I . . H m ■ Glass ^ I Book_____ fa THE HISTO RY OF CHICHESTER. THE History of Chichester; INTERSPERSED WITH Various Notes and Observations ON THE EJRL'Yaml PRESENT STATE of the CITY, The most Remarkable' Places in its Vicinity, And the COUNTY -of SUSSEX in GENERAL : * WITH AX APPENDIX; Containing the CHARTERS of the CITY, at three different Times/ ALSO AN Account of all the Parishes in the County, THEIR NAMES, PATRONAGE, APPROPRIATIONS, VALUE IN Till king's BQOKS, FIRST-FRUITS, &C, DEDICATED, BY P EF M ISSIONj To JFILLIAM H4YLEY, Esq). 11 Non de Viiiis, domibusque aKenrs; « -■ " ■ — Sed qaod magis ad nos Pertinet, et nescire malum est, agitamus," — Horac-8* {< Art must to other works a lustre lend, But History pleases, howsoe'er 'tis penn'd." HAYLE-i's.Eisay on Hist. p. 72, By ALEXANDER HAY, a. m. Mi - Vicar of Wisborough-Green, and Chaplain of St! Mary's Chapel in this City< Printed and sold.by J. Seagrave ; the Booksellers in the Cour* and by Longman and Co. Paterno5ter-Ro;v. Londpn, 1801, ^ yofcof To WILLIAM HAYLEY, Esqr. SIR, As several places of less note than Chichester, and whose antiquity is hut of yesterday in comparison, have long ago had their histories laid before the public ; and some of them by men of learning, I have often won- dered that the city of your nativity, a place of respectable rank among the sees and corpora- tions of the kingdom * whose antiquity the acutest investigator cannot perfectly penetrate, has never engaged the attention, and employed the labour of some person of literary eminence, to favour the public with its annals, and the vicissitudes of fortune which have happened to it at different times. The subject is of suffi- cient importance, and the theme respectable enough, to justify the undertaking, and if duly treated, to confer celebrity even on a Stowe or a Dugdale. I shall DEDICATION. I shall not trouble you, Sir, with any apology for my undertaking so arduous a task, a work of so great difficulty. I had for many years made enquiries on the subject, prompted thereto purely by private curiosity. The notes and memorandums I had made in conse- quence, I viewed with the partiality (perhaps the blind partiality) of a parent -> and con- cluded that if they could be ushered into light under the shadow of your name, they would meet with a favourable reception from the public. As you granted that permission, I have accordingly made the experiment, and trust that whatever credit or discredit may ac- crue to me, the public will give you the praise due to a generous action, Superior to the sordid reasoning of a contracted mind, you extended your protection to the helpless offspring of an unprotected parent, to say the least of it, and freely gave the passport of your name to a work whose professed object was to preserve many interesting particulars relating to a city of long established DEDICATION. established eminence, naturally dear to you, as the scene of your childhood and youth ; and more so as the sacred depository of the ashes of your ancestors. If on the perusal you find that I have thrown some light on the subject, I shall not think my labour misapplied : and should be highly gratified if in your estimation the merits of my essay overbalance its imperfections. That you may long live to delight and instruct mankind, is the sincere wish of Sir, Your obliged and obedient servant, ALEXANDER HAY. Chi^iester, Sept. 1SC4. PREFACE. PREFACE. A, BO UT twenty years ago I wrote a small pamphlet called " The Chichester Guide/' which by the favour of the public has undergone several impressions. On perusing it some time past I was concerned to find that in several instances the dates were not so correct as I wished them to be : and having referred to the authori- ties I had at first consulted, and others, I discovered the omission of many particulars, which might have been mentioned with propriety and advantage. After collecting some observations, and arranging them, 1 found that they could not be contained in a common sized pamphlet, much less in the small publication mentioned. This circumstance first suggested to me the idea of raising from that imperfect performance, and more extensive sources of information, an history of the city from its foundation to the present time. — When a favourite object engages the attention, we are apt x PFEFACE, apt to overlook the difficulties that stand, arid the ob- structions that may be thrown in our way. 1 knew the suhject teas of consequence enough to engage the atten- tion of the public, if treated in a tolerable manner. I flattered myself that the information 1 had collected in the course of several years, was of some importance;, and I was unwilling that it should be entirely lost. I was arware that in the fulfilling such an undertaking, some difficulties would arise : nor did I expect they would be inconsiderable either in their nature or their number : and experience has convinced me that I was not mistaken. I have met with obstacles where 1 had no reason to look for any. In the former part of the time, that which pre- ceeded the coming of the Romans into Britahi, Chi- chester, like every other part of the island, zvas hid in darkness, which even their coming did not compleatly dispel. Jfter that period the history of the Brito/is is involved in that of their conquerors — that of any par- ticular place can be collected only by scraps and frag- ments from the general account of the historian. This zvas the case dining all the time of the Saxons ; and long after: for several centuries elapsed after the JYorman Conquest ere the light of history was strong and xi PREFACE. and diffusive enough to throw its hams on detached objects. It would, without doubt, have been more ac- ceptable to the public, and therefore more agreeable to me, could I have given a compleai and s at i factor]/ description of the city, and traced the annals of the principal inhabitants thereof in every period: but that the candid and intelligent reader will see was impossible. The memory of private men in general, does not sur- vive their personal existence more than two or three generations the hand of time soon obliterates the actions even of public characters, or they are but faintly remembered — and hardly can fame herself preserve those who were dear to her from the dismal gulf of oblivion. In this state of things it appeared to me that the most effectual way to convey to the reader the justest idea that could be obtained 3 both of the city and county, would be to lay before him the state of society and religion, and the progress of arts and sciences, in England at that time, thus snatching a ray from general history to illuminate the particular objects I had in view; mixed with as much local history as could be procured, at least as I could collect. If I have done this in a degree tolerably accurate, and thereby xii PREFACE. thereby enabled my readers to form a judgment, not greatly distant from the truth, of this antient metropo- lis of the South-Saxons, §c. during the dark ages, I have fulfilled my own honest intentions. I have done something, however inadequate to my wishes, towards elucidating the history of a place, which in antiquity is hardly inferior to any in the kingdom — in its dura- tion has experienced many vicissitudes of fortune, and more than once suffered the severest storms of fate. As the shades of night retired, and the light of historical information began to dawn here, I flattered myself that 1 should be able to avail myself of that ad- vantage : but, either for the reason mentioned before, or the imperfection of my knowledge in antiquity , found myself obliged to lean principally on general history, till I came within a century and a half of the present time. The style in the following pages, I am sensible, is far from being highly ornamented. I never approved of flowery periods in this kind of writing ; and now, on the verge of seventy years of age, am not more fond of them* 1 hope I may, without impropriety, plead my * The account of the Bishops is copied from the Mag. Britan. PREFACE. xiii my many constant avocations in extenuation of some imperfections: I mean my professional duty, both morning and afternoon, at the chapel of the blessed Mary in this city ; and the very irksome and labour- ous employment of teaching at a school, which my circumstances have rendered, and still render necessary. Throughout the whole truth has been my inva- riable object. Circumstances too many to be mentioned, and uninteresting to the public, have preserved my opinion from being warped by partiality, and drawing too flattering a representation of the object before me — if I have at all deviated from the triiili, it was done through an error of judgment, and not through par- tiality ; and far less from the despicable motive of lavishing adulation on any, either individually or collectively. Whatever errors or imperfections may belong to the undertaking, it is the result of many years occa- sional enquiry, made before 1 had any fixt intention of laying my poor gleanings before the public ; who will finally determine on the merits or demerits of the work, uninfluenced by any indirect commendations of mine, on the one hand ; or illiberal and unmanly attacks on the other, if any such should be made : as I have not resorted xiv PREFACE, resorted to the former, I will trust the justice of the public that the latter shall not operate to my prejudice. To acquire the approbation of the public in general, and particularly of those whose local' history I have undertaken to illustrate, would undoubtedly be agreeable, I may fail to obtain that, but I shall enjoy the consola- tion of knowing that I have done what I fairly could to deserve it. THE *7 was laid before they came hither, and then fully inhabited * If the Britons had been duly united, when the Romans invaded the island, Caesar's laurels would have withered on his brow long before that people had reached their ultima thule. Had the chieftains or kings, dropping or suspending their quarrels and animosities, come forward with their clients and vassals, in support of their common interest, the defence of the country, no force that the Romans could have sent against them, could have brought O 3 CD them into subjection; for even as matters stood with them, though they were miserably divided, their invaders did not look upon Caesar's expedition c against * The inscription is— " Neptuno et Minervse templura, pro salute domus divinae, ex auctoritate Cogidubni regis legati Tiberii Claudii Augusti in Britannia.- Collegium Fabrorum, et qui in eo e sacris vel honorati sunt, de suo dedicaverunt ; donante aream Pudente Pudentini filio." IX ENGLISH. " The temple of Neptune and Minerva — erected for the health -and preservation of the imperial family by the authority of king Cogidubnus, the lieutenant of Tiberius Claudius Augustus in Britain. The company of artificers, with those who were ambitious of the honour of supplying materials, defrayed the ex- pence.— Pudens, the son of Pudentinus, gave the ground. i8 against them a conquest. Tacitus says, he did not conquer Britain, but only shewed it to the Romans ; and Horace, the Roman courtier, in the time of Augustus, when Rome was in the zenith of her power, calls them, "invictos Britannes," the unconquered Britons. — And Lucan scruples not to say, " territa quaesitis ostendit terga Britannis/' — he ran in a fright from the Britons against whom he had gone with such mighty preparations of war. Vespasian was the first Roman who set foot in a hostile manner in that part of Britain called Sussex. This he did a. d. 47. His commission was to reduce the maritime parts of the country : which he effected without much difficulty, as they were more inclinable to commerce than war, and the force wherewith he was attended rendered all opposition hopeless. The temple of Neptune and Minerva, mentioned above, was built under his auspices. Claudius, on his re- turn to Rome had not only a land but also a naval triumph decreed him, for having conquered the sea • — i. e. for having crossed it in safety from Gaul to Britain. For which reason it was, no doubt, that the temple in Chichester was dedicated to Neptune. The *9 The last expedition of Caesar against Britain was fifty-four years before Christ— ^that of Plautius was undertaken a. d. 46, as mentioned before. The intervening period was doubtless time sufficient for the Britons to have made this very obvious remark, that the advantages which Caesar had gained over them, were attributable solely to their divisions, and want of unanimity. They did not however make that inference : or if they did, the inveterate feuds of their princes predominated over the love of their country, and their desire of independence. For when Plautius came among them, he found them at as great variance among themselves as they were when Caesar left them : and it was not the business of the Romans to allay, but to aggravate these dissensions. To describe the manners, and delineate the character of the people of this country at this time, during the reign of Claudius, would be a work of conjecture rather than of historical information. If we suppose that some of them went to Rome, and learned the manners and customs of the imperial city; that many of them went into the army, and imbibed new habits aud ideas ; and that far the greater part c % of 20 of them remained at home, fixed to their native soif and primitive rudeness, we must conclude that they formed a very hetrogeneous people, strongly tinc- tured with vice, and therefore far removed from happiness. Caesar describes the Britons as a warlike people, who prized their liberty and independence above life itself. This character of them was true, to a certain degree, but perhaps not to so high a degree as he has represented it. Without meaning in the least to impeach the veracity of Caesar, which indeed is impregnable, still we may be allowed to think, that ( for a very obvious reason ) he has repre- sented the martial courage and power, both of the Gauls and Britons, in his Commentaries, in the fullest and fairest point of view. But however that may be, we cannot avoid supposing, that the checks which the Britons sustained, and the defeats they suffered from inferior numbers of their invaders, in great measure depressed their spirits, broke the ardour of their courage, and damped the flame of liberty which before glowed in their breasts ; for when Plautius was sent against them, he was suffered to land and march into the heart of the country without opposition. It is true Caractacus, prince of the 21 the Brigantes, Boadicea, the brave but unfortunate queen of the Iceni, and Galgacus the Caledonian, are honourable instances that the antient spirit of independence, was not wholly extinct in the country: but they form singular, and almost solitary instances of virtue and patriotism among the chief men: and had the national character, at that time accorded with the courage, and undaunted perseverance of these worthy persons, whose names are still dear to fame, the expedition of Claudius to Britain, would have covered him with disgrace instead of procuring him a triumph. I am not ignorant that Tacitus more than indirectly says, that the Britons were attached to the independence of their country; but he relates such circumstances concerning them as plainly prove the reverse. When Agricola attacked and subdued Mona, (the isle of Anglesea) he informs us that he had in his army ten thousand British soldiers, chiefly Belgians; by whose assistance it was that he was enabled to subdue the place : and that in his wars against the Caledonians, the army of Galgacus, in the last decisive battle was routed, and the country ravaged and depopulated in the most inhuman man- ner, by the same auxiliaries. The same may be said c3 of 2-2 of all the wars which the Roman generals,, Plautius, Ostorius, Agricola, and others, waged against the independence of this country ; the number of the Roman soldiers bore but a very small proportion to the whole, and often one third of what was called the Roman army consisted of British auxiliaries. • Several of our English historians also, in treat- ing of the affairs of this period, inform us that both the Celtic and Belgian inhabitants were attached to freedom, and steady votaries of independence. But we are instructed by Tacitus, that many of the British chiefs waited on Plautius on his landing, and ( instead of opposing his march) solicited the friendship of the Romans, promising to pay the annual tribute that Caesar had formerly assessed the district with : no proof of their magnanimity or independent spirit. And the vast number of subsidiary troops raised from the Belgians, and othor tribes, during the war tn Britain, until the whole island was subdued, will con- vince any unprejudiced person that their love of free- dom was notso great as these historians have alledged. Camden informs us that the Cogidubnus, men- tioned in the inscription, was king of the Regni ; that is, all Sussex, part of Surry^ and Hampshire— that 23 that he resided in the city, now called Chichester, and that he was called a friend and ally of the Roman people. From whence, as well as from other cir- cumstances, we may surely infer that he was tributary to the court of Rome; and owned obedience to the emperor. Resides, the inhabitants of this part of the island, ( the last emigrants of the Belgae ) were a trading people, and could not maintain foreign com- merce without the support, and far less in opposition to the Romans. We may therefore well conclude, that this city, and the whole district, of which it was the capital, continued in the hands of that peoples- till their final departure from Britain, A. d. 446, c4 CHAPTER 24 CHAPTER II. THE ROMANS LEAVE BRITAIN THE ERlTONS HARRASSED BY THE SCOTS AND PICTS CHOOSE VORTIGERN FOR THEIR LEADER WHO INVITES THE SAXONS TO COME TO THEIR AID COMING OF THAT PEOPLE INTO KENT, At that time, the Romans were greatly distressed by most dreadful incursions of Huns, and other barbarians, who broke in upon the empire. Attila, who stiled himself, not improperly, " The scourge of God, and the terror of man!" after laying waste, and utterly depopulating Thrace, Macedonia, and the fine countries of Greece, the nurse of science, and the favourite seat of the muses, attacked the western empire, .and entered Gaul, with an army of seven hundred thousand men. Here he met with opposi- tion, and a check at the battle of Chalons; on which he turned his arms against Lombardy, took and de- stroyed Aquileia, and several other places of impor- tance, killing the inhabitants, and demolishing the houses. 25 houses. From the Alp?, to within a few miles of the imperial city, all was terror and dismay, flight, burning, carnage, and general desolation! Rome was saved from becoming the scene of his fury, plunder, and massacre, by a solemn embassy sent to him from the emperor Valentinian III. and the promise of an annual tribute to be paid to nim ; on which he consented to conclude a peace with them, or rather a truce, and returned loaded with spoil and honour, to his own country, beyond the Danube, now called Hungary, Transilvania, &c. — To defend Rome from the imminent and immense danger which threatened it, when Atilla was ravaging Macedon and Greece, the legionary troops were recalled from Britain, and with them those British soldiers who had served with them as auxiliaries. No sooner were these removed, than the Scots and Picts again in- vaded the country ; the greatest part of which they over-run, marching as far as Lincoln, and marking their rout with carnage, and silent desolation ! The Britons, in the extremity of their distress and des- pondency, immediately applied to the Roman em- peror to send them succours to defend them from their merciless enemies — but as the Romans, at that time, 26 time, laboured under equal distress, their petition neither was, nor could be granted. From the de- sponding tenor of the letter, or rather supplication, which they sent to the emperor Valentinian III. we may learn the debasement of spirit to which they were sunk. Their letter was inscribed " The groans of Britain,'' and the contents of it were equally abject — "The barbarians (they said) drive us to the such as is impregnated with much calcareous matter, or adulterated air, is highly in- jurious; as on the other hand, good water is equally salutary, and in some degree medicinal. The city is built on a small eminence, or rising ground, the cross being nearly, but not alto- gether, on the highest ground. The length of the north-street is 1320 feet, of 80 perches— the south- street 907 \ feet, or 55 perches — the east-street 1105^- feet, or 67 perches, and the west-street the same measurement. The circumference of the whole within the walls being 6963± feet, or 422 perches, of course it stands upon between 100 and 101 acres, statute measure —The greater part of the parish of St. Pancrass, in the east, and the whole of that of St. Bartholomew in the west, is without the walls. At this great distance of time, it is impossible to ascertain the exact period when the city was first built. Before the coming of the Romans to this island. island, the inhabitants had no records ; nor for many centuries after is any light thrown upon the affairs of Britain, but what is derived from foreign histori- ans, chiefly Roman. It is the general opinion of historians, that this country was first peopled from the continent of Europe, namely from that part of France then called Gaul, which is opposite to the south-eastern coast of England ; and it is generally supposed that the Celiac w T ere the first people who migrated hither ; at what particular period it is not agreed. Some historians say eighteen hundred years before the christian ;era ; others not so high. But it is of no consequence for any useful purpose, to determine at what particular time a race of rude, uncivilized adventurers chose to fix their habitation in this island ; which was then, and many centuries after, both in appearance, in soil, and even in climate, a very different place from what it is now. The generality of writers evince a strange pro* pensity to trace the origin of the people, whose annals they have undertaken to transmit to posterity, to the remotest ages of antiquity. But antiquity of descent can confer no real honour on any nation. The inhabitants of North America are not a less re- a 3 spec table spectable people than the Bedoins of Egypt, or the Arabs of Zara in Africa. The Celtas, who are with much probability, said to have been the first inhabitants of Britain, were descendants of Acmon, the son of Japhet, as the Belgas were of Gomer, likewise son of Japhet, and both grandsons of Noah. It is, I think, rio improbable conjecture (fori have no authority) that the first migration to Britain happened about the year of the w T orld 2300, or something more than eight hundred years after the flood ; about the time that the Israelites quitted the land of Egypt ; nearly three hundred years before the siege of Troy ; seven hundred and forty-six before the foundation of Rome, and se\en hundred and twenty-two before the first Olympiad. When the Romans first invaded this country, they found it fully inhabited: and, according to the Scottish and Irish historians, the population of both these nations was as high as the manner of subsist- ing themselves would bear. The principal part of their subsistance they derived from the chace. Cassar indeed, in his account of his expedition, relates that he sent out several parties to forage ; from whence \i would appear^ that they had some corn ; which must must have been principally rye and barley ; and perhaps some siligo, a species of wheat of an inferior kind; and that in no great quantity. Neither history, nor the analogy of reasoning, will bear us out in sup- posing that their agriculture was not most contemp- tible. According to the account which Caesar has left us of the Britons, when he came hither ( and his authority cannot be disputed) we must conclude that their knowledge of the arts was the least that can be conceived, and in the sciences just nothing. They wore no cloathing, but painted their naked bodies with woad, (vitro) both to defend themselves from the cold, and give them a terrible appearance in battle. He says they (the Belgae) had many houses or huts, which he calls aedificia, nearly the same as in Gaul; and these, the Roman historians inform us, were built of earth, and covered with turf. No other evidence than the authority of Caesar is wanted to convince us of the degraded state of society, in which the inhabitants of this country then lived. It is unnecessary to compleat the description of the national character at such a period, When they were not civilized enough to feel the propriety cf cloathing their bodies, it would be useless to B 4 loo& s look for any refinement of sentiment among them, any rational love of their country, or any domestic felicity. Their manners were as rude as the wave* that surrounded them, and their minds as uncultivated as the forests in which they ranged. The seeds of war and blood-shedding thev brought along: with them from the continent; they were deeply inter- woven in their political institutions; if it be not im- proper to call their barbarous usages by that deno- mination. Both the Celtae and the Belgae, from whom the Britons descended, consisted of three dif- ferent orders of men ; the principes, (chieftains) the equites, (gentlemen) who held of the former, and owed them fealty and service, and the servi, literally servants; but more frequently among the Roman writers, meaning bond-servants, or slaves. Their clans, or chieftains, maintained perpetual wars with one another; and no wonder, war, and nothing else, was reckoned honourable among them. The more ears of slaughtered enemies a man could show, so much the more was he esteemed. These senti- ments were hereditary among them ; they brought them with them; they were cultivated with fostering hand by the leaders, and great men ;, and they operated operated powerfully on the minds and manners of a rude and barbarous people; and prevented them, through many revolving ages, from listening to the silent voice of nature within them, and turning their attention to the endearing blandishments of peace. While we execrate the savage dispositions, and sanguniray practices of these men, let us reflect that they were the unhappy sons of unhappy fathers, un- happy ancestors — monsters by the necessity of cir- cumstances, more than in despite of their reason. While we reprobate the latter, we are induced to drop a tear over the hard fate of the former. Open and manly in their deeds of crueltv, each of them exposed his own life when he attacked that of his adversary. They fought in person, and not by deputies enticed or trepanned to risk their lives, and shed their blood in a cause in which they were not interested. While they remained in Germany, when any of them (the CeltaD and Belga? ) intended to migrate to any uninhabited or inhabited country, the chief- tains summoned their clients, with all their depend- ents, to accompany them in their intended expedi- tion. They elected one of their own body to be their their leader, and the conductor of the enterprize, investing him with supreme power, till the expedi- tion should be finished, and no longer. The same method they adopted when their country, (or their own demesnes) was invaded by an enemy. These leaders, Caesar and the Roman historians sometimes denominate kings, and sometimes princes ( principes. ) Their sovereignty resembled that of the Roman die tatorship — like that their power was absolute, tem- porary, and not permanent. Thus the Britons, when their country was invaded by the Romans, chose Cassivellaunus, and constituted him generalissimo of all their forces till the enemy thouid be driven from their coasts. So, in after times, they elected Vortigern to conduct the national force, and defend the country from the incursions of the Scots and Picts. It is necessary to observe, that the two colonies by whom this island was first inhabited, though sprung from the same stem, were of very different manners and habits of life, The Celtas or Cimbri, who made the first settlement, applying themselves to the pastoral system, in a course of years, perhaps ages, surmounted their original ferocity, and lived in 11 in peace and happiness. While the Belga?, a com- mercial people, betook themselres likewise to agri- culture, such as it was, and retained in great measure, that propensity to war, which they brought along with them. The former of these inhabited the in- terior part of the country, and the latter the sea- coast, and parts adjoining. By the historians above-mentioned, we are informed that the Britons traded with the Gauls; but we are not instructed in what that traffic con- sisted ; nor is it easy to conjecture of what articles it was composed. But whatever the articles were, it is most probable that their commerce was only barter. Money they had none ; instead of that they used iron rings, made to a certain standard. Of iron, before the coming of the Romans, they had very little, as we are informed by Cccsar; from which, and other circumstances, it appears very evident, that their agriculture was very imperfect, and far from ex- tensive. In their wars they used darts and javelins ; many of which, for want of iron, were shod with sharp flints, and some of them had their points burned and hardened in the fire : nor does it appear, from perusing the Roman historians, that any of the Britons, 12 Britons were armed with swords,, except a Very few of their chiefs. The interior part of the country was inhabited by the Celtae, the original inhabitants, who made the first settlement in the island. They are said to have been, when the Romans came first into Britain, a quiet, peaceable people, occupied wholly in the care of their flocks and herds. Our historians say, ( and the account seems probable ) that in their first settlements on the coast, the Celtae were succeeded by the Belgse, who came likewise from Gaul : and being too numerous in their own country, and un- able to subsist, came to Britain in great numbers, and either expelled the others from their habitation, or occupied the maritime parts along with them, and became one people. It is probable that the foundation of Chichester was laid either by the Celiac, or this mixt people, to defend themselves from the encroachments of Succeeding emigrants; but, it is impossible to ascer- tain the time when this happened. That it was be- fore the Romans invaded England we shall see by and by. But those collections of habitations which our historians have dignified with the name of cities, were *3 were no other than a number of huts built near one another, without order or regularity. A number of these huts surrounded with thick mounds of earth, covered with felled tress, and ditches of water on the outside, often of irregular depth, they have de- nominated fortified towns and cities. This descrip- tion of their habitations and cities, I have given on the authority of Tacitus, and the superior testimony of Cfcsar. Nor need wc wonder that their edifices were no better. In most parts of Europe architec- ture was not studied, nor would the sate of society admit of it. Even in Attica, at the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, the Athenians, by much the most polished people at that time in Europe, those who inhabited Diacri, took down their houses at the desire of Pericles, and erected them again within the walls of Athens, in order to avoid the ravages of the Lacedemonians, about 430 years before Christ. It is plain, from the account which Caesar gives of both his descents upon England, that he never set foot on that part now called Sussex. From Xennius, and other historians, it is evident that the place where he first landed could be no other than Dover; from hence he sailed with the tide to the northward, H northward, and landed again at Deal. From thence he pursued his rout by land, and crossed the Thames at the place now or lately call the isle of Dogs, near Greenwich, and proceeded still northward, till he came to the place now St. Albans. This was the residence of Cassivellaunus, the chosen leader of the Britons — a place strong, Caesar says, both by nature and art. It was taken by assault, and the inhabitants, and others found therein, put to the sword — the city plundered, and the country for several miles round, ravaged and burned. — After which he re- turned again to Deal, by the same rout he had gone thither, and from this last place returned to the Continent. Though the yearly tribute, which the Britons promised to pay the Romans, was very irre- gularly paid, they did not return again to reduce them to obedience and subjection, till the rei^n of Claudius, who assumed the purple, a. d. 39 or 40 y almost ninety years after Caesar's first expedition. During this period, many of the principal people among the Britons went to Rome; the seat of empire ; from whence, on their return, they brought with them the arts and sciences, known in Italy; and with them, the vices of a corrupt city, and more corrupt »5 corrupt court. From the Romans, who first came among them, they learned the necessaiy Use of cloathing, to defend their bodies from the cold; and we may conclude, that they also taught them a better method of agriculture than they had hitherto practised; and in a little time introduced into this country, that species of wheat, called robus (red wheat) almost the only kind that was then, and for many years, cultivated in Italy, From Pliny, it appears, that they (the Romans) were no strangers to the Sicilian orTriticum (the white) but preferred the robus, as being the most productive. About the year 4j or 46 of the present aera, Claudius, the Boman emperor, sent Aulus Plautius, with a considerable armament into Britain, to reduce the refractory inhabitants to due subjection. Plau- tius defeated them in several engagements, partly by the superior discipline of the Romans, though then in its decline, but principally by means of the divi- sions which prevailed among the Britons. The next year Claudius followed his general ; and stayed in Britain not more than fifteen or sixteen days, during which time he sent Flavius Vespasian, the second in command under Plautius, into the maritime parts of the i6 the country, to reduce the Inhabitants to subjection, Vespasian fixed his head-quarters at the place now called Chichester. The inhabitants of the western parts of Sussex were called Regni : what the name of the city was, does not clearlv appear. The scite of the Roman camp is plainly to be traced on the Broile near the city, to this day. The Roman general made Cogidubnus governor of the Regni, and honoured him with the title of king; and friend and ally of the Roman people. From one of the oldest inscriptions in England, which the workmen, in digging to lay the foundation of the council- chamber, dug up in 1731, it appears that a temple was built, on or near that scite, dedicated to Neptune and Minerva, in the reign of Claudius, the Roman emperor. The stone, with the inscription in the Roman character of that time, was a few years ago. and I believe is at present, at Goodwood, in the possession ' of the Duke of Richmond. It is well known that it was not the custom of that people to erect temples in solitary places, like the Druids, but in populous cities, and the most frequented places. From whence it will follow that the Romans did not lav the foundation of the city ; but that it was 33 of aiding Hengist, or to settle where they should find the least opposition, is immaterial. In the event they did join the former Saxon emigrants; and all the resistance which the unhappy Britons could make, though commanded by the brave Ambrosius, proved ineffectual 4 : they were conquered, and forced to seek an asylum from the merciless Saxons bevond the Severn, among the mountains of Wales, where their posterity dwell at this day. CHAPTER. 94 CHAPTER III. LANDING OF ELLA IN SUSSEX. THE SIEGE, CAPTURE AND DEMOLITION OF ITS CAPITAL STATE AND POPULATION THEREOF AT THAT TIME ELLA FIRST KING OF THE SOUTH SAXONS SUCCEEDED BY HIS SON CISSA — WHO REBUILT THE CITY. THE SOUTH SAXONS ATTACKED BY THE KINGS OF WESSEX, AND AT LAST SUBDUED BY EGBERT. THE ISLE OF WIGHT DESOLATED BY CEADWALLA. CONVERSION OF THE SOUTH SAXONS TO THE CHRISTIAN RELIGION. JN the year 477, another of these Saxon ach enturers Ella, and his three sons, Cymer, Wlecing, and Cissa, landed at West-Wittering, a small village, about eight miles south-west of Chichester. He soon made himself master of the adjoining coast ; but could not penetrate into the country, which was bravely de- fended by the inhabitants, who had now learned from the hard fate of their countrymen, that they had no mercy to expect from these ruthless marauders, if they submitted. The descendents of the last emigra- tion of the Belgians then inhabited Sussex, and part of 35 of Kertf. Their ancestors,, Caesar informs us, were the bravest, the most warlike tribe of all the Gauls. But they were no longer a warlike people. On their first settling in Britain, they turned their attention to trade and agriculture. They were greatly degene- rated ; and their former valour sunk under the Roman luxury and effeminacy. Notwithstanding which, it was some advantage to them that they still retained (in part at least-) the discipline which they had learned of that people, and despair and dire neces- sity made them valiant. Ella's first campaign, therefore, in Britain, was confined within a very narrow compass. With the forces which he first brought with him, he was unable to attempt the siege of the capital of the Regni, and it was with some difficulty that he main- tained the small footing he had gained. True policy would have dictated to the inhabitants, to have at- tacked him with vigour and unanimity, before he received reinforcements either from Hengist or from Germany. Early in the summer 478, the succours which he had sent for, arrived in great numbers. By whose assistance he extended his conquests, com- mitting the most horrid depredations, and murther- d 2 . ing 36 ing the inhabitants in the country; while they who could escape, fled within the walls of the city for sanctuary. To make himself master of this was a matter of the greatest consequence to him ; being aware that if that were obtained, the whole country for many miles round, would submit of course. — Sometime in the year last mentioned, he formed the siege of it ; but met with the most resolute and de- termined opposition. The Britons exerted all their strength in defence of this important place^ which was at once their magazine, their principal emporium, the center of their wealth ; and in the preservation of which, above all, their lives were included. They harrassed the besiegers by throwing missiles at a dis- tance, forming sorties, and cutting them off by sur- prize, to such extent, that the Saxon leader found it impossible to reduce it, till he sent for a second, and still more numerous reinforcement — which ar- rived in the year 480. All resistance was now hope- less on the part of the besieged. The city was taken by assault ; and Ella, in revenge of the obstinate de- fence the Britons had made, (though it does not appear that he had ever offered them any terms) ordered all the inhabitants to be put to the sword, without 37 -without any distinction of sex or age — and almost demolished the city ! " Quis cladem illius nocris ; quis funera fando Explicet ? Aut possit Laehrymis a:quare laborcs ? Urbs antiqaa ruit, multos dominate per annos : Plurima perquc vias sternuntur inertia passim Corpora ; perque domos, et religiosa Deorum Limina. Crudelis ubique Luctus 3 ubique pavor, et plurima mortis imago. " VlKG, i^NEID. Lib. 2. " What tongue the dreadful slaughter could disclose ? Or oh ! what tears could answer half out woes ? The glorious empress of the nation* round, Majestic Troy ! lay levelled with the ground ! £Lt murder' d Datives crowded her abodes, Her streets, her domes, the temples of W Gods ! Death, in a thousand forms, destructive frown'd, And woe, despair, and horror rag'd around !" Pitt. From what has been premised, a probable con- jecture may be made of the state and population of the capital of the Regni before it was taken, sacked, and demolished by the Saxons. We have seen that it was a place of considerable resort, before the Romans came into these parts, and in all probability before they ever set foot in Britain. The houses d 3 indeed 38 Indeed were mean and irregular, and the fortifications no other than a mound of earth of no great height, covered with loose trees, and surrounded with a ditch of water, about five yards over, of very irre- gular depth. This was the state of the place when Vespasian first came into Sussex. Of the population of it, no certain opinion can be given. The inhabi- tants both of the city and country, were Belgians, or rather the posterity of the Belgse, a people de- servedly more favoured by the Romans, than any other tribe or denomination of the Britons whatever;' as it was by their aid, and powerful co-operation 3 that those conquerors of the world were enabled to subjugate the island. When that was effected, they returned, many of them, to their homes, and applied themselves some to commerce, and others to the cultivation of the ground : in both which they were protected and patronized by the powerful arm of the empire. For the protection of their trade, and that of the Gauls, a fleet was constantly stationed at Gessoriacum (now Boulogne in France) to defend it. The natural effect of trade is an increase of pro- perty; as that increases, and men acquire the means, they enlarge the circle of their enjoyments, in their mannev 39 manner of living, their attire, their habitation, &c. It is not unreasonable to suppose that the capital of the Regrii, the friends and allies of the Roman people, the emporium of an active and trading people, the center of their wealth, the residence of their king, and afterwards of the propraetor, or governor of the province, on the melioration of their circumstances assumed a new and more improved appearance than it had done before. Their huts, which had formerly been built fronting in every direction, without any order or regularity, as convenience dictated, or as fancy prompted, assumed a more decent appearance; regularity succeeded confusion, and caprice gave way to system. Their houses, though far inferior to those of imperial Rome, were built in humble imi- tation of them ; and where circumstances would ad- mit, the same plan on a minor scale, was adopted. In point of strength and durability, not inferior to the modern edifices, but far inferior in utility, con- venience, and elegance. The fortifications round the city were raised to a very considerable height, and fenced outwardly with a strong wall, and round towers of flint and mortar, higher than the mound of earth. The irregular ditch, which surrounded the d 4 walls, 40 walls, was changed into a regular moat, of the same breadth as before. The number of the inhabitants, we may reasonably suppose, was very great before the coming of the Saxons: much more numerous than at any future period prior to the removal of the episcopal residence from Selsea hither, a. d. 1082. This may be inferred, as from other circumstances, so particularly from the vigorous stand it exhibited, and the noble, though unsuccessful defence the in- habitants made against the furious attack of the Saxon invaders, Time has obliterated the names of those brave Belgians who conducted the arms of their country men^ in opposing these savages, who de- lighted in war, and revelled in human carnage ! — While we heave a sigh over the hard fate of the be- sieged, with the same breath we proclaim the justice of their military operations in their own self-defence; for that war, and that alone, is just, which is under- taken in self-defence ! — -The government and police of the city, while it was in the possession of the Britons, continued the same as had been established at first by the Romans — what that system was, docs not very clearly appear; but no doubt can be made but it was planned after the model of Rome, as far as 41 as circumstances would admit * Fitz Stephens in^ forms us, (vide Stowe, p. 712) that Rome was di- vided into wards : from which a probability arises that the same regulation in Chichester, originated from that people. — After Ella had taken, sacked, and demolished the Regnian capital, and put the misera- ble inhabitants, that remained, to the sword, the other parts of the district submitted without making any opposition ; the greater part of the people fled where they could from the fury of the invaders. — After this, Ella took upon him the title of king of the South-Saxons; and on the death of Hengist, which happened about this time, was chosen to suc- ceed him as head of the Saxon confederacy : which dignity he possessed till his death, a. d. 504 or 505^ reigning in barbarous state, like a beast of prey in the midst of a wilderness, rendered solitary by the depredations of his own jaws, and the inmates of his den. Not that he was absolute* even in those do- mains which he called his own. The usage of the Saxons * By a census taken in the reign of Claudius, a. d. 4S, the inhabitants of Rome were found to be six millions, nine hun- dred thousand, and the circumference of the city about fifty of i)ur miles. Univ. Hist. 4 2 Saxons was very averse from despotic power ; they considered the person of their chieftain or koenig, as the most distinguished citizen indeed ; but sub- ject to the same laws and regulations as any other freeman. The lands they conquered by their sword, were divided between the chieftain and the other leaders : each leader allotted certain portions thereof to every freeman who followed his standard. By far the greatest number of them were slaves, the pro- perty of the freemen, as much as their cattle were. The proportion of land to each chief and freeman, was set apart to him, not by the koenig, but by- a jury of freemen. Every subordinate freeman, for the land he held under his leader, was bound to arm himself, and a stated number of freemen, in defence not only of the state, but on the requisition of his chieftain ; and to continue in the war till the time of his service was expired. After the union of the heptarchy, the chieftains themselves held their lands under the crown, by military tenure. Gfesa, the son of Ella, succeeded his father in the government of the South-Saxons; not that the Saxons had any idea of hereditary authority. In their own country, the chieftaincy among them was purely 43 purely elective: nor did they deviate any farther from that maxim during the time of the heptarchy in England, than what was occasioned by the power and influence of the chieftain in his life time, opera- ting in favour of his own family to succeed him in authority. This was precisely the case with Cissa,, who owed his elevation in the government, partly to the great power of his father, and partly to the influence which his own many good qualities pro- cured him among his countrymen, before the death of Ella. Being a person of a pacific disposition, un- like his father, he cultivated the arts of peace more than those of war. He repaired the walls and houses of the city ; and changed the name of it from the Roman appellation it had hitherto borne, to that of Ci^saester, from his own name. After ruling the South-Saxons seventy-four years, he died, a. d. 577, at the very advanced age of one hundred and seven- teen years ; being seventeen years old when he first accompanied his father to England. To describe the state of this city, at the death of Cissa, must be purely the work of conjecture ; and therefore I shall not attempt it, any farther than pbserving, that as Cissa made it the place of his re- sidence 44 sidence, we may suppose he would improve it as much as the circumstance of the times, and the genius of the people he ruled, would permit. But if we take into the account, that they were a rude, un- civilised people, and abhorrent in their manners from every degree of, and every tendency towards refine- ment, we must conclude, that in every respect it was far inferior to the state it was in when the Saxons first laid siege to it. During the life of Ella, he extended his con- quests a considerable way westward, into what is now called Hampshire, or county of Southampton, including the isle of Wight. In the year 521, Cerdic, one of the greatest generals of the Saxons, laid the foundatiqn of the kingdom of Wessex : but met with such powerful opposition from Ambrosius, and the iamous Prince Arthur,* in the first part of his tumul- tuary and bloody reign, that he could not turn his attention * The history of this great man has been obscured with so many fables, that it is hardly possible to separate the truth from fiction. That such a person did exist, at this time, need not be doubted. Some writers make him the son of UtLcrpendragon, the brother of Ambrosius : others will have him to have been the son of Nazon (or Nathan) Leod, who was one of the kings of Wales, or a general of the Britons : bui the most probable account is, that he was tl;e son of Gurlois, who was king of Coniwal, 45 attention to wrest from Cissa all the acquisitions which his father had made in these quarters. His grandson Ceaulin, in 550, made the attempt; and succeeded in part ; however the kings of the South- Saxons retained a precarious possession of the isle of Wight, till the year 6S8, when k was attacked by Ceadwalla, king of Wessex, and added to his domi- nions. It may be necessary to observe here, that as the kingdom of Wesscx was one of the most power- ful, so that of the South-Saxons was the weakest in the heptarchy; and as among these invaders, and their posterity, to the time of the union of the seven kingdoms, power and not right, nor any considera- tion of justice and equity constituted the code of their law, w T e need not be surprised that the restless and ambitious despots of Wesscx, made frequent attempts to annex the kingdom of Sussex to their own territories. It is rather to be wondered that the latter was able to make any effectual opposition against them, and preserve itself an independent state so long. This was the case, for it was never wholly subdued before the time of Egbert, the first king of England: who began his reign as king of Wessex, a, d. 800, and over all England in the year 829: 4 6 829 ; being then crowned, according to most histo- rians, at Winchester, by the unanimous consent of the people, both clergy and laity.* In the year 650, we find Adelwalch on the throne of Sussex ; if that be not an improper way of describing the very limited power which these petty sovereigns had in the state. He w r as attacked, van- quished, and taken prisoner by Wolphur, king of Mercia : but upon his embracing the Christian reli- gion, Wolphur set him at liberty; and once more added the isle of Wight to the crown of the South- Saxons which he had taken, together with the whole kingdom * This is the account that is given of the affair by most, if not all our modern English historians. Since writing the forego- ing, I have perused Mr. Turner's history of the Anglo-Saxons ; who is of a different opinion : namely — that Egbert only "asserted " the predominance of Wessex over the others, whom he made " tributary ; but did not incorporate East-Anglia, Mercia, or " Northumbria :" — that " it is not true that he was crowned king "of England, or ever entitled so:"— nor "that he commanded " the seven united kingdoms to be called England." He maintains that " this act of incorporation of the heptarchy, did not take place " till the time of Alfred, who was primus monarcha Anglorum." This inquisitive and well-informed writer should not be mentioned without paying a due deference to his opinion. He has given his reasons for disbelieving this "popular tale," as he calls it, and adduced his authorities for contradicting it. It is more than possible that his opinion may be correct : but it is not for me to decide. (See Turner's Hist, of the Ang. Sax. vol.. 1 ; p. 367. 47 kingdom of Wessex, from Kenwalch, or Kenwal; on account of an insult which he had offered Wolphur's sister, Penda, whom he (Kenwalch) had married, and afterwards repudiated. Adelwalch built a mo- nastry at Boseham, where, as Bede says, fire or six monks resided.