Qju^ 011 801 764 A Hollinger pH 83 Mitt Run F03-2193 286 Ql74 835 opy 1 AN ORATION DELIVERED BEFORE THE CITIZENS OF THE TOWN OF QUINCY, FOURTH OF JULY, 1835, FIFTY-NINTH ANNIVERSARY OF THE IIVDEPEIVDEJVCE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA BY SOLOMON LINCOLN. HINGHAM: JEDIDIAH FARMER. 1835. HI z g"4 It 25" QtJiNCY, July 6, 1835. Hon. Solomon Lincoln, Sir, — The Committee of Arrangements, in behalf of the citizens of Quincy, present you their thanks for the able, patriotic, and eloquent Oration de- livered by you on the 4th inst. and respectfully solicit a copy for publication. Harvey Field, Frederick Hardwick, Jr. George W. Beale, Jabez Bigelow, Nathaniel VVhite, Abner Willett, Nathan Josselyn, Thomas Adams, Jr., Ebenr. Underwood, Jr. Ibrahim Bartlett. Samuel Curtis, HiNGHAM, July 10, 1835. Gentlemen, A copy of the Oration delivered at Quincy, on the 4th inst. is here- with submitted to your disposal, in compliance with your request. I am very respectfully, your obedient servant, Solomon Lincoln. To Harvey Field, Esq. and others. Composing the Committee of Arrangements. i4T^c ;;l # ORATION FELLOW CITIZEXS- The observance of our great national festival is a good omen for the republic. It excites us to a con- templation of topics, which, although supposed to be familiar and well understood, are presented in new aspects by every revolution of time and every change of circumstance. It calls us together from those avocations which absorb the mind and excite the pas- sions, to reflect upon characters and events whose influence is closely interwoven with the destinies of our whole Country — not only of our Country, but with the cause of liberty every where — not limited to the present, but extending to the momentous in- terests of all posterity. The observance of this day of glorious recollec- tions stirs up within us those emotions, which keep alive the sentiments upon which the hopes of the human race rest, for the perpetuity of our free gov- ernment, and for its reviving and reforming influence upon the human character and condition. We have no fear of the popular enthusiasm kin- died at this altar, when we celebrate the virtues and the valor of our Revolutionary race of statesmen and warriors ; we care not how generous are the out- pourings of gratitude — nor how far is heard the sound of jour rejoicing. Standing as we do amid the graves of the patriot dead and surrounded by their monuments, there will be a solemnity in our reflections which will temper the gaiety and chasten the joy of the heart. On such an occasion and in such a place, the ex- citing history and recollections of past time rush up- on us with an overpowering influence. We feel in- adequate even to embrace within the scope of our observation, the luminous track upon which the mind is led by the spirit-stirring associations of the day. The scenes of the Revolution — those which open upon our contemplation during the period of angry controversy which preceded the breaking out of open war — when the orator defended the cause of liberty and right in tones which inspired hope, nerved the arm of the oppressed and carried dismay to the heart of the oppressor — those scenes of thrilling interest where your fathers poured out their life blood as the seal of their devotion to the cause of their country — those where your gallant leaders summoned the followers of liberty from fields of battle to lay down their arms and establish institutions to secure the ob- jects of their unmeasured sacrifices — those in fine, when the fearful experiment of our free govern- ment was to be tried by an almost exhausted people, when the blighting influence of protracted war had almost destroyed the energies of the nation and with- ered every thing which it touched except that indom- itable spirit which burned even with a purer flame — All these scenes open upon us to day in all their as- pects with the most striking effect. The actors in those scenes to which I have allud- ed — the martyred heroes w^ho fell beneath the stand- ard of liberty — the fortunate and victorious bands who survived them, and who yet linger in the beau- tiful land made free by their valor — the daring statesmen who poured out their whole souls in in- dignant eloquence against the edicts of tyraimy, and imbued the minds of the people with the loftiest spirit of independence — All these must appear prominent upon the canvass of him who would paint the glorious scenes of the Revolution with fidelity and truth. But art will be powerless to describe them. Elo- quence itself stands rebuked amid the grandeur which bursts upon the view. The deeds of the Revolutionary patriots are high above the reach of eloquence. Their history is brighter than the colors of the canvass. It has life which no genius can impart. We can weave no chaplet of renown so beautiful as that which they bound around their own brows ; we can give them no diadem, the lustre of which can equal the brilliancy of that which they fashioned with their own hands. I remarked that the observance of our great na- tional festival was a good omen for the republic. It is so — because it shows that in the midst of our high and palmy prosperity, we are not careless of the principles on which that prosperity is founded. It evinces an attachment to the sentiments, the culti- vation of which is essential to preserve the golden band of our Union unbroken. And if there be any one cause more than another which can exert upon us a strong influence to induce us to discard deep rooted prejudices, angry partisan