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 THE DESECRATION OF OUR HOMES. 
 
 "JBe it ever so htiinble, there 's no place liJce Botnei" 
 
 The issue between the President of the United States and Congress, 
 on the prerogative of the President to use the army of the United 
 States at the polls, and on the right of the Federal executive and 
 judicial authorities to interfere at elections in the several States, 
 has been raised and encouraged by reckless partisans for selfish 
 purposes. Through it, they hope to carry the North. The}' have no 
 expectations at the South. The vetoes are intended to inflame and 
 madden the people, to divide their vote, and to excite them to break 
 down and destroy' the power of pi'otecting propert}' and homes, now 
 vested in the several States, to the end that monopolies, which 
 through division of the people have grown strong, may be placed 
 bej'ond local control, and so that the liberties of the people may be 
 more easily taken from them. Our fathers believed that our govern- 
 ment should be brought as near home as possible ; that the perma- 
 nence of our free institutions depended on the protection of homes, 
 and that the general government should be controlled by local 
 influences near the homes of the people. They therefore gave only 
 limited powers to the Federal Government. Even within the States, 
 the tenure of nearly every local office is made dependent on the will 
 of the people of the locality. Our people have derived their unex- 
 ampled prosperit}' from local protection, and this has been secured 
 b}' a nice balancing of local authorities, each against the other. The 
 Republican party has become a mere tool in the interest of giant 
 monopolies. Its sole present aspiration seems to be to break down 
 and destro}' local protection, so that they ma}-, with greater impu- 
 nit}', lev}- tribute on the industries, labors and accumulations of the 
 people, and utterly destroy the conservative influence of homes. The 
 leaders are, man}' of them, personalh^ interested in schemes for the 
 wholesale plunder of the people, and manage to secure large portions 
 of the spoils. The}' seek to remove protection and redress as far 
 from the homes of the people as possible, and to make it as costly as 
 they can. By means of the madness engendered through sectional 
 
 [Copyright by Mcnroe Stevens, 1870.] 
 
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 strife, monopolies as broad as the land itself, have been suffered to 
 grow and gather strength, and to obtain control of the general gov- 
 ernment. Intelligent and patriotic men have united in their pro- 
 tests. At the polls, the further success of their schemes have been 
 rendered doubtful ; and. in utter desperation, they ai-e now prepared 
 to inaugurate new schemes to utterl}- destroj- the influeuce of home, 
 by removing from those homes means of redress. They now seek to 
 destroy' the nice balance of power which alone has secured homes 
 and prosperity to the people ; to crush out local authority, which 
 alone has held monopolies in cheek ; and to concentrate in the Fed- 
 eral executive ;ind judiciary, and in officers appointed by them, the 
 control of our liberties and fortunes. The Republican party has 
 succeeded in inaugurating a president not elected by the people, but 
 who holds his office by the decision of judicial officers. These judic- 
 ial officers are not appointed by the people, but hold office for life, 
 and use it against them ; and to these officers, irresponsible to the 
 people, the leaders of this part}- are transfering the powers usurped. 
 The people of the North maj- well be proud of their public schools, 
 and of their general system of education. But, to a maddened and 
 bewildered people, even learning and intelligence become snares. 
 Know not the intelligent that anger and rage render men blind to 
 reason and deaf to common sense ? And these crafty partisans pur- 
 poselv incite these passions to confuse and bewilder the people, so 
 that the}- may not realize that it is becoming less and less possible 
 for honest merit and sterling industr}- to acquire a competence, or a 
 home, or even to hold those riglits and privileges alread}- earned bv 
 the sweat of the brow. Why will the people shut their e3-es, when 
 cunning, craft, fraud and gambling, instead of honest labor and ster- 
 ling integrity, bring wealth and affiuence? Not inflamed with pas- 
 sion, the people would see that constant application to business and 
 honest industr}- secure no adequate rewards, while greedy favoritism 
 and grasping combinations bring these partisans colossal fortunes. 
 Men enraged by sectional strife and passion totally neglect matters 
 near their homes, which most concern their temporal happiness. As 
 a natural consequence of this neglect, the burdens on honest indus- 
 try are constantly increasing, and are becoming too heavy to be 
 borne. Already industry is neglected. Many men, who. a few- 
 years ago, were hard working and industrious, under the policy 
 of these unscrupulous partizans, have become totally demoralized, 
 and now, neglecting their useful callings, march as tramps up and 
 down the land. Large classes of men are laying aside their settled 
 
habits of industiy , and in despair of obtaining an honest livelihood by 
 their individual exertions, are forced to assist unscrupulous and dis- 
 honest men in firmly fastening systems of monopoly, absolutel}' de- 
 structive to individual enterprise, upon the land. Millions of men 
 now hang as parasites and helpless dependents on some odious mo- 
 nopol}' or corporation, — monsters which have no body, no soul, no 
 other instinct or attribute than to rob, plunder and extort from men 
 and women their hard-earned wages. And these monsters are to be 
 placed be3'ond the control of the people. Created originally as their 
 servants, they are fast becoming their masters ; and the partizans, 
 who incite strife and rage among the people, are well rewarded 
 agents for destroying their liberties and fortunes. It is time men 
 ceased their senseless rage. Either this country- will become one 
 great s^'stem of monstrous monopolies upon which men and women 
 will hang as miserable parasites and abject dependents, or else this 
 strife must cease, and men must mutually unite to protect their re- 
 spective liberties, fortunes and homes. 
 