* But the isle of Wight did not long remain attached to the kingdom of the South-Saxons. It was retaken by Ceadwalla, king of Wessex, a. d. 6S8, as said before, and again annexed to that state. — During the life of the former king of Wessex, Kintuin. and when he was engaged in the wars against the Britons, this Ceadwalla, having by some means ac- quired great popularity and power among his coun- trymen, endeavoured to seize upon the supreme authority, but his practices and designs being timely discovered, his schemes were frustrated, and he him- self- * His words arc w There was among them (the South- Saxons) a certain monk of the Scottish nation, whose name was Dugal, having a very small monastry, at the place called Bosan- ham, encompassed with the sea and woods, and in it live or six brothers, serving the Lord, in a poor and humble life ; but none. of the natives cared either to follow their course of life, or hear their preaching," &c. Bede's Eccl. Hist. Book 4. Chap. 13, 48 self forced to quit the kingdom. Upon which he fled to the forest of Anderida, now the weald of Sussex ; where he subsisted for some time by heading a band of freebooters. In order to rid himself of this trou- blesome inmate,, Adehvalch attacked him, and ex- pelled him from his territories. Some time after which Ceadwalla undertook an expedition against Kent; where he had no better success: but in his retreat from thence made a second attack on Adel- walch; defeated and slew him. Flushed with his victory, he endeavoured to make himself master of Sussex, but met with a successful opposition from the inhabitants, headed by Berthunand Anthun, who cut off the greater part of his followers, and forced him to quit the kingdom. Very soon after this,, Ken twin, king of Wessex, died, and Ceadwalla by some means or other mounted that throne, in the year 686 or 687. On this accession of power he lost no time in undertaking a second expedition against the kingdom of Kent, where he was guilty of the greatest enormities. The next account we have of him is that, on his return from Kent, he invested the isle of Wight, took it, massacred the miserable inhabitants, and annexed it to the crown of 49 of Wessex : which shews that Sussex was not absorbed by him ; for if it had, the propriety of history re- quires, that the whole should be mentioned, and not a part only. Of the great spoils, which he had taken in his Sussex and Kentish expeditions, he dedicated a tenth part as donations to atone for his many and enormous crimes : on which, William of Malmesbury makes this pertinent remark- 3 —" that whoever offers a victim from the substance of the poor, sacrifices the son before the eyes of the father," After this expedition of Cead walla against this country, there is very little mention in history of the affairs of the South-Saxons, till the year 803, when it was attacked by Egbert, king of Wessex, and annexed to his crown ; from this silence, histo- rians have concluded that it ceased to exist as an in- dependent, or even separate, kingdom, after the year CSS. They relate that Egbert, after defeating the Britons of Cornwal and Wales, turned his arms against the South-Saxons, who were too weak to make any effectual opposition, and therefore submitted to the conqueror; and were incorporated with his other subjects of Wessex : w T hich shews, that before that time, they had existed as a separate people. r, When 50 When Ceadwalla invested the isle of Wight, Arwalt, brother to Anthun, was governor of it ; and exerted himself to defend it ; but, being overpow- ered by numbers, was forced to retire, and reluc- tantly leave it to the mercy, or rather to the fury of the invader, who massacred all the miserable inha- bitants, except two hundred families, who were saved by decimation, and presented, together with their lands, &c. to the then bishop of Selsea; who accepted the donation with a view, as we are told, to convert them to Christianity. Before the time of Adelwalch, the South- Saxons were Pagans : but on the conversion of the king, as mentioned before, the Christian religion soon gained ground among them ; supported by its own intrinsic excellence, the influence of the king, and of the principal persons in the state : perhaps too the arrival of Wilfrid in this kingdom, might contribute to the same end ; but not so much, nor yet by the means that the very improbable and in- credible legends of the monkish writers pretend. CHAPTER .5* CHAPTER IV. COMING OF WILFRID INTO SUSSEX PREACHES THE GOSPEL TO THE INHABITANTS WAS THE FIRSF BISHOP OF THIS DIOCESE BRIEF ACCOUNT OF HIM. As Wilfrid, or saint Wilfrid, as he is called, was the first bishop of Sussex, after this country was conquered by the Saxons, the reader will not think it a censurable digression in me to lay before him a short epitome of his character. In doing which the regard which is due to truth, induces me to divest it of that fictitious lustre which the monkish and popish writers have very undeservedly lavished upon it. It is not so much because he endeavoured, and that too successfully, to subjugate the English church to the bishop of Rome, but principally because the very accounts themselves, handed down to us by these his panegyrists, when viewed cooly, and without pre- judice, evidently demonstrate him to have been a very ambitious, restless, and turbulent man, that e 2 promps m promps me to endeavour to delineate his true cha-* racter, stript of that undue veneration which has for many ages been paid to his memory. At this great distance of time, it is very diffi- cult to draw even the outlines of this incongruous character, with sufficient certainty. By the monkish writers he is represented as a worker of miracles,, and a saint : and succeeding historians ( many of them at least) have too implicitly adopted their testimony. But even the monks themselves have transmitted to us such particulars concerning him, as in the judgment of every reasonable man, must cancel every claim to saintship. As to his miracles, no man can say what unworthy instruments the Almighty may employ to accomplish the wise ends of his providence : but if we consider, that through- out the whole bible we read no account of any very bad person (except Judas Iscariot) who was ever enabled to work miracles, we may well reject those of Wilfrid, as counterfeit, and monkish imposition. Sometime about the year 650, Wilfrid was preferred to the see of York, by Oswy, king of the Northumbrians ; which heptarchy had been converted to the Christian faith by Paulinus, a. d. 619. Oswy was 53 was succeeded by his son Egfrid, a prince of great activity, and equal ambition. Wilfrid, by some means, had acquired so great an influence over the mind of the queen, that her husband had recourse to his mediation in order to remove a fanatical delicacy in her that deprived him of the conjugal rites; but the ecclesiastic, instead of arguing her out of her ridiculous scruples, applauded her conduct, and con- firmed her in it : for she received the veil at his hands, and retired into a monastry ; from whence she fled to Ely, to avoid the importunities of her husband. Soon after Egfrjd married Emmenburga ; a lady of a very different turn of mind ; who confirmed the. king in his resentment against Wilfrid, whom he determined to humble. But the power of the prelate was so great, that he did not think it advisable to attack him openly, until he had effected a rupture between him and Theodore, archbishop of Canter- bury, and sole metropolitan of all England,* who, e 3 at * Theodore, who was advanced to the archiepiscopal see oi Canterbury, was a native of Tarsus in Cilicia, and one of the fnost teamed men of the age in which' he lived : if we except Adhelm, 54 at Egfrid's request, erected several new bishopricks in the then diocese of York, without the consent of Wilfrid. Enraged at this innovation, he loudly ex- claimed against the king and the metropolitan, and demanded the revenues which had been converted to the maintainance of the new bishops: and, as his claim was disregarded, he formed the unprecedented resolution of appealing to the bishop of Rome, whither he w r ent in person, and presented a servile petition to Agatho, the Roman bishop : in return for which adulation, he obtained of that prelate a decree to be reinstated into his bishoprick, on pain of excommunication to all who should oppose his restoration. Adhelm, abbot of Malmesbury, and afterwards bishop of Shcre- burn,— 'Being informed of the gross and general ignorance of the English, he brought with him from Rome a valuable collection of books, and professors of the sciences, to assist him in the educa- tion of the English youth. The school which Augustin had founded in Canterbury, Theodore greatly improved, lor which he deserves our grateful acknowledgment. In it were taught the Greek and Latin languages, poetry, arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, logic, philosophy, and divinity— and, according to Bede, the archbishop himself read lectures on medicine. One of these lectures is pre- served in his Ecclesiastical History, from which we are not induced to form an high opinion of hisknowledge in that particular branch, iC It ia very dangerous to perform phlebotomy on the fourth day " of the moon, because then both the light of the moon, and the •* tifcles of the sea are upon the increase/' Eccl. Hist, lib. 5, c. 3, 55 restoration. Wilfrid immediately returned to Eng- land, in full assurance of being reinstated ; but when he delivered his pontifical mandamus to the king, the patriotic Northumbrian coolly replied, that tlje decree of the bishop of Rome did not affect him, and therefore he should pay no manner of regard to it. Very soon after this Egfrid procured, by the authority of the metropolitan, a general council of the English clergy to be summoned, in which coun- cil he laid before them the unwarrantable proceed- ings of Wilfrid, and the unfounded and unprecedent- ed pretences of the church of Rome. The council unanimously repi*obated these pretensions, asserted their own independence, and severely upbraided Wilfrid for appealing to a foreign jurisdiction. The king, finding himself supported by their decision, committed Wilfrid to prison, where he lay several months; and was at last released from it on the mediation of a lady belonging to Egfrid's family, on condition that he should immediatelv, and for ever, quit the kingdom of Northumberland. He fled to Mercia; from whence he was driven with abhorrence by king Ethelred* He next endeavoured to gain e 4 admission 5S admission among the West-Saxons; but without success: so great, and so just an abhorrence, did our predecessors discover against the man who endea- voured to subjugate this church to a foreign power. At last he applied to Adelwalch, king of the South- Saxons, who granted him permission to reside in his kingdom, on condition of his using his utmost dili- gence to convert the inhabitants to the Christian faith, and assigned to him the peninsula of Selsea > for his residence, and that and other lands for the maintenance of himself and those who were with him. Isaacson, in his Chronology, fixes the date of his first settling here to 680. He remained in Sussex three or four years, and Selsea was the scene of his pretended miracles ; for in the kingdom of Northum- berland we hear of none of his miraculous works. If we could by any means come at his true history in the peninsula, there is reason to believe that we should find several instances of his abject spirit and meanness, but none of his miracles. Certain it is he applied to his metropolitan, Theodore, archbishop of Canterbury ; and it is most probable the applica- tion was made in the most humble and penitent manner, otherwise Theodore would hardly have had any 57 any thing to do with a man who was virtually ex- communicated, and expelled the Christian church. However that might be, and whatever were the motives of the archbishop, Theodore used all his in- fluence, which was not small, with Alfred, the suc- cessor of Egfrid, by whom, at the intercession of the archbishop, he was put in possession of the monastry of Rippon. Not satisfied with this indul- gence, he had the presumption to insist upon being reinstated in the bishoprick, but as Alfred had filled the see with Bosa (Isaacson) his demand could not be granted ; in the meantime Theodore, archbishop of Canterbury, died, a. d. 690, and in 692 was suc- ceeded by Birthwald: to whom Wilfrid applied to be reinstated in his bishoprick. What success he had with Birthwald, mv authors are not agreed : but it would appear that the dispute was not settled to his approbation ; for we are informed that he undertook a second journey to Rome on the occasion, though turned of seventy years of age ; and on his return was furnished with letters of recommendation and mandamus by the pope to the kings of Mercia and Northumberland. The former of these paid great respect to these recommendatory letters, as coming from 58 from a Christian bishop; nor is it to be wondered at, for he soon afterwards quitted his crown, to his nephew Kenrid, and commenced monk, in the mo- nastery of Bradney; of which he was afterwards abbot. As for Eadwulf, (who on the death of Alfred had usurped the throne of Northumbria) he peremp- torily refused to have any connections with him (Wilfrid) and by some he is said to have forbidden him to enter into his kingdom. In revenge for which Wilfrid excited by every means in his power, the Mercian king and nobility to send a powerful reinforcement to Osred, son of Alfred, to enable him to drive the usurper from the throne ; by whose assistance, Osred at last prevailed, put Eadwulf to death, and regained the sovereignty. As Wilfrid had been so greatly instrumental in the exaltation of Osred, it is no wonder that he was as great a favour- ite with him, as he had been detested by the former kings. And as the power of the Northumbrians at this time was considerable in the heptarchy, it was a fit season for Wilfrid to wreak his revenge upon his former persecutors^ a season which he was not dis posed to let slip. Among these, Birthwald, the metropolitan, was devoted for the first victim : who seeing 59 seein^ the storm that hung over him from Osred, was o-lad to accommodate matters, as well as he could, with a man of so restless, so vindictive a temper, as he knew his prompter to be. The sentence of ex- communication was taken off, the bishoprick of Hexham conferred upon him, and also the revenues of the abbev at Rippon. Thus the pretensions of the Romish bishop, over this church, received a pre- text and considerable strength in the triumph of Wilfrid; who survived this accommodation about four years; died in the seventy-sixth year of his age, and was buried at Rippon. — His bones were after- wards removed and interred in Canterbury, about the year 940, by Odo, the metropolitan. (Vide Le Neve's Fasti, p. 305.) The candid reader, I hope, will excuse this long digression (if it be a digression J the more readily, as it tends to shew, when, and by what un- worthy means, the English church was at first con- nected with, and afterwards subjected to that of Rome. I am aware that prior attempts had been made to the same purpose ; but they were always unsuccessful before the interference of Wilfrid. — How justly he has bee* dignified with the title of saint, 6o saint, I leave any impartial person to judge; and likewise what credit is due to the account of his mi- racles, which we find in some of the popish histori- ans in after ages ; from whom, and the latter writers, I have taken the facts from which I have endeavoured to delineate his character. CHAPTER 6i ■ , ;, ,n ■ I ■ i ,. « -utj ■ , .... sses. I CHAPTER V. OF THE STATE OF SOCIETY IN SUSSEX, PREVIOUS TO THE TIME OF THE SAXONS. 1 ERHAPS an estimate of the manners of the origi- nal inhabitants of Britain, sufficiently correct, might be made from a survey of those of the uncivilized nations and tribes, with which we are acquainted, and which have been described to us, in the many dis- coveries with w 7 hich the public is enriched, in the voyages and travels of the present day. As human nature is still the same, and varies only as circum- stances vary, it is most probable that the inhabitants of the Friendly and Society Islands, as described by Captain Cook, differ in no material degree, either in knowledge or morals from those of Britain, before they had any intercourse with, and were corrupted by the Phoenicians, Carthaginians, and afterwards the Romans: the same absence of all scientific know- ledge prevailed among the Britons, as among these rude 62 rude islanders ; the same natural sagacity,, goodness of disposition, and unpolished manners. — The faith- ful page of history informs us, that the original in- habitants, who lived in the interior part of the coun- try, devoted themselves wholly to a pastoral life, and wandered from one part to another in quest of pas- ture for their herds and flocks. Contented with the necessaries and comforts of life, and ignorant of the fictitious wants created by luxury, they spent their long and happy lives, unconnected with the rest of mankind, far removed from the wars and commo- tions which harrass mankind, and desolate the world. The Celts, which followed them in after ages, they received hospitably, and they became incorpo- rated, and lived together in harmony and peace. — With this people the Phacnicians, and according to some authors, the Grecians traded, long before they were known to the Romans. Their habitations were huts, some of them formed of boughs of trees, re- sembling arbours; others consisted of mud and clay, and covered with turf. Their diet was simple, and they frugal in the use of it, consisting of milk, apples, Sec. and the flesh of such animals as they killed in hunting. Their drink was chiefly water : only &3 only on extraordinary occasions they indulged them* selves with a kind of fermented liquor, made of wild barlev, honey, or apples. To their temperance they owed their great longevity ; for, according to Plu- tarch, the infirmities of age did not attack them before an hundred and twenty, or an hundred and thirty years. Their abstemiousness was owing, in some measure, to their religious principles, by which they were strictly prohibited from eating fowl, hare, goose, or fish. The three former they raised as domestic animals ; and they accounted it impious to take the latter, as they believed that the supreme Being had given the waters to the inferior deities; and therefore they and every thing in them belonged to them of right, and not to man. How long the Britons lived in this happy state of innocence and peace, it would be idle to pretend to determine. The first interruption it received was from the Belga?, who inhabited part of Gaul ; and who, in hopes of participating in the advantages which the Britons enjoyed, came over in great numbers, so as to endanger the very intention of their emigration : for a country that is uncultivated, and whose inhabitants are supported solely by flocks and 6 4 and herds, cannot be populous: and before the coming of the Belgae, the Britons knew no more of agriculture, than the Indians in the western parts of North-America do at this dav. It is equally uncer- tain by what means the Belgians obtained possession of the maritime parts of the country ; whether it was to avoid war, or in consequence of war, that the Celtse yielded them the quiet possession thereof; and retired themselves to the inland parts, to enjoy that peace and serenity of life to which they were so much attached. The success of these beirig known to their countrymen on the continent, they came over into Britain in such numbers, as to raise the jealousy of the first Belgian emigrants. Hence feuds arose, and then war commenced. The divisions of the islanders being made known to Divitiacus, chieftain of the Suessones in Gaul, he came over with a large body of his countrymen, in hopes to have made himself master of the whole island; but he was disappointed of his expectation, chiefly by the resolution of the Belga?, who had gotten prior possession of it where it was most accessible. The consequence of his ex- pedition was fatal to the tranquility of the Celts : the 65 the country was filled with confusion, blood, and rapine — and in the issue parcelled olit into districts, every district became a separate government ; the original manners and mode of living were wholly changed; and their independence, in which they placed their supreme happiness, lost in some degree : some part of it they were under the necessity of sacrificing to the very urgent claim of self-defence. The chieftain whom they had elected to concentrate their force, they were obliged to invest with a greater degree of power than they wished to delegate to any. Power once delegated, cannot often be easily re- assumed; it has charms in it which too frequently fascinates the affections of men ; and few, in com- parison, have strength of mind sufficient to resist them. Besides, the untowardly circumstances of the times, ever since the hostile invasion of Divitiacus, rendered the pastoral system (to which the Celts were so much attached) impracticable to be adhered to; and those expedients which they adopted, no doubt, as temporary, and to be but of short conti- nuance, the adverse fates rendered perpetual, and greatly aggravated the inconveniencies which they principally deprecated. f The 66 The inhabitants of every .district -chose a leader eg diieftam, whom they invested with new powers: and as these leaders did. not agree* nor harmonize rj.nmng; themselves, the country was distracted, and filled with uproar, in consequence of their bicker- ings;; and the blood of the people shed in causes ia which their interest was not at all concerned. This *$s$ the condition the country was in, when Caesar imvaded it— and m this state it is most probable it would -have continued, had. that invasion been de- layed --Some of the greater districts would have -■wallowed irp their weaker neighbours ; but the lends and wars would not have subsided ; because the interest of the leaders consisted in their continu- ance* War is Tiot more destructive of the happiness of * ; The whole of .the country was divided brio feweiiteea i-'iif-f ©r i! /f -cnimcnt^., viz. Tht; Dunnionii inhabiting Coruwa? and 'Devonshire "The Daiwtdg.es - •• - • • - !•> orsctslii re -,„ w , C Soin.€rKots»hire, Wiltfcliir ^ ;> ° I II amps lure Tit A !, ( :;i i/ii. 1-i— Berksftir-e Wkeyfe#€^*aQtj&j)itif>U Sussex and Sjjrrj Th^.Ca nS ! r * Kent The Dobuiii ----- Gio.ucestefidH.re, Oxfordshin Buckinghamshire, Bedfordsn' 'i'.T»s'C"'a-''";i r 'i.u:I\hiiii\ ■<"--■ and I IcrtJ. v).rus 1 uxe 6 7 of any people, than it is of their morals. We may therefore conclude, that after the expedition of Drvitiacus, the character of the Celts underwent a verv great change for the worse : notwithstanding which, the description which Cfesar, and others give of their habits of life, when he landed here, is such as the inhabitants of modern Europe may look back to with a si^h — though then considerably degene- rated from the simplicity of their primitive pastoral state. f <2 After The Trinobantes Middlesex, and Essex The Iceni I Sufl [ . lk ' N ° r £ ol K' . Cambridge- ( shire and Huntingdonshire f Northamptonshire, Leicestershire, The Coritani 1 Rutlandshire, Nottinghamshire, (_ Lincolnshire and Derbyshire f Warwickshire, Worcestershire, The Cornavii J Staffordshire, . Shropshire and (_ Cheshire C Herefordshire, Brecknockshire, The Si lures J Radnorshire, Monmouthshire (_ and Glamorganshire The Diraeta? $ Carmarthenshire, Pembrokeshire ( and Cardiganshire f Montgomeryshire, Denbighshire, The Ordovices ) Carnarvonshire, Flintshire, (_ Merionethshire, aadAnglesea f Lancastershire, Westmoreland, The Brigantes ...... «? Cumberland, Yorkshire, Mid £ Durham The O.ttadini ....... Northumberland 68 After the coming of the Romans, the morals of the Britons were still more perverted ; both as a consequence of the incessant wars, which raged in the country, and also by their being connected with that people ; whose manners, after the time of Caesar, proceeded in rapid course from one degree of de- generacy to a higher, till they at last reached the very height of depravity. — In all which changes, the provinces, as members of the same body, participa- ted with the head ; though not in equal degree. — * Even so early as the reign of Tiberius, the second in succession after Cassar, the emperor had recourse to that ominous measure of employing spies and in- formers, to bolster up the go\ernment — a sure sign that the maxims of it were not in unison with the general will. About the beginning of the fourth century of the Christian asra, it resembled a vastly extended theatrical representation. Nothing in it was real, or what it appeared to be: the form of Roman greatness remained in full splendor ; but the substance was no where to be found. An office in the state was the sole title to respect or regard ; to look for either on the. score of personal merit, was an offence, and might subject a person to suspicion of 69 aiming to procure honour from any other source than the emperor, who was the fountain of honour. The principal officers of the empire were saluted, even bv the emperor himself, with the deceitful titles of your honour, your excellency, your sublime magnitude, your illustrious highness. In the The- odosian Code, (lib. 6, tit. 6) the rules of respect and precedency, are ascertained with the most minute accuracy, by the emperor — and illustrated with te- dious prolixity by their learned interpreter. The declension of the national character, among the Britons, prevailed in a particular manner among the Belgians ; who inhabited the sea coast. They were more conversant with the legionary soldiers, than the other inhabitants. Of them, not only the auxiliary cohorts were formed, but the ranks of the legions filled by drafts from thence.* Besides, being a commercial people, they were connected with them various ways, and imbibed their manners. To f 3 this In the time of Tiberius, the legion contained six thousand and seventy. two men, and the cohort five hundred— (Vide Tacit. Anton. Orat. 5.)— but in the succeeding periods of the empire they declined to such a degree, that even in the reign of Constan- tine, the number can hardly be ascertained : and in the latter, times they consisted of no fixt number. 7 o this we have to . add, that as the Britons, after the days of Claudius, were a conquered people, the con- sciousness of their dependent condition, enervated their minds, damped their virtues, and disposed them to the commission of mean and dishonourable actions, To compensate, in some degree, for the de- terioration of morals among the Britons, their man- ner of living was improved by their connection with the Romans. If the new habits they acquired, can- not be called polished; the asperity of the old was corrected : the useful arts began to dawn ; and there- by the way was paved for the introduction of the sciences into this isle. So far back as the time of Julius Caesar, they had adopted the use of clothing, instead of going naked, and painting their bodies : some of them wore cloth made of wool, and others the skins of beasts: the cloth, we may suppose, was of a very inferior kind — not manufactured in Britain, but procured from Gaul, Italy, &c. What improve- ments in the culinary department, the first inhabi- tants received frem the Gauls, and Romans, I believe cannot be determined. Among the latter people, the great men furnished their tables with prodigious cost and profusion ; and lived in the most sumptu- ous ji Otis and luxurious manner : bin: we are fed to con- clude, that in this particular, the example of Italy prevailed less in Britain, than in any other of the provinces. The means of emulating or approxima- ting to the splendor of Rome, or the effcminacv of Baiae, were then far removed from the inhabitants of Britain, though destined at a future period to out- strip them both, r4 CHAPTER 7 2 CHAPTER VI. FEROCITY AND CRUELTY OF THE SAXONS. THE BRITONS NOT WHOLLY EXTIRPATED BY THEM IN SUSSEX— TRAITS OF THEIR CHARACTER ACCOUNT OF THEIR ORIGIN RISING TO POWER IN GERMANY THEIR PIRACIES,, MANNER OF LIVING, CLOTHING, &C. 1 HE subjugation of Britain to the Romans, was followed with many miseries to the wretched inha- bitants • but all these miseries vanish and disappear in perusing the account of the conquest of it by the Saxons. Among the former, some traits of humanity are to be found ; among the latter, none. To be susceptible of pity was dishonourable among them. The history of mankind, in all the various details which it exhibits, of the misery and carnage which ambition, and the rage of power, have brought on men, does not record any which convey more horror, or wound the ear of humanity, more than those which the ferocious and inexorable Saxons, inflicted upon 73 upon the miserable Britons ; till the whole race wag exterminated ; except a very few, who fled in trem- bling agony to the mountains of Wales, from the un- relenting fury of their irresistible butchers ! It was not a practice with them to make any prisoners : a rule from which they rarely deviated — and when they did, it was done in order to fill up the number of slaves, which each freeman among them was per- mitted to keep, from the most healthy and robust among the prisoners; and all the rest were slaughtered. As a people, they were destitute of every virtue, every good quality, except that species of courage, more properly denominated ferocity So that though Ella, the founder of the kingdom of the South-Saxons, after slaughtering all the inhabitants of the capital, exerted himself with all his power, to extirpate the former inhabitants in every part of the dominions, which he called his ; they who escaped the sword of the conqueror, had reason to felicitate themselves on being more fortunate than others; as his son and successor Cissa, unlike his father, and his countrymen in general, was of a mild, pacific disposition, and during the whole course of his lono reign, cultivated the arts of peace to the utmost of his 74 Ms power: In every other part throughout the whole country, the exterminating system was; fol- lowed up without abatement, even to the end of the heptarchy. From the silence of Giidas^ with respect to Sussex, after the death of Ella, we may conclude that less seTerity was exercised there, than in other districts : and that those Belgians, who were engaged In commerce, or practised trades, were suffered to live, and pursue their occupation. Not so the pos- sessors of land, their only alternative, even here, was to share the fate of" their countrymen in other parts, or become slaves to the new proprietors ; as the land was divided among the chieftains,, and their followers— and none of the Britons were by any means suffered to retain any part of it : but that they were not wholly extirpated, nor driven from- the kingdom of the South-Saxons, we may conclude from hence, that the arts, which they had learned from the Romans, and practised many years wich success, both before and after the departure of that people from Britain, were not entirely eradicated from 'the dominions of Cissa* In particular, the manufacture of iron must have been carried on to a considerable extent ;, for the first ship anchors ever rnafc 75 made in Britain were fabricated in Sussex, a. d. 578 ? (see Ravmonds Hist, of England.) In it are several places denominated for, and some forge, which would induce one to think that there had formerly been iron-founderies there, or iron-manufactories; and that the places had derived their names from that circumstance. Several other trades they must have had some knowledge in, before they could have been competent to make anchors for ships, even of mode- rate size. That the Britons were not adepts in the various trades which they learned of the Romans, must be granted; but it is probable, that in each ihcv were greater proficients than afterwards the Saxons were for many years. The genius of this people did bv no means turn towards the mechanical arts: their sole delight was in war; from long and immemorial habit, the innate and almost inextin- guishable dictates of humanity, were subdued, and to all appearance wholly eradicated from their savage breasts. When they put a prisoner to death, they felt no more compunction than a tyger does when he kills a man. Another trait of their character was intemperance both in eating and drinking, especially the latter. With them drunkenness wa> not reckoned disgraceful. 76 disgraceful. In their cups they were apt to quarrel (no uncommon circumstance) and their quarrels generally ended in blood ; as we are informed by Tacitus. To this we have to add their attachment to gambling ; which was a general propensity among them all : and to so great an extent did they cany it, that many of them after losing all their property, and even their wives and children, ( to be slaves to the winner) would stake their own freedom, and run the hazard of becoming the slaves of their antagonists. The two last traits of their character, intemperance and gaming, adhered to them when the rigour of their ferocity was considerably abated after the union of the heptarchy. After they were firmly fixed in the possession of the kingdom, and had nothing to fear from the attempts of the former proprietors, they set to culti- vating the land ; as they found by experience, that without cultivation they could not derive a sufficient maintenance. In this they were instructed by their slaves, the Britons: to whose lot it fell to do all the laborious part of it, for the use and emolument of their masters. Hard lot for these unhappy men ! to plough, and sow, and reap those fields for others so lately 11 lately their own ; which their own industry had ren- dered fertile, and to suffer want themselves the mean time ! Fatal consequence of their imprudence in investing Vortigern with a degree of power, of which he was unworthy, and which his weakness or trea- chery and perhaps both, disqualified him from dis- charging aright ; for the very momentous pupose for which it was conferred on him. According as the Saxons turned their attention to agriculture, in the same proportion did their ferocity abate. In Sussex, the connection which the few Britons who remained in it, maintained with the continent, with which they trafficed, was attended with the happiest conse- quences, both to themsehes, and to the Saxon in- habitants; on whom it cannot be supposed that the example of their laborious and ingenious bondsmen had no effect. The progress in the arts which such people could make, must be but slow : notwithstand- ing, after the introduction of Christianity among them, and the influence of a mild religion, had soft- ened and subdued the asperity of their disposition, and their former habits of life, we find them rising jnto some consequence in the scale of rational life. The 7 8 The origin of our ancestors cannot be traced, with historical certainty, higher than a. d. 140. Ptolemy, the Egyptian, in his Geography, takes notice, that there was a people called Saxones, who inhabited on the north side of the Elbe, on the neck of the Cimbric Chersonesus : that the peninsula, con- sisting of Jutland, Sleswick, and Holstein, was oc- cupied by six other tribes, or hordes, besides them ; and therefore we may conclude, that at that time, they could be of no great importance. Tacitus, who wrote about fifty years earlier^ ( in the reign of Domi- tian ) in his description of Germany, and its inhabi- tants, takes no notice of the Saxons : but it will not follow from his silence, (as some have imagined) that they did not then exist there ; but only that they were -not of consequence enough to be described by him, or even mentioned. The Sacse, Sacca?, or Saxse, were then, and long after, one of the tribes of the Goths, who formed the second migration from Asia, which poured it's myriads upon the northern parts of Europe. In its progress westward, it drove the Celtic tribes before it; and at different periods of time, either extirpated them, or obliged them to lookout for new settlements for themselves. The particular 79 particular time when this Gothic irruption into Eu- rope took place, it is impossible to ascertain, and .therefore unprofitable to attempt. Tacitus supposes all ihe Germans to be indigent or original inhabl- , from which we may gather that they had lived there from time immemorial, and that the period of their first settling there could not be traced. These, in their turn, were impelled, and forced to give way 10 a third irruption of barbarians, called Huns, who came into Europe about the year 376, whose de- pendents now inhabit Russia, Poland, Bohemia, Dal- matia, Croatia, &c.* From the Celtic colony have sprung the follow- ing dialects — the Antient Briton, the Erse, the Irish, the Cornish,, the Armorican. From the Gothic irrup- tion — the Antient Saxon, the English, the Lowland Scotch, the German, Swabian, Swiss, Icelandic, Norse, Danish, Swedish, Orkneyan. From the Scalvonic, or Ilunnish — the Russian, Polish, Bohemian, Dalmatian, Bulgarian, Carinthian, Moravian, Croatian, &c. In the original state of the Sacca?, or Saxons, no signs were discoverable of their future greatness; their See Hickcs's Thesaur. — Pinkcrton's Origin of the Scythians— Kranifs Saxonia, and Turner's History of the Anglo Saxons. 8o their rise they owed to circumstances purely acci- dental, as far as human sagacity could determine. First — The confederation of many of the German tribes, a. d. 240, to defend themselves from the in- roads of the Romans, who threatened them all with destruction, under the name of Francs, ( freemen ) in the event contributed to the advancement of the Saxons : as their exploits on the oceail against the commerce and allies of the Romans, were of great advantage to the union, they thereby merited and received a greater estimation among the members thereof, than they had before. Secondly — The voyage of the Francs from the Euxine to the Rhine, their native country, afforded them an example, and at the same time gave them an impulse to extend the scene of their maritime adventures.* In conse- quence of this, they so infested the coasts of Belgium, Gaul and Britain, that the Romans were obliged to station a powerful fleet at Boulogne, to check them. In the reign of Dioclesian and Maximian, the com- mand of this fleet was given to Caraiisius, who abused his commission, and, to secure his impunity, boldly assumed the purple : and was acknowledged emperor by * Zosimus, end of book I.— Gibbon I. 3.2$ 8i by the legions in Britain. In order to maintain his usurpation, he entered into alliances with the Saxons, c^c. encouraged their piracies, gave them the Roman ships, and supplied them with experienced officers, who taught them the principles of navigation, (as they were then known; and the naval tactics. This usurpation lasted seven years, in which time, the Saxons acquired immense booties, and, what they valued still more, the empire of the sea. In the exercise of which, the atrocities they committed are innumerable, and too full of horror to be related.* To lay the foundation of power, is an achieve- ment of more difficulty than to maintain, or even increase it. So early as the beginning of the fourth century, other tribes become desirous of obtaining the same advantages: these joined the Saxons, and added fresh strength to a confederacy already too strong for the peace of the world. This union con- sisted of various tribes, of different denominations, but all passed under the name of Saxon, f and in- G eluded • After a successful enterprise, it was a custom with them T-> decimate their miserable prisoners, and immolate them to Woden, or Odin, their god of war. — See Sid. Apoll.Xpis. 6. t The Chauci, Frisii, Chamavi, Batavi, Toxandri, Morini, ■nmbri, Jutes, and Angles, and others of less note. — Vide Turner's Hist, of Ando-Saxons. 82 eluded in it all the German states, to the north of the Rhine. Before the time that they invaded Britain, this mixed people had diffused themselves into, and possessed the interior of Germany ; so that the ex- tensive country between the Elbe and the Rhine, and even the Scheldt, was subject to their dominion. The naval strength of this band of confederated pirates, consisted rather in the number than the strength of their craft — more in the courage and in- trepidity than in the nautical skill of the assailants. Their study was rather to surprise than to combat ; and plunder more than conquest was their aim : their vessels could not, with any propriety, be called ships — they were rather skiffs than boats — they were constructed of osiers, covered with skins sewed to- gether, and plastered over with a composition of tar and grease.* To these they gave the preference, on account of their superior utility. For these no coast was too shallow, nor any river too narrow. In them they attacked the interior parts of a country; and when pressed with danger, carried them from one river to another, and thus evaded any force that could be sent against them. No * Du Bos' His. Crit. 83 No discredit will attach to the memory of our ancestors on account of the state of their domestic ceconomy. The garments which they wore, before they came to Britain, consisted of a close tunic, or vest, reaching from the shoulders to the knee, and fastened round the body with a belt, or girdle, and over that a mantle, fastened under the chin with a thorn, or small wooden pin, and loose every where else. Both these were of cloth, made of wool, or wool and flax. — The slaves wore pelts, or skins, in- stead of woollen tunics and mantles; and so did many of the meaner part of the freemen. For shoes they had a kind of buskins, or half-boots, of undressed leather, which covered the feet and ancles, and were fastened on with strings, or points, made of the same. The dress of the women did not differ much from that of the men : only their bosoms and arms below the elbows, were bare ; whereas those of the men were covered. On their heads they wore close caps, made of strong undressed leather ; ornamented on the top with a bunrh of feathers. The use of shirts was unknown. Their principal instruments of warfare were a short broad-sword and shield. Their houses in Britain were those from which they ex- g 2 pelled 8 4 pelted the Britons ; in Germany they had no fixed place of habitation, or possessions in land; a new division was made every year, lest the attachment to house or land, should lessen their military ardour, which they esteemed as their greatest honour. But that mode was abandoned when they settled in Britain. Their manner of living, in eating and drinking, &c. cannot be ascertained distinctly, but may easily be conjectured from what is known from their manners In genexal. CHAPTER »3 CHAPTER Vir. STATE OF RELIGION IX SUSSEX BETORE THE EXO- OE THE HEPTARCHY. 1 HAT the religion of the Cimbri, the original in- habitants of this isle, was druidism, we have the authority of Caesar, Diodorus Siculus, Strabo, and, I believe, the antient British bards, The primitive religion of the druids v;as the most simple, and, ex- cept the Christian system, the most rational that can be imagined. They believed in one supreme God, immense and eternal ; that he made the world, and presides over it, and the affairs of men ; that the human soul is immortal, and after death shall be con- veyed to a place of happiness or misery; according to it's deserts; that acts of cruelty, even to the brute creation, will be punished with adequate severity in another state ; that if any person relieved the dis- tresses, or anywise assisted a fellow-creature, or even g 3 a beast, 86 a beast, he would be rewarded for the same in eter- nity; that to confine the worship of the deity within walls was inconsistent with the belief of his omnipre- sence ; that therefore their temples ought to be ex- posed to the open air; to remind men that their most secret thoughts are open to the view of that being who can neither deceive nor be deceived ; that the oblations offered to him ought to be either meal; or a cake made upon the hearth,, and that it is lawful^ on particular occasions, at the discretion of the patriarch, to sacrifice to him birds, or even beasts ; that masters of families are endowed with absolute power in their own households ; that youth were to be instructed only in the sacred groves, that the knowledge of the sciences must not be committed to writing, but fixed in the memory ; that missletoe must be gathered with reverence, if possible, on the sixth day of the month ; that the pow r der of missle- toe is a sovereign remedy in many diseases; that the world, if ever destroyed, will be consumed either by fire or water. — How long the Cimbri adhered to this system of religion, (the true patriarchal religion, with the addition of a few innocent articles) cannot be certainly known ; but there is reason to believe that 8 7 that they lived many ages here before they polluted the worship of God with human inventions; that they were not the least contaminated, 'till after the arrival of the Belgeans, who in trading with the Phoeniceans or Tyrians, first learned of them the horrid notion of the necessity of human sacrifices, equally un- worthy of the innate ideas we have of the divine benevolence, and repugnant to the plainest and strongest dictates of human nature. In process of time, we are told, they even improved upon this infernal system: and were so infatuated as to imagine that the greater the dignity and virtue of the victim, so much the more propitious would the deity be! Thus a valuable husband, a beloved wife, or an hope- ful child, were pitched upon, in cases of verv great danger, rather than any other of less value. Hardened at length by these practices, they insensibly became deaf to the voice of humanity, and carried their cruelty to such an enormous pitch, that they formed idols (we are told) of so monstrous a size as to contain whole crouds of persons, who were burned at once to expiate the anger of the Gods. If this account were duly authenticated, g 4 (which 88 (which it is not*) we might well exclaim — "what ideas of the god of mercy, who delights in the happi- ness of all his creatures ! But history as well as ex- perience convinceth us, that the smallest deviation from * The public have great obligations to the Cambrian literati for translating and publishing several of the antient British poems; those of Taliessin arc particularly valuable; for throwing con- siderable light upon the annals of that dark period. He flourished in and before a. d. 570. (See Jones's Ant. Relics.) Some of his effusions have been published, many more are not. It is to be hoped that the Welch bards of the present day, will translate and publish his (Taliessin's) poems, those of Aneurin, Myrzen, (Merlin) and Llywarch Hen, and other bards who succeeded them. The treasures of information which they contain, will, no doubt, dispel the darkness which shrouds the history of that period, and transfer the MONSTROUS IDOLS FOR IMMOLATING CROWDS OF PRI- SONERS, from the injured druids, to the Romans ; to stain their memory with lasting and deserved infamy and execration. I know that Tacitus, in his Annals, (lib. 14. 10.) writes, that the druids accounted it lawful to sacrifice on their altars, prisoners taken in war, to practise augury on the occasion, and to ask council of their gods, by inspecting " human a viscera/'' the heart and entrails of the human victims: but I know likewise, that the campaigns of Agricola in Britain, were stained with blood, both on the south and the north side of the Tweed, that his rout where- ever he went, was marked by burning of houses, and unnecessary wanton carnage ; and therefore we ought to view with caution, .and some degree of suspicion, the hard features in which the portrait of the Britons is drawn by the pen of this annalist — he was a Roman, he was Agricola's panegyrist, and he was his son- 's nr-law. • 89 from the true worship of God seldom stops until it has arrived at the utmost height of wickedness." But the progress to this state of depravity (if ever it took place) must have been slow, and not consummated in a few years, but in the revolution of many. And we should do great injustice to the memory of the primitive druids, not to suppose that they made as resolute a stand against the increasing deluge of error and impiety, as the unassisted powers of man could do : and that many of them greatly fell, and expired under the ruins of that goodly system, which they could no longer support. But it is to be noted, that the account of the degeneracy of the British druids is derived .from the Roman historians : hence a suspicion arises that the cruelties imputed to the Britons, are magnified, and perhaps fabricated, in order to exculpate their own people from the many acts of barbarity which they exercised for many years in this land. The reluctant pen of the historian informs us, that in the reign of Nero, a. d. 59, Suetonius Paulinus was sent into Britain to quell some insurrections that had taken place among a people greatly oppressed. In this undertaking, meeting with some opposition in the isle go isle of Anglesea, and judging, perhaps rightly, that the insurgents were prompted to revolt by the druids, he ordered the whole of them to be slaughtered, and no mercy to be shewn to any of that order ; who were supposed to be the center of union to all those who continued to rally round the standard of liberty. While human nature continues what it is, acts of wanton barbarity will always meet the reprobation of mankind ; and therefore the Roman general gave out that he had burned the druids in the fires which they had prepared to burn the Romans in, if they had been victorious. — The same historians inform us, that the emperor Nero, who was never noted for clemency, a year or two after, recalled Paulinus from Britain, on account of the over-severity and cruelty which he exercised upon the wretched inhabitants. It is pretended that the druids had, in part, engrafted the doctrine of the Metempsichosis, on their original tenets; and therefore, as their religion became corrupt, so their morals became depraved, Grantino- the assertion, the inference will not follow. The Pythagorean doctrine of the transmigration of souls, is a very unlikely foundation to build a system of cruelty upon, even to beasts: it is a system of philanthropy, Such, 9 1 Such, we are told, was the state of religion in this country, when the Romans first landed here; and history shews, that they made a more resolute stand for their religion, however corrupt it might be, than they did for their liberty. The last effort they made against the Romans, in defence of their religion, was under the banners ol the brave, but unfortunate Boadicea, queen of the Iceni, a. d. 61, which terminated in her destruc- tion, and the general massacre of the druidical priests, and the druids throughout the kingdom. That the greatest part of them were then destroyed, and fell victims to the sanguinary rage of Paulinus, and the Romans, is indisputable; yet there is reason to con- clude that some of them (the druidical priests) escaped the fury of their insatiable persecutors, and remained many years afterwards, nor was their reli- gion eradicated in Britain, till the light of the gospel dispelled that ignorance which had so long darkened the human understanding. Stonehenge, situated near the summit of an eminence on Salisburv-plain, is the most remarkable druidical temple now in Britain, and appears to have been the principal place of their worship. The druidical 92 druidical institution included in it three distinct orders, or classes, the priests, the bards, and the vates, which last order devoted themselves to the study, and instructed the people in the knowledge of astronomy, divination, natural philosophy, and physic,, or rather medicine, The order of the bards composed the verses which were sung at their religious meetings or assem- blies. They preserved also in their songs the warlike exploits, and the virtuous actions of their heroes and patriots;, and were both historians and poets. This class remains unto this day. About the beginning of the fifteenth century, several of the Cambro- Britons, in order to preserve the songs of the bards from perishing, and being for ever lost to posterity., consulted together, and, though contrary to the laws and regulations of their institution, agreed to com- mit them to writing*. Accordingly, about the mid- dle of the sixteenth century, a very considerable collection of them was made. By the diligence of the Cambrian patriots, this collection has been re- vised, augmented, and improved, up to the present time The last authentication of them was made a. d. 1681, (vide Turner) at a gorsez.. under the sanction. ■93 sanction of Sir Richard Basset This collection is " pronounced to be the fullest collection of bardism, and this book is said to be in actual existence." (Turner, vol. L p. 199.) The last public gorsez was held on the 22d day of September, 1792, at Prim- rose-hill, (ibid.) These three orders were all subordinate to one primate or chief druid, chosen out of the order of priests; who enjoyed his authority for life. His power was unlimited; but it ought to observed to their honour, that in the discharge of his duty, and ■exercise of this high office, he always acted with in- corruptible integrity for the good of the public over which he presided. The precise time when Christianity was first preached in Britain, is not fully and satisfactorily ascertained. The dream of William of Malmesbury of the translation of Joseph of Arimathea, to the church of Glastonbury, I pass over as a monkish fable, unworthy of refutation. We are informed by Eusebius, an inquisitive writer, and therefore worthy of credit ; and by Theodoret, a bishop of the fifth century, that the Britons were converted to Christi- anity by Saint Paul, about the sixty-second or sixty- third 94 third year of the vulgar 2era. There is reason to believe that the Claudia, mentioned by him in his epistles, is the same lady who is celebrated by the poet Martial. The apostle takes notice of Claudia and Pudens, and Martial names this very Pudens as the husband of Claudia Rufina : nor do we think it an improbable conjecture, that this Pudens is the person named in the inscription on the temple of Minerva in Chichester, mentioned before. But all these are matters of probable conjecture only, and as such I give them, and not of historical certainty. Fr/om Gildas and Bede we learn, that the gos- pel was preached in Britain at a very early date, — that the Britons, who were noted for their docility, embraced the doctrines thereof almost generally. They were not molested in the profession of it be- fore the time of Dioclesian, w T ho began his reign a. d. S87. A very great share of this heavy and general persecution fell upon Britain ; in which saint Alban suffered martyrdom • as did Aaron and Julius, and many others. Soon after this, that is about the year 3il, Constantine the great, not only tolerated but en- couraged the Christian religion, the doctrines of which 95 which he himself professed — it therefore appeared with greater splendour than before, when the public profession of it existed only by the courtesy, or rather by the connivance of the imperial court. At the council of Aries, which was holden before the middle of the fourth century, three British bishops subscribed by the names of Eborius, Restitutus, and Adelfius de civitate Colonia? Lindi, that is York, London, and Lincoln, according to bishop Usher. Three British bishops also were present at the coun- cils of Nice, Sardis, and Arminium: at which last ihey who attended were obliged to accept the emperor's allowance, not being able to defray the expence of the journey, and too conscientious to levy contributions on their brethren. The Christian religion prevailed in Britain till towards the end of the fifth century ; when both it and its professors, were expelled from hence by the victorious Saxons, who were Pagans, and gave themselves very little trouble about religion. Not that they were entirely without religion. Their chief deity was Woden,* (the * Their paradise, in an after state, was the hall of Woden, or Odin ; where (their priests taught them) they who had behaved valiantly, in this life, wonld be admitted, have plenty of the bast 96 (the god of war) to him they offered sacrifices, and upon particular occasions, those sacrifices were men * to him they dedicated the fourth day of the week, Woden's day. Their inferior deities were Thor, (Jupiter) Frea or Frico, ( Venus) Tuisco, the founder of their nation. Tacitus says they also worshipped Herthus, ( their mother Earth ) "as believing that she interested herself in the affairs of men and nations. " In order to foretel the events of war, they used to take a captive of the nation against which their design was, and oblige him to fight a duel with one of their own nation, taken by lot, each was to fight with the arms of his country, and from the issue of this combat they concluded which side would be victorious. As the state of society in the period now under consideration, afforded no agreeable view, so that of religion presents us with nothing consolatory. The first was savage to a degree almost beyond belief; the best meat to eat, and wine to drink out of the skulls of their enemies. It was accounted dishonourable among them to die in bed, or any way but in armour. When a man, who had not ob- tained an honourable passport to the great hall, in the field of battle, the scene of glory, found his end approaching, it was usual among them, for him to array himself in complete armour, and thusaccoutered, wait his dissolution. — (Sax. Chron.) It 97 tjie second disgusting and full of horror. To attempt; a moral atid mental revolution among the Saxons of the sixth century, was an arduous undertaking. No wonder that the courage of the missionary, saint Augustine, became paralized before he had perform- ed half of his appointed journey: no wonder that his resolution failed him, at the prospect of so dangerous an entcrprize, more likely, in all human probability, to terminate fatally to himself and his fellow-missionaries, than to be crowned with success, among a race of men; who had no idea of any thing but war alone. But'the orders of his superior were ii peremptory^ It certainly can reflect no dishonour on the ministers of the gospel of Christ, to say that the priests of the Heathens were no better than state-jugglers; whose great aim and end of their in- stitution was to delude the people, and to keep them in endless darkness and bondage. The Christian dispensation, on the con- trary, was intended to be a light, to lighten the world ; it is a system of peace and universal good-will to all mankind : so far from exciting wars among men, it enjoins the love of even our enemies: those who had already engaged in the ranks of warfare, the founder of our religion (by the mouth of his forerunner) commands to do violence to no man, but to be content with their pay, without endeavouring to increase it by plunder, or extortion. More explicit than this he could not be on this subject : his king- dom was not of this world — and he assumed no temporal juris- diction among men. 98 peremptory, and admitted of no excuse — "whcae the souls of men are at stake, (said the Roman pon- tiff, saint Gregory) difficulties vanish, and dangers are to be over-looked. " Having no other alternative . but to proceed on, and fulfil his journey, or suffer the censure of his superior, he chose the former. Such is the account handed down to us of the first planting of Christianity among the Anglo-Saxons. About the year 595, Ethelbert, king of Kent, and great-grandson of Hengist, married Bertha, the daughter of Caribert, king of France. This lady being a Christian, it was stipulated that she should be permitted the free exercise of her own religion. In consequence of which, she was attended by one Luidard, a person venerable both for his piety and learning ; who converted many of the principal per- sons of the kingdom (of Kent) to the 'Christian faith. The king also conceived a favourable opinion of it from the piety and exemplary life of the queen. These favourable circumstances being made Jknown to Gregory the great, who then filled the papal chair at Rome, he sent Austin (or Augustine) a monk, and several of his fraternity to Britain, to preach an4 establish the gospel among the Saxons, the 99 new inhabitants of the isle. These landed in the isle ofThanet, in 597, and soon obtained permission from Ethelbert to preach the gospel among the Kentish Saxons. The king himself, in a short time, became a convert; and his example was quickly followed throughout his dominions. As his mission was prosperous, Augustine (or saint Augustine) re- turned to France in 598, where he obtained conse- cration at the hands of Etherius, archbishop of Aries, and returning the same year, he settled his see at Canterbury ; where he sat sixteen years ; and dying was buried in the porch of the church, which was afterwards called by his name. ( See Le Neve. ) The works of this apostle of Britain are in the hands of the public. I do not recollect that in any part of them he maintains the supremacy of the church of Rome, in direct terms; but that he does in several places assert the superior dignity thereof above all other churches. Long before this time, even as early as the reign of Constantine, the bishop of Rome claimed not only a precedency to other bishops, on account of the superior dignitv of imperial Rome, but also a pre-eminent authority in the church of Christ, on the ii 2 same 100 same score. In the year 529, the Justinian code was first published; wherein the papal claim was confirmed throughout the western empire. And in the year 534, the same emperor (Justinian) de- clared the pope the head of all churches : all were to be subject to his judgment; but himself to be judged by none. cc Eum ecclesiarum ominum judicem, cc ipsum a nullo judicandum. — Non minus dicendus "■ sit regnasse in spiritualibusr (quamvis se subditum " semper servum servorum dicerit) quam in tem- sc poralibus. Imperatores/' &c* The Roman pontiff received an addition of power by the fall of the Roman empire in the west under Augustulus, a. d. 476 ; and a still greater when the exarchate of Ravenna was given to him by Pepin, a. d. 755, and confirmed by Charlemagne, a. d. 774, when he be-: came a temporal prince. The success of these missionaries was very great among a rude people ; and would no doubt have been much greater, if they had adhered, in their endeavours, to the pure, unadulterated doc- trines of the gospel of Christ, without blending any extraneous matter with it, The precepts of morality therein, * £ee Newton's Disscrtat. Vol. 2. p. 323, 101 therein contained, the people could understand , and the arguments there adduced to enforce, or witf men over to practise them, they could comprehend; because they are adapted to, and lie level with the reason of man : but all allusions to the superior sanctity, or superior dignity of the bishop of Rome, must rather teiuUo perplex their understanding, than to enlighten their minds. The kingdom of Northumbria, or Northumber- land, was the next that received the gospel, about the year 620, won over partly by the preaching of Paulinus, the first bishop of York, and partly by the influence of Ethelburga, the queen. Edwin, the king, being solicited by the Kentish king to become a Christian, he replied, that he would consult the most intelligent and enlightened of his friends and acquaintance, and propound the matter to them, and be regulated by their opinion. In the council, which he called accordingly, the idol priest declared that he believed their religion to be good for nothing; " for no man (said he) has applied himself to it " more zealously than I have done ; yet many obtain x your favour in preference to me: if our gods were ' good for any thing I should have been more u 3 prosperous." lO: " prosperous." The next speaker delivered his sentiments to the following effect — ff the life of man, a (said he) is like the transient visit of a sparrow at " your winter feasts; for a short time he appears in " this busy world, revels in hilarity, and is active in ee the enjoyment of existence. Soon the passing " scenes terminate ; and as of those which may (( have preceeded this life we are ignorant; so we " know nothing of the events, if any there be, which . w are to follow. In this state of ignorance, of doubt, '■' of alarm, I feel that if this new doctrine contains " in it something more certain, and more consola- Ci tory, it deserves our assent/' (Vide Bede and Turner.) The consequence of this consultation was that Edwin embraced the faith of Christ. Paulinus he constituted bishop of Northumbria : and Bede, w 7 ho mentions the transaction, no where says that his appointment was confirmed by the bishop of Rome. The South-Saxons were among the last in the heptarchy to enjoy the light of the gospel; because they were engaged in continual wars, to defend them- selves from the attacks of the West-Saxon kings. About 103 About the year 650, Adelwalch mounted the South- Saxon throne, as mentioned before. He was attack- ed and taken prisoner by Wolf hur, or Wolfghur, king of Mercia : but upon his embracing the Chris- tian religion the Mercian set him at liberty. At his return he exerted all his influence to plant the Chris^ tian religion among his people, who, as their under- standings were more enlightened, and their manners less savage than their Saxon brethren, from the re- maining effects of the mild reign of Cissa, and the mixture of Britons among them, we may believe, examined its evidences with candour, and embraced it with that readiness which truth has a right to from all it votaries. In Chichester, and throughout the kingdom, the heathen temples were consecrated to the worship of the true God. At the desire of Wilfrid the episcopal see was established in the pen- insula of Selsea. The cathedral church, was built near the scite where the parish church now stands.