En3 .387 THE SLAVE aUESTION. SPEECH MR. i\^rG; BROWN, OF MISSISSIPPI, IN THE HOUSE OP REPRESENTATIVES, JANUARY 30, 1330, On the subject of Slavery, and on the action of the ^dminisiraiion in relation to Calir fornia and Jfctv Mexico. l'' , "" !^ - Mr. CROWN pniJ: Uenilfiiieii K,iy t!l^y deprccnte discupsion on I'le sulijeci i)t' slavery. My jml'^mcrit a|i[>i()vps i'. We liave ji^nne loo far lo ifccfde vvitliom im iiiljupimeiit of our tlifficiiliies. IJuiter far lliiU iliis iiyiiaiion should never have coinineiiced. IJiit wlieii wrotii; has been perpeiraied on one side and rcsenieil en tlie other, an adjiisimenl in some form is intti3,nei)- sable. It is l)eiter so than lo leave the thorn of discord thus planted, to rancle and ftstor, and finally to produce a never-liealin? sore. We need attempt nosuch useless tusk as lliat of dis;xuisinuj from ourselves, our conslituenis, and in truth the world at lar<^e, that ill blood has been engendered, that we are iosinjj our mutual attachment, that we are daily becoming moreand more estianged, that the fibers of the great cord which unites I's as one people are giving way, and that we ?• fast ver- ging lo ultimate and final disruption. I hold no communion with the spurious patriotism which closes its eyes to the dangers which viait ns.and with a loud voice, sing hosannas to the Union; such patriotism will not save the Union, it is de- structive of the Union. Open wide your eyes and look these dangers full in tlie face,;\nd with strong arms and stout hearts assault them, vanquish them, and on the field of your Iriumfth erect an altar sacred to the cause of liberty, and on thai altar offer as a willing sacrifice this accursed demon •of discord. Do tliis, and we are safe; refuse, and these dangers will thicken, these misty elements will grow darker and blacker as days roll on. The storm which now lingers will burst, and rhc genius of dissolution will preside where the Union now is. I am for discussion, for an interchange of senti- ments. Let there be no wranglinjj about small grievances, but with an elevated patriotism — a pa- triotism high as our noble mountains, and broad as ihe Union itself — let ud^»me to the considera- tion of ihe difficulties and ilani^ers which beset us. In all matters of dispute it is important to con- sider who committed the firgt wrong; until this is done, no satisfactory basisof an adjustment can bj established. The Union is divided in sentiment upon a great question, by a 'geographical line. The North is opposed to slavery, and the South is in favor of it. The North is for abolishing it, the South is for maintaining it. The North is for confinini; it in its present limits, where they fancy it will lan- guish, and languishing, will die. The South is for leavin'jr it unrestrained to jjo wherever (with'n our litnits) it r^-ay be invited l.y «oil, rliin!iie, and P'lpnlatioii. These issues mid ilieir ii«>c>-.s-<,i y ir)- cidents have brought (he two end.-* of the Union into their present prriloKS position — n po.-itinn from which one or tlie other must recede, or a conflict dMii^proiis to libeity and fatal to the Union will rertainly en.sue. ^V''ho is at fault, or rather who was first in fmlt in this fraternal quarrel ? We were the oa-ners nf .slaves; we bougiit them from your fathers. We never sought to make blavholders of yo'i, nor tt> force slavery upon you. When you frn\ncipateil the remnant of your .slaves, we did nnt iuterpo.se. Content to enjoy the fruits of our industry at home, within our own limits, we never sought to intrude upon your domestic quiet. Not so with you. For twenty years or more, you have not ce;ised to disturb our peace. We have appeiled in vain lo your forbearance. Notoidy have you disregarded these appeals, but every appeal has been followed by some ne^^' act of outnvge arul aggression. We have in vain pointed to our dorni :ils, and begged that you would respect the feelings of their inmates. You have threatened them with conflagration. When we have pointed to our wives and our slee()ing infants, and in their names besouu'ht your forbearance, you have spurned our entreaties and mocked the fears of these sacred pledges of our love. Long years of outrage upon our feelin;;s and disregard of our rights have awakened in every southern heart a feeling of stern resistance. Think what you will, say what you will, |r.erpe- trate again and again if you will, these acts of lawless tyranny; the day and the hour is at hand when every southern son will rise in rebellion, when every tongue will say, give us justice orgive as death. 