desirabl© 
 that such an acknowledgement should not even be admitted into the 
 discvission, 
 
206 PUECHASE OF THE TEEKITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 The guaranty of the country beyond the Mississippi is another con- 
 dition which it will be well to avoid if possible, not only for the 
 reasons j^ou already possess, but because it seems not improbable, from 
 the communications of Mr. King, that Great Britain is meditating 
 plans for the emancipation and independence of the whole of the 
 American continent south of the United States, and consequently, that 
 such a guaranty would not onl}^ be disagreeable to her but embarrass- 
 ing to the United States. Should war, indeed, precede your conven- 
 tional arrangements with France, the guarant}^, if admitted at all, 
 must necessarily be suspended and limited in such a manner as to be 
 applicable onl}^ to the state of things which ma}^ be fixed by a peace. 
 
 The proposed occupancy of New Orleans by Great Britain suggests 
 a further precaution. Should possession be taken by her, and the pre- 
 iiminar}^ sum of two millions, or any part of it, be paid to France, 
 risks and disputes might ensue, which make it advisable to postpone 
 the payment till possession shall be given to the United States, or, if 
 this can not be done, to obtain ever}^ possible security against eventual 
 loss. 
 
 As the question may arise, how far, in a state of war, one of the 
 parties can, of right, convey territory to a neutral Power, and thereby 
 deprive its enemy of the chance of conquest incident to war, especially' 
 when the conquest may have been actually projected, it is thought 
 proper to observe to j^ou, first. That, in the present case, the project 
 of peaceable acquisition by the United States originated prior to the 
 war, and consequently, before a project of conquest could have existed; 
 second, That the right of a neutral to procure for itself, by a honajlde 
 transaction, property of any sort, from a belligerent Power, ought not 
 to be frustrated by the chance that a rightful conquest thereof might 
 thereb}^ be precluded. A contrary doctrine would sacrifice the just 
 interests of peace to the unreasonable pretensions of war, and the 
 positive rights of one nation to the possible rights of another. A 
 restraint on the alienation of territory from a nation at war to a nation 
 at peace is imposed onlj^ in cases where the proceeding might have a 
 collusive reference to the existence of the war, and might be calcu- 
 lated to save the property from danger, by placing it in a secret trust, 
 to be reconveyed on the return of peace. No objection of this sort 
 can be made to the acquisitions we have in view. The measures on 
 this subject were taken before the existence or the appearance of war, 
 and the}^ will be pursued as the}^ were planned, with the honajide pur- 
 pose of vesting the acquisition forever in the United States. 
 
 With these observations you will be left to do the best you can 
 under all circumstances, for the interest of j^our country, keeping in 
 mind that the rights we assert are clear; that the objects we pursue 
 are just; and that 3i'ou will be warranted in providing- for both, by 
 taking every fair advantage of emergencies. 
 
PUECHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 207 
 
 For the course of information relating- to the deposit at New Orleans, 
 I refer you to my letter of the 25th instant to Mr. Livingston. 
 I have the honor to be, &c., 
 
 James Madison. 
 
 The Minister of Exterior Relations to Mr. Livingston. 
 
 Paris, lltli Prairial,, an 11 {May oO, 1803). 
 
 Sir: The declaration published the ITth of May by the English Gov- 
 ernment; the embargo laid in the ports of England on the commerce 
 of the French, and of the Batavians, and of other allies of the Repub- 
 lic; the letters of marque distributed to privateers, authorizing them 
 to cruise against the commerce of France; the capture, in fine, of two 
 vessels, made some leagues from Brest, by two English frigates; 
 permit a doubt to exist no longer concerning the intention of the 
 Government of Great Britain. 
 
 The First Consul is persuaded that nothing can be wanting to con- 
 vince all the Governments of Europe of the hostile dispositions of 
 His Britannic Majesty. To manifest his own, it is only this day he 
 publishes the resolution which honor extorts, to repulse an unjust 
 aggression. 
 
 In informing your Government of this determination, you will find 
 it, I have no doubt, already apprized of the justice of our claims by 
 the publication, made in France, of the papers which this discussion 
 has elicited. 
 
 The history of diplomatic relations has never presented, on the one 
 side, more constant efforts to preserve peace; and, on the other, a 
 more persevering desire, by any means and every pretext, to rekindle 
 the war. 
 
 The English Government, even in the publication which has been 
 ordered for the purpose of defending her conduct, has only made her 
 injustice the more apparent. The declaration of war is in palpable 
 contradiction of the official correspondence which follows it. This 
 declaration assigns as a motive for the war, demands of which the 
 French Government has been always ignorant, and complaints of 
 which it was only apprized by the hostilities and Manifesto of England. 
 
 I have the honor to transmit to you an exact copy of one of the let- 
 ters of Lord Whitworth, the original of which has been communicated 
 to your Excellency. This note contains a false allegation, which it has 
 thought proper to expunge from the cop}^ submitted to the British 
 Parliament. B}^ comparing this falsified copy with the original text, 
 your Excellency will be convinced that the British Ministry could find 
 no other means to escape the condemnation of Europe than that of 
 concealing an official untruth under a Parliamentary imposture. 
 
 The First Consul flatters himself with the belief that the Govern- 
 
208 PUECHASE OF THE TEKRITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 merits of Europe will not hesitate to pronounce that France has been 
 uniformly loyal in a just cause; and that amidst the unjust pretensions 
 of England, she has involuntarily imposed upon herself the necessity 
 of adopting measures destitute of propriety, and making declarations 
 in violation of good faith. 
 
 Accept, sir, the assurances of my high consideration. 
 
 Ch. Mau. Talleykand. 
 
 Mr. Livingston to the Minister of Exterior Relations. 
 
 Paris, Jtme 2, 1803. 
 
 Sir: 1 have received the letter you did me the honor to write on the 
 11th Prairial, announcing the measures that have unfortunately led to 
 a rupture between France and Britain. I shall transmit the same, 
 together with the papers that accompany it, to the Government of the 
 United States, who will doubtless learn with much pain the circum- 
 stances that have rekindled the flame of war in Europe; and while they 
 sincerely regret that the measures pursued by the First Consul for the 
 preservation of the peace which Europe owes to his humanity have 
 failed of success, they will still hope that some expedient may be found 
 for stopping the effusion of blood and restoring that repose to Europe 
 for which she so ardently sighs. 
 
 I pray your Excellency to accept the assurances of my high consid- 
 eration. 
 
 R. R. LrviNGSTON, 
 
 [Extract.] 
 
 Mr. Livingston to Mr. Madison. 
 
 Paris, June 3, 1803. 
 
 Sir: Mr. Monroe having undertaken to write our joint letter, I shall 
 conline this to objects that do not relate to the treaty. I would only 
 observe to you that, since the ratification, we have had a great deal of 
 trouble with it, an opinion prevailing that we have made too favorable 
 a bargain. My letter to the President and our joint letter will so fully 
 explain this extraordinary business as to make any further observa- 
 tions unnecessary. I must, however, earnestly press you, if you 
 think the object important, to get the ratification as soon as possible, 
 and to do all that on our part remains to be done. 
 
 During this transaction, I have thought it improper to press any 
 other business that might excite the smallest irritation. 
 
 How happy, my dear sir, are we to have concluded a treaty which 
 will forever exclude us from the politics of this stormy quarter of the 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 209 
 
 globe. I hope that you will not let it totally pass through your hands. 
 My letter to the President will fully explain this. Some commercial 
 arrangements might be advantageously proposed here in the present 
 state of things, had I 3'our instructions thereon and the necessary 
 powers. This, too, is the moment to arrange the affair of extra duty 
 with Batavia; and it might, I believe, be done here advantageously. 
 
 General Bcrnadotte, after waiting for weeks at Rochefort, has 
 returned here, and I think it probable will not go out now, as his serv- 
 ices may be required at home. Who will be appointed in his place I 
 know not. Otto is still without office, but does not wish to be sent 
 across the Atlantic. 
 
 I am, (fee, R. R. Livingston. 
 
 Hon. James Madison. 
 
 Messrs. Livingston and Monroe to Mr. Madison. 
 
 Paris, June 7, 1803. 
 Sir: We had the pleasure to forward to you by Mr. Jay, the ratifi- 
 cation by the First Consul of the treaty and conventions which we 
 concluded on the 30th of April with this Republic. We have hereto- 
 fore forwarded to 3^ou the original instruments, and two copies by 
 different waj^s, the original by Havre, under the care of Mr. Hughes, 
 who sailed about two weeks since, expressl}^ charged with that object, and 
 instructed to proceed with the greatest possible despatch after his 
 arrival in the United States, to the City of Washington, to deliver the 
 same in person; the second by the way of England, under the care of 
 Mr. Reed, son of the late President of Pennsylvania, who was instructed 
 to forward it immediately on his arrival in England, b}^ the most 
 prompt and safe opportunity that offered; the third by Mr. Derieux, 
 who sailed from Bordeaux. We flatter ourselves that j^ou will receive 
 those several communications in the course of the present month, and 
 this by Mr. Jay early in Julj^, as it is highly important that our Gov- 
 ernment should receive and act on the subject of them as soon as pos- 
 sible. The command of the sum stipulated for the cession to be paid 
 to this Government being an object with them, is a motive for des- 
 patch, but it is not the only oile: a late occurrence, which is suggested 
 b}'^ the enclosed letter from M. Marbois, and our reply to it, has 
 excited an anxiety on that point, which it was hoped and believed 
 would not have grown out of the transaction. Several circumstances 
 of late, especially the delay in granting us a passport for Mr. Jay to 
 carry the ratifications to the United States, surprised us. We thought 
 we could discern some symptoms of discontent in the Government 
 with the bargain it had made. The letter from M. Marr^ois left no 
 doubt on that head. We are convinced that if the transaction was not 
 H. Doc. 431 14 
 
210 PUECHASE OF THE TERRITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 1 
 
 complete, or was within the reach of the Government, that it would 
 not take place even on terms veiy different from those stipulated. 
 There is much reason to believe that this letter was not written solely 
 for the purpose of manifesting a sentiment of regret at what had been 
 done, but to create difficulties and embarrass the transaction in the 
 execution of it. 
 
 On receiving this letter, we found ourselves placed in a situation of 
 peculiar embarrassment, from personal as well as public considera- 
 tions, which was much increased bj^ a conference with the Minister of 
 Foreign Affairs. We learned from him that the Consul considered the 
 ratification as under his control till the exchange took place, and that 
 he might annex to it such conditions as appeared to him to be proper; 
 that he claimed every act stipulated on the part of the United States, 
 to be performed strictly within the terms specified, or, on failure, that 
 the parties be restored to the state thej^ were in if the treaties were 
 never made. We asked him what had created any doubt on that point: 
 he said that the clause in the article of the convention respecting the 
 payment of sixt}^ millions of francs to France, which was made 
 dependent on the deliver}' of possession of the country to our Com- 
 missary, might, b}" accident or other causes, become nugatory; the 
 Spaniards might not surrender it at once, the British might take it, 
 &c. We told him that these things were contemplated by the parties 
 when the treaties were made, and provided for; that we could not add 
 a new article to the treat}^, or explain anj' one in it, since it must be 
 explained by itself only; that delays Which proceeded from bad faith 
 were those only for which our Government was responsible; that such 
 as were unavoidable attached to them no blame, and could not affect 
 the treaty: he replied that, after the example of our Government 
 in the last treaty, the Consul might nevertheless annex a condition 
 to the ratification explanatory of his sense of it, which he would 
 do if we did not satisfy him either with respect to the prompt manner 
 in which the treaty would be executed b}" our Government, or agree 
 to expunge the terms in that convention which respected taking posses- 
 sion of the territory. We did not fail to remark that the treaty must 
 stand as it was to be adopted, rejected, or modified, by the parties 
 having the right to do the same, not by us. Thus the affair was at a 
 stand for a day or two, and it remained for us to decide what course 
 we had better take to put it in motion. 
 
 After viewing it in all the lights in which it presented itself to our 
 minds, we thought it best to reply to M. Marbois's letter in the terms 
 of that whicb is enclosed, which you will perceive, even had we had 
 the power to modify the instruments which were passed and be3^ond 
 our reach, has in truth not affected them at all: the principles applied 
 or insisted on in M. Marbois's letter are not admitted. We state that 
 the Government is bound to execute the treaty and conventions in the 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 211 
 
 terms specified, which is no more than those instruments state, tliat 
 our Government is answerable for neglect, and b}^ strong- and obvious 
 implications for it only, which is the doctrine of the law of nations; 
 and even in that case, that the rig-ht which arises from it of declaring 
 how far the party injured will be bound by the treaty, is reciprocal, 
 since, if our Government is willing to make compensation for the 
 injur}^ resulting from delay, it may equall}^ insist on it. The remain- 
 ing sentence in the letter states that we confine ourselves to the letter 
 of the treaty, by which it is intended to exclude the construction of 
 either party as the rule of interpretation for the other: this letter 
 was accepted as satisfactory, and will, we presume, remove everj^ dif- 
 ficulty to the execution of the treaty. We expect the order for the 
 surrender of the country to be addressed to M. Pichon, in Washington, 
 to be executed b}^ him or by some person to be appointed by him, 
 will be delivered to us to-morrow, and that Mr. Jay will take it with 
 him with the ratification the day after to-morrow: had we pursued 
 any other course, it is not easy to decide what the effect might have 
 been. The First Consul in the moment of chagrin at what he may 
 consider a bad bargain, (but which we think a good one for him, since 
 he had better have given it away than held it with the expense attend- 
 ing the establishment by troops, which might occasion variance and 
 "wars with us,) might have so compromitted himself in opposition to the 
 measure, as to have made the transaction, if not finally defeat the 
 treaties, a cause of future discontent between the two nations, instead 
 of what was contemplated by it, the establishment of perpetual peace, 
 by the removal of every existing cause of variance which could possi- 
 I:)ly disturb it. The most favorable result that we could have expected 
 was, that the ratification would have been forwarded to M. Pichon, with 
 advice of the dissatisfaction of the First Consul with the treaties, and 
 his desire to extricate himself from them, and with instructions not to 
 exchange the ratifications, if any circumstance on our part, under the 
 most rigid construction, would justify it. It is possible this ma}^ be 
 still done: nevertheless, we think it important to put the engagements 
 in a train of execution, without exciting ill-temper, in the belief that 
 every stipulation ma^' be executed in time, and that should the con- 
 trary occur by any accident or misfortune, it was the surest mode to 
 prevent discussion and disagreement in the sequel. 
 
 It is our earnest wish and advice, if the treaties are approved by the 
 President, that he convene Congress to provide the funds for an 
 immediate compliance with them. It is best to leave nothing to hazard. 
 The surrender of the posts ought to precede the creation of the fund; 
 but as there will be no doubt on that point after taking the necessary 
 measures, we would consider it as done, and act accordingly. If we 
 execute our part strictly within the terms specified, the transaction is 
 at an end; there will be no obstacle from this quarter. 
 
212 PUECHASE OF THE TEKEITOKY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 We shall send yoa a copy of Mr. Baring's contract for the stock 
 with this Government, which will show in what manner the payment 
 is to be made. A third of the whole debt is to be advanced to him in 
 Washington; the remaining two-thirds to be sent here immediately. 
 It was contended latel}^ that these two-thirds must be received here in 
 three months after the exchange of ratifications, but that seems to be 
 given up at present, since the term transfer being technical, and appli- 
 cable to an act to be performed in our Treasury, and nowhere alse, it is 
 admitted that it nmst have been used b}^ us in that sense onl}'. Still 
 it is much to be wished that the certificates might be sent here within 
 the three months, if possible, and which is presumed may be done if 
 the Congress is immediately convened. 
 
 After the funds are created and transferred in ourTreasur}^, it is, by 
 the spirit of the treat}', the dut}' of the French Minister to forward 
 them here. But it is much to be desired that our Government would 
 undertake that service, and forward th(mi b}^ a public vessel, to guard 
 against accidents which might create delay. Should it happen, unfor- 
 tunatel}^, that the ratification or creation of the public stock should he 
 protracted bej^ond the term specified, we think the cause should bo 
 made known by a public vessel, with the assurance of the President 
 that every injury resulting from it should be repaired, and ample com- 
 pensation made for it. We can not too strongl}^ impress an idea, if 
 our conduct is approved, of the most prompt execution of the stipula- 
 tions to be formed on our part, and of a course of proceeding which 
 leaves nothing to chance, by giving an}" cause of complaint to this 
 Government. 
 
 Wc are happ}^ to have it in our power to assure you, that, on a thor- 
 ough examination of the subject, we consider it incontrovertible that 
 West Florida is comprised in the cession of Louisiana. West Florida 
 was a part of Louisiana when it was in the hands of France, and it was 
 not in her hands in any other situation. The transfer of the whole 
 was on the same day, the 3d of November, 1762, that being the day 
 of the secret convention between France and Spain, and of the pre- 
 liminary articles of the Treaty of the 10th Februarj^, 1763, between 
 those Powers and Great Britain. The Treaty of 1783 between Britain 
 and Spain, by which the Floridas were ceded to the latter, put Loui- 
 siana in her hands in the same state it was in the hands of France; and 
 the remaining or third member of the article in the Treaty of St. 
 Ildefonso between France and Spain, under which we claim, by 
 referring to that of 1783, (as to that between Spain and the United 
 States of 1795,) and of course in the above character, only tends to con- 
 firm this doctrine. We consider ourselves so strongly founded in 
 this conclusion, that we are of opinion the United States should acton 
 it in all the measures relative to Louisiana, in the same manner as if 
 West Florida was comprised within the island of New Orleans; or, lay 
 
PUECHASE OF THE TERRITORY OP LOUISIANA. 213 
 
 to the west of the river Iberville, and to the Lakes through which its 
 waters pass to the ocean. Hence the acquisition becomes of propor- 
 tionably greater value to the United States. 
 
 In compliance with the convention, which provides for the paj^ment 
 of the debts due b}" France to the citizens of the United States, we 
 have organized a board of three Commissioners, whose dut}" it is to 
 revise the claims that are or may be liquidated bj^ the suitable depart- 
 ment of the French Government, according to the principles of that 
 convention. We have appointed to this office Col. John Mercer, Isaac 
 C. Barnet, and William McClure, three of our citizens, who are not 
 interested in an}^ of the claims; and who, for ability, probity, and 
 industry, we think very deserving of the trust. Their appointment 
 is, of course, provisional only, subject to the approbation of the Presi- 
 dent, whose disposition on the subject you will be pleased to com- 
 municate. We shall advance them a sum, by a draft on our bankers 
 in Holland, necessarv for defraying their current expenses; leaving it 
 to our Government to fix the rate of compensation. 
 
 We consider it important that the stock to be created should not be 
 brought on the American market, nor, indeed, strictly speaking, on 
 the European market; lest it might occasion a decline in the price, to 
 the injury of our credit, and the injury of the holders of it here and 
 there, as well as of France, with whom we have a joint interest in that 
 respect. On that principle we promoted the disposal of it to the com- 
 pany of Baring and Hope, which took place according to a contract 
 which is here enclosed. We consider the arrangement as accomplish- 
 ing the object referred to, and, in that light, as being advantageous to 
 the United States. We were not competent judges of the price at 
 which the stock ought to have sold, on which account, as well as that 
 that was a question which belonged more peculiarly to the Govern- 
 ment of France to attend to, we did not interfere further in the trans- 
 action than to communicate to the latter the best information that we 
 possessed. We believe the contract is such as, while it gives to the 
 company an adequate profit, and may prevent sales by compulsion, 
 will prove more beneficial to France than an}^ other disposition she 
 could have made of it. It is a justice due to this house to remark, 
 that the assurances which we received from it through its agent 
 here, of the advances of money on the credit of the United States, in 
 case we should require them in the execution of the trust reposed in 
 us, inspired us with greater confidence than we might otherwise have 
 felt, to make the engagements we have entered into. 
 
 We are, with great respect and esteem, 3'our most obedient 
 servants, 
 
 R. R. Livingston. 
 James Monroe. 
 
 P. S. — Since writing the above, this Government has, of its own 
 accord, restored our letter and retaken its own. It has also shown to 
 
214 PURCHASE OP THE TEERITORY OP LOUISIATSTA. 
 
 US the instructions ^iven to M. Pichon, which is substituted for the 
 other measure, and amounts to this: that, on exchanging the ratiiica- 
 tions, he is to declare that they are void if the funds, &c., are not 
 created by our Government in the term stipulated. It is possible that 
 this Government is fearful that the British ma}^ take the territor^^ and 
 we, in consequence, delay the payment; though we rather think that 
 the hesitation and procedure arose from some sentiment relative to the 
 contract. It is known that the Consul has said lately, that he thought 
 the territory worth three or four hundred millions of livres. The 
 above change is the effect of further reflection on the subject. It will 
 be well that some of these circumstances be known, and that nothing 
 appear under the sanction of the Government or otherwise, if to be 
 avoided J to excite an unpleasant sensation here: since a belief they 
 stand well with us, which is their political motive in the transaction, 
 will contribute greatly to reconcile the Government and nation to the 
 cession, and promote its harmonious execution. 
 
 We have thought it advisable to employ Mr. Jay to bear the ratifi- 
 cations of the First Consul to our Government; to whom we have 
 advanced fifty louis, and undertaken that his expenses shall be borne. 
 The above sum to that object are credited in his account. The ratifi- 
 cations are addressed to M. Pichon, as is the order for the surrender 
 
 of the territory. The whole, however, is under our to be 
 
 delivered by Mr. flay to 3^ou, and by you handed over to M. Pichon. 
 The exchange of ratifications in the United States has been very 
 favorable to us. 
 
 R. R. Livingston. 
 
 James Monroe. 
 
 M. Marbois, Minister of the Public Treasury, to Messrs. Livingston and 
 
 Monroe. 
 
 Pakis, 20th Floreal, 11th year {9th April, 1803.) 
 Gentlemen: The article of the convention relative to the payment 
 which the United States have to make to France, in three months at 
 most after the ratification of the treaties, and after the taking posses- 
 sion of Louisiana in the name of the United States, determines, in a 
 precise manner, the longest terms agreed upon for the consummation 
 of this affair. They are three months after the ratification and the 
 taking of possession. It is proper to foresee, also, the case in which 
 this business shall not be consummated within the interval above 
 expressed, and as they are precise, it is well understood that every 
 extraordinary delaj^ beyond the terms fixed places the contracting 
 parties in the same situation as if they had never treated. These con- 
 sequences of the stipulations agreed upon are just and necessar3^ It 
 has, nevertheless, appeared useful to recall them to view, in consider- 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERJRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 215 
 
 ation of the great distance which separates the parties who contract, 
 and that no doubt may be raised upon this subject. I have, neverthe- 
 less, gentlemen, a sure guarantee that delays will be abridged, as far 
 as circumstances will permit, in the good faith which has presided in 
 this negotiation during its whole continuance; and I know by mv own 
 and old experience, that it will be consummated by the (xovernment of 
 the United States according to these same principles. 
 
 I pray you to accept the assurance of my distinguished consideration. 
 
 Barbe Marbois. 
 
 Messrs. Livingston and Monroe to M. Marbois, Minister of the Public 
 
 Treasury. 
 
 Paris, Jime ^, 1803. 
 Sir: We have received the letter with which you have honored us, 
 dated the 20th Floreal. Without entering into the principles it lays 
 down, we are ready to admit, in order to remove, as far as depends on 
 us, all difficulties, that it is the duty of the Government of the United 
 States to carry into effect the provisions of the treaty and conventions 
 in the times therein specified; and that an\^ neglect on their part so to 
 do, puts it in the power of the Government of France to declare how 
 far it will, or will not, be bound thereby, or entitle it to a compensa- 
 tion for the damage it may sustain. We will observe, sir, that in 
 making these concessions, we mean to contine ourselves to the letter 
 of the treaty. 
 
 With the highest respect, &c., R. K. Livingston, 
 
 James Monroe. 
 
 Mr. Monroe to the Secretary of State. 
 
 Paris, Sth of June 1803. 
 Sir, — Since my letter of yesterday I have had an interesting com^ 
 munication with the Minister of foreign affairs. Our letter had been 
 restored to M''. Livingston b}^ M"". Marbois in a casual interview who 
 also shewed him the order to M''. Pinchon, which was substituted for 
 it. To see that order and receive one to him for the surrender of the 
 country to the United States, I called yesterday evening by appoint- 
 ment on the Minister, where I found M"". Marbois also.' They had 
 expected M''. Livingston and myself together, but on mj^ observing 
 that we had not so understood it, he having already seen the paper. The 
 Minister read the order to me and asked how I liked it, 1 replied that 
 it was not for us to say, it being the act of his government only, but 
 says he, comparativelj^ which do you prefer, this mode or the other? 
 I replied this without doubt. He said it was on the idea it would be 
 more agreeable to us and our government that it was adopted, since 
 suppressing our letter it became, as it ought to be, entirely the act of 
 
210 PURCHASE OF THE TEKEITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 (the) government and in his opinion strictly a justifiable one, the Con- 
 sul having a right to annex a condition to the ratification in the spirit 
 of the treaty at any time before the exchange. L told him that having 
 discussed the subject already I had only to repeat that I preferred 
 much this mode to the other. He added that he hoped no difficulty 
 would take place hereafter; that we had sufficient time to perform what 
 we had stipulated, and that he sincerely wished we might do it in due 
 time, as his government had much at heart the future harmony of the 
 two nations. 1 replied that similar sentiments animated the govern- 
 ment of the United States; that I was persuaded the treaty would be 
 ratified; that even before the creation of the stock I was confident that 
 the President far from delaying the paj^ment of what was stipulated, 
 would if (in) his power after the ratification promote aid which might 
 be useful to them in the United States to evince his desire of a prompt 
 execution of the treaty; that on our part and on our own responsibility 
 if it was desired we would prevail on the house of Baring and Hope to 
 advance the first payment, that is six millions of livres, before we heard 
 from our government, in confidence that our conduct would be approved, 
 I told him I thought my colleague would unite in this sentiment. He 
 expressed himself highly gratified with the communication, which he 
 considered as a strong proof of the friendship of tho. government of 
 the United States for the nation and government of France. (He) 
 declared that as it was made after everything was concluded it was the 
 more honorable to us, and would afi'ect in a greater degree the sensi- 
 bility of the First Consul, to whom he would make it known, tho' he 
 knew that he would accept nothing but as it became due in strict con- 
 formity to the treat3^ 1 should deem it fortunate for the United 
 States if the pajnnent was made as being an act of liberality on our 
 part, and in the degree a prompt execution of the treaty. It would 
 bind this government more completely to the execution of it on its 
 part. I am haj)p3^ however that the ofier was refused, since while it 
 cannot fail to produce a good efi'ect, it avoids all responsibility on our 
 part, or that of the President, tho' indeed in the payment here the 
 responsibility would be entirely on us. It is proper to inform you 
 that the treaty and conventions bear date from the period when (ever}^)- 
 thing was agreed on, the thirtieth of April, but as it (was necessary) 
 to reduce them to writing the treaty was signed on the second of May, 
 and the convention concerning the claims of our citizens the ninth or 
 tenth which will explain why they were not sooner despatched from 
 Paris. I am sir with great respect & esteem 3^''. ob'. serv*. 
 
 Mr. Monroe to the Secretary of State. 
 