* The residence of the king, in Chichester, was on the spot where the bishop's palace now stands : which had formerly been the residence of the Roman pro- ii 4 praetors * Almost at the south-east corner of the charcMghtetu 104 praetors, or lieutenants, as appears from several coins which were dug up there in the year 1727, when the bishop's palace was rebuilt; at which time also, they found a curious pavement which had been laid by the Romans. Near to the king's residence was a temple dedicated to Thor, or Jupiter, supposed to have been erected by Cissa, near, and it may be on the very place where the cathedral now stands. As Wilfrid did not reside in Selsea more than four years (Le Neve says four or five years) he cannot be sup- posed to have finished the church there. That care devolved upon Theodore, archbishop of Canterbury, and his successor Birthwald r the former of whom was consecrated in 668, and died in 690, as did the latter in 731, after having possessed that dignity thirty-eight years. Heylrn, in his help to history, (page 84) says, that the see of Selsea was governed by the bishops of Winchester till the year 711, when Eadbert was appointed thereto (Isaacson) by the South-Saxon king, and consecrated the same year by archbishop Birthwald. In the troubled state of this kingdom, at that time, it is very probable that the bishops of Winchester did govern this diocese for some 105 some years; by deputation from Theodore and Birth- wald ; but not by any permanent \isitorial power conferred upon them. During more than three centuries, the episco- pate of Selsea exhibits no more than a catalogue of names, till the reign of the Conqueror, by whose authority the see (i. e. the place of the bishop's re- sidence) was transferred from Selsea to Chichester. Agelrike the twenty-second bishop from Wilfrid, (both names included) succeeded in 10j7 ; and was deprived by the king in 1070, and Stigand, or Stig- andus, appointed in his room. This prelate was the last bishop of Selsea, and the first of Chichester. In what vear the removal took place is not very clcarlv ascertained. Where records, the legitimate pillars of history, fail, we must grope our way in the dark, as well as we can, and follow probability, which is far from being a sure guide. It is likely to have happened in 1081 or 180^2 — the nation was then in a state of apparent outward tranquility. A provin- cial synod was then holden by Lanfrank, archbishop of Canterbury, for settling the affairs of the church, and it is probable that the regulation of removing sees io6 sees from villages to cities, was then adopted. Before this time, from 1066, the nation was in a perturbed state : and the monarch too much agitated to attend to lesser matters of internal policy. At the same time he began the survey of the kingdom, called Doomsday-book, because its evidence was decisive, and from its authority there was no appeal, CHAPTER 107 CHAPTER VIII. STATE OF THE CITY FROM THE YEAR 800, TO THE TIME OF THE NORMAN CONQUEST, A. D. 1066. V ERY early in the reign of Egbert, the South- Saxons were incorporated with their more potent neighbours of Wessex. Conscious of their inferio- rity and inability to maintain their independence as a separate state, it is most probable they readily accepted the tender of incorporation, that they might enjoy that security under the sceptre of Egbert which they could not otherwise hope to obtain. Thisunion was -honourable to Egbert, as it was established on conditions of justice and equality, and at the same time, advantageous to the people of both kingdoms. Almost all the kingdoms of the heptarchy were governed by tributary kings, after they were forced to submit to the superior power of the West-Saxons. It is acknowledged by all historians that Egbert me- dilated and planned the reduction of all of them, while io8 while he remained in the court of Charlemagne, the' greatest prince in Europe, and who understood the art of government better than any of his cotempora- ries. In this school, and that of adversity, the prince of Wessex imbibed, and thoroughly digested, those maxims of political prudence, which pave the way to empire, and confer on the diadem a dignity and lustre which power alone cannot impart. From the Mercians he met with a more resolute and deter- mined opposition than from any other. Notwith- standing which, when his arms obtained the ascen- dency over them, both justice and prudence pointed out to him to use lenity towards them, and to win them over to him by mild and conciliatory measures. He listened to the wishes of the people, and permit- fed them to be governed by their own kings, and subject to their own laws and institutions, on their paying him a very moderate annual tribute, as an acknowledgement that they held their power in subordination to him, and dependent on the crown of Wessex. The same measures he adopted with the East-Angles, the Northumbrians, and, though no mention be made in the annals of the time, that he grafted the like indulgence to the South-Saxons, we mav, log may, I think, fairly conclude that he did : especially as Sussex was the first acquisition that he annexed to his crown. But be this as it may, we know that his son and successor Ethelwolf, in the first year of his reign, gave the government of Sussex, Kent, and Essex, to his eldest son Athelstan, with the title and dignity of king.* The place of his residence is no where mentioned; but it is most probable that it was at different places.f The state and populatiou of Chichester at this period, can no where be ascertained. We may how- ever, reasonablv suppose that it was in a flourishing condition for the time we treat of, if we take into the • See Saxon. Chron. t We must be careful not to confound this prince with another of the same name, the son of Edward the elder, whom he succceeded on the throne of England, a. D. $'25. The son of Ethelwolf was raised to the royal dignity by his father in the year 8*5, and was a person of considerable activity, a quality which he neither inherited nor learned of his father. ' From circumstances, too tedious to mention, it appears that he dwelt principally in Chichester. He attacked the Danes who landed on this coast, several times; and was, for the most part, victorious. No farther traits of his history are to be found, how long he lived, nor where, nor in what manner he ended his days. His father Ethelwolf, died A. d. S57, in Chichester, and was burkd in Steyning.— -(See rius and William of Malms.) 110 the account that for three centuries it was the resi- dence of the South-Saxon kings — the resort of the principal persons of the state — : the centre of wealth, and of the arts — and the chief emporium in Britain. For reasons mentioned before, I conclude that the kingdom of the South-Saxons, though the least and the weakest in the heptarchy, was the most civilized and the most enlightened. The generality of the inhabitants were a commercial people ; and, though always surrounded^ and often involved in war, carried on a considerable traffic with the Gauls and Franks, more than any other part of the island. (See Sax. Chron.) And commerce, while it confines itself to its own province, and does not degenerate into specu- lation, nor monopoly, tends to enlighten and hu- manize mankind. At this time the coasts of Britain were very grievously infested by a race of ferocious and de- structive rovers, called Danes ; but who consisted of both Danes and Norwegians. It would fill a volume to mention all the descents which these merciless freebooters made upon these coasts for, more than two centuries. If they conquered in their attacks, the depredations they committed, and the carnage they Ill ihcy made, were unbounded : if they were beaten, they retired for the present ; but soon returned to the assault with fresh succours. The first time of their appearance was in the year 787, in the third year of the reign of Brithric, king of Wessex, in whose dominions they then landed, plundered the inhabitants, and murdered the officers whom the king sent to enquire who ihe\ were and what they wanted.* The (Irst attempt they made to settle in England, was a. d. 8j2 — when, after many battles fought with various success, they landed in the isle ofThanet; which they fortified, and kept possession of for several years : nor were they ever wholly expelled from Britain before their leaders made themselves masters of the crown of England. Even Alfred the great, though he reigned in the hearts of a people, who justly revered him for the many great and good qualities which he possessed, which were all exerted to promote their prosperity, and secure their happi- ness, found it necessary to accommodate matters with them, and concede to them the quiet posses- sion of no inconsiderable part of the kingdom. As * Henry, vol. Hi. p. 5# 112 As no part of Britain escaped the unwelcome visits of these merciless pirates, there can be no doubt the county of Sussex, and its metropolis the city of Chichester, came in for their full share of the general calamity. The valour and patriotism of the men of Chichester, in the days of Alfred, is thus re- corded in Milton's history of that reign — " The Danes " returning by sea from the siege of Exeter, and in " their way landing on the coast of Sussex, the men e ; Wyth maun and bcste, :tnd ilka arb zat groe : Thae 1 4 1 We are told by historians, that before the con- quest, the Anglo-Saxons carried on a considerable trade with almost every nation in Europe : but as they have not informed us of what particular articles that trade consisted, either of export or import, very little can here be said on that head. The vast sums which Ethelred paid to the Danes to induce them to leave the country, is a sufficient proof that the export trade was then, or had, at some former period, been considerable, to enable him to raise the very Thae wyd ympyream, whilk nae thocht raae bounde, Frac whych thae strongest thocht tonics beck astownd, Feiltthae dred wol; onyussal mosbens hens Throcuowt thae Extent onlymited commens. Ye zonncs of Godd, zat sawe thys gloryess seine, And fyl'l wyth rapter showted out amayne, Oh lyt my mynd, and tcech my 'spyryn vers Thae wondeirs of creashon to rehers. Nae, ceasmyzowl, ne angils mocht declayre Thae warks of liym, hoose warkmanzip theye aire. Presum ne thow hys coonsyls to 'xploir, Zynk doun efore hys thron, and dreim nae moir. The gentleman who favoured me with the above informed me that he had in several places reduced the measure to some kind of regularity; as he apprehended the lines would not otherwise have been commonly intelligible. 142 very heavy contributions necessary for that purpose : and, on the other hand, if we reflect that for almost three centuries before the Norman invasion, the sea was covered with the pirates of the northern nations, we shall find no small difficulty in con- ceiving how that trade could be maintained. That the kings of England endeavoured as much as lay in their power to protect the trade of the people, there can be no doubt : but if they were unable to defend them from the depredations of the Danes by land, how could they protect them at sea? Unable to re concile these difficulties, with considerable regret we must leave' this part of history under the same dark- ness in which we found it. Athelstan made many wise regulations in order to increase the naval power and commerce of the nation : Ci if a merchant make " three prosperous voyages over the high sea, with sc a ship or cargo of his own,, he shall be advanced " to the dignity of a thane/' He also established mints in all the principal towns in England, in which number Chichester was included, and so was Lewes. Edgar the peaceable, also, according to the monkish accounts of him, (which ought to be read with cau- tion) was a great encourager of commerce, from • the M3 the laws of Ethelred the unready, (as quoted by Brompton and Anderson) it appears, that in that reign, and probably before, there was a company of German merchants, called the emperor's me?i, re- siding in London, who were obliged to pay to the king twice a year, for his protection, two pieces of grey cloth, and one piece of brown, ten pounds of pepper, five pair of gloves, and two casks of wine. This is probably the company which was afterwards known by the name of the merchants of the steel yard. Canute the great, being a wise and magnanimous prince, gave great encouragement to the commerce of the country ; as we find recorded in Wilkins's Leges Saxonicae : with impartial hand protecting the industrious trader; not fostering a race of monopo- lisers to bolster up his own power, and pick the pockets of the people. It is with considerable con- cern we read in the same collection, an account of a regulation made by Edgar — (C that thirty three honest " men should be chosen in large towns, and twelve w in small towns, to be witnesses of all bargains in '* those towns ; and that no man should either buy " or sell but before two or three of those chosen " witnesses." A sad proof that little integrity was to 144 to be found, or at least that little mutual confidence obtained among the members of society. Slaves constituted a principal article of the export trade of the Anglo-Saxons. Unhappy men, women and children, were carried out of the island, and exposed for sale in all the markets of Europe * When a thane, or ceorl, was possessed of more stock than he wanted, he sold the overplus to some slave- merchant, who, as there was little demand at home, generally exported them. The mildest fate that awaited the prisoners taken in the wars between the Britons and Saxons, the Saxons and Danes, was to be sold to the slave-merchants, who generally found a ready market for them in Spain and Africa, among the Saracens.f This disgraceful traffic continued to even the end of this period, as we learn from William of Malmsbury, who adduces some shameful instances of "people selling their own nearest relations for te money: a custom (he adds) which we see prac- " tised in our own days/' Other articles of exportation were cattle, sheep, and hogs, and sheep's wool. English horses, which were universally admired, both for their shape and strength, *\ Bede, variis locis,«— -| Murat Antiq. MS strength, formed another article of exportation, some part of the present period. By a law of king Athel- stan, it was ordained — c< that no man should export " any horses beyond the sea, except such as he gave in " presents." This resolution gave a check to this branch of trade. In some records w wheat" is men- tioned as an article of exportation ; but this, con- sidering the state of agriculture in the country, if it be not a mistake, must have been very rare. Concerning the articles that were imported into England, in this period, our information is far from being compleat. Books, especially on religi- ous subjects, formed no inconsiderable part. They bore a very high price, and were in great request. The relics, pictures, and images of saints, were im- ported in great quantities; and formed a very lucra- tive trade. This traffic was managed by the priests ; who likewise imported the sacred vestments, altar- cloths, frankincense, &c. The English merchants visited Venice, and other cities of Italy, from whence they imported gold, silk, linen, drugs, spiceries ; precious stones, and other articles from Asia. Wines were imported from France and Spain ; cloth, of various kinds, from Flanders; and from Scandinavia, l fan, 146 furs, whale-oil, ropes, iron, Sec. In short, the im- port trade was such, as to furnish any of the inhabi- tants, who- could pay for them, with all the commo- dities that were then made use of in Europe. Farther — we may gather from a careful view of the history of the times, that the balance of trade was in favour of this country. The depredations and exactions of the Danes — the tax of Peter-pence, and other monies, annually sent to Rome— the ex- pensive journeys of the princes, prelates, thanes and others, into foreign countries— these continual drains must have carried off all the money in the kingdom, and left it exhausted, if fresh supplies had not arrived from some quarter : the great quantity of foreign coin that was current in England, and in which all the great payments were made,* is another evidence of the same thing. A great deal of gold and silver was converted at this time into plate, jewels, and ornaments,, for the churches and monasteries ;f and there can be no doubt but the money coined in England at this time increased. How soon after their coming into England, the Saxons began to coin money, is not clearly decided. By * Clarke on Coins . * f Idem, Hi By a careful perusal of their laws it will appear, that it was at a Very early date. In some of the laws of Kent, a. d. 571, we find their mulcts were to be paid in shillings. Now the shilling was not a Reman coin, but a Saxon. When gold and silver first be- came the medium of barter, they were paid by weight, without any impression on them : and the first impressions were only expressive of their weight. After they came to be coined, with some device or legend on them, every coined piece was to contain a certain regulated weight of these metals. Thus the Saxon pound, tjiough then as now, only a deno- mination of money, consisted of as many pieces of monev, as if thrown into the scale would have weighed a pound troy, nummulary weight. The money pound with them, (as with the other nations of Europe) was different from, and less than the com- mercial pound ; containing no more than eleven ounces and five penny-weights, troy: so that their pound, instead of being ofthevalue of three pounds, at live shillings per ounce of our money, was worth only two pounds, sixteen shillings, and three pen??. The Saxon shilling, not merely nominal, but a real coin, was the forty-eighth part of their (money) l 2 pound, 148 pound, or an hundred and twelve grains and a half; and their pennie (also real) the fifth part of their shilling, or twenty two and an half grains, troy weight. So that their money pound, instead of con- taining 5760 grains, consisted of only 5400 grains, or fifteen penny- weights less than the real pound troy. According to Mr. Clarke's treatise on coins, the Saxon money pound was exactly the same as the an tient Greek money pound, from whom, (that ac- curate writer says) they (the Germans) originally took it. The Conqueror made no alteration in the money weights, the same regulation continued to the year 1527, the eighteenth year of Henry the eighth ; when it was ordained by the king in council that " all manere of goulde and silver shall be wayed bye the pound troye whilk maketh tuelve oz. troye."* By the Saxon monuments, which have come down to us, we find that they had another kind of money among them; and which continued to be current in England for many years after the con- quest, namely living money ; i. e. slaves and cattle of every denomination ; which had a certain value set * See Tables of English Silver Coin. 149 set upon them by law. In those places where money was scarce, all debts were paid and purchases made, with living money. The same practice prevailed both in Scotland and Wales, during the time under consideration .* This shows that the quantity of me- tallic money was but little in Britain, (so was it also in every nation in Europe") and not adequate to the demand. The rulers of kingdoms in those days, no doubt, felt the inconvenience, which made them adopt the expedient of increasing the currency, by means of a substitute ; but they took care that the value of the succedaneum should be real, not imagi- nary, nor delusive, Alfred the Great was one of the richest of the Anglo-Saxon kings; yet he bequeathed no more to each of his two sons, than five hundred pounds, and one hundred pounds to each of his three daughters, being not more than 1406/. 12s. to each of his sons, and 281/. 12s. to each of his daughters. f * Anderson's Diplomata Scotia? Camden's Remains. t Testamentum iElfredi, apud Asscr. p. 23. l 3 CHAPTER 15® CHAPTER XI. THE MORAL CHARACTER OF THE ANGLO-SAXONS THEIR LONGEVITY THEIR DOCILITY AFTER THEIR CONVERSION —CREDULITY VENERATION FOR RELICS PROPENSITY TO THE MONASTIC LIFE PILGRIMAGES JUDICIAL ASTRO- LOGY, &C. GRANT OF THE TITHES TO THE CLERGY POLICE OF THE. CITY. I O enable a reader to form a just judgment of any people, no information is more necessary than that which relates to their moral character, their manners and customs : for the honour and happiness of na- tions, as well as of individuals, depend more on these than on outward circumstances. A virtuous people cannot be contemptible; nor a vicious nation long prosperous and happy. From history we learn, that the great empires of antiquity, which awed and plagued mankind, owed their decay and dissolution more to internal corruption, than to the sword of their enemies. ***- That '5 1 That the Anglo-Saxons were a rude, ferocious people, in the former part of their history, is too evident to be disputed : every trait of their character as it displays itself in Britain, -Showed" that nothing- could be farther removed from cultivation, than their manners. Fierce and warlike, thev hardly knew what humanity meant. Yet were they not destitute of every good quality. The\ were punctual in ful- filling their engagements: sincere and constant in their friendships and attachments. The chastity of their young men and women waS exemplary, and their fidelity after marriage not less commendable. In hospitality no people or nation ever exceeded them — this virtue they derived from their ancestors the Germans :* and after their conversion to Chris- tianity, this disposition was strengthened by motives of religion. The English kings, of this period, ex- pended a great part of their revenues in making sumptuous, heavy entertainments': and in imitation of them, the thanes, and rich men among them, spent a great part of their incomes in a rude kind of hos- pitality. In the monasteries, travellers and strangers of every denomination, (rich and poor) were re- l 4 ceived, * Tacitus — De Morib. German. 152 ceived, and kindly and plentifully entertained. — Another commendable disposition prevailed almost universally among them in the former part of their history, which was the great attachment, and th~ warmth of affection which subsisted among them for their family and relations. In their perse ns they were remarkably tall, strong and robust; and in consequence thereof, many of them lived to a great age. Cissa, who re-built the city of Chichester, died at the age of one hundred and seventeen years, as mentioned before. One of the monks of Croiland, named father Clarenbald, a. d, 973, lived to the pro tracted age of one hundred and sixty eight years. Father Swarling died the same year, and at the same place, aged one hundred and forty-two years, and father Turgar, in the same abbey, and near the same time, at the age of one hundred and fifteen years. These instances of longevity, and several others, are related by Ingulphus, an author of credit^ who him- self was abbot of Croiland. The list among so robust a people, as the Anglo-Saxons were, would have been greater, and n<^ doubt still more remarkable, had they practised temperance in eating and drink- ing more than they are said to have done. When *53 When they become converts to Christianity, they manifested a great docility of temper, a desire to be taught, and a sincere disposition to be religi- ous — if they had been rightly instructed : an happi- ness which they did not enjoy; because, at that time, the Christian religion was corrupted at the fountain head, to a very great degree. To the mo- nastic life they shewed a wonderful propensity. How greatly changed in the course of a few centuries ! when the descendents ofHengist and Horsa, of Ella, Cerdic, Ida and Ufla, dropping both the sword and the sceptre, hasted to end their days in the seats of sloth and superstition ! No fewer than ten kings, and eleven queens, among the Anglo-Saxons, and nobles without number, forsook the world and re- tired to monasteries. At first, and for some con- siderable time, this infatuation raged almost exclu- sively among the great : but, by and by, as they have ever done in all cases, their inferiors followed their example. To account for this great change, the annals of the clergy must be examined; and in them we shall find a full solution. — When eorl Alwine consulted the famous saint Oswald, what he should do to obtain the remission of his sins, the pious bishop *54 bishop informed him that those holy men who re- tired from the world, and spent their time in fasting and prayer, were the greatest favourites of God; that it was for their sake, and at their intercession, that the world was preserved from coming to imme- diate dissolution. "I advise you therefore, (con- €C tinued he) if you have any place in your estate, " proper for that purpose, immediately to build a " monastery there, and fill it with holy monks; whose unless they had visited Rome, kissed the pope's feet, and said their oraisons at the (pretended) se- pulchres of saint Peter and saint Paul. But it does not * Hist. Eliens. p. 44 L *57 not appear from the annals of those days, that the morals of the pilgrims (especially of the females) were at all improved by their religious peregrina- tions. There are accounts that three or four of the bishops of Selsea performed these pilgrimages,* and it is probable that many more of them did, whose names are not mentioned. One of them (Ethelgar) it is said was attended by a considerable retinue. Perhaps some of the thanes or yeomanry of his diocese accompanied him. Another remarkable trait in the- character of this people was their veneration for the relics of saints, &c. William of Malmesbury represents it as the peculiar glory of England that it abounded more with saints and relics than any other country. " What ;c shall I say (says he, p. 57) of all our holy bishops, " hermits, and abbots ? Is not this whole country 7 so glorious and refulgent with relics, that you can 2 ("Inch i Ca Terring 1 J 5 BcxhiU <> < devas Filcham Brislingham Hasle&e Sale hurst Hamfield Aiding bo urn Selsea not mentioned Preston Ramesley Wincheta a ang 13 c r r v Thorney Flctnd g and 1 F. i^isiea Woolavington Sifesse i8o Ckurckcsi Ministtn* *Suesse Donnington Felpham Hove Catsfield Nerewell Hurst Eastbourne Westbourne Singleton Binderton Rawmere Trotton Chithurst Stedham Cocking Lynch Bepton GrafFham Petworth Tillington Greatham Duncton Sutton Barlavington Cold Waltham Stopham Botchingtone Marden Racton Lordington Compton Stoughton Fishbourne Whyke North Mundham Hunston Somerly Storrington Pulborough Chiltingtone Leominster North Stoke Burpham small small small small no agricultural imple- ments a stone quarry s 5 a stone quarry 1 2 5 4 6 1 1 2 1 5-3 uot mentioned 2 1 4 5 1 1 1 2 two salt pans 1 1 2 1 9 1 4 ■ 1 5 1 10 Ciimping i8i Churches. Ministers. Climping Big nor Walberton Barnham .Middleton South Stoke Slindon Off ham Eastergate West Hamptonet Oving •Niworde (South over) Rodmel Parham Ditchling Falmer *Lanes\vick Ovingdean Brighthelmstone Balmer Poynings •Perchings Hurst Clayton Keymer Street Plumpton *Bercham *Ham Beeding Shoreham *Hanningdean Washington Finden Wiston Combe •Applesham Woodmancote * Want ley Shermanbury Kingston Broadwater liceue i 2 quarry of mill-stones 6 is 4< Durrington l82 Cnurekes. Ministers, Purrington Worthing *Stultings Thakeham Woolbeding 1 1 I 1 4} I 5 5 tying 5 a quarry On the preceeding account it is obvious to re- mark that the names therein mentioned, are not the denominations of parishes, but of manors. The former is an ecclesiastical division which then had no existence, nor for a considerable time after; and when it was introduced it prevailed not uniformly. The royal domain at Bosham is the first on the list ; w T here there were two churches, as there are now, Bosham and Funtington. The present fabric of the former, it is said, was built by the bishop of Exeter. It is most probable however that he only repaired it, and made it collegiate. The number of ministers mentioned (seventeen) is high ; from which we may conclude that this was one of the royal residences of the JDanish kings. In some places there are ministers and no churches — where they officiated does not ap- pear. Where a church is mentioned and no minister (which occurs frequently) we may conclude that there was one at least. At Selsea, the then or late episcopa} i8 3 episcopal residence, we find neither church nor mi- nister; a circumstance not easily to be accounted for. At Rawmere there were no agricultural imple- ments — a proof of the distress of the times ; and of the low and degraded state of farming in general in the country. At Hunston we find two salt pans — a presumption that the sea then flowed up to the place now called Longstone-lane, and seems to confirm the tradition that once the tide came up almost to the walls of the city. — The denomination of places in the Doomsday-book being very different from the names they now bear, in many instances I found it difficult to modernize them — where it could not be accomplished, or where there was reason to doubt, the original is retained — and the place marked with an asterism. Though I have said that the domestic buildings in Chichester were mean and inelegant, during the time of the Saxons : yet it must be remembered that in a comparative view, this city was not inferior to any in the kingdom at the time of the Norman con- quest, except London, and, it may be, Winchester. Its trade considerable, for the time ; and its guild (for it had a guild) respectable. As early as the & 4 reign 184 reign of Edgar, i.e. about the year 966 or 967, a mint was established here, in subordination to the king's exchanger at Winchester : which mint, Stowe (p. 46) informs us was revived in the ninth year of king John, subordinate to the king's exchanger in London. What the power and jurisdiction of the guild was in the time of the Saxons, I cannot ascer- tain. It may be its functions were derived from the eorl, or thane, and not from the crown : in which case we must conclude that its power was very limited, and reached no farther than its own internal govern- ment in matters of commerce. The Dom-boc contains, among other particu- lars, an exact account of all the efficient slaves in each manor throughout England : from a cursory ex- amination of those in this county, I find the number to be something more than nine thousand two hun- dred effective male-slayes at that time ; the female- slaves are not included in the account, nor their children. So that we may reckon the whole number of them to be about fifty thousand; that of free persons noi so high, perhaps something less than forty thousand — or about eighty-eight thousand, $he, whole population of the county : nearly three fifths i8 5 fifths of the present amount (159,311) according to the account given in to government, a. d, 1801. Here it is obvious to remark, that before the Norman conquest, the population of the whole king- dom must have been considerably higher than it was at the time in which that survey was made. In no place was the number of the people diminished more than in this county; nor so much: many of them fell in the battle of Hastings, under the standard of sir John Ashburnham, and of others — a far greater number were slaughtered in cold blood after that fatal day ; and not a few of the freemen emigrated into foreign countries, being peculiarly obnoxious to the conqueror, as the immediate vassals and terras- tenants of Harold. If this remark be correct, and the preceeding supputation just, we may fairly esti- mate the population of Sussex to have been, at the time above-mentioned, nearly one hundred thousand; something more than five-eights of the present. The highest civic authority in those days, was that of the portgrave, (a name compounded of two Saxon words, port, signifying town, and geref, im - porting ruler pv governor;) the introduction into the i86 the corporation of Chichester is now, and has been from time immemorial, by admitting the candidate to the honour of portreve, Sec. evidently the same office, varied in rank indeed, as that by which the corporation or guild ( call it what you will ) was re- gulated in the time of the Saxons. Soon after the conquest this title was dropt in most places : for the Normans hated every thing Saxon ; and bailive sub- stituted in its stead. But it would seem that our local predecessors, though they were not able to re- sist the power of their conquerors, and reject the bailiffe first, and afterwards the mayor, from being their chief magistrate; yet still they clung to the name, and retained the portgrave or portreve in their corporation, though divested of his antient precedency and authority. The houses of the Saxons consisted only of a ground floor ; and this continued the prevailing mode of building long after the conquest, until the value pf ground and the want of room suggested to the inhabitants the obvious expedient of raising their edifices higher, in the reign of the seventh and eighth Jfenries, and aft ei wards. Even so late as the middle of the seventeenth century, when the houses in the saint i8; saint Pancrass were rebuilt, in the time of the Com- monwealth, almost all of them were raised but one storv high ; which is the condition of some of them at this day. Though the ichnography of Chichester has undergone no material change from the time that the Romans quitted Britain, to the present ; yet the disposition of the streets, and some of the public buildings, have been altered in some degree. The north, west, and south-streets were wider formerly than they are now near the cross. The town-hall (then called the town-house; from time immemorial stood in the north-street ; not in the middle of it, but upon the west-side, contiguous to the house now in the occupation of Mr. Gawne, attorney. From the account of antient men, who have seen it, it appears to have been a spacious building ; but very far from elegant : but before the erection of the council cham- ber, it served all the purposes which that and the town-hall do now. That chamber was raised on tl e ruins of the church, called in writings, saint T< ' r the great, near the guild-hall. As every chu rcl n town had a burying-ground belonging to it ; this must have occupied a considerable space; which is now converted to other purposes; and it *s not im- probable 188 probable that the church and church-yard reached from the north-street to saint Martin's square. On the east-side of the street, opposite the town-house,, the line of buildings formed a curve, on account of the corn-market, which was kept there, whither the farmer brought his grain of every kind every Satur- day, and exposed it for sale ; and whither the inha- bitants resorted to purchase the supplies necessary for their use. As almost every family for many ge- nerations, were accustomed to bake their own bread in their own ovens, the miller every week (or at some other stated time ) called at their houses for their grist, which he brought back converted into flour, Sec. The church of saint Mary, called saint Mary in Foro, stood in the corner of the east and south- streets, on the scite of Mr. Weller's house, and those of Mr. Richard Murray and Mr. Wolferstan : the adjoining building, at present occupied by Mr. Gatehouse, there is no doubt is an encroachment on the south-street. What space the church and church- yard of saint Mary occupied in the east-street, it is impossible to determine. Before the fore-mentioned houses were in their present condition, they seemed to have stood not less than a century; and had the appearance i8 9 appearance and fashion of edifices erected in the time of the second Charles. It may be that the church was not in respectable repair in the time of Charles I. and that the dependents in the time of the Common- wealth, made free with the materials, and demolished it entirely; and likewise that of saint Peter, near the guild-hall. But the most probable conjecture is, that they both were beaten down and demolished by the artillery of the parliamentary army in the time of the civil war,* and that bishop King, with the assent and consent of the arch-bishop, and the con- currence of the dean and chapter, made new arrange- ments, both in the churches and parishes of the city, to suit the exigence of the time, at the memo- rable a?ra of the Reformation. The lane now called Little-London, was formerly denominated Savery- lane — at what time the change of appellation took place, it is immaterial to enquire. The opposite lane, called Baffin's lane, reached from the east street to the south-wall. — In the center of the Pallant, un- til about seventy or eighty years ago, (^when it was taken • There have been found at different times, on the north- side of the mount at the Friary, cannon-balls of many various sizes, one of which weighed thirty-two pounds ; which no doubt were lodged there when the place was then besieged. *9° taken down, or suffered to fall to ruin ) there was a wooden-cross, which had stood there from time im- memorial : whither the tanners or curriers sent all their leather to be stamped. The opposite house on the north-east corner, was built by Mr. Henry Peckham, commonly distinguished by the name of Lisbon Peckham, about the year 1712, for the pur pose of a custom-house ; whether it ever was used as such I do not know 7 . The family of Farrington, lived in the house in the south-street, which now be- longs to Mrs. Smith, widow of the late Revd. Charles- Smith, as did the lady of the last sir Richard, who survived her said husband several vear& CHAPTER 101 9 CHAPTER XIII. ATROCITY OF WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR CHICHESTER AND ARUNDEL, SlC. GRANTED TO EARL ROGER MONTGOMERY CASTLE OF CHICHESTER BUILT BY HIM SOUTH-WEST QUARTER GRANTED TO THE CHURCH OF THE MANERIAL HOUSES IN CHICHESTER. SEIGNIORITY OF THE CITY RE- VERTS TO THE CROWN! AND CONFERRED ON THE EARLS OF ARUNDEL. MELIORATION OF THE HOUSES IN CHI- CHESTER WHEN IT BEGAN BUILT OF WOOD A PUBLIC V ELL IN EVERY WARD OF THE CITY. £>UT to return to the time from which I have made this long, but I trust not unnecessary digression — there was not a free person in England, of any age, sex, or denomination, who was not deeply interested in the issue of the battle of Hastings, which was ;ht on the fourteenth day of October, between Id II. king of England, and William, duke of Normandy. In consequence of that fatal day, many, very many, were suddenly reduced from affluence to extreme want ; and all of them from a state of im- portance to the condition of slaves. The inhabitants of *9* of the east of Sussex, where William landed, were the first to feel the effects of his fury after the battle The manors of sir John Ashburnham were, in a par- ticular manner, the objects of his vengeance ; be- cause this worthy and valorous knight, at the desire of Harold, when he heard that the duke of Normandy was on the point of landing in England, had raised the posse comitatuum of Sussex and Surry, of which he was high-sheriff that year, (Vide Fuller) to de- fend his sovereign and native country, from the threatened invasion of a foreign enemv. — According to some historians, this illustrious patriot had antici- pated the wish and orders of the king, and w 7 as ready to join him with a considerable body of men, when he came to London from the north. 1 am credibly informed that king Harold's letter to sir John is still in the possession of his descendents — a monument of antiquity which reflects more honour on that family than their descent from Charlemagne ! a gem of far brighter lustre than any that ever came from Golconda !- On the fatal event of the battle of Hastings, this valiant and patriotic knight retreated with those of his followers who survived, to the castle of Dover ; intending to defend it against the havader, 3 53 invader, and hoping, no doubt, that the country in general would rise in their own defence; but was soon followed thither by William, who forced the garrison to surrender at discretion — in consequence sir John and many others were put to the sword. — Some of our historians relate that William exercised no severity on the English, till he found himself firmly fixed on the throne : but I perceive on exa- mining the survey of the counties of Kent and Sussex, that the Whole of his tract from Hastings to Dover, and from Dover to London, is there marked by the commissioners with the significant word devastated. So that a person, with the maps of these before him, and the Doomsday -book in his hand, may trace the rout of the Norman army with the greatest precision as far as the borough of Southwark, to which they set fire and reduced it to ashes. They arc said to have tarried a week at Hastings to bury their dead, and to recover of a dysentry. The truth is, the time was spent in ravaging the country, as may be col- lected from the above-mentioned record. At Dover William likewise halted some days, which were em- ployed in chastising the inhabitants of Romney, and desolating the country ; as it was pretended they had o in ulted, insulted, and otherwise maltreated some of his soldiers. He was crowned on Christmas-day, the same year, and early in the next year seized on, and confiscated the estates and treasures of Harold, and his two brothers, which were very great. By these means almost the whole of this county came into his possession : which he bestowed upon his followers. The rapes and towns of Chichester and Arundel, he gave to earl Roger de Montgomery — Bramber rape he bestowed on William de Braiose (perhaps Bruce. ) William de Warrenne had the rape and borough of Lewes — the earl of Mortaigne that of Pevensy, and the rape of Hastings was conferred on the earl of Eu. It is painful to reflect on the distress which, at that time, filled the kingdom from one end to the other. Were it possible to describe the miseries of the unhappy English on this dismal event, I would spare both the reader and myself the pain of writing and perusing a description of general horror, and unmeritted suffering. Not only were the thanes, and other proprietors of lands, driven from thence, but even the ceorls ejected from their possessions with rigour and unfeeling barbarity : and the frizalin de- spoiled *95 spoiled of their little property. This mode of pro- ceeding was general throughout the whole kingdom, buf enforced with greater severity and sanguinary atrocity in the private domains of the unhappy Harold and those of his family and friends. A very respec- table modern historian (Henry) says, "the ceorls were suffered to retain their rank, and their posses- sions/' But as he has adduced no authority, I claim the right of differing in opinion from him : because it is well known that no favour, and but little cle- mency, was shown to any englishmen in these most unhappy times ; now the ceorls in the time of the Saxons, possessed their farms on Very easy terms, nor could the thanes, and other landlords, either raise their rents, or disposess them of them : and I think it is not probable that the rapacious Normans would suffer this description of men to enjoy that which they thought in right of conquest belonged to them. Even the slaves, who were accounted cnly more cunning beasts, felt the weight of the Norman barbarity. A cotempcrary writer, whose testimony cannot be doubted, declines to give any description of the severity used upon them, " because its inhu- o 2 man i 9 6 man cruelty would appear incredible to posterity."* Many of the frizalin, and several of the ceorls, were reduced to a state of slavery, and thought themselves happy in preserving their lives even on these hard terms. We may therefore, I think, assume it as an unquestionable fact — that " at the conquest, pro- <{ perty, of every denomination, both in the city of " Chichester, and throughout the county of Sussex, ec changed hands, with very few exceptions." To pass over this calamitous time^ at least waving a des- cription of the scenes of distress which must then have taken place within these walls, I shall only ob- serve that the whole number of the new landholders both in the city and county, was sixteen; whose names * Hist. Eliens. apud Gale* Many of them fled from their native country to avoid the cruelties of their invaders. Perhaps there was no country in Europe whither they did not emigrate to escape from the merciless & or mans. " Each day (says Gibbon) they (the Varangians) rose " in confidence and esteem ; the whole body was assembled at " Constantinople to perform the duty of guards ; and their strength " was recruited by a numerous body of their countrymen from " Thule. On this occasion the vague appellation of Thule is ap- " plied to England." See Decline and Fall of the Rom. Emp. Vol. X. p. 223. *97 ,.* are at the bottom of the page. Only one of them, the last, was an Englishman, and his posses- sions of small extent. In the Doomsday-book we are informed that M the antient rental (of the' city of Chichester, in " the reign of Edward the confessor) was fifteen " pounds — ten pounds to the king, and one hun- " dred shillings to the earl * At the present time " the estimate is twenty-five pounds : the produce " thirty-five pounds. Humphry Flamen has here " one house of ten shillings value." Without enquiring what part of these twenty- five pounds belonged to the king, and what to the earl ; I have to remark that the whole sum amounted in value to seventy pounds, six shillings, and three o 3 pence King William Abbot of Saint Edward Arch-Bishop of Canterbury Earl of Lu Bishop of Chichester Earl of Mortaigne Abbot of Westminster Earl Roger dc Montgomery Abbot of Feschamp Wiliiato ofWarrene Osbern, Bishop >f Exeter William de Braiose Abbey of Winchester Odo of Winchester Abbey of Battle Eldred * In the time of the Confessor when the pound of money consisted of forty-eight shillings, an hundred shillings was not five, pounds but only two pounds, four shillings. i 9 8 pence, of our money, and in efficacy to more than one thousand pounds — a prodigious sum ! — almost four pounds on the average of every house deserving to , be reckoned. By the operation of the feudal system, which the Conqueror introduced in its full rigour and deformity, the king became the proprietor of all the property in the kingdom. It is known that earl Roger was a a great favourite of William ; but his partiality is not discoverable in the account of Sussex, which the commissioners gave in at the general survey. He was a distant relation of William; to whose service he had manifested his attachment in his native country, before his coming into Eng- land. He was a person of great courage, brave, but not rash, (See Oderic. Vital.) cool and intrepid in the midst of danger: and there fore William entrusted to him the van of the Norman army, at the memor- able battle of Hastings. To his. great military skill, and cool perseverance, there manifested, he owed the acquisition of the crown of England. No wonder then that William heaped on him so many valuable boons ; that his bounty to him seemed to be unlimitted; it was for good deeds done, and not tp be done. In Wiltshire he had three manors ; in Surry *99 Surry four; in Hampshire nine ; in Middlesex eight; in Cambridgeshire eleven ; in Herefordshire one ; in Gloucestershire one ; in Worcestershire two ; in Warwickshire eleven; in Staffordshire thirty; in Sussex seventy-seven — in all, one hundred and fifty- seven manors or lordships ; besides the city of Chi- chester, the castle of Arundel, the city of Shrews- bury, the county of Salop, to which we may add, that he was truly earl of Sssex ; as he had tertium denarium de placitis comitatus, the third penny of the pleas of the county : to which we may add like- wise, the honour of Eye in Suffolk. The govern- ment of Shropshire and Shrewsbury, he committed to Warine the bald; and resided himself occasionally in Chichester, when he was in England. The earl built a house for his own residence, on the place now called the Friary ; and, as "the Normans then very far excelled the English in the magnificence of their buildings, we may be assured that it was executed in a style far superior to any in the city. All the west- quarter he gave to Stigand, (the first bishop of Chichester) at the time that the king ordered all cathedral churches to be removed from villages to cities or boroughs, excepting ten o 4 houses 200 houses belonging to the manor of Bosham, lying between the tower-gate and the cross-gate in the west-street ; which appertained to the king as lord of tht manor, who gave the same to the prelate for the church that was to be built : so that the whole ef that quarter, by grants from the king and the earl, now belonged to the see, including the palace of the South-Saxon kings, and the abbey of saint Peter, some of the walls of which remain to this day, and form part of the walls of the church of saint Peter the Great, or the Subdeanry. Of the inhibited houses here, one hundred ^nd twenty-six belonged to the manors mentioned in the margin. Bosham manor had eleven belong- ing to it, the ten mentioned above, and the other on Houses. Nouses Houses. Singleton 9 Fishbonrne 2 Stedham 1 Mid Lavant l Bc-ham 11 Jping 1 Hampnett 1 Westbourne 7 Cocking 1 Strettington 3 Racton 1 Linch 1 lialnaker Stoughton 35 Sclham 1 Tangmere 4 Up-Marden 1 Burton 1 Aldingbonrne 16' East Marden 1 Pet worth o Felpham 1 North Marden 4 TiUingtoii 1 Sei:-ea 6 Compton 2 Dune ton 1 Wittering 13 Harting 11 Stopham 1 Donnington I Chithiirst I Woolayington 1 J 26* 2C1 on the west side of the tower-gate, now in the oc- cupation of Mr. William Guy, surgeon, held under the dean and chapter, as part of said manor. At that time, and long after, the fronts of the ten houses in the west-street, just mentioned, were in a line drawn with the front of Mr. Guy's house to the cross-gate. The church right reaches no farther ( with a few ex- ceptions) at this time : without that line towards the street, is in general holden under the corporation. Very soon after the Conquest a considerable charge took place in the mansions of the great and opulent ; to which those of the common people formed a miserable contrast ; as they received but very little melioration ; and continued nearly the same as they were in the time of the Saxons. The Normans in general, and more particularly their barons and great men, were a pompous people ; and being desirous to wipe out the stain of their origin, though retaining the ferocity of it, they learned the language, aped the manners, and copied the way of living of the French, as these did that of the Italians, then, and long after, esteemed the most polished people of Europe, except the Grecians. Every 202 Every age has its fashion, which generally pre- vails throughout Europe, from Otranto to St. Peters- burgh, in architecture, and every thing else, in spite of the difference of circumstances. The great cha- racteristic of the architecture of the eleventh, and several succeeding centuries, was strength and dura- bility : from which the present, and last preceeding age, have widely departed. The castles of the Norman-English were built in a style of grandeur Far superior to any thing that had ever been seen in England before ; and the mansions of the gentry, no doubt, received considerable improvement. The house mentioned before, and said in Doomsday-book, to belong to Flamen, and to be worth ten shillings a year, was most probably, what had formerly be- longed to the South-Saxon kings. It was far superior to any other in town, but many degrees inferior (even when afterwards converted into the episcopal residence) to the magnificent edifice the castle of < earl near the north-gate. The four gates were evidently of Roman fabrication, except the square towers on the tops of them, these were in a different style, and were no doubt, erected by the Normans; probably by Roger, the first earl, who repaired the gates, 203 gates, walls, and moat, all of which the Saxons had suffered to go to decay. If the earl and his succes- sors had resided constantly in Chichester, in their first state of grandeur and opulence, their presence would have been of very great advantage to it; n d raised it from the condition of mediocrity in which thcv found it, to a state of eminence. But neither of these events took place : the residence of the earl was sometimes in the king's court; and often at Shrewsbury, where he had a castle. And through the extreme turbulence of the times it happened, that the seigniority of this city reverted to the crown, which governed it by deputies of a far infe- rior description, before the lordship thereof was conferred upon the earl of Arundel; and if this miss had not been in some measure compensated by the removal of the see hither from Selsea, this (even then) antient city must have fallen to decay. For almost five hundred years after the Conquest, the city derived its principal support, directly or in- directly, from the church : during which time the superior clergy were of great importance in the state : their wealth considerable, aud their power not less. I cannot 204 I cannot avoid believing, though I can adduce no direct proof that earl Roger, after he was invested with the seigniority of Chichester — after the aliena- tion of property, as far as it reached, was completed, and the new guild established on the ruins of the old, confirmed to the portgrave and citizens, the immunities and privileges which the city had enjoyed under the Saxon and Danish kings. The charter of king Stephen, which the reader will iind in the Ap- pendix, makes this conjecture not improbable ; to which we may add, that without such an act of cour- tesy or equity, either from the king or from him, the magistrates, whatever name they bore, would have had no power to act. The charter which the Con- queror granted to the city of London, is Italy, Scotland, and most probably in every other country of Europe, as a necessary precaution against fires ,• which were very fatal when houses were built of wood. Yet so great and so general art imputation attaches to his memory on this score, even to this day, that it can hardly be supposed to be unfounded at first : it is probable then that the tyranny consisted in the man- ner of enforcing the regulation* CHAPTER 217 CHAPTER XIV. THE HOUSES IN CHICHESTER STRIPT OF THE LANDS BELONG- ING TO EACH NUMBER OF HOUSES AT THE CONQUEST ACCOUNT OF THE MONTGOMERY FAMILY OF THE OTHER NORMAN BARONS WHO HAD MANORS IN SUSSEX EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND, LAST OF THE ENGLISH NOBILITY , EXECUTED. jSJNG William held Bosham in domain. In the city every species of property was transferred to the Normans, and most of the houses received new oc- cupants; with this difference in many instances, that whereas before the Conquest, in the time of the Saxons, and most probably before, every house in the city had a certain portion of land belonging to it, now the land was detached from it. All the lands cm Portfield, both the Broiles, Grayling-well, and the meadows to the south of the city, belonged to houses in the town ; and were considered as part and parcel of the same. The monastery, the clergy, and the manors, still retained the lands belonging to each respectively. 2l8 respectively. At the extremity of St. Pancrass a few paces within the boundary, there was a mill, called the King's mill, for the use of the inhabitants; the ruins of which still point out the place where it stood, On the Lavant-course were three other mills, that of Hampnett, now in the possession of Mr. Knott — one between Hampnett and Lavant, in the marshes, the scite still discernible — and the other near Appledram, in the meadows, opposite to Appledram-common.* Though the number of houses in Chichester, taken in the survey, be only 2S3~, it is probable there * The Lavant is a very irregular stream ; sometimes (generally in the winter and spring) running in a full current ; at other times (commonly in the summer and autumn) the water disappearing in the marshes between Lavant and Hampnett, and leaving the bed quite dry. Had this been the case in the times of the Belgre ? Romans, and Britons, the moat round the city-walls would not have been supplied with water regularly, but only occasionally, when the stream flowed. Hence a probability arises that it has undergone a change. By history we are informed that in the years of our Lord 107 6, 1088. 1185, 1233, 1275, 1320, 138J, 13S3, &c. there were great earthquakes in England. That which happened 10SS is said to have been so great that it shook the whole kingdom — —in a. d. 1185, so violent that it threw down many houses, churches, and other great buildings, in divers places. It may therefore be that in some of these great concussions of nature, the strata under the bed of the river received such new arrangement and modificatioa as to affect its course at some times and not at others. 2Z9 there were several more. The survey was made purely with a view to taxation ; and therefore all bouses that were too mean to be taxed were passed over, and not mentioned in the account given to the commissioners, and by them to the exchequer. That many of the slaves inhabited houses, and half- houses, (as the cottagers in every part of England do now ) can hardly be doubted ; but the houses were too mean, and themselves too insignificant, to be subject to any public assessment whatever. That it was so, the very number itself ending with a fraction is a convincing proof. The Doomsday-book men- tions only the houses belonging to the earl and the manors ; but it is more than barely probable that several persons of respectability, who belonged to neither of these, lived in it One is mentioned (Humphry Flamen) who had a house of ten shillings value, and it is probable there were several more of the same description. So that if we take these, and the wretched huts and half-huts of the unhappy slaves, and others, into the account, and add them to the number above-mentioned, we may without exaggera- tion, estimate the houses at four hundred and fifty, ami the number of inhabitants not much under three thousand. 