V* *' ^^^-^^ ^.1 '^a^ ^^-^K. V o . » • A .^°*. oV" .0 -^ \* L ' * "^ i\' »• O vO •0^ .O" %.^ -^^0^ p.'^ .•■'•4 "^ 4>* o"""* ^^ "^o^ i?-^^. •^^0^ ,^">, WJC^*" ^'^"^^ ^..:^iil^*° .^^^"^^. °oWM\¥*' A^^*^. cP\ 'bv X/W'/ v^*/ \^^^\/ %*^V \/^^\/ V .40^ * o • * • ^o. v^^^* / ^/^-^v'^. v^^'V°'' "V^^"^-',^^" -. ' ^^. ^^^ ♦>Va\ -^^ A^ ♦^fSl^'. \,/* .*^&« %-^^^ • — r.O' .» ,-*•" .' 0* »!•»' > ,-1°^ M O «J^V V"^^ ^ov^ ■^-^z ^°^ >0 ,^°^ «;\ *■-..** .-aife-. ■\,.<^* :'MS;, Xa" :W^: X/' :m&\ \.<^ .'^^•: Illustrated Topics FOR Ancient History ARRANGED BY DANIEL C. KNOWLTON, Ph. D. PUBLISHED BY McKINLEY PUBLISHING COMPANY PHILADELPHIA, PA. Copyrighr, 1913, by McKinley Publishiog Co. eniies; nor be afraid of find- ing fault with and commending the same persons at different times. For it is impossible that men engaged in public affairs should always be right, and unlikely that they sliould always be wrong. Holding ourselves, tiierefore, entirely aloof from the actors, we must as historians make statements and pronounce judgment in accordance with the actions themselves. — Trans. Schuckburgh I., Ch. 14. LIVY. (;-)<) B. C.-17 A. D.) I would have every man apply his mind seriously to consider these points, viz.: Wiiat their life and what their manners were; through what men and by what measures, both in peace and war, their empire was acquired and extended; then as disci])linc gradually di- clined, let him follow in his thoughts their morals, at first as slightly giving way, anon how they sunk more and more, then began to fall headlong, until he reaches the present times, when we can neither endure our vici's, nor their remedies. This it is which is particularly salutary and profitable in the study of history, that you behold instances of every variety of conduct displayed on a conspicuous monument; that from thence you may select for yourself and your country that which you may imitate; thence note what is shameful in the under- taking, and shameful in the result, which you may avoid. — Introduction, trans. Bolin. TACITUS. (54 A. D.-117 A. D.) . . . The memorable transactions of the old re])ublic, as well in her day of adversity, as in the tide of success. have been recorded by writers of splendid genius. Even in the time of Augu.stus there flourished a race of authors, from whose abilities that period might have received ample justice, but the spirit of adulation grow- ing epidemic, the dignity of the historic character was lost. What has been transmitted to us concerning Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius and Nero, cannot be re- ceived without great mistrust. During the lives of those emperors, fear suppressed or disfigured the truth ; and after their deaths, recent feelings gave an edge to resent- ment. For this reason, it is my intention shortly to state some particulars relating to Augustus, chiefly towards the close of his life; and thence to follow down- ward the thread of my narration through the reigns of Tiberius and his three immediate successors, free from animosity and partial affection, with the candour of a man who has no motives, either of love or hatred, to warp his integritv. — Annals, trans. Murphy, Bk. I., Ch. 1. Copyright. 19!3. McKinley Publishing Co., Philadelphia. Pa. < a c c u n t-* C/D s «4-i -^ ^ J4 it C p. I> C r-^ •^ c 'p J-, a ^ ^ (C ^ _j_, toM c w df^ O c2 y^ o o o 1^ C CO "S o ..b -^e m-g ar^ Suggestive Questions; How closelv do these tvpes resemble the n,en of the present? The people of the leadmg nations of todly? Which, if any. of these faces call to mind the modern business man. the professional man, the s.holar? Ho« . Which of these types is most common today? Copyrighl. 1913. McKJnIey Publishing Co.. Philadelphia. Pa, '>: McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. PREHISTORIC MAN. yy^^^ l- 'iv^i II N ny-- '■^■^ --"f, .z -P '* -Ky^- i*"i>.' > ) i j --^ , ^-^x.^ '— - 4' ;! '!'!i > ' \ J 1 \ / 1. Tusk found in a care in France. 2, 3, 4. Sketches of animals made by prehistoric man. 5. Wall sketch in a ca%-e in Spain. SUGGESTIVE QUESTIONS. What animals were apparently known to man before the dawn of history? Have any of these disappeared since? What do these pictures tell us with reference to man's antiqiiitj-? His domestication of animals? McKlnley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. Topic A 2. The Nile Valley and its Gifts to Civilization. state — Conquests of 18th OUTLINE OF TOPIC. The overflow of the Nile. Antiquity of the Egyptian civilization and its chief centers. Extent of the Egyptian and 19th dynasties. 4. The people: their strong and weak points. a) Class divisions. b) Form of government. c) Religion. -5. Contributions to progress. •a) In the industrial and fine arts, b) In science and mathematics, vc) In writing and literature. REFERENCES. Textbooks. — Botsford, yVncient, Sees. 3-liJ; Botsford, An- cient World, ch. 2; Goodspeed, Sees. G-9, 18-47; Morey, An- cient, pp. 27-39; Myers, Ancient, Sees. 20-45; Webster, Ancient, Sees. 15-17, 26-32," 35-41; West, Ancient, Sees. 11-12, ch. 2; Westermann, Ancient, ch. 1-2; Wolfson, Ancient, ch. 2; Bots- ford, Greece, pp. xv-xxxii; Morev, Greece, pp. 45-56; West, Ancient World, Part I, Sees. 5-6," 8-33. Collateral Reading. — Maspero, Ancient Egj'pt and Assyria, ch. 1-10; My res. Dawn of History, ch. 3; Seignobos, ch. 3. -Additional Reading. — Anderson, Extinct Civilizations, ch. 3; Baikie, Story of the Pharaohs; Boughton, Ancient Peoples, Part III, ch. 2; Breasted, Egypt; Cunningham, Western Civili- zation, Vol. I, Book I, ch. 1; Erman, Life in Ancient Egypt; Grote, Vol. IV, ch. 20; Lenormant and Chevallier, Histor}' of East, Vol. I, pp. 192-337; Maspero, Egypt; Ancient Sites and Modern Scenes; Murison, Eg}'pt; Rawlinson, Ancient Egypt; Sayce, Ancient Empires of East, ch. 1; Souttar, Egypt; Verschoyle, Ancient Civilization, ch. 2; Wilkinson, Ancient IEg}-ptians. Source Books. — Botsford, ch. 2 ; Davis, Greece, ch. 1 ; Web- ster, No. 1; Wright, pp. 297-313. SUGGESTIONS. Note the fact that Egypt is "the gift of the Nile"; the tremendous influence of religion on Egyptian life and achieve- ments; and Egypt's services as the preserver of civilization for later peoples. SOURCE MATERIAL. THE EGYPTIAN RELIGION AND MORALS. The influence of religion upon Egyptian life and culture makes it one of the most important subjects of study. The introduction to the Book of the Dead brings out clearly the so-called Negative Confession which the deceased was obliged to make in the presence of the "Two and Forty Assessors of tlie Dead" before the heart was weighed in the presence of the god Osiris. The extract from the Book of the Breaths of Life points clearly to a resurrection of the body. The precepts of "the Egyption nobleman, Ptah-Hotep, remind the reader of the Book of Proverbs or Ecclesiastes. The scribe Ani writes in a similar strain. The final selection emphasizes the importance for the Egyptian in this life of preparing for the life to come. Introduction to the Book of the Dead. Homage to thee, O Great God, thou Lord of double Maati, I have come to thee, O my Lord, and I have brought myself hither that I may behold thy beauties. I know thee, and I know thy name, and I know the names of the two and forty gods who exist in this Hall of the double Maati, who live as warders of sin- ners and who feed upon their blood, on the day when the lives of men are taken into account in the presence of the god Unnefer; in truth, "Twin-sisters with two eyes, ladies of double Maati," is th}' name. In truth, I have come to thee, and I have brought ^laat (Right- eousness) to thee, and I have destroyed Wickedness for thee, I have not done evil to mankind. I have not oppressed the members of my family, I have not wrought evil in place of right and truth. I have had no knowledge of worthless men. I liave not wrought evil. I have not made to be the first con- sideration of each day, that excessive labor should be performed for me. I have not brought forward my name for exaltation to honors. I have not ill-treated servants. I have not thought scorn of God. I have not defrauded the o])pressed one of his propertv. I have not done that which is an abomination unto the gods. I have not caused harm to be done to the servant by his chief. I have not caused pain. I have made no man to suffer hunger. I have made no one to weep. I have done no murder, I have not given the order for mur- der to be done for me. I have not inflicted )),iin ui)on mankind. I have not defrauded the temples of tiicir oblations. I have not carried off the cakes offered to the Khu's. I have not committed fornication. I have not polluted mj'self in the holy places of tlie god of my city, nor diminished the bushel. I have neitlier added to nor filched away land. I have not encroached upon the fields of others. I have not added to the weights of the scales. I have not mis-read the pointer of the scales. I have not carried away the milk from the mouths of children. I have not driven away the cattle wliich were upon their pastures. I liave not snared the feathered fowl of the preserves of the gods. I have not cauglit fish with bait made of fish of their kind. I have not turned back the water at the time when it should flow. I have not cut a cut- ting in a canal of running water. I have not extin- guished a fire when it should burn. I have not violated the times of offering tlie chosen meat offerings. I have not driven off the cattle from tlie property of the gods. I have not repulsed God in his manifestations. I am pure, I am pure, I am pure, I am pure. Homage to you, O ye gods, who dwell in the Hall of double Maati, who are without evil in j'our bodies, and who live upon right and truth in the presence of the god Horus, who dwelleth in his divine Disk: deliver me from the god Baba, who feedeth upon the entrails of the mighty ones upon the day of the great judgment. grant ye that I may come to you, for I have not committed faults, I have not sinned, I have not done evil, I have not borne false witness ; therefore let noth- ing evil be done unto me. I live upon right and truth, 1 feed upon right and truth. I have performed the commandments of men as well as the things whereat the gods are gratified, I have made the god to be at peace with me by doing that which is his will. I have given bread to the hungry man, and water to the thirst}' man, and apparel to the naked man, and a boat to tlie ship- wrecked mariner. I have made holy offerings to the gods, and sepulchral meals to the Khu's. Be ye then my deliverers, be ye then my protectors, and make ye not accusation against me in the presence of the great god. I am clean of mouth and clean of hands ; there- fore let it be said unto me by those who shall behold me, "Come in peace; come in peace." — Papyrus of Nu, quoted by Myer, Oldest Books in the World, pp. 375- 376, 377-378. From the Book of the Bre.i.ths of Life. Hail to thee, . . . [name of the deceased] ! Thine individuality is permanent. Thy body is durable. Thy mummy doth germinate. (Continued on Page 4.) Copyright. 1913. McKinley PuWishUiJ Co.. Philadelphia. Pa, McKinley's Series of Geographical and Historical Outline Maps. No. 53, Egypt. Copyright, I903, The McKinley Fublishins Co., Philadelphia, Pa. Map Work for Topic A 2. Show on the map the chief cities, cataracts and greatest extent of ancient Egypt. References: Dow, Plate I; Labberton, Plates I, II, IV; Putzger, p. 2b; Sanborn, p. 22; Shepherd, p. 4; Botsford, Ancient, p. 3; Botsford, Ancient World, p. 10; Goodspeed, Ancient, pp. 3, 60; Morey, Ancient, p. 20; Myers, Ancient, p. 20; Webster, Ancient, p. 39; West, Ancient, pp. 12, 16; Westermann, p. 23; Wolfson, p. 24; Botsford, Greece p. XVII; Morey, Greece, p 46; West, Ancient World, Part I, p. 16. O z t W « CU = S - H H Id u X H c o •o 3 O o X U >^ 1^1 _ O O O .2 ^ :> r O .= J^S, ^ 1'% C > H en bl O a CO rt U O j3 be «i McKinley's Illustrated Topics (or Ancient History. SOURCE MATERIAL.— Continued. Thou art not repulsed from heaven, neither from earth. Thou dost breathe for ever and ever. Thy flesh is on thy bones, Like unto thy form on earth. Thou dost drink, thou eatest with thy mouth. Thou reeeivest bread with the souls of the gods. Thy soul doth breathe for ever and ever. O ye gods that dwell in the Lower Heaven Hearken unto the voice of . . . !* He is near unto you. There is no fault in him. He liveth in the truth. Let him enter then into the Lower Heaven ! He hath received the Book of the Breaths of Life, That he may breathe with his soul. And that he may make any transformation at will; That his soul may go wherever it desireth. Living on the earth for ever and ever. — De Horrack. Precepts From the Book of Ptah-Hotep. He says to his son: Be not haughty because of thy knowledge; converse thou with the ignorant as with the scholar; for the barriers of art are never closed, no artist ever possessing that perfection to which he should aspire. But wisdom is more difficult to find than the emerald, because as to the latter, it is by slaves that it is discovered among the rocks of pegmatite. If thou hast to do with a disputer whilst he is in his heat and he is thy superior in ability, lower the hands, bend the back, do not get into a passion with him. As he will not permit thee to destroy his speech; it is a great error to interrupt him, that proclaims, that thou art not capable of being tranquil when contradicted. . . . If thou hast, in the position of a leader, power to decide upon the condition of a large number of men, seek the most perfect way of doing so, so that thy own position as to it may be without condemnation. Justice is great, unchangeable and assured, it has not been dis- turbed since the epoch of Osiris. . . . If thou, art an agriculturist, gather the harvest in the field which the great God hath given thee. Do not fill thy mouth at the home of thy neighbors, it is better to make thyself feared by the possessor. . . . Be active during the time of thy existence, doing more than is commanded thee. Do not do wrong in the time of thy activity, he is a blame-worthy person who makes bad use of his time. Lose not the daily opportunity of increasing what thy house possesses. Ac- tivity produces riches and wealth does not continue when activity is relaxed. If thou art a wise man, train up a son who will be pleasing to God. . . . Be not of an irritable temper, as to what is happen- ing around thee; scold only as to thine own affairs. Be not of an irritable temper towards thy neighbors ; of better value is a compliment for what displeases thee than rudeness. . . . If thou art wise watch thy house, love thy wife with purity. Fill her stomach with food, clothe her back; these are the cares to be bestowed on her body. Caress her and fulfill her wishes during the time of thy exist- ence ; it is a well-doing which does honor to its pos- sessor. Be not brutal, tact will influence her better than force; . . . If thou art a wise man, sitting in the Council of thy lord, direct thy thoughts towards what is wise. Impose silence upon thyself rather than pour out th}^ words. When thou speakest, know what they (thy opponents) can object against thee. It is an art to speak in the Council. . . . If thou art great after having been low, thou art rich after having been poor, when thou art at the head of the city, thou shouldst know, not to take advantage of the fact of having reached to the first rank; harden not thy heart because of thy elevation ; thou art become the overseer of the blessings of God. Put not behind thee the neighbor who is thy fellow-creature; be to him as a companion. Bend thy back before thy superior. Thou art at- tached to the palace of the king; thy house is estab- lished in its fortune, and thy profits are as is fitting. When a son receives the instruction of his father, there is not any error in all his plans. Instruct in them thy son, a docile man whose wisdom may be agreeable to the great. . . . On the morrow knowledge will sus- tain him, whilst the ignorant will be crushed. . . . A son who hears is like a follower of Horus, he is happy after having listened. He becomes great, he attains consideration; he teaches the same lesson to his children. . . . As to thy thoughts, be abundant, but let thy mouth be restrained, and thou shalt argue with the great. — Myer, Oldest Books in the World, pp. 68-96. Papyrus op the Scribe Ani. Do not get drunk in the taverns in which they drink beer, for fear that one repeats words which may have gone out of thy mouth, without thou having perception of having pronounced them. Thou fallest, thy members are broken and no one extends a hand to thee ; but thy drinking companions are there, who say, "Put out that drunkard !" One comes to seek thee for thy aifairs and he finds thee wallowing on the earth as the little children. Place before thyself as an aim, the attainment of an old age, as to which people may be able to bear witness, to the end thou may be found having perfected thy house (the tomb) which is in the funeral valley, on the morning of the concealment of thy body. Place this before thyself in all the duties which thou hast to con- sider with thy eye. When thou wilt be also a very old man, thou wilt sleep in the midst of them; therein is no surprise for the one who acts well, he is prepared ; act so that when thy messenger of death shall come for thee in order to take thee, he may find one who is ready. Certainly thou wilt not then have time to speak, because in coming, he is suddenly before thee. Say not: "I am a young man; wilt thou seize me?" for thou knowest not the time of th}^ death. Death comes, he seizes the nursling who is in the arms of his mother, as well as he who has reached old age. Behold: I have said to thee these excellent things which (thou ought) to consider in thy heart; do them; thou wilt become a good man and all evils will be far from thee. — Myer, Oldest Books in the World, pp. 132-133. *Name of the deceased. McKinley's Illustrated Topics tor Ancient History. Topic A 3. The Tigris-Euphrates Valley and Its Successive Empires. OUTLINE OF TOPIC. 1. The river valley: its characteristics and its influence on civilization. 2. The Old Babylonian Empire (the Chaldeans), 5000- 1300 B. C. a) Extent of early Empire. b) Chief cities. 3. The Assyrian Empire, c. 1300-606 B. C. a) Its beginnings. b) The great conquerors and their possessions (First World Empire). c) Chief cities. 4. The New Babylonian Empire, 606-538 B. C. a) Its relation to the earlier empires. b) Its influence on progress. 5. Babylonian-Assyrian civilization. a) Elements contributed by early Babjdonians (Chaldeans). 1) Religion. 2) Art — temple building. 3) Writing and literature. 4) Science and mathematics. 5) Laws. b) Government and the army. c) Sculpture and architecture. d) Strong and weak jDoints of their civilization. REFERENCES. Textbooks. — Botsford, Ancient, Sees. 14-21; Botsford, An- cient World, ch. 3; Goodspeed, Sees. lO-S-l, 63-73; Morey, Ancient, pp. 21-27, 51-60; Mvers, Ancient, ch. 4-6; Webster, Ancient, Sees. 14, 21-22, 26-31, 34-41; West, Ancient, ch. 3; Westerniann, Ancient, Sees. 34-47, 73-85; Wolfson, Ancient, ch. 3; Botsford, Greece, pp. xxxii-xlvi; Morev, Greece, pp. 32-44; West, Ancient World, Part I, Sees. 34-53. Collateral Reading. — Maspero, Ancient Egj'pt and Assyria, ch. 11-20; Myrcs, Dawn of History, ch. 4-6; Sayce, Baby- lonians and Assyrians; Seignobos, ch. 4. Additional Reading. — Anderson, Extinct Civilizations, ch. 2; Boughton, Ancient Peoples, Part IV, ch. 4; Goodspeed, Baby- lonians and Assyrians; Grote, Vol. IV, ch. 19; Lenormant and Chevallier, History of East, Vol. I, pp. 338-508; Murison, Babylonia and Assyria; Ragozin, Story of Assyria; Ragozin, Story of Chaldaea, Ragozin, Story of Media, Babylon and Persia; Sayce, Ancient Empires of East, ch. 2; Smith, As- syria; Smith, Babylonia; Souttar, Babylonia and Assyria; Verschoyle, Ancient Civilization, ch. 3. Source Books. — Botsford, ch. 3; Davis, Greece, ch. 2; Web- ster, No. 2; Wright, pp. 293-295. SUGGESTIONS. (1-4) Note especially the differences between the upper and lower valley with its influence on the people (highlanders and lowlanders) ; the succession of empires; their chief centers and extent. (5) Note the foundations for the later civilization laid by the early Babylonians or Chaldaeans, "the scholars" of the valley; and the great conquests and contributions to govern- ment of the Assyrians, "the warriors" of the valley. SOURCE-STUDY. THE CODE OF HAMMURABI AND THE CHALDAEAN ACCOUNT OF THE DELUGE. The people of the Tigris Euphrates valley were noted for their development of law and government. The code which follows is very modern in many particulars. In places it suggests the Mosaic code of "an eye for an eye," and "a tooth for a tooth," The Chaldcean account of the Flood should be compared with that to be found in the Old Testament (Genesis, ch. VI-VIII). These extracts illustrate the possil)le influence of the Chaldaeans upon the life and literature of the Hebrews. If a man bring an accusation against a man and charge him with a (capital) crime, but cannot prove it, he, the accuser, shall be put to death. If a man in a case (pending judgment) bear false witness, or do not establish the testimony he has given, if that case be a case involving life, that man shall be put to death. If a man steal the profserty of a god or palace, that man shall be put to death; and he who receives from his hand the stolen (property) shall also be put to death. If a man aid a male or female slave of a freeman to escape from the city gate, he shall be put to death. If a man practice brigandage and be captured, that man shall be put to death. If the brigand be not captured, the man who has been robbed, shall in the presence of the god make an itemized statement of his loss, and the city and the governor, in whose province and jurisdiction the rob- ber}' was committed, shall compensate him for whatever was lost. If a man be in debt and sell his wife, son, or daughter, or bind them over to service, for three years they shall work in the house of their purchaser or master ; in the fourth year they shall be given their freedom. If a woman bate her husband and saj': "Thou shall not have me," they shall inquire into her antecedents for her defects ; and if she have been a careful mis- tress and be without reproach and her husband have been going about greatly belittling her, that woman has no blame. She shall receive her dowry and shall go to her father's house. If she have not been a careful mistress, have gadded about and have belittled her husband, they shall throw that woman into the water. If a son strike his father, thej' shall cut off his fingers. If a man destroy the eye of another man, they sliall destroy his eye. If one break a man's bone, they shall break his bone. If a man knock out a tooth of a man of his own rank, they shall knock out his tooth. If a physician operate on a man for a severe wound (or make a severe wound upon a man) with a bronze lancet and save the man's life; or if he open an abscess (in the eye) of a man with a bronze lancet and save that man's eye, he shall receive ten shekels of silver (as his fee). If a physician operate on a man for a severe wound with a bronze lancet and cause the man's death; or open an abscess (in the eye) of a man with a bronze lancet and destroy the man's eye, they shall cut off his fingers. If a builder build a house for a man and do not make its construction firm, and the house which he has built collapse and cause the death of the owner of the house that builder shall be put to death. If a man's bull have been wont to gore and they have made known to him his habit of goring, and he have not protected his horns or have not tied him up, and that bull gore the son of a man and bring about his death, he shall pay one-half mana of silver. — Code of Hammurabi, King of Babylon, 2250 B. C, trans. Harper. (Continued on Page 4.) Copyright, 1913, McKinley Publishing Co., Philadelphia. Pa. "^ u D i H Q Z < o z p o z o s 3 - a-2 w a CO £ > 3 (1) y ^ is £ .So ii .e^ s is 2 -2 C'C g ^« 5 a ^^^ McKlnley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. SOURCE-STUDY.-Continued. CHALDAEAN ACCOUNT OF THE DELUGE. Nuh-napishtim saith to hiirij even to Gilgamesh: Let me unfold to thee, Gilgamesh, a secret story. And the decree of the gods let me tell thee ! Shurippak, a city thou knowest, — On the banks of the Euphrates it lieth; That city was full of violence, and the gods within it — To make a flood their heart urged them, even the mighty gods. "Man of Shurippak, son of Ubara-Tutu, Pull down the house, and build a ship ! Leave goods, seek life ! Property forsake, and life preserve ! Cause seed of life of every sort to go up into the ship ! The ship which thou shalt build. Exact be its dimensions. Equal be its breadth and its length ! On the ocean launch it !" I understood, and said unto la my lord ; "The command, my lord, which thou spakest thus, I honour, I will do [it] !" * * * * ** * * With all that I had of seed of life of every sort [I freighted it] ; I put on board all my family and my clan; Cattle of the field, wild beasts of the field, all the crafts- men, I put on board. One day the southern blast . . . Hard it blew, and . . . Like a battle-charge upon mankind rush [the waters]. One no longer sees another ; No more are men discerned in (described from) heaven. During six days and nights Wind, flood, storm, ever more fiercely whelmed the land. When the seventh day came, storm (and) flood ceased the battle. Wherein they had contended like a host: The sea lulled, the blast fell, the flood ceased. I looked for the people [udma], with a cry of lamenta- tion; But all mankind had turned again to clay: The tilled land was become like the waste. I opened the window, and daylight fell upon my cheeks ; Crouching I sit (and) weep; Over my cheeks course my tears. I looked at the quarters (of heaven), the borders of the sea; Toward the twelfth point rose the land. To the country of Nizir the ship made way; The mountain of the country of Nizir caught the ship, and suffered it not to stir. But, when the seventh day was come, I brought out a dove (and) let it go. The dove went to and fro, but Found no foothold (lit. standing-place), and returned. Then I brought out a swallow (and) let it go. The swallow went to and fro, but Found no foothold, and returned. Then I brought out a raven (and) let it go: The raven went off, noticed the drying of the water, and Feeding, wading, croaking, returned not. Then I brought out (everything) to the four winds, offered victims. Made an offering of incense on the mountain top; Seven and seven tripods I set. Into their bowls I poured calamus, cedar, fragrant herbs ; The gods snuffed the odour, The gods snuffed the pleasant odour. The gods like flies swarmed above the sacrificer. But when Ishtar was come from afar, She lifted up the Great Gems (.''), which Anu had made to adorn her. "These gods," (she cried) "by mine azure collar (lit. by the lapis lazuli of my neck), I will never forget! These days will I bear in mind, and nevermore forget! Let the gods go to the incense-offering: (But) let Bel never go to the incense-offering! Forasmuch as he took no counsel, but caused the flood. And delivered my people to destruction." But when Bel was come from afar. He saw the ship, and Bel waxed wrathful; He was filled with rage at the gods, (and) the Igigi (i. e. the spirits of heaven) : "Some soul" (he cried) "hath escaped! Let not a man survive the destruction !" Ninib frameth his mouth and speaketh — He saith to the warrior Bel : "Who then but la doeth the thing.'' la is versed in every wile." la frameth his mouth and speaketh — He saith to the warrior Bel: "Thou, O sage of the gods (and) warrior — In nowise hast thou been well-counselled in causing a flood! On the sinner lay his sin ! On the guilty lay his guilt! (But) remit (somewhat)! let him not be cut off! for- bear ! let him not [be swept away] ! Instead of thy causing a flood. Let the lion come and minish mankind ! Instead of thy causing a flood. Let the Leopard come and minish mankind ! Instead of thy causing a flood. Let famine break out and [desolate] the land ! Instead of thy causing a flood. Let pestilence (lit. Girra; i. e. the god of plague) come and slay mankind ! I divulged not the decision of the mighty gods ; (Someone) caused Atranasis to see visions, and so he heard the decision of the gods." Thereupon he took counsel with himself (or made up his mind) ; Bel came on board the ship, Seized my hand and led me up (out of the ship). Let up my wife (and) made her kneel beside me; He turned us face to face, and standing between us blessed us (saying) : "Ere this, Nuh-napishtim was human; But now Niih-napishtim and his wife shall be like us gods ! Nlih-napishtim shall dwell far away (from men), at the mouth of the rivers !" Then they took me, and made me dwell far away, at the mouth of the rivers. — Trans, by Paul Haupt. f McKioley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. Topic A 4. The Early Peoples of the Mediterranean Basin. OUTLINE OF TOPIC. 1. The Phoenicians. a) Chief cities. b) Native and foreign articles of trade. c) Sea and overland routes. d) Contributions to civilization. 1) The alphabet. 2) Art of navigation. e) Influence on the spread of civilization through commerce and colonization — chief colonies. 2. The Hebrews. a) Their wanderings and the influence of these on their religious development. b) The means by which they preserved their re- ligious ideas. REFERENCES. Textbooks. — Botsford, Ancient, Sees. 22-25; Botsford, An- cient World, ch. 4; Goodspeed, Sees. 48-61, 67; Morey, An- cient, ch. 3; Mvers, Ancient, ch. 7-8; Webster, Ancient, Sees. 18-20, 32-33, 36-37, 41; West, Ancient, ch. 4; Westermann, Ancient, ch. 5; Wolfson, Ancient, ch. 4; Botsford, Greece, pp. lii-lviii; Morev, Greece, pp. 56-65; West, Ancient World, Part I, Sees. 54-68. Collateral Reading. — Hosnier, Jews; Myres, Dawn of His- tory, ch. 7; Seignobos, ch. 7-8. Additional Reading. — Anderson, Extinct Civilizations, ch. 4; Boughton, Ancient Peoples, Part IV, ch. 2-3; Cunningham, Western Civilization, Vol. I, Book I, ch. 2-3; Grote, Vol. IV, ch. 18, 21; Kent, Hebrew People; I.enormant and Chevallier, History of East, Vol. I, pp. 79-191, Vol. II, pp. 143-234; Ottley, History of the Hebrews; Sayce, Ancient Empires of the East, ch. 3; Souttar, The Hebrews and Phosnicia; Verschoyle, Ancient Civilization, ch. 4-5. Source Book. — Botsford, ch. 4. SUGGESTIOXS. (1) Note the influence of their country on the Phoenicians in promoting sea-faring and commerce; its favorable location as the link between the earliest centers of civilization; and the wide range of their trading operations with the consequent spread of their civilization. (3) Note the peculiar service rendered by the Hebrews; the debt which they owed to their neighbors; and the way their beliefs were handed down to later peoples. SOURCE-STUDY. PHOENICIAN AND CARTHAGINIAN TRADING OPERATIONS. The selection from the Old Testament describes in great detail the articles exchanged and the localities visited by these early traders. It also illustrates the value of the historical portions of the Old Testament as source material. The voyage of Hanno indicates the extent to which their trading operations were carried, contributing much to our knowledge of geography, and resulting often in the colonization of the uncivilized por- tions of the ancient world. Their methods of dealing with their savage customers is described by Herodotus. The love of gain often worked injury to the people concerned as Polybius brings out in his contrast of the Romans and Carthaginians. And say unto Tyrus, O thou that art situate at the entry of the sea, which art a merchant of the people for many isles. Thus saith the Lord God ; O Tyrus, thou hast said, I am of perfect beauty. Th}^ borders are in the midst of the seas, thy builders have perfected thy beauty. They have made all thy ship boards of fir trees of Senir: they have taken cedars from Lebanon to make masts for thee. Of the oaks of Bashan have they made thine oars ; the company of the Ashurites have made thy benches of ivory; brought out of the isles of Chittim. Fine linen with broidercd work from Egypt was that which thou spreadest forth to be thy sail; blue and purple from the isles of Elishah was that which covered thee. The inhabitants of Zidon and Arvad were thy mari- ners: thy wise men, O Tyrus, that were in thee, were thy pilots. The ancients of Gebal and the wise men thereof were in thee thy calkers : all the ships of the sea witli their mariners were in thee to occupy thy merchandise. They of Persia and of Lud and of Pluit were in thine army, thy men of war: they hanged the shield and Iielmet in thee ; they set forth thy comeliness. The men of Arvad with thine army were upon tliv walls round about, and the Gammadim were in tliy towers: they hanged their shields upon thy walls round about ; they have made thy beauty perfect. Tarshish was thy merchant by reason of the multi- tude of all kind of riches ; with silver, iron, tin, and lead, they traded in thy fairs. Javan, Tubal, and Mesheeh, they were thy mercliants: they traded the persons of men and vessels of brass in th}' market. They of the house of Togarmah traded in thy fairs with horses and horsemen and mules. The men of Dedan were thy merchants ; many isles were the merchandise of thine hand: they brougiit thee for a present, horns of ivory and ebony. Sj'ria was thy merchant by reason of the multitude of the wares of thy making: they occupied in thy fairs with emeralds, pur])le, and broidercd work, and fine linen, and coral, and agate. Judah, and the land of Israel, they were thy mer- chants: they traded in thy market wheat of Minnith, and Pannag, and honey, and oil, and balm. Damascus was thy merchant in the multitude of the wares of thy making, for the multitude of all riches ; in the wine of Helbon, and white wool. Dan also and Javan going to and fro occupied in thy fairs: bright iron, cassia, and calamus, were in thy market. Dedan was thy merchant in precious clothes for chariots. Arabia, and all the princes of Kedar, they occupied with thee in lambs, and rams, and goats: in these were they thy merchants. The merchants of Sheba and Raamah, they were thy merchants: they occupied in thy fairs with chief of all spices, and with all precious stones, and gold. Haran, and Canneh, and Eden, the merchants of Sheba, Asshur, and Chilmad, were thy merchants. These were thy merchants in all sorts of things, in blue clothes, and broidercd work, and in chests of rich apparel, bound with cords, and made of cedar, among thy merchandise. The ships of Tarshish did sing of thee in thy market: and thou wast replenished, and made very glorious in the midst of the seas. Thy rowers have brought thee into great waters: the east wind hath broken thee in the midst of the seas. Thy riches, and thy fairs, thy merchandise, thy mari- ners, and thy pilots, thy calkers, and the occupiers of thy merchandise, and all thy men of war, that are in thee, and in all thy company which is in the midst of thee, shall fall into the midst of the seas in the day of thy ruin.— Ezekiel, 27:3-27. (Continued on Page 4.) Copyriflht, 1913. McKinley Publisliing Co.. Philadelphia. Pa. §= 'g'B 'U -l-» ^ 11 01 o .. ^ i"" >1 'O s OJ «^ 4) ■g 2-3 ^1 c 3 o •^ SS» Shep 8; W 61, 9 "1 tS CO . Q, ^ -a c s s s ?; a 1 ■iiajqaH ssn'-si-iz »- — ca»-nj^j3'^Q Pv a >i ri- 4- ^ C, i •uBcaoa .HX®-s^< Zzni c : D. W h -^ s u c 8 o r-s ■V- . •< H d .2 ^f\ wo, = 1, £ .2 A^^ 8 E j^oj. P \A\ \ : CH] r- Oi ^. eagle crane throne hand mteander cerastes duck sieve tongs parallels bowl lioness owl water chairback . CD i ^ snake angle mouth inundated garden lasso :> •3 a- O -5B ^ -* - « P -= ^. C3 i^:s ' K £ o <; _ — — ^ C3 0^ ^ C -2 " C c - - ^ McKinley's Illustrated Topics tor Ancient History. a o I CI 1 t c SOURCE-STUDY- Continued. AN EARLY VOYAGE OF TRADE AND EXPLORA- TION BY HANNO THE CARTHAGINIAN.