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 Italy 
 
 and 
 
 SS 1 
 
 Jugo-Slavia 
 
 By 
 Alceste De Ambris 
 
 Member of the Italian Parliament 
 
 Italian Chamber of Commerce 
 
 Chicago 
 
 1919 
 
 II 
 
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 ITALY AND JUGO-SLAVIA 
 
 By Alceste De Ambris 
 
 Member of the Italian Parliament from Parma. 
 
 H^HE writer is not an enemy of the Jugo-Slavs. He always 
 J- has believed, and still believes that the Slavs of the South, 
 have, like any other people, the right to unite, and that the 
 realization of their right may benefit the entire world, not 
 excluding Italy, since the union of the Croats, Slovenes and 
 Serbians will make the resurrection of Austria forever im- 
 possible, and will erect a barrier against the menace of Ger- 
 many in the East of Europe. 
 
 *i Therefore he maintains that anyone is a real enemy of 
 peace, and is working in the interest of the Germans, who puts 
 difficulties in the way of the necessary understanding between 
 Italy and Jugo Slavia. It follows that the Adriatic question 
 must be treated with calmness, and a spirit of justice, espec- 
 ially by the Americans who are called into the dispute almost 
 as arbiters, without permitting themselves to be unduly in- 
 fluenced by the disordered clamors of those who pretend to be 
 in the right, shouting loudly and posing as victims of injustice. 
 «I It must be admitted frankly that the Italians in America 
 certainly cannot be accused of intemperance, or astute 
 maneuvers to defend their interests against the Jugo-Slavs. 
 The Southern Slavs on the other hand are conducting a furious 
 and not always sincere campaign, which has succeeded in im- 
 pressing that part of the public which knows least of the real 
 situation. It seems to me consequently that I am performing 
 a conscientious duty in giving these facts to the American 
 people, that they may obtain an unbiased opinion of the 
 controversy. 
 
ITALY AND JUGO-SLAVIA 
 
 Terms of the Adriatic Problem. 
 
 1$ The Adriatic question reduced to its most concise terms 
 is this : There is a people of about 11,000,000 distributed over 
 the North Central and Western parts of the Balkan peninsula; 
 and divided until now into various political groups, more or 
 less artificial, which wants to realize its own unity as a state. 
 Nothing could be more justifiable or less open to criticism. 
 The groups into which these peoples are divided are the fol- 
 lowing, according to the information and statistics of the Jugo- 
 slav committee of Geneva: 
 
 Inhabitants 
 
 Kingdom of Serbia 4,500,000 
 
 Kingdom of Montenegro 435,000 
 
 Bosnia and Herzegovina, (Austria) 1,765,000 
 
 Croatia and Slavonia, (Austria) 2,284,000 
 
 Stiria, Carniola, and Carinthia, (Austria) 1,020,000 
 
 Hungarian Slavia 657,000 
 
 ^ About the rights of these peoples to form the Jugo-Slav 
 state there can be no doubt or discussion. That is not the 
 point. The difficulty appears when the Jugo-Slavs attempt to 
 include in their state as well as other territories mixed popu- 
 lations such as Istria with Trieste, Eastern Friuli, with Gorizia, 
 Gradisca, Fiume and the whole of Dalmatia. In these terri- 
 tories, the Jugo-Slavs argue, there are about a million Slovenes, 
 and Croats. Therefore they belong to Jugo-Slavia; and Italy 
 is committing an act of oppression and imperialism when it 
 attempts to annex them. 
 
 The Zones of Mixed Populations. 
 
 CJ The question of the zones with mixed populations is one of 
 the most complex and thorny. There is no doubt that the ideal 
 solution would consist in a League of Nations, meaning a 
 real and true federation of states on the model of the American 
 union. A broad federative pact among the peoples would 
 provide the sword equal to cutting the gordian knot of all 
 intricate political and territorial problems raised by the war. 
 Even the most difficult problem which is that of reconciling 
 the rights of the various nationalities in the zones of mixed 
 population, could be solved with no great effort, once the 
 principle of liberty and federation were applied in its entirety. 
 
