THE CAMPAIGN IN ILLINOIS. ■ ^^•►^ -r, SPEECH OF SENATOR TRUMBULL, HIS PRIVATE OPINION OF DOUGLAS PUBLICLY EXPRESSED. \From. the Chioaid they not tell us that the Missouri compromise was repealed for the pur- pose of conferring upon the peoj)le of the terri- tory the right of self-govcrimieiit and popular sove- reigntj'? Wasn't that the avowed reason V [Cries of " "i es, yes."l W'ell, if if was for that reason, has not that reason been totally abandoned? [" Yes, that's so."] It is true that was the reason, and it was said by those who brought about that repeal that the people Of a territory should liave the same right to icgylate their domestic afl'.iirs as the people of a state, and I remember to have heard the position stated in this form : " Are you not cajjable of gov- erning yourselves in the .state of Illinois, and do you lose your senses, so that you can't govern yourselves the moment you pass over the line of a state into a territory? Arc you not as capable of governing yourselves there as here?" This was the form in which the question was .stated, and the appeal was made to all the people of the free states to endorse the repeal of the Missouri Cc)mpromise iipon this ground— and the ground alone — of leaving the peo- ple of the territory tree to regulate their own domes- tic affairs in their own way. This was the doctrine ))rotessed until the Cincinnati Convention met in 1856; I mean j)rofessed in the North, for it never was the doctrine avowed by the South. When that conven- tion met they passed a resolution declaring that the people of each territory .should have the right to determine their domestic institutions, including slavery, when they came to form a state govern- ment. Here the idea w;.s first started that they should have that right when they formed a state go- vernment. Was that ever in controversy ? I Cries of" No ! no !" | Never. Did any one ever pretend that any body could form a constitution for the people of a state except the jjeople of the state themselves ? The people of a tiTrilory cannot by themselves put a state constitutiiui in operation. The constitutmn which they form has no effect — is not approved— until they are admitted into the Union as a .state. You all know this. Jlinnesota formed a constitu- tion, but did it come into force before she was ad- mitted as a state? Oregon formed a con.stitution, and yet is not a state. Kansas has had half a dozen constitutions and is not yet a state. [Cheers and laughter.] So that this application of the doctrine of popular sovereignty to the j)eople of a territory, in the formation of a .state constitution, which no one ever disputed, was an after thought — a change of doctrine. To liken it familiarly : Suppose a man were to go about the streets i)ioclaimmg the ab- solute right of a cliild to do as he pleased ; and you told him, " Sir, it will not do to let our lit- tle boys and girls do as they please ; they must be governed by their ])arents until they have ar- rived at an age when they are capable of taking care of themselves," and you satisfy him that this is so, and that the best interests of the child all require that he should be under the control of his parents until he arrives at an age when he is capable of taking care of himself. After you have satisfied the man of that, who has been crying out for the rights of the child, he turns around and hur- rahs for the rights of the child when he's twenty- one. [Laughter. I lie cries, "I am for the rights of the child — that is, I am for the rights of the cnild when he gets to be a man.'' [Renewed laughter.] Well, what do you wlio huriali for the popular sove- reignty of the people of a territory mean ? Do you mean that the people of a territory shall elect their own Governor? No. That they shall elect their own judges ? No. Do you mean they can pro- vide for a legislature ? No. Do you mean that they may keep slavery from being introduced among them ? No. Then what do j-ou mean ? " I mean when they cease to be a territory and come to be a state, and are twenty-one j-ears of age, [laughter and cheers] they may do as they please." Here is the change the rej)L'alers of the Missouri compromise have made in their professions. They all professed at the time the Missouri compro- mise was repealed to believe that slavery would not go into Kansas. We who were opposed to the re- peal of that law which excluded slavery from Kansas while a territory, told them the effect of it would be to open Kansas to slavery, and slaveiT would go there. They said it was no such thing — it was a slander upon them, for they were as nuich opposed to slavery as any one — it was an abolition lie — slavery would never go there, and the Missouri com- promise was not repealed for any such purpose. This was the profession. [Cries of " true, true."] t.7t> ^Y What did We Say further ? Wc said slavery would be introduced, and when slavery got into the terri- tory it would be difficult to get it out. This they denied. What has been the practical ef- fect? The moment the Jlissouri compromise was repealed, slavery did go into Kansas — it is there to- day. That is the truth, which cannot be denied. Af- ter slavery got there, did the people have the right to exclude it y did the people have the right to do anytliingV You are too familiar with the history ot Kansas to require that I should go over it to-uight ; but you all know, that so far from the people of Kan- sas having the i-iglit to rcgidaic their own affairs on the subject of slavery, at tiie very first election which was held the settlers were driven from the polls, and a legislature was elected for them, and what did it doy The legislature passed a law punishing a man with chains and the penitentiary who should say slavery did not exist iu Kansas. If a man merely avowed such to be his opinion, he subjected him- self to the penitentiary. That legislature, when it met, imposed unconstitutional laws upon the people of Kansas — provided for the perpetua- tion of its power — appointed its officers for years — took the control ot all the affairs of the terri- tory, and, backed by the United States army, a per- fect despotism was forced upon the people, who, it was said, had had conferred upon them the great principles of self-government and popular sovereign- ty. [Loud and continued applause.] These are the facts. Let us follow this history along a little fur- ther. In process of time it was supposed that Kan- sas would wish to be admitted into the Union as a state. Her people, you remember, had formed one constitution, known