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REMARKS 
 
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 UPON 
 
 SLAVERY m THE SLAVE-TRADE, 
 
 ADDRKSSKl) 10 THK 
 
 HON. HENRY CLAY. 
 
 \- . 
 
 18S9, 
 
 "O 
 
\ "^ TO THE 
 
 HOM. HEAIhY CLAY, 
 
 Sir, 
 
 Concurring with you fully as to the unjustifiable 
 course pursued by the northern abolitionists, and de- 
 precating all interference with domestic slavery, other- 
 wise than that which may emanate from, or be in 
 co-operation with, the slave-holding stales ; I am con- 
 strained to differ with you upon the main positions 
 expressed in your late eloquent discourse as regards 
 the destiny of our black population. 
 
 The acclamations with which your opinions upon this 
 vital subject have been greeted by the great majority of 
 the nation, and the sentiments of exalted patriotism which 
 are known to have prompted them, more particularly 
 subject them to be tested by the judgment of every re- 
 flecting member of the Republic. The remarks, about 
 to be offered, are the result of long observation and 
 practical attention as a slave-holder; but the mind, which 
 
_ 4 _ 
 
 has been ardently fixed upon ameliorations of its own 
 creation in the condition of society, is prone to exagge- 
 rate their merits, and to underrate the difficulties of 
 change. It is this conviction, together with that of the 
 reluctance with which the almost entire south give ear tc 
 any uiodification of slavery as it exists, which have here 
 lolore restrained the expression of-t1ews, in dissent will 
 those publicly promulgated by yourself 5 viz : that " th( 
 liberty of the descendants of Africa in the United States 
 is incompatible with the safely and liberty of the Euro- 
 pean descendants;" and that "their slavery forms ai 
 exception, resulting from a stern and inexorable neces 
 sity." 
 
 Sir, the evidence of other nations, where distinc 
 races have flourished for centuries with as little animo 
 sity as characterizes people of even the same blood whei 
 in separate communities, may not be admitted as appli 
 cable to the present case : a system of severity incom 
 patible with actual civilization may have mainly tende 
 to subject the weaker to the stronger race : but when 
 is considered, that less than one fifth of our entire popu 
 lalion is coloured (a proportion you say likely to dimi 
 nish rapidly), and that that fifth is indisputably an inferic 
 cast for all purposes of offence, the apprehension of in 
 security must be admitted to be incomparably less, tha 
 bat sustained by the priviledged classes in every natio 
 of Europe ^ where the great majority are poor, and d( 
 privod of their natural rights, in despite of their manife 
 ;iii(l increasmg physical superiority. Were the ne^ 
 
generalion ol" blacks to be born free, and subjected la 
 precisely the same civil inabilities as are the free people 
 of colour now among us, would there be any thing like 
 the insecurity to the white inhabitants, which exists at the 
 present moment in Great-Britain from the impoverished 
 mass, who are not only restricted by law in their daily 
 bread, but nearly one half of whom are shut out from 
 all participation in the national offerings to their common 
 God? All history admonishes, that religious proscriptions 
 against one portion of the same people, have engendered 
 more violent animosity and blood-shed, than any distinc- 
 tions of race, or inequalities of political priviledges-, and 
 appeal may contidently be made to the present position of 
 the two races in the United-States, whether there is not 
 fully as much ill feeling in the divisions of each separate 
 race, arising from parly or other causes, as there is be- 
 tween those of different colours. Under our just and 
 lenient state laws, which protect the free blacks with pater- 
 nal interest, there is no question to my mind, but that the 
 condition of those emancipated in infancy would continue 
 to be, at least, tolerable to themselves, and unattended 
 with extraordinary danger, either to the lives or liberties 
 of our own race. The latter would be to the former, 
 politically speaking, what the privileged classes in Europe 
 are to the lower orders-, and would A>ithhold from tliem 
 a community of civil rights, upon the same principles 
 (were others wanting) as those, who, invested with elec- 
 toral and other governmental capacities in Great Britain, 
 exclude the subordinate ranks. The powers of legisla- 
 lation are more exclusivelv and incontestible in our own 
 