 . : Gift 
 
 • • • 
 
 , ,*•• Publisher 
 
 SEP 25 IQIS 
 
ITALY AND JUGO-SLAVIA 
 
 *I There does not seem to be any doubt, in fact, that whenever 
 diverse races living in the same territory no longer have the 
 stimulus of interested states to push one against the other, 
 they do not find it difficult to discover a modus vivendi, 
 analogous to that which makes the existence of the Belgians 
 possible, although divided between Walloons and Flemings ; of 
 Canada where English and French live together harmoniously 
 without feeling an impulse to cut one another's throats ; of the 
 Swiss Confederation, which offers the significant example of 
 cantons like that of the Grisons where 50,000 Germans, 32,000 
 Romansch and Ladins, and 18,000 Italians, further divided into 
 Protestants and Catholics, live together peacefully, thanks to 
 the recognized right of every race to preserve its own customs 
 and language in the bosom of the political aggregation to which 
 it belongs. This solution, however, which would seem the 
 most radical and just, does not appear strongly to be in line 
 for probable adoption. 
 
 Separate Italian and Jugo Slav States. 
 
 *I It should be regarded rather as more likely that the morrow 
 will see an Italian state and a Jugo Slav state, not united, or 
 federated, which will make it necessary to define a boundary 
 between them. In this case it appears evident that no matter 
 where the boundary line is run, part of the population of the 
 mixed zone will find itself incorporated of necessity with a 
 foreign country. There is no way to avoid this inconvenience, 
 and the transfer of a territory with mixed population never 
 can be made on a basis of absolute justice. Therefore it is 
 necessary to be satisfied with a justice which shall be relatively 
 fair to all, considering the compromises which can make it more 
 acceptable. 
 
 Elements on Which to Base a Judgment. 
 
 <I Jugo Slavia asserts its right to Istria, to Eastern Friuli and 
 to Dalmatia ; but Italy likewise asserts its rights to this terri- 
 tory. We must examine their claims to determine which has 
 the strongest grounds for support. 
 
 <I It is necessary to reckon with diverse elements, none of 
 which taken by itself can be decisive, although they would be 
 
ITALY A N D JUGO-SLAVIA 
 
 decisive considered as a whole. These factors are: 1. Popula- 
 tion, 2. Geography, 3. History, 4. Culture, 5. Political and 
 economical necessities. 
 
 <I Population. The population of Istria and of Eastern 
 Friuli always has been Italian in the past by a large majority. 
 It is; enough to look at any map to be convinced that the 
 names of the cities and the villages of those regions are almost 
 all Italian, even in the interior of the country. It is only 
 within recent years that the Slav element has begun to have 
 importance. It established itself in certain parts, as a volun- 
 tary immigration; and in others as an artificial influx from 
 Austria to smother the Italian element, which never has ceased 
 to manifest its desire to separate from the Danubian monarchy. 
 
 <I Altogether even today the Italians are on the coast in great 
 numbers, inhabiting the busiest and wealthiest cities. Trieste, 
 to which Italy's claim is disputed, contained 120,000 Italians 
 before the war, subjects of Austria; 30,000 Italians who were 
 Italian subjects; 6,000 Slovenes and 2,000 Croats, besides 12,- 
 000 Germans. Therefore the Italians comprised more than 
 two-thirds of the whole. In the whole of Istria the number of 
 Italians and " Jugo Slavs counter-balance, there being about 
 360,000 of each. The Jugo-Slavs are divided between Slovenes 
 and Serbo-Croats. 
 
 Fiume Indisputably Italian. 
 