220 thousand. The two West-lanes, it is true, were very thinly inhabited, if at all, and added very little, if any thing, to the population ; but in other respects, both the city and the suburbs were as extensive, and occupied the same space as now. In St. Pancrassare several houses holden under the manor of Halnaker to this day * The family of Montgomery did not long retain the vast possessions and honors which the Conqueror had heaped upon them : Robert de Belesme, (Belemy) the last of them, being out-lawed for rebellion by Henry I, a. d. 1102: so that the time they enjoyed the supremacy of Chichester and Arundel, and their other possessions in England, was not more than thirty -six years. As they were men of great power and influence both in Chichester, and thoughout the kingdom, while they continued in power, it will not be deemed a digression to give a brief account of each * Not many years ago the steward of lord Selsea, lord of the manor of Stoughton, demanded and received fourteen years quit-rent for one or more houses in the North-street, as holding under the said manor. It had fifteen houses in the city, and it is very probable that they lay in that neighbourhood, and occupied all that space in the west side of the North-street, which reaches from Crane-lane to the North-irate, 221 each of them, to the extent of my authentic informa- tion, as far as their affairs are connected with the city and county. Roger de Montgomery, the first earl, mentioned before, maintained a fair character, which he seems to have deserved, if we except the cruelty of his dis- position, which was the vice of the times; for what- ever humanity the Normans were possessed of in Normandy, it is well known they practised none in England : and to say that Roger w T as not more savage than his countrymen here, is no high panegyric. In other respects his character stands high. He was a person of great prudence, and unshaken intrepidity. When Robert (the Conqueror's eldest son) rose in arms against his father, he interceeded with the king, then in Normandy, in behalf of his rebellious son, and obtained his forgiveness. William died in 1087, and was succeeded on the throne of England by his second son, William Rufus, Roger at first, in con* junction with Odo, earl of Kent, the earl of Mor- taigne, and other barons, endeavoured to raise Robert ( the eldest son of William ) to that dignity ; but was afterwards won over by Rufus to espouse his cause. He is praised by the monks as a person of great piety and 222 and benevolence. He founded and richly endowed the abbey of saint Peter, Shrewsbury ; and was a liberal benefactor to several religious houses, both in' England and Normandy. To the see of Chichester he gave, as mentioned before, the south-west quar- ter of the city. Three days before his death, (in August 1094) Tie assumed the cowl in the abbey of Shrewsbury, and " was honourably buried in the church of that monastery." (Vide Antiq. of Arund.) The second earl of Chichester was Hugh de Mongomery, the second son of Roger. The Welch called him Hugh Goch, on account of his red hair. He was a monster, whom no favours could bind, no principle direct, and no laws restrain. He joined Robert de Mowbray, and other barons, in an attempt to dethrone Rufus: which attempt w r as quashed, and Hugh glad to make his peace with the king, by pay- ing him a fine of three thousand pounds. In order to recover the favour of the king, he raised a powerful army, a. d. 1097, and marched against the Welch. In his march to Anglesea he committed the most horrid outrages on the defenceless inhabitants ; not only slaughtering, but torturing them with the most savage fierceness. At this place he was met by Magnus, 223 Magnus, king of Norway, who having conquered the Orkney-islands and that of Man, was proceeding to Anglesea, with an intention of landing there and plundering the inhabitants ; but fearing an opposi- tion he retired, after discharging a few arrows at those on shoie; with one of which, Hugh was mortally wounded, and dying in Anglesea, his body was carried to Shrewsbury, and deposited in the abbey there. The third and last earl of Chichester, of the Montgomery family, was Robert de Belesme, the eldest son of Roger, the first earl, from whom he in- herited his estates in Normandy, and on the death of Hugh, succeeded to those in England. The dis- position of Robert was not less sanguinary, nor in any respect less detestable than his brother's. — Rufus was killed in the New Forest, a. d. 1100, and his younger brother, Henry, seized upon the treasures of the late king at Winchester, which were very great, and usurped the crown, to the prejudice of his eldest brother, Robert, duke of Normandy, then absent in the Holy-land. On his retntn he prepared to vindicate his claim to the English throne, being joined by many of the Norman nobility, and some of 224 of the English; among whom he reckoned Robert de Belesme, earl of Chichester, Sussex, &c, his two brothers, Roger and Arnulph, and several others. — As the duke of Normandy relinquished or rather sold his pretensions to the crown of England, for an an- nual pension of three thousand marks ; it was stipu- lated that all the barons who had espoused his cause, should be restored to their estates and honours. But king Henry found means to evade or break through his engagements with all of them, and in a short time to accomplish their ruin. After the pacifica- tion, the earl had retired to his castle of Arundel, which (as he had no other pledge of safety but the king's plighted faith) he began to fortify, as he did his other castles. This afforded Henry a pretence for issuing a proclamation accusing him of treasons able designs, and ordering him to appear; which order as the earl did not think fit to comply with, he laid siege to him in the castle (of Arundel), from which he fled to Bridgnorth, the strongest castle that he had, which soon after was taken by storm, and the earl forced to cast himself upon rhe king's cle- mency. His life was granted to him on his petition, and likewise a safe conduct for himself, horse and arms. 225 arms, to the sea-coast: but all his honours and vast estates in England, were forfeited to the crown. All the earl's vassals, every person holding under him,, or in any way connected with him in the towns and rapes of Chichester and Arundel, and in his numerous lordships throughout England, greatly rejoiced at his downfall and expulsion ; as they were certain they could not fall into worse hands. The title of earl of Chichester was never revived to the same height of dignity and power as was enjoyed by the family of Montgomery. The whole race of the Monto-omeries were in- volved in the punishment and wreck of Robert de Belesme. The third son of Roger, was Roger, earl of Poictou in France, where he resided, as did Philip* (for some time) who was a priest. The youngest q. son * Philip, the fourth son of Roger de Montgomery, passed the first years of his life with his brother Roger, earl of Poictou ; and afterwards, in the 1 tumultuous reign of Henry I. removed to Scotland, from the king of which lie had given to him " a fair in- heritance in the shire of Renfrew." From him descended sir Robert Montgomery, of Eglesham, who in the reign of Richaid the second, a. d. 1388, with his own hand took prisoner Henry Percy of Northumberland, known by the name of Henry Hotspur. From him is descended the noble family of Montgomery, earls of Kjjlington in Scotland. 226 son, Arnulph, had no inheritance left to him by his father, but his arms — with these he conquered Pem- brokeshire in Wales, of which he constituted himself head or chief. That he was directly engaged in re- bellion against king Henry, along with his brother Robert, and the other barons, does not clearly appear; however that be, he certainly was involved in their punishment, and it is probable his life fell a sacrifice to the vengeance of the enraged king. The earl of Mortaigne and William de Warrenne, were likewise engaged in conspiracies against the kings who filled the throne soon after the Conquest, and lost their estates and honours in consequence thereof. The Count de Eu was impeached a. d. 1094, of being concerned in the conspiracy of Mowbray, and being found guilty, was condemned to have his estates con- fiscated, to lose his eyes, and his body in other re- spects mutilated. How long William de Braious re- tained possession of his boon, the rape of Bramber. I can find no account. Soon after the time now under consideration, that is in the reign of John, I find mention made in the history of Scotland, of de Bruce, lord of Cantyre. We may therefore suppose that about the time the other barons lost their 227 their estates, for rebellion, De Braious likewise lost his for the same offence. How precarious and how fleeting is human grandeur ! In the short space of nine year after the Conquest, of all the antient English nobility there was not one of them left in it : Waltheof, earl of Northumberland, the last of them, and who had married Judith, the Conqueror's niece, being exe- cuted for an alledged offence, on the 29th day of April, 1075, on a rising ground without the gates of Winchester. It has been remarked by some person that '< the most illustriously virtuous of the English (i nobility, and great men, those who best deserved * to live, have finished their lives on the block.'* This was fully exemplified in the case of earl Waltheof, whose life was so blameless, and his cha- racter so amiable, that even W illiam felt some qualms on his mind, on the occasion ; and would have rescinded or mitigated the unjust sentence of his condemnation; if he had not been goaded on by his Normans, who longed for his estates, to hasten his execution. q g CHAPTER 228 CHAPTER XV. THE CASTLE OP CHICHESTER GRANTED TO THE GREY FRIARS, AND AFTER THEM TO THE MAYOR AND CORPORATION. KING JOHN GRANTS A CHARTER TO THE CITY MAGNA CHARTA. BUILDING OF THE CATHEDRAL. STIGANDUS THE FIRST BISHOP OF CHICHESTER. OOON after the expulsion of the Montgomeries from England, the lordship of Chichester was vested in William de Albini, earl of Arundel; in whose family it continued many generations. Whether any of them resided in the castle thereof cannot be determined : though it is most probable that they did not; but governed the city by a deputy, who had that assigned to him as his residence. It has been said before that earl Roger gave the south-west quarter to the bishops of Chichester. The original grant is now lost, as I learn from the ms. notes of the late Mr. Clarke,* canon of this church, but what is * Now in my possession by the favour of the Revd. Mr. James Clarke, his grandson. 229 is of equal validity, a renewal and confirmation of the said grant, by the earl of Arundel, and queen Adeliza, his wife, is in the possession of the dean and chapter. About the year 1233, or soon after, the castle with its appurtenances, was given by William, the fourth earl of Arundel, (and last but one of the name of Albini) to the grey-friars of the order of saint Francis ; in whose possession it remained as a con- vent, till the dissolution of the order in the reign of Henry the eighth, who afterwards in the thirty-second year of his reign, a. d. 1541, granted it to the mayor and citizens of Chichester; by whom it was let on lease to the persons mentioned in the margin, except the q 3 chapel, The date of the grant is the 6th of November, 1541. Lea*d by the corporation to John Knott, a. d. 1543 ; William Appleby, 1567 ; and this lease assigned to John Yonge, 15 SO, and to Ralph Chandler 15S1, and to George Goring, 1582; who made the additions. Sir John Caryll, 1602; Christopher Lewkenor, 1634, who was ousted by the parliament ; William Cawiey, lrj4— ; sir Richard May, 1674; sir Hutchins Williams; sir Pere Williams; sir Booth Williams; a daughter of sir Hutchins Williams married Mr. Fonnereau, to whom it belongs at present, by leasehold tenure under the mayor and corporation. The term of the lease is 999 years — when commencing I have not found, nor is it material. 230 chapel, which they converted into a shire or town- hall ever since. The honour of Arundel, in the course of a few years, appeared again in equal splendour, in the person of William de iUbini, whose father (of the same name) came into England with the Conqueror. Henry the first, had settled Sussex, and the castle of Arundel, on his second queen Adeliza,* as her dower : who, on the death of her husband, ( 1st December, 1135) pitched upon the castle as the place of her residence. This lady married the fore-mentioned William de Albini, (called William with the strong hand, on account of his great strength) who thereby became * Adeliza, or Adelais, was the daughter of Geoffrey, earl of Louvain, in France, who was very nearly 1 elated to the kings of France, of the Carlovignian race. In the year 1136, she (Adeliza) gave to her brother Jocelin of Louvain, the manor of Carleton, including Eastdean, Boxgrove, Lavant, &c, From him sprung the Percies of Northumberland. So that that family may boast of being descended from Charlemagne, in a line more direct and unbroken than many of the late nobility of France, who prized themselves so highly on that honour. " -The manor of Carleton remained in the possession of the family of Percy more than five hundred years, till the time of Charles II. who obtained it of the carl (of Northumberland) for his son, whom he created duke of Richmond, &c. Goodwood was then, and had been for many years, an hunting seat belonging to the earl. 231 became possessed in right of his wife, of the castle, and therefore of the honours of earl of Arundel * When the empress Maude (daughter of Henry the first, of England, and relict of Henry the fifth, emperor of Germany) landed at Little-Hampton, a. d. 1139, in order to recover the crown of England, which Stephen had usurped, she was there received by William de Albini, and conducted with her at- tendants, to her mother-in-law, in the castle (of Arundel) — where she was soon after besieged by Stephen, and obliged to fly from thence to the castle of Bristol. Stephen died in 1 154, and w T as succeeded by Henry Plantagenet, the empress Maude's eldest son ; with whom the earl of Arundel being in great favour, w T as by him created earl of Sussex, and had the tertiwn denarium of all the pleas of the county granted to him, and his heirs. The family of the Albinies continued in possession of Arundel, Sussex, * $ee Antiq. of Arund, 233 with four sergeants at mace : vesting them with power to try and determine all causes of trespass; &c. committed within their jurisdiction — to make bye- laws for their internal government, &c. in the same form and efficacy as all the charters were then, and have since been written * This favour conferred on the borough (for w T hich notwithstanding they were obliged to pay a very considerable doceur, or oblation, to the king, and another to the queen, called " aurum reginae," or queen-goldf) was a measure of policy on the part of John, who was involved in many difficulties and distresses, in consequence of his tyranny and mal- administration. He wished to rule in the most arbi- tary way, and his barons, who, in general were as great tyrants as he, could not bear to think of sub- mitting to that severity of oppression from the crown, which they very freely exercised upon their vassals and dependents. Every charter which the king grant- ed to the boroughs, was a local abridgment of the power * The charter of the city of London was six years Earlier, being dated a. d. 1207. f Ma rtdox's Hist. Excheq. Ch. X.— Brady on Burghs, var. loc. 234 power and authority of the barons, where it operated; and likewise, in effect, a kind of rival power, in op- position to them, the more grating to them, in every point of view, as they looked upon it as an act of encroachment, whereby their own property was sur- reptitiously filched from them, and converted into an engine to be employed against themselves. But John, who never respected the justice, but the ex- pedience of any measure, regarded none of those considerations. Two years after this, that is a. d. 1215, June 19, king John was obliged to grant another charter, of a very different nature, and different tendency, as it respected him, and the power of the crown ,* namely the great charter of the nation, known by the name of Magna Charta; which was not granted voluntarily by him, but wrung from him by mere force : the conditions of which, had he lived, it was his fixt determination not to fulfil. This charter, so favourable to the nobility, tended very little to meliorate the condition of the lower classes of the people : it sheltered them indeed, in common with their lords, from the tyranny of the crown, in some cases; but it left them equally as before, subject to the 235 the oppression of the barons : an oppression which thev felt more sensibly than they did that of the king. When this palladium of English liberty, as it is called,, was executed at Runnimede by the king, William de Albini was with him, and of his party : but afterwards took an oath to obey the twenty-five lords who were appointed conservators to see that the articles of it, and that called " De Foresta," were fulfilled. He (William) died a. d. 1222, on his return from the Holy-land ; and left behind him an excellent cha- racter, both in private and public life, and also of being a strenuous asserter of the rights and liberty of mankind. I cannot inform the reader who were the ma- gistrates in the city at that time : whoever they were, they came into office when the whole kingdom was greatly convulsed ; when the king was deposed from his throne, by the fulminating voice of the Roman pontiff — and his subjects, by the same authority, absolved from their oaths of allegiance, and the king of France preparing to invade the kingdom, in ex- ecution of the papal sentence. Such was the time; a time which required the utmost exertions of cou- rage, guided by steady prudence, in the magistrate, to 236 to save the city from internal agitation, and external calamity. Nicholas de Aquila was then bishop of Chichester, and, however paradoxical it may appear in the present day, as bishop was possessed of more power and influence than the magistrates of any cor- poration in the kingdom, London perhaps excepted. The bishop, no doubt, would support the cause of his patroness, Rome, in preference, and even in» op- position to that of the king. But soon the rapid scene changes, the king of England resigns his crown to the holy-see, and becomes the pope's vassal, and Philip, king of France, ordered by the holy father to desist from attempting any thing against his son and servant, the king of England : with which orders the mighty monarch was forced to comply. — " Thus in (e these days of darkness did a weak old man, pos- (i sessed of little earthly power, but sole monarch of p superstition, more powerful than inchantment, " direct the actions and dispose of the destinies of • f the most powerful potentates, at his pleasure !" I have said before that the present cathedral church of Chichester was built by Seffrid II. bishop of the diocese. In the beginning of, his reign, William the Conqueror, had given orders that all cathedrals- churches 237 churches should be removed from villages to cities, and therefore Lanfranc, the arch-bishop of Canter- bury in a provincial synod, holden at saint Paul's in London, soon after his elevation, decreed that this order of the king should be fulfilled as soon as might be. Stigand was then bishop of this diocese, and was succeeded therein a. d. 1087, by Godfrey,- who died the next vear — and the see was vacant three years. In a. d. 1091, Ralph cc became bishop." (See Le Neve. ) This prelate, immediately after his pro- motion, began to make the necessary preparations for building ; but as the country was very much drained of money by the rapacity of the Conqueror and his son Rufus, he found it impossible for him to make anv progress therein, or even to lay the founda- tion, before the accession of Henry I. to the throne- under whose auspices the worthy bishop was enabled to begin and to compleat the work he had so much at heart, and which had so Ion o; been in agitation- The cathedral was finished in the year 11 OS: but being built of wood, was burned to the ground on the 9th of May, 1114. In the year following, the bishop began to re- build; and finished the second fabric before his death. 2 3 8 death, which happened the fourteenth of December, 1123 — having been bishop of this diocese thirty-two years. Whether this second fabric was constructed of wood too, I no where find mentioned ; but it is most probable that it was, as it was burned about the year 1180, with the houses of the clergy, and almost all the city. SerFrid II. the seventh bishop of Chichester, was consecrated the seventeenth of October, 1180, and immediately began to make preparations to re- build the church, in a superior style of magnificence and durability. At the same time this worthy prelate rebuilt the episcopal palace, the cloisters, and the commons' houses : and finished the whole vast under- taking, in the space of fourteen years. On the thirteenth of September, 1199, he consecrated the church with great splendour and magnificence, being assisted by six other bishops. He gave the parson- age of Seaford, and other valuable benefactions, to the church. After having filled this see more than twenty-three years, with honour and advantage, he died the 17th of March, 1204. His effigy cut in black marble, is on the south-side of the door of the duke of Richmond's vault, opposite to bishop Ralph's, which is on the north side thereof. The 239 The expence of erecting this magnificent and elegant cathedral, with the palace, &c. must have been very great, e\ en at that time when money was comparatively much more valuable than it is now. No one can suppose that the fund, for that purpose, was derived from the bishop's estate, either real or personal. Henry II. king of England, was a great and magnificent prince, it is true : but his time, at- tention, and resources, were all engrossed by cares and undertakings of very different natures. The fol- lowing quotation, taken from a modern author, of approved veracity and intelligence, will throw some light upon this subject, and inform the reader by what means most of the cathedral churches in Eng- land were built. " As the prodigious power of re- u ligious zeal, whatever turn it happens to take, " when it is thoroughly heated, is well known, it s: may not be improper to give one example of the ere his most inveterate and implacable enemies. He died at Oxford, at the age of seventy-eight years, more than one fourth part of which was passed in confinement, in gaol, by the m-alica of his enemies. 2J2' and knowledge, too dazzling for eyes, which had been habituated to a dim twilight, to look up to. So far did he eclipse all that had ever gone before him, that he was suspected, even by the learned, to have derived his knowledge from infernal spirits, If we consider that this great man had no teacher, (the world could furnish none for him ) and no assistant, but on the contrary, mankind associated to thwart and impede him, we may be allowed to affirm that the powers of his mind were inferior to none of any nation or age. Philosophy he first rescued from the quibbles of logic, to its proper basis of laborious patient experiment. It is true, his studies did not directly tend to religion, nor were his discoveries made in that province; but it is equally true that the exposure of error in any path, and the extention of truth of every denomination, has a tendency to illuminate every subject, of every description. It is no disparagement to the memory of that eminent reformer John Wickliff, to say that the world is in- debted to the previous discoveries of Roger Bacon, and the undaunted exertions of Robert G rested, the pious bishop of Lincoln, that ever he had an exis- tance as such. The latter of these showed mankind the 273 " the horrid features of the Romish imposture ; and the former furnished the weapons wherewith the monster might be assailed with success. No greater praise can be ascribed to man than saying, with these the immortal WickliflC single and alone, entered the lists against all the powers of darkness: and though he could not lay the foe prostrate at his feet, he inflicted wounds on him which never were healed. The fabulous Hydra of Lerna was feigned to have had fifty heads ; the real monster of Rome had many thousands!* t About • John Wickliff, a native of the county of York, and pro- fessor of divinity in Oxford, was born a. d. 1324— and died in the year 13S4. A cotemporary historian, and his inveterate enemy (Knyghton) says, that " more than one half of the peo- " pie of England became his followers, and embraced his doctrine." After his death the pope, and all the Romish clergy throughout Europe, endeavoured with all their power to eradicate the im- pression which his preaching and writings had made on the minds of men, but it was a vain attempt ; truth is congenial to the mind of man; and no endeavours can-long maintain the reign of delu- sion and tyranny, in the midst of light and knowledge. His bones were dug up and burned, his books condemned and anathematized, his character blackened, his doctrines denounced, and the abettors of them persecuted with the utmost fury. But all these attempts to stifle the truth were ineffectual. His disciples (called Lollards in England, and Albigenses abroad) instead of diminishing, in- creased ; and in the issue overturned the system of spiritual im- posture and papal tyranny. 274 About the middle of the reign of Edward III. the company of merchants called the merchants of the Staple, was formed in England; and the laws and regulations of the society settled by act of par- liament. (Vide Stat. 27, K. Edward III.) The com- pany was invested with great privileges : they were exempted from the jurisdiction of the ordinary ma- gistrates, and placed under the authority of a mayor and constables of the Staple, chosen annually., in each staple-town : in which there were also six me- diators, (two Germans, two Lombards, and two Eng- lishmen ) who were to determine all disputes brought before them, in the presence of the mayor and con- stables of the Staple. There were other immunities which they enjoyed. They were in fact, not only a distinct but (in all matters relating to traffic) an independent commonwealth. The other towns, be- sides Chichester, of the Staple, were London, York, Canterbury, Winchester, Bristol and Exeter. The purposes intended to be answered by this establish- ment were, first, to collect together all that could be spared of the chief commodities produced in the kingdom, wool, wool-felts, lead and tin, and to de^ posit ihem in these constituted depositories ; that foreign *75 foreign merchants might know where to find them: and in the second place to export these staple-goods to foreign countries, and import from thence either bullion, or the produce of those countries which was wanted in England. About the middle, and towards the end of the thirteenth century, lived John Peckham, arch-bkhop of Canterbury; a native of this county, and founder of the families of that name, both in Sussex and Kent ; several of which live in affluence and respec- tability to this day. According to the account of this extraordinary man in the history of Lewes, he was born about the year 1230, of very indigent parents; who were not able to give him any educa- tion. This defect was supplied by the partiality of the monks of Lewes, who not only gave him a sub- sistence, but bestowed on him a liberal education : and afterwards sent him to Oxford to compleat it. Here he entered into the order of St. Francis. From thence he went to Paris: where he distinguished himself so much by his learning and exemplary life, that he was appointed canon in the cathedral of Lyons. In this place he set himself to acquire the t 2 knowledge 276 knowledge of the civil and canon-law. From Lyons he went to Rome ; where, on account of his talents and learning, he was soon promoted to the tribunal of one of the papal courts ; and was held in so great estimation with the Roman pontiff, that he set aside the election of Robert Burnel, bishop of Bath and Wells, to the primacy of Canterbury, in order to elevate Peckham to that dignity; which elevation took place a. d. 1278. — Deeply tinctured with the intolerance and cruel prejudices of the times, in 1282 he caused all the synagogues in the diocese of London to be demolished : and about the same time undertook a journey into Wales, in order, by his spiritual authority, to repress a rebellion (as it was called) of the Welch, who under the banners of their brave prince Llewellyn, endeavoured to re-assert the independence of their oppressed country. — He had a manor and mansion in his native county, at Slindon, and a house at Terrible-down, in the parish ofFramfield, the ruins of which are still remaining* Many of his relations he raised from indigence to opulence ; * See Hist, of Lewes, p. 172— 17S. 277 opulence ; by what means it is not said : not by his interest at court, it is probable, for he was no fa\ourite with the king, (Edward I.) At his death, a. d. 1294, he is said to have left behind him more than five thousand pounds : a great sum, equal nearly to an hiuidred thousand pounds of the present dav. CHAPTER 278 CHAPTER XVIIL THE STATE OF CHICHESTER BEFORE THE REIGN OF HENRY VII —THE KING A FRIEND TO COMMERCE AND NAVIGATION SHILLINGS COINED IN HIS REIGN. THE NUMBER OF THE PEERS FEW IN ENGLAND AND THE REASON OF THE RETAINERS OF THE NOBILITY THEIR DEPRESSION GRADUAL EXTINCTION OF SLAVERY REFORMATION OF RELIGION— PERSECUTION OF THE LOLLARDS BISHOPS OF CHICHESTER AT THE REFORMATION OF THE RELIGIOUS HOUSES IN ENGLAND VALUATION OF THEM rAND DISSOLUTION. If we form an estimate of the population, commerce, and prosperity of the city of Chichester, from the state of the kingdom in general, in all those respects, before the accession of Henry VII. to the crown, we must conclude that they were in no flourishing condition. The cruel civil wars between the houses of York and Lancaster, had long harrassed the coun- try, greatly diminished the number of the people, thrown every thing into confusion, and prevented them 2 79 them from employing to their advantage, the re- sources which they enjoyed. The accession of Henry removed these obstructions, and, in time, gave room to the genius and industry of the inhabitants to ex- ert themselves. The king himself was a prince of a comprehensive understanding ; who, knowing that the prosperity of the people, and therefore the lustre of the crown, depended much on foreign trade, set himself, as soon as he was fixed on the throne, to promote and encourage it. With this view he formed commercial treaties with almost every nation in Europe ; in particular with France, and the different states of Italy* Before this time almost all the foreign trade of England had been carried on by foreigners, and in foreign ships, or bottoms. Knowing that this practice tended to prevent the increase of Eng- lish ships, and English sailors, Henry procured laws to be made, ordaining that (almost) all goods brought from beyond seas should be imported into England in ships belonging to the king, or some of his sub- jects. No prince in Europe at that time, understood the nature of commerce better than he, or was more disposed to encourage and pationise it: I know it is generally believed that it was through his diffidence t 4 and 28o and avarice that England lost the honour of making the first discovery of the new world : but this is a mistake, and a mistake very injurious to his memory. In the year 1485, Christopher Columbus sent his. brother Bartholomew to the court of England to solicit the patronage and assistance of Henry in his meditated discoveries. In his voyage hither, Bartho- lomew was taken by pirates, who stripped him of every thing, and detained him nearly four years. In 1489, he arrived in England, almost naked, without credentials^ without money, and without friends : and it was a considerable time hefore he could pro- cure an audience with the king; which when he obtained, Henry listened to his narrative and pro- posals with fixt attention ; and after mature delibera- tion, agreed to grant Columbus the assistance he required, on the proferred conditions; and sent Bartholomew back to his brother, with an invitation from him to come into England. But Columbus had sailed on his second voyage before Bartholomew arrived in Spain* In the year 1497, the islands of Newfoundland and saint John were discovered by John Cabot, a Venetian, (the father of Sebastian Cabot} • See Churchill's Voyage, Vol. II. p. 557—MS. 28l Cabot) who was fitted out by Henry for making discoveries, in conjunction with some merchants of Bristol, Plymouth and Chichester. In this king's reign, a. d. 1504, shillings were first coined in England, weighing 144 grains.* They are said to have been a beautiful coin : but are now to be found only in the cabinets of the curious. The hire of a day labourer at this time, was only three pence : which would purchase as much of the neces- saries of life as three or four shillings at the present time. Henry at his death left in his treasury, or private property, the sum of five millions three hundred thousand pounds, as is attested by lord chief-justice Coke, besides plate and Jewels. A pro- digious sum for that time ! — As Henry VII. may be said to have been the founder of the foreign trade of England ; so his son, Henry VIII. was of its navy. At whose demise it consisted of fifty-three ships of war ; and several of them of great magnitude. One the Henry) was of a thousand tons burden. By the wars between the houses of York and Lancaster, the number of the nobility was so much reduced, that when Henry of Richmond forced his way • The 37 f part of the money pound. 282 way to the throne, only twenty-eight temporal peers were summoned to his first parliament i* and in his and the succeeding reign, very few were raised to the peerage : the policy of both the Henries, and of Elizabeth, disposing them to favour and promote the power and importance of corporations, in order to counterpoise the influence of the nobility in the state; and shelter the crown from danger in that quarter, the only quarter where danger was ap- prehended. Letters and charters of incorporation were granted to several places: and not a few boroughs, which had not before enjoyed that pri- vilege, were summoned to send representatives to the commons house of parliament, and every method adopted that the policy of the court could devise to depress the power of the aristocracy : a power on which, in less than two centuries, the crown in vain wished to lean for support and defence, from the danger in which the system of despotism, which these autocrats had established in the kingdom, and transmitted to their succestors, had involved it. So limited is the foresight of the deepest human sagacity! In the mean time, the system adopted by the kings of * See Dugdale's Summons to Parliament, 283 of England, for several centuries, of depressing the nobility, was favourable in its consequences to the cities and towns in general ; and to Chichester not less than to others. Laws had been made, and were now rigourously executed, against the great keeping a number of retainers, which hitherto they had been accustomed to do ; who depended solely upon them, and under the shelter of their name and protection, were guilty of the greatest enormities and sanguinary atrocities. — The suppression of this formidable de- scription of men, (little better than freebooters) was of eminent advantage to the country. Delivered from the dread and depredations of these, the hus- bandman pursued his peaceful labours, the swain reared and fed his cattle, the mechanic was secured from alarm, and the tradesman and dealer from ruin and assassination. — Though no law was ever made in England, I believe, for the abolition of slavery here; yet as religion and humanity gained ground, and prevailed among men, in the same proportion slavery declined, WicklifT, and his followers, inveighed against the practice of it with equal warmth and suc- cess. It soon became a prevailing opinion among the people, M that slavery was inconsistent with " Chritianity, 284 " Christianity, offensive to God, and injurious to « men."* Every reader knows by what means the refor- mation of religion in England was effected : that it began in a separation from the church of Rome, on a political and not a religious account. This separa- tion took place a. d. 1534, and was effected by those who were zealously attached to the Romish religion, and the greatest enemies to reformation. During: the whole reign of Henry VIII. the persecution of Lollards, and burning of heretics, (as they were called) continued with unabating cruelty ; for Henry was a bigotted papist, and inflexibly attached to the Romish superstition to the last hour of his life ; dis- senting from it in no one article, except the claim of the Roman pontiff to the supremacy over the -church of England; which supremacy he tho.ught belonged to himself as king of England. About * Henry VIII. a man cif great pomp and ostentation, gave a release or manumission to two of his 'slaves, a. d. 1514, for which he assigned this reason in the preamble — " That God had " at first created all men equally free by nature, but many had 44 been reduced to slavery by the laws of men. We believe it *' therefore to be a pious act, and meritorious in the sight of God, " to set certain of our slaves at liberty from their bondage/' •See Rym. torn. 13, p. 470. 28/5 About this time Robert Shurborne (orSherborn) resigned the see of Chichester ; but whether he did so in consequence of his great age, (ninety-four) or of the new oath of supremacy, I cannot deter- mine. To the declaration, published a. d. J-534, " that the bishop of Rome had no more authority in " England, by the word of God, than any other ft foreign bishop/* all the English prelates and clergy were ordered to subscribe, and to take an oath to adhere to the same opinion. With great reluctance the clergy complied with this regulation : and it is most probable that bishop Shurborne resigned on that account. He died two years after, a. d. 1536, aged ninety-six, and was buried in his own cathedral. He was succeeded in the see by Richard Sampson, l. l. d. in the year 1536 : who was translated in 1542 to that of Litchfield and Coventry. In 1543 George Day, s. t. p. was elected ; a man of moderate prin- ciples. In the year following he joined arch-bishop Cranmer and Nicholas Heath, bishop of Worcester, in presenting a petition to the king, to permit the prayers of the church to be offered in their native tongue ; to abolish some superstitious ceremonies, such as watching and ringing at night on the vigil of 286 of Allhallows, the covering with veils the images in churches and the cross in time of Lent, the kneeling or creeping to the cross on Palm-sunday or any other time, and some other superstitious ceremonies. The injunction from the king to abolish these, was ob- tained by the above-mentioned prelates ; and the execution of the mandate committed to the arch- bishop. The bishop of Chichester was favourable to the reformation of religion to a certain degree ; a friend to toleration ; but firmly attached to the see of Rome; from whose communion he would not separate. With the new doctrines (as they were called) he complied in some particulars; biit in others, adhered stedfastly, and no doubt conscien- tiously, to the old : for which reason, in the reign of Edward VI. in the year 1551, on the fall of the duke of Somerset from the protectorship, and the rise of the earl of Warwick, (duke of Northumber- land) he was deprived, together with Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, Heath of Worcester, and Voysey, alias Harmen of Exeter. On the accession of Mary, they were all restored in 1553. In 1556, the bishop of Chichester died; and was succeeded the year follow- ing by John Christopherson, in the fourth or fifth vear 287 year of Philip and Mary, who was deprived in the first year of queen Elizabeth's reign, and died soon after, and was buried in Christ's church in London ; according to Le Neve, from whose Fasti I have ex- tracted these particulars. — William Barlow bishop of Bath and Wells, was translated to tnis see, in December, 1559, where he sat right or nine years; and dying in 1568, was buried in the cathedral. This prelate may with propriety be called the first pro- tectant bishop who filled the episcopal see of Chi- chester, who renounced all the errors and supersti- tions of the Romish church. In a parliament holden at Westminster, a. d. 1539, the king (Henry VIII.) obtained possession of all the lands, rents, buildings, jewels, furniture, money, goods, &c. which belonged to six hundred and forty-five monasteries, ninety colleges of priests, an hundred and ten hospitals, two thousand three hundred and seventy-four chantries and free chapels. The yearly rents of the land of all these, according to their inventories (Stat. 3 J, Hen. VIII.) amounted to one hundred and sixty-one thousand, and one hundred pounds ; but was not the half, probably n^t the third, of their yearly value: for the owners "ere accustomed 288 accustomed to let them at very low rents ; and to levy heavy -payments on the renewal of the leases. The value of the monies, jewels, &c. belonging to these religious houses was immense : sufficient, if the king's policy had been equal to his rapacity, to have rendered the crown independent on the country. — Besides these already mentioned, there still remained in the kingdom, a number of colleges, chapels, hos- pitals, and other fraternities of secular priests, en- dowed with lands, rents, stipends, &c. for saying a number of masses for the souls of their founders and families. — All these were dissolved by parliament a. d. 1545, and given to the king, with all the pro- perty, of every denomination, belonging to them. CHAPTER 289 CHAPTER XIX. RITUAL OFTHECIIUr.CH. OF JOHN WICKLIFF ERASMUS. INTRODUCTION OF THE GREEK LANGUAGE. BURNING OF REPUTED HERETICKS IN SUSSEX. OF THE FIRST COMPANY OF ENGLISH MERCHANTS.— -AGRICULTURE AT THIS PERIOD AND ARCHITECTURE. FIRST PAVING OF THE STREETS OF CHICHESTER. ACT FOR ERINGING THE HAVEN TO THE CITY. EXTRACT FROM MR. CLARKE 's MS. ORIGIN AND RISE OF THE PURITANS IN ENGLAND. W E read the history of the parliaments of this reign, with equal astonishment and abhorrence. — Henry ruled with a rod of iron : he did not bribe the representatives of his subjects to prostitute their characters, and betray their constituents, and the country; but drove them 6y the terror of his name* u The # The government of both the Henries (seventh and eighth) particularly the last, was exceedingly sanguinary. Holingshcd (p. 186.) informs us, that not less than seventy thousand persons were put to death as criminals. This account may be exaggerated; bnt the number was very great. Naturally savage, and meeting no 290 The philanthropist will heave a sigh for the sufferings of the people, while history shows that their con- stitutional guardians have deserted their defence at the frown of a tyrant, at one period ; and at other times, no less unpropitious, sacrificed their interests to considerations equally dishonourable ! In the beginning of the reign of Edward VI. the ritual of the church of England was established : the same, with very little variation, as has been used ever since : and in the fifth or sixth year of the same reign, an act of parliament was passed for the uni- formity of the public prayers of the church ; w T hicb act was ratified by the same authority in the first year of the reign of queen Elizabeth. I have not found that the Reformation pro- duced any effects in Chichester, or in the county, but no restraint, he trampled on the lives of the people, afnd the laws of the land. His parliament absolved hfrm from patying his debts* for which he had given security under the great seal ; and even obliged those who had been paid to refund the money they had leceived. Unhappily the nation was divided into two parties : those who were for the pope, and those who favoured the refor- mation. Each vied with the other who should flatter him most, and gratify his exorbitant will ; for fear of his joining the opposite party. This was the reason of the taraeness of the parliament and. of the people. 291 but such as were common to the nation in general. I observed before that it originated from a political, and not from a religious cause. The separation from the tvranny of the see of Rome, is attributable to Henry VIII. but the reformation in religion to John Wickliff and his followers. In the year 1497, the great Erasmus of Rotterdam,* came into England, and went to Oxford, with a design to introduce and teach the Greek language there; but finding no encouragement, returned to the continent. In the succeeding reign, he was induced to return to Eng- land by lord Mountjoy, who introduced him to the notice and patronage of cardinal Wolsey : and in a few years after, both Henry and the cardinal joined their names to the patronisers of the Greek language. About this time lived sir Thomas Moore, William Grocyn, doctor Linacre, George Buchanan, William Lilly, and dean Collet.f They were nearly u 2 cotemporaries, * Of Erasmus it was said by the Romanists, that he laid the qgg of heresy, and Luther hatched it. f William Grocyn wa£ a native of Bristol; one of the first restorers of learning in Britain, particularly Greek, which he studied in Italy, under Demetrius Chalcondylas, one of those learned men who fled from Constantinople when it was taken by the Turks, a. d. 1453. William Lilly, nat. U66, went on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, which he accomplished. Resided five years 292 totemporaries, and heartily co-operated in the great work they each had in view, the revival and promo- tion of learning. Not more illustrious for their eru- dition, than for the purity of their morals, they were no doubt raised up by Providence to pave the way for the Reformation. As real learning prevailed, that of the school-men declined, and at last sunk into deserved contempt. When cardinal Wolsey visited Oxford in 1518, he founded no less than seven lec- tures there, viz. for theology, civil-law, philosophy, physic, mathematics, Greek, and rhetoric. If Hollingshed's account be true, that seventy thousand persons in England were executed in the reign of that monster Henry VIII. it is probable that many of that number were of this county, and several of the city of Chichester ; but I have not found the names of any of them on record, except two, who are mentioned by bishop Burnet, Featherson and PQwell; who, in 1540, were condemned without being- years at Rhodes. On his return to England was appointed, by dean Collet, first master of saint Paul's school. He composed a grammar for the use of the school, in which he was assisted by "Erasmus, doctor Collet, and Thomas Robinson, three of the best ftnguists in Europe. The preface was written by cardinal Wolsey, He died of the plague, a. d. 1523, 293 being heard, and executed at the same time, for denying the king's supremacy ; a charge for which many suffered in that reign. Of those, who then, suffered for religion in these parts, and were burned at the stake, as reputed heretics, I shall give the most accurate account I can find in another place. That many are deficient there can be no doubt : re-. gistered in heaven, their names are perished from the records of men * Queen Mary reigned five years and four months. Bishop Grindal states, that the number burned in her reign for heresy, was eight hundred. Of whom Burnet mentions fourteen men (one of them a clergymen) and three women, who were burned at one time in Chichester : and on his authority (which is respectable) I must leave it. — All these \f ere condemned by bishop Bonner ; and John Christopherson, bishop of Chichester; a de- scendant of the former of whom, about fifteen or sixteen years ago, lived in Chichester, a coach-maker; but did not continue there many years. The most antient company of English merchants,, of which there is any trace in history, was incorpo- u 3 rated * Not having Fox's Martyrology, I cannot say whether there be any such recorded there* 294 rated by charter, by Henry IV. in the sixth or seventh year of his reign, a. d. 1406. They were called the brotherhood of saint Thomas Becket. Their charter was granted to them for the expresi purpose of ex- porting the English woollen cloth, which then began to be manufactured in considerable quantity in Eng- land: and as that flourished the trade of the brother- hood increased with it. As this society was, by the conditions of the charter, composed of native sub- jects of England and Ireland, it was favoured both by the government and the people, made gradual incroachments on the trade of the merchants of the Staple; and at length, in the time of Henry VIII. ruined the company, and brought it to a final dissolution.* The state of agriculture at this time, may be ascertained with sufficient precision from the average produce of an acre of wheat. Holingshed estimates that to be ( in the vale of Gloucester) from sixteen to twenty bushels an acre, of one hundred and sixty rods. A very scanty produce ! At present, from the best information I can collect, the produce of a seed acre in Sussex, Cone hundred and seven rods) is from f Anderson, Vol. I. p. 233, &c. 295 from twenty-five to twenty-seven bushels, equal to thirty-seven to forty bushels per acre, of one hundred and sixty rods. — It is observable that, by the antient English writers on this subject, the dearths, which were so frequent in former times, are ascribed to bad seasons : and with some reason; for in a languid state of husbandry, every great change of weather must greatly affect the crop, and produce a detici- ency. But this was not the sole cause : war ever did, and always will raise the price of grain, and provisions of every denomination. The architecture of the time" began to degene- rate, even in Henry the seventh s time. There is a certain degree of perfection in art, beyond which human genius cannot reach — and at which it is ther*e* fore to be lamented man does not stop : the simpli- city of Saxon architecture, the real Gothic, was sup- planted by the ornamental Gothic; in which, in its progress, the magnificence of the art is lost, and, as jt were, buried under a profusion of decoration. A style censurable as too ornamental, and departing from the sublime grandeur of the true Gothic, with' out attaining, what it seems to aim at, a greater de- gree of elegance. In viewing the superb chapel of u 4 Henry 296 Henry VII. in Westminster, (the cost of which was then fourteen thousand pounds) the eye is bewildered amidst a profusion of decorations ; and the real artist finds himself disgusted with a specimen of Gothic architecture in its latest, and perhaps most degene- rate state. In the same style was Christ's church- college in Oxford — built by Henry VIII. — and so was likewise Cowdry-house at Midhurst, the mansion of the late lord viscount Montaeute, erected about the same time, and unhappily consumed by accidental fire, the 25th of September, 1793* The palace of Hampton-court, built by cardinal Wolsey, and pre- sented by him to the king, in some measure comes under the same description, but not to the same de- gree. The palace of saint James was originally a nunnery, and converted by the same (Henry) into a mansion for his own use. At this time the houses, or rather the huts of the peasantry, mechanics, &c. had received hardly any improvement for many ge- nerations ; * It is remarkable that on the last day of October in the same year, the melancholy accounts from Swi&serland were re- ceived in England, that, a few weeks before, lord viscount Mon- taeute and Mr. Burdett were unfortunately drowned atone of the falls of the Rhine. 297 nerations; and continued mean and sordid. The dwelling-houses of gentlemen were not in much more commendable condition : both the one and the other were fabricated of wood, and covered for the most part with divet or turf. The mansions of the great and opulent were built on a more extensive scale indeed, but the degree of elegance, or rather inelegance, nearly the same : for windows they had wooden chequered lattices,* the ground floors of clay, the higher floors of oak, and all covered with straw or rushes, which remained unremoved, often for many years, a foul receptacle of the refuse of the table, and all manner of nastiness : to which cause, Erasmus very justly attributes the frequent and destructive plagues in England. In cities and towns, the houses were built of the same materials, and thatched, projecting as they rose in height, and thereby intercepting the light and air from the street beneath ; so that in narrow streets or lanes, the upper parts of the opposite houses nearly met. In Chichester * In the houses of the principal nobility and great men, in the reign of Henry VIII. many of them had glass windows, and many had not — but all such as were built at that time and after- wards, were furnished wiih that elegant accommodation. 2 9 8 Chichester the streets were not paved till the eigh- teenth year of queen Elizabeth's reign, when a sta- tute was obtained by the corporation for that purpose. The preamble sets forth, that tc the streets of the " same citie have become very mierie, and full of tt • This act was made a. d. 1585, and in the year 1 was created lord high admiral pf England, 3co assist his son-in-law, Frederic, elector-palatine and king of Bohemia ; who, after the battle of Prague, was reduced to great distress; and being at the head of the protestant interest in Germany, looked to England for support. An account of the principal heads of this charter I find among the notes of Mr, Clarke — the first part of which is as follows : " Charters of the city of Chichester granted ec by king James L the fourteenth year of his reign, " i.e. a. d. 1617, mention the earl of Arundel as the " high steward ; but say nothing of his being of the *' corporation ; or how* constituted. The mayor and " bailiff elected formerly by all the inhabitants of the 06 city ;" — this appears by this charter : — sc a mayor, • c a bailing a portreve, a customer — all such as have " born these offices, of the common-council, have si . a power to make bye-laws, to raise money pay* * able to the king. The Monday before Michaelmas " to assemble in the guildhall, or elsewhere, to elect " a mayor, a bailiff, by the common-council ; as fixt " by this charter, i. e. the old method of election " altered. — A recorder, in legibus Angliae eruditum, £C to be chosen by the common-council — and so a IS town-clerk. The mayor to choose the portreve * and customer/' &c, The 301 The high-steward mentioned above was Thomas Howard, earl of Arundel and Surry, and grand-son of Thomas, duke of Norfolk, who was beheaded in the reign of queen Elizabeth. He (the earl) mar- ried Alathea, daughter of Gilbert, earl of Shrewsbury, with whom he received a vast fortune ; and the ex- tensive manor of Worksop, in Nottinghamshire.— The name of this great prince will ever be dear to the friends of learning, on account of his making, at a prodigious expence, the collection known by the name of the Arundel Marbles, afterwards presented by his grandson Henry, duke of Norfolk, to the university of Oxford; in the theatre of which thcv now remain, lasting monuments to future ages ol his fame. They are anticnt stones, from one of which, according to dean Prideaux's account, (who published an account of their inscriptions in 1676) it appears that the first colony from Egypt arrived in Greece 1.012 years before the birth of Christ. Some others of them are particularly interesting in having the history of Athens inscribed on them, in the island of Paros, 360 years before the Christian asra. The geography of Greece is to be found only in itself, but the best monuments of its history, by the Q02 the unwearied research, and munificent spirit of this great man, are to be found in England. To the seacher into antient history these marbles are of in- estimable value ; as the beams of light which they throw on the history of their own age, may be di- verted to illuminate ages long before ; and pierce even to the origin of time. His lordship's collection of paintings, sculpture, carvings, and every thing that tends to promote learning, and embellish life, was not less magnificent, various, and intrinsically valuable. For an e f- Ecce Homo/' from the pencil of Titian, he is said to have offered seven thousand pounds: which was refused. In the course of nine months he laid out seventy thousand pounds, in purchasing the most valuable antiquities. Of Hans Holbein's paintings he had more than all the world besides — and was the first person of quality, and knowledge in the fine arts in this nation, that set a just value on the works of that great master. He was besides the friend and patron of many others, whose names do honour to their country : Seldon, Camden, sir Henry Spelman, sir Robert Cotton, ?j\d others. The 303 The popish religion, the only religion tolerated ui England for many centuries, consisted almost en- tirely of external observances. The Reformation, which took place in the reigns of Edward VI. and Elizabeth, opened a new scene;, and inculcated duties on the people which they had never heard of before, the Christian virtues of temperance, meek- ness, and universal benevolence. Instead of resting the saltation of the souls of men on the merits and intercession of the saints, on papal absolution, &c. it required purity of heart, as an indispensible mean of future happiness.— It is the nature of man, espe- cially of man but half enlightened, to pass quickly from one extreme to its opposite. Very early in the reign of Elizabeth, a description of people made its appearance in England, pretending to an extraordi- nary degree of sanctity, called Puritans. This sect increased so fast, and their number w r a$ so great in the house of commons, so early as the year 1585, that they thought themselves able to carry a motion for a further reformation of religion. In this they were disappointed ; but they obtained a conference, which was held at Lambeth, before arch-bishop Whitgift; at which the earl of Leicester, and the privy- 3°4 privy-council attended. Under the strong coercive government of Elizabeth, they were kept in due subordination ; and every attempt which they made to procure a reformation, either in church or state, was quashed. It is a fact, I believe not generally known, that in this reign, a few persons were put to death for non-conformity ; of whom some were burnt at the stake: and a considerable number thrown into gaol for the same crime. But as persecution is not the most effectual way of suppressing opinions, either true or false, before the end of this reign almost every town in England was filled with dissen- ters; who, in the succeeding reign, thwarted the king in many of his most darling schemes, stripped the crown of its most dangerous prerogatives, and in the next laid it in the dust. CHAPTER 305 CHAPTER XX. A BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THE RELIGIOUS HOUSES IN THE CITY OF CHICHESTER, AND THE COUNTY OF SUSSEX, BEFORE THEIB- SUPPRESSION BY HENRY VIII. KING OF ENGLAND. 