 What an outburst of patriotic enthusiasm our civil war developed. 
 The war found the people of the North industrious, contented and 
 happy. The fondest aspiration of the Northern freeman was to pos- 
 sess a home of his own, well guarded b}' local institutions. It was 
 the leading instinct of the Northern laborer. The very occasion of 
 the war was an attempt on the part of slaveholders to use the cen- 
 tralized power of the Federal government to check their instincts of 
 freedom, to make it lawful to hold slaves in au}^ part of the Union. 
 Did not Robert Toombs declare that he would call the roll of his 
 slaves on Bunker Hill? The early Republican part}- was the strong 
 advocate for local rights and local protection. On the statute books 
 of many Northern States, personal liberty bills still stand unrepealed 
 as enduring monuments of its early devotion to State rights. How 
 clamored the Republican part}* when, at the time of the rendition of 
 the negro Burns, Federal dragoons marched with cannons primed and 
 rifles loaded through State street at Boston. At that time, homes 
 were well secured, and men were contented and happy. Out of this 
 issue of State rights, originated the rebellion. The South demanded 
 Federal interference within the State. The North contended for local 
 self-government. The early Republican party was the champion for 
 free labor, free homes and for free soil. Whence the change? 
 
 The enthusiasm of the people did not extend to the monopolist. 
 They had acquired a habit of encroaching on the people's rights. 
 They had acquired their monopolies little by little from grants of 
 
State legislatures, often through combinations of persons, each of 
 wiioni desired a small privilege. The one bargained with the others, 
 anil little privileges were from time to time bartered awa}-. Contin- 
 ued success rendered the monopolists bold. Corrupt bargains were 
 made, until now railroad monopolists openly boast that •' every etfort 
 had to control railroads by means of legislation, ended in the railroads 
 buyiug up the legislators." And other monopolists make similar 
 assertions. The schemes of the monopolists were against the com- 
 mon rights of the people. Seasons of popular discord and strife are 
 their periods of harvest. The great civil war was their opportunity, 
 and they improved it. Monopolies, granted in trust for the people, 
 and for their benefit, were converted into instruments of extortion. 
 Men implored patriotic assistance. The monopolists, possessing a 
 large balance of power, held aloof for a trade beneficial to their own 
 interests. They received bids from both parties. The price de- 
 manded was excessive, but the party who ultimately secured their 
 assistance might win. The North offered tlie most favorable terms. 
 The people were obliged to pledge to them the entire gold and silver 
 income of the country. The bargain was concluded, their agents 
 were placed over the Federal treasury to ensure the performance of 
 their forced bargains. No gold or silver remained for the soldiers. 
 They thus forced upon the country a paper currency. Gold flowed 
 into their coffers, and was freely used to increase and strengthen 
 their monopolies, while paper money alone was left for the soldiers 
 and laborers of the country. The combination was successful. Gold 
 and silver were taken from the people. Having secured it, they 
 entered into a vast conspiracy to plunder and enslave the people. 
 They had control of the National treasury. Having forced the issue 
 of paper money, they, \\ hile the gold was in their possession, forced 
 a contraction. Silver was demonetized. The paper money, after 
 having stimulated prices, was withdrawn by taxation on the indus- 
 tries alone, while the bonded debt, already in their hands, was in- 
 creased. More elfectually than by fire and sword, they deliberately 
 proceeded to deprive men and women of their fortunes and their 
 homes. Fire and the sword actually destroy, but these monopolists 
 did not destroy, but gathered in and foreclosed as their property the 
 homes and industries of the people. Now, eithir in mortgage or in 
 fee, they own many of our homes, control our business, and render 
 waixes for labor so low as barelv to save the laborer from starvation. 
 Nearlv one-half of the available land of this country is now so held. 
 
