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AN 
 
 ORATION 
 
 psosouncED 
 
 AT SAUGUS, JULY FOURTH, 
 
 1815, 
 
 THE ANNITERSAUY OF AMERICAN INnEPENDENCE. 
 
 BY M. HALL, Jr. 
 
 Res cum re, c.iusa cum causa, ratfo cum ratione 
 piignabit CtcF.RO. 
 
 boston: 
 
 PH. ST ED BY T. B. WAIT & SONS 
 
 181.1. 
 

 N 
 
The undersigned committee, appointed by the citizens of Sau- 
 gus to wait on Mr. Hall to request him to give them an Oration 
 on July 4, last, return thanks to him for the patriotic Oration 
 he delivered, and request a copy for the press. 
 
 ROBERT EMES, 
 ZACHERIAH MANSFIELD. 
 Mr. Moses Hall, jun. 
 
 Saugus, July 6^ 1816. 
 
 SAUGUS, JULY 7, 1815, 
 GENTLEMEN, 
 
 Sensible of the high and distinguished honour you have confer- 
 red on me by this application, I cannot but comply with it. But 
 while I thus bend to your wishes, I must sue for those elevated 
 
 charities which cast in the shade many imperfections : not 
 
 doubting but I shall meet with them in all their benignity, when 
 you remember my youth, the ill state of my health, and the 
 paucity of the moments allotted me for this production. 
 
 Respectfully yours, 
 
 M. HALL, JUN. 
 Robert Emes, Esq. 
 Mr. Zach. Mansfield*^ 
 
ORATION. 
 
 MY FELLOW CITIZENS, 
 
 There is a beauty and grandeur in the scene, 
 which fills my mind with sublime perceptions, and 
 my heart with the most delectable feelings, when a 
 great and happy people throng annually to their 
 hallowed temples, to celebrate the memorable era 
 of their national Independence. 
 
 Is there any in this assembly who have heard 
 and who remember the events which gave birth to 
 this bright anniversary, and can look with cold- 
 hearted indifference and stupid apathy on its periodic 
 return 1 — No, I would not think there is one here 
 who does not feel as he ought on so brilliant an oc- 
 casion. He who cannot perceive, who cannot affix 
 a proper estimate on the blessings of rational liber- 
 ty, cannot be expected to mingle in common with 
 us grand and delectable feelings. 
 
 When our progenitors first came to this country 
 they found it a howling wilderness : — The Indian, 
 brutes and birds, were tenants in common of the 
 dismal shade, which, tangled and matted, was almost 
 impenetrable to the solar beam. The soil had never 
 
been subdued by the hard hand of ai^riculiure. 
 Rivers, on whicli commerce had never spread her 
 milky sail, and minor streams which are now sulv 
 servient to the wants of man, were seen to ran2;e 
 unmanaged, and to waste their waters in the wide 
 bosom of old ocean, or dissipate them in reedy fens 
 and sleeping stagnant pools-. 
 
 The aboriginals were fierce, numerous, warlike 
 and hostile to our fathers; — though hospitable to 
 friends^ yet implacalile to enemies; and they looked 
 on our fathers as their enemies, and were ever 
 plotting their utter extermination. The faith and 
 sanctity of their treaties were never thought bhid- 
 ing, when they found themselves the stronger of the 
 two. The pilgrims' (as our sires were called) 
 dwellings were often assaulted, plundered and 
 burned, and the wretched inhabitants tomahawked 
 and scalped. Pestilence and famine leagued with 
 those horrors, and presented death in every ghastly 
 shape ! Three thousand miles from their parent 
 state, the only soiu'ce of succour, where their cries 
 and groans could not be heard. 
 
 The wintry hour, long, cold, stormy and dreary. — 
 Thus circumstanced, our brave progenitors reared 
 the standard of liberty I " Where liberty dwelt, 
 there was their country." Her divine spirit sus- 
 tained them in every danger, through all their 
 reverses of fortune. They chose rather, with the 
 illustrious Polander, to have liberty with clanger than 
 securiti/ with ignominious slavery! 
 
 *'0 Liberty, can man resign thee, 
 Once having caught thy sacred flame; 
 Can dungeons, bolts, or bars confine theej 
 Or scorpions whip thy spirits tame! ! !'' 
 
 Anon, (we see in a retrospect of those dismal 
 times,) the wild man of the desert retire, and our 
 sires advance. We see their towns increase, their 
 
population multiply. And, what just before was an 
 howling wilderness, o'erspread with bramble, and 
 noisome weed — the solitary abode of untutored 
 man, devouring beasts and hooting oavIs, became the 
 habitation of civilized man; — and was made to 
 rejoice and blossom as the rose. During these events 
 our parent state had humbled the house of the proud 
 Bourbons. — The maritime nations of Europe, long- 
 jealous of her naval superiority, now had the mor- 
 tification to see Neptune present her with his tri- 
 dent. But though her victories had been brilliant, 
 the expenses of her wars, and her well known libe- 
 rality, added millions to her public debt. Proud of 
 her conquests, elated with her victories, with the 
 laurel still green round her temple, and glory still 
 radiating from her coronet, she rose in tremendous 
 majesty and cast a haughty look over the Atlantic 
 wave, and declared her right to the purse strings of 
 her children here, without recognising our right to a 
 representation in her parliament there. Over our 
 heads outstretched the threatening arm of oppres- 
 sion, and shook with deafening clank the massive 
 chain of slavery. The trifling sums she would 
 have exacted from her colonists, would not have 
 been an object worthy of a solitary hard thought, or 
 sigh, or murmur from our countrymen. They were 
 willing to contribute their pittance to lighten the 
 heavy burden of our mother country; and only 
 objected to the mode, or principle, she had employ- 
 ed to raise contributions. — The right of taxation 
 they were willing to admit on their part, if the right 
 of representation were admitted on the part of Great 
 Britain. But was the Lord North administration 
 willing to admit a principle of reciprocal advantage ? 
 No. — Flatteries, persuasions and threats were em- 
 ployed by them, and all Avith equal effect. Dis- 
 gusted at their flatteries, unseduced by their persua- 
 
sives, and undismayed hy their threats, our patriotic- 
 sires resolved to confront every attempt on their 
 chartered rights, however disojuised by artifice, or 
 openly enforced ])y terror. They canvassed in a 
 cahn, dispassionate manner the probable conse- 
 quences of a ir«re resistance to encroachment, and 
 those of a timid surrender of right. Tliey had long 
 felt the blessings of peace, and in the event of non- 
 resistance they were to be continued : but they were 
 not the men to sell their birthright for a mess of 
 pottage ; nor could they enjoy the promised bless- 
 ings while the jjrctension of Great Britain like the 
 sword of Damocles hung threatening over them. — 
 The tremendous scene now opened. Long, ardent, 
 and bloody was the conflict. But the Almighty 
 saw fit to decide it in favour of the children of 
 
 LIBERTY. 
 