* It was decreed by the Carthaginians that Hanno should sail beyond the Pillars of Hercules and found cities of the Liby-Phenicians. Accordingly he sailed with sixty ships of fifty oars each, and a multitude of men and women to the number of thirty thousand, and provisions and other equipment. When we had set sail and passed the Pillars, after two days' voyage, we founded the first city. . . . Be- low this city lay a great plain. Sailing thence west- ward we came to Soloeis, a promontory of Libya, thickly covered with trees. Here we built a temple to Poseidon ; and proceeded thence half-a-day's journey eastward, till we reached a lake lying not far from the sea, and filled with abundance of great reeds. Here were feed- ing elephants and a great number of other wild animals. After we had gone a day's sail beyond the lakes we founded cities near to the sea. . . . Sailing thence we came to Lixus, a great river which flows from Libya. On its banks the Lixitae, a wandering tribe, were feed- ing their flocks. With these we made friendship, and remained among them certain days. Beyond these dwell the Inhospitable Aethiopians, inhabiting a country that abounds with wild beasts and is divided by high moun- tains, from which mountains flows, it is said, the river Lixus. About these mountains dwell the Troglodytae, men of strange aspect. Of these the Lixitae said that they could run swifter than horses. Having procured interpreters ... we coasted for two days along an un- inhabited country, going southwards. . . . Sailing up a great river which is called Chretes, we came to a lake, in which are three islands. . . . Proceeding thence a day's sail, we came to the furthest shore of the lake. Here it is overhung by great mountains, in which dwell savage men clothed with the skins of beasts. These drove us away, pelting us with stones, so that we could not land. Sailing thence, we came to another river, great and broad, and full of crocodiles and river- horses. . . . Having sailed by streams of fire, we came to a bay which is called the Southern Horn. At the end of this bay lay an island like to that which has been bef ore described. This island had a lake, and in *"He is .supposed to have been either the father or the son of the Hamilcar, who fell at Himera."— Church, Carth- age, p. 95. this lake another island, full of savage people, of whom the greater part were women. Their bodies were cov- ered with hair, and our interpreters called them Gorillas. We pursued them, but the men we were not able to catch; for being able to climb the precipices and defend- ing themselves with stones, these all escaped. But we caught three women. But when these, biting and tear- ing those that led them, would not follow us, we slew them, and flaying off their skins, carried these to Carth- age. Further we did not sail, for our food failed us. — Church, Carthage, pp. 95-100; Lenormant and Cheval- lier. Ancient History of the East, II., pp. 263-269. METHODS OF BARTER. The Carthaginians say also this, namely that there is a place in Libya and men dwelling there, outside the Pillars of Heracles, to whom when they have come and have taken the merchandise forth from their ships, they set it in order along the beach and embark again in their ships, and after that they raise a smoke; and the natives of the country seeing the smoke come to the sea, and then they lay down gold as an equivalent for the merchandise and retire to a distance away from the merchandise. The Carthaginians upon that disembark and examine it, and if the gold is in their opinion suf- ficient for the value of the merchandise, they take it up and go their way; but if not, they embark again and sit there; and the others approach and straightway add more gold to the former, until they satisfy them: and they say that neither party wrongs the other ; for neither do the Carthaginians lay hands on the gold until it is made equal to the value of their merchandise, nor do the others lay hands on the merchandise until the Carth- aginians have taken the gold. — Herodotus, trans. Mac- aulay, IV., Ch. 196. INFLUENCE OF TRADE ON THE PEOPLE. In the view of the latter [Carthaginians] nothing is disgraceful that makes for gain; with the former [Ro- mans] nothing is more disgraceful than to receive bribes and to make profit by improper means. For they re- gard wealth obtained from unlawful transactions to be as much a subject of reproach, as a fair profit from the most unquestioned source is of commendation. A proof of the fact is this. The Carthaginians obtain office by open bribery, but among the Romans the penalty for it is death. — Polybius, trans. Schuckburgh, VI., Ch. 56. McKlnley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. Topic A 5. The Beginnings of the Greeks and Their Expansion throughout the Mediterranean. OUTLINE OF TOPIC. 1. The land. a) Location and size (Hellas and the larger Greek world). b) Climate. c) Significant geographical features and their ef- fect upon the people. 2. The people and their earlj' history. a) Sources for our knowledge of early Greek his- tory. 1 ) The Homeric poems and the work of Dr. Schliemann. 2) Greek accounts of their earliest history and their rel)abilitJ^ b) The earliest inhabitants ("Pclasgians"). 1 ) Origin and settlements. 2) Characteristics of their civilization. c) Conquest of Greece by the Hellenes. 1) Early migrations. 2) Divisions (Achseans, lonians, Dorians, Aeolians) : Characteristics and dis- tribution throughout the Hellenic World. 3) Influence of the East on the Hellenes. 4) Government, religion and mode of life as portrayed by Homer. 3. Greek colonization, 750-600 B. C. a) Causes and relation of colony to mother city. b) Location and effect on life. 4. The Age of T.yrants, 650-500 B. C. a) Methods by which established. b) Important centers of tyrannies. c) Character of rule of tyrants and importance of period. 5. The predominance of individual cities: Argos; Sparta ; Athens. a) The characteristics of the city-state. b) Argos, the earliest center of power. c) Sparta, the Dorian city-state. 1) Lycurgus and his reforms. 2) Characteristic features of the Spartan state. 3) Spartan conquests and military prestige. d) Athens, the Ionian city-state. 1) The beginnings of Athens, — stories of Cecrops and Theseus. 2) Codrus and the decline of the monarchy. 3) The Archons, Areopagus and Ecclesia. 4) Reforms of Draco, 621 B. C. 5) Solon and the Athenian aristocracy, 594 B. C. 6) Pisistratus and thetyranny, 560-510 B. C. REFERENCES. Textbooks.— Botsford, Ancient, Sees. 33-95; Botsford, An- cient World, oh. 6-13; Goodspeed, Ancient, Sees. 85-163; Morey, Ancient, ch. 6-10; Myers, Ancient, eli. 11-17; Webster, Ancient, Sees. 44-48, 5:3-69; West, Ancient, Sees. 80-139; Wes- termann. Ancient, ch. 7-11; Wolfson, Ancient, ch. 5-7; Botsford, Greece, ch. 1-5; Morey, Greece, ch. 5-1-3; Jlyers, Greece, ch. 1-7; Smith. Greece, ch. 1-6; West, Ancient World, Part I, Sees. 8i!-158. Collateral Reading. — Abbott, Pericles, ch. 1; Benjamin, Troy; Bury, ch. 1-5; Grant, ch. 2-4; Harrison, ch. 1-22;' Kim- ball-Bury, ch. 1-6; Myres, Dawn of History, ch. 8-9; Oman, ch. 1-12, 16; Plutarch, Lives of Theseus, Lycurgus, Solon; Schuckburgh, ch. 1-5; Scbnckluirgh, Greece to A. D. 14, ch. 2; Seignobos, ch. 9-11, pp. 13S-140. Additional Reading.— Abbott, Greece, Part I, eh, 1-15; All- croft and Stout, Early Grecian History, ch. 1-15; Baikie, Sea Kings of Crete; Cunningham, Western Civilization, Vol. I, Book 11, ch. 1-2; Curtius, Vol. I, Books I-II; Dickinson, Greek View of Life, ch. 1-2; Felton, Greece, Vol. H, pp. 3-110; Gow, pp. 90-99, 137-146; Grote, \o\. I, Vol. II, Vol. Ill, Vol. IV, ch. 22-28, 30-31; Hawcs and Hawes, Crete, Forerunner of Greece; Holm, Vol. I, ch. 1-22, 26-38; Mahaffy, Greek Civilization, eh. 1-3; Mahaffy, Problems in Greek " History, ch. 2-4; Perry, Women of Homer; Schliemann, Ilios; Tima- yenis. Vol. I, pp. 1-110; Verschovle, Ancient Civilization, ch. 7-8; Whibley, Greek Studies, ch. 1-2, 5, pp. 41-61, 89-98, 346- 357, 369-374; 422-426; Zimmern, Greek Commonwealth. Source Books. — Botsford, ch. 7-13; Davis, Greece, ch. 4-5; Fling, ch. 1-4; Webster, ch. 3-6; Wright, pp. 1-45. SUGGESTIONS. (1) Note by name all the geographic factors which favored or retarded the development of the Greeks. (2-4) Compare the various sources available for the study of early Greece as to what they tell us and their value; note the periods involved and the contrasts presented by the Myce- naean and Homeric periods; the movements characteristic of all Greece, as the coming of the Hellenes, their expansion, and the rise of tyrannies. (5) Note the peculiar development of portions of Greece through the city-state; the beginnings and contrasts pre- sented by the two leading city-states, Sparta and Athens. SOURCE-STUDY. SIMPLICITY OF LIFE IN EARLY GREECE. The extracts from Hesiod and Homer show that the so-called Homeric Age was in direct contrast to the luxurious Mycenaean period. A metrical translation by Chapman has been inserted in its proper place to show the poetic character of Hesiod's Works and Days. Daniel Webster was very fond of quoting from the homely wisdom of Hesiod to those of his friends who were engaged in farming. Homer is describing the shield of Acliilles as it was fashioned by Hephasstos the Fire God. Get a house first and a woman and a plowing ox ; and get all gear arraj-ed within the house, lest thou beg of another and he deny thee and thou go lacking, and the season pass bj' and thy work be minislied. Neither put off till the morrow nor the day after. The idle man filleth not his barn, neither he that puttctli off. Diligence prospereth work, but the man that put- teth off ever wrestleth with ruin. And bring thou home a plowbeam, when thou findest it by search on hill or in field — of holm oak: for this is the strongest to plow with, when Athena's servant fasteneth it in tlie share-beam and fixeth it with dowels to the pole. Get thee two plows, fashioning them at home, one of the natural wood, the otlier jointed, since it is far better to do so. Hence, if thou break the one, thou canst yoke the oxen to the other. Freest of worms are jjoles of bay or elm. Get thee then share-beam of oak, plow-beam of holm, and two oxen of nine years. For the strength of such is not weak in the fulness of their age ; they are best for work. They will not quarrel in the furrow and break the plow, and leave their work undone. And with them let a man of forty follow, his dinner a loaf of four quarters, eight pieces, who will mind his work and drive a straight furrow, no more gaping after his fellows, but having his heart on his task. Than he no younger man is better at sowing. For the mind of a younger man is fluttered after his age-fellows. . . . And let a young slave follow behind with a mattock and cause trouble to the birds by cover- ing up the seed. . . . But pass by the smith's forge and the crowded club- house in the winter season when cold constraineth men (Continued on Page 4.) Copyrishl. 1913, McKinley PublisbinS Co.. Philadelphia. Pa. pH O o 02 as (n c t-< • ^a in .2- < 8 Botsford, Ancie ent, p. 100; Wol I, p. 98. 1 '0 B .Si >« 0) 4-> c pherd, p. 1 West, An World, Par 1 '3 !^ c ^S*^ tH S<» c 0. a, 4 ■£ -a c ■73 er, pp. 2-3 Webster, West, An •f 1 3 ■^ ^"5 p^ U ■' p. . te VII ncient, , pp. 6 l^ C ia S l^O 9 2 >• ~ Pi ; L,._ ^^^-^BiP ^ ; 1 ~^^^Y^-^--''—- -=r=a HI |) J -^^^lj!^H \ R ,,--. '^^^^H f\ '^ i %l s#' J m 1. Making offerings to the dead, decoration of a Cretan sarcophadus. 2. The snake goddess from Knossus. fresco from Tiryns. From reproductions in the Metropolitan Museum, New York. SUGGESTIVE QUESTIONS. What was apparently the method of disposing of the dead? What are the offering-bearers carrying? How are the ladies dressed? figures.) Are these types Oriental or European ? Describe the chariot. Do these scenes call to mind any people of the East ? Copyright. 1913. McKinley Publishing Co.. Philadelphia. Pa. 3. Ladies in chariot watching a boar hunt. The men? (the black McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. SOURCE-STUDY.-Continued. from work, wherein a diligent man would greatly pros- per his house, lest the helplessness of evil winter over- take thee with poverty, and thou press a swollen foot with lean hand. But the idle man who waiteth on empty hope, for lack of livelihood garnereth many sor- rows for his soul. Hope is a poor companion for a man in need, who sitteth in a clubhouse when he hath no livelihood secured. Nay, declare thou to thy thralls while it is still midsummer: It will not be summer always; build ye cabins. ... In that season (winter) do thou for the defence of thy body array thee as I bid thee in soft cloak and full-length tunic, and twine much woof in a scanty warp. . . . About thy feet bind fitting sandals of the hide of a slaughtered ox, covering them with felt. And when the frost cometh in its season, sew thou together with thread of ox-thong the skins of firstling kids to put about thy back as a shield against the rain. And on thy head wear thou a cap of wrought felt, that thou mayest not have thy ears wetted. For chill is the dawn at the onset of Boreas. But so soon as the strength of Orion appeareth, urge thy thralls to thresh the holy grain of Demeter in a windy place and on a rounded floor; measure and store it in vessels ; and when thou hast laid up all thy liveli- hood within thy house: Make then thy man-swain one that hath no house; Thy handmaid one that hath nor child nor spouse; Handmaids that children have are ravenous. A mastiff, likewise nourish still at home, Whose teeth are sharp and close as any comb. And meat him will, to keep with stronger guard The day-sleep-night-wake-man from forth thy yard. The rosy-fingered morn the vintage calls ; Then bear the gathered grapes within thy walls. Ten days and nights exposed the clusters lay. Basked in the radiance of each mellowing day. Let five their circling round successive run. While lie the grapes o'ershadowed from the sun ; The sixth express the harvest of the vine. And teach the vats to foam with joy-inspiring wine. — Hesiod, Works and Days, trans. Elton and Chapman. THE SHIELD OF ACHILLES. Also he fashioned therein two fair cities of mortal men. In the one were espousals and marriage feasts, and beneath the blaze of torches they were leading the brides from their chambers through the city, and loud arose the bridal song. And young men were whirling in the dance, and among them flutes and viols sounded high; and the women standing each at her door were marveling. But the folk were gathered in the assembly place ; for there a strife had arisen, two men striving about the blood-price of a man slain. The one claimed to pay full atonement, expounding to the people, but the other denied him and would take nought. . . . And the folk were cheering both, and they took part on either side. And heralds kept order among the folk, while the elders on polished stones were sitting in the sacred circle, and holding in their hands staves from the loud- voiced heralds. Then before the people they rose up and gave judgment each in turn. And in the midst lay two talents of gold, to be given unto him who should plead among them most righteously. But around the other city were two armies in siege with glittering arms. And two counsels found favor among them, either to sack the town or to share all with the townsfolk even whatsoever substance the fair city held within. But the besieged were not yet yielding, but arming for an ambushment. On the wall there stood to guard it their dear wives and infant children, and with these the old men; but the rest went forth. Their leaders were Ares and Pallas Athena, both wrought in gold and golden was the vesture they had on. Goodly and great were they in their armour, even as gods, far seen around, and the people at their feet were smaller. Furthermore, he set in the shield a soft fresh-plowed field, rich tilth and wide, the third time plowed; and many plowers therein drave their yokes to and fro as they wheeled about. Whensoever they came to the boundary of the field and turned, then would a man come to each and give into liis hands a goblet of sweet wine, while others would be turning back along the furrows, fain to reach the boundary of the deep tilth. And the field grew black behind and seemed as it were a-plowing, albeit of gold, for this was the great marvel of the work. Furthermore he set therein the demesne-land of a king, where hinds were reaping with sharp sickles in their hands. Some armfuls along the swathe were falling in rows to the earth, whilst others the sheaf- binders were binding in twisted bands of straw Three sheaf-binders stood over them, while behind boys gather- ing corn and bearing it in their arms gave it constantly to the binders; and among them the king in silence was standing at the swathe with his staff, rejoicing in his heart. And henchmen apart beneath an oak were mak- ing ready a feast, and preparing a great ox they had sacrificed; while the women were strewing much white barley to be a supper for the hinds. Also he set therein a vineyard teeming plenteously with clusters, wrought fair in gold ; black were the grapes, but the vines hung throughout on silver poles. And around it he ran a ditch of cyanus, and round that a fence of tin ; and one single pathway led to it, whereby the vintagers might go when they should gather the vintage. And maidens and striplings in childish glee bare the sweet fruit in plaited baskets. And in the midst of them a boy made pleasant music on a clear- toned viol, and sang thereto a sweet Linos-song with delicate voice; while the rest with feet falling together kept time with the music and song. Also he wrought therein a herd of kine with upright horns, and the kine were fashioned of gold and tin, and with lowing they hurried from the byre to pasture be- side a murmuring river, beside the waving reed. And herdsmen of gold were following with the kine, four of them, and nine dogs fleet of foot came after them. But two terrible lions among the foremost kine had seized a loud-roaring bull that bellowed mightily as they haled him, and the dogs and the young men sped after him. The lions rending the great bull's hide were devouring his vitals and his black blood ; while the herdsmen in vain tarred on their fleet dogs to set on, for they shrank from biting the lions, but stood hard by and barked and swerved away. Also the glorious lame god wrought therein a jiasture in a fair glen, a great pasture of white sheep, and a steading, and roofed Inits, and folds. — Homer, Iliad, trans. Lang, XVIII. McKlnley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. Topic A 6. The Foes of the Greeks in the East and the West. OUTLINE OF TOPIC. 1. Rise of the Medo-Persian Power. a) Cyrus the Great and his conquests. b) Organization and unification of the Persian Em- pire, by Darius. c) Characteristics of Persian civilization. 1 ) Religion. 2) Government. 3) Architecture. 2. The grovrth of the Carthaginian power in the Western Mediterranean. a) Decline of the Phoenician power. b) Extent of the Carthaginian possessions in the West. c) Aims and ideals of the Carthaginian state. REFERENCES. Textbooks.— Botsford, Ancient, Sees. 2G-29, 99-101; Botsford, Ancient World, Sees. 60-69; Goodspeed, Sees. 7T-84, 164; Morey, Ancient, Sees. 89-91; Myers, Ancient, eh. 9; Webster, Ancient, Sees. 23-25, 70-71; West, Ancient, Sees. 68-77, 217; Westcrmann, pp. 72-75; Wolf son. Ancient, Sees. 89-92; Bots- ford, Greece, pp. xlvii-lii, 136-138; Morey, Greece, pp. 65-67, 168-173; Myers, Greece, eh. 8; West, Ancient World, Part I, eh. 5. Collateral Reading. — Allcroft & Masom, Sicily, eh. 1; Buiy, pp. 219-211; Church, Carthage, pp. 3-18, 95-125; Cox, Greeks and Persians, eh. 1-3; Harrison, eh. 21; Kimball-Bury, pp. 119-126; Oman, ch. 1-1; Schnckburgh, eh. 6; Seignobos, pp. 6-1-75, 78-80; Smith, B., Rome and Carthage, eh. 1. Additional Reading. — Benjamin, 1 ersia, ch. 1-7; Clarke, Ten Great Religions, Vol. I, eh. f; Curtius, Vol. II, pp. 112-193; Grote, Vol. Ill, eh. 21, Vol. IV, ch. 32-34; Grundy, Persian War, pp. 33-34, 40-44, 49-50; Lenormant and Chevallier, An- cient History of the East, Vol. II, Book V, eh. 2-6, Book VI, ch. 5-6; Ragozin, Media, Babylon and Persia, eh. 10-15; Sayce, Ancient Empires of the East, p-). -234-250; Tiraayenis, Vol. I, pp. 125-131. Source Books. — Botsford, ch. 5; Davis, Greece, ch. 3; Fling, pp. 98-99; Webster, ch. 2; Wright, pp. 295-296. SUGGESTIONS. (1) Note the work of conquest and the organization of the Persian Empire by Cyrus the Great and Darius; and the contrast presented by Persian civilization when compared with Greek, particularly as to religion and government. (2) Note the aims of Carthage; the extent of her colonies, particularly their location with reference to the Greeks; and the essentially Eastern character of her civilization. SOURCE-STUDY. THE PERSIAN RELIGION. SELECTIONS FROM THE ZEND AVESTA. The religion of the Persians was in direct contrast with that of the Greeks, laj'ing as it did special emphasis upon the moral qualities and considerably reducing tlie number of gods. Their beliefs and their idea of wrong-doing are brought out clearly in the extract from their Bible, the Zend-Avesta. Herodotus describes their religious ceremonies, contrasting these with those of his own nation. The first object sought by the worshipper was purity. This often meant simply physical cleansing by which the demon was expelled. Elaborate rites and cere- monies were required to cleanse them from the contamination which came from touching the dead or dead matter. Note the requirements for the disposal of such dead matter as the hair and nails. The Greek historian, Plutarch, presents the Persian idea of the presence of either good or evil in everything, and describes the struggle between the two which was ultimately to result in the superiority of Ahriman, the god of light and goodness. In the beginning, the two heavenly Ones spoke — the Good to the Evil — thus: "Our souls, doctrines, words, works, do not unite together." . . . I enter on the shining way to Paradise ; may the fear- ful terror of hell not overcome me! May I step over the bridge Chinevat, may I attain Paradise, with much perfume, and all enjoyments, and all brightness. Praise to the Overseer, the Lord, wlio rewards those who accomplish good deeds according to his own wisli, purifies at last the obedient, and at last purifies even the wicked one of hell. AU praise be to the creator, Or- mazd, the all-wise, mighty, rich in might. . . . I praise all good thoughts, words, and works, through thought, word, and deed. I curse all evil thouglits, words, and works away from thought, word, and deed. I lay hold on all good thoughts, words, and works, with thoughts, words, and works, i. e. I perform good ac- tions, I dismiss all evil thoughts, words, and works, from thoughts, words, and works, i. e. I commit no sins. . . . The defilement with dirt and corpses, the bringing of dirt and corpses to the water and fire, or the bring- ing of fire and water to dirt and corpses; the omission of reciting the Avesta in mind, of strewing about hair, nails, and toothpicks, of not washing the hands, all the rest which belongs to the category of dirt and corpses, if I have thereby come among the sinners, so repent I of all these sins with thoughts, words, and works, corporeal as spiritual, earthly as heavenly, with' the three words: pardon, O Lord, I repent of sin. That which was the wish of Ormazd the Creator, and I ought to have thought, and have not thought, what I ought to have spoken and have not spoken, wliat I ought to have done and have not done; of these sins repent I with thoughts, words, and works, etc. That which was the wish of Ahriman, and I ought not to have thought and yet have thought, what I ought not to have spoken, and yet have spoken, what I ought not to have done and yet have done ; of these sins I repent, etc. — The Zend-Avesta. Quoted in Clarke, Ten Great Religions, Vol. I., pp. 188-193. RITES AND CEREMONIES. ' The customs which I know the Persians to observe are the following. They have no images of the gods, no temples nor altars, and consider the use of them a sign of folly. This comes, I think, from their not be- lieving the gods to have the same nature with men, as the Greeks imagine. Their wont, however, is to ascend the summits of the loftiest mountains, and there to offer sacrifice to Jupiter, which is the name they give to the whole circuit of the firmament. They likewise offer to the sun and moon, to the earth, to fire, to water, and to the winds. These are the only gods whose worship has come down to them from ancient times. . . . To these gods the Persians offer sacrifice in the fol- lowing manner: they raise no altar, light no fire, pour no libations ; there is no sound of the flute, no putting on of chaplets, no consecrated barley-cake; but the man who wishes to sacrifice brings his victim to a spot of ground which is pure from pollution, and there calls upon the name of the god to whom he intends to offer. It is usual to have the turban encircled with a wreath, most commonly of myrtle. The sacrificer is not allowed to pray for blessings on himself alone, but he prays for the welfare of the king, and of the whole Persian peo- (CoDtinued on Page i.) Copyright. 1913. McKinley Publishing Co.. Philadelphia. Pa. CO ^ r-^*" LO ■ ^ r,. ■■s t- 2 = ">^ K = ? ©■ •/; j= £• K S i: tu H — -. = en . ,- b O - ** ;d = 5i "S W C c- :::: E 5 o r" ^■r McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. SOURCE-STUDY.— Continued. pie, among whom he is of necessity included. He cuts the victim in pieces, and having boiled^ the flesh, he lays it out upon the tenderest herbage that he can find, trefoil especially. When all is ready, one of the Magi comes forward and chants a hymn, which they say re- counts the origin of the gods. It is not lawful to offer sacrifice unless there is a Magus present. After wait- ing a short time the sacrificer carries the flesh of the victim away with him, and makes whatever use of it he may please. — Herodotus, trans. Rawlinson, I., Ch. 131-132. 'This* is the best of all things, this is the fairest of all things, even as thou hast said, O righteous Zara- thustra [Zoroaster] !' With these words the holy Ahura Mazda** rejoiced the holy Zarathustra: 'Purity is for man, next to life, the greatest good, that purity that is procured by the law of Mazda to him who cleanses his own self with good thoughts, words, and deeds.' — The Zend-Avesta, trans. Darmesteter, Extract from Fargard V. THE DISPOSAL OF THE HAIR AND NAILS. Zarathustra asked Ahura Mazda: 'O Ahura Mazda, most beneficent Spirit, Maker of the material world, thou Holy One! Which is the most deadly deed whereby a man increases most the baleful strength of the Daevas,*** as he would do by offering them a sacrifice?' Ahura Mazda answered: 'It is when a man here below combing his hair or shaving it off, or paring off his nails drops them in a hole or in a crack. Then for want of the lawful rites being observed, Daevas are produced in the earth; for want of the law- ful rites being observed, those Khrafstras are produced in the earth which men call lice, and which eat up the corn in the corn-field and the clothes in the wardrobe. "Therefore, O Zarathustra! whenever here below thou shalt comb thy hair or shave it off, or pare off thy nails, thou shalt take them away ten paces from the faithful, twenty paces from the fire, thirty paces from the water, fifty paces from the consecrated bundles of baresma. 'Then thou shalt dig a hole, a disti**** deep if the earth be hard, a vistati***** deep if it be soft; thou shalt take the hair down there and thou shalt say aloud these fiend-smiting words : "Out of him by his piety Mazda made the plants grow up." 'Thereupon thou shalt draw three furrows with a knife of metal around the hole, or six furrows or nine, and thou shalt chant the Ahuna-Vairya three times, or six, or nine. 'For the nails thou shalt dig a hole, out of the house, as deep as the top joint of the little finger; and thou shalt take the nails down there and thou shalt say aloud these fiend-smiting words : "The words that are heard from the pious in holiness and good thought." 'Then thou shalt draw three furrows with a knife of metal around the hole, or six furrows or nine, and thou shalt chant the Ahuna-Vairya three times, or six, or nine. *The purification or cleansing. **The supreme god. ***Demons. *»**Ten fingers. *****Twelve fingers. 'And then: "Look here, O Asho-zusta* bird I here are the nails for thee: look at the nails here! May they be for thee so many spears, knives, bows, falcon- winged arrows, and sling-stones against the Mazainya Daevas !" 'If those nails have not been dedicated (to the bird) they shall be in the hands of the Mazainya Daevas so many spears, knives, bows, falcon-winged arrows, and sling-stones (against the Mazainya Daevas). — The Zend-Avesta, trans. Darmesteter, Extracts from Fargard XVIL Some believe that there are two Gods, — as it were, two rival workmen ; the one whereof thej' make to be the maker of good things, and the other bad. And some call the better of these God, and the other Daemon ; as doth Zoroastres, the Magee, whom they report to be five thousand years elder than the Trojan times. This Zoroastres therefore called the one of these Oromazes, and the other Arimanius; and affirmed, moreover, that the one of them did, of anything sensible, the most re- semble light, and the other darkness and ignorance; but that Mithras was in the middle betwixt them. For which cause, the Persians called Mithras the mediator. And they tell us that he first taught mankind to make vows and offerings of thanksgiving to the one, and to offer averting and feral sacrifice to the other. For they beat a certain plant called homomy** in a mortar, and call upon Pluto and the dark; and then mix it with the blood of a sacrificed wolf, and convey it to a certain place where the sun never shines, and there cast it away. For of plants they believe, that some pertain to the good God, and others again to the evil Daemon ; and likewise they think that such animals as dogs, fowls, and urcliins belong to the good; but water animals to the bad, for which reason they account him happy that kills most of them. These men, moreover, tell us a great many romantic things about these gods, whereof these are some: They say that Oromazes, springing from purest light, and Arimanius, on the other hand, from pitchy darkness, these two are there- fore at war with one another. And that Oromazes made six gods, whereof the first was the author of benevolence, the second of truth, the third of justice, and the rest, one of wisdom, one of wealth, and a third of that pleasure which accrues from good actions ; and that Arimanius likewise made the like number of con- trary operations to confront them. After this, Oro- mazes, having first trebled his own magnitude, mounted up aloft, so far above the sun as the sun itself above the earth, and so bespangled the heavens with stars. But one star (called Sirius or the Dog) he set as a kind of sentinel or scout before all the rest. And after he had made four-and-twenty gods more, he placed them all in an egg-shell. But those that were made by Arimanius (being themselves also of the like number) breaking a hole in this beauteous and glazed egg-shell, bad things came by this means to be intermixed witli good. But the fatal time is now approaching, in which Arimanius, who by means of this brings plagues and famines upon the earth, must of necessity be himself utterly extinguished and destroyed ; at which time, the earth, being made plain and level, there will be one life, and one society of mankind, made all happy, and one speech. — Plutarch, Morals, on Isis and Osiris, ch. 46-47. *The owl. **Identified with the Indian soma. McKlnley's Illustrated Topics tor Ancient History. Topic A 7. The Struggle with Persia and Carthage. OUTLINE OF TOPIC. 1. The Ionic revolt, ipQ-W-t B. C. a) The Greek world in Asia Minor and its import- ance. b) Acquisition of the Greek cities by Lydia and their subsequent treatment. c) Schemes of Aristagoras and outbreak of the Ionic Revolt. d) Participation of Athens and Eretria. e) Burning of Sardis. f) Suppression of the revolt. 2. The desire of Darius for revenge (First and Second Persian invasions of Greece), IQi-lSO B. C. a) Failure of expedition under jSIardonius. b) Invasion of Datis and Artaphernes. 1) Destruction of Eretria. 2) Miltiades at Marathon and significance of the battle. S. The ten years' respite, 490-480 B. C. a) Expedition and disgrace of Miltiades. b) Renewed preparation in Persia. c) Comparison of resources and strength of com- batants. 4. Invasion of Greece, by Xerxes, 480-479 B. C. a) Route of Persians. b) Greek plans for defence — Congress of Corinth. c) Leonidas at Thermopyl*. d) Artemesium. e) Themistocles and Salamis. f) Pausanias at Plataea. g) Mycale. 5. Invasion of Sicilv, by Hamilcar, 480 B. C. a) Power of Syracuse in Sicily — Gelo, the tyrant. b) Circumstances favorable to the Carthaginian attack. c) Himera and its significance. 6. Effects of repulse 'of Persians and Carthaginians. a) On political life. b) On development of art and literature. REFERENCES. Textbooks. — Botsford, Ancient, cli. 7-8; Botsford, Ancient World, Sees. 185-210; Goodspeed, Sees. IIT, 164-178; Morey, Ancient, cli. 11; Myers, Ancient, ch. 18-19; M'ebster, Ancient, Sees. 72-79; West, Ancient, Sees. 152-176; Westermann, Ancient, Sees. 156-170; Wolf.son, Ancient, Sees. 87-88, 90-91, 93-116; Botsford, Greece, ch. 6-7; Morev, Greece, pp. 167-168, 173-193; Mvers, Greece, pp. 129-133, ch". 9-14; Smith, Greece, ch. 7-8, pp. 65-66; West, Ancient World, Part I, Sees. 159-183. Collateral Reading. — Allcroft and JIasom, Sicily, ch. 2-3; Bury, ch. 6-7; Church, Carthage, Part II, ch. 1; Cox, Greeks and Persians, ch. 6-8; Creasv, ch. 1; Freeman, Sicilv, ch. 5-6; Harrison, ch. 23, 25-31, pp.' 375-379; Kimball-Burv, ch. 7-8; Oman, ch. 13-15, 17-20, pp. 228-233; Plutarch, Lives of Aris- teides and Themistocles; Schuckburgh, ch. 7-10; Schuckburgh, Greece to A. D. 14, ch. 3-4. Additional Pteading. — Abbott, Part II, ch. 1-5; Benjamin, Persia, ch. 8-9; Curtius, Vol. II, pp. 193-355, Vol. HI, pp. 209-335; Grote, Vol. IV, ch. 35-36, Vol. V, ch. 38-43; Grundy, Persian War, ch. 3-14; Holm, Vol. II, ch. 1-6; Sayce, Ancient Empires of the East, pp. 250-352; Timayenis, Vol. I, pp. 131- 229. Source Books. — Botsford, ch. 15-16; Davis, Greece, ch. 6; Fling, pp. 99-143; Webster, ch. 7; Wright, pp. 71, 314-318. SUGGESTIONS. (1) Note the relations of the Greek cities to Lydia, Persia and Greece; why they rebelled, bearing in mind the contrasts presented in their civilizations (see Topic A-6, suggestions); and the part taken in the revolt by Greece proper. (2) Note especially the route taken by first expedition; its failure; the route of second invasion; and the significance of Marathon. (3) Note the downfall of Jliltiades; the appearance of new leaders; their rivalry; and the preparations made by Greece and Persia for the last struggle, with special reference to tlie meeting at Corinth. (4) Note the parts played by Leonidas, Themistocles and Pausanias; follow the route of the expedition on the map. (5) Note the serious nature of the danger in the West; the career of Gelo; the reasons for the attack; and the significance of Himera. (6) Sum up the progress which the Greeks had already made. Note what it would have meant for their civilization if it had been checked or destroyed. SOURCE-STUDY. THE BATTLE OF SALAMIS. The battle of Salamis decided the fate of the expedition of Xerxes. An opportunity is afforded here of contrasting and criticising three diiferent authorities. It must be borne In mind that Plutarch (b. 46 .\. D., d. 120 A. D.) wrote at a much later date than either Herodotus or ..Eschylus who were contem- poraries of the event. The latter makes no pretence to being a historian, but his account is of special value as he fought with the Greek fleet on this occasion and was therefore an eye- witness of the scene. He also served at Marathon and fought with such distinction that he was selected for the prize of pre- eminent bravery. Then the Hellenes put out all their ships, and while they were putting out from shore, the barbarians at- tacked them fortliwith. Now the other Hellenes began backing their ships and were about to run them aground, but Ameinias of Pallene, an Athenian, put forth witli his ship and charged one of the enemy; and his ship being entangled in combat and the men not being able to get away, the others joined in the fight to assist Ameinias. The Athenians say that the beginning of the battle was made thus, but the Eginetans say that tlie ship which went away to Egina to bring the sons of Aiacos was that which began the fight. It is also re- ported that an apparition of a woman was seen by them, and that having appeared she encouraged them to the fight so that the whole army of the Hellenes heard it, first having reproached them in these words: "Madmen, how far will ye yet back your ships?" Opposite the Athenians had been ranged the Phoeni- cians, for these occupied the wing towards Eleusis and the west, and opposite the Lacedemonians were the lon- ians, who occupied the wing which extended to tlie east and to Piraeus. Of them, however, a few were purposely slack in the fight according to the injunctions of Themistocles, but the greater number were not so. I might mention now the names of many captains of ships who destroyed ships of the Hellenes, but I will make no use of their names except in the case of Theo- mestor the son of Androdamos and Phylacos the son of Histiaios, of Samos both: and for this reason I make mention of these and not of the rest, because Theo- mestor on account of this deed became despot of Samos, appointed by the Persians, and Phylacos was recorded as a benefactor of the king and received much land as a reward. Now the benefactors of the king are called in the Persian tongue, orosangai. Thus it was with these; but the greater number of their ships were disabled at Salamis, being destroyed some by the Athenians and others by the Eginetans; for since the Hellenes fought in order and ranged in their places, while the barbarians were no longer ranged in order nor did anything with design, it was likely that there would be some such result as in fact fol- CopTiitbt. 