 Paris Jxme 19, 1803. 
 Sir, — We have rec*^. y"". communications of the 18. and 20. of April 
 & after due consideration deem it most advisable that I sho'^. procieed 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 217 
 
 immediately to England. The departure of M"". King from that 
 country at the commencement of a war between it & France, without 
 nominating a charge des affaires may expose our commercial concerns 
 to much embarrassment if there is no one there soon to take charge of 
 them. The arrangement however proposed by the President will 
 probably obviate any inconvenience since the place will be occupied 
 in a fortnight from this date. I am happy to have it in \\\y power to 
 add that the state in which our affairs are here admits a complj^ance 
 with this aiTangement without inconvenience to any interest of a pub- 
 lick nature. Since the despatch of the ratifications of the treaty &c, 
 there is nothing to be done here till the question is decided b}^ our 
 government, nor even then in case of ratification, as the instruments 
 will be given by you to the Minister of France to be forwarded to his 
 government here. It is only in case of difficulty from some cause or 
 other, that the commission will have to act again in this affair, & then 
 it will be in your power, if a joint agency is deemed necessary to avail 
 3^''self of it, by suitable instructions to the members who compose it. 
 In regard to Spain it is not likely that any injury can result from the 
 delay which becomes inevitable by this measure. It was never a very 
 clear point that 1 ought to pursue the object with that power, after 
 what was done here, untill I heard from you. The motive which 
 inclined me to it at first diminished daily by mj^ detention here, so 
 that your late instructions arrived in good time to relieve me from 
 further suspense. My visit to England will not I think be attributed 
 by this gov*, to an improper motive. It seems to have a just 
 view of the policy of our government in regard to both powers, 
 which is to cultivate their friendship by fair 8c honorable means 
 while it paj^s a scrupulous attention & maintains with firmness the 
 respect which is due to our national character rights & interests. 
 My position in England will not prevent my attention in due time to 
 the object with Spain, if the President should be of opinion that it 
 might be useful. I have suggested to this government the probability 
 of my being instructed by him to pursue that object with that power, 
 after the decision on our treat}^ &c. with France, in which case I 
 informed the Minister that I sho*^., according to the promise made to 
 M'". Livingston and myself b}^ M''. Marbois, expect the good offices of 
 his government with its ally, and of which he gave me the most posi- 
 tive & satisfactory assurance. On this subject as on what concerns us 
 more generall}^ I shall write you hereafter more fully. I shall only 
 add at present that in the communications which have passed between 
 this government & myself since my last, to which this incident has in 
 part given the occasion, much has occurred to inspire me with confi- 
 dence in its friendly disposition towards our gov*. & country and in a 
 mode that could not otherwise than be peculiarly grateful to me. I 
 am with great respect & esteem y"". most ob*. servant. 
 
218 PtTECHASE OF THE TEREITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 P. S. I have sent 3^011 two copies of the view I have taken of the 
 question whether W. Florida is comprized in the cession of Louisiana, 
 which I think too clear to admit of a doubt. I have many reasons for 
 believing- that the gov^ of Spain entertains the same opinion on that 
 point. 1 doubt not if it is taken possession of as a part of Louisiana, 
 that the measure will be acquiesced in by that g"ov'., or at least that it 
 will not be taken ill b}^ it, or impede an amicable and favorable adjust- 
 ment relative to the territory of Spain Eastward of the Mississippi. 
 
 Mr. Monroe to Mr. Livingston. 
 
 (Reply to his of May 23.) 
 Dear Sir, — I have received your letter of the 23. expressing your 
 idea of the extent of the acquisition we have made by the late treaty 
 with France, which 1 have read with attention. I thank you for the 
 communication, as it tends to throw light on that interesting topic. 
 
 Before however I proceed to make any remark on that subject per- 
 mit me to observe that I am sorry I cannot agree with you in the last 
 sentiment expressed in your letter, that it is not necessary to probe 
 this business to the bottom nor until future circumstances should 
 render it proper. Had I thought so I should not have asked of you 
 your ideas on paper on the subject. My opinion has been from the 
 moment that our treaty with France was concluded, that it was my 
 first duty to ascertain correctly the extent of that acquisition, by ref- 
 erence to all the authentic documents to which access could be had, & 
 such other sources of information as might illustrate it. There are a 
 variety of considerations which imposed this dutj^ on me; I will how- 
 ever onl}^ mention that which g-rows out of the transaction itself, the 
 propriety of communicating to our government, such information as 
 we possess & such opinion as we have formed of the extent of the 
 acquisition. This consideration is much strengthened b}^ the advice 
 which you propose to give to our government to take possession of 
 W. Florida as a part of Louisiana. We ought not to give such 
 advice till we had probed the question to the bottom, and seen that it 
 was founded in principles of Justice such as could be demonstrated to 
 the impartial world, even to Spain herself. Nor can I agree with 
 you that ni}^ motive for asking your ideas on that subject on paper, 
 was because I had not leisure to examine it myself. The fact is I was 
 at the time engaged in the examination of it, as I have been ever 
 since, and with the greatest attention that other duties would permit, 
 as indeed I think I mentioned to you at the time. My object in mak- 
 ing the request was that we might examine the question separately, 
 compare our ideas together and after forming our opinions, take the 
 course which in reference to our respective duties might appear to be 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA, '219 
 
 proper. I have made these observations solelj^ for the purpose of 
 explaining to you the motive which induced me to make the above 
 mentioned request, which I have been sorry to find you had misunder- 
 stood. 
 
 Having aiso examined the question with some attention and com- 
 mitted my ideas to paper 1 shall have the pleasure to communicate 
 them to you at our first interview. 1 shall only observe at present 
 that we perfectly agree in the opinion that Louisiana, as it was in the 
 hands of France prior to the year 1763, extended to the River Perdigo, 
 & that it was restored to her by Spain, in the treaty of II Dephonso, 
 precisely in the same extent: that the reservation contained in the last 
 member of the article, which respects the subject, is in favor of the 
 United States only, intended to secure their rights under their treaty 
 with Spain in 1795. I also think with j^ou that the communications of 
 the Spanish Minister at Madrid to Mr. Pinckne}^ tend to confirm this 
 doctrine. But in tracing this subject under the several treaties which 
 respect it, I had a difiiculty on a point which appeared to me to be of 
 importance. Did France dismember the country while she was pos- 
 sessed of it?' it is not material to how many powers she granted it 
 provided it was at one & the same time, that is that it did not remain 
 her propert}^ in a dismembered state. At first I was led to fear that a 
 strong argument might be drawn against us from this source. The 
 secret treaty by which New Orleans & the Western bank of Louisiana 
 was ceded to Spain bears date on the 3'''^ Nov. 1762; the order of the 
 King to his governor for the surrender of it on the 21 April 1761 and 
 the actual surrender did not take place till some years afterwards, 
 according to one of the papers which I have seen, not till 18 Augt 1769. 
 The treat}^ between France, Great Britain, Spain &c by which the part 
 since called W. Florida was ceded to Great Britain bears date on the 10th 
 Feb}^ 1763. I presume that the cession of a country takes its date from 
 the treat}^ making the cession, not from the surrender: but in the 
 present case whether we date the cession referred to, under the secret 
 treaty of '62, to Spain from the one or the other epoch, the efi'ect would 
 be the same. If these were the only facts in the case, it might be said 
 that there was a dismemberment of Louisiana in the hands of France. 
 Happil}^ these are not the only facts existing; by a note in one of the 
 books I have obtained, it appears that the preliminary articles of the 
 treaty of 1763 were actuallj^ signed on the same day with the secret 
 convention above mentioned, & of course that the transfer or cession 
 of the whole country by France was made on the same day. I presume 
 that this note may be relied on, & verified by reference to authentic 
 documents, to which access may be had. I communicate its contents 
 with pleasure, because it seems to place beyond all controversy our 
 right to West Florida under the treaty we have lately formed with 
 France. 
 
220 PUECHASE OF THE TEEEITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 [Extract.] 
 
 Mr. Livingston to Mr. Madison. 
 
 Paris, Jmie 26, 1803. 
 
 Sir: I have received your letter of the with the commissions, 
 
 &c. Before this reaches you, 3^ou will have learned that they were 
 unnecessar3% as they respected our neg-otiations. You will find, hy 
 looking back to my letters, that I had long anticipated something- of 
 this kind, and I was greatly surprised when Mr. Monroe came without 
 it. I, however, in all my conversations, held out the idea veiy strongly 
 and you will see it hinted at in ni}^ notes and in m.j letters to J. B.; so 
 that it doubtless has had a considerable operation in bringing this 
 Government to the resolution the}^ took, before the arrival of Mr. 
 Monroe, to part with Louisiana. You will remember that in one of 
 my letters I request you to set on foot a negotiation with Britain for 
 ascertaining 3^our Northwestern boundarj^, but not to come to a con- 
 clusion. Indeed, as I was at that time endeavoring to excite an alarm 
 here that should put us in possession of the country above the Arkansas, 
 I own I have felt very much distressed that I never found an}^ of these 
 suggestions noticed or encouraged b}'^ our Government. But presum- 
 ing always that they ultimate!}^ Avould be, 1 have carefull}^ concealed 
 m}^ want of powers, and acted as decidedly as if I had possessed them; 
 and to this, as well as to the firm attitude that our Government took, 
 you ma}^ attribute the success of our negotiations. 1 hope that nothing 
 will prevent j^our immediate ratification, without altering a S3dlable 
 of the terms. If you wish anj^thing changed, ratify unconditionally 
 and set on foot a new negotiation. Be persuaded that France is sick 
 of the bargain; that Spain is much dissatisfied; and that the slightest 
 pretense will lose you the treat3^ Nothing has raised the reputation 
 of our country in Europe so high as the conduct of our Government 
 upon this occasion, both at home and abroad. In pursuance of the 
 wish expressed in 3^our letter, Mr. Monroe proceeds, in a few days, as 
 your resident Minister Plenipotentiary to England; for though it was 
 doubtful whether this was or was not intended to depend upon the con- 
 tingenc}^ mentioned therein, yet, as you were unrepresented there, and 
 the war rendered some representation necessary, we thought it most 
 conformable to the President's intentions that he should go. 
 I aiii, &c., 
 
 Hon. James Madison, 
 
 Secretary of State. 
 
 E. R. Livingston. 
 
 President Jefferson to General Gates. 
 
 Washington, July 11., 1803; 
 Dear General, — I accept with pleasure, and with pleasure recip- 
 rocate your congratulations on the acquisition of Louisiana; for it is 
 
PUKCHASE OF THE TEKEITORY OF LOUISIANA. 221 
 
 a subject of mutual congratulations, as it interests ever}^ man of the 
 nation. The territory acquired, as it includes all the waters of the 
 Missouri and Mississippi, has more than doubled the area of the 
 United States, and the new parts is not inferior to the old in soil, cli- 
 mate, productions and important communications. If our Legislature 
 dispose of it with the wisdom we have a right to expect, the}^ may 
 make it the means of tempting all our Indians on the east side of the 
 Mississippi to remove to the west, and of condensing instead of scat- 
 tering our population. I find our opposition is very willing to pluck 
 feathers from Monroe, although not fond of sticking them into Liv- 
 ingston's coat. The truth is, both have a just portion of merit; and 
 were it necessary or proper, it would be shown that each has rendered 
 peculiar services, and of important value. These grumblers, too, are 
 very uneasy lest the administration should share some little credit for 
 the acquisition, the whole of which they ascribe to the accident of 
 war. They would be cruelly mortified could they see our files from 
 May, 1801, the first organization of the administration, but more 
 especially from April, 1802. They would see, that though we could 
 not say when war would arise, yet we said with energy what would 
 take place when it should arise. We did not, by our intrigues, pro- 
 duce the war; but we availed ourselves of it when it happened. The 
 other party saw the case now existing, on which our representations 
 were predicated, and the wisdom of timely sacrifice. But when these 
 people make the war give us everj^thing, the}^ authorize us to ask 
 what the war gave us in their day? They had a war; what did they 
 make it bring us? Instead of making our neutrality the ground of 
 gain to their countrj^ the}' were for plunging into the war. And if 
 they were now in place, they would now be at war against the atheists 
 and disorganizers of France. They were for making their country 
 an appendage to England. We are friendly, cordially and conscien- 
 tiousl}' friendly with England. We are not hostile to France. We 
 will be rigorously just and sincerely f riendlj^ to both. I do not believe 
 we shall have as much to swallow from them as our predecessors had. 
 
 Mr. Madison to Mr. Livingston. 
 
 Department of State, Juhj 29^ 1803. 
 Sir: Since the date of my last, which was May 24, I have received 
 your several letters of April 11, 13, 17, and May 12th. As they relate 
 almost wholly to the subject which was happily terminated on the 30th 
 of April, a particular answer is rendered unnecessary by that event, 
 and by the answer which goes by this conveyance to the joint letter 
 from yourself and Mr. Monroe of the 13th of May. It will only be 
 observed, first, that the difi'erence in the diplomatic titles given to 
 Mr. Monroe from that given to you, and which you understood to 
 
222 PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 have ranked him above you, was the result merely of an error in the 
 clerk, who copied the document, and which escaped attention when 
 they were signed. It was not the intention of the President that any 
 distinction of grade should be made between 3^ou. Indeed, according 
 to the authority of Vattel, the characters of Minister Plenipotentiary 
 and Envoy Extraordinary are precisely of the same grade; although it 
 is said that the usage in France, particularly, does not correspond with 
 this idea. Secondly, that the relation of the First Consul to the Italian 
 Republic received the compliment deemed sufficient in the answer to a 
 note of M. Pichon, communicating the flag of that nation. A copy of 
 the communication and of the answer are now enclosed. 
 
 The boundaries of Louisiana seem to be so imperfectly understood, 
 and are of so much importance, that the President wishes them to be 
 investigated whenever information is likely to be obtained. You will 
 be pleased to attend particularl}^ to this object, as it relates to the 
 Spanish possessions both on the west and on the east side of the Mis- 
 sissippi. The proofs countenancing our claim to a part of West 
 Florida ma}^ be of immediate use in the negotiations which are to take 
 place at Madrid. Should Mr. Monroe proceed thither, as is probable, 
 and an}^ such proofs should, after his departure, have come to 3^our 
 knowledge, you will of course have transmitted them to him. 
 
 You will find by our gazettes that your memorial, drawn up about 
 a year ago on the subject of Louisiana, has found its way into public 
 circulation. The passages in it which strike at Great Britain have 
 undergone some comment; and will probably be conveyed to the atten- 
 tion of that Government. The document appears to have been sent 
 from Paris, where you will be able, no doubt, to trace the indiscretion 
 to its author. 
 
 No answer has 5'^et been received either from you or Mr. Monroe to 
 the diplomatic arrangement for London and Paris. The importance 
 of shortening the interval at the former, -and preventing one at the 
 latter, makes us anxious on this point. As your late letters have not 
 repeated 3'our intention of returning home this fall, it is hoped that 
 the interesting scenes which have since supervened may reconcile you 
 to a longer stay in Europe. 
 
 I have the honor to be, &c., 
 
 James Madison. 
 
 The Secretary of State to Messrs. Livingston and Monroe. 
 
 Department of State, J%dy 29^ 1803.' 
 Gentlemen: Your dispatches, including the treaty and two conven- 
 tions signed with a French Plenipotentiary, on the 30th of April, were 
 safely delivered on the 14th instant by Mr. Hughes, to whose care you 
 had committed them. 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITOEY OF LOUISIANA. . 223 
 
 III concurring with the disposition of the French Governnent to 
 treat for the whole of Louisiana, although the western part of it was 
 not embraced by your powers, jou were justified by the solid reasons 
 which you give for it; and I am charged by the President to express to 
 you his entire approbation for so doing. 
 
 This approbation is in no respect precluded by the silence of your 
 commission and instructions. When these were made out, the object 
 of the most sanguine was limited to the establishment of the Missis- 
 sippi as our boundary. It was not presumed, that more could be sought 
 bj^ the United States, either with a chance of success, or perhaps with- 
 out being suspected of greedy ambition, than the island of New 
 Orleans and the two Floridas; it being little doubted that the latter 
 was, or would be comprehended in the cession from Spain to France. 
 To the acquisition of New Orleans and the Floridas, the provision was, 
 therefore, accommodated. Nor was it to be supposed that in case the 
 French Government should be willing to part with more than the ter- 
 ritory' on our side of the Mississippi, an arrangement with Spain for 
 restoring to her the territory on the other side, would not be preferred 
 to a sale of it to the United States. It might be added, that the ample 
 views of the subject carried with him by Mr. Monroe, and the confi- 
 dence felt that 3^our judicious management would make the most favor- 
 able occurrences, lessened the necessity of multipljang provisions for 
 every turn which your negotiations might possibly take. 
 
 The efl'ect of such considerations was diminished by no information, 
 or just presumptions whatever. The note of Mr. Livingston, in par- 
 ticular, stating to the French (jovernment the idea of ceding the Western 
 country above the Arkansas, and communicated to this Department in 
 his letter of the 29th January, was not received here till April 5, 
 more than a month after the commission and instructions had been 
 forwarded. And, besides, that this project not only left with France 
 the possession and jurisdiction of one bank of the Mississippi from its 
 mouth to the Arkansas, but a part of West Florida, the whole of East 
 Florida, and the harbors for ships of war in the Gulf of Mexico. The 
 letter enclosing the note, intimated that it had been treated by the 
 French Government with decided neglect. In truth, the communica- 
 tions in general between Mr. Livingston and the French Government, 
 both of prior and subsequent date, manifested a repugnance to our 
 views of purchase, which left no expectation of an}^ arrangement with 
 France, b}" which an extensive acquisition was to be made, unless in a 
 favorable crisis, of which advantage should be taken. Such was thought 
 to be the crisis which gave birth to the extraordinary commission in 
 which you are joined. It consisted of the state of things produced by 
 the breach of our deposit at New Orleans; the situation of the French 
 islands, particularly the important island of St. Domingo; the distress 
 of the French finances; the unsettled posture of Europe; the increasing 
 
224 PURCHASE OF THE TEKKITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 jealousy between Great Britain and France; and the known aversion 
 of the former to see the mouth of the Mississippi in the hands of the 
 latter. These considerations, it was hoped, might so far open the eyes 
 of France to her real interest, and her ears to the monitory truths 
 which were conveyed to her through different channels, as to reconcile 
 her to the establishment of the Mississippi a; a natural boundary to 
 the United States; or, at least, to some concessions which would justify 
 our patiently waiting for a fuller accomplishment of our wishes, under 
 auspicious events. The crisis relied on has derived peculiar force from 
 the rapidity with which the complaints and questions between France 
 and Great Britain ripened towards a rupture; and it is just ground for 
 mutual and general felicitation that it has issued under your zealous 
 exertions in the extensive acquisitions beyond the Mississippi. 
 
 With respect to the terms on which the acquisition is made, there 
 can be no doubt that the bargain will be regarded as on the whole 
 highly advantageous. The pecuniary stipulations would have been 
 more satisfactory if they had departed less from the plan prescribed; 
 and particularlv if the two millions of dollars in cash, intended to 
 reduce the price to hasten the delivery of possession, had been so 
 applied, and the assumed payments to American claimants placed on a 
 footing specified in the instructions. The unexpected weight of the 
 draft now to be made on the Treasury will be sensibly felt by it, and 
 may possibl}^ be inconvenient in relation to other important objects. 
 
 The President has issued his proclamation convening Congress on 
 the 17th of October, in order that the exchange of the ratifications 
 may be made within the time limited. It is obvious that the exchange, 
 to be within the time, must be made here, and not at Paris; and we 
 
 infer from your letter of that the ratifications of the Chief 
 
 Consul are to be, transmitted hither with that view. 
 
 I only add the wish of the President to know from you the under- 
 standing which prevailed in the negotiation with respect to the bound- 
 aries of Louisiana; and particularly the pretensions and proofs for 
 carrying it to the river Perdido, or for including any lesser portion of 
 West Florida. 
 
 With high respect and consideration, &c. , 
 
 James Madison. 
 
 [Extract.] 
 
 Mr. Livingston to Mr. Madison. 
 
 Paris, July 30, 1803. 
 
 Sir: The house of Hope and Baring will to-morrow lodge with me the 
 
 amount in bills of the stock they have purchased from the French 
 
 Government, to be delivered by me according to the terms of their 
 
 contract. If the treaty is ratified, I believe that this meets with no 
 
PUECHASE OF THE TERKITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 225 
 
 delay. Be assured that were the business to do again it never would 
 be done. They think we have obtained an immense advantage over 
 them. Though the appearance of war had some influence, it had much 
 less than is ascribed to it. Whenever I mentioned its falling into the 
 hands of England, they admitted the possibility, but insisted that, as it 
 must abide the event of the war, they had no doubt of ultimate suc- 
 cess; they would get it back with the British improvements. Mr. 
 Skipwith still thinks that the American debt will fall much within the 
 twenty millions for which we have engaged, and all the fair creditors 
 be fully satisfied; the supposed debt being extremely exaggerated in 
 America. Other nations, creditors of France, have, at present, no 
 prospect of being paid. 
 
 I this day got a sight of a letter from the Minister to M. Laussat, con- 
 taining directions for giving up the country, and assigning the reasons 
 for the cession. I was much flattered to find their reasons wholly 
 drawn from the memoir I had presented; and that the order for the 
 cession was full, and contained no other description of the country 
 than that which had been designated in the Treaty of St. Ildef onso : so 
 that I hope j^ou have not failed to insist on West Florida. 
 
 1 have also this day been favored with a duplicate of yours of the 
 20th (25th) of May. You observe that the promise I had obtained for 
 payment was still short of justice. This may be true; but, sir, were 
 you here, or, indeed, in any Court in Europe, you would admit that 
 obtaining of anj^thing that approaches to justice, required some skill 
 and much good fortune. At present, I believe, you may purchase 
 millions of just debt of Denmark, Sweden, &c., here at fifty-seven in 
 the pound, and purchase it dear enough; and I think that I may, with- 
 out vanity, ascribe my obtaining the promise to what are here consid- 
 ered as very delicate measures; and to that promise, a ruling influence 
 in procuring a treaty that I trust will be considered in America (as in 
 Europe) among the most important and advantageous the United States 
 ever made. 
 
 I have the honor, &c. , 
 
 R. E. Livingston. 
 
 Mr. Madison to Mr. Monroe. 
 
 Washington, July SO, 1803. 
 
 Dear Sir. — I received your favor of by Mr. Hughes, the 
 
 bearer of the public despatches from you and Mr. Livingston. The 
 purchase of Louisiana in its full extent, tho' not contemplated, is 
 received with warm, and, in a manner, universal approbation. The 
 uses to which it ma}'^ be turned render it a truly noble acquisition. 
 Under pendent management it may be made to do much good, as well 
 as to prevent much evil. By lessening the military establishment 
 H. Doc. 431 15 
 
226 PUECHASE OF THE TEERITOKY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 otherwise requisite or countenanced, it will answer the double pur- 
 pose of saving expence and favoring liberty. This is a point of view 
 in which the Treaty will be particular!}^ grateful to a most respectable 
 description of our Citizens. It will be of great importance, also, to 
 take the regulation and settlement of that Territory out of other hands 
 into those of the U. S., who will be able to manage both for the gen- 
 eral interest and conveniency. By securing, also, the exclusive juris- 
 diction of the Mississippi to the mouth, a source of much perplexity 
 and collision is effectualh^ cut off. The communications of your col- 
 league hither have fullv betrayed the feelings excited by your mes- 
 sage, and that he was precipitating the business soon after your 
 arrival, without respect to the measure of the government, to j^ourself , 
 or to the advantage to be expected from the presence and co-operation 
 of the more immediate depositor}" of the objects and sensibilities of 
 his Countr}^. It is highl}" probable that if the appeal to the French 
 Government had been less hackneyed b}" the ordinar}^ minister, and 
 been made under the solemnity of a joint and extraordinary^ embassy, 
 the impression would have been greater and the gain better. 
 
 What course will be taken by his friends here remains to be seen. 
 You will tind in the Gazettes a letter from Paris, understood to be 
 from Swan, indorsing a copy of his memorial, representing it as the 
 primary cause of the cession, praising the patriotism wliich undertook 
 so great a service without authority, and throwing j^our agency out of 
 an}^ real merit, while, by good fortune, it snatched the ostensible merit. 
 This letter, with the memorial, has been published in all our papers; 
 some of them making comments favorable to Mr. Livingston, others 
 doing justice to j'^ou, others ascribing the result wholly to the impend- 
 ing rupture. Another letter from Paris has been published, which 
 makes him Magnus Apollo. The publication of the memorial is so 
 improper, and in reference to the writer invites such strictures, that 
 from him is not to be presumed. The passages against England 
 have not escaped the lash. It would not be very wonderful if they 
 were to be noticed formally or informally by the British legation here. 
 
 M}^ public letter will show the light in which the purchase of all 
 Louisiana is viewed, and the manner in which it was thought proper 
 to touch the polic}" of Mr. Livingston, in complaining that the com- 
 munication did not authorize the measure, notwithstanding the infor- 
 mation given that he was negociating for more than the East side of 
 the Mississippi. The pecuniar}^ arrangements are much disrelished, 
 particularly by Mr. Gallatin. The irredeemabilit}^ of the stock, which 
 gives it valtie above par, the preference of the conditions to the true 
 object in the cash payment, and the barring of a priority among them, 
 are errors most regarded. The claims of the different creditors rest 
 on principles as different. 
 
PUECHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 227 
 
 Mr. Monroe to the Secretary of State. 
 
 London, July W 1803. 
 
 Sir, — I am too recently on this theatre to give you any information 
 of the state of public aflfairs which you will not obtain of the gazettes 
 which I shall therefore not repeat. 
 
 It will be more useful to go back to the transactions in which 1 have 
 been lately engaged, and to comnAinicate some incidents which 
 occurred in them with which 3^ou are not yet acquainted. The pres- 
 sure of business at the time, the necessity of hastening here as soon 
 as that measure was decided on, and the hope that I should enjoy more 
 leisure here than I had done in France, induced me to reserve them 
 for the present communication. 
 
 You saw by m}^ letters after the conclusion of our treaties with 
 France that I had in a great measure decided to proceed to Spain, on 
 the idea that by so doing I should best fulfil the ulterior object of my 
 instructions. You saw likewise by the joint letter of M''. Livingston 
 and m3^self of June 7**^ that I had been prevented pursuing that 
 object, by an obstacle, the circumstances attending which were fully 
 detailed in it. There occurred however another difficult}^ which jou 
 are yet to be apprized of. 
 
 At the time when m.y judgment inclined in favor of that measure, I 
 applied to M"". Talleyrand for the support of his Gov*, in the negotia- 
 tion according to the promise made us by M"". Marbois, with which 
 you are acquainted. This application was made on the 19 of May 
 immediately before the discussion mentioned in the letter of the 7 
 June above referred to. On the Sunday following, three or four days 
 afterwards, I dined with the Consul Cambaceres who had been with 
 the First Consul in council at S* Cloud whence he returned late to 
 dinner. He said to me soon after entering the room "you must not 
 go to Spain at present." I asked his reason. He replied "it is not 
 the time; you had better defer it." I revived the subject repeatedly but 
 he declined going farther into it. After dinner when we were in the 
 Salon, he came up to me, and on my informing him that he had given 
 me much concern by what he had said, he replied "that it was only his 
 opinion; but you will talk on the subject with the Minister of the public 
 treasury," which 1 assured him that I would not fail to do. I went 
 immediately to M'". Marbois, but had not the good fortune to find him 
 at home. 
 
 On the Tuesday following I saw the Consul le Brun, who suggested 
 to me precisely the same idea which I had received from the Consul 
 Cambaceres, and who I was persuaded had imbibed it at the same time 
 in the Council at S* Cloud. I proposed to him the same question that 
 I had done to his Colleague, and received nearly the same answer. He 
 told me that we should obtain our object, but that this was not the 
 
228 PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 time for it. About this time the incident mentioned in the letter of 
 June T*'' occurred, which increased and continued my suspense till we 
 rec''. yours of the 18 & 20 of April which directed mj route here. 
 
 As soon as my course was marked I called on the Minister of foreign 
 Affairs, and reminded him of my application to him for the aid of his 
 gov*, in our negotiation with Spain, which as he well recollected had 
 been promised. I then told him, without waiting for an answer, that 
 my route was changed; that 1 had just received the order of the Presi- 
 dent to proceed to England in case our affairs were amicabl}^ adjusted 
 with France; that the motive for it was, a knowledge that M''. King 
 was about to return home: the probability of a rupture between France 
 & Britain and the consequent exposure of our commerce; and the pro- 
 priety of our being represented there in case of that event: that the 
 urgency was increased by the circumstance under which I received the 
 order, M''. King having sailed without having nominated any one to 
 take charge of our affairs till his successor arrived. I adverted in 
 the commencement to the affair with Spain, to fix in his mind, by 
 evidence not to be resisted, an important fact, the date at which 
 the late order was received, that he might see that it grew out of 
 recent circumstances, those mentioned, and was not part of a system 
 of menace adopted at the time of my appointment. I had seen the 
 advantage of inculcating this truth on more than one occasion, or 
 thought I had, & wished to have it in full force on the present one. 
 The Minister acknowledged in explicit terms the frankness of the 
 communication, which he considered as a strong proof of the fair deal- 
 ing of our Government in its conduct towards his, and of its sincere 
 desire to preserve peace and friendship between the two nations. Then 
 taking a cursory review of what had passed in the late negotiation, he 
 declared that nothing short of the course which had been taken by our 
 Government would have produced the result which had attended it. 
 He asked me when I proposed setting out on the proposed mission? 
 I answered very soon, as there was nothing to detain me longer there. 
 1 requested him to communicate the above to the First Consul, and to 
 express m}^ wish to be favored with a private audience, for the pur- 
 pose of taking my leave of him before my departure. This he readily 
 undertook, but observed that as the first Consul was to set out in a 
 few days for the Belgic and his time was preengaged by appointments 
 for the whole of the interval, he doubted whether it would be in his 
 power to grant me an audience, tho' he was persuaded he would if he 
 could. Having asked an audience 1 resolved to wait an answer till his 
 departure, and the more so as I knew it would not detain me long. 
 As soon as I had made the above communication to the minister, I 
 made a like one to M"". Marbois, whose candid and upright deportment 
 through the whole of our negotiation, had inspired me with a very 
 high respect for his character. I asked and obtained about the same 
 time & for the same purpose, a private audience of the Consuls Cam- 
 
PUECHASE OF THE TEREITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 229 
 
 baceres & le Brun, by whom I had been received with kindness, and 
 treated with attention during- my mission in France, & who I had rea- 
 son to believe had promoted the object of it. It was not strictl}'- in 
 course to make to these characters such a communication, but I felt 
 that I owed it to the part thej^ had taken in the late important trans- 
 actions with our country, and am persuaded that it was received in 
 the spirit in which it was made. I called on eJoseph Bonaparte the 
 elder brother of the first Consul with the same view, but as he had 
 left town 1 had not the pleasure to see him. 
 