 Our minds naturally run along the dark events of 
 (hat hour, which tried of what stuff' men's souls 
 were made ! And what do we see ? — a legion of 
 ruthless myrmidons let loose on our beautiful coun- 
 try, to burn, sack, scatter death, blood and carnage, 
 and stupifying dismay ! We behold a chosen band 
 of heroes preparing for the terrible onset, unap- 
 palled at the sight of these myrmidons of mischief, 
 snatching their sleeping sabres from their scab- 
 l)ards, and appealing " to the Supreme Judge of the 
 World for the rectitude of their intentions.'' 
 
 In times of public calamity and danger the vn- 
 eommon virtues and extraordinary talents of man, 
 have, for the most part, shone most conspicuous. 
 And here then was offered an occasion which chal- 
 lenged and developed the excellences of men, of 
 whom all the world talk, and admire ; who gave 
 freedom to a country, and shed additional glory on 
 the human race ! — Look through the portals of the 
 temple of fame, — they occupy the highest niche. 
 
and appear in full stature ; while below, the gods 
 and heroes of antiquity, the mere butchers of the 
 human species, dwindle into insignificance, and seem 
 conscious of being umvorthy of a place in their ma- 
 jestic presence. Washington, the Adamses, Han- 
 cock, Warren, Gates, Hamilton, Montgomery, 
 Mercer — and where shall I end the far famed wor- 
 thies, who flamed as a pillar of fire, in the dark night 
 of our revolution, to guide our benighted Israel 
 through the wilderness of trouble, to the promised 
 fruition of the blessings of freedom ! 
 
 If it be possible, let us repress the bitter re- 
 proaches of indignation, amid the disgusting recol- 
 lection of the bloody inhumanities of the British 
 armies during that calamitous time. Let us not 
 forget, that they received no countenance, no sanc- 
 tion from the British nation. And that the blood of 
 our slaughtered countrymen rests only on the heads 
 of the imprudent and corrupted administrators of 
 her government at thai time. Let us, therefore, 
 repress all unmanly resentment for the wrongs 
 we have suffered from our parent country, and hail 
 them as we would hail the rest of nations — " enemies 
 only in war, but in peace, friends." — It is a quality of 
 the liberal mind to pass from those things which de- 
 base human nature, and to fix on those more con- 
 genial with its constitution, and honorary to man. 
 At the close of our revolution, a scene unfolded to 
 the world, as unexpected as astonishing, and asto- 
 nishing as extraordinary. To see an intrepid, vic- 
 torious and warworn araiy, returning from the field 
 of blood and slaughter, marred with cicatrices, 
 disfigured with amputations, but covered with 
 glory, bending to the tranquil pursuits of domestic 
 life — is a scene indescribably grand and affecting. 
 The prophetic scene rushes through our mind, when 
 warriors shall convert their sw ords to ploughshares, 
 
and tlieir f^pears to scylhes, and lygcrs lie liamiless 
 with lambs. We found them in nar terrii^le as a 
 famished lion, but in peace, harmless as the vernal 
 lambkin. 
 
 Most revolutions in the governments of the world, 
 have only had for their ol)ject the downfal of the 
 tyrant, or, if the subjects aimed at the abolition of 
 the tyranny, they all came far short of their object. 
 But in our own, the world beheld both of these 
 effected, and at one effort. And they saw the wis- 
 dom of our sages employed in condemninjjj the cob- 
 web, the imperfect mode of legislation resorted to 
 during the war; and a new and free constitution of 
 government pass the ordeal of public inquisition. 
 A new and elegant political edifice is erected on 
 the ruins of the old, of better materials and more 
 finished workmanship ; combining all the choice 
 principles and perfections of the old, with none of 
 its defects. You have seen each state or political 
 division of this grand federal republic, assume to 
 itself, by consent of the whole, collectively, the 
 right, power and burden of its internal or local le- 
 gislation ; with a guarantee from the states, collec- 
 tively, for the integrity of such internal and separate 
 legislation. And all effected with few syinptoms of 
 disquietudes and jealousies ; little commotion, civil 
 or popular; events which beggar the annals of 
 nations for parallels. 
 
 The Spartan lawgiver had less extent of territory 
 to apply his system to, and fewer minds to govern ; 
 yet he met with more opj)osition in his reform. 
 
 A spectacle, instructive and interesting, now re- 
 galed the eyes of the expectant world. To view a 
 society in the incipient stages of its political exis- 
 tence, to observe the gradual development of its 
 principles, and by what means it attains those cha- 
 lacteristic traits which unpress the stamp of nation- 
 
ality, is what modern ages ardently desired. — 
 Among speculative men, and practical statesmen, it 
 has ever been a problem, whether a country, em- 
 bracing a large extent of territory and much popu- 
 lation, could for any considerable length of time, 
 and without the continual danger of the usual tran- 
 sition from freedom to despotism, be governed by a 
 constitution of government on the principle of free 
 or popular representation ! — Remote from the ene- 
 mies of freedom, a fair opportunity now offers to 
 such inquisitors to witness a decision on that impor- 
 tant problem. — Thus far have we progressed in re- 
 solving the doubts of mankind. But whether our 
 future progress will be as promising, time only can 
 determine. — Yet from the character of the great 
 body of the American people, their genius, sim- 
 plicity of our manners, the geographical position of 
 the country, the singular concatenation of northern 
 and southern interests, the nature of oiu- soil, 
 the influence of our climate from the proportion the 
 several interests bear to each other ; our unshaken 
 attachment to liberty, and utter detestation of a ty- 
 rant ; — and last of all, the peculiar nature and princi- 
 ple of our constitution of government, we may 
 indulge the most gratifying anticipations, without 
 incurring the charge of ignorance or extravagance. 
 To persuade men to submit to such a government 
 as ours, how necessary it is to attack and show the 
 absurdity of those prejudices, which are known to 
 be the worst enemies in all republics, and which are 
 spreading like Mayweed and bramble in our coun- 
 try, to the detriment of that which it is our true 
 interest to cultivate. These prejudices or false no- 
 tions persuade many of our misguided citizens, that 
 there is need of wo government, or, what is the same 
 thing, that a democracy is sufficient. 
 