1 repeat, we have never sought to disturb your quiet. We have forborne to retaliate your wrongs. Content to await a returning sense of justice, we have submitted. That sense of pjstice, we fear, never will return, and submission is no longer a virtue. We owe it to you, to ourselves, to our common country, to the friends of freedom thrriughou. tlic world, to warn you that we intend to subnut 110 longer. Gentlemen tell us they do not believe the Soutli is in earnest. They believe we will still submit. Let me warn them to put away that delusir.n. It is fatal to the cause of peace. If the North em- brace it the Union ia gone. It ia treason u> / , ■i^jJfi <*, ^^'V-C 'r «ncoura"e a hope of submission. Tell ihe iiuth, swak oul biililly, j;o Imme and tell your people the i*sue is made up; iliey musi nov/ clioose be- tween non-iiiierreiciic»^ with ti>lui oi.ly n^ks ilieir furbeftinncr. Tlie Fptcious ni;;;unu n;a l>y w lii< 1> you rover up TOur i.iiaiiiliiuized iiiieuipis to dnvf us fnini the T lave yon the riijhi to fpeak thus oiiiJularly ? I'- this an acquiei ion o( your own, or is ii,a lliin;j obtained by ilie j ini ffTort of ns nil ? I ln«^e been told ihnt ihc United Stairs arqniifd the leiritmy fi.m Me.xico, nnd thai the Cmi^icss, speakinc for ilie Uniicd Staler, must dispose of v. TtcluML-ally Kpeakn..-, the Uniied S'ait.s did make the aapiisition; bul whiil is the Umicd Slates r a mtie a^i ni for the States, holdin€ople of the United Suues; they can do nothinj:, ha\e done noihintr, have in fact no existence. When the war wnh Mexico began, on whom did the Pie.>-ident call ? Not, ceriainly, ©n the |icop:e of the Uniied States, but on the peo- ple of the Slates by Siatcs. aiwl by Stales ihey responded, by Sintcs they nnide their contribuiion.^ to the grand army; and wliaievcr was acquired, •was of necipsiiy acquired foi the States, eacli hav- inii an equal inifercsii and the Un.led Stales, as ai'eni, trusUe, or ^encial repository of the cinn- inon fund, is bound to tb> cijual and exact jusiicc. to all the jwinies interested. The army was created and supported by thirty •ivcreignl.ts allied together. These soNcreigniirs acted through a c iminon head for the common de- fence and general welfare of all. IJul it does not follow ihi.l such head may i i-htfully appropriate the awaid if the conllici to (ilicm of me allies, leaving nothing to the remaining fificcn. Sov- ereigns are equal; liiere is no such ihini; as great cr small sovereigns, or, lo speak inoie coriecily, sovereigns of great and small degree. Tliey are equ.ds, except when by conventional agreement thai equably is de.-~troyed. No such agreemenl has been nmde between ihe suvereigns composing our Confider.icy. Hence, IJ.Iaware is » qual i.> ^.'ew York, and liie fifteen Southern Si.ies are «qual lo ilic fifteen rsuiihcrn Siaiis. It follows that ihe fifteen sovereignties of the Norih rtinnot exclude the fifieon sovereignties of the Souili from an equal pariicipaiion in and control over ihe joint acquisili'in or properly of all. Nor can the com- mon iigrni, the United States, heaiken lo tim voice of the fil'teen norihciM in preference to liiose t>f the firtren southern allies. So long as one of ihe si'veri igns in alliance pioicsts against a com- mon diS[iosition of wliul belongs to all and to each one in an equal degree, no disposition ran la rightfully made. The t-irong may lake by force from the weak, but in such case powfr gives ih'a ri;;lii. The Ninth may lake from the South in ihiii way, unless I erclnmre il should turn out in Ihe roiir.