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DECEMBER, 1913 
 
 Bulletin of the University of Georgia 
 
 Volume XIV 
 
 Number 4 
 
 Phelps -Stokes Fellowship 
 Studies, No. 1 
 
 SjLrsLy 
 
 The Negroes of Athens, Georgia 
 
 Entered at the Post Office at Athens, Ga., as Second Class Matter, August 31, 1905 
 under Act of Congress of .Tuly 16th, 1904. Issued Monthly by the University. 
 
 Serial No. 217 
 
DECEMBER, 1913 
 
 Bulletin of the University of Georgia 
 
 Volume XIV 
 
 Number 4 
 
 Phelps -Stokes Fellowship 
 Studies, No. 1 
 
 
 
 The Negroes of Athens, Georgia 
 
 Entered at the Post Office at Athens. Ga.. as Second Class Matter, August 31, 1905 
 under Act of Congress of July 16th. 1904. Issued Monthly by the University. 
 
 Serial No. 217 
 
 Coitected set, 
 
D. Of D. 
 
 '^r' 3 191 r 
 
 
During the academic yeai- 1912-1913 tliere was establislied in the 
 University of Georgia a Fellowship for the study of Negro problems 
 In the South. The resolution of the Trustees of the Phelps-Stokes 
 Fund in creating the Fellowship reads as follows: 
 
 "Whereas, Miss Caroline Phelps Stokes in establishing the Phelps- 
 Stokes Fund was especially solicitous to assist in improving the 
 condition of the negro, and 
 
 "Whereas, It is the conviction of the Trustees that one of the best 
 methods of forwarding this purpose is to provide means to enable 
 southern youth of broad sympathies to make a scientific study of the 
 negro and of his adjustment to American civilization, 
 
 "Resolved, That twelve thousand five hundred dollars ($12,500) 
 be given to the University of Georgia for the permanent endowment 
 of a research fellowship, on the following conditions: 
 
 "1. The University shall appoint annually a Fellow in Sociology, 
 for the study of the Negro. He shall pursue advanced studies under 
 the direction of the departments of Sociology, Economics, Education 
 or History, as may be determined in each case by the Chancellor. 
 The Fellowship shall yield $500, and shall, after four years, be 
 restricted to graduate students. 
 
 "2. Each Fellow shall prepare a paper or thesis embodying the 
 result of his investigations which shall be published by the University 
 with assistance from the income of the fund, any surplus remaining 
 being applicable to other objects incident to the main purpose of the 
 Fellowship. A copy of these resolutions shall be incorporated in 
 every publication issued under this foundation. 
 
 "3. The right to make all necessary regulations, not inconsistent 
 with the spirit and letter of these resolutions, is given to the Chan- 
 cellor and Faculty, but no changes in the conditions of the foundation 
 can be made without the mutual consent both of the Trustees of the 
 University and of the Phelps-Stokes Fund." 
 
 I appointed as the first Fellow under this foundation Mr. T. J. 
 Woofter, Jr., a graduate of the University in the Class of 1912, and 
 placed the work for the year under the direction of Associate Pro- 
 fessor R. P. Brooks, of the department of History. The present 
 study is published in pursuance of the requirement in the second 
 condition attached to the Fellowship. 
 
 DAVID C. BARROW, 
 Chancellor, University of Georgia 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 Among students of Southern race problems there is a strong con- 
 viction that any rational program looking to the adjustment of 
 the relations of whites and blacks must be based on a far wider 
 knowledge of actual conditions in the South than we now have. 
 There seems no practicable way of studying conditions in the mass. 
 It is possible, however, to obtain concrete pictures of conditions in 
 typical communities; and, for the purposes of this Fellowship, it 
 was felt that the wisest course would be to undertake a study of 
 the problems nearest at hand, viz., those connected with the negroes 
 of Athens, where the University is located. 
 
 Athens affords an exceptionally fine opportunity for a local study 
 of the race problem on account of the peculiar history of the town, 
 its situation on the borders of the black belt, and the numerical 
 equality of the two races. 
 
 An effort was made to reach every head of a negro family in 
 Athens and to visit personally every negro home. I succeeded in 
 inspecting 1,018 homes (91 per cent, of all residences in negro 
 settlements), housing 1,224 families, or 4,798 individuals, 77.6 per 
 cent, of the negro population as shown by the Census of 1910. The 
 months of February, March, and April, 1913, were used for this 
 house-to-house canvass. In every family I interviewed some respon- 
 sible member, preferably the head of the family, asking a series of 
 questions, a copy of which is given in the appendix. These questions 
 elicited information as to the size of the family, the sources and 
 amounts of incomes, expenditures, ownership of home, and the like. 
 I then personally inspected the premises, taking notes of my ob- 
 servations. 
 