In a free country, like ours, eveiy thino; dear to 
 us seems to depend on a g(?neral information on 
 this point, that civil exactions are no invasions of 
 just liberty, or that obedience to wholesome laws 
 is not huoirinfij the chains of a tyrant ; and that the 
 i^overnment is instituted for the people's benefit, and 
 not (as their jealousy and prejudice would persuade 
 them) for the exclusive benefit of the governors. 
 One and the same kind of government, is not appli- 
 cable to every people, and all countries. A demo- 
 cracy may have been suited to Athens or Sparta, but 
 it is not suited to our country. It is pregnant with 
 many evils, and the harbinger of despotism. The 
 wisdom of the statesman may be seen in the conge- 
 niality of his system with the genius, habits, and cha- 
 racter of the people he governs ; and the wisdom of 
 the people in knowing when it is proper to obey it. 
 And their character may be determined by their 
 government. 
 
 When Solon had instituted the government of 
 Athens, he gave them, as he said, as much liberty 
 as they could bear. And did not the Hebrew legis- 
 lator do the same with his people ? — I w^ould ask 
 those people who are such advocates for a democracy 
 in our country, whether a republican government 
 were found applicable to Great Britain in the days 
 of her Cromwell? To descend to a more modern 
 date. Did unhappy France find it suited to her peo- 
 ple in the days of her Robespierre ? As little appli- 
 cable is a democratic government to our country. 
 
 Every people will be governed by as good a go- 
 vernment as they deserve. Did either France or 
 England deserve the governments they pretended to 
 struggle for ? — They, who hurl vengeance at a tyrant 
 for wrongs he has done them are worthy of free- 
 dom : but they, who abuse liberty for \\qy favours are 
 only w orthy of a tyrant ! 
 
11 
 
 Let lis not mistalce a harsh spirit of party for the 
 mild spirit of liberty, as was the case in those un- 
 happy countries ! 
 
 The spirit of party is the sworn enemy of libeily. 
 Under the malignant influence of this spirit a man 
 forgets himself: — he professes to be a friend to liber- 
 ty, and steps fortli, with the enthusiasm of warm 
 devotion, as her champion. He holds freedom of 
 speech as a common right : but in his inflammatory 
 zeal for it, denies it to another whose opinions may 
 differ from his own ; forgetting, that the divine spi- 
 rit of liberty extends privileges equally to all: and 
 the Satanic fiend of party restricts them to a few I — 
 The spirit of party must ever be looked for in a 
 commonwealth. 1'here all its good and bad efTecta 
 will be felt. Tliis arises from the peculiar constitu- 
 tion of free governments. This spirit, in its best 
 influence, is like the friendly zephyr, that gently 
 agitates the fields, the woods and lakes, which, with- 
 out its motion would settle in a torpid calm, and 
 send forth a pestiferous vapour, obnoxious as the 
 deadly ujmSy and desolating as the Persian semeyel. 
 In its worst influence it is not unlike the furious 
 whirlwind, which, after all the mournful ravages of 
 its ruthless progress, exhausts its fury and subsides 
 in the same deathlike tranquillity which preceded 
 its commencement. 
 
 I beseech you, my countrymen, for the love of 
 heaven, to guard against the frantic excesses of this 
 spirit. Whether it shall increase its malignity and 
 end in such horrible proscriptions, and inhuman 
 butcheries as was witnessed at Rome in the days of 
 Sylla and Marius ; whether it shall introduce the 
 ostracism and exile our just Aristides ; or pour out 
 for the divine Socrates the fatal draught of hemlock; 
 — whether it shall enter and pollute our altars de- 
 voted to Astrea, and our Sidneys and Russeh die 
 
12 
 
 piartyrs; whellier it shall burst out in sucii blind 
 extravao;ance,such wild and maddening; fury as inun- 
 dated France in human blood, and raised a blood- 
 thirsty Robespierre to power; or, whether it shall 
 again disi:;race any section of our country with such 
 outrao;e on justice and humanity, as w hen the brave 
 Lingan perished ; whether ally or such as any of 
 these melancholy scenes will disfigure any age of 
 our country, w ill depend on a reciprocal moderation 
 of the parties which at present or hereafter may 
 divide our citizens. Even in our own country how 
 many friends have been separated, how many ruined 
 friendships by this infernal spirit. And even those 
 who have drawn nourishment from the same mater- 
 nal bosom, divide in its fury, and forget the endear- 
 ing sw^eets of that fraternal unity which is the bond of 
 amity and the ligament of heails. 
 
 It will tix the circular tri-coloured badge ; hold 
 out the red and pale roses of distinction ; and demand 
 from our lips the Shibboleth of discrmiination. Who 
 has not witnessed the natural tendency of the human 
 passions and atfections in one individual, to excite 
 corresponding ones in another. He, then, who sus- 
 pects all others Avill find all others suspect him in 
 their turn. If one party suspects another of unjust 
 views, it will be suspected of the same by the other, 
 and thus is laid the ground work of everlasting sus- 
 picion, misrepresentation, and all their concomitant 
 evils. 
 
 Let us never suspect mischief from another, with- 
 out valid proofs of his disposition to it, of whatever 
 political party he may be. If this be observed, the 
 parties in our country will conduct their measures 
 with more moderation and with equal effect. And 
 those indecent criminations and tart rejoinders which 
 we so often hear and are disgusted with would lose 
 much of their vulgarity and asperity, and prove a 
 
13 
 
 fair step toward abating party malignity. — This 
 hateful spirit enlists all passions and prejudices in its 
 service, and, like Aaron's serpent, swallows up 
 all the subordinates. It has assailed our commerce, 
 defamed her character, and fixed on her the unme- 
 rited stigma of reproach. But it has blundered and 
 injured our agriculture, the very cause it has pro- 
 fessed and designed to advance ! In a country like 
 ours, peopled with a brave, hardy, enterprising and 
 intelligent race, occupations may naturally be ex- 
 pected to divide the pursuits of the citizens. We 
 may look for the merchant, agriculturist, and manu- 
 facturer. Their several interests become one and 
 indivisible. 
 
 It has been alleged that commerce opens a mul- 
 titude of sources to corruption, that no laws can 
 divert or purify ; no public virtue proof against. — I 
 admit, that a long and profitable intercourse with 
 idtramarine countries, may produce a partiality for 
 foreign manners, customs, and policies, with their 
 merchandise. Every one knows the influence of a 
 relative charm. We love the place that furnishes 
 us with those productions whiclf administer to our 
 necessities or gratifications, as we do the productions 
 themselves ., and this partiality may, in some cases, 
 even so far pervert the minds of some individuals, 
 that patriotism may be sacrificed a victim to it. 
 But who had not rather love and inhabit where those 
 productions may be enjoyed in quiet, than the 
 country where they are produced ? 
 