as the " Topeka Constitution," .tablisnnig a free state. It was necessary to meet i's with something, and a bill was prepared in the late of the United States, by Mr. Douglas, author- ) ig the people of Kansas to hold a convention id form a constitution. Several amendments ..ere offered to that bill. Among others an amendment was offered by Mr. ' Toombs, of Georgia, and that bill subsequently passed the Senate. JVbw, fellow-citizeiig, I make the dk- tinct charge that there was a preconcerted arrange- ment and plot entered into hy tlif very men who noiv claim credit for (iiijiosiiiij a. cmixfifufion not suh- mitted to the p'eoph\h) Inr- : ficoph- any oppor- tunity to pass upon it. [Great applause.] This, my friends, is a serious charge, but I charge it to-night, that the Viry m, h ivIk! trar. rs, ffi, \o>nttry, under banners pr^fhii mi n't jiojudur ■-:'ir, r. i.'nl n, hy design concocted it l.ill ,, II jiiirjKis, to fnrn I, myself, humble as I am, and making no preten- ^ ^ions other than to have performed my duty to the best of my abilit}- to the state that has honored me by placing me in the Senate, pointed this out two years ago. [Three cheers for Trumbull were given with great enthusiasm.] I stated that it was a little too much to call a convention in Kansas before knowing what was the wish of the people, and then to allow the fifty-two men which were to compose the con- vention, according to that bill, to put any sort of a constitution upon the people without allowing them to vote upon it. A Voice — What did Douglas say to it? Mr. Trumbull — What did he say ^ He was silent as the grave, and voted for the bill ^ [Applause.] It passed the Senate, but was defeated in the House. Mind yotj, now, this was before the Presidential elec- tion. [Cheers and laughter.] It was before the thunders of the Frernottt vote liAul rolled doion to Washington, ait.d frightened the men that were there. [Applause.] It was before the free people of Illinois had swept the plunderers from the state ccipitol, and installed in their places free men, and the friends of free men. [Renewed applause.] It woulil not clo to rish that policy mttcli, longer. [Laughter and ap- plause.] LECOMPTOX. The people of Kansas, it is said — or I will say, rather, the Legislature of Kansas which had been imposed upon that people — made provision, about a year ago, for calling a convention to form a consti- tution, and they laid their plans in such a way that they had the power in their own hands, Thej' took a registry, or pretended to t>>,ke a registry, of the voters. They made the registry so as to give them- selves a majority. ' They apportioned the represent- ation throughout the State, and out of thirty-five counties, to nineteen counties they gave no repre- sentation at all ; all the delegates were from the othei- sixteen. And that convention met and adopted what is called the " Lecompton Constitution." [A voice, " That is true. I'm a Douglas man."| That constitution was a slavery constitution, in any event ; it was submitted to the people iu what form they would have slavery — whether the slavery which was there should be continued perpetually, or whether future slavery should be prohibited from entering the territory. A vote was taken upon the alternative proposition. Now down to this period, and the formation of the Lecompton constitution, all these outrages in Kansas — and 1 need not stop to re- peat them, for they are familiar to you all — down to this period, they were all justified by the men who now claim credit for opposing one of the series of acts growing out of the repeal of the Missouri com- promise. VVhen this constitution was sent to Con- gress, the Republicans, as a matter of course, were opposed to it — they were opposed to the bogus laws from beginning to end — opposed to tlie usur- pation ; they were opposed to the despotism, and thsy, as a matter of course, were opposed to this Le- comptoa constitution — its legitimate offspring. Some of those who had justified all the previous outrages in Kansas opposed it also, and I have heard it said that mv distinifuished colleague claims credit forop- posingit and killing it. AVhy, my fellow-citizens, my colleague was brushed iv't ot' f'e way as you would brush away a fly. In the Senate of the Unit- ed States they passed it over the iieads of the Ke- publicans with all tiie assistance Judge Douglas could give us. lie was counselling with us, and ad- vising with us, ami attemjiting to devise plans by whicii it cotdd In- defeated, yet it went through the Senate with a decided majority, but in the House of Representatives, wliere the Republicans were st.-onger, they made a stand aganist it, and the question was taken on rejecting this Lecompton constitution, this fraudulent conqern, and but a sin- gle so-called democrat voted against it. Major Hai-- ri<, of this slate, was the only one who united with the Republicans, and came up like a man and voted to reject and kill the tiling forever. [Good for One man— three cheers for Harris.) Fellow-citizens, I do not mean there was but one man voted against it — I think there were ninety-five, but we got but little help from these men who claim credit for hav- ing defeated it; that is what I mean to say. The proposition was made to amend the bill, and it re- sulted in what you know as the English — I believe some people call it — swindle. Rnt it is no matter what it was, the people of Kansas buried it out of sight on Monday last. [Great cheers.] Now, where are these men, who, upon that matter united with the Republicans — where are they ? They say they differed with the administration upon a single meas- ure. What was that measure '? Why, it was on the adoption of the Lecompton constitution, and admit- ting Kansas into the Union as a state luider it. Well, that was a temporary issue, and is dead, buried, past and gone lorever. There is the end of it. Wliere are the men, then, who united with the Republicans to defeat that iniquity and fraud, who have proclaimed in loud tones that it was a swindle, and that there was an \ndioly attempt to force that swindle upon the people of Kan- sas y They have gone back and united with those men who conspired to force this constitution upon tiie people of Kansas against their will, (they are a singular sort of associates for honest men to nick out J and they claim to stand with them. Now, I wisli that this burying of the Lecompton constitu- tion by the peo])le was the end of this question, and that freedom might triumph forever afterwards. But the contest is not