 ^ Fiume likewise is indisputably Italian. Before the war its 
 population was composed of 26,000 Italian subjects of Aus- 
 tria; 6,000 subjects of the king of Italy; 12,000 Croats and 
 6,000 Maygars. Therefore the Italians form 65 per cent 
 of the population. In Zara, the capital of Dalmatia, there are 
 10,000 Italians and only 3,000 Croats. The population of the 
 rest of Dalmatia instead, is Slav; but Italy asks only a small 
 part of the coast. 
 
 <$ Geography. Look at a map and from that point of view it 
 would be easy to solve the problem. All of Istria and Eastern 
 Friuli are included within the chain of the Alps which, with the 
 sea, mark the natural confines of Italy. The great French 
 
ITALY AxND JUGO-SLA V I A 
 
 geographer, Elisee Reclus, bears testimony moreover, that the 
 whole of Istria and Eastern Friuli are absolutely Italian in 
 orography, in hydrography, and in geology. In regard to Dal- 
 matia there is more controversy, although authorities are not 
 wanting who maintain the whole country belongs to Italy. 
 
 q History. The whole history of Istria, of Italian Friuli and 
 of Dalmatia is Italian history. Rome first, and Venice after- 
 wards civilized those regions. The cities which did not belong 
 to the republic of Venice were free cities and ever asserted their 
 Italian character, as for instance did Aquileia, Fiume and 
 Trieste. The history of Trieste is, more than any other, a con- 
 tinuous reassertion of its Italian character— from 1167, when 
 it took part in the Lombard league against the German Bar- 
 barossa, down to the present time. 
 
 <I Culture. Wherever in Eastern Friuli, in Istria or in Dal- 
 matia there is any trace of civility, that trace is Italian. The 
 architecture is Italian (Roman or Venetian). The literature 
 is Italian. The language spoken along the whole coast is 
 Italian; the shipping is Italian and the language of commerce 
 Italian. The Slavs themselves when they desire to take part 
 in the life of the most polite centers are obliged to speak 
 Italian. 
 
 Italy's Adriatic Coast Lacks Defense. 
 
 €f Political and Economical Necessities. It is an absolute neces- 
 sity for Italy to have safe boundaries in the Alps and on the 
 Adriatic sea which it should control. The Alps are the gates 
 to Italy, and it is not possible to leave them in the hands of 
 other peoples without being open, as in the past, to every 
 invasion. The Adriatic is a few tens of kilometers wide, so con- 
 stituted as to put Italy at the mercy of whoever holds the 
 whole of the Eastern coast. Also in this case it is enough 
 to look at the map to be convinced. While the coast of Italy 
 on the Adriatic is continuous, flat, without natural harbors, 
 and exposed to storms, the Dalmatian coast is dented, strewn 
 with islands and winds in and out. It affords numerous road- 
 steads and places of refuge for war ships. 
 
ITALY AND JUGO-SLAVIA 
 
 €J We have examined it and experimented only too well during 
 the war, when the Austrian fleet, secure in the natural shelters 
 of the coast of Dalmatia was able to make a wide and facile use 
 of submarines, and light vessels to obstruct navigation and 
 fishing in the Adriatic, and to bombard the Italian coast cities 
 without giving them a chance at self-defense. Dalmatia is to 
 Italy what Belgium is to England, a bulwark in the hands of 
 friends ; but a continual menace in the hands of foes. 
 
 €J To these political reasons, economical reasons should be 
 added. I have said already that the coast cities, their trade 
 and industries are all Italian. It is natural that the hinterland 
 should gravitate toward Italy economically, and that, recogniz- 
 ing the Italian character of the centers of the coast, it is neces- 
 sary to recognize as implicity the Italian right to the rural zone 
 behind them as far as the limits of the boundary fixed by 
 nature. 
 
 <$ Noblest Sign of Italian Title. All these elements which be- 
 speak the right of Italy to the country it liberated could be 
 discussed altogether even if there were not another which 
 constitutes in my opinion the noblest sign of the Italian char- 
 acter of those territories. That sign is the will of the peoples, 
 expressed with ardent constancy through centuries of struggle, 
 of suffering and martyrdom, stoically endured to vindicate 
 the rights of their Italian nationality. 
 