The records of title are open to the people, who may see for them- 
 selves, yet intelligent men, blind with sectional rage, close their eyes. 
 Well did Bancroft, the historian, while reviewing the history of 
 this country, recalling the oppressions which corporations, during its 
 early days, put upon the people, utter these prophetic words of 
 Avarning, "Corporate ambition is deaf to mercy and insensible to 
 shame." To the student of our early history, it excites no wonder 
 that our fathers hated the name, " corporation," and that at the time 
 of the Revolution, the influence of corporations had almost disap- 
 peared. So few and so bereft of political power were they, that in 
 framing our Federal Constitution, our fathers, forgetful of their past 
 usurpations, neglected to guard their posterit}' against their shame- 
 ful avarice and corruption. Afterwards, during the early days of 
 our great enterprises, corporations were created solely to save public- 
 spirited citizens from ruin and bankruptcy' through the possible fail- 
 ure of uncertain enterprises of great public advantage. Men were 
 willing to risk limited sums in a doubtful enterprise for the public 
 good, but were not willing to bankrupt themselves. The enterprises 
 were often successful. On their success, the then limited liability 
 should have ceased. Stockholders, as well as other contractors, 
 should have been held to contracts made for their benefit. No more 
 immortal monsters should have been created to destroy mortal man. 
 But a precedent had been established, and unscrupulous men seized 
 the opportunity. The genius of Daniel Webster was retained, and 
 in an evil moment for this country, he induced the Supreme Court of 
 the United States to decide that a charter of a corporation was a 
 contract with the State that chartered it. Our fathers, for the pro- 
 tection of honest dealing between men, introduced into the Federal 
 Constitution a provision that " No State should pass a law impair- 
 ing the obligation of contracts." The framers of the Constitution 
 here had utterl}- failed. An opening was made to let in fraud and 
 corruption. The plague which afflicted their fathers, now afflicts 
 their children. The doctrine of the Supreme Court was extended to 
 all corporate charters. The corporation was held able to receive 
 grants from the State. Its charter was uniformly held to be a con- 
 tract between it and the State creating it. It was adjudged 
 capable of accepting all laws enacted in its favor, and to receive the 
 benefit of such laws as additional grants, but it was not bound by 
 laws detrimental to its pecuniar}' interest, or its vested monopol}'. 
 Laws accepted, were held to increase its chartered right. Laws 
 
which narrowed its monopoly, were held to be laws impairing the ob- 
 ligations of contracts, and therefore of no effect. A corporation 
 could accept and receive new rights and privileges taken from the 
 people, but however injurious to the people their exercise might be, 
 neither Congress nor the States, under the ruling of the Courts, could 
 annul or abrogate them. Corporations became snares for destroying 
 the liberties of the people. Ever}- privilege and liberty once surren- 
 dered to a corporation, b}' the rulings of the Federal Courts, was 
 lost to the people forever. 
 
 Under the Federal Constitution, the power to define its meaning, 
 and the meaning of laws of Congress made thereunder, as well as 
 the power to annul any State law upon the ground that it conflicts 
 with the Constitution, has been vested in the arbitrar}- discretion of 
 Federal judges. They may, b}' their judgments, deny and destroj- 
 the rights of men far more effectually than corrupt legislators. Their 
 construction ma}- make good laws full of evil. The}' may absolutely 
 dictate Congress. They annul laws at their discretion, and destroy 
 and undermine the reserved liberties of the people. Over these 
 judges, the people practically have no control. Once in office, their 
 title is made more secure than that of European potentates. Neith- 
 er the States, nor the people, nor their representatives in the popu- 
 lar branch of Congress, have any direct voice inr their appointment. 
 The power to nominate these judges is now vested in the President 
 alone. Under such a secure title, possessing such unbounded pow- 
 ers, if corrupt or mad, they are dangerous to the liberties of the peo- 
 ple. To their mad and corrupt rulings in favor of monopolists of 
 human labor, more than to any other cause, do we owe the rebellion. 
 Under their rulings in the Dred Scott case, people, human beings, — 
 men who were born free in a Northern State and educated in its 
 schools, — whose fathers heroically fought in the war for Independ- 
 ence and died in its cause, — who were people of the State within 
 which they lived at the time of the adoption of the Constitution and 
 among those who ordained it, — were declared not to be citizens of 
 the United States, and because they were not citizens, not entitled 
 to the protection of Federal Courts. They were declared aliens 
 without a country, although born and bred amongst us. Who will 
 dare to say that the Supreme Court of the United States did not 
 then strike at the liberties of the people, and did not then inflame 
 the monopolists of labor to rebellion? And decision after decision 
 in the interest of monopolies, have been made against the people. 
 While under their decisions, the descendants of the patriot colored 
 