1 HE first monastery that was founded in Sussex was at Selsea — the charter of which was given by Adelwalch, king of Sussex, to Wilfrid, who subscribed the deed in the name of Wilfridus, archiepiscopus, ( viz. Ebor. ) This charter is dated the 3d of August, a, d. 683 — and includes in it the whole peninsula of Selsea, and a considerable part of the Manewode. The extent and bounds of the grant are thus ex- pressed in the Latin of that time — . Tom.. I. 1049* 319 county, u for pious uses." But Cromwell (by the king's permission) invaded all. After the fall of the western Roman empire, a. d. 476, the barbarians who had over-run, and taken possession of almost all Europe, had no relish for literature : war was their study, and letters their con- tempt. We need not then be surprised that such a state was followed by a long- uncomfortable night of mental darkness : a darkness so gross, that nothing but the mild beams of the Christian religion could penetrate the dreadful gloom, and even that by slow degrees. — Ages seemed to have rolled over mankind in vain; during this long hopeless night, learning- found a welcome sanctuary in these sacred edifices ; and though it must be owned that for many ages science din not receive great improvement, to them we owe, in great measure, that its light was not wholly extinguished : a benefit which deserved more consideration than they experienced at* last. The hospitality of these houses, in every period of their existence, was great and exemplary. In them many thousands of the younger children of the nobility and great families were educated, maintained, and orted according to their dignity; in them they resided 320 resided frequently from early youth to the day of their death. I do not suppose that the preceeding exhibits a Aill list of all the monasteries in. this diocese, that were built and founded during the time that the Romish religion prevailed here. The principal in- formation on this head, is taken from sir William Dugdale's Monasticon Anglicanum : from which T have collected with all the care, attention, and I will add caution, that I could. But the names of places have undergone so great changes since the time when these seminaries were established, that in several in- stances it is not easy to determine the exact place that is meant. Besides, sir William himself was an indefatigable investigator of antient history ; but in many instances, was obliged to depend upon the care, correctness, and* veracity of his friends and agents, in various parts of England. His agent in this county I think, has not always been sufficiently correct. Several of the charters of the religious houses are said to be granted by fi Numa Rex Suthsax," whereas it does not appear that there ever was a king of the South-Saxons of that name : indeed, it is evident from history, that there never was. The chronology of 321 of some of the charters is contradictory to that of others. In the copy of the Monasticon, belonging to the dean and chapter, (the use of which I had from the kindness of the librarian) there is written (Tom. III. p. 117.) apparently by the late learned Mr. Clarke, canon-residentiary — " It' is plain there " must be great mistakes in these charters, as tran- •' scribed and sent up to Mr. Dugdale." This being the case, when I doubted, I stopped my hand ; that I might not fall into an error. Tradition informs us, that beside the religious houses above-mentioned, there were in Chichester, two convents of friars, grey and white ; the former near the north-gate, and the latter near the east-^ate : the first retains the name of the Friary to this day : the other bears no memorial even in name of what it was. It is said to have occupied all that space from the east^ffate to Baffin's lane, as vou go towards the cross; and included all that is now in the occupation of Mrs. TuiTnel, and part of the premises belonging to Mrs. Bull. As I have no records to depend orj, nor certain authority of any kind relating to either of these seminaries, I shall not trouble the reader with a recital of unauthenticated details, which may Y be 322 be true or false. The order of Grey, or Franciscan friars, was instituted by saint Francis, a. d. 1209, and appeared first in England in the reign of Henry the third, A. d. 1224, and fostered by the bishop of Winchester, Peter de Rockes, or sir Peter de Rupibus, a Poictevan by birth, who at that time ruled the church of England, the king,, and in some measure, the kingdom ; as far as the opposition of the barons would permit. In the reign of Henry VII. they were divided into two parties ; the spirituals and the conventuals: which last had tifty-five houses at the time of the dissolution. — A second order of friars were called the White friars, or Carmelites. — A third order was that of the Black friars, or Dominicans : who made their first appearance in England about the year 1240. Of this order was saint Richard,, bishop of Chichester. They were warmly patronized by the Roman pontiffs : who used their services prin- cipally for the suppression of the Albigenses. — The other order of friars in England took on them the name and rules of saint Augustine, and appeared first in England a. d. 1256, under their general Lanfranc. The monks, called the Benedictine monks, had their institution from saint Benedict, born in Italy, about 3^3 about the year 4S0. Early in his life he retired to Sublaco, fourteen miles from Rome ; and shut him- self up in a cave, where no man knew any thing of him, except saint Roraanus, who used to descend to him by a rope. When he was found out many per- sons resorted to him, followed him, and put them- selves under his direction. In 528, he retired to mount Cassino, where idolatry then prevailed, and were there was a temple of Apollo ; which he de- molished, and built two chapels on the mount. Here he founded a monastery, and instituted the order that bears his name : and here too he Composed his Regula Monachorum. The time of his death is un- certain ; between the years 540 and 550. He was the Elisha of his time. Many miracles are said to have been wrought by him ; which are recorded in the second book of the dialogues of saint Gregory the great. ( Vide Dugd. ) The lax discipline, the unsteady principles, and the degenerate morals of modern time, cannot appreciate, and hardly believe, the rigid discipline, fervent piety, and unbounded charity which charac- terized the original institutions and lives of the Bene- dictine monks. I mean not to be the panegyrist of v 9 the 324 the founder of their order : but surely it is time for mankind to surmount the delusion which has so long- trampled on their judgement, and prevented them from judging of men and things with impartiality and candour. A few years before the time that Benedict retired from the world, that is? a. d. 452, Atilla, " the scourge of God and terror of man" had over-run the Roman empire, with seven hundred thousand men, or rather monsters, and threatened even imperial Rome with final destruction :* what service could a helpless individual have rendered his country by remaining at his post in such circum- stances, greater than flying to a desert, and impor- tuning heaven to pity and alleviate the distress of suffering humanity ? — " Infaslix seculum in quo tota ee Romanorum EuropaFerro Barbarorum, flammaquc u faedissime vastata fuit, and Religio Christiana pene * e obruta : quasi funestissima ista astate comparatum " fuisset hoc vivendi institutum, adversus humanas cc miserias refugium." ( See Dugd. ) * It was saved from pillage and destruction at the interces- sion of Leo the Great, bishop of Rome— but afterwards a. d. 455,, taken and sacked by Genseric, king of the Vandals. CHAPTER 325 CHAPTER XXI. i OP THE COMPARATIVE VALUE OF MONEY AT DIFFERENT TIMES. PROVISIONS ANIMAL FOOD WHEAT— WINES PROGRESS OF CIVILIZATION LIST OF SUSSEX GENTLE- MEN. 1 HOUGH the value of money, from the Conquest to the reigns of Henry VIII. and Elizabeth, was not stationary ; yet did it not fall rapidly, but sank gradually and imperceptibly in the lapse of many years. So that the same money which at the Con- quest would have purchased a certain quantity of the necessaries of life; though it would not have procured the same quantity at the beginning of the reign of Henry VII. — yet would it have paid for almost one half thereof. The price of wheat, at the last-mentioned time, was from twenty-pence to two-shillings per bushel, on the average of years, and of places too ; for it is to be observed that it frequently happened, that at the same time, the y 3 price 326 price would be nearly double at one part of the king- dom, of what it was at another — so imperfect was the communication, and so difficult the carriage or conveyance in those days. In the year 1438> the sixteenth year of the reign of Henry VI, the price was as high in London as three shillings the bushel ; till an importation from Prussia or Poland, reduced it to not more than two shillings. — During all this time the average price of cattle was low in compari- son; because in all uncivilized, or half-civilized countries, the stock which multiplies of itself, ever has been, and ever will be, cheaper in comparison, than that which requires the labour and art of man, and capital to raise it. The animal food which they used was not fatted^ at any part of the time I speak of, as it is at present : in the present day, the carcasses of the beasts which they then slaughtered, would not be reckoned more than half fatted. The breed of their cattle was not so large as the present — in every respect they were inferior, In the beginning of the reign of Edward the second, the price of (what they called) a fat ox, was twenty-four shillings ; and in the days of Henry the seventh, between three and four pounds : not that 32? that the value of money had fallen ki that propor- tion ; but principally because they had improved the breed of their cattle — and so had they the degree of fattening them. So, in the first-mentioned time, the price of a fat wether was twenty pence, and in the latter, nearly three times a* much ; for the same reasons. In the year 1251, the thirty-fifth year of the reign of Henry III. an assize of bread was made, for the regulation of the London-bakers — the lowest calculation was for wheat at three shillings per quar- ter, and the highest at twenty shillings per quarter:* yet did the price sometimes rise higher, and some- times fall lower than the assize : which shews the very imperfect state of agriculture at that time. In the thirteenth year of the reign of Edward I. a. d. 12S5, it was ordained that millers should have but (< one halfe peine " for grinding a quarter of wheat. f We afe informed in the history of the time, that in the year 13 1j, wheat sold for ten shillings per bushel — and in the year following was as low as ten pence for the same quantity. (Vide Hume.) At that time the price of a goose was from two pence y 4 to * Vide Stowe's Survey of London, p. 740.— t Ibid. p. 5(54. 328 to three pence. A fat capon two pence. A Hen one penny. Two chickens the same price. Two pigeons one penny. A gallon of French wine, called Gascoigne wine, four pence. Rhenish wine six pence a gallon. The wine most commonly drank in Eng- land for several centuries, and even as lately as the reign of qneen Elizabeth, was called Sack ; which was the Gascoigne wine highly sweetened with honey, and warmed with spices. (See Henry.) These are the prices which the several articles mentioned, bore in London; and in Chichester we may conclude, the difference was not much ; the price of grain, cattle and poultry a little lower, for the most part, but in times of great dearth, considerably higher — because it must have been more difficult here to find a sup- ply from a foreign or distant quarter, than in London. In the time of Edward III. and for a considerable time after, (and perhaps before) the pay of a labouring man was three pence a day, (See Hume and Henry) the price of a goose, or the seventh part of a fat wether. In all this time, the long period under con- sideration, very many of the bishops were the pro- tectors and patrons of this city : as the bishops Randulph, 329 Randulph, Ralph Neville, Gilbert de Saint Leofard, John de Langton, Edward Story, and others. To which we may add, the country gentlemen for several miles ronnd, contributed greatly both to support the trade of it, and to employ the mechanic, &c. by resorting hither, and residing here during the winter season ; some in lodgings, and many in their own town-house : for the fashion of those times was not for the country gentlemen and their families, to re- pair to London the one half of the year ; but to some neighbouring town ; in which they spent a consider- able part of the produce of their estates ; and en- joyed the society of their friends and acquaintance. About the beginning of the fifteenth century, the Chichester malt began to be in repute, through- out the greatest part of this county, and part of Hampshire and Surry. This appears from several of the malting-houses which were standing here so late as the year 1770 ; both in the plan and manner of building, they had the mark and characteristic of that age : and the timbers likewise, generally oak, bore witness to their antiquity. At what time this manufacture began to be exported to Ireland, 1 do not find : not before the time of queen Elizabeth, it is 33° is probable, perhaps not till the reign of James. However that be, it was a very valuable article of trade to Chichester, enriching many indi vidua Is, and benefitting the city in general. So lately as forty or fifty years ago there were several of these malting houses in the town more than there are now; the manufacture was then on the decline, as it had been for some time.- The needle-manufacture in Chichester never thoroughly recovered from the cruel interruption and desolations of the civil way in England, About fifty years ago it employed forty or fifty hands, and supported almost twenty families : but it is now entirely dropped. It is difficult to give an accurate account of the refinement, or want of refinement, in the manners of a people at any time : and still more so to trace the progress thereof from savage rudeness to polished urbanity. The Normans, when they first came into England, looked upon themselves to be a polished people; but they were far from being so in reality. To the finer feelings of humanity they had, in truth, no manner of pretence. Strangers to the charities oflife, their hearts were as cold, and thei-^dispositions as rugged as the Norwegian mountains from which they 33i rhey sprang. No melioration in the habit of their living took place among them for many years. Their ferocity was strengthened by their political institu- tions — and very little softened by their religion., which was corrupt, and breathed the spirit of Maho- met more than that of the gospel. — John, though a tyrant, and unacquainted with humanity, paved the way, and opened a glimmering door of hope, of future deliverance from the state of barbarity and rudeness, in which the people lived ; by the protec- tion and encouragement which he gave to the cor- porations : for it is certain that the asperity of men's manners is sooner overcome in towns than in the country: that .from the collision of interests and opinions, men associated together sooner acquire a polish and refinement than when they live in a state of separation — and are in a manner unconnected with one another : the small share of Christianity which entered into the composition of their religion, no .doubt had some influence on their minds, and disposed them to humanity : so must also even their superstition, and that fervor of spirit which induced so many of them to hazard and sacrifice their lives ui a distant climate: the crusades likewise : the spread of 332 of knowledge, in consequence of the invention of printing; the increase of foreign trade ; each of these causes, and others, contributed, in the revolution of ages, to correct the harsh features of the times. By slow degrees, indeed, did the manners of the peo- ple of England emerge from the gulf of rudeness into which the Norman-English kings, barons, &c. had plunged them. Though the habits of their living, and mutual intercourse, had been improving for several centuries before the time of Henry VIII. yet had they not then arrived to a great degree of refinement. In the third year of that reign, a. d. 1512* the earl of Northumberland's household-book began ; in which are noted some of the rules of the domestic ceconomy of that great family. By that it appears, that my lord's board-end ( that is, the end of the taHe where he and his principal guests were seated ) was served with a different and more delicate kind of viands, than those allotted to the lower end. ** It is thought good (says that curious record) that il no pluvers be brought at any time, but only at " Christmas, and the principal feasts ; and my lord (i to be served therewith, and his board-end, and no iC other." The line of distinction was marked by a large 333 'large salt-cellar, placed in the middle of the table : above which, at my lord's end, sat the distinguished guests : and below it those of an inferior class. Not only the viands were different, but also the beverage or liquors; and so was the attendance. In the time of the Saxons property was vested in many hands : a system of justice and patriotism which the Normans compleatly overturned; and, as far as political institutions could effect, prevented from obtaining at any future period. Immediately after the Conquest, the freeholders in Sussex were very few in number: and, from the operation of the laws of primogeniture, and entail, continued so for many generations: as appears from the following return of all the gentlemen in this county, in the year 1431— the eleventh of Henry VI. Sir Thomas E m,Kt. Sir Robert Roos, Kt. of Westdean, m the Rape Sir H Hu kL ot revensey . e . tT . T . .. , v , Richard Dalyngrfcge, Esq. Sir Hugh Hailsham, Kt. (Of BodiLm Castle) SirRoger Fiennes,^ ^ Kt. Edward Sakevyle, Esq. William R'ymari, F.sq. (Ot Appledram) Roger (Related to Lord D'Acre) Sir Thomas Lewkenor,* Kt. * A warm friend of the line of Lancaster. Mis son, Sir John Lawkenor, in tbe reign of Edward IV. a. d. 1471, was slain in the battle of Tewksbury, fighting under prince Edward, son of Henry VI. 334 Roger Gunter, Esq. (Of Racton) Robert Lyle, Gent. John Bartelot, Gent. William Ernelc, Gent. Walter Urry, Gent. John Lylye, Gent. John Knottesford, Esq. Richard Protyt, Gent, John Bolney, Gent. Walter Fust, Gent. John Wiltshire, Gent. Ade Ivodc, Gent. ( Heywood) Wm. Halle de Ore, Gent. John Oxebrugge, Gent. (Oxbridge) Thomas Oxebrugge, Gent. Robert Arnorld, Gent. John Peres, Gent. J. Parker de Lewos, Gent, •Richard Waller, Esq. John Ledes, Esq. John Bramshel, Esq. Richard Cook, Esq. Richard Farnfold, Gent. John Burdevyle, Esq. Rad. Rademeld, Esq. JohnApsley, Gent. Richard Green, Gent. Thomas Green, Gent. William Blast, Gent. Robert Tank, Gent. John Bradebrugge, Gent. (Broadbridge) William Delve, Gent. William Shrswell, Gent. John Lunsford, Gent. John Penhurst, Gent, Richard Danmere, Gent. John Goring, Gent. Thomas Stanton, Gent. Simon Chyene, Gent. Thomas Cotes, Gent* John Vest, Gent. John Wyghtrynge, (Of Wittering) Gent. Thomas Ashburnham, (Of Broomham) , Esq. William Hoare, Gent. Richard Clothule, Gent. John Sherar, Gent. Robert Hyberden, Gent. John Hilly, Gent. John Dragon, Gent. William Warnecamp, Gent. Thpmas Surflet, Gent. William Mervve, Gent. Henry Ex ton, Gent. Tobias Grantford, Gent. John Symmond, Gent. Rad. Vest, Gent. William Scardcvyle, Gent. J. Hammes dcPadyng ho, do. Wiliiam Ye van, Gent. John * Ancestor of the Leader of the Parliamentary Army, and of Edmund Waller the Poet. 335 John Rpmbrigg, Gent. Richard Roper, Gent. Henry Wendon, Gent. Thomas Fustingden, Gent. Richard Danel, Gent. Rad. Shreswell, Gent. These freeholders, seventy-four in number, were laymen — besides whom the return contained six ecclesiastics— namely the abbots of Robertsbridge, Battle, Begeham, and the priors of Lewes, Hastings, and Michelham — making altogther eighty : a very small number : most probably only the principal gentlemen, omitting the lesser freeholders — or it may be the commissioners returned only the friends of the house of Lancaster, and over-looked those of the York party : and, even on that supposition, the number was low. % The commissioners were — S — Bishop of Chichester Simon Sidenham John Earl of Huntimrton, Lord Hastings William St. John William Sidney J > ightsof CHAPTER 33$ CHAPTER XXII. OF WILLIAM CAWLEY THE REGICIDE. CHICHESTER BESIEGED AND TAKEN BY THE PARLIAMENTARY ARMY, UNDER SIR WILLIAM WALLER. FURY OF THE PURITANS LEVELLED AGAINST THE CHURCHES. DEVASTATIONS COMMITTED IN THE CITY SIR ARTHUR HASLERIG ? S HOSTILE VISIT HITHER". DISMAL CONDITION OF THE CITY AFFECTING INTERVIEW BETWEEN THE EARL OF S AND A PERSON UNKNOWN. IN the unhappy days of Charles^, when fanaticism filled the land, no doubt Chichester had its share : for how should it escape the general infection of the times: and it is commonly believed that William Cawley, who signed the warrant for the execution of the king,, belonged to the corporation. This may well be doubted. The Mr. Cawley who was a mem- ber of the corporation, lived in the North-street, where now Mr. Ridge's brewhouse is. In the year 1625 he founded an alms-house without the North- gate, on the London road, for the reception of twelve 337 twelve decayed tradesmen of the city, and endowed it with lands adjoining, for their support and main- tenance, under the trust and direction of the mayor. It is reasonable to suppose that this charitable en- dowment was made by him towards the latter end of his days, at least not in his juvenile years. There is in the workhouse a portrait-painting of Mr. Cawley 3 "iotte a. d. 1620 — Mt. 18." So that at the time that the establishment of the alms-house was planned, he could not have been more than twenty or twenty- one vears of age. The bequest therefore must have been the act of some other person — and not of one who was born a. d. 16Q l 2. That the charitable founder of the alms-house died before the year 1G49, is no improbable supposition ; and in that case^ could not possibly be the Cawley w r ho signed the warrant for the decapitation of the king. — If this reasoning be conclusive, no doubt will remain but the Mr. Cawley whose portrait is preserved in the poor-house, w T as the person who signed the warrant and that the citizens of Chichester pay a very undeserved, and I am persuaded, unintended honour to the memorv of a regicide, in preserving his picture with so much care. x As 338 As I believe it is not agreed among historians who the person was that performed the office of exe- cutioner on the unfortunate king, the reader, I hope, will pardon me for deviating from my subject in order to throw some light on that part of our history. Some accounts say it was a William Walker : others assign the office to Richard Brandon; and William Lilly, in his history of his own life and times, affirms that colonel Joyce used the fatal axe on the occasion. The following account of this matter is taken from the writings of M. Arnaud, a French author of great celebrity. After the battle of Dittengen, the earl of S — too freely exposed the injudicious conduct of the commander in, chief of the British forces there, which gave him great offence ; for which reason the earl re- tired from court in disgust : and was preparing to go to his estate in Scotland, and there abide. A few days before his intended departure, he received a letter from an unknown hand, requesting an interview with him at a specified time and place — and the day after another letter, more pressing than the former. This was too singular to be wholly neglected ; he there- fore went to the place appointed — one of those bye- places 339 places in London that most commonly indicate poverty and wretchedness. There, in a mean garret, by the help of a glimmering light, he perceived a man lying on a bed, with every appearance of old age. ec Be seated, my lord, (said he) you have no- " thing to fear from a man an hundred and twenty- .v :i vv/hich they have with much propriety declined V enforce. As the pave- ment of the streets, and the spacious foot-path on each side, is kept exceedingly clean ; and no dirt or nuisance of any kind suffered to remain there but the least time possible ; it is plain that this care must contribute greatly to preserve the health of the inha- bitants, at the same time it gives to the houses a better and more comfortable appearance. And it may be averred, without fear of contradiction, that there is no town in England, great or little, that is kept cleaner than this : to which end its situation is favourable, as it stands on a gentle eminence, the highest part of which is at or near, the cross, or cen- ter of the city. It was mentioned before, that Chi- chester enjoys the advantage of plenty of most ex- cellent water; an advantage which cannot easily be prized too high : the river Lavant forms here a semi- circle, and encompasses the walls on part of the east-side, all the south-side, and part of the west. — The 3^3 The wall which surrounds the city, and the bastions,, (except one mentioned before of later date) appear evidently to have been built by the Romans. In the year 1803, some coins were found among the rub- bish dug from under the North-walls, inscribed dex faustince, the goddess of good-fortune — expressing a wish for the future prosperity of the place ; and it is known that it was customary with that people to throw such pieces, together with their latest coins, into the foundation of their public works in general. The mortar was become as hard as a rock, so that it would hardly yield to the workmen's pickax'-s. — About the year 1772 or 1773, three gates (the North, West and South) were taken down, in order both to enlarge the prospect, and give a freer cir- culation to the air. The East-gate, because it sup- ported the city-gaol, was not taken down till the year 1783, at which time the gaol was new built, on the south-side of the place where the gate had been. If the houses in the triangle opposite to, and with- out the former East-gate were taken down, and the ground raised higher, it would add greatly both to the beauty and convenience of that entrance to the city, on a quarter where it is must defective, or rather 3*4 rather less compleat. Mr. Bull, about forty years ago, by a writ of " ad quod damnum" shut up the public road leading from the East-street, (by Baffin's lane) to the South-wall, and from thence going on to the South-gate. I mentioned before that the present church of Chichester was built by Seffrid II. the seventh bishop thereof, finished and consecrated by him a. d. 1199. Walter of Coventry, one of the most renowned architects in England, it is most probable, had the superintendence and direction of the whole under- taking .* That the stone was brought from Normandy will hardly be questioned, by any who have seen the other churches, which are confessedly built from the same * According to Mr. Clarke's conjecture — " the spire of the * church of Chichester was built by the same workmen that built " Salisbury spire." This is by no means probable, to say the least of it— the former was finished a. d. 1199, perhaps sooner, and that of Salisbury almost sixty years later, in the year 1256. In the following pages the reader will find the copy of a ms. written by the late Mr. William Clarke, residentiary of Chichester, about the year 1750, at the desire of bishop Mawson, entitled V The Antiquities of Chichester Cathedral/'— to which I have subjoined my reasons for dissenting from his opinion in several particulars. Mr. C. was a person of great erudition, an indefa- tigable investigator of antiquity— and therefore, with this just eulogium, 385 same quarry * We need only view the adjoining tower, built of Portland stone, to be convinced that the materials of the church were not brought from thence. According to the tradition, the great bell tower, which contains a ring of eight musical bells, was built bv R. Riman, of Appledram, where he had an estate ; and where he intended to have built him a castle to reside in ; but was inhibited by the king, (Edward III.) and that therefore, with the stones which he had provided, he builded the tower. Some part of this tradition, it is most likely, is true; but it is most probable that the stones were pur- chased of him by bishop Langton, and that it was he and not Riman that built the said tower. He was a person of great wealth and of equal munificence; and is known to have been a great benefactor to the church, over which he presided more than thirty c c years. culogium, I have thought it fair to lay his researches and opinion on this subject before my readers, that they may judge for them- selves — assuring them, that what I have written on this head I have extracted with all the care that I could from Le Neve's Fasti, Camden's Britannia, Dugdale's Monasticon, &c. • The metropolitan church of Canterbury, &c. was built about 10 89, 386 years. In the table of inscription, erected to his memory in the church, there is indeed no mention made of this circumstance ; which may easily be ac- counted for by supposing (as was most probably the case) that the charge of the structure was de- frayed partly by him, and principally from the public funds belonging to the church. The church, from its first erection to the pre- sent time, has undergone many repairs, the dates and other particulars of w T hich cannot now be ascer- tained. The last was in the year 1791, when Mr, Metcalfe, canon-residentary, was commoner, under whose direction between eleven and twelve thousand pounds were laid out for that purpose ; and double that sum, and more, if their funds would have admit- ted of it, might have been applied to the same pur- pose with much advantage. Measurement of the Church, Length of the church within, exclusive of the pediment • * Breadth ditto, west-end » • • • Ditto east-end Length of transept, including the Subdeanry • • The intercolumniations, • • • The length of the choir* •••-••••••••• } feet. Intkts. 310 8 90 7 62 6" 130 6 10 9 99 The. 387 Fed, Inches,. The breadth of the same 36 6 The length of the pediment without • • 65 The breadth of the same 26 6 The length of the Subdeanry from east to west • • 6-i 3 The height of the spire •- 297 The height of the bell-tower 120 In the year 1720 or 1721, the spire was struck by lightning; when several large stones were preci- pitated from it with extreme violence; particularly- one of about three-quarters of an hundred weight, was diiven on the houses on the north-side of the West-street, and fell on the premises now Mr. M linn's, attorney, without doing any damage. It was feared the whole spire would have fallen; the probable consequence of which would have been the demoli- tion of the greatest part of the church : but on being surveyed, it was found that though a considerable breach was made in the spire about forty feet from the top ; yet the other parts were firm and uninjured. It was therefore soon after repaired in a manner so compleat that the place cannot now be distinguished * c c 2 The * This stone is said to have been of a ton weight. A very improbable story ! A stone of that size was not wanted at almost the §88 The choir is exceedingly neat, having, not many years ago, been repaired and beautified at a considerable expence. In the east-end of the church (that is, the part which forms the pediment) is an elegant library, containing a considerable collection of valuable books ; originally this was a chapel, dedi- cated to saint Michael : it appears not to have been built at the same time as the other part of the edifice, but to have been added to it about the time of Edward I. and perhaps later. Under the library is a spacious vault, belonging to the ducal family of Richmond; to the north of which, and adjoining, is the dormitory of the family of Miller, late of Lavant, baronets. On the south-side of the library is the elegant monument of doctor Edward Waddington, who filled the episcopal chair of Chichester from the year 1724 to 1731 : a man, whose life (according to the character he has left behind him ) was so blame- less, and his manners so engaging ; whose integrity was so exemplary, and his piety so sincere, that too much cannot be said in his praise. There the top of a spire — nor could it have been raised thither— and if it could the lightning that could have tossed such a weight almost an hundred and twenty yards must have laid the whole spire in the dust I 3^9 There are six parish-churches within the walls, (besides that of saint Pancrass without the east-gate, and the place where that of saint Bartholomew once stood, which is now only a burying ground) namely that of saint Peter the great, alias the Subdeanry (within the cathedral) saint Peter the less, saint Olave's, saint Andrew's, All Saints, and saint Mar- tin's. Which last, in 1802 and 1803 was repaired, and it may be said new built, at an expence of not less than seventeen hundred pounds, by the pious munificence of Mrs. Dear — a lady equally studious to shun as she is to deserve praise ; for which reason, that I may not give real offence, I shall only farther add, on this head, that the architect (Mr. Brookes) is entitled to just commendation for raising the fabric solid and strong ; though not heavy, the very view carries in it the idea of strength and durability ; at the same time that the mariner is no despicable imi- tation of the Gothic style, the style best suited to sacred architecture. The guildhall is an antient, spacious structure, by no means magnificent. It was formerly the chapel of the convent of Grey friars. In digging lately close by the hustings, in order to erect galleries for the c c 3 grand 39° grand and petit-juries, they found the remains of some of the brothers, who had been deposited there near the altar : but as only the solid bones remained, it could not be ascertained, nor any probable con- jecture formed from thence, how long they had lain there. Mercy, the most endearing attribute of the Deity, is the most amiable quality in man. The stern features of justice, unsoftened by clemency, present a countenance too hard to be viewed with- out disgust. Humanity forms the most prominent, and the most amiable trait of the national cha- racter; and therefore the makers of our laws, in the formation of the penal code, supposed this national bias to operate in full force, to influence the bench, to warm the breast, and sway the verdict of every juryman. Where this pounterpoise is removed (if any where) or by any means ceases to operate, the intention of the legislature is balked, and the boast of an Englishman, trial by jury, rendered a delusive shadow ! The humanity of the present Recorder of Chichester, Mr. Steele, which, together with his dis- criminating knowledge, has procured him the esteem @nd veneration of his cotemporaries, will embalm his 39 1 his memory to posterity when the tribute of ap- probation and praise, contained in these pages, is perished. In the West-street is the grammar-school, founded by bishop Story, a. d. 1497, for the educa- tion of the sons of the freemen of the city, endowed with the prebend of Highley, (in the gift of the dean and chapter) under which are held the great and some of the small tithes of the parish of Siddle- sham, &c. The Latinity of the learned had declined in purity for a considerable time — and therefore the good bishop did what he could to restore that purity : besides which consideration, though learning was not at that time altogether confined to the professions, it was far from being so diffused as he wished it to be. In the same year, 1497, the great Erasmus came into England (as said before) with intention to have introduced the knowledge of the Greek language here. Whether the worthy prelate was personally known to Erasmus, and the other great names which at that time illuminated this horizon, I cannot say; certain it is that he exerted himself, if not in con- junction with them, at least in the same laudable undertaking — the promotion of useful learning. c c 4 In, 39 2 In the West-street is likewise the free-school, founded a. d. 1702, by Oliver Whitby, with a par- ticular regard to navigation, endowed with lands to maintain a master and twelve boys, that is, four from Chichester, four from West- Wittering, and the like number from Harting. The boys wear a uniform of blue, lined with yellow, with a cap or bonnet of the same (blue) colour. There is also a charity school, for cloathing and educating twenty-two poor boys, whose uniform is grey ; and twenty poor girls in blue. Agreeable to the charter, the mayor is chosen annually, on the Monday before Michaelmas, from among the aldermen and common-council ; but it is to be remarked, that the nomination of the high- steward generally, if not always, determines the election. He (the mayor) has a court of requests, for the recovery of small debts. In his public capa- city he is attended by four sergeants at mace, with a crier, &c. Four justices of the peace are likewise chosen from the aldermen. There are five annual fairs holden in the city and suburbs ; namely on saint George's day, Whit- Monday, saint James's day, Michaelmas fair, old stile, and 393 and Sloe fair ten days after. The weekly markets are held on Wednesdays and Saturdays; and are plentifully supplied from the country for several miles round, with various articles of daily consump- tion. During the season abundance of oysters are brought to the fish-shambles, mostly from Ems worth, which if not superior are certainly not inferior to any England — a great deal larger than the Melton oysters, so much esteemed in London, and not in- ferior to them, either in flavour or taste. The neigh- bouring coast supplies the market with plenty of lobsters, crabs, prawns, and several other kinds of fish — Worthing with mackarel — and Arundel with mullet. Formerly the corn-market was kept on Satur- day in the North-street ; and sold in kind, and not by sample. But lately, by the change of various cir- cumstances, that way became inconvenient and almost impracticable. And therefore all the wheat, and nearly the whole of the business (of grain) is done by sample, and that principally on the beast-market day instead of Saturday. The beast-market, holden every second Wed- nesday throughout the year invariably, for black cattle, 394 cattle, sheep and hogs, is by much the greatest of any in this or the neighbouring counties, that of London excepted. Not only the city, but the country round for many miles is supplied from thence. To it the Portsmouth butchers regularly resort- — and not seldom the carcase butchers from London attend it. It is kept in the East-street, the whole of which is occupied on market-days, and more than half of the North-street. The black cattle pay nothing, and only the coops (for sheep and hogs) pay an ac- knowledgment of six-pence a coop, to the corpora- tion. At present the full produce of this toll is not less, but rather more than 130/. per annum. About ten or eleven years ago the clear amount of the said toll, deducting all attending charges, was very little more than seventy pounds. A sufficient proof of the great increase of the market in a few years. The general-post comes in every forenoon, except Monday, and goes out every afternoon at four o'clock, except Saturday. The cross-posts to the eastward and westward also go out and come jn every day in the week. The London C-oach leaves Chichester Monday, Wednesday, and Friday 395 Fridays mornings, and returns Tuesdays, Thursdays and Saturdays the fare is now 22*. It puts up at the Bolt-in-ton, Fleet-street, and the Golden Cross, Charing Cross. The Portsmouth coach goes from and returns to Chichester every day. The waggons go three times a week to London, and inn at the Talbot and White-Hart, in the Borough. By these large quantities of wool, the produce of the sur- rounding country, are sent to London, and from thence conveyed to Yorkshire, and the other wool- manufacturing counties in the north of England. A dispensary, supported by annual subscrip- tion, for the relief of the sick poor, was established in the city a. d. 1784, principally by the reverend Mr. Walker, and doctor Sanden — the former, the patron of the -poor, and the friend of the helpless — and the latter, a gentleman distinguished no less by his professional abilities, than for his humane attention, to the sufferings of his fellow-creatures. The custom-house is in the West-street, hav- ing been removed thither from saint Martin's square, a few years ago by order of the commissioners. The theatre is at the lower end of the South-r street. It was repaired, or rather rebuilt, a. d. 1791, b 7 39^ by the late Mr. Andrews of Chichester. The ex- terior part is not inelegant,, within it is roomy and convenient ; and will contain fifty or sixty pounds. The same company perform likewise at Portsmouth, Winchester, and Southampton. They are under the management of Mr. Collins ; and are not inferior to what are usually found on a country-stage. There are two banking-houses in the city, both in the East-street. The one (Griffiths, Drew, and Ridge) established in the year 1779; and the other (Francis and John Diggens) a few years later. Each of them stands on the firm foundation of property to a very great amount. From the respectable cha- racters of the gentlemen of both firms, it is not doubted but that in case of a public convulsion, (which may God avert) they would indemnify the holders of their promissory notes with bullion — or real property. And in that light, to those who en- tertain any fears of such a crisis, the notes of the banks of Chichester are more eligible than those of more pompous firms. The present chapter consists of the dean and four prebendaries called to residence ; and therefore called canons resident. It is said that formerly, the bishop 397 the bishop, the dean, the chanter, the chancellor, the treasurer, the two arch-deacons, dignitaries, and the thirty prebendaries, composed the chapter. The service of the choir is performed by four minor canons, called vicars-choral — assisted in the vocal part by four singing-men and six singing-boys of the choir. One of the present residentiaries was raised to that station from among the minor-canons, or vicars-choral. When men of learning, merit, and piety, are patronised and advanced by the great, they (the great) thereby evince, in the most satisfactory manner, their reverence for the established religion of their country, and the welfare of the public; as by an opposite conduct they show their contempt for both ! The city sends two representatives to the house of commons, who are chosen by the inhabitants at large — that is, by those who pay the church and poor-rates. There are about four hundred and fifty electors, besides several honorary freemen, who do not pay scot and lot ; whose votes were notwith- standing declared to be valid by a decision in the court of King's Bench, a. d. 1782 — in the cause, the late Bryan Edwards vers. Percy Wyndham, whereby the 39 s the election of the latter for Chichester was con- firmed. As to the real state of these matters in the city, it is not necessary to be explicit — the general state of the representation of the boroughs through- out England is well known, and that of Chichester I believe to be in unison with the rest. To estimate the manners and principles of the people, to appreciate the virtues or vices of the in- habitants, I reckon not to be within the legitimate limits of this undertaking. I might be suspected of partiality, or blamed for illiberal censure. And therefore all that I shall say on the subject is, that with a very extraordinary degree of humanity in compassionating and relieving the distresses of their fellow-creatures, and a generous liberality of senti- ment in judging the actions of men — with these two exceptions in their favour, the inhabitants of Chi- chester stand nearly on a level with their neighbours. They who believe in the influence of climate will readily assent to this representation, and there are not many who will dispute that influence to a certain degree— though few who can fix that degree with precision. However, it is acknowledged that the serenity and mildness of the air generally produces a correspondent 399 correspondent mildness of disposition : and we know that where humanity has erected her throne, thither the virtues choose to resort, and fix their residence in her gentle domain. The limits of the port of Chichester, and the Key-Dues Belonging to the Corporation. In the thirty-second year of the reign of king Charles II. a commission was issued by him, to cer- tain persons therein mentioned, " to enquire into " the extent and limits of the port of Chichester, '■ and the members thereof." Which commission, and the return of the commissioners, " are in the records of his majesty's court of exchequer," in the date of 1680. By the commission it appears that the port of Chichester is the head, and all the other ports in tho county, Arundel, Shoreham, Lewes, ( Newhaven ) Rye, and Ilythe, members thereof. The return of the commissioners to the barons of the exchequer, says — " We (&c.) do hereby set :i down, appoint, and settle the extent, bounds, and (\ limits of the said port of Chichester to be " from " the 400 "the Hermitage-bridge, (near Emsworth) on the , ninety-two feet or there- " this original structure. Malmsbury says of bishop •* Ralph — * Ecclesiam suam, quam a novo fecerat, " liberalitate potissimum regis fecit." What bishop M SefTrid did was probably a great work, but much u less considerable. Many of the fine things men- ■ tioned in the table, doctor Lyttleton speaks of as " of no authority. All that the annals of Winchester <{ say of him is — ci Dedicata est ecclesia Cicestriae a iC Seffrido ejusdem loci episcopo, a. d. 1199, 2d idus u Septembris :" and again, u Obik Seffiridus episco- f * pus Cicestria?, a. d. 1204." The annals are so far " from giving him any eulogium upon the account "of his buildings, that they say nothing of them. " In a ms. catalogue of the bishops older than bishop ? Shurborne, belonging to the church, the account *'• is — " Seffridus reasdificavit Cicestriam et domos " suas in palatio." Not a word mentioned of the " church, which would most probably have been par- f - ticularly specified, had it been entirely burned "down," -And 4*6 " And from hence I think it may be justly eon- " eluded, that the church was only damaged in this " fire, and perhaps the roof quite destroyed : for it sc is scarce possible that such pillars and arches of " stone should be entirely reduced to asltes by a lire. " Bishop Godwin places the second fire> not as the « table in 1185, but as it should be, in 1187. cc So Prom the annals of Winchester, and other records, I maintain that bishop Seffrid built the -church as it bow stands; but it will not from thence follow that every thing belonging to it, as a cathedral church, was thoroughly finished and completed, especially within ; and therefore we need not wonder, that bishop Neville should say — c< Ecclesia multiplici re- paratione indigcre dignoscitur." Nor yet that bishop Aquila, in the beginning of his episcopate, solicited and obtained licence from king John — (e Ducendi (< marmor suum per mare a Purbeck ad repara- K tionem/' &c. But what appears to me to be decisive on this point is, that bishop Seffrid, assisted by six other prelates, 417 prelates, consecrated the church on the 2d of the Ides (i. e. the 12th day) of September, a. d. 1199: for it would be absurd to suppose that he, or they, would have performed that solemn office if the church had only been repaired, as the essay supposes. In the ms. there is an almost implicit deference paid to the opinion of doctor Lyttleton, to which it was not entitled: especially as that opinion was formed on a cursory survey of the subject. It says that Henry I. was the great contributor to this work, i. e. the building of the cathedral. This is very un- likely ; for at that time he was on very bad terms both with Anselm the arch-bishop, and Paschal the pope, who threatened him with excommunication, on account of his claiming the right of ecclesiastical investitures. — " Bish6p Godwin places the second fire in 1187;" the table, and the annals of Winchester, with more probability in 1185. " Bishop Seffrid's u repairs cannot be distinguished from bishop Ralph's " original work; unless some pillars, &c. and the u two towers at the west-end are some of them." It is plain by inspection that there is only one tower there now. — « Poore succeeded Aquila. There* can be no doubt but he carried on the work." He sat e e here i8 here only two years, and therefore cannot be sup- posed to have done much . "He (Poore) was the ee greatest builder of his age : the foundation of the ic present church of Salisbury is a sufficient monu- cc ment of his taste* and magnificence." It does not appear by the records of the time,, that he did lay the foundation of it : and circumstances are unfavor- able to that opinion ; for he was translated to Dun- holme (Durham) the 22d of July, 1228— and the church of Salisbury was not finished till the year 1256 or 1257 — a longer period than we can well suppose it to be in hand. In consequence of long- feuds and contentions between the clergy (of Sarum) and the earl (Devereux,) the bishop (Poore) pro- cured a bull from the pope, authorising him to re- move the church from the hill to the vale, where Salisbury now stands. A new wooden chapel was therefore begun and finished by him in 1224; and on the feast of Trinity he celebrated divine service in it; and consecrated it a cemetry. In 1225, on the vigil of saint Michael, he consecrated three altars, on the area which he marked out, and on which the cathedral now stands, at which consecration the arch* bishops of Canterbury and Dublin were present :— r and • Music, painting/ and poetry, are the only provinces of taste, 4*9 and two or three years afterwards was translated ' to the see of Dunholme. Bishop Bingham succeeded him at Salisbury — a prelate of considerable learning (for the times) and great influence. A few years before his death, (2d of November, 1246) he began to build the church, for which he had been Iono- making preparations ; and his successor, William of York, completed the vast undertaking, at the time above-mentioned. This Mr. Clarke seems to allow, when he says— ff it was a sort of fashion to bury the u builders or restorers of churches near one another: tc thus at Salisbury, the two bishops thai finished that '/ noble fabric, bishop Bingham and William of York, " lie near one another." u We have a tradition (says Mr. Clarke) that " the' spire was built by the same workmen that built " Salisbury spire : and this account is very credible; " it was certainly built about the same time ; the :c work is in the same taste and manner. The church " of Salisbury was finished in the year 1256 the 4th " of Henry III." The 4th year of Henry III. was 1220, as he began his reign in 1216 but that is immaterial. That the same workmen should build both spires can hardly be imagined; as the time of E E 2 their 420 their erection was more than half a century apart ; for we cannot suppose that the outward work of Chichester cathedral was not finished at the time of its consecration,, a. d. 1199. That there is a simi- larity in the style is true ; though the plan in several respects, is different. In Chichester the great tower in the center of the cross is higher than that of Salis- bury in proportion. The extreme top of the spire of the latter, is more than an hundred feet higher than that of the former : but that has nothing to do with style or relative proportion ; as the whole struc- ture is on a larger scale than ours. In Chichester the choir is higher than the pavement of the church, at the west door the ascent is five steps : in Salisbury there is no ascent to the choir, the pavement of it is on a level with that of the church. " What the historical painting in the south- " transept was for colouring and expression before s( it was so much defaced in the great rebellion, (Mr. " Clarke says) there is no knowing." There is no sign nor mark that the parliamentarians at all inter- fered with these; the pictures of the kings, bishops, &c. have lost their colouring and expression, by the ravages of a more irresistible enemy — time. His strictures 421 strictures on Holbein are not conceived with that judgment nor liberality of sentiment that I should have looked for from Mr. Clarke — if he had " had no notion of perspective, and very little of compo- sition/' his reputation as an artist could not stand so high as it does. With his style I am unacquainted; but know that his fame as a painter stands on an ele- vation which the shafts of common critics cannot reach, but fall harmless on the ground, or on the head of the assailant. hi the historical picture above-mentioned, Ceadwalla is represented as the person who made the grant to Wilfrid of the island of Selsea: whereas it is evident both from Bede and William of Malmesbury,, that it w T as Adelwalch, king of the South-Saxons, that founded this church. Bede's words are sc Rex " Adeluilch donavit reverendissimo Antistili Vilfrido n terrain otaginta et septem familiarum ubi homines ff suos — recipere posset, vocabulo Selaeseii : hunc " locum cum accepisset episcopns Vilfridus fundavit cc ibi monasterium." &c. p. 156. Malmesbury con- firms this: "Is, Adelualch, beatissimum Wilfridum, 3, aged fifty-six years, was buried in this cathedral. He was afterwards canonized by the Romish church, and his anniversary appointed to be kept the 3d day of April Under his picture, among the 44 8 the bishops in the church, there is a pretty long atf* count of miracles, said to be wrought by him, (as mentioned before. ) We are sorry that we cannot give the reader the history of this pretended saint from authentic records : we apprehend him to have been originally one of the Dominican friars, or preaching brothers ; a set of hypocritical fanatics, who sprung up about this time out of the dung and corruption of the church of Rome — that he dis- tinguished himself by his vehemence against the Albigenses, a sect of heretics (as they were then, called) but whose tenets differed but little from the Protestants of the present age ; that by these means he ingratiated himself with the pope, who contrary to the regulations of the lateran, appointed him anions: the secular clersfv, and honoured him with the mitre of Chichester : that in this station he con- tinued to exert himself in defence of his worthy patroness, the Romish church, by the same arts of hypocrisy and fraud, whereby he had imposed upon the ignorance and credulity of mankind before his exaltation. — Be this as it will, we know assuredly that this was an age of gross delusion, consummate ignorance, and gloomy superstition ; and in a word the 449 the very midnight of papal darkness ; a fit season for pretended saints to exhibit lying wonders ! We are truly sorry that a man of bishop Shurborn's great discernment, should have given the authority of his name to so palpable a fallacy ; nor indeed can we account for the same otherwise than by supposing that when that account was written and received his sanction, age had weakened the powers of his under- standing ; which we verily believe was the case ; for he died a few years after, at the advanced age of ninety-six. John Clipping, a prebendary of the church, succeeded him. lie, among other things, gave to this cathedral the manor of Drungwich, in the parish of Wisborough-Green, and built upon it a palace for the bishops, his successors. We suppose he sat about eight years, for we find that Stephen de Perkstead had the temporalities of this see restored to him, June 26, the forty-sixth of Henry III. About three years after, viz. in 1265, he was excommunicated because he sided with the seditious barons, which was the cause he went to Rome — and after a long exile from his own country hardly obtained his absolution. He died in 1287, c g and 450 and has this character given him in the chronicle of Osney. That he was cc a person of the greatest sin- " cerity and innocency, who lay under the affliction " of blindness many years before he died, which " made his life miserable.'" Gilbert de S. Leofardo, treasurer of the church of Chichester, official of the arch-bishop of Canter- bury, and a scholar of the university of Oxford, was restored to the temporalities of this see, June the 18th, 1288. In some histories it is said that he built and endowed the chapel of the blessed Mary in Chi- chester, however it is most probable that he re- paired the buildings and was a benefactor to the in- stitution. Westminster gives him this encomium, viz. That he was a father to the fatherless — a com- forter of the mourning widows — a pious and humble visitor to the sick and bedrid in cottages, and was more bountiful to refresh the poor than entertain the rich. He further adds, if we please to believe him, that the holiness of his life was well attested by the frequent miracles consequent upon it. John de Langton was arch-deacon of Canter- bury, treasurer of Wells, canon of York and Lincoln, prebendary of this church, besides other preferments. la 45i In the year 1293, in the reign of king Edward I. he was made lord chancellor of England, and continued in that high office nine years. In the same reign, a. n. 1305, he was consecrated bishop of this diocese, and being a person of extraordinary prudence, was in the year 1310, appointed to be one of those called Ordainers, whose business was to be near the person of the king (Edward II.) and advise him con- cerning the better government of his kingdom, and indeed of himself, who was most fatally misled by his favourite Piers Gaveston : and sometime after- wards, in the miserable distractions of that prince's reign, by his wisdom and prudence, he endeavoured with some success, to promote the peace of the king- dom. This bishop was not more remarkable for his prudence than his generosity. He gave 100/. to the university of Oxford, deposited in a chest, with this intent — that any poor graduate might on moderate security, borrow out of it a small sum for a short time; and it is called to this day bishop Langton's chest. He laid out 310/. in building the great window in this cathedral, and the bishop's chapter-house — - and 100/. towards repairing the church. He left likewise to the church an estate in the parish of g g 2 Selsea, 452 Selsea, called Medmery, with a large stock of cattle on it. In the year 13 15, the earl of Warren was excommunicated by him for adultery, and when the earl went to the bishop with a certain number of men in arms, as if he would lay violent hands upon him, the bishop calling to him his domestic servants and dependants, apprehended the earl and those that were with him, and cast them all into prison. He died the 19th of July, 1337, having filled the epis- copal chair of this diocese about thirty-three years. Robert Stratford, bishop of Chichester, was born at Stratford-upon-Avon, in Warwickshire. He was a prelate of great resolution and courage, and had the honour and execution of the highest offices iii the state. In the year 1338, he was made lord chancellor, and keeper of the great seal. He was consecrated bishop of Chichester the 1 1th of Novem- ber in the same year. Two years after which, viz. a. d. 1340, he was with king Edward III, in his camp before Tournay; but falling deeply under the king's displeasure, was sent to the Tower : from whence however he was soon discharged, but with the loss of his office as chancellor. He afterwards procured of the same king a charter of great privileges for this 453 this church, and a confirmation of all former ones. In 1348, when king Edward removed the staple of wool out of Flanders, and settled it with rights and great privileges in seven cities of England, he pro- cured the city of Chichester to be one of them ; by which it received great advantages. He sat here about thirty-four years, and died at Aldingbourn, the 8th day of April, 1362. William de Lenn, or Lulimere, doctor of laws, and dean of Chichester, was consecrated into this see in the end of June, 1362, and was translated six years after to the see of Worcester, leaving this see to William Read, s. t. p. who was appointed by papal provision, October the 11th, anno 1369. He was provost of Wengham-college, doctor of divinity and fellow of Merton-college, Oxford. Leland in Bale gives this description of him, viz. He graced Merton-college partly by his eminent learning, and partly by the excellent library of books which he gave it after he had built a convenient place to re- ceive them. Among other sorts of learning his great care was to encourage the study of the mathematics; and from thence it comes that there are some astro- g g 3 nomical 454 nomical tables of his composing. These things he did in his youth ; but when he was arrived at man's estate, he bestowed all his labours on divinity : and being adorned with the highest dignity of that pro- fession, he was at length made bishop of this see, in which while he sat he built a castle of most excellent work at Amberley, upon the banks of the river Arun. He also put out another work, which he called (C A Table of Canons." He left his astronomical tables in the above-mentioned college, which (as it is re- ported) are still to be seen there, with his picture drawn to the life. He died in the year 1385. Thomas Runshooke was translated from LandafF to this see, about the middle of October the same year. He was a Dominican friar, and confessor to king Richard II. which though it was the means of his rise, was soon the cause of his fall. For when the barons rose in arms against the king, he was banished by the court, and all his goods confiscated by authority of parliament in March 1388. He seems also at the same time to have been forced to relinquish his bishoprick, for a little after he is called in the king's archives, Thomas late bishop of Chi- chester. Richard 455 Richard Mitford succeeded him anno 1389, and being translated to Salisbury in 1395, Robert Waldby, arch-bishop of Dublin, in Ireland, was removed hither the same year, and the next year was made arch-bishop of York — when Robert Read, a Dominican friar, and then bishop of Carlisle, was at the request of Richard II. declared by the pope, at the end of the year 1396, bishop of Chichester, although William Strickland had been duly chosen to that office. He procured a cross of excellent workmanship to be set up in the market-place, and departed this life about Whitsun- tide, 1417 and Stephen Patrington, bishop of saint David's, was removed to this see in the month of December the same year, but died before his translation could be perfected, and was buried in the church of the White friars, Fleet-street, London.* Heniy Ware, l. l. d. the arch-bishop of Can- terbury's official, was consecrated in the month of May, anno 1418, and dying four years after, viz. in the year 1422. g g 4 John • Fuller's W, p. 19^. 