feelings, local jeal- ousies, it is an occasional reference to the great principles which guided our fathers through the storm of the Revolution, and which urged them on- ward to cement the Union with their blood. If we wish to rise above the debasing contentions which estrange us from each other — the fierce contests for power which too frequently distract and divide us — the various influences which break us up into mass- es and induce us to range ourselves under diflerent banners, as undue selfishness or unrestrained ambi- tion shall dictate, or perhaps as the horn of party shall be sounded — I say if we wish to rise above sordid influences of this kind, and to breathe a purer and a better atmosphere, we must go back to the days of the Revolution — we must inhale its animat- ing spirit and enrich ourselves by drinking from those fountains to which patriots and sages of former davs resorted for strength and nourishment. We shall then be imbued with the right spirit, with which to pursue the course dictated by patriotism and a care- ful regard for the interests of posterity ; and shall better appreciate the responsibilities which rest up- on us in all the relations of freemen. There is one beautiful feature in the characters of the patriots of the American Revolution — I mean their disinterestedness — their manifest disregard of personal considerations, in all their efforts, from the time of their first movements towards Revolution in the primary assemblies of the people, to its final accomplishment of our Independence. Their whole course indicated a warm — a devoted attachment to those rights which they foresaw^ to be of vital impor- tance to posterity. They periled all for those who were to come after them. Death in the field of battle, the halter, or the dungeon might be their portions, but could not deter those high-souled men from making an effort to throw off the chains and fetters which bound them. When contending for liberty against force with a zeal springing from a prophetic reliance upon glorious issues — self seems to have been lost — to have been buried in the very depths of their enthusiasm. The condition of the country, their own circumstances, nothing, in the very nature of the case, could encourage them to hope for brilliant rewards, even if successful, except that noble satisfaction of planting amid the desola- tion of war those seeds of Liberty which might take deep root, spring up in after time as vigorous as our native oaks, and produce a grateful shade, under which posterity might repose for ages. The advance of the country in prosperity has con- firmed the hopes of our fathers. The Declaration of Independence, and the exposition of the princi- ples of Liberty preceding and subsequent to the time 8 of its publication, were then considered by the mass of mankind as the results of rash and inexperienced counsels ! Thej had, in the eve of the superficial and aristocratic observer, an air of mild and romantic daring. But the long, obstinate and bloody struggle which followed, gave strong evidence to the world that few revolutions had been more maturely con- sidered, more resolutely planned or more sincerely sustained than our own. But it required time and experience to test the validity of the Declaration un- der which our fathers fought. Liberty upon parch- ment was one thing. Liberty in practice might be another. It remained even after the brilliant achieve- ment of Independence was complete, to be seen whether the principles of the Adamses, Quincys and Hancocks could stand the test of time ; it was yet to be proved, whether such modifications of power as they proposed to establish in place of that from which they had revolted, would be adapted to the genius and spirit of the people. In all great points their declarations have been confirmed ; time has proved that it was not only safe to entrust our citizens with all the power which they claimed as British Subjects, but with the exercise of all the rights of republican freemen. The capacity of the people for self government was denied, the idea was even derided. No consti- tution, it was declared, could be framed sufficiently energetic to curb a licentious spirit, and at the same time sufficiently liberal to give effect to the popular will. Philosophers and statesmen of the old world doubted the practicability of establishing constitu- tional liberty, to be preserved by the force of public opinion. But we have the experiment before us. We can now rejoice that the statesmen who laid the foundations of our Constitution and who reared upon them its harmonious and majestic fabric, did not mistake the efficacy of public opinion. Their eloquent appeals and powerful arguments were not employed in imposing a delusion on the people, but in devising a form of government best designed to preserve their rights and liberties, and at the same time to unite in strong, and we trust, indissoluble bonds of Union, their whole strength. If there are among us those who contributed in any way to the accomplishment of this result, how noble the satis- faction in the emotions which are excited by these considerations. The perils of the hard fought battle, the distresses of war in their worst form, and which accompanied victory itself, are richly compensated in the consciousness that these perils and distresses worked out for the people a glorious inheritance. The ardent hopes of the patriots were consummated — reality surpasses their highest anticipations. Fellow Citizens — We would gladly dwell upon the characters and events