heroes of our Revolution were excluded from these Courts, because 
 thej were adjudged not citizens, another class of fictitious persons, 
 without souls, without bodies, or an}' other human attribute except 
 avarice, and an inherent instinct to extort, were admitted before 
 these Courts in full standing. Corporations, on their charters alone, 
 without association with men, appear before such Courts as privil- 
 eged citizens, and engross most of their attention to the exclusion 
 of real citizens. These Courts are almost devoted to enhancing and 
 fostering monopolies. Libertj'-loving members of Congress are now 
 endeavoring to protect poor men from being dragged, at the instance 
 of these monopolists, before these Courts where it is impossible to 
 obtain justice, but their humane efforts have been rendered nugatory 
 b}' partizans who are engaged in inflaming sectional strife and hatred 
 among the people. The practice of these Courts has been made dif- 
 ficult, costly and tedious, and utterly bej'ond the reach of honest 
 people. Men and women are mortal, and short periods of action 
 are left to them, while by the decisions of these Courts, the corpo- 
 ration is blessed with immortal life, and may, while subsisting on 
 the plunder of the people, continue the work of subverting their lib- 
 erties for generation after generation. During the short period 
 allotted to human life, men and women have no opportunity' to 
 secure protection. And liberty after libert}', privilege after priv- 
 ilege, immunit}' after immunity, are destro3'ed, while on the plunder 
 obtained, war is incessantl}' waged against the people. Nothing is 
 clearer than that these fictitious persons should have no standing 
 in Federal Courts. And corporations created in one State, pursue 
 their plunder in all others. And these partizans, who inflame the 
 people to sectional discord and hate, are men who share this s^'S- 
 tematic plunder. 
 
 And these partizans have so far succeeded in their usurpations, 
 that the chair of the President of the United States is no longer filled 
 by the election of the people, but b}- the appointment of these judges. 
 The Federal judges appoint the President, and the President in his 
 turn nominates the Federal judges. Two branches of our National 
 Government are now run in defiance of the people. And these par- 
 tizans accomplished the usurpation while the people were blind with 
 sectional rage. 
 
 To detail all the rulings in favor of monopolies, and against the 
 people, rendered b}- these Courts as the law of the land, beginning 
 with those eai'ly made in the interests of monopolists of inventions, 
 where the very spirit of the Constitution was set at naught, and the 
 
8 
 
 inventor, instead of receiving the money paid b}' the people for the 
 use of his invention, was, if fortunate, compelled to be satisfied with 
 the crumbs which fell from the hands of monopolists, who. under the 
 decisions of these Courts, had acquired the control of his invention, 
 and for their own use, were permitted to levy unconsionable tribute 
 on the people, little of which enured to the inventor, and ending with 
 the late decision of the Supreme Court in favor of Pacific Railroad 
 monopolists, where land of greater extent than is contained within 
 the bounds often sovereign States, which had been granted to these 
 monopolists upon the express understanding that the land should, 
 after a certain period, be open to pre-emption to actual settlers for 
 homes, at the Government price per acre, were declared discharged 
 of the trust. — to detail them all. would excite intense indignation. 
 It would occupy volumes. The rulings of these Courts have almost 
 invariably been in favor of monopolists, and against the people. The 
 greenback, the only money received by our soldiers for their pay. 
 only escaped judicial repudiation by packing the Supreme Court with 
 judges fresh from the people. The people must not depend upon 
 Courts as now constituted for the preservation of their property and 
 their homes. In the interests of grasping monopolies, they wage an 
 unrelenting war upon the people. 
 
 And now new combinations in the interests of these monopolists 
 have been formed to break down the powers of the direct represent- 
 atives of the States, and of the people of the several States in Con- 
 gress. Under the Constitution, and within its scope. Congress is 
 the sovereign power of the nation. To two-thirds of both branches 
 of Congress is exclusively entrusted the absolute power to make any 
 Constitutional law ; to provide and create all inferior Courts, and to 
 provide the sole manner and methods of securing to the people the 
 use of any Federal Court ; to deprive the Supreme Court of all 
 appellate jurisdiction ; to remove at their own will and discretion by 
 impeachment, any Federal oflacer, even to the I'resident himself, and 
 to render him ineligible for re-election ; to take from the President 
 the power to nominate all inferior officers, even perhafis to the Judg- 
 es of the Supreme Court, for by the very words of the Constitution 
 it is not certain that they are not included in the catalogue of infe- 
 rior officers, and to vest the power of ai)pointment in the heads of 
 departments created by themselves ; :m<l even the .sovereign power 
 to propose amendments to the Constitution itself, which on ratifica- 
 tion within three-fourths of the States, might abolish every office. 
 These powers are all entrusted by tlie Constitution to Congress, and 
 