-e of the coi.Uici thai the Sonih is ihe siioiiger party, in which cukb il \»ould Le our rii;bi to take from yoo. VViihout pursuing; this course of rrn-ooning, un- profiiable a.s I ktl il iiiu>l fr, I ccme at >u deny us this light, we will resist your authority, and to the last extiemiiy. You alTect lo think us not in earnest in ihis declaration. Look at the atiiiude of ihe S'Uth; hear her voice as it comes up from her bench, her bar, her le;;i.slaiive halls, and, above all, from her people. Sir, iliera is not a hamlet in the Souih from which you wiB not hear the voice of siern resistance lo your law- less mandate. Our men will write ii on iheir shields, our women will teach litile children to lisp it wiili their earliest breath. I invoke your forbearance on this question. Ask yourselves if it is right to (xaspeialc eight millions of (leople upon an al)Slraclioii; a matter to us of substance and of life, but to you the merest shadow of an abstraction. Is it likely, let me ask, that ihe Union can survive the shock which must ensue if you drive eight millions of people lo madness and desperation? Look, sir, to ilie position of Virginia, Georgia, Alaliama, Missis.sippi, and the glorious old State of South Carolina; listen to the warning voice of ihese, and all ihe souihern States, as they come to Its upon every breeze that sweeps from the South, and tell me if we are noi .Sfioriing above a volcano. Oh ! gentlemen, pause, I beseech you, in this mad career. The South cannot, will not, daub not submit to your demand. The consequences to her are terrible beyond description; to you for- bearance would be a virtue — virtue adorned wiili love, iruih, justice, and patriotism. To some men I can make no a|>|^eal. I appeal not to the gentle- man from Ohio. He, like Peter the IJermii, feels himself under some religious obligation to lead oa 'I this criuade. I make no ajipeal lo the [lutaiive father of the Wilmoi pro\is(i; like Ephraim, he is jnined l<> his idols — I will let him alone. But to sound men, \o [latiioiic and j i&l men, I do make a solemn appeal thai they array themselves on the side of the Conttitniioir, and Siue the Union. When the fiital step i.s laken it will be loo late to repent the fully of this hour. When the deed is done, and the fatal ciui>equences have fallen upon us, It will be vain, idle, worse than folly to deprc- aiie Ihe evil councils which now prevail. Now, now is the time for good men lo do their duly. Let those who desiie lo save ihe Consliiutioii and ihe Union come out from among ihe wicketl and- ar.iiy themselves on ihc side of justice. Aim! hero in ihii ILilI, erected by otir failiers nnd dedicaieil l<) liberty nnd l.iw, uc will muke new vnws, enifr into new covetifint.s to statid toijeilier and fi^ht the t!cii)nii of di^Jcord lititil (leaih sliull summon ua to anoifier Mild l»eiifr wnilil. Voii tbiiik tliat Nlavery is n Sfreat evil. Very veil, think so; but koc]> your ihou-^hts to yonr- Fclves. If it l«; tui evil, it in our evil; if it be a rurae, it is niircurse. We arc not seekin;: to force it upon you; we intend to kee|t ii oursi-lvra. If you do not wish to come in contact with tliis cry- in^j evil, stay where you are, it will never pursue yoti. For mvself, I regard slavery aa n ^reat moral, social, political, and reliijious bicssin;; — a Idessin^ to the slave and a blessiiiL!: to the master. This i.-t jny opinion, i do not seek to [>rnpai:aie it. It «lr>es liol concern me whether you think so or not. I hiive seen more of Hl.iCery than you, know more nboul ii; and my opinions arf, I think, worth more than yours Slavery, Afiicafi slavery, was, ii.s I rpli;L;iou.sly liplievp, plante I in this cr>untry lhroiit;h the prov iience of God; and lie, in Hip own £;ond time, u'ill lake it away. Civdizition dawned in Africa. The Christian religion was fireaclu'd to the African race bcfoe its votaries carried it to mher tand.-<. Africa had the iilad ti- din-^s of the S.ivituir Ion;: before his divine mi.ssion Was revealed to H-«. And where is .she no w? Cen- turies h ive passed away, and all traces of chrisii- nnify, every vestige of civiliziiini, have departed JVoni that (!ei;raded nnd beiii;ihteose3? It is no part of my purpose to discuss this prop- osition. The subject, in this view of it, lielonsjs rather to the pulpit than to the l-.allsof lesjislation. It may seem to those not familiar with the state of public sentiment North and South, and the dangerous issues to which it is conducting; us, out of lime and out of place for us to discuss the value of the Union. I am not afraid of the consequen- ces of such a discujtsion. It is a discussion not to be coveted, but one which the times and tempers of men have forced upon us. It is useless to deny that the Union is in danger. To discuss its value is to n.:; forget the