of the revolution — we would prolong our reflections upon those scenes which combine the novelty of romance with the re- ality of truth — we would visit the fields crimsoned with the blood of our heroes, and the council cham- bers consecrated by the eloquence of our statesmen 2 10 — we would wander among the graves of the gallant bands who repose in the soil which their valor de- fended, but we are compelled to tear ourselves away from them, to consider other topics which the occasion presses upon our attention. The language of eulogy is always more grateful than that of sober discussion — but we utter the warmest eulogy upon our patriot fathers, when we deliberate upon the institutions which they have left to us, and consider the means by which they are to be maintained. " On the ides of March," said a noble Roman to Cassius, before tho battle of Philippi, " on the ides of March, 1 devot- ed my life to my country, and since that time, I have lived a life of liberty and glory." May we not em- ulate this brilliant example. The untried future is before us. Our country is yet to pass through ages of prosperous or adverse fortune, yet if on each an- niversary of its freedom the whole people gather around the altars of religion and devote themselves to their country, may they not also anticipate lives of liberty and glory for themselves and their posterity. How can we best devote ourselves to our country.'^ Peace sheds its refreshing influence around us. We live under institutions, social and political, of our own choice. They are such, also, as we believe to be adapted to our character, interest and condi- tion. This belief has experience of considerable extent for its foundation. As the people are sup- posed to be the best judges of their own welfare, should they not be appealed to and urged to consid- er well in what their welfare consists. 11 If I am right in the suggestions made touching tlie character of our institutions, if they are thus pre- cious to us, we best devote ourselves to our country by carefully investigating the causes which injure and cherishing the means which uphold them. Can we doubt the efficacy of our form of govern- ment, and the nature of our institutions to meet the wants of the people. Contrast them with those of other nations or former ages. Will you go back to those aristocratic forms whose tendency was to build up classes in society — where place and preferment and influence were conferred on other considerations than those of talent and integrity. Not that these do not have some influence upon those who adminis- ter such governments and dispense their favors ; but they are not the sure and certain means which pro- cure honorable distinction in offices of emolument or influence. The blood of royalty or the wide domains of a wealthy ancestry may place the favored posses- sor in the high places of the state and give him the power to establish the laws of the land. The rays of royal patronage will, it is true, occasionally warm into exertion the talent w^hich shines in obscurity; and the pride of power will select from the learned, the eloquent and the brave, those who can be induced to defend the prerogatives of the crown, and main- tain the principles of aristocracy. The great mass however must be content with subordinate station, and inferior influence in society. The road to pre- ferment and posts of honor is not an open highway where all may travel with freedom, but it is a guard- 12 ed and narrow passage, where the agents of power give admission to those only whose genius and learn- ing may be turned to the best account in embellish- ing the time honored institutions and splendid forms by which the delusion is kept up and imposed on the public mind. The tendencies of a republican government are of an opposite character. They foster, as they should, a sense of individual importance and personal rights ; they make every citizen to feel that he enjoys, or ought to enjoy, equal privileges wdth his neighbor ; and they throw open the avenues to preferment, to influence and to wealth, to all who please to enter them. True it may be, that " the formalities of a free and the ends of a despotic State have often sub- sisted together." The magic of names and sounds may not have ceased, and may not entirely cease, until human nature is divested of its susceptibility of corruption, and the mischievous effects of imperfect education or debasing habits are destroyed. But be- cause there may be some evils — some abuses mingled with freedom itself, and inseparable from the insti- tutions formed to protect us in the enjoyment of it, we are not to conclude that these evils are to be overcome by the subversion of the institutions them- selves. No — we will cling to our free government and popular institutions, as to the pillars upon which the hopes of the human race rest for advancement in all the great interests and objects of society. They open a field wide enough for the exertion of the most splendid talents and the richest powers of 13 mind. So great a variety of pursuits are presented free for our selection, in which the citizen may find an easy path to eminence and usefulness, that we cannot lament the destruction of any system of gov- ernment where the public honors were lavished on a few, and a chilling influence was shed over genius and learning. A feeling of equality is cherished, but it is a feeling which checks a servile spirit, without destroying that sincere and manly respect for talent and merit, necessary to maintain the harmony and beauty of our