over their exercise as they see fit, no executive or judicial officer 
 has any voice or control whatever. Yet even with these high sover- 
 eign powers, Congress is but the agent of the States, for on appli- 
 cation of two-thirds of the States, Congress is required to call a 
 Constitution Convention, composed of delegates selected by the sev- 
 eral States, to propose amendments, which, on the ratification b}' 
 three-fourths of the States, ma}' abolish even Congress itself. 
 , The Congress in which such high and sovereign powers are invest- 
 ed, is composed of a Senate, whose members stand in the place of 
 the States, which, in all matters, not within the purview of the Con- 
 stitution, are sovereign within their territories, and a House of Rep- 
 resentatives, whose members stand in the place of the people within 
 the several Congressional Districts of each State. Each State, and 
 the people of each District, stand represented in Congress b}' 
 men pledged to protect local interests. The people cannot all 
 gather at an assembl}*. It would be too vast for business, so 
 delegates must be selected to act for them. Congress thus repre- 
 sents the will of the assembled people of the several States, on 
 national matters entrusted to them by the Constitution. And in 
 order that the will of the people of the localit}' should be expressed, 
 and that local interests should be guarded, thej' should be permitted 
 to choose their delegates without the interference of other States or 
 other people. Otherwise there can be no true representation. To 
 guard against fraudulent usurpation in the State, and to exclude the 
 necessity of any Federal interference whatever, each branch of Con- 
 gress is made the final and conclusive judge of the election and re- 
 turns of its own members. If the election be unfairl}- conducted , 
 Congress is the sole judge, and ma}' exclude or expel a member so 
 chosen. To the other branches of the Federal Government no su- 
 pervisory powers are granted, for under the Constitution, the repre- 
 sentatives are apportioned among the several States, the persons 
 entitled to vote are designated by the law of the State in which the 
 election occurs, the election is called l)y State officers, and the dele- 
 gates chosen receive their certificates of election from the Executive 
 of such State. Nothing is left to be performed by the Federal Ex- 
 ecutive or judicial officers. 
 
 And to this independent and sovereign Congress our fathers in- 
 trusted the powers named in the Constitution. These powers were 
 designed to be used for the preservation of State sovereignties, and 
 to secure home governments through the States for the people. It 
 was intended to intrust matters, of great national interest alone, to 
 
10 
 
 Congress, and to intrust to the States the independent administra- 
 tion and control of local matters. It was intended to render men as 
 free as possible from govermental restraint ; to render their homes 
 secure ; to bring redress for their grievances to their very doors. 
 Our fathers had no conception of the result of their work. Retiring- 
 genius was encouraged, and through its labors, new national inter- 
 ests have arisen as broad as the country itself, and against the 
 usurpation of which, the sovereign powers of the States have proved 
 utterly inadequate to protect the people. Congress had no power 
 to legislate on the subject. New laws were necessar}-, and these 
 laws were established by adventurers, and afterwards were sustained 
 as laws by the Federal Courts. The Federal judiciary have really 
 made more laws than Congress itself, and some of their laws have 
 proved oppressive to the people, and destructive of their liberties. 
 
 The introduction of the railroad marked an epoch in our history. 
 It soon became apparent that interests were created too extensive for 
 local control. Upon vast, but disconnected lines, our people became 
 dependent for their daily bread. Under the Federal Constitution, 
 the early construction and operation of railroads were left to the 
 control of the several States within which the}- were located, and by 
 the several States the work was intrusted to private corporations, 
 whose powers were limited to their particular line of road within the 
 State ; the State intending to retain powers of supervision sufficient 
 to protect the people. But the railroads became national necessi- 
 ties, and beyond local control. As well might a State attempt to 
 control the ocean, as an extended line of commerce over connected 
 roads lying in different States. Our fathers, while framing the Con- 
 stitution, had no conceptions of railroads, but they saw that the free 
 government that they had inaugurated would stimulate individual 
 genius to mighty efforts, unfolding vast changes. They therefore 
 provided that the Federal Constitution could be amended. So 
 strongly were they impressed with the necessity of future amend- 
 ments, that the power of proposing them was not only extended to 
 Congress, but was also, in case of their ueglect or refusal, reserved 
 to the States themselves, through their Legislatures. Amendments 
 to meet and control the developments of genius, which, when unregu- 
 lated, are always monopolized by adventurers, and turned against 
 the people, were esteemed necessary to the preservation of the liber- 
 ties and homes of the people, and to the perpetuation of the Federal 
 Union. Our fathers have told us in the Constitution itself, that if 
 llie peopU- wished U) remain free, they must, when the necessities 
 
11 
 
 require it, amend the Federal Constitution, and this power is in no 
 WKj intrusted to the Federal Executive and judiciar}-. And with 
 good reason, for the encroachments to be dreaded loere executive and 
 judicial encroachments, and therefore all power of interference was 
 absolutely denied to them. 
 