— 6 — 
 hands, llian are those ol' European governors in llieirs; 
 and the means of repressing revolt, in a supposed con- 
 tingency, more potent, than those of any crowned head 
 towards his suhjects. I would moreover claim upon 
 this point, sir, an extension, towards this future state of 
 society, of the same reasoning you advance, in favour of 
 that contemplated by yourself to be perpetuated : — viz., 
 *' that the same Providence wlio has hitherto governed 
 and guided us, and averted all serious evils from the 
 existing relations between the two races, will govern 
 and guide our posterity." 
 
 The proposition I would now offer for consideration 
 is, that provision shall be made for the annual purchase 
 of females between the ages of 14 and 16 years ; that 
 one half of the national domain be set apart for that pur- 
 pose by Congress, if competent — and if not, by the con- 
 stitutional authority to do so : — that a portion be allotted 
 to each state in the ratio of the number of their slaves, 
 upon condition that it be appropriated exclusively to the 
 above purpose, it being, of course, optional with each 
 state to accept or reject the offer : — and finally ; that, in 
 order to enhance the value of the lands so appropriated, 
 the general government restrict their sales of land to 
 the utmost limits consistent with the necessities of the 
 public revenue. 
 
 Difticult as may be the execution of this plan, I be- 
 lieve, sir, it can be proved, 
 
 1st. That it is practicable, 
 
— 7 — 
 2dly. That it will be to the interest of the slave- 
 holder, as well as to that of the Confederation at large. 
 
 3dly. That it will be advantageous to the black race 
 themselves. 
 
 And 4thly. That upon the grounds of national expe - 
 diency, it is demanded by the spirit of the age we live in. 
 
 Without pretending to enter into a detailed or accu- 
 rate calculation of the adequacy of the appropriation for 
 the object proposed, it will be sufficient, in order to base 
 a judgment as to its practicability, to present the out- 
 lines of the mode and means, by which the redemption 
 would be effected. 
 
 Thus 5 assuming the number of slaves in the Union to 
 be 2 1/2 millions, and the annual increase to be 70,000, 
 or over 2 12 per cent., it may be estimated, that the 
 number of females, say of 15 years of age, to be annually 
 liberated, would be 3S,000 ; which, at 500 dollars each, 
 requires 17,500,000, — or, at the end of 15 years, 
 262,500,000 dollars. 
 
 You will then, at the end of that period, have eman- 
 cipated all females now in existence under 15 years of 
 age ^ and consequently will only have remaining, the 
 offspring of those females, now over 15 years. Allowing 
 20 years for births under this category (or from 15 to 
 35 years), it is believed that, upon a scrupulous calcula- 
 tion, an average of 10,000 per annum, or 200,000 in all, 
 would be, as near as may be, the number of females still 
 <o he provided for^ making, say at a cost of 100 millions, 
 
— 8 — 
 a (otal of 362,500,000 dollars, lo be disbursed in a period 
 of 35 years. The results would be — 1st, that after the 
 expiration of 20 years from the adoption of the system, 
 there would be no slave born in the Union • and 2dly, that 
 in Httle more than half a century longer, there would 
 be a final end to slavery ! 
 
 Were one half of the national domain, or 500 millions 
 of acres brought into the market under a judicious sys- 
 tem, one calculated to obtain its real value, instead of 
 that heretofore pursued, can there be a doubt as to its 
 adequacy for raising the required amount, if not entirely 
 by actual sale, within the 35 years , at least by means of 
 its value ? 
 
 At the present government price, that portion within 
 the states and territories (say 300 millions of acres) would 
 be sufficient : but if, as is believed, the intrinsic average 
 value of the land is double that amount, the profits alone 
 which now go into the pockets of speculators would be 
 adequate, without any loss to the government. 
 