galling iiisuhs yf'ii are habitu- ally heaping upon us, and 1< t us look to other sac- rifices. We eXjKirt annually in rice, cotton, and tobacco, tiiR peculiar products of our soil, mors ihai» seventy-five millions of dollars in value. Your whole national exports do but a little exceed one hundred and forty millions of d )llars. The»e articles of southern export are the sujiport of your immense carrying tr.i.de, and of all youT flourialj- ing and pr(>fua')le commi^rce; and the-sc do not in- cludo the suf:ir of Louisiana, Texts, and Flor- ida, nor do I estimate the cotton, ricj-, and tobacca consumed in the United States. If all these were enthraced, our exports could not fall short of one hundred and twenty milliona ofdollirs. I need not add that as a sep.irate, independent Confed- eracy we should have the heaviest agricultural export of any people on the face of the earth; and that our wealth would in a short time be commen- surate with our immense cxpirta, no reasonable mm can doubt. In the Union, ourexports become itie common trading fund of the naiii>n, and the [M-ofiisffo into the general coffers. Weknowall this; and more, wsIctjow howmui-.h we contribute to the supji'irt of the Government, ami we know too ho\r little we get biu'k. It gives nte no pleasure to d.s- Ciiss questions like this, but a solemn daty I will not forego, from anv mtvvkish, sentimental devo- timi to tiie Union. It is right that we fully under- stand one another. You think the S:>uth is notiu earnest. Now, this opinion is based upon oae of two hyp"thosts, either that we are too much de- voteil to the Union to run the hazard of its disso- lution by a m.inly vindication of our rights; or el.se that we are afraid to encounter the perils of a dissolution. That we have loved the Union is most true. That our afTtJCtions entwine them- selves about it, and are reluctant to give it up, is also true. But our affection is no ordinary plant. Nourish 4t, and it will grow in the poorest soil. Neglect it, or trample upon it, and it will peinsh in the richest fields. 1 will not recount the story of our wrongs. I but ask you, can such wronga ever be the handmaids of love, of that mutual and earnest, devoted love which stood cod father when the infant Union was baptized, and without whose fostering care it cannot, will not, must not survive? Throw an inapartial eye over the history of the last twenty years, and answer me if there is any thing there which challenges our devotion? Who does not know that lime after time we have turned away in sorrow from your oppressions, nnd yet have come back clinging to the Union, and pro- claiming that " with air her faults we loved her still." And you ex!>ect us to do so now agaia and again; you expect U8 to return, and, on bended knees--, crave your forbearance. No, yoo do not; you cannot think so meanly of us. There is nothing in our past history which ju-^tifies the coiicli;sion that we will thus abase ourselves. You know how much a hish-toned people ought to benr; and you know full well that we have borne to tl:e last extreniiiy. You know that we ought not to submit any longer. There i.s not a man of lofty soal amon^ yoii «!l, who iu his secret heart «Jo€8 not Teel that we ou^ht not to submit. If you fancy that our devotion to the Union will keep us in the Union, you are mistaken. Our love for the Union ceases with the justice of the Union. We cannot love oppression, nor hug tyranny to our bosoms. Have we nny reason to fear a. dissolution of the Union .' Look at thequestion dispassionately, and answer to yoursehes the inifioriant inquiry, Can anything be expected from tiie fears of the south- ern people? Do not deceive yourselves — look at things as they really are. For myself, I can say •with a clear conscitnce, we do not fear it; we arc not ap()«lleil at the prospect before us; we depre- cate disunion, hut we do not fear it; we kno»v our f)osiiion too well for tliat. Whilst you have Ijeen ieapin;j outriiire upon outrage, nddin;; insult to in- sult, our people have been calmly culculaiin^ the value of ilie Union. Thequestion has been con- sidered in all its bearinj^s, anil our minds are made up. The point has been (|p8ii;na!ed beyond which we will not submit. We v,ril| not, because siih- mission beyond that point involves consequences to us