ended. This is but one of a series of acts adopted by this party in l^.")4, when the policy of the country was changed in regard to the goveioment of the territories on the subject of slavery. THE riliSPOTISX at WASHIXtiTOX. The power which was then inaugurated in using all the depaitments of this government, not merely to extend slavery into Kansas and bring it in as a slave state, but to make all the interests of this great country subordinate to the slave power. The des- potism' of Wasliiiigton is almost as cruel as that which has prevailed in Kansas. There is not, hold- ing office throughout this vast country, a single man who is known to entei'lain views in ojiposition to the right to take slaves into free territories. It is an ut- ter dis()ualification for ofiiee. All the departments at Washington are organized upon the plan of pro- scribing men who believe that slavery should be ex- cluded frcnn the free territories. All the committees in (."oiigi-ess — or all the important ones — which ma- ture the business for the action of ("ongress, are un- der the control of this same power. The Supreme Court is under the control of this same power. You all recollect the case which excited tlie whole country two years ago, when a Senator of the United States was .struck down and beaten nearly to death in his seat in the Senate Chamber, for uttering his honest sentiment in oppo- sition to this slavery propagandism. Rut a worse state of things than that exists to-day. The gentle- man who was thus stricken down in the vigor of manhood, and has been suttering from that day to this, and who, his best friends fear, may never re- cover, suffering with anguish and pain and torture, from blows intlicted upon him unawares and without notice — that gentleman, now just able to walk, has since made his appearance in the Senate Chamber, having been re-elected by the people of the state of Massachusetts, and when he comes there and rises with difliculty from his chair, two years alter the act was done, for which some may plead the excuse that it was done under excitement — I say now, the very men in the interest of this power affect to treat him with contempt. [Cries of " Shame, shame."] Would you believe it? Not a northern senator belonging to this pro-slavery party dares even to speak to him lest he offend his southern associated Yes, during the last session of Congress, wlien upon one occasion it was stated in the Senate that the senator from Massachu- setts had paired ofl' with some other member, who was also indisposed, a sneer of contempt was observed through the chamber at the idea of his indisposition, and tlie leaders of the i)ro-slavery democracy affect to believe that it is a pretence on'the part of a man who has been suffering these two years. In my judgment the world has never seen exhibited such refined malignity and cruelty as this attempt to treat with scorn that suffering man. This is worse a thousand ibid than the spirit which under excite- ment could strike the blow, for this is meditated and continued malice. [Loud applause. | A Yoice — Three cheers for Sumner. ]The cheers were given heartily.] I mention this, my fellow-citizens, to show the condition of things at Washington. Let me tell you another fact. 1 went as your representative two years ago to Washington, almost an entire stranger, never having met more than two or three members of the Senate in my life. 1 remained there as one of the representatives of this state through two ses- sions of Congress, sent there to consult with the re- presentatives of other co-equal slates for the best good of a common country, and for those two years was not placed on a committee which ever met. Re- publican senators were not consulted — w^e were ig- nored by this proscriptive, intolerant party, that made adhesion to the interests of the slave power the only test by which they allowed a person to take part in the proceedings of government wherever they could prevent it." A little diftereiit state of things prevailed after the Fremont election in 1S.")H. But "let me tell you how it is now. The com- mittees were organized anew at the commence- ment of the last session of Congress, and I have with me a list of them. On looking at it you will find that all the leading committees are not only en- tirely in the interest of this pro-.slavery i)arty, but are controlled by southern men. The Committee on Foreign Relations is one of the most important. It is j)resided over by ilason, of Yirginia, and a ma- j(n-ity of that committee are from the southern states. The Committee on the Judiciary is presided over by Bayard, of Delaware, and a majority of that commit- tee" sire from the southern states. The Committee on Naval Afiairs is presided over by Mallory,of Florida, and a majority of that committee are from the south- ern states, the Committee on Military All'airs is presided over bv Davis, of Mississippi. On I'ost- olliccs by Yulee,'of Florida. The Connnittee on Fi- nance by Hunter, of Yirginia. Southern men are at the head of all those committees. That on Com- merce is presided over by Clay, of Alabama ; that on Indian Affairs by Sebastian, of Arkansas ; I believe there are one or two other committees besides that on Territories, of which Mr. Doughis is the chairman, the chairmanship of wliich is given to the North ; per- haps the Committee on Enrolled Bills, or something of that kind. Now, the northern or free states con- stitute a majority, and you see how powerless they are in the business of the Senate. This is so, not only in regard to the distribution of the business of Congress, but in the appropriations. Ai, the last session of Congress, more than three-fourths of all the monev appropriated for fortifications on the At- lantic and the Gulf coast was appropriated for forti- fications in slaveholding states. There are two buildings in the South erected for custom-house pur- poses—one at New Orleans and the other at Charles- ton—not vet completed, and no estimates yet fur- nished of "what the cost of completion will be. Al- ready more than five millions of dollars have been ap- propriated to build these two houses alone. There's where the money goes. The last Congress appropria- ted $450,000 to continue the work upon them; and when I inquired in the Senate, of the chairman of the Committee of Finance, how uuich the custom-house at Charleston was to cost when completed, he replied that no estimate had been made ; but the inquiry led to the disclosure of the fact that a marble palace was being built fronting on a iish market