 Although full indemnity is lo be given for the slave 
 purchased, (500 dollars being merely a price assumed as 
 an average value), yet, as the foregoing calculation pro- 
 vides only for the purchase of 35,000 per annum, and as 
 the object in view would be equally attained by extend- 
 ing the limits to all females between 13 and 17 years of 
 age, the selection of those purchased might be made 
 out of a class four times as numerous (a range of selec- 
 tion whereby emulation among those to be liberated 
 might be introduced into the system), and therefore 
 
- 9 — 
 effectually prevent any artificial enhancement of pricey — 
 to say nothing of the general fieeling of charity, which 
 would not fail to actuate the master, in freeing the most 
 helpless portion of his slaves. The consideration too 
 that some of the States would refuse to accept the plan, 
 and thereby impede its operation, would but resolve the 
 question into one of time, and do no more than retard 
 its speedy accomplishment •, for if the system proves 
 really advantageous to the owner, as it is assumed, it 
 must finally become general ^ and those States (necessa- 
 rily a minority), who delay its adoption, would subject 
 the property to the chance of a reduction of value, arising 
 from the inevitable discredit into which the institution of 
 slavery would fall, after the general adoption of an 
 approved system of emancipation. 
 
 I will not stop, Sir, to examine the constitutionality of 
 such an appropriation, since it is well known to you, 
 that the concurrence of Chief Justice Marshall was given 
 to the same, when the idea was first presented by 
 Mr. Rufus King ^ but proceed to the main consideration, 
 upon which the whole scheme is based, viz •, the interest 
 of the slave-holder. 
 
 The very agitation of the project, it will be said, will 
 give a shock to the value of the property ! 
 
 The initiative being taken, as is proposed, by the slave- 
 holder, I contend, that the contrary will be the effect, 
 because the spirit of violent abolition, which at present 
 weighs as an incubus upon the property, cannot fail to 
 
— 10 — 
 be allayed, by demonslrations on the part of the south, 
 of a disposition to emancipate upon any grounds : and it 
 may be fairly expected, that a large portion of those, now 
 enlisted against the institution, would co-operate, in a 
 spirit of benevolence, towards all parties; to effect by 
 just and mild measures, what they are aware can never 
 be done otherwise, but at the cost of blood, treasure, 
 and the destruction of the Union. But will any one, who 
 regards the spirit of the times, expect agitation and 
 discussion to cease ? Since the plan proposed by Mr. Jef- 
 ferson, half a century ago, for forcibly liberating infant 
 slaves (upon a fixed and inadequate indemnity being 
 paid ), and then forcibly expelling them from their fa- 
 mily and home, down to the still more recent and (to 
 the unprovided-for infant slave especially) most objec- 
 tionable proposition of Mr. Adams in the present day,* 
 who at the same time that he asserts slavery to have 
 "■ taken too deep root to be peaceably eradicated," offers a 
 proposition, that, after a given day, all children shall be 
 born free^ and this, to avoid the necessity for indem- 
 nifying the owners ^ I say, that since in all time, the insti- 
 tution has been assailed (almost always with asperity 
 towards the slave holder, and design to deprive him of 
 at least a portion of his property), is it not desirable, that 
 we take the initiative ourselves, and discuss any plan, 
 which may be based upon humanity to the slave, indem- 
 nity to the owner, and security to the Union ? 
 
 riic plan now under consideration would operate 
 
 St'f lli■^ Icllci III llic .N('v\-Vi»ik Aiiicritnii of ;'jlli .lune, is.i'j. 
 