 CJ The history of Dalmatia and Trieste attests that only one 
 political and national conscience finds expression in either. It 
 is Italian. I have asserted before that Trieste took part in 
 the Lombard League in 1167 to resist the Emperor Barbarossa. 
 Its ships, in fact, fought with those of Venice on Ascension 
 Day in 1177 in the waters of Salvore, defeating the imperial 
 fleet. Trieste on that account shared the benefits of the peace 
 of Constance signed in 1183 between the emperors and the 
 Italian cities of which it had been the faithful ally. 
 
 Trieste Always Italian. 
 
 €1 Even when it ceased to be a free city, Trieste never hesi- 
 tated to proclaim itself proudly Italian in the face of the 
 
ITALY AND JUGQ-S L A V I A 
 
 Austrian empire determined to nationalize it. In 1424, 1443, 
 and in 1468, as a result, there were bloody conspiracies and 
 insurrections in the beautiful Adriatic city. In turn history 
 records movements, protests and declarations in support of 
 the Italian character of Istria and Dalmatia in the years 1485, 
 1508, 1522, 1660, 1688, 1694, 1779 and 1797. 
 
 1§ When the great movement for the unification of Italy was 
 instituted, Istrians and Dalmatians took a large part in the 
 conspiracies and tentative insurrections of 1821, 1833, and 
 1844. In the wars for Italian freedom Istrians and Dalmatians 
 volunteered in large numbers to fight Austria. We find them, 
 in fact, on the battle fields of Lombardy and Piedmont in 1848, 
 in the defense of the Roman Republic and of that of Venice in 
 1849; and in the campaigns of '59, of '60, of '66, of '67, and of 
 70. 
 
 <I After that the struggle still continued. In 1879 a grave 
 uprising against Austria occurred in Trieste. In 1882, William 
 Oberdan was hanged for asserting the Italian preferences of 
 Trieste. In 1897, in 1902, in 1903, and in 1908 impressive 
 manifestations of Italians occurred in Istria and Dalmatia with 
 a long drawn out series of trials, death sentences and their 
 ghastly toll of horrors. 
 
 <J When the world war broke out, Istrians, Dalmatians and 
 Italians deserted the Austrian army in order not to fight under 
 the flag of tyranny. They enlisted as volunteers in the Italian 
 army as soon as Italy joined the conflict in May, 1915. Many 
 of them fell in battle. Nazario Sauro, an Istrian was hanged 
 before the eyes of his mother and sister. The same fate was 
 meted out to the Dalmatian, Rismondo. 
 
 <I This is the noblest sign, the sign traced in blood, the sacred 
 sign that nobody and no sophism can wipe out, of the love of 
 their mother country shown by the Italians of Istria and 
 Dalmatia. 
 
 Jugo-Slavs in the War. 
 
 €J What Did the Jugo-Slavs Do? While the Italians subject 
 to Austria so tenaciously and sacredly asserted their inalien- 
 
ITALY AND JUGO-SLAVIA 
 
 able rights to nationality, and risked persecution, imprison- 
 ment, and the scaffold, or accepted death on the field of battle 
 willingly, what were those races doing who are now disputing 
 every right of Italy to Adriatic territory? I would not pre- 
 judice the question; but in view of the insolence of our oppon- 
 ents, it is necessary to set down that the Slovenes and the 
 Croats were always — and especially in the last twenty years — 
 the most faithful subjects of the Hapsburgs, who depended 
 upon their loyalty without reserve. 
 
 <I When the world war broke out they fought bitterly for 
 Austria, and were careful not to follow the example of the 
 Czecho-Slovaks and the Poles who turned their arms against 
 their masters of the Dual Monarchy, taking advantage of the 
 great cataclysm to hasten its dissolution and gain their liberty. 
 