on one side, which had already cost, with the appropriation then asked, some two millions of dollars, and it would cost some three millions before it would be finished. How many men do you suppose are to occupy this building when finished? Forty-eight was the number of employes in lb.')7, the last year reported, and the amount'of revenue collected was a little over $r.00,000. [Laughter.] The so-called democracy want, for the accommodation of these forty-eight persons, and to collect 1^500,000, a build- ing to cost three millions ! In the great city of New York there is a custom-house — many of you have seeu it — a fine building it is, and it cost about eleven hundred thousand dollars. How many per- sons do you suppose are employed at the New York Custom-House, and how much revenue collected? The last year rejiorted more than forty-two millions of dollar's collected at New York, and there were more than a thousand persons employed in its col- lection, and a building costing a little over a mil- lion was sufficient to do the business in. Do a"ou sup- pose such an appropriation as that for the Custom House at Charleston could be obtained to erect a public building in the northern states? [No, no.] The Custom House in the city of Philadelphia only cost some four or five hundred thousand dollars ; that in Boston about a million, while that in New Orleans has cost more than three millions. [A voice —" And sinking at that." Laughter.] Yes, sinking at that. Like the treasury, my friends, it is based on a sandy foundation. [Renewed laughter.] While three-fourths of the money appropriated for fortifi- cation of the last session is to be expended in slave states, not a dollar was appropriated for the fortifi- cations at the northwestern frontier. While the party can appropriate five millions to build two houses — one at Charleston and the other at New Orleans — how much money do you suppose it appro- priated at the last session to save the hundi'eds of lives lost in sight of your city, upon this lake, and to save the millions of property that annually go down to the bottom for want of some little improve- ment of your great harbors? Not a dollar could be obtained for such a purpose. THK DRED SCOTT DECISIOX. Now what did this party design by the policy in- augurated in 1854? I have shown" you how they have gone on, step by step, advancing first one opin- ion, tiien another, and then another, until they have got slavery into Kansas ; denying first the power of Congress to exclude it, then denying the power of the people of a territory, while in a territorial con- dition, to exclude it. Next, they will deny the power of the people when they form a state constitution to exclude it ; and that such is the next step to bo taken is manifest from the Dred Scott decision. I wish, fellow-citizens, to get before you, if I can, a clear idea of that l)red Scott decision, and what it decided in that case. The case was this: A man by the name of Dred Scott brought a suit for his freedom in the United States Court in Missouri, on the ground that he had been taken by his master to Rock Island, in this state, and there held for some time, and afterwards taken to Fort Snelling, Minnesota, which was then a territory, and a part of the Louisiana purchase, from which slavery was excluded by the Missouri compromise ; and he insisted that by virtue of the laws of Illinois and the laws of the territory in which he was at Fort Snel- ling, he was a free man. The defence set up this plea : That Dred Scott was a negro, descended from parents who were imported from Africa and held as slaves, and being such negro he had no authority to sue in the United States courts, laid, therefore, the court had no jurisdiction over the case. Now, the defendant didn't set up that Dred Scott was a slave, mind you. He said he was a negro, descended from slave parents. * ■» * -:<■ * What did the Supreme Court decide? They de- cided that a person of the character described in the plea had no authority to bring a suit in the United States Court, and they dismissed the case for want of jurisdiction, stating the court had no authority to enter any judgment in the case, because a negro had no right to sue in that court. Now, was not that the end of the case? It ouglit to have been the end of it ; but for political reasons the judges go on and give their opinions separately upon the authority of Congress to exclude slavery from the country in which Fort Snelling was located — which was unne- cessary to the decision. The result of the case did not determine whether Dred Scott was a slave or a freeman, and the question of the authority of Congress to pass a law excluding slavery from the territory north of S6 degrees SO minutes was not involved ; because, if the negro could have dei'ived his freedom from being in a region of coun- try where slavery was prohibited by law, he had it by residing at Rock Island. The state of Illinois had abolished slavery, and if the fact of his having been brought within a free jurisdiction gave liim freedom, he had it by residing in this state. But the judges, for political purposes, go on and express their opinions concerning the authority of Congress and a territorial legislature to pass laws excluding slavery from a territorj^ ; such oi^inions are extra- judicial and of no binding force. I state this for the benefit of that class of citizens who are very much disinclined to make any attack upon tlie decision of the court. These are the opinions of the Judges separately given upon questions not before them ; and are they not to he censured for going out of the case to express such opinions? [" Yes, yes."] There is no importance in these opinions, as judicial deci- sions at all, and they are only important in this respect — they have been adopted by the great democratic party, so called, as a part of its creed, and Mr. Bu- chanan says that slavery exists in Kansas and Ne- braska as effectually as it does in South Carolina and Georgia, under these opinions. Hence it be- comes very important to look to the opinions of these judges, as pointing out the creed of the party which is now in power, and which they are endeav- ing to enforce upon the country. I should have no sort of respect for such u decision, in any event. If there had been a decision of the court upon the point, when directly before tlieui, that Congress had no au- thoritj" to pass a law excluding slavery from a territo- ry, I would have treated that decision in the particu- lar case as binding, but I would have treated it with utter