more terrible than disunion. It involves ihc fearful consequences of sectional degradation. We have not been slow in nianifestini; our devoiion to the Union. In all our national conflicts we have obeyed the dictates of duty, tlie behests of patriot- ism. Our money has gone freely. The lives of Our people have been freely ^iven up. Their blood has washed many a blot from the national es- cutcheon. ^Ve hav* loved the Union, and we love it yet; but not for this, or a thousand such Unions, will we sufl'er dishonor at your bands. I tell you candidly, we have calculated the value of the Union. Your injustice has driven us to it. Your oppressioii justifies me to-day in discussing the value of the Union, and I do so freely and fear- lessly. Your press, your people, and your pulpit, may denounce this as treason; be it so. You may sing hosannas to the Union — it is well. British lords called it treason in our fathers when they resisted British tyranny. British orators were el- oquent in their eulogiums on the British Crown. Our fathers felt the oppression, they saw the hand that aimed the blow, and they resolved to resist. The result is before the world. We will resist, and trust to God and our own etout hearts for the consequences. The South afraid of dissolving the Union ? — why should we fear ? What is there to alarm us or awa- ken our apprehensions ? Are we notable to mantain our-selves? Shall eight millions of freemen, with n^orethan one hundred millions of annual exports fear to take their position among the nations of the earth ? With our cotton, sugar, rice, and tobacco, products of a southern soil, yielding us annually more than a hundred millions ofdollars, need we fear the frowns of the world ? You tell us all the world is against us on the i^avery question. We know more of this than you; fanaticism in the Old World like fanaticism at home, assails our domestic rela- tions, but we know how much British commerce and Britit-'h labor deiiends for subsistence on our cotton, to feel at all startled by your threats of Briti-sh power. Massuchu.«ells' looms will yield a smaller profit, and Biiiish looms will stop when [ you stop the supply of souihern cotton. When he looiris stop, labor will stop,s!iij)fl will sioji, commerce will stop, \neiui will stop. Build ymir- sclvea no caailea in the air. Picture to yotir minda no such halcyon visions as that Great Britain will meddle with our slaves. She made an experiment in the West Indies in freeing negroes. It cost her one hundred millions of pounds sterling and crippled her commerce to more than three times that amount, and now her emancipated blacks are relapsing into a stale of barbarism. By the united verdict of every Biitish statesman the experiment was a signal failure, injurious to the ne^ro and detrimental to the kingdom. England will not interfere with southern slaves. Our cotton bags are f'lir bonds of peace. Have we anything to fear from yoa in the event of dissolution .' A little gasconade, and some- times a threat or two, altogether out of place on so grave an issue as this, are resorted to on your part. As to there bemg any conflict of arms iCrowing out of a dissolution, I have not thought it at all probable. You coirifilain of your associa- tion with slaves in the Union. We propose to take them out of the Union — to dissolve the un- pleasant as-soi;i!Mion. Will you seek a battle-field to renew, amid blood and carnage, this loathsome association? 1 lake it for granted that you will not. But if you should, we point you to the record of ihe past, and warn you, by its blood- sitiined pa^es, that we shall be ready to meet you. When you leave your homes in New England, or in the great West, on this mission of love — this cni.