— 11 — 
 
 almosl imperceptibly to the present generation of slave- 
 holders : — the diminution of the effective force applied 
 to agriculture would be equally so : — the children of the 
 planters of this day will be no otherwise restricted in 
 their hereditary pursuits, than by the gradual diminution 
 of their active force ^ a diminution, arising from the di- 
 version of a portion of their capital into other, and pro- 
 bably more profitable, channels of investment. This 
 diminution of available labour will, moreover, be in- 
 considerable, and may be substituted, in part at least, by 
 that of other descriptions. 
 
 What then militates against the interest of the south 
 under this gradual change? 
 
 Increased danger of servile insurrection ! Demorali- 
 zation of our slaves by the tolerance of free negroes in 
 their neighbourhood, if not in their very families ! A por- 
 tion of our most fertile soil lost to us ! Such are the 
 prominent objections ^ and to which we would present 
 the following brief reply, viz •, that the free blacks are 
 almost as completely the property of the states, as are the 
 slaves that of individuals •, and that it depends upon the 
 former to enact adequate laws for their government, 
 unrestricted, as they are, in exercising a rigorous control 
 over the profits of their labour, as well as over their per- 
 sons •, that the present generation, at least, would sustain 
 no serious inconvenience on this score, since the class 
 liberated, inoffensive in themselves, would remain still 
 dependent, in a great degree, on the will of the master, 
 through the instrumentality of the family whence they 
 
^ 1-2 — 
 
 .s[»i iiii{;, and of lliose to whom tlieir destiny would nalu- 
 rallv he attached. Tlie iiiteriuarriage of the two classes 
 of blacks, far from being incompatible, is, I contend ^ 
 susceptible of being made advantageous, when the fe- 
 males alone are free •, since their services, by promoting 
 Ihe comfort of the slave, must necessarily redound to Ihe 
 prolil of the master ; and if free negroes are a nuisance 
 at present in many parts of the country, it is chiefly to 
 be attributed to the laxity and mildness of the la>>s to 
 which they are specially amenable. The local legisla- 
 tures, under the gradual operations of the system^ 
 would find no difficulty in controlling them for at least 
 the next half century \ and it is not too much to expect, 
 that time, and the rapid advances making in our country 
 towards increased facilities of human existence, will em- 
 brace the condition of every class of society ^ and that 
 either an economical transport towards the west or the 
 east, or more fruitful sources of livelihood at home, 
 together with new elements of harmony, will be brought 
 to the relief of future generations. 
 
 The apprehension of a diminished value of onr lands 
 is, it appears to me, equally illusory^ and it may be 
 fairly questioned, whether the increased value of the 
 slaves remaining as such, arising from their diminished 
 number, would not counterbalance any check in the 
 increase of cultivation, which might occur. An imme- 
 diate diminution could not result, as there would still be 
 an increase of male slaves until the system proposed was 
 advanced towards full execution. The free labour of 
 
— i;3 — 
 
 Ihe blacks would seek employ where it would be most 
 in demand, whilst the superior competition of the whites 
 would occupy the more healthy part of our soil. If the 
 present generation of whites, then, should be thus exempt 
 from the evils of sudden change, it is equally reasonable 
 lo suppose, that posterity would find its account in one, 
 sufticiently slow to allow of a safe and natural adjustment 
 of its component elements 5 one, in accordance with that 
 spirit of the age so seldom resisted with impunity. 
 
 So far from a signal degradation of the African race 
 being the consequence of this change, it is probable that, 
 unlike the destitution into which they are thrown by 
 sudden emancipation at mature age, there would result, 
 in accordance with the primary laws of nature, and 
 with our own experience, an amelioration of their 
 physical condition, as well as a due appreciation of 
 the enjoyments of personal freedom, from which no link 
 of the human, or even animal race, is exempt. 
 