 The day before the Consul commenced his tour I received a note 
 from the Minister of foreign affairs requesting- me to meet him the 
 next day at 1 o'clock at S* Cloud to be presented by him to the first 
 Consul, which was accordingly done. The audience was of some 
 length, 
 
 I made a communication similar in substance to what I had already 
 done to the Minister, to which I added that it was the wish of the 
 President that 1 should assure him before m}?^ departure of his high 
 respect & esteen^ for him personally & for the French Nation, and of 
 his earnest desire to preserve peace & friendship with it. The first 
 Consul reciprocated the sentiment toward the President and the U. S. 
 in strong- terms. He said that he considered the President as a virtu- 
 ous and enlightened man, who understood and pursued the interest of 
 his countr}^ as a friend of liberty and equality: That no one wished 
 more than himself the preservation of a good understanding between 
 the two Republics: that he had been prompted to make the late Cession 
 to the U. States not so much on account of the sum given for the terri- 
 tory as from views of policy: that France had been their first friend 
 and he wished to preserve that relation between the two countries for 
 ever: he had perceived that we entertained a jealousy of their posses- 
 sion of Louisiana which was likely to drive us into measures & con- 
 nexions that would prove not only hurtful to France, but as he pre- 
 sumed to ourselves also: He therefore wished to remove the cause by 
 an act which would free us from all apprehension on that head and 
 leave us at liberty to pursue our course according to our interest and 
 inclination. I told him in replj that I had considered the cession of 
 Louisiana as having been prompted by 'the motives which he stated, as 
 being- an act of great and enlightened policy rather than an affair of 
 commerce, and was persuaded that our government would view it in 
 the same light: that the cession would place us on the ground he men- 
 tioned of real independence: that we had however been willing to give 
 what was deemed an equivalent for it. He observed that there was no 
 rivalship between us, our relation to France being chiefly commercial; 
 but that we must be on our guard, not to give the protection of our 
 flag to the British. I told him that the latter was a question which 
 merited all his deliberation and candor, since the principle that 
 free ships made free goods, if sustained by him as I understood it 
 
230 PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOaiSIANA. 
 
 to be, precluded any discussion on that point. He admitted that 
 there were difficulties in the case which he should examine with care. 
 He then observed, without my leading to the subject tho' I had 
 intended doing it, with respect to Florida that this was not the time 
 to pursue that object: that the Spaniards had complained much of the 
 cession they had made to us of Louisiana. I told him that we were 
 neighbors of Spain and wished to be on friendly terms with her, which 
 the possession would promote: that it was a little piece of land com- 
 prized within our present limits which we ought to have. He replied 
 that it was because we were their neighbors that they were jealous of 
 our possessing that territory which by its ports commanded the gulph 
 of Mexico. I told him it would be better for Spain that we held it 
 than the British, which might take place if we did not. Still he urged 
 that this was not the time to negotiate for it. I ceased therefore to 
 press the subject further, preferring to let it be understood that the 
 negotiation was postponed for the present, to be revived at a more 
 suitable season, when we should expect his good offices in it, to which 
 he seemed to assent. 
 
 It is to be presumed that the natural weight and respectability of 
 the United States will enable their government to obtain this object 
 of Spain, without the aid of any other power: It cannot be doubted 
 however that France, has the means of essentially promoting or embar- 
 rassing it. It was on that principle that we sought to avail ourselves 
 of her aid in the late negotiation & that I applied for it when I was 
 about to go to Spain. To have gone after the promise made us, with- 
 out this communication, might ha\^e produced an ill effect; to have 
 gone after my application for it in opposition to her advice would 
 most probably have had the same tendency, which it seemed peculiarly 
 proper to avoid especially while our treaties with her were depending. 
 The Consul set out on his tour the evening of the day on which I had 
 the above audience, which was on the (Sdtth) of June. On the Mon- 
 day following I requested my passport of M'". d'Hermand the chief in 
 the department of foreign relations charged with that business who I 
 found had not the power to grant one. I immediately wrote to the 
 Minister of foreign relations, who had left Paris about the same time 
 with the Consul to apprize him of this fact & request that he would 
 be pleased to send me a passport immediately as I was read}^ for my 
 journey and onl}^ waited one. 
 
 
 [Extract.] 
 
 Mr. Monroe to the Secretary of State. 
 
 London 26 July 1803 
 Our government ought to know to the minutest detail the motives 
 which induced the government of France to adopt this measure, to 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 231 
 
 enable it to do justice to those motives & bring- the affair itself to a 
 happy conclusion. The extrication of ourselves from a dangerous, 
 perhaps a disastrous, war, by the acquisition of an important territory 
 which gives such vast relief and comfort to so many of our people, is an 
 event which if the causes which produced it are well understood, may 
 se' ve as a monitory lesson to influence if not prescribe the course to be 
 pursued in our future controversies with the European powers, if any 
 should occur. America certainly bears a very distinct relation to 
 Europe, from what the sevei'al powers of the latter bear to each other, 
 which it is equally important for her to understand & to have under- 
 stood b}'^ the latter. Of this truth the event referred to is a striking 
 example as it is a ver}^ satisf ac tor j^ illustration. I should wear}^ you 
 if I pursued this subject. I have touched it to remark that for these 
 and other obvious reasons I have considered it mj^ duty to communi- 
 cate to you e\'ery fact belonging to this transaction with which I was 
 acquainted that it might be seen by the President in its true light. To 
 these I shall at present take the liberty to add a few observations. 
 
 You saw by M''. Livingstons and my joint letter which bore date a 
 da}^ or two before 1 left Paris about the 11*^ ulto""" that the English 
 government had no agency in this affair: that it never had made a 
 question of Louisiana in its discussions with the government of France, 
 at any period since the French possessed it. This information was 
 obtained of Lord Whitworth on the application of jVP. Livingston on 
 his & my part at a time when we deemed it important to know what 
 interest that power had taken in the affair if any. Lord Whitworth's 
 answer was as I understand frank and explicit to that effect. It there- 
 fore proves full}" that the Cession of Louisiana did not proceed from 
 any interference of G. Britain respecting it. 
 
 The proof is in other respects positive and conclusive that it was 
 produced b}^ the measures of our Government and that the decision to 
 make the cession was intended to meet them in the spirit in which 
 they were taken. It is a well established fact that before those meas- 
 ures were well known in France the First Consul had manifested no 
 inclination to make the Cession. For some time after they were 
 known his disposition to retain the territorv remained unshaken, tho' 
 it was evident he had become more conciliator}^ in his deportment 
 towards our countr3^ As late as the 10. of March he announced his 
 resolution not even to discuss the subject in any light until after he 
 had sent a Minister to the U. S. and received from him such infor- 
 mation as he deemed necessary for the purpose. On the 22''. of March 
 he manifested his desire to retain the countr}' to be as strong as ever, 
 intimated that he had always considered the possession of it as fur- 
 nishing him with the means of giving new proofs of his friendship for 
 the U. States, by which he meant, as is presumed, the opening of the 
 river to our Citizens, on more favorable terms than had yet been 
 
232 PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 enjo^^ed by them, he absolutely refused to treat at that time, tho' he 
 acknowledged his sensibility to the conduct of the President in the 
 conjuncture which had produced an extraordinary mission, and declared 
 that he would receive the Envoy with pleasure & hoped that his mis- 
 sion would terminate to the satisfaction of both powers. The decision 
 to make the cession was taken on the 10"' of April after the arrival 
 of that Envoy at Havre (which was on the 8**") was known at Paris, 
 and with a view to lay the foundation for the negotiation which was so 
 soon to commence. For the proof of these facts I refer you to the 
 ofacial notes of M^ Talleyrand to M''. Livingston of the 10*^ and 22"^^ 
 of March, which I presume are in your possession, and to such other 
 information as you have heretofore received of the latter. The 
 demonstration which the}^ furnish of what 1 have above stated, is too 
 strong to be resisted by ai.y one whose mind is not sealed by preju- 
 dice against the clearest result. Had the disposition of the first Con- 
 sul to make the cession been produced by any but the measures of our 
 government and country taken together, but more especially by the 
 firm & dignified yet conciliatory conduct of the President, he would 
 not have postponed the discussion of the subject till he was apprized 
 of those measures, nor would he, after he knew of them, have delayed 
 the avowal of his disposition to the period that he did, or assigned 
 the motive which he gave in the letter of March 22*^. for the delay. 
 
 It was impossible, had we possessed the requisite power, after our 
 negotiation commenced to have opened an}^ communication with this 
 govei'nment without great hazard to our interest & credit, while it 
 was impossible to derive any advantage from it. A proposition to 
 Britain for her agency in the afifair, could not have been expected to 
 succeed without our pajdng some equivalent for it, which must have 
 been by making common cause with her in her own controvers}^ and per- 
 haps also by giving her some portion of the territory or rights in the 
 navigation of the river. Had we stipulated either of these considera- 
 tions we should most probably have been carried into the war with 
 her, the result of which is very uncertain. By making any stipula- 
 tion in favor of G. Britain we should have tied up our hands in the 
 degree from doing anything for ourselves, while we bound ourselves to 
 her fortunes. Had we made any overture for any such an arrangement 
 we hazarded its being made known, with a view to her own interest, 
 to the government of France, with whom it could not fail to have pro- 
 duced an ill effect in regard to ours. Perfect freedom to take such 
 part as our interest required was the happiest situation, in which we 
 could be placed in the negotiation, & it equall}^ comported with honor 
 & policy not onl}^ to remain so in reality, but to preserve also the 
 appearance of it, while there was a prospect of success. Had we 
 erred in the present case our folly and disposition for intrigue must 
 have been extreme, since from the commencement there was great 
 
PUECHASE OF THE TERRITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 233 
 
 probability of success, which continued to increase till the object was 
 accomplished. 
 
 It cannot be doubted that there were a variety of causes, which con- 
 tributed to produce a change in the mind of the first Consul relative 
 to Louisiana, & to facilitate the cession which I flatter myself our 
 government has been fortunate in obtaining. Among these may be 
 calculated the failure of the Expedition to S*. Domingo, the pressure 
 of the crisis in Europe &c. There are occasions which it is fair and 
 honorable for every government to take advantage of & which none 
 fail to do, when those at their head have discernment enough to see 
 them. They are such as our distance from Europe, & fortunate situa- 
 tion in other respects, will 1 hope always furnish us, when the}'^ may 
 be necessar3^ I aflSrm, however, with perfect confidence in the opin- 
 ion, that notwithstanding these favorable circumstances, we should 
 not have succeeded had the amiable relations between America & 
 France been broken, or had the President have taken an attitude of 
 menace towards that power, or any other than precisely that which he 
 did take. 
 
 Extract of a letter from James Monroe, esq., Minister Plenipotentiary, 
 London, to the Secretary of State. 
 
 August 15, 1803. 
 The enclosed, which I received last night from Paris by an Ameri- 
 can gentleman, containing important information, is, therefore, trans- 
 mitted to you. 
 
 [Extract of a letter from Mr. Fenwick to Mr. Monroe.] 
 
 Pakis, August S, 1803. ' 
 Since you left this city nothing very material has transpired. I 
 know, however, from a faithful source, that the Spanish Government 
 has made the most serious remonstrances against the cession of Loui- 
 siana, and their instructions here are to prevent its being carried into 
 execution, if yet possible: and if pecuniarj^ arguments could succeed, 
 the hands of their Ministers are not tied on that score. This might be 
 a useful hint, if our Senate should not disregard federal examples in 
 modifying treaties, as it is now well understood, that, if any conditional 
 clause of ratification should be introduced by the United States, this 
 Government would profit of the circumstance to annul the whole work. 
 
 President Jefferson to Mr. Breckenridge. 
 
 MoNTicELLo, August 12, 1803. 
 Dear Sir, — The enclosed letter, though directed to you, was intended 
 to me also, and was left open with a request, that when forwarded, I 
 
234 PURCHASE OF THE TEREITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 would forward it to you. It gives me occasion to write a word to you 
 on the subject of Louisiana, which being a new one, an interchange of 
 sentiments may produce correct ideas before we are to act on them. 
 
 Our information as to the country is ver};^ incomplete; we have taken 
 measures to obtain it full as to the settled part, which I hope to receive 
 in time for Congress. The boundaries, which I deem not admitting 
 question, are the high lands on the western side of the Mississippi 
 enclosing all its waters, the Missouri of course, and terminating in the 
 line drawn from the northwestern point of the Lake of the Woods to 
 the nearest source of the Mississippi, as latel}" settled between Great 
 Britain and the United States. We have some claims, to extend on 
 the seacoast westwardl}^ to the Rio Norte or Bravo, and better, to go 
 eastwardly to the Rio Perdido, between Mobile and Pensacola, the 
 ancient boundary of Louisiana. These claims will be a subject of 
 negotiation with Spain, and if, as soon as she is at war, we push them 
 strongly with one hand, holding out a price in the other, we shall cer- 
 tainly obtain the Floridas, and all in good time. In the meanwhile, 
 without waiting for permission, we shall enter into the exercise of the 
 natural right we have always insisted on with Spain, to-wit, that of a 
 nation holding the upper part of streams, having a right of innocent 
 passage through them to the ocean. We shall prepare her to see us 
 practice on this, and she will not oppose it by force. 
 
 Objections are raising to the eastward against the vast extent of our 
 boundaries, and propositions are made to exchange Louisiana, or a 
 part of it, for the Floridas. But, as I have said, we shall get the 
 Floridas without, and I would not*give one inch of the waters of the 
 Mississippi to an}^ nation, because I see in a light very important to 
 our peace the exclusive right to its navigation, and the admission of 
 no nation into it, but as into the Potomac or Delaware, with our con- 
 sent and under our police. These federalists see in this acquisition the 
 formation of a new confederac}^, embracing all the waters of the Mis- 
 sissippi, on both sides of it, and a separation of its eastern waters from 
 us. These combinations depend on so many circumstances which we 
 can not foresee, that I place little reliance on them. We have seldom 
 seen neighborhood produce affection among nations. The reverse is 
 almost the universal truth. Besides, if it should become the great 
 interest of those nations to separate from this, if their happiness 
 should depend on it so strongly as to induce them to go through that 
 convulsion, why should the Atlantic States dread it? But especially 
 wh}^ should we, their present inhabitants, take side in such a question? 
 When I view the Atlantic States, procuring for those on the eastern 
 waters of the Mississippi friendly instead of hostile neighbors on its 
 western waters, I do not view it as an Englishman would the procuring 
 future blessings for the French nation, with whom he has no relations 
 of blood or affection. The future inliabitants of the Atlantic and Mis- 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 235 
 
 sissippi States will be our sons. We leave them in distinct but border- 
 ing establishments. We think we see their happiness in their union, 
 and we wish it. Events may prove it otherwise; and if the}^ see their 
 interest in separation, why should we take side with our Atlantic 
 rather than our Mississippi descendants? Jt is the elder and the 
 younger son differing. God bless them both, and keep them in union, 
 if it be for their good, but separate them, if it be better. The iiihab- 
 ited part of Louisiana, from Point Coupee to the sea, will of course 
 be immediately^ a territorial government, and soon a State. But above 
 that, the best use we can make of the country for some time, will be 
 to give establishments in it to the Indians on the east side of the Mis- 
 sissippi, in exchange for their present countrj^, and open land offices 
 in the last, and thus make this acquisition the means of filling up the 
 eastern side, instead of drawing off' its population. When we shall 
 be full on this side, we ma}" la}^ off' a range of States on the western 
 bank from the head to the mouth, and so, range after range, advancing 
 compactly as we multiply. 
 
 This treaty must of course be laid before both Houses, because both 
 have important functions to exercise respecting it. The}^, I presume, 
 will see their duty to their country in ratifying and paying for it, so 
 as to secure a good which would otherwise probably be never again in 
 their power. But I suppose the}^ must then appeal to the nation for 
 an additional article to the Constitution, approving and confirming- an 
 act which the nation had not previously authorized. The Constitution 
 has made no provision for our holding foreign territory, still less for 
 incorporating foreign nations into our Union. The executive in seiz- 
 ing the fugitive occurrence which so much advances the good of their 
 country, have done an act beyond the Constitution. The Legislature 
 in casting behind them metaphysical subtleties, and risking themselves 
 like faithful servants, must ratify and pay for it, and throw themselves 
 on their country for doing for them unauthorized, what we know 
 they would have done for themselves had they been in a situation to 
 do it. It is the case of a guardian investing the money of his ward in 
 purchasing an important adjacent territory; and saying to him when 
 of age, I did this for your good; I pretend to no right to bind 3'^ou: 
 you may disavow me, and I must get out of the scrape as I can : 1 
 thought it my duty to risk myself for you. But we shall not be dis- 
 avowed by the nation, and their act of indemnity will confirm and not 
 weaken the Constitution, by more strongly marking out its lines. 
 
 [Extract..] 
 
 President Jefferson to Mr. Madison. 
 
 MoNTiCELLO, August 25^ 1803. 
 I suppose Monroe will touch on the limits of Louisiana only inci- 
 dentally, inasmuch as its extension to Perdido curtails Florida, and 
 
236 PDECHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 renders it of less worth. I have used my spare moments to investi- 
 gate, bj'^ the help of my books here, the subject of the limits of Lou- 
 isiana. I am satisfied our right to the Perdido is substantial, and can 
 be opposed by a quibble on form only; and our right westwardly to 
 the Bay of St. Bernard, may be strongly maintained. I will use the 
 first leisure to make a statement of the facts and principles on which 
 this depends. Further reflection on the amendment to the Constitu- 
 tion necessar}^ in the case of Louisiana, satisfies me it will be better 
 to give general powers, with specified exceptions, somewhat in the 
 way stated below. * % * 
 
 P. S. — Louisiana, as ceded by France to the United States, is made 
 a part of the United States. Its white inhabitants shall be citizens, 
 and stand, as to their rights and obligations, on the same footing with 
 other citizens of the United States in analogous situations. 
 
 Save only that as to the portion thereof lying north of the latitude 
 of the mouth of the Oreansa river, no new State shall be established, 
 nor an}^ grants of land made therein, other than to Indians, in exchange 
 for equivalent portions of land occupied by them, until amendment to 
 the Constitution shall be made for these purposes, 
 
 Florida also, whensoever it may be rightfully obtained, shall become 
 a part of the United States. Its white inhabitants shall thereupon be 
 citizens, and shall stand, as to their rights and obligations, on th(^ 
 same footing with other citizens of the United States in analogous 
 circumstances. 
 
 President Jefferson to "Wilson C. Nicholas. 
 
 MoNTiCELLO, September 7, 1803. 
 Dear Sir, — Your favor of the 3d was delivered me at court; but 
 we were much disappointed at not seeing you here, Mr. Madison and 
 the Governor being here at the time. I enclose you a letter from 
 Mr. Monroe on the subject of the late treaty. You will observe a hint 
 in it, to do without delay what we are bound to do. There is reason, 
 in the opinion of our ministers, to believe, that if the thing were to 
 do over again, it could not be obtained, and that if we give the least 
 opening, they will declare the treaty void. A warning amounting to 
 that has been given to them, and an unusual kind of letter written by 
 their minister to our Secretary of State, direct. Whatever Congress 
 shall think it necessary to do, should be done with as little debate as 
 possible, and particularlj^ so far as respects the constitutional diffi- 
 culty. I am aware of the force of the observations you make on the 
 power given by the Constitution to Congress, to admit new States 
 into the Union, without restraining the subject to the territory then 
 constituting the United States. But when I consider that the limits 
 of the United States are precisely fixed by the treaty of 1783, that 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 237 
 
 the Constitution expressly declares itself to be made for the United 
 States, I cannot help believing the intention was not to permit 
 Congress to admit into the Union new States, which should be formed 
 out of the territory for which, and under whose authority alone, they 
 were then acting. I do not believe it was meant that they might 
 receive England, Ireland, Holland, &c., into it, which would be the 
 case on 3^our construction. When an instrument admits two construc- 
 tions, the one safe, the other dangerous, the one precise, the other 
 indefinite, I prefer that which is safe and precise. I had rather ask an 
 enlargement of power from the nation, where it is found necessary, 
 than to assume it by a construction which would make our powers 
 boundless. Our peculiar security is in the possession of a written 
 Constitution. Let us not make it a blank paper by construction. I say 
 the same as to the opinion of those who consider the grant of the treaty- 
 making power as boundless. If it is, then we have no Constitution. 
 If it has bounds, they can be no others than the definitions of the 
 powers which that instrument gives. It specifies and delineates the 
 operations permitted to the federal government, and gives all the 
 powers necessary to carry these into execution. Whatever of these 
 enumerated objects is proper for a law, Congress may make the law; 
 whatever is proper to be executed b}^ way of a treaty, the President 
 and Senate may enter into the treaty; whatevei- is to be done by a 
 judicial sentence, the judges may pass the sentence. Nothing is more 
 likely than that their enumeration of powers is defective. This is the 
 ordinary case of all human works. Let us go on then perfecting it, 
 by adding, b}^ way of amendment to the Constitution, those powers 
 which time and trial show ai'e still wanting. But it has been taken 
 too much for granted, that by this rigorous construction the treaty 
 power would be reduced to nothing. I had occasion once to examine 
 its effect on the French treat}^, made by the old Congress, and found 
 that out of thirt}^ odd articles which that contained, there were one, 
 two, or three only which could not now be stipulated under our present 
 Constitution. I confess, then, I think it important, in the present 
 case, to set an example against broad construction, by appealing for 
 new power to the people. If, however, our friends shall think difier- 
 entl}^ certainlj^ I shall acquiesce with satisfaction; confiding, that the 
 good sense of our country will correct the evil of construction when 
 it shall produce ill effects. -» * * 
 
 Mr. Madison to Mr. Livingston. 
 
 Department of State, October 6", 1803. 
 Sir: My last was of July 29, written a few days before my depar- 
 ture from Virginia, whence I returned, as did the President, ten or 
 
238 PURCHASE OF THE TERRITOfiY OF LOUISIANA, 
 
 twelve days ago. Your letters received since that date are of May 20, 
 June 3 and 25, and July 11, 12, and 30th. 
 
 In the repl}'^ to the communication made by the French Government 
 on the subject of the war, you are charged b}^ the President to express 
 the deep regret felt by the United States at an event so afflicting to 
 humanity. Deploring all the calamities with which it is pregnant, 
 they devoutly wish that the benevolent considerations which pleaded 
 in vain for a continuance of peace, may have a due effect in speedilj^ 
 restoring its blessings. Until this happ}^ change shall take place, the* 
 French Government may be assured that the United States will forget 
 none of the obligations which the laws of neutrality impose on them. 
 Faithful to their character, thej^ will pa}^ to every belligerent right 
 the respect which is due to it; but this duty will be performed in the 
 confidence that the rights of the United States will be equally respected. 
 The French Government will do justice to the frankness of this decla- 
 ration, which is rendered the more proper by the irregularities of 
 which too man}^ examples have been heretofore experienced. The 
 President does not permit himself to doubt that the French Govern- 
 ment, consulting equally its own honor and the true interests of 
 France, will guard, by effectual regulations, against every abuse under 
 color of its authority, whether on the high seas or within French or 
 foreign jurisdiction, which might disturb the commerce, or endanger 
 the friendly relations so happil}^ subsisting, and which the United 
 States are so much disposed to cherish, between the two nations. 
 
 Your interposition against the arret of the 1st Messidor, an 11, was 
 due to the just interests of 3^our fellow-citizens. It is to be hoped, 
 that the strong views which you have presented of the subject, will 
 lead the French Government to retract, or remodify, a measure not less 
 unjust to foreigners than injurious to the interests of France: regu- 
 lations which, by their suddenness, ensnare those who could not pos- 
 sibl}'' know them, and who meant to observe those naturally supposed 
 to be in force, are, to all intents, retrospective — having the same effect, 
 and violating the same privileges, as laws enacted subsequent to the 
 cases to which the}'' are applied. The necessity of leaving between 
 the date and the operation of commercial regulations an interval suf- 
 ficient to prevent surprise on distant adventurers, is, in general, too 
 little regarded, and so far there may be room for common complaint; 
 but when great and sudden changes are made, and above all, when 
 legal forfeitures, as well as mercantile losses, are sustained, redress 
 may fairly be claimed by the innocent sufferers. Admitting the public 
 safety, which rarely happens, to require regulations of this sort, and 
 the right of every Government to judge for itself of the occasions, it 
 is still more reasonable that the losses should be repaired than that they 
 should fall on the individuals innocently ensnared. 
 
 Your suggestion as to commercial arrangements of a general nature 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 239 
 
 with France, at the present juncture, has received the attention of the 
 President, but he has not decided that an}^ instructions should be given 
 you to institute negotiations for that purpose; especially as it is not 
 known on what particular points, sufficient^ advantageous to the 
 United States, the French Government would be likely to enter into 
 stipulations. Some obscurity still hangs on the extra duty exacted 
 by the Batavian Government. The state of our information leaves 
 it doubtful, whether the interests of the United States would be pro- 
 moted by the change authorized by our treaty with that Republic. 
 
 Mr. Pinckney will doubtless have communicated to you his conver- 
 sation with Mr. Cevallos, in which the latter denied the right of France 
 to alienate Louisiana to the United States, alleging a secret stipula- 
 lation by France not to alienate. Two notes on the same subject have 
 lately been presented here by the Marquis d'Yrujo. In the first, 
 dated September 4, he enters a caveat against the right of France to 
 alienate Louisiana, founding it on a declaration of the French Ambas- 
 sador at Madrid, in July, 1802, that France would never part with 
 that territor}^; and affirming that on no other condition Spain would 
 have ceded it to France. In the second note, dated September 27, it 
 is urged, as an additional objection to the treaty between the United 
 States and France, that the French Government had never completed 
 the title of France, having failed to procure the stipulated recognition 
 of the King of Etruria from Russia and Great Britain, which was a 
 condition on which Spain agreed to cede the country to France. 
 Copies of these notes of the Minister here, with my answer, as also 
 extracts from Mr. Pinckney's letter to me, and from a note of the 
 Spanish Minister at Madrid to him, are also enclosed. 
 
 From this proceeding on the part of Spain, as well as by accounts 
 from Paris, it is not doubted, that whatever her views may be, in 
 opposing our acquisition of Louisiana, she is soliciting the concurrence 
 of the French Government. The interest alone which France mani- 
 festly has in giving effect to her engagement with the United States, 
 seems to forbid apprehensions that she will listen to any entreaties 
 or temptations which Spain may employ. As to Spain, it can hardly 
 be conceived that she will, unsupported by France, persist in her 
 remonstrances, much less that she will resist the cession to the United 
 States by force. 
 
 The objections to the cession advanced by Spain, are in fact too 
 futile to weigh either with others or with herself. The promise made 
 by the French Ambassador, that no alienation should be made, formed 
 no part of the treaty of retrocession to France; and, if it had, could 
 have no effect on the purchase by the United States, which was made 
 in good faith, without notice from Spain of any such condition, and 
 even with sufficient evidence that no such condition existed. The 
 objection drawn from the failure of the French Government to pro- 
 
240 PUKCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 cure from other Powers an acknowledgment of the King of Etruria, is 
 equall}^ groundless. This stipulation was never communicated either to 
 the public or to the United States, and could, therefore, be no bar to 
 the contract made by them. It might be added, that, as the acknowl- 
 edgment stipulated was, according to the words of the article, to 
 precede possession by the King of Etruria, the overt possession hy 
 him was notice to the world that the conditions on which it depended 
 had been either fulfilled or had been waived. Finally, no particular 
 Powers whose acknowledgment was to be procured are named in the 
 article, and the existence of war between Great Britain and France at 
 the time of the stipulation, is a proof that the British acknowledgment, 
 the want of which is now alleged as a breach of the treaty, could never 
 have been in its contemplation. 
 