republican system. The spirit of our institutions, as it encourages, so it requires the citi- zen to devote himself to his country. The public voice will not tolerate those who load the mind wdth the ornaments of literature, and who, when the pub- lic good or public safety demand, shrink from the responsibility of manly action ; but rather sustains those who give up their treasures of intellectual ac- quisition, to the service of the State. No routine of honors excepts the citizen from the calls of his coun- try, no discharge of duties exonerates him. He may have been elevated to the highest official station in the republic, and like Washington, have retired to the repose of social and domestic life, yet still he may be summoned from the retreats which ambition does not enter, to fill other stations, and bear other burthens, in obedience to the public voice, and in beautiful keeping with the simplicity of the republi- can character. Every citizen should understand his rights, his du- ties, and the character of the government and insti- 14 tutions under which he lives. He should never for- get that his vote, his voice or his example are to be given and exerted as his judgment shall decide the interests of his country may require. Opinions are free. There is no tyranny here which can stifle the press by its edicts. We can think and write and speak as we please on the sub- ject of our rights and privileges, without danger of being arraigned at the tribune to answer for the of- fence. The freedom of the press is part of liberty itself — it is essential to its existence. Without it, it withers, droops and dies. Destroy the freedom of the press, and your liberties are gone forever. Sustain it and you may bid defiance to any perma- nent usurpations of power. I am aware that the press may become licentious — but experience has proved, that it partakes as much of this character when the greatest efforts are made to chain down its power, as when it flourishes in unrestricted freedom. Some evils accompany the exercise of the most val- uable privileges, but as Americans we can never prize too highly that engine through which this people were electrified by the warm appeals of our Revolu- tionary writers, and roused to enthusiastic coopera- tion to obtain their independence. As we value liberty, as we value truth, as we re- ly upon the strong support of enlightened public opin- ion to hold our government together, and to preserve its purity and power, we must uphold at all hazards, the freedom of the press. When corruption shall insidiously creep into our institutions, when wild am- 15 bition shall avail itself of your popular forms to in- vest itself with undue influence and undeserved hon- or, when demagogues shall sport with jour rights, when liberty herself shall show symptoms of decay, what but the thunders of the press can rouse the sleeping energies of the people — blast the projects of designing ambition, and dash the hopes of tyranny to the earth. The lightning w^hich Franklin drew from the heavens, was not more powerful, than the energies which he infused into the press ; and the physical creation is not more refreshed and purified by the one, than the moral and political world is elevated and illuminated by the other. We admit in a government like our own, that the majority must and ought to govern. Acquiescence in their decisions is considered the vital principle of republics. By this it is intended that the constitut- ed authorities and laws of the land, by whomsoever administered, are to be sustained. If majorities err and become unreasonable, the press is free, the bal- lot boxes are free, and they are a safer corrective of abuses than force or revolution. They are indeed the only safe remedy for republics. If majorities are right — if men in power are right, through the press and the ballot boxes, the public voice will be heard, proclaim- ing the true sentiments of the people. If public opinion is right, it will infuse into the government its right and healthful spirit ; if wrong, it has a self- redeeming power which will ultimately save the peo- ple from their own errors, and contribute to their true honor and glory. 16 We speak of our excellent institutions and of our obligations to maintain them. How shall we do this? We may entertain differences of opinion as to some of the means to be used, and there are others which, owing to a variety of causes, are disregarded, per- haps overlooked. Popular clamor is sometimes rais- ed with great effect by ambitious men to impair, if not to destroy some of the most important means formerly deemed essential to the preservation of lib- erty. We grow indifferent to others, and especially those when we do not fully realize their close con- nexion with all our important interests. Their in- fluence is comparatively silent in its operation, and hence unobserved. Of this latter class is a learned and independent Judiciary. Here is a power, which by expounding and applying the collected wisdom of past ages, com- bined with and modified by the improved legislation which the progress of civilization demands, affects the concerns of every individual in society. There are none so elevated as to be beyond the reach of its jurisdiction, none so low^ as to be deprived of its ef- ficacious protection. Its broad shield protects every citizen of the republic. We have reason to rejoice that the fountains of justice in this country have been kept pure and unsullied. The judicial power is the great regulator of all the business of the countr3^ How important