1913, HcKinley PuUishmS Co,, FhiUdelpUs, Fa, McKinley's Illustrated Topics {or Ancient History. Mc'^nls^^'a Seijea of Geonraohical and Historical OoUiiu. Maps.. Ko. ij. Greece cud ^geanSea. Copyflght, 1900, The McKiHleyTublishing Co., Philadelplda, ^a. Map Work for Topic A 7. Show on the map the three invasions of Greece during Persian Wars, with the location of important points on the route. References: Dow, Plate 2; Putzger, p. 7; Shepherd, p. 13; Botsford, Ancient, p. 135; Botsford, Ancient World, p. 160; Morey, Ancient, pp. 153, 154; Myers, Ancient, p. 194; West, Ancient, p. 76; Botsford, Greece, p. 127; Morey, Greece, p. 186; Myers, Greece, p. 168; Webster, Ancient, p. 193; West, Ancient World, Part I, p. 73; KimbaU-Bury, p. 141. SOURCE-STUDY.-Continued. lowed. Yet on this day they surpassed themselves much more than when they fought by Euboea, every one being eager and fearing Xerxes, and each man thinking that the king was looking especially at him. — Herodotus, trans. Macaulay, VIII., Ch. 83-86. As soon as it was day, Xerxes placed himself high up, to view his fleet, and how it was set in order. Phanodemus says, he sat upon a promontory above the temple of Hercules, where the coast of Attica is sepa- rated from the island by a narrow channel; but Acesto- dorus writes, that it was in the confines of Megara, upon those hills which are called the Horns, where he sat in a chair of gold, with many secretaries about him to write down all that was done in the fight. The number of the enemy's ships the poet Aeschylus gives in his tragedy called the Persians, as on his cer- tain knowledge, in the following words: "Xerxes, I know, did into battle lead One thousand ships; of more than usual speed Seven and two hundred. So it is agreed." The Athenians had a hundred and eiglity ; in every ship eighteen men fought upon the deck, four of whom were archers and the rest men at arms. As Themistocles had fixed upon the most advantageous place, so, with no less sagacitj^, he chose the best time of fighting; for he would not run the prows of his galleys against the Persians, nor begin the fight till the time of day was come, when there regularly blows in a fresh breeze from the open sea, and brings in with it a strong swell into the channel; which was no in- convenience to the Greek ships, which were low-built, and little above the water, but did much hurt to the Persians, which had high sterns and lofty decks, and were heavy and cumbrous in their movements, as it pre- sented them broadside to the quick charges of the Greeks, who kept their eyes upon the motions of Them- istocles, as their best example, and more particularly because, opposed to his ship, Ariamenes, admiral to Xer- xes, a brave man, and by far the best and worthiest of the king's brothers, was seen throwing darts and shoot- ing arrows from his huge galley, as from the walls of a castle. Aminias the Decelean and Sosicles the Pe- dian, who sailed in the same vessel, upon the ships meeting stem to stem, and transfixing each the other with their brazen prows, so that they were fastened to- gether, when Ariamenes attempted to board theirs, ran at him with their pikes, and thrust him into the sea ; (Continued *n Page 4.) McKlnley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. Topic A 7. The Struggle with Persia and Carthage. OUTLINE OF TOPIC. 1. The Ionic revolt, 499- i9i B. C. a) The Greek world in Asia Minor and its import- ance. b) Acquisition of the Greek cities by Lydia and their subsequent treatment. c) Schemes of Aristagoras and outbreak of the Ionic Revolt. d) Participation of Athens and Eretria. e) Burning of Sardis. f) Suppression of the revolt. 2. The desire of Darius for revenge (First and Second Persian invasions of Greece), 'ip-i-igo B. C. a) Failure of expedition under INIardonius. b) Invasion of Datis and Artaphernes. 1 ) Destruction of Eretria. 2) Miltiades at Marathon and significance of the battle. 3. The ten years' respite, -190-480 B. C. a) Expedition and disgrace of Miltiades. b) Renewed preparation in Persia. c) Comparison of resources and strength of com- batants. 4. Invasion of Greece, by Xerxes, 480-479 B. C. a) Route of Persians. b) Greek plans for defence — Congress of Corinth. c) Leonidas at Thermopylae. d) Artemesium. e) Themistocles and Salamis. f) Pausanias at Platasa. g) Mycale. 5. Invasion of Sicily, by Hamilcar, 480 B. C. a) Power of Syracuse in Sicily — Gelo, the tyrant. b) Circumstances favorable to the Carthaginian attack. c) Himera and its significance. 6. Effects of repulse of Persians and Carthaginians. a) On political life. b) On development of art and literature. REFERENCES. TextbooliS. — Botsford, Ancient, ch. 7-8; Botsford, Ancient World, Sees. 185-310; Goodspeed, Sees. 117, 164-178; Morey, Ancient, ch. 11; Myers, Ancient, ch. 18-19; Webster, Ancient, Sees, "iii-'d; West, Ancient, Sees. 152-176; Westermann, Ancient, Sees. 156-170; Wolfson, Ancient, Sees. 87-88, 90-91, 93-116; Botsford, Greece, ch. 6-7; Morey, Greece, pp. 167-168, 173-193; Mvers, Greece, pp. 129-133, ch". 9-14; Smith, Greece, ch. 7-8, pp. 65-66; West, Ancient World, Part I, Sees. 159-183. Collateral Reading. — Allcroft and Masom, Sicily, ch. 2-3; Bury, ch. 6-7; Church, Carthage, Part II, ch. 1; Cox, Greeks and Persians, ch. 6-8; Creasy, ch. 1; Freeman, Sicilv, ch. 5-6; Harrison, ch. 33, 25-31, pp. 375-379; Kimball-Burv, ch. 7-8; Oman, ch. 13-15, 17-20, pp. 228-333; Plutarch, Lives of Aris- teides and Themistocles; Schuckburgh, ch. 7-10; Schuckburgh, Greece to A. D. 14, ch. 3-4. Additional Reading. — Abbott, Part II, ch. 1-5; Benjamin, Persia, ch. 8-9; Curtins, Vol. II, pp. 193-355, Vol. Ill, pp. 209-335; Grote, Vol. IV, ch. 35-36, Vol. V, ch. 38-43; Grundy, Persian War, ch. 3-14; Holm, Vol. II, ch. 1-6; Sayce, Ancient Empires of the East, pp. 250-252; Timayenis, Vol". I, pp. 131- 229. Source Books. — Botsford, ch. 15-16; Davis, Greece, ch. 6; Fling, pp. 99-143; Webster, ch. 7; Wright, pp. 71, 314-318. SUGGESTIONS. (1) Note the relations of the Greek cities to Lydia, Persia and Greece; why they rebelled, bearing in mind the contrasts presented in their civilizations (see Topic A-6, suggestions) ; and the part taken in the revolt by Greece proper. (3) Note especially the route taken by first expedition; its failure; the route of second invasion; and the significance of Marathon. (3) Note the downfall of Miltiades; the appearance of new leaders; their rivalry; and the preparations made by Greece and Persia for the last struggle, with special reference to the meeting at Corinth. (4) Note the parts played by Leonidas, Tlicmistocles and Pausanias; follow the route of the expedition on tlie ma]). (5) Note the serious nature of the danger in the West; the career of Gelo; the reasons for tlie attack; and the significance of Himera. (6) Sum up the progress which the Greeks had already m.ido. Note what it would have meant for tlieir civilization if it had ,been checked or destroyed. SOURCE-STUDY. THE BATTLE OF SALAMIS. The battle of Salamis decided the fate of the expedition of Xerxes. An opportunity is afforded here of contrasting and criticising three different authorities. It must be borne in mind that Plutarch (b. 46 A. D., d. 130 A. D.) wrote at a nuich later date than either Herodotus or ^schylus who were contem- poraries of the event. The latter makes no pretence to being a historian, but his account is of special value as he fought with the Greek fleet on this occasion and was therefore an eye- witness of the scene. He also served at JIarathon and fought with sucli distinction that he was selected for the prize of pre- eminent bravery. Then the Hellenes put out all their ships, and while they were putting out from sliorc, the barbarians at- tacked them fortlnvith. Now the other Hellenes began backing their ships and were about to run them aground, but Ameinias of Pallene, an Athenian, put forth with his ship and charged one of the enemy; and his ship being entangled in combat and the men not being able to get away, the others joined in the fight to assist Ameinias. The Athenians say that the beginning of the battle was made thus, but tlie Eginctans say tliat the ship which went away to Egina to bring the sons of Aiacos was that whicli began the fight. It is also re- ported that an apparition of a woman was seen by them, and that having appeared she encouraged them to the fight so that the whole army of the Hellenes heard it, first having reproached them in these words: "ISIadmen, how far will ye yet back your ships.'" Opposite the Athenians had been ranged the Phoeni- cians, for these occupied the wing towards Eleusis and the west, and opposite the Lacedemonians were the lon- ians, who occupied the wing which extended to the east and to Piraeus. Of them, however, a few were purposely slack in the fight according to the injunctions of Themistocles, but the greater number were not so. I might mention now the names of many captains of ships who destroyed ships of the Hellenes, but I will make no use of their names except in the case of Tlieo- mestor the son of Androdamos and Phylacos the son of Histiaios, of Samos both : and for this reason I make mention of these and not of the rest, because Theo- mestor on account of this deed became despot of Samos, appointed by the Persians, and Phylacos was recorded as a benefactor of the king and received much land as a reward. Now the benefactors of the king are called in the Persian tongue, orosangai. Thus it was with these; but the greater number of their ships were disabled at Salamis, being destroyed some by the Athenians and others by the Eginctans; for since the Hellenes fought in order and ranged in their places, while the barbarians were no longer ranged in order nor did anything with design, it was likely that there would be some such result as in fact fol- Copyrilht, 1913, UcKinle; Publishing Cc, Philadelpbia, Pa, McKlnley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. Mc4iulss'3 Serju of Georrraobical aad Historical OoUuic. Haps.. Ko. ij. Greeqe aud ^geaiLSsa. Copyright, 1900, The McKiHley-Publishing Co., Pbiladelplila, fa. Map Work for Topic A 7. Show on the inap the three invasions of Greece during Persian Wars, with the location of important points on the route. References: Dow, Plate 2; Putzger, p. 7; Shepherd, p. 13; Botsford, Ancient, p. 125; Botsford, Ancient World, p. 160; Morejf, Ancient, pp. 152, 154; Myers, Ancient, p. 194; West, Ancient, p. 76; Botsford, Greece, p. 127; Morey, Greece, p. 186; Myers, Greece, p. 168; Webster, Ancient, p. 192; West, Ancient World, Part I, p. 72; Kimball-Bury, p. 141. SOURCE-STUDY.-Continued. lowed. Yet on this day they surpassed themselves much more than when they fought by Euboea, every one being eager and fearing Xerxes, and each man thinking that the king was looking especially at him. — Herodotus, trans. Macaulay, VIII., Ch. 83-86. As soon as it was day, Xerxes placed himself high up, to view his fleet, and how it was set in order. Phanodemus says, he sat upon a promontory above the temple of Hercules, where the coast of Attica is sepa- rated from the island by a narrow channel; but Acesto- dorus writes, that it was in the confines of Megara, upon those hills which are called the Horns, where he sat in a chair of gold, with many secretaries about him to write down all that was done in the fight. The number of the enemy's ships the poet Aeschylus gives in his tragedy called the Persians, as on his cer- tain knowledge, in the following words: "Xerxes, I know, did into battle lead One thousand ships; of more than usual speed Seven and two hundred. So it is agreed." The Athenians had a hundred and eighty; in every ship eighteen men fought upon the deck, four of whom were archers and the rest men at arms. As Themistocles had fixed upon the most advantageous place, so, with no less sagacity, he chose the best time of fighting; for he would not run the prows of his galleys against the Persians, nor begin the fight till the time of day was come, when there regularly blows in a fresh breeze from the open sea, and brings in with it a strong swell into the channel; which was no in- convenience to the Greek ships, which were low-built, and little above tlie water, but did much hurt to the Persians, whicli had high sterns and lofty decks, and were heavy and cumbrous in their movements, as it pre- sented them broadside to the quick charges of the Greeks, who kept their eyes upon the motions of Them- istocles, as their best example, and more particularly because, opposed to his ship, Ariamenes, admiral to Xer- xes, a brave man, and by far the best and worthiest of the king's brothers, was seen throwing darts and shoot- ing arrows from his huge galley, as from the walls of a castle. Aminias the Decelean and Sosicles the Pe- dian, who sailed in the same vessel, upon the ships meeting stem to stem, and transfixing each the other with their brazen prows, so that they were fastened to- gether, when Ariamenes attempted to board tlieirs, ran at him with their pikes, and thrust him into the sea; (Continued «ii P^e O \^ McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. SOURCE-STUDY— Continued. his body, as it floated amongst other shipwrecks, was known to Artemsia, and carried to Xerxes. It is reported that, in the middle of the fight, a great flame rose into the air above the city of Eleusis, and that sounds and voices were heard through all the Thriasian plain, as far as the sea, sounding like a number of men accompanying and escorting the mystic lacchus, and that a mist seemed to form and rise from the place from whence the sounds came, and, passing forward, fell upon the galleys. Others believed that they saw apparitions, in the shape of armed men, reach- ing out their hands from the island of Aegina before the Grecian galleys ; and supposed they were the Aeaci- da?, whom they had invoked to their aid before the bat- tle. The first man that took a ship was Lycomedes the Athenian, captain of a galley, who cut down its ensign, and dedicated it to Apollo the laurel-crowned. And as the Persians fought in a narrow arm of the sea, and could bring but part of their fleet to fight, and fell foul of one another^ the Greeks thus equalled them in strength and fought with them till the evening forced them back, and obtained, as says Simonides, that noble and famous victory, than which neither amongst the Greeks nor barbarians was ever known more glorious exploit on the seas; by the joint valor, indeed, and zeal of all who fought, but by the wisdom and sagacity of Themistocles. — Plutarch, Themisiocles, trans. Clough. Atossa. "Next tell me how the fight of ships began. Who led the attack? Were those Hellenes the first. Or wasn't my son, exulting in his strength.-'" Messenger. "The author of the mischief, O my mis- tress. Was some foul fiend or power on evil bent; For lo! a Hellene from the Athenian host Came to thy son, to Xerxes, and spake thus. That should the shadow of the dark night come. The Hellenes would not wait him, but would leap Into their rowers' benches, here and there. And save their lives in secret, hasty flight. And he forthwith, this hearing, knowing not The Hellenes' guile, nor yet the gods' great wrath. Gives this command to all his admirals. Soon as the sun should cease to burn the earth With his bright rays and darkness thick invade The firmament of heaven, to set their ships In three-fold lines, to hinder all escape, And guard the billowy straits, and others place In circuit round about the isle of Aias: For if the Hellenes 'scaped an evil doom. And found a way of secret, hasty flight. It was ordained that all should lose their heads. Such things he spake from soul o'erwrought with pride, pride. For he knew not what fate the gods would send; And they not mutinous, but prompt to serve. Then made their supper ready, and each sailor Fastened his oar around true-fitting thole. And when the sunlight vanished, and the night Had come, then each man, master of an oar. Went to his ship, and all men bearing arms. And through the long ships rank cheered loud to rank; And so they sail, as 'twas appointed each, And all night long the captains of the fleet Kept their men working, rowing to and fro ; Night then came on, and the Hellenic host In no wise sought to take to secret flight. And when day, bright to look on with white steeds, O'erspread the earth, then rose from the Hellenes Loud chant of cry of battle, and forthwith Echo gave answer from each island rock ; And terror then on all the Persians fell. Of fond hopes disappointed. Not in flight The Hellenes then their solemn paeans sang: But with brave spirit hasting on to battle. With martial sound the trumpet fired those ranks ; And straight with sweep of oars that flew through foam. They smote the loud waves at the boatswain's call ; And swiftly all were manifest to sight. Then first their right wing moved in order meet; Next the whole line its forward course began. And all at once we heard a mightj^ shout, — 'O sons of Hellenes, forward, free your country; Free too your wives, your children, and the shrines Built to your fathers' gods, and holy tombs Your ancestors now rest in. Now the fight Is for our all.' And on our side, indeed Arose in answer din of Persian speech. And time to wait was over ; ship on ship Dashed its bronze-pointed beak, and first a barque Of Hellas did the encounter fierce begin. And from Phoenician vessel crashes off Her carved prow. And each against his neighbor Steers his own ship : and first the mighty flood Of Persian host held out. But when the ships AVere crowded in the straits, nor could they give Help to each other, they with mutual shocks, With beaks of bronze went crushing each the other. Shivering their rowers' benches. And the ships Of Hellas, with manoeuvering not unskilful. Charged cii-cling round them. And the hulls of ships Floated capsized, nor could the sea be seen, Strown, as it was, with wrecks and carcasses ; And all the shores and rocks were full of corpses. And every ship was wildly rowed in fight. All that composed the Persian armament. And they, as men spear tunnies, or a haul Of other fishes, with the shafts of oars. Or spars of wrecks went smiting, cleaving down ; And bitter groans and wailing overspread The wide sea-waves, till eye of swarthy night Bade it all cease: and for the mass of ills, Not, though my tale should run for ten full days. Could I in full recount them. Be assured That never yet so great a multitude Died in a single day as died in this." — Aeschylus, trans. Plumptre, The Persians. McKlnley's Illustrated Topics (or Ancient History. Topic A 8. The Age of Pericles : The Development of the Government and Rise of the Athenian Empire. OUTLINE OF TOPIC. 1. Sparta's loss of leadership and formation of the Athenian Empire. a) Condition of Athens, in 479 B. C. b) Themistocles and the recovery of Athens. c) Spartan ojaposition. d) Aristeides and the formation of the Delian League, c) Treachery of Pausanias and Sparta's loss of leadership, f) Fall of Themistocles. 2. Cimon, "the Athenian Nelson," and his policies. a) Naval exploits and recovery of the coast of Asia Minor and the Northern ^-Egean from Persia. b) His idea of the relation of Sparta and Athens to Greece. c) The revolt of the Helots. d) His ostracism. 3. The imperial policy of Pericles. a) Reasons for his elevation to the leadership of Athens. b) Efforts to make Athens a land and naval power c) The Thirty Years' Truce and its significance. d) Increase of the naval power of Athens. i'. The Athenian democracy as established by Pericles. a) Changes in the citizenship. b) The dicasteries. c) Use of the theatre. d) Introduction of pay. e) Strong and weak points of the government. REFERENCES. Textbooks.— Botsford, Ancient, Sees. 118-132; Botsford, An- cient World, Sees. 211-2!38, 243; Goodspeed, Ancient, Sees. 181- 196, 210-214; Moray, Ancient, pp. 160-177; Mvers, Ancient, Sees. 216-229, 231; Webster, Ancient, Sees. 80-88; West, Ancient, Sees. 177-200; Westerniann, Ancient, eh. 13-14; Wolfson, An- cient, Sees. 117-132, 136-139; Botsford, Greece, pp. 140-157,164- 179; Morev, Greece, pp. 202-227; Myers, Greece, pp. 227-263, 266-269; Smith, Greece, pp. 114-137; West, Ancient World, Part I, Sees. 184-216. Collateral Reading.— Abbott, Pericles, eh. 3-11, 16; Burj', ch. 8, pp. 346-367, 378-385; Cox, Athenian Empire, ch. 1; Grant, ch. 5-8; Harrison, ch. 32-33; Oman, cli. 22-24, pp. 268-271, 274-279; Plutarch, Lives of Pericles, Themistocles, Aristides, Cimon; Schuckburgh, cii. 11-12; Schuckburgh, Greece to A. D. 14, pp. 126-145; Tucker, ch. 10, 13, 14. Additional Reading. — Abbott, Greece, Part II, cii. 6-11, Part in, ch. 1; AUcroft and Stout, Making of Athens, ch. 7-12; Cunningham, Western Civilization, Vol. I, pp. 112-123; Curtius, Vol. II, Book III, ch. 2, pp. 481-546; Gow. pp. 97-137; Grote, Vol. V, ch. 44-45, Vol. VI, ch. 46, pp. 49-66; Gulick, ch. 16; Holm, Vol. II, ch. 7-19; Timavenis, Vol. I, pp. 230-261; Whibly, Greek Studies, pp. 64-69, 360-368, 382-411. Source Books.— Botsford, pp. 1T5-185, 194-205; Davis, Greece, Nos. 74-75, 78-80, 87-88; Fling, pp. 144-159. SUGGESTIONS. (1) Note the advantages possessed by Sparta over Athens at the close of the war; and how Athens overcame these through the efforts of Themistocles and Aristeides, favored by the treachery of Pausanias. (2) Note the objects sought by Cimon as the leader of Athens; his success in attaining these, especially his career as an admiral; and his final overthrow as the result of his idea of what the relations of Athens and Sparta should be to each other and to Greece. (3) Note the efforts of Pericles to make Athens the power in Greece, particularly the building up of her power on land; and the ultimate failure as marked by the Truce. (4) Note the radical changes made by Pericles in the government and whether they were really democratic in their nature and effects. SOURCE-STUDY. THE REFORM MEASURES OF PERICLES AND THE RELATIONS BETWEEN ATHENS AND HER ALLIES. Pericles was largely responsible for tlie creation of tlie Athenian democracy. His principal changes in the government are here summarized by Aristotle the philosoi>her and political thinker with some of the reasons for these, and comments upon their significance. Xenophon attempts to justify tlic relation; which were established between Athens and her allies and the benefits accruing to the city as the result of the policy ado))ted. Aristophanes in the play from which the last extract is taken makes the entire plot hinge xipon the spirit of litigation so prevalent in his day. The principal character is an .\tlienian juror or dicast. After this Pericles assumed the jjosition of popular leader, having first distinguished himself while still a young man by jDrosecuting Cimon on the audit of his official accounts as general. Lender his auspices the constitution became still more democratic. He took away some of the privileges of the Areopagus, and, above all, he turned the policy of the state in the di- rection of naval dominion, which caused the masses to acquire confidence in themselves and consequently to take the conduct of affairs more and more into their own hands. Moreover, forty-eight years after the bat- tle of Salamis, in the archonship of Pythodorus, the Peloponnesian War broke out, during which the popu- lace was shut up) in the city and became accustomed to gain its livelihood b}' militarj' service, and so, partly voluntarily and partly involuntarily determined to as- sume the administration of the state itself. Pericles was also the first •to institute pay for service in the law- courts, as a bid for popular favor to counterbalance the wealth of Cimon. The latter, having private posses- sions of royal splendor, not only performed the regu- lar public services magnificently, but also maintained a large number of his fellow-demesmen. Any member of the deme of Laciadas could go every day to Cimon's house and there receive a reasonable provision ; and his estate was guarded by no fences, so that any one who liked might help himself to the fruit from it. Pericles' private property was quite unequal to this magnificence, and accordingly he took tlie advice of Damonides of Olia, (who was commonly supjDosed to be the person who prompted Pericles in most of his measures, and was therefore subsequently ostracized), which was that, as he was beaten in the matter of private possessions, he should make presents to the people from their own property; and accordingly he instituted pay for the members of the juries. Some persons accuse him of thereby causing a deterioration in the character of the juries, since it was always the inferior people who were anxious to submit themselves for selection as jurors, rather than the men of better position. Moreover, bribery came into existence after this, the first person to introduce it being Anytus, after his command at Pylus. He was prosecuted by certain individuals on jury. — Aristotle, trans. Kenyon, On the Athenian Con- stitution, ch. 27. To speak next of the allies, and in reference to the point that emissaries from Athens come out, and, ac- cording to common opinion, calumniate and vent their hatred upon the better sort of people, this is done on tContinued on Page 4.) Copyright. 1913, HcKiiiley Pnblialiiiu Ca, Philadelphia, Pa. McKinley's Illustrated Topics (or Ancient History. No. A 8. Copyiithl. 1013. McKinlev Publlshlnj Co. . Phlliidelpblfc ft. THE ACROPOLIS OF TODAY AND OF YESTERDAY. 1 1. Photograph of the Acropolis of today. 2. Restoration of the Acropolis. SUGGESTIVE QUESTION'S. Note the relative location of each of these buildings on the Acropolis. Can you identify the ruins in the upper picture in the lower view? What were the most prominent features of the Acropolis? Are these buildings in any sense modern m construction? Did the Athenians display any skill in adapting these structures to the formation of the land? .(^ McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. SOURCE-STUDY - Continued. the principle that the ruler cannot help being hated by those whom he rules; but that if wealth and respectabil- ity are to wield power in the subject cities, the empire of the Athenian people has but a short lease of exist- ence. This explains why the better people are pun- ished with infamy, robbed of their money, driven from their homes, and put to death, while the baser sort are promoted to honour. On the other hand, the better Athenians throw their aegis over the better class in the allied cities. And why.'' Because they recognize that it is to the interest of their own class at all times to protect the best element in the cities. It may be urged that if it comes to strength and power the real strength of Athens lies in the capacity of her allies to contribute their money quota. But to the democratic mind, it appears a higher advantage still for the individual Athenian to get hold of the wealth of the allies, leav- ing them only enough to live upon and to cultivate their estates, but powerless to harbour treacherous designs. Again, it is looked upon as a mistaken policy on the part of the Athenian democracy to compel her allies to voyage to Athens in order to have their cases tried. On the other hand, it is easy to reckon up what a num- ber of advantages the Athenian People derives from the practice impugned. In the first place, there is the steady receipt of salaries throughout the year derived from the court fees. Next, it enables them to manage the affairs of the allied states while seated at home without the expense of naval expeditions. Thirdly, they thus preserve the partisans of the democracy, and ruin her opponents in the law-courts. Whereas, sup- posing the several allied states tried their cases at home, being inspired by hostility to Athens, they would destroy those of their own citizens whose friendship to the Athenian People was most marked. But besides all this the democracy derives the following advantages from hearing the cases of her allies in Athens. In the first place, the one per cent levied in Piraeus is in- creased to the profit of the state; again, the owner of a lodging-house does better, and so, too, the owner of a pair of beasts, or of slaves to be let out on hire; again, heralds and criers are a class of people who fare better owing to the sojourn of foreigners at Athens. Further still, supposing the allies had not to resort to Athens for the hearing of cases, only the official representative of the imperial state would be held in honor, such as the general, or trierarch, or ambassador. Whereas now every single individual among the allies is forced to pay ilattery to the People of Athens be- cause he knows that he must betake himself to Athens and win or lose his case at the bar, not of any stray set of judges, but of the sovereign People itself, such being the law and custom at Athens. He is compelled to behave as a suppliant in the courts of justice, and when some juryman comes into court, to grasp his hand. For this reason, therefore, the allies find them- selves more and more in the position of slaves to the people of Athens. Furthermore, owing to the possession of property beyond the limits of Attica, and the exercise of mag- istracies which take them into regions beyond the front- ier, they and their attendants have insensibly acquired the art of navigation. A man who is perpetually . voyaging is forced to handle the oar, he and his domes- tic alike, and to learn the terms familiar in seaman- ship. Hence a stock of skillful mariners is produced, bred upon a wide experience of voyaging and practice. They have learnt their business, some in piloting a small craft, others a merchant vessel, whilst others have been drafted off from these for service on a ship-of-war. So that the majority of them are able to row the mo- ment they set foot on board a vessel, having been in a state of preliminary practice all their lives. — Xeno- phon, trans. Dakyns, Polity of the Athenians, Ch. 1. THE POWERS AND DUTIES OF THE DICAST OR JUROR. [Philocleon, the Dicast, speaking:] Well now, I will demonstrate forthwith from the starting-point respecting our dominion, that it is in- ferior to no sovereignty. For what animal at the present time is more happy and enviable, or more luxurious, or more terrible, than a dicast, especially an old one? AVhom in the feast-place fellows of huge size, and four cubits high, at the bar, watch on his creeping from his couch. And then straightway he lays his hand gently upon me as I approach, which has pilfered from the public money; and bowing low they supplicate me, ut- tering a piteous voice — "Pity me, father, I beseech you, if ever you j'ourself also stole anything, when holding any office, or on service, when making purchases for your messmates." A fellow who would not even have known that I was alive, but for his former acquittal. Then, when I have entered, after being entreated, and having had mj^ anger wiped away, when within, I per- form none of all these things which I promise ; but I listen to them uttering all their eloquence for an ac- quittal. Come, let me see; for what piece of flattery is it not possible for a dicast to hear there? Some lament their poverty, and add ills to their real ones, until, by grieving, he makes his equal to mine; others tell us mythical stories; others, some laughable joke of ^sop; others cut jokes that I may laugh and lay aside my wrath. And if we should not be won over by these means, forthwith he drags in his little children by the hand, his daughters and his sons, while I listen. And they bend down their heads together, and bleat at the same time; and then their father, trembling, supplicates me as a god in their behalf, to acquit him from his ac- count: — "If you take pleasure in the voice of your lamb, pity the voice of my son" ; but if, on the other hand, I take pleasure in my little pigs, he beseeches me to be won over by the voice of his daughter. And we men relax for him the peg of our wrath a little. Is not this a mighty empire, and derision of wealth ? . . . But what is the most delightful of all these things which I had forgotten; when I come home with my fee, then all of them together salute me on my arrival, for the money's sake. And first when my daughter washes me, and anoints my feet, and stooping over me gives me a kiss, and wheedling me, at the same time fishes out the three-obol-piece with her tongue, ana when my little woman having won me over by flattery, brings me a light barley-cake, and then sitting down by my side, constrains me — "eat this," "gobble up this," I am delighted with these things, even if there shall be no need to look to you, and to the house-steward, when he shall serve up breakfast, imprecating curses and muttering. ... Do I not hold a great empire, and no way inferior to that of Jupiter, who have the same title as Jupiter? At any rate, if we should make an uproar, each one of those who pass by, says, "O king Jupiter, how the court thunders !" And if I lighten, the wealthy and very dignified whistle, and are in a horrid fright at me. And you yourself fear me very much; by Ceres, vou fear me; but may I perish if I fear you, — Aristo- phanes, Wasps. (Bohn.) McKlnley's Illustrated Topics (or Ancient History. Topic A 9. The Age of Pericles : Achievements in Art and Literature. OUTLINE OF TOPIC. 1. Circumstances favorable to the development of art and literature. a) Religion. 1 ) The Games. 2) The Greek conception of God. b) Scenery. c) Language. d) Greek love of beauty. e) The Persian Wars. f) Encouragement of Pericles. 2. Development of Art to Age of Pericles. a) Temple building. 1 ) P'orm of temple and parts. 2) Changes in form — the three orders. 3) Changes in decoration — Temple of b) Sculpture. 1) Influence of East. 2) Relation to Architecture. 3. Development of literature to Age of Pericles. a) The ei)ic and its decline — Hesiod. b) Lyric poetry. 1) Its rise — Sappho. 2) Its perfection — Pindar. 3) Rise of the drama. c) Writing of history — Herodotus. 4. The literature of the Periclean Age. a) Drama. 1) Tragedy: ^Eschylus ; Sophocles; Euri- pides. 2) Comedy — Aristophanes. b) History — Thucydides. e) Oratory — Pericles. 5. The Art of the Periclean Age. a) The Buildings on the Acropolis — Ictinus. b) Sculpture. 1 ) ^lyron and his work. 2) Phidias and his work. c) Painting — Polygnotus. REFERENCES. Textbooks.— Botsford, Ancient, Sees. 96-99, 133-134., 156; Botsford, Ancient World, Sees. 171-184, ;236-243, 271-^74; Goodspeed. Sees. 304-209, 224-228; Jlorey, Ancient, pp. 134- 142, 197-213, 215-210; Mvers, Ancient, Sees. 230, 308-315, 317- 321, 331-340, 347-352; Webster, Ancient, Sees. 68-69, 89, 97-99, 224-229, 232-233; West. Ancient, Sees. 140-142, 144-151,201-207. 210; Westermann, Ancient, cli. 15, Sees. 156-158. 208,217; Wolf- son, Ancient, Sees. 140-153; Botsford, Greece, pp. 87-96, 140-142, 157-161, 179-187, 217-223; Jlorev. Greece, pp. 154-164, 193-201, 228-251, 287-288; JIvers, Greece, pp. 263-266, 470-492, 496-498, 500-515, 521-528; Smith, Greece, pp. 132-13,3, 143-163, 365-384, 389-392; West, Ancient World, Part I, Sees. 154-156, 217-225, 228-232. Collateral Reading:. — Abbott, Pericles, eh. 17; Allcroft and Stout, Earlv Grecian Historv, ch. 18; Allcroft and Stout, Mak- ing of Athens, ch. 13, 15; Bury, pp. 284-285, 367-375, 385-389; Grant, ch. 12; Harrison, ch. 34; Kimball-Bury, pp. 185-191; Oman, pp. 272-274; Seignobos, ch. 14; Schuckbiirgh, ch. 13-14, 25; Schuckburgh, Greece to A. D. 14, pp. 146-157, 364-394, eh. 1; Tucker, oh. 2, 12, 16. Additional Reading.— Abbott, Greece, Part III, ch. 3, 14; Curtlus, Vol. II, pp. 460-481, 546-641; Dickinson, Greek View of Life, ch. 4; Felton, Greece, Vol. I, pp. 3-240, 493-511; Fow- ler and Wheeler, Greek Archsologj', pp. 144-150, 155-157, 170, 217-251; Gardner, Ancient Athens; Gardner, Grammar of Greek Art, ch. 5-9, 13-15; Grote, Vol. VI, pp. 66-71, Vol. VIII, ch. 67; Holm, Vol. I, ch. 24, Vol. II, ch. 12, 20, 26; Ma- haffy, Greek Civilization, pp. 133-157; Morris, Classical Litera- ture, p]). 