 But the conduct of the Spanish Government, both toward the United 
 States and France, is a complete answer to every possible objection to 
 the treaty between them. That Government well knew the wish of 
 the United States to acquire certain territories which it had ceded to 
 France, and that thej^ were in negotiation with France on the subject; 
 yet the slightest hint was never given that France had no right to 
 alienate, or even that an alienation to the United States would be dis- 
 agreeable to Spain. On the contrary, the Minister of His Catholic 
 Majesty, in an official note, bearing date May 4 last, gave information 
 to the Minister of the United States at Madrid, that "the entire prov- 
 ince of Louisiana, with the limits it had when held by France, was 
 retroceded to that Power, and that the United States might address 
 themselves to the French Government in order to negotiate the acqui- 
 sition of the territories which would suit their interest." Here is at 
 once a formal and irrevocable recognition of the right as well of 
 France to convey, as of the United States to receive, the territory 
 which is the subject of the treaty between them. More than this can 
 not be required to silence, forever, the cavils of Spain at the titles of 
 France, now vested in the United States: yet, for more than this, she 
 may be referred to her own measures at New Orleans, preparatory to 
 the delivery of possession to France; to the promulgation, under 
 Spanish authority at that place, that Louisiana was retroceded, and to 
 be delivered to France; and to the orders signed by His Catholic 
 Majesty's own hand, now ready to be presented to the Government of 
 Louisiana, for the delivery of the province to the person duly author- 
 ized by France to receive it. 
 
 In a word, the Spanish Government has interposed two objections 
 only to the title conveyed to the United States by France. It is said, 
 first, that the title in the United States is not good, because France 
 was bound not to alienate. To this it is answered, that the Spanish 
 Government itself referred the United States to France, as the Power 
 capable, and the only Power capable, of conve34ng the territory in 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 241 
 
 question. It is said, next, that the title in France herself was not good. 
 To this, if the same answer is less decisive, the orders of the King of 
 Spain for putting France into possession are an answer which admits 
 of no reply. 
 
 The President has thought proper that this view of the subject 
 should be transmitted to you; not doubting that you will make the 
 proper use of it with the French Government, nor that that Govern- 
 ment will feel the full force of its stipulated obligations to remove 
 whatever difficulties Spain may interpose towards embarrassing a 
 transaction, the complete fulfillment of which is as essential to the 
 honor of France as it is important to the interests of both nations. In 
 the meantime, we shall proceed in the arrangements for taking posses- 
 sion of the country ceded, as soon as possession shall be authorized; 
 and it may be presumed, that the provisions depending on Congress 
 will be sufficient to meet the discontents of Spain, in whatever form 
 they ma}^ assume. 
 
 The United States have obtained, by just and honorable means, a 
 clear title to a territor}'^ too valuable, in itself, and too important to 
 their tranquillity and security, not to be effectually maintained. And 
 they count on every positive concurrence, on the part of the French 
 Government, which the occasion ma}'^ demand from their friendship 
 and their good faith. 
 
 The rightful limits of Louisiana are under investigation. It seems 
 undeniable, from the present state of the evidence, that it extends 
 eastwardly as far, at least, as the river Perdido; and there is little 
 doubt that we shall make good both a western and northern extent 
 highly satisfactory to us. 
 
 The considerations which led Mr. Monroe to decline his trip to 
 Madrid, having the same weight with the President, the mission is 
 suspended until other instructions shall be given, or until circum- 
 stances shall strongly invite negotiations at Madrid for completing the 
 acquisition desired by the United States. 
 With great respect, 
 
 James Madison. 
 Robert R. Livingston, &c. 
 
 P. S., October 14. — Since the above was written, I have received a 
 third note from the Marquis d'Yrujo in reph^ to my answer to his 
 two preceding. A copy of it is herewith added. It requires no com- 
 ment beyond what may be applicable in the above observations on his 
 two first notes; being probably intended for little more than a proof 
 of fidelit}^ to his trust and of a zeal recommending him to the favor of 
 his Sovereign. 
 
 It having been thought proper to communicate to M. Pichon, the 
 French Charge d'Afi'aires here, the tenor of the notes from the Marquis 
 H. Doc. 431 16 
 
242 PURCHASE OF THE TEEEITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 d'Yrujo, he has presented, in a note just received, a vindication of his 
 Government, and its treat}^ with the United States, against the objec- 
 tions proceeding from the Spanish Government. A copy of this note 
 is herewith inclosed. 
 
 The Marquis d'Yrujo to the Secretary of State. 
 
 Philadelphia, Septemher Jf,^ 1803. 
 
 Through the medium of the Ambassador of the King my master, in 
 Paris, it has come to His Royal knowledge that that Government has 
 sold to that of the United States the Province of Louisiana, which His 
 Majesty has retroceded to the French Republic. This information has 
 occasioned to the King my master no small surprise, seeing that the 
 French Government had contracted with His Majest}^ the most solemn 
 engagements never to alienate the said province. In order to convince 
 the Government of the United States of the nature of these engage- 
 ments, I talie the liberty here to insert a paragraph of a note presented 
 on the 22d July, 1802, by M. de St. Cyr, Ambassador of the French 
 Republic, at Madrid, to the Secretary of State of His Majest}^, as 
 follows : 
 
 "His Catholic Majesty has appeared to wish that France should 
 engage not to sell nor alienate, in any manner, the propert}' and the 
 enjoyment of Louisiana. Its wish in this respect is perfectl}^ con- 
 formable with the intentions of the Spanish Government; and its sole 
 motive for entering therein was because it respected a possession which 
 had constituted a part of the French territory. I am authorized to 
 declare to you in the name of the First Consul that France will never 
 alienate it." 
 
 The mere reading of the paragraph which precedes will convince 
 you, as well as the President of the United States, that the sale of 
 Louisiana, which France has lately made, is a manifest violation of 
 the obligations contracted by her with His Catholic Majesty, and that 
 France wants the powers to alienate the said province without the 
 approbation of Spain, as is seen incontestably in the above-recited note 
 of the Ambassador St. Cyr, authorized by his Government. 
 
 The King my master charges me to inform this Government as 
 soon as possible of this important circumstance; and, in compliance 
 with His Royal will, I hasten to acquaint you therewith, in order that it 
 may as soon as possible come to the knowledge of the President of the 
 United States. God preserve you vasiny years. 
 
 M. DE Casa Yrujo. 
 
 James Madison, Esq. 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TEREITOUY OF LOUISIAISTA. 243 
 
 From Marquis d'Yrujo to Mr. Madison. 
 
 Vicinity of Philadelphia, Septemher ^7, 1803. 
 
 Sir: On the 4th current I had the honor to intimate to you the 
 extraordinar}/ surprise with which the King my master had heard of 
 the sale of Louisiana, made to the United States, in contravention of 
 the most solemn assurances given in writing to His Majesty by the 
 Ambassador of the French Republic near his person, and with the con- 
 sent and approbation of the First Consul. The King my master 
 charges me again to remind the American Government that the said 
 French Ambassador entered, in the name of his Republic, into the pos- 
 itive engagement that France never would alienate Louisiana, and to 
 observe to it that the sale of this province to the United States is 
 founded in the violation of a promise so absolute that it ought to be 
 respected; a promise, without which the King my master would, in no 
 manner, have dispossessed himself of Louisiana, His Catholic Majesty 
 entertains too good an opinion of the character of probity and good 
 faith which the Government of the United States has known how to 
 obtain so justly for itself, not to hope that it will suspend the ratifica- 
 tion and effect of a treatj^ which rests on such a basis. There are other 
 reasons no less powerful which come to the support of the decorum 
 and respect which nations mutually owe each other. France acquired 
 from the King my master the retrocession of Louisiana under obliga- 
 tions, whose entire f ulfilhiient was absolutely necessary to give her the 
 complete right over the said province; such was that of causing the 
 King of Tuscany to be acknowledged b}^ the Powers of Europe; but, 
 until now, the French Government has not procured this acknowledg- 
 ment promised and stipulated, either from the Court of London or 
 from that of St. Petersburg. Under such circumstances it is evident 
 that the treaty of sale entered into between France and the United 
 States does not give to the latter any right to acquire and claim Louisi- 
 ana, and that the principles of justice as well as sound policy ought to 
 recouimend it to their Government not to meddle with engagements as 
 contrary in reality to her true interests as they woukl be to good faith, 
 and to their good correspondence with Spain. 
 
 Such are the sentiments which the King my master has ordered me 
 to communicate to the President of the United States; and, having done 
 it through you, I conclude, assuring you of my respect and considera- 
 tion towards your person, and of my wishes that our Lord may 
 preserve your life, &c. 
 
 M. DE Casa Yrujo. 
 
 James Madison, Esq. 
 
244 PURCHASE OF THE TEERITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 From Mr. Madison to the Marquis d'Yrujo. 
 
 October 4, 1803. 
 
 Sir: I have duly received j^our two letters of the 4tli and 27th 
 ultimo, and have laid them before the President. 
 
 The repugnance manifested in these communications, on the part of 
 His Catholic Majesty, to the cession of Louisiana latelj- made b}^ the 
 French Republic to the United States, was as little expected as the 
 objections to the transaction can avail against its solidity. 
 
 The United States have given unquestionable proofs to the Spanish 
 Government and nation of their justice, their friendship, and their 
 desire to maintain the best neighborhood; and the President confides 
 too much in the reciprocity of these sentiments, so repeatedly and so 
 recently declared on the part of His Catholic Majesty, to have sup- 
 posed that he would see with dissatisfaction a convenient acquisition 
 by the United States of territories which were no longer to remain 
 with Spain. With respect to the transaction itself, by which the 
 United States have acquired Louisiana, it would be superfluous to say 
 more in justification of its perfect validity than to refer to the oflicial 
 communication made by Mr. Cevallos to the Minister Plenipotentiary 
 of the United States at Madrid, in a note dated on the 4th of May last. 
 His words are: "Por la retrocesion hecha a la Francia de la Luisiaria, 
 recobro esta Potencia dicha provincia con los limites con que Ion tubo, 
 y salvos los derechos adquiridos por otras Potencias. La de los Estados 
 Unidos podra di,rigirse al Gobierno Frances para negociar la adqidtti- 
 cian de territorios que convengan a su inter es. ''"' "• Here is an explicit 
 and positive recognition of the right of the United States- and France 
 to enter into the transaction which has taken place. 
 
 To these observations, which I have been charged by the President 
 to make to you, I have only to add, sir, that his high respect for His 
 Catholic Majestj^, and his desire to cherish and strengthen the friendly 
 sentiments happily subsisting between the two nations, will induce him 
 to cause such explanations and representations to be made through the 
 Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States at Madrid as can not fail 
 to reconcile His Catholic Majesty to an event so essentially connected 
 with the respect which the United States owe to their character and 
 their interest. 
 
 Be pleased, sir, to accept assurances of the high respect and consid- 
 eration with which I have the honor to be, 3^our most obedient, 
 humble servant, 
 
 James Madison. 
 
 "Translation: "By the retrocession made to France of Louisiana, this Power has 
 recovered the said province with the limits which it had, and saving the rights 
 acquired by other Powers. The United States can address themselves to the French 
 Grovernment to negotiate the acquisition of territories which may suit their interest. " 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 245 
 
 Mr. Madison to Mr. Monroe. 
 
 Washington, (kt. 1L\ 1803. 
 Dear Sir, — Finding that Mr. Purve3^ance is within reach of a few 
 lines, I add them to what he is already charged with, to observe that 
 Yrujo has written another remonstrance against our acquisition of 
 Louisiana, alleging as a further objection, that France, by not obtain- 
 ing the stipulated acknowledgements of the King of Etruria from the 
 Courts of Petersburg and London, had a defective title herself to the 
 Cession. Nothing can be more absurd than these cavils on the part 
 of Spain, unless it should be her using in support of them force 
 against our taking possession. This she will scarlely attemj^t, if not 
 backed ))y France, which we hope is impossible. I am writing on 
 this subject to Livingston and Pinckney. I have already done so to 
 Yrujo, giving him to understand that we shall not withhold any 
 means that may be rendered necessary to secure our object. Pichon 
 is perfectly" well disposed, is offended with the Spanish Minister, and, 
 if left under the orders he now has, will co-operate zealousl3% with an 
 honest view to the honor and obligations of his own Country. On 
 our part, I trust every thing that the crisis demands will be done, and 
 that we shall speedily be in possession of the valuable object which 
 the Treat}" with France has gained for us. Baring is here, but hav- 
 ing not yet called on me I have had no opportunity of paying him 
 civilities, or obtaining explanations from him. * * * 
 
 Marquis d' Yrujo to the Secretary of State. 
 
 Baltimore, October 1^, 1803. 
 
 Sir: I have received your letter of the 4th current in reply to those 
 which I had the honor to write to you on the 4th and 2Tth of last 
 month; and as, without entering into the examination of the powerful 
 reasons which, in the name of the King my master, 1 unfolded 
 therein, against the sale of Louisiana, you refer generally to the 
 explanations which, as j^ou inform me, the Minister of the United 
 States near His Majesty is to make at Madrid. I shall at present con- 
 fine my observations to that which you are pleased to make to me, 
 founded upon certain expressions which you cite to me from an official 
 letter of the Secretary of State, of the King my master, to the above- 
 mentioned American Minister in Spain. The expressions are the fol- 
 lowing: 
 
 "By the retrocession made to France of Louisiana, this Power has 
 recovered the said province, with the limits which it had, and saving 
 the rights acquired by other Powers. The United Stated can address 
 themselves to the French Government to negotiate the acquisition of 
 territorv which mav suit their interests." 
 
246 PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 These expressions, which you consider as an explicit and positive 
 acknowledgment of the right of the United States and France to enter 
 into the engagements which thej afterwards did, do not, inni}^ opinion, 
 weaken in an}^ manner the foundation and the force of the represen- 
 tations which I had the honor to make to you against the sale of 
 Louisiana. 
 
 There is an expression, among those you cite, which will suffice to 
 refute the inference which you draw from them, and it is that of sav- 
 ing the rights acquired b}^ other Powers. Although the general form 
 of this expression gives, in other respects, much latitude to its true 
 meaning, it is indubitable that Spain having made the retrocession of 
 Louisiana, to France, under certain conditions and modifications, Spain 
 has the indubitable right to claim their execution. Of this nature was 
 the stipulation, that France should not sell or alienate Louisiana in 
 any manner whatever, and likewise the solemn and positive accession 
 and declaration of the French Government adhering to the wishes of 
 Spain; consequently this expression destroys the possibility that, 
 according to existing circumstances, the French Government should 
 possess the right of selling the said province, or that of the United 
 States of buying it. 
 
 There is another consideration still stronger, and which is not at all 
 subject to the interpretation of equivocal expressions. It is evident 
 that the engagement entered into by France with Spain not to alienate 
 Louisiana in any manner, is much older in date than the official letter 
 of Mr, Cevallos, whose expressions you are pleased to cite to me. In 
 that letter those which you have scored, that the United States can 
 address themselves to the French Government to negotiate the acquisition 
 of the territory which may suit their interests^ neither signify nor can 
 signify anything but a deference towards France, whose Government 
 alone is now concerned to give a decisive answer to the requests of the 
 United States, an answer analogous and conformable to the nature of 
 the previous engagements which had been entered into with Spain. 
 The repugnance of the Spanish Government may likewise be recog- 
 nized to give to that of the United States a necessar}^ negative at a 
 time when it found itself united with them by bands of the most 
 sincere friendship. 
 
 Other interpretations of equal force may be derived from the obvi- 
 ous meaning of the expressions of the official letter of the Secretary 
 of State of His Majesty mentioned by you; but as those which I have 
 just made are, in my opinion, conclusive, I abstain from entering upon 
 others in detail, and I take the liberty to call to them the attention, as 
 well of yourself as of the President of the United States, in order that 
 you may be more and more convinced of the reason and justice with 
 which the King my master objects to the ratification of a treaty 
 founded upon a manifest violation of the most solemn engagements 
 
PUECHASE OP TBE TERRITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 247 
 
 entered into by France. I avail myself, with pleasure, of this occasion 
 to reiterate to you my wishes to serve you and that our Lord would 
 preserve your life, &c. 
 
 M. De Casa Yrujo. 
 James Madison, Esq. 
 
 James Madison, Secretary of State, to Charles Pinckney, Minister to Spain. 
 
 Department of State, October 12^ 1803. 
 
 Since my last of July 29th, 1 have received your several letters of 
 April 12th and 20th, May 2d and 4:th, June 12th, and July 18th. 
 
 Mr. Monroe has already informed you of his having- proceeded to 
 London, and of his intention not to repair to Madrid for the present. 
 He will have since received instructions, given on a contrarj^ supposi- 
 tion; but it is probable he will wait where he is for the determination 
 of the President, on the reasons which kept him from proceeding to 
 Madrid. I have just informed him that the President approves the 
 course he has taken, so that he is not to be expected to join j^ou at 
 Madrid, until he shall be so instructed, or until a change of circum- 
 stances shall, in his view, clearl}^ invite him to do so. My last letter 
 to you, having provided for the case of Mr. Monroe's postponing this 
 trip, I need not repeat the instructions and observations then made 
 to 3^ou. I shall only add that it is more proper now than ever that 
 you should not be in haste, without the concurrence of your colleague, 
 to revive the negotiation jointly committed to you. 
 
 Among the reasons which weighed with the President, as well as 
 with Mr. Monroe, against attempting, at present, to procure from 
 the Spanish Government the residuum of territory desired by the 
 United States, is the ill-humor shown by that Government at the 
 acquisition already made by them from France; and of which the 
 language held to you by Mr. Cevallos, as communicated in your letter 
 
 of - — , is a sufficient proof. A still fuller proof of the same fact 
 
 is contained in three letters lately received from the Spanish Minister 
 here; copies of which, with the answer to my two first, are herewith 
 enclosed. 1 enclose also a copy of a letter written on the occasion to 
 Mr. Livingston, which was rendered more proper by the probability, 
 as well as by information from Paris, that efi'orts would be used by 
 Spain to draw the French Government into her views of frustrating 
 the cession of Louisiana to the United States. 
 
 In these documents ^o\x will find the remarks by which the objections 
 made by the Spanish Government to the Treaty of Cession between 
 the United States and France are to be combatted. The President 
 thinks it proper, that they should, without dela}^, be conveyed to the 
 Spanish Government, either by note from you or in conversation, as 
 you may deem most expedient; and in a form and style best uniting the 
 
248 PUECHASE OF THE TEERITOEY OF LOUISIAISTA. 
 
 advantages of making that Government sensible of the absolute deter- 
 mination of the United States to maintain their right with the pro- 
 priety of avoiding undignified menace and unnecessary^ irritation. 
 
 The conduct of Spain, on this occasion, is such as was, in several 
 views, little to be expected, and as is not readil}'' explained. If her 
 object be to extort Louisiana from France, as well as to prevent 
 its transfer to the United States, it would seem that she must be 
 emboldened by an understanding with some other very powerful 
 quarter of Europe. If she hopes to prevail on France to break her 
 engagement with the United States, and voluntaril}^ restore Louisiana 
 to herself, why has she so absurdly blended with the project the offen- 
 sive communication of the perfidy which she charges on the First 
 Consul? If it be her aim to prevent the execution of the treaty 
 between the United States and France, in order to have for her neigh- 
 bor the latter instead of the United States, it is not difiicult to show 
 that she mistakes the lesser for the greater danger against which she 
 wishes to provide. Admitting, as she maj^ possibly suppose, that 
 Louisiana, as a French Colou}-^, would be less able, as well as less dis- 
 posed, than the United States, to encroach on her southern possessions, 
 and that it would be too much occupied with its own safety against 
 the United States to turn its force on the other side against her 
 possessions, still it is obvious, in the first place, that in proportion to 
 the want of power in the French the colony would be safe for Spain; 
 compared with the power of the United States, the colony would be 
 insufficient as a barrier against the United States; and, in the next 
 place, that the very security which she provides would itself be a 
 source of the greatest of all the dangers she has to apprehend. 
 
 The collisions between the United States and the French would lead 
 to a contest, in which Great Britain would naturall}" join the former, 
 and in which Spain would, of course, be on the side of the latter; and 
 what becomes of Louisiana and the Spanish possessions beyond it, in 
 a contest between the Powers so marshaled ? An easy and certain vic- 
 tim to the fleets of Great Britain and the land armies of this country. 
 A combination of these forces was alwa3^s, and justly, dreaded by both 
 Spain and France. It was the danger which led both into our Revo- 
 lutionary war, and much inconsistency and Aveakness is chargeable on 
 the projects of either which tend to reunite, for the purposes of war, the 
 power which has been divided. France, returning to her original 
 polic}^, has wisely, by her late treaty with the United States, obviated 
 a danger which could not have been very remote. Spain will be equally 
 wise in following the example; and, by acquiescing in an arrangement 
 which guards against an early danger of controversy between the 
 United States, first with France, and then with herself, and removes 
 to a distant day the approximation of the American and Spanish set- 
 tlements, provides in the best possible manner for the security of the 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OB^ LOUISIANA. 249 
 
 latter, and for a lasting- harmom^ with the United States. What is it 
 that Spain dreads? She dreads, it is presumed, the growing- power of 
 this oountr}^ and the direction of it against her possessions within its 
 reach. Can she annihilate this power? No. Can she sensibly retard 
 its growth? No. Does not common prudence then, advise her to 
 conciliate, l\y every proof of friendship and confidence, the good will 
 of a nation whose power is formidable to her; instead of yielding to 
 the impulses of jealousy and adopting- obnoxious precautions which 
 can have no other effect than to bring on, prematurel}^, the whole 
 weig'ht of the calamity which she fears? Reflections such as these may, 
 perhaps, enter with some advantage into your communications with 
 the Spanish Government; and, as far as they ma}^ be invited bj' favor- 
 able occasions, you will make that use of them. 
 
 Perhaps, after all this interposition of Spain, it maj^ be intended 
 merel}^ to embarrass a measure which she does not hope to defeat, in 
 order to obtain from France, or the United States, or both, concessions 
 of some sort or other as the price of her acquiescence. As yet no indi- 
 cation is given that a resistance, by force, to the execution of the 
 treat}^ is prepared or meditated. And if it should, the provisions 
 depending on Congress, whose session will commence in two days, will, 
 it may be presumed, be etfectuallj^ adapted to such an event. 
 
 With sentiments, &c., James Madison. 
 
 Charles Pinckney, Esq. 
 
 Mr. Pichon to the Secretary of State. 
 
 Georgetown, 21 Yendemiaire^ l'2th year {October IJf^ 1803). 
 
 The undersigned, to whom the Secretary of State has been pleased 
 to communicate the proceedings of the Minister of His Catholic 
 Majesty to the United States, in relation to the treat}^ by which the 
 French Republic has ceded Louisiana io the United States, thinks that 
 he owes it to his own Government as well as to the American Govern- 
 ment, to present to Mr. Madison the observations of which those pro- 
 ceedings, as far as they attack the rights and even the dignity of the 
 French Government, have appeared to him susceptible. 
 
 The Court of Madrid, according to the notes of its Minister, con- 
 siders the cession made by France to the United States as irregular and 
 nivalid: 1st. Because France had renounced the right of alienating the 
 territories in question: 2d. Because the Treaty of St. Ildefonso, by 
 which Spain retroceded those territories to France, has not been fully 
 executed with respect to the acknowledgment of the King'of Etruria, 
 an acknowledgment which was one of the conditions of the retrocession 
 to be fulfilled by France. 
 
 On the first point, the undersigned will observe that the Treaty of 
 
250 PUKCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 St. Ildefonso retrocedes Louisiana in full sovereignty, and without any 
 limitation as to the future domain of France. To operate a limitation 
 so essential as is that to which the Court of Madrid appeals, nothing- 
 less would have been necessary, according to the nature of contracts 
 in general and of treaties in particular, than a stipulation to this effect 
 inserted in the treaty itself. A promise made fifteen months after the 
 signature of this pact, and which might, on one side, have been jdelded 
 to the solicitations of one of the contracting parties, and, on the other, 
 dictated by dispositions which might then exist in the other part}^, but 
 which ulterior circumstances might have changed; such a promise 
 can not create in favor of Spain a right sufficient to enable her to 
 charge with invalidity the transactions which have contravened it. 
 The contrary pretension would certainly confound all the principles 
 relative to the nature of obligations, and would destroy the solemnity 
 of treaties. These general reasonings would receive a new force from 
 the circumstances which are peculiar to different nations in relation 
 to the subject of pacts; but the undersigned will not enter into the 
 examination of these circumstances, under the persuasion that general 
 principles sufficiently repel the pretensions of the Court of Madrid, 
 
 On the second point, the objections of that Court do not appear to 
 the undersigned to be better founded. It is known that the King of 
 Etruria was placed on the throne since the Treatj^ of St. Ildefonso. 
 We have a right to suppose that His Catholic Majest}^ was satisfied 
 from that period with the measures and efforts employed b}^ France, 
 to cause the title of this Prince to be acknowledged b}^ the other 
 nations. It is at least what might be concluded from facts within the 
 knowledge of all the world. In the Treaty of Amiens, concluded on 
 the 27th of March, 1802, Great Britain did not acknowledge the King 
 of Etruria. Notwithstanding the silence of the Court of London, on 
 so solemn an occasion, that of Madrid ordered, in the month of Octo- 
 ber following, the deliverj'^ of the Colony to France, as is proved by 
 the Royal cedula, which the undersigned has received and exhibited to 
 Mr. Madison; a cedula, which, as all the world knows, was long ago 
 forwarded to the Captain-General of Louisiana, who sent the Marquis 
 of Casa Calvo to New Orleans to superintend its execution. 
 
 To these conclusive observations, the undersigned will add, that the 
 Court of Madrid might have been informed in the course of the month 
 of February last, by its Minister to the United States, that the Ameri- 
 can Government was sending to Paris a Minister Extraordinary, in 
 order to negotiate with the French Government the acquisition of 
 New Orlean§. If the Court of Madrid had seen, in the object of this 
 mission, an injury offered to its rights, what prevented it, after being 
 thus earl}^ apprized, from informing thereof the Minister of the 
 United States at Paris, and the French Government, and from inter- 
 posing, before the conclusion of the treaty, its intervention in a form 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TEERITORY OF LOUISIANA. 251 
 
 adapted to suspend it? It does not appear that that Court has 
 taken, at Paris, any steps of this nature. To suppose it, would be 
 inconsistent with the instructions which the undersigned has received 
 from his Government, to accelerate as much as is in his power the 
 execution of the treaty concluded on the 30th of April last, between 
 the French Republic and the United States. 
 
 The undersigned therefoi'e hopes, that the American Government 
 will not see in the proceedings of the Court of Madrid, in order to 
 obstruct the execution of this treaty, anything but specious reasonings, 
 and will proceed to its execution with the same earnestness which the 
 French Go'^'ernment has emploj^ed on its part. The undersigned has 
 received the necessary orders to exchange the ratifications, and to 
 effect the taking of possession of Louisiana by France, and its transfer 
 to the United States. He does not presume that the Court of Madrid 
 would wish to oppose the execution of the first orders. This suppo- 
 sition would be as contrary to its loyalty as to the dignity of the 
 French Government. In an}^ event, as soon as the ratifications are 
 exchanged, the undersigned will proceed without delaj^ in concert 
 with the Commissar}^ appointed for that purpose b}^ the First Consul, 
 to the delivery of the colony to the persons whom the President of the 
 United States shall appoint to take possession of it. 
 
 The undersigned has the honor to request Mr. Madison to submit to 
 the President of the United States the contents of this note, which is 
 intended to prevent the imputations cast b}'^ the Minister, of Spain 
 against the French Government, from remaining without repl}". The 
 undersigned prays, at the same time, Mr. Madison to receive the 
 assurance of his respect and of his high consideration. 
 
 L. A. PlOHON. 
 
 Message from the President of the United States, October 17, 1803. 
 
 To the Senate and House of Representatives of tlie United States: 
 
 In calling you together, fellow-citizens, at an earlier day than was 
 contemplated b}^ the act of the last session of Congress, I have not 
 been insensible to the personal inconveniences necessarily resulting 
 from an unexpected change in your arrangements. But matters of 
 great public concernment have rendered this call necessary, and the 
 interest you feel in these will supersede in your minds all private 
 considerations. 
 