 The enfranchised females would, for the most part^ 
 remain in the families of their birth, or in those of their 
 adoption, to the advantage of both master and slaves ^ 
 and, in such case, under the almost undiminished au- 
 thority of the former. The expectation, throughout 
 infancy, of being liberated, as well as early habits of 
 industry, would prepare them for gaining a livelihood 
 for their offspring^ who, in turn, would find their posi- 
 tion, either in the bountiful space around them, or, under 
 the guidance of our benevolent colonization societies, 
 wherever happier circumstances, confidently to be anti- 
 
— 14 — 
 cipalcd, may direct Ihem The great work will liave 
 been done on our part, and the laws, which control all 
 social arrangements, will preside over the destiny of both 
 races. If evil therefrom is in the womb of lime, we 
 should not, on that account, be restrained from doing, 
 what we now consider to be right and proper ; and if a 
 collision between the two races is inevitable in after 
 limes, under any circumstances, we shall at least, in 
 adopting this scheme, have rescued the generation of 
 that day, from the additional calamity of loss of property. 
 
 But supposing, that the above anticipations as to a 
 tranquil existence of the two races, and the advantages 
 to both from the contemplated change, prove ultimately 
 to be exaggerated ; I will submit it to any unprejudiced 
 mind, whether the perils, excitements, and discord, with 
 which the institution is now menaced, will not, in all 
 human probability, more than counterbalance the incon- 
 veniences which may result, in the course of tune, from a 
 social revolution, brought about by just and liberal 
 measures, in a spirit of compromise with the general 
 and growing feeling in all Christendom upon the subject 
 of slavery, and in conformity with the w ishes of the 
 great majority of our own countrymen ? Is there nothing 
 to apprehend from the settled conviction of the entire 
 English nation, that slavery is in opposition to all rights, 
 bolli divine and human, (" condemned ! the only question 
 being as to the precise moment for executing the sen- 
 tence,") * and that British philanthropists cannot be 
 
 ■ Sec Lord Brougham'? ^peecli (»l 6lli Mairli, J 838. 
 
— lo — 
 more legitimately engaged than in rooting it out, at the 
 cost of both blood and treasure? Is it no symptom of 
 this feeling, that in the present year a new association 
 should have been formed, entitled the '''British and 
 Foreign Anti-Slavery Society," avowedly for the " uni- 
 versal extinction of slavery and the slave trade? " Is not 
 the same spirit dominant, in the refusal of the British 
 ministry to face Parliament, with a proposition to recog- 
 nize Texas? Was it not contemplated in our late war * 
 to excite servile revolt in the heart of our slave states, 
 and calculated upon, but yesterday, by English states- 
 men, to serve on future occasions, now that the only 
 impediment to its adoption, the bad example it would 
 have set to their own slaves, is removed ? In enu- 
 merating their means of offence but a few months 
 since, the English government paper exulted that their 
 own liberated slaves, landed in Florida, would soon 
 "gain for England three millions of unpaid allies," and 
 thus add to the national honour already won, ' ' that of 
 separating for ever the Anglo-Saxon race from Negro 
 Slavery." It is known to the writer of these remarks, 
 from the very best authority, that during the late appre- 
 hension of a collision between the United States and 
 France, English abolitionists were busily employed, in 
 pointing out to the French cabinet, the weak points of 
 our Southern Stales, and stimulating them to the adop- 
 tion of measures, for rallying slaves to their standard. 
 
 Some opinion may be formed of the present feeling of 
 
 ■ See Napier's Colonial History, 1832, 
 
— IG — 
 a very large parly in France relative to slavery, from 
 the late decision in the Chamber of Deputies, upon an 
 application from their West India colonists, for the reco- 
 very of fugitive slaves enticed into the British Islands •, 
 those especially, who escaped from the hands of justice, 
 for robbery and arson. The reply, adopted by accla- 
 mation, was, " the English authorities were perfectly right 
 " in refusing to deliver them up ^ the slave who flios 
 " uses his natural right: in libertate naturali se recu- 
 'perat: we rejoice that the English legislation admits 
 " of no such reclamation." * 
 
 From this state of public opinion, in the two great con- 
 stitutional kingdoms of Europe, there is but one step to, 
 at least, moral intervention, that great feature of modern 
 civilization ; the irresistible consequence of the liberty of 
 the press, and international contact, which even the most 
 absolute governments are unable to exclude. Its ten- 
 dency to undermine slavery by unjustifiable, if not by 
 violent measures, is, to my mind, one of the most power- 
 ful incentives, in the interest of the proprietor, for the 
 adoption, in time, of a system of compensation. 
 