25-155; Tiniayenis, \'i)l, I, pp. 261-276; X'tTschoyle, Ancient Civilization, ch. 9; Whibly, Greek Studies, eh. 3-4. Source Books.— Botsford, ch. 14, pp. 185-194, 196-202, 229- 236, 239-240; Davis, Greece, No. 76; Fling, pp. 159-173; Wright, pp. 46-349. SUGGESTIONS. (1-3) Note the various conditions which contributed to the success of the Greeks in art and literature before the Age of Pericles; the characteristic features or peculiarities of their art and literature in this ]ireliniinary ))eriod; and the gradual changes which both underwent. (4-5) Note the Impetus given to art and literature in the Periclean Age and the work accomplished by the authors and artists. SOURCE-STUDY. EXTRACTS FROM THE THREE GREAT TRAGIC POETS TO ILLUSTRATE THE FORM AND THOUGHT OF GREEK TRAGEDY. Tragedy reached its highest form of development in this age. These few extracts, which scarcely do justice to the subject, illustrate the lofty character and beauty of this form of litera- ture. In the period covered by the lives of these three masters, Greek tragedy changed markedly in character, ^schylus lays emphasis upon the sujierhumau and divine; his characters are swayed by the divine will or fate. "The sjiirit of patriotic and religious exaltation finds its highest expression in his poetry." In the plays of Sophocles the characters arc influenced by religious or moral motives, while in Euripides the characters are moved to action by human passions. The punishment of sinful pride forms the theme of the Promelheiin Bound; the idea in the Antigone was that "the rights of the individual rank higher than the rights of the state." In the Iphigenein nt Aulla and the Iphif/eneia amon;i Ihc Taiirian.i emphasis is laid upon the romantic element and tiie play of human passion. The Colonus of Sophocles is of interest as the masterpiece of his old age. Colonus was the birthplace of the poet. Extract from Prometheus Bound by Aeschylus: [Prometheus has been chained to a rock as a penalty for giving fire to mortals and soliloquizes as follows:] O Air Divine! O ye swift-winged Winds, — Ye sources of the rivers, and ye waves, That dimple o'er old Ocean like his smiles, — Mother of all, O Earth ! and tliou the orb. All-seeing, of the Sun, behold and witness What I, a god, from the stern gods endure. * ** * * * * * When shall my doom be o'er? — Be o'er! — to me The future bides no riddle — nor can woe Come unprepared! It fits me then to brave That which must be; for what can turn aside The dark course of the grim Necessity? Chorus of Oceanides: One have I seen with equal tortures riven — An equal god; in adamantine chains Ever and evermore. The Titan Atlas, crushed, sustains The mighty mass of mighty Iieaven; And the whirling cataracts roar With a chime to the Titan's groans. And the depth that receives them moans; And from vaults that the earth are under Black Hades is heard in thunder; While from the founts of white-waved rivers flow Melodious sorrows, uniting with his woe. — Bulwer. (Continued on Page 4.J Copyright, 1913, McKinley Publishing Co.. Philadelphia, Pa. McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. PHIDIAS. Portions of the Parthenon frieze. SUGGESTIVE QUESTIONS. What did this frieze represent? What do these portions portray? Compare this worli with that on the temple of Aepnq and note down the points of superiority. What difficult tasks has the artist attempted here, and with what success? What do you consider the admirable points about this work? McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. No. A 9. THE GREEK TEMPLE. THE PARTHENON Photographs of the model (restored) in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York How does this temple differ frnm an Pn-,.ntio„ to 1=-^ t.„;„ of columns are here used ? How does this temple differ from an Egj-ptian temple? Point out the principal parts of a Greek temple. AVhat order Copyright. 1913. McKinley Publishing Co.. Philadelphia. Pa- McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. SOURCE-STUDY.-Continued. Extracts from the Antigone by Sophocles: [Antigone insists upon burying the body of her brother contrary to the edict of King Creon. Her sister, Israene, strives in vain to dissuade her.] The protest of Antigone against tyranny. No ordinance of man shall override The settled laws of Nature and of Qod; Not written these in pages of a book. Nor were they framed to-day, nor yesterday; We know not whence they are; but this we know. That they from all eternity have been. And shall to all eternity endure. Antigone rebuking her sister, Ismene. No more will I exhort thee — no! and if Thou wouldst it now, it would not pleasure me To have thee as a partner in the deed. Be what it liketh thee to be, but I Will bury him and shall esteem it honor To die in the attempt; dying for him. Loving with one who loves me I shall lie After a holy deed of sin; the time Of the world's claims upon me may not mate With what the grave demands ; for there mj'' rest Will be for everlasting. Come wha!t will, It cannot take from me a noble death.— Donaldson. Reply of Antigone to Creon: Not through fear Of any man's resolve was I prepared Before the gods to bear the penalty Of sinning against these. That I should die I knew (how should I not?) though thy decree Had never spoken. And before my time If I shall die, I reckon this a gain ; For whoso lives, as I, in many woes, How can it be but he shall gain by death ? — Plumptre. Description of Colonus by Sophocles: Stranger, thou art standing now On Colonus' sparry brow; All the haunts of Attic ground, Where the matchless coursers bovind. Boast not, through their realms of bliss. Other spot as fair as this. Frequent down this greenwood dale ISIourns the warbling nightingale. Nestling 'mid the thickest screen Of the ivy's darksome green. Here Narcissus, day by day. Buds in clustering beauty gay. Here the golden Crocus gleams. Murmur here unfailing streams. Sleep the bubbling fountains never. Feeding pure Cephisus' river. Whose prolific waters daily Bid the pasture blossopi gaily, AVith the showers of spring-time blending On the lap of earth descending. ' Extract from the Iphigeneia at Aulis by Euripides. [Iphigeneia is about to be sacrificed by King Aga- memnon to bring favoring breezes to the Greek fleet. Her entreaty follows:] Ah, slay me not untimely! Sweet is light: Constrain me not to see the nether gloom ! 'Twas I first called thee father, thou me child. 'Twas I first throned my body on thy knees. And gave thee sweet caresses and received. And this thy word was: "Ah, my little maid. Blest shall I see thee in a husband's halls Living and blooming worthily oi' me.'" And, as I twined my fingers in thy beard, AVhereto I now cling, thus I answered thee: "And what of thee? Shall I greet thy gray hairs,. Father, with loving welcome in my halls, Repaying aiy thy fostering toil for me ?" I keep remembrances of that converse yet: Thou hast forgotten, thou wouldst murder me. Ah no! — By Pelops, by thy father Atreus, What part have I in Paris' rape of Helen? Why, father, should he for my ruin have come? Look on me — give me one glance — oh, one kiss. That I may keep in death from thee but this Memorial, if thou heed my pleading not. [To her infant brother, Orestes. Brother, small help canst tliou be to thy friends ; Yet weep with me, j'ct supplicate thy sire To slay thy sister not ! — some sense of ill Even in wordless infants is inborn. Lo, by his silence he implores thee, father — Have mercy, have compassion on my youth ! Yea, by thy beard we pray thee, loved ones twain, A nestling one, and one a daughter grown. In one cry summing all, I must prevail ! Sweet, passing sweet, is light for men to see. The grave's life nothingness ! Who prays to die Is mad. Ill life o'erpasseth glorious death. — Way. [The life of Iphigeneia was spared through the inter- vention of Artemis who whisked her off to the land of the Taurians. Her brother, Orestes, who had been sent there, was about to be sacrificed by his sister when their recognition was brought about through the device of a letter. This is one of the dramatic passages in the Iphigeneia among the Taurians.^ McKlnley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. Topic A 10. Tlie Age of Pericles : The Life and Activities of the Athenian. OUTLINE OF TOPIC. 1. Class distinctions in Athens. a) Privileges of citizens. b) Metics (foreigners). c) Slaves. 2. Childhood and training of the Athenian. a) Ceremonies and customs connected with birth and childhood. b) Education. c) Military training. 3. Marriage and the home. a) Marriage ceremonies. b) Position of women. c) Plan of a house. d) Furnishings of a house. e) Home life among the Athenians. 4. Public activities. a) Business activities. b) The professions. c) The responsibilities of citizenship. 1) Voting. 2) Jury service. 3) Military service. 4) Attendance on the Ecclesia. 5. Amusements. a) The symposium. b) The theatre. c) Festivals — The Panathenaic Festival. 6. Sickness and burial. a) Treatment of disease. b) Burial rites and customs. REFERENCES. Textbooks. — Botsford, Ancient, ch. 18; Botsford, Ancient World, Sees. 239-235; Goodspeed, Sees. 197-204, 209; Morej', Ancient, pp. 219-223; Mvers, Ancient, ch. 31; Webster, Ancient, Sees. 88, 211-213, 215-218, 220, 222-223; West, Ancient, Sees. 208-210; Wolfson, Ancient, Sees. 133-134; Morey, Greece, ch. 20; Mvers, Greece, ch. 31; West, Ancient World, Part I, Sec. 230, ch. 14. Collateral Reading. — Abbott, Pericles, ch. 18; Blumner, Home Life of Ancient Greeks; Grant, ch. 9; Gulick, Life of Ancient Greeks; Seignobos, pp. 145-148; Tucker, ch. 4-9, 15, 17. Additional Reading.— Felton, Vol. I, pp. 331-397, 417-433; Whiblv, Greek Studies, ch. 7; Zimmern, City-State, Part III, ch. 7-8, 11-12. Source Books.— Botsford, pp. 206-209, 283-288, 294-295; Davis, Greece, Nos. 44, 93, 99; Fling, pp. 47-53; Wright, pp. 74-84. SUGGESTIONS. (1) Note the basis of existing class divisions and the ad- vantages and disadvantages peculiar to each class; (2) the training of the child; (3) the position of woman and the place of the home; (4) the prominent part taken by the citizen in political life; (5) the forms of diversion open to the people and their effects on their life and character; and (6) the treat- ment of disease and suffering and burial ceremonies, with par- ticular reference in each case to the "modernness" of the Athenian. SOURCE-STUDY. THE SACRED GAMES AND FESTIVALS. The following extracts describe the general character of these games and explain their origin. It is suggested that the fea- tures of the present-day celebrations of the Olympic Games be compared with those which marked these ancient celebrations. The lyric poet, Pindar, is famous for his odes celebrating the victories won at these national contests. THE OLYMPIC GAMES. With regard to the Olympic games, the Elean anti- quaries say that Cronos first reigned in heaven, and that a temple was made for liim at Olympia by the men of that age^ who were named tlie "Golden Race." But when Zeus was born, Rhea committed the safe- keeping of the child to the Dactyls, who came from Ida in Crete, — and their names were Heracles, Pa?o- nasus, Epimenes, lasius, and Idas. Then in sport Her- acles, as the eldest, set his brethren to run a race, and crowned the victor with a branch of wild olive, of which they had such abundance that they slept on its fresh green leaves. They say that the wild oli^■e was brought to Greece by Heracles from the land of the Hyperboreans. He made the rule that the games should be celebrated every fourth year. Some say that Zeus wrestled here with Cronos for the kingdom, others that Zeus held the games in honor of his victory over Cronos. Amongst those who are said to have gained victories is Apollo, who is declared to have outrun Hermes in a race, and defeated Ares in boxing. That is why the flutes play the Pythian air, wliile the com- petitors in the pentathluni are leaping, because that air is sacred to Apollo, and the god himself liad won Olympic crowns. . . . At the point where the unbroken tradition of the Olympiads begins, there were only prizes for the foot race, and Coroebus the Elean won the first race. Aft- erward in the fourteenth Olympiad the double-circuit foot race was added, and Hypenus, a Pisan, won the wild olive crown in it. In the eighteenth, they "re- membered" the pentathlum and the wrestling. In the twenty-third Olympiad, they "restored" the prizes for boxing. In the twenty-fifth, they admitted the race for grown horses, in four horse chariots. Eiglit Olympiads later they admitted the pancratium for men, and the (single) horse race. The origin of the competitions for boys, however, is not traced to any ancient tradition ; they were introduced by a resolution of the Eleans. Prizes for boys in running and wrest- ling were instituted in the thirty-seventh Olympiad ; in the forty-first they introduced boxing for boys. The race between men in armor was sanctioned in the sixty- fifth Olympiad, for the purpose, I presume, of training men in war. The race between pairs of full-grown horses was instituted in the ninety-third. In the ninety- ninth they began the chariot races between cars each drawn bj' four foals. In the hundred and forty-fifth Olympiad prizes were offered for boys in the pan- cratium. . . . The present rules as to the presidents of games are not what they were originallv. Iphitus presided over the games, and after him, the descendants of Oxylus did likewise. But in the fiftieth Olympiad two men, se- lected by lot from the whole body of the Eleans, were intrusted with the presidency of the festival, and for a long time two was the number of the presidents. How- ever, in the twenty-fifth Olympiad nine umpires were appointed, three to take care of the chariot race, three for the pentathlum, and three to take charge of the other contests. In the next Olympiad but one a tenth umpire was added. In the hundred and third Olym- piad the Eleans were divided into twelve tribes, and one umpire was taken from each of the twelve. In the hundred and eighth they reverted to the number ten, and so it has remained ever since. — Pausanias, trans. Frazer, V., Ch. 7-9- Divine justice has impelled me to sing of a contest that holds the first rank in Hellas, which near the an- (Continued on Page 4.) Copyright. 1913, McKioIey Publishing Co , Philadelphia, Pa. O CO Cyt G* ^'o O CO ©* G^ Q.C1 2 P. .SO •Sl M . •o . S 8 V to o o O CO a. o a o H o I c . o to W bo 2 "^ Odd 3 J2 o a a, ■'• . •3 "^ g-t; c • f^ tS a .-c - a, fc|2 ^ tc 3 ~ += i3 c o =« ..-Sc ^ HH a; u .3 >< fe '3 o j3 o jj (U t- 4_. - »• -l-J tn S ^ ■^ S ^ OS u; — ;_ c j= "t: McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. SOURCE-STUDY.— Continued. cient barrow of Pelops the mighty Hercules founded, after slaying the sturdy sou of Poseidon, Cteatus, and likewise Eurytus, in order to exact from Augeas, wil- lingly from one unwilling, the fee for his service, an exorbitant demand. And it was by lying in wait for him in ambush near Cleonae that Hercules defeated them on the road, because on a former occasion they had made havoc of a Tirynthian host of his by sitting con- cealed in one of the valleys of Elis, — those overbearing sons of Molus. . . . And Time in its onward course has informed us of the true account, in what way the founder distributed the choice spoils and offered the tithe of the war, and how he appointed that the festival should be kept every fifth year, with the victories won at this first Olympian contest. Who then gained the newly appointed crown with hands and feet and the car, having conceived the intention of winning glory at the games, and securing it in action? First in the straight reach of the stadium in the foot-race was the son of Licymnius, Oeonus ; he had come from Midea conducting an armed host. Echemus it was who in wrestling shed glory on Tegea ; Doryclus won the prize in boxing, inhabitant of the city Tiryns; on four horses, Samus of Mantinea, the son of Halirrhothius. With the javelin Phrastor hit the mark; in the long fling Niceus by a whirl of the hand threw with the stone further than all ; and the allied forces greeted him as he passed with loud hurrahs. And in the midst of the contest the lovely brightness of the fair-faced moon lighted up Vesper, and all the sacred inclosure rang with festive songs after the fashion of the eomus. — Pindar, trans. Palej', Olympian Ode XI., pp. 55-57. THE DELIAN GAMES. After the purification, the Athenians for the first time celebrated the Delian games, which were held every four years. There had been in ancient days a great gathering of the lonians and the neighboring islanders at Delos; whither they brought their wives and children to be present at the Delian games, as the lonians now frequent the games at Ephesus. Musical and gymnastic contests were held there, and the cities celebrated choral dances. The character of the festival is attested by Homer in the following verses, which are taken from the hymn to Apollo : "At other times, Phoebus, Delos is dearest to thy heart. Where are gathered together the lonians in flowing robes. With their wives and cliildren in thy street: There do they delight thee with boxing and dancing and song. Making mention of thy name at the meeting of the assembly." And that there were musical contests which attracted competitors is implied in the following words of the same hymn. After commemorating the Delian dance of women. Homer ends their praises with these lines, in which he alludes to himself: "And now may Apollo and Artemis be gracious, And to all of you, maidens, I say farewell. Yet remember me when I am gone ; And if some other toiling pilgrim among the sons of men Comes and asks: O maidens. Who is the sweetest minstrel of all who wander hither. And in whom do you delight most. Make answer with one voice, in gentle words. The blind old man of Chios' rocky isle." Thus far Homer, who clearly indicates that even in the days of old there was a great gathering and fes- tival at Delos. In after ages the islanders and the Athenians sent choruses and sacrificed. But the games and the greater part of the ceremonies naturally fell into disuse, owing to the misfortunes of Ionia. The Athenians now restored the games and for the first time introduced horse-races. — Thucydides, trans. Jow- ett. III., Ch. 104. '__ Introduction to the First Pythian Ode. [This ode was sung in celebration of the victory of Hiero, King of Syracuse, in the chariot-race about HO B. C. This introduction is especially brilliant and has been much admired.] O lyre of gold. Which Phoebus, and that sister choir. With crisped locks of darkest violet hue. Their seemly heritage forever hold: The cadenced step hangs listening on thy chime; Spontaneous joj^s ensue; The vocal troops obey thy signal notes ; While sudden from the shrilling wire To lead the solemn dance thy murmur floats In its preluding flight of song; And in thy streams of music drowned The forked lightning in Heaven's azure clime Quenches its ever-flowing fire. The monarch-eagle then hangs down On either side his flagging wing, And on Jove's sceptre rocks with slumbering head: Hovering vapors darkling spread O'er his arched beak, and veil his filmy eye: Thou pourest a sweet mist from thy string; And as thy music's thrilling arrows fly He feels soft sleep suffuse From every pore its balmy-stealing dews, And heaves his ruffled plumes in slumber's ecstasy. Stern Mars has dropped his sharp and barbed spear; And starts, and smiles to hear Thy warbled chaunts, while joy flows in upon his mind; Thy music's weapons pierce, disarm The demons of celestial kind. By Apollo's music-charm. An accent of the zoned, full-bosomed maids That haunt Pieria's shades. — Carv. [The following ode was composed in 490 B. C. in honor ot the Athenian Megacles believed to he a son of Cleisthenes' brother, Hippocrates:] The great city of Athens is the fairest prelude for laying the foundation of songs in praise of the power- ful family of Alcmaeonidae (now victors) in the chariot-race. For what clan, what house of anjr peoples, shall I name, that has been more illustrious for Hellas to hear of.'' For to all cities familiar is the fame of those citizens of Erectheus who built at divine Pytho thy much admired shrine, Apollo. And I am lead (to sing of them) by five victories at Isthmus, and one of especial splendour at the Olympian festival of Zeus, and two from Cirrha gained by you, Megacles, and your forefathers. And at this new success I am not with- out joy; j'ct there is one matter at which I am an- noyed, that envy requites these great and good deeds. — They do say, however, that in this way thriving pros- perity, when it has stood long by a man, is likely to meet with checkered fortune. — Pindar, trans. Paley, Pythian Ode VII. McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. Topic A 11. The Athenian and Spartan Struggle for Mastery The Peloponnesian War. OUTLINE OF TOPIC. 1. The causes and the occasion. a) Contrasts between Sparta and Athens as to character of people, pursuits and govern- ment. b) Rival claims to leadership. c) Trouble over Core3Ta and Potidaea. 2. Pericles as the director of the war. a) His plans. b) The plague and death of Pericles. 3. Period of Cleon, the demagogue. a) Revolt of jSIitj-lene. b) Pylos and Sphacteria. c) Brasidas in Thrace. d) Amphipolis. e) Peace of Nicias, 421 B. C. 4. Alcibiades and the Sicilian Expedition. a) Reasons for Athenian interference in Sicily. b) Mutilation of the Hermse and recall of Alcibi- ades. c) Intrigues of Alcibiades in Sparta. d) Failure of the expedition. 5. Lysander and the downfall of Athens. a) Changes in the government of Athens and recall of Alcibiades. b) Interference of Persia. c) Arginusse. d) j$jgospotami. e) Terms of the peace. 6. Results of the war. REFERENCES. Textbooks.— Botsford, Ancient, Sees. 136-155; Botsford, An- cient World, Sees. 346-270; Goodspced, Ancient, Sees. 315-233, 230-244; Morey, Ancient, pp. 178-187; Myers, Ancient, ch. SH^ Webster, Ancient, Sees. 90-93; "West, Ancient, Sees. 311-216; Westermann, Ancient, Sees. 306-217; Wolfson, Ancient, ch. 13-14; Botsford, Greece, pp. 190-316, 237-238; Morey, Greece, ch. 21; Myers, Greece, ch. 17-21; Smith, Greece, ch. 11-13; West, Ancient World, Part I, Sees. 241-251. Collateral Reading. — Abbott, Pericles, ch. 12-15; AUcroft, Peloponnesian War, ch. 1-11; AUcroft and Masom, Sicily, ch. 6; Bury, ch. 10, pp. 458-506; Cox, Athenian Empire, ch. 3-7; Creasv,' ch. 3; Grant, ch. 10-11; Harrison, ch. 35-36, pp. 430- 433, 438-470; Kimball-Bury, eh. 13-13, pp. 227-236; Oman, ch. 26-34; Plutarch, Lives of Alcibiades, Lysander, Nicias; Sankey, pp. 1-3; Schuckburgh, ch. 15-17; Schuckburgh, Greece to A. D. 14, pp. 158-199; Seignobos, pp. 156-159. Additional Reading. — Abbott, Greece, Part III, ch. 3-11, pp. 430-464; Curtius, Vol. Ill, ch. 1-5; Grote, Vol. VI, ch. 47-53, Vol. VII, ch. 54-61, Vol. VIII, ch. 62-64, pp. 187-205; Holm, Vol. II, ch. 21-25, 27-38; Mahaffv, Greek Civilization, pp. 153-156; Timayenis, Vol. I, pp. 291-387; Whibly, Greek Studies, pp. 69-73. Source IJooks. — Botsford, pp. 206-229; Davis, Greece, Nos. 77, 81-86; Fling, ch. 7; Webster, ch. 8-9; Wright, pp. 330-349. SUGGESTIONS. (1) Review the earlier relations between the cities, noting whether they were friendly or hostile and why; tlie steps by which trouble with Corinth (over Corcyra and Potidaea) led to war with Sparta; (2) the plans adopted by Pericles for the conduct of the struggle, the plans of the Spartans and their success; (3) the domination of Athens by Cleon and the war party; the steps by which he rose to power; the events in which he bore a prominent part; the opportunities afforded for a settlement of the struggle; the success of Brasidas and the circumstances culminating in the Peace of Nicias. (4) Note the circumstances which brought Alcibiades into prominence; the arguments for and against the expedition; the leaders and their plans; the ruin of the enterprise and the part taken by Alcibiades. (5) Note the way Lysander and Persia accomplished the defeat of Athens and why; and the mistakes of the Athenians. SOURCE-STUDY. THE ATHENIAN AND SPARTAN CONTRASTED. The Pcloponnessian War was the culmination of differences of character, pursuits and habits of life which were us old as the two cities. The Corinthians in their efforts to arouse the Spartans to action give expression to .some ]>lain truths. The character sketches of Pericles and Lysander afford valuable , material for forming a correct estimate of Greek character. THE CORINTHIANS CONTRAST THE ATHE- NIANS AND SPARTANS. Of all Hellenes, Lacedaemonians, you are the only people who never do anything: on the approach of an enemy you are content to defend yourselves against him, not by acts, but by intentions, and seek to over- throw him, not in the infancy but in the fullness of his strength. How came you to be considered safe? That reputation of yours was never justified by facts. We all know that the Persian made his way from the ends of the earth against Peloponnesus before you en- countered him in a worthy manner; and now you are blind to the doings of the Athenians, who are not at a distance as he was, but close at hand. Instead of attacking your enemy, you wait to be attacked, and take the chances of a struggle which has been deferred until his power is doubled. And you know that the Bar- barian miscarried chiefly through his own errors ; and that we have oftener been delivered from these very Athenians by blunders of their own, than by any aid from you. Some have already been ruined by the hopes which you inspired in them; for so entirely did they trust you that they took no precautions themselves. These things we say in no accusing or hostile spirit — let that be understood — but by way of expostulation. For men expostulate with erring friends, they bring accusation against enemies who have done them a wrong. And surely we have a right to find fault with our neighbors, if any one ever had. There are important interests at stake to which, as far as we can see, you are insensible. And you have never considered what manner of men are these Athenians with whom you will have to fight, and how utterly unlike yourselves. They are revolutionary, equally quick in the conception and in the execution of every new plan ; while you are con- servative — careful only to keep what you have, origi- nating nothing, and not acting even when action is most necessary. They are bold beyond their strength; they run risks which prudence would condemn; and in the midst of misfortune they are full of hope. ^^Tiereas it is your nature, though strong, to act feebly; when your plans are most prudent, to distrust them; and when calamities come upon you, to think that you will never be delivered from them. They are impetuous, and you dilatory; they are always abroad, and you are always at home. For they hope to gain something by leaving their homes ; but you are afraid that any new enterprise may imperil what you have already. When conquerors, they pursue their victory to the utmost; when defeated, they fall back the least. Their bodies they devote to their country as though they belonged to other men; their true self is their mind, which is most truly their own when employed in her service. AVhen they do not carry out an intention which they have formed, they seem to have sustained a personal bereave- Cbpyrifiht, I9I3.- HcEiBley Publishing Co.. Philadelphia. Pa. McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. McKinley'9 Series of Geographical and Historical Outline Maps. No. ii, Greece and ^gean Sea. Copyright igoo, The McKinley Publishing Co.. Philadelphia. Pa. Map Work for Topic All. Show on the map the allies of Sparta and Atliens at the outbreak of tlie war and locate the chief battles. References:— Dow, p. 2; Putzger, p. 4; Sanborn, p. 8; Shepherd, p. 17; Botsford, Ancient, p. 1C3; Botsford, Ancient World, p. 330; Goodspeed, Ancient, p. 180; Morey, Ancient, p. 180; Myers, Ancient, p. 320; Webster, Ancient, p. 334; West, Ancient, p. 193; Westermai.n, Ancient, p. 166; Wolfson, Ancient, p. 163; Botsford, Greece, p. 195; Morey, Greece, p. 2G3; Myers, Greece, p. 273; West, Ancient World, Part I, p. 246. SOURCE-STUDY.-Continued. ment; when an enterprise succeeds, they have gained a mere instalment of what is to come; but if they fail^ they at once conceive new hopes and so fill up the void. With them alone to hope is to have^ for they lose not a moment in the execution of an idea. This is the life- long task, full of danger and toil, which they are always imposing upon themselves. None enjoy their good things less, because they are always seeking for more. To do their duty is their only holiday, and they deem the quiet of inaction to be as disagreeable as the most tiresome business. If a man should say of them, in a word, that they were born neither to have peace them- selves, nor to allow peace to other men, he would sim- ply speak the truth. In the face of such an enemy, Lacedaemonians, you persist in doing nothing. You do not see that peace is best secured by those who use their strength justly, but whose attitude shows that they have no intention of submitting to wrong. Justice with you seems to con- sist in giving no annoj^ance to others, and in defending j'ourselves only against positive injury. But this policy would hardly be successful, even if your neighbors were like yourselves ; and in the present case, as we pointed out just noWj your ways compared with theirs are old- fashioned. And, as in the arts, so also in politics, the new must always prevail over the old. In settled times the traditions of government should be observed: but when circumstances are changing and men are com- pelled to meet them, much originality is required. The Athenians have had a wider experience, and therefore the administration of their state has improved faster than yours. — Thucydides, trans. Jowett, I., Ch. 69-71- ESTIMATES OF TWO GREAT REPRESENTA- TIVES OF SPARTA AND ATHENS. Thucydides on Pericles. During the peace while he was at the head of affairs he ruled with prudence; under his guidance Athens was safe, and reached the height of her greatness in his time. When the war began he showed that here too he had formed a true estimate of the Athenian power. He survived the commencement of hostilities two years and six months ; and, after his death, his foresight was even better appreciated than during his life. For he had told the Athenians, that if they would be patient and would attend to their navy, and not seek to enlarge their dominion while the war was going on, nor imperil the existence of the city, they would be victorious ; but they did all that he told them not to do, and in matters McKinley's Illustrated Topics lor Ancient History. No. A 1 1. which seemingly had nothing to do with the war, from motives of private ambition and private interest they adopted a policy which had disastrous effects in respect both of themselves and of their allies; their measures, had they been successful, would only have brought honor and profit to individuals, and, when unsuccessful, crip- pled the city in the conduct of the war. The reason of the difference was that he, deriving authority from his capacity and acknowledged worth, being also a man of transparent integrity, was able to control the mul- titude in a free spirit; he led them rather than was led by them ; for, not seeking power by dishonest arts, he had no need to say pleasant things, but, on the strength of his own high character, could venture to oppose and even to anger them. When he saw them unseasonably elated and arrogant, his words humbled and awed them; and, when they were depressed by groundless fears, he sought to reanimate their confidence. Thus Athens, though still in name a democracy, was in fact ruled by her greatest citizen. But his successors were more on an equality with one another, and, each one struggling to be first himself, they were ready to sac- rifice the whole conduct of affairs to the whims of the people. — Thucydides, trans. Jowett, II., Ch. 65. Plutarch on Pericles. The source of his predominance was not barely his power of language, but, as Thucydides assures us, the reputation of his life, and the confidence felt in his character; his manifest freedom from every kind of corruption, and superiority to all considerations of money. Nothwithstanding he had made the city Athens, which was great of itself, as great and rich as can be imagined, and though he were himself in power and interest more than equal to many kings and absolute rulers, who some of them also bequeathed bj' will their power to their children, he, for his part, did not make the patrimony his father left him greater than it was by one drachma. — Plutarch, trans. Clough, Plutarch on Lysander. This ambitious temper was indeed only burdensome to the highest personages and to his equals, but through having so many people devoted to serve him, and ex- treme haughtiness and contemptuousness grew up, to- gether with ambition, in his character. He observed no sort of moderation, such as befitted a private man, either in rewarding or in punishing; the recompense of his friends and guests was absolute power over cities, and irresponsible authority, and the only satisfaction of his wrath was the destruction of his enemy; banish- ment would not suffice. As for example, at a later period, fearing lest the popular leaders of the Milesians should fly, and desiring also to discover those who lay hid, he swore he would do them no harm, and on their believing him and coming forth, he delivered them up to the oligarchical leaders to be slain, being in all no less than eight hundred. And, indeed, the slaughter in general of those of the popular party in the to'^vns ex- ceeded all computation; as he did not kill only for offences against himself, but granted these favors with- out sparing, and joined in the execution of them, to gratify the many hatreds, and the much cupidity of his friends everywhere round about him. From whence the saying of Eteocles, the Lacedaemonian, came to be famous, that "Greece could not have borne two Ly- sanders." Theophrastus says, that Archestratus said the same thing concerning Alcibiades, But in his case what had given most offence was a certain licentious and wanton self-will; Lysander's power was feared and hated because of his unmerciful disposition. . . . The poverty also of Lysander being discovered by his death, made his merit more manifest, since from so much wealth and power, from all the homage of the cities, and of the Persian kingdom, he h,ad not in the least degree, so far as money goes, sought .any private aggrandizement, as Theopompus in his history relates, whom any one may rather give credit to wlu-n he commends, than when he finds fault, as it is more agreeable to him to blame than to praise. — Plutarch, trans, Clough, THE FATE OF THE SICILIAN EXPEDITION. The Sicilian Expedition was one of the most dramatic episodes of the entire struggle, and also one of the most deri- sive. The historian Thucydides, a contemporary, and a par- ticipant in the Peloponnesian War, has left us the following vivid narrative of the closing events. The Decisive Battle. While the naval engagement hung in the balapce the two armies on shore had great trial and conflict of souls. The Sicilian soldier was animated by the hope of in- creasing the glory which he had already won, while tlic invader was tormented by the fear that his fortunes might sink lower still. The last chance of the Atlienians lay in their ships, and their anxiety was dreadful. Tlie fortune of the battle varied, and it was not possible that the spectators on the shore should all receive the same impression of it. Being quite close and h.-iving different points of view, they would some of them see their own ships victorious ; their courage would then revive, and they would earnestly call upon the gods not to take from them their hope of deliverance. But others, who saw their ships worsted, cried and shrieked aloud, and were by the sight alone more utterly unnerved than the defeated combatants themselves. Others again, who had fixed their gaze on some part of the struggle which was undecided, were in a state of excitement still more terrible; they kept swaying their bodies to and fro in an agony of hope and fear as the stubborn conflict went on and on ; for at every instant they were all but saved or all but lost. And while the strife hung in the balance you might hear in the Athenian army at once lamentation, shouting, cries of victory or defeat, and all the various sounds which are wrung from a great host in extremity of danger. Not less agonizing were the feelings of those on board. At lengtli the Syracusans and their allies, after a protracted struggle, put the Athenians to flight, and triumphantly bearing down upon them, and encouraging one another with loud cries and exhortations, drove them to land. Then tjiat part of the navy which had not been taken in tlie deep water fell back in confusion to the shore, and the crews rushed out of the ships into the camp. And the land forces, no longer now divided in feeling, but uttering one uni- versal groan of intolerable anguish, ran, some of tliem to save the ships, others to defend wliat remained of the wall ; but the greater number began to look to them- selves and to their own safety. Thucydides, trans. Jowett, VIL, Ch. 71. The Retreat. On the third day after the sea-fight, when Nicias and Demosthenes thought that their preparations were com- plete, the army began to move. They were in a dread- Copyrieht. 