 Congress witnessed, at their last session, the extraordinary agitation 
 produced in the public mind by the suspension of our right of deposit 
 at the port of New Orleans, no assignment of another place having 
 
252 PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 been made according to treaty. They were sensible that the continu- 
 ance of that privation would be more injurious to our nation than any 
 consequences that could flow from any mode of redress; but, reposing 
 just confidence in the good faith of the Government whose officer had 
 committed the wrong, friendly and reasonable representations were 
 resorted to, and the right of deposit was restored. 
 
 Previous, however, to this period we had not been unaware of the 
 danger to which our peace would be perpetually exposed whilst so 
 important a key to the commerce of the Western country remained 
 under a foreign power. Difiiculties too were presenting themselves 
 as to the navigation of other streams, which arising in our territories, 
 pass through those adjacent. Propositions had therefore been author- 
 ized for obtaining on fair conditions the sovereignty of New Orleans, 
 and of other possessions in that quarter, interesting to our quiet, to 
 such extent as was deemed practicable; and the provisional appropri- 
 ation of two million dollars, to be applied and accounted for b}" the 
 President of the United States, intended as part of the price, was 
 considered as conveying the sanction of Congress to the acquisition 
 proposed. The enlightened Government of France saw, with just 
 discernment, the importance to both nations of such liberal arrange- 
 ments as might best and permanently promote the peace, interests 
 and friendship of both; and the property and sovereignty of all 
 Louisiana, which had been restored to them, has, on certain condi- 
 tions, been transferred to the United States, by instruments bearing 
 date the 30th of April last. When these shall have received the con- 
 stitutional sanction of the Senate, they will, without delaj^, be commu- 
 nicated to the Representatives for the exercise of their functions, as 
 to those conditions which are within the powers vested by the Consti- 
 tution in Congress. Whilst the propert}^ and sovereignty of the 
 Mississippi and its waters secure an independent outlet for the produce 
 of the Western States, and an uncontrolled navigation through their 
 whole course, free from collision with other Powers, and the dangers 
 to our peace from that source, the fertilit}^ of the countr}'-, its climate 
 and extent, promise, in due season, important aids to our Treasury, an 
 ample provision for our posterit}^, and a wide spread for the blessings 
 of freedom and equal laws. 
 
 With the wisdom of Congress it will rest to take those ulterior meas- 
 ures which msij be necessary for the immediate occupation and tempo- 
 rar}^ government of the country; for its incf^rporation into our union: 
 for rendering the change of government a blessing to our newly adopted 
 brethren; for securing to them the rights of conscience and of prop- 
 erty; for confirming to the Indian inhabitants their occupancy and self- 
 government, establish friendlj^ and commercial relations with them, 
 and for ascertaining the geograph}^ of the countr}^ acquired. Such 
 
PUECHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 253 
 
 materials for j^our information relative to its affairs in general, as the 
 short space of time has permitted me to collect, will be laid before you 
 when the subject shall be in a state for 3"our consideration. 
 
 Th. Jefferson. 
 
 October 17, 1803. 
 
 Treaty between the United States of America and the French Republic. 
 
 The President of the United States of America, and the First Consul 
 of the French Republic, in the name of the French people, desiring- to 
 remove all source of misunderstanding, relative to objects of discus- 
 sion mentioned in the second and fifth articles of the Convention of 
 (the 8th Vendemiaire, an 9,) September 30, 1800, relative to the rights 
 claimed b}^ the United States, in virtue of the treaty concluded at 
 Madrid, the 2Tth October, 1795, between His Catholic Majest}^ and the 
 said United States, and willing to strengthen the union and friendship, 
 which at the time of the said Convention was happily reestablished 
 between the two nations, have respectively named their Plenipoten- 
 tiaries, to-wit: The President of the United States of America, by and 
 with the advice and consent of the Senate of the said States, Robert 
 R. Livingston, Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States, and 
 James Monroe, Minister Plenipotentiary and Envoy Extraordinary of 
 the said States, near the Government of the French Republic; and the 
 First Consul, in the name of the French people, the French citizen 
 Barbe Marbois, Minister of the Public Treasury, who, after having 
 respectively exchanged their full powers, have agreed to the following 
 articles : 
 
 Art. 1. Whereas, b}^ the article the third of the Treat}'^ concluded 
 at St. lldefonso, (the 9th Vendemiaire, an 9,) October 1, 1800, between 
 the First Consul of the French Republic and His Catholic Majesty, 
 it was agreed as follows: His Catholic Majesty promises and engages 
 on his part to cede to the French Republic, six months after the full 
 and entire execution of the conditions and stipulations herein, relative 
 to His Royal Highness the Duke of Parma, the Colonj^ or Province of 
 Louisiana, with the same extent that it now has in the hands of Spain, 
 and that it had when France possessed it; and such as it should be 
 after the treaties subsequently entered into between Spain and other 
 States: And whereas, in pursuance of the Treaty, particularly of the 
 third article, the French Republic has an incontestible title to the 
 domain and to the possession of the said territory, the First Consul of 
 the French Republic, desiring to give to the United States a strong 
 
254 PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 proof of friendship, doth hereby cede to the said United States, in the 
 name of the French Republic, for ever and in full sovereignty, the 
 said territory, with all its rights and appurtenances, as full}^ and in 
 the same manner as they might have been acquired by the French 
 Republic, in value of the above mentioned treat}^, concluded with His 
 Catholic Majesty. 
 
 Art. 2. In the cession made by the preceding article, are included 
 the adjacent islands belonging to Louisiana, all public lots and squares, 
 vacant lands, and all public buildings, fortifications, barracks, and other 
 edifices, which are not private property. The archives, papers, and 
 documents, relative to the domain and sovereignty of Louisana and its 
 dependencies, will be left in the possession of the Commissaries of the 
 United States, and copies will be afterwards given in due form to the 
 magistrates and municipal officers, of such of the said papers and 
 documents as may be necessary to them. 
 
 Art. 3. The inhabitants of the ceded territory shall be incorporated 
 in the Union of the United States, and admitted as soon as possible, 
 according to the principles of the Federal Constitution, to the enjoy- 
 ment of all the rights, advantages, and immunities, of citizens of the 
 United States; and, in the meantime, thej^ shall be maintained and 
 protected in the free enjojmient of their liberty, property, and the 
 religion which they profess.* 
 
 Art. 4. There shall be sent by the Government of France a Com- 
 missary to Louisana, to the end that he do every act necessary, as well 
 to receive from the ofiicers of His Catholic Majesty the said country 
 and its dependencies in the name of the French Republic, if it has not 
 been already done, as to transmit it, in the name of the French Republic, 
 to the Commissarjr or agent of the United States. 
 
 Art. 5. Immediately after the ratification of the present treaty by 
 the President of the United States, and in case that of the First Consul 
 shall have been previously obtained, the Commissarj^ of the French 
 Republic shall remit all the militar}^ posts of New Orleans, and other 
 parts of the ceded territor}^, to the Commissary or Commissaries named 
 by the President to take possession; the troops, whether of France or 
 Spain, who may be there, shall cease to occupy any military post from 
 the time of taking possession, and shall be embarked as soon as possible 
 in the course of three months after the ratification of this treaty. 
 
 Art. 6. The United States promise to execute such treaties and 
 articles as may have been agreed between Spain and the tribes and 
 nations of Indians, until, by mutual consent of the United States and 
 the said tribes or nations, other suitable articles shall have been 
 agreed upon. 
 
 Art. T. As it is reciprocally advantageous to the commerce of 
 
 "Said to have been drawn by Napoleon himself. 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 255 
 
 Franco and the United States, to encourage the communication of 
 both nations, for a limited time, in the country ceded by the present 
 treat}', until general arrangements relative to the commerce of both 
 nations n^.ay be agreed on, it has been agreed between the contracting 
 parties, that the French ships coming directly from France or any of 
 her Colonies, loaded only with the produce or manufactures of France 
 or her said Colonies, and the ships of Spain coming directly from 
 Spain or any of her Colonies, loaded only with the produce or manu- 
 factures of Spain or her Colonies, shall be admitted during the space 
 of twelve 3^ears in the port of New Orleans, and in all other legal 
 ports of entry within the ceded territory, in the same manner as the 
 ships of the United States coming directly from France or Spain, or 
 any of their Colonies, without being subject to any other or greater 
 duty on the merchandise, or other or greater tonnage than those paid 
 by the citizens of the United States. 
 
 During the space of time above mentioned, no other nation shall have 
 a right to the same privileges in the ports of the ceded territor3^ The 
 twelve years shall commence three months after the exchange of rati- 
 fications, if it shall take place in France, or three months after it shall 
 have been notified at Paris to the French Government, if it shall take 
 place in the United States; it is, however, well understood, that the 
 object of the above article is to favor the manufactures, commerce, 
 freight, and navigation of France and Spain, so far as relates to the 
 importations that the French and Spanish shall make into the said 
 ports of the United States, without in any sort affecting the regulations 
 that the United States may make concerning the exportation of the 
 produce and merchandise of the United States, or any right they may 
 have to make such regulations. 
 
 Art. 8. In future and forever, after the expiration of the twelve 
 years, the ships of France shall be treated upon the footing of the 
 most favored nations in the ports above-mentioned. 
 
 Art. 9. The particular convention signed this day by the respective 
 Ministers, having for its object to provide the payment of debts due 
 to the citizens of the United States by the French Republic, prior to 
 the 30th of September, 1800, (8th Vendemiaire, an 9,) is approved, 
 and to have its execution in the same manner as if it had been inserted 
 in the present treaty; and it shall be ratified in the same form and in 
 the same time, so that the one shall not be ratified distinct from the 
 other. Another particular convention, signed at the same date as the 
 present treaty, relative to a definitive rule between the contracting 
 parties is, in the like manner, approved, and will be ratified in the 
 same form and in the same time, and jointly. 
 
 Art. 10. The present treaty shall be ratified in good and due form, 
 and the ratification shall be exchanged in the space of six months after 
 
256 PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 the date of the signature by the Ministers Plenipotentiary, or sooner 
 
 if possible. 
 
 In faith whereof, the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed these 
 
 articles in the French and English languages, declaring, nevertheless, 
 
 that the present treaty was originally agreed to in the French language, 
 
 and have thereunto put their seals. 
 
 Done at Paris, the 10th day of Floreal, in the 11th year of the 
 
 French Republic, and the 30th April, 1803. 
 
 R. R. Livingston, 
 James Monroe, 
 Barbe Marbois. 
 
 A Convention between the United States of America and the French 
 
 Republic. 
 
 The President of the United States of America, and the First Con- 
 sul of the French Republic, in the name of the French people, in con- 
 sequence of the Treaty of Cession of Louisiana, which has been 
 signed this day, wishing to regulate definitively everything which has 
 relation to the said cession, have authorized, to this effect, the Plenipo- 
 tentiaries, that is to say: the President of the United States has, by 
 and with the advice and consent of the Senate of the said States, nom- 
 inated for their Plenipotentiaries, Robert R. Livingston, Minister 
 Plenipotentiar}^ of the United States, and James Monroe, Minister 
 Plenipotentiary and Envoy Extraordinary of the said United States, 
 near the Government of the French Republic; and the First Consul of 
 the French Republic, in the name of the French people, has named, 
 as Plenipotentiary of the said Republic, the French citizen Barbe 
 Marbois, who, in virtue of their full powers, which have been 
 exchanged this day, have agreed to the following articles. 
 
 Art. 1. The Government of the United States engages to pay to 
 the French Government, in the manner specified in the following arti- 
 cles, the sum of sixty millions of francs, independent of the sum 
 which shall be fixed by any other convention for the paj^ment of the 
 debts due b}^ France to citizens of the United States. 
 
 Art. 2. For the payment of the sum of sixty millions of francs, 
 mentioned in the preceding article, the United States shall create a 
 stock of eleven million two hundred and fifty thousand dollars, bearing 
 an interest of six per cent, per annum, payable, half yearly, in London, 
 Amsterdam, or Paris, amounting, by the half year to three hundred and 
 thirty-seven thousand five hundred dollars, according to the propor- 
 tions which shall be determined by the French Government, to be paid 
 at either place: the principal of the said stock to be reimbursed at the 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TEREITORY OF LOUISIANA. 257 
 
 Treasury of the United States, in annual payments of not less than 
 three millions of dollars each; of which the first payment shall com- 
 mence fifteen 3'ears after the date of the exchange of ratifications: this 
 stock shall be transferred to the Government of France, or to such 
 person or persons as shall be authorized to receive it, in three months, 
 at most, after the exchange of the ratifications of this treatj^, and after 
 Louisiana shall be taken possession of in the name of the Government 
 of the United States. 
 
 It is further agreed that, if the French Government should be desir- 
 ous of disposing of the said stock, to receive the capital in Europe at 
 shorter terms, that its measures, for that purpose, shall be taken so as 
 to favor, in the greatest degree possible, the credit of the United States, 
 and to raise to the highest price the said stock. 
 
 Art. 3. It is agreed that the dollar of the United States, specified in 
 the present convention, shall be fixed at five francs 3333-lOOOOths or 
 five livres eight sous tournois. 
 
 The present convention shall be ratified in good and true form, and 
 the ratifications shall be exchanged in the space of six months, to date 
 from this da3% or sooner if possible. 
 
 In faith of which, the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed the 
 above articles, both in the French and English languages, declaring, 
 nevertheless, that the present treaty has been originally agreed on and 
 written in the French language, to which they have hereunto affixed 
 their seals. 
 
 Done at Paris, the 10th da}^ of Floreal, eleventh year of the French 
 Republic, (30th April, 1803.) 
 
 Robert R. Livingston. 
 James Moneoe, 
 Barbe Mabbois. 
 
 Convention between the French Republic and the United States. 
 
 The President of the United States of America, and the First Consul 
 of the French Republic, in the name of the French people, having, by 
 a treaty of this date, terminated all difficulties relative to Louisiana, 
 and established on a solid foundation the friendship which unites the 
 two nations, and being desirous, in compliance with the second and 
 fifth articles of the convention of the 8th Vendemiaire, 9th year of the 
 French Republic, (30th Sept. 1800,) to secure the payment of the sum 
 due by France to the citizens of the United States, have respectively, 
 nominated as Plenipotentiaries, that is to say: the President of the 
 United States of America, b}^ and with the advice and consent of their 
 Senate, Robert R. Livingston, Minister Plenipotentiary, and James 
 
 H. Doc. 431 IT 
 
258 PURCHASE OF THE TEURITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 Monroe, Minister Plenipotentiary and Envo}^ Extraordinary of the 
 said States, near tlie Government of the French Republic, and the 
 First Consul, in the name of the French people, the French citizen 
 Barbe Marboig, Minister of the Pu1)lic Treasury, who, after having 
 exchanged their full powers, have agreed to the following articles: 
 
 Art. 1. The debts due by France to citizens of the United States, 
 contracted before the 8th of Vendemiaire, 9th 3^ear of the French 
 Rej-ublic, (30th September, 1 800,) shall be paid according to the fol- 
 low ing regulations, with interest at six per cent., to commence from 
 the periods when the accounts and vouchers were presented to the 
 French Government. 
 
 Art. 2. The debts provided for by the preceding article are those 
 w hose result is comprised in the conjectural note annexed to the present 
 <;onvention, and which, with interest, cannot exceed the sum of twenty 
 millions of francs. The claims comprised in the said note, which fall 
 -^vithin the exceptions of the following articles, shall not be admitted to 
 the benefit of this provision. 
 
 Art. 3. The principal and interest of the said debts shall be dis- 
 charged by the United States b}^ orders drawn by their Ministers 
 Plenipotentiary on their Treasury; these orders shall be payable sixty 
 days after the exchange of ratifications of the treaty and the conven- 
 tions signed this day, and after possession shall be given of Louisiana 
 by the Commissaries of France to those of the United States. 
 
 Art. 4:. It is expressly agreed that the preceding articles shall com- 
 prehend no debts but such as are due to citizens of the United States 
 who have been, and are yet, creditors of France for supplies, for 
 embargoes, and prizes made at sea, in which the appeal has been prop- 
 erly lodged, within the time mentioned in the said convention of the 
 8th Vendemiaire, 9th 3^ear, (30th September, 1800.) 
 
 Art. 5. The preceding articles shall apply only, first, to capture of 
 which the council of prizes shall have ordered restitution, it being 
 well understood that the claimant cannot have recourse to the United 
 States, otherwise than he might have had to the Government of the 
 French Republic, and only in case of the insufficiency of the captors; 
 secondly, the debts mentioned in the said fifth article of the convention 
 contracted before the 8th Vendemiaire, an 9, (30th September, 1800,) 
 the payment of which has been heretofore claimed of the actual Gov- 
 ernment of France, and for which the creditors have a right to the 
 protection of the United States. The said fifth article does not com- 
 prehend prizes whose condemnation has been or shall be confirmed. 
 It is the express intention of the contracting parties not to extend the 
 benefit of the present convention to reclamations of American citizens, 
 who shall have established houses of commerce in France, England, or 
 other countries than the United States, in partnership with foreigners. 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 259 
 
 and who, by that reason, and the nature of their commerce, ought to 
 be regarded as domiciliated in the places where such houses exist. All 
 agreements and bargains concerning merchandise, which shall not be 
 the property of American citizens, are equally excepted from the 
 benefit of the said convention; saving, howevei", to such persons their 
 claims in like manner as if this treaty had not been made. 
 
 Art. 6. And that the different questions which ma}^ arise under the 
 preceding articles may be fairly investigated, the Ministers Plenipo- 
 tentiary of the United States shall name three persons, who shall act 
 from the present, and provisionalh'^, and who shall have full power to 
 examine, without removing the documents, all the accounts of the dif- 
 ferent claims already liquidated by the bureau established for this 
 purpose b}' the French Republic, and to ascertain whether the}" belong 
 to the classes designated by the present convention, and the principles 
 established in it; or if they are not in one of its exceptions, and on 
 their certificate declaring that the debt is due to an American citizen, 
 or his representative, and that it existed before the 8th Venderaiaire, 
 ninth year, (30th September, 1800,) the debtor shall be entitled to an 
 order on the Treasury of the United States, in the manner prescribed 
 by the third article. 
 
 Akt. 7. The same agents shall likewise have power, without remov- 
 ing the documents, to examine the claims which are prepared for 
 verification, and to certif}^ those which ought to be admitted by unit- 
 ing the necessary qualifications, and not being comprised in the excep- 
 tions contained in the present convention. 
 
 Art. 8. The same agents shall likewise examine the claims which 
 are not prepared for liquidation, and certify in writing those which, 
 in their judgments, ought to be admitted to liquidation. 
 
 Art. 9. In proportion as the debts mentioned in these articles shall 
 be admitted, they shall be discharged with interest at six per cent, by 
 the Treasur}^ of the United States. 
 
 Art. 10. And that no debt, which shall not have the qiialifications 
 above-mentioned, and that no unjust or exorbitant demand may be 
 admitted, the commercial agent of the United States at Paris, or such 
 other agent as the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States shall 
 think proper to nominate, shall assist at the operations of the bureau, 
 and co-operate in the examination of the claims; and if this agent shall 
 be of opinion that anj^ debt is not completel}^ proved, or if he shall 
 judge that it is not comprised in the principles of the fifth article 
 above-mentioned, and if, notwithstanding his opinion, the bureau estab- 
 lished by the French Government should think that it ought to be 
 liquidated, he shall transmit his observations to the board established 
 ))y the United States, who, without removing documents, shall make a 
 complete examination of the debt, and vouchers which support it, and 
 
260 PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 report the result to the Minister of the United States. The Minister 
 of the United States shall transmit his observations, in all such cases, 
 to the Minister of the Treasury of the French Republic, on whose 
 report the French Government shall decide definitively in every case. 
 
 The rejection of any claim shall have no other effect than to exempt 
 the United States from the payment of it; the French Government 
 reserving to itself the right to decide definitely on such claims, so far 
 as it concerns itself. 
 
 Art. 11. Every necessary decision shall be made in the course of 
 a 3^ear, to commence from the exchange of ratifications, and no recla- 
 mation shall be admitted afterwards. 
 
 Art. 12. In case of claims for debts contracted by the Government 
 of France with citizens of the United States since the 8th Vendemiaire, 
 9th year, (September 30, 1800,) not being comprised in this convention, 
 may be pursued, and the payment demanded in the same manner as if 
 it had not been made. 
 
 Art. 13. The present convention shall be ratified in good and due 
 form, and the ratifications shall be exchanged in six months from the 
 date of the signature of the Ministers Plenipotentiary, or sooner, if 
 possible. 
 
 In faith of which, the respective Ministers Plenipotentiarj^ have 
 signed the above articles, both in the French and English languages, 
 declaring, nevertheless, that the present treaty has been originally 
 agreed on and written in the French language, to which they have 
 hereunto aflixed their seals. 
 
 Done at Paris, the loth day of Floreal, the 11th year of the French 
 Republic, (30th of April, 1803.) 
 
 RoBT. R. Livingston, 
 James Monroe, 
 Barbe Marbois. 
 
 [Extract.] 
 
 Mr. Madison to Mr. Monroe. 
 
 Department of State, October ^If,^ 1803. 
 
 Sir: I have received from you letters of the following dates, written 
 after your arrival in London, viz: the 19th, 20th, and 26th of July, 
 and the 11th and 15th of August. 
 
 I have the pleasure to inform you that the treaty for Louisiana has 
 been ratified in form, and is now before both Houses for the legislative 
 provisions necessary with respect to the stock, to taking possession, 
 and to governing the country. There is no doubt that they will be 
 made by very large majorities. 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TEREITORY OF LOUISIANA. 261 
 
 It will be agreeable to you to know that the ratifications were 
 exchanged by M. Pichon and myself, unshackled by any condition or 
 modification whatever. The note from me to him, with his reply, of 
 which copies are enclosed, will show the turn and issue of our consul- 
 tations on that point. 
 
 The information from Paris, enclosed in your letter of the 15th of 
 August, had been previously received here from the same source, and 
 was followed by full proof of the discontent of Spain at the transfer of 
 Louisiana to the United States, in a formal protest against it from 
 the Spanish Minister here, in pursuance of orders from his Govern- 
 ment. You will find herewith copies of his correspondence with this 
 Department, and of my letters to Mr. Livingston and Mr. Pinckney, 
 and of M. Pichon's to me on this subject; all of which were included 
 in the communications to the Senate. These documents will put you 
 in possession of all that has passed, as well as of the present posture 
 of the business. It remains to be seen how far Spain will persist in 
 her remonstrances, and how far she will add to them resistance by 
 force. Should the latter course be taken, it can lead to nothing but 
 a substitution of a forcible for a peaceable possession. Having now a 
 clear and honest title, acquired in a mode pointed out by Spain herself, 
 it will, without doubt, be maintained with a decision becoming our 
 national character, and required by the importance of the object. 
 I have the honor, &c., 
 
 James Madison. 
 
 James Monroe, Esq. 
 
 President Jefferson to M. Dupont De Nemours. 
 
 Washington, jSfovemher 1, 1803. 
 My Dear Sir, — Your favors of April the 6th, and June the 27th, 
 were duly received, and with the welcome which everything brings 
 from 3^ou. The treaty which has so happily sealed the friendship of 
 our two countries, has been received here with general acclamation. 
 Some inflexible federalists have still ventured to brave the public opin- 
 ion. It will fix their character with the world and with posterity, who, 
 not descending to the other points of difference between us, will judge 
 them by this fact, so palpable as to speak for itself in all times and 
 places. For myself and my country, I thank you for the aids you 
 have given in it; and I congratulate you on having lived to give those 
 aids in a transaction replete with blessings to unborn millions of men, 
 and which will mark the face of a portion on the globe so extensive as 
 that which now composes the United States of America. It is true 
 that at this moment a little cloud hovers in the horizon. The govern- 
 ment of Spain has protested against the right of France to transfer; 
 
262 PUKCHASE OF THE TEKKITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 and it is possible she maj^ refuse possession, and that this may bring on 
 acts of force. But against such neighbors as France there, and the 
 United States here, what she can expect from so gross a compound of 
 folly and false faith, is not to be sought in the book of wisdom. She 
 is afraid of her enemies in Mexico; but not more than we are. Our 
 policy will be, to form New Orleans, and the countrj- on both sides of 
 it on the Gulf of Mexico, into a State; and, as to all above that, to 
 transplant our Indians into it, constituting them a Marechaussee to 
 prevent emigrants crossing the river, until we shall have filled up all 
 the vacant country on this side. This will secure both Spain and us as 
 to the mines of Mexico, for half a century, and we may safely trust 
 the provisions for that time to the men who shall live in it. * * * 
 
 President JeiFerson to Mr. Livingston. 
 
 Washington, Novemher ^, 180S. 
 
 Dear Sir, — A report reaches us this day from Baltimore, (on prob- 
 able, but not certain grounds,) that Mr.- Jerome Bonaparte, brother 
 of the First Consul, was 3^esterday married to Miss Patterson, of that 
 city. The effect of this measure on the mind of the First Consul, is 
 not for me to suppose; but as it might occur to hmi prima facie ^ that 
 the Executive of the United States ought to have prevented it, I have 
 thought it advisable to mention the subject to you, that, if necessary, 
 you may by explanations set that idea to rights. You know that by 
 our laws, all persons are free to enter into marriag-e, if of twenty-one 
 years of age, no one having a power to restrain it, not even their 
 parents; and that under that age, no one can prevent it but the parent 
 or guardian. The lad}^ is under age, and the parents, placed between 
 her affections, which were strongl}" fixed, and the considerations 
 opposing the measure, yielded with pain and anxiety to the former. 
 Mr. Patterson is the President of the Bank of Baltimore, the wealth- 
 iest man in Maryland, perhaps in the United States, except Mr. Car- 
 roll; a man of great virtue and respectability; the mother is the sister 
 of the lady of General Samuel Smith; and, consequently, the station of 
 the family in society is with the first in the United States. These cir- 
 cumstances fix rank in a country where there are no hereditary titles. 
 
 Your treaty has obtained nearly a general approbation. The fed- 
 eralists spoke and voted against it, but they are now so reduced in 
 their numbers as to be nothing. The question on its ratification in the 
 Senate was decided bj^ twenty-four against seven, which were ten 
 more than enough. The vote in the House of Representatives for 
 making provision for its execution was carried by eighty-nine against 
 twentj^-three, which was a majority of sixty-six, and the necessary 
 bills are going through the Houses by greater majorities. Mr. Pichon^ 
 
PUECHASE OF THE TEEEITORY OF LOUISIANA. 263 
 
 according to instructions from his government, proposed to have 
 added to the ratification a protestation against any failure in time or 
 other circumstances of execution, on our part. He was told, that in 
 that case we should annex a counter protestation, which would leave 
 the thing exactly where it was. That this transaction had been con- 
 ducted, from the commencement of the negociation to this stage of it, 
 with a frankness and sincerity honorable to both nations, and comfort- 
 able to the heart of an honest man to review; that to annex to this 
 last chapter of the transaction such an evidence of mutual distrust, 
 was to change its aspect dishonorabl}^ for us both, and contrary to 
 truth as to us; for that we had not the smallest doubt that France 
 would punctually execute its part; and 1 assured Mr. Pichon that I 
 had more confidence in the word of the First Consul than in all the 
 parchment we could sign. He saw that we had ratified the treaty; 
 that both branches had passed, by great majorities, one of the bills for 
 execution, and would soon pass the other two; that no circumstances 
 remained that could leave a doubt of our punctual performance; and 
 like an able and an honest minister, (which he is the highest degree,) he 
 undertook to do what he knew his employers would do themselves, were 
 the}^ here spectators of all the existing circumstances, and exchanged 
 the ratifications purely and simply: so that this instrument goes to the 
 world as an evidence of the candor and confidence of the nations in 
 each other, which will have the best effects. This was the more 
 justifiable, as Mr. Pichon knew that Spain had entered with us a 
 protestation against our I'atification of the treaty, grounded, first, 
 on the assertion that the First Consul had not executed the condi- 
 tions of the treaties of cession; and, secondly, that he had broken a 
 solemn promise not to alienate the country to any nation. We 
 answered, that these were private questions between France and 
 Spain, which they must settle together; that we derived our title 
 from the First Consul, and did not doubt his guarantee of it; and we, 
 four days ago, sent off* orders to the Governor of the Mississippi 
 territory and General Wilkinson to move down with the troops at 
 hand to New Orleans, to receive the possession from Mr. Laussat. 
 If he is heartil}" disposed to carry the order of the Consul into execu- 
 tion, he can probably command a volunteer force at New Orleans, 
 and will have the aid of ours also, if he desires it, to take the posses- 
 sion, and deliver it to us. If he is not so disposed, ve shall take the 
 possession, and it will rest with the government of France, by adopt- 
 ing the act as their own, and obtaining the confirmation of Spain, to 
 supply the non-execution of their stipulation to deliver, and to entitle 
 themselves to the complete execution of our part of the agreements. 
 In the meantime, the Legislature is passing the bills, and we are pre- 
 paring everything to be done on our part towards execution; and we 
 shall not avail ourselves of the three months' delay after possession of 
 
264 PUECHASE OF THE TERKITORT OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 I 
 
 the province, allowed b}^ the treaty for the delivery of the stock, but 
 shall deliver it the moment that possession is known here, which will 
 be on the eighteenth day after it has taken place. * * * 
 
 Mr. Madison to Mr. Marbois. 
 