 If the Union is paramount to all considerations of 
 wealth, and if slavery, as you admit, is the only danger 
 now menacing its permanency, then will the cost, at 
 A\ hich this plan of emancipation is estimated, be not too 
 dear : if the nation were to be involved in debt to effect 
 the object, there might be some excuse for rejecting the 
 remedy •, but when it is notorious, that the magnitude of 
 
 • See debates in the (;iiaml)er, on the IKtli Julv, 1830. 
 
— 17 — 
 
 our national resources is, in periods of great financial 
 prosperity, even a cause of embarrassment, it will ill 
 accord with our professions of patriotism, should we 
 withhold a sacrifice, upon which may depend the dura- 
 bility of republican institutions. But further arguments 
 upon the measure, as one of national import. Sir, would 
 not accord with the estimate entertained of your judg- 
 ment for seizing or repulsing, either the truth or error, 
 in which the system may be involved ; surrounded with 
 difficulties as the question, of course, is, the whole project 
 is presented, as but the outline of one, susceptible, in 
 other hands, of being moulded into form and action ; 
 and if calm and unprejudiced investigation of its merits 
 is elicited, my object will have been attained. 
 
 Between this subject, and that of the African slave- 
 Ir.ule, there is, of course, no connexion ; and I should not 
 have embraced them under the same head, had they 
 not been confounded in the Parliaments of England and 
 France, to the effect, if not with the design, of casting a 
 reproach upon the American character. From an unac- 
 countable ignorance of the nature of slavery in the United 
 States, the sentiment very commonly prevails, that we 
 are at least indifferent to the suppression of the African 
 trade. The failure of our negotiations with England, in 
 1824, for a mutual right of search, and the subsequent 
 refusal of President Jackson to renew that negotiation, 
 have given force to this impression. A misapprehension 
 prevails, among many of the most influential members of 
 Parliament, as to the true grounds, upon which the senate 
 
— 18 — 
 Ihoughl proper lo reject Mr. Rush's treaty; whilst the 
 strong sentiineiit against slavery itself, has embittered 
 the feelings of the religious party (the power of which 
 is daily increasing), against even the just measures of our 
 people, upon both subjects. 
 
 The eloquent appeals to facts, made by individuals of 
 our norlhern States, in defence of the American charac- 
 ter, * have been unheeded ^ and a belief is gaining 
 ground, that we contemplate with satisfaction the exten- 
 sion of slavery even to the shores of the Pacific. 
 
 In France, the error is still more flagrant, and we are 
 told in a recent work, cited as high authority, and one, 
 chiefly directed to prove the intimate connexion between 
 slavery and the African trade, that, in the United States, 
 the latter is carried on publicly , and that the free negroes 
 are dying off rapidly, in consequence of the extreme hard- 
 ships imposed upon them by the whites ! ** 
 
 However national pride may cause our just indigna- 
 tion at assertions, which might be attributed to almost 
 wilful misrepresentation ; however well established it is, 
 that the first impulse of sympathy for the African race 
 emanated in the bosoms of our own slave-holders, ex- 
 postulating in vain to the mother country, before the 
 birth even of Clarkson or Wilberforce •, with however 
 great truth we might retort upon France, her stipulation 
 in the Treaty of Vienna, for a few years renewal of the 
 trade, and for her refusal, up to this date, to declare it 
 
 Those pailiciilarly of tlie Rev. R. Raii-d and Rol). Walsh, Vli^q. 
 Sec "I'scluiagc et Truite," par A. de Gaspuiiit, |)a!j;es i)5 aiul 2o7. 
 