 In addition to the time expended in this canvass, I spent five 
 months in obtaining data in regard to schools, churches, lodges, and 
 domestic service. The questionnaires used are reproduced in the 
 appendix. 
 
 T. J. WOOFTER, JR. 
 
 Athens, Ga., December, 1913. 
 
NEGROES OF ATHENS, GA. 5 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 POPULATION AND PROPERTY. 
 
 1. Origin and Location of Athens. 
 
 It is perhaps natural that students should have in the past direc- 
 ted their attention principally to the rural negroes of the South, 
 since they form the predominant laboring class of an almost purely 
 agricultural section; but there are in the towns of the South thou- 
 sands of negroes, who, in the absence of the immigrant class of the 
 northern cities, are indispensable to the industrial life of the com- 
 munity. 
 
 Many problems arise from the duality of the population of South- 
 ern towns, and these problems are increasing in significance on 
 account- of the constant trend of the negroes townwards.^ The 
 Census of 1910 showed that one-fourth of the negroes (27.4 per 
 cent.)- live in urban communities of over 2,500 population. They 
 represent practically all of the common laborers of the towns, and a 
 sprinkling of negroes are in business and various artisan callings. 
 Therefore, for a considerable element of the negro population we 
 have a different set of social problems from those presented by the 
 rural negroes; and it seems worth while to make a study of the 
 relations of the races and of negro conditions in a typical Southern 
 town. 
 
 There are several factors which influence the relations of the 
 white and black elements of the population, such, for instance, as 
 the location of the place, whether in a black belt or a white region; 
 the history of the town; the proportion of blacks to whites; the size, 
 topography, and general atmosphere of the community. Athens 
 affords an exceptionally favorable field for a study of the conditions 
 of negro life, as it is representative of the finest type of old southern 
 cities. Set in a fine location amid the foothills of the Blue Ridge 
 region of North Georgia, the town is picturesque, well-drained, and 
 possesses an unusually pleasant climate, having an elevation of 800 
 feet above sea level. At the time Athens was laid out in 1801 there 
 were practically no white inhabitants in this section of Georgia. 
 The Cherokees and Creeks had ceded the land so recently as 
 1790, and at the time Athens was founded the Indian frontier was 
 only a few miles to the west. The site of Athens was selected by a 
 committee of the governing board of the University of Georgia as 
 
 1 The statement has been made that negroes are moving I>ack to the covmtry 
 but the census reports do not bear it out. In ISyu 19 per cent, of the total negro 
 population lived in urban communities (Negroes in the I'nited States. Bulletin 
 No. 8, p. 32) ; in 1900 22.7 per cent, lived in urban communities (Negroes in the 
 United States, p. 11) and in 1910 this percentage increased to 27.4 (Abstract of 
 the Thirteenth Census, p. 92). 
 
 2 Abstract of the Thirteenth Census, p. 32. 
 
6 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 the location of the new college, chartered sixteen years previously. 
 On this committee were George Walton, a signer of the Declaration 
 of Independence, and Abraham Baldwin, a signer of the Federal 
 Constitution of 1787 and the originator of the scheme to establish 
 the University. The college was opened to students in 1801 and has 
 had an uninterrupted existence, with the exception of the Civil War 
 period. There were no towns anywhere about and the rural popula- 
 tion was very sparse. The lime and hardware for the first building 
 were brought by wagon from Augusta, one hundred miles away. 
 
 The early comers were attracted by the educational facilities. 
 They were a superior people socially, and their descendants have 
 ever since given tone to the town. Athens grew up around the 
 college, and the leading citizens for more than a century have had 
 the advantage of collegiate training. It is natural, therefore, that 
 Athens should be a town of unusual culture, possessing a citizenry 
 of a different type from that of the newer industrial centres. 
 
 Small farmers dominated the region tributary to Athens for a 
 number of years. The inaccessibility of markets made it necessary 
 for each farmer to be self-supporting. Staple crops were impractica- 
 ble, and, hence, there were not many slaves, the few to be found 
 being kept as household servants in Athens families. But with the 
 coming of large scale cotton planting, slavery rapidly increased in 
 importance, especially in the counties to the South of Athens. The 
 counties immediately to the north of Clarke County (in which Athens 
 is located) were not in ante-bellum times cotton producing counties. 
 Athens was, in other words, located just on the border of the black 
 belt,3 and this situation offers a peculiar advantage in that in the 
 county and town the M'hite and black elements have for many years 
 been about on a parity. This fact is shown by the following table: 
 
 TABLE I. 
 
 Population of Athens and Clarke County Since 1870. 
 
 
 Athens 
 
 Clarke County 
 
 Yo-r. 
 
 White. 
 
 Negro. 
 
 White. 
 
 Negro. 
 