1913. McKinley Pnblishine Co. . Philadelphia. Pa. McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. ful condition; not only was there the great fact that they had lost their whole fleet, and instead of their expected triumph had brought the utmost peril upon Athens as well as upon themselves, but also the sights which presented themselves as they quitted the camp were painful to every eye and mind. The dead were unburied, and when any one saw the body of a friend lying on the ground he was smitten with sorrow and dread, while the sick or wounded who still survived, but had to be left, were even a greater trial to the living, and more to be pitied than those who were gone. Their prayers and lamentations drove their companions to dis- traction; they would beg that they might be taken with them, and call by name any friend or relation whom they saw passing ; they would hang upon their departing com- rades and follow as far as they could, and when their limbs and strength failed them and they dropped behind, many were the imprecations and cries which they uttered. So that the whole army was in tears, and such was their despair that they could hardly make up their minds to stir, although they were leaving an enemy's country, having suffered calamities too great for tears already, and dreading miseries yet greater in the unknown fu- ture. There was -also a general feeling of shame and self-reproach, — indeed they seemed, not like an army, but like the fugitive population of a city captured after a siege; and of a great city, too. For the whole multi- tude who were marching together numbered not less than forty thousand. Each of them took with him any- thing he could carry which was likely to be of use. Even the heavy-armed and cavalry, contrary to their practice when under arms, conveyed about their persons their own food, some because they had no attendants, others because they could not trust them; for they had long been deserting, and most of them had gone off all at once. Nor was the food which they carried sufScient ; for the supplies of the camp had failed. Their disgrace and the universality of the misery, although there might be some consolation in the very community of suffering, was nevertheless at that moment hard to bear, espe- cially when they remembered from what pomp and splendor they had fallen into their present low estate. Never had an Hellenic army experienced such a reverse. They had come intending to enslave others, and they were going away in fear that they would be themselves enslaved. Instead of the prayers and hymns with which they had put to sea, they were now departing amid appeals to heaven of another sort. They were no longer sailors, but landsmen, depending not upon their fleet, but upon their infantry. Yet in face of the great danger which still threatened them all these things appeared endurable. . . . The army marched disposed in a hollow oblong: the division of Nicias leading, and that of Demosthenes fol- lowing; the hoplites enclosed within their ranks the baggage-carriers and the rest of the army. . . . The army was now in a miserable pliglit, being in want of every necessary; and by the continual assaults of the enemy great numbers of the soldiers had been wounded. Nicias and Demosthenes, perceiving their condition, resolved during the night to light as many watch-fires as possible,- and lead off their forces. They intended to take another route and march towards the sea in the direction opposite to that from which the Syracu'sans were watching them. Now their whole line of march lay, not towards Catana, but towards the other side of Sicily, in the direction of Camarina and Gela, and the cities, Hellenic or Barbarian, of that region. So they lighted numerous fires and departed in the night. And then, as constantly happens in armies, especially in very great ones, and as might be expected when they were marching by night in an enemy's country, and with the enemy from whom they were flying not far off, there arose a panic among them, and they fell into confusion. The army of Nicias, which led the way, kept together, and was considerably in advance, but that of Demos- thenes, which was the larger half, got severed from the other division, and marched in less order. . . . [Each of these divisions was in turn defeated and surrendered.] The End. . . . The total of the public prisoners when collected was not great; for many were appropriated by the sol- diers, and the whole of Sicily was full of them, they not having capitulated like the troops under Demosthenes. A large number also perished; the slaughter at the river being very great, quite as great as any which took place in the Sicilian war ; and not a few had fallen in the frequent attacks which were made upon the Athenians during their march. Still many escaped, some at the time, others ran away after an interval of slavery, and all these found refuge at Catana. The Syracusans and their allies collected their forces and returned with the spoil, and as many prisoners as they could take with them, into the city. The captive Athenians and allies they deposited in the quarries, which they thought would be the safest place of confine- ment. Nicias and Demosthenes they put to the sword, although against the will of Gylippus. For Gylippus thought that to carry home with him to Lacedaemon the generals of the enemy, over and above all his other suc- cesses, would be a brilliant triumph. . . . Those who were imprisoned in the quarries were at the beginning of their captivity harshly treated by the Syracusans. There were great numbers of them, and they were crowded in a deep and narrow place. At first the sun by day was still scorching and suffocating, while the autumn nights were cold, and the extremes of tem- perature engendered violent disorders. Being cramped for room they had to do everything on the same spot. The corpses of those who died from their wounds, ex- posure to the weather, and the like, lay heaped one upon another. The smells were intolerable, and they were at the same time afflicted by hunger and thirst. During eight months they were allowed only about half a pint of water and a pint of food a day. Every kind of misery which could befall man in such a place befell them. This was the condition of all the captives for about ten weeks. At length the Syracusans sold them, with the exception of the Athenians and of any Sicilian or Italian Greeks who had sided with them in the war. The whole number of the public prisoners is not accu- rately known, but they were not less than seven thousand. Of all the Hellenic actions which took place in this war, or indeed of all Hellenic actions which are on record, this was the greatest — the most glorious to the victors, the most ruinous to the vanquished; for they were utterly and at all points defeated, and their suffer- ings were prodigious. Fleet and army perished from the face of the earth; nothing was saved, and of the many who went forth few returned home. Thus ended the Sicilian expedition.— Thucydides, "trans. Jowett, VIII., Ch. 75-87. McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. Topic A 12. The Triumph and Degradation of Sparta. OUTLINE OF TOPIC. 1. Lysander as a reorganizer. a) The Decarchies. b) The establishment of the Thirty at Athens. c) Critias and Theramenes as representatives of their rule. d) Thrasybullus, the champion of democracy, and the overthrow of the Thirty. 2. Xenophon and the retreat of the 10,000. a) Reasons for the expedition. b) The battle of Cunaxa and the retreat. c) The results. 3. Agesilaus and the war with Persia^ 396-386 B. C. a) Rivalry of Agesilaus and Lysander. b) Character of the two men. c) Campaigns of Agesilaus in Asia. d) Corinthian War and its connection with the Persian War. e) Treaty of Antalcidas, 386 B. C. 4. Epaminondas and the overthrow of Sparta. a) Discontent with Spartan rule. 1) Seizure of the Theban Cadnea, 382 B. C. 2) Destruction of Mantinea and tlie Chal- cidian Confederacy. b) Pelopidas and the expulsion of the Spartans from Thebes. c) The Hellenic Peace Convention (371 B. C.) and the claims of Epaminondas. d) The military reforms of Epaminondas. e) Leuctra, 371 B. C. f) Attitude of Thebes toward Greece. g) Mantinea and the death of Epaminondas, 367 B. C. REFERENCES. Textbooks. — Botsford, Ancient, ch. 14-15; Botsford, Ancient World, ch. 22-23; Goodspeed, Ancient, Sees. 245-248, 250-263; Morey, Ancient, pp. 187-193; Myers, Ancient, Sees. 257-271; West, Ancient, Sees. 218-231; Webster, Ancient, Sees. 94-95; Westermann, Ancient, Sees. 223-234; Wolfson, Ancient, Sees. 178-193; Botsford, Greece, ch. 13, pp. 275-283; Morev, Greece, pp. 277-284; Mvers, Greece, ch. 22-23; Smith, Greece, "ch. 14-17; West, Ancient "World, Part I, Sees. 252-268. Collateral Reading. — Allcroft, Sparta and Thebes, ch. 1-5, 7-10; Bun-, pp. 507-574, 591-628; Creasy; Harrison, pp. 470- 485; Kimball-Bury, pp. 236-239, 241-256, 264-274; Oman, ch. 35-36, 38-40; Plutarch, Lives of Lysander, Agis, Agesilaus, Pelopidas, Artaxerxes; Sankey, Spartan and Theban Suprema- cies; Schuckburgh, ch. 18; Schuckburgh, Greece to A. D. 14, pp. 197-199, 206-214; Seignobos, pp. 173-176. Additional Reading. — Abbott, Part III, pp. 464-475; Cur- tius. Vol. IV; Grote, Vol. VIII, pp. 206-282, Vol. IX, ch. 69- 75, Vol. X, ch. 76-80; Holm, Vol. II, ch. 30, Vol. Ill, ch. 1-10; Souttar, pp. 468-485; Timayenis, Vol. I, pp. 388-447, Vol. II, pp. 1-38; Whibly, Greek Studies, pp. 73-75. Source Books. — Botsford, ch. 22-23; Davis, Greece, Nos. 100- 102; Fling, ch. 9-10; Webster, ch. 10; Wright, pp. 365-370. SUGGESTIONS. (1) Note the changes effected by Lysander among the mem- bers of the former Athenian Empire; the form of government introduced; the character and rule of the Thirty at Athens and their overthrow. (2) Note the reasons for the expedition; the route which was followed; the part taken by Xenophon in the retreat; and the connection between this expedition and the war which followed. (3) Note the way in which Agesilaus became the leader in Sparta; the causes of the war; his achievements in Asia; the interference of Persia and the Corinthian War; and the dis- graceful termination of the struggle in the Treaty of Antalcidas. (4) Sum up reasons for Sparta's unpopularity in Greece; her efforts to enforce Treaty of Antalcidas to her own ad- vantage; the overthrow of "Sparta by Pelopidas and Epa- minondas at Leuctra and Mantinea; and the effort to prevent Sparta from future interference in Greek affairs. SOURCE-STUDY. PERSIA AS THE ARBITER OF GREECE. In the following extracts from the IleUenica Xeno]ihon tells how Persian gold frustrated the successful campaign of Agesi- laus in Asia. The cities of Greece presented a curious spec- tacle as they sought to climb to power with Persian assistance. This intriguing often lead to deeds of violence as was the case in Corinth. The rival factions finally placed the settle- ment of their internal discord entirely in Persian hands and Sparta, in order to save her own position, was willing to abandon the Greek cities of Asia Minor to Oriental methods of government. Xenophon insists that the Spartan king, Agesilaus, was not a party to any such policy. He is possibly voicing his own sentiments in this connection. The Withdrawal of Agesilaus From Asia. But now Tithraustes seemed to have discovered in Agesilaus a disposition to despise the fortunes of the Persian monarch — he evidently had no intention to withdraw from Asia; on the contrary, he was cherishing hopes vast enough to include the capture of the king himself. Being at his wits' end how to manage mat- ters, he resolved to send Tiniocrates the Rhodian to Hellas with a gift of gold worth fifty silver talents, and enjoined upon him to endeavor to exchange solemn pledges with the leading men in the several States, bind- ing them to undertake a war against Lacedaemon. Timo- crates arrived and began to dole out his presents. In Thebes he gave gifts to Androcleidas, Ismenias, and Galaxidorus ; in Corinth to Timolaus and Polyanthes ; in Argos to Cylon and his party. The Athenians, though they took no share of the gold, were none the less eager for the war, being of opinion that empire was theirs by right. The recipients of the moneys forthwith began covertly to attack the Lacedaemonians in the respective states and, when they had brought these to a sufficient pitch of hatred, bound together the most important of them in a confederacy. B. C. 394. — . . . Meanwhile the Lacedaemonians at home were quite alive to the fact that moneys had Ijcen sent into Hellas, and that the bigger states were leagued together to declare war against them. It was hard to avoid the conclusion that Sparta herself was in actual danger and that a campaign was inevitable. While busv, therefore, with preparations themselves, they lost no time in despatching Epicydidas to fetch Agesilaus. B. C. 393. — Subsequently [after Coronea], the war between the two parties recommenced. The Athenians, Boeotians, Argives, and the other allies made Corinth the base of their operations; the Lacedaemonians and their allies held Sicyon as theirs. As to the Corinthians, they had to face the fact that, owing to their proximity to the seat of war, it was their territory which was ravaged and their people who perished, while the rest of the allies abode in peace and reaped the fruits of their lands in due season. Hence the majority of them, in- cluding the better class, desired peace, and gathering into knots they indoctrinated one another with these views. B. C. 392. — On the other hand, it could hardly escape the notice of the allied powers, the Argives, Athenians, and Boeotians, as also those of the Corinthians them- selves who had received a share of the king's moneys, or for whatever reason were most directly interested in the war, that if they did not promptly put the peace party out of the way, ten chances to one the old lacon- ising policy would again hold the field. It seemed there (Continued on Page 4.) Copyright. 1913, HcKinley Publishing Co. Philadelphia. Pa. < o a o H u o «*« u o a McKinley's Illustrated Topics lor Ancient History. No. A 12. THE GREEK AND PERSIAN SOLDIER. Fig-. 1 Pig- 2 Fig-, 3 Fis?. 4 1. A hoplite. 3. Greek soldiers in combat (from a vase painting). 3. Persian soldiers, i. A Persian war-cliariot. SUGGESTIVE QUESTIONS. How did the equipment of a Greeli and Persian soldier differ? What were the chief weapons used? How was the Greek soldier protected? Describe the chariot in Fig. 4? What in the Greek soldier's equipment would make him superior to the Persian ? Copyright, 1913. McKinley Publishing Co.. Philadelphia, Pa. McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. SOURCE-STUDY.-Continued. was nothing for it but the remedy of the knife. There ■was a refinement of wickedness in the plan adopted. With most people the life even of a legally condemned criminal is held sacred during a solemn season, but these men deliberately selected the last day of the Eucleia, when they might reckon on capturing more victims in the crowded market-place, for their mur- derous purposes. Their agents were supplied with the names of those to be got rid of, the signal was given, and then, drawing their daggers, they fell to work. Here a man was struck down standing in the centre of a group of talkers, and there another seated; a third while peaceably enjoying himself at the play; a fourth actually whilst officiating as a judge at some dramatic contest. When what was taking place became known, there was a general flight on the part of the better classes. The Peace of Antalcidas. B. C. 392. — The Lacedaemonians were well informed of the proceedings of Conon. They knew that he was not only restoring the fortifications of Athens by help of the king's gold, but maintaining a fleet at his expense besides, and conciliating the islands and seaboard cities towards Athens. If, therefore, they could indoctrinate Tiribazus — who was a general of the king — with their sentiments, they believed they could not fail either to draw him aside to their own interests, or, at any rate, to put a stop to his feeding Conon's navy. With this intention they sent Antalcidas to Tiribazus: his orders were to carry out this policy, and, if possible, to ar- range a peace between Lacedsemon and the king. The Athenians, getting wind of this, sent a counter-embassy, consisting of Hermogenes, Dion, Callisthenes, and Cal- limedon, with Conon himself. They at the same time invited the attendance of ambassadors from the allies, and there were also present representatives of the Boeo- tians, of Corinth, and of Argos. When they had arrived at their destination, Antalcidas explained to Tiribazus the object of his visit: he wished, if possible, to cement a peace between the state he represented and the king — a peace, moreover, exactly suited to the aspirations of the king himself; in other words, the Lacedaemonians gave up all claim to the Hellenic cities in Asia as against the king, while for their own part they were content that all the islands and other cities should be independent. "Such being our unbiased wishes," he continued, "for what earthly reason should [the Hellenes or] the king go to war with us.' Or why should he expend his money.' The king is guaranteed against attack on the part of Hellas, since the Athenians are powerless apart from our hegemony, and we are power- less so long as the separate states are independent." The proposals of Antalcidas sounded very pleasantly in the ears of Tiribazus, but to the opponents of Sparta they were the merest talk. The Athenians were ap- prehensive of an agreement which provided for the in- dependence of the. cities in the islands, whereby they might be deprived of Lemnos, Imbros, and Scyros. The Thebans, again, were afraid of being compelled to let the Boeotian states go free. The Argives did not see how such treaty contracts and covenants were com- patible with the realisation of their own great object — the absorption of Corinth by Argos. And so it came to pass that this peace proved abortive, and the repre- sentatives departed each to his own home. Tiribazus, on his side, thought it hardly consistent with his own safety to adopt the cause of the Lace- daemonians without the concurrence of the king — a scruple which did not prevent him from privately pre- senting Antalcidas with a sum of money, in hopes that when the Athenians and their allies discovered that the Lacedaemonians had the wherewithal to furnish a fleet, they might perhaps be more disposed to desire peace. Further, accepting the statements of the Lacedaemonians as true, he took on himself to secure the person of Conon, as guilty of wrongdoing towards the king, and shut him up. That done, he set off up country to the king to recount the proposals of Lacedaemon, with his own sub- sequent capture of Conon as a mischievous man, and to ask for further guidance on all these matters. . . . . . . The Athenians could not but watch with alarm the growth of the enemy's fleet, and began to fear a repetition of their former discomfiture. To be trampled under foot by the hostile power seemed indeed not remote possibilitj^, now that the Lacedaemonians had procured an ally in the person of the Persian monarch, and they were in little less than a state of siege them- selves, pestered as they were by privateers from Aegina. On all these grounds the Athenians became passionately desirous of peace. The Lacedaemonians were equally out of humour with the war for various reasons — what with their garrison duties, one mora at Lechaeum, and another at Orchomenus, and the necessity of keeping watch and ward on the states, if loyal not to lose them, if disaffected to prevent their revolt; not to mention that reciprocity of annoyance of which Corinth was the centre. So again the Argives had a strong appetite for peace; they knew that the ban had been called out against them, and, it was plain, that no fictitious altera- tion of the calendar would any longer stand them in good stead. Hence, when Tiribazus issued a summons calling on all who were willing to listen to the terms of peace sent down by the king to present themselves, the invitation was promptly accepted. At the opening of the conclave Tiribazus pointed to the king's seal attached to the document, and proceeded to read the contents, which ran as follows : — "The king, Artaxerxes, deems it just that the cities in Asia, with the islands of Clazomenae and Cyprus, should belong to himself; the rest of the Hellenic cities he thinks it just to leave independent, both small and great, with the exception of Lemnos, Imbros, and Scy- ros, which three are to belong to Athens as of yore. Should any of the parties concerned not accept this peace, I, Artaxerxes, will war against him or them with those who share my views. This will I do by land and by sea, with ships and with money." — Extracts, Xenophon trans. Dakyns Hellenica III., Ch. 5; IV., Ch. 1-2, 4, 8; V., Ch. L Again, if it is a sacred duty to hate the Persian, who of old set out on a campaign to enslave Hellas; the Persian, who today makes alliance with these (no mat- ter to him which the party, provided it will help him to work the greater mischief) ; or gives presents to those (who will take them and do the greatest harm to his foes the Hellenes) ; or else concocts a peace that shall presently involve us in internecine war, as he an- ticipates: — but why dwell on facts so patent? — I ask,. did ever Hellene before Agesilaus so enter heart and soul upon his duty; whether it were to help some tribe to throw off the Persian yoke, or to save from destruc- tion a revolted district, or if nothing else, at any rate to saddle the Persian with such troubles of his own that he should cease to trouble Hellas? An ardent hater of Persia surely was he, who, when his own country was at war with Hellenes, did not neglect the common good of Hellas, but set sail to wreak what harm he might upon the barbarian. — Xenophon, trans. Dakyns, Agesilaus, Ch. 7. McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. Topic A 13. Alexander and His World Empire. OUTLINE OF TOPIC. 1. Philip of Macedon and the conquest of Greece. a) Weakness of Greece. b) Attempts of Athens to regain power. c) Attemjjts of Philip to obtain a seaboard. d) Opposition of Athens — ^Eschines and Demos- thenes. e) Interference in Central Greece. 1) Occasion. 2) Chaeronea and tlic supremacy of Mace- don. f) Plans for the conquest of Persia. 2. Alexander the Great. a) Preparation for his career — Aristotle. b) Suppression of revolts in Greece. c) Invasion of Persia. 1) Route. 2) Granicus, Issus, Arbela and Hj'daspes. 3) Extent of his conquests. d) Plans for the organization of his empire, c) Death and character. REFERENCES. Textbooks.— Botsfnrd, Ancient, Sees. 181-188, 190-197; Bots- forti, Ancient World, ch. 34-25; Goodspeed, Sees. 269-300; Morey, Aneient, eli. 15; Mvers, Ancient, cli. 25-26; Webster, Ancient, Sees. 9G, 100-109; West, Ancient, Sees. 232-2-15; Wes- termann, Sees. 237-244, 252-270; Wolfson, Ancient, ch. 16-17; Botsford, Greece, pp. 297-318; Morey, Greece, ch. 24-25; Mvers, Greece, ch. 25-26; Smith, Greece, ch. 19-20; West, An- cient World, Part I, Sees. 269-286. Collateral Reading:. — Allcroft, Decline of Hellas, ch. 1-8; Benjamin, Persia, pp. 141-151; Creasy, ch. 3; Curteis, Rise of Macedonian Empire; Harrison, ch. 41; Kimball-Bury, ch. 18- 20; Oman, ch. 41-44; Plutarch, Lives of Alexander and Demosthenes; Schucklnirgh, ch. 19-20; Schuckburgh, Greece to A. D. 14, pp. 215-233; Seignobos, pp. 176-183; Wheeler, Alexander. Additional Reading. — Cunningham, Western Civilization, Vol. I, Book II, ch. 3; Curtius, Vol. V; Dodge, Alexander; Grote, Vol. XI, ch. 86-91, Vol. XII, ch. 92-94; Hogarth, Philip and Alexander of Macedon; Holm, Vol. Ill, ch. 13-27; Mahaffy, Alexander's Empire, ch. 1-4; Mahaffy, Problems, ch. 7-8; Timayenis, Vol. II, pp. 61-148; Verschoyle, Ancient Civili- zation, ch. 10; Whibly, Greek Studies, pp. 76-83. Source Books. — Botsford, ch. 24; Davis, Greece, Kos. 103- 118; Fling, ch. 11-12; Webster, ch. 12-13; AVright, pp. 417-428. SUGGESTION'S. (1) Xote the weakness of the three once powerful cities — Sparta. Athens and Thebes at Philip's accession; the obstacles which Philip had to remove before Macedon could play an im- portant part in Greek affairs; his efforts to secure a seaboard and what this meant to his country's development; his con- temporar)' efforts to play a leading role in Central Greece with the vain efforts of Demosthenes to prevent same; and the final success at Cfiaeronea. (2) Xote especially Alexander's splendid training for his career; the dangerous situation in which he found himself at his father's death ; his invasion of Persia, following carefully the route, and noting the significance of each event; the extent of his conquests; and his plans for the reorganization of the Persian Empire. SOURCE-STUDY. THE ATTACKS OF DEMOSTHENES UPOX PHILIP. The First Philippic was delivered in 351 B. C. Philip had already secured possession of iVmphipolis, Methone and Pydna; and in fact was master of the Northern JEgean. He had been foiled, however, in his effort to enter Greece through Ther- mopylae. This speech has been styled the most eloquent and efFective of the series of attacks which he now made upon the indifferentism and lack of patriotism shown by the Athenians. The Second Philippic was delivered in 344 B. C, and the Third in 341 B. C. From 351 to 340 B. C, Demosthenes was the chief of the opposition with the peace party, of which Copyright. 1913, McKinley Pul Acschincs was the spokesman, in actual power. Frnni 340 to 338 B. C, however, the war party was in control and Demos- thenes was master of the situation. The following extracts can be better understood and appreciated if these facts are borne in mind as they are read. First I say, you must not despond, Athenians, under your present circumstances, wretched as they are; for that which is worst in them as regards the past, is best for the future. What do I mean? Tliat your affairs are amiss, men of Athens, because you do nothing wiiich is needful ; if, notwithstanding you performed your duties, it were the same, there would be no hope of amendment. . . . ... If you, Athenians, will adopt this princijilc now, though you did not before, and every man, where he can and ought to give his service to the state, be ready to give it without excuse, the wealthy to con- tribute, the able-bodied to enlist; in a word, plainly, if you will become I'our own masters, and cease each expecting to do nothing himself, while his neighbour does everything for him, you shall then with heaven's permission recover j'our own, and get back what has been frittered away, and chastise Philip. . . . For you see, Athenians, the case, to what pitch of arrogance the man has advanced, who leaves you not even the choice of action or inaction, but threatens and uses (thcj' say) outrageous language, and, unable to rest in possession of his conquests, continually widens their circle, and, whilst we dally and delay, throws his net all around us. When then, Athenians, when will ye act as be- comes you? In wliat event? In that of necessity, I suppose. And how shall we regard the events happen- ing now? Methinks, to freemen the strongest necessity is the disgrace of their condition. Or tell me, do ye like walking about and asking one another: — is there any news? Why, could there be greater news than a man of Macedonia subduing Athenians, and directing the affairs of Greece? Is Philip dead? No, but he is sick. And wliat matters it to you? Should anything befall this man, you will soon create another Philip, if you attend to business thus. . . . . . . The way we manage things now is a mockery. For if you were asked: Are you at peace, Athenians? No, indeed, you would say; we are at war with Philip. Did you not choose from yourselves ten captains and generals, and also captains and two generals of horse? How are they employed? Except one man, wliom you commission on service abroad, the rest conduct your processions with the sacrificers. I. ike puppet-makers, you elect your infantry and cavalr}- officers for the market-place, not for war. . . . . . . For my part, Athenians, by the gods I believe, tliat Philip is intoxicated with the magnitude of his ex])loits, and has many such dreams in his imagination, seeing the absence of opponents, and elated by success; but most cert.Tinly he has no such plan of action, as to let the silliest people among us know what his inten- tions are : for the silliest are these newsmongers. Let us dismiss such talk, and remember only that Philip is an enemy, who robs us of our own and has long insulted us; that wherever we have expected aid from any quarter, it has been fond hostile, and that the future depends on ourselves, and unless we are willing to fight him there, we shall perhaps be compelled to fight here. This let us remember, and then we shall have determined wisely, and have done with idle conjectures. You need not pry into the future, but assure yourselves it will be (Continued on Page 4.) n lishmg Co.. Philadelphia. Pa. McKinley's Illustrated Topics (or Ancient History. No. A 13. ALEXANDER THE GREAT. The physical appearance of Alexander. 1. Coin, showing head of .-\lexander, with the horns of Jupiter .\mmon. pos- sibly talven from tlie statue-portrait by Lvsippus (reproduced by permission from B. I. Wheeler's "Alexander the Great,"' published by G. P. Putnam's Sons). '-2. Head, from a statue in a Munich museum. 3. .Alexander hunting, from the so- called Sarcophagus of Alexander. SUGGESTIVE QUESTIONS. Compare the descriptions of Alexander with these portraits. Are thev true to life? Which is probably the best likeness, and why? Copyright. 1913, McKinley Publishing Co. . Philadelphia, ra. ff McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. SOURCE-STUDY- Continued. disastrous, unless you attend to your duty, and are will- ing to act as becomes j'ou. — Extracts, First Philippic, trans. Kennedy. ... By the gods, I will tell you the truth frankly and without reserve. Not that I may fall a- wrangling, to provoke recrimination before you, and afford m}' old adversaries a fresh pretext for getting more from Philip, nor for the purpose of idle garrulitj'. But I imagine that what Philip is doing will grieve you here- after more than it does now. I see the thing progress- ing, and would that my surmises were false; but I doubt it is too near already. So when you are able no longer to disregard events, when, instead of hearing from me or others that these measures are against Athens, you all see it yourselves, and know it for certain, I expect you will be wrathful and exasperated. I fear then, as your ambassadors have concealed the purpose for wliich the}^ know thej' were corrupted, those who endeavor to repair what the others have lost may chance to encounter your resentment; for I see it is a practice with man^^ to vent their anger, not upon the guilty, but on persons most in their jaower. Whilst therefore the mischief is only coming and preparing, whilst we hear one another speak, I wish every man, though he knows it well, to be reminded, who it was persuaded you to abandon Phocis and Thermopylae, by the command of which Philip commands the road to Attica and Peloponnesus, and has brought it to this, that your deliberation must be, not about claims and interests abroad, but concern- ing the defence of your home and a war in Attica, which will grieve every citizen when it comes, and indeed it has commenced from that day. Had you not been then deceived, there would be nothing to distress the state. Philip would certainly never have prevailed at sea and come to Attica with a fleet, nor would he have marched with a land-force by Phocis and Thermopj'lae : he must either have acted honorablj^, observing the peace and keeping quiet, or been immediately in a war similar to that which made him desire the peace. Enough has been said to awaken recollection. Grant, O ye gods, it be not all fully confirmed ! I would have no man punished, though death he may deserve, to the damage and danger of the country. — Conclusion, Second Philip- pic, trans. Kennedy. If we really await until he avows that he is at war with us, we are the simplest of mortals: for he would not declare that, though he marched even against At- tica and Piraeus, at least if we may judge from his conduct to others. For example, to the Olynthians he declared, when he was forty furlongs from their city, that there was no alternative, but either thej^ must quit Olynthus or he Macedonia; though before that time, whenever he was accused of such an intent, he took it ill and sent ambassadors to justify himself. Again, he marched towards the Phocians as if they were allies, and there were Phocian envoys who accompanied his march, and many among you contended that his advance would not benefit the Thebans. And he came into Thessaly of late as a friend and ally, yet he has taken possession of Pherae; and lastly he told these wretched people of Oreus, that he had sent his soldiers out of good-will to visit them, as he heard they were in trouble and dis- sension, and it was the part of allies and true friends to lend assistance on such occasions. . . . That Philip from a mean and humble origin has grown mighty, that the Greeks are jealous and quarrel- ing among themselves, that it was far more wonderful of him to rise from that insignificance, than it would now be, after so many acquisitions, to conquer what is left; these and similar matters, which I might dwell upon, I pass over. But I observe that all people, begin- ning with you, have conceded to him a right, which in former times has been the subject of contest in every Grecian war. And what is this ? The right of doing what he pleases, openly fleecing and pillaging the Greeks, one after another, attacking and enslaving their cities. You were at the head of the Greeks for seventy- three years, the Lacedaemonians for twenty-nine ; and the Thebans had some power in these latter times after the battle of Leuctra. Yet neither you, my countrj'men, nor Thebans nor Lacedaemonians, were ever licensed by the Greeks to act as j'ou pleased ; far otherwise. When j^ou, or rather the Athenians of that time, appeared to be dealing harshly with certain people, all the rest, even such as had no complaint against Athens, thought proper to side with the injured parties in a war against her. So, when the Lacedaemonians became masters and succeeded to your empire, on their attempting to encroach and make oppressive innovations, a general war was declared against them, even by such as had no cause of complaint. But wherefore mention other people? We ourselves and the Lacedaemonians, although at the out- set we could not allege any mutual injuries, thought proper to make war for the injustice that we saw done to our neighbors. Yet all the faults committed by the Spartans in those thirty years, and by our ancestors in the seventy, are less, men of Athens, than the wrongs which, in thirteen incomplete years that Philip has been uppermost, he has inflicted on the Greeks: nay they are scarcely a fraction of these, as may easily be shown in a few words. . . . r ' But what has caused the mischief? There must be some cause, some good reason, why the Greeks were CO eager for liberty then, and now are eager for servi- tude. There was something, men of Athens, something in the hearts of the multitude then, which there is not now, which overcame the wealth of Persia and main- tained the freedom of Greece, and quailed not under any battle by land or sea; the loss whereof has ruined all, and thrown the affairs of Greece into confusion. What was this ? Nothing subtle or clever ; simply that v/hoever took money from the aspirants for power or the corruptors of Greece were universally detested; it was dreadful to be convicted of bribery; the severest punishment was inflicted on the guilty, and there was no intercession or pardon. The favorable moments for enterprise, which fortune frequently offers to the care- less against the vigilant, to them that will do nothing against those that discharge all their duty, could not be bought from orators or generals ; no more could mutual ; concord, nor distrust of tj^rants and barbarians, or any- thing of the kind. But now all such principles have been sold as in open market, and those imported in exchange, by which Greece is ruined and diseased. What are they? Envy where a man gets a bribe; laughter if he confesses it ; mercy to the convicted ; hatred of those that denounce the crime; all the usual attendants upon corruption. For as to ships and men and revenues and abundance of other materials, all that may be reckoned as constituting national strength — as- suredly' the Greeks of our day are more fully and per- fectly supplied with such advantages than Greeks of the olden time. But they are all rendered useless, un- available, unprofitable, by the agency of these traflScers. — Third Philippic, trans. Kennedy. McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. Topic A 14. Later Greek Thought in Literature and Philosophy. OUTLINE OF TOPIC. 