 Commercial pursuits allure from the other pur- 
 suits of society. Disgusted with those patient assi- 
 duities, necessary in agricultural and mechanic em- 
 ployments, in our approximations to wealth or 
 competency, and infatuated with the speedy ad- 
 vances which commerce promises, men are often 
 seen to abandon those other employments and en- 
 
14 
 
 fage in comaierce. But society sustains no injuiy 
 y such transition. It is the natural and common 
 tendency of all tliinsjs to produce an equilibrium or 
 balance. Jf by desertions one branch of life's pur- 
 suits becomes too much thinned and another too 
 much increased, the circumstance will soon rectify 
 itself. And tlie impolicy of legal interference to 
 regulate it must be obvious. — I'he solitary ancho- 
 rite, wrapped in sublunated specvdation, amid the 
 gloom of his cell, may fashu?n systems to regulate 
 the mere visionary mischiefs of every occupation. 
 But a day's (ixperiment will convince him of their 
 futility. And an hour's reflection afterward of the 
 impolicy and absurdity of all such attempts. 
 
 It is admitted, that commerce tends to those vast 
 accumulations of wealth, which is unfavourable to 
 the equality so necessary in a republic. And that 
 this wealth exposes nations to continual wars against 
 the rapacity of avaricious invaders. If commerce 
 bring together this seductive allurement for any ra- 
 pacious adventurer ; she also furnishes her equiva- 
 lent means of annoyance and defence against him. 
 But what becomeB of such allegations against her 
 when balanced with the solid truths in her favour! 
 Her influence on the human mind is apparent in 
 every civilized country. She produces a liberal ex- 
 pansion of the human heart, sublimates our man- 
 ners, brings a flood of useful and agreeable intelli- 
 gence, invites to patriotism, and slieds an unspeak- 
 able chann over the face of the earth. The vast em- 
 pire of Russia was but yesterday a horde of savages. 
 Ignorance and barbarism defonned the face of that 
 region. But, now, visited by commerce, old 
 scenes have disappeared, and the wretched, the un- 
 couth and dirty Russian, has emerged from his dis- 
 gusting barbarism, glittering in arts, in arms, and all 
 the polish of civilized man. 
 
15 
 
 Were it not for commerce, the cultivator of the 
 soil would raise no more produce than would sup- 
 ply his immediate wants. Were the exertions of 
 man confined only to the supply of mere natural 
 wants, the face of the world would assume a very 
 different aspect. It is the factitious wants which 
 ^ive a spring and elongation to human activity. 
 Without them a retrocession to primitive barbarism 
 must ensue ; the veri/ state, which it is man's glory 
 to have emerged from. 
 
 It is a capital error, that places commerce among 
 the enemies of freedom. 
 
 The most free and intelligent countries have been 
 commercial, and the most despotic and ignorant 
 have been agricultural. And, nations uniting the 
 benefits of both, have at one tinae been free and 
 another time in chains. It is evident, there have 
 been faults some where that Avill account for such 
 mutations. And we shall not find it in their agri- 
 culture, neither in their commerce; but in their 
 abuses of them. But shall we not partake of these 
 blessings, because others have injined themselves 
 by their abuses 1 
 
 What shall we say of that man, who would deny 
 us the use and benefits of fire, in that forbidding- 
 season when life's fluids are ready to petrify with 
 cold, because, possibly, by accident, our own and 
 neighbour's dwelling may be wrapped in conflagra- 
 tion ! Or what shall we say of hun, who would ex- 
 tinguish the effulgent luminary of heaven, because 
 it is possible it may kindle a fever in our veins ! No 
 less absurd would he be, who would deny us the 
 enjoyments and benefits of commerce from an ap- 
 prehension that her indulgences may possibly injure 
 our country. The breeze, which to-day spreads a 
 delectable fragrance, may to-morrow spread a suf- 
 focating vapouj'. To-day it may send health and 
 
16 
 
 vitality ; to-morrow, pestilence and deatli. But who 
 ^'oiild not partake of the blessings of to-day, (or fear 
 of the possible evils of to-morrow ! Then let us away 
 with those disgustinj^ prejudices, and narrow politi- 
 cal systems, which would lear from us the comforts, 
 the blessings of life, for the visionary apprehension, 
 that they may possibly be abused, or that some enemy 
 may come and take them away from us ! 
 
 Nor are these prejudices of some among us di- 
 rected against commerce alone. Of all prejudi- 
 ces there is none more predominant, none more 
 absurd, none more dangerous, than that which in- 
 duces us to distrust another, because his learning, 
 wealth, or situation, may differ from our own ; be- 
 cause he cannot join issue with us on political topics. 
 A defective min(J will ever suspect its own deformi- 
 ties in another. Like a jaundiced eye that casts a 
 false shade on every object, it cannot be made to per- 
 ceive that the fault is in itself. The honourable ac- 
 quisitions of the intelligent man is looked on with 
 jealousy. And he is considered so much the more 
 formidable to liberty, as he is learned, wealthy, and 
 intelligent. But while I would deprecate unfounded 
 and unmanly jealousies and prejudices, I would 
 not be understood to condemn a wise caution. — 
 Tliv? opportunities these prejudices have to do the 
 7nost mischief are at our periodic elections. Then 
 their shapeless uncouth labours are seen, and their 
 malignant influence felt. Then the men most be- 
 loved by the discerning for the amiable qualilies 
 of their hearts, most esteemed for the soundness 
 of their heads, are the victims of ignorant and 
 cowardly distrust ; while the ignorant but artful de- 
 magogue, destitute of almost every merit, is too 
 often the favomite of the people's hearts, and the 
 successful angler for their electoral suffrage. Can 
 the 4emagogue, who, at our elections, encourages 
 
17 
 
 those habits among the people, he is bound to dis- 
 courage^ who flatters their vanity at the sacrifice 
 of truth, who pampers their vices at the hazard of 
 their health, who descends to vulgarity at the sacri- 
 fice of decency, be a fit claimant of their confi- 
 dence, a faithful trustee of their liberties and rights, 
 when he is not de facto so much as a friend to their 
 health and morals and his own respectability ? No. 
 Such an one, however he may profess to be the 
 friend and defender of the rights of the good people, 
 ought to be watched with a legion of sleepless vigils, 
 each having all the eyes of Argus. Absalom blew 
 the trumpet in Israel, and voAved in Hebron to relieve 
 their mere ideal miseries, and involved his unfortu- 
 nate countrymen in all the rea/ miseries of a desolat- 
 ing civil war. The salutatory kiss of .Tudas was fol- 
 lowed by an act of perfidy. The embrace of Joab, 
 plunged a dagger in the loins of the unsuspecting 
 Amasa. The softening caresses of Delilah brought 
 ruin on the mighty Sampson. And the soft melody 
 of the Syren bewitches the unsuspecting mariner, and 
 allures him to the coral reef, to strand his bark, and 
 seals his doom for ever. No less treacherous have 
 demagogues been, and are, in all popular countries, 
 and no less bitter have been the consequences of 
 bending to their seductive fascinations. Let such 
 never enjoy our confidence, and he never will betray 
 it. Let none command our suffrage, who is not well 
 known in private life to be a man of probity and 
 intelligence. Uemember, that he, who was found 
 unfaithful over one talent, was deemed unworthy 
 of any further trust. He, who in a private station, 
 disregards the common maxims of justice, will have 
 no scruples of conscience about the sanctity of an 
 inaugural oath, for he cannot but know, that moral 
 obligations in private life without an oath are no less 
 binding than in public life with one. And he who 
 . 2 
 
dares act llic villain, in one case, will for the same 
 reason, in the other. The great barrier to crime 
 being passed, the way to it is unobstructed by any 
 sacred impediment; and the passage to it usually 
 rapid and certain. 
 