 1870 
 
 2248 
 
 1679 
 
 5539 
 
 5679 
 
 1880 
 
 3017 
 
 3011 
 
 5313 
 
 6388 
 
 1890 
 
 4715 
 
 3924 
 
 7072 
 
 8111 
 
 1900 
 
 5055 
 
 5190 
 
 8230 
 
 9378 
 
 1910 
 
 8612 
 
 6316 
 
 11,502 
 
 11,767 
 
 Both the group of "white" counties on the north and the "black" 
 group on the south have contributed to swell the negro element of 
 the population of Athens. The majority of the blacks, however, 
 have come from the black belt. In the three decades just after the 
 War Athens drew heavily on the old slaveholding counties, Ogle- 
 thorpe, Wilkes, Greene, Morgan, and Putnam. Within the past ten 
 
 3 Brooks, R. P., A Local Study of the Race Problem, rditiral Science Quaiter 
 ly, June. 1!»n. 
 
NEGROES OP ATHENS, GA. 7 
 
 years, however, the movement has been from scattering sources, the 
 white counties of Jackson, Elbert, and Franklin furnishing the 
 largest quota. The following table* shows the origin of the heads 
 of negro families now living in Athens. Not all the heads of families 
 were interviewed, but the table is sufficiently complete for practical 
 purposes. 
 
 TABLE II. 
 Birthplace of Heads of Negi'o Families. 
 
 Athens and Clarke County 635 
 
 Black Counties. 
 
 Oglethorpe 55 
 
 Wilkes 51 
 
 Greene 46 
 
 Morgan 20 
 
 Total from Black Counties 172 
 
 White Counties. 
 
 Oconee 77 
 
 Jackson 31 
 
 Elbert 34 
 
 Franklin 16 
 
 Madison 14 
 
 Total from White Counties 172 
 
 Scattering'' 200 
 
 Grand Total 1179 
 
 This table indicates the restlessness of the negro people. « Forty- 
 seven per cent, of the heads of families interviewed have moved into 
 Athens from some county outside of Clarke. Negroes have drifted 
 to all the larger cities of the state, seeking the attractions of city life 
 and relief from farm labor. 
 
 Athens has been practically throughout its history free from any 
 great friction between the races. Possibly in no other town or 
 section in the South was there a higher type of slave-holding people 
 to be found; and the post-bellum relations of the races have been 
 most cordial. There has been little prejudice against the negro's 
 taking his place as a respected element in industrial life and he has 
 here educational opportunities far in advance of the normal town of 
 the size of Athens. 
 
 2. Property. 
 The stable element of Athens negroes are acquiring property. In 
 one or two individual cases, members of the race are quite well-to-do. 
 The actual amount of the average holding is small, but this is true 
 everywhere. The following table shows the growth of negro proper- 
 ty in Georgia and in Athens by five year periods since 1875. 
 
 * Compiled from answers to question 11, house to house schedule. See app. A. 
 
 R The majority of these are from the black belt. 
 
 6 Stone A. H.. Studies in tlie Amerioan Race Problem, (Longmans, Green, 
 and Company. 190.5), p. 145. "I have rend a sreat deal about the negro's 'love 
 of home,' and have heard much of the strength of his 'local attachment,' but in 
 a not unkindly search I have been able to discover neither the one nor the other 
 among the masses of the race. To my mind they are restless people." 
 
UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 TABLE III. 
 Property Owaied by Negroes." 
 
 City find Town Realty City and Town Realty 
 
 Year I n Georgia In Athens. 
 
 1875" $r,203,202 $ 74,925 
 
 1880 1,201,992 81,380 
 
 1885 2,098,787 104,745 
 
 1890 3,642,586 153,790 
 
 1895 4,436,778 192,175 
 
 1900 4,361,390 165,005 
 
 1905 5,512,217 158,910 
 
 1910 8,812,479 269,290 
 
 Average yearly increase 217,407 5,267 
 
 Several negroes own buildings in which business is conducted; the 
 negro churches and lodges have titles to their buildings; and there 
 is a considerable number of negroes who own their residences. The 
 total property returned for taxation in 1912 was $277,464,8 repre- 
 senting the possessions of 681 property owners. The average hold- 
 ing is, therefore, $407.00. Of the total number of tax payers, 618, 
 or 89 per cent., possess less than a thousand dollars worth of property 
 The small extent to which negro property is concentrated in a few 
 hands is shown in Table IV. 
 
 TABLE IV. 
 
 Negro Holdings Classified According to Value." 
 
 1 Holding between $15,000 and $20,000 
 
 " " 5,000 " 15,000 
 
 14 " " 2,000 " 5,000 
 
 48 " " 1,000 " 2,000 
 
 618 " under 1,000 
 
 TCompti-ollfi' (;eiieriil of Georgia, Reports, 1S75, ISSO, 1S85, 1890, 1895, 1900, 
 1905, 1910. 
 