 Under the laws as prescribed in the Federal Constitution, no 
 means for regulating the consolidation of lines of commerce over 
 disconnected roads were provided. Power was invested neither in 
 the nation, nor in the several States. By judicial decisions, both 
 Congress and the States were denied the power. But such consolid- 
 ation was a national and an inevitable necessity. What could not 
 be done lawfully, was of necessity to be performed. And it was ac- 
 complished by adventurers, whose success was accomplished revo- 
 lution. The Courts, bewildered, were induced to affirm hasty and 
 ill-considered opinions. They were forced to depart from the letter 
 and spirit of the law. Amidst their embarrassments all was novel. 
 There were no well-considered precedents. — no beacon lights of his- 
 tory appeared to guide the upright judge. It was a period of change 
 and confusion. Conservative stockholders, fearing the untried fu- 
 ture, fought against the inevitable. The meetings of stockholders 
 became stormy. The adventurers caring for no law, were often 
 equal to every emergenc}'. New methods for controlling corporation 
 meetings were devised. Merchants and traders favored consolida- 
 tion. It secured econom}- and despatch in extended trade. Com- 
 merce knows no humanity, no liberty, no human rights. In com- 
 merce, the weak are alwa^'s the victims of the strong. The system 
 of selling stocks on margins was devised to control the officers of 
 railroad corporations. Stocks were sold for a small advance, and 
 pledged for the ])alance of the purchase money. By this means, 
 many votes were procured for a small price. In mercantile commu- 
 nities, judges often upheld and encouraged the schemes. At corpo- 
 ration meetings, the adventurers often secured its offices. Once in 
 office they encouraged reckless speculation. When appeals were 
 made to the law, justice was tardy. Interested judges dela3-ed the 
 day of trial, and honest judges, confused, knew not how to decide. 
 Control once obtained of contiguous roads, speedy consolidation was 
 accomplished, while judges remained bewildered. Having obtained 
 control of trunk lines, tariffs were modified, despatch was secured, 
 and merchants, traders and the people were temporarily benefited. 
 Through high salaries and discriminating tariffs, the officers and 
 their confederates were enabled to support and pay the margins. 
 
12 
 
 The result -was apparent relief to the merchant, the trader and the 
 people, and the}-, satisfied with teinporar\- relief, acquiesced in the 
 revolution. 
 
 The contest continued within the corporation. Between the hona- 
 fide stockholders and the adventurers war was still waged. Pos- 
 sessed of temporar}' support, the adventurers assailed the rights of 
 the stockholders, and usurped their powers. In their interest, 
 mortgages of the road were made, and stocks were watered. The 
 original stockholders could find no redress. The adventurers had 
 little interest in the. permanent value of the stocks; their interests 
 were better subserved by making their value unstable. The courts 
 still confused, often sustained the officers in their ag^grression. Busi- 
 ness was no longer transacted openl}-, but at private meetings of the 
 officers. Fictitious dividends, not earned in legitimate business, 
 were declared, to delude the disfranchised stockholders. Divisions 
 were inflamed among the stockholders themselves. Slowly and 
 surelv the adventurers narrowed the powers of the stockholders. 
 Paper money was purposely depreciated to effectuate their design. 
 Dividends remained nominally the same, so that the stockholders 
 were not alarmed. They fancied the depreciation wholl}' the result 
 of the war. Whole lines of road fell under the control of the ad- 
 venturers. And once established in power, through ruinous compe- 
 tition the consolidation of other railroads was effected, and all fell 
 under their control. The adventurers are now styled railroad kings. 
 Through the price of bread they ma}- now control the people. 
 
 The adventurers who declaim so loudly about a repudiation on 
 the part of the people, never threatened by them, and about defraud- 
 ing widows and orphans, ruthlessly destroy the value of their stocks. 
 They have occasioned more loss to honest people, and more demor- 
 alization among them, than wholesale repudiation. The swindled 
 stockholders are frightened by shadows of a general repudiation, yet 
 under the present .system, it is only a matter of time when their own 
 shares will be foreclosed. The stockholders' only hope is in making 
 a common cause with the people against the adventurers, who, by 
 exciting mutual fears and dissensions, are robbing both the stock- 
 holders and the people. 
 
 Prior to the Civil War. the Federal Courts had hewed out for the 
 adventurers a path uncontrolled either by National or State author- 
 ity. Among the local banking institutions, created to stimulate and 
 encourage home industry, the adventurers found implacable oppo- 
 nents. Designed to meet their bills at sight, these bauks stoutly 
 
13 
 
 maintained railroad stocks at stable prices. Tliese stocks were fa- 
 vorite assets for banking securities. While stocks were so held by 
 the banks, the}' were unavailable for the adventurers' purposes, so 
 the}- sought to substitute other securities in their stead, in order 
 that these stocks should be released and thrown on the market as 
 speculative merchandise. 
 
