@ 
 
 
 FIVE APPEALS 
 
 TO 
 
 AMERICAN PATRIOTISM 
 
 ISSUED BY 
 
 HONGWANJI MISSION 
 
 HONOLULU, T. H. 
 
FIVE APPEALS 
 
 TO 
 
 AMERICAN PATRIOTISM j^ 
 
 Declarltion of Independence 
 Washington's Farewell Address 
 Monroe's Seventh Annual Message 
 Lincoln's Gettysburg Speech 
 Wilson's War Message 
 
 Issued by 
 The Publishing Bureau of Hongwanji Mission 
 Honolulu, T. H. . 
 July 1st, 1917 
 
Mil 
 
 
 1 \%\1 
 

 It? 
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 Preface (Rev.) Y. Imamura. 
 
 Introductory Letters Governor Pinkham. 
 
 " " W. R. Farrington ... 
 
 R. O. Matheson 
 
 Declaration of Independence 1 
 
 Farewell Address George Washington 9 
 
 Seventh Annual Message ... James Monroe 33 
 
 Gettysburg Speech Abraham Lincoln 37 
 
 War Message Woodrow Wilson 41 
 
 Appendix 55 
 
 International Song P. H. Dodge 83 
 
 *9 
 
PREFACE 
 
 Rev. Y. Imamura 
 
 Owing to the earnest admonitions of the representative 
 of the Citizenship Educational Committee,our Hongwanji 
 Mission began to take its part in the work of enlightening 
 the young Japanese minds two years ago. To my great 
 satisfaction, the first general meeting held at the Japanese 
 High School under our auspices was a success. Since then 
 we have been doing our utmost to help out the work ot 
 the campaigners by counsel, suggestion, or taking the 
 young men under our gidance to the meetings. We have 
 now two representatives in the supervisoiy committee. 
 That we have been unable to make particular and sub- 
 stantial contribution toward the end in view has been, 
 however, my constant regret. 
 
 Now is the time for those living in this country to be 
 more than mere spectators. The life of gratitude and 
 thanksgiving is a fundamental principle of our fellow- 
 believers. Today is the most opportune time to evoke 
 this spirit in their minds, and thus we have begun our 
 movement toward the control and conservation of food 
 supplies. Since the United States has declared that a 
 state of belligerency exists between this country and the 
 German Empire, President Wilson has read his war-mes- 
 sage before the joint session of Congress, and the War Bill 
 for $7,000,000,000 has been rushed like a shot through the 
 Legislature. America is now alive with patriotism. 
 This affords a splendid opportunity for inspiring the 
 American spirit in the sons of the soil, and the President's 
 now famous proclamation with its elevated devotion to 
 
democracy, furnishes the very text for inculcating true 
 Americanism. 
 
 Pne writer has gone so far as to call it one of the four 
 historical papers, the others being the Declaration of In- 
 dependence, the Farewell Address of Washington, and 
 the Gettysburg Speech of Lincoln. This led to the re- 
 reading of these papers. As to the first, it is needless to 
 make any comment. As to the second, we find there the 
 father of his country, out of solicitude for the well-being 
 of his fellow citizens, urging them with the disinterested 
 freedom of a departing friend, to perpetuate union and 
 brotherly love and to maintain a free constitution. Lin- 
 coln's speech, concise and short as it is, will never be for- 
 gotten, if only for the one phrase "The government of the 
 people, by the people, for the people." These four ad- 
 dresses together with the seventh annual message of Pre- 
 sident Monroe, in which one finds the text of the famous 
 doctrine bearing his name, are well worth reading and 
 re-reading by any American whatever his origin. These 
 must be put into memory just as ''the five vows" of the 
 late Emperor of Japan, his Edict on Education and his 
 Proclamation of 1908 are memorized by almost every 
 Japanese. They are the right and long wanted scripture 
 of American spirit, and I hope they will be adopted as 
 such in the education for American citizenship. 
 
 To facilitate the right understanding of the message 
 these scriptures bear to the minds of our young, I have 
 taken pains to make a Japanese version of them, aiid 
 here it is printed side by side with the originals. This, I 
 hope, will also afford to the parents of the young men born 
 here the chance of access to, and appreciation of the Ame- 
 rican spirit, which, heretofore, has been wanting. Those 
 of Shinshu faith are earnest in the belief that m Shinran- 
 
ism is the foundation of their spiritual life, and that the 
 laws of the land are the foundation of civil life. Since we 
 live in this country, we must be faithful and obedient to 
 the laws of the country. Moreover, it is generally con- 
 'sidered that those who firmly believe in religion and faith- 
 fully obey the national laws are the most desirable citi- 
 zens. To be faithful and obedient to the Land of the 
 Stars and Stripes, one must thoroughly understand the 
 spirit of the country. In order to do this it will be most 
 desirable to truly comprehend the aforesaid five appeals 
 to American patriotism, 
 
 (Rev.) Y. IMAMURA, 
 
 Hongwanji Mission, 
 
 Honolulu. 
 
INTRODUCTORY LETTER 
 
 June 1st, 1917. 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, Juno 1, 1917. 
 
 The Declaration of Independence is the Chart and 
 Compass by which, through the Constitution, the United 
 States of America established itself a nation. 
 
 The Farewell Address by George Washington inspired 
 the fathers of the nation. The Gettysburg Address of 
 Abraham Lincoln inspired the preservers of the nation. 
 The Great Message of Woodrow Wilson has inspired the 
 people to place our country in the front rank of the 
 nations of the world. 
 
 While sentiment thrills our hearts and minds, let us 
 remember it is only through deeds of profoundest wisdom, 
 sacrifice and force that Washington, Lincoln and Wilson 
 stand peerless; and that deeds, not words, must mark 
 every coming hero. 
 
 LUCIUS. E. PINKHAM, 
 
 Governor of Hawaii. 
 
INTRODUCTORY LETTER 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, Juno 8th, 1917. 
 Rev. Y. Imamura, 
 
 Bishop Hongwanji Mission, 
 Honolulu, T. H. 
 
 Dear Sir: I heartily commend your plan to place be- 
 fore the American born Japanese in this Territory, the five 
 appeals to American patriotism namely, the American 
 Declaration of Independence; Farewell Address of Wash- 
 ington; Lincoln's Gettysburg Speech, President Wilson's 
 War Message and President Monroe's Monroe Doctrine 
 Message. 
 
 The children born in this Territory should receive ev- 
 ery possible educational influence directing their atten- 
 tion to unwavering loyalty to the United States of Amer- 
 ica, the nation of their birth. 
 
 You may be sure that your efforts in line with this pur- 
 pose will be appreciated by all true American citizens. 
 
 Y'ours very truly, 
 
 HONOLULU STAR-BULLETIN, LTD., 
 W. R. FARRINGTON, 
 
 General Business Manager, 
 
INTRODUCTORY LETTER 
 
 Honolulu, Hawaii, June 21, 1917. 
 Mr. Y. Imamura, 
 
 Bishop, Hongwanji Mission, 
 Honolulu, T. H. 
 
 My dear Bishop : It is particularly gratifying to me to 
 be informed that you purpose issuing as a pamphlet from 
 your mission a reprint of the five great state papers of 
 American history, the words of Jefferson,Washington, Lin- 
 coln, Monroe and Wilson, which follow each other in fit- 
 ting sequence in the tale of American liberty and the 
 growth of democracy and the rights of man. I have no 
 doubt that the wide distribution you will be able to give 
 to these patriotis words will bring to many thousands of 
 the American young men and women of Hawaii of Jap- 
 anese birth, a clearer understanding of true Americanism, 
 a brighter light upon the fundamental principles of our 
 democracy, a wider view of that patriotism which Ameri- 
 cans must have to hasten the great mission our nation 
 has been called upon to perform for the world. 
 
 The Declaration of Independence, Washington's Fare- 
 well Address, Lincoln's Gettysburg Speech, the Declara- 
 tion of the IMonroe Doctrine and the War Proclamation of 
 President Wilson, each emphasizes the not always recog- 
 nized truth that unselfish service, which is not cramped 
 within geographic or national limit, is the highest form 
 of patriotism. Service to mankind is breathed through- 
 out each of these inspiring documents, wherein one may 
 search in vain for any self-seeking, any tinge of jealousy, 
 or suggestion of jingoism. 
 
This is the patriotism that should be taught, that is 
 the patriotism that should be developed amongst those of 
 our community of Japanese stock. It is a form of true 
 Americanism that should come the more natural to the 
 Americans of Japanese birth inasmuch as it only a trans- 
 planting and an enlarging of the spirit of Nippon, the 
 spirit that places the weal of the many above the interest 
 of the individual. 
 
 We want a patriotism of the heart, and such is the 
 patriotism taught in the five great papers you propose to 
 circulate. 
 
 I believe you are doing a great work for the American 
 youths of Hawaii of Japanese birth, and a great work as 
 well for Hawaii and for all the people of this Territory, 
 not alone in the reprinting of these great documents but 
 in much else that you have done along similar lines. 
 
 May the success of this venture exceed even your fond- 
 est hopes. 
 
 Yours very truly, 
 
 R. O. MATHESON (Signed). 
 
THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 
 
 In Congress July 14, 1776. 
 
 THE UNANIMOUS DECLARATION OF 
 
 THE THIRTEEN UNITED STATES 
 
 OF AMERICA 
 
When, in the course of human events, it becomes neces- 
 sary for one people to dissolve the political bonds which 
 have connected them with another, and to assume, among 
 the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to 
 which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them, 
 a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that 
 they should declare the causes which impel them to the 
 separation. 
 
 We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men 
 are created equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator 
 with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, 
 liberty, and the pursuit of happines:. That, to secure 
 these rights, governments are instituted among men, de- 
 riving their just powers from the consent of the gov- 
 erned; that, whenever any form of government becomes 
 destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to 
 alter or to abolish it, and to institute new government, 
 laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing 
 its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely 
 to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will 
 dictate that governments long established, should not be 
 changed for light and transient causes; and, accordingly, 
 all experience hath shown, that mankind are more disposed 
 to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right them- 
 selves by abolishing the forms to which they are accus- 
 tomed. 
 
 But, when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pur- 
 suing invariably the same object, evinces a design to re- 
 duce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it 
 is their duty, to throw off such government, and to pro- 
 vide new guards for their future security. Such has been 
 the patient sufferance of these colonies; and such 2s now 
 the necessity which constrains them to alter their former 
 
 (3) 
 
system of government. The history of the present king 
 of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and 
 usurpations, all having in direct object the estabhshment 
 of an absolute tyranny over these States. To prove this, 
 let facts be submitted to a candid world. 
 
 He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome 
 and necessary for the public good. 
 
 He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of imme- 
 diate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their 
 operation till his assent should be obtained; and, when so 
 suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them. 
 
 He has refused to pass other laws for the accommoda- 
 tion of large districts of people, unless those people would 
 relinquish the right of representation in the legislature, a 
 ri<?;ht inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only. 
 
 He has called together legislative bodies at places un- 
 usual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of 
 their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them 
 into compliance with his measures. 
 
 He has resolved representative houses repeatedly, for 
 opposing, with manly firmness, his invasion on the rights 
 of the people. 
 
 He has refused, for a long time after such dissolution, 
 to cause others to be elected ; whereby the legislative pow- 
 ers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people 
 at large for their exercise; the State remaining, in the 
 meantime, exposed to all the dangers of invasion from 
 without, and convulsions within. 
 
 He has endeavored to prevent the population of these 
 States ; for that purpose obstructing the laws for natural- 
 ization of foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage 
 their migration hither, and raising the conditions of new 
 appropriations of lands. 
 
 (4) 
 
ile has obstructed the administration of justice, by re- 
 fusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers. 
 
 He has made judges dependent on his will alone for the 
 tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of 
 their salaries. 
 
 He has erected a multitude of new offices, ana sent 
 hither swarms of officers to harass our people, and eat out 
 their substance. 
 