45^ John Kemp, bishop of Rochester, was trans- lated hither ; and within the compass of the same year, was removed to London, and after having been bishop of York, and raised to Canterbury, was cre- ated cardinal also. In this see he was succeeded by Thomas Poldon, bishop of Hereford, 1422, who was possessed of this see but a very few years before he was translated to Worcester, and John Rickingale, doctor of divinity, educated at Cambridge, of which and the church of York he was chancellor, was consecrated bishop of this see in the parish-church of Mortlake, June 3, 1429. Upon his tomb these verses are said to have been engraven : Ci Tu qualis cris ? quid mundi quseris honores." IN ENGLISH. See, what thou soon shall be ! Why dost thou seek Worldly honours ? Think on thy sins, and weep. Behold in me, what thou shalt shortly be, Death at the doors, cries— come along with me. Simon Sidenham, doctor of laws, dean of Salis- bury, was consecrated bishop of this see, February 12, 1430, although it is evident that one Thomas Bromis, doctor of laws, was canonically chosen by the chapter of Chichester/and most earnestly re- commended 457 commended, February 4, 1429, by the university of Oxford, (where he was educated) by an epistle written in his favour. He died in the beginning of February, 1437. Richard Praty, chancellor of the university of Oxford, succeeded him 1438, and departed this life about the feast of saint James, July 25, 1445, soon after which Adam Molins, doctor of laws, was chosen into this see. He was dean of Salisbury, and of saint Birin in Cornwall, and had formerly been secretary of his majesty's council ; and was consecrated in the month of November in the same year : soon after which he was constituted keeper of the privy-seal. He was slain at Portsmouth by certain mariners, who were sent on purpose, employed by Richard duke of York, to commit that wicked fact, July 9, 1449. He gave for the ornament of the high altar in his church, cloaths of silk, of a crimson colour, which was anciently called purple, of great value. To him succeeded Reginald Peacock, of whom Bale thus speaks; Reginald Peacock, in Latin Pavo, leaving Wales his native country, betook himself to Oxford, where being 458 Toeing a student in Oriel college, he laboured after the attainment not only of eloquence, but also of divine and human knowledge. When he had finished the course of his studies, and commenced doctor of divinity, he was for his excellent learning and elo- quence, made first bishop of saint Asaph, and then ~of this place, 1449, by the favour and interest (as it is said) of duke Humphrey, while he governed the kingdom. This good man seeing many blas- phemous opinions to grow up among the clergy against the divine ordinances, especially about the Lord's supper; not only encouraged those that wrote and spoke against them, (as Roger Onely, David Boys, his countryman, Philip Norris an Irishman, and some others) but he himself engaged in the cause for twenty years and more, and delivered many things, both by word and writing, against the ido- latry and devilish doctrines of Anti-christ. At length he was cited to a synod at Lambeth, that he might give an account of his doctrine before Thomas Bourchier, then arch-bishop of Canterbury, where he was overthrown, and condemned to imprison- ment, and the fire, not by the holy scriptures, proper arguments, or convincing reasons, but by authority, 459 authority, force, art, fraud, fear, terror, and tyranny, and at length constrained to recant in saint Paul's church, December 4, 1457, his books, of which he had written many volumes, being burnt before his face. Several parts of the holy scriptures he trans- lated into the English tongue, which we do not find that he was blamed for in these times. The opinions which he was condemned for holding and maintain- ing, are said to be these, or some such like : that human reason is not to be prefered before the writ- ings of the old and new Testaments — that bishops buying their admissions of the Roman pontiff sin, &c. that the office of a Christian bishop, above all other things, is to preach the word of God — that the use of the sacraments, as they were then adminis- tered, was not agreeable to the law of nature — that no man was bound to believe and obey the deter- minations of the church of Rome — that the apostles themselves did not frame the creed that goes under their name, and that in it it was not mentioned that Christ descended into hell — that of the four senses of scripture, the first and proper is only to be taken notice of — that he little esteemed the authority of the fathers in some points and condemned the wilful 460 wilful begging of friars as a thing idle and needless. For these, and some other doctrines, which he was said to teach, as soon as duke Humphry was dead he was called in question, as mentioned before, and brought to an open recantation. He is said to have maintained other heresies ( as they called them ) both in preaching and writing for twenty years past and more, viz. That we are not bound by necessity of faith to believe that Christ after his death descended into hell — that it is not necessary to salvation to believe in the holy catholick church, the communion of saints, and the body of Christ to be materially in the sacrament — that the universal church may err in matters of faith, and that it is not necessary to salva- tion to believe, that what every general council doth ordain for the help of our faith, and salvation of mens' souls, should be holden by all faithful Chris- tians. All which being ready drawn up in form, he read, and declared his renunciation of as errone- ous and heretical, his books being burnt before his face at the same time. What became of him after this, we find not; if he was set at liberty, as we may reasonably suppose he was, he soon repented of his recantation, for he was soon after taken up again 461 again, and imprisoned, where some say he was pri- vately made away with, and killed, and so obtained the crown of martyrdom. John Arundel, doctor of physic, succeeded 1459 — and to him Edward Storv, doctor of divinity, fellow of Pembroke-Hail, in Chambridge, some time afterwards president of saint Michael's hospital there. He was consecrated bishop of Carlisle, October 14, 1468, and when he had sat nine or ten years there, was translated hither in 1478. He built the cross in the market-place, which for beauty and magnificence equalled, if not surpassed, any in the kingdom : and that the citv might not be at anv charge with it, he left (we are told) an estate at Amberley, worth full 25/. per annum, to keep it inconstant repair; which a few years afterwards the mayor and corporation sold in order to purchase another of the same value nearer home. He founded also the grammar-school in this citv, a. d. 1497, and died in January 1502, rfl the eightieth year of his age, and was buried behind the high altar in a plain tomb, on the north side, which he had a little before built for himself in his own cathedral. His successor was Richard 4^2 Richard Fitz-James, who was translated from Rochester, anno 1504, and in 1506, again translated to London and succeeded by Robert Shurborn, the fourth of that name * He was a Hampshire man, educated at Wickham- school, and fellow of New-college, Oxford, who having passed through divers preferments, as canon of Lincoln, prebendary of Wells, arch-deacon of Taunton and Huntington, and at last dean of saint Paul's, London, was in 1505, elected bishop of saint David's, under the title of Consiliarius Regius, and from thence in 1508, removed to the see of Chi- chester. The former and better years of his life were employed in the service of the state, under king Henry VII, as ambassador to foreign courts ; where he was esteemed as a man of great integrity, prudence and address. He was easy of access, courteous and affable to all. He increased the number of singing- men in the choir, and repaired and beautified the church. A history of the foundation of the church, curiously * In the record indeed he is called the fourth of that name, by which we are to understand the name of Robert, not that of Shurborn. He was the fifth Robert, if Dr. Passelcw be reckon- ed, as he ought to be, in the number of bishops. 4^3 curiously painted in the south aile of the church, together with the pictures of the kings of England, from William the Conqueror, and also those of the bishops, both of Selsea and Chichester, were done at his charge, and under his direction, by Bernardi, an Italian. What the colouring and expression of both the kings and bishops originally was cannot be determined now, the colours being nearly obliterated by the hand of time, at least reduced to one uniform sameness. But as nothing mortal is perfect, this great and good man had his failings. He was of too easy credulity, especially in the latter part of his life, and too fond of the marvellous; as appears plain enough from the history and characters which he has annexed to Wilfrid and Richard. Some of the pre- bends of this church w 7 ere founded by him, which he directed to be filled by persons educated at either of William of Wickham's colleges. He died the 21st of August, 1336, in the ninety-sixth year of his age. Richard Sampson, doctor of laws, and dean of the king's chapel, was elected to this see and conse- crated June 9, 1536. He having sat seven years here, was translated to Litchfield in 1543, and George 464 George Day, doctor of divinity, succeeded him. He had been provost of King's college, in Cambridge, ten years, and was from thence removed to this see, to which he was consecrated anno 1543. He was deprived in 1551, by king Edward VI. and imprisoned ; but after two years confinement, Was restored to his see t>y queen Mary. He died August 2, 1556, and John Scory, doctor of divinity, and bishop of Rochester, was translated hither 1552, but had not held it more than two years when he was ejected by the accession of queen Mary to the throne. In the time of his suspension he was famous for an epistle to the faithful in prison, or other troubles for the word of God, and several other treatises proper for such as w T ere fellow-sufferers with him, as saint Austin, of the perseverance of the saints, saint Cyprian's sermon of mortality, and exhortation to martyrdom, &c. He survived queen Maryland being made chaplain to queen Elizabeth, was, in the beginning of her reign, made bishop of Hereford, which he enjoyed to his death, which happened at his palace at Whitburn, in the county of Hereford, June 16, 1585. John 4^5 John Christopherson, doctor of divinity, master of Trinity-college, Cambridge, and dean of Norwich, was raised to this see, 1557, in the place of doctor Scory, deprived by queen Mary. He was a Lanca- shire man by birth, and educated in saint John's college, Cambridge. The time that he sat here was not more than one year, being deprived on the ac- cession of queen Elizabeth, the 17th of November, 1558. In the task of persecution he was coadjutor to bishop Bonner, and appears to have been equally zealous with him in the work of death, though not so extensively infamous, C( which mindeth me (says " doctor Fuller) of an epigram made by one, who w being suitor to a scornful mistress, after he had c< praised her for her great beauty and divine per- " fections, concluded — " She hath too much divinity for me : " Oh ! that she had some more humanity !" " the same may be said of Christopherson ; though * he carried much of Christ in his name ; yet did he " bear nothing of him in his nature, no meekness, " mildness, or mercy ; being wholly addicted to " cruelty and destruction, burning no fewer than ten u persons in one fire in Lewes, and seventeen others h h '• at 466 a at several times, in sundry places/'* — —To the library of Trinity he gave many books, Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, and built new lodgings in the college for the accommodation of the presidents. It must be confessed that he was a man of considerable learning. In his youth he translated the history of Eusebius into Latin, wherein the persecutions of the Christian church, for the three first centuries, are re- lated ; and, as if he had studied the arts of cruelty in the school of the Heathens, he practised them upon the people of his diocese, and like a tyrant, rejoiced at their sufferings. None of the ten who were burned at Lewes, w T ere taken up but two or three days before their execution. The writ for their burning could not have been obtained regularly; and therefore their persecutors must answer to God for their blood. William Barlow, d. d. was a native of Essex, and had his first preferment in that county, being made canon regular of saint Osyth. By Henry the eighth he was made bishop of saint Asaph, and con- secrated the 2 2d of February, 1535. From thence in 1536, translated to the see of saint David, where he * See Fuller's Worthies, p, 101. 4^7 he sat till 1547, when he was appoinect to that of Bath and Wells ; from which 1553 he was expelled the first of Mary, and flying with many others into Germany, lived in a poor condition. On the acces- sion of queen Elizabeth to the crown, he returned into England, and was confirmed in this see the 20th of December, 1559, which he filled eight or nine years: and dying in August 1568, was buried in the cathedral. He had five daughters who were married to five bishops, as appears by his wife's monument in a church-yard in Hampshire. Hie Agathse Tumulus Barloi Prcesulis indc Exulis inde ; iterum Praesulis, Uxor erat Prole beata fuit, plena annis, quinque suaruin Prsesulibus vidit, Praesulis ipsa, datas. IN ENGLISH. Barlow's wife Agatha doth here remain, bishop, then exile, bishop then again ; So long she liv'd, so well his children sped, She saw five bishops his five daughters wed. In his time the queen founded the college church of Westminster, and made him the first canon of the first stall, which he held, together with his bishop- rick, till the day of his death, h h 2 Richard 468 Richard Curteys, s. t. p. succeeded him in this see — in which he was confirmed the 26 th of April, 1570. He was a native of Lincolnshire, some time fellow of saint John's college, Cambridge, and proc- tor of that university. He wrote several treatises, and some sermons, which he caused to be printed. He died in August, 1582, and the spiritualities of this see were seized by commission from the arch- bishop, the 1st of September, the same year. After his death the see was vacant three years. Thomas Bickley, s. t. p. and warden of Merton- college, Oxford, was consecrated to this see. He was born at Stow, in Buckinghamshire, but being educated at Magdalen-school, Oxford, while he was choirister there, became at length a scholar and fel- low of the house. In the beginning of king Edward the sixth's reign, he was made the king's chaplain, and recommended by the" university to be one of that king's preachers at Windsor, where he shewed himself forward and zealous for the reformation then beginning. The Roman catholicks hated him much upon that account, and those that were not against a reformation, were not much pleased with his over hastiness; whereupon, when queen Mary came to the 4^9 the throne,, he found it necessary for him to leave his college, and go into a voluntary exile, He fled into France, and there spent most of that queen's reign, in study at Paris and Orleans, where he im- proved himself much in learning, and the French tongue. Ke returned into England a little after the queen's death, and being made chaplain to arch- bishop Parker, he soon after was preferred by doctor Benham, bishop of Litchfield, to the arch-deaconry of Stafford, and a prebend of Litchfield, and at length by the arch-bishop's means, was put into the mastership of Merton-college, which he governed most commendably twentv years. Being then near eighty years of age, he was offered this see, and not very willingly accepted of it by reason of his age, yet being over-persuaded ( for he was not covetous of honours) he was installed March 3, 1585, and held it eleven years, much beloved and honoured in his diocese. He dyed at Aldingbourn, April 30, 1596, act. 90, and was buried in his cathedral, under a decent monument, with a large inscription, in Wood's Athena:, vol. 1. p. 614. By his last will he gave forty pounds for the ceiling and paving of Mag- dalen-school, and one hundred pounds to Merton- ii ii 3 college., 470 college, to buy lands, of five pounds per annum, to be given to one of the fellows that studied divinity, to preach a public sermon, which after his death was ordered to be given to a preacher, in Merton- college church, on May-day yearly, as it still con- tinues, before the university ; and some other legacies for pious uses. To him succeeded Anthony Watson, who had been fellow of Bennet^college, Cambridge, and was at the time of his election to this see, chancellor of the church of Wells, and dean of Bristol. He was consecrated August 15, 1596, but was allowed for some time to keep his deanry with his bishoprick. Queen Elizabeth being offended with doctor Fletcher, made him her almoner, as he continued part of king James the first's reign. He died at his house at Cheam in Surry, and was buried in the church there, Septem- ber 1605. He lived a single life, as his predecessor had done, and by his will gave 100/. to Christ's college in Cambridge, and some other legacies. Lancelot Andrews, doctor of divinity, and dean of Westminster, succeeded him; and was con- secrated November 3, 1605. He was the most einn nent divine of his time ; and on that account was soon soon more highly prefered, being removed to Ely, four years after; yet while he sat in this see he was singled out by king James I. to be one of those emi- nent preachers, and sound churchmen, who were to preach before that king at Hampton-court, for the conviction of the two Melyins, and other presbyte- rians, in the truth of the doctrine and discipline of the church of England. Samuel Harsnet, doctor of divinity, and arch- deacon of Colchester, succeeded him. He was edu- cated at Pembroke-hall, Cambridge, of which he was fellow, and at length master, and from thence prefered to this see, anno 1609, where, after ten years stay, he was removed to Norwich, and then to York. George Charleton, born at Norham in North- umberland, who being a boy of pregnant parts, was educated by the care of the northern apostle, Bernard Gilpin, who placed him in the university of Oxford, and supported him there, After he had taken his degree in arts, he was elected fellow of Merton- college, in which while he remained, he had the reputation of an excellent orator and poet; and after applying himself to divinity, became so eminent h ii 4 therein, 472 therein, that Camden extols him above all in his time, for his singular knowledge in that holy science : we do not find that he had any preferments before he was made bishop of LandafF, because he sought to deserve them, rather than have them, too seldom the case in these matters ; however, being brought into public,, his learning became so conspicuous, that he was sent the same year by king James I. to the synod of Dort, where he acquitted himself so well to the credit of the nation, that the king pre- fered him to this see, upon his return in 1619. He was a person well read in the fathers, and schoolmen, and of a solid judgment, but a severe Calvinist, and a bitter enemy to the Papists, as his writings, which were many, do most of them show ; and more par- ticularly his answer to doctor Montague's appeal and sermon. He lived to a good old age, and dying in May 1628, was buried in the choir of his cathedral at Chichester, near the altar. He left a son, Henry Charleton, but he proved no good friend to bishops, for being a member of the parliament that met November 3, 1640;, he was a captain to keep them from sitting, Richard 473 Richard Montague, upon his death, was elected into this see, and consecrated by the arch-bishop at Croydon, in 1628. He was born at Dorney, in Buckinghamshire, educated at Eton, and became fellow of King's college, Cambridge. He passed through a variety of preferments before he was bishop, for he was chaplain to king James I. pre- bendary of Wells, arch-deacon and dean of Hereford, canon of Windsor, fellow of Eton-college, and rector of Petworth. He continued ten years in this see, and being well known by king James to be a person very well versed in the fathers and ancient monuments of the Christian church, was commanded by that prince, as the fittest person then known, to review and purge the church history, which had been corrupted lately by Baronius, and other Roman catholick writers, which he accordingly undertook ; great labour and pains he spent in this work, both while he remained in this see, and when he was after- m wards removed to Norwich ; for though he was in his last years much afflicted with a quartan ague, yet he never gave over writing. He died anno 1641, and left great heaps of papers fairly written with his own hand ; concerning ecclesiastical history ; but into whose whose hands they fell, or what became of them after his death, is not Jaiown : for they have not yet ap- peared in public. Brian Duppa, or de Uphaugh, succeeded in this see, 1638. He was educated at Westminster- school, and from thence being elected to Christ's church, Oxford, he became a student there, and at length dean. Having taken his doctor's degree in divinity, he was made chaplain to the prince Palatine, chancellor to the church of Salisbury, and at length tutor to prince Charles, (afterwards king Charles II.) which proved his greatest happiness, for soon after he was presented to the rich parsonage of Petworth, and elected to this see of Chichester, which he held some time together. In 1641, he was translated to Salisbury; but episcopacy being presently silenced, he fled to the king to Oxford, and left him not 'till his death ; after which he retired to Richmond, in Surry, where he spent his time in great devotion, 'till the restoration of king Charles II. who gave him the see of Winchester soon after. Henry King was made bishop of Chichester upon the removal of doctor Duppa to Salisbury. He had the latter part of his school education at West- * minster, 475 minster,, and from thence was elected student of Christ's church in 1608. Having taken his degrees, and entered into holy orders, he became a florid preacher, and was successively prefered to be chap- lain to kins James I. arch-deacon of Colchester, re- sidentiary of saint Paul's, and at length dean of Rochester in 163S. In 1641 he was made bishop of this see, where he continued to his death, saving that the long parliament gave him, as it did the other bishops, a quietus for nineteen years. He lived to king Charles the seconds restoration, and recovered his see again, which he governed nine years to his death, which happened October 1, 1669. During the time of his suspension, he lived for the most part with sir Richard Hobart, who married his sister, and was maintained by him in a manner. He is said to have been always puritanically affected, and for that reason to have at first been preferred to this diocese; but however that be, he was certainly a person of an unblemished reputation, and from the time of his return to his diocese, highly esteemed both by the clergy and gentry, being looked upon as the epitome of all honours, virtues, and generous nobleness, and a man never to be forgotten by his tenants and the poor, 47 6 poor. He preached the funeral sermon of doctor Duppa with great applause, and hath left many valu- able books of his writing, in print. He was buried in his cathedral of Chichester, on the south-side of the choir near the altar ; and an handsome monu- ment soon after set over his grave by his widow, who married doctor Millington, the king's physician. Peter Gunning succeeded doctor king, and was consecrated to this see March 6, 1669. He had his school education at Canterbury, and at the uni- versity he was first placed at Clare-hall, Cambridge, where he was made fellow, and being master of arts took upon him the cure of Little St. Mary's, by Peterhouse. About this time the grand rebellion began, and he in zeal to the church, openly de- clared against that prevailing faction; and was not afraid in a sermon in Great St. Mary's church, to urge the university to protest against the rebellious league then making. When the covenant was put to him, he resolutely refused to take it; and so was thrown out of his fellowship, yet not without such opposition as he was able to give, viz. "An Antidote against taking the Covenant," which was soon after published. From Cambridge he, and some other ejected 477 ejected fellows, fled to Oxford, his majesty's chief quarters at that time, and was entertained by doctor Pink and Mr. Jasper Main, the former of whom made him a chaplain of New-college, and the latter his curate at Cassington near by, which he held 'till the surrender of Oxford to the parliament. After this he became tutor to the lord ITatton and sir Francis Compton, and last of all chaplain to sir Robert Shirley, who admiring his learning and arguing faculty in silencing a Popish priest in several dispu- tations, settled 100/. a year upon him for life. After sir Robert's death (which he suffered in the Tower for his loyalty) he kept up a congregation in Exeter- house, in the Strand, where he read the English liturgy, preached, and administered sacraments ac- cording to iae order of the church of England, in spite of all opposition from the enemies of it ; and so continued 'till the king's restoration: when his zeal and constancy met with a just reward; for he was not only minister of Cotesmore, in Rutlandshire, and Stoke-Brewen, in Northamptonshire, but pre- bendary of Canterbury, master, first of Corpus Christi-college, and then of saint John's, in Cam- bridge, Margaret professor of divinity, and after the death 47 8 death of doctor Tuckney, regius^-from whence he was chosen to this see, and consecrated March 6, 1669, in which see he continued 'till the death of doctor Lancy, bishop of Ely, which happenning in the latter end of 1674> he was removed from hence to that see. Ralph Brideake succeeded him in this see. He was bred in New-college, Oxford, where he was pro- chaplain, and corrector of the press; in which place he pleased doctor Thomas Jackson president of Christ- church college, (whose books were then printing) so well, that he prefered him to be school-master of Manchester free-school. Here he got into the earl of Derby's favour, and was made his chaplain, to the great satisfaction of himself and family. When Latham-house was besieged by the parliament forces, he was in it all the time, and did good service ; and when the king's cause declined, he stuck close to the earl and his family, and managed their estate. When his lord, James earl of Derby, was taken by the par- liament forces, and was in danger of losing his life, he solicited Lenthall, the speaker, with so much ap- plication and reason, that Lenthall, though he could not save his lord's life, was so far in love with his briskness, 479 briskness and parts,, that he made him his chaplain, and soon after preacher of the Rolls, and at length rector of Witney in Oxfordshire, where in praying, preaching, and catechising every Lord's day in the evening, he out-did all the godly brethren there- abouts, as he did also when he obtained the living of saint Bartholomew, near the Exchange, London . When the king came in, he, by his artful industry, got to be one of his chaplains, and a canon of Wind- sor, after which he became doctor of divinity, rector of Standish, in Lancashire, dean of Salisbury, and at length, by the interest of the dutchess of Portsmouth, bishop of this see, to which he was consecrated April 18, 1G75. lie held his canonry of Windsor with his bishoprick to his death, which happened as he was visiting his diocese, October 5, 1G78. He was buried in Bray's chapel, in Windsor-castle, and an handsome monument was put up over him soon after by his wife. Guy Carleton succeeded him ; born at Brani- ton-foot, in Gilsland, educated in grammar at Car- lisle, and in higher learning in Queen's college, Ox- ford, where he was chosen fellow; and in 1635, bore the office of one of the proctors of the univer- sity. 480 sity. Before the civil wars he was vicar of Buckles- bury, near Newbury, in Berkshire, but upon the open rupture between the king and parliament, he took part with the king, and so had his share in suf- ferings with other royalists. After king Charles the second's restoration, he became doctor of divinity, dean of Carlisle, and prebendary of Durham, all which, but the last, he left when he was made bishop of Bristol, in 1671, where having remained seven years, he was translated to this see of Chichester 1678, in which he continued about the same space of time. He died in the city of Westminster, during his attendance in the parliament, July 6, 1685, and was succeeded in this see by John Lake, doctor of divinity, in August 1685; born in Yorkshire, and educated in saint John's college, Cambridge, from whence removing, he went through divers preferments before he came to this see ; for he was rector of saint Botolph's church, near Bishopgate, London, rector of Prestwick in Cheshire, to which he was instituted October 17, 1668, pre- bendary of Friday-Thorp in the church of York, in which city he was a preacher for some time, and there obtained the arch-den conry of Clieveland, October 481 October 13, 1680. Two years after this, viz. in 1682, he was nominated by William earl of Derby, to the see of Man, and in December consecrated to it ; but before he had continued two years in it he was elected to the see of Bristol, to which he was conse- crated in Bow T -church, London, September 1, 1684, but was scarce well settled, when, by the death of doctor Carleton, he was called to the succession of this see. While he presided here, king James II. put out his declaration of liberty of conscience for all sorts of dissenters to the established church ; and ordered that it should be published by the incum- bents of all parishes throughout England ; which the bishops were generally averse to, and agreed to put up a petition to the king to recall the order ; and to avoid giving offence, subscribed it only with seven hands, of which this bishop was one, The king was much displeased with this action, and hav- ing consulted such as told him it was a scandalous libel against his majesty and his government, im- prisoned him, with six other bishops, in the Tower, June 8, 1688. They soon procured their release, but it was not long before they fell under other hard- ships : for the prince of Orange being invited over i i to 482 to restrain the violent proceedings of king James to bring in Popery, and for that end settled on the throne; when the oath of allegiance to him was tendered them, this bishop refused it, (as did most of the rest ) and was deprived. He died August 1689, and his see before his death was given to Simon Patrick, doctor of divinity, dean of Peterborough, and minister of Covent-Garden, Lon- don ; he was bred in Queen's college, Cambridge, where he was fellow, and at length elected master ; but doctor Anthony Sparrow, who had been ejected in 1643, got it from him by a mandamus, whereupon he returned to Battersea, his living, but was soon removed from thence to Covent-Garden, and while he was there obtained several preferments, viz. to be chaplain to king Charles II. sub-dean of West- minster, and dean of Peterborough. At. the revolu- tion in 1689, upon the deprivation of doctor Lake, he was promoted to this see, where he remained about two years, and then Was transferred to the bishoprick of Ely. He hath written many theologi- cal discourses, which shew him to have been a very learned divine, and an orthodox church of England man. Upon his translation to Ely, Robert 483 Robert Grove, doctor of divinity, of Cambridge, was chosen his successor, and consecrated to it August 30, 1691, by doctor Tillotson, then arch-bishop of Canterbury, the bishops of Winchester, Sarum, &c. in Bow-church, London, He died of a broken leg September 29, in the sixty-second year of his age. John Williams, doctor of divinity, prebendary of Canterbury, after the death of bishop Grove, was advanced to this see, December 13, 1696. Thomas Manningham, doctor of divinity, rector of saint Andrew's, in Holborn, was consecrated the 13th of November, 1709. He enjoyed this bishop- rick several years, died the 24th of August, 1722, and was buried in saint Andrew's, Holborn, being succeeded by Thomas Bowers, doctor of divinity, and pre- bendary of Canterbury, was consecrated November 19, 1722, who living in it but a short time, left it to Edward Waddington, doctor of divinity, fellow of Eton -college, and rector of All-hallows the Great, in the city of London, was installed into this see November 7, 1724, which he held only seven years, and dying in 1731, left behind him the most endear- 1 1 2 ing 4 8 4 ing character of unaffected piety, primitive simpli- city of manners, and well directed munificence to the utmost extent of his ability. He was succeeded by Francis Hare, s. t. p. who was confirmed the 3d of December of the same year, and sat here some- thing more than eight years — and Matthias Mawson, s. t. p. was installed the 25th day of October, 1740, and filled this see with great reputation between thirteen and fourteen years, to the year 1754, when Sir William Ashburnham, baronet, s. t. p. of Broomham, in this county, and nearly related to the earl of Ashburnham, was consecrated and confirmed therein, in the month of October of the same year. This worthy prelate's reputation stands not in need of the accidental blaze of heraldry; but rests on the more honourable, at least the more amiable, foundation of personal merit ; and every virtue which confers dig- nity on the man and lustre on the Christian. He sat here almost forty-three years, a longer space than any of his predecessors have done : died in Chichester at the advanced age of eighty-seven years, on the 4th day of September, 1797, alid was buried in the family 485 family vault of his forefathers at Broomham * The present bishop is John Buckner, d. d. who was consecrated a. d. 1798, and installed the 28th of March, in the same year. In the preceeding list many of the prelates were men of exemplary piety, and considerable learning, for the times in which they lived. They were the fathers of the city, and of the diocese over which they presided. Such were bishops Ralph, Seflrid II. Ralph Neville, John de Langton, John Arundel, Edward Story, and many others ; some of them benefactors to the kingdom in general, patrons of learning, and the ornaments of the age in which they lived. Many other dignitaries of this church, 1 1 3 inferior * On the 16th day of December, 1 800, his brother, the reverend Mr. Charles Ashburnham, departed this life at an ad- vanced age. A gentleman, whose unassuming merit, and goodness of heart, procured him the respect and love of all who had the happiness to know him ; whose assiduity in searching for and re- lieving distress, gained him the approbation and esteem of all who knew him. It is an unfortunate circumstance that in recording the virtues of the good, truth can say nothing of them that par- tiality, and sometimes worse motives, cannot say of the undeserv- ing. The above character of Mr. Ashburnham, far from exagge- ration—is less than his real merit. 4 86 inferior indeed to these in name and honour, were inferior to few, if any, in piety and worth. Such was Bruno Ryves, dean of Chichester. Such was doctor William Cox, doctor James Marsh, arch- deacon, doctor Henshaw, dean, doctor William Paul, doctor Henry Hammond, arch-deacon, Mr. Gregory, prebendary, and the late learned and pious William Clarke, canon-residentiary. To these may be added with propriety, and could not be omitted but with great impropriety, doctor William Hayley, and doctor Thomas Hayley, both deans of Chichester, the latter the grand-father of the present William Hayley, esqr. of whom, though I am inhibited, by his strict in- junction, from saying any thing ; yet surely I may, without offence, repeat the voice of fame concern- ing those departed worthies, that they well deserved all the lustre that their descendent can reflect on their memories, how great soever that lustre may be. To many of the clergy of this diocese, and no doubt of others, the great and sudden change of the times, after 1793, proved very distressing. As the price of all the necessaries of life rose to a very alarming height, it was natural for them to wish to raise the rents of their freeholds, in some degree of proportion 4 8 7 proportion with the other. In many places their endeavours were resisted with the most determinate opposition. The alarm was sounded in the parishes, meetings were called, and combinations formed to frustrate their reasonable intentions ; and that too by men of great worth, as far as property could make them so. This is not a supposed case ; nor a state- ment built on doubtful report, but rests on the strongest and most convincing authority ! THE DEANS. 1115 Richard 1125 Matthew 1144 Richard 1158 William 1172 John de Greneford 1176 Jordan de Meleburn 1180 SerTride 1180 Matthew ll^O Nicholas de Aquila 1196 Ralph 1197 SerTride 1220 Simon 1230 Walter 1232 Thomas of Lichfield 1250 Geoffrey 1262 Walter of Glocester 1280 William de Bracklesham 1296 Thomas de Berghstede 1299 William de Grenefeld 1.316 John de Sancto Leofardo 1332 Henry de Garland 1342 Walter de Segrave 13o6 William of Lynne 1 369 Roger de Freton 1383 Richard Le Scrope 1400 John de Maydenhith 1410 Henry Lovel 1415 Richard Talbot 1420 William Milton 1425 John Patten 1 1 4 1434 John 488 1434 John Hasele 1478 John Waynflete 1481 JohnCloos 1501 Robert Pychard 1503 Galfridus Symeon 1526 John Young 1526 William Fleshsraonger 1543 Richard Caurden 1549 Giles Eyer 1553 Bartholomew Traheron 1553 William Pye 1558 Hugh Turnbull 1566 Richard Curteys 1570 Anthony Rushe John Boxhall 1577 Martin Culpepper 1601 William Thorne 1630 Francis Dee 1634 Richard Stewart 1660 Bruno Ryves 1660 Joseph Henshaw 1663 Joseph Gluston 1669 Nathaniel Crew 1671 Lambroth Thomas- 1672 George Stradling 1688 Francis Hawkins 1699 William Hayley 1715 Thomas Sherlock 172S John Newey 1735 Thomas Hayley 1739 James Hargraves 1742 Sir William Ashburnham. 1754 Thomas Ball 1f70 Charles Harward 1790 Combe Miller, the pre- sent Dean CHAPTER 489 CHAPTER XXVIII. A BRIEF ACCOUNT OF SOME OF THE NATIVES OF THIS COUNTY WHO WERE ILLUSTRIOUS IN THEIR TIME FOR THEIR BIRTH, MILITARY EXPLOITS, LITERATURE, ScC. HERBERT de BOSHAM was born at Bosham, and being a good scholar and a ready scribe, was first ap- pointed amanuensis and afterwards private secretary to Thomas Becket, arch-bishop of Canterbury. He was present at his murther, but did not venture to make any resistance for fear of sharing the same fate. He wrote several books, among which we reckon the history of his master's untimely end. He went into Italy, and was by the pope, Alexander III. raised to the dignity of bishop of Beneventum, and soon after, in 1178, to that of cardinal; but of \\hat title my author does not say, nor the exact date of his death. Lawrence Somercote — Bale says (de Scrip. Brit. ) was born in the south-part of the kingdom : and 49° and as he was canon of Chichester, it may fairly be concluded that he was a native of this county. Here under the ablest masters, he studied logic and rheto- ric ; and applied himself to the study of the law, in which he arrived at great eminence. Going to Rome he was made sub-deacon under the pope, by the interest of his kinsman Robert Somercote, cardinal. He wrote several books in French and Latin, and flourished a. d. 1240. John Driton, according to Bale, was ee ex illustri quadam familia Anglias procreatus." He signed himself John de Arida Villa, and sometimes de Sicca Villa, (Sackville) from whence I conclude him to have been a native of this county. Accord- ing to the fashion of that time, he finished his edu- cation in France ; and became " Summus Gymnasij Moderator/* at Paris. At that time the attention of the learned was engaged by a book called " The Eternal Gospel," the fabrication of two delirious monks, Joachim and Cyril — the pope maintained the authenticity of this spurious gospel, and anathe- matized its impugners as heretics ; among the prin- cipal of whom was John Driton, or Sicca Villa. At last, though upheld by the infallible decision of saint Peter's 49 l Peter's successor, this eternal gospel sunk into eternal and deserved silence. He flourished a. d. 1260. Thomas Arundel, born at Arundel, was son of Robert Fitz-Allen, earl of Arundel. At the early- age of twenty-two years he was made bishop of Ely, (Vide Godwin) and soon afterwards arch-bishop of York; and in 1396 raised to Canterbury. He was three times lord chancellor of England, in the reigns of Richard II. and Henrv IV. When his brother Richard earl of Arundel, was cruelly and unjustly brought to the block, by king Richard II. the arch- bishop was banished, and would have undergone the same fate as his brother, if his order and mitre had not saved his head. — Few noblemen, perhaps none, at any period of our history, left behind them a better character than Richard earl of Arundel : that of the arch-bishop was not equally amiable. He was the first who persecuted the Lollards, or Wickliffites, with fire and faggots. Perhaps he did so from prin- ciple : however that may be, his actions in that re- spect cannot be defended. Fuller says of him "He " who had stopped the mouths of so many servants " of God from preaching his word, was himself u famished to death by a swelling (and inflammation ) " in 492 " in his throat/' He died a. d. 1413, and was buried in his cathedral at Canterbury. Robert Winchelsey was born in the town of tha.t name in this county. He learned grammar, &c. in the country; from thence he went and studied at Merton-college, Oxford, and afterwards at Paris — where he became rector of the university. Return- ing to England, and to Oxford, he there became doctor of divinity, and afterwards chancellor thereof. He was successively canon of saint Paul's, London, arch-deacon of Essex, and arch-bishop of Canterbury. < — His pall he received from the hands of pope Celestine.* He refused a cardinal's cap, which was offered him ; and returning to Canterbury was there solemnly enthroned ; and on the same day conse- crated one bishop, bestowed twelve rich benefices en twelve doctors, and twelve meaner livings on as many bachelors in divinity. Confiding in the canon of the council of Lyons, he forbade the clergy to pay any taxes to princes, without the consent of the pope ; * This is the Celeslinc, formerly an Eremite, whom a cer- tain cardinal (who succeeded him by the name of Boniface VIII.) persuaded by a voice from a hollow trunk, to resign his popedom, and return into the wilderness ; which he accordingly did, See Fuller's Worthies, p. 102, 493 pope; and thereby created much molestation to him* self: as the king (Edward I.) used him very harshly on that account. He overcome all, at last, by his patience. On the main he was a worthy prelate; an excellent preacher ; and being learned himself, he loved and prefered learned men. His hospitality was prodigious ; it is reported that on Sundays and Fridays, he fed no fewer than four thousand men, when corn was cheap ; and i\\e thousand when it was dear: and (says Fuller) that it may not be said that his bounty was greater than my belief, I give credit thereunto. His charity went home to those who could not come for it, sending it to them who were absent on account of sickness or other unavoid- able hindrance. He died at Otteford, the 11th of May, 1313, and was buried in his own cathedral. — Though he was not canonized by the pope, vet he was sainted by the poor, who were wont to repr.ir in vast numbers to his tomb, and pray to him. Thomas Bradwardine was descended of an an- tient family at Bradwardine, in Herefordshire, who removed from thence and settled themselves for three generations in this county. This Thomas was born in or near Chichester. He was bred fellow of Me] 494 Mer ton-college, where he became a great mathema- tician, and so learned a divine, that he was commonly called doctor Profundus. Dryden, treating of pre- destination, says, " I cannot bolt this matter to the bran, " As Bradwardine and holy Austin caii." He was confessor to Edward III. and in the camp constantly inculcated industry to the officers, obedi- ence to the common soldiers, to all humility in prosperity, and patience in adversity ; exhorting them to be pious towards God, dutiful to the king, and merciful to their prisoners. After the death of Strafford, being made arch-bishop of Canterbury, he received his consecration from the pope at Avignon; and owed his advancement merely to his merit. But that which chiefly recommends his name to posterity is the very famous book which he wrote, called . 1685. William Juxon, d. r, was born in Chichester, a. d. 1582, and educated at Merchant-Taylor's school in London; from whence he went to saint John's college, Oxford. Entering there upon t*2? study of the civil-law, he soon made himself master of the Justinian institutions : but aid not at the same time neglect the study of other learning, particularly that of divinity, to which he applied, at the desire of his patron, doctor, afterwards arch-bishop, Laud. When he had taken his degree of master of arts, he took orders in the church, and was presented, by his col- lege, to the valuable rectory ofSomerton, in Oxford- shire. When doctor Laud, in 1621, was promoted to the see of saint David, Mr. Juxon was chosen master of his college, and vice-chancellor of the university about six years afterwards. In 1632, he was sworn clerk of the closet to the king, by the interest of his patron ; and the year following elected bishop of Hereford; but before his consecration, removed to the see of London, void by the transla- u2 tion 5i6- tlon of bishop Laud to the primate's chair. Hitherto his preferments were consistent with his learning and his merits; but his patron did not stop there. In 1658,, he (bishop Juxon) was appointed lord high treasurer of England : and though it is allowed that no one could find fault with his conduct, in that high office, yet the antient nobility were offended, because they thought the office belonged to them by prescription. — On the meeting of the Long-parlia- ment he resigned all his civil employments. When the king asked his advice, in the affair of lord Straf- ford, whether he might sign the act of attainder against him, the honest prelate admonished him not to do any thing against the dictates of his conscience. And when that monarch was brought to the scaffold in 1649, he attended him in his last moments. — The same year he was deprived of his bishoprick, and re- tired to a small estate he had purchased in Glouces- tershire; where he remained to the Restoration, when he was translated by the king's mandate, to thearchie- piscopal see of Canterbury; which he did not enjoy long, for he died under the excrutiating tortures of the stone, on the 4th day of June, 1663, in the eighty-first year of his age, and was buried hi saint John's 5*7 John's chapel, Oxford. — -He was a learned .man*, a pious divine, a faithful councellor, an enemy to all persecution,, and so inoffensive in his life, that he was, suffered to worship God according to the dic- tates of his own conscience — a courtesy then granted to very few. . John Selden, esquire, son of Thomas, and his mother Margaret, the daughter of Thomas Baker, of Russington, in Kent, was born at Salvington, in this county. Grotius, a good judge of learning, stiles him the glory of the English nation. He derived his school learning from the free-school at Chichester, and his university from Hart-hall in Oxford, from whence he removed to the Inner-temple ; where he gained so great a knowledge of the law, and antiqui- ties of all sorts, that he became the miracle of his time. It would take up a volume to give a just cha- racter of him; we shall only speak something pf him, as, first a lawyer— secondly a skilful antiquarian — and thirdly a voluminous writer. — —First, as a lawyer, he was very judicious and learned ; but that which rendered him most famous. and. popular in this respect was, the argument which he held .with attorney-general Noy, about the granting an habeas , . l l 3 corpus 5*8 corpus for those gentlemen who were imprisoned for refusing to pay the loan to king Charles I. Every- man looked upon him as pleading ihs common cause of the nation, and esteemed themselves as his clients, conceiving that the liberty of all the nation was con- cerned in that suit. From this time he had much business in his profession,, and though he seldom or never came to the bar, he gave chamber-council, and was much made use of in conveying estates : his knowledge of antiquities, especially in the en- dowments of monasteries, &c. enabling him to settle, clear, and rectify dubious titles : in this science he wrote several books, as his Mare Clausum, in answer to Hugo Grotius's Mare Liberum, asserting therein, againt Grotius, the king of England's authority over the British seas ; for which he was much applauded by the court — Observations upon FI eta's Tenures, Fortescue's Mcdus Tenendi Parliamentum, and De Lacidibus (the intricacies) Legun Anglic, History of Tythes, which comprehends much of the Heathen, Jewish, and Christian learning upon that subject; but so much distorted, that he was forced to recant it before the high commission court, and was con- vinced of his ill conduct by doctor Filslcy, a Civilian, doctor 5*9 doctor Montague, a divine, and Mr. Nettles, a great talmudist; so that he got no imputation by this work, though he was much admired for others. Notes on the si] as t t sir Ralph Hengham, Icrd chief ji::t:ce in king Henry the first's dzyz; of the rights and y ; : - vileges of the baronage of England, ami of the - of lord chancellor. He was the read 'r- St in kingdain in finding out records, and his argument of law were much set by. Secondly, as an antiqua- rian, he was of so strong a body, and so capacious a memory, partly natural and partly artificial, that he made himself master of most languages, by his industry, so far as to understand them by grammar and dictionary ; and this, after he had entered him- self into the Temple; but he was much more perfect in Hebrew and tne Oriental tongues, depending on that, Greek, Latin, and Saxon; by which he was capaciated to search into all the learning of the world, and did it so effectually, that if ever any man was, he was ignorant of nothing to be gained by reading : of this he gave a full demonstration in these writings— viz. DeDyssysis, Uxor Hebraica, De Syne- diiis, De Jure Naturali, and Centum juxta Discipli- ning Kacbra:orum ; De Successione in Bonadefuncti ll4 Secundum 52o Secundum Legem Hebrseor: De Successione in Pontificatum Hasbneorum ; Marmora Arundejiana; Spicilegium in Eadmeri, six libros ; Eutychius's Ori- ginal of the church of Alexandria, &c. Thirdly , as a writer, though we have given a large catalogue of his works under the former heads, yet there re- main so many that may properly be put under this head, and yet of a different nature from the former, that he may seem to have done nothing but write, as well as to have read so much as to have given him-, self no time to write: of this sort are his books of the Original of Duels ; Jam. Anglorum fades altera ; Notes and Illustrations upon Michael Draytqn/s Poliolbion ; Titles of Honour; Analecta Anglo- Britannica; Tractatus Gallicus, i. e. De Agendi ex- cipiendique formulis ; the preface to the Ten English Historians ; God made Man; a Treatise intended to prove the Nativity of our Saviour to have been on December the 25th, as we keep it ; a posthumous work, De Nummis, and Biblia Nummaria, both dedi- cated to sir Simonds D'Ewes ; and many others.— — He died on saint Andrew's day, 1654, aged severity years, and was magnificently buried in the Temple- church, December the Hth following. r Arch-bjshop Usher 521 Usher preached his funeral sermon, and because he said not much of his principles of religion, sortie thought he deserved no commendation in that re- spect : but as Mr. Johnson, then master of the Tem- ple, said at his interment, if learning would have perpetuated any man's life, he could not have died : so sir Matthew Hale, one of his executors, and after- wards lord chief justice, often professed, that Mr. Selden was a resolved, serious Christian, and that he was such a fierce adversary to Mr. Hobbs's, errors, that he always opposed him so earnestly, as either to .make Mr. Hobbs fly, or to avoid his company with detestation. He died exceeding wealthy, not only in money and land, but in antient and modern medals and coins of the Roman emperors and English kings. His large, rare, and costly library was be- stowed on one of the inns of court, upon condition that they should provide a suitable case for so costly a jewel, i. e. build a fair and firm fabrick for it; but being neglected, it Was given to the Bodleian library at Oxford, where it hath an apartment alloted to it. Thomas Otway, the poet, was the son of a clergyman in. this neighbourhood, and born at Trot- ton, near Midhurst,. the 3d of March, 1641. He i entered •522 entered very young in Winchester-school, and finish- ed his studies in Christ's college, Oxford. At the death of his father he hfi the university, went to London, and commenced actor, c:^: for want cf ad- dress did not succeed on the stage. Being esteemed a great wit, and facetious companion, his company was agreeable to several persons cf rank; by whose interest he procured a cornet's commission in a regi- ment then (1670) in Flanders. But the delicacy of his constitution not permitting him to remain long in the army, he returned to London, and commenced writer for the stage. His plays were received with the greatest applause, as they are to this day. But ceconomy was none of poor Ot way's qualifications. After suffering a great deal of distress from the tin- toward state cf his finances, he went one evening to a public-house, near Tower-hill, and seeing a gentle- man there Whom he had formerly known, and being greatly pinched By cold and hunger, he asked him for a shilling: the geniicrzzn, commiserating his condition, gen erously gave him a guinea; which the other got immediately charged, in order to purchase some refreshment ; but had no sooner tasted the first mouthful, than, the wind rising in his stomach, it choalied 5 2 3 choaked him; and he was found dead the next morn- ing, a.d. 1673, in the thirty-third year of his age* William Gughtred, b. d. the incomparable ma- thematician, was born a. d. 1574, a f , in this county. Kis learning was not confined to the ma- thematics — eminent in other parts of literature, in that he far excelled his cdtemporafies ; \ established on new principles, and better i2^y. former. Eis repr.taticr. in which was so greatj that he received pressing invitations from tht great men in Italy, France, and Holland, to gz> ar»d reside there — which he declined, and preferred stay- ing at home, and living on a very moderate income, arising from a fellowship of Eton-cciiege, and a vicarage * It is no dishonour to the memory of Otway, to mention, that he received from Nell Gwynne, one of king Charles the II.'s ::::. sses: So did Lee, and some other emi lent writers of that days Of ;.ll the king's mistresses, this woman was the person of the lowest parentage and education, but of the best morals— had many good qualities to compensate, in some degree, for her frailty ; and even in that respect, was not so reprobate as the ethers. After she was taken into the king's keeping, she kept herself faithfully for kim alone— a species of fidelity which none of the other, are said to have possessed — some •f them were but little above the degree of common ; but the king's vanity saved them from suspicion, (See London Evening Post, Dec, 27, 179U) 524 vicarage in Surry, given to him by the earl of Arundel. Of both which he was stripped in the time of the distractions — and reduced to. considerable dis- tress. He lived to the Restoration, which it is said he foretold, and of which he drew a scheme shewing it would be in 1660, and sent it to the king by the bishop of Avignon. (Vide Mag. Brit. p. 563.) He died the same year, in the 86th year of his age. John Gregory, a.m. was prebendary of this church, and excelled in all manner of learning ; but was ennobled still more by the virtues which adorned his life. " Besides his immense learning in almost " all languages and arts, there was no commendable "quality becoming a man, that was not eminent in " him ; a good nature, profusely communicative of " his wonderful attainments, a downright, plain, and " honest temper, a serious and easy frame of mind, " which procured him the respect of the most worthy " part of mankind. He died in great distress, and " of a broken heart, in March 1646, in the 39th " year of his age. Pity it was that so great a. light " was so soon extinguished, and thereby prevented " from benefiting the world." (Vide Mag. Brit, p. 564.) Doctor 525 Doctor Joseph HensBaw was a native of this county, and educated at Merchant-Taylor's school, in London ; from whence he went to Magdalen-hall, Oxford, where he took up his degree, and taking orders, was appointed chaplain to the earl of Bristol. In 1634, he was preferred to the living of Stedham cum Heyshot, in this diocese, being at the same time preacher at the Charter-house, and vicar of Little St. Bartholomew's, London. In 1637, he vacated Stedham, for the rectory of East-Lavant, near Chi- chester, which he enjoyed, together with a prebend in this cathedral, till the year 1643 ; four years be- fore which he took his degree of doctor of divinity; but in the year last mentioned he was not only stripped of all his preferments in the church, but obliged to compound for his temporal property, by paying a fine of 177/. and subjected to many indig- nities and hardships in the manner in which these punishments were inflicted. He had the good for- tune to live to see better days : after the Restoration his sufferings were not forgotten by his former friends; the venerable doctor King, bishop of this diocese, among the first of his official acts, after his return to Chichester, made him chanter of the church; and in u - the 526 saute year, on the 29th of November, 1660, he was Installed dean. In the month of May 166S, he obtained the mitre of Peterborough, which he en- joyed almost fifteen years, to the clay of his death. He died suddenly on the 9th of March, 1678, rnd was buried at East-Lavant, by his wife Jane, and a son. William Collins, the celebrated lyric poet, was born in Chichester, on Christmas-day 1720, in the house now in the occupation of Mr. Seagrave, printer, and bookseller. His father was a reputable trades- man in the city, and served the office of mayor in 1721. In 1733, he was admitted scholar of Win- chester-college, where he continued seven years, under the care of doctor Burton. In 1740, he en- tered commoner of Queen's college, Oxford ; and the year following was admitted a demy in Magdalen's, where he continued till he had taken a bachelor's degree. He was distinguished at Oxford for genius and indolence — the last a very unpromising quality for the acquisition of knowledge. At Magdalen's he wrote the ode to sir Thomas Kanmer, and the four oriental eclogues. In 1743 or 1744 he quitted the college: and at the desire of his mother's brother, lieutenant-colonel Martin, of Guy's regiment of foot, went 5*7 to Flanders, where the colonel then was; who would have provided for him in the an him too indolent, even for : % c army; and besides, his . and be " Client of his intellect. Returning '" refore to England, he id, hy the colonel's desire, to Mr. Green, who i a title to the curacy of Birdham, of which Mr. Green was rector* and letters of recommendation to th tor Mawson) then in London. With these, and the necessary credentials, he went to JUindoB ; but did not go to the bishop's, being dissuaded from the clerical office by Mr. Hardham, the tc sntioned before.) Soon after he author ; but his success was equal neither to his e >ns ncr his merit. This brought on him pecuniary embarrassments; from which he [ er learning nor genius to have extri- cated he wanted (what was of equal importance) resolution and application. He pro- jected many things in history, criticism, and in the ; t : executed none. In this state of irresolution, and consequent distress, he continued till the year 1748, when his uncle, colonel Martin, died, and left his estate, amounting to nearly seven thousand 528 ♦ thousand pounds, to him and his two sisters, Mrs. Tanner and Mrs. Sempill. — The possession of an in- dependent competency, it might have been hoped would have rendered him happy, and removed every trace of his former misery. The event was otherwise. His mind had been so long harrassed with anxiety, his distress had made so deep an impression on him, that he fell into a nervous disorder, followed by a great depression of spirits, which reduced him to the most deplorable weakness. — In which condition he died at his sister Mrs. SempilPs house in Chichester, the 12th of June, 1759, in the thirty-ninth year of his age ; and was buried in saint Andrew's church, in the East-street. — He wrote four Oriental Eclogues; eight Odes, descriptive and allegorical ; the Passions, an ode for music ; an Ode on the death of Mr. Thomson, and several other pieces. Some time ago a subscription was opened in the city, and sup- ported by the reverend Mr. Walker, of this choir, for erecting an handsome monument to his memory. It was executed by the ingenious Flaxman ; and is erected in the north-aisle of the cathedral* William * The poet is represented as just recovered from a fit of phrensy, to which he was unhappily subject, and in a calm and reclining 5*9 William Hayley, esquire, the poet, is the son of Thomas Hayley, esquire, (the only son of Thomas Hayley, dean of Chichester) and Mary, daughter of colonel Yates, representative of this city from the m m year reclining posture, seeking refuge from his misfortunes in the con- solations of the gospel, while his lyre, and one of his first poems, lie neglected on the ground. Above are two beautiful figures of love and pity entwined in each other's arms. The workmanship is most exquisite ; and if any thing can equal the expressive sweet- ness of the sculpture, it is the following most excellent epitaph, written by William Hayley and John Sargent, esquires. Ye, who the merits of the dead revere, Who hold misfortune sacred, genius dear, Regard this tomb, where Collins' hapless name Solicits kindness with a double claim. Tho' nature gave him, and tho' science taught, The lire of fancy, and the reach of thought, Severely doom'd to penury's extreme, He past in mad'ningpain life's feverish dream ; While rays of genius only serv'd to show The thick'ning horror, and exalt his woe. Ye walls, that ccho'd to his frantic moan, Guard the due record of this grateful stone; Strangers to him, enamour'd of his lays, This loud memorial to his talents raise ; For this the ashes of a bard require W T ho touch'd the temlcrest notes of pity's lyre ; Who join'd pure faith to strong poetic powers. W T ho, in reviving reason's lucid hours, Sought on one book his troubled mind to rest, And rightly deem'd the Book of God the best 1 530 year 1734 to 1741. He Was born in Chichester in the year 1745. Losing his father while he was very young, the care of his education devolved on his mother; a duty which she discharged with equal tenderness and prudence. At an age hardly credible he discovered a great propensity for poetry : as if the tuneful nine had kept their vigils around his cra- dle ; his ideas were full of the spirit they breathe, which the weak habit of his body could not suppress nor restrain. At an early age he was sent to school in or near Kingston-upon-Thames ; from which he was soon removed on account of illness ; and put under the instruction of a private tutor, who prepared him for Eton ; from which he went to the university of Cambridge, and entered himself at Trinity-hall there, a. d. 1762 : about which time the first of his literary publications, " An Ode on the Birth of the Prince of Wales/' made its appearance in the Cambridge Collection. On quitting the university in 1766, he went to Edinburgh, on a visit to some of his ac- quaintances, students of physic there. In 1769 he married the daughter of the reverend Mr. Ball, dean of Chichester;* and after passing a few years in London, * This lady died a few } T ears ago. 53i London, and its vicinity, returned to his native? county ; and settled at Eartham — a situation remark- ably healthy and rural, which he improved and em- bellished, and where he resided till lately that he removed to Felpham, adjoining to Bognor. — With this gentleman's injunction to say nothing in com- mendation of his productions, I readily comply, as the public approbation has raised his fame to an elevation to which I can only look up — and to an extent far beyond the reach of my feeble voice : but in justice to my readers, I must mention some of his works, which I have read and admired. His Epistles to Romney were published in 1778 — Epistle on the death of Mr. Thornton, Ode to Howard, and Epistle to Gibbon in 1780 — the Triumphs of Temper in 1781 — and the Essay on Epic Poetry in 1782* Soon after which he published a volume of Plays, three comedies and two tragedies, each in three. acts. These I have not seen. One of the reviewers informs his readers, that " the comedies are in rhyme, but iC so familiar, so easy, and so flowing, that prose ff itself can scarcely appear more natural, more con- " venient for the purpose of dialogue, and the busi- " ness of the stage. Like the antient Iambic, recom- m m 2 " mended 532 ec mended by Aristotle, and characterised by Horace, " as the measure peculiarly suited to the scene." — He likewise favoured the public with art Elegy on that "all-accomplished" man sir William Jones; and the Life of our immortal bard Milton ; in which, much to his honour, he has defended his character from the harsh and illiberal strictures of his former biographer. — In the year 1802, he published the Life of Mr. Cowper, the divine author of The Task, &c. — It is exceedingly creditable to Mr. Hayley that he has never prostituted his muse to wealth and power; but, great in conscious dignity, reserved his praise and protection for virtue and talents. — There are some other works which the public has ascribed to this gentleman — An Essay on Old Maids — An Elegy on the Greek Model, &c. — besides several fugitive pieces ; written, most of them, at the call of humanity. The three Smiths, William, George, and John, brothers and painters, were natives of this city* Of whom * They were not born in Chichester, but at — , near Guild- ford, in Surry, and removed from thence so very young to this city, where they resided the rest of their lives, that they may with- out impropriety be called natives. 