 Let us also guard, with equal circumspection, 
 those candidates for popular favour, who may be 
 infected with foreign partialities or antipathies. An- 
 tiquity has been full, modern ages full of the melan- 
 choly consequences of indulging these dangerous 
 atfections. 
 
 Why should we be partial to France for an act of 
 cool policy, rather than as some affirm and believe, 
 an act of rvarm affection^ during the revolutionary 
 scenes ? Or why encourage a deadly antipathy to 
 England, for the blunders of her ministers and cruel- 
 ties of her aimies during the same time ? 
 
 Did France love the colonies any more than Eng- 
 land ! Does national love burst in on a defenceless, 
 pcacefid frontier, let loose the savage blood-hounds 
 of war to drink the blood and banquet on the yet 
 palpitating heail of our countrymen ? If this be theii* 
 love, what can their hate be ! 
 
 He, who looks for disinterested favours from any 
 nation, will find it, when nations have no designs of 
 ambition or no interests to defend. Did not the 
 tremendous Hannibal at nine years old, sware on the 
 altar to be an eternal enemy to the Romans ? Here 
 was imbibed at an early age a hatred which increased 
 in malignity Avith his years, fed by continual hostility 
 of Rome, and acquired force by an habitual indul- 
 gence. And what Avere the bitter consequences of 
 such folly ? He brought disgrace and death on him- 
 self, and on his unhappy country all the calamities 
 of an hundred-years-war, conducted with all that 
 rancour of malice, and those detestable acts of per- 
 fidy, which the human mind revolts at, and which 
 
19 
 
 such national hate may be expected to give birth to, 
 together with the final extinction of his nation. Let 
 us search for the people who once rose and flourish- 
 ed in the delightful region of Palestine. Can we 
 find them ? Here and there a solitary few are ob- 
 scurely scattered among all those very people they 
 so heartily despised, hating all, and hated hy all ! 
 
 The Swiss have, till the invasion of their country 
 and destruction of their liberties by the intrigues 
 and ambition of Bonaparte, had a partiality for the 
 French nation, and furnished recruits for the armies 
 of her spoilers ! 
 
 Imprudent Switzerland, we find thee struggling 
 in the miseries of thy inconsiderate folly. Unhappy 
 Switzerland, why so blind to thy best interest. Why 
 suffer the hungry polypus of Europe to grope with 
 his rapacious arms among thy sacred mounts and 
 rocks, and to seize and devour with appalling avidity 
 the flower of thy hardy youth ! Could the sons of 
 Tell endure such outrage on their right? Where 
 those clubs, formidable as Hercules, that once dash- 
 ed in pieces the brazen crowned helmets of thy Aus- 
 trian tyrants ! 
 
 In our own country, a partiality for France, and 
 hate to England, once let loose all the infernal pas- 
 sions of the ignorant, and has often threatened us 
 with the deprecated consequences of such folly. 
 Such are the effects of national partialities, and such 
 the effects of national antipathies. The valedictory 
 voice of the hero and father of our country warns 
 us against them. When Washington speaks let all 
 the nation hear, and to what he says, let all the people 
 shout. Amen. 
 
 The prejudices of our countrymen have been 
 seen to favour a course of policy professedly intend- 
 ed to bring about equality of interests, when it struck 
 a deadly blow at commerce, Avhich they think unfa- 
 
^ 20 
 
 voiirable to the purpose of that polic} . J3iit there is, 
 in fact, no such thing as tliis equality which some 
 are so infatuated with. Nor can any system of po- 
 litical economy be devised, or at least found in a 
 practical experiment, able to effect such a chimerical 
 purpose. 
 
 Divide your wealth, place all our citizens on an 
 equality this year, and on the next, unless your 
 statutes tye up the hand of industry, by for ever 
 limiting territorial possessions and pecuniary profits ; 
 — unless your laws can make the elements equalize 
 their feililizing influence on every man's land ; — 
 unless you can control fortune and bid her send her 
 favours equally to all — the equality is gone. 
 
 It is no less for the benefit of man, in society, that 
 the right to acquire property to an imprescriptible 
 amount be maintained, as that the possession of it 
 be secured. 
 
 What did the famous Spartan reformer? Did he 
 not abolish a monarchy, where there could be no 
 equality from the nature of such a government, and 
 divide the lands ; — burn the deeds of former posses- 
 sors, and destroy for ever the validity of former titles 
 in Sparta? 
 
 The Romans did the same, and both fortified the 
 possessions of their citizens by legal barriers. Yet 
 notwithstanding all the caution of the Spartan and 
 Romans, notwithstanding the congruity and apparent 
 applicability of the Spartan system of laws, and the 
 small extent of territory to which they were applied, 
 we find systems like every thing else of human origin, 
 depending on the character and constitutions of the 
 people they are intended to govern for durability, 
 invaded, broken in upon, and finally destroyed. 
 Thus we find mankind in every country, not more 
 willing to be fettered by systems, than by chains. 
 if, however, any principle of government can be 
 
21 
 
 devised and applied to happify the general condition 
 of a people, the particular exceptions, as such there 
 will be, offer but faint allegations against its adoption. 
 
 But, we shall find that is the best which is free from 
 the narrow infection of systems ; — which allows com- 
 merce, agriculture, manufactures, all, to progress 
 unrestrained. The hand of government is often like 
 that of an unskilful pruner, who, intending to detach 
 superfluous ramifications, to the annihilation of the 
 tree, dooms the most essential and prolific to excision. 
 Although, in many cases, private convenience must 
 bend to public expedience ; yet, in adopting the 
 systems of either Rome or Sparta, in such a country 
 as ours, to bring about equality, what manifest injus- 
 tice would follow. Oppression and injustice is still 
 oppression and injustice, whether proceeding from 
 the Ottomon Sultan, Napoleon Benapaile, a Pro- 
 tector, Doge, or President of the United States; 
 whether palliated by the plausible allegation of pub- 
 lic expedience or not. 
 