1. Xenophon and his work. a. His career. b. His writings. 2. The perfection of Greek philosophy and its decline. a. The first stage (to -150 B. C.) — Interest in nat- ure. (1) The chief centers. (2) Beginnings of the sciences. b. The second stage — Interest in the Mind. (1) The Sophists. (2) Rhetoric and philosophy, e. The third stage — Interest in the soul. (1) Socrates. (a) His teachings. (b) His pupils. (c) His death. (2) Plato and the Old Academy. (a) Relations with Socrates. (b) His writings. (3) Aristotle and the Lyceum. (a) His logic and its influence. (b) His contributions to the sciences. d. The period of decline — the Hellenistic jDeriod. (1) The Cynics. (2) Epicurus and his influence. (3) The Stoics and their teachings. 3. The perfection of oratory. a. Lysias and Isocrates. (1) Lysias, the professional speechmakcr. (2) Isocrates and the unity of Greece. b. Aeschines and Demosthenes. ( 1 ) Their divergent views. (2) The Philippics. 4. Influence of Alexandria — the Hellenistic Age. a. Interest in geography and science. ( 1 ) Archimedes. (2) Euclid. b. Rise of critical literature. c. The new schools of philosophy. REFERENCES. Textbooks.— Botsford, Ancient, Sees. 97, 134, 156, 189, 203; Botsford, Ancient World, Sees. 183, 24.2, 274-2T5, 324-328, 345-348; Goodspeed, Ancient, Sees. 132, 225, 229, 265-267, 298- 299, 312, 314-315, 324; Morey, Ancient, pp. 140-142, 213-219, 245-248, 250, 254-256; Myers, Ancient, Sees. 260, 341-362; Webster, Ancient, Sees. 98-99, 114-117; West, Ancient, Sees. 142, 207, 255, 257-258; Westermann, Ancient, Sees. 210-211, 235-236, 245-250, 297-302, 304-308; Wolfson, Ancient, Sees. 146, 310, 317-325; Botsford, Greece, pp. 92-96, 186-187, 217- 220, 223-226, 286-292, 320-322; Morev, Greece, pp. 161-164, 199-201, 248, 287-293, 320-323, 325-326, 3.30-332, 346-354; Myers, Greece, pp. 400-402, 515-541; Smith, Greece, pp. 228- 232, 384-395; West, Ancient World, Part I, Sees. 156, 223-227, 312-313, 315-320. Collateral Reading.— Burv, pp. 319-321, 385-388, 576-585, 667-669, 833-836; Capps, Homer to Theocritus, pp. 330-338, eh. 14-18; Harrison, eh. 37; 137-144; Jebbs, pp. 109-115, 137- 144, ch. 3; Kimball-Burv, pp. 189-191, 239-240, 256-260; Mur- ray, Greek Literature, eh. 7, 14-18; Schuckburgh, pp. 354-356, 363-371; Schuckburgh, Greece to A. D. 14, pp. 199-205, 240- 244, 348-364, 397, 399-403; Seignobos, pp. 162-165, 185-187, 197-198. Additional Reading. — Croiset, Greek Literature, eh. 9, 17, 19-20, 22-25; Curtius, Vol. V, bk. VII, pp. 149-200, 490-495; Fowler, Greek Literature, eh. 13, 25-35; Grote, Vol. IV. pp. Unj 272-274, Vol. V, ch. .37; Vol. VHI, pp. 311-359, IX, ch. 68; , pp. , , Holm, Vol. I, pp. 339-350; Vol. 11, ch. 25; Vol. Ill, eh. 2, pp. 152-168, 421-430; Vol. IV, eh. 6, 14, 20, 24; Jevons, Greek Literature, Part II, bk. I, eh. 4-5, bk. II, ch. 1-8, bk. Ill, ch. 1; Mahaffy, Greek Classical Literature, Vol. II, Part I, ch. 1, 3-4, 6-7, Part II, eh. 1-7; Mahaffy, Greek Life, ch. 7, pp. 206- 211, 234-303; Mahaffy, Survey Greek Civilization, pp. 165-184, 196-199, 201-204, 256-277, 282-287; Mahaffy, What Have the Greeks Done for Civilization, ch. 3, 6-8; Perry, Greek Litera- ture, bk. IV, eh. 3, bk. V, ch. 1-2, bk. VI, ch. 1-3, bk. VII, ch. 1-3; Verschoyle, pp. 168-177, 202-204; Whibly, pp. 129-149, 1C3-207; Wright, Greek Literature, ch. 8, 16-22. Source Books.— Botsford, pp. 147-150, 236-239, 247-256, 290-295, 306-308; Davis, Xos. 89-92, 99, 102; Fling, ch. 8; Webster, ch. 10-12; Wright, pp. 350-438. SUGGESTIOXS. Note the attention given to prose writing immediately after the age of Pericles; the development of jihilosophy, reaching its highest point of perfection in the teachings of the three great philosoiihers; the teachings of the different schools of philosophy in the later period; the influence of .Mexandria in the Hellenistic period, and the comparative absence of original works of great excellence. SOURCE-STUDY. SOCRATES AND PLATO. Altliough Socrates has been called "the greatest figure in the history of Greek thought," he left behind him no writings. Our knowledge of him is derived, therefore, mainly from the writings of his pupils of whom Plato was the most famous. Plato wrote forty-two dialogues, and he always makes Socrates one of the characters in these dialogues and puts alibis doctrines in the mouth of his teacher and master. The extracts quoted from Aristophanes illustrate the nature of the earlier attacks upon him which ultimately culminated in his trial and death. The parody of the Just and Unjust Arguments will help illustrate the dialectic method of reasoning which Socrates did so much to develop, using question and answer to bring out the essen- tial truths desired. The extracts from the Apology or defense of Socrates, and that from the Phaedo not only make clear the charges against him, but throw light upon his personality, his methods of inquiry after truth, and his actual teachings. The Phoedo is the most famous of Plato's writings, "not only on account of the su1)lime picture of Socrates' death, of a pathos unapproaehed in literature, but also on account of the infinite importance for mankind of the main subject." Strepsiades. But who hangs dangling in tlie basket yonder .' Student. HIMSELF. Str. And who's HIMSELF.? Stud. Why, Socrates. Str. Ho, Socrates ! — call him, you fellow — call loud. Stud. Call him yourself. I've got no time for calling. Str. Ho, Socrates ! Sweet, darling Socrates ! Socrates. Why callest thou me, poor creature of a day.'' Str. First tell me, pray, what are you doing up there? Soc. I walk in air, and contemplate the sun. Str. Oh, that's the way that you despise the Gods — You get so near them on your perch there — eh ? Soc. I never could have found out things divine, Had I not hung my mind up there, and mixed My subtle intellect with its kindred air. Had I regarded such things from below, I had learnt nothing. For the earth absorbs Into itself the moisture of the brain. It is the very same case with water-cresses. Str. Dear me ! So water-cresses grow by thinking ! — Aristophanes, trans. Collins, Clouds. The Just and the Unjust Arguments. ust A. Come now — from what class do our lawyers spring.'' Just A. Well — from blackguards. Unj. A. I believe you. Tell me Again, what arc our tragic poets? Copyright. 1913. HcKmley Pablishing Co., Philadelphia, Pa. McKlnley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. Just A. Blackguards. Unjust A. Good; and our public orators? Just A. Blackguards all. Unj. A. D'ye see now, how absurd and utterly worth- less your arguments have been? And now look round. {Turning to the audience.) Which class among our friends here seem most nu- merous ? Just A. I'm looking. Unj. A. M^ell; now tell me what you see. Just A. {After gravely and attentively examining the •rows of spectators.) The blackguards have it by a large majority. There's one I know — and yonder there's another — And there, again, that fellow with long hair. — Aristo- phanes, trans. Collins, Clouds. ... "I must beg of you to grant me one favor, which is this, — if you hear me using the same words in my defense which I have been in the habit of using, and which most of you may have heard in the agora, and at the tables of" the money-changers, or anywhere else, I would ask you not to be surprised at this, and not to interrupt me. For I am more than seventy years of age, and this is the first time that I have ever appeared in a court of law, and I am quite a stranger to the ways of the place; and therefore I would have you regard me as if I were really a stranger, whom you would excuse if he spoke in his native tongue, and after the fashion of his country: that I think is not an un- fair request. Never mind the manner, which may or may not be good; but think only of the justice of my cause, and give heed to that: let the judge decide justly and the speaker speak truly. . . . "I will begin at the beginning, and ask what the ac- cusation is which has given rise to this slander of me, and which has encouraged Meletus to proceed against me. What do the slanderers say? They shall be my prosecutors, and I will sum up their words in an af- fidavit: 'Socrates is an evil-doer, and a curious person, who searches into things under the earth and in heaven, and he makes the worse appear the better cause; and he teaches the aforesaid doctrines to others.' That is the nature of the accusation, and that is what you have seen yourselves in the comedy of Aristophanes, who has introduced a man whom he calls Socrates, going about and saying that he can walk in the air, and talking a deal of nonsense concerning matters of which I do not pretend to know either much or little — not that I mean to say anything disparaging of any one who is a student of natural philosophy. . . . ... "I will endeavor to explain to you the origin of this name of 'wise,' and of this evil fame. ... I will refer you to a witness who is worthy of credit, and will tell you about my wisdom — whether I have any, and of what sort — and that witness shall be the God of Del- phi. You must have known Cha;rephon; he was early a friend of mine, and also a friend of yours, for he shared in the exile of the people, and returned with you. Well, Chserephon, as you know, was very impet- uous in all his doings, and he went to Delphi and boldly asked the oracle to tell him whether — as I was saying, I must beg you not to interrupt — he asked the oracle to tell him whether there was anyone wiser than I was, and the Pythian prophetess answered, that there was no man wiser. Chaerephon is dead himself; but his brother, who is in court, will confirm the truth of this story. "Why do I mention this? Because I am going to explain to you why I have such an evil name. When I heard the answer, I said to myself. What can the god mean? and what is the interpretation of this rid- dle? for I know that I have no wisdom, small or great. What can he mean when he says that I am the wisest of men? And yet he is a god and cannot lie; that would be against his nature. After a long considera- tion, I at last thought of a method of trying the ques- tion. I reflected that if I could only find a man wiser than myself, then I might go to the god with the refuta- tion in my hand. . . . Accordingly I went to one who had the reputation of wisdom, and observed to him — his name I need not mention ; he was a politician whom I selected for examination — and the result was as follows: When I began to talk with him, I could not help think- ing that he was not really wise, although he was thought wise by many, and wiser still by himself; and I went and tried to explain to him that he thought himself wise, but was not really wise; and the consequence was that he hated me, and his enmity was shared by several who were present and heard me. So I left him, saying to myself, as I went away : Well, although I do not suppose that either of us knows anything really beau- tiful and good, I am better off than he is, — for he knows nothing, and thinks that he knows. I neither know nor think that I know. In this latter particular, then, I seem to have slightly the advantage of him. . . . "I have said enough in my defense against the first class of my accusers; I turn to the second class who are headed by Meletus, that good and patriotic man, as he calls himself. . . . What do they say? Some- thing of this sort: That Socrates is a doer of evil, and corrupter of the youth, and he does not believe in the gods of the State, and has other new divinities of his own. That is the sort of charge; and now let us ex- amine the particular counts. He says that I am a doer of evil, who corrupt the youth; but I say, O men of Athens, that Meletus is a doer of evil, and the evil is that he makes a joke of a serious matter, and is too ready at bringing other men to trial from a pretended zeal and interest about matters in which he really never had the smallest interest. And the truth of this I will endeavor to prove. . . . "Friends, who would have acquitted me, I would lite also to talk with you about tliis thing which has hap- pened, while the magistrates are busy, and before I go to the place at which I must die. . . . You are my friends, and I should like to show you the meaning of this event which has happened to me. O my judges — for you I may truly call judges — I should like to tell you of a wonderful circumstance. Hitherto the familiar oracle within me has constantly been in the habit of opposing me even about trifles, if I was going to make a slip or error about anything; and now as you see there has come upon me that which may be thought, and is generally believed to be, the last and worst evil. But the oracle made no sign of opposition, either as I was leaving my house and going out in the morning, or when I was going up into this court, or while I was speaking, at anything which I was going to say; and yet I have often been stopped in the middle of a speech, but now in nothing I either said or did touching this matter has the oracle opposed me. What do I take to be the explanation of this? I will tell you. I regard this as a proof that what has happened to me is a good, and that those of us who think that death is an evil are in error. This is a great proof to me of what I am McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. No. A 14. saying, for the customary sign would surely have op- posed me had I been going to evil and not to good. "Let us reflect in another way, and we shall see that there is great reason to hope that death is a good, for one of two things : either death is a state of nothing- ness and utter unconsciousness, or, as men say, there is a change and migration of the soul from this world to another. Now if you supjiose that there is no con- sciousness, but a sleep like the sleep of him who is undisturbed even by the sight of dreams, death will be an unspeakable gain. For if a person were to select the night in which his sleep was undisturbed even by dreams, and were to compare with this the other days and nights of his life, and then were to tell us how many days and nights he had passed in the course of his life better and more pleasantly than this one, I think that any man, I will not say a private man, but even the great king will not find many such daj's or nights, when compared with the others. Now if death is like this, I say that to die is gain ; for eternity is then only a single night. But if death is the journey to another place, and there, as men say, all the dead are, what good, O my friends and judges, can be greater than this ? If indeed when the pilgrim arrives in the world below, he is delivered from the professors of jus- tice in this world, and finds the true judges who are said to give judgment there, Minos and Rhadamanthus and JEcus and Triptolemus, and other sons of God wlio were righteous in their own life, that pilgrimage will be worth making. What would not a man give if he might converse with Orpheus and Musaeus and Hesiod and Homer? Nay, if this be true, let me die again and again. I, too, shall have a wonderful interest in a place where I can converse with Palamedes, and Ajax the son of Telamon, and other heroes of old, who have suffered death through an unjust judgment; and there will be no small pleasure, as I think, in comparing my own sufferings with theirs. Above all, I shall be able to continue my search into true and false knowledge; as in this world, so also in that; I shall find out who is wise, and who pretends to be wise, and is not. What would not a man give, O judges, to be able to examine the leader of the great Trojan expedition; or Odysseus or Sisyphus, or numberless others, men and women too ! What infinite delight would there be in conversing with them and asking them questions ! For in that world they do not put a man to death for this ; certainly not. For besides being happier in that world than in this, they will be immortal, if what is said is true. "Wherefore, O judges, be of good cheer about death, and know this of a truth — that no evil can happen to a good man, either in life or after death. He and his are not neglected by the gods; nor has my own ap- proaching end happened by mere chance. But I see clearly that to die and be released was better for me ; and therefore the oracle gave no sign. For which rea- son, also, I am not angry with my accusers or my con- demners; they have done me no harm, although neither of them meant to do me any good; and for this I may gently blame them. "Still I have a favor to ask of them. When my sons are grown up, I would ask you, O my friends, to punish them; and I would have you trouble them, as I have troubled you, if they seem to care about riches, or any- thing, more than about virtue; or if they pretend to be something when they are really nothing, — then reprove them, as I have reproved you, for not caring about that for which they ought to care, and thinking that they are something when they are really nothing. And if you do this, I and my sons will have received justice at A-our hands. "The hour of departure has arrived, and we go our ways — I to die, and you to live. Wliich is better God only knows." — Plato, trans. Jowett, Apology. THE DEATH OF SOCRATES. After talking at some length upon tlie immortalitj' of the soul, Socrates concluded as follows: "Wherefore, Simmias, seeing all tliese things, what ought not we to do that we may obtain virtue and wis- dom in this life? Fair is the prize, and the hope great ! "A man of sense ought not to say, nor will I be very confident, that tlie description wliich I have given of the soul and her mansions is exactly true. But I do say that, inasmuch as the soul is sliown to be immortal, he may venture to think, not improperly or unworthily, that something of the kind is true. The venture is a glorious one, and he ought to comfort himself with words like these, which is the reason why I lengthen out the tale. W'herefore, I say, let a man be of good cheer about his soul, who having cast away tlie ])lcas- ures and ornaments of the body, as alien to him and working harm rather than good, has sought after the pleasures of knowledge; and has arrayed the soul, not in some foreign attire, but in her own proper jewels, temperance, and justice, and courage, and nobility, and truth — in these adorned she is ready to go on her jour- ney to the world below, when her hour conies. You, Simmias and Cebes, and all other men, will depart at some time or other. Me already, as a tragic poet would say, the voice of fate calls. Soon I must drink the poison; and I think that I had better repair to tlic bath first in order that the women may not have the trouble of washing my body after I am dead." When he had done speaking, Crito said: "And have you any commands for us, Socrates — anj'thing to say about your children, or any other matter in which we can serve you?" "Notliing particular, Crito," he replied; "only, as I have always told you, take care of yourselves ; that is a service which you may be ever rendering to me and mine and to all of us, whether you promise to do so or not. But if you have no thought for yourselves, and care not to walk according to the rule which I have prescribed for you, not now for tlie first time, however much you may profess or promise at the moment, it will be of no avail." "We will do our best," said Crito; "and in what way shall we bury you?" "In any way that you like; but you must get hold of me, and take care that I do not run away from you." Then he turned to us and added with a smile: "I can- not make Crito believe that I am the same Socrates who has been talking and conducting the argument; he fan- cies that I am the other Socrates whom he will soon see, a dead bod^- — and he asks. How shall he bury me? And though I have spoken many words in the endeavor to show that when I have drunk the poison I shall leave you and go to the joys of the blessed, — these words of mine, with which I was comforting you and myself, have had, as I perceive, no effect upon Crito. And therefore I want you to be surety for me to him now, as at the trial he was surety to the judges for me; but let the promise be of another sort; for he was surety for me to the judges that I would remain, and Mckinley's ttlusirated Topics for Ancient History. you must be my surety to him that I shall not remain, but go away and depart; and then he will suffer less at my death, and not be grieved when he sees my body being burned or buried. I would not have him sorrow at my hard lot, or say at the burial, 'Thus we lay out Socrates,' or, 'Thus we follow him to the grave,' or 'bury him'; for false words are not only evil in them- selves, but they infect the soul with evil. Be of good cheer, then, my dear Crito^ and saj' that you are bury- ing my body only, and do with that whatever is usual, and what you think best." When he had spoken these words, he arose and went into the chamber to bathe; Crito followed him, and told us to wait. So we remained behind, talking and think- ing of the subjects of discourse, and also of the great- ness of our sorrow; he was like a father of whom we were being bereaved, and we were about to pass the rest of our lives as orphans. When he had taken the bath his children were brought to him (he had two young sons and an elder one) ; and the women of his family also came, and he talked to them and gave them a few direc- tions in the i^resence of Crito; then he dismissed them and returned to us. Now the hour of sunset was near, for a good deal of time had passed while he was within. When he came out, he sat down with us again after his bath, but not much was said. Soon the jailer, who was the servant of the Eleven, entered and stood by him, say- ing: "To you, Socrates, whom I know to be the noblest and gentlest and best of all who ever came to this place, I will not imjjute the angry feelings of other men, who rage and swear at me, when, in obedience to the author- ities, I bid them drink the poison — indeed, I am sure that you will not be angry with me; for others, as you are aware, and not I, are to blame. And so fare you well, and try to bear lightly what must needs be — j'ou know my errand." Then bursting into tears, he turned away and went out. "--.^ Socrates looked at him and said: "I return your good wishes, and will do as you bid." Then turning to us, he said, "How charming the man is ! since I have been in prison he has always been coming to see me, and at times he would talk to me, and was as good to me as could be, and now see how generously he sor- rows on my account. We must do as he saj^s, Crito; and therefore let the cup be brought, if the poison is prepared ; if not, let the attendant prepare some." "Yet," said Crito, "the sun is still upon the hill- tops, and I know that many a one has taken the draught late, and after the announcement has been made to him, he has eaten and drunk, and enjoyed the society of his beloved ; do not hurry — there is time enough." Socrates said: "Yes, Crito, and they of whom you speak are right in so acting, for they think that they will be gainers by the delay; but I am right in not fol- lowing their example, for I do not think that I should gain anything by drinking the poison a little later; I should only be ridiculous in my own eyes for sparing and saving a life which is already forfeit. Please then to do as I say, and not to refuse me." Crito made a sign to the servant, who was standing by; and he went out, and having been absent for some time, returned with the jailer carrying the cup of poison. Socrates said: "You, my good friend, who are experienced in these matters shall give me direc- tions how to proceed." The man answered: "You have only to walk about until your legs are heavy, and then to lie down, and the poison will act." At the same time he handed the cup to Socrates, who in the easiest and gentlest manner, without the least fear or change of color or feature, looking at the man with all his eyes, Echecrates, as his manner was, took the cup and said: "What do you say about making a libation out of this cup to any god.'' May I, or not.''" The man answered: "We only prepare, Socrates, just so much as we deem enough." "I understand," he said, "but I may and must ask the gods to prosper my journey from this to the other world — even so — and so be it according to my pra5'er." Then raising the cup to his lips, quite readily and cheerfully he drank off the poison. And hitherto most of us had been able to control our sorrow; but now when we saw him drinking, and saw too, that he had finished the draught, we could no longer forbear, and in spite of myself my own tears were falling fast; so that I covered my face and wept, not for him, but at the thought of my own calamity in having to part from such a friend. Nor was I the first; for Crito, when he found himself unable to re- strain his tears, had got up, and I followed; and at that moment, Apollodorus, who had been weeping all the time, broke out in a loud and passionate cry which made cowards of us all. Socrates alone retained his calmness. "What is this strange outcry.?" he said. "I sent away the women mainly in order that they might not misbehave in this way, for I have been told that a man should die in peace. Be quiet then, and have patience." When we heard his words we were ashamed, and refrained our tears ; and he walked about until, as he said, his legs began to fail, and then he lay on his back, according to the directions, and the man who gave him the poison now and then looked at his feet and legs; and after a while he pressed his foot hard and asked him if he could feel; and he said, "No"; and then his leg, and so upwards and upwards, and showed us that he was growing cold and stiff. And he felt them himself, and said: "When the poison reaches the heart, that will be the end." He was beginning to grow cold about the groin, when he uncovered his face, for he had covered himself up, and said, — they were his last words — he said: "Crito, I owe a cock to Ascelepius ; will you remember to pay the debt?" "The debt shall be paid," said Crito; "is there anything else?" There was no answer to this question ; but in a minute or two a movement was heard, and the attendants un- covered him; his eyes were set, and Crito closed his eyes and mouth. Such was the end, Echecrates, of our friend ; con- cerning whom I may truly say, that of all the men of his time whom I have known, he was the wisest and justest and best. — Plato, trans. Jowett, Crito. McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. Topic A 15. Later Development of Greek Art. OUTLINE OF TOPIC. 1. The gradual decline of sculpture. a. Reasons. (1) Demand for realism. (2) Contact with the Orient. b. The Fourth Century Artists and their work. (1) Praxiteles. (2) Lysippus. (S) Scopas. c. The Hellenistic sculpture. (1) The new art centers. (2) Typical sculptures and their characteris- tics. 2. The development of architecture. a. The founding of cities and its influence — munic- ipal art. b. New forms. (1) The Funeral and votive monument. (2) The introduction of the arch. c. The private house. 3. The development of painting. a. Polygnotus. b. Parrhasius and Zeuxis. c. Apelles. 4. Influence of later Greek art upon the Romans. REFERENCES. Textbooks. — Botsford, Ancient, Sec. 189; Botsford, Ancient, World, Sees. 271, 329-330, 345; Goodspeed, Ancient, Sees. 264, 313, 326; Morev, Ancient, pp. 20-1, 248-252; Myers, Ancient, Sees. 316, 322-323, 327; Webster, Ancient, Sees. 227-229; West, Ancient, Sees. 202, 256; ^\'estermann, Ancient, Sees. 251-303; Botsford, Greece, pp. 292-295; Morev, Greece, pp. 295-298, 324-325, 326-329; Mvers, Greece, pp. 492-496; West, Ancient AVorld, Part I, Sees. "236-237. Collateral Reading.— Bury, pp. 585, 692-693; Kimball-Bur}-, pp. 260-261 ; Marquand and Frothingham, History of Sculpture, ch. 11; Schuckburgh, Greece to 14 A. D., pp. 33-34; Seigno- bos, pp. 169-172, 183-187; Tarbell, Greek Art, ch 9-11. Additional Reading. — Carotti, Historv of Art, Vol. I, bk. II, ch. 1; Curtius, Vol. V, pp. 200-214; Fowler & Wheeler, Greek Archaeology, pp. 179-192, 251-292; Gardner, Six Greek Scidptors, ch. 6-9; Harrison, Introductorv Studies in Greek Art, ch. 6-7; Holm, Vol. Ill, ch. 12, 29, Vol. IV, ch. 20-23; Lubke, History Sculpture, Vol. I, bk. II, ch. 4-5; Mach, Greek Sculpture, ch. 21-23; Murray, Greek Sculpture, Vol. II, ch. 24-29; Paris, Manual Ancient Sculpture, ch. 9-13; Richardson, Greek Sciilpture, ch. 4-5; Short, History Sculpture, eh. 3-6; Whibly, Companion to Greek Studies, pp. 252-284. SUGGESTIONS. Note the excellence of the work of the fourth century; the characteristics of the work of each of the three great artists; the appearance of new art centers; the nature of the work and the most noteworthy productions of the Hellenistic Age; the gradual decline of art; the attention devoted to the beauti- fying of cities; and the influence of the art of the later period upon Rome. SOURCE-STUDY. GREEK PAINTERS. The masterpieces of Greek painting have perished. Our knowledge of the artists and their works is therefore derived almost entirely from literary sources. The most extended ac- counts are to be found in Pansanias' Description of Greece, written between 143 and 175 A. D.; and in Pliny the Elder's Natural History, written about one hundred years earlier. Pliny's History would correspond to the modern encyclopaedia, as it covered a mde range of subjects. The following ex- tracts are taken from the portion %vhich traces the history of painting in ancient times. . . . First among whom [the luminaries of the art], shone Apollodorus of Athens, in the ninety-third Olym- piad. He was the first to paint objects as they really appeared; the first too, we may justly say, to confer glory by the aid of the pencil [i. e., a hair-pencil or brush] . The gates of the art being now thrown open by Apol- lodorus, Zeuxis of Heraclea entered upon tlie scene, in the fourth year of the ninety-fifth Olympiad, destined to lead the pencil, for which there was nothing too arduous, to a very high pitch of glory. Of him Apol- lodorus wrote to the effect, that Zeuxis had stolen the art from others and had taken it all to himself. Zeuxis also acquired sucli a vast amount of wealth, that, in a spirit of ostentation, he went so far as to parade himself at Olympia with his name embroidered on the checked pattern of his garments in letters of gold. At a later period, he came to the determination to give away his works, there being no jjrice high enough to pay for them, he said. . . . The contemporaries and rivals of Zeuxis were Tim- anthes, Androcj'des, Eupompus, and Parrhasius. The last, it is said, entered into a pictorial contest with Zeuxis, who represented some grapes painted so nat- urally that the birds flew towards the spot where the picture was exhibited. Parrhasius, on the other liand, exhibited a curtain, drawn with sucli singular truthful- ness, that Zeuxis, elated with the judgment which h.id been passed upon his work by the birds, haughtily demanded that the curtain should be drawn aside to let the picture be seen. Upon finding his mistake, with a great degree of ingenuous candor he admitted that he had been surpassed, for wliile he liimself had only deceived the birds, Parrhasius had deceived him, an artist. There is a story, too, that at a later period, Zeuxis 23ainted a child carrying grapes and the birds came to peck at them; upon which, with a similar degree of can- dor, he exjaressed himself vexed with his work, and ex- claimed — "I have surely painted the grapes better than the child, for if I had fully succeeded in the latter, the birds would have been in fear of it.". . . Parrhasius of Ephesus also contributed greatly to the progress of painting, being the first to give symmetry to his figures, the first to give play and expression to the features, elegance to the hair, and gracefulness to the mouth ; indeed, for contour it is universally admitted by artists that he bore away the palm. . . . But it was Apelles of Cos, in the hundred and twelfth Olympiad, who surpassed all the other painters who cither preceded or succeeded him. Single-handed he contributed more than all the others together, and even went so far as to publish some treatises on tlie principles of the art. The great point of artistic merit with him was his singular charm of gracefulness, and this too, though the greatest of painters were his contemporaries. In admiring their works and bestowing high eulogiums upon them, he used to say that there was still wanting in them that ideal of beauty so peculiar to himself, and known to the Greeks as "Charis" others, he said, had acquired all the other requisites of perfection, but in this one point he himself had no equal. He also asserted his claim to another great point of merit ; admiring a pic- ture bv Protogenes, which bore evident marks of un- bounded laboriousness and the most minute finish, he remarked that in every respect Protogenes was fully his equal, or perhaps his superior, except in this, that he himself knew when to take his hand off a picture — a memorable lesson, which teaches us that over-carefulness may be productive of bad resultf. — Pliny, trans. White, Natural History, Bk. IX., Ch. 15. Copyrialit. 