 •He has kept among us in times of peace, standing 
 armies, without the consent of our legislature. 
 
 He has affected to render the military independent 
 JO and superior to, the civil power. 
 
 He has combined, with others, to subject us to a juris- 
 diction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged 
 by our laws; giving his assent to their acts of pretended 
 legislation : 
 
 For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us : 
 
 For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punish- 
 ment for any murders which they should commit on the 
 inhabitants of these States; 
 
 For cutting. off our trade with all parts of the world: 
 
 For imposing taxes on us without. our consent: 
 
 For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of trial 
 by jury: 
 
 For transporting us beyond sea to be tried for pretended 
 offenses: 
 
 For abolishing the free system of English laws in a 
 neighboring province, establishing therein an arbitrary 
 government and enlarging its boundaries, so as to render 
 it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing 
 the same absolute rule into these colonies: 
 
 For taking away our charters, abolishing our most val- 
 uable laws, and altering, fundamentally, the forms of our 
 
 (5) 
 
governments : 
 
 For suspending our own legislatures, and declaring 
 themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all 
 cases whatsoever. 
 
 He has abdicated government here by declaring us out 
 of his protection, and waging war against us. 
 
 He has plundered our seas, ravaged our costs, burnt our 
 towns, and destroyed the lives of our people. 
 
 He is, at this time, transporting large armies of for- 
 eign mercenaries to complete the works of death, desola- 
 tion, and tyranny, already begun, with circumstances of 
 cruelty and perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most bar- 
 barous ages, and totally unworthy the head of a civilized 
 nation. 
 
 He has constrained our fellow-citizens, taken captive on 
 the high seas, to bear arms against their country, to be- 
 come the execut: oners of their friends and brethren, or to 
 fall themselves by their hands. 
 
 He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and 
 has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our fron- 
 tiers, the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of 
 warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, 
 sexes, and conditions. 
 
 In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned 
 for redress in the most humble terms: our repeated peti- 
 tions have been answered only by repeated injury. A 
 prince, whose character is thus marked by every act which 
 may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free 
 people. 
 
 Nor have we been wanting in attention to our British 
 brethren. We have warned them, from time to time, of 
 attempts by their legislature to extenrl an unwarrantable 
 jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the cir- 
 
 (6) 
 
cumstaiices of our emigration and settlement here. We 
 have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, 
 and we have conjured them by the ties of our common 
 kindred, to disavow these usurpations, which would in- 
 evitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. 
 They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and con- 
 sanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the neces- 
 sity which denounces our separation, and hold them, as we 
 hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace friends. 
 
 We, therefore, the representatives of the United States 
 of America, in general Congress assembled, appealing to 
 the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our 
 intentions, do, in the name, and by the authority of the 
 good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and de- 
 clare, 
 
 That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to 
 be, free and independent States; that they are absolved 
 from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all poli- 
 tical connection between them and the State of Great 
 Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved ; and that, as 
 free and independent States, they have full power to levy 
 war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish com- 
 merce, and to do all other acts and things which inde- 
 pendent States may of right do. 
 
 And for the support of this declaration, with a firm re- 
 liance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutu- 
 ally pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our 
 sacred honors. JOHN HANCOCK. 
 
 New Hampshire — Josiah Bartlett, Wm. Whipple, Mat- 
 thew Thornton. 
 
 Massachusetts Bay — Saml. Adams, John Adams, Robt. 
 Teat Paine, Elbridge Gerry. 
 
 Rhode Island — Step. Hopkins, William EUery. 
 
 (7) 
 
Connecticut — Roger Sherman, Saml. Huntington, Wm. 
 Williams, Oliver Wolcott. 
 
 New York — Wm. Floyd, Phil. Livingston, Frans. Lewis, 
 Lewis Morrs. 
 
 New Jersey'' — Richard Stockton, Jno. Witherspoon, 
 Fras. Hopkinson, John Hart, Abra. Clark. 
 
 Pennsylvania — Robt. Morris, Benjamin Rush, Benja. 
 Franklin, John Morton, Geo. Clymer, Jas Smith, Geo. 
 Taylor-, James Wilson, Geo. Ross. 
 
 Delaware — Caesar Rodney, Geo. Read, Tho. McKean. 
 
 Maryland — Samuel Chase, Wm. Paca, Thos. Stone, 
 Charles Carroll, of Carrolton. 
 
 Virginia — Geo. W^ythe, Richard Henry Lee, Th. Jeffer- 
 son, Benja. Harrison, Thos. Nelson, Jr., Francis Light- 
 foot Lee, Carter Braxton. 
 
 North Carolina — Wm. Hooper, Joseph Hewes, John 
 Penn. 
 
 South Carolina — Edward Rutledge, Thos. Heyward, 
 Jun.; Arthur Middleton. 
 
 Georgia. — Button Gwinnett, Lyman Ha,ll, Geo. Walton. 
 
 m 
 
GEORGE WASMfNGTON^S 
 FAREWELL ADDRESS 
 
 TO THE PEOPLE 
 OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 Sept. 17, 1796 
 
rrienflp and Fellow Citizens: The period for a, new 
 election of a. citizen, to administer the fxecutive govern- 
 ment of the United States, being not far distant, and the 
 time actually arrived, when your thoughts must be em- 
 ployed in designating the person, who is to be clothed 
 with that important trust, it appears to me proper, espe- 
 cially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of 
 the public voice, that I should now apprise you of the 
 resolution I have formed, t-o decline being consiflered 
 among the numbei' of those, out of whom a choice is to ho 
 made. 
 
 I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to 
 be assured, that this resolution has not been taken, with- 
 out a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining 
 to the relation, which binds a dutiful citizen to his coun- 
 try ; and that, in withdrawing the tender of service which 
 silence in my situation might imply, I am influenced by 
 no diminution of zeal for your future interest; no defi- 
 ciency of grateful respect for your past kindness; but am 
 supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible 
 with both. 
 
 The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in the 
 office to which your suffrages have twice called me, have 
 been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of 
 duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your 
 desire. I constantly hoped, that it would have been 
 much earlier in my power, consistently with motives, 
 which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that 
 retirement, from which I had been reluctantly drawn. 
 The strength of my inclination to do this, previous to 
 the last election, had even led to the preparation of an 
 address to declare it to you ; but mature reflection on the 
 then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with 
 
 (11) 
 
foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons en- 
 titled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea. 
 I rejoice that , the state of your concerns, external as 
 well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclina- 
 tion incompatible with the sentiment of duty, or pro- 
 priety; and am persuaded whatever partiality may oe re- 
 tained for my services, that in the present circumstances 
 of our country, you will not disapprove my determina- 
 tion to retire. 
 
 The impressions with which I first undertook the 
 arduous trust, were explained on the proper occasion. In 
 the discharge of this trust, I will only say, that I have 
 with good intentions, contributed towards the organiza- 
 tion and administration of the government, the best ex- 
 ertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. 
 Not unconscious, in the out set, of the inr/^icrity of my 
 qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still 
 more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives 
 to diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing 
 weight of years admonishes me more and more, that the 
 shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be 
 welcome. Satisfied that if any circumstances have given 
 peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, I 
 have the consolation to believe, that while choice and 
 prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism 
 does not forbid it. 
 
 In looking forward to the moment, which is intended 
 to terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do 
 not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of 
 that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved coun- 
 try, for the many honors it has conferred upon me; still 
 more for the stedfast confidence with which it has sup- 
 ported me; and for the opportunities I have thence en- 
 
 (12) 
 
joyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment, by ser- 
 vices faithful and persevering, though in usefulness un- 
 equal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country 
 from these services, let it always be rememberefl to your 
 praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that 
 under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in 
 every direction, were liable to mislead, amidst appear- 
 ances sometimes dubious, — vicissitudes of fortune often 
 discouraging, — in situations in which not. unfrequently 
 want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism - 
 the constantcy of your support was the essential prop 
 of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans by which they 
 were effected. Profoundly penetrated w^ith this idea, I 
 shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement 
 to unceasing vows that Heaven may continue to you the 
 choicest tokens of its beneficence — -that your union and 
 brotherly affection may be perpetual — that the free con- 
 stitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sac- 
 redly maintained — that its administration in every de- 
 partment may be stamped with wisdom and virtue^ — 
 that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these States, 
 under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete, by 
 so careful a preservation r.nd so prudent a use of this 
 blessing as will acquire to them the glory of recommend- 
 ing it to the applause, the affection and adoption of every 
 nation which is yet a strangerto it. 
 
 Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for 
 your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and 
 the apprehension of danger, natural to that solicitude, 
 urge me on an occasion like the present, to offer to your 
 solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your fre- 
 quent review, some sentiments, which are the result of 
 much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and 
 
 (13). 
 
which appear to me all important to the permanency of 
 your felicity as a people. These will be offered to you 
 with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the 
 disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can pos- 
 sibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor 
 can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent 
 reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimi- 
 lar occasion. 
 
 Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every liga- 
 ment of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is ne- 
 cessary to fortify or confirm the attachment. 
 
 The unity of government which constitutes you one 
 people is also now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is a 
 main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the 
 support of your tranquility at home, your peace aroad; 
 of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very liberty 
 which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to toresee, 
 that from different causes and from different quarters, 
 much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to 
 weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as 
 this is the point in your political fortress against which 
 the batteries of internal and external enemies will be 
 most constantly and actively (though often covertly and 
 insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment, that you 
 should properly estimate the immense value of your na- 
 tional Union, to your collective and individual happiness; 
 that you should cherish a cordial, habitual and immove- 
 able attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think 
 and speak of it as of the Palladium of your political 
 safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with 
 jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest 
 even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned; 
 and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of ev- 
 
6ry attempt to alienate any portion of our country from 
 the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link 
 together the various parts. 
 
 ■For this you have every inducement of sympathy and 
 interest. Citizens by birth or choice, of a common coun- 
 try, that country has a right to concentrate your affec- 
 tions. The name of American, which belongs to you, in 
 your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride 
 of patriotism, more than any appellation derived from 
 local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, 
 you have the same religion, manners, habits and political 
 principles. You have in a common cause fought and tri- 
 umphed together; the independence and the liberty you 
 possess are the work of joint councils, and joint efforts, 
 of common dangers, sufferings and successes. 
 
 But these consideration, however powerfully they ad- 
 dress themselves to your sensibility, are greatly out- 
 weighed by those which apply Inore immediately to 
 your interest. Here every portion of our country finds 
 the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and 
 preserving the union of the whole. 
 
 The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the 
 South, protected by the equal laws of a common govern- 
 ment, finds in the productions of the latter, great addi- 
 tional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise 
 and precious materials of manufacturing industry. — The 
 South in the same intercourse, benefitting by the agency 
 of the North, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce 
 expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen 
 of the North, it finds its particular navigation invigor- 
 ated; — and while it contributes, in different ways, to 
 nourish and increase the general mass of the national 
 navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a mari- 
 
 (15) 
 
time strength, to which itself is unequally adapted. The 
 East, in a like intercourse with the West, already finds, 
 and in the progressive improvement of interior communi- 
 cations, by land and water, will more and more find a 
 valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from 
 abroad, or manufactures at home. The West derives 
 from the East supplies requisite to its growth and com- 
 fort -and what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it 
 must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispen- 
 sable outlets for its own productions to the weight, in- 
 fluence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic 
 side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community 
 of interest as one nation. Any other tenure by which the 
 West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived 
 from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and 
 unnatural connection with any foreign power, must be 
 intrinsically precarious. 
 
 While then every part of our country thus feels an im- 
 mediate and particular interest in Union, all the parts 
 combined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means 
 and efforts greater strength, greater resource, proportion- 
 ably greater security from external danger, a less fre- 
 quent interuption of their peace by foreign nations; and 
 what is of inestimable value! they must derive from 
 union an exemption from those broils and wars between 
 themselves, which so frequently afflict neighboring coun- 
 tries, not tied together by the same government; which 
 their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, 
 but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments and in- 
 trigues would stimulate and unbitter. Hence likewise 
 they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military 
 establishments, which under any form of government are 
 inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as 
 
 C163 
 
particularly hostile to Republican liberty. In this sense 
 it is, that your Union ought to be considered as a main 
 prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought 
 to endear to you the preservation of the other. 
 