 8 Tax rtlsest Cit.v of Athens, 1912. 
 
 9 Ibid. Cit.v renlty is assessed b.v a Board of Assessors at about two-thirds 
 of its market value. 
 
NEGROES OF ATHENS, GA. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 SETTLEMENTS AND RENTS. 
 
 There is no one section of Athens set aside by niunicipal regula- 
 tion for negroes. They live in several different localities, and yet 
 there are very few blocks in which both white and colored people live, 
 for the reason that the whites do not like such neighborhoods and 
 the average negro cannot afford any other. While the color line 
 can actually be drawn on the map of Athens, this segregation is 
 due to economic and social, not to municipal, laws. The accompany- 
 ing map shows the location of negro settlements. 
 
 MAP 
 ATHEN5-0A 
 SHOWING 
 NLGTiO 
 SETTLEMENTS 
 
 Map showing principal residence streets of Athens and the location of negro 
 
 communities. (Milledge Ave. should have been extended so as to touch 
 
 Prince Ave. at negro settlement number 13). 
 
 1. Topogi'aphy of Athens. 
 
 There are a few scattered negro houseSj but for the most part 
 the negroes live in groups of from 30 to 300 families. Athens is 
 built on unusually broken and hilly land, and the negro settlements 
 
10 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 are found in the low places between the ridges, and on the outskirts 
 of the town. It is in such localities that cheap property can be had. 
 
 The settlements in the depressions are sandwiched in between 
 the streets which form the white business and the residence portions 
 of the town, an arrangement quite natural jon account of the rolling 
 ch:i.racter of the streets. The white or most valuable properties 
 follow the ridges; the less valuable properties, following the hol- 
 lows and streams which run through the town, being occupied by 
 negroes. 
 
 Other cheaper properties may, however, be had on the outskirts 
 of town, and those who instinctively seek a better neighborhood 
 move out into these suburbs, which are cheap on account of their 
 inaccessibility. Thus the town is checkered with white and black 
 neighborhoods. The meanderings of one street will illustrate the 
 location of negro residence blocks. 
 
 2. Proximity of White and lilack Settlements. 
 
 Broad street, at its eastern limit, near one of the town's large 
 fertilizer factories, runs through a scattered negro settlement. Next, 
 it comes to a white residence street. Crossing the river it rises 
 into the business section of town, but just on the outer business 
 blocks there is an undesirable spot where a spur track intersects 
 the street. Here negroes have rented little unpainted shacks, which 
 are operated as fish shops, restaurants, and beer saloons for negroes, 
 one room being ordinarily used as the residence of the proprietor. 
 
 This is the general loafing place for a dirty, noisy, crowd on 
 Saturday nights and is known in police court circles as "Wood's 
 Corner." Leaving the business section of town the street drops 
 down into a hollow and crosses a brook. At this point is a negro 
 settlement, the second in size in the town. On this section of Broad 
 there are two negro churches, a negro lodge hall, and several 
 small grocery stores. Rising over another ridge, Broad intersects 
 the principal white Yesjr^f^l^cf^ ^i^'-eet, Milledge Avenue,^ the last 
 mentioned negro settlement rxmning within one block of this street. 
 Between Milledge and the city limits Broad again becomes black, 
 uassing through the largest of all the negro settlements. 
 
 The proximity of whites and negroes sometimes produces friction. 
 Noisy gatherings of negroes are seriously objected to by whites living 
 on streets nearby. In one instance an injunction had to be obtained 
 against a lodge, abating its dances as a public nuisance. This lodge 
 hall was within a block of a white residence street, and the wild 
 orgies were frequently prolonged into the early hours of the morning. 
 
 1 Land fronting on Milledge at the corner of Milledge and Broad is worth 
 ten times as much per foot as property facing Broad Street one block on either 
 side of Milledge. 
 
NEGROES OP ATHENS, GA. 
 
 11 
 
 3. Extent and Character of Negro Settlements. 
 
 There are eight large negro settlements, and five small groups 
 of houses; but as a general rule, the small groups are within easy 
 distance of a larger settlement. 
 
 The largest of these settlements is on the west end of Broad 
 street and is a little town in itself. Eleven hundred and thirty-six 
 of the city's 6300 negroes live in this locality, and the whole range 
 of negro life is well represented. The negroes in this part of town 
 are quiet, and in many cases home-owning laborers. Many have 
 picked this settlement because the women cook for white families 
 
 ::mF^ 
 
 Probably tbe best negro home in Athens. 
 
 living in the neighboring residence section, some because they wash 
 for people in that part of town, and others because certain parts of 
 it are on the outskirts of town where the air is freer and fresher. 
 
 The