contempt as applied to any other case. I have no scruples in .assailing the infallibility of the men who wear gowns, any more tliau I have those who wear crowns. [Cries of " Good," " good ;" " that's right," and great cheers.] Despotism is despotism, whether practised by crowned heads or by men cloth ed in gowns. [Renewed cheers.] lam not mhamed to apiJtal f I'om the obiter dicta opinions of supreme jud- ges subversive of the constitution. Felioiv citizens, I acknowledi)wers ; but that, as in all cases of com- pact among parties having tio common judge, each party has an equal right to judgo for itsolf, as well of infraclions, as of the mode and measure of redress. In November, 1799, the Kentucky legislature re- affirmed the principle of these resolutions, and added the following : That the several states who formed that instrument being sovereign and independent, have the unquestionable right to judge of the Infraction; and that a nullification by those sovoreignties of all unauthorized acts done under color of that inilrumont, is the rightful remedy. NulHHcation by a state, which lias the right to judge for itself of the infractions of the constitu- tion, is the rightful remedy ! Now, look at these men coming up to charge the Republican party with a great sacrilege in assailing the obiter dicta opinions of the Supremo Court, and at the same time pledging themselves in their party platform to the right of any state to determine at its pleasure and for itself what the constitution means, in deli- ance of a decision of tlie Suprame Court and the Executive, and to nullify an act of Congress which both sustain. [" That's it" — " good, good."] This is the consistency they exhibit when they make such assaults upon us. But, fellow-citizens, if we are required to submit to the decisions of the Supremo Court, as to the authority of Congress to exclude slavery from a territory, and if it be true that the people of a territory have no au- thority, as the Judges of the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott opinion say — if the peo- ple of the territory while in a territori- al condition have no power to exclude slavery from their midst, has not that Court the same right to decide whether a state may exclude slavery? Look whither this doctrine tends. If neither the Congress nor the people can exclude slavery from a territory, because the constitution of the United States is the paramount law of the land, and carries slavery with it, then the states cannot exclude slav- ery, because the constitution of the United States is the paramount law of the laud in the states as well as the territories ; and if there is anything in that instrument wliicli extends slavery into tlie territo- ries, the same provision must extend it into the states also. Well, suppose the Supreme Court decide, as they are bound to decide if they carry out the dec- triue they have announced in that Dred Scott case, that by virtue of the constitution slavery is extended into all the free states of this Union, are these gentlemen prepared to submit to that? [Cries of " No, no."] You are just as much bound to submit to it as to this opinion that carries slavery into the territories, and the man who defends the one must sustain the other. That is the necessary consequence of the doctrine laid down. There is now a case pending, known as the " Lemmon case," and when the country gets prepared to receive the decision, you will probably hear again, from the Supreme Court of the United States, the doctrine announced, that under the constitution, slavery goes into all of the states of the Union. That instrument, which our fathers made for securing the blessings of liber- ty, is thus to be perverted by the decision of this court, to become an instrument for the spread of slavery against the will of the people. This neces- sarily results from the doctrine already advanced, if acquiesced in and carried out to its legitimate con- sequences. THE PUBLIC EXPBXDITaRES. But I tind I am spending so much time upon this slavery question that I am becoming somewhat hoarse, and as I wish to say something to you in re- gard to the expenditures of the government, and show that the party in power is as false to its other professions as it is to these it has at different times set up on the slavery question, I will pass for a few moments to that subject. The expenses of the gov- ernment, as you haveprobaby often heard, have in- creased enormously within a few years. The amount of money at the disposal of government for this year is more than one hundred millions of dollars. This I know has sometimes been disputed ; but I have here the official statement made by the clerk of the House of Representatives, showing that more than eighty-one millions were specifically appropri- ated at the last session of Congress, and there are indefinite appropriations to pay claims, the precise amount of which is not j'et known, which amount, at the lowest estimate to three mil- lions and a half, making over eighty-four millions, and there is an nnexpected balance of app''opriations made last year, amounting to more than sixteen mil- lions. These sums altogether make more than a hundred millions of dollars at the disposal of the ad- ministration for the present fiscal year. I know it is said that it is unfair to charge all this to this j^ear ; that a surplus will remain at the end of this year to be carried to the next list ; but I think it is much •more likely that tlie administration will come in witli a deficiency bill, and ask for some ten millions more, as they did at the last Congress, than that any surplus will remain. The expenses of the govern- ment during the administration of Gleneral Pierce were S23:?,8-'0,032. This is more than all the ex- penses of the government from 1790, when it was or- ganized, for thirty years together, including the war with Great Britain in 1812. General Pierce expend- ed more money during four years of peace than our government expended for the first thirty years after its organization. In 1823, the expenditures of the government for all purposes, exclusive of the public debt, were $0,784,154 59. In 1857 the ex- penses of the government, exclusi^T; of the public debt, were $65,032,559 76. The p)-o rata, according to the population of 1S23, was 94 cents on each in- dividual. The^7w )-ata in 1857 was $2 28 per man — 94 cents to §2 28, according to population. Now these facts ought to attract the attention of the coun- try ; but perhaps if I were to state in detail some of the wastefulness of this government — some of the means by which these expenses have been increased, it would strike some minds more forcibly. I will ■call your attention to the city of Chicago. You have a custom-house located here. In 1852, or for the fis- cal year endini; in June, 1853, the last year of Fill- more's administration, there was collected at Chi- cago $111,808 86. Six men were employed to col- lect it, and they were $2,892 12. That was a little over two per cent. For the year ending June 30, 1856, there was collected at Chicago .