 Dep'" of State, Nov'' J^, 1803. 
 
 Sir, — I received your favor of the 21 prairial, with a pleasure which 
 is redoubled by the consideration that 1 am able, in acknowledging it, 
 to inform you of the formal approbation of the late Treaty, and 
 by every branch of our Government. The event estab- 
 lishes, I hope forever, perfect harmony between the two Countries. 
 It is the more likely to do so, as it is founded in a policy, coeval with 
 their political relations, of removing as much as possible all sources 
 of jealousy and collision. The frankness and uprightness which 
 marked the progress of this transaction are truly honorable to all con- 
 cerned in it; and it is an agreeable circumstance that, in the exchange 
 of ratifications, it was closed in the same spirit of mutual confidence, 
 Mr. Pichon inferring, doubtless with the truest reason, that an 
 unqualified exchange, under actual circumstances, would best accord 
 with the real views of his Government. 
 
 It remains now to compleat the work b}^ an honest execution of the 
 mutual stipulations. On our part, the sequel will certainly corre- 
 spond with the good faith and prompt arrangements thus far pursued; 
 and full reliance is placed on the reciprocal disposition of your Gov- 
 ernment, of which HO many proofs have been seen. 
 
 The interposition of Spain is an incident not more unexpected than 
 it is unreasonable. It is to be wished that it may terminate without 
 an}^ serious consequences, even to herself. Whatever, turn it may 
 take, the honor of the French Government guaranties the object at 
 which our measures are pointed; and the interest of France will equally 
 lie in making the fruits of these measures hers, as well as ours. 
 
 Mr. Madison to Mr. Livingston. 
 
 Department of State, November 5, 1803. 
 Sip: In my letter of the 22d ultimo, I mentioned to you that the 
 exchange of the ratifications of the treaty and conventions with France, 
 had taken place here, unclogged with an^^ conditions or reserve. Con- 
 gress has since passed an act to enable the President to take possession 
 of the ceded territory, and to establish a temporary Government 
 therein. Other acts have been passed for complying with the pecuni- 
 ary stipulations of those instruments. The newspapers enclosed will 
 inform you of these proceedings. 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIAISTA. 265 
 
 B}^ the post which left this cit}^ for Natchez on Monday last, a joint 
 and several commission was forwarded to Governor Claiborne and 
 General Wilkinson, authorizing^ them to receive possession of andoccupy 
 those territories, and a separate commission to the former as tem- 
 porary Governor. The possibility suggested, b}?^ recent circumstances, 
 that delivery niSiY be refused at New Orleans on the part of Spain, 
 required that provision should be made as well for takhig as receiving- 
 possession. Should force be necessary, Governor Claiborne and Gen- 
 eral Wilkinson will have to decide on the practicability of a couj) de 
 main without waiting for the reinforcements, which will require time 
 on our part, and admit of preparations on the other. The force pro- 
 vided for this object is to consist of the regular troops near at hand, as 
 many of the militia as may be requisite, and can be drawn from the 
 Mississippi Territory, and as man}- volunteers from any quarter as can 
 be picked up. To them will be added 500 mounted militia from Ten- 
 nessee, who, it is expected, will proceed to Natchez with the least 
 possible delay. 
 
 M. Pichon has, in the strongest manner, pressed on M. Laussat, 
 the French Commissary appointed to deliver possession, the necessit}^ 
 of co-operating in these measures of compulsion, should they prove 
 necessary by the refusal of the Spanish officers to comply without 
 them. On the 8th of October it was not known, and no indications 
 have been exhibited at New Orleans, of a design, on the part of Spain, 
 to refuse or oppose the surrender of the province to France, and 
 thereby to us. With high respect and consideration, &c. 
 
 James Madison. 
 Robert R. Livingston, Esq. 
 
 P. S. — The President approves of the individuals appointed as com- 
 missioners to liquidate the claims payable under the convention of the 
 30th of April last. But as it now appears that difficulties have arisen, 
 and are likely to increase, respecting the true construction of that 
 instrument, and especially as it seems more than possible that the 
 twenty millions allotted for the payments to be made under it, may be 
 insufficient to cover all which, in equity, and by a sound interpretation, 
 ought to be included, it is the desire of the President yo\x apph^ to the 
 French Government for its consent to suspend the issuing of any 
 drafts upon the awards which may be given, until it is ascertained 
 whether the twenty millions be sufficient or not, and with a view to 
 give time for such mutual explanations and arrangements as ma}^ tend 
 to effectuate the true spirit and object of the convention. In taking 
 this step, you will refer yourself to the further communications you 
 are to expect from your Government upon the subject; the applica- 
 tion 3'ou may make upon it to that of France being- intended only as a 
 preliminary to a further development. 
 
266 PURCHASE OF THE TEREITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 Mr. Livingston to Mr. Madison. 
 
 Paris, Noveniber 15, 1803. 
 
 Sir: I have only within these few days been honored by your letter 
 to me of the 29th Jul}-, by way of Hamburg, together with one of 
 
 the same date to Mr. Monroe, which I have sent to him b}" Mr. ,an 
 
 American gentleman, by the way of Holland, none more direct offer- 
 ing here, as the intercourse is very strictl}^ foi:bidden. I shall make 
 the communication 3^ou direct, of Mr. Pichon's note, and your reply, 
 relative, to the flag of the Italian Republic. It appears to me, how- 
 ever, that this notice rather recommends than supersedes the propriety 
 of a direct recognition of the First Consul, and the compliment of a 
 commission, upon the principle I have mentioned; but of this, the 
 President is the best judge. The letters you have received since the 
 date of yours, you will find have anticipated jowv direction relative 
 to information on the subject of West Florida, since they refer to 
 documents and historic facts that it will be eas}" to adduce. As I pre- 
 sume you will have no trouble on this ground, I do not think it neces- 
 saiy to put you to the expense of procuring original papers. Should 
 it happen otherwise, I shall obey your orders; and if any negotiation 
 is necessary at Madrid, I shall transmit to Mr. Pinckney all the proofs 
 I can collect; and I think they will be too numerous to admit of doubt, 
 especially taken in connexion with the letter of the Spanish Minister 
 to Mr. Pinckney, of which a copy has been transmitted to you. The 
 moment is so favorable for taking possession of that country, that I 
 hope it has not been neglected even though a little force should be 
 necessar}^ to eflPect it. Your Minister must find the means to justify it. 
 
 I have seen, as you mention, a publication of m}^ memoir on the 
 subject of Louisiana. But, as it is not an official paper, as it is not 
 signed or delivered in my public character, I do not see that it can 
 ever be noticed on this side of the water as such; besides that, there 
 is nothing in it relative to Britain that has not been told them officially 
 by our Government and by almost every maritime Power in Europe, 
 on the subject of their vexations at sea. Nor can they blame any 
 endeavor of mine to efl'ect the objects of my country, by such argu- 
 ments as I thought would have weight here. It could hardly be 
 expected that this paper could be secret; since, as I informed you at 
 the time, I had delivered printed copies of it, not onh^ to the First and 
 other Consuls, and to the French Ministers, but to most of those per- 
 sons who I believed would be consulted upon the occasion. A few 
 were also sent to America, with injunctions, however, not to publish 
 them. I am very sorrj'- a bad translation of it has found its way into 
 the papers, though it may serve, in some measure, to justify the Presi- 
 dent's appointment of me, by showing that I had not been inattentive 
 to the great interests of m}^ country. The zeal of our friends often 
 
PUECHASE OF THE TEREITORY OF LOUISIANA, 267 
 
 carries them too far. Some of them, hndhig- that Mr. Monrco was 
 appointed (through circumstances which j'ou have done me the honor 
 to explain, but which they could not know) with a higher grade than 
 myself; seeing- him only mentioned in the newspapers, as the acting 
 Minister; and finding some endeavor here to impress a belief that he 
 was the principal agent in treating with France; it was natural that 
 they should feel some mortification, and endeavor to do me the justice 
 they know I w^as entitled to. This may apologize for, I mean not by 
 it to justif}", their imprudence. There is another, on the part of Mr. 
 Monroe's friends, which I should not mention, but that it carries with 
 it a circumstance for which I may be under the necessity of apologiz- 
 ing to the President, should my private letter to Mr. Monroe have 
 reached the United States; since it argues a difi'erence of sentiment 
 upon an important point, which 1 fear will be laid hold of by our com- 
 mon enemies. I have, in ni}^ former letter, informed you of M. Tal- 
 le3a'and's calling upon me previous to the arrival of Mr. Monroe, for 
 a proposition for the whole of Louisiana; of his afterwards trifling 
 with me, and telling me that what he had said was unauthorized. This 
 circumstance, for which I have accounted to j^ou in one of my letters, 
 led me to think, though it afterwards appeared without reason, that 
 some change had taken place in the determination which I knew the 
 Consul had before taken to sell. 1 had just then received a line from 
 Mr. Monroe, informing me of his arrival. 
 
 I wrote to him a hasty answer, under the influence of ideas, excited 
 by these prevarications of the Minister, expressing the hope that he 
 had brought information that New Orleans was in our possession; 
 that I hoped our negotiation might be successful; but that, while I 
 feared nothing but war would avail us anything, I had paved the way 
 for him. This letter is very imprudently shown and spoken of by 
 Mr. Monroe's particular friends, as a proof that he had been the prin- 
 cipal agent in the negotiation. So far, indeed, as it may tend to this 
 object, it is of little moment; because facts and dates are too well 
 known to be contradicted. For instance, it is known to everybody 
 here that the Consul had taken his resolution to sell previous to Mr. 
 Monroe's arrival. It is a fact well known that M. Marbois was author- 
 ized, informally, by the First Consul, to treat with me before Mr. 
 Monroe reached Paris; that he actually made me the very proposition 
 we ultimately agreed to, before Mr. Monroe had seen a Minister, except 
 M. Marbois, for a moment, at m}^ house, where he came to make the 
 proposition: Mr. Monroe not having been presented to M. Talleyrand, 
 to whom I introduced him the afternoon of the next da}'. All, then, 
 that remained to negotiate, after his arrival, was a diminution of the 
 price; and in this our joint mission was unfortunate; for we came up, 
 as soon as Mr. Monroe's illrless would suffer him to do business, after 
 a few daj^s' delay, to the Minister's offers. There is no doubt that 
 
268 PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIAKA. 
 
 Mr. Monroe's talents and address would have enabled him, had he been 
 placed in my circumstances, to have effected what I have done. But 
 he unfortunately came too late to do more than assent to the proposi- 
 tions that were made to us, and to aid in reducing them to form. I 
 think he has too much candor not to be displeased that his friends 
 should publicly endeavor to depreciate me by speaking of a private 
 letter, hastil}' written, under circumstances of irritation, with which 
 Mr. Monroe is fully acquainted; a letter, too, which may contribute 
 in tw^o ways to advance the views of the enemies of the Administra- 
 tion. It is in this light only that it gives me pain. First, it shows 
 that it was my sentiment, founded upon the knowledge I must have 
 been supposed to possess of the temper of this Court, and the state of 
 things here, that we should have availed ourselves of the circumstance 
 of the denial of the right of depot to possess New Orleans. That this 
 was my sentiment, 1 confess; and you have found, by my notes, that I 
 labored to impress this Government with a belief that it would be 
 done. And I have ever}^ reason to think that the treaty would have 
 been concluded in March, had not M. Pichon's letter, at the moment, 
 contradicted ni}^ suggestion on this subject. 
 
 As the President's views have been happily more correct than mine; 
 as he has effected, without this harsh measure, his great object; it cer- 
 tainly is not advisable to publish that we differed in sentiment; and 
 introduce discussions on the comparative advantages that might be 
 derived from the one or the other mode of proceeding. The next 
 point in which the letter ma}^ do harm, is in authorizing an opinion, 
 which the enemies of the Administration are most zealous in pro- 
 moting, viz: that no credit is due either to the President or his Minis- 
 ters, since the war only produced the measure. The war, doubtless, 
 had its effect upon the First Consul ; but it is equally true that every 
 person he consulted had long before been convinced, and even the 
 Consul's opinion shaken, and I will venture to say by my means, of 
 the little advantage France would derive from the possession of that 
 country; and he had even, as I have before informed you, through 
 Joseph Bonaparte, given me assurances that such arrangements should 
 be made as we should approve. The not selling was a sort of personal 
 point of honor, particularly as he was bound by the express stipula- 
 tion of his treaty with Spain not to do so. Nor, until he found him- 
 self hampered by anotlier personal consideration, to wit, his promise 
 to pa}'- the American claims, which I had purposely published, could 
 he bring himself to take the step which the prospect of war and the 
 spirited measures of our Government, among which I number the 
 special mission of Mr. Monroe, gave him the strongest apology for 
 doing; particularl}^ as, in case of war, he had no other means of keep- 
 ing his word with us. Thus, sir, you see that it is very difficult for 
 the most prudent man to restrain the ill-judged zeal of his friends; and 
 
PUECHASE OF THE TEREITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 269 
 
 I dare say that Mr. Monroe will as sincerely lament that of his friends, 
 who, indeed, ought not to have seen a mere private letter, as 1 do that 
 of the gentleman that I suspect to have occasioned the publication 
 which 3'ou so justl}' blame. 
 
 Having had the goodness, sir, to correct one of the errors of the 
 clerk that gave me some cause of complaint, I must notice another which 
 added to my doubts of success at the moment I wrote to Mr. Monroe. 
 In the copy of our joint instructions which you had forwarded to me, 
 the ultimatum that we were limited to was thirt}^ millions, out of 
 which the American claims were to be paid. Now, I was satisfied that, 
 if Mr. Monroe, on his arrival, should adhere to this, our prospect of 
 success was not very great; since ten millions in cash to the Govern- 
 ment was an object of but little moment. More might have been got 
 from Spain by a transfer. On looking over, however, the original 
 instructions, of which Mr. Monroe was the bearer, I found that we 
 were authorized to give fifty millions for New Orleans and the Flori- 
 das; so that we could, without, too, an extraordinary assumption of 
 powers, go to the price they expected for Louisiana. 
 
 I have applied to M. Talleyrand on the subject of East Florida, 
 thinking the moment favorable for making the acquisition. I have 
 endeavored to alarm him and Spain about the danger that will result 
 to Spain and France if England takes possession of the ports on the 
 Gulf; and I have obtained from him a positive promise that this Gov- 
 ernment shall aid any negotiation that may be set oii foot for its pur- 
 chase. I have written on this subject to Mr. Pinckney, and advised 
 him to open his negotiation by reiterating this argument, and by mak- 
 ing some ofier of payment in American stocks. 1 shall inform Mr. 
 Monroe of these circumstances, and will forward for him any instruc- 
 tions he may choose to send to Mr. Pinckney. 
 I am, &c., 
 
 Egbert R. Livingston. 
 
 Hon. James Madison, 
 
 Secretary of State. 
 
 [Extract.] 
 
 Mr. Madison to Mr. Livingston. 
 
 Department of State, January 31^ ISOk. 
 Sir: The two last letters received from you bear date on the — and 
 30th September; so that we have been now four months without hear- 
 ing from you. The last from me to 3'ou was dated on the 16th day of 
 January, giving you information of the transfer of Louisiana, on the 
 20th December, by the French Commissioner, M. Laussat, to Gov- 
 ernor Claiborne and General Wilkinson, the Commissioners appointed 
 
270 PUBOHASE OF THE TEKRITOKY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 on the part of the United States to receive it. The letters subsequent 
 to that date from Governor Claiborne, who is charged with the pres- 
 ent administration of the ceded territory, show that the occupancy by 
 our troops of the militar}^ posts on the island of New Orleans, and on 
 the western side of the Mississippi, was in progression; and that the 
 state of things, in other respects, was such as was to be expected from 
 the predisposition of the bulk of the inhabitants, and the manifest 
 advantages to which they have become entitled as citizens of the United 
 States. A bill providing for the government of the territory has been 
 some time under the deliberation of the Senate, but has not yet passed 
 to the other branch of the Legislature. The enclosed copy shows the 
 form in which it was introduced. Some alterations have already been 
 made, and others may be presumed. The precise form in which it will 
 pass can not, therefore, be foreknown; and the less so as the peculiar- 
 ities and difficulties of the case give rise to more than the ordinary 
 differences of opinion. It is pretty certain that the provisions gener- 
 ally contemplated will leave the people of that district, for a while, 
 without the organization of power dictated by the republican theory; 
 but it is evident that a sudden transition to a condition so much in con- 
 trast with that in which their ideas and habits have been formed, would 
 be as unacceptable and as little beneficial to them as it would be diffi- 
 cult for the Government of the United States. It may fairly be 
 expected that every blessing of liberty will be extended to them as 
 fast as they shall be prepared and disposed to receive it. In the mean- 
 time, the mild spirit in which the powers derived from the Govern- 
 ment of the United States will, under its superintendence, be adminis- 
 tered, the parental interest which it takes in the happiness of those 
 adopted into the general famil}^ and a scrupulous regard to the tenor 
 and spirit of the treat}'^ of cession, promise a continuance of that satis- 
 faction among the people of Louisiana which has thus far shown itself. 
 These observations are made that you may be the better enabled to 
 give to the French Government the explanations and assurances due 
 to its solicitude in behalf of a people whose destiny it has committed 
 to the justice, the honor, and the policy of the United States. 
 
 It does not appear that, in the delivery of the Province by the Span- 
 ish authorities to M. Laussat, anything passed denoting its limits, 
 either to the east, the west, or the north; nor was any step taken by 
 M. Laussat,^ either whilst the Province was in his hands, or at the time 
 of his transferring it to ours, calculated to dispossess Spain of any part 
 of the territory east of the Mississippi. On the contrary, in a private 
 conference, he stated positivel}^ that no part of the Fioridas was 
 included in the eastern boundar^^; France having strenuously insisted 
 to have it extended to the Mobile, which was peremptoril}^ ruf used by 
 Spain. 
 
 We learn, from Mr. Pinckney, that the Spanish Government holds the 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OP LOUISIANA. 27 1 
 
 same language to him. To the declaration of M. Laussat, however, 
 we can oppose that of the French Minister, made to you, that Louisi- 
 ana extended to the river Perdido: and to the Spanish Government, 
 as well as to that of France, we can oppose the treaty of St. Ildefonso, 
 and of September 30, 1803, interpreted by facts and fair inferences. 
 The question with Spain will enter into the proceedings of Mr. Mon- 
 roe, on his arrival at Madrid, whither he will be instructed to repair 
 as soon as he shall have executed at London the instructions lately 
 transmitted to him in relation to the impressment of seamen from 
 American vessels, and several other points which call for just and 
 stij)ulated arrangements between the two countries. As the question 
 relates to the French Government, the President relies on j^our pru- 
 dence and attention for availing j^ourself of the admission, by M. Mar- 
 bois, that Louisiana extended to the river Perdido, and for keeping 
 the. weight of that Government in our scale against that of Spain. 
 With respect to the western extent of Louisiana, M. Laussat held a 
 language more satisfactor3^ He considered the Rio Bravo or Del 
 Norte, as far as the thirtieth degree of north latitude, as its true 
 boundary on that side. The northern boundary, we have reason to 
 believe, was settled between France and Great Britain b}^ Commis- 
 sioners appointed under the Treaty of Utrecht, who separated the 
 British and French territories west of the Lake of the Woods by the 
 forty-ninth degree of latitude. In support of our just claims in all 
 these cases, it is proper that no time should be lost in collecting the 
 best proofs which can be obtained. This important object has already 
 been recommended generally to your attention. It is particularly 
 desirable that you should procure an authenticated copy of the com- 
 mercial charter granted b}^ Louis XIV. to Crozat, in 1712, which gives 
 an outline to Louisiana favorable to our claims, at the same time that 
 it is an evidence of the highest and most unexceptionable authority. 
 A cop3^ of this charter is annexed to the English translation of Joutel's 
 Journal of La Salle's voyage, the French original not containing it. 
 
 A record of the charter doubtless exists in the archives of the French 
 Government; and it may be expected that an attested copy will not be 
 refused to you. It is not improbable that the charter, or other docu- 
 ments relating to the Mississippi project, a few years after, ma}' afford 
 some light, and be attainable from the same source. The proceedings 
 of the Commissioners under the Treat}' of Utrecht will merit particular 
 research, as they promise not only a favorable northern boundary, but 
 as they will decide an important question involved in a convention of 
 limits now depending between the United States and Great Britain. 
 To these may be added whatever other documents may occur to your 
 recollection or research, including maps, &c. If the secret treaty of 
 Paris, in lT62-'3, between France and Spain, and an entire cop}^ of 
 that of St. Ildefonso, in 1800, can be obtained, they may also be useful. 
 
272 PUKCHASE OF THE TERRlTORy OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 An authentication of the precise date, at least, of the former is very 
 important. You will be sensible of the propriety of putting Mr. 
 Monroe in possession of all the proofs and information which you may 
 obtain. Should he take Paris in his way to Madrid, you will have the 
 best of opportunities for the purpose. 
 
 In my letter of the 9th of November last 1 communicated the ideas 
 entertained b}?^ the President, with respect to the pecuniary provision 
 in the last convention with France in behalf of our citizens. It is pre- 
 sumed that 3"ou will have found no difficult}" in obaining the concur- 
 rence of the French Government in suspending drafts in favor of any 
 until the claims of all shall have been ascertained. Should the sum of 
 three million seven hundred and fifty thousand dollars be insufficient 
 for the payment of all, as becomes daily more probable, the least that 
 ought to be attempted will be an apportionment of it among them. 
 Perhaps more than this may now be attended with great difficulty; 
 although it is clear that the patronage of the (lovernment of the United 
 States is due, on prior considerations, more to some classes of the 
 claimants than to others; to those, for example, whose propertj^ was 
 wrongfully taken on the high seas by force, than to those who, by 
 voluntary contracts, placed a confidence in the French Government, 
 which was disappointed. It seems requisite, nevertheless, that some 
 effort should be made in behalf of those whose claims were embraced 
 by the convention of September 30th, 1800, and not provided for by 
 that of April 30th, 1803. 
 
 With this view, the President thinks it proper that you should 
 adjust with the French Government a provision for comprehending in 
 the convention of 1803 the claims still remaining under the convention 
 of 1800; and for apportioning the money jjayable at the Treasury of 
 the United States among the claimants under both; as the object next 
 to be pursued, a provision for apportioning among the whole, the 
 mone}^ so pa3^able, and also the balance chargeable on France, accord- 
 ing to the tenor of the last convention. Or, as the object next in order, 
 a provision for apportioning, among the whole, the money payable at 
 the Treasury of the United States, leaving to the claimants under the 
 last convention the balance from France to which it entitles them; or, 
 lastly, a provision for apportioning among the claimants under the 
 last convention the money so payable, instead of paying it in the order 
 of settlement, or according to any other rule of preference. 
 
 The first arrangement takes for granted that France considers her- 
 self bound, notwithstanding the last convention, to satisfy all the 
 claims provided for by the first convention, permitted by the last. 
 The supposition is founded on several expressions and implications of 
 its text, as the head of the fifth article, "all agreements," &c., and 
 particularly in the closing words of article tenth; and with respect to 
 debts, the provision is express in article twelve. This construction is 
 
 I 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 273 
 
 the more reasonable also, inasmuch' as the reciprocal stipulation of the 
 convention of 1800, in this particular, were carried into immediate and 
 full effect on the part of the United States; and as a contrary con- 
 struction would imply the relinquishment, without equivalent, of 
 vested rights never formalh^ contested by France. 
 
 Should France, however, be unlikely to admit her responsibility for 
 the pretermitted claims, and there be danger that, by urging- her respon- 
 sibility at this time, an equitable modification of anj sort may be ren- 
 dered more difficult, it will be best to pass over the question for the 
 present, taking care that no waiver be made which ma}^ either still 
 further weaken the clainis against France, or give color for turning 
 them over against the United States. 
 
 Neither of the succeeding alternatives will increase the balance pay- 
 able by France, nor is it contemplated that in these or any other 
 modifications whatev^er, the Treasury of the United States is to be 
 made chargeable with more than three million seven hundred and 
 fifty thousand dollars; or rather, with more than so much of that sum 
 as would satisfy the debts to which it is subjected by the last con- 
 vention. 
 
 The object of each of the proposed modifications is to distribute what- 
 ever is to be paid by the United States and by France among all the 
 claimants, as well those omitted as those included in the last convention; 
 and in such a manner that ever}^ claimant of both descriptions shall 
 receive a fair proportion from the Treasury of the United States, as 
 well of the balance to be paid b}^ France. 
 
 The claimants who were provided for in the last convention can not 
 justly complain of an}^ arrangement that will replace on the same foot- 
 ing with themselves their fellow-claimants left by the last, under the 
 first convention, as being a retrospective measure working a disadvan- 
 tage to them. The retrospective proceeding will be found to lie in the 
 last convention, so far as it is advantageous in its operation, to those 
 claiming under the first only. An act superseding a retrospective act. 
 is not itself retrospective. The effect of it is to restore and enforce 
 the original rule of justice. 
 
 Should the French Government refuse to concur in any proposition 
 that will restore the latitude given to claims as defined by the first 
 convention, and which is narrowed and obscured by the text of the 
 last, it will be proper to settle with the Government, if it can be done, 
 such a construction of this text as will be most favorable to all just 
 claims, particularly those for freights, indemnities, property put in 
 requisition, and the separate property of individuals who are concerned 
 in the disqualifying partnerships mentioned in the convention, which 
 are said to be threatened with rejection b}^ the board at Paris. It is 
 to be kept in view, however, that in case the whole sum of three 
 million seven hundred and fifty thousand dollars should not be absorbed 
 H. Doc. i31 18 
 
274 PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 by the construction of the board, the construction settled with the 
 French Government is not to enlarge the sum to be paid b}^ the Treas- 
 ury of the United States bej^ond that to which the Treasury would be 
 made liable by the construction of the board. 
 
 It will occur to you that, in case the held of claims should be enlarged, 
 the time for presenting and settling them ought to be lengthened. You 
 can yourself best decide how far a prolongation of the time necessary 
 for the claims now admissible before the board ma}" be necessary, and 
 ought to be attempted. 
 
 There is reason to believe that not a few of this description are yet 
 to be forwarded from this side the Atlantic. 
 I have the honor to be, &c., 
 
 James Madison. 
 
 Robert R. Livingston, Esq. 
 
 [Extract.] 
 
 President Jefferson to Dr. Priestley. 
 
 Washington, January/ 29, ISOJf. 
 I very early saw that Louisiana was indeed a speck in our horizon 
 which was to burst in a tornado; and the public are unapprized how 
 neai- this catastrophe was. Nothing but a frank and friendly develop- 
 ment of causes and effects on our part, and good sense enough in Bona- 
 parte to see that the train was unavoidable, and would change the face 
 of the world, saved us from the storm. I did not expect he would 
 yield till a war took place between France and England, and my hope 
 was to palliate and endure, if Messrs. Ross, Morris, &c. did not force 
 a premature rupture, until that event. I believed the event not very 
 distant, but acknowledge it came on sooner than I had expected. 
 Whether, however, the good sense of Bonaparte might not see the 
 course predicted to be necessary and unavoidable, even before a war 
 should l)c imminent, was a chance which we thought it our duty to try; 
 but the inmiediate prospect of rupture brought the case to immediate 
 decision. The denoument hU-j been happy; and I confess 1 look to this 
 duplication of area for the extending a government so free and eco- 
 nomical as ours, as a great achievement to the mass of happiness which 
 is to ensue. Whether we remain in one confederacy, or form .into 
 Atlantic and Mississippi confederacies, 1 believe not ver}^ important to 
 the happiness of either part. Those of the western confederacy will 
 be as much our children and descendants as those of the eastern, and 
 I feel myself as much identified with that country, in future time, as 
 with this; and did I now foresee a separation at some future day, yet 
 I should feel the duty and the desire to promote the western interests 
 as zealously as the eastern, doing all the good for both pertions of our 
 future family which should fall within my power. 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OP LOUISIANA. 275 
 
 [Extract.] 
 