 ^ Moreover the numerous Slovenes and Croats living abroad 
 (here in America something is known of them) did nothing for 
 the entente, and everything for the Central empires. Up to 
 the last moment when Austria was already in collapse, the 
 loyalty of the Slovenes and Croats to the empire was not one 
 whit less. In the battle of the Piave fought last October, the 
 Italian soldiers beside whom Americans were also fighting, were 
 obliged to struggle terribly for seven days to break down the 
 desperate resistance of the Austrian troops, among whom the 
 Jugo-Slavs were foremost in their bitterness toward the foe. 
 
 *I At present these same men claim for themselves the terri- 
 tory conquered by Italian arms, and defended by themselves 
 on behalf of the Austrian Emperor. They shout against Italian 
 imperialism because Italy is not willing that the long sacrifices 
 of the Irredentists ; and the thousands of her soldiers who were 
 killed should serve only to satisfy the greed of those who gave 
 their entire energies to support Austria to the last. 
 
 €f Italian Imperialism. If there is any people which has a 
 right to show its indignation when charged with imperialism, 
 it is the Italian people. It recalls with pardonable pride that 
 Italy went to war for the highest of patriotic ideals. It knows 
 that the requests of Italy to have the Adriatic question settled 
 are far more than myths. It does not ignore the fact that its 
 
 8 
 
ITALY AND JUGO-SLAV I A 
 
 own government desires keenly to reach an understanding of a 
 friendly nature with the Jugo Slavs. To that end it has lent 
 every assistance to their cause, and made every concession in 
 addition, consonant with its dignity and its own security as a 
 nation. 
 
 <I For that reason the Italian people are justified in consider- 
 ing the charges of imperialism raised against them as out- 
 rageous, especially when they are preferred by the very ones 
 whose cupidity led them to demand besides Istria and Eastern 
 Friuli, a part of Northern Italy to the very doors of Udine, 
 where there is only the slightest trace of Slavism, and that 
 quite Italianized in the midst of a population which is wholly 
 Italian. 
 
 €f In truth, Italian imperialism is one of the most extraor- 
 dinary fictions the war has produced. It can be paired with 
 the obstinacy of those who wished at any price to recognize 
 in Austria a friend of the cause of the entente while Austria 
 was the staunchest aid of Germany, and was fighting on all 
 fronts side by side with the Germans, shouldering the greater 
 and more direct responsibility for the war. 
 
 <$ For myself, let me say without hesitancy that if rapacious 
 and unscrupulous imperialism has undertaken to make the 
 solution of the Adriatic problem more difficult it is the imper- 
 ialism of the Jugo-Slavs. It reveals itself in a typically brutal 
 and threatening form, thus imposing on Italy as a duty certain 
 extreme measures which otherwise might be left in abeyance. 
 
 Jugo Slavs Showed Bad Faith. 
 
 tfl The Italian Minorities in Dalmatia. The Jugo-Slavs, in fact, 
 after the violent measures they took in bad faith at Fiume and 
 elsewhere, barely thought they had a free hand before they 
 reached out to subdue and govern alien peoples, carrying on 
 their propaganda by intrigues and much noise in Europe and 
 America. Their audacious sophistry often concealed the real 
 facts in order to influence popular opinion unfairly in foreign 
 lands. With all their discussion they show themselves imbued 
 with the Balkan theory which makes the affirmation of their 
 
ITALY AND JUGO-SLAVIA 
 
 own nationality correspond with the suppression or violent 
 absorption of that of any other people beside which they are 
 living in the same territory. 
 
 «I The terrible and harrowing changes witnessed in Macedonia, 
 turned into a field for reciprocal destruction by the Bulgarians, 
 Serbs, Greeks and Rumanians, each one of which denies the 
 right of existence to the others, furnish a bloody example of 
 the consequences which follow the Balkan conception of nation- 
 ality. In view of such a spirit, can Italy light-heartedly 
 abandon the Italians living in Dalmatia to nascent Jugo-Slavia? 
 It would be tantamount to consigning them to certain and 
 deliberate destruction. 
 