-sade against the South ; when you come to lake slavery to your bosoms, and to subdue eight millions of southern people, 1 warn you to make all things ready. Kiss your wives, bid your children a long farewell, make peace wiili your God ; for I warn you that you may never return. I repeat, we deprecate disunion. Devoted to the Constitution — reverencing the Union — holding in sacred remembrance the names, the deeds, and the glories of our common and illustrious ances- try — there is no ordinary ill to which we would not bow sooner than dissolve the political associa- tion of these States. If there was any point short of absolute ruin to ourselves and desolation to our country at which these aggressive rneasures would certainly stop, we woula say at once, go to that point and give us peace. But we know full well, that when all is obtained that you now ask, the cormorant appetite for power and plunder will not be satisfied. The tiger may be driven from his prey, but when once he dips his tongue in blood, he will not relinquish his victim without a struggle. I warn gentlemen, if they persist in their present course of policy, that the sin of disunion is on their heads — not ours. If a man assaults me, and I strike in self-defence, I am no violator of the pub- lic peace. If one attacks me with such fury as to jeopardize my life, and I slay him in the conflict, I am no murderer. If you attempt to force upon us sectional desolation and — what to us is infi- nitely worse — sectional degradation, wc will resist you ; and if in the conflict of resistance the Union is dissolved, we are not responsible. If any man charges me with harboring sentiments of disunion, he is greatly mislaken. If he says timt I prefer disuniirn to sectional and social degradation, ha does me no more than justice. Does any man desiie to know at what time and for what cause I would dissolve the Union, I will u-11 him: At the first moment after you consum- mate your first net of aggression upon slave prop- erty, 1 would dcchirc the Union dissolved ; and State orTt'iinesspc. Without enlering into minute dvtails of all the proceedings wliicli tcifik plact; in rt-lntion to tlilx constituiinii. it will hi- t^utflcient (or my prfwiit piir|>ose to refer to tht- fienate Journal olllie firnt se^^ion oftlitj foiirdi Congress, to whieli that con>titiiiioii was »iilimilli|>ertH detieieiit in detail, and mure e.-iH'clally that the enumeraiiiin of the inhahitantM mti-t, liy the conslitnllon.lie made by Con'jress; that thi.-t lule applied to the orli'lnal Stiile:) of till- Union, and a^ Ihiir ri^-lits as niemln rs ol the Union ari! Jilfieted liy the admi-sioii of new .^tates, the Fame prlneiph' w hirli ei joins the census ol tlieii iiihal'ilanls to he taken under the anlMorir* of Congress, eipia'ly requiies the eiinmera ion of the inliahitanLs of any new 8[ile. lad ont by Coiicre-s in like niaiiiK r, >hoii1d he made niider thi ir niitliority. This rule, the eominitlei! are of opinion, lelt Consiri'M- without di-erelion on this p ii.I. 'I'he committee Iherefoie n-vorteil, that the iiiliahit.ints of tluit pot of the 'JVriitor> .-ioiitiiof Ohi'i, r( (led liy North Caiolina. aie not at this tim- erni!leliiMi;loii. itiid will feive to:i, sir, the !.'<'i'Ht caiilion with whieh, uinhr tin: fid iiini^'raiioii of ihat iltiistiioiis itidniJual, Itic ijlatu was lidiiiitlrd into the Union." Ill the purer tuiin>iienilaiii>i». Can it be ihai he tins noi read the triaiy wiih NJexii'o, or the la«s «if his o«ii counrry no the NHhject of naiurallzin^ fnreigTiers, that he thus rt-conniii(-nds the 2\dinishis In li:i>tiriii;i'ii)n el" ;iii iihle|>e: il.-iil ti|iil»i ^iiVei liliieiit vvilliiii Itic. c. ileiJ leriiloiy. iiid.ii d llle iiih;iliil.-tiili< lo cull a C'liivi'iitiiin ami Iraine a .Sliili; cuii-litiilioii. t.i wliich tliey L'avetlii! iiiuiie (if the Sliile nf Kriiiklni.' 'I'liis |>r(K-ie(iiiig ni"'t llie iiiilie^iiiitiii^ Iniwas aiiiJ «li>iiii|)ioli:iti'i» «!" itia Fitlirr of III < CoHiilry— llie illiii'lriiuis Wa^liiic^tim — wlio cnii^eil it lo be iii>taiilly ^U(lpre-fed, niuNii lieu •«' tlii-i fac- titii'lK State uovermiiiiit,a lerrilorinl ^overiuneiil was es- t.-ii(|.-(l lo the liilialiitaiit> by Coucress, uudi r wliich tlicy livcil niid |inis{>erc(l fur many yeais." If the first President, the great, the good, the illustrious Washington, would not listen to the proposition of the Franklanders, ciiizens as they were of the United States, for admission into the Union, under the circumstances attend. ng their ap- plication, I ask how the present President shall justify his proceeding, in first prompting ihe free mate citizftiis of Upper California, all the people of Lower California, and in fact the inteilo(>ers and adventurers from all the nations of the earth, no«r upon our teriitory, to form a State constitution, and ask admis.'ion into our Union? And now, when this constiiuiion, the creation of such a con- slomerate mass, is ^bout to be |>resented, let the friends of the President justify, if they can, his "earnest recommendaiion that it may receive the favorable consideration of Congress." Frankland was not admitted as a State, but a Territorial government was given to the coun- try under the name of Tennessee. As a territory these [leople a^ain applied for admission, and again their appli&uion was njected. I read from Poin- dexier's pamphlet the history of this second appli- cation: " Suhspitaiils nf tli« Soinliwi-Kl.Tii Terriliir) li ivine iiicreaind, n- it wa^ lielieViHl, !