then that it should be kept above the reach of the passions, prejudices and interests, which are the causes of popular excitement. The advan- tages of such a power are felt, while the sources 17 from whence thej are derived, are unseen and un- known. Take the Supreme Court of the United States as an illustration of these remarks. We hear of no el- oquent harangues made there, no party addresses, no splendid orations ; there are no appeals to popular prejudices, but patient, learned and laborious inves- tigations of great fundamental principles lying at the very foundation of the most important transactions of society. There is no patronage to bestow, no splendor to dazzle, no pomp to display. But there is integrity, there is learning, there is patriotism, oper- ating like the sunshine and the shower, with a re- freshing yet almost silent influence, with a uniform and beautiful result — and that result the harmonious and faithful administration of the laws and the char- ter of our liberties. The venerable man who presides in that Court by his pure integrity — his surpassing capacity — his Ro- man firmness in the discharge of official obligations, has given to our judiciary an attraction, a strength and we trust a permanency, w^hich will cause it to stand, as long as liberty itself, a beautiful pillar to support the Union and the Constitution. Long may it stand to uphold to embellish and protect them. Long may that venerable patriarch be spared to his country to bless the land of his fathers, and to point out those great landmarks w^hich will be the guide of all posterity. May I be pardoned, Fellow Citizens, in making a few remarks upon another instrument of preserving 3 18 American Liberty, which appears to be fast falling in- to disrepute. I allude to an institution against which even Philanthropy has waged war, as I think upon false grounds and from mistaken apprehensions. The enervating influences of peace are too apt to induce forgetfulness of those services to which a nation may be indebted for its very existence ; and a people strong in the confidence of prosperity often dis- regard those duties which experience has proved to be essential to liberty. Despotism has not yet been driven from the earth, nor even from the borders of civilization and refinement. Europe, in some of its fairest portions, is yet swayed by powers as unfriend- ly to the advance of liberal opinions, as they were centuries ago. They have well appointed armies and efficient navies to enforce their opinions and maintain their power, whenever it would be safe and expedient. I do not suppose that these powers would desire to try another experiment on Bunker Hill, to test the valor of our militia, so long as we retain even the forms of an institution which has done so much for liberty. But this I venture to assert, let the people go on as they have done, to destroy the life and spirit of the militia ; repeal the statutes which hold in existence this " best ornament of the country in peace, and sure defence in war," and this boasted land of liberty would present an inviting field for the veteran armies of Europe, in which to riot with impunity and unbridled licentiousness. After years of peace and repose, the cause would not raise up armies for our defence, as in the Revolution. Our 19 rights abroad, also, would be trifled with, the mo- ment they were not well guarded at home. A voice from yonder grave yard speaks to us in these words, " No free government was ever found- ed, or ever preserved its liberty without uniting the character of citizen and soldier in those destined for the defence of the State."* The same eloquent voice declares to us that this institution is the natural strength and only stable safeguard of a free country. I hear also the voice of another patriot who was ready to '* sink or swim" with the cause of inde- pendence, speaking to us in admonition, that our lib- erties cannot be preserved except by the aid of an efficient militia. It is not too late to catch the spirit of departed sages; there is yet among us and around us evidence that the ardor which animated their breasts is felt by a large portion of the young men of the land. The voices of Quincy and Adams are yet sounding in our ears with prophetic admonition — and shall we, in the very years when we are raising magnificent monuments to the memory of the brave militia men who fell as martyrs in the cause of liberty, shall we suffer the very institution of which they were the ornament to fall into disgrace or perish by our neglect. Forbid it patriotism — forbid it reverence for our ancestry. Let not the same people who rear the lofty pile to com- memorate the achievements of the militia of the rev- olution, erect a monument of their own degeneracy, but imbibing the true principles upon which the de- * Quincy. 