^145,- 662 40. Sixteen men were employed in its collec- tion, and they were paid §14,349 29 for doing it. 'Now I ask you, living right here as you do, is there any reason for this increased expenditure? Can you tell me any reason why it cost ten per cent, the last fiscal year to collect the revenue at this port, and only a little over two per cent, four years ago. Is there any reason for it except that the govern- ment wanted to shower the money upon favorites. [Yes, there is a reason.] I don't know what it is. [" The democratic party must be sustained." — Laughter and applause.] I think that is the best reason. [Renewed laughter.] They must sustain the office-holders. But Chicago is only a single case. I have the official report here, and I will state a few other cases to show you how the government expends money. There are some other points where the expenditures for collecting the revenue are much worse than at this point. At Wilmington, Delaware, there ivas collected in 1857, $2,004 95. Hoiv many men do you suppose it took to (■ollect that amount, and how much do you supjjose yiey got for it ? It tool- eight men, and the experse of Wtecting was $15,848 38 ! [Laughter.] Gentlemen, you began entirely too soon. Th-ese are tJie better sort of cases. At Annapolis, in Maryland, there was col- tected same year, $374 25. [Renewed laughter.] How many hivn do you ■vinpo^K. it took to colh'ct that .'' It took four men, and tliey were paid for their services, $983 42. At Ocracoke, in North ' Carolina, $82 55 ivere collected in 1857. [Laughter.] It took seven men to do it. [Laughter.] And an economical government, under a democratic administration, 2)riding itself on its economy, paid seven men to collect this $82 55, the sum of $2,301 52. [Laugh- ter.] At PoH Oxford, Oregon Territory— now, you loould expect something extravagant over there — there was collected $5 So, and it \ooh two men to called it, and^ they were paid for collecting $2,703 08. [Great laughter.] Can any of you make the calculation of the per centage that was paid to col- lect the $5 85. Ibelieve it was about five nundred to one. Don't you thinh the government ought to get rich? At Monterey, California, the amount collected in 1857 ivas $45 28, three men were employed to collect it, and paid for doing it $7,050 95. At Buffalo there icas collected, in 1857, $10,140 53. There were ten men employed in its collection, and tliey were paid $1Q,89Q 51. I tvill not weary you by reading this report fur- ther. It is the ojficial report from the Secretay of' the Treasury, in answer to a 'resolution of the Senate calling upon him to know how many employees he had at the different Custom-houses ; what he paid them; how much was collected, &c., and here is the official report from every collection dis- trict in the United States. I have singled out a part of them as examples. [" When can we have the report y"J You can have this published, it is a pubhc document. [" Has Doudas got it?"] I presume he has, for he sustains the administration on every point save one. I will now give you some account ot the total expense of collecting the revenue for several years past. In 1850 Congress passed a law appropriating $2,450,000 annually to defray the expenses of collecting the revenue east of the Rocky Mountains. During Taylor's and Fillmore's admin- istration the whole revenue east of the Rocky Moun- tains was collected for about two million dollars per annum, leaving a surplus of more than ^1,600,000 at the end of the four years. During the four years of the administration of General Pierce he used up the ;r;2,450,000 per annum and every dollar of the $1,600,- 000 remaining over from the Fillmore administration besides. After Mr. Buchanan came into power, Mr. Secretary Cobb, in his first report, asked Congress to appropriate $3,700,000 annually to collect the reve- nue in the same district of countiy where only about $2,000,000 had been required five years before. What was the reason for this vast increase of ex- pense ? None was given. Congress did not appro- pi'iate the $3,700,000 asked for, but it did appropriate $3,300,000 for collecting the revenue east of the Rocky Mountains. The amount of the revenue col- lected is less than during Fillmore's administration, when it was collected for $2,000,000. The reason of this increase is partly because supernumerary offi- cers have been employed. Gen. Pierce added more than threehundred clerks to the Custom House in New York, and I suppose they were paid over $1,000 apiece — that alone would make $300,000 ; and so it was that the average annual expense of collecting the revenue this side of California during the Pierce administra- tion was nearly a million more than during Fill- more's ; and during the first year of Buchanan's administration they want $1,300,000 more to col- lect the revenue for a single year than it took four years before. Fellow-citizens, are you for continuing this state of things ? Does it meet your approbation ? [" No, no, no."] Do you not think it would be better to take some of this monej', thus squandered upon partisan favorites, to Erotect your immense commerce, to improve your arbors, and save the lives of your citizens on these great lakes? [Cries of " Yes, yes."] I suppose that would be luiconstitiitional in the opinion of the I'uliiiff dynasty [laughter], but it is not unconstitu- tionalto pay a man hve hundred dollars to collect one. [Laughter.] I could detain you, fellow citi- zens, for hours in pointing out the extravagances of the past and present administrations, with all their professions of econom}-. liut I have said enough, I trust, to call your attention to the mat- ter. I have stated the gross amount which the go- vernment is using per annum, and you will find tliat for the last five years more money was expended than for the first thirty-five years of the govern- ment. The increase of expenditures is many times as great as the increase of population, or the extent of country, and there is no reason for this. But there is not oniy extiavagance in the collection of the rev- enue, but in all branches of the public service. They are in the habit at Washington of multiplying oflices. Judicial districts are divided when there is no cause for it, and when the public service does not require it ; and then judges, and marshals and attorneys are appointed, and the expense of courts is incurred. Ports of entry are established when there is no oc- casion for them, and immense sums of mouej' are lavashed upon favorite places in the construction of magnificent palaces. I verily believe that this gov- ernment can be carried on, and properly carried on, for less than one-half the money now used by this ad- ministration professing economy [cheers and loud applause] ; and I ask you now if I have not made good the charge that the professions of this party are all false with legard to economy as to freedom.