 These considerations speak a persuasive language to 
 every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the con- 
 tinuance of the ITnion as a primary object of patriotic 
 desire. Is there a doubt, whether a common government 
 can embrace so large a sphere? Let experience solve it. 
 To listen to mere speculation in such a case were crim- 
 inal. We are authorized to hope that a proper organiza- 
 tion of the.v/hole, with the auxiliary agency of govern- 
 ments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy 
 issue to the experiment. 'Tis well worth a fair and full 
 experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to 
 Union, affecting all parts of our country, while experi- 
 ence shall not have demonstrated its practicability, there 
 will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those, 
 who in any quarter may endeavor to weaken its bands. 
 
 In contemplating the causes which may disturo our 
 Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern, that any 
 ground should have been furnished for characterising 
 parties by geographical discriminations, Northern and 
 Southern, Atlantic and Western; whence designing men 
 may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real dif- 
 ference of local interests and views. One of the expedi- 
 ents of party to acquire influence, within particular dis- 
 tricts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other 
 districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against 
 the jealousies and heai't burnings which spring from 
 these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to 
 each other those who ought to be bound together by fra- 
 ternal affection. Tht' inhabitants of our western country 
 
have lately had a useful lesson on this head: they have 
 seen, in the negotiation by the Executive, and in the un- 
 animous ratification by the Senate, of the treaty with 
 Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event, 
 throughout the United States, a decisive proof how un- 
 founded were the suspicions propagated among them of a 
 policy in the general government and in the Atlantic 
 States unfriendly to their interests in regard to the Mis- 
 sissippi; they have been witnesses to the formation of 
 two treaties, that with Great Britain, and that with 
 Spain, which secure to them every thing they could de- 
 sire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirm- 
 ing their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely 
 for the preseivatioji of these advantages on the Ihiion by 
 which they were piocured? Will they not henceforth be 
 deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever 
 them from their brethren and connect them with aliens? 
 To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a gov- 
 ernment for the whole is indispensable. No alliances, 
 however strict, between the parts can be an adequate 
 substitute; they must inevitably experience the infrac- 
 tions and interruptions which all alliances in all times 
 have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you 
 have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of 
 a constitution of government better calculated than your 
 former for an intimate Union, and for the efficacious 
 management of your common concerns. This Govern- 
 ment, the offspring of your own choice, uninfluenced and 
 unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature de- 
 liberation, completely free in its principles, in the distri- 
 bution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and 
 containing within itself a provision for its own amend- 
 ment, has a just claim to your confidence and your sup- 
 
 Cis) 
 
port. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, 
 acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the 
 fundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis of our 
 political systems is the right of the people to make and 
 to alter their Constitutions of Government. But, the 
 Constitution which at any time exists, 'till changed by 
 an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sac- 
 redly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power 
 and the right of the people to establish government pre- 
 supposes the duty of every individual to obey the estab- 
 lished government. 
 
 All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all com- 
 binations and associations, under whatever plausible 
 character, with the real design to direct, control, counter- 
 act, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the con- 
 stituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental 
 principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize 
 faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force — 
 to put in the place of the delegated will of the nation, 
 the will of a party, often a small but artful and enterpris- 
 ing minority of the community ; and, according to the al- 
 ternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public 
 administration the mirror of the ill concerted and incon- 
 gruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of con- 
 sistent and wholesome plans digested by common coun- 
 cils, and modified by mutual interests. However com- 
 binations or associations of the above description may 
 now and then answer popular ends, -they are likely in the 
 course of time and things to become potent engines, by 
 which cunning, ambitious and unprincipled men will be 
 enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to usurp 
 for themselves the reins of government; destroying after- 
 wards the very engines which have lifted them to unjust 
 
 (19) 
 
dominion. 
 
 Towards the preservation of your government, and the 
 permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, 
 not only that j^ou speedily discountenance irregular op- 
 positions to its acknowledged authority, but also that 
 you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its prin- 
 ciples however specious the pretexts. One method of as- 
 sault may be to effect in the forms of the constitution 
 alterations which will impair the energy of the system, 
 and thus to undermine what cannot be directly over- 
 thrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, 
 remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to 
 fix the true character of governments, as of other human 
 institutions — that experience is the surest standard, by 
 which to test the real tendency of the existing constitu- 
 tion of a country— that facility in changes upon the 
 credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to per- 
 petual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and 
 opinion; and remember, especially, that for the efficient 
 management of your common interests, in a country so 
 extensive as ours, a government of as much vigor as is 
 consistent with the perfect security of liberty, is indis- 
 pensable. Liberty itself will find in such a government, 
 with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest 
 guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name, where 
 the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises 
 of faction, to confine each member of the society within 
 the lunits prescribed -by the laws, and to maintain all in 
 the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person 
 and property. 
 
 I have already intimated to you, the danger of parties 
 in the state, with particular reference to the founding of 
 them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take 
 
 C20) 
 
d. more comprehensive view, aiid warn you in the most 
 solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit 
 of party, generally. 
 
 This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our na- 
 ture, having its root in the strongest passions of the hu- 
 man mind. It exists under different shapes in all govern- 
 ments, more or less stifled, controlled or repressed ; but in 
 those of the popular form it is seen in its greatest rank- 
 ness and is truly their worst enemy. 
 
 The alternate domination of one faction over another, 
 sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dis- 
 sention, which in different ages and countries has per- 
 petrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful 
 despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and 
 permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries which 
 result, gradually inclme the minds of men to seek secu- 
 rity and repose in the absolute power of an individual, 
 and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction 
 more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns 
 this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on 
 the ruins of public liberty. 
 
 Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind 
 (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight) 
 the common and continual mischiefs- of the spirit of 
 party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of 
 a wise people to discourage and restrain it. 
 
 t serves always to distract the public councils and en- 
 feeble the public administration. It agitates the commu- 
 nity with ill founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles 
 the animosity of one part against another, foments occa- 
 sionally riot and insurrcetion. It opens the door to for- 
 eign influence and corruption, which find a facilitated 
 access to the government itself through the channels of 
 
 (21) 
 
party passions. Thus the policy and will of one country 
 are subjected to the policy and will of another. 
 
 There is an opinion that parties in free countries are 
 useful checks upon the administration of the govern- 
 ment, and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This 
 within certain limits is probably true; and in govern- 
 ments of a monarchical cast, patriotism may look wit' 
 indulgence, if not with favor upon the spirit of party. 
 But in those of the popular character, in governments 
 purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From 
 their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be 
 enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And 
 there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to 
 be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assauge 
 it. A fire not to be quenched: it demands a uniform 
 vigilance to prevent its bursting into flame, lest, instead 
 of warming, it should consume 
 
 It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking 
 in a free country, should inspire caution, in those en- 
 trusted with its administration, to confine themselves 
 within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in 
 the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach 
 upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to con- 
 solidate the powers of all the departments in one, and 
 thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real 
 despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, and 
 proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human 
 heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this posi- 
 tion. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise 
 of political power; by dividing and distributing it into 
 different depositories, and constituting each the guardian 
 of the public weal against invasions by the others, has 
 been evinced by experiments ancient and modern; some 
 
 C22) 
 
of them in our country and under our own eyes. To pre- 
 serve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, 
 in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modifica- 
 tion of the constitutional powers be in any particular 
 wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way 
 which the constitution designates. But let there be no 
 change by usurpation; for though this, in one instance, 
 may be the instrument of good, it is the customary 
 weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The 
 precedent must always gi-eatly overbalance in permanent 
 evil any partial or transient benefit which the use can 
 at any time yield. 
 
 •Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to politi- 
 cal prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable 
 supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of 
 patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pil- 
 lars of human happiness , these firmest props of the duties 
 of men and citizens. The mere politician, ecjually with 
 the pious man ought to respect and cherish them. A 
 volume could not trace all their connections with private 
 and public felicity. Let it simply be asked where is the 
 security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense 
 of religious obligation desert the oaths, which are the 
 instruments of investigation in courts of justice? And let 
 us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality 
 can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be 
 conceded to the influence of refined education on minds 
 of peculiar structure; reason and experience both forbid 
 us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclu- 
 sion of religious principle. 
 
 'Tis substantially true, that virtue or morality is a ne- 
 cessary spring of popular government. The rule indeed 
 extends wdth more or less force to every species of free 
 
 (235 
 
government Who that is a sincere friend to it can look 
 with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation 
 of the fabric? 
 
 Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, in- 
 stitutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In 
 proportion as the structure of a government gives force 
 to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion 
 should be enlightened. 
 
 As a very important source of strength and security 
 cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is 
 to use it as sparingly as possible; avoiding occasions of 
 expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also that 
 timely disbursements to prepare for danger fr(X!uently 
 prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoid- 
 ing likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shun- 
 ning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in 
 time of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable 
 wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing 
 upon posterity the burthen which we ourselves ought to 
 bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your re- 
 presentatives, but it is necessary that public opinion 
 should co-operate. To facilitate to them the performance 
 of their duty, it is essential that you should practically 
 bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there 
 must be revenue; that to have revenue there must be 
 taxes; that no taxs can be devised which are not more or 
 less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic em- 
 barrassment inseparable from the selection of the proper 
 objects (which is always a choice of difficulties) ought 
 to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the 
 conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit 
 of acquiescence in the m^easures for obtaining revenue 
 which the public exigencies may at any time dictate. 
 
Observe good faith and justice towards all nations, cul- 
 tivate peace and harmony with all; religion and morality 
 enjoin this conduct; and can it be that good policy does 
 not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, en- 
 lightened, and, at no distant period, a great nation, to 
 give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel ex- 
 ample of a people always guided by an exalted justice 
 and benevolence. Who can doubt that in the course of 
 time and things the fruits of such a plan would richly 
 repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by 
 a steady adherence to it? Can it be, that Providence hc^- 
 not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with 
 its virtue? The experiment, at least, is recommended by 
 every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is 
 it rendered impossible by its vices? 
 
 In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essen- 
 tial than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against 
 particular nations, and passionate attachments for others 
 should be excluded; and that in place of them just and 
 amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The 
 nation which indulges towards another an habitual hat- 
 red, or an habitual fondness, is in som^e degree a slave. 
 It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of 
 which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and in- 
 terest. Antipathy in one nation against another disposes 
 each more readily to offer insult and njury, to lay hold of 
 slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intract- 
 able, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute oc- 
 cur. Hence frequent collisions, lobstinate, envenomed 
 and blood}'' contests. The nation, prompted by ill will 
 and resentment, sometimes impels to war the Govem- 
 mient, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The 
 government sometimes participates in the national pro- 
 
 (25) 
 
pensity, antl adopts through passion what reason would 
 reject; at other tnnes, it makes the animosity of the na- 
 tion subservient to projects of hostility instigated by 
 pride, ambition and other sinister and pernicious motives. 
 The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of na- 
 tions has been the victim. 
 
 So likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for 
 another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the 
 favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary 
 comm.on interest .in cases where no real common interest 
 exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, 
 betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels 
 and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or 
 justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite 
 nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly 
 to injure the nation making the concessions; by unne- 
 cessarily parting with what ought to have been retained ; 
 and by exciting jealousy, ill will, and a disposition to re- 
 taliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are 
 withheld. And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or de- 
 luded citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite na- 
 tion) facility to betray, or sacrifice the interests of their 
 own countrv, without odium, sometimes even with popu- 
 larity; gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense 
 of obligation a commendable deference for public opi- 
 nion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or fool- 
 ish compliances of ambition, corruption or infatuation. 
 