20 fence of a republic is founded — rescue the institution from the neglect into which it is rapidly falling, and by sustaining the patriotic spirit wherever they find it, save from utter destruction this right arm of the nation. Are we supinely to give up every mode of defence ? Is war, if it must come, to find us without preparation? Shall too the same feeling of indifference which has been manifested towards the militia ex- tend to our gallant navy ? Why may it not ? Why — if it is not deemed important or patriotic to plant the flag of our country among our native hills, why should it be unfurled upon every distant sea and up- on the shores of every foreign land ? We will not give way to this delusion. The banner of our coun- try shall yet float in triumph in the " battle and the breeze," and if the cause demands it, many brave and virtuous hearts shall rally around it, whether un- furled on land or sea, in defence of our Country's Independence. We will go on, consistently, to raise the loftiest memorials of art to perpetuate the fame of the men who sustained our excellent defensive institutions — but we will at the same time, lay the strong foundations of more enduring monuments of their renown by reviving and cherishing the institu- tions which they left to us, with the most anxious vigilance. Aside from the preservation of the invaluable in- stitutions of our fathers, we are to watch carefully the signs of the times. The inventive genius of man is ever striking out new paths for ambition, and cre- ating novelties to amuse and delude us. We should 21 carefully notice every circumstance or incident which may tend to weaken the attachment of one portion of the inhabitants of the Union to an other ; and yet we should maintain, with all the force of argu- ment in our power, such opinions as we conceive to be essential to the interests and happiness of the whole country. In a land where mind is claimed to be free, flagrant errors of conduct or opinion should be rebuked with firmness yet with caution. Let there be no such thing as a servile spirit among us ; and while philanthropy, in various forms, is exerting herself to relieve the country of a great national evil — the slavery of a large portion of the people to another — let us also study well to keep the mind free from the shackles of mental servitude. And again, while philanthropy watches every ray of hope by which the people may be guided to the relief of those who are in domestic bondage among us — let us be- ware, lest by throwing open too freely the asylum of liberty to the oppressed of other climes, and af- fording to them almost so soon as they inhale the at- mosphere of our land, the privileges of American Cit- izens, we do not fasten upon ourselves chains and fetters — temporal and spiritual — even before we feel that they are forged. Let the oppressed and virtu- ous stranger be received with open arms — let the patriot of other lands, who flies from persecution, enjoy repose beneath the shelter of our laws — let him taste the luxuries of civil and religious liberty — let him share in our prosperous or adverse fortunes- give to him the ample protection of law — but give 22 him not the power to frame jour laws, or to elect your rulers until time enough has elapsed to enable him to obtain a thorough acquaintance with the prin- ciples of our government, and fully to assimilate himself to the American character. This is no work of a day or of a week, but of years of careful study and strict investigation. Let him have time enough to learn that there are varied interests in this exten- sive republic, and that the great duty of a patriotic citizen is to appreciate and harmonize them. I would not harshly close the portals of liberty against any who are sincerely seeking its protection, or its priv- ileges ; but I would carefully guard it from the cor- ruption of those, who, while we were working with enthusiasm to devise some scheme to strike off the manacles of others, were firmly riveting our own. Liberty can be preserved only by the most untiring vigilance. To the exercise of this vigilance, we are prompted by every consideration which can influence us as descendants of the heroes of the revolution — as patriots — as men. The world is looking with in- tense interest upon all our movements, either with fear or approbation. Tyrants and the advocates of tyranny are anticipating the time when our vigorous republic shall be given up to fierce contentions, sec- tional quarrels, and perhaps to civil or servile war ; and then with their rejoicing at such a solution of the problem of free government before them, they may go on complacently to extend the prerogatives of despotic power, and bind in still more abject sla- very the best hopes of the human race. 23 There are two nations of Europe with whom the relations of this government are peculiar and inter- esting — Great Britain and France. With both we have associations connected with this day, though somewhat of an opposite character. Notwithstand- ing the oppressive measures w^hich Great Britain adopted towards the Colonies, still we cannot look upon many of her ancient institutions without awe. Genius has filled the land with her beautiful produc- tions. Poetry has hallowed it wdth her inspiration. Learning has enriched it with her choicest gems. It contains the graves of our ancestors. But we all know with what jealousy and even con- tempt the leading statesmen of Great Britain, have looked upon our prosperity. Under whatever party, or name they may have rallied they have not scru- pled, in some foim or other, to attack and deride us. Her titled aristocrats have scarcely been behind the boasting advocates of popular rights in predicting the downfall of this government ; but, Fellow Citizens, we should receive from these suggestions an instruc- tive lesson. If we look well to our great duties as American Citizens, if we avoid, as we may, the evils which most beset us — this republic may stand as the light and blessing of posterity when the magnificent and time-honored institutions of Great Britain shall have been crushed under their ow^n weight. The cumbrous mass even now almost trembles on its base — the fires of liberty slumber beneath it — and as the weight of the gorgeous pile accumulates, the