 A government, liberal as the last mentioned, will 
 be found like Aaron's rod, to blossom and yield solid 
 fruit ; the dry systems of speculative men, like the 
 rods of the rival princes, in the sanctuary of experi- 
 ment, will prove unproductive of honour to the in- 
 ventor, or profit to their people. 
 
 The blessings of such a government are beginning 
 to be felt in our highly favoured country. And, as 
 long as we are worthy of it we shall have it. And 
 we have every incentive to that rectitude of con- 
 duct, which is the faitliful and true test of national 
 worthiness. Even in the geographical position of 
 our country, the varieties of the soil and the beau- 
 tiful diversification of its face by mountains and 
 plains, rivers and lakes, we find much to inspire us 
 with patriotism and to that rectitude of conduct. 
 Far from the sultry and dissolving heats of the tor- 
 
^22 
 
 .rid zone, on the one liand ; and far irom the petrify- 
 ing rigors of the frigid, on the other. 
 
 Submissive to the hand of Agricola, our soil pours 
 forth, in redundant measure,the bounties of Poiviona 
 and the retmns of Ceres into the lap of the husband- 
 man. The labour required to draw out these bles- 
 sings is just suffieient to expand his frame, invigo- 
 rate his sinews, and impart elasticity to his muscles. 
 Its effects on his mind are no less happy. It gives 
 a sprhig, a vigor, and serenitudc to his thought ; 
 far from the vapid levity of the Frenchman's, and as 
 far from the gross stupidity of the Ethiopean's. 
 
 If we are disaffected with our country, will it be 
 said it is for tlie want of a good one ? If we are not 
 persuaded of its natural and political advantages, it 
 cannot be alleged that we have no opportunities of 
 being apprized of them. If we are not satisfied with 
 the present share of civil liberty, let us remember that 
 we are human, and unless the invisible iiumen shall 
 inspire us with his divinity, or array us in angelic in- 
 nocence, we cannot rationally expect to possess 
 more than our happy government and laws allow. 
 
 Fellow citizens at arms. — The most noble achieve- 
 ments recorded in the annals of republics have been 
 performed by citizen soldiers. The plains of Mara- 
 thon, and strait of Thermopyl3e witnessed the bra- 
 very of men in defence of their country and liberty. 
 As military establishments, or standing annies, have 
 ever been considered inimical to the libeilies of 
 commonwealths, as the instruments of tyranny in all 
 its deformity and of usurpation in all its rapacity, 
 the defence of our commonwealths devolves on the 
 citizen. — The great and predominant evil observa- 
 ble in our militia has been defect of discipline and 
 want of a spirit of subordination. But improve- 
 ments in discipline are daily appearing, and that spirit 
 of insubordination disappearing. Subordination i'^ 
 the soiil of discipline. It is a maxim, that ho \\Jif» 
 
23 
 
 knows not when to obey, will riot know how to com- 
 mand. When all command, none obey. The 
 prompt obedience of the private is as necessary as 
 the skill, conduct and orders of an officer, and is 
 no less honourable. 
 
 " Honour and shame from no condition rise, 
 '* Act well your part ^ there all the honour lies." 
 
 Let the right to bear arms be esteemed sacred, 
 never to be surrendered. Let the ordinary military 
 duty be esteemed a pleasure and not an imposed task 
 or disgusting toil. Remember you are then pre- 
 paring yourselves to defend your happy country 
 from the foes of its liberties and glory. In the coini- 
 tries of tyrants the citizen is not permitted to bear 
 arms, formidable to none but tyrants. 
 
 Citizen Soldiers, should ever a foreign or domes- 
 tic tyrant insult you by daring to command you to 
 deliver up your arms, may you send him back the 
 Spartan answer. Come and take them ! Remember the 
 right to bear them looks for safety, and fears no 
 violence while you retain them ! 
 
 If superior skill in the science of war, and atten- 
 tion to the duties of the field in the officer; if supe- 
 rior discipline and respect for the orders of an officer, 
 and promptitude and obedience by the private, per- 
 form such brilliant wonders in the armies of Eu- 
 ropean mercenaries, who never mount the breach, and 
 mingle with the flame streaming from the death-deal- 
 ing cannon's mouth for liberty ; what may not be ex- 
 pected from a well organized and well disciplined 
 corps of /rcemert, glowing with an unshaken love of 
 liberty, when called to contend for the rights of the 
 €itiz€n,\hQ dignity of the man, the^/oryand honour of 
 the soldier ! 
 
 In the hour of danger from foreign or domestic 
 enemies, the eyes of all our country's friends arc 
 upon, their heart rvith, and Iheir prayers /or you, — 
 
^24 
 
 Wlien 5 oil march to battle, they present yoii with 
 a sacred trust of honour, the defence of tlieh- country 
 and then" libeilies for safe-keeping;. They expect 
 yon will never let an enemy plant his triumphant 
 banner on the citadels of our coinitry, and profane 
 the hallowed sod that embosoms the slumbering 
 manes of our sainted patriots, who fell maiiyrs in 
 the cause of liberty. 
 
 When tyrants get possession of a land of freedom, 
 they insult the departed shades of its heroes. Every 
 monumental pile is beaten down, that not a solitary 
 vestige be left, as a rallying point for the children 
 of liberty, when maddening into fury by insuflerable 
 oppression. — We look to you as the defenders of our 
 UNION ; anfl trust that the brave militia will never 
 allow the gordian knot of our union to be severed 
 hy the snord of our enemies j when the bribes of 
 venality, the foreign ministers of intrigue, or the 
 domestic instigators of disaffection, can never suc- 
 ceed to unloose it. 
 
 When our country calls you to the field of Mars 
 in 3. just waVy we have nothing to fear. But engage 
 not in a mad war of conquest ; rather let your sabres 
 slumber in then' scabbards, then use them to the in- 
 jury of your happy country ; and may you return 
 from the toils and dangers of the field, amid the 
 shouts and plaudits of your country, with the waving 
 banner on which victory may have written her 
 name ; w hile the arms of love and friendship are open 
 to receive you. 
 