533 whom it is no more than justice to say, that their lives were as faultless as their paintings, which will secure their reputation as long as virtue, genius, and taste, are esteemed among mankind. John died the 29th of July, 1764, in the forty-ninth year of his age; William the 27th of September, in the same year, aged fifty-eight years ; and George the 7th of September, 1776, in the sixty-third year of his age. Daniel Holroyd, esquire, was the third son of Isaac Holroyd, esquire, brother to lord Sheffield, of Sheffield-place, in this county. This gentleman en- tered into the army at a very early age ; in which he distinguished himself, in an eminent degree; not less by his prudent conduct than by his courage and intrepidity, in the war which broke out in 1756. — To enumerate the many actions in which his courage was displayed, would take up more room than our purposed brevity will admit : and the instances of his humanity not less. Let it suffice then to men- tion a few of the most prominent of the former. In 1761, he was at the taking of Belleisle, where he acquired great reputation. Very soon after this he was in the expedition against Martinique, where he had the command of a company of grenadiers. On m m 3 the 534 the 24th of January, 1762, the attack of the heights of Gamier, which command saint Pierre, was resolv- ed upon, and captain Holroyd employed in the dan- gerous undertaking. Though the heights were thought to be impregnable ; yet by the judicious ar- rangements previous to the attack ; and the cool, de- terminate, and resolute manner in which the assault was made ; they were carried ; at the expence of fewer lives than it was thought possible to effect it. For this gallant exploit, which secured the success of the expedition, the officers and men received the public thanks of the general in chief. From Marti- nieo the regiment went to the siege of the Havannah; where more fatal dangers, and equal laurels, awaited him. Fie was one of three officers, and about forty or fifty privates, who repulsed a body of nearly five hundred Spaniards, by whom they were attacked ; and were thanked in the orders of the day, by lord Albermarle, for their heroism. Through the length of the siege, and the extreme unhealthiness of the climate, the English army was greatly reduced ; and its' situation became very dangerous. It was there- fore resolved, as their last resource, to storm the Moro fort. Though the health of tins gallant officer was 535 was much impaired, yet he offered his service on this forlorn hope. A breach had been made in the Mora, but which would admit only one man a breast ; and to come at this breach they had to pass a narrow ridge of rocks, with the sea on one side, and a ditch ten or twelve fathoms deep on the other ; the pas- sage was guarded on the traverse by a cannon of large caliber, loaded with grape shot, which kept discharging upon them, and did considerable execu- tion ; notwithstanding which the party, that is the survivors of them, forced their way into the fort, where the governor, Bon Lewis Velasco was mortally wounded, in the first onset; and the deputy-governor, Don Gonsales, killed ; after which the garrison, con- founded at the boldness of the attack, gave way; and the Havannah, which depended on the Moro- fort, in consequence surrendered. — During the at- tack, this gallant young officer was shot dead on the spot, justly regretted by the whole army, and was buried on the glacis of the fort. Mrs. Charlotte Smith, the poetess and novel- writer, in both of which walks she has acquired great celebrity, reflects no small honour on this her native county. Her maiden name was Turner, the m m 4 daughter 53^ daughter of Turner, esquire, of Bignor-park. Of the many novels which she has written, I can only say that they have the character of being moral, pathetic, and entertaining: and her sonnets have deservedly met the approbation of the public, as the effusions of a cultivated mind, expressed in a chaste, poetical, and plaintive style. — The following, not picked as the best, but taken by chance, I doubt not will please the poetical reader. SONNET Written in the Church-Yard at Middleton, Sussex. (by MRS. c. smith) Pressed by the moon, mute arbi tress of tides, While the loud equinox its povv'r combines, The sea no more its swelling surge confines, But o'er the shrinking land sublimely rides ! The wild blast, rising from the western cave, Drives the huge billows from their heaving bed ; Tears from their grassy tombs the village dead ; And breaks the silent sabbath of the grave !* With shells and sea-weed mingled, on the shore, Lo! their bones whiten in the frequent wave ; But vain to them the winds and waters rave ; They hear the warring elements no more: While I am doom'd, by life's long storm oppress'd, To gaze with envy on their gloomy rest ! Daniel • The church-yard is washed by the sea at high water, 537 Daniel Foot, the son of a respectable trades- man in Chichester, was born there about the year 1754. From the care of his father he received a grammar-school education, which was all that his circumstances would allow, consistent with the duty he owed to his other children. But whot fortune denied, his own emulation and thirst after learning, in some measure supplied. At the age of seventeen or eighteen, he had made as great a proficiency in science, by the strength of his genius, and unwearied application, as many who enjoy superior advantages. Before he had completed the twenty-first year of his age, at the earnest solicitation of his friends (" who admired his genius and revered his virtues,") he consented to publish a collection of cc Poems on various occasions ; three Letters on moral subjects," &c. These made their appearance in 1777, and were well received among his acquaintance; chiefly on account of his excellent moral character. A very few days before his death he walked into the country, in the company of some of his friends; and happening to light on a spot abounding with ripe hedge-picks, a wild fruit he was fond of, he unfortunately ate more of them than his stomach could 538 could digest ; a stoppage was formed in the intes- tines, and a mortification ensued; which put a period to his life, in the twenty-third year of his age, the 26th of October, 1777. I am concerned to inform the reader that I am not perfectly at liberty to gratify his curiosity with an account of the distinguished author of ( The Mine', without violating the respect due to modesty and merit. If it were not for this restriction much might be said in praise of him as an elegant poet, an able and upright magistrate, and above all — a truly respectable character both in public and prn vate life. CHAPTER 539 CHAPTER XXIX. A BRIEF ACCOUNT OF SOME OF THE TOWNS, VILLAGES, &C. IN THE VICINITY OF THE CITY. ON the Broile, near the city, are the vestiges of a camp, about three miles in length, and one mile in breadth. It is surrounded by a strong rampire in- ward, and a single graff outward. Considering the nature of the soil, a very hard gravel, the making of this camp must have been a work of much labour. I mentioned before that Vespasian resided some con- siderable time among the Belgian Britons, in the reign of Claudius Augustus — it is therefore the gene- ral opinion that this camp was raised by him, for the security of the city and the forces under him; as the country was then in an unsettled condition. The inner line begins at the north-east corner of the city-walls, opposite to the mount in the Friary, mentioned before ; goes (over the place now called Dell-hole) in a straight line to the farther part of the 54° the New Broyle ; where., in an angle of about one hundred degrees, it turns westward, crosses the Lon- don-road, in the same direction ; passes by the New Broyle-coppice ; skirts the Old Broyle coppice; crosses the Old Broyle, and part of Saltbox common; passes Densworth-house, a little beyond which it is terminated by the returning outer line. The outer line strikes ofX or separates from the inner line at the Watery-line, above the Pest-house ; gees east- ward a little way; turns to the north; crossing Mr. Miller's fields, and the road from the New Broyle to Gray ling- Well house ; goes on in a pretty straight line to Summer's dale, where it forms a small curve; then goes along Rawmere-lane, over the spot where Rawmere-house now stands ; skirts the small coppice there ; at the north-east corner of which it crosses the London-road about a mile from the inner line ; and passing over the paddock belonging to Miss Poole, crosses the Lavant road a little way south of her house — over the fields to lord Bathurst's park, which it passes, not far from the house; over Stoke common ; goes on westward ; almost skirts Little- Tomlin's, on the south of it ; beyond which it turns a little way northward ; then goes on westward as far 54i far as Ashling-wood; about which place was the boundary of its westward direction; turns southward, and joining the inner line to the west of Densworth house, in the same (southward) direction passes through the lands belonging to Mr. Elagden of Chi- chester, goes on through part of Clay-lane common; and (somewhere) in the now cultivated fields formed an angle or turning ; goes on eastward, in the direc- tion of the Roman-bank,* (part of the line) till it terminates at the north-west corner of the city wall ; after being carried on through a space of nine or ten miles, and encompassing an area of seven or eight square miles. This sketch, though not com- pleat and full, is the most correct that I could trace of this famous Roman camp. — It is proper to observe that within the inner line, i. e. between it and the city, we discover lines joining to it, and running south and north a considerable way ; and in some places the broken traces of others, in an east and west direction, at a moderate distance from the said inner line. From which it would appear, that they (the Romans) had inner camps formed, as places of refuge * A bank and deep ditch so called — in the meadows, a little way north-west of INlr. Newman's nursery. 542 refuge to retreat to, in case they should be driven from the great camp outwards. If this was the case, these masters of the world did not, at that time, look upon the conquest of this island to be com- pleat ; but judged it necessary to guard against a reverse of fortune, and the danger that might arise from the exertions of a warlike people, who were but half subdued.' That such lines did exist is evident from inspection, but by whom they were made does not clearly appear. Besides this camp, the vestiges of several others are discoverable in various parts of the county. That on the top of saint Roche's hill, was mentioned be- fore. At Cisbury there was one — by some this is said to have been a Roman military fortification ; the inhabitants have a tradition, that Julius Caesar raised an entrenchment there ; but this must be a mistake ; as Cassar never was in these parts. The name of the place clearly shows that it was made by Cissa ; no doubt as a place of security and defence against the Britons; who, it would appear from hence, where not wholly extirpated, nor entirely subdued by his father Ella. At each of the follow- ing places are the marks of encampments or fortifi- cations. 543 cations, at Gdnshill, Highdown, Chenkbury, Poor- man's wall, Woolsenbury, Ditchling, Hollingburv, near Telscombe, Cab urn, Castle at Newhaven, Castle near Seaford, and at Bellfont. About two miles and a half north of Chichester, on the London-road, is the pleasant village of Lavant, near which was the seat of the family of Miller, baronets. It now belongs to the duke of Richmond.* Adjoining to Lavant is saint Roche's hill, commonly- called Rook's hill ; on the top of which are the re- mains of a small camp, in a circular form, supposed to have been raised by the Danes, when they invaded and plundered this country. Eleven miles north of Chichester, on the Lon- don road, is Midhurst, (the Midas of the Romans) so called from its being surrounded with woods. A populous, well-built town, and very pleasantly situ- ated. The air of Midhurst is reckoned salubrious in an # As does also Rawmere ; of which mention has been made before. Lately it belonged to the family of May, who resided there. Lady May gave it to Mr. , a relation, on condition of his taking lie name of May — who afterwards succeeded to another est;. te on a similar conditi . of assi ing the name cf Kiiiglit.— This gentlemen sold it to the duke of Richmond, the pre- sent proprietor, about the year 1784, or 17S5. 544 an eminent degree, for which reason it is resorted to by persons afflicted with pulmonary complaints. From Doomsday-book it. appears to have been a considerable place at the time of the Norman con- quest; and therefore a borough by prescription. In the fourth year of Edward II. it was summoned to send two members to parliament— a privilege it has enjoyed ever since. The greatest part of the town is held by burgage tenure ; the number of free- men is but few; there are some stones in the place, which are numbered, (1,2, 3, &c.) which give a right to the holders of them to vote at elections. — Some persons there are who lament this circumstance, that the elective franchise should belong to inanimate stones — but these misplace their concern for the public, which is less injured by that mode than when the business is done by an echo. The government of Midhurst is vested in a bailiff, chosen annually at the court-leet of the manor. The weekly market (on Thursday) is well, supplied with provisions, which are sold, for the most part, at resonable rates. Cowdry-house, the seat of the antient family of lord viscount Montague, (now unfortunately extinct) was most delightfully situated in the middle of a park, 545 park, adjoining the town. I have informed the reader that this noble mansion, this venerable edifice, was destroyed by accidental lire, on the 25th of September, 1793, and that nearly about the same time lord Montague was himself unhappily drowned in one of the falls of the Rhine in Switszerland; an accident lamented by all to whom he was known, and severely felt by all the inhabitants of Midhurst, particularly the poor. The situation of Cowdry- house was naturally romantic, and the noble pro- prietors had improved the scene as far as art and genius could go. It was built in the Gothic style, perhaps too much ornamented. The wars of Henry the eighth, were painted in different parts of the house, by Hans Holbein, and several of the ancestors of the family were done by the same ingenious artist. The town of Petworth is sixmiles east of Mid- hurst; a populous town, very pleasantly situated, many of the houses well built, but the streets irregu- lar. It is not remarkable for any thing that I know of except that majestic edifice, the mansion of the earl of iigrcmont, built by Charles duke of Somerset, towards the end of the seventeenth century. In the armory arc several pieces of antiquity, particularly n n the 5*6 the sword which Henry Hotspur used at the battle of Shrewsbury, 1423, in endeavouring to dethrone Henry IV. but lost both the battle and his life, by his too great impetuosity. From the family of Percy, this noble palace, and a considerable estate, came to the duke of Somerset, in whose possession it re- mained till lately, when it came to the family of Wyndham, earl of Egremont, the present proprietor.* About eight miles east of Chichester is Eartham, lately the pleasant and romantic mansion of William Hayley, esquire. And not far from thence is Slin- don, and Slindon-house > the seat of the earl of Newburgh, the lineal descendent of the earl of Dervent water. Ten miles east of Chichester is the town of Arundel. The first mention of which that we meet with in history, is in the time of king Alfred, who gave * In the year l682, Charles duke of Somerset married Jady Elizabeth Percy, sole daughter and heiress of Joscelyne Percy, the last earl of Northumberland, of that particular branch; and on theSlst of July, 1708, sir William Wyndham, of Orchard- Wyndham, in the county of Somerset, baronet, married lady Catharine Seymour, daughter of the said -Charles, and so be- came possessed of that magnificent mansion— whose son George Wyndham, was on the 18th of October, 1749? created earl of Esvemont. 547 gave it by his will to Anthelm, his brother's son ; in which will the castle is also mentioned: from which it is reasonable to infer, that it was built during that reign, or a little before, At the Norman conquest it was given to Roger de Montgomery, earl of Chi- chester and Arundel. Henry I. gave it to his second queen Adeliza, as mentioned before. The present duke of Norfolk has lately repaired it at a very con- siderable expence. In the reign of Henry VI. a dispute arose between John Fitz-Allen, and John Mowbray, duke of Norfolk, concerning the right of inheritance in this castle and manor; and being carried into parliament, a definitive judgment was given in favour of the former ; and an act was pass- ed, by which Arundel is made a feodal title ; so that whoever is in possession of the castle must be stiled earl, and has a right to the rank and honour thereof without creation, as may be seen in the parliament- rolls, twenty-seventh of Henry VI. The church of Arundel, formerly collegiate, is a very noble, Gothic structure : there are in it several monuments of the Arundel family, but none of the stalls of the prebendaries now remain.- Arundel is a borough by prescription, and sends two members to pariia- n n 2 menr, 548 ment, chosen by the inhabitants at large. In the reign of queen Elizabeth it received a charter of in- corporation, by which it is governed by a mayor, steward, and burgesses ; the former of which is also a justice of the peace, in the borough. It has two weekly markets, one on Thursday and another on Saturday, and four annual fairs. About four miles from Chichester, on the north-east, is Goodwood, the seat of the duke of Richmond. It is very agreeably situated in a spaci- ous park, and commands an extensive and delightful prospect. Goodwood formerly belonged to the noble and very respectable family of Percy, as mentioned before, of whom it was purchased by the grand- father of the present duke. At a small distance from Goodwood, is Hal- naker-house, the mansion of the late countess of Derby, who was daughter and sole heiress of sir William Morley, to which family this mansion and estate formerly belonged. They are now both the property of the duke of Richmond, The house is going to decay. — Near to Halnaker is the village of Boxgrove, where a monastery, dedicated to the virgin Mary, was founded by Robert de Haye, in the reign of 549 of Henry I. for monks of the Benedictine order : but being an alien priory, it was dissolved in the reign of Henry V. a. d. 1415. The tithes of the parish (part of the endowment of the priory) first belonged to the Delaware family, then to the family of Arun- del, afterwards the antient family of Lumley enjoyed them ; from whom they came to the Morley family, and were given for ever for the endowment of the poor vicarage by the late pious and worthy countess of Derby. Part of the priory is now converted into the parish church. Something more than four miles south of Chi- chester is the church of Sidlesham, in the tower of which, a stately edifice, is a ring of three bells. And not far from hence is Sidlesham-mill, (a tide-mill) which for symmetry of parts and justness of principle, is inferior to none in the kingdom. It has three water-wheels, eight pair of stones, a fan for cleans- ing corn, and will grind a load of corn in an hour. Adjoining close to the mill is a strong, convenient quay, for loading and unloading of vessels. The whole was erected by the late Mr. Woodroffe Drink- water, a. d. 1755, " under the direction of Benjamin JBarlow,who invented and constructed the machinery/ 3 n » 3 Eight 55° Eight miles south of Chichester is the pleasant peninsula, improperly called island, of Selsea. It is surrounded, as Camden observes, on all sides by the sea, except on the north-west, where it is joined to the main land by an isthmus, of about a stone's throw over. When Ade I walch gave Selsea, Sidlesham, Ernly, and almost all the Manewood, to Wilfrid, they con^ tained eighty-seven families, about five hundred per- sons. The church is a stately, Gothic, structure, situ- ated in the north-east end of the parish, at a very con- siderable distance from what is called the street. A monastery was founded here, Camden says, by the munificence of the South-Saxon kings : it may be so : but from several circumstances I am induced to think that it was at the joint expence of all the (Christian) proprietors of land in this district. The same author says, that the remains of the adjoining city (now swallowed up by the sea) are still visible at low water. It is very true, that the sea has for many years encroached on the Lnd, on all this coast, and continues to do so at this day — it is likewise true that the best anchoring ground off the island is called the park — and that the rocks, between the island and the shoals, are called the streets, by the fishermen ; and 55 1 and yet I think the conjecture is very doubtful; and therefore I choose to leave it on his authority. About four miles south-west of Chichester, nearly on the confines of Hampshire, is Boseham, or Bosham ; where a daughter of Canute the Great was buried-^-and where Harold, the son of earl God- win, had a castle ; the vestiges of which are clearly to be distinguished to this day. We are informed, from Testa de Nevil, (the inquisition of lands made in the time of king John ) that the Conqueror " gave " Boseham to William Fitz-Aucher, and his heirs, " in fee farm, paying out of it yearly, into the ex- iC chequer, forty pounds of silver, tried and weighed ; (C and afterwards William Marshall held it as his in- " heritance." From the family of Marshall it came to that of Berkley ; for Maurice lord Berkley having recovered it, sixteenth of Henry VII. from those to whom his brother William had given it, possessed it, and other estates, to the day of his death, as his de- scendents do to this day. — The church of Bosham is a spacious venerable structure, built (it is said) at the sole expence of William Walewaft, bishop of Exeter, about the year 1119. It was made collegiate for adean and prebendaries, and endowed with many N n 4 privileges, privileges, which it enjoyed till the general dissolu- tion, when it was made parochial. As to the legen- dary tales of " Bosham great bell, and the giant's staf£" they need no refutation * About eight or nine miles north-west of Chi- chester is Stanstead, the elegant and delightful man- sion of the late earl of Hallifax, who left it to his daughter, who sold it to the present proprietor, Richard Barwell, esquire — a gentleman who acquired his very ample fortune in the East-Indies. The situ- ation of Stanstead is delightful ; from the windows there is a compleat view of Portsmouth, the isle, of Wight, and the shipping at Spithead. In the time of lord Hallifax, the walks through the extensive park, in which it is situated, were extremely rural, and the many vistas in them, terminating in some agreeable prospect, so judiciously planned, that though art had conducted the whole process, she lay concealed, and only nature struck the eye. About seven miles south-east of Chichester is the pleasant village of Bognor, now converted into a watering * As I intend to publish an account of the customs and privileges of this manor, I shall say no more concerning it &\ present. 553 a watering-place. It was built by the late sir Richard Hotham, and first resorted to as a watering-place in the summer of 1791. It affords an agreeable retreat for the valetudinarian, and those who dislike the tumult or expence of more populous places of public resort. CHAPTER 554 CHAPTER XXX. A LIST OF THE SHERIFFS OF THE COUNTY, THE MEMBERS FOR THE CITY, THE MAYORS, &C. THE SHERIFFS, From the first year of the reign of Henry II, 1155 Hugo Wareluilla 1156 Magerus Maleuvenant 1157 1158 Randulphus Picot 1159 Iidem 1160 Iidem 1 1(5 1 Episcop. Chichest. Hilarius 1162 Henricus Archidiacanus 1163 Rogorus Hai 1164 Iidem (for four years) 1170 Reginaldus de Warrenn (for seven years) 1177 Rogerus fliius Renfridi (for eleven years) 1189 Philippus Rums 1190 Philippus de Tresgar (for two years) 1192 Johannes Marcscal (for two years) 11 94 Willielmus Marescal 1195 Willielmus Marescal and Stepbanus de Pountfold - (for two years) 1197 Willielmus Marescal and Stephunus de Poudfold 1198 Willielmus Marescal and Stephanus de Poudfold 1199 Mich, de Apietricham 1200 Willielmus Marescal 1201 Robertus Turnham 1202 Johannes Chaper 1203 Willielmus Marescal 1204; Mic. de Apeltricham and Johannes Ferles 1205 Willielmus de Chaignes, Richardus de Maisi and Willielmus de St. Laudo 1206 Iidem 1207 Willielmus de Chaignes 120S Iidem 1200 Johannes 555 1209 Johannes films Hugonis 1239 Johannes de Gatesden and 1210 Willielmus Briewre Philippus de Crofts 1211 Johannes filius Hugonis 1241 Philippus de Crofts 1212 Matth. filius Herbert and 1241 Randul. de Kaymes (for Gilbertus de Barier three years) 1213 Matth. filius Herbert 1245 Robertus de Savage (for 1214 Matth. filius Herbert and four years) Gilbertus de Barier 1250 Nich. de Wancy (for three 1215 Matth. filius Herbert years) 1216* Matth. filius Herbert and 1254 Will, and Mich, de Vere Gilbert Barier (for two years) 1271 Matth. filius Herberti 1256 Galfr. de Grues (for two 1218 Gilbertus Barrarius years) 121 9 Matth. filius Herberti and 1258 Gerard de Cuncton Gilbertus Barrarius (for 1259 David de Jarpennii six years) 126*0 Johannes de Wanton (for 1226 Matth. filius Herbert and two years) Herbert filius Walteri (for 1262 Robertus Agwillon (for four years) six years) 1230 Robertus de Landelawe & 1268 Rogerus de Loges (for Henricus de Wintershul three years) 1231 Iidcm 1217 Barthol. de Hastings (for 1232 Petrus de Rival two years) 1233 Iidem, and H. de Cancel 1272 Matth. de Hastings (% 1234 Simon de Echingham and two years) Joelus de Germano 1274 Willie! . de Heme J235 Simon de Echingham, 1275 Johannes Wanton (for Henry de Bada, Johannes three years) de Gatesden, and Joel de 1278 Emerindus de Cancelis Sancto German (for two years) 1236 Johannes de Gatesden and 1280 Nich. de Gras (for five Philip de Crofts years) 1237 lidem 1286 Richardus de Pevensey |238 Johannes de Gatesden 1287 Iidem 1288 Wiil. 556 1288 Will, de Pageham (for five years) 1293 Robertus de Glamorgam (for six years) 1299 John Albel (four years) 1303 Walter de Gedding (for two years ) 1305 Robertus de Knole (for three years) 1308 Walter de Gedding 1309 Williel. de Henle and Robertus de Sta'ngrave (for two years) 1310 Williel. de Henle 1312 Williel. de Henle and, Williel. de Mere 1313 Petrus de Vienne (for two years) 1315 Willielmus Merre 1316 Walterus de Gras 1317 Walterus de Gras and Petrus de Worldham 1318 Petrus de Worldham and Henr. Husey (two years) 1321 Henricus Husey 1323 Nicholas Gentil (for two years) 1325 Petrus de Worldham and Andream Medested (for three years) 1328 Nicholas Gentil 1329 Nicholas Gentil and Robertus de Stangrave (for three years) 1332 Johannes Dabnam 1332 Williel. VaugKan (for two years) 1335 Idem, and Johannes Dabnam (three years) 1338 Willielm. Vaughan (for two years) 1339 Godfridus de Hunston 1340 Williel. de Northo and Godfridus de Hunston 1341 Hugo de Bowcy and Willielm. de Northo 1342 Andreas Peverel, and Hugo de Bowcy 1343 Jidem 1344 Williel. de Northo 1345 Regind. de Forester (for three years) 1348 Rogerus Daber 1349 Tho. Hoo (three years) 1352 Richardus de St. Oweyn (for two years) 1354 Simon de Codington X355 Rogerus Leukenor 1356' W ill. Northo 1357 Tho de Hoo (three yrs.) 1360 Richardus de Hurst (for three years) 1363 Simon de Codington 13^4 Ranul. Thurnburn 1365 Johannes Wateys 1366 Johannes Weyvile 136'7 Andreas Sackvile (for three years) ] 370 Ranul, 557 1370 Ranul. Thurnburn (for two years) 1372 Willie!. Ncidegate 1373 Roger. Dalingrugg 1374- Nichol. Wilcomb 1375 Robertus de Loxele 137G Robertus Atte. Hele 1377 Johannes St. Gere 1378 Johannes de Melburn 1379 Will. Percy and Edward Fitz-Herbert 1380 Johannes de Hadresham 1381 Nich. Sleyfeld 1382 Will. Percy 1383 Will. Weston 1354 Will. Waleys 1355 Robertus Nutborne 13S6' Richardus Hurst 1387 Thomae Hardin 138S Iidem 1389 Edward, de St. Johannes 13Q0 Robertus Atte Mulle 1391 Robert de Echingham 1392 Nicholas Carew 1393 Thomae Jardin 1394 Nich. Slyfcld 1*395 Edward. St. John 13&6 Johannes Ashburnham 1397 Willielmus Fienes 1398 Johannes Salerne 1399 Willielmus Fienes 1400 Randul. Codington 1402 Nichol. Ashburnham 1403 Robertus Atte Mulle, (for two years) 1405 Philip. St. Clere 1406 Thomas Sackvile 1407 Thomae Clipsham 1408 Willielmus Verd 1409 Tho. Ashburnham 1410 Johan. Warne Campie 1411 Johan. Waterton 1412 Johan. Haysham 1413 Johan. Wintershul 1414 Johan. Clipsham 1415 Johan. Uvcdale 1416 Johan. Weston 1417 James Knotsford 1418 Johan. Clipsham 1419 Johan. II ace 1420 Johan. Bolvey and James Knotesford 1421 Sir Roger Fienes 1422 John Winterseul 1423 Johan. Clipsham 1424 Thomas Leukenor 1425 Johan. Ferriby 1426 Will. Warbleton 1427 Johan. Wintershal 1428 Williel. Uvedale 1429 Williel. Finch 1430 Sir T. Leukenor 1431 Johan. Anderne 14 32 Richardus Waller 1401 Nich. Carew and Johannes 1433 Sir Roger Fienes Pelham 1434 Richardus Dalingrugg 1435 Johannes 558 1435 Johannes Fereby 1436 Tho. Uvedale 1437 James Fienes 1438 Sir Roger Leukenor 1439 Nich. Carew 1440 Walter Strickland 1441 John Stanley, 1442 John Basket, esquire 1443 Nich. Carew 1444 Nich. Hussey 1445 Williel. Belknape 1446 Robertas Radmill 1447 Nich. Carew (two years) 1449 Joh. Pennycoke 1450 Joh. Lejukenor 1451 Tho. Yard 1452 Sir Richard Fienes (for two years) 1454 Joh. Knotesford 1455 Sir Tho. Cobham (for two years) 1457 Mich. Husey 1458 Tho. Basset 1459 Tiio. Tresham 1460 Rob. Fienes, esquire 1461 Nich. Gainsford 1462 Walter Denis (two years) 1464 Tho. Goring, esquire 1465 Sir Tho. Uvedale 1466 Will. Cheney, esquire 1467 Tho. Vaughan 1468 Sir Roger Lewkenor 1*469 Nich. Gainsford, esquire 1470 Riqh. Lewkenor, esquire 1471 Tho. St. Leger, esquire 1472 Joh. Gainsford 1473 Nich. Gainsford 1474 Tho. Lewkenor, esquire 1475 Tho. Echingham 1476* Joh. Wode Ser, esquire 1477 Sir Henry Roos 1478 Will. Weston 1479 Tho. Combes, esquire 1480 Joh. Elringhton 1481 Tho. Fienes 1482 Joh. Apseley 1483 Sir Hen. Roos 1484 Joh. Dudley 1485 Sir John Norbury 1486 Nich. Gainsford 1487 Tho. Combes, esquire 1488 Will. Merston 1489 Rob. Morley 1490 John Apseley, esquire 1491 Richard Lewkenor 1492 Edward Dawtree, esquire 1493 John Leigh, esquire 1494 John Coke, esquire 1495 John Apseley, esquire 1496 Richard Lewkenor, esq* 1497 Matth. Brown, esquire 1498 Richard Sack vile, esquir* 1499 John Coke, esquire 1550 Sir Thomas Ashburnhajji 1501 John Gainsford, esquire (for two years) 1503 John Apseley, esquire 1504 Rad. Shirley, esquire 1505 Richard 559 2505 Richard Sackville, esq. 1 506* Godr. Oxenbrig 1507 Will, Ashburnham, esq. 1508 Tho. Morton, esquire 1509 Sir Thomas Fienes 1510 John Leigh, esquire 1511 Edward Lewknor, esq. 1512 Sir Roger J/wkenor 1513 Sir Godr. Oxenbrigg 1514 Richard Shirley, esquire 1515 Richard Copley, esquire 1516 Sir John Leigh 1517 Will. Ashburnham, esq. 1518 Sir John Gainsford 1519 Richard Carew, esquire 1520 Sir Godr. Oxenbrigg 1521 John Scott, esquire 1522 Sir Edward Bray 3 523 Richard Covert, esquire 1524 Will. Ashburnham, esq. 1525 Sir Thomas West 1526 Richard Shirley, esquire 1527 Sir John Daw tree 1528 John Sackvile, esquire 1529 Richard Belingham 1530 Sir Roger Copley 1531 Sir William Goring 1532 Sir Roger Lewkenor 153 3 Christopher Moore, esq. J 534 John Palmer, esquire 1535 Richard Belengham 1537 Sir Richard Page 1538 Nich. Gainsiord, esquire 1539 Sir Edward Bray 1 540 Sir Christopher Moore 1541 John Sackvile, esquire 1542 Thomas Darell, esquire 1543 Richard Bellingham, esq. 1544 John Palmer, esquire 1545 John Thetcher, esquire 1546 Sir John Dawtree 1547 John Sackvile, esquire 1548 Sii Thomas Carden 1549 John Scott, esquire 1550 Sir Nicholas Pelham 1551 Sir William Goring 1552 Robert Oxenbrigg, esq, 1553 Sir Anthony Brown 1554 Sir Thomas Saunders 1555 John Covert, esquire 1556 William Saunders, esquire 1557 Sir Edward Gage 1558 John Ashburnham, esq. 1559 William Moore, esq. and Sir Tho. Palmer 1560 John Colpcper, esquire 1561 John Stidoli", esquire 1562 Henry Goring, esquire 150'3 William Gresham 156*4 Richard Covert, esquire 1565 Anthony Pelham, esquire 1566 William Dawtree, esq. 1567 Edward Bellingham, esq, 1568 John Apseley, esquire 15.69 Henry Goring, esquire 1570 Edward Carrell, esquire, 1571 John Pelham, esquire 15?2 Sir Thomas Palmer 1573 Francis- 560 1573 Francis Shirley, esquire 1606 1574 John Rede, esquire, and 1607 Richard Polsted 1608 1575 Henry Pelham, esquire 1609 1576 William Gresham, esquire 161O 1577 Sir Thomas Shirley I611 1578 George Goring, esquire I6i2 157.9 Sir William Moore 16i3 1580 William Morley, esquire 161 4 1581 Edward Shield, esquire l6i5 1582 Sir Thomas Brown 1583 Walter Covert, esquire 1616 1584 Thomas Bishop, esquire 16 17 1585 Richard Bostock, esq. 1618 1586 'Nich. Parker, esquire 1619 1587 Rich. Brown, esquire 1620 15S8 John Carrell, esquire l^2i 1589 Tho. Pelham, esquire 1622 1590 Henry Pelham, esquire 1623 1591 Robert Linsey, esquire 1624 1592 Sir Walter Covert 1625 1593 Sir Nich. Barker 1626 1594 William Gardeux, esq. 1627 1595 Richard Leech, esquire 1628 1596 Edmund Colpeper, esq. 1629 1597 George Moore, esquire 1630 1598 James Colebrand, esquire 163 1 1599 Tho. EversrleJd, esquire 1632 1600 Edmund Boier, esquire 1633 1601 Tho. Bishop, esquire 1634 1602 John Ashburnham, esq. 1635 l603 Robert Lynsey, esquire 1636 l604 Sir Henry Goring 1637 1^05 Sir Edw. Colpeper 16'3 8 Sir Tho, Hoskings Henry Morley, esquire - Sir George Gunter Sir Thomas Hunt John Lountesford Edward Bellingham Will. Wignall, esquire Edw. Goring, esquire Sir John Willdigos Rola Trops Moore and Sir John Morgan Sir John Shirley John Middleton, esquire Sir John Howland Nich. Eversfeld, esquire Richard Michelborne Sir Francis Leigh Sir Thomas Springer Sir Benjamin Pelham Amb. Browne, esquire Edr. Alford, esquire Thomas Bowyer, esquire Edward Jourden, esquire Sir Stephen Boord Anthony May, esquire Sir William Walter Sir John Chapman Richard Evelyn, esquire William Colpeper, esquire Sir William Morley Sir Edward Bishop Anthony Fowle, esquire Anthony Fonter, esquire 1639 Edward 561 1639 Edward Apseley, esquire 1643 J. Baker, esquire 1640 George Churcher, esquire 1644 Edward Payne, esquire 1641 Egid. Garton, esquire 1645 • 1642 1646 T. Eversfeld, esquire 1750 Peckham Williams, (."'Chichester, esquire 1751 Robert Bull, of the same, esquire 1752 William Watson, ofTicehurst, esquire 17-53 Robert Randall, of Herrings, esquire 1754 Waiter Bartelot, of Stopham, esquire 1755 John Major, of East-Grinsted, esquire 17-56 Joseph Calverley, of the Broad, esquire 1757 James Ward, of West-Grinsted, esquire 1758 James Goble, of Petworth, esquire 1759 John Margcsson, of Offington, esquire 1760 John Aldridgc, of New-Lodge, esquire 1761 William Thomas, junr. of Yapton, esquire 176- Thomas Grainger, of Cuckfield, esquire 1763 Thomas Fowle, of Rothcriield, esquire 1764 John Pay, of Rudgwick, esquire 1765 Samuel Leeves, of Pulborough, esquire 1766 John Burges, of Brookhome, esquire 1767 James Wood, of Turnehara, esquire 176S John Paine, of Patcham, esquire 1769 John Laker, of Wisborough-Green, esquire 1770 William Westbrooke Richardson, of Ferring, esquire 1771 William Richardson, of Milland, esquire 1772 William Gratuicke, of Angmering, esquire 1773 Kemble Whateley, of Hartfield, esquire 1774 George Peckham, of Iridge, esquire 1775 Thomas Baker, of Mayfield, esquire 1776 Edward Hutchinson, of Fittleworth, esquire 1777 Thomas Kemp, of Lewes, esquire 1778 Colville Bridger, of Old Shoreham, esquire 1779 John 562 1779 John Harrison, of Rotherfield, esquire 1780 Sir John Bridger, of Hamsey, knight l?8i William Peachey, of Kirdford, esquire 1782 William Frankland, of Muntham, esquire 1783 John Norton, of Southwick, esquire 1784 Thomas Dennet, of Washington, esquire 1785 William Nelthorpe, of Nuthurst.. Lodge, esquire I78fj Francis Sergison, of Cuckfield, esquire 1787 Richard Wyatt, of Freemans, esquire 1788 John Bean, of Littlington, esquire 1789 Sir Ferdmando Poole, of Lewes, baronet 1790 Flenry Manning, of Southover, esquire 1791 John Drew, of Chichester, esquire 1792 Edmund Woods, of Shopwhyke, esquire 1793 Thomas Richardson, of Warminghurst, esquire 1794 Samuel Twyford, of Trotten, esquire 1795 Francis Newberry, of Heathfield, esquire 1790 John Fuller, of Brightling, esquire 1797 Charles Scraes Dickens, of Brighthelmstone, esquire 1798 Richard Thomas Streatfield, of Heathfield, esquire 1799 Charles Edward Pigon, of Frant, esquire 1800 Sir Thomas Carr, of Beddinsham, knight 1801 William Borer, of Hurstpierpoint, esquire 1802 Sir William Ashhurnham, of Broomham, baronet 1803 John William Commerel, of Stroud, esquire 1804 John Dennet, of Woodmancote, esquire The preceeding list -to the year i646, is copied from doctor Fuller's account of the counties of Sussex and Surry ; who men- tions, not without reason, the difficulty of extracting correct lists from the records which were in his hands; as the office for both counties was so often uniteel in the same person; and again separate. Generally (but not invariably, from which circumstance the dif- ficulty 5^3 ficulty arose) they were distinct before the reign of Edward II. (anno 1307) when they were united under one: then again divided in the ninth year of queen Elizabeth (1067) ; divided again in the twelfth of king Charles I. and have continued so ever since. " Nor will we warrant (says the doctor) that in so perplexed a " matter we have dorte all right; but submit our best endeavours " to the censure and correction of the more judicious/' His ac- count comes not down lower than the year 1646; and as my in- tention in publishing these lists is to inform my readers what fami- lies flourished in these parts in the earlier part of our history, I thought the preceeding would be sufficient for that purpose, with- out descending lower j especially as I could not conveniently pro- cure a continuation. — The ancestors of many of the noble families in this county, of the present day, are to be found in that account. That some once flourishing and respectable families should be now extinct, will be matter of surprise to none; it is the fate to which all things human are subject. Several of the names in the former part of the account I apprehend are not the surnames of those gentlemen ; but only designate the place of their residence, or the place they originally came from; such as Stephanus de Poudfold, Michael de Apletricham, (Stephen of Poudfold, Michael of Apple- dram) &c.-— The first title of honour among them is sir Roger Lcwkcnor, anno 1438 — and the first denominated esquire is John Basket, in 1442. — The latter part I have added for the sake of those who may wish to know the names of the late sheriffs. 002 THE 564 THE MEMBERS, Returned to serve in Parliament for this City, from the year 1660 to the year 1804 * 1660 Henry Peckham, esquire— William Cawley, esquire 1661 -Henry Peckham, esquire — William Garraway, esquire 167% Richard May, ofRawmere, esquire— John Bramen, of Chi- chester, esquire i6Sl Richard Farington, of the South-street, Chichester, esquire and John Bramen, esquire 1685 Sir Richard May, knight — George Gunter, of Racton, esq. 16*88 Thomas Miller of Lavant and South-street, esquire— Thomas May, esquire 169O Thomas Miller, esquire — Thomas May, esquire l6$0 Lord Ranelaugh — William Elson, esquire 16*98 Sir Richard Farington, baronet — John Miller, esquire 1700 (6th of February) Sir Thomas May, knight William Elson, of Groves, esquire 1701 (30th of December) John Miller, esquire — W. Elson, esq. 1/02 (20th of August) John Miller, esquire— Willm. Elson, esq. 1705 (i4th of July) William Elson, esquire (dead, new writ i5th of November, 1705) — Sir Thomas Littleton, baronet Thomas Onslow, esquire 1707 (23d of October) Thomas Onslow, esquire— Sir Edward Littleton, baronet 1708 (8th of July) Captain Thomas Carr, Pallant— Sir Richard Farington, baronet, in the house now Mrs. Smith's. 1710 (25th of November) Sir Richard Farington, baronet— Sir John Miller, of Lavant, baronet 1713 * The first summons sent to Chichester to send two citizens as their representatives to parliament, was in the twenty-third of Edward I. A. d» 129,5. (Vide Rolls of Parliament.) 56; 1713 (12th of No -ember) William Elson, of Groves, esquire-* The honourable James Brudenell 1714 ( 1 7th of -March) Sir Richard Farington, baronet, (dead, 24th of November, 1719) — Thomas Miller, of Grayling- Well, esquire — Henry Kelsall, esquire lt%2 (10th of May) The earl of March, son of the first duke of Richmond, succeeded his lather as duke of Richmond, 9th of January, 1723-4 — Sir Thomas Miller, baronet— The hight honourable William Beauclerk 1727 (28th of November) The honourable Charles Lumley, of Stansted (deceased i?2S-p) — Right honorable William Beauclerk (deceased 1731^-2) — The honourable James Lumley — Sir Thomas PcnJergast, baronet 1734- (13th of June) The honourable James Brudenell — Colonel s, of the South-street, Chichester 1741 (25th of June) The honourable James Brudenell (dec nth of August, 1746") — John Page, of Watergate, esquire —The right honourable George Keppell, commonly called lord viscount Bury 174/ (13th of August) John Page, esquire — Lord viscount Bury g son of lord Albermarle 1754 (31st of May) Lord viscount Bury, succeeded his father as earl of Albermarle, 8th of January, 1755 — John Page, esquire — The honourable Augustus Keppell 17" 1 (if)th of May) Lord viscount Downe, of the kingdom of Ireland— James Whitshed, esquire 170S (10th of May) The right honourable William Keppell— The right honourable Thomas Conol'y 177 1 (20 th of November j The honourable William Keppell— The right honourable Thomas Conolly 17S0 (3 1st < t October) The honourable William Keppell, deceased — Thomas Steele, esquire — The honourable Percy Charles Wyndham, brother to lord Eijremont 1784 5 66 1784 (ISthofMay) Thomas Steele, esquire—— -George White Thomas, esquire 1790 (lOth of August) Thomas Steele, esquire, paymaster of the forces, vacated and re-elected — George White Thomas, esquire — The right honourable Thomas Steele 1796 (i2th of July) The right honourable Thomas Steele, king's remembrancer in the exchequer, vacated— George White Thomas, esquire — The right honourable Thomas Steele, re-elected 1802 (8th of July) The right honourable Thomas Steele — George White Thomas, esquire THE FOLLOWING ARE The present Representatives from Sussex : For the County— Major General Lennox, and J. Fuller, esq. Chichester — Rt. Hon. T. Steele, and G. W. Thomas, esq. Arundel— Lord viscount Andover, and John Atkins, esq. Br amber — George Sutton, esq. and Henry Joddrell, esq. East-Grinsted— Sir H. Strachey, bart. and D. Giles, esq. Hastings — Lord Glenbervie, and G. W. Gunning, esq. Horsham — E. C. Hilliard, esq. and Patrick Ross, esq. Lewes — Lord F. G. Osborne, and H. Shelley, junr. esq. Midhurst — G. Smith, esq. and S. Smith, esq. Rye — Sir C. Talbot, and T. Davis Lamb, esq. Sea ford— C. R. Ellis, esq. and R. J. Sullivan, esq. Sh or eh am — Sir C. Bishop, baronet, F. R. s. and Timothy Shelley, esq. Steyning — J. M. Lloyd, esq. and R. Hurst, esq. Win ciielsea— R. Ladbroke, esq. and W, Moffat, esq. A TABLE, 5^7 A TABLE, Shewing the duration of the several Parliaments from'the beginning of the reign of Henry VIII. to the present time. Monarcks. * When met. When dissolved. Henry VIII. 21 Jan. 1.509 23 Feb. 1509 4 Feb. 1511 4 March, 1513 5 Feb. 1514 22 Dec. 1515 1 5 April 1523 13 Aug. 1523 3 Nov. 1530 4 April, 1531 S June 1531 1 8 July, 1 536 S April 1539 24 July, 1540 10* Jan. 1541 29 -March, 1544 23 Nov. 1545 31 Jan. 1547 Edward VI. 4 Nov. 1547 15 April, 1552 4 March , 1555 31 March, 1553 Mary 5 Oct. 1553 6 Dec. 1553 2 April 1554 5 May, 1554 12 Nov. 1554 16 Jan. 1555 21 Oct. 1 5 5 5 9 Dec. 1555 20 Jan. 1557 17 Nov. 1557 Elizabeth 23 Jan. 155S S May, 1558 1 1 Jan. 1562 2 Jam 1567 2 April, 1571 29 May, 1571 8 May 1572 18 March, 15SO 23 Nov. 1585 14 Sept. 1586 20 Oct. 1586 23 March, 1587 4 Feb. 1588 29 March, 1588 19 Nov. 1592 10 April, 1593 24 Oct. 1591 9 Feb. 1598 7 Oct. i Go l 29 Dec. 1601 James I. 19 Mar. 1603 9 Feb. 16U 5 April, 1(44 7 June, 10*14 30 Jan. 102G 8 Feb. 1621 10 Feb. 1623 24 xMarch,l625 Charles I. 17 May 1625 12 Aug. 1625 0' Feb. 1626 15 June lo2^ 17 -March ,i627 10 March, 1628 13 April, ] 640 3 May, 1640 3 Nov. J 640 20 April, 1653 Charles II. 25 April, 1060 29 Dec. 1660 8 May, 1661 24 Jan. 1678 6 JJ^ar. 5 68 Monarch*. When met. When dissolved. 6 March 1679 12 July, 1679 17 Oct. 1679 18 Jan. 168 1 21 March 1681 21 March, 1 681 James II. 12 March, 1685 28 July, 1687 22 Jan. 1688 26 Feb. 1689 William III. 20 March 1689 11 Oct. 1695 27 Nov, 1695 7 July, 169S 24 Aug. 1698 19 Dec. 1699 26 Feb. 1700 J 1 Nov. 1701 30 Dec. 170J 7 July, 1702 Anne 20 Aug. 1702 5 April, 1705 1 4 June, 1705 15 April, 1708 8 July, 1708 21 Sept. .1710 25 Nov. 1710 8 August, 17 13 12 Nov. 1713 15 Jan. 1715 George I. 17 March ,1715 -10 March, 1721 10 May, 1722 5 Aug.- 1727 George II. 28 Nov. 1727 18 April, 1734 13 June, 1734 28 April, 1741 2 5 June, 1741 18 June, 1747 13 Aug. 1747 S April, 1754 31 May, 1754 20 March, 1761 George III. 6 Nov. 1761 12 March, 1768 10 May, 1768 30 Sep. 1774 29 Nov. 1774 1 Sep. 1780 31 Oct. 1780 25 March, 1784 18 May, 1784 1 1 June, 179° 25 Nov. 1790 , 20 May, 1796 29 June, 1802 27 Sep. 1796 29 Oct. 1802 From a careful attention to the preceeding table (the authority and accuracy of which may be depended on) the follow- in!}; tacts may be deduced. First— It appears that since the year 1509, (whenit is generally believed the duration of Parliaments was extended beyond one year) only four parliaments have been of longer duration than seven years — and seven more than six years ; and that of the rest, only six have lasted more than five years; two above tour ; and two above three. Secondly, That from 1509 to 1715, the average duration of parliaments was something less thVtn four years— and since tWt timte about six years and a quarter. THE 5^9 THE MAYORS, From the year 1531 to the year 1803. 1531 1532 Robert Bowyer 1533 John JUollins 1534? John Lane 1535 John Hardham 1536* Elisha Bradshaw 1537 Elisha Bradshaw 1538 William Broadbridge 1539 John Boyes 1540 John Castleman 1541 Robert Bowyer 154-2 John Mollins 154-3 August. Cresweller 1544 John Lane 1545 John B landlord 1546 Robert Bowyer 1547 John Knott 1548 John Diggens 1549 Thomas Hitchcock 1550 Bryant Banks 155 1 Robert Bowyer 1552 John Knott 1553 Nicholas Exton 1554 Richard King 1555 John Castleman 1550" John Diggens 1557 John Ward 1558 Robert Payne 1559 Peter Topott 1560 John Cook 1561 Thomas Farrington 1562 Thomas Hitchcock 1563 Thomas Adams 1564 Lawrance Adrew 1565 John Moyse 1566 William Barcomb 1567 John Diggens 1568 Ralph Chandler 156'9 John Ihecomb 1570 Thomas Blake 1571 Thomas Farrington 1572 John Cook 1573 Thomas Adams 1574 Ralph Chandler 1575 John Moyes 1576' Thomas Stiilman 1577 Thomas Blake 1578 John Cook 1579 Thomas Adams 15S0 William Holland 1581 Robert Smith 15S2 Robert Adams 1583 Ralph Chandler 1584 Thomas Turgcs 1585 John Farrington 1586 George Chatfield p p 15S7 August. 57° 1587 August, Hitchcock 16L9 Thomas Collins 1$«8 William Holland 16*20 Henry Shelly 1589 Edward Manning 1621 John Shalat 1 590 John Cawley 1622 Richard Triggs, died June 159i Thomas Hill 1, and Edward Lawrance 1592 Robert Adams served out 1593 John Farrington 1623 John Greenfield 1594- John Roemen lr724 Peter Fox 1595 John Lyving 1625 George Green 1596' Richard Reese 1626 William Strudwick 1597 William Holland 1627 John Hobson 1598 Ralph Chandler 1628 JohnPannet 1599 George Chatfield, died the 1629 Thomas Farrington 4th of May, and August. 1(>30 'Benjamin Hooke Hitchcock served out 1631 Thomas Collins 1600 Edward Manning lfJ32 Henry Chitty l6'0 1 John Cawley 1633 John Greenfield l602 Richard Greenfield 1634 John Palmer l6'03 Thomas Hills 1635 Stephen Humphrey l(>04 Thomas By ret 1636 William Handshaw 1605 John Comber 1637 George Green ] 6g6 Robert Adams 163S John Hobson 1607 Peter Palmer 1639 John Pannet 16O8 Edward Laurance 1640 Thomas Farrington 1609 John Exton 1641 Robert Exton 1610 Thomas Briggham 1642 John Bartholomew l6ll John Ransom 1643 Thomas Ball 1612 Richard Kere 1644 Robert Colpis 1613 John Cawley 1645 Nicholas Dallender l6l4 George Adams 1^46 Thomas Collins 1615 Benjamin Hcoke 1647 John Palmer l6l6 William Strtidwick 1648 Edward Hobson 1617 Thomas Norton 1649 Stephen Humphrey \6l 8 Thomas Farrington 1650 Thomas Farrington 1651 Nicholas 57 1 i65i Nicholas Exton 1682 Robert Thornden i652 Randolph Tuttee 1683 Robert Tayer 16*53 Thomas Wheeler 1684 Robert Tayer 1654- John Aylwin 1085 William Costellow 1655 Richard Manning 1686 Henry Peckham 1656 William Stamper 1687 Richard Mannings, dis- 1657 John Wood missed by order of council, ]65S Francis Hobson Robert Iiastling served out 1659 Richard Mitchell 1688 George Stamper, dismissed 1660 William Burry by proclamation , and F. 1661 Anthony Williams Goater served out 1662 John Greenfield, died 5th 16*89 John Cloudcsley March, and Mark Miller 16*90 Richard Dally served out 1691 Robert Thornden 1663 Nicholas Exton 1692 Richard Brooman 1664 Thomas Burry 16*93 Robert Smith l66\5 Edward Exton 1694 John Sedgwick 1666 Thomas Valler 1695 Francis Goater l667 Richard Young 1696 John Sowton 166S William Day, died 6 Oct. 1697 John Cloudesley and T. Miller served out 1698 Richard Dally I669 Stephen Penfold 16*99 Robert Iiastling 1670 Richard Brooman 1700 Thomas Hammond l67x William Burry 170 1 William Costellow 16*72 Francis Hobson 1702 John Sherer 1673 Robert Baker 1703 John Sowton 1674- Edward Exton 1704 Robert Smith 1675 Richard Young 1705 Richard Godroan 1676 Thomas Valler 1706* Sit John Miller, baronet 16*77 Stephen Penfold 1707 James Vavasor 1678 Thomas Miller 1708 Thomas Carr 1679 William Jennings 1709 John Elson 1 680 William Costellow 17 1 Thomas Hammond l6'Si Henry Peckham 1711 John Lang r P 2 1772 John 57 z 1712 John Cloudesley 1713 Richard Nash 3714 William Collins 1715 Thomas Nevill 1716 Thomas Hammond 1717 John Sowton 1718 Nicholas Covert 3719 John Lang 1720 John Costellow 1721 William Collins 3 722 Henry Peckham 1723. George Harris 1724 John Harris 3725 John Lang 1726 Benjamin Covert 1727 George Murray 1728 Henry Peckham 1729 John Sanden 1730 Francis Sone 1731 BenjaminCovert 1732 Henry Peckham 1733 John Sanden 1734 Robert Norton 1735 Charles duke of Richmond 1736 Peter Buck 1737 Thomas Till, died i4th of August, and Peter Buck served out 1738 Robert North 1739 Thomas Sanden 3740 John Dear 1741 Thomas Wall 1742 William Battinc 1743 Thomas Lanarish 1744 Charles duke of Richmond 1745 Thomas Wall 1746 John Butler 3747 Robert Norton 1748 Sir John Miller, baronet 3 749 Gideon Murray 3750 James Clayton 1751 Henry Smart 1752 Joseph Baker 1753 Richard Buckner 1754 Robert Bull 1755 Yarrel Johnson 1756 Gideon Murray 3 757 John Murray 1758 Richard Baker 3 759 William Higgens 1760 Joseph Baker 1761 William Fleteher, died the I Oth of August, and J. Baker served out 1762 Edward Blaxton 1763 Lord George Lennox 1764 John Shore 1765 Francis Dear 1766 Robert Norton 1767 William Smith 176's William Johnson 3769 Thomas Jones 1770 Thomas Sanden 1771 Yarrel Johnson 1772 Lord George Lennox 1773 Richard Buckner 3774 John Covert 1775 Richard West 177$ John 573 1776 John Peerman 1777 William Knott 1778 Richard North 1779 Henry Muilins, died 5th of March, and R. North served out 1780 William Johnson 1781 Richard Halsey 1782 John Dcarling 3 783 Charles Buckner 1784 John Newland 178A John Drew 1786 William Smith 17S7 William Ridge J78S John Murray 1789 James Harvey 1790 Loftus Nunn 1791 Robert Quennell 1792 John Blagden 1793 John Crawford 1794 Richard Murray 179-5 Thomas Jones 179o John Clement 1797 Jofea Newland 1798 John Drew 1799 William Ridge 1800 John Murray 1801 John Blagden 1S02 General Lennox 1803 John Crawford AN ACCOUNT OF The Population of the City of Chichester : Taken at different Times. Years, Inhabitants. Houses. 1739 4-0-30 net mentioned. 1740 37 12 783 1762 3610 767 1769 3970 859 1774 4203 844 1S01 4684 not mentioned, Fen-tic. L - 574 Particular Atcouni of the Survey taken in April ] 801 FmiU Inhabitant;. Saint Andrew .»♦...» • 5%3 All Saints 237 Subileanry, in the city 1435 Ditto, in the county -....,.. . . 