hidden elements may burst forth with all the force of the 24 volcano and the earthquake. If, however, the inter- ests of mankind require it — if freedom calls for it — if justice pleads and religion demands it — better that the magnificent structure should be scattered in frag- ments than that these should be retarded in their progress. If the British Monarchy is not to stand amid the waves of popular commotion, better that its disjointed elements should be separated with prompt- ness and energy, rather than that the causes which threaten its downfall should multiply to such an extent as to rage beyond control, and accomplish the work of reform by bloody revolution and civil war. France, has been deeply convulsed by the opera- tion of a love of liberty burning with too great vio- lence. We always regard with deep interest the rapid and capricious changes in that beautiful land. Our sympathies are with her. The French, in their enthusiastic pursuit of something in the name of lib- erty, seem to have chased a phantom continually eluding their grasp. The very violence of the strug- gles of Revolutionary France exhausted and destroy- ed the power of retaining what liberty she acquired. She could not be contented with the simplicity of true republicanism ; but rushed into the opposite ex- treme of pomp, splendor and excess. Reactions, as they created, so they destroyed freedom. Yet we trust, as time advances, France may yet obtain that liberty which has so long been the object of her fruitless pursuit ; when she shall learn that liberty does not consist in using her friends, as if they were to become her enemies ; nor in postponing the claims 25 of justice to consider the best methods of trammel- ing the press ; nor in evading, by specious preten- sions, the calls of an old friend and ally for redress of confessed wrongs. Friend and ally, though she be, we will not consent that questions of national justice, or national honor, are to be adjusted on prin- ciples of etiquette ; or that she shall disregard her solemn pledges by any courtly protestations of wounded sensibility. In whatever direction we turn, we find strong motives prompting us to vigorous exertion to pre- serve our model of a free government, not merely for ourselves, but for the benefit of the human race. We will then soften the asperities of party spirit — we will rebuke, with calmness yet decision, the slightest attempt to mar the beauty of this Union, come from whence it will — we will use every effort to scatter wide and far the blessings of education — we will spare no efforts to bind all sections of our wide domain closely together by such improve- ments as shall create a greater community of interest — we will look well to all the institutions given to us by our fathers, and above all we will ad- here to the Constitution as the great sheet-anchor of our freedom. Let our example rebuke the cal- umnies of the old world — let it shine with a pure and steady light, a guide to all who are seeking after the blessings of liberty. We have much to animate us — much to imitate in the examples which distinguished patriots have set before us. We should study well the Roman 4 26 virtues of those who carried on the great work of the revolution. There was Franklin who went from a printing office, and took his place in conspicuous rank in one of the most august assemblies the w^orld ever beheld, to assist in the vindication of a nation's rights. By his side, stands the clear-headed, honest and in- dependent Roger Sherman, w ho threw aside his me- chanical pursuits to assume the duties of a states- man — duties which he discharged with great firmness and sagacity. You will discover in the brilliant constellation the intrepid Greene, who abandoned the hammer and the anvil, at the call of his country and fought the battles of freedom at the right hand of Washington. I point to these examples to illus- trate the truth that no pursuit deters or disqualifies a citizen of this republic, if he wishes to press for- ward to posts of eminent honor and usefulness. You will not forget one among your nation's benefac- tors, one possessing superior claims to your applause, raised by Providence to be a father and saviour of his country and a blessing to the human race. But the pen cannot describe his virtues, the tongue can- not utter his eulogy — you must read it, in the insti- tutions wdiich he founded by his wisdom and de- fended by his valor. It shines out from almost every page of your history ; you can turn to no point but its light is around you and above you. It is as un- fading as the stars of heaven. But, Fellow Citizens, there is a constellation in this quarter of the heavens, quite as brilliant and conspicuous as that to which I have alluded. From- 27 inent to your observation, will be found the liberal, accomplished jet "• proscribed" Hancock. Truly did he stake his '' life and fortune" upon the cause of independence. He dealt out his princely estate with profuse generosity to sustain the mechanics, when the distresses of the times lay upon them with a heavy hand, it needed the aid of no statute of distributions to scatter his wealth. Opulent, though he was, and abundantly able to retire from the l)ustle and clamor of the sharp contention with Great Bri- tain, yet he preferred to rush into the cause of lib- erty, with a manly enthusiasm, and to stand shoul- der to shoulder, with your illustrious townsmen with Sherman, with Franklin, with Jefferson, with Wash- ington and their noble band of compatriots, to resist every