 CJ It may be said there is another side to the picture, since 
 in any case a certain number of Jugo-Slavs would be entrusted 
 to the government of Italy. Experience, however, shows that 
 in reality, there could be no comparison between the condition 
 of the Jugo-Slavs who would be made citizens of Italy, and 
 that of the Italians who might become citizens of Jugo-Slavia. 
 While the Balkan mentality expresses itself in the way seen in 
 Macedonia, the Italian mentality, inheritor of the ancient wis- 
 dom and moderation of Rome, shows far more scrupulous respect 
 for the minorities of other races who find themselves in Italian 
 territory, as a result of the political exigencies which are im- 
 posed in order that the boundaries of a nation may not be made 
 too illogical or insecure. 
 
 Italy Always Lenient to Foreigners. 
 
 *i Italy had, in fact, already before the war, the following in- 
 habitants of other races: French, 83,000; Vaudois, 4,000; Ba- 
 varians, 6,000; Slovenes, 37,000; Serbs, 5,000; Albanians, 85,- 
 000; Greeks, 27,000; and Catalans, 12,000. Not only has Italy 
 never attempted a violent or artificial denationalization of any 
 of them, it has even given subsidies to their schools; and has 
 permitted the language of the race to be used in the courts of 
 first instance and the communal magistracies when all the 
 parties involved required it. 
 
 ^ Moreover there never have been irredentist movements 
 among any of them, since they happen only where the nation- 
 ality of the minority in some way is denied. 
 
 10 
 
ITALY AND JUGO-SLAVIA 
 
 <$ From this point of view accordingly, the problem seems 
 clear; and the intemperance of the Jugo-Slavs prescribes pre- 
 cise duties on the part of Italy to defend the Italian character 
 of Dalmatia. All of them might not be required, if the Jugo- 
 Slavs should disclose a greater capacity to understand and 
 respect the nationality and rights of others, and less cupidity 
 for conquest. 
 
 CJ It is opportune to recall in this connection that the land- 
 hunger of the Jugo-Slavs shows no indication that it will be 
 satisfied, even by the appropriation of the territories which 
 already belonged to Austria-Hungary, now liberated by the 
 arms and valor of Italians. There are groups of Jugo-Slavs 
 especially in America who push their pretensions even to Udine 
 — the ultra-extremists go to the Piave — thus aiming at the 
 possession of territory where the Slavs form a pitiful minority. 
 In foreign lands they assert the principle that wherever a Jugo- 
 slav happens to live, there Jugo Slavia has a right to extend 
 her territory. On this basis North America, which has not a 
 few Jugo-Slavs, should form part of Jugo Slavia ! 
 
 Sophism Is Repeated Again. 
 
 CJ It seems necessary to repeat again near the close the 
 curious sophism: The partisans of the Jugo-Slavs urge that 
 it would be better for Italy to forego its rights to a few square 
 miles of territory rather than the friendship of the Jugo-Slavs. 
 It is easy to reply by transposing the proposition, since it seems 
 that it would be far more to the advantage of Jugo-Slavia, 
 poor and small, and hardly yet existent, to have the friendship 
 of Italy, three or four times as large, than to have a little terri- 
 tory. 
 
 <§ However, the question should not be put in that way. All 
 impartial persons will admit that it would be to the interest 
 both of Italy and Jugo Slavia to find a common ground of equity 
 on which they can agree, and eliminate their differences. This 
 would not mean to deny Jugo-Slavia all essential rights. It 
 would mean to make the Jugo-Slavs understand that certain 
 compromises and renunciations on their part are indispensable 
 not to conflict with the rights of Italy. 
 