•> a f^iiliiiiiiit iiiiiiitierlii •mile tlreiii to Ui-c e one nl llie St iter" of till- Uriio.i, ili^- Tt riiIori;il L'Li-lallire directed a eeiisiisio 1)1' taki-ii in.ili r llie Riilliorily t>( an act p is-ed tiy lliai lic'dy. 'I'liiri cei.mOMviii!; Iieen -o taken, exi.ihileil !« i Hiiiiilirri'.l'frL-eiiilinlMiatitKexeeidiiig60.tXH)— liiinEapreater j nil nil r than umh required liy ihe unliiiHiice o( ITbi to art- Mill llieni into the Uokmi ; and on ihe'JJr'ili or Novciiiber, I I T!l.'), the Governor Iwhil' ainliori/.'d llierrlo liy I iw, is-urel t lii< |iriielMiiiiiion re(|iiiniia Ihe iiihahitaiit.$ of llle s-overal I coiiiilieii or Ihe TTruoiy to <-lioo.-e |iertion<> to represent llieni ill convention, lor ilie piii|>or:e ol" lornii' i: a coiistitu. lion or peiinineiii rorni of •;ovcniineiit. Tlii:> liody ^n I elin-eii, met in coiivrnli>>n on the lllh J:iiin:iry, 1796, anil I adopted a (•mi-titniion, in which lliey decl ired the (M'ople of that |iarl of i^aid T-'iriiory wliicli wan i-fit. d liy NorlJi l.ar«- I liiia, lo be a true and iiiJi iKJiiaeiit ijiale, h^ UiciiaiiiooltJio for this reason: such an act, perpetrated after the warning; we have given you, woulil evince a settled purpose to interpose your authority in tiie management of our domestic nfiiiir?, thus degra- ding us, from our rightful position as equals to a State of dependence and subordination. Do not mistake me; [ do not say that such an act would, per se, justify di-sunion; I do not say that our exclusion from the Territories would alone jus- tify it; I dp not say tiiat the drstruction of the slave trade in the District of Columliiii, nor even its abolition here, nor yet the prohibition of the slave liTrJe among the States, would justify it. It may be, that not one, nor two, or all of these combined would justify disunion. These are but the initiative steps — they lead you on to the mas- tery over us, and you shall not take these sieps. The man must have studied the history of our re- volt against the power of Britain to but little pur- pose who i-upposes that the throwing a few boxes of tea into the water in Boston harbor produced, or liad any material influence in producing, the mighty ci(<;lit tu that lime, tliiit the consent nf C'ni>jress wuh neiT.--s:iry lo tliR f.trm- ntion ofa State jrovcrnmenl in Ctiliforiiirt. The liill itself, to a:\y iu)i)iiiig of the S[iepcb, assigned mip pregnant reason fur this ihonjjhi, f.ir liy it.-t secrtiiti eectioii ii declareil " that the furp^oin:; consent !.■« 'piven nnon the followinij resservaiions anil condi- tions: Fiml, iliat tJie United Sttttrs hereby nn- cotiditinually reserves to the Ft-deial Government all right of (iroperiy in the puldic Unds." It was then ihou^lit a niHwer of some mo'ifienl lo reserve to the parties in interest, their ri^jhl of property in the soil. Cut the [irogressive s,-iirit of Ihe President and Caliinot has {rone far beyond Buch idle whim-», and •' the inirodiiciiou of Cali- fornia into liie Union as a snvereitc" Siate is earn- esily recommended," wiihout reservation of any kind, save alone that her constitution slwiil con- form to the Constimtioii of the United States. If nny one liere know.s the secrets of the ('ahinet fnunci!.«i he can best infirm us whether Mr. Sec- retary Preston thoii<;ht it worth his white to inii- male lo the Pre.«>ident and his associates thai the formation of an indi pendent sjovernnienl in Cali- fornia would of necessity vest in .<«in h raiioii into iIik Union wiihnnt re.-Jf-r^ation, would he to surrender the rii;hi of pniineiil du- main. It would di.sclose an inierrstiii".; piece of rahinel history to ascertain whether .