inroad of oppression and to counsel and adopt the most vii^orous efforts to counteract the designs of his country's enemies, regardless of all personal dangers or sacrifices. For this he was selected, with that unwavering and consistent patriot Samuel Adams, for proscription and as worthy of ''condign punishment." But he regarded the folly of his foes with proud scorn and derision, and has planted his name in the heavens, where it shall stand when gen- eration after generation shall have passed away, ad- mired by all who love the character of a generous, con- sistent and enthusiastic patriot, who boldly defied the menaces and resisted inch by inch the encroachments of arbitrary power. As you go upon the soil conse- crated as his birth place and by his name, may you impress deeply in the heart, the recollection of the 28 virtues, which constitute his fame, and make his name illustrious in the annals of freemen.* There repose in yonder enclosure beneath a mon- ument erected by filial gratitudef the ashes of a pat- riot as ardent, as inflexible, as enlightened as any which American Liberty attracted to her cause. He did much to set the ball of revolution in motion ; but w^as not permitted to wdtness its anxious progress and glorious consummation. He did not live to fill those posts of honor to which a grateful country would have called him ; but he lived to connect his fame and memory w ith that of his country ; and to secure that imperishable renown which seemed to be the darling passion of his heart. As he breathed out his noble spirit in sight of his native land, which he w^as not permitted to reach, his last accents were for his country and his country's friends. We stand upon holy ground. We feel as if in the presence of another patriot, whose fame now * The company dined under a pavilion erected on what is now called the Hancock lot. The dwelling house of Rev. John Hancock was situated on this lot. The cellar may now be seen. In this house, his son, John Hancock, President of the Continental Congress and Governor of Massachusetts, was born. This lot afterwards became the property of President John Adams, and he, by his will, gave it to the town of Quincy, on the condition that an Academy should be erected upon it, to defray the expense of which, he also made provision. t The monument to the patriot Quincy was erected by his son, the present President of Harvard University. The inscription was written by Hon. John Quincy Adams. 29 covers a century of renown.* He yet spcEiks to us from these very walls, with an eloquence which breaks not upon the ear, bui touches the heart. Though the tongue which once advocated the cause of liberty, with such boldness and decision, is silenc- ed forever, he yet speaks to us with all the elo- quence of patriotism. His example yet lives. His impassioned appeals are yet felt. The last senti- ment upon his lips and the dearest to his heart, is written deep on the tablets of memory. We will cherish it as an invaluable legacy to his country ; we will be guided by it, through all the vicissitudes of fortune ; it shall be our battle cry if the sacred soil of liberty is invaded ; faction shall shrink when it is pronounced ; disunion shall fly before it ; let it be the living and dying sentiment of every American, as it was the living and dying sentiment of the illus- trious Adams— INDEPENDENCE FOREVER. Fellow Citizens — You have around you elo- quent monitors to the discharge of every duty to your country. You stand amid the very pillars of the Constitution. It is expounded to you by the liv- ing and the dead. Cling to those pillars as to the rock of your safety. Should, by any violent convulsion, the liberties of this people be destroyed, and the temple of your freedom razed to the ground, let the places where rest the ashes of those patriots who defended them, be consecrated in your memories ; * In October next one hundred years will have elapsed since the birth of President John Adams. 30 let the sentiments which fell from their lips sink deep into yom* hearts. The world shall still revere them for their services in the cause of humanity and enroll them among the benefactors of our race. Let us study these great models — let us go for- ward wdth union and harmony in the cultivation of the virtues and the graces which strengthen and embellish society. We will bury beneath the waves of public opinion the passions and the prejudices which retard our progress ; and spare no effort to give an impulse to all the principles which promote our social and political prosperity. m HYMN. The following Hymn, composed for the occasion, by Rev. W. P. LuNT, was sung by the Choir; 1. O Thou! to whom our Fathers pour'd Their fervent prayer in danger's hour; Thy glorious nature be adored — We bless Thy grace, we own Thy Power. 2. A nation's birth we celebrate ; A nation's thanks to Thee shall rise ; Before Thee thronging thousands wail ; Accept a nation's sacrifice. 3. While from the River to the Sea Glad multitudes salute this day, Here let the children of the free To God their thankful homage pay. 4. Around us are the forms of those Whose names are writ on glory's page ; Beneath us lie in calm repose, The relics of the honor'd sage. 5. Above the Patriot's sleeping dust, The shout of grateful triumph raise ; In God was fix'd his steadfast trust, To God we swell the hymn of praise. 6. O Thou ! to whom our Fathers pour'd Their fervent prayer in danger's hour ; Thy kind protection still afford ; Still would we own Thy Sov'reign Power, LlBRfiRV OF CONGRESS 0011 801 ''^'^^