 As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, 
 such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly 
 enlightened and independent patriot. How many oppor- 
 tunities do thev afford to tamper with domestic factions, 
 to practice the arts of seduction, to mislead public opi- 
 nion, to influence or awe the public councils! Such an 
 
 C26) 
 
attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and 
 powerful nation, dorms the former to be the satellite of 
 the latter. 
 
 Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence ( I con- 
 jure you to believe me, fellow citizens) the jealousy of a 
 free people ought to be constantly awake; since history 
 and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the 
 most baneful foes of republican government. But that 
 jealousy to be useful mjust be impartial; else it becomes 
 the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, in- 
 stead of a defence against it. Excessive partiality for one 
 foreign nation, and excessive dislike of another, cause 
 those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, 
 and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence 
 on the other. Real patriots, who may resist the intrigues 
 of the favorite, are liable to become suspected and odious, 
 while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confi- 
 dence of the people, to surrender their interests. 
 
 The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign 
 nations, is in extending our commercial relations, to have 
 with them as little political connection as possible. So 
 far as we have already formed engagements, let them be 
 fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. 
 
 Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us 
 have none, or a very remote relation. Hence she must be 
 engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which 
 are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, 
 it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by arti- 
 ficial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or 
 the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friend- 
 ships or enmities. 
 
 Our detached and distant situation invites and enables 
 us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, 
 
 (27) 
 
under an efficient government, the period is not far off, 
 when we may defy material injury from external annoy- 
 ance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause 
 the neutrality, we may at any time resolve upon, to be 
 scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under 
 the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not 
 lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may 
 choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, 
 shall counsel. 
 
 Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? 
 Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, 
 by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of 
 Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of 
 European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor or ca- 
 price? 
 
 'Tis oLii' true policy to steer clear of peiiiianent alli- 
 ances, witli any portion of the foreign world; so far, I 
 mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be 
 understood as capable of patronising infidelity to exist- 
 ing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable 
 to public than t^:^ private affairs, that honesty is always 
 the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engage- 
 ments be observed in their genuine sense. But in my 
 opmion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend 
 them. 
 
 Taking care always to keep yourselves, by suitable es- 
 tablishments, on a i^espectable defense posture, we may 
 safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary 
 emergencies. 
 
 Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are re- 
 comlmended by policy, liumanity, and interest. But even 
 our commercial policy should hold an equal and impar- 
 tialhand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors 
 
 (28) 
 
or preferenc'cs ; cotisaltiiio: the natural cniu^e of things; 
 diffusing and divei'sifying by gentle means the streanis 
 of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing, with 
 powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, 
 to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the 
 government to support them — conventional rules of in- 
 tercourse, the best that present circumstances and mu- 
 tual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be 
 from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience 
 and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keepmg m 
 view that 'tis folly in one nation to look for disinteresterl 
 favors from another; that it must pay with a portion of 
 its independence for .whatever it may accept under that 
 character; that by such acceptance it may place itself in 
 the condition of having given equivalents for nominal 
 favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude foi- 
 not giving more. There can be no greater error than 
 to expect, or calculate upon real favors froin nation to na- 
 tion. 'Tis an illusion which experience must cure, which 
 a just pride ought to discarfl. 
 
 In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of 
 an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will 
 make the strong and lasting impression I could wish; 
 that they will control the usual current of the passions, 
 or prevent our nation from running the course which has 
 hitherto marked the destiny of nations. But if I may 
 ..ven flatter myself, that they may be productive of son:, 
 partial benefit, some occasional good; that they may 
 now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, 
 to warn against the mischiefs of foreign .intrigiie, to 
 guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; 
 this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for 
 your welfare, by which they have been dictated. 
 
How far in the discharge of my official duties I have 
 been guided by the principles which have been delineat- 
 ed, the public records and other evidences of my conduct 
 must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the 
 assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least 
 believed myself to be guided by them. 
 
 In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my 
 Proclamation of the 22nd of April, 1793 is the index to 
 my plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice and by 
 that of your representatives in both Houses of Congress, 
 the spirit of that measure has contmually governed me, 
 uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from 
 it. 
 
 After deliberate examination with the aid of the best 
 lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our coun- 
 try, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right 
 to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take a 
 neutral position. Having taken it, I determined! as far 
 as should depend upon me, to maintain it, with modera- 
 tion, perseverance and firmness. 
 
 The considerations which respect the right to hold this 
 conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. 
 I will only observe, that according to my understanding 
 of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any 
 of the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted 
 by all. 
 
 The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be infer- 
 red, without anything more, from the obligation which 
 justice and humanity impose on eveiy nation, in cases 
 in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the rela- 
 tions of peace and amity towards other nations. 
 
 The inducements of interest for observing that con- 
 duct will best be referred to your own reflections and ex< 
 
 C30) 
 
perience. With me, a predominant motive has been to 
 endeavor to gain time to our country to settle and ma- 
 ture its yet recent institutions, and to progress without 
 interruption, to that degree of strength and consistency, 
 which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the 
 command of its own fortunes. 
 
 Though in reviewing the incidents of my administra- 
 tion, I am unconscious of intentional error, I am never- 
 theless too sensible of my defects not to think it pro- 
 bable that I may have committed many errors. What- 
 ever they may be I fervently beseech the Almighty to 
 avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. 1 
 shall also carry with me the hope that my country will 
 never cease to view them with indulgence; and that after 
 forty-five years of ni}/ life dedicated to its service, with 
 an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will 
 be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the 
 mansions of rest. 
 
 Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and 
 actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so nat- 
 ural to a man, who views in it the native soil of himself 
 and his progenitors for several generations; I anticipate 
 with pleasing expectation, that retreat, in which I pro- 
 mise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoy- 
 ment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow citizens, the 
 benign influence of good laws under a free government, 
 the ever favorite object of my heart, and' the happy re- 
 ward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors and dangers 
 
 G. WASHINGTON. 
 
 United States, 14th September, 1796. 
 
 C3i:) 
 
SEVENTH ANNUL MESSAGE 
 
 James Monroe 
 
 AT WASHINGTON 
 
 DECEMBER 2, 1823 
 
It was stated at the commencement of the last session, 
 that a great effort was then making in Spain and Portugal 
 to improve the condition of the people of those countries, 
 and that it appeared to be conducted with extraordinary- 
 moderation. It need scarcely be remarked, that the re- 
 sult has been, so far, very different from what was then 
 anticipated. Of events in thatquarter of the globe, with 
 which we have so much intercourse, and from which we 
 derive our origin, we have always been anxious and dis- 
 interested spectators. The citizens of the United States 
 cherish sentiments the most friendly, in favor of the lib- 
 erty and happiness of their fellowmen on that side of the 
 Atlantic. 
 
 In the wars of the European powers, in matters relat- 
 ing to themselves, we have never taken any part, nor 
 does it comport with our policy so to do. It is only when 
 our rights are invaded, or seriously menaced that we re- 
 sent injuries, or inake preparation for our defence, with 
 the movements in this hemisphere we are, of necessity, 
 more immediately connected, and by causes which must 
 be obvious to all enlightened and impartial observers. 
 The political system of the allied powers is essentially 
 different, in this respect, from that of America. This 
 difference proceeds from that which exists in their re- 
 spective governments. And to the defence of our own, 
 which has been achieved by the loss of so much blood 
 and treasure, and matured by the wisdom of their most 
 enlightened citizens, and under which we have enjoyed 
 unexampled felicity, this whole nation is devoted. We 
 owe it, therefore, to candor and to the amicable relations 
 existing between the United States and those powers, to 
 declare that we should consider any attempt on their part 
 to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere, 
 
 C35) 
 
as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing 
 colonies or dependencies of any European power, we 
 have not interfered and shall not interfere. But with 
 the governments who have declared their independence, 
 and maintained it, and whose independence we have, on 
 great consideration, and on just principles, acknowl- 
 edged, we could not view any interposition for the pur- 
 pose of oppressing them, or controlling, in any other- 
 manner, their destiny, by any European power, in any 
 other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly 
 disposition towards the United States. 
 
 JAMES MONROE. 
 
 C36) 
 
GETTYSBURG SPEECH 
 
 Abraham Liucolm 
 
 NOVEMBER 19, 1863 
 
c:a3i 
 
Fourscore and seven years ago our fathers brought 
 forth on this continent a new nation, conceived in liberty 
 and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created 
 equal. 
 
 Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whe- 
 ther that nation, or any nation so conceived and so de- 
 dicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle- 
 field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of 
 that field as a final resting place for those who here gave 
 their lives that the nation might live. It is altogether 
 fitting and proper that we should do this. But, in a 
 larger sense, we cannot dedicate -we cannot consecrate- we 
 cannot hallow - this ground. The brave men, living and 
 dead, who struggled here have consecrated it, far above 
 our poor power to add or detract. The world will little 
 note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can 
 never forget what they did here. It is for us, the living, 
 rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which 
 they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. 
 It 'is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task 
 remaining before us. that from these honored dead we 
 take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave 
 the last full measure of devotion — that we here highly 
 resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain — that 
 this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom 
 and that government of the people, by the people, for 
 the people, shall not perish from the earth. 
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 C39) 
 
WAR MESSAGE 
 
 President Wilson 
 
 In Congress 
 
 APRIL 2, 1917 
 
The text of Pre?irient Wilson'e address to the special 
 session of Congress follows: 
 
 I have called the Congres into extraordinary session 
 because there are serious — very serious^ — choices of policy 
 to be made — and made immediately — which was neither 
 right nor constitutionally permissible that I should as- 
 sume the responsibility of making. 
 
 On the third of February last I officially laid before 
 you the extraordinary announcement of the imperial 
 German government that on and after the first day of 
 February it was its purpose to put aside all restraints of 
 law or of humanity and use its submarines to sink every 
 vessel that sought to approach either the ports of Great 
 Britain and Ireland or the western coast of Europeor any 
 of the ports controlled by the enemies of Germany with- 
 in the Mediterranean. That has seemed to be the object 
 of the German submarine warfare earlier in the war, 
 but since April of last year the imperial government had 
 somewhat restrainetl the commanders of its undersea 
 craft in conformity with its promise then given to us 
 that passenger boats should not be sunk, and that due 
 warning would be given to all other vessels which its 
 submarines might seek to destroy, when no resistance 
 was offered or escape attempted, and care taken that their 
 crews were given at least a fair chance to save their lives 
 in their open boats. Their precautions taken were mea- 
 ger and haphazard enough, as was proved in distressing 
 instance after instance in the progress of the cruel and 
 unmanly business, but a certain degree of restraint was 
 observed. 
 
 The new policy has swept every restriction aside. Ves- 
 sels of every kind, whatever their flag, their character, 
 their cargo, their destination, their errand, have been 
 
 (43) 
 
ruthlessly sent to the bottom without warning, and with- 
 out thought of help or mercy for those on board, the ves- 
 sels of friendly neutrals along With belligerents. Even 
 hospital ships and ships carrying relief to the sorely be- 
 reaved and stricken people of Belgium, though the latter 
 were provided with safe conduct through the proscribed 
 areas by the German government itself and were dis- 
 tinguished by unmistakable marks of identity, have been 
 sunk with the sam ereckless lack of compassion or prin- 
 ciple. 
 
 I was for a little while imable to believe that such 
 things would in fact be done by any government that 
 had hitherto subscribed to the humane practices of civil- 
 ized nations. International law had its origin in the at- 
 tempt to set up some law, which would be respected and 
 observed upon the seas, where no nation had right of do- 
 mini(;n and where lay the free highways of the world. 
 By painful stage after stage has that law been built up 
 with meager enough results indeed, after all was accom- 
 plished that could be accomplished, but always with a 
 clear view, at least, of what the heart and conscience of 
 mankind demanded. 
 
 This mininunii of right the German government has 
 swept aside under the plea of retaliation and necessity 
 and because it had no weapons which it could use at sea 
 except these, which it is impossible to employ as it is 
 employing them, without throwing to the winds all scru- 
 ples of humanity or of respect for the understandings 
 that were supposed to underlie the intercourse of the 
 world. 
 