 President Jefferson to Wm. Dunbar. 
 
 Washington, March 13, 180 J),. 
 In the first visit, after receiving the treaty, which I paid to Monti- 
 cello, which was in August, I availed myself of what I have there, to 
 investigate the limits. While I was in Europe, I had purchased every- 
 thing 1 could lay my hands on which related to an}" part of America, 
 and particularly had a prett}" full collection of the English, French 
 and Spanish authors, on the subject of Louisiana. The information I 
 got from these was entirely satisfactory, and I threw it into a shape 
 which would easil}" take the form of a memorial. I now enclose you 
 a copy of it. One single fact in it was taken from a publication in a 
 newspaper, supposed to be written by Judge Bay, who had lived in 
 West Florida. This asserted that the country from the Iberville to 
 the Perdido was to this day called Louisiana, and a part of the gov- 
 ernment of Louisiana. I wrote to you to ascertain that fact, and 
 received the information you were so kind as to send me; on the 
 receipt of which, I changed the form of the assertion, so as to adapt 
 it to what I suppose to be the fact, and to reconcile the testimony I 
 have received, to-wit, that though the name and division of West 
 Florida have been retained; and in strictness, that country is still 
 called by that name; yet it is also called Louisiana in common par- 
 lance, and even in some authentic public documents. 
 
 Mr. Madison to Mr. Livingston. 
 
 Department of State, March 31^ 180Jf. 
 
 Sir: Since my acknowledgment of 3^ ours of October 20 and 31, I 
 have received those of 2d, 15th, and23d, November, and 11th December. 
 
 In mine of January 31, I informed 3^ou that Louisiana had been 
 transferred by the French Commissioner to our Commissioners on the 
 20th of December; that notlung had oiBcially passed on the occasion 
 concerning the boundaries of the ceded territory; but that M. Laussat 
 had confidentially signified that it did not comprehend any part of 
 West Florida; adding, at the same time, that it extended westwardlj^ 
 {o the Rio Bravo, otherwise called Rio del Norte. Orders were accord- 
 ingly obtained from the Spanish authority for the delivery of all the 
 posts on the west side of the Mississippi, as well as on the island of 
 New Orleans. With respect to the posts in West Florida, orders for 
 the delivery were neither offered to, nor demanded by, our Commis- 
 sioners. No instructions have, in fact, been ever given them to make 
 the demand. This silence on the part of the Executive was deemed 
 eligible; first, because it was foreseen that the demand would not onl}'^ 
 be rejected by the Spanish authority at New Orleans, which had, in 
 
276 PUECHASE OF THE TEREITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 an official publication, limited the cession westwardly by the Missis- 
 sippi and the island of New Orleans, but it was apprehended, as has 
 turned out, that the French Commissioner might not be ready to sup- 
 port the demand, and might even be disposed to second the Spanish 
 opjDosition to it; secondl}^, because, in the latter of these cases, a serious 
 check would be given to our title; and, in either of them, a premature 
 dilemma would result between an overt submission to the refusal, and 
 a resort to force; thirdl}^, because mere silence would be no bar to a 
 plea at any time that a deliver}^ of a part, particularly of the seat of 
 Government, was a virtual delivery of the whole; whilst, in the mean- 
 time, we could ascertain the views, and claim the interposition of the 
 French Government, and avail ourselves of that and any other favor- 
 able circumstances for effecting an amicable adjustment of the ques- 
 tion with the Government of Spain. In this state of things, it was 
 deemed proper by Congress, in making the regulations necessary for 
 the collection of revenue in the ceded territory, and guarding against 
 the new danger of smuggling into the United States, through tne cJian- 
 nels ojDened by it, to include Or provision for tne case of West Florida, 
 by vesting in the President a power which his discretion might 
 accommodate to events. 
 
 This provision is contained in the eleventh, taken in connexion with 
 the fourth, section of the act herewith inclosed. The act had been many 
 weeks depending in Congress with these sections, word for word, in it; 
 the bill had been printed as soon as reported by the committee, for the 
 use of the members, and as two copies are, by a usage of politeness, 
 always allotted for each foreign Minister here, it must in all probabilitj^ 
 have been known to the Marquis d'Yrujo in an early stage of its prog- 
 ress. If it was not, it marks much less of that zealous vigilance over the 
 concerns of his Sovereign than he now makes the plea f orhis intemperate 
 conduct. For some daj^s even after the act was published in the gazette 
 of this city, he was silent. At length, however, he called at the Office of 
 State, with the gazette in his hand, and entered into a very angry com- 
 ment on the eleventh section, which was answered by remarks (some 
 of which it would seem from his written allusion to them were not 
 well understood) calculated to assuage his dissatisfaction with the law, 
 as far as was consistant with a candid declaration to him that we con- 
 sidered all of West Florida, westward of the Perdido, as clearl}^ ou>s 
 by the treaty of April 30, 1803, and that of St. Ildefonso. The con- 
 versation ended, as might be inferred from his letters which followed 
 it on the 7th and 17th instant, of which copies are herewith enclosed, 
 as are also copies of mj^ answer of — , and of his reply of — . You will 
 see by this correspondence the footing on which a rudeness, which no 
 Government can tolerate, has placed him with this Government, and 
 the view of it which must be unavoidably conveyed to our Minister at 
 Madrid. It may be of some importance, also, that it be not miscon- 
 
PUECHASE OF THE TERKITOKY OF LOUISIANA. 277 
 
 ceived where you are. But the correspondence is chiefl}^ of importance 
 as it suggests the earnestness with whicli Spain is likely to contest our 
 construction of the treaties of cession, and the Spanish reasoning which 
 will be employed against it; and, consequently, as it urges the expe- 
 diency of cultivating the disposition of the French Government to take 
 our side of the question. To this she is bound no less by sound policy 
 than b}^ regard to right. 
 
 She is bound by the former, because the interest she has in our 
 friendship interests her in the friendship between us and Spain, which 
 can not be maintained with full effect, if at all, without removing the 
 sources of collision lurking under a neighborhood marked by such 
 circumstances; and which, considering the relation between France 
 and Spain, can not be interrupted without endangeiing the friendly 
 relations between the United States and France. A transfer from 
 Spain to the United States of the territory claimed by the latter, or 
 rather of the whole of both the Floridas, on reasonable conditions, is, 
 in fact, nothing more than a sequel and completion of the policy which 
 led France into her own treat}^ of cession; and her discernment and her 
 consistency are both pledges that she will view the subject in this light. 
 Another pledge lies in the manifest interest which France has in the 
 peaceable transfer of these Spanish possessions to the United States, 
 as the only effectual security against their falling into the hands of 
 Great Britain. Such an event would be certain in case of a rupture 
 between Great Britain and Spain, and would be particularly disagree- 
 able to France, whether Great Britian should retain the acquisition 
 for the sake of the important harbors and other advantages belonging 
 to it, or should^make it the basis of some transaction with the United 
 States, which, notwithstanding the good faith and fairness toward 
 France, (which would doubtless be observed on our part,) might involve 
 conditions too desirable to her enemy not to be disagreeable to herself. 
 It even deserves consideration that the use which Great Britain could 
 make of the territory in question, and the facility in seizing it, may 
 become a casting motive with her to force Spain into war, contrary to 
 the wishes and the policy of France. 
 
 The territory ceded to the United States is described in the words 
 following: " The colony or province of Louisiana, with the same 
 extent that it now has in the hands of Spain, that it had when France 
 possessed it, and such as it ought to be, according to the treaties 
 subsequentlj^ passed between Spain and other States." 
 
 In expounding this three-fold description the different forms used 
 must be so understood as to give a meaning to each description, and to 
 make the meaning of each coincide with the others. 
 
 The first form of description is a reference to the extent which 
 Louisiana now has in the hands of Spain. What is that extent, as 
 determined by its eastern limits ? It is not denied that the Perdido 
 
278 PUECHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 was once the eastern limit of Louisiana. It is not denied that the 
 territory now possessed by Spain extends to the river Perdido. The 
 river Perdido, we say, then, is the limit to the eastern extent of Loui- 
 siana ceded to the United States. 
 
 This construction gives an obvious and pertinent meaning to the 
 term "now," and to the expression "in the hands of Spain," which 
 can be found in no other construction. For a considerable time pre- 
 vious to the Treaty 'of Peace in 1T83, between Great Britain and Spain, 
 Louisiana, as in the hands of Spain, was limited eastwardly by the 
 Mississippi, the Iberville, &c. The term "now" fixes the extent, as 
 enlarged by that treaty, in contradistinction to the more limited extent 
 in which Spain held it prior to that treaty. Again: the expression 
 "in the hands or in the possession of Spain," fixes the same extent; 
 because, the expression can not relate to the extent which Spain, by 
 her internal regulations, may have given to a particular district under 
 the name of Louisiana, but evidently to the extent in which it was 
 known to other nations, particularly to the nation in treaty with her, 
 and in which it was relatively to other nations in her hands, and not in 
 the hands of any other nation. It would be absurd to consider the 
 expression "in the hands of Spain," as relating not to others, but to 
 herself and her own regulations; for the territor}'^ of Louisiana in her 
 hands nmst be equally so, and be the same, whether formed into one 
 or twenty districts, or by whatever name or names it ma}^ be called by 
 herself. 
 
 What may now be the extent of a provincial district under the name 
 of Louisiana, according to the municipal arrangements of the Spanish 
 Government, is not perfectly known. It is at least questionable, even 
 whether these arrangements have not incorporated the portion of 
 Louisiana acquired from Great Britain with the western portion before 
 belonging to Spain, under the same provincial Government. But, 
 whether such be the fact or not, the construction of the treaty will be 
 the same. 
 
 The next form of description refers to the extent which Louisiana 
 had when possessed by France. What is this extent? It will be 
 admitted, that for the whole period prior to the division of Louisiana 
 between Spain and Great Britain in 1762-3, or at least from the 
 adjustment of boundary between France and Spain in 1719, to that 
 event, Louisiana extended, in the possession of France, to the river 
 Perdido. Had the meaning, then, of the first description been less 
 determinate, and had France been in possession of Louisiana at any 
 time with less extent than to the Perdido, a reference to this primitive 
 and long-continued extent would be more natural and probable than 
 to any other. But it happens that France never possessed Louisiana 
 with less extent than to the Perdido; because, on the same da}^ that 
 she ceded a part to Spain, the residue was ceded to Great Britain; and, 
 
PUECHASE OF THE TEREITOEY OF LOUISIANA. 279 
 
 consequently, as long as she possessed Louisiana at all, she possessed 
 it entire, that is, in its extent to the Perdido. It is true, that after 
 the cession of Western Louisiana to Spain in the year 1762-3, the 
 actual delivery of the territory by France was delayed for several 
 years: but it can never be supposed, that a reference could be intended 
 to this short period of delay, during which France held that portion 
 in the right of Spain only, not in her own right, when, in other words, 
 she held it as the trustee of Spain; and, that a reference to such a pos- 
 session for such a period should be intended, rather than a reference 
 to the long possession of the whole territory in her own acknowledged 
 right, prior to that period. 
 
 In the order of the French King in 1764, to Monsieur d'Abbadie, 
 for the delivery of Western Louisiana to Spain, it is stated that the 
 cession by France was on the 3d of November, and the acceptance by 
 Spain, on the 13th of that month, leaving an interval of ten days. An 
 anxiety to find a period, during which Louisiana, as limited by the 
 Mississippi and the Iberville, as held by France in her own right, may 
 possibly lead the Spanish Government to seize the pretext into which 
 this momentar}^ interval may be converted. But it will be a mere 
 pretext. In the first place, it is probable that the treaty of cession to 
 Spain, which is dated on the same daj^ with that to Great Britain, was, 
 like the latter, a preliminary treaty, consummated and confirmed by a 
 definitive treatj^ bearing the same date with the definitive treaty, 
 including the cession to Great Britain; in which case, the time and 
 effect of each cession would be the same, whetlier recurrence be had 
 to the date of the preliminary or definitive treaties. 
 
 In the next place, the cession b}^ France to Spain was essentially 
 made on the 3d of November, 1762, on which day, the same with that 
 of the cession to Great Britain, the right passed away from France. 
 The acceptance by Spain, ten days after, if necessary at all to perfect 
 the deed, had relation to the date of the cession b^/ France, and must have 
 the same effect, and no other, as if Spain had signed the deed on the 
 same day with France. This explanation, which rests on the soundest 
 principles, nullifies the interval of ten days, so as to make the cession 
 to Great Britain and Spain simultaneous, on the supposition that recur- 
 rence be had to the preliminar}^ treaty, and not to the definitive treaty; 
 and, consequently, establishes the fact that France, at no time, possessed 
 Louisiana with less extent than to the Perdido; the alienation and par- 
 tition of the territorj^ admitting no distinction of time. In the last 
 place, conceding even that during an interval of ten days the right of 
 Spain was incomplete, and was in transitu only from France; or in 
 another form of expression, that the right remained in France, subject 
 to the eventual acceptance of Spain, is it possible to believe that a 
 description, which must be presumed to aim at clearness and certainty, 
 should refer for its purposes to so fugitive and equivocal state of 
 
280 PUECHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 things, in preference to a state of things where the right and the 
 possession of France were of long continuance, and susceptible of 
 neither doubt nor controversy ? It is impossible. And, consequenth'', 
 the only possible construction which can be put on the second form of 
 description coincides with the only rational construction that can be put 
 on the first: making Louisiana of the same extent, that is to the river 
 Perdido, both " as in the hands of Spain " and " as France possessed it." 
 
 The third and last description of Louisiana is in these words: " Such 
 as it ought to be, according to the treaties subsequently passed between 
 Spain and other States." 
 
 This description may be considered as auxiliar}^ to the two others, 
 and is conclusive as an argument for comprehending within the cession 
 of Spain territory eastward of the Mississippi and the Iberville, and 
 for extending the cession to the river Perdido. 
 
 The only treaties between Spain and other nations that affect the 
 extent of Louisiana, as being subsequent to the possession of it by 
 France, are, first, the treat}^ of 1783 between Spain and Great Britain; 
 and, second!}", the treaty of 1795 between Spain and the United States. 
 
 The last of these treaties affects the extent of Louisiana, as in the 
 hands of Spain, by defining the northern boundary of that part of it 
 which lies east of the Mississippi and the Iberville; and the first affects 
 the extent of Louisiana, by including in the cession from Great Britain to 
 Spain the territorj^ between that river and the Perdido; and by giving 
 to Louisiana, in consequence of that reunion of the eastern and west- 
 ern part, the same extent eastwardly in the hands of Spain as it had 
 when France possessed it. Louisiana, then, as it ought to be, accord- 
 ing to treaties of Spain subsequently to the possession by France, is 
 limited by the line of demarcation settled with the United States, and 
 forming a northern boundary, and is extended to the river Perdido as 
 its eastern boundary. 
 
 This is not onl}^ the plain and necessary construction of the words, 
 but is the only construction that can give a meaning to them. For 
 they are without meaning, on the supposition that Louisiana, as in the 
 hands of Spain, is limited by the Mississippi and the Iberville, since 
 neither the one nor the other of those treaties have any relation to 
 Louisiana that can affect its extent, but' through their relation to the 
 limits of that part of it which lies eastward of the Mississippi and the 
 Iberville. Including this part, therefore, as we contend, within 
 the extent of Louisiana, and a meaning is given to both as pertinent as 
 it is important. Exclude this part, as Spain contends, from Louisiana, 
 and no treaties exist to which the reference is applicable. 
 
 This deduction can not be evaded by pretending that the reference 
 to subsequent treaties of Spain was meant to save the right of deposit, 
 and other rights stipulated to the commerce of the United States by 
 the treaty of 1795; first, because, although that may be an incidental 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 281 
 
 object of the reference to that treaty, as was signified hj His Catholic 
 Majest}^ to the Government of the United States, yet the principal 
 object of the reference is evidently the territorial e.Hent of Louisiana; 
 second!}^, because the reference is to more than one treaty — to the 
 treaty of 1783, as well as to that of 1795; and the treaty 1783 can have 
 no modifying effect whatever, rendering it applicable, but on the sup- 
 position that Louisiana was considered as extending eastward of the 
 Mississippi and the Iberville, into the territory ceded by that treaty to 
 Spain. 
 
 In fine, the construction which we maintain gives to ever}^ part of 
 the description of the territory ceded to the United States a meaning- 
 clear in itself, and in harmony with every other part, and is no less 
 conformable to facts than it is founded on the ordinary use and analogy 
 of the expressions. The construction urged by Spain gives, on the 
 contrary, a meaning to the first description which is inconsistent with 
 the very terms of it; it prefers, in the second, a meaning that is impos- 
 sible or absurd; and it takes from the last all meaning whatever. 
 
 In confirmation of the meaning which extends Louisiana to the river 
 Ferdido, it may be regarded as most consistent with the object of 
 the First Consul in the cession obtained by him from Spain. Every 
 appearance, and every circumstance, pronounces this to have been to 
 give lustre to his Administration, and to gratify a natural pride in his 
 nation, by re-annexing to its domain possessions which had, without 
 any sufficient consideration, been severed from it; and which, being 
 in the hands of Spain, it was in the power of Spain to restore. Spain, 
 on the other side, might be the less reluctant against the cession in 
 this extent, as she would be only replaced hj it within the original 
 limits of her possessions; the territory east of the Perdido having 
 been regained by her from Great Britain in the peace of 1783, and not 
 included in the late cession. 
 
 It only remains to take notice of the argument derived from a criti- 
 cism on the term " retrocede," b}^ which the cession from Spain to 
 France is expressed. The literal meaning of this term is said to be 
 that Spain gives back to France what she received from France; and 
 that as she received from France no more than the Territory west of the 
 Mississippi and the Iberville, that, and no more, could be given back 
 by Spain. 
 
 Without denying that such a meaning, if uncontrolled by other 
 terms, would- have been properh'^ expressed b}^ the term '"'' i-etrocede," 
 it is sufficient, and more than sufficient, to observe, first, that with 
 respect to France, the literal meaning is satisfied ; France receiving back 
 what she had before alienated; secondly, that with respect to Spain, 
 not only the greater part of Louisiana had been confessedly received 
 by her from France, and, consequently, was literally ceded back by 
 Spain, as well as ceded back to France; but, with respect to the part 
 
282 PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 1 
 
 in question, Spain mig-ht not unfair!}^ be considered as ceding bade to 
 France what France had ceded to her, inasmuch as the cession of it to 
 Great Britain was made for tlie benefit of Sj^ain, to whom, on that 
 account, Cuba was restored. The effect was precisely the same as if 
 France had, in form, made the cession to Spain, and Spain had assigned 
 it over to Great Britain; and the cession may the more aptl}^ be con- 
 sidered as passing through Spain, as Spain herself was a party to the 
 treaty by which it was conveyed to Great Britain. In this point of 
 view, not only France received back what she had ceded, l;)ut Spain 
 ceded back what she had received, and the etjmiolog}^ even of the 
 term " retrocede" is satisfied. This view of the case is the more sub- 
 stantially jvist, as the territory in question passed from France to 
 Great Britain, for the account of Spain, but passed from Great Britain 
 into the hands of Spain in 1783, in consequence of a war to which 
 Spain had contributed but little compared with France, and in termi- 
 nating which so favorabh^ in this article for Spain, France had doubt- 
 less a preponderating influence. Thirdly, that if a coui'se of pro- 
 ceeding might have existed to which the term "retrocede" would be 
 more literally applicable, it may be equally said that there is no other 
 particular term which would be more applicable to the whole proceed- 
 ing, as it did exist. Fourthly. Lastly, that if this were not the case, 
 a nice criticism on the et3'^mology of a single term can be allowed no 
 weight against a conclusion drawn from the clear meaning of everj^ 
 other term, and from the whole context. 
 
 In aid of these observations, I enclose herewith two papers, which 
 have been drawn up with a view to trace and support our title to 
 Louisiana in its extent to the Perdido. You will find in them, also, the 
 grounds on which its western extent is maintainable against Spain, 
 and its northern in relation to Great Britain. 
 
 On the whole, we reckon with much confidence on the obligations 
 and dispositions of the French Government, to favor our object with 
 Spain, and on your prudent exertions to strengthen our hold on both; 
 not only in reference to the true construction of thetreat}^, but to our 
 acquisition of the Spanish territory eastward of the Perdido on con- 
 venient and equitable conditions. 
 
 You will find herewith enclosed copies of another correspondence, 
 sufficientl}^ explaining itself, with the Marquis d'Yrujo, on the com- 
 merce from our ports to St. Domingo; to which is added a letter on 
 that subject from M. Pichon. The ideas of the President, as well to 
 the part which the true interest of France recommends to her, as to 
 the part prescribed both to her and to the United States by the law of 
 nations, were communicated in m}^ letter of the 31st of January last. 
 It is much to be desired that the French Government may enter into 
 proper views on this subject. 
 
 With respect to the trade in articles not for war, there can not be a 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 288 
 
 doubt that the interest of France concurs with that of the United 
 States. With respect to articles for war, it is, probably, the interest 
 of all nations that the}^ should l^e kept out of hands likely to make so 
 bad a use of them. It is clear, at the same time, that the United 
 States are bound by the law of nations to nothing further than to leave 
 their offending citizens to the consequences of an illicit trade; and it 
 deserves serious consideration, how far th^ir undertaking, at the 
 instance of one Power, to enforce the law of nations, by prohibitory 
 regulations to which thej^ are bound, may become an embarrassing 
 precedent, and stimulate pretensions and complaints of other Powers. 
 The French Government must be sensible, also, that prohibitions by one 
 nation would have little effect, if others, including Great Britain, should 
 not follow the example. It may be added, that the most which the 
 United States could do in the case, short of prohibiting the export of 
 contraband articles altogether, a measure doubtless beyond the expec- 
 tations of France, would be to annex to the shipment of these articles 
 a condition, that they should be delivered elsewhere than in St. Domingo, 
 and that a regulation of this kind would readil}^ be frustrated by a 
 reshipment of the article after delivery elsewhere, in the same or other 
 vessels, in order to accomplish the forbidden destination. If, indeed, 
 the prohibitory regulations, on the part of the United States, were the 
 result of a stipulation, and recommended by an equivalent concession, 
 the objection to it as an inconvenient precedent would be avoided. If, 
 for example, France would agree to permit the trade with Santo 
 Domingo in all other articles, on condition that we would agree to pro- 
 hibit contraband articles, no objection of that sort would lie against the 
 arrangement; and the arrangement would, in itseff , be so reasonable, 
 on both sides, and so favorable, even to the people of Santo Domingo, 
 that the President authorizes you not only to make it, if you find it not 
 improper, the subject of a frank conference with the French Govern- 
 ment, but to put it into the form of a conventional regulation; or, 
 should this be objectionable, the object may be attained, perhaps, by 
 a tacit understanding between the two Governments which may lead 
 to the regulations on each side respectively necessary. Although a 
 legal regulation, on our part, can not be absolutely promised, otherwise 
 than by a positive and mutual stipulation, yet, with a candid explana- 
 tion of this constitutional circumstance, there can be little risk in 
 inspiring the requisite confidence that the legislative authority here 
 would interpose its sanction. 
 
 It is the more important that something should be done in the case, 
 and done soon, as the pretext, founded upon the supposed illegality of 
 any trade whatever with the negroes in St. Domingo, is multiplying 
 depredations on our commerce, not only with that island, but with 
 the West Indies generally, to a degree highly irritating, and which is 
 laying the foundations for the extensive claims and complaints on our 
 
284 PUKCHASE OF THE TEKRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 part. You will not fail to state this fact to the French Government 
 in its just importance; as an agreement for some such arrangement as 
 is above suggested, or if that be disliked, as requiring such other inter- 
 position of that Government as will put an end to the evil. 
 
 It is represented that a part of the depredations are committed l)y 
 French armed vessels without commissions, or with commissions from 
 incompetent authorities. It appears, also, that these lawless proceed- 
 ings are connected with Spanish ports and subjects, probabl}^ Spanish 
 officers, also, in the West Indies, particularl}^ in the island of Cuba. 
 So far as the responsibility of Spain may be involved, we shall not lose 
 sight of it. An appeal, at the same time, to that of France, is as 
 pressing as it is just; and you will please to make it in the manner best 
 calculated to make it effectual. 
 
 In one of your letters 3"ou apprehended that the interest accruing 
 from the delay of the Commissioners at Paris may be disallowed b}^ 
 the French Government, and wish for instructions on the subject. I 
 am glad to find, by later communications from Mr. Skipwith, that the 
 apparent discontent at the delay had subsided. But whatever solici- 
 tude that Government might feel for despatch in liquidating the claims, 
 it would be a palpable wrong to make a disappointment in that par- 
 ticular a pretext for refusing an}^ stipulated part of the claims. In a 
 legal point of view, the treaty could not be in force until mutually 
 ratified; and every preparatory step taken for carr3dng it into effect, 
 however apposite or useful, must be connected with legal questions 
 arising under the treat}'. 
 
 In other parts of your correspondence, you seem to have inferred 
 from some passage i^i mine, that I thought the ten millions of livres in 
 cash, over which a discretion was given, ought to have been paid 
 rather to France than to our creditor citizens. If the inference be 
 just, m}^ expressions must have been the more unfortunate as they 
 so little accord with the original plan, communicated in the instructions 
 to 3"ourself and Mr. Monroe; the more unfortunate still, as the}^ not 
 only decide a question wrong, but a question which could never occur. 
 The cash fund of ten millions was provided on the supposition, that, in 
 a critical moment, and in a balance of considerations, the immediate 
 payment of that sum, as a part of the bargain, might either tempt the 
 French Government to enter into it, or to reduce the terms of it. If 
 wanted for either of these purposes, it was to be paid to the French 
 Government; if not wanted for either, it was made applicable to no 
 other. The provision contemplated for the creditors had no reference 
 to the fund of ten millions of livres; nor was it even contemplated that 
 any other cash fund would be made applicable to their claims. It was 
 supposed not unreasonable, that the ease of our Treasury and the 
 chance and means of purchasing the territory remaining to Spain east- 
 ward of the Mississippi, might be so far justly consulted as to put the 
 
PUECHASE OF THE TEKEITORY OF LOUISIANA. 285 
 
 indemnification of the claims against France on a like footing with that 
 on which the indemnification of like claims against Great Britain had 
 been put. And it was inferred, that such a modification of the pay- 
 ments would not onl}^ have fully satisfied the expectations of the cred- 
 itors, but would have encountered no objections on the part of the 
 French Government, who had no interest in the question, and who were 
 precluded by all that had passed from urging objections of any other 
 sort. 
 
 Congress adjourned on Tuesda}^ the 27th of March, to the first 
 Monda}^ in November next. Copies of their laws will be forwarded 
 to you as soon as they issue from the press. For the present, I enclose 
 herewith a list of all their acts, and copies of a few of them, particu- 
 larly of the acts providing for the government of Louisiana, and for 
 the war in the Mediterranean. The former, it is hoped, will satisfy 
 the French Government of the prudent and faithful regard of the 
 Government of the United States to the interest and happiness of the 
 people transferred into the American family. 
 I have the honor to be, &c. , 
 
 James Madison. 
 
 RoBEKT E. Livingston, Esq. 
 
 President's Message. 
 
 To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States: 
 
 In execution of the act of the present session of Congress for taking 
 possession of Louisiana, as ceded to us by France, and for the tempo- 
 rary government thereof, Governor Claiborne of the Mississippi 
 Territory, and General Wilkinson, were appointed Commissioners to 
 receive possession. Thej'^ proceeded, with such regular troops as had 
 been assembled at Fort Adams from the nearest posts, and with some 
 militia of the Mississippi Territory, to New Orleans. To be prepared 
 for anything unexpected which might arise out of the transaction, a 
 respectable body of militia was ordered to be in readiness in the States 
 of Ohio, Kentucky, and Tennessee, and a part of those of Tennessee 
 was moved on to the Natchez. No occasion, however, arose for their 
 services. Our Commissioners, on their arrival at New Orleans, found 
 the Province already delivered by the Commissaries of Spain to that of 
 France, who delivered it over to them on the 20th day of December, 
 as appears by their declaratory act accompanying this. Governor 
 Claiborne, being duly invested with the powers heretofore exercised 
 by the Governor and Intendant of Louisiana, assumed the government 
 on the same da3% and, for the maintenance of law and order, immedi- 
 ately issued the proclamation and address now communicated. 
 