 If I were to pass over, unnoticed, the w^ar we have 
 lately closed, I should disappoint many expectations; 
 I shall, therefore, without equivocation, give you my 
 sentiments on that point. — Whatever may have been 
 the motive of that war, it was, in my apprehension, 
 undertaken at the hazard of almost every thing dear 
 to us. As the pretensions of our enemies were of a 
 
 1 
 
25 
 
 singular character, the manner of resistance on our 
 part, was no less singular. — Embargoes, non-inter- 
 course interdictions, apparently to coerce our ene- 
 my, all forming a systematic plan, were proposed and 
 applauded ; received and applied ; found incompe- 
 tent, and rejected. — The only resort left for coercion 
 was a war, which, under the peculiar circumstances 
 of the American people, and those of the leading 
 belligerents of Europe, must be considered as very 
 unwise and very inexpedient. The fears on our 
 part, that a neglect for a few years to maintain a 
 right, by the ultima ratio of nations, may be construed 
 into a renunciation of it, were certainly chimerical. 
 
 Remonstrance, if not so daring as an appeal to 
 arms, to vindicate claims and redress wrongs, was 
 surely more safe, and no proof of national inability, 
 want of spirit, or inclination to defend our rights 
 against invasion from any quarter. — The relative 
 conditions of nations is analogous to that of indivi- 
 duals. Competitions and quarrels must be expected 
 to arise between them. 
 
 The measmes of the rights of nations, in the two 
 capacities of belligerent and neutral, should be 
 founded on principles of reciprocity. Nations have 
 found it both convenient and expedient to admit 
 such measures. But, what they admit and defend 
 at one time, we find them meanly quibbling about 
 and disputing at another. Can tins palpable contra- 
 riety in their conduct, and contemptible contradiction 
 in their language with the transforming power of 
 Proteus, make that right at one time, which was 
 wrong at another. 
 
 The principles of right are as eternal as the great 
 AUTHOR of them. — When we became an independe^^t 
 people, we were entitled in common with other Na- 
 tions to the rights of sovereignty. Then let us 
 maintain them. Let us never abandon a right to any 
 nation through partiality^ or deny to another thAr 
 
^ 26 
 
 r\g\\li\irou<i\ituilijMthj/. If we do not deieiid our 
 own rii2;ht.s and n^dress our own wrongs, we may rest 
 assured no nation will be so kind and accommodating 
 as to do it for us. But, let us all dispassionately 
 reflect on the expedience of the mode, and consider 
 whether the object be attainable by a resort to it ; 
 and, if attainable, w hether sufficient to balance the 
 hazard of such a resort. 
 
 Let us never give a sanction to, by enduring those 
 arbitrary and oppressive measures, we have seen 
 impoliticly resorted to ; and w Inch, while they pre- 
 tended to have for their object a redress of ulterior 
 wrongs from nations, invade and jeopardize interior 
 rights of citizens. 
 
 Tlie bond of our confederation invests a power 
 with congress to regulate, but not to destroy com- 
 merce. 
 
 The manner in which the war has been prose- 
 cuted, has been directly subversive of that design 
 which led the northern section of our country to ac- 
 cede to {he federal compact; and it has been evincive 
 of that hostility to northern commerce, more to be 
 dreaded than all the famous orders in council, or all 
 the empty decrees of Bonaparte. We can meet 
 our enemies in open and declared war, and vanquish 
 them. But that insidious hostility to commerce, 
 conducted by a regular system of governmental 
 war measures, is not so easily opposed, not so easily 
 guarded against, because not so easily suspected or 
 understood ! 
 
 The conquest of the Canadas seemed to be another 
 object of the war, and, perhaps equally incompati- 
 ble to the solid interests of the nation as that hostili- 
 ty to commerce. No conquest ever added to the 
 happiness of any people. It ranks among the proxi- 
 mate causes of the ruin of many nations, now swept 
 from the eailli. 
 
It would tend to our strength, our common safety, 
 our union, and should ever be our policy to have 
 some separate people, or even enemies, on our 
 frontier. There is such a thing- as a nation being 
 too secure from ulterior dangers. Do we ask for 
 confiiTiation ? The chronicles of nations tetm with 
 examples. 
 
 After the states of Greece had subdued their 
 foes, or gained those signal advantages ov^er them, 
 as to render themselves secure from even the ap- 
 prehension of danger or invasion from them, what 
 did they, but present to the Avorld a shameful, un- 
 sightly tragedy, that beggars all description ! Their 
 reciprocal jealousies gave birth to the most deadly 
 animosities, and these animosities were the precur- 
 sors of furious and calamitous civil wars, that ended 
 in the depopulation and final extinction of many 
 beautiful and poAverful states. 
 
 When Rome had humbled or conquered her 
 enemies without, do Ave not find her the sport of the 
 worst of enemies, intrigue, faction, proscriptions, 
 assassinations and bloody butcheries within. 
 
 Is it not the proper work of the statesman, or 
 ruler, to diffuse happiness among his people ? Is that 
 not the ultimatum of every wise political institu- 
 tion ? Has not the statesman either lost sight of his 
 proper object, or mistaken the best means to ad- 
 vance his people to it, when projecting a conquest 
 of a territory, and adding it to one already by far 
 too extensive ? A nation bewitched with and bend- 
 ing to the charm of conquest, will, certainly, bring 
 on its head the blood of the slaughtered, the crime 
 of injustice, the mingled reproaches of the conquer- 
 ed and its own posterity, and lay the ground work 
 of their own ruin. — Has Spain been more secure 
 from internal mischief, more happy since her South 
 American conquests ? Have they added to lier na- 
 
^ 28 
 
 tioiial respectability .' No ; she is not only moi'e un- 
 happy at liome, })ut has spread lier miseries like 
 contagion abroad. Sunk into absolute national in- 
 significance, with all the gold of Potosi at command, 
 she is but a beggar in Europe. Her commerce sits 
 lingering and ready to expii'e on her seaboard, while 
 her agriculture stands leaning beneath some soli- 
 tary tree, with head reclined, and downcast eyes, 
 repining at neglect, and the hum of industry scarce 
 heard in her factories. 
 
 Nor has France advanced in happiness by her 
 rage and restless spirit of conquest and domination. 
 Has she made a single people she has conquered 
 more happy ? Ask the Fleming, the Saxon, the 
 Italian; and above all ask the generous Helvetian, 
 whether he were better or happier under the domi- 
 nion of the iron-crowned colossus of Europe, than 
 while under his own government? Were his slum- 
 bers more refreshing ; — did he rise to his labour 
 with more serenity ; — did the echo of his rocks, or 
 the murmur of his waterfall, linger more sweetly in 
 his ear ? He will answer you with sighs and tears at 
 the obtruding thought of his departed liberty, and 
 bursts of indignation at the inhumanities of his op- 
 pressor. And — 
 
 " For his country he sig;hs, when at twilight repairing, 
 To -wander alone on liis wind-beaten hill." 
 
 rJ? How much more nohle and great does the hardy 
 
 Swiss appear in the weakness of his amiable sim- 
 plicity, than the blood-thirsty miscreant, his oppres- 
 sor, made nohle only by power, and great only by 
 villany ! 
 