 I am not now thinking of the loss of property involved, 
 immense and serious as that is, but only of the wanton 
 and wholesale destruction of the lives of non-combatants, 
 
 (44) 
 
men. women and children, engaged in pursuits which 
 have always, even in the darkest periods of modern his- 
 tory, been deemed innocent and legitimate. Property can 
 be paid for; the lives of peaceful and innocent peo]^''^ 
 cannot be. 
 
 The present German submarine warfare against com- 
 merce is a warfare against mankind. It is a war against 
 all nations. American ships have been sunk, American 
 lives taken, in ways which it lias stirred us very deeply 
 to learn of, but the ships and people of other neutral and 
 friendly nations have been sunk and overwhelmed in the 
 waters in the same way. There has been no discrimina- 
 tion. The challenge is to all mankind. Each nation 
 must decide for itself how it will meet it. The choice we 
 make for ourselves must be made with a moderation of 
 counsel and a temperateness of judgment befitting our 
 character and our motives as a. nation. We must put ex- 
 cited feeling away. Our motive will not be revenge or 
 the victorious assertion of the physical might of the na- 
 tion, but only the vindication of right, of human right, of 
 which we are only a single champion. 
 
 When I addressed the Congress on the 26th of Feb- 
 ruary last I thought that it would suffice to assert our 
 neutral rights with arms, our right to use the seas against 
 unlawful interference, our right to keep our people safe 
 against unlawful violence. 
 
 But armed neutrality, it noAV appears, is impracticable. 
 Because submarines are in effect outlaws when used as 
 the German submarines have been used agamst mer- 
 chant shipping, it is impossible to defend ships against 
 their attacks, as the law of nations has assumed that mer- 
 chantmen would defend themselves against privateers 
 or cruisers, visible craft giving chase upon the open sea. 
 
 (45) 
 
It is common prudence in such circumstances, grim 
 necessity indeed, to endeavor to destroy them before 
 they have shown their own intention. They must be dealt 
 with upon sight, if dealt with at all. 
 
 The German government denies the right of neutrals 
 to use arms at all within the areas of the sea which it has 
 prescribed, even in the defense of rights which no modem 
 publicist has ever before questioned their right to defend. 
 The intimation is conveyed that the armed guards which 
 we have placed on our merchant ships will be treated as 
 beyond the pale of law and subject to be dealt with as 
 pirates would be. Armed neutrality is ineffectual enough 
 at best; in such circumstances and in the face of such 
 pretensions it is worse than ineffectual; it is likely once 
 to produce what it was meant to prevent; it is practic- 
 ally certain to draw us into the war without either the 
 rights or the effectiveness of belligerents. 
 
 There is one choice we cannot make, we are incapable 
 of making. We will not choose the path of submission 
 and suffer the most sacred rights of our nation and our 
 people to be ignored or violated. The wrongs against 
 which we now array ourselves are not common wrong; 
 they cut to the very roots of human life. 
 
 With a profound sense of the solemn and even tragical 
 character of the step I am taking and of the grave respon- 
 sibilities which it involves, but in unhesitating obedience 
 to wh'at I deem my constitutional duty, I advise that the 
 Congress declare the recent course of the imperial German 
 government to be in fact nothing less than war against 
 the government and people of the United States; that it 
 formally accept the status of belligerent, which has thus 
 been thrust upon it, and that it take immediate steps not 
 only to put the country in a more thorough state of de- 
 
 (46) 
 
fense, but also to exert all its power and employ all its 
 resources to bring the government of the German empire 
 to terms and end the war. 
 
 What this will involve is clear. It wdll involve the 
 utmost practicable co-operation in counsel and action 
 with the governments now at war with Germany, and, as 
 incident to that, the extension to those governments of 
 the most liberal financial credits, in order that our re- 
 sources may, as far as possible, be added to theirs. It 
 will involve the organization and mobilization of all the 
 material resources of the country to supply the materials 
 of war and serve the incidental needs of the nation in the 
 most abundant, and yet the most economical and effi- 
 cient way possible. It will involve the immediate full 
 equipment of the navy in all respects, but particularly 
 in supplying it with the best means of dealing with the 
 enemy's submarines. It will involve the immediate addi- 
 tion to the armed forces of the United States already pro- 
 vided for by law in case of war, at least 500,000 men who 
 should, in my opinion, be chosen upon the principle of 
 universal liability to service, and also the authorization 
 of subsequent additional increments of equal force so 
 soon as they may be needed and can be handled in train- 
 ing. 
 
 It will involve also, of course, the granting of adequate 
 credits to the government, sustained, I hope, so far as 
 they can equitably be sustained by the present generation 
 by well conceived taxation. I say sustained so far as may 
 be equitable by taxation, because it seems to me that it 
 would be most unwise to base the credits which will now 
 be necessary entirely on money borrowed. It is our duty, 
 I most respectfully urge, to protect our people as far 
 as we may against the very serious hardships and evils 
 
 (47) 
 
which would be Ikely to arise out of the infiatioii which 
 would be produced by vast loans. 
 
 In carrying out the measures by which these things are 
 to be accomplished we should keep constantly in mind 
 the wisdom of interfering as little as possible in our own 
 preparation and in the equipment of our own military 
 forces with the duty — for it will be a very practical duty 
 — of supplying the nations already at war with Germany 
 with the materials whieh they can obtain only from us 
 or by our assistance. They are in the field and we should 
 help them in every way to be effective there. 
 
 I shall take the liberty of suggesting through the sev- 
 eral executive departments of the Government for the 
 consideration of your committees, measures for the ac- 
 complishment of the several objects I have mentioned. 
 I hope that it will be your pleasure to deal with them as 
 having been framed after very careful thought by the 
 branch of the Government upon which the responsibility 
 of conducting the war and safeguarding the nation will 
 most directly fall. 
 
 While we do these things, these deeply momentous 
 things, let us be very clear and make very clear to all the 
 world what our motives and what our objects are. My 
 own thought has not been driven from its habitual and 
 normal course by the unhappy events of the last two 
 months, and I do not believe that the thought of the 
 nation has been altered or clouded by them. 
 
 I have exactly the same things in mind now that I had 
 in mind when I addressed the Senate on the 22d of Janu- 
 ary last; the same that I had in mind when I addressed 
 the Congress on the 3d of February and on the 26th of 
 February. 
 
 Our object now, as then, is to vindicate the principles 
 
 (48) 
 
of peace and justice in the life of the world against selfish 
 and autocratic power and to set up amongst the really 
 free and self-governed peoples of the world such a con- 
 cert of purpose and of action as w411 henceforth insure 
 the observance of those principles. 
 
 Neutrality is no longer feasible or desirable where the 
 peace of the world is involved and the freedom of its 
 peoples, and the menace to that peace and freedom lies in 
 the existence of autocratic governments backed by or- 
 ganized force which is controlled wholly by their will, not 
 by the will of their people. We have seen the last of neu- 
 trality in such circumstances. 
 
 We are at the beginning of an age in which it will be 
 insisted that the same standards of conduct and of re- 
 sponsibility for wrong done shall be observed among na- 
 tions and their governments that are observed among 
 the individual citizens of civilized states. 
 
 We have no quarrel with the German people. We have 
 no feeling toward them but one of sympathy and friend- 
 ship. It was not upon their impulse that their Govern- 
 ment acted in entering this war. It was not with their 
 previous knowledge or approval. 
 
 It was a war determined upon as wars used to be de- 
 termined upon in the old, unhappy days when peoples 
 were nowhere consulted by their rulers and wars were 
 provoked and waged in the interest of dynasties or of 
 little groups of ambitious men, who were accustomed to 
 use their fellowmen as pawns and tools. 
 
 Self-governed nations do not fill their neighbor states 
 with spies, or set the course of intrigue to bring about 
 some critical posture of affairs which will give them an 
 opportunity to strike and make conquest. Such designs 
 can be successfully worked only under cover and where 
 
 C49) 
 
no one has the right to ask questions. 
 
 Cunningly contrived plans of deception or aggression, 
 carried, it may be, from generation to. generation, can 
 be worked out and kept from the light only within the 
 privacy of courts or behind the carefully guarded con- 
 fidences of a narrow and privileged class. They are hap- 
 pily impossible where public opinion commands and in- 
 sists upon full information concerning all the nation's 
 affairs. 
 
 A steadfast concert for peace can never be maintained 
 except by a partnership of democratic nations. No auto- 
 cratic government could be trusted to keep faith within 
 it or conserve its covenants. It must be a league of honor, 
 a partnership of opinion. 
 
 Intrigue would eat its vitals away; the ploftings of 
 inner circles who could plan what they would and render 
 account to no one would be a corruption seated at its very 
 heart. Only free peoples can hold their purpose and 
 their honor steady to a common end and prefer the inter- 
 ests of mankind to any narrow interest of their own. 
 
 Does not every American feel that assurance has been 
 aodded to our hope for the future peace of the world by 
 the wonderful and heartening things that have been hap- 
 pening within the last few weeks in Russia? 
 
 Russia was known by those who knew it best to have 
 been always in fact democratic at heart, in all the vital 
 habits of her thought, in all the intimate relationships of 
 her people that spoke their natural instinct, their ha- 
 bitual attitude toward life. 
 
 The autocracy that crowned the summit of her political 
 structure, long as it has stood and terrible as was the 
 reality of its power, was not in fact of Russian origin, 
 character or purpose; and now it has been shaken oft' and 
 
 (SO) 
 
the great, generous Russian people have been added in ^ 
 all their native majesty and might to the forces that are* 
 fighting for freedom in the world, for justice and for 
 peace. Here is a fit partner for a league of honor. 
 
 One of the things that has served to convince us that 
 the Prussian autocracy was no and could never be our 
 friend is that from the very outset of the present war it 
 has filled our unsuspecting communities and even our of- 
 fices of government with spies and set criminal intrigues 
 everywhere afoot against our national unity and council, 
 our peace within and without our industries and our com- 
 merce. 
 
 Indeed, it is now evident that its spies were here even 
 before the war began, and it unhappily is not a matter of 
 conjecture, but a fact proved in our courts of justice, that 
 the intrigues which have more than once come perilously 
 near to disturbing the peace and dislocating the hidus- 
 tries of the country have been carried on at the instiga- 
 tion, with the support, and even under the personal di- 
 rection of official agents of the Imperial German Gov- 
 ernment accredited to the Government of the United 
 States, 
 
 Even in checking these things and trying to extirpate 
 them we have sought to put the most generous interpre- 
 tations possible upon them because we knew that their 
 source law, not in any hostile feeling or purpose of the 
 German people toward us (who were, no doubt, as ig- 
 norant of them as we ourselves were), but only in the 
 selfish designs of a government that did what it pleased 
 and told its people nothing. But they have played their 
 part in serving to convince us at last that that govern- 
 ment entertains no real friendship for us and means to 
 act against our peace and security at its convenience. 
 
 (51) 
 
.That it means to stir up enemies against us at our very 
 doors, the intercepted note to the German Minister at 
 Mexico City is eloquent evidence. 
 
 We are accepting this challenge of hostile purpose be- 
 cause we know that in such a government, following 
 such methods, we can never have a friend; and that in 
 the presence of its organized power, always lying in wait 
 to accomplish we know not what purpose, there can be 
 no assured security for the democratic governments of 
 the world. 
 
 We are now about to accept the gage of battle with this 
 natural foe to liberty, and shall, if necessary, spend the 
 whole force of the nation to check and nullify its preten- 
 sions and its power. W^e are glad now that we see the 
 facte with no veil of false pretense about them, to fight 
 thus for the ultimate peace of the world and for the lib- 
 eration of its peop^^s, the German peoples included ; for 
 the rights of nation.s great and small and the privilege of 
 men everywhere to choose their way of life and of obe- 
 dience. The world must be made safe for democracy. 
 Its peace must be planted upon the trusted foundation 
 of political liberty. 
 