 On this important acquisition, so favorable to the immediate inter- 
 ests of our Western citizens, so auspicious to the peace and security 
 
286 PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 of the nation in general, which adds to our country territories so 
 extensive and fertile, and to our citizens new brethren to partake of 
 the blessings of freedom and self-government, I offer to Congress and 
 our country my sincere congratulations. 
 January 16, ISOi. Th. Jefferson. 
 
 Articles of Exchange of Possession. 
 
 City of New Orleans, December W^ 1803. 
 Sir: We have the satisfaction to announce to you that the Province 
 of Louisiana was this day surrendered to the United States b}^ the 
 Commissioner of France; and to add, that the flag of our country was 
 raised in this city amidst the acclamations of the inhabitants. 
 
 The enclosed is a copy of an instrument of writing, which was signed 
 and exchanged by the Commissioners of the two Governments, and is 
 designed as a record of this interesting transaction. 
 Accept assurances of our respectful consideration. 
 
 Wm. C. C. Claiborne. 
 James Wilkinson. 
 James Mauison, 
 
 Secretary of State. 
 
 The undersigned, William C. C. Claiborne and James Wilkinson, 
 commissioners or agents of the United States, agreeably to the full 
 powers they have received from Thomas Jefferson, President of the 
 United States, under date of the 31st October, 1803, and twenty-eighth 
 year of the independence of the United States of America, (8th Bru- 
 maire, 12th year of the French Republic,) countersigned by the Secre- 
 tar}^ of State, James Madison, and citizen Peter Clement Laussat, 
 Colonial Prefect and Commissioner of the French Government, for 
 the delivery, in the name of the French Republic, of the country, terri- 
 tories, and dependencies of Louisiana, to the commissioners or agents 
 of the United States, conformably to the powers, commission, and 
 special mandate which he has received, in the name of the French 
 people, from citizen Bonaparte, First Consul, under date of the 6th 
 June, 1803, (17th Prairial, eleventh year of the French Republic,) 
 countersigned by the Secretary of State, Hugues Maret, and by his 
 Excellency the Minister of Marine and Colonies, Decres, do certify by 
 these presents, that on this day, Tuesday, the 20th December, 1803, of 
 the Christian era, (28th Frimaire, twelfth 3^ear of the French Republic,) 
 being convened in the hall of the Hotel de Ville of Orleans, accom- 
 panied on both sides b}^ the Chiefs and Officers of the Army and Navy, 
 by the municipality and divers respectable citizens of their respective 
 
PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 287 
 
 Republics, the said William C. C. Claiborne and James Wilkinson, 
 delivered to the said citizen Laussat their aforesaid full powers, by 
 which it evidently appears that full power and authority has been 
 given them jointly and severally to take possession of, and to occupy 
 the territories ceded by France to the United States by the treaty 
 concluded at Paris on the 30th day of April last past, (10th Floreal,) 
 and for that purpose to repair to the said Territory, and there to exe- 
 cute and perform all such acts and things, touching the premises, as 
 ma}^ be necessary for f ulliling their appointment conformably to the 
 said treaty and the laws of the United States; and thereupon the said 
 citizen Laussat declared that, in virtue of, and in the terms of the 
 powers, commission, and special mandate dated at St, Cloud, 6th June, 
 1803, of the Christian era, (17th Prairiai, 11th j^ear of the French 
 Republic,) he put from that moment the said Commissioners of the 
 United States in possession of the country, territories, and depend- 
 encies of Louisiana, conformably to the first, second, fourth, and fifth 
 articles of the treaty and two conventions, concluded and signed the 
 30th April, 1803, (10th Floreal, 11th year of the French Republic,) 
 between the French Republic and the United States of America, by 
 citizen Barbe Marbois, Minister of the Public Treasury, and Messrs. 
 Robert R. Livingston and James Monroe, Ministers Plenipotentiary of 
 the United States, all three furnished with full powers, of which 
 treaty and two conventions the ratifications, made by the First Consul 
 of the French Republic on the one part, and by the President of the 
 United States, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, on 
 the other part, have been exchanged and mutually received at the City 
 of Washington, the 21st October, 1803, (28th Vendemiaire, 12th jea.r 
 of the French Republic,) by citizen Louis Andre Pichon, charge des 
 affaires of the French Republic near the United States, on the part of 
 France, and b}^ James Madison, Secretar}^ of State of the United 
 States, on the part of the United States, according to the proces verhal 
 drawn up on the same day; and the present delivery of the country 
 is made to them, to the end that, in conformity with the object of the 
 said treaty, the sovereignty and property of the colon}'^ or province of 
 Louisiana may pass to the said United States, under the same clauses 
 and conditions as it had been ceded by Spain to France, in virtue of 
 the treaty concluded at St. lldefonso, on the 1st October, 1800, (9th 
 Vendemiaire, 9th year,) between these two last Powers, which has 
 since received its execution by the actual re-entrance of the French 
 Republic into possession of the said colony or province. 
 
 And the said citizen Laussat in consequence, at this present time, 
 delivered to the said Commissioners of the United States, in this pub- 
 lic sitting, the keys of the City of New Orleans, declaring that he dis- 
 charges from their oaths of fidelity towards the French Republic, the 
 citizens and inhabitants of Louisiana, who shall chose to remain under 
 the dominion of the United States. "" — " 
 
288 PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 And tJaat it may forever appear, the undersigned have signed tbif 
 2yroces verbal of this important and solemn act, in the French and Eng- 
 lish languages, and have sealed it with their seals, and have caused it 
 to be countersigned by the secretaries of conmiission, the day, month, 
 and 3^ear above written. 
 
 Wm. C. C. Claiborne, [l. s.] 
 James Wilkinson. [l. s.] 
 
 Laussat. [l. s.] 
 
 Proclamation by His Excellency, "William C. C. Claiborne, Governor of the 
 Mississippi Territory, exercising the powers of Governor-general and 
 Inteiidant of the Province of Louisiana. 
 
 Whereas, b}^ stipulations between the Governments of France and 
 Spain, the latter ceded to the former the colony and province of 
 Louisiana, with the same extent which it had at the date of the above- 
 mentioned treaty in the hands of Spain, and that it had when France 
 possessed it, and such as it ought to be after the treaties subsequently 
 entered into between Spain and other States; and whereas the Govern- 
 ment of France has ceded the same to the United States by a treaty 
 duly ratified, and bearing date the 30th of April in the present year, 
 and the possession of said colonj^ and province is now in the United 
 States, according to the tenor of the last-mentioned treaty; and whereas 
 the Congress of the United States on the 31st day of October in the 
 present year, 'did enact that, until the expiration of the session of 
 Congress then sitting, (unless provisions for the temporary govern- 
 ment of the said territories .be made by Congress,) all the military, 
 civil, and judicial powers exercised by the then existing government 
 of the same, shall be vested in such person or persons, and shall !)e 
 exercised in such manner as the President of the United States shall 
 direct, for the maintaining and protecting the inhabitants of Louisiana 
 in the free enjoyment of their liberty, property, and religion; and the 
 Piesident of the United States has, by his commission, bearing date 
 the same 31st day of October, invested me with all the powers, and 
 charged me with the several duties heretofore held and exercised b}^ 
 the Governor-General and Intendant of the Province. 
 
 I have, therefore, thought fit to issue this, my proclamation, making 
 known the premises, and to declare, that the government heretofore 
 exercised over the said Province of Louisiana, as well under the 
 authority of Spain as the French Republic has ceased, and that of the 
 United States of America is established over the same; that the inhab- 
 itants thereof will be incorporated in the Union of the United States, 
 and admitted as soon as possible, according to the principles of the 
 Federal Constitution, to the enjoyment of all the rights, advantages, 
 
PLTECHASE OF THE TEREITORY OF LOUISIANA. 289 
 
 ^nd immunities of citizens of the United States; tliat, iu the mean- 
 time, the}" shall be maintained and protected in the free enjo3^ment of 
 their liberty", property, and the religion which they profess; that all 
 laws and municipal regulations which were in existence at the cessa- 
 tion of the late government, remain in full force; and all civil officers 
 charged Avith their execution, except those whose powers have been 
 specialh' vested in me, and except, also, such officers as have been 
 intrusted with the collection of the revenue, are continued in their 
 functions, during the pleasure of the Governor for the time being, or 
 'intil provision shall otherwise be made. 
 
 And 1 do hereby exhort and enjoin all the inhabitants, and other 
 jDersons within the said province, to be faithful and true in their allegi- 
 ance to the United States, and obedient to the laws and authorities of 
 the same, under full assurance that their just rights will be under the 
 guardianship of the United States, and will be maintained from all 
 force or violence from without or within. 
 
 In testimonv whereof 1 have hereunto set my hand. 
 
 Given at the city of New Orleans, the 20th day of December, 1803, 
 and of the independence of the United States of America, the twent}"- 
 eighth. 
 
 Wm. C. C. Claiborne. 
 
 The Governor's Address to the Citizens of Louisiana. 
 
 New Orleans, Se'ptemher W, 1803. 
 Fellow-citizens of Louisiana: On the great and interesting event 
 now finally consummated — an event so advantageous to yourselves 
 and so glorious to United America — I can not forbear offering yon 
 my warmest congratulations. The wise policy of the Consul of France 
 has, by the cession of Louisiana to the United States, secured to 3'ou a 
 connexion beyond the reach of change, and to your posterit}^ the sure 
 inheritance of freedom. The American people receive 3'ou as brothers, 
 and will hasten to extend to you a participation in those inestimable 
 rights which have formed the basis of their own unexampled pros- 
 perit3\ Under the auspices of the American Government, 3"ou ma}^ 
 confidently rely upon the security of your liberty, your property, and 
 the religion of your choice. You maj^ with equal certaint}^ rest 
 assured that 3'our commerce will be promoted and j^our agriculture 
 cherished — in a word, that your true interests will be among the 
 primaiy objects of our National Legislature. In return for these 
 benefits, the United States will be amply remunerated if your growing- 
 attachment to the Constitution of our country, and yowr veneration 
 for the principles on which it is founded, be dul}^ proportioned to the 
 blessings which thev will confer. Among your first duties, therefore, 
 H. Doc. 431 19 
 
290 PURCHASE OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 you should cultivate with assiduity among yourselves the advancement 
 
 of political information. You should guide the rising generation in 
 
 the paths of republican economy and virtue. You should encourage 
 
 literature; for without the advantages of education, j^our descendants 
 
 will be unable to appreciate the intrinsic worth of the Government 
 
 transmitted to them. 
 
 As for m3^self, fellow-citizens, accept a sincere assurance, that 
 
 during my continuance in the situation in which the President of the 
 
 United States has been pleased to place me, every exertion will be 
 
 made on my part to foster j^our intei'nal happiness, and forward 3' our 
 
 general welfare; for it is only by such means that I can secure to 
 
 myself the approbation of those great and just men who preside in 
 
 the councils of our nation. 
 
 Wm. C. C. Claiborne. 
 
 I 
 
 [Extrart.] 
 
 Mr. Cevallos to Mr. Pinckney. 
 
 Pakdo, Fi-hruary 10^ 180Jf. 
 At the same time the Minister of His Majesty in the United States 
 is charged to inform the American Government respecting the falsity 
 of the rumor referred to, he has likewise orders to declare to it that 
 His Majesty has thought tit to renounce his opposition to the aliena- 
 tion of Louisiana made b}' France, notwithstanding the solid reasons 
 on which it is founded; thereby giving a new proof of his benevolence 
 and friendship toward the United States. 
 
 Mr. Yrujo to Mr, Madison. 
 
 Philadelphia, May IJf., 180^. 
 
 Sir: The explanations which the Government of France has given 
 to His Catholic Majesty concerning the sale of Louisiana to the United 
 States, and the amicable dispositions on the part of the King my mas- 
 ter toward these States, have determined him to abandon the opposi- 
 tion which, at a prior'period, and with the most substantial motives, he 
 had manifested against that transaction. In consequence, and by spe- 
 cial order of His Majest}", 1 have the pleasure to communicate to you 
 his royal intentions on an atfair so important; well persuaded that the 
 American Government will see, in this conduct of the King ni}'' mas- 
 ter, a new proof of his consideration for the United States, and they 
 will correspond, with a true reciprocit}', with the sincere frie'><^>ln"p of 
 the King, of which he has given so many proofs. 
 
 God preserve you many years. 
 
 M. Casa Ykho. 
 
 James Madison, Esq. 
 
PUECHASE OF THE TEERITORY OV LOUISIANA. 291 
 
 Remarks on Signing the Treaty. 
 
 Mr. Marbois said: As soon as the}'^ had signed they rose, shook 
 hands, and Livingston, expressing the satisfaction of all, said: "The 
 treaty we have, signed has not been brought about b}- pressure nor 
 dictated by force. Equally advantageous to both the coritracting 
 parties, it will change vast solitudes into a flourishing country. \To-da3^ 
 the United States take their place among the Powers of the lirst rank. 
 Moreover, if wars are inevitable, France will have in the new world 
 a friend increasing j^^ear by year in power, which cannot fail to become 
 puissant and respected on all the seas of the earth. These treaties 
 will become a guarantee of peace and good will between commercial 
 States. The instrument we have signed will cause no tears to flow. 
 It will prepare centuries of happiness foi- innumerable generations of 
 the human race. The Mississippi and the Missoui'i will see them 
 prosper and increase in the midst of equality, under just laws, freed 
 from the errors of superstition, from the scourges of bad government, 
 and trul}' worth}" of the regard and care of Providence.'' 
 
 [Extract.] 
 
 Mr. Madison to Dr. J. W. Francis. 
 
 MONTPELIEE, JVOV''^ 7, 1831. 
 
 The friendly relations in which I stood to both Chancellor Liv- 
 ingston and Mr. Monroe would make me a reluctant witness, if I had 
 happened to possess an}^ knowledge of facts favoring either at the 
 expense of the other in the negotiations which preceded the transfer 
 of Louisiana to the United States. But my recollections throw no 
 light on the subject bej^ond what may be derived from ofiicial papers 
 in print, or on the files of the Department of State, and especially in 
 the work on Louisiana by Mr. Marbois, the French negotiator. I have 
 no doubt that each of the envoi's did everything, according to his 
 opportunities, that could evince official zeal and anxious patriotism; 
 at the same time that the disclosures of Mr. Marbois sufficiently shew 
 that the real cause of success is to be found in the sudden polic}^ sug- 
 gested to Napoleon b}^ the foreseen rupture of the peace of Amiens, 
 and, as a consequence, the seizure of Louisiana by Great Britain, who 
 would not onl}^ deprive France of her acquisition, but turn it, polit 
 icall}" and commerciallj", against her, in relation to the United States 
 or Spanish America. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 A. 
 
 Address by Governor Claiborne, 289. 
 Alliance with England, Jefferson suggests, 16. 
 Alliance with France or England, which, 52. 
 American boats forbidden to trade, 57. 
 American claims classified, 133. 
 
 Livingston remonstrates, 88, 116. 
 
 Talleyrand guarantees, 142. 
 American territory, France renounced right to acquire, 26. 
 Arkansas River suggested as boundary, 83, 90,. 100., 158. 
 Articles of exchange of possession, 286. 
 
 B. 
 
 Bernadotte will treat on livingston basis, 100, 143. 
 Boundaries all unsettled, 32. 
 
 of Louisiana, 234, 271. 
 
 of west Florida, 86. 
 Britain would have seized New Orleans, 205. 
 British alliance, Livingston threatens, 150. 
 British Government notified of cession, 196. 
 
 C. 
 
 Canada and Mexico threatened, 21. 
 
 Causes that led to cession to United States, 187, 189, 203, 221, 225, 231, 268, 291. 
 
 Same — Reasons taken from Livingston Memoirs, 225. 
 Cede, right of France to alienate, 244, 
 
 Spain denies right of France to, 233, 239, 2-12, 245. 
 Cession to France, disapproved by French statesmen, 13. 
 
 denied by French minister, 9. 
 
 confirmed by Livingston, 11. 
 
 England's objection, 4. 
 
 England's views sounded, 25. 
 
 Livingston's discussion of, 89. 
 
 opposed by Frenchmen, 28. 
 
 reasons France wanted Louisiana, 12. 
 
 reasons for, by Madison, 5. 
 
 rumors of, 3, 5, 8. 
 
 threatens peace witli United States, 25. 
 Cession to United States, Livingston proposes, 121. 
 
 what induced it, 187, 189, 221, 225, 229, 231, 268, 291. 
 Claims commission named, 171, 213. 
 
 293 
 
294 INDEX. 
 
 Claims, classified, 133. 
 
 Livingston binds First Consul to payment, 190 
 Monroe's draft of convention, 185. 
 payments to be prorated, 272. 
 Talleyrand guarantees payment, 142 
 Colonial commerce discussed, 36. 
 
 officers, abuses of, 64, 136, 139. 
 Colonies, are they useful to France, 39. 
 Congress appropriates two millions, 84. 
 
 committee report, 84. 
 Constitutional amendment necessary, 235. 
 
 limitations, by Jefferson, 237. 
 Convention of purchase, 256. 
 on claims, 257. 
 
 D. 
 
 Deposit, importance of Jight, 85. 
 
 Jefferson on restoring, 182. 
 
 Livington presses First Consul, 119, 148. 
 
 Madison on waiving right, 181. 
 
 right of, denied by Spanish officer, 53. 
 
 Intendant's proclamation suspending, 54. 
 
 right restored, 179. 
 
 right of United States irrevocable, 149. 
 
 right of, by treaty, 31. 
 
 suspension, governor of Louisiana disowns, 67. 
 
 Governor Claiborne's letter, 55. 
 
 Livingston remonstrates, 89. 
 
 Madison protests, 63. 
 
 proclamation of Intendant, 54. 
 
 protests pour into Washington, 67. 
 
 Western indignation, 64. 
 Discontent with treaty in France, 209, 225. 
 Duplicity of French minister, 11. 
 
 England and Spain, policy to alarm, 20. 
 
 favors acquisition by United States, 156. 
 England's interest in Louisiana, 21. 
 England opposes cession to France, 25, 27, 102. 
 
 to occupy New Orleans in case of war, 156. 
 England's opposition to cession incited, 10. 
 Expedition for Louisiana, 23, 29, 61, 81, 146. 
 
 First Consul acknowledges memoir, 142. 
 autocracy of, 51, 81. 
 colloquy with British minister, 145. 
 friendly disposition of, 62, 143. 
 Livingston communicates with, 59, 71, 99, 115. 
 makes proposition to sell, 161. 
 receives Monroe, 169. 
 
INDEX. 295 
 
 Floridas, acquisition of, the first desire of United States, 126 
 
 first mention of, 9. 
 Florida, West, Livingston advises seizure, 201. 
 Madison discusses, 275. 
 more valuable than New Orleans, 35. 
 Monroe discusses, 198. 
 negotiation with France for, 24. 
 Spain for, 171. 
 Spain declines to sell, 183. 
 
 was it included in Louisiana? 23, 29, 33, 50, 60, 200, 212, 218, 236, 276. 
 why not demanded of Spain, 275. 
 lorida rivers, right to navigate, 126. 
 Floridas, First Consul advises postponement, 230. 
 Foreign colonies, value of, Livingston, 36. 
 
 territory, L^nited States can not acquire, 235. 
 trade, France and England compared, 37. 
 France renounced acquisition in America, 26. 
 French emigrants, Louisiana intended for, 8, 11. 
 minister gives assurances, 62. 
 
 to go to Washington to treat, 143. 
 
 reasons for selling, copied from Livingston, 225. 
 
 G. • 
 
 Governor Claiborne's address, 289. 
 
 letter, 55. 
 
 proclamation, 288. 
 
 protest, 56. 
 Governor of Kentucky protests, 57. 
 Government of United States, its nature, 87. 
 
 H. 
 House of Representatives, resolutions of, 67. 
 
 I. 
 Impotency of French ministers, 64. 
 Independent Western State, 124, 141, 234, 274. 
 Indians, attachment of to France, 20. 
 Instructions, joint, 122. 
 
 Livingston asks for, 23, 29, 35, 61, 101. 
 
 Monroe bears them, 70. 
 
 acquire Florida, first purpose of United States, 7. 
 
 to Livingston, 16, 17, 112. 
 
 to make the Mississippi the boundary, 28, 70, 122. 
 
 to minister to Spain, 98. 
 
 later, 175, 205. 
 
 limited, Madison explains, 223. 
 Intendant's order without authority, 67, 113. 
 
 proclamation suspending deposit, 54. 
 
 Jefferson's cautious instructions to Livingston, o'2 
 Jefferson describes alarming conditions, 68. 
 on restoring deposit, 182. 
 
296 INDEX. 
 
 Jefferson on the joending crisis, 94. 
 
 on independent Western States, 234, 274. 
 
 remonstrates against cession to France, IC. 
 
 seeks to interest Nemours, 18. 
 
 value of purchase, 221, 261, 274. 
 Joseph Bonaparte favors Livingston's propositions, 100. 
 
 Livingston's medium with First Consul, 59, 82. 
 
 L. . 
 
 Livingston anticipates instructions, 220. 
 
 and Monroe's joint report, 191. 
 
 asks instructions, 23, 29, 35, 61, 65, 101. 
 
 advises defensive measures, 62. 
 
 advises negotiation with Britain as blind, 66. 
 
 announces events ready for Monroe, 158. 
 
 account of negotiation, 162, 173. 
 
 advises seizure of Floridas, 201. 
 
 begins making propositions, 51. 
 
 bewails lack of instructions, 97. 
 
 communicates with First Consul direct, 65, 99, 1 15. 
 
 convinces Frenchmen, 50, 157. 
 
 discusses right of deposit, 91. 
 
 explains activity pending Monroe's arrival, 147. 
 
 explains letter to Monroe, 267. 
 
 first memoir, 36. 
 
 gets ear of First Consul, 65. 
 
 incites English opposition, 10. 
 
 makes many converts, 50, 65. 
 
 his medium is Joseph Bonaparte, 59. 
 
 makes converts of entire court, 115, 157. 
 
 midnight letter, 159. 
 
 outwits French minister, 160. 
 
 persistency Avith First Consul, 140. 
 
 .presents another memoir, 66, 71, 82, 103, 108. 
 
 remarks at signing treaty, 291. 
 
 error in his commission, 221. 
 
 replies to strictures on memoir, 266. 
 
 recites the moving causes, 187-189. 
 
 seeks to alarm England, 21. 
 
 severe exijostulations of, 149. 
 
 suggests Natchez as depot, 20. 
 
 suggests trans-Mississippi expansion, 83. 
 
 to Joseph Bonaparte, 82. 
 
 to Talleyrand, 153. 
 Louisiana, cession of whole not anticipated at Washington, 199. 
 
 first proposition by Talleyrand, 157. 
 
 First Consul prepares to take possession, 50. 
 
 reasons why France should not possess, 16. 
 
 Talleyrand offers the whole, 159. 
 
 would not be profitable to France, 39. 
 
 M. 
 
 Madison approves purchase, 223. / 
 criticises Livingston, 226. 
 observations on proposed treaty, 129. 
 
INDEX. 297 
 
 Madison discusses Spain's opposition, 247. 
 West Florida, 275. 
 explains why instructions were limited, 223. 
 on causes, twenty-eight years later, 291. 
 outlines treaty, 127. 
 protests to Spanish Government, 63. 
 replies to Spanish minister, 244. 
 Marbois deputed to treat, 163. 
 Maritime powers compared, 72. 
 Memoirs of Livingston, 36, 71, 103, 108. 
 Merchant marine, French interest in, 37. 
 Monroe's appointment a disadvantage, 115. 
 Monroe and Livingston's joint report, 191. 
 arrives in London, 227. 
 
 at Havre, 159. 
 complains of Livingston, 164. 
 differs with Livingston, 218. 
 interview with First Consul, 229. 
 journal of the negotiation, 165. 
 letter to Virginia Senators, 203. 
 mission to Spain suspended, 241. 
 nomination of, Livingston informed, 69. 
 
 reasons for, 68, 96, 114. 
 predicts long delay in negotiations, 138. 
 proceeds to London, 217. 
 and Livingston equal in rank, 222. 
 recites incidents of negotiation, 227, 231. 
 his participation limited, 267. 
 to Jefferson, on situation, 136. 
 Motive of First Consul for selling, 187, 203, 225, 231, 268, 291. 
 
 N. 
 
 Natchez suggested as substitute for New Orleans, 20, 23. 
 Navigation of Florida rivers sought, 22. 
 
 Mississippi, a treaty right, 27, 30. 
 guaranteed, 26. 
 indefeasible right to, 125. 
 its importance, 84. 
 treaty obligations of Spain, 31. 
 Negotiations for the Floridas postponed, 247. 
 
 with France, Livingston's account of, 172. 
 
 on before Monroe is presented, 163. 
 with Britain authorized, 180. 
 Nemour's interest sought by Jefferson, 18. 
 
 New Orleans, cession to United States suggested by Jefferson, 17. 
 and Floridas, why United States must possess, 87. 
 alone desired, 28, 34, 52, 70, 81, 84. 
 Livingston advises United State to seize, 101. 
 
 suggests independent State, 141. 
 why it should be a free port, 44. 
 New States, Jefferson oi\ admission, 236. 
 
 out of new territory inadmissible, 236. 
 Noninterference in Europe, policy of United States, 19. 
 
 H. Doc. -±31 20 
 
298 INDEX. 
 
 Penal colony, Louisiana suggested for, 13, 15. 
 Politics of Europe, Livingston on, 58. 
 Possession, articles of exchange of, 286. 
 
 of Louisiana by United States ordered, 265. 
 Powers of United States ministers insufficient, 172. 
 President's message to extra session, 251. 
 
 on taking possession, 285. 
 Price, eighty millions agreed on, 168. 
 
 First Consul asks one hundred millions, 161. 
 Jefferson discusses, 95. 
 
 places limit on, 133. 
 Marbois names eighty millions, 162, 166. 
 Proclamation of Governor Claiborne, 288. 
 Protection to American commerce, 12. 
 Purchase not authorized by Constitution, 235. 
 
 of whole not anticipated by Administration, 199. 
 why made, 191. 
 
 R. 
 
 Ratification by Congress, 260. 
 
 vote on, 262. 
 
 French government notified, 264. 
 Livingston urges haste, 208, 211. 
 Reticence of French Government, 35, 61. 
 Rivers of Florida, navigation of, 86. 
 
 S. 
 
 Sale determined before Monroe's arrival, 267. 
 of territory beneath dignity of France, 103. 
 when determination was taken, 232, 267. 
 Secrecy and duplicity of French minister, 11. 
 remonstrance of Livingston, 14. 
 Separate government for Western people, 124, 141, 234, 274. 
 Slave labor indispensable, 38, 43. 
 Spain's guaranty of United States right to deposit, 34. 
 
 Spanish Government opposes cession to United States, 233, 239, 242-243, 245. 
 opposition, French minister replies, 249. 
 withdrawn, 290. 
 
 Talleyrand guarantees payment of claims, 142. 
 
 offers Louisiana, 159. 
 Talleyrand's hostility, attempt to placate, 19. 
 
 profession of friendliness, 152. 
 
 promise of satisfaction, 151. 
 Territorial extension disavowed, 59. 
 The garden episode, 160. 
 Trade with Americans forbidden, 57. 
 
 on Mississippi, value of, 64. 
 Treaties forwarded to Washington, 209. 
 
INDEX. 299 
 
 Treaty, difficulties after signing, 210. 
 
 of purchase, full text, 253. 
 
 of 1778 cited, 26. 
 
 outlined by Livingston, 90. 
 by Madison, 127. 
 
 rights of United States in Mississippi, 30. 
 Trans-Mississippi territory not desired by United States, 28, 34, 52, 59. 
 Troops ordered to New Orleans, 263-265. 
 
 U. 
 
 United States, destiny in balance, 69, 97. 
 
 will maintain her rights, Jefferson, 95. 
 
 V. 
 
 Value of Louisiana, by Jefferson, 221, 274. 
 by First Consul, 214. 
 prevalent French ideas, 20. 
 to United States, 194. 
 
 W. 
 
 War between France and England imminent, 146. 
 
 cloud appears, 51. 
 
 declared by France, 207. 
 
 with United States, possession of Louisiana can alone avert, 97. 
 
 with France, United States will be ready for, 88. 
 
 will result from French occupation of Louisiana, 18 
 Western commerce affected by, 126. 
 Western people, predilections of, 124. 
 Western independent state, 124, 141, 234, 274. 
 
 o 
 
/ 
 
 
 4