1913. UcKinley Publishing Co.. Philadelphia. Pa. U5 9 V "^ J; to - N O 4) . »2 "I t« „ a O ii S tj? " 3 ° < O 1=1 s '^ a o. Is * as ■w p. o '2 ed 0} i3 -=> T3 CO P S ft << -^ cn • '^ ^^ Ak 0) e -s 8 Tj^n ^ Fl IP "S >. a* :;s 3 ^ x;^ Jl* ■3 (SS 0) • a 5 i OK 9 S -s 15°' W 010 o o t/t z c 2 H « X — S X. = c G' — = H -= •_ UJ s _ O c J C - .5 o oii O ,> si en c o m C CO O en w^a CO .S §1 'H'a . "= X . fi 3 u » S §1 . ^^1- <- ■^ 1 ^& rf rt o oT 8- s, let him be the master of the people. Let liira have for a colleague, with equal powers witli himself, a knight whomsoever he may clioosc to appoint, as a judge of the law. And when such a dictator or master of the people is created the other magistracies sliall be suppressed. "Let the auspices b( observed ty the senate, and let them authorize persons of their own body to elect the consuls in the comitia, according to the established ceremonials. . . . "Let the ten officers whom the people elect to pro- tect them against oppression be their tribunes ; and let all their prohibitions and adjudications be established, and their persons considered inviolable, so that tribunes may never be wanting to the people. . . . . . . "Let the tribunes of the people likewise have free access to the senate, and advocate the interests of the people in all their deliberations. . . . "If any one shall infringe any of these laws, let hira be liable to a penalty. Let these regulations be com- mitted to the charge of tlie censors. Let public officers, on their retiring from their posts, give these censors an account of their conduct, but let them not by this means escape from legal prosecution if they have been guilty of corruption." — Cicero, On the Laws, trans. Yonge, III., Ch. 3. THE ROMAN GOVERNMENT IN 2l6 B. C. As for the Roman constitution, it had three elements, each of them possessing sovereign powers: and their respective share of power in the whole state had been regulated with such a scrupulous regard to equality and equilibrium, that no one could say for certain, not even a native, whether the constitution as a whole were an aristocracy or democracy or despotism. . . . The Consuls, before leading out the legions, remain in Rome and are supreme masters of the administra- tion. All other magistrates, except the Tribunes, are under them and take their orders. They introduce foreign ambassadors to the Senate; bring matters re- quiring deliberation before it ; and see to the execution of its decrees. If, again, there are any matters of state which require the authorization of the people, it is their business to see to them, to summon the popu- lar meetings, to bring the proposals before them, and to carry out the decrees of the majority. In the prepa- rations for war also, and in a word in the entire ad- ministration of a campaign, they have all but absolute power. It is competent to them to impose on the allies such levies as they think good, to appoint the Military Tribunes, to make up the roll for soldiers and select those that are suitable. Besides they have absolute power of inflicting punishment on all who are under their command while on active service: and they have authority to expend as much of the public money as they choose, being accompanied by a quaestor who is entirely at their orders. . . . The Senate has first of all the control of the treas- ury, and regulates the receipts and disbursements alike. For the Quaestors cannot issue any public money for the various departments of the State without a decree of the Senate, except for the service of the Consuls. The Senate controls also what is by far the largest md most important exiaenditure, that, namely, which is Copyriaht, 1913. McKiniey Publishing Co.. Philadelphia. Pa. Mckinley's Uiasttaied foiici tof Aildetit History. made by the (;eiiSoi*S evefy lustrum for the repair or construction of public buildings; this money cannot be obtained by the censors except by the grant of the Senate. Similarly all crimes committed in Italy re- quiring a public investigation, such as treason, con- spiracy, poisoning, or wilful murder, are in the hands of the Senate. ... If it is necessary to send an em- bassy to reconcile warring communities, or to remind them of their duty ... or finally to proclaim war against them, — this too is the business of the Senate. . » ; There is ... a part left to the people, and it is a most important one. For the people is the sole fountain of honour and of punishment; and it is by these two things and these alone that dynasties and constitutions and, in a word, human society are held together. . . . The people then are the only court to decide matters of life and death; and even in cases where the penalty is money, if the sum to be assessed is sufficiently serious, and especially when the accused have held the higher magistracies. . . . Again it is the people who bestow offices on the de- serving, which are the most honourable rewards of vir- tue. It has also the absolute power of passing or re- pealing laws ; and, most important of all, it is the people who deliberate on the question of peace or war. And when provisional terms are made for alliance, sus- pension of hostilities, or treaties, it is the people who ratify them or the reverse. . . . ... I must now show how each of these several parts can, when they choose, oppose or support each other. The Consul, then, when he has started on an ex- pedition with the powers I have described, is to all appearance absolute in the administration of the busi- ness in hand ; still he has need both of the support of people and Senate, and, without them, is quite unable to bring the matter to a successful conclusion. For it is plain that he must have supplies sent to his legions from time to time; but without a decree of the Senate they can be supplied neither with corn, nor clothes, nor pay, so that all the plans of a commander must be futile, if the Senate is resolved to shrink from danger or hamper his plans. And again, whether a Consul shall bring any undertaking to a conclusion or no de- pends entirely upon the Senate: for it has absolute authority at the end of a year to send another Consul to supersede him, or to continue the existing one in his command. Again, even to the successes of the generals the Senate has the power to add distinction and glory, and on the other hand to obscure their merits and lower their credit. For these high achievements are brought in tangible form before the eyes of the citi- zens by what are called "triumphs." But these tri- umphs the commanders cannot celebrate with proper pomp, or in some cases celebrate at all, unless the Senate concurs and grants the necessary money. As for the people, the Consuls are pre-eminently obliged to court their favour, however distant from home may be the field of their operations; for it is the people, as I have said before, that ratifies, or refuses to ratify. terms of peace and treaties; but most of all because when laying down their office they have to give an account of their administration before it. Therefore in no case is it safe for the Consuls to neglect either the Senate or the goodwill of the people. As for the Senate which possesses the immense power I have described, in the first place it is obliged in pub- lic affairs to take the multitude into account, and re- spect the wishes of the people; and it cannot put into execution the penalty for oifences against the republic, which are punishable with death, unless the people first ratify its decrees. Similarly even in matters which directly affect the senators, — for instance, in the case of a law diminishing the Senate's traditional authority, or depriving senators of certain dignities and offices, or even actually cutting down their property, — even in such cases the people have the sole power of passing or rejecting the law. But most important of all is the fact that, if the Tribunes interpose their veto, the Sen- ate not only are unable to pass the decree, but cannot even hold a meeting at all, whether formal or informal. Now, the Tribunes are always bound to carry out the decree of the people, and above all things to have re^ gard to their wishes: therefore, for all these reasons the Senate stands in awe of the multitude, and cannot neglect the feelings of the people. In like manner the people on its part is far from being independent of the Senate, and is bound to take its wishes into account both collectively and individually. For contracts, too numerous to count, are given out by the censors in all parts of Italy for the repairs or construction of public buildings; there is also the col- lection of revenue, from many rivers, harbours, gardens, mines, and land — everything, in a word, that comes under the control of the Roman government: and in all these the people at large are engaged ; so that there is scarcely a man, so to speak, who is not interested either as a contractor or as being employed in the works. For some purchase the contracts from the cen- sors for themselves; and others go partners with them; while others again go security for these contractors, or actually pledge their property to the treasury for them. Now over all these transactions the Senate has absolute control. It can grant an extension of time; and in case of unforeseen accident can relieve the con- tractors from a portion of their obligation, or release them from it altogether, if they are absolutely unable to fulfil it. And there are many details in which the Senate can inflict great hardships, or, on the other hand, grant great indulgences to the contractors: for in every case the appeal is to it. But the most im- portant point of all is that the judges are taken from its members in the majority of trials, whether public or private, in which the charges are heavy. Consequently, all citizens are much at its mercy; and being alarmed at the uncertainty as to when they may need its aid, are cautious about resisting or actively opposing its will. And for a similar reason men do not rashly re- sist the wishes of the Consuls, because one and all may become subject to their absolute authority on a cam- paign. — Polybius, trans. Schuckburgh, VI., Ch. 11-17. McKlnley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. Topic A 18. The Conquest of Italy and the Foundation of the Roman Military System. OUTLINE OF TOPIC. 1. The acquisition of territorj-. a) The situation in 509 B. C. — Mon.irchical con- spiracies. b) Border wars with the Volscians ana ^quians (Stories of Coriolanus and Cini'innatus). c) Etruscan wars — Siege of Veii and the )i ginning of the militar}'^ sj'stem. d) Marcus Manlius and the sack of Rome ' the Gauls, 390 B. C. e) The Samnite Wars : Causes; significant feature^ f) The Latin revolt, 340-338 B. C. 1) Relation of Latin League to Rome. 2) Stories of Titus Manlius and Decius Mus. 3) Results. g) Pvrrhus and the conquest of Magna Grsecia, 281- . " 272 B. C. 1) Causes of the trouble witli Tarentum. 2) Part taken by Pvrrhus. 3) Important battles and results. 2. Organization of the conquered territory. a) Ager Romanus. b) Municipia. c) Roman and Latin Colonies. d) Italian allies (socii). e) Military roads. 3. Organization of the arm}-. REFERENCES. Textbooks. — Botsford, Ancient, ch. 3; Botsford, Ancient World, ch. 31-3^; Goodspeed, Sees. 334-356, 309-3T7, 380-38.5; Moray, Ancient, pp. 399-314; Myers, Ancient, Sees. 405, 413- 413, 416-424; West, Ancient, Sees. 338-343, 353-355; Webster, Ancient, Sees. 133-138; Wcstermann, Sees. 340-350; Wolfson, Ancient, Sees. 236-345, 360-373; Abbott, Rome, ch. 4; Botsford, Rome, ch. 3; Morey, Rome, pp. 47-50, 53, 56-58, 66-69, 73-84; Myers, Rome, Sees. 47, 51, 54-57, 66-69, 73-84; Smith, Rome, pp. 31-34, 38-43, 51-60, 64-83, 148-152; West, Ancient World, Part II, ch. 24-25, 27. Collateral Reading. — Botsford, Story of Rome, pp. 60-83; Fowler, Rome, ch. 2; Freeman, Sicilv, ch. 13; Oilman, pp. 64- 68, 80-87, 94-108, 111-135; Ihne, ch."l5-17, 20-21; Masom and Woodhouse, Making of Empire, ch. 1-11; Pelhani, pp. 68-107; Plutarch, Lives of Coriolanus, Camillus, Pvrrhus, Poplicola; Seignobos, pp. 233-338, 345-347; Seignobos, Roman People, ch. 6-7. Additional Reading. — Abbott, Roman Political Institutions, Sees. 52-54, 71; Duruv, Vol. I, pp. 299-317, 353-379, 412-499; Gow, pp. 314-217, 227-235; Granrud, pp. 93-101; Greenidge, pp. 295-309; Heitland, Roman Republic, Sees. 31-32, 43-49, ch. 7-8; How and Leigh, ch. 7, 10-11, 13-16, pp. 131-143; Ihne, Vol. I, Book I, eh. 9-13, Book II, ch. 3-6, 14-16, 18, Book III, ch. 1, 4-6, 8-10, 13-17; Mommsen, Vol. I, pp. 413-493, Vol. II. pp. 1-61, 72-76; Sandys, Latin Studies, pp. 366-390, 421-423, 458-462; Schuckburgh; ch. 6-7, 9-12, 14-15; Souttar, Rome, ch. 6-7. Source Books. — Botsford, ch. 31, pp. 371-374; Davis, Rome, Nos. 11-13; Munro, Kos. 61-62; Webster, Nos. 69-77. SUGGESTIOXS. (1) Note the crisis marked by 509 and 390 B. C, the progress made between 509 and 390 and afterwards; the gradual change in Rome's treatment of her conquests; and the gradual perfecting of her military organization. (2) Note the different forms of government adopted; the reasons for each; and the hold secured by Rome upon her conquests through these (e. g., coloni) and the military roads. (3) Note particularly superiority of Roman military organi- zation over the phalanx; methods of enrollment and equipment; and camp. SOURCE-STUDY. THE SACK OF ROME BY THE GAULS. The invasion of Rome by the Gauls marked a serious crisis in Roman history. The narratives of three ancient writers fol- low touching on the circumstances which led up lo this at- tack, the various incidents connected with the capture of the city, and the reasons for the final withdrawal of Brennus and his followers. It is suggested that an effort be made to re- construct the story, and the results com))arcd with the ac- counts to be found in such histories as How and Leigh and Schuckburgh. In the early times of their settlement they did not merely subdue the territory wliich they occupied, but rendered also many of the neighboring peoples subject to them, whom they overawed by their audacity. Some time afterwards they conquered the Romans in battle, and pursuing the flying legions, in tliree daj's after the' battle occupied Rome itself with the exception of the Capitol. But a circumstance intervened which recalled them hoMC, an invasion, that is to say, of their territory by the Veneti. Accordingh' they made terms with the Romans, handed back the city, and returned to their own land ; and subs' 'juently were occupied with do- mestic wars. — Polybius, irans. Schuckburgh, II., Ch. 18. At an early period the Gl nls waged war against the Romans, took Rome itself, except the Capitol, and burned it. Camillus, however, overcami and expelled them. At a later period, when diey had made a second in- vasion, he overcame them again and enjoyed a triumph in consequence, being then in his eightieth year. . . . In the 97th Olympiad, according to tlio Greek cal- endar, a considerable part of the Gauls wiio dv. clt along the Rhine moved off in search of new huid, tliat which they occupied being insufficient for their numbers. Hav- ing scaled the Alps they fell upon the territory of Clusium, a fertile part of Etruria. The Clusians had made a league with the Romans not long before, and now applied to them for aid. So the three Fabii were sent with the Clusians as ambassadors to the Gauls to order them to vacate the country that was in alliance with Rome, and to threaten them if they did not obey. The Gauls replied that they feared no mortal man in threat or war, that they were in need of land, and that they had not yet meddled with the affairs of the Romans. The Fabii urged the Clusians to make an attack upon the Gauls while they were heedlessly plundering the country. They took part in the ex- pedition themselves and slew an immense number of the Gauls whom they caught foraging. . . , . . . Brennus, their king, though he had refused to recognize the Roman embassy, for the purpose of in- timidating the Romans selected as ambassadors to them certain Gauls who exceeded all the others in bodily size as much as the Gauls exceeded other peoples, and sent them to Rome to cor ,ilain that the Fabii, while serv- ing as ambassadors, had joined in war against him, contrary to the law cf nations. He demanded that they should be given up to him for punishment unless the Romans wished to make the crime their own. The Romans acknowled red that the Fabii had done wrong, but having great ■ aspect for that distinguished family, they urged the Giuls to accept a pecuniary compensa- tion from them. As the latter refused, they elected the Fabii military tribunes for that year, and then said to the Gallic anbassadors that they could not do any- thing to the F ibii now because they were now holding office, but toll them to come again next year if they were still in a bad humour. Brennus and the Gauls under him considered this an insult and took it hard. Accordingl' they sent around to the other Gauls ask- ing them to make common cause of war with them. When a 1 irge number had collected in obedience to this summon? they broke camp and marched against Rome. — Appi.-.n, trans. AVhite, IV., Ch. 1-3. (Continued on Page 4.) Cupyrifllt 1913, McKinley Publrshme Co , T .lailelpliia. Pa. McKinleys beries of Geographical and Historical Outline- Maps. No. 42. Italy. Copyright, 1900, The McKinley Publishing Co., Philadelphia, Pa. Map Work for Topic A 18. Show on the map the important lines of Roman roads in Italy with the names of the principal cities located along these routes. 1 References: Dow, Plate 3"; Labberton, Plat- XIV; Murray, Plato 8; Putzger, pp. 10-11; Sanborn, pp. IS, 19; Shep- herd, p. 29; Botsford, Ancient, p. 395; Botsford, Ancient World, p. 362; Webster, Ancient, p. 3.17; West, Ancient, p. 300; Wolfson, Ancient, pp. 364-265; Abbott, Rome, p. 95; Botsford, Rome, p. 64; Smith, Rome, p. 1; West, Ancient World, Part II, p. 308. . r . . o fc .^ :: c a: 5 _ O - =. t^ -S CT* S3 Pi" O . £ ^ '^ .« c ■1^ -3 CO 5J S 5 s= < / McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. SOURCE-STUDY- Continued. ... I find that it was this nation that came to Clus- ium, and thence to Rome; whether alone, or aided by all the nations of the Cisalpine Gauls, is not duly ascer- tained. The Clusians, terrified at their strange enemy, on beholding their great nmnbers, the forms of the men such as they had never seen, and the kind of arms [they carried], and on hearing that the troops of the Etrurians had been frequently defeated by them on both sides of the Po, sent ainbassadors to Rome to solicit aid from the senate, tAough they had no claim on the Roman people, in respect either of alliance or '''"ndship, except that they had not defended their relations the Veientians dgainst the Roman people. No aid vtas obtained: tl:ree ambassadors were sent, sons of Marcus Fabius iinbustus, to treat with the Gauls in the name of the senate and Roman people ; that they should not attack the allies and friends of the Roman people from whom they had received no wrong. . . . . . . On the Romans asking what right they had to demand land from the possessors, or to threaten war [in case of refusal], and -what business the Gauls had in Etruria, and on their fiercely replying, that they carried their right in their swords, that all things were the property of the brave, with minds inflamed on both sides they severally have recourse to arms, and the battle is commenced. Here, fate now pressing hard on the Roman city, the ambassadors, contrary to the law of nations, take up arms. ... ... In the meanwhile the Gauls, on hearing that honour was even conferred on the violators of human law, and that their embassy was slighted, inflamed with resentment, over which that nation has no control, im- mediately snatch up their standards, and enter on their march with the utmost expedition. , . . The rapid ad- vance of the enemy brought the greatest consternation to Rome . . . They meet them . . . where the river Al- lia . . . joins the river Tiber. .... . . . Great slaughter was made on the bank of the Tiber, whither the entire left wing, having thrown down their arms directed their fight . . . Those on the right wing which had been posteid at a distance from the river, . . . all made for Rome, and, without even shutting the gates, fled into the citadel. . . . ... At Rome all arrangements being now made, as far as was possible in such an emergency, for the de- fence of the citadel, the crowd of aged persons having returned to their houses, awaited the enemy's coming with minds firmly prepared for death. . . . The Gauls, . . . entering the city the next day, . . . through the Colline gate which lay open, advance into the forum, casting their eyes around on the temples of the gods, and on the citadel, which alone exhibited any appear- ance of war. From thence, after leaving a small guard, lest any attack should be made on them whilst scat- tered, from the citadel or Capitol, they dispersed in quest of plunder; the streets being entirely desolate, rush some of them in a body into the houses that were nearest; some repair to those which were most distant, considering those to be untouched and abounding with spoil. Afterwards being terrified by the very solitude, lest any stratagem of the enemy should surprise them whilst being dispersed, they returned in bodies into the forum and the parts adjoining to the forum, wlsere the houses of the commons being shut, and the halls of the leading men lying open, almost greater backward- ness was felt to attack the open than the shut houses; SO completely did they behold with a sort of veneration men sitting on the porches of the palaces, who besides their ornaments and apparel more august than human, bore a striking resemblance to gods, in the majesty which their looks and the gravity of their countenance displayed. Whilst they stood gazing on these as on statues, it is said that Marcus Papirius, one of them, roused the anger of a Gaul by striking him on the head with his ivory, while he was stroking his beard, which was then universally worn long ; and that the commence- ment of the bloodshed began with him, that the rest were slain in their seats. After the slaughter of the nobles, no person whatever was spared j the houses were plundered, and when emptied were set on fire. . . . The Gauls also, after having for several days waged an ineffectual war against the buildings of the city, when they saw that among the fires and ruins of the captured city nothing now remained except armed ene- mies, neither terrified by so many disasters, nor likely to turn their thoughts to a surrender, unless force were employed, determine to have recourse to extremities, and to make an attack on the citadel. . . . Laying aside all hope of succeeding by force of arms, they prepare for a blockade ... ... At Rome, the siege, in general, was slow, and there was quiet on both sides, the Gauls being intent only on this, that none of the enemy should escape from between their posts . . . But beyond all the evils of siege and war, famine dis- tressed both armies ; pestilence, moreover [oppressed] the Gauls. ... A truce was now made with the Ro- mans, and conferences were held with the permission of the commanders . . . The army of the Capitol wearied out with keeping guard and with watches, having sur- mounted all human sufferings, whilst nature would not suffer famine alone to be overcome, looking forward from day to day, to see whether any succour would come from the dictator, at length not only food, but hope also failing, and their arms weighing down their debilitated bodies, whilst the guards were being relieved, insisted that there should be either a surrender, or that they should be bought off, on whatever terms were pos- sible, the Gauls intimating in rather plain terms, that they could be induced for no very great compensation to relinquish the siege. Then the senate was held and instructions were given to the military tribunes to capitulate. Upon this the matter was settled between Quintus Sulpicius, a military tribune, and Brennus, the chieftain of the Gauls, and one thousand pounds' weight of gold was agreed on as the ransom of a people, who were soon after to be the rulers of tlie world. To a transaction very humiliating in itself, insult was added. False weights were brought by the Gauls, and on the tribune objecting, his sword was thrown in in addition to the weight by the insolent Gaul, and an expression was heard intolerable to ihe Romans, "Woe to the vanquished !" But both gods and men interfered to prevent the Romans from living on the condition of being ransomed; for by some chance, . . . the dictator comes up . . . He orders his men to throw their baggage in a heap, and to get ready their arms, and to recover their coun- try with steel, not with gold . . . The Gauls, thrown into confusion by the unexpected event, take up arms. ... At the first encounter, . . . the Gauls were routed with no greater difficulty than they had found in gain- ing the victory at Allia. They were afterwards beaten under the conduct and auspices of the same Camillus, in a more regular engagement. — Livy, V., Ch. 35-49 (Bohn). McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. Topic A 19. The Acquisition by Rome of a World Empire. OUTLINE OF TOPIC. 1. The establishment of Roman supremacy in the West- ern Mediterranean. a) The two rivals in the West, Rome and Carth- age: relative strength and weakness. b) The acquisition of Sicily (The First Punic War), 264-241 B. C. 1) Causes. 2) Duillius at Mylse. 3) Catullus and the Battle of the ^Egatian Islands. 4) Terms of treaty. c) The interval in Rome, 241-218 B. C. 1) Organization of the first province. 2) Acquisition of Sardinia and Corsica. 3) Conquest of Cisalpine Gaul. d) The interval in Carthage, 241-218 B. C. 1) The Truceless War. 2) Conquest of Spain. e) Hannibal and the Second Punic War, 218-201 B. C. 1) Occasion. 2) Hannibal's preparation and route. 3) Ticinus, Trebia, Lake Trasemene. 4) Fabius, the Delayer. 5) Canna;, 216 B. C. 6) Fall of Capua, Tarentum and Syracuse. 7) Marcellus and the reconquest of Syracuse. 8) Metaurus, 207 B. C. 9) Scipio Africanus in Spain and at Zama. 10) Results. 2. Establishment of Roman supremacy in the Eastern M editerranean. a) The Eastern World. 1) Divisions of Alexander's Empire. 2) Condition of Eastern World in 216 B. C. b) Conquest of Macedonia and Asia Minor, 21 fi- les B. C. 1) Connection of Macedonia with the Punic Wars. 2) Schemes of Antiochus the Great and Philip of Macedonia. 3) Scipio Asiaticus and the overthrow of Antiochus — Magnesia. 4) Cynoscephalae and Pydna. c) The conquest of Greece, 146 B. C. 1) Rival leagues in Greece and their in- trigues. 2) Mummius and the destruction of Corinth. d) Acquisition of Asia. 3. Cato the Censor and the fall of the Carthaginian power, 146-133 B. C. a) Cato's attitude. b) Scipio ^milianus and the destruction of Carth- age, 146 B. C. c) Completion of conquest of Spain — Numantia. REFERENCES. Textbooks.— Botsford, Ancient, Sees. 254-272; Botsford, An- cient World, Sees. 412-443; Goodspeed, Sees. 398-413, 426-434; Morey, Ancient, pp. 315-343; Myers, Ancient, Sees. 425-454, 457- 463; Webster, Ancient, Sees. 139-149; West, Ancient, Sees. 356-391; Westermann, Ancient, ch. 26-27, 29; Wolfson, Ancient, Sees. 273-315, 328-341; Abbott, Rome, Sees. 141-208; Botsford, Rome, ch. 5; Morev, Rome, pp. 100-143; Myers, Rome, Sees. 85-135, 138-145; Sm'ith, Rome, eh. 10-16, 19-20; West, Ancient World, Part II, ch. 29-31, Collateral Reading. — Botsford, Story of Rome, ch. 5; Church, Carthage; Creasy, ch. 4; Fowler, Rome, ch. 4, pp. 111-118; B'ree- man, Sicily, ch. 14-16; Oilman, ch. 10-11; Pelham, pp. 114-157; Plutarch, Lives of Fabius, Aemilius Paulus; Seignobos, pp. 238-245; Seignobos, Roman People, pp. 86-142; Smith, Carth- age and Carthaginians; Smith, Rome and Carthage. Additional Reading. — Abbott, Roman Political Institutions, Sees. 72-84; Cunningham, Western Civilization, Vol. I, ch. 1; Dodge, Hannibal; Duruy, Vol. 1, pp. 525-686, Vol. 11, pp. 1-257; Ferrero, Vol. I, pp. 14-19, ch. 2; Granrud, pp. 106-111, 128-131; Heitland, Roman Republic, ch. 9-17; How and Leigh, ch. 17-27; Ihne, Vol. I, Boole III, ch. 18, Vol. II, Book IV, ch. 1-9, Vol. Ill, Book V, ch. 1-7; Mommsen, Vol. II, ch. 1-10; Sandys, Latin Studies, pp. 489-496; Schuckburgh, ch. 17-20, 22-25, 27-28; Souttar, Carthage, ch. 1, 3-7, Rome, ch. 9-15, 17. Source Books. — Botsford, ch. 33-34, pp. 374-375; Davis, Rome, Nos. 20-30; Laing, pp. 359-386; Munro, Nos. 25-27, 40, 63-72; Webster, Nos. 78-81. SUGGESTIONS. (1) Note how and why Rome was involved in war with Carthage; the essentially maritime character of the first struggle; the advances made by Rome between the first and second Punic Wars; the setbacks of Carthage; the route taken by Hannibal and the crises in the Second Punic War; and the reason for Rome's final success. (2) Note the way the Eastern World was divided in 216 B. C; the conditions which prompted Roman interference; the hesitation of Rome to assume responsibility for the government of the East. (3) Note how and why Rome proceeded to destroy Carth- age; and how all Spain was acquired as a result of the Punic Wars. SOURCESTUDY. "THE ROMAN ARMY. The Romans were masters of the art of war and it was through their perfection of the older and more primitive methods of warfare that they attained success in Italy and in the Mediterranean basin. The follomng extracts describe in considerable detail the incentives offered for excellent service, and the arrangement and effectiveness of the legion. MILITARY REWARDS AND PUNISHMENTS. Then the Tribunes at once hold a court-martial, and the man who is found guilty is punished by the fustuar- iumj the nature of which is this. The "Tribune takes a cudgel and merely touches the condemned man; whereupon all the soldiers fall upon him with cudgels and stones. Generally speaking men thus punished are killed on the spot; but if by any chance, after running the gauntlet, they manage to escape from the camp, they have no hope of ultimately surviving even so. They may not return to their own country, nor would any one venture to receive such an one into his house. There- fore those who have once fallen into this misfortune are utterly and finally ruined. The same fate awaits the prsefect of the squadron, as well as his rear-rank man, if they fail to give the necessary order at the proper time, the latter to the patrols, and the former to the prsefect of the next squadron. The result of the sever- ity and inevitableness of this punishment is that in the Roman army the night watches are faultlessly kept. The common soldiers are amenable to the Tribunes ; the Tribunes to the Consuls. The Tribune is competent to punish a soldier by inflicting a fine, distraining his goods, or ordering him to be flogged; so too the prae- fects in the case of the cocii. The punishment of the fustuarium is assigned also to any one committing theft in the camp, or bearing false witness: as also to any one who in full manhood is detected in shameful im- morality: or to any one who has been thrice punished (Continued on Pafie 4) Copyri^t. 1913, UcKisler PubliBhinft Ca. Philadelpliia Pa. CO McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History. SOURCE-STUDY— Continued. for the same offence. All these things are punished as crimes. But such as the following are reckoned as cow- ardly and dishonourable in a soldier: — for a man to make a false report to the Tribunes of his valour in order to get reward; or for men who have been told off to an ambuscade to quit the place assigned them from fear; and also for a man to throw away any of his arms from fear, on the actual field of battle. Con- sequently it sometimes happens that men confront cer- tain death at their stations, because, from their fear of the punishment awaiting them at home, they refuse to quit their post: while others, who have lost shield or spear or any other arm on the field, throw themselves upon the foe, in hopes of recovering what they have lost, or of escaping by death from certain disgrace and the insults of their relations. But if it ever happens that a number of men are in- volved in these same acts: if, for instance, some entire maniples have quitted their ground in the presence of the enemy, it is deemed impossible to subject all to the fustuarium or to military execution ; but a solution of the difficulty has been found at once adequate to the maintenance of discipline and calculated to strike ter- ror. The Tribune assembles the legion, calls the de- faulters to the front, and, after administering a sharp rebuke, selects five or eight or twenty out of them by lot, so that those selected should be about a tenth of those who have been guilty of the act of cowardice. These selected are punished with the fustuarium without mercy; the rest are put on rations of barley instead of wheat, and are ordered to take up their quarters out- side the vallum and the protection of the camp. As all are equally in danger of having the lot fall on them, and as all alike who escape that, are made a conspic- uous example of by having their rations of barley, the best possible means are thus taken to inspire fear for the future, and to correct the mischief which has actually occurred. A very excellent plan also is adopted for inducing young soldiers to brave danger. When an engagement has taken place and any of them have shown conspic- uous gallantry, the Consul summons an assembly of the legion, puts forward those whom he considers to have distinguished themselves in any way, and first compli- ments each of them individually on his gallantry, and mentions any other distinctions he may have earned in the course of his life, and then presents them with gifts: to the man who has wounded an enemy, a spear; to the man who has killed one and stripped his armour, a cup, if he be in the infantry, horse-trappings if in the cavalry; though originally the only present made was a spear. This does not take place in the event of their having wounded or stripped any of the enemy in a set engagement or the storming of a town; but in skir- mishes or other occasions of that sort, in which, with- out there being any positive necessity for them to ex- pose themselves singly to danger, they have done so voluntarily and deliberately. In the capture of a town those who are first to mount the walls are presented with a gold crown. So too those who have covered and saved any citizens or allies are distinguished by the Consul with certain presents; and those whom they have preserved present them voluntarily with a crown, or if not, they are compelled to do so by the Tribunes. . . . The recipients of such rewards not only enjoy great glory among their comrades in the army, and an immediate reputation at home, but after their return they are marked men in all solemn festivals; for they alone, who have been thus distinguished by the Consuls for bravery, are allowed to wear robes of honour on those occasions: and moreover they place the spoils they have taken in the most conspicuous places in their houses, as visible tokens and proofs of their valour. No wonder that a people, whose rewards and punishments are allotted with such care and received with such feel- ings, should be brilliantly successful in war. The pay of the foot soldier is 5 1-3 asses* a day; of the centurion, 10 2-3;** of the cavalry 16. The in- fantry receive a ration of wheat equal to about 2-3 of an Attic medimnus a month, and the cavalry 7 medimni of barley, and 2 of wheat; of the allies the infantry receive the same, the cavalry 11-3 medimnus of wheat, and 5 of barley. This is a free gift to the allies; but in the cases of the Romans, the Qusestor stops out of their pay the price of their corn and clothes, or any additional arms they may require at a fixed rate. — Polybius, trans. Schuckburgh, VI., Ch. 37-39. THE ORDER OF BATTLE. The spearmen (hastati) formed the first line in fifteen companies, with small intervals between them: a com- pany had twenty light-armed soldiers, the rest wearing shields ; those were called light who carried only a spear and short iron javelins. This, which constituted the van in the field of battle, contained the youth in early bloom advancing towards the age of service. Next followed men of more robust age, in the same number of companies, who were called principes, all wearing shields, and distinguished by the completest armour. This band of thirty companies they called antepilani, because there were fifteen others placed behind them with the standards; of which each company consisted of three divisions, and the first division of each they called a pilus. Each company consisted of three en- signs, and contained one hundred and eighty-six men. The first ensign was at the head of the Triarii, veteran soldiers of tried bravery; the second, at the head of the Rorarii, men whose ability was less by reason of their age and course of service; the third, at the head of the Accensi, a body in whom very little confidence was reposed. For this reason also they were thrown back to the rear. When the army was marshalled ac- cording to this arrangement, the spearmen first com- menced the fight. If the spearmen were unable to re- pulse the enemy, they retreated leisurely, and were re- ceived by the principes into the intervals of the ranks. The fight then devolved on the principes ; the spear- men followed. The Triarii continued kneeling behind the ensigns, their left leg extended forward, holding their shields resting on their shoulders, and their spears fixed in the ground, with the points erect, so that their line bristled as if enclosed by a rampart. If the prin- cipes also did not make sufficient impression in the fight, they retreated slowly from the front to the Triarii. Hence, when a difficulty is felt, "Matters have come to the Triarii," became a usual proverb. The Triarii ris- ing up, after receiving the principes and spearmen into the intervals between their ranks, immediately closing their files, shut up as it were the openings; and in one compact body fell upon the enemy, no other hope now being left: that was the most formidable circum- stance to the enemy, when having pursued them as vanquished, they beheld a new line suddenly starting up, increased also in strength. — ^Livy, VIII., Ch. 8. (Bohn). *About 8 cents. **About 16 cents. Mckinley's illustrated Topics itaph designed to b.' placed before the mausoleum of the Emperor. It is suggested that this account of the reign be compared carefully v ith that to be found in the textbook. Below is a copy of the deeds of the &i\ Ine Augustus, by which he subjected the whole world to tht- dominion of the Roman people, and of the amounts whicii he ex- pended upon the commonwealth and the Roman people, as engraved upon two brazen columns which are set up at Rome. In my twentieth year, acting upon my own judgment and at my own expense, I raised an army by means of which I restored to liberty the commonwealth which had been oppressed by the tyranny of a faction. On account of this the senate by laudatory decrees admitted me to its orderj in the consulship of Gains Pansa and Anlus Hirtius, ind at the same time gave me consular rank in the expression of opinion, and gave me the imperium. It also voted that I as propraetor, together with the con- suls, should see to it that the commonwealth suffered no harm. In iUv same year, moreover, when both consuls had perished in war, the people made me consul, and triumvir for organising the commonwealth. Those who killed my father I drove into exile by lawful judgments, avenging their crime, and afterwards, when they waged war againsl the commonwealth, I twice defeated them in battle. I undertook civil and foreign wars by land and sea throughout the whole world, and as victor I showed mercy to all surviving citizens. Foreign peoples, who could be pardoned with safety, I p -lerred to preserve rather than to destroy. About fi -i hundred thousand Roman citizens took the militar' oath of allegiance to me. Of these I have settled ir colonies or sent back to their munidpia, upon the ex: .ration of their terms of service, somewhat over thrc: Imndred thousand, and to all these I have given land purchased by me, or money for farms, out of my owi means. I have captured six hundred ships, besides 'chose which were smaller than triremes. Twice I have triuvn23hed in the ovation, and three times in the curule triumph, and I have been twenty-one times saluted as imperator. After that, when the senate decreed me many Ijriumphs, I declined them. Likewise I often deposited the laurels in the Capitol in fulfilment of vows which 1 had also made in battle. On account of enterprises brought to a successful issue on land and sea by me, or by my lieutenants under my auspices, the senate fifty-fi -e times decreed that there should be a thanksgiving >o the immortal gods. The number of days, moreovei , on which thanksgiving was rendered in accordance with the decree of the senate was eight hun- dred and ninety. In mj'^ triumphs there have been led before my chariot nine kings, or children of kings. When I wrote these words I had been thirteen times '"" v'll, and was in the thirty-seventh year of the tri- buniti);l power. . . . By the consent of the senate and the Roman peo- ple I was voted the sole charge of the laws and of morals, with the fullest power; but I accepted the proffer of no office which was contrary to the customs of the country. The measures of which the senate at that time wished me to take charge, I accomplished in virtue of my posses- sion of the tribunitial power. In this office I five times associated with myself a colleague, with the consent of the senate. For ten years in succession I was one of the triumvirs for organizing the commonwealth. Up to that day on which I write these words I have been princeps of the senate through forty years. I have been pontifex maxi- mus, augur, a member of the quindecemviral college of the sacred rites, of the septemviral college of the ban- quets, an Arval Brother, a member of the Titian sodality, and a fetial. Janus Quirinus, which it was the purpose of our fathers to close when there was peace won by victory throughout the whole empire of the Roman people on land and sea, and which, before I was born, from the foundation of the city, was reported to have been closed (Continued on Page 4.) Copyright. 