— 19 — 
 piracy •, — yet, sir, the cause of humanity requires at our 
 iiands, that we rouse from the inaction of late years, and 
 seize whith alacrity the overtures already, or about being, 
 made to our government by England, for a co-operation 
 in her councils, for the purpose of adopting prompt and 
 energetic measures, to check, at least, the constantly 
 augmenting tide of transportation from oppressed Africa. 
 
 The appeal recently made by Portugal to the Conti- 
 nental powers of Europe, to guarantee her pretended 
 I ight to continue the trade under certain latitudes, even 
 up to the year 1851,* may be set aside for the mo- 
 ment under the menace of England •, but the antece- 
 dents of the whole Peninsular race must satisfy us, that 
 tuiless other preventives than those heretofore tried can 
 be put in execution, the evil will be renewed with all its 
 complicated horrors, notoriously aggravated, as they are, 
 by the approach of the measures employed to an effec- 
 lual suppression; the increased cruelties being in the 
 ratio of the risk of capture. ** 
 
 The inadequacy of the measures now adopted,*** 
 
 ■ See Maniteslo of Portuguese Government in August last. 
 
 * " Instead of the large and commodious vessels wliicli it would he 
 (lie interest of the slave-trader to employ, we have, by our interference, 
 forced him to use a class of vessels (well known to naval men as Ame- 
 rican Clippers) of the very worst description that could have been 
 imagined for the purpose, every quality being sacrificed for speed. In 
 liic holds of these vessels. Die unhappy victims are stowed literally in 
 hulk." — Laird's Expedition to the Niger, vol. 2. 
 
 "" It is asserted by Mr. F. Buxton, in his most instructive History of 
 I lie African Slave-Trade, 1839, " tliat wiiile we have, tiuis l)een endea- 
 Nouring lo extinguish the Iralfic, it has actually doubled in amount." 
 He estimates (and from olfirial dala) the annual victims of the christian 
 Niave-trade alone ;il :J73,000. 
 
— -20 — 
 
 whetliLT of treaty stipulations for punishment of the 
 agents — denunciation as piracy by isolated enactments — 
 equipment acts under the Spanish convention with Eng- 
 land — mixed commissions in the ports, where the cap- 
 tured slavers arrive •, or mutual right of search acceded 
 to by France, etc.^ all evince, the difficulties with which 
 a complete abolilion is environed. 
 
 Under such circumstances, Sir, I would claim for the 
 Senate of the United-States, in conformity with the ante- 
 cedents of that body, the duty of assuming the initiative, 
 in advocating Such new measures, as in their wisdom they 
 may judge proper; and, with this view, would respect- 
 fully suggest for their consideration, that, the subject, 
 being one of more than ordinary diplomatic complication, 
 a special commissioner should be named, to co-operate 
 with such one as may be appointed by the British go- 
 vernment for the purpose of urging the adherence of all 
 christian nations, to the effect : 
 
 1st. That the slave-trade be considered piracy by the 
 law of nations. 
 
 2dly. That all vessels bound to the coast of Africa shall 
 give security at the port of clearance not to deal in 
 slaves; otherwise, to be subjected to condemnation as 
 pirates. 
 
 In the reports laid before the British Parliament by 
 llicir commissioners at Havanna, in 1836, it is stated, 
 that the declaration of the President, "not to make the 
 " United Stales a party to any convention on the subject 
 " of the slave-trade, has been the means of inducing 
 