 During the war the Government needed money. Public clamor, 
 artfully inflamed by the adventurers, demanded pecuniary assistance 
 from the local banks. Banks, as then organized, devoted their whole 
 capital to stimulate and encourage local industry. The v,ar in- 
 creased the demand for these purposes. Armies w^ere to be equipped, 
 transported and fed. Most of this was done in the first instance b}^ 
 private enterprise. The banks themselves had no means to assist 
 the Government, and at the same time to honor their bills. Pres- 
 sure was brought against them through our Legislatures. The 
 banks, in order to lend to the Government, were forced to leave 
 their bills dishonored. They were authorized still to circulate all 
 their bills as money, and to continue their business of discounting 
 notes. Greenbacks became common, and floated at par with their 
 dishonored bills. When discounted notes became due, no law re- 
 leased makers and endorsers from prompt pajment. They were 
 paid with greenbacks and bank notes indiscriminately. The green- 
 backs were invested in interest-bearing Government obligations. 
 The bank bills were lent again on new discounts. The process con- 
 tinued until the banks had accumulated bonds of nearly equal value 
 to their bank bills floating in the community. The original assets 
 remained untouched. They had acquired Government Bonds, in ad- 
 dition, equal to their bank bills in circulation. Had they been com- 
 pelled to sell their bonds and pa}' their own notes, they might per- 
 haps have made treble interest, but beyond, they would have had 
 only their original capital stock. They could have commenced bank- 
 ing again as before the war, but this would not have suited the 
 adventurers. The stock would not have been thrown upon the 
 market. This the adventurers determined to force, no matter at 
 what cost to the people. 
 
 And they accomplished it effectually through the National Bank- 
 ing system. Under it, the Government discounted their own obli- 
 gations in National Bank bills to the banks for nothing, and yet 
 paid gold interest on the discounted bonds deposited to secure their 
 return. With these bills the banks retired their floating bills. The 
 original assets were now no longer required. The adventurers had 
 
14 
 
 secured their object. Local hank hills were subjected to heavy tax- 
 ation, and forced from circulation. And the railroad stocks, being 
 no longer required as assets, became speculative merchandise. 
 
 Hugh M'Culloch, late Secretary of the Treasury, and the efficient 
 promoter of the national banking system, now openly urges the dis- 
 franchisement of the victims of his policy. Thoroughly devoted to 
 the work of establishing European systems of finance in this country, 
 the only intent of which, are permanently to enrich the few and to 
 impoverish and enslave the many, he would deprive the wronged and 
 injured of any means of redress through the ballot. Under his poli- 
 cy, already adopted, the number of the homeless are rapidly increas- 
 ing. His complete success will end our Republic and involve all in 
 one common ruin. No lesson in history is more conclusively taught. 
 A similar policy ruined the once enterprising Italian republics of 
 the Middle ages, and plunged the people of Spain, then the mistress 
 of the world, into a condition little above barbarism. It has been 
 shown that his national banking policy permitted banks to obtain 
 gold interest on their deposited bonds, "together with their issues of 
 bank hills, almost without cost or exertion. Banking is now prose- 
 cuted on the people's capital, and the interest on the bonds depos- 
 ited, and the profits on the bank bills issued, belong justly to the 
 people alone. The system is thoroughly dishonest, and it has cor- 
 rupted the heretofore' honest bankers. It has bred fraudulent for- 
 tunes, corrupted \ipright men, and upset honest industry. It has 
 compelled honest men and patriots to consolidate themselves into a 
 new party in the interests of humanity. This party challenges in- 
 vestigation, and seeks to avoid error. Its members are banded in a 
 common cause to protect each other, and to disarm senseless preju- 
 dice. And thoroughly in earnest, neither "the flaunting of the 
 bloody shirt" nor the false cry of *'gold and honest money,' can 
 nuuh longer deceive the people. 
 
 The local bank securities being no longer required, were put on 
 the market and excited the wildest speculation. The adventurers, 
 througli their system of margins, were, from time to time, eualiled to 
 control the meetings of any corporation. By detail, the stockhold- 
 ers' meetings were captured, and adventurers secured the offices. 
 The process has for some time been carried on. until the adventur- 
 ers, through the supply of the necessaries of life, have nearly control 
 of the country. The process has been carried on in detail, and can 
 only he arrested by the union of honest men. Their success has 
 been marked by the acquisition of colossal fortunes on the part of 
 the adventurer.s, and. as well by the destruction of the value of stock 
 on the part of the bona-fide holders as by the destruction of the 
 hoim-s and industries of the people. Without a prompt defeat of 
 thi'ir allies— the Republican party — the great avenues of trade will 
 fnll miller the absolute control of men of immense wealth, whose 
 extortions will bring ruin to the people, and will destroy all tlie im- 
 munities of homes. 
 