1913. Hc-Kinley Publishinfl Co.. Fhitadelphia. Pa. o s £ ■€ M qj (U '-/i |l £■■" »j g £--2 |.S '^ ii a; -2 2 Si .Q "• e V. -^ ^ o "^ ** U C -J ^ = 3 2 .-.. ^ c ^ — t- ^ -. = 3 = o ? ^ •'.% ^ '.» . Three times in my own name, and five times in that of my sons or grandsons, I have given gladiatorial exhibi- tions ; in these exhibitions about ten thousand men have fought. Twice in my own name, and three times in that of my grandson, I have offered the people the spectacle of athletes gathered from all quarters. I have celebrated games four times in my own name, and twent3f-three times in the turns of other magistrates. . . . Twenty-six times in my own name, or in that of my sons and grand- sons, I have given hunts of African wild beasts in the circus, the forum, the ampitheatres, and about thirty-five hundred beasts have been killed. I gave the people the spectacle of a naval battle be- yond the Tiber, where now is the grove of the Csesars. For this purpose an excavation was made eighteen hun- dred feet long and twelve hundred wide. In this contest tliirty beaked ships, triremes or biremes,were engaged, besides more of smaller size. About three thousand men fought in these vessels in addition to the rowers. I have freed the sea from pirates. In that war with the slaves I delivered to their masters for punishment about thirty thousand slaves who had fled from their masters and taken up arms against the state. . . . I have extended the boundaries of all the provinces of the Roman people which were bordered by nations not yet subjected to our sway. I have reduced to a state of peace the Gallic and Spanish provinces, and Germany, the lands enclosed by the ocean from Gades to the mouth of the Elbe. The Alps from the region nearest the Adriatic as far as the Tuscan Sea I have brought into a state of peace, without waging an unjust war upon any people. My fleet has navigated the ocean from the mouth of the Rhine as far as the boundaries of the Cimbri, where before that time no Roman had ever penetrated by land or sea ; and the Cimbri and Charydes and Semnones and other German peoples of that section, by means of legates, sought my friendship and that of the Roman people. By my command and under my auspices two armies at almost the same time have been led into Ethiopia and into Arabia, which is called "the Happy," and very many of the enemy of both peoples have fallen in battle, and many towns have been cap- tured. Into Ethiopia the advance was as far as Nabata, which is next to Meroe. In Arabia the army penetrated as far as the confines of the Sabsei, to the town Mariba. I have established colonies of soldiers in Africa, Sicily, Macedonia, the two Spains, Achaia, Asia, Syria, Gallia Narbonensis and Pisidia. Italy also has twenty-eight colonies established under my auspices, which within my lifetime have become very famous and populous. Embassies have been many times sent to me from the kings of India, a thing never before seen in the case of any ruler of. the Romans. Our friendship has been sought by means of ambassadors by the Bastarnae and the ScA'thians, and by the kings of the Sarmatse, who are on either side of the Tanais, and by the kings of the Albani, the Hiberi, and the ]\Iedes. In my sixth and seventh consulships, when I had put an end to the civil wars, after having obtained complete control of affairs by universal consent, I transferred the commonwealth from my own dominion to the authority of the senate and Roman people. In return for this favor on my part I received by decree of the senate the title Augustus, the door-jjosts of my house were publicly decked with laurels, a civic crown was fixed above my door, and in the Julian Curia was placed a golden shield, which, by its inscription, bore witness that it was given to me by the senate and Roman people on account of my valor, clemency, justice and piety. After that time I excelled all others in dignity, but of power I held no more than those also held who were my colleagues in any magistracy. While I was consul for the thirteenth time the senate and the equestrian order and the entire Roman people gave me the title of father of the fatherland, and decreed that it should be inscribed upon the vestibule of my house and in the Curia, and in the Augustan Forum be- neath the quadriga which had been, by decree of the senate, set up in my honor. When I wrote these words I was in my seventy-sixth year. — Monumentum Ancy- ranum, translated by Fairley. McKlriley's liiilstcated Totilcs iof AncleHt HIstOry. Topic A 23. The Successors of Augustus. OUTLINE OF TOPIC. 1. The growth of absolutism. a) Tiberius and his changes. 1) Campaigns and influence of Germanicus. 2) The Law of Treason. 3) Intrigues of Sejanus. b) Irresponsible rule of Caligula and his over- throw, 37-41 A. D. c) Claudius and the beginning of absolute rule, 41-54 A. D. " d) Tj^ranny of Nero and his overthrow, 54-68 A. D. e) The struggle for the succession, 68-69 A. D. f) The Flavian Emperors, 69-96 A. D. 1) Names and characteristics. 2) Promotion of public works. g) Character of period. 2. The limited monarchy (The Five Good Emperors), 96-180 A. "D. a) Nerva and the introduction of new principles of government, 96-98 A. D. b) Trojan and the expansion of the empire, 98-117 A. D. 1) Conquests. 2) Public works. 3) Revival of literature. c) Hadrian's change of policy, 117-'138 A. D. 1) Attitude toward exijansion. 2) Administrative and military reforms. d) The Antonines and the growth of humane legis- lation, 138-180 A. D. e) Social and economic condition of the people un- der the earlj' emperors. REFERENCES. Textbooks.— Botsford, Ancient, Sees. 311-327; Botsford, An- cient World, Sees. 505-516, 521-530; Goodspeed, Sees. 501-53-1, 536-545; Morey, Ancient, pp. 419-449; Myers, Ancient, ch. 46; Webster, Ancient, Sees. 171-173, ch. 14; West, Ancient, Sees. 458-460, 464-467, 473-484, 487-488, 492-504; Westermann, Ancient, Sees. 504-547; Wolfson, Ancient, Sees. 421-448, 453- 458; Abbott, Rome, Sees. 351-425, 429-442; Botsford, Rome, pp. 318-266; Morev, Rome, ch. 24-26; Mvers, Rome, ch. 16; Smith, Rome, pp." 344-357; West, Ancient World, Part II, Sees. 574-591, 596-603, 606-622, 627-638. Collateral Reading. — Botsford, Story of Rome, pp. 241-315; Capes, Early Roman Empire, ch. 2-19; Capes, Roman Empire of Second Century; Davis, pp. 65-129; Fowler, ch. 9-10; Gib- bon, Vol. I, ch. 1-3; Pelham, pp. 471-567; Plutarch, Lives of Galba and Otho; Seignobos, pp. 293-312, 314-321; Seignobos, Roman People, ch. 20-23. Additional Reading. — Abbott, Roman Political Institutions, ch. 13-14, Sees. 373-377; Duruy, Vol. IV, pp. 401-618, Vol. V, pp. 1-570, Vol. VI, pp. 1-441 ; Ferrero, Women of the Caesars, ch. 4-6; Jones, Roman Empire, ch. 2-6; Jlerivale, Vol. V, ch. 43-50, Vol. VI, ch. 51-59, Vol. VII, ch. 60-68. Source Books. — Botsford, pp. 475-520; Davis, Rome, Nos. 63-70, 75; I>aing, pp. 410-431; Munro, Nos. 37-39, 101-122, 135, 185-203; Webster, Nos. 98-102. SUGGESTIONS. Note step by step how the entire control of the government passes gradually into the hands of the emperor in the first century; how the second century was marked by a reaction toward a limited monarchy under the Five Good Emperors; the services rendered by individual emperors in extending the frontiers or protecting those already established; and the dangers which threatened the empire at the close of the period. SOURCE-STUDY. THE ADMINISTRATION OF A PROVINCE UNDER THE EMPIRE. The following extracts convey some idea of what it meant to the peoples of the provinces to be ruled by Rome. These letters which were exchanged between the younger Pliny, Gover- nor of Bithynia, and the Emperor Trajan throw much light upon the problems to be solved and the changes which were wrought under Rome's direction. A vast amount of detail must have passed under the eye of the emperor. To the Emperor Trajan. The Prusenses, Sir, having an ancient bath which lies in a ruinous state, desire your leave to repair it ; but, upon examination, I am of opinion it ought to be re- built. I think, therefore, you may indulge them in this request, as there will be a sufficient fund for that purpose, partly from those debts which are due from private persons to the public which I am now collecting in ; and partlj' from what they raise among themselves towards furnishing the bath with oil, which they are willing to apply to the carrying on of this building; a work which the dignity of the city and the splendour of your times seem to demand. Trajan to Pliny. If the erecting a public bath will not be too great a charge upon the Prusenses, we may comply with their request ; provided, however, that no new tax be levied for this purpose, nor any of those taken off which are appropriated to necessary services. To the Emperor Trajan. While I was making a progress in a different part of the province, a most extensive fire broke out at Nico- media, which not only consumed several private houses, but also two public buildings; the town-house and the temple of Isis, though they stood on contrary sides of the street. The occasion of its spreading thus far was owing partly to the violence of the wind, and partly to the indolence of the people, who, manifestly, stood idle and motionless spectators of this terrible calamity. The truth is the city was not furnished with either en- gines, buckets, or an_v single instrument suitable for extinguishing fires; which I have now, however, given directions to have prepared. You will consider. Sir, whether it may not be advisable to institute a company of fire-men, consisting only of one hundred and fifty members. I will take care that none but those of that business shall be admitted into it, and that the privileges granted them shall not be applied to any other pur- pose. As this corporate body will be restricted to so small a number of members, it will be easy to keep them under proper regulation. Trajan to Pliny. You are of opinion it would be proper to establish a company of fire-men in Nicomedia, agreeably to what has been practised in several other cities. But it is to be remembered that societies of this sort have greatly disturbed the peace of the province in general, and of those cities in jDarticular. Whatever name we give them, and for whatever purposes they may be founded, they will not fail to form themselves into factious assemblies, however short their meetings may be. It will therefore be safer to provide such machines as are of service in extinguishing fires, enjoining the owners of houses to assist in preventing the mischief from spreading, and if it should be necessary, to call in the aid of the popu- lace. To the Emperor Trajan. The citizens of Xicomedia, Sir, have expended three millions three hundred and twentv-nine sesterces* in 'About $120,000. (Continued on Page 4.) Copyright. 1913, McKlnley Publishing Co-. Philadebbia. Pa. c . < p- O .a G< .„ C i-T CO g ij . ^ ra « "^ ^ ci^ i^"-S ■ ^ ii-3 CD O U ., " W3-S .S C 4) ^ p-S§ ■3 S - f^ ** J3 . O U W p.pi CO , CD t, s; CM -< 1 l*S 'I .0 ^^-^^ H h to C"S a o Ml j^ ^fSefe^ C V - ■' ••T= C3 m c< cu a a «i I % u 3 •- •'iV 1 J3 Ot S b^<; » * "1 .° o B (U [>-.CQ U «. -S Ji .. a .S 7- o cc 1 H gci-p. £i J C 2^' s P4 5" fl ••» M o =S "S .< ^ 5- m "* it 2^ O'O . 2 c J= " .- D ■^ Sg-s "3) *u >> O. S BS242 o V o o McKlnley's Illustrated Topics (or Ancient history. No. A 23. THE ROMAN TEMPLE. 1. The Pantheon, restored, from a model in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. 2. The Pantheon as it is today. SUGGESTIVE QUESTIONS. Compare this structure witli a Greek temple? How does it differ? What are its characteristic features? How is it orna- mented? What sort of columns are used? Which was the more artistic, the Greek or the Roman temple? Why? CopTriiht. I91S. McKintey Publishlne Co . Plilladrfnlila. Pa McKinley's Illustrated Topics for Ancient History SOURCE-STUDY- Continued. building an aqueduct; but, not being able to finish it, the works are entirely falling to ruin. They made a second attempt in another place, where they laid out two millions.* But this likewise is discontinued; so that, after having been at an immense charge to no purpose, they must still be at a further expense, in order to be accommodated with water. I have examined a fine spring from whence the water may be conveyed over arches (as was attempted in their first design) in such a manner that the higher as well as level and low parts of the city may be supplied. There are still re- maining a very few of the old arches; and the square stones, however, employed in the former building, may be used in turning the new arches. I am of opinion part should be raised with brick, as that will be the easier and cheaper material. But that this work may not meet with the same ill-success as the former, it will be necessary to send here an architect, or some one skilled in the construction of this kind of waterworks. And I will venture to say, from the beauty and use- fulness of the design, it will be an erection well worthy the splendour of your times. Trajan to Pliny. Care must be taken to supply the city of Nicomedia with water; and that business, I am well persuaded, you will perform with all the diligence you ought. But really it is no less incumbent upon you to examine by whose misconduct it has happened that such large sums have been thrown away upon this, lest they apply the money to private purposes, and the aqueduct in ques- tion, like the preceding, should be begun, and after- Wards left unfinished. You will let me know the result of J'our inquiry. cerning the theatre which the inhabitants of Nicea are building; as for myself, it will be sufficient if you let me know your determination. With respect to the par- ticular parts of this theatre which are to be raised at a private charge, you will see those engagements ful- filled when the body of the building to which they are to be annexed shall be finished. — These paltry Greeks are, I know, immoderately fond of gymnastic diversions, and therefore, perhaps, the citizens of Nicea have planned a more magnificent building for this purpose than is necessary; however, they must be content with such as will be sufficient to answer the purpose for which it is intended. . . . To the^Emperor Trajan. The titizehs of Nicea, Sir, are building a theatre, which, though it is not yet finished, has already ex- hausted, as I am informed (for I have not examined the account myself), about ten millions of sesterces;** and what is worse, I fear to no purpose. For either from the foundation being laid in soft, marshy ground, or that the stone itself is light and crumbling, the walls are sinking and cracked from top to bottom. It de- serves your Consideration, therefore, whether it would be best to carry on this work, or entirely discontinue it, or rather, perhaps, whether- it would be most prudent absolutely to destroy it: for the buttresses and founda- tions by means of which it is from time to time kept up appeai* to me more expensive than solid. Several private ptersons have undertaken to build the compartments of this theatre at their own expense, some engaging to erect the portico, others the galleries over the pit: but this design cannot be executed, as the principal build- ing which ought first to be completed is now at a stand. This city is also rebuilding, upon a far more enlarged plan, the gymnasium, which was burnt down before my arrival in the province. They have already been at some (and, I rather fear, a fruitless) expense. The structure is not only irregular and ill-proportioned, but the present architect (who, it must be owned, is a rival to the person who was first employed) asserts that the walls, although twenty-two feet in thickness, are not strong enough to support the superstructure, as the in- terstices are filled up with quarrystones, and the walls are not overlaid with brickwork. . . . Trajan to Pliny. ' You, who are upon the spot, will best be able to con- sider and determine what is proper to be done con- *About SP80,000. . **$400,000. . ,.,.., , ;, To the Emperor Trajan. Upon examining into the public expenses of the city of Byzantium, which, I find, are extremely great, I was informed. Sir, that the appointments of the am- bassador whom they send j^early to you with their homage, and the decree which passes in the senate upon that occasion, amount to twelve thousand sesterces.* But knowing the generous maxims of your government, I thought proper to send the decree without the am- bassador, that, at the same time they discharged their public duty to you, their expense incurred in the man- ner of paying it might be lightened. The city is like- wise taxed with the sum of three thousand sesterces** towards defraj'ing the expense of an envoy, whom they annually send to compliment the governor of Moesia: this expense I have also directed to be spared. I beg. Sir, you would deign either to confirm my judgment or correct my error, in these points by acquainting me with your sentiments. Trajan to Pliny. I entirely apjarove, my dearest Secundus, of your having excused the Byzantines that expense of twelve thousand sesterces in sending an ambassador to me. I shall esteem their duty as sufficiently paid, though I only receive the act of their senate through your hands. The governor of Moesia must likewise excuse them jif they compliment him at a less expense. To the Emperor Trajan. Julius Largus, of Pontus (a person whom I never saw, nor indeed ever heard his name till lately), in confidence. Sir, of your distinguishing judgment in niy favour, has entrusted me with the execution of the last instance of his lo_yalty tov.itrds j'ou. He has left me, by his will, his estate upon trust, in the first place to re- ceive out of it fifty thousand sesterces*** for my own use, and to apply the remainder for the benefit of the cities of Heraclea and Tios, either by erecting some public edifice dedicated to your honour or instituting athletic games, according as I shall judge proper. These games are to be celebrated every five years, and to be called Trajan's games. My principal reason for acquainting you with this bequest is that I may receive your directions which of the respective alternatives to choose. Trajan to Pliny. By the prudent choice Julius Largus has made of a trustee, one would imagine he had known you per- fectly well. You will consider then what will most tend to perpetuate his memory, under the circumstances of these respective cities, and make your option accord- ingly. — Letters, trans. Bosanquet, X., 34-35, 42-43, 46-49, 52-53, 79-86. * About $500. **About $120. ,. , ■ ■ . ■''' .. *•* About $5,000. Mckinley's lllustfated Topics lot Ancient HIstOfy. Topic A 24. The Later Empire, 184-337 A. D. 2. OUTLINE OF TOPIC. The domination of the army and the decline of the empire. a) Power and influence of the praetorian guard. b) The times of the Severi, 195-235 A. D. 1) Septimius Severus and the struggle for the throne. 2) The Edict of Caracalla, 212 A. D. 3) Alexander Severus and his campaigns, 222-235 A. D. c) The Thirty Tyrants and the disintegration of the empire. d) Partial restoration under the Illyrian Emperors. Diocletian and Constantine and the restoration of order, 284-337 A. D. a) Diocletian and the reorganization of the empire. 1) Plan of administration and character of the new empire. 2) Rise of Christianity and emperor's atti- tude towards the Christians. b) Constantine the Great and the triumph of Chris- tianity, 324-337 A. D. 1) Emperor's acceptance of Christianity and its effects upon the empire. 2) Administrative reforms. REFERENCES. Textbooks. — Botsford, Ancient, ch. 15-13; Botsford, Ancient World, Sees. 531-545; Goodspeed, Ancient, Sees. 535, 546-565; Morey, Ancient, pp. 450-464; Myers, Ancient, cli. 47-48; Web- ster, Ancient, ch. 15-16; West, Ancient, Sees. 461, 505-554; Westermann, Ancient, Sees. 548-5T4, ch. 38; Wolfson, An- cient, Sees. 459-472; Abbott, Rome, Sees. 425-428, ch. 13; Botsford, Rome, ch. 13; Morev, Rome, ch. 27-38; Myers, Rome, ch. 17-19; Smith, Rome,' pp. 357-361; West, Ancient World, Part II, cli. 39-40, Sees. 661-676, 681-704. Collateral Reading. — Abbott, Society, "Municipal Politics in Pompeii"; Abbott, Common People, "Diocletian's Edict"; Davis, pp. 130-195; Gibbon, Vol. I, ch. 4-7, 10-16, Vol. II, ch. 17, 20, pp. 71-74; Pelham, pp. 508-583; Seignobos, ch. 26-27; Seignobos, Roman People, ch. 34-26. Additional Reading. — Abbott, Roman Political Institutions, Sees. 378-399, ch. 21; Burv, Later Roman Empire, Vol. I, Book I; Duruy, Vol. VI, pp. 442-589, Vol. VII, pp. 1-578; Jones, Roman "Empire, ch. 7-10; Sandys, Latin Studies, pp. 297-299. Source Books.— Botsford, ch. 41; Davis, Rome, Nos. 71-73, 109-115, pp. 219-323; Laing, pp. 430-431, 468-471; Munro, Nos. 123-134, 204-205; Webster, Nos. 100, 114-115. SUGGESTIONS. Note the weaknesses which were characteristic of the empire at this time; the remedies proposed by Diocletian and Constan- tine to improve or remove these conditions; the contrasts pre- sented by their plans; and the success which the}' attained in bolstering up a declining empire. SOURCE-STUDY. CHRISTIANITY IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE. The first extract, from Tacitus (born about 54 A. D.), is one of the earliest allusions to the Christians in Latin litera- ture and explains tlieir persecution by Nero. Pliny was sent as imperial legate to Bitbynia in 111 or 112 A. D. and as governor of tliat province had occasion to write the emperor Trajan as to how he should deal with the early Christians. Minucius Felix, one of the earliest Christian writers whose works have come down to us, reflects the ideas current in his day among the Romans as to the character and doings of the Christians. This author lived either in the reign of Marcus Aurelius or that of the emperor Hadrian. By Tertullian's time (c. 150-230 A. D.), the new sect had secured a firm foothold as his account indicates. His explanations of their meetings and beliefs should be contrasted with the description given by Minucius Felix, THE PERSECUTION OF THE CHRISTIANS BY NERO. . . . But all human efforts, all the lavish gifts of the emperor, and the propitiations of the gods, did not banish the sinister belief that the conflagration was the result of an order. Consequently, to get rid of the report, Nero fastened the guilt and inflicted the most exquisite tortures on a class hated for their abominations, called Christians by the populace. Christus, from whom the name had its origin, suffered the extreme penalty during the reign of Tiberius at the hands of one of our procurators, Pontius Pilatus, and a most mischievous superstition, thus checked for the moment, again broke out not onljf in Judaea, the first source of the evil, but even in Rome, where all things hideous and shameful from every part of the world find their center and be- come popular. Accordingly, an arrest was made of all who pleaded guilty; then, upon their information, an immense multitude was convicted, not so much of the crime of firing the city, as of hatred against mankind. Mockery of every sort was added to their deaths. Covered with the skins of beasts, they were torn by dogs and perished, or were nailed to crosses, or were doomed to the flames and burnt, to serve as a nightly illumination, when daylight had expired. Nero offered his gardens for the spectacle, and was exhibiting a show in the circus, while he mingled with the people in the dress of a charioteer or stood aloft in a car. Hence, even for criminals who deserved extreme and exemplary punishment, there arose a feeling of compassion; for it was not, as it seemed, for the pub- lic good, but to glut one man's cruelty, that they were being destroyed. — Tacitus, trans. Church and Brodribb, XV, Ch. 44. PLINY TO THE EMPEROR. It is my invariable rule to refer to you in all matters about which I feel doubtful. Who can better remove my doubts or inform my ignorance? I have never been present at any trials of Cjiristians, so that I do not know what is the nature of the charge against them, or what is the usual punishment. Whether any differ- ence or distinction is made between the young and per- sons of mature years — whether repentance of their fault entitles them to" pardon — whether the very profession of Christianity, unaccompanied by any criminal act, or whether only the crime itself involved in the profession, is a subject" of punishment; on all these points I am in great doubt. Meanwhile, as to those persons who have been charged before me with being Christians, I have observed the following method. I asked them whether they were Christians; if they admitted it, I repeated the question twice, and threatened them with punish- ment; if they persisted, I ordered them to be at once punished. l" could not doubt that whatever might be the nature of their opinions, such inflexible obstinacy deserved punishment. Some were brought before me, possessed with the same infatuation, who were Roman citizens; these I took care should be sent to Rome. As often happens, the accusation spread, from being fol- lowed, and various phases of it came under my notice. An anonymous information was laid before me, con- taining a great number of names. Some said they neither were and never had been Christians; they re- (Continued on Page 4.) Copyright. 1913. McKinley Publishing Co.. Philadelphia, FM CD 5t> ^S . ^p. e S V •Cpi c -^-o ^ 'B'K "ti 42« .. Wi- co .,G» . ^ ^ . oT P-B . c <;s -< ■a 'Bh w^ M "^^ • 1 ^'s CM < ^1 a ^-^ a S5- 13 f,o H C8 ^ ^ s 2 ^ «44 I tT^ >. SFi' ^ (3 ft . CU 9< f" ^^'■--'^ n a ^ x.^"' ^ 1h S B^ t+H a bO fe ^ .-^ a M -<^c J3 > ^^'< m « C „ n -2 !J 4J 3 P4 ^„^^ >^o !? -M *rl Q Ji§ a M ■a -Tg P, ^^1" 0. f^ S .. « i^ w c ., ts c S 1-=^' -:i- 5 en a fciiiift"! IHH |.;:i- *= ~^:* •^^^/^M^"' '" '■1 : Mi , >:/■ -r-^^- ' ^ ■; ^ ; ' \ ^7 -■.*'i A ;:,*■. _^b 1 i • : ."'.-. : "-A'-'- . W'' ■' - - 1 ! B' iSl/- 1 j V -n H W o o 1:3 CO 3 'o c - P. 2 5 3 O u E " c (U O '^^ ■3 o t: !5 « ^ a* (/I r- a - E~ "r- Cii = n i^ ^ lA o:h c (J > o ( ) Ul ■*-' o U < X r- ,, . Their Vices. Their beverage is a liquor drawn from barley or from wheat, and, like the juice of the grape, fermented to a spirit. The settlers on the banks of the Rhine pro- vide themselves with wine. Their food is of the sim- plest kind; wild apples, the flesh of an animal recently killed, or coagulated milk. Without skill in cookery, or without seasoning to stimulate the palate, they eat to satisfy nature. But they do not drink merely to quench their thirst. Indulge their love of liquor to the excess which they require, and you need not employ the terror of your arms; their own vices will subdue them. . . .In the character of a German there is nothing so remarkable as his passion for play. Without the excuse of liquor (strange as it may seem!), in their cool and sober moments they have recourse to dice, as to a serious and regular business, with the most des- perate spirit committing their whole substance to chance, and when they have lost their all, putting their liberty and even their persons upon the last hazard of the die. The loser yields himself to slavery. Young, robust, and valiant, he submits to be chained, and even exposed to sale. Such is the effect of a ruinous and inveterate habit. They are victims to folly, and they call them- selves men of honour. The winner is always in a hurry to barter away the slaves acquired by success at play; he is ashamed of his victory, and therefore puts away the remembrance of it as soon as possible. — Tacitus, trans. Murphy, Germania, Ch. 4-24. McKlnley's Illustrated Topics for Ancieilt History. Topic A 26. The Rise of the New Empire. OUTLINE OF TOPIC. 1. Theodoric and the attempts of the Ostrogoths to restore the power of Rome in the West, 489-526. A. D. a) Character and extent of Theodoric's rule. b) Weakness of the Ostrogothic kingdom. 2. Justinian and the Eastern Empire's struggle for the West, 527-565 A. D. a) The man. b) The task. c) The achievements of the reign. 1) Conquests. 2) Codification of the law. 3. The Mohammedan peril, 622-732 A. D. a) Life and Teachings of Mohammed. b) Spread of Islam. c) Character of Saracen civilization. 4. Rise and influence of the papac)'. a) Growth of the organization of the Church. b) Increase of power of bishop of Rome. c) Recognition of a pope. d) Power of Church. 5. Charlemagne and the restoration of the Empire of the West. REFERENCES. Textbooks. — Botsford, Ancient, ch. 15; Botsford, Ancient World, ch. 45-46; Goodspeed, Ancient, Sees. 572-593; Morey, Ancient, pp. 489-523; Myers, Ancient, ch. 51-56; Webster, An- cient, Sees. 206-210; West, Ancient, Sees. 575-649; Westerniann, Sees. 597-642; Wolfson, Ancient, Sees. 4S8-508; Abbott, Rome, Sees. 512-580; Botsford, Rome, ch. 14; Morey, Rome, ch. 30-31; West, Ancient World, Part II, Sees. 729-802. Collateral Reading. — Emerton, Introduction, pp. 52-59, ch. 7, 9-14; Gibbon, Vol. Ill, ch. 38-44, Vol. IV, ch. 45, 49-51; Hodg- kin, Charles the Great; Lane-Poole, Speeches and Table-Talk of Mohammed; Robinson, Western Europe, pp. 28-38, ch. 4-7; Seignobos, Mediu?val and Modern Civilization, ch. 3-5; Seigno- bos, Roman People, ch. 29-32. Additional Reading. — Bemont and Monod, Mediaeval Europe, ch. 4-13; Burv, Later Empire, Vol. I, Book IV, Vol. II, Book IV, Part I, Part II, ch. 5-6, Book V, ch. 6, Book VI, ch. 11-U; Hodgkin, Theodoric; Margohouth, Mohammed. Source Books. — Botsford, ch. 46; Davis, Rome, Nos. 127-149. SUGGESTIONS. (1) Note the efforts to revive the Western Empire with Rome as a center, first by Theodoric, noting the extent of his kingdom and his failure; (2) the attempt of Justinian to unite East and West with the success attained; (3) the danger of the utter extinction of Western civilization by the Saracens; (4) the contemporary growth of the power and organization of the Church making it one of the two great forces in Western Europe; (5) the steps in the rise of the Franks; and the alli- ance between the Franks and the Church, ending in the restora- tion of the Western Empire and the rise of the new Rome. We have not taught him [^luhanimadj poetrj- nor would it beseem him. This Book is no otlier than ,i warn- ing and a clear Koran, To warn whoever livcth. — From Sura 36, as translated bv Rodwell. . . . By the Luminous Book ! We have made it an Arabic Koran that ye may under- stand : And it is a transcript of the archetypal Book, kept by us ; it is lofty, filled with wisdom. ■ — From Sura 43, as translated by Rodwell. , . . This Book is without doubt a Revelation sent down from the Lord of the Worlds. Will they saj', he hath forged it? Nay, it is the truth from thy Lord that thou mayest warn a people to whom no warner hath come before thee, that haply they may be guided. — From Sura 32, as translated by Rodwell. The Character of the New Religion. Say: He is God alone: God the eternal ! He begetteth not, and He is not begotten ; And there is none like unto Him. — Sura 112, "The Unity," as translated by Rodwell. What thinkest thou of him who trcateth our religion as a lie? He it is who thrusteth away the orphan. And stirreth not others up to feed the poor. Woe to those who pray, But in their prayer are careless ; ^^'ho make a show of devotion. But refuse help to the needy. — Sura 107, "Religion," as transLated by Rodwell. SOURCE-STUDY. THE RELIGION OF MOHAMMED. The following extracts taken from the Koran not only indi- cate the nature of the "Bible" of the Mohammedans, but also throw light upon many of the teachings of Mohammed. The Koran was a message from God; it laid great stress upon the doctrine of the unity of God ; and sought to make clear the rela- tion between Jlohammedanism and Judaism and Christianity. The demands which the new faith made upon its followers were comparatively few. It insisted upon the necessity of spreading the faith even at the point of the sword and held out promises of a blissful hereafter to those who were zealous and faithful. The Nature op the Koran. We ourselves have sent down to thee the Koran as a missive from on high. — From Sura 76 of the Koran, as trans- lated by Rodwell. Copyright. 1013. McKinley Publi What! thinketh [man] that no one regardeth him? What ! haie we not made him eyes. And tongue, and lips, And guided him to the two highways? Yet he attempted not the steep. And who shall teach thee what the steep is? It is to ransom the captive. Or to feed in the day of famine The orphan who is near of kin, or the poor that lieth in the dust; Beside this, to be of those who believe, and enjoin stead- fastness on each other, and enjoin compassion on each other. These shall be the people of the right hand : While they who disbelieve our signs Shall be the people of the left. Around them the fire shall close. — From Sura 90, "The Soil," as translated bv Rodwell. There is no piety in turning your faces toward the east or the west, but he is pious who believeth in God. and the last day, and the angels, and the Scriptures, and the prophets ; who for the love of God dis- burseth his wealth to his kindred, and to the or- phans, and the needy, and the wayfarer, and those who ask, and for ransoming; who observeth prayer, (Continued on Page 4.) ishingCo., Philadelphia, Pa. L' J McKlnley's Illustrated Topics for Anclant History. No. A 26. Copyrtiht 1913. HcKiol^y Fhibli&biiut Co . PhiladHpbin. P& THE ROMAN BASILICA. The so-called Basilica of Conatantine. 1. Drawing showing a plan of the building and its general structure. ,;■ 2., The present ruins. - SUGGESTIVE QUESTIONS. What was the purpose of this building ? What features are essentially Roman ? What other Roman structures were buUt in a similar fashiont Do any