 We have no selfish ends to serve. We desire no con- 
 quest, no dominion. We seek no indemnities for our- 
 selves, no material compensation for the sacrifices we 
 shall freely make. We are but one of the champions of 
 the rights of mankind. We shall be satisfied when thos6' 
 rights have been as secure as the faith and the freedom 
 of the nations can make them. 
 
 Just because we fight without rancor, animus, not in 
 enmity toward a people nor with the desire to bring 
 any injur}; or disadvantage upon them, but only in armed 
 opposition to an irresponsible government which has 
 
 C52:) 
 
thrown aside all considerations of humanity and of right 
 and is running amuck. 
 
 We are, let me say again, the sincere friend of the Ger- 
 man people and shall desire nothing so much as the early 
 re-establishment of intimate relations of mutual advan- 
 tage between us — however hard it may be for them, for 
 the time being, to believe that this is spoken from our 
 hearts. We have borne with their present government 
 through all these bitter months because of that friend- 
 ship — exercising a patience and forbearance which would 
 otherwise have been impossible. We shall, happily, still 
 have an opportunity to prove that frier.dship in our daily 
 attitude and action toward the millions of men and wo- 
 men of German birth and native sympathy who live 
 amongst us and share our life, and we shall be proud to 
 prove it toward all who are in fact loyal to their neigh- 
 bors and to this government in the hour of test. They 
 are, most of them, as true and loyal Americans as if they 
 had never known any other fealty or allegiance. 
 
 They will be prompt to stand with us in rebuking and 
 restraining the few who may be of a different mind and 
 purpose. 
 
 If there should be disloyalty, it will be dealt with with 
 a firm hand of stern repression; but, if it lifts its head 
 at all, it will lift it only here and there and without coun- 
 tenance except from a lawless and malignant few. 
 
 It is a distressful and oppressive duty, gentlemen of 
 the Congress, which I have performed in thus addressing 
 you. There are, it may be, many months of fiery trial 
 and sacrifice ahead of us. It is a fearful thing to lead this 
 great peaceful country into war, into the most terrible 
 and disastrous of all wars, civilization itself seeming to 
 be in the balance. But the right is more precious than 
 
 (S3) 
 
peace, and we shall fight for the things which we have 
 always carried nearest our hearts — for democracy, for the 
 right of those who submit to authority to have a voice in 
 their own governments, for the rights and liberties of 
 small nations, for a universal dominion of right by such 
 a concert of free peoples as shall bring peace and safety 
 to all nations, and make the world itself at last free. 
 
 To such a task we can dedicate our lives and our for- 
 tunes, everything that we are and everything that we 
 have with the pride of those who know that the day has 
 come when America is privileged to spend her blood and 
 her might for the principles that gave her birth and hap- 
 piness and the peace which she has treasured. God help- 
 ing her, she can do no other. 
 
 (54) 
 
APPENDIX 
 
We the people of the United States, in order to form a 
 more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestio 
 tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the 
 general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to our- 
 selves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Con- 
 stitution for the United States of America. 
 
 ARTICLE I 
 
 Section 1. All legislative powers herein granted shall 
 be vested in a Congress of the United States, which 
 shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives. 
 
 Section 2. 1 The House of Representatives shall be 
 composed of members chosen every second year by the 
 people of the several States, and the electors in each 
 State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors 
 of the most numerous branch of the State legislature. 
 
 2 No person shall be a representative who shall not 
 have attained to the age of twenty-five years, and been 
 seven years a citizen of the United States, and who shall 
 not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State in which 
 he shall be chosen. 
 
 3 Representatives and direct taxes shall be appor- 
 tioned among the several States which may be included 
 within this Union, according to their respective numbers, 
 which shall be determined by adding to the whole num- 
 ber of free persons, including those bound to service for 
 a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three 
 fifths of all other persons. The actual enumeration shall 
 be made within three years after the first meeting of the 
 Congress of the United States, and within every subse- 
 
quent term of ten years, in siicli manner as they shall by 
 law direct. The number of representatives shall not ex- 
 ceed one for every thirty thousand, but each State shall 
 have at least one representative; and until such enumer- 
 ation shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall 
 be entitled to choose three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode 
 Island and Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five, 
 New York six, New Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, 
 Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten, North Caro- 
 lina five, South Carolina five, and Georgia three. 
 
 4 When vacancies happen in the representation from 
 any State, the executive authority thereof shall issue writs 
 of election to fill such vacancies. 
 
 5 The House of Representatives shall choose their 
 speaker and other officers, and shall have the sole power 
 of impeachment. 
 
 Section 3. 1 The Senate of the United States shall 
 be composed of two senators from each State, chosen by 
 the legislature thereof for six years; and each senator 
 shall have one vote. 
 
 2 Immediately after they shall be assembled in con- 
 sequence of the first election, they shall be divided as eq- 
 ually as may be into 3 classes. The seats of the senators of 
 the first class shall be vacated at the expiration of the sec- 
 ond year, of the second class at the expiration of the fourth 
 year, and of the third class at the expiration of the sixth 
 year, so that one third may be chosen every second year ; 
 and if vacancies happen by resignation, or otherwase, 
 during the recess of the legislature of any State, the ex- 
 ecutive thereof may make temporary appointments until 
 
 (58) 
 
the next meeting of the legislature, whieh j^hall then fill 
 such vacancies. 
 
 3 No person shall be a senator who shall not have 
 attained to the age of thirty years, and been nine years 
 a citizen of the Unitd States, and who shall not, when 
 elected, be an inhabitant of that State for which he shall 
 be chosen. 
 
 4 The Vice President of the I'nited States shall be 
 President of the Senate, but shall have no vote, unless 
 they be equally divided. 
 
 5 The Senate shall choose their other officers, and 
 also a president pro tempore, in the absence of the Vice 
 President, or when he shall exercise the office of Presi- 
 dent of the United States. 
 
 6 The Senate shall have the sole powder to try all 
 impeachments. When sitting for that purpose, they shall 
 be on oath oi' affirmation. When the President of the 
 United States is tried, the chief justice shall preside: and 
 no person shall be convictf rl with(Uit the concurrence of 
 two thirds of the members present. 
 
 7 Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not extend 
 further than to removal from office, and disqualification 
 to hold and enjoy any office of honor, trust or profit 
 under the United States: but the party convicted shall 
 nevertheless be liable and subject to indictment, trial, 
 judgment and punishment, according to law. 
 
 Section 4. 1 The times, places, and manner of 
 holding elections for senators and representatives, shall 
 be prescribed in each State by the legislature thereof; 
 but the Congress may at any time by law make or alter 
 
 (39) 
 
such regulations, except as to the places of choosmg 
 senators. 
 
 2 The Congress shall assemble at least once in every 
 year, and such meeting shall be on the first Monday in 
 December, unless they shall by law appoint a different 
 day. 
 
 Section 5. 1 Each House shall be the judge of the 
 elections, returns and qualifications of its own members, 
 and a majority of each shall constitute a quorum to do 
 business; but a smaller number may adjourn from day 
 to day, and may be authorized to compel the attend- 
 ance of absent members, in such manner, and under such 
 penalties as each House may provide. 
 
 2 Each House may determine the rules of its pro- 
 ceedings, punish its members for disorderly behavior, 
 and, with the concurrence of two thirds, expel a member. 
 
 3 Each House shall keep a journal of its proceedings, 
 and from time to time publish the same, excepting such 
 parts as may in their judgment require secrecy; and the 
 yeas and nays of the members of either House on any 
 question shall, at the desire of one fifth of those present, 
 be entered on the journal. 
 
 4 Neither House, during the session of Congress, 
 shall, without the consent of the other, adjourn for more 
 than three days, nor to any other place than that in 
 which the two Houses shall be sitting. 
 
 Section 6. 1 The senators and representatives shall 
 receive a compensation for their services, to be ascertained 
 by law, and paid out of the Treasury of the United States. 
 They shall in all cases, except treason, felony and breach 
 
 .0 : (60) 
 
of tlie peare, be ]^rivilep;ed from arrept riuiiDn; their nt- 
 tendance at the session of their respective Houses, aiul 
 in going to and returning from the same; and for any 
 speech or debate in either House, they shall not be ques- 
 tioned in any other place. 
 
 2 No senator or representative shall, during the tini 
 for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil office 
 under the authority of the United States, which shall 
 have been created, or the emoluments whereof shall have 
 ))een increased (hiring such time; and lui ])ors(tn lioldiiig 
 any office under the United States shall b(^ a mom1)ei' of 
 either House during his continuance in office. 
 
 Section 7. 1 All bills for raising revenue shall origi- 
 nate in the House of Representatives; but the Senate 
 may propose or concur with amendments as on other 
 bills. 
 
 2 Every bill which shall have passed the House of 
 Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it become a 
 law, be presented to the President of the United States; 
 if he approve he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it, 
 with his objections to that House in which it shall have 
 originated, who shall enter the objections at large on 
 their journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If after such 
 reconsideration two thii-ds of that House shall agree to 
 pass the bill, it shall be sent, together with the objec- 
 tions, to the other House, by which it shall likewise be re- 
 considered, and if approved by two thirds of that House, 
 it shall become a law. But in all such cases the votes of 
 both Houses shall be determined by yeas and nays, and 
 the names of the persons voting for and against the bill 
 
 (61) 
 
shall be entered on the journal of each House respec- 
 tively. If an}^ bill shall not be returned by the Presi- 
 dent within ten days (Sundays excepted) after it shall 
 have been presented to him, the same shall be a law, in 
 like manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress by 
 their adjournment prevent its return, in which case it 
 shall not be a law. 
 
 3 Every order, resolution, or vote to which the con- 
 currence of the Senate and House of Representatives 
 may be necessaiy (except on a question of adjournment) 
 shall be presented to the President of the United States; 
 and before the same shall take effect, shall be approved 
 by him, or being disapproved by him,shall be repassed by 
 two thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, 
 according to the rules and limitations prescribed in the 
 case of a bill. 
 
 Section 8. 1. The Congress shall have power to lay 
 and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises, to pay the 
 debts and provide for the common defense and general 
 welfare of the Ignited States; but all duties, imposts and 
 excises shall be uniform throughout the United States; 
 
 2 To borrow money on the credit of t<he AJnited 
 States ; 
 
 3 To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and 
 among the several States, and with the Indian tribes; 
 
 4 To establish an uniform rule of naturalization, and 
 uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies throughout 
 the United States; 
 
 5 To coin money, regulate the \^alue thereof, and of 
 foreign coin, and fix the standard of weights and meas- 
 
 C62) 
 
Ures ; 
 
 6 To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting 
 the securities and current coin of the United States; 
 
 7 To establish post offices and post roads; 
 
 8 To promote the progress of science and useful arts 
 by securing for limited times to authors and inventors 
 the exclusive right to their respective writings and dis- 
 coveries ; 
 
 9 To constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme 
 Court ; 
 
 10 To define and punish piracies and felonies com- 
 mitted on the high seas, and offenses against the law of 
 nations; 
 
 11 To declare war, grant letters of marque and re- 
 prisal, and make rules concerning captures on land and 
 w^ater; 
 
 12 To raise and support armies, but no appropriation 
 of money to that use shall be for a longer term than two 
 years ; 
 
 13 To provide and maintain a navy; 
 
 14 To make rules for the government and regulation 
 of the land and naval forces; 
 
 15 To provide for- calling forth the militia to execute 
 the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections and repel 
 invasions ; 
 
 16 To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplin- 
 ing the militia, and for governing such part of them as 
 may be employed in the service of the United States, re- 
 serving to the States respectively the appointment of the 
 officers, and the authority of training the militia accord- 
 
 (63) 
 
ing to the discipline prescribed by Congress,' 
 
 17 To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases what- 
 soever, over such district (not exceeding ten miles square) 
 as may, by cession of particular States and the accept- 
 ance of Congress, become the seat of the government of 
 the United States, and to exercise like authority over all 
 places purchased by the consent of the legislature of the 
 State in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, 
 magazines, arsenals, dockyards, and other needful build- 
 ings; and 
 
 18 To make all laws which shall be necessary and 
 proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, 
 and all other powers vested by this Constitution in the 
 government of the Ignited States, or in any department 
 or. officer thereof. 
 