 Rome did, indeed, incorporate all her conquests 
 into their empire ; but it proved her ruin. And, 
 the conquered parts, like the woodbine clinging to 
 the elm, rose when she aspired, and perished when 
 
29 
 
 she fell. The policy of Rome appears to favour aii 
 opinion, that she wished to be rather a great, than a 
 good nation ; rather a powerful, than a happy one. 
 
 But, if we are determined to incorporate any peo- 
 ple into our confederation, let it be done by the 
 consent of the parties concerned ; and not by a brutal 
 and desolating war, at the hazard of our liberties 
 and price of our ukion. 
 
 It does not yet appear, that a single object of the 
 war has been attained. The hateful subject of im- 
 pressment is left where we found it at the com- 
 mencement of the war. Our enemy it seems has 
 made no concession on that point. But we had the 
 mortification to see our own government assume 
 the extravagant principle of maritime practice, de- 
 termined on by the treaty of Westphalia, and en- 
 forced or defended by the armed neutrality, at the 
 same time. — Was there wisdom manifested by the 
 American government in assuming this principle \ 
 Was there temperance ? Our own public acts, af- 
 terward, disavowed the principle, by an express law 
 against employing foreign mariners, either in our 
 public or merchant vessels ! 
 
 The colonial West India trade likewise remains 
 in the same disorderly state as before the war. 
 
 The Canadas remain unconquered, and the ex- 
 traordinary principle of blockade, only receded 
 from, because there is no occasion to enforce it. 
 What, then, have we gained by the war ! — It has, 
 indeed developed many important truths, some of 
 which were obvious to all the world before. — It has 
 discovered to us the immense resources of our 
 country : but it has also discovered, (what had been 
 expected) how impotently those resources may bo 
 applied, by a government apparently more solici- 
 tous for its own popularity, than to repair the wi'ong 
 of the nation. It has given public virtue a fair test, 
 
l)v })rc!?eiiting aii opporluiiily for suft'emiice. It haf 
 proved our naval and military prowess, by pointing 
 out an enemy, the best calculated to test it. It has 
 proved the attachment of New England to the 
 UNION and tlie best interests of the United States, 
 and expunged the odious and false charge of disaf- 
 fection to it. 
 
 Here, in our own state, the aspect of things was 
 gloomy. A dismal cloud hung convolving over our 
 heads, and the prospect before us was forbidding, 
 rendered more so by the retrospect of past de- 
 lights, and the adoption of a comse of policy, the 
 best, and ingeniously calculated to place our state 
 in the back-ground of national significancy. The 
 chances of employment, the wages of labour, and 
 the prices of life's necessaries, (discarding the pri- 
 vations of the accoimnodations of life) bear no just 
 proportion each to each. The circulating medium, 
 disappeared " like the baseless fabric of a vision" — 
 and what hope was there of our fisheries, and trade 
 byond the African cape. The manufacturer was 
 hurried into adventures by a contemptible and in- 
 famous tantalism little suspected. And we saw with 
 regret, a continued and alarming emigration, which 
 threatened to depopulate this respectable state. I 
 cannot contemplate on the manner in which the Avar 
 has been prosecuted by the govemment with any 
 pleasure, although my bosom will ever thrill with 
 delii'-ht w^hen I think on the virtue, the bravery of 
 my coimtrymen, and their military achievements 
 during it. \ could, hideed, run along the disgusting 
 climax of the wrongs and insults we have received 
 from foreign powers, mark their specific enormity, 
 and scan the ineflcctual mode we have seen adopted 
 to bring the reparation due to a brave, a worthy, 
 but insulted people. But, I forbear, and obsei-ve, 
 that wiiatever be the mode hereafter resoded to, to 
 
31 
 
 €flect so important a purpose, we have little to ap- 
 prehend of its efficacy if we have wisdom at the 
 head of the nation, and are united. Let us, if possi- 
 ble, be united ; we have seen the bitter consequen- 
 ces of disunion in nations and states. Divide and 
 conquer, is the insulting motto of every tyrant, in 
 designs against the liberties of a free people. So 
 certain is it that union is the ark of their only safe- 
 ty. Washington, in the pathetic language of a kind 
 parent, has charged us to be united. Let us follow 
 his counsels, if it be possible. He loved his coun- 
 try. Let us love it. He toiled at labour, more 
 dangerous and continued than that of Hercules, and 
 proved to the world it was the labour of love. Here, 
 suffer me to dwell for a moment on the actions of 
 this great and good man. He shone, the desig- 
 nating star in that bright constellation of heroes, 
 which rose in our political horizon, during the tre- 
 mendous dark night of our revolution, and, which 
 brightened in glory and increased in magnitude, and 
 gave this perfect day of our country's freedom. 
 Other warriors may have gained more brilliant bat- 
 tles, but none closed so glorious a campaign. Other 
 warriors have fought to enslave y but Washington, to 
 give freedom. The Roman Caesar saw so many 
 charms in a crown, that he thought nothing too great 
 to hazard for one. Wealth was nothing ; moral 
 honesty was nothing ; the peace of his country was 
 nothing, when a crown was to be had by the hazard 
 or sacrifice of either or all of them. But, with 
 Washington, a diadem had no such charms. His 
 throne was based on the hearts of his countrymen ; 
 while the glory of his actions formed a brilliant 
 crown of never fading lustre for his head. Who is 
 not proud to belong to the country which gave him 
 birth? Who does not delight to contemplate his 
 viilues? And who of his countrymen does not feel 
 
!2;rateful lor his matciiless services to his country ? 
 Let us show our regard for him by listening to his 
 counsels, that on the future returns of this anniver- 
 sary, posterity may not be mantled in grief, and 
 circle the cypress round their drooping heads ; — bid 
 their minstrels hang their harps on the willows, or 
 play a mournful dirge for departed liberty and glo- 
 ry ; — that they may search in vain for the name of 
 America on the catalogue of unworthies who sold 
 their liberties to a despot. Here, in Massachusetts, 
 the children of liberty, in the hour of danger, first 
 dared the stern tyrant ; and here will liberty still find 
 her faithful defenders. And should tyrants league to 
 drive her from the world, as the mountain has ever 
 been sacred to her, let her last flight be seen from the 
 apex of her mountain sanctuary in Massachusetts. 
 There will her sons rally round to defend her till 
 the last, encouraged by the hope of retaining her in 
 tkis world; for her nex I flight will be soaring to the 
 celestial regions, fiom whence she descended to 
 bless the race of man ; while the voice of our ^^ fa- 
 thers blood cries from the ground'^ to anunate them. 
 " My sons, scorn to be slaves." 
 
 THE END. 
 
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