«:o trivial a innlier ever e/i^ronsptl the ihouijlit.s of that most nnsnsi body — the Piesidenl ai.d his constitutional ndvi.»!prs. It is amiisins: to see with how much runninfr the author of the late Ppecial mes.Ha.>a«;c it is bmndly hititer one Ailminisiratii>n to bear, and, therefore, strives to divide its responsi- bility with his distinguished demaci-atic prcdecrs- por. I commend his discretion, more than his generosity. It is discieet in him to shake ofi" as much of the odium of ihi? thins as po-'ssible. If it liad been a worthy action I doubt if he would not have appropriated the honors of it entiiely to Limself. The President sees, ns well as you or T, that there is a fearful accountability ahead, and he cries out in time, "Polk was to blame — I only followed lip what he begun." I would to God he were as ■willing lo carry out all of Polk '.-< unfinished plans. Is there nothini; wron>r, let me ask the fiiends of ihc Prefident, in this thing of the Executive — nf his own volition, and upon his own resporisi- Lilily — fs'ablishiiijj « State goverimient over the territory of the United State?, and that tcM> after Congress had btr n inv( k(d and had refused licr con.'^ent to the otabli.sniiirnt of such n goverii- tneiit ? I have seen the lime when if thix thiiiir bad I ren doi'C, the nation would have rcveiberatcd viih ilip f Inqnenl buisl «'f patiiutic. indi>:nnlioi) from efiulcnit ii on l)ur oih« r sid^. Grneral Jack- Fon wi'R rhMi;:(il wiih iiiking the lesponsibiLiy, Lui tie iK:\cr tufcumed rcs^oi.aibility like this. The manner of duing this thing is still more c.x'riionliiiary than the ihiiiu it-eli". Gen. Riley, a niili'ary commamler, charged wiih the execution iif certain necessary civil functions, \h m ide th< m m riC power in this business. Thai offii-.er, oil I'le 31 ilay of June, 1849, issued liis |>rnclaination, a paper at once novel and bold. Hjs object ia M m >ke a new State, and he commences thus: •' Oaii^rK-s linvJMz/.i'at al il-< ri-cpiit ii<-8-iiii t<» provide a ii-w L' 'vrmiiiiit liir lliii r>Miutrv. thf. n iiii-r.-i.'MH,| wna'd c ill iiiliiuli'in to lli^ iiii-aiij wIiIl-Ii Ke deetiu l>c-'-t," h.c., £(.«. Yes, sir, there it is. Congress having failed to irive icovernmptu lo Calif'niia, Gen. Riley notifies the iuhibitants that lie has taken m.itiers intj hit own hands; that he will give them a givernment, and that he will authorize them it in ike a S'ate for themselves. He does this, loo, because Cctt- greas luid rtfused. I must do General Riky the justice to say ht is not wholly an iisurfier in this business. H« declares lo the world in this same proclamation, (.i document by ihe way dr.iwn up with acumen ami Icsral preci.sion,) that the course iuilieaif.l bv hini " i-< advised by ihp Pre^tideut ^illll the Secreturieif of Suite an.l ill was th# ! iw that "fully authoriz'-iP'hw acts. There mi;;hl l>e a ilifficiiby in 8usirtjuiii<; i!ie Ojiinirui ou ihdt basis, inasmuch a< the bill did not pass Congress. Tiiere are fitr.ingfr ihiu^.;s than ilies'* in thii Riley pi'oclamali> plizPn iT tiKr IInitvl Sfil-s and of 0"/; itT Ctj*t/Of»ru(, 2J yejii^ uf a."-, wi I \w pn iil.-i1 tii iJie riiru nf MilFrair. All ritia'ii-< tti L->wt CiJif^rnin wkm Ii ivf. li ■eii l.iic>'il to coaii; iiiln this T.-rrifiirr "ii MPcoimt of Imviii: rpiiclHrcil .ns.si.-laiicc tu lli;; AiU'ricnii Iroop^ dti iiig Ihi- rpr.-iit iv:ir wiili .Mi-xifo, shnii'U aUn ti • iill.iWcJ lo vole ill lliirdi.-trift whrre llii-y ai-liiiUly resii).',"' Sic. Now, sir, I humbly ask who <:t\ve the Piesrder* and hi.s C.ibii.et the right to " advise" ihis military commander by one sweeping proclamation to ad- mii the "/.<« male ciiizpos i.f Ui>per California," and ".\LL the citizens of Lmcty Coiighl riijhta, thus coolly 6ub- iniis them to the arbitrament of such a people. I have been speaking of what the President ex- prfssly nuthotiztd. lie, by his agent. General Riley, in term«, authorized ihese jteople of whom I have been speaking lo vole. They did vote; they were voieil for; some of them had sea's in the a i-cullcil Calitoriiia Convcntiofi. ibit the gros« wr iiij — the palpable outra'.'e — did not sio|» here. We all know — 'he President kiiow.s — that tvery- bo y votpxl. The whole helero-flup""- -■ ' LiBRfiRV OF CONGRESS 011 898 071 2 LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 011 898 071 2 HOLUNGER pH 8J