 Section 9. 1 The migration or importation of such 
 persons as any of the States now existing shall think 
 proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congi^ss 
 prior to, the year one thousand eight hundred and eight, 
 but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, 
 not exceeding ten dollars for each person. 
 
 2 The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not 
 be suspended, unless when in cases of rebellion or in- 
 vasion the public safety may require it. 
 
 3 No bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be 
 passed. 
 
 4 No capitation, or othei- direct, tax shall be laid, un- 
 less in proportion to the census or enumeration herein- 
 before directed to be taken. 
 
 5 No tax or duty shall l)e laid on articles exported 
 
 (64) 
 
from any State. 
 
 6 No preference shall be given by any regulation of 
 commerce or revenue to the ports of one State over those 
 of another: nor shall vessels bound to, or from, one State 
 be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another. 
 
 7 No money shall be drawn from the treasury, but 
 in consequence of appropriations made by law; and a 
 regular statement and account of the receipts and ex- 
 penditures of all public money shall be published from 
 time to time. 
 
 8 No title of nobility shall be granted by the United 
 States : and no person holding any office of profit or trust 
 under them, shall, without the consent of the Congress, 
 accept of any present, emolument, office, or title, of any 
 kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign State. 
 
 Section 10. 1. No state shall enter into any treaty, 
 alliance, or confederation ; grant letters of marque and re- 
 prisal; coin money; emit bills of credit; make anything 
 but gold and silver com a tender in payment of debts; 
 pass any bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law im- 
 pairing the obligation of contracts, or grant any title of 
 nobility. 
 
 '2 No State shall, without the consent of the Con- 
 gress, lay any imposts or duties on imports or exports, 
 except what may be absolutely necessary for executing 
 its inspection laws: and the net produce of all duties 
 and imposts laid b}^ any State on imports or exports, 
 shall be for the use of the treasury of the United States ; 
 and all such laws shall be subject to the revision and con- 
 trol of the Congress. 
 
 C65) 
 
3 No State shall, without the consent of Congress, 
 lay any duty of tonnage, keep troops, or ships of war in 
 time of peace, enter into any agreement or compact with 
 another State, or with a foreign power, or engage in war, 
 unless actually invaded, or in such innninent danger as 
 will not admit of delay. 
 
 ARTICLE II 
 
 Section 1. 1 The executive power shall be vested 
 in a President of the United States of America. He shall 
 hold his office during the term of four years, and, to- 
 gether with the Vice President, chosen for the same 
 term, be elected, as follows 
 
 2 Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the 
 legislature thereof may direct, a number of electors, equal 
 to the whole number of senators and representatives to 
 which the State inay be entitled in the Congress: but no 
 senator or representative, or person holding an office of 
 trust or profit under the United States, shall be ap- 
 pointed an elector. 
 
 The electors shall meet in their respective States, and 
 vote by ballot for two persons, of whom one at least shall 
 not be an inhabitant of the same State with themselves. 
 And they shall make a list of all the persons voted for. 
 and of the number of votes for each ; which list they shall 
 sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of the 
 government of the ITnited States, (Urected to the presi- 
 dent of the Senate. The president of the Senate, shall, 
 in the presence of the Senate and House of Representa- 
 tives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then 
 be counted. The person having the greatest number of 
 
 C66) 
 
votes shall be the President, if such number be a majority 
 of the whole number of electors appointed; and if there 
 be more than one who have such majority, and have an 
 equal number of votes, then the House of Representa- 
 tives shall immediately choose by ballot one of them for 
 President; and if no person have a majority, then from 
 the five highest on the list the said house shall in like 
 manner choose the President. But in choosing the Presi- 
 dent, the votes shall be taken by States, the representa- 
 tion from each State having one vote; a quorum for this 
 purpose shall consist of a member or members from two- 
 thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States shall 
 be necessary to a choice. In every case, after the choice 
 of the President, the person having the greatest number 
 of votes of the electors shall be the Vice President. But if 
 there should remain two or more who have equal votes, 
 the Senate shall choose from them by ballot the Vice 
 President. 
 
 3 The Congress may determine the time of choosing 
 the electors, and the day on which they shall give their 
 votes; which day shall be the same throughout the 
 United States. 
 
 4 No person except a natural born citizen, or a citizen 
 of the United States, at the time of the adoption of this 
 Constitution, shall be eligible to the office of President; 
 neither shall any person be eligible to that office who 
 shall not have attained to the age of thirty-five years, 
 and been fourteen years a resident within the United 
 States. 
 
 5 In case of the removal of the President from office, 
 
 C67) 
 
or of his death, resignation, or inability to discharge 
 the powers and duties of the said office, the same shall 
 devolve on the Vice President, and the Congress may by 
 law provide for the case of removal death, resignation, 
 or inability, both of the President and Vice President, 
 declaring what officer shall then act as President, and 
 such officer shall act accordingly, until the disability be 
 removed, or a President shall be elected. 
 
 6 The President shall, at stated times, receive for his 
 services a compensation, which shall neither be increased 
 nor diminished during the period for which he shall have 
 been elected, and he shall not receive within that period 
 any other emolument from the United States, or any 
 of them, 
 
 7 Before he enter en the execution of his office, he 
 shall take the folio Vvdng oath or affirmation: — ''I do sol- 
 emnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the 
 office of President of the United States, and will to the 
 best of my ability, preserve, protect and defend the Con- 
 stitution of the United States." 
 
 Section 2. 1 The President shall be commander in 
 chief of the army and navy of the United States, and of 
 the militia of the several States, when called into the 
 actual service of the United States; he may requii^e the 
 opinion, in writing, of the principal officer in each of the 
 executive departments, upon any subject relating to the 
 duties of their respective offices, and he shall have power 
 to grant reprieves and pardons for offenses against the 
 United States, except in cases of impeachment. 
 
 2 He shall have power, by and with the advice and 
 
 (68) 
 
consent of the Senate, to make treaties, provided two 
 thirds of the senators present concur; and he shall nomi- 
 nate, and by and with the advice and consent of the 
 Senate, shall appoint ambassadors, other public minis- 
 ters and consuls, judges of the Supreme Court, and all 
 other officers of the United States, whose appointments 
 are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be 
 established by law: but the Congress may by law vest 
 the appointment of such inferior officers, as they think 
 proper, in the President alone, in the courts of law, or in 
 the heads of departments. 
 
 3 The President shall have power to fill up all va- 
 cancies that may happen during the recess of the Senate, 
 by granting commissions which shall expire at the end 
 of their next session. 
 
 Section 3. He shall from time to time give to the 
 Congress information of the state of the Union, and rec- 
 ommend to their consideration such measures as he shall 
 judge necessary and expedient; he may, on extraordinary 
 occasions, convene both Houses, or either of them, and in 
 case of disagreement between them with respect to the 
 time of adjournment, he may adjourn them to such time 
 as he shall think proper; he shall receive ambassadors 
 and other public ministers; ho shall take care that the 
 laws be faithfully executed, and shall commission all the 
 officers of the United States. 
 
 Section 4. The President, Vice President, and all 
 civil officers of the United States, shall be removed from 
 office on impeachment for, and conviction of, treason, 
 bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors. 
 
 C69) 
 
ARTICLE III. 
 
 Section 1. The judicial power of the United States 
 shall be vested in one Supreme Court, and in such in- 
 ferior courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain 
 and establish. The judges, both of the Supreme and in- 
 ferior courts, shall hold their offices during good be- 
 havior, and shall, at stated times, receive for their ser- 
 vices, a compensation which shall not be diminished dur- 
 ing their continuance in office. 
 
 Section 2. 1. The judicial power shall extend to all 
 cases, in law and equity, arising under this Constitution, 
 the laws of the United States, and treaties made, or 
 which shall be made, under their authority; — to all cases 
 affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and 
 consuls; — to all cases of admiralty and mar- 
 itime jurisdiction; — to controversies to which 
 the United States shall be a party; — to 
 controversies between two or more States; — between a 
 State and citizens of another State; — between citizens of 
 different states, — between citizens of the same State 
 claimmg lands under grants of different States, and be- 
 tween a State, or the citizens thereof, and foreign States, 
 citizens or subjects. 
 
 2 In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public 
 ministers and consuls, and those in which a State shall 
 be party, the Supreme Court shall have original jurisdic- 
 tion. In all the other cases before mentioned, the Su- 
 preme Court shall have appellate jurisdiction, both as to 
 law and fact, with such exceptions, and under such regu- 
 lations as the Congress shall make. 
 
 C70) 
 
3 The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeach- 
 ment, shall be by jury ; and such trial shall be held in 
 the State where the said crimes shall have been com- 
 mitted; but when not committed within any State, the 
 trial shall be at such place or places as the Congress may 
 by law have directed. 
 
 Section 3. 1 Treason against the United States, 
 shall consist only in levying war against them, or in ad- 
 hering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort. 
 No person shall be convicted of treason unless on the tes- 
 timony of two witnesses to the same overt act. or on con- 
 fession in open court. 
 
 2 The Congress shall have power to declare the pun- 
 ishment of treason, but no attainder of treason shall work 
 corruption of blood, or forfeiture except during the life of 
 the person attainted. 
 
 ARTICLE IV 
 
 Section 1. Full faith and credit shall be given in each 
 State to the public acts, records, and judicial proceedings 
 of every other State. And the Congress may by general 
 laws prescribe the manner in which such acts, records and 
 proceedings shall be proved, and the effect thereof. 
 
 Section 2. 1 The citizens of each State shall be en- 
 titled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the 
 several States. 
 
 2 A person charged in any State with treason, felony, 
 or other crime, who shall flee from justice, and be found in 
 another State, shall on demand of the executive author- 
 ity of the State from which he fled, be delivered up to be 
 removed to the State having jurisdiction of the crime. 
 
3 No person held to service or labor in one State, un- 
 der the laws thereof, escaping into ano'ther, shall, in con- 
 sequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged 
 from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up or: 
 claim of the party to whom such service or labor may 1 
 due. 
 
 Section 3. 1 New States may be admitted by the 
 Congress into this Union; but no new State shall be 
 formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other 
 State; nor any State be formed by the junction of two 
 or more States, or parts of States, without the consent of 
 the legislatures of the States concerned as well as of the 
 Congress. 
 
 2 The Congress shall have power to dispose of an 
 make all needful rules and regulations respecting the ter- 
 ritory or other property belonging to the United States; 
 and nothing in this Constitution shall be so construed as 
 to prejudice any claims of the United States, or of any 
 particular State. 
 
 Section 4. The United States shall guarantee to 
 every State in this Union a republican fonn of govern- 
 ment, and shall protect each of them against invasion; 
 and on application of the legislature, or of the executive 
 (when the legislature cannot be convened) against do- 
 mestic violence. 
 
 ARTICLE V 
 
 The Congress, whenever two thirds of both Houses 
 shall deem it necessary, shall propose amendments to 
 this Constitution, or, on the application of the legisla- 
 tures of two thirds of the several States, shall call a con- 
 
 (72) 
 
vention for proposing ameiidments, which, m either case, 
 shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of this 
 Constitution, when ratified by the legislatures of three 
 fourths of the several States, or by conventions in three 
 fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode of ratifica- 
 tion may be proposed by the Congress; Provided that no 
 amendment which may be made prior to the year one 
 thousand eight hundred and eight shall in any manner 
 affect the first and fourth clauses in the ninth section of 
 the first article; and that no State, without its consent, 
 shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate. 
 ARTICLE VI 
 
 1 All debts contracted and engagements entered in- 
 to, before the adoption of this Constitution, shall be as 
 valid against the United States under this Constitution, 
 as under the Confederation. 
 