 And in the accomplishment of these usurpations, the Federal 
 
15 
 
 Courts, in whose care and keeping tlie outer bulwarks, erected and 
 skilfully planned b}- our fathers for the preservation of our freedom, 
 our property and our homes, were placed, have been all important 
 factors. When in the original charter of a corporation, reservations 
 have been made in favor of the people, as for instance, when railroad 
 fares were limited, the Courts have not intervened to protect the 
 people. Such reservations, made in the charter, are subsequently 
 impaired by legislation. The charter has been pronounced by the 
 Federal Courts a contract, and the rights secured to the people are 
 secured by such contract. The people, while mad with sectional 
 rage, have' been recreant in their duties, both towards themselves and 
 their posterity, and have sutfered the emissaries of these adventurers 
 to mould legislation, and to impair the people's rights. And while 
 this was being accomplished, the judiciary, constituted as the guards 
 and watchmen of the people, have sounded no alarm. They are ar- 
 rayed against the people. They find in the precedents of European 
 despotism efficient aids in their work, and they use them unsparing- 
 ly. And while, in those European despotisms, absolute power is 
 reserved to abolish and destroy a corporation when it becomes op- 
 pressive to the people, these Courts have denied either to Congress 
 or the States, any power of relief. The legislation necessary to 
 protect the people from corporate aggression, whether enacted in a 
 State or by Congress, is immediately declared null and void. Im- 
 perialism finds in our courts of justice most efficient aids. 
 
 In the face of the fact that the people of this country possess the 
 power of the ballot, it is strange that they suffer extortion to be so 
 successfully practised. While our whole army, during the entire war 
 of the Rebellion received for their aggregate pay, but $500,000,000, 
 twenty of these adventurers may be found who have accumulated, for 
 thems^elves, wealth to an equal amount. Was the war prosecuted for 
 their benefit alone? Now the people realize the fact, will they re- 
 main inactive and suffer themselves to be bound hand and foot? 
 These immense fortunes were never gathered by fair means, l)ut 
 through extortion, through robbing the laborer of his wages, through 
 depriving the people of their property and their homes, through the 
 repudiation of contracts for the benefit of the people. If one hundred 
 working men toiled every working day for one thousand years, and 
 laid aside one dollar per day during the entire period, the aggregate 
 sum, so accumulated, would not equal the wealth of one of the ad- 
 venturers, extorted from the people since the war. Homes are 
 decreasing in numbers. Enterprises conducted by the people are 
 becoming unprofitable. Accumulated fortunes, the result of a life's 
 earnest labor, are melting as snow before the vernal sun. And yet 
 men remain blind and infatuated with prejudice and passion. 
 
 While inflaming sectional strife, the partisans are removing the 
 control of the army from the representatives of the people, so that 
 the adventurers and their confederates may be better protected and 
 sustained in their work of destruction, uml so that the liberties of 
 the people nnd the immunities of home may, one after another and 
 
16 
 
 bv detail, be destroyed. Since the war, and while people were blind 
 with passion, legislators, friendly to the schemes of the adventurers, 
 were easily elected. There could not be then, too many legislators, 
 too much legislation. Now when the people are awakening, the ad- 
 venturers have suddenly discovered we have, too many legislators, 
 too much legislation, and therefore they would abolish frequent ses- 
 sions, and frequent elections. It is well known they advocate the 
 disfranchisement of voters. The people now need honest legislators to 
 unravel the tissue of fraud pervading our law. We have had too 
 much legislation, but such legislation was in tiie interest of the ad- 
 venturers, and procured while the people were blind. The cry of 
 too much legislation, at this time, is a new fraud. The schemes of 
 the adventurers are now well laid, and the process of impoverishing 
 and rol)bing the people is now being rapidly accomplished. Procras- 
 tination is all they desire. Once enveloped in their net of fraud, 
 they expect to render the future struggles of the people, hopeless. 
 Our liberties will then be subverted. 
 
 Do any infatuated men dream, that while all others are in peril, 
 they and theirs alone are safe? Look about. Who are broken 
 down? Who are ruined and homeless? Among them, count the 
 noblest men ; they who were kindest to their dependents and em- 
 ployes ; they who loved to, see homes multiplying, and men contented 
 and happy. Go, deluded (nan! Go home to the bosom of your 
 family. Take the little ones you love so well, upon your knees. 
 Tell them how hard you are toiling for their benefit. Tell them how 
 much time, labor, cost and anxiety their education, their care and 
 their future welfare cost you. Tell them you will soon become old 
 and feeble, and may soon need their protection, as they now receive 
 yours. And then in silent communion with yourself, ask yourself 
 what you are doing for tliem. Cast aside your prejudices and ^-our 
 senseless passions, and recall how men's fortunes and men's homes 
 are falling from them. Look on the ruin inscribed on the records of 
 our Probate Courts. You have educated your children so that the 
 miseries of poverty will be harder to bear ; you have clothed them 
 in soft raiment, so'that the coarser garments will irritate their ten- 
 der tlesh ; you have bred them in luxury, so that their future want 
 may be more excruciating. To all these miseries, you may be iloom- 
 ing' your children. You are destroying the dignity of labor; you 
 are breaking duwn the spirit of manliood ; you are desecrating the 
 sanctity of homes. Oh fathers ! if you love your little ones, tear 
 from your eyes Hie scales of prejudice, do your duty as men. and 
 unborn generations will bless you. 
 
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