 11 
 
ITALY AND JUGO-SLAVIA 
 
 CJ This work so fruitful of good and of peace might be 
 assisted effectively by the American people, since it does not 
 drop its impartiality to reach a hasty judgment. The American 
 people who have no interests either direct or indirect in the 
 Adriatic sea, which would throw any suspicion on their opinion, 
 are truly in a position to act as mediators through their Presi- 
 dent in a way that would smooth out the existing difficulties. 
 
 t[ In order that anything of the kind may take place, it is 
 necessary that the American people should have exact and 
 convincing information about the conditions of the contro- 
 versy ; so that it will not permit itself to be influenced by clamor 
 coming from one side only, and will keep its calmness and 
 poise. 
 
 <I Above all one should not forget that Italy gave the world 
 war a tremendous contribution of blood and of sacrifice, so 
 that it may with the best of rights maintain that it saved the 
 entente three times before the intervention of America. The 
 first was by the declaration of neutrality which permitted 
 France to withdraw the troops on the Alpine frontier and win 
 the battle of the Marne in September, 1914. The second was 
 by entering the war at a time when Russia was overthrown and 
 in retreat, and the German-Austrian troops on the Eastern 
 front might have been thrown against France. The third was 
 by the desperate and victorious defense of the Piave last May, 
 which signalized the initiative of the counter offensive of the 
 allied nations against the Central empires. 
 
 Italy Made Early Victory Possible. 
 
 <I Italy, finally, through the defeat of the Austrians last Oc- 
 tober brought about the collapse of the last prop of German 
 military power, and made a speedier termination of the war 
 possible. Italy therefore has the right to gather the fruits 
 of the cruel sacrifices she endured, that they may not pass into 
 oblivion before the wordy exaggerations and unjust bellowing 
 of a people who have among others the fault of forgetting that 
 they owe to Italy, above all, their liberty. It follows that if 
 Italy had not been victorious, Austria would still remain a 
 power, stronger and more tyrannical than ever — and Jugo- 
 slavia would have been nothing more than an irridescent dream. 
 
 12 
 
ITALY 
 
 AND 
 
 J U G O 
 
 S L A V I A 
 
 13 
 
ITALY AND JUGO-SLAVIA 
 
 Natural Watershed Boundaries of Italy. 
 
 A careful study of the topographical map on the preceding page after 
 reading the descriptive matter below will give the observer a very clear 
 conception of the justice of Italy's claims and the provisions of the pact 
 of London. 
 
 Italy Ready to Conciliate. 
 
 The Jugo-Slav element at Zagabria knows that Italy cannot re- 
 nounce any more than it has done already. That is why it seeks to set 
 the Serbs against Italy in the hope of creating discord among the allies. 
 
 Against the Jugo-Slavs' pretensions Italy has not taken any stand. 
 It is ever animated by conciliatory sentiments. It stands for liberty, 
 justice, and also for international friendships. 
 
 By the treaty of London Italy renounced vital parts of its territory 
 to guarantee the Slavs access to the sea. By the pact of Rome of April 
 last, in which representatives of all the Slav peoples took part, it reiter- 
 ated its renunciations, and declared itself in favor of every reasonable 
 concession to further the national aspirations of its new neighbors. 
 
 What then has given the Jugo-Slavs cause for alarm? Is it the 
 occupation by Italy of the territory evacuated by Austria ? If there were 
 not more subtle reasons for this raising of the shields, the charge would 
 seem puerile. The territory occupied by Italy is occupied in conformity 
 with the decision of the Supreme Council of Versailles, with the consent 
 of the delegates of all the allies including those of Serbia. If the 
 Slovenes and Croats did not give their adherence* it is not Italy's fault. 
 They were and still are by right and by fact enemies of Italy, and of its 
 allies, including the United States and Serbia. As such they cannot look 
 complacently upon the action of Italy, which is exactly like the occupation 
 of the Rhine valley by the allies, and is for purely military objects. 
 
 In Accordance with President's Ninth Point. 
 