 2 This Constitution, and 'the tews of the United 
 States which shall be made in pursuance thereof; and 
 all treaties made, oi' which shall be made, under the 
 authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law 
 of the land; and the judges in every State shall be bound 
 thereby, anything in the Constitution or laws of any 
 State to the contrary notwithstanding. 
 
 3 The senators and representatives before mentioned, 
 and the members of the several State legislatures, and all 
 executive and judicial officers, both of the United States, 
 and of the several States, shall be bound by oath or af- 
 firmation to support this Constitution; but no religious 
 test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office 
 or public trust under the United States. 
 
 C73> 
 
ARTICLE VTT 
 
 The ratification of the convention of nine States shall 
 be sufficient for the establishment of this Constitution 
 between the States so ratifying the same. 
 
 Done in Convention by the unanimous consent of the 
 
 States present the seventeenth day of September in 
 
 the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and 
 
 eighty-seven, and of the independence of the LTnited 
 
 States of America the twelfth. In witness whereof we 
 
 have hereunto subscribed our names, 
 
 Go: Washington — 
 Presidt. and Deputy from Virginia 
 
 New Hampshire — John Langdon; Nicholas Oilman. 
 
 Massachusetts-^2ii\\ame\ Gorham; Rufus King. / 
 
 Comiecticut — Wm. Saml. Johnson; Roger Sherman. 
 
 New York — Alexander Hamilton. 
 
 New Jersey — Wii: Livingston; David Brearley; Wm. 
 Paterson; Jona: Dayton. 
 
 Pennsylvania — B. Franklin; Thomas IVIiftlin; Robt. 
 Morris; Geo. Clymer; Thos. Fitzsimons; Jared Ingersoll; 
 James Wilson; Gouv Morris. 
 
 Delaware— Geo: Read; Gunning Bedford Jun; John 
 Dickinson; Richard Bassett; Jaco: Broom. 
 
 Maryland — James McHenry ; Dan of St. Thos. Jenifer ; 
 Danl. Carroll. 
 
 Virginia — John Blair — ; James Madison Jr. 
 
 North Carolina — Wm. Blount; Richd. Dobbs Spaight; 
 Hu Williamson. 
 
 South Carolina — J. Rutledge; Charles Cotesworth 
 
 (74) 
 
Pinckney; Charles Pinckney; Pierce Butler. 
 Georgia — William Few; Abr Baklwiii. 
 
 Attest William Jackson, Secretary. 
 
 Articles in addition to, and amendment of, the Constitu- 
 tion of the United States of America, proposed by 
 Congress, and ratified by the legislatures of the several 
 States pursuant to the fifth article of the original Con- 
 stitution. 
 
 ARTICLE I 
 Congress shall make no law respecting an establish- 
 ment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; 
 or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the 
 right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to peti- 
 tion the government for a redress of grievances. 
 ARTICLE IT 
 A well regulated militia, being necessary to the se- 
 curity of a free State, the right of the people to keep and 
 bear arms, shall not be infringed. 
 ARTICLE III 
 No soldier shall, in time of peace be quartered in any 
 house, without the consent of the owner, nor in time of 
 war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law\ 
 ARTICLE IV 
 The right of the people to be secure in their persons, 
 houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches 
 and seizures, shall not be violated, and no warrants shall 
 issue, but upon probable cause, supported by oath or af- 
 firmation, and particularly describing the place to be 
 searched, and the persons or things to be seized. 
 
 C75) 
 
ARTICLE V 
 
 No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or 
 otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or 
 indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in 
 the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual 
 service in time of war or public danger; nor shall any 
 person be subject for the same offense to be twice put in 
 jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any 
 criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be de- 
 prived of life, liberty, or property, without due process 
 of law^ ; nor shall private property be taken for public use 
 without just compensation. 
 
 ARTICLE VI 
 
 In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy 
 the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial 
 juiy of the State and district wherein the crime shall 
 have been committed, which district shall have been pre- 
 viously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the 
 nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted 
 with the witnesses against him ; to have compulsory pro- 
 cess for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the 
 assistance of counsel for his defense. 
 ARTICLE VII 
 
 In suits at common law, where the value in contro- 
 versy shall exceed twenty d.o]Iars, th right of trial by 
 jury shall be preserved, and no fact tried by a jury shall 
 be otherwise re-examined in any court of the United 
 States, than according to the rules of the common law. 
 ARTICLE VIII 
 
 Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines 
 
 C76) 
 
imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted 
 ARTICLE IX 
 
 The enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights 
 shall not be construed to deny or disparage others re- 
 tained by the people. 
 
 ARTICLE X 
 
 The powers not delegated to the United States by the 
 Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are re- 
 served to the States respectively, or to the people. 
 ARTICLE XI 
 
 The judicial jwwer of the United States shall not ]:^.e 
 construed to extend to any suit in law or equity, com- 
 menced or prosecuted against one of the United States 
 by citizens of another State, or by citizens or subjects of 
 any foreign State. 
 
 ARTICLE XII 
 
 The electors shall meet in their respective States, and 
 vote by ballot for President and Vice Prsident, ojie of 
 whom, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same 
 State with themselves; they shall name in their ballot 
 the person voted for as President, and in distinct ballots 
 the person voted for as Vice President, and they sha':' 
 make distinct lists of all persons voted for as President 
 and of all persons voted for as Vice President, and of the 
 number of votes for each, which lists they shall sig-n and 
 certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of government of 
 the United States, directed to the president of the 
 Senate; — The president of the Senate shall, in the pres- 
 ence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open 
 all the certificates and the votes shall then be counted; 
 
 C77) 
 
— The person having the greatest number of votes for 
 President shall be the President, if such number be a 
 majority of the whole number of electors appointed; 
 if no person have such majority, then from the persons 
 having the highest numbers not exceeding three on the 
 list of those voted for as President, the House of Repre- 
 sentatives shall choose immediately, by ballot, the Presi- 
 dent. But in choosing the President, the votes shall be 
 taken by States, the representation from each State hav- 
 ing one vote; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of 
 a member or members from two thirds of the States, and 
 a majority of all the States shall be necessary to a choice. 
 And if the House of Representatives shall not choose a 
 President whenever the right of choice shall devolve up- 
 on them, before the fourth day of March next following, 
 then the Vice President shall act as President, as in the 
 case of the death or other constitutional disability of the 
 President. The person having the greatest number of 
 votes as Vice President shall be the Vice President, if 
 such number be a majority of the whole number of 
 electors appointed, and if no person have a majority, 
 then from the two highest numbers on the list, the Senate 
 shall choose the Vice President; a quorum for the pur- 
 pose shall consist of two thirds of the whole number of 
 senators, and a majority of the whole number shall be 
 necessary to a choice. But no person constitutionally in- 
 eligible to the office of President shnll be eligible to that 
 of Vice President of th United States. 
 ARTICLE XIII 
 Section 1. Neither slavery nor involuntary servi- 
 
 n C78) 
 
tude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party 
 shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the 
 Unitd States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction. 
 
 Section 2. Congress shall have the po^ver to enforce 
 this article by appropriate legislation. 
 ARTICLE XIV 
 
 Section 1. All persons born or naturalized in the 
 United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are 
 citizens of the United States and of the State wherein 
 they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law 
 which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citi- 
 zens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive 
 any person of life, liberty, or property, without due pro- 
 cess of law ; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction 
 the equal protection of the laws. 
 
 Section 2. Representatives shall be apportioned 
 among the • several States according to their respective 
 numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each 
 State, excluding Indians not taxed. But when the right 
 to vote at any election for the choice of electors for Presi- 
 dent and Mce President of the United States, repre- 
 sentatives in Congress, the executive and judicial officers 
 of a State, or the members of the legislatur thereof, is 
 denied to any of the male inhabitants of such State, be- 
 ing twenty-one years of age, and citizens of the United 
 States, or in any way abridged, except for participation 
 in rebellion, or other crime, the basis of representation 
 therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the 
 number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole 
 number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such 
 
 (79) 
 
State. 
 
 Section 3. No person shall be a senator or represen- 
 tative in Congress, or elector of President and Vice Presi- 
 dent, or hold any office, civil or military, under the 
 United States, or under any State, who, having pre- 
 viously taken an oath, as a member of Congress, or as an 
 officer of the United States, or as a member of any 
 State legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of 
 any State, to support the Constitution of the United 
 States, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion 
 against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies 
 thereof. But Congress may by a vote of two thirds of 
 each House, remove such disability. 
 
 Section 4. The validity of the public debt of the United 
 States, authorized by law, including debts incurred for 
 payment of pensions and bounties for services in sup- 
 pressing insurrection or rebellion, shall not be questioned. 
 But neither the T'nited States nor any State shall assume 
 or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrec- 
 tion or rebellion against the United States, or any claim 
 for the loss or emaucipation of any slave; but all such 
 debts, obligations and claims shall be held illegal and 
 void. 
 
 Section 5. The Congress shall have power to enforce, 
 by appropriate legislation, the provisions of this article. 
 ARTICLE XV 
 
 Section 1. The right of citizens of the United States 
 to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United 
 States or by any State on account of race, color, or pre- 
 vious condition of servitude. 
 
 (80) 
 
Section 2. The Congress shall have power to enforce 
 this article by appropriate legislation. 
 ARTICLE XVI 
 
 The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes 
 on incomes from whatever source derived, without ap- 
 portionment among the several States, and without re- 
 gard to any census or enumeration. 
 ARTICLE XVII 
 
 The Senate of the United States shall be composed of 
 two Senators from each State, elected by the people 
 thereof, for six years; and each Senator shall have one 
 vote. The electors in each State shall have the quali- 
 fications requisite for the elector of the most numerous 
 branch of the state legislatures. 
 
 When vacancies happen in the representation of any 
 State in the Senate, the executive authority of such State 
 shall issue writs of election to fill such vacancies. 
 
 Provided, that the legislature of any State may em- 
 power the executive thereof to make temporary appoint- 
 ments until the people fill the vacancies by election, as 
 the legislature may direct. 
 
 This amendment shall not be so construed as to affect 
 the election or term of any Senator chosen before it be- 
 comes valid as part of the Constitution. 
 
 (81) 
 
THE SUNANP AND THE STARS 
 
 (An International Song) 
 PHILIP HENRY DODGE 
 
Tune: Columbia, the Gem of the Ocean 
 
 The sun and the stars in the heavens 
 
 United in radiance shine; 
 
 Their light Hke a mantle of glory 
 
 Descends as a blessing divine. 
 
 Let the nations whose banners are waving 
 
 The sign of the stars and the sun, 
 
 Give light to the earth and its people, 
 
 United in purpose as one. 
 
 Hurrah for the sun and the stars! 
 
 Banzai for the stars and the sun ! 
 
 Inscribed on the skies it is written, 
 
 The Heart of the nations is one. 
 Though clouds in their darkness may gather, 
 And ages in turn pass away, 
 U^naltered as laws of creation, 
 The lights of the firmament siay. 
 Let the nations whose banners are waving 
 These emblems of beauty and light, 
 Stand firm for protection united, 
 As follow the day and the night. 
 
 Hurrah for the sun and the stars! 
 
 Banzai for the stars and the sun! 
 
 Deep down in all hearts it is written, 
 
 The Life of the nations is one. 
 
 C85) 
 
'' Though language and customs may differ, 
 
 Though kingdoms their courses have run, 
 ' Though races and peoples have altered, 
 
 ^ O'er all shine the stars and tne sun. 
 
 f Let the nations whose banners are wavmg 
 
 f The symbols that never snail cease, 
 
 > Insure for the earth and its people 
 
 • The blessings of safety and peace. 
 
 Hurrah for the sun and the stars! 
 \ Banzai for the stars and the sun? 
 
 ^ Enshrined in all life it is written, 
 
 The God of the nations is one. 
 J" Philip Henry Dodge. 
 
 (86) 
 
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