— 21 ~- 
 " American citizens to build and tit, in their own ports, 
 '' vessels, only calculated for piracy or the slave trade, 
 ' ' to enter this harbour, and take on board a prohibited 
 " cargo, manacles, etc., and proceed openly to that no- 
 " torious depot for the traffic, the Cape de Verd Islands, 
 " under the shelter of their national flag." Again, " these 
 " two vessels fAmericanJ arrived in the Havanna, fitted in 
 " every particular for the slave-trade ^ and took on board 
 " a cargo, which would at once have condemned, as a 
 " slaver, any vessel belonging to the nations that are par- 
 " ties to the equipment article. ' At a later date, they 
 say: "We cannot conceal our deep regret at the new 
 ^' and dreadful impulse imparted to the slave-trade of this 
 "■ Island (Cuba), by the manner in which some American 
 " citizens impunibly violate every law, by embarking 
 " openly for the coast of Africa, under their national 
 " flag, with the avowed purpose of bringing slaves to 
 " this market. We are likewise assured, that it is in- 
 *' tended, by means of this flag, to supply slaves for the 
 " vast province of Texas ; agents from thence being in 
 " constant communication with the Havanna slave-mer- 
 " chants." 
 
 The list lately furnished by tlio same commissioners of 
 the number of slavers which sailed from the Havanna 
 for the coast of Africa in four months, ending in Sep- 
 tember 1838, enumerates tm, (making 19 in all during 
 the year), bearing the American flag ! The dates of 
 their departure are duly noted, and no others than 
 Porliignese vessels appear to have sailed during the 
 
22 
 
 same period. It is inconlestably proved, l)y the reports 
 of the Britisli officers cruizing in pursuit of slavers, that 
 the American (lag is also extensively used in protecting 
 the trade to the Brazils (the vessels being provided 
 with both American and Portuguese papers, to be shown 
 according to the national character of the cruizers over- 
 haling them): and lieutenant Reeve, of H. B. M. sloop- 
 of-war Lily, writes : "no other flag but the American 
 • ' w ill be seen on the coast in a short time, for it affords 
 " all the protection a slaver requires, under the existing 
 " laws." 
 
 The impunity, with which the American flag is used to 
 protect the traffic, manifestly arises, from the abserice 
 of ail measures on the part of our government to co- 
 operate w ith other powers, in preventing the fitting out 
 of our vessels in the slave-trading ports, or at least in 
 neglecting to do so, through the intermediaiy authority 
 of our consuls in the same ^ and, from our refusal, to 
 admit of even a limited right of search. 
 
 Now, Sir, it was understood, at the period when 
 Mr. Rush's treaty came under the consideration of the 
 Senate, that there was no objection to that part of it, 
 which allowed of mutual search, in certain latitudes upon 
 the immediate coast of Africa : and I am not aware of 
 any objections, which can be urged, against the forfeiture 
 of a vessel, avowedly equipped for a trade, which our laws 
 condemn as piracy, although she may not have her cargo 
 on boaid, any more than exist, against the capture of a 
 conuuon pirate, the identity of which is established. 
 
— 23 — 
 
 It may not be satisfactory evidence, for us, of the little 
 inconvenience likely to arise from the right of search 
 upon a limited portion of the Ocean, that, since the con- 
 vention signed between France and England, in 1831, 
 no abuses have yet resulted there from ; but surely the 
 privilege might be granted to English cruizers, stationed 
 upon the coast for that purpose, under such modifications 
 as the case may, upon further examination, be found to 
 admit of. 
 
 I will not dwell, Sir, upon the disadvantages, which 
 must finally result to the prosperity of our southern 
 states, by the rapid competition with our agricultural 
 products, which the countless increase of slave labourers, 
 in the fertile regions of Cuba and the Brazils, cannot 
 fail to occasion : but will rest the merits of our interpo- 
 sition in this unholy warfare against an unoffending race, 
 upon the same motives of humanity, which guided the 
 statesmen of our country, when they set the example to 
 other nations, by stamping, as crime, the sanctioned 
 usage of every other civilized people upon the Globe. 
 
 A SLAVE-HOLDER. 
 
 ptbr^on ^^^obes ? I 
 
 October Jst, 1839. 
 
KD- 75. 
 
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