 In spite of this peevishness Italy remains conciliatory. The fourteen 
 points of President Wilson form the basis of Italian policies. They rep- 
 resent the humane ideals of the Italian people, always disposed to struggle 
 with all its might for civilization and liberty. Italy accepts the American 
 programme for the systemization of boundaries precisely because they 
 correspond to its own ideals. 
 
 Examining the topographical map, it is clearly seen that the "lines of 
 nationality easily recognized" which should circumscribe the Italian bor- 
 ders, and of which President Wilson speaks in his ninth point, conform 
 with what Italy justly demands and with what has been guaranteed to 
 Italy by the Treaty of London of 1915, a treaty which is not a "scrap of 
 paper," but a sacred international contract, which, instead of consecrating 
 Italy to imperialism, makes a renunciation of territory properly Italian 
 in favor of the Slavs. 
 
 As the map shows, the natural borders of Italy, following the Italian 
 national aspirations, stretch far outside the political borders demanded for 
 Italy in the treaty of London. They are not only geographical lines. They 
 are also the lines set by history, culture and ethnology. They are the 
 lines of civilization which reveal the Italian character of those countries, 
 some of which are now inhabited by Slav elements- artificially brought 
 there, although they never have been able to amalgamate with or absorb 
 the Italian element. 
 
 J4 
 
ITALY 
 
 AND 
 
 JUGO-SLAVIA 
 
 ^!fi , ^f^l^i'.iii'\(( <'j 
 
 15 
 
ITALY AND JUGO-SLAVIA 
 
 Italy's Open Eastern Coast. 
 
 If one could stand upon the highest mountain of the Tren- 
 tino and look down the long vista of the Adriatic it would be 
 seen that Italy is situated much like the states of Illinois and 
 Wisconsin on the west shore of Lake Michigan. The distance 
 from Venice to Trieste is about the same distance as from Chi- 
 cago across Lake Michigan to Michigan City. From Brindisi 
 to Cattaro is a less distance. The border towns of the Trentino 
 are in the same relation to those of Istria as are South 
 Chicago and Hammond, Indiana. A glance at the map 
 gives a very definite idea of the impossibility of defending the 
 eastern coast of Italy. There are practically no harbors — none 
 at all which can be used by deep water ships or which lend 
 themselves to fortification. This coast is thickly settled, each 
 town or village merging into the next. The railroad runs along 
 the shore line of the Adriatic serving these towns and the set- 
 tlements in the interior. All of Italy's naval bases are on the 
 west shore line of Italy. She has none whatever on her Adriatic 
 coast — it is entirely unprotected. Italy's three naval bases are 
 shown on the map— Spezia, just below Genoa; Augusta, upon 
 the south shore of Sicily, and Taranto in the heel of Italy. 
 
 While there is not a single military base upon Italy's Adri- 
 atic coast neither is there any harbor or inlet that can be 
 transformed into one. In contrast to this, the opposite coast, 
 only a few miles distant, held by Austria, has two enormously 
 strong naval bases in Cattaro and Pola, while there are nume- 
 rous harbors and islands that naturally lend themselves to 
 fortification — two of these, Spalato and Zara especially lend 
 themselves with very little work and expense to the strongest 
 fortification. 
 
 From Ancona, an important east coast town, it is but 80 
 miles across to Zara, one of the finest harbors in the world and 
 which can be made almost impregnable. 
 
 Italy is holding, under the terms of the armistice, only 
 ninety miles of the eastern coast of the Adriatic with certain of 
 the islands continguous, while the so-called Jugo-Slavs have 450 
 miles of the Adriatic coast, with harbors and important ports 
 and towns. 
 
 For many years Austria held command of the Adriatic, and 
 through her occupancy of Dalmatia Italy's east coast has been 
 subjected to constant menace. Having fought the great fight 
 for Liberty in company with the enlightened nations of the 
 earth she asks that she be not placed in such jeopardy again. 
 
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LIBKQRv OT COWCKESS 
 
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