* [Cries of " Yes ! yes !"] Then I ask you, is it to be sus- tained ? r am satisfied that the people of this coun- try cannot approve of these things. You cannot believe in the professions of men who practice directly the reverse of what they profess. You cannot" believe that men are sincerely for eoouomy, when they are plundering the public treasury ; and if you don't hurl from power such a party the first opportunity you have, it must be because you fear that those who arc to succeed them will do no better. Now, is that so ? [Cries of " No ! no !" 1 ■WHAT THE REPUBLICAN PARTY PROPOSES. What does the Republican party propose ? I shall detain you but a few minutes upon that point. We propose, upon the slavery question, to leave it ex- actly where the men who framed the constitution left "it. We are for leaving the question of slavery, where it exists in the states, to be regulated by the states as they think proper ; and we are for keeping the territories which belong to the United States free from the invasion of slavery so long as they remain territories — [cheers] — leaving them when they be- come states, of course, to deal with their black popu- lation as they shall think best; for we have no pow- er then to interfere with the subject. There is no question what the result will be. If there is no slavery in the territory, there will be none when the people come to make a state. I want to appeal to the candor of those who are honoring me with their attention, whether they be democrats or Republicans — for there are but two parties — it is idle to talk about a third part}' — a Douglas party, or anything of that kind. There is no middle ground ; veil must take one side or the other. If 3-011 sustain the measures of this self-styled democratic Jiarty, : you are one of them; if you sustain the measures of j the Republican i>arty, you must go M'ith them, and , there is no third party" to unite with. We wish to ! ask you, men of all parties, if von are opposed to the introduction of slavery into Illinois. I apjirehend that you are — that all this audience will respond with " We are opposed to it." If that is so, yuu liave j your reasons for it. You think it better for the white race that there should be no slavery here; en- tertaining that view, you will exclude it. Now, is there a father who would do less in the formation of a government for his children and his posterity than he will for himself Is there an honest man here who can say, " I will exclude slavery from the state and locality where I live, because I believe it an evil ; but I will suflfer it to go in where my children are to go." Here is a common terri- t(jry. You are the Congress of the United States. The constitution of the United States says that Con- gress shall make all needful rules and regulations re- specting the territories of the United States. Here is a territoiy about to be settled; you are called upon to frame a government for the people who are to go there, which is to last so long, and only so long, as the territorial condition continues. Now what sort of government is it your duty to frame ? You willreadily admit that it is your duty to form such a government as will be for the best interests of the people who are to go there. Is not that so ? [Cries of " Yes, yes, that's so."] You believe it to be for your best interests to exclude it from Illinois, where you live. Is it not then for the best interests of your child, and sister, and brother, and neighbor, who are going to the territory, that slavery should not go with them ? Will you "do less for them than for yourselves y A man is not deserving the name of man who is so selfish that he will protect him- self from an evil, yet will not raise his arm, when he has the power, to protect his child and his friend from the same evil. [Great cheers.] Then it is your duty to exclude slavery from that territory until there are people enough there to come to act for themselves. That is exactly what we propose to do, and nothing more. That was what the fathers of the republic did. Is there anything wrong in that V I think if you will look at this matter can- didly, you will see that it is right, and that it is j-our duty to insist upon it. The charge that we want to have anything to do with negroes is utterly untrue. It is a false clamor raised to mislead the public mind. Our policy is to have nothing to do with them ; and I, myself, am very nuich inclined to favor the project suggested by Jlr. Blair, of Jlissouri, at the last session of Congress. lie suggested a plan for colonizing our free negroes who are willing to go somewhere in Central America, where an arrangement could be made by which their rights may De secured to them. The policy now is such as to prevent emancipation ; and although we do not want to interfere with the domestic insti- tution of slaverv in the states, still we wish to inter- pose no obstacle to the people of those states in getting rid of their slaves whenever the\' think fit to do so. We know that may of the free states have passed laws prohibiting the emancipation of slaves by their masters, unless they are taken out of the state. The result of this legislation is that eman- cipation must cease; there are thousands of free ne- groes in Virginia ; but that policy is now stopped, because it is impracticable, there being no way of disposing of the negroe when emancipated. Many masters in the South desu'c to emancipate their slaves, and especially is this the case as they ap- proach death ; for, however they may reason while in health, and thoughtless of that' event which levels all alike, they are very apt, in making up their last account and disposing