170 Saint Martinf 303 Saint Olave 244 Saint Peter the Less 345 Saint Pancrass, in the city 270 Ditto, in the county - 66l Saint Bartholomew 259 The Close 137 4684 Population in the year 1774, 4203 Increase in 27 years, 481 There is no reason to doubt the accuracy of the survey of 1801, unless it should be suspected that it, as well as the general survey of the kingdom then had, was taken at the desire of the ministery, who doubtless were solicitous that the population of the kingdom should appear increased, and not diminished, after a long destructive war, in which so many lives were lost. In general, the wish of administration was known; and in some instances, no doubt, influenced the returns that were made: that it did so in Chichester I do not maintain. Perhaps the former surveys in- cluded only the inhabitants of the city and Close, and did not take in those in the county belonging to the paiishes of the Sub- deanry and saint Pancrass. In that case there would be a deficit in the population of 1S01 of three hundred and fifty, compared with 575 with that of 1774— which certainly was not the case. On the other hand, if we allow, as we ought to do, that the population of the city, in the last thirty years, has increased— the number (almost five hundred) is far too high to be credited by the intelli- gent investigator of cause and effect. From 1739 to 1762, there is a falling away of more than four hundred : which may very well be : all the intervening years, abating a few, being years of war, and some of them of scarcity. And every person in the least conversant in these matters, knows that the population of every place (except places of amusement) almost entirely de- pends upon the quantity of productive labour to be found there, and the price of provisions. And war, at the same time that it enhances the price of the necessaries of life, strikes at the very root of productive labour, by stopping the exportation of our manufactures. LIST 57 6 LIST Of the Corporation of the City of Chichester, At Michaelmas i803. Charles, duke ojf Richmond, high-steward, &c. Constituted 1753. John Crawford, mayor Robert Steele, recorder Richard Wilraot, deputy-recorder ALDERMEN. Rt. Hon. Lord G. Lennox Charles Buckner John Newland John Drew William Ridge John Murray Loftus Nunn John Blagden Richard Murray John Clement Charles Lennox Edward Johnson, town-clerk BAILIFFS. Rt. Hon. Thomas Steele Thomas Trew William Johnson, junior Samuel Cobby Thomas Rhoades John Quantock John Legg John Geast James Sholto Douglas Thomas Peerman COMMON-COUNCIL. William Battine Sir Thomas Miller, baronet Christopher Teesdale Richard Godman Temple Thomas Haines Jacob Pope William Fowler Alexander Williams Francis Diggens Hon. Percy Charles Wyndham Edward Pasco Hon. G. Cranrleld Berkeley John Sargent William Wittman Earl Bathurst John Macfarland George Sedgwick Wilmot Thomas Chaldecott Kempster Knight John Utterson William Humphry Heneage Girod William Charles Newland Richard Merricks William Hardham Gideon Newland Edward Utterson Charles Hewitt Smith John Plaisto John Gage William Tireman George Murray Miles Rowe James Powell Gideon Murray APPENDIX, 577 APPENDIX. The CHARTERS of CHICHESTER. K. STEPHEN. £*• Rex Aug. Epo. Cicestri & ppositis Sal. P-cipio qd Burgenses mei ic Cicestr: ita bn & honorifice & qite hant eoru: Consuet &c rectitudines de Burgo & de gilda eoru: mercatoria sicuti eas raeli: $c honorabili: & quiete huert: tpe Willmi reg— Avi mei & Avuneulormeor: postea & tpe Rogi: Com: Et defend : sup: mea: forisfactura : ne Aliqs eis injuriam faciat. ApRading. T: EPO: WINT. IN ENGLISH. Stephen, king of England, to the bishop and magistrates of Chichester, greeting— I ordain that my burgesses of Chichester, so well, honourably and peaceably enjoy the customs and regula- tions of their borough, and their merchant-guild, as they did en- joy them in the best manner, honourably and peaceably, in the Q Q time * On examining an Inspeximus it appears that almost all the kings of England after the Conquest to the Revolution granted, or rather issued, letters of charter and confirmation to this, and the other boroughs of the kingdom. They studied to increase the importance and power of t'ne cor- porations, and the fines which each of them paid into the exchcquei, on ev«xy renewal, might induce them to issue them the oftenw 57* time of king William, my grandfather, and of my uncles after- wards, and in the time of earl Roger. And I will' defend them from forfeiture, that no one shall do them any injury. At Reading. Witness—The BISHOP of WINCHESTER. K. HENRY IT. xi» Rex Angl: & Dux Norm: & Aqt: & Com: And: Justic : & Vic : & Ministris suis Totius Angl : Sal : Sciatis me Concessisse civib: meis de Cicestr: q st de gilda mercatoria Onis : libertates & libas : qsuetines suas infra Burgu : & Exta ut eas habeant; iiq : ita plene & libe & qete & honoriflce sic : plene & honorificenti hre solebant tpe Regis Henr : avi mei et nullus in Civitate Cicestr : vendat pannos p detaillum n : sit de gilda mercatoria;-— sit : ide : Rex H. p. Br : suum p-cepit: Qr: volo & firmit: p-cipio qd ipsi hant & teneant gilda sua : c: omnib : libertatib: & Consuetudinib: ad cam ptinentib : sit : meli solebat hre tpe Regis Henr: neqs eis sup: hoc forisfacere psumat. — T : Reg : Com: Corn: Henr: de Essex Con : Rauulfo de Broc, Apud Brugiax, IN ENGLISH. Henry, king of England, duke of Normandy and Aquitaine, and earl of Anjou, to his sheriffs, and officers of all England—- greeting. Know ye that I have granted to my citizens of Chi- chester, who are of the merchant guild, that both within the borough and without, they have all their liberties and free customs, and enjoy them as fully, freely, peaceably and honourably, as they were used fully and honourably to enjoy them, in the time of king Henry my grandfather. And no person shall sell cloth \>y retail in the city of Chichester, unless he be of the merchants' guild, as the said king Henry ordained by his writ. Wherefore I 57$ will, and firmly ordain, that they have and hold their guild, with every liberty and custom pertaining to the same, as they were used to have them in the best manner, in the time of king Henry, and that no one presume to make them forfeit on that account. Witness— REGINALD, earl of Cornwall. HENRY, constable of Essex. RALPH DE BROC. At Bruges. K. JAMES II. (grafted its the year i6S5.) JAMES the second, by the grace of God, king of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c. to all unto whom our present lettfrs shall come— greeting. Whereas our city of Chichester, in the county of Sussex, is an antient and populous city. We therefore graciously desiring the bettering the said city, and willing that from henceforth for ever there may be one certain and undoubted way of and for keep- ing our peace in the said city continually, and for the good order and government of the said city, and our people inhabiting the same, and resorting thither, and that the said city, in all times to come, may be and remain a city of peace and quietness, to the fear and terror of the wicked, and encouragement of the good ; and that our peace, and other acts of justice and good govern- ment there, may be better kept and done ; and expecting that if the citizens of the same city, and their buccessors, shall by our royal grant* enjoy dignity, liberty, privilege, jurisdiction and franchise, then they may think themselves more particularly and strongly obliged to yield and perform to us, our heirs, and sue* censors, all the service they are able, of our special grace, certain knowledge, and meer motion, we have willed, ordained, granted, appointed, and declared, and by these presents for us, our heirs, and successors, do will, ordain, appoint, grant and declare that the said city ofChichester shall be and remain henceforward for ever, a free q q 2 city 58o city of itself, and that the citizens of the said city henceforward for ever, may and shall be one body corporate and politick, in deed, fact, and name, by the name of the mayor, aldermen, and citizens of the city of Chichester. And we, for us, our heirs, and suc- cessors, do erect, make, and create them by these presents, into one body corporate and politick, really and fully, by the name of the mayor, aldermen, and citizens of the city of Chichester, and that they may have perpetual succession by the same name ; and that they by the name of the mayor, aldermen, and citizens of the city of Chichester, may, and shall be, in all times to come, fit persons, and capable in law, to have, purchase, receive, hold and possess lands, tenements, liberties, privileges, franchises, he. reditaments, goods, and chattels, of what sort, nature, or kind soever, for themselves, their heirs, and successors, in fee, and perpetuity, and also to give, grant, demise, and assign the same lands and tenements, hereditaments, goods, and chattels, and to do and execute all and singular other acts and deeds, by the name aforesaid. And that by the name of the mayor, aldermen, and citizens of the city of Chichester aforesaid, they may and can be able to plead and be impleaded, to answer and to be answered, to defend and to be defended, in any courts and places, and before any judges and justices, and other persons and officers of us, our heirs, and successors, in all and singular actions, suites, complaints, causes, and demands whatsoever, of what sort, nature, condition, or kind soever they be, in the same manner and form as other our liege people of this our kingdom of England, may or can be fit persons, and capable in law, or as any other body corporate, may liave, purchase, receive, possess, give, grant, and demise lands, tenements and hereditaments, also goods, and chattels; and that the said mayor, aldermen, and citizens of the city aforesaid, may have for ever a common seal, to be kept for the demising, grant- ing, and acting, making and executing other matters and businesses, for them and their successors. And it shall and may be lawful for them, the mayor, aldermen, and citizens of the city aforesaid, and their successors, to break, change, and new make the said seal at their 5 8i their will, from time to time, as it shall seem best to them to be done. And further, we will, and by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors do grant that there may and shall be in the said city, one- eminent man who shall be and be called the high steward of the said city ; and that from hence forward for ever, there may and shall be in the said city, one of the more honest and discreet citizens of the said city to be chosen in the manner hereafter expressed in these presents, who shall be and be called the mayor of the said city. And that likewise there shall and may be one honest and discreet citizen of the said city to be chosen in the manner hereafter expressed in these presents who shall be and be called bay lilVe of the said city, and that the mayor, aldermen, and citizens, nominated by these presents, of the common-council, and hereafter to be nominated, also the baylilfe, portreves, and customers, recordei and his deputy, and town-clerk of the said city, for the time being and their successors, shall be and bccalled a common-council of the said city, and shall be from time to time assisting to the mayor of the said city for the time being, in all causes and matters touching and concerning the city aforesaid. And further we will, and by these presents for us, our heirs, and successors do grant to the said mayor, aldermen, and citizens of the. city of Chichester aforesaid, and their successors, that the common-council of the said city for the time being, or the major part of them, may and shall have full power and authority to frame, constitute, ordain and make from time to time, such rea- sonable laws, statutes, ordinances and constitutions whatsoever, which to them or the major part of them, according to their sound discretions shall seem good and wholesome, useful, honest, and necessary for the good order and government of the citizens, arti- ficers, and inhabitants of the said city, for the time being, and for the declaring in what form and order, as well the said mayor, aldermen, bay. iff", portreves and customers of the said city, as all and singular the citizens, artificers, inhabitants and sojourners of the said city for the lime being, should behave, carry, and use themselves 5 82 themselves in their offices, ministries, and businesses in the sard city, and the precincts thereof, and otherwise for the further good and publick profit, government ard advantage of the said city, and for the victualling of the said city, and for the levying of money for the use of us, our heirs, and successors, or for the necessary use of the said city, and also for the better preserving, governing, disposing, leasing, and demising the lands, tenements, possessions, revenues, reversions, and hereditaments, given, granted, assigned, and confirmed to the said mayor, aldermen, and citizens of the said city, or to their predecessors, by any other name of incorpo- ration, or to be given, granted, or assigned to the said mayor, aldermen, and citizens of the said city, and their successors, for the future, and for the accounts, things, and other causes, and matters whatsoever, of the said city, or touching, or any ways concerning the constitution, right and interest of the said city, and that the said common-council of the said city for the time being, or the major part thereof, so oft as they shall frame, make and esta- blish such laws, statutes, and ordinances, as is mentioned in the form aforesaid, may impose and assess such reasonable pains, penalties, punishments, imprisonments of the body, fines and amerciaments, or any of them, in or upon all offenders against the said laws, statutes, and ordinances, or either or all of them, as to the said common-council, or the major part of them, shall seem reasonable and requisite as above-mentioned, and fhe same fines and amerciaments they may and shall levy, by distress or any other legal way whatsoever, to the proper use and behoof of the mayor, aldermen, and citizens of the said city, and their successors, without any accounts, or any other thing, to be given thereof, to us, our heirs, and successors, and without the hindrance of us, our heirs, and successors, all and singular, which laws, statutes, and ordinances so to be made, as is before mentioned, we will hare observed under the penalties contained in the same, yet so that such laws, statutes, ordinances, imprisonments and amerciaments, be not repugnant or contrary to the laws, statutes, customs, or righ\s 5^3 rights of our kingdom of England. And further, we have assigned, constituted, nominated, and made, and by these presents do nomi- nate, constitute and make our most noble cousin Cliarles duke of Somerset to be the first and present lord high steward of the said city. And further, we have assigned, constituted, nominated and made, and by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, do assign, constitute, nominate and make our beloved Robert Tayer, now mayor of the said city, to be the first and modern mayor of the said city, willing that the said Robert shall be and continue in the said office of mayor of the said city, from the making of these presents unto the Monday before the feast of saint Michael the archangel, next ensuing, and from that day till some other be chosen, preferred and sworn to the said office, according to the orders and constitutions in these presents hereafter expressed and dcelared, if the said Robert Tayer shall so long live. We have also assigned, constituted and made, and by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors do assign, nominate, constitute and roak« our beloved John Cloudsley, now bayliff of the said city, to be the first and modern bayliff of the said city, to continue in the said office till the said Monday before the feast of saint Michael the archangel, next ensuing, and from that day till some other be chosen, preferred and sworn to the said office, according to the ordinances, and constitutions in these presents expressed and de- clared, if the said John Cloudsley shall so long live. And further we will, and by these presents, for us, our heirs, and successors, do grant unto the mayor, aldermen, and citizens of the city afore- said, that the common-council of the said city, or the majcr part thereof, from time to time, in all times to come, shall and may have power and authority yearly and every }ear, upon Monday before the feast of saint Michael the archangol, to assemble them- selves, or the major part of them, in the guildhall of the said city, or in any other convenient place within the said city-, to be limited and assigned according to their discretions, and tl. tinye till they, or the major part of them then assembled, shall v | and 5*4. and nominate one of the citizens of the said city, to be mayor, and another of the said citizens to be bayliff of the said city, for the year next ensuing, and that they after they shall be so (as is mentioned) elected and nominated mayor and baylitf of the said city respectively, before they are admitted, to execute the said several offices, shall take their corporal oaths upon the holy gospel of God yearly, upon the said Monday before the feast of saint Michael the archangel, before the last mayor his predecessor (who for the time shall be) according to the antient custom of the said city, well and faithfully to execute the said offices respectively in all things relating to the said offices, and after the said oaths so taken, the said offices of mayor and bayliff of the said city, till the said Monday before the feast of saint M ichael the archangel, next ensuing, shall respectively hold, and further from thence ought, may and can execute the same respectively till two others, to the said several offices of ma} r or and baylitf of the city aforesaid, in due manner, by the said common-council, as is before men- tioned, .shal I be chosen, preferred, and sworn. And fulther, we will, and by these presents, for us, or heirs and successors, do grant to the said mayor, aldermen, and citizens of the said city, and their successors, that if it shall happen that the mayor and baylitf of the said city, or either of them, should die at any time hereafter, within one year after they shall be appointed and sworn, as is before mentioned, to the offices of mayor and bayliff of the said city, that then and so often it shall and may be lawful for the common-council of the said city for the time being, or the major part of them, in convenient time, after the death of the said mr .yor and bayliff, or either of them to assemble in the guildhall of the said city, or in any other place convenient in the said city, and forthwith to choose, nominate and appoint another good and fit man, or other good and fit men in the place or places of such mayor or bayliff so dead respectively, and that they or either of them being so chosen or appointed, as is aforesaid, their corporal oaths being first to be takcD, according to the antient custom of the 5§5 the said city, shall have and exercise the said offices, or either of tkem, shall have and exercise the said office during the residue of the same year, namely until Monday before the feast of saint Michael the archangel, next ensuing, and from thence till some others are chosen and sworn to the said office or offices, and so as often as the same case shall happen. And further, we will, and by these presents, for us, our heirs, and successors, do grant to the said mayor, aldermen, and citizens of the said city, and their successors, that they and their successors, shall have for ever one good and discreet man, learned in the laws of this our realm of England, to be chosen and nominated by the common-council of the said city, or the major part of them, from time to time, here- after, who shall be and be called recorder of the said city, to con- tinue in the said office of recorder so long as he behaves himself well in the same— which recorder so to be chosen and nominated by the common-council of the said city, or the major part thereof, shall make and take his corporal oath before the mayor for the time being, faithfully to execute the said office, before he be ad- mitted to the said office of recorder. And further — idem — that they and their successors shall and may have one good and discreet man, to be chosen and nominated from time to time hereafter by the said common-council, or the major part of them, who shall be and be called the common-clerk, or town-clerk of the said city, to continue the said office of common-clerk as long as he shall behave himself well in the same— which common-clerk, as is mentioned to be nominated and chosen, shall take and make his corporal oath before the mayor for the time being, well and faith- fully to execute the said office before he shall be admitted to the said office of town-clerk. We will also — idem— that the mayor of the said city for the time being, shall and may have power, ability and authority to nominate, choose, and swear from time to time, fit men to the several offices of portreeve and customer of the said city, in the same manner and form as hath been here- tofore accustomed in the said city. We have granted moreover, r r and 586 and by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, da grant to the mayor, aldermen and citizens of the said city, and their successors, that the mayor, recorder, and deputy-recorder of the said city, and their successors, during the time they shall happen to continue in the said offices respectively, and also one alderman of the said city for the time being, who was the last mayor of the said city, and three others of the more honest, circumspect and skilful, or the senior aldermer. of the said city for the time being, yearly and every year, upon Monday next before the feast of saint Michael the archangel, may and shall be nominated and chosen by the common-council of the said city for the time being, or by the major part thereof, our justices, and every of them, shall and may be our justices, and of our heirs and successors, as well to keep the peace in the said city, and the liberties and precincts thereof, as to do and execute all and singular the things in any manner touching or concerning the office of a justice of the peace. "Which mayor and three aldermen shall severally make and take their oath before the last mayor for the time being, well and faith- fully to execute the office of justice of the peace, before they or any of them shall execute the said office within the said city or liberties thereof. And moreover we will, and by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, do grant that the said mayor, recorder and deputy-recorder, and four aldermen of the said city, or any three of them, whereof the mayor and recorder, or his deputy, or the alderman who was last mayor of the said city for the time being, we will have to be two, shall or may have for ever full power and authority to enquire, hear and determine in the said city, and the liberties and precincts thereof, as well in our presence, and of our heirs and successors, as absence, all and all manner of murthers, felonies, misprisions, riots, routs, oppressions, extortions, fores tailings, regratmgs, trespasses, offences, and all other things whatsoever within the said city, the liberties and pre- cincts thereof, from time to time, arising or happenning, which any ways belong to, or are incumbent on, or which hereafter may happen 587 happen to belong to, or be incumbent on the office of a justice of peace, or which any way ought or may be enquired into, heard, and determined before the justice of the peace, together with due correction and punishment thereof, and to do and execute all other things within the said city and the liberties thereof, as fully and perfectly, and in as ample manner and form as the justices of our peace, and of our heirs and successors, in the county of Sussex, or elsewhere within our kingdom of England, by virtue of any commission, act of parliament, statute, law or custom, or any other lawful ways whatsoever heretofore have had or exercised, and heieafter may or can have and exercise, and in as ample manner and form as if the same in these letters patents had been specially, and by particular words expressed, contained, and re- cited. And that the justices of our peace, our heirs and suc- cessors, in the county of Sussex aforesaid, or any of them, do not any ways hereafter intermeddle in the city of Chichester, the liberties or precincts thereof, nor have or exercise any jurisdiction in any causes, things, or matters whatsoever, any way belonging to or incumbent on the justices of the peace within the city afore- said, the liberties and precincts thereof, or which hereafter may belong to, or be incumbent on them, from any cause, or in any time arising and happening without our special command or com- mission, our heirs and successors, in that part to be obtained. And that the said mayor, aldermen, and citizens of the city afore- said, and their successors, may have, hold, and receive all and singular the fines and amerciaments to be assessed, perfected, judged, proceeding, happening, or arising before the said justices of the peace in the said city, before any or either of them, for ever hereafter. And that it shall and may be lawful for the said mayor, aldermen, and citizens of the said city, and their successors, from time to time, as often as there shall be need to collect and levy such fines, issues, and amerciaments, adjudged or to be adjudged, or assessed, by the steward or other officers of the said city, who now arc, or for the time shall be, to the use rr2 of 88 of the said mayor, aldermen, and citizens of the said city, and their successors, as the sheriff and officers or ministers of us, our heirs and successors, may, could, or ought to receive and levy the same, for the use of us, our heirs and successors, if they had not been granted to the mayor, aldermen, and citizens, and their successors, without any account or other thing to be given, made or paid therefore to us, our heirs, and successors. And further, idem, that every mayor of the city of Chichester for the time being, shall be our escheator, and of our heirs and successors, within the said city and precincts thereof, during the whole time he shall be and continue in the said office of mayor of the said city. And the said escheator, and his successors, may have full power and authority to do and execute all and singular the things in the city aforesaid, which belong to the office of our escheator, our heirs and successors, in any county in our kingdom of Eng- land, to be done or executed, he having first taken the oath before the last mayor for the time being, well and faithfully to execute and perform the said office of escheator in all things ; and that no other escheator, for us, our heirs, and successors, do any way intermeddle in the city of Chichester aforesaid, or in the liberties or precincts thereof. We have also assigned, nominated, ap- pointed and made, and by these presents, for us, our heirs, and successors, do assign, nominate, constitute, and make ourbeloved sir Richard May, knight, and one of the barons of our exchequer at Westminster, to be the first and modern recorder of the said city, to continue in the said office as long as he shall well behave himself in the same, taking first his corporal oath before Robert Tayer, or Stephen Penfold, or either of them, upon the holy gos- pel, well and truly to execute the said office of recorder and justice of the peace of the said city, to which Robert Tayer or Stephen Penfold, or either of them, we give and grant by these presents, full power and authority to administer the said oath to the said sir Richard May, without any other warrant or commis- sion in that part to be procured and obtained of us ? our heirs and successors, 5^9 successors. We will also, and by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, declare it to be our royal intention that it shall and may be lawful, as well for the said sir Richard May, as for all succeeding recorders of the said city, to appoint another man learned in the laws of England, deputy-recorder, to continue in the said oliice during the pleasure of the common-council of the said city, or the major part of them, having first taken his cor- poral oath before the mayor of the city for the time being, well and faithfully to execute the office of recorder and justice of the peace in the said city, in all things, and so often as the case shall so happen. We have also assigned, constituted, nominated, and made, and by these presents, for us, our heirs, and successors, do assign, nominate, constitute, and make our beloved Thomas Bury, Thomas Miller, Stephen Penfold, Richard Braman, Robert Baker, William Jennings, William Costellow, Henry Peckham, and Robert Thornden, to be our citizens and aide* men of the said city, to continue in the said offices so long as they severally be- have themselves well in the same. We have also assigned, nomi- nated, constituted, and made our entirely beloved cousin Charles duke of Somerset, and our well beloved and right trusty cousin Charles earl of Dorset and Middlesex, and Edward earl of Gains- borough, and also our beloved and trusty subject sir Christopher Conyer, baronet, Henry Goring, baronet, sir John Stapely, knight and baronet, sir William Morley, knight of the bath, the said sir Richard May, John Farrington, knight, Henry Goring, esquire, John Lewkner, esquire, John Alford, esquire, Thomas May, esquire, Thomas Gunter, esquire, John Apsley, esquire, John Peckham, esquiie, John Lawrance, esquire, the said Robert Tayer, William Browne, esquire, William Morley, esquire, Robert Tayer, junior, William Rowse, gentleman, Lambard Barnett, John Williams, Richard Manning, John Cloudesley, James Lane, John Wheeler, William Peckham, enquire, Thomas Brickley, esquire, Pwobert Edmonds, George Gunter, esquire, Henry Brick- Jey, gentleman, Freeman Howse, esquire, Francis Goater, John Harris, 59° Harris, William Shipscay, Thomas Parker, John Page, William Booker, the present portreeves, and William Floid present cus- tomer, to be the citizens of the said city, and shall be of the common-council of the said city, and may and shall be aiding and assisting to the mayor of the said city, for the time being. We will nevertheless, that as well they as the aforesaid aldermen and bayliff of the said city before-mentioned, and every of them, shall first take their corporal oaths before Robert Tayer or sir Richard May, or either of them, well and faithfully to execute the said offices respectively. To which Robert Tayer, or sir Richard May, or either of them, we give and grant, by these presents, full power and authoiity to give and administer the said oath. We have also assigned— &c.— the said Thomas Miller, Stephen Penfold, Richard Braman, and William Jennings, to be the justices of the peace in the said city, to continue the said office till Monday next before the feast of saint Michael the archangel, and from thence till others are chosen, preferred and sworn to the said office, they having first taken their corporal oaths before Robert Tayer or sir Richard May, or either of them, well and perfectly to execute the said office in the said city; to whom the said Robert Tayer and sir Richard May, we do hereby give and grant by these presents, full power and authority to administer such oath to the said Thomas Miller, Stephen Penfold, Richard Braman, and William Jennings. We have also assigned — &c— -- our beloved John Williams and William Rowse, gentlemen, to be our coroners of the said city, to continue the said office during the pleasure of the common-council of the said city, or the major part of them, to do and execute all things which belong to the office of coroner, within the said city and precincts thereof, they or either of them, first taking their oaths, as before, &c. We have also assigned — &c, — -the said William Rowse to be the com. mon-clerk and clerk of the recognizances of the said city, to do and execute all things which belong to the several offices of com- mon clerk fcad clerk of the recognizances, tie 'first taking the oath as 59 1 as aforesaid. We will also that the said Robert Tayer, by these presents, mayor of the city aforesaid, before he be admitted to the execution of the several offices of mayor, justice of the peace, escheator, and clerk of the market, within the said city, shall first take his oath upon the holy gospel, before sir Richard May or Stephen Penfold, or either of them, well and faithfully to execute the said offices— to whom we have given power — as before. - Provided always, and by these presents, we, for us, our heirs and successors, do reserve full power and authority from time to time, and at all times hereafter, at the will and pleasuse of us, our heirs and successors, by any order of ours, our heirs and suc- cessors, made in privy council, and under the seals of privy coun- cil, to remove, and to declare to be removed, the mayor, high steward, recorder, deputy recorder, coroner, town- clerk, clerk of the recognizances, bayliff, or any of the justices, aldermen, common-council, portreeves, and customers of the city aforesaid, for the time being, to them signified respectively, and as often as we, our heirs, and successors, by any such order made in privy council, do or shall declare such mayor, high-steward, &c. or any of them, to be removed from their respective offices, are and shall be ipso facto, to all intents and purposes whatsoever, and really without any farther process, removed, and this so often as it shall so happen, any thing to the contrary herein contained not- withstanding, and then, and in such case, from time to time, as often as the case shall so happen incontinent, after such remove, or removes, another fit person, or other lit persons, shall be chosen and constituted into the place and office, or into the re- spective places and offices, of such person or persons, so removed or to be removed, as before time has been accusiomed in the said city, according to the tenor of these our letters patents.— And further, of our more special grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion, we will, and by these presents, do grant, for us, our heirs and successors, as much as in us lies, to the said mayor, aldermen, and citizens of the said city of Chichester, and their successors, 59 2 successors, that they hereafter for ever, may have and hold, in the name of us, our heirs and successors, a court of record in the guildhall of the said city of Chichester aforesaid, every Monday in every week, before the mayor of the said city, or his deputy for the time being, of all and all manner of pleas, plaints and actions, as well real as personal, and mixt, and of all debts, ac- counts, trespasses, agreements, contracts, detainers, and con- tempts, arising, happening, or to be prosecuted within the said city of Chichester, and jurisdiction thereof — and the same pleas, plaints, and actions, they may hear and determine and give judge- ment thereupon, and make out execution thereof for ever, in the same manner and form, and by the same, and by such like ways and process, by which, and as heretofore they have used in our said city ; and that all juries, pannels, inquisitions, attachments, precepts, orders, warrants, judgments, process, and other things, necessary to be done by them, touching and concerning the causes aforesaid, to be done and executed by the sergeant at mace, to be deputed and appointed by the mayor of the city for the time being, as the law requires and as heretofore hath been used in the said city. And that the mayor, aldermen, and citizens of the said city, and their successors, shall and may have the use and benefit of the said city, and all manner of fines and amerciaments, and other profits, of and in the said court, arising, happening, and befalling, by reason or pretence of the said court. We have granted moreover — &c. — the court leet, law days, and view of frank pledge of all and singular the inhabitants and residents within the said city of Chichester, the limits, liberties, jurisdictions and precincts of the same, and all things belonging to the court leet and law-days, and view of lrank pledge, to be held on the usual days, every year. And further, of our greater grace, we will for us, our heirs and successors, and by these presents do grant to the aforesaid mayor, aldermen, and citizens of the city of Chi- chester, and their successors, that hereafter for ever, they may have and hold three markets in every week, in the said city of Chichester, 593 Chichester, to wit, one on every Wednesday, and another on every Friday, and another on every Saturday, to be held for ever— also one fair, to be held there yearly, upon the feast of saint George the martyr, and to continue and endure for two days then imme- diately following — together with a court of pie-powder, with all liberties and free customs belonging to the said markets and fair. We have granted moreover, and by these presents do grant of our special grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion, for us, our heirs and successors, to the said mayor, aldermen, and citizens of the said city of Chichester, and their successors, that they, and their successors, for ever, may have goods and chattels of felons, fugitives, and out-laws, tenants, residents, and inhabitants, within the city aforesaid, the liberties and precincts thereof, together with chattels called waifes ; so that if any one original tenant or resident inhabitant, ought to lose life and limb for his offence, or hath fled, refused to stand to judgment, or whatsoever fault he hath committed, by which his goods ought to be forfeited, or wheresoever justice ought to be done for the same within the court of us, or our heirs and successors, or in any other court, his goods and chattels then being within the said city and precincts thereof, shall be to the mayor, aldermen, and citizens and their successors, and that it may be lawful for them or their officers, without the let of us, our heirs and successors, sheriffs, bayliff, or other officers of us, or heirs and successors, to take possession of the said goods and chattels, and to have and keep them to the use of the said mayor, aldermen, and citizens, and their successors.*— And further, we will and grant that they, and their successors, may ha e, for the better support of our said city, for ever, all fines, trespasses, and other offences whatsoever, and all post-fines and amerciament, redemptions and issues heretofore forfeited, or hereafter tj be forfeited, from any man or inhabitant of the city aforesaid, aud residing in the same, in any of our courts, our heirs and successors, as well before us, our heirs and successors, in our chancery, also before the treasurers and barons of us, our s 9 heirs* 59i heirs and successors of our exchequer, before the justices of the bench of us, our heirs, and successors, or before the steward, marshall, and clerk of the market, of our household, our heirs and successors, which for the time shall be, and other the courts of us, our heirs and successors, as well as before the justices of assize, at all pleas, and pleas of the forest, and all other our justices and ministers whatsoever, and of our heirs and successors, as well in the presence as the absence of us, our heirs and suc- cessors, as often as men, tenants, and inhabitants, happen to make such tines and forfeits, and incur the amerciaments and issues, which may belong to us, our heirs and successors, if they had not been granted to the said mayor, aldermen and citizens ; so that they, either by themselves, or by the bayliff or ministers, may levy, receive, and have such fines, amerciaments, redemp- tions, post-fines, issues, and forfeitures of the tenants and inhabi- tants, without the hindrance or action of us, our heirs and suc- cessors, our justices, escheators, sheriffs, coroners, or other bayliffs or ministers whatsoever, of us, our heirs, and successors. And also we will, that for the future, they shall and may have the return of writs and precepts, of us, our heirs and successors, and execution of the same, and summons out of the exchequer, within the city and liberties thereof, of all things, or any ways arising within the said city or liberties thereof, so that no sheriff, bayliff, or minister whatsoever of us, our heirs and successors, enter into the said city or the liberties thereof, to execute the said writs ot summons and attachments, concerning pleas of the crown or others as aforesaid, or to do or execute any office there unless in full and true default of them, the mayor, aldermen and citizens, and their successors. ' We will, notwithstanding, and we declare and signify our royal will and pleasure, and by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, we enjoin, command, and for- bid the mayor, aldermen and citizens, and their successors, that no common vintner, inn-keeper, ale-seller, or baker, in the city aforesaid, or the liberties thereof, or any person exercising the aforesaid 595 aforesaid trades, or either of them, there, at any time hereaftar be chosen or admitted to the office of mayor or justice of the peace of the said city — but as to holding and executing the said offices of mayor and justice of peace, he is and shall be disabled and in- capable unless such person fully and wholly leave his said trade respectively, before he shall be admitted to execute the said office of mayor and justice of peace, and do no way for the future directly or indirectly, intermeddle with or exercise the said trade any thing in these presents to the contrary notwithstanding. And we will that they and all the inhabitants of our said city, shall be quiet, and discharged from all suits belonging to the county, and of the hundred or sheriff, and that they for the future shall be quiet and discharged from tolls, lastage, passage, pontage, picage, scul- lage, pannage, murrage, or chimage, and other like customs and usages whatsoever, through all our kingdom of England, as the citizens and inhabitants of the said city, or liberties or precincts, have wont and been used to have been eased and discharged.— We have granted moreover, that none of them, or any inhabitants or residents within the said city, or liberties, or precincts thereof, be put or impanneled with foreigners or foreigner with them, in any juries, at the assizes, or any inquests taken which arise by reason of lands and tenements in the said city and liberties thereof, but that the juries of the said assizes and inquests, be made and taken only of the said citizens and others of the said city, unless the matter concern us, our heirs, and successors. And more- over, of our greater grace, and certain knowledge, and mere motion, we grant and ordain — &c. — that every mayor of the city of Chichester, for the time being, be clerk of the market, that he have, hold, and occupy the office of clerk of the market within the said city and the liberties and precincts thereof, together with all and singular the things any ways belonging to the said office. And that every mayor of the said city for the time being, may and do execute all things which belong to or are incumbent on the office of clerk of the market in the said city and liberties s s 2 thereof, 59 6 thereof,, first taking oath before the last mayor, his predecessor, well and faithfully to execute the said office without the trouble or hindrance of us, our heirs and successors, or any other ministers or officers whatsoever. We have granted also — &c. — that for ever hereafter they shall or may make and have within the said city and liberties thereof, assize and assay of bread, wine, ale, and other victuals, also of measures and weights whatsoever — that they and their successors, for the better keeping of the assize in the said city and liberties thereof, may and shall take such punish- ments of bakers, and such as break the assize (namely, to draw such bakers and such as b^eak the assize, upon tumblers, through the streets of the said city, and punish them in any other way) as and in like manner as is used in the city of London upon bakers and such other offenders. And moreover we will — &c. — that the steward, marshal, clerk of the market of our housheld, our heirs and successors, henceforth do not sit within the liberties of the said city, nor exercise their offices there, nor do any thing within the said liberties which belong to their offices-, nor any way draw any citizens or inhabitants of the said city, r o r r any person residing in the liberty thereof, to plead out of the liberty df the said city lor any matters arising or to arise within the said city. And further, out of our greater grace, certain knowledge, and meer motion* we will, and by these presents, for us, our heirs and suc- cessors, "do grant to the said mayor, aldermen, and citizens, and their successors, that from henceforth for ever, the mayor of the city, for the time being, shall and may have power and authority to take all manner of recognizances of debts and executions to be made thereupon, to do, execute* and exercise ail things which belong to the recognizances of debts, according to the form of the statute of merchants of Acton Burnett, lately made. And that from henceforth for ever, there shall and may be a clerk in the said city to serve for such recognizances or statutes there, accord- ing to the form of the said statute of Acton Burnett. And the said clerk shall be from time to time chosen, assigned and nomi- nated 597 nated by the common-council of the said city for the time being, or the major part of them — and he may have, hold, and exercise the said office after he hath been sworn before the mayor for the time being, so long as he shall behave himself well in the same, and that the mayor have the seal serving the said office. We have granted— &c. — that all and every the coroners, constables, chamberlains, and all other officers of the said city, hereafter to be chosen, shall be for the future chosen at the same time and in the same manner and form as lately they, or either of them, have been wont to be chosen, created and made; so that if any coroner, or other officer of the said city, after he or they have been chosen, shall die within a year after his or their election, or shall be re- moved for any cause from the said office, then the mayor for the same time being, within twenty days after the remove or death of any such officer next following, may choose as hath been usually one other, two, or more of the citizens of the said city, in the place of him or them so dead or removed, as often as need shall require, without any leave from us, our heirs and successors, first had or obtained — and that he so elected and preferred, shall have and exercise the said office, during the residue of the said year he first taking his corporal oath for the good and faithfully exe- cuting the said office in the form aforesaid. And further, of the same our grace, and for the consideration aforesaid, we have granted and given leave, and by ihese presents, for us, our heirs, and successors, as much as in us lies, do grant and give leave to all our subjects and liege people, and to every body corporate and politick, that they, or any of them, may or can give, grant, sell, alienate, or bequeath to the said mayor, aldermen, and citizens of the said city, and their successors, for ever, lawfully and without blame, all messuages, lands, tenements, reversions, services, or other possessions or hereditaments whatsoever. And we grant also special licence by these presents, to the said mayor, aldermen, and citizens, and their successors, that they may and shall lawfully and without blame, hereafter have, receive, and obtain, 59§ obtain for tliem and their successors for ever, such messuages, lands, tenements, revenues, reversions, services and hereditaments of all our subjects and liege people, and of every body corporate and politick whatsoever, or any of them, and that without any writ of ad quod damnum or any other writ whatsoever, to be had, obtained or prosecuted for the same, from us, our heirs and successors. Also we have granted in like manner and given licence, and by these presents, for us, our heirs, and successors, do grant ancUgive licence, as much as in us lies, to all our sub- jects and liege people, and to every body corporate and politick, that they or any of them, may lawfully give, grant, sell, alienate, bequeath, or legace any messuages, lands, tenements, revenues, reversions or hereditaments whatsoever, without the said city of Chichester, wheresoever it shall be in our kingdom of England, to the yearly value of two hundred marks to the mayor, aldermen, and citizens of the said city, and their successors for ever. And we do in like manner grant and give special licence to the said mayor, aldermen, and citizens, and their successors, that they shall and may lawfully without blame hereafter, receive and take such messuages, lands, reversions, services and hereditaments whatsoever, of all our subjects and liege people, and of any body corporate or politick, or any of them, and that without any writ ad quod damnum, or any other writ or warrant whatsoever to be had, obtained, or sued out of the same, any way for us, our heirs and successors, notwithstanding the statute of Mortmain, or any other act, statute, ordinance, law, provision, prohibition, or restriction, heretofore had, made, ordained, and provided, or any other matter, cause or thing, to the contrary hereof notwith- standing. And further, of our greater grace, certain knowledge, and meer motion, we will, and by these presents, for us, our heirs a »d successors, do give and grant, restore and confirm to the said mayor, aldermen, and citizens, and their successors, such and so many of the manors, messuages, lands, merchants' guilds, and. all other guilds, ports of Undering and Horcmouth, all 599 all and singular fares, tolls, petty-customs, anchorage, keglidge, measurage, customs, liberties, privileges, franchises, immunities, exemptions, quittances, rights, profits, powers, jurisdictions, as well by land as by sea, goods, chattels, debts, credit, as well real as persona], advantages, emoluments and hereditaments whatso- ever, which the citizens of the said city, or the late mayor, alder- men and citizens of the said city, or the mayor, orbayliffand com- munity of the said city, or any or either of them, by what name or names soever, or by what incorporation or pretence of any corporation whatsoever, which they heretofore had, held, used, and enjoyed, or ought to have had, used and enjoyed, by reason or pretence of any charters, grants or letters patents, by us, or our lord James the rirst, late king of England, or any of our progenitors, late kings, and queens of this our kingdom of Eng- land, any way heretofore made, confirmed, and granted, or by any other lawful way, usage, prescriptions, or title, in as ample manner and form as if in these presents they had been par- ticularly, and severally specified, and expressed, any statute, ordinance, or restriction, to the contrary hereof, in any way notwithstanding, yet nevertheless under the limitations and re- strictions aforesaid, and the rents and services to us therefore due and payable. We will moreover, and by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, do grant to the said mayor, alder- men and citizens, and their successors, that this our present charter, so generally made to them, shall and may be, in all and every thing of the same force and effect as if all and every the aforementioned things were more specially, legally, and particu- expressed and specified in our said charter, and that it be understood, judged and determined, to the greater favour and benefit of the said mayor, aldermen and citizens, and their suc- cessors, against us, our heirs and successors, as it may be best known and understood, notwithstanding any omission, contradic- tion, contrariety, defect, or other matter or cause whatsoever. And also of our greater grace, certain knowledge, and meer mo- tion, 6oo tion, we have pardoned, remised, released, and quit claimed, and by these presents, for us, our heirs, and successors, we do pardon, remise, release, and quit-claim to the aforesaid mayor, aldermen and citizens, and the late mayor, aldermen and citizens, and their predecessors, all and all manner of actions and suits whatsoever, of quo warrantoes, also all and singular other non- uses, abuses, forfeitures, usurpations, intrusions, and unjust claims whatsoever, of liberties, franchises, jurisdictions, lands, tenements and hereditements whatsoever, done, made, proclaimed, used, had, or committed by the mayor, aldermen, and citizens of the said city, or by any other name or names, or by any other in- corporation, or pretence of any corporation whatsoever, before the date of these p resents — and of all and all manner of fines, amerciaments, mulcts, and other forfeitures by reason of such usurpation, intrusions, non-use, abuse, or unjust claim, and that they and every of them, may and shall be from that quit and discharged by us, our heirs, and successors for ever, not willing that they or either of them, by reason of the premisses, should be molested or vexed in any thing, by us, our heirs or successors, or justices, sheriffs, or ministers whatsoever. Provided always, and we declare our royal will and pleasure, that the mayor, aldermen, justices, officers, ministers, and citizens of the said city, and their successors, shall noway have and exercise any authority or juris- diction within the cathedral-church of the Holy Trinity of Chi- chester, nor within the Close of the said church, but that the said church be in all things free, as well in their persons as houses and lands, within the Close aforesaid, from the authority and jurisdiction of the said city, to God's glory and service, although that express mention be no ways made in these presents, of the „ true yearly value or the certainty of the premises, or any of them, or of any other gifts and grants by us or any of our progenitors or predecessors, heretofore made to the mayor, aldermen and citizens of the said city, or any other" statute, act, or ordinance, proclamation, provision or restriction heretofore made, had, used, ordained, 6oi ordained, and provided, or any other cause, matter, or thing whatsoever, in any ways notwithstanding. In testimony whereof we have caused these our letters to be made patents— Witness ourselves at Westminster, the twenty seventh day of March, in the first year of our reign. By writ from the privy-seal for fine in the Hanaper-office, 31. 6s. 8d. PIGGOTT and GUILFORD, The following Particulars having been overlooked in the proper place, that they may not be omitted entirely, are inserted here, IN the Doomsday- book we are informed that forfeited to the king (Henry I.) by Robert de Belesme, the last earl of Chichester, of the Montgomery family. From the eleventh to the sixteenth year (inclusive) of Henry III. the city was in the hands of the king's brother, Richard earl of Cornwal : at which time, or soon after, it was restored to John Fitz-Alan, earl of Arundel, together with his other honours and estates. What time the fee-ferm, or rent, was demised or granted to the citizens is not certainly known : it is very probable that it was in the reign of king John ; for early in that of his successor, Henry III. we find that Chichester paid annually 3Sl. 10s. by half-yearly payments, to the sheriff, Herbert fili : WaJteri.* It continued in the hands of the citizens during T t the • Mag. Rot. 15. Hen. Ill, titulo Sudsex, 6 02 the reigns of Edward III. Richard II. Henry IV. Henry VI. and other succeeding kings, a little reduced, namely at 361. per ann, (Madox Firm: Burg: p. 13, and var : loc) By a careful examination of the boroughs in England in the Doomsday-book, it appears that the average rent of a house at that time, in the southern division, was not more than ten pence a year. If we suppose that those in Chichester let, one with another, at a shilling a year — that twenty shillings made a pound, and that the number of all of them wa$ four hundred; on deduct- ing the manor houses {126, which have no right to be reckoned in that account) the remainder will be 274, and the produce only 13!. 14. (at the highest calculation), leaving a deficiency of 24L l6s. of the rental at which the city was valued. There can be no doubt but the harbour, ports, and customs of the place, were included in the valuation : whether these were equal to that sum, I take not upon me to determine ; but find nothing else that can be brought forward to enable us to solve the difficulty. In the twenty-second and twenty-third of Charles II. an act of parliament was passed for vesting the fee-ferm of this and other boroughs mentioned therein, in the hands of trustees, for the sale of the same. A few years ago (not more than six or seven) the corpora- tion bought of lord Feversham the fee-ferm of 31. 19s. Of per annum, for 1101. nearly at twenty-eight years purchase. The whob is now bought up, except the small sum of 21. 13s. 7d. a year which they pay to Mrs. Tempest. In the year 13<)4 (eighteenth of king Richard II.) John Felix, bailiff of Chichester, was amerced 13s. 4d. for not attend- ing at the sessions of the peace to do his office. For the recovery of which fine, a summons was issued from the exchequer to the sheriff, Nicholas Slyfeld : on the return of which the said sheriff, declared upon his oath that John Felix had no lands or tenements whereon 6o3 rvhercon the debt might be levied. On which the barons, con- fiidering that as the said John Felix himself was insolvent, and the king ought not to lose his due, the inhabitants (incolae) of Chi- chester, who had chosen the said John into that office, ought to pay the fine aforesaid : whereupon they awarded a writ of scire facias to warn the citizens (cives) of Chichester to appear at the -exchequer to shew cause why, &c — Upon this writ the sheriff (Edwardus Seint Johannes) returned that he had warned John Castell and Thomas Pacchyng to appear before the court of ex- chequer to propose and do as the said writ required. They, the said John and Thomas did not appear— whereupon the court gave judgment — " That the said John Castell and Thomas Pacchyng, be charged to the king with the said debt." See Madox de firm. Burgi p. 187. Four miles north-west of Chichester is West-Stoke, the pleasant residence of the right honourable lord George Lennox, who represented this county in three parliaments, to the year 1790. A small distance from which, and five miles almost north of Chichester, is West-Dean, the seat of the right honourable lord Selsea. In the twenty-sixth of Edward I. a. d. 1298, Gilbert Pecche (baron) was summonsed to attend the king at Carlisle, * cum equis et armis." — In the eighth of Henry VI. (1430) John Peach, esquire, was sheriff of Kent at the time that Perkin Warbeck landed at Sandwich. He was attacked by the sheriff, routed, and forced to fly: 150 of his followers were taken and sent to London, by this valiant and vigilant magistrate, who was knighted on the occasion—" many of them were hung there (London,) and the ki rest of them on the coasts of Kent, and the neighbouring coun- " ties." (See Stowe's Annals, p. 4S0.) I have not the least doubt but lord Selsea is descended from this man of Kent, though, their names are spelled differently. There 6©4 There is in the vicarage garden at Bosham, at this day, a marble relick of great antiquity: It goes by the name of Beavois's head; but that is an error. It never wab designed as such. Its barbarous sculpture, and want of proportion, shew it to be of German manufacture. It appears to have been a Thor— the Jupiter of the antient pagan Saxons; and it may be was brought there by the adventurers who accompanied Ella, or those who followed him after he had reduced this part of the country. ft- , ,*,^ - ,, , 1 m , sas 605 CONCLUSION. If any indulgent reader has travelled with me so far over a very extensive, and sometimes a sterile plain, without being weary of his guide ; let me enjoy the satisfaction of thinking I shall induce him to smile at our parting, by closing my Appendix with an Epigram written by the late residentiary Mr. Clarke,* upon the Latin words inscribed on the Richmond vault, in the cathedral. 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