of their property, to think of the wrong and injustice they have done by holding some of their fellow-men in bondage, and they are quite willing to emancipate them. Thousands would be emancipated if there was any place to which they could go. /, for one, am xerif much dUp'jsul to ' facor the colon izdt ion of ifm^, suffer them to qo off in a country htj the Centred Amencaii country geems to he o 'rtr negroes as are ivillivg to go to Centred Ameri- ca. I want to have nothing to do either iintJi. the fne mgro or the slave negro. We, the Kepullican paiiy, are the white man's party. [Great applause.] We are for free white men, and for making white labor respectable and honorable, which it never can be when negro slave labor is brought into com- petition with it. [Great applause.] AVe wish to set- tle the territoiies with free white men, and we are willing that this negro race should go anywhere that it can to better its condition, wishing them God speed wherever they go. We believe it is better for us that they should not be among us. I believe it will be better for them to go elsewhere. A Voice — Where to ? Mr. Trumbull — / would say to any Central Ame- rican, state that will make an. arrangement by tvhich they can he secure in their rights vntil they arrive at a time when they can protect and take care of them- selves. A Voice — But if yon can't protect them here, how can they be protected in Central America ? Mr. Trumbull — I would voloiiizi- than. We colo- nize Indians on oar n''.''tirn truiilifr ; why dorct we cohnize the negro «s n'cll «v the Indian? We can \emselves. Thit ry seems to be adapted to the ■negro race. It is unhealthy and enervating to the wliite man. Let the negroes go there if the.\' wish ; and I understand there is no objection on the part of the people of portions of Central America to the negroes coming there and enjoying an equality of rights — [applause] — and this would give them an opportunity to improve their condition. I would be glad to see this couutiy relieved of them, believing it better both for them and for us that we should not mingle together. Besides, such an outlet, were it provided, would be the means of freeing thousands who would otherwise be continued in slavery. nOCGLAS AXD " niVERSlTV OF OUR IXSTITCTIOXS." I will say a word in regard to the argument, or lather perversion it should be called, I have seen going the rounds of the papers, that if such a state of things should take place — that the states should think proper to emancipate and send their slaves oft" — it could not be done without producing a unifor- mity between the institutions of the diSerent states; and that would lead to despotism. It is said that our free institutions rest upon the diversity of laws and institutions in the dift'erent states, and it is argued that if there is a uniformity on the subject of free- dom there must be uniformity upon every other subject — uniformity of laws for the granite hills of New Hampshire, the rice fields of South Carolina, the mines of California, and the prairies of Illinois. It is difficult to treat so illogical an inference se- riously; but if it be true that uniformity on the subject of freedom in all the states requires iniifor- mity of laws upon all subjects in the several states, then diversity upon the one subject would require diversity upon all. On this principle I caii prove that the men who advocate it, and who say that di- versity is the basis of our free institutions, are them- selves in favor of licensing robbei's, and burglars, and thieves, and murderers, and repealing all laws for punishing such offenders. And why ? Because all the states of the Union have laws for preventing the commission of such crimes ; and as diversity of laws is the basis of our free institutions, we must re- peal our criminal code in order to bring it about, lest, by having laws in all the states punishing such criminals, we fall into despotism. Now, you who are for diversity of laws and institutions in the different states, must sanction murder, robbery, burglary and theft, according to your own mode of reasoning. The application of such reasoning is as good one way as the other, and this shows the utter absurdity of charging upon the Republicans — who would wish that in the providence of God, not a human being trod his footstool in the capacity of slave — [loud applause] — a desire to have a uniformiiy of laws and institutions in all the states on all sub- jects. I say this, simply turning the argument used against us upon those who make it, and showing that they are just as obnoxious to the charge of advocat- ing diversity of laws and institutions upon all sub- jects as we are of advocating uniformity upon all. COXCLVSIOX. Having given the views of the Republican party, as I under.stand them, in regard to slavery, I de- signed to have said something upon the unwarrant- able assumption of power by the federal executive, but am already so nuich exhausted as to be unable to do so. I intended to have pointed out to you the nature of the assumptions of power on the part of the federal goveinment tending to consolidation and to break down the sovereignty of the states ; to have shown, as it can be shown and demonstrated, that this party, now calling itself democratic, is the old federal party in di.sguise. [" Go on," " Good, good," "Goon," and applause.] It is true, and it can be demonstrated to be true. The powers which have been usurped by Pierce and Buchanan would have led to the impeachment, I believe, of Washington himself. [Applause.] Why, the Presi- dent of the United States now assumes to raise armies without calling upon Congress. He has enlisted volunteers without the least authority from Con- gress. He has marched an army away to the Rockj- Mountains, and encamped it there during the winter at an expense of millions and millions of dollars, without the least authority of law. But all that a democratic Congress does is to raise the money to pay for the expedition. I say nothing here of the impolicy of that expedition ; I speak of the want of power in the President to send it there. It is done, I know, under the pretended name of a possii comitatns to accompany the Governor. It IS the .same sort of subterfuge under which troops were employed in Kansas to compel submission to its invaders. You know what a pos.-ie coniitatas is. It is the power of the count)', called out by a civil officer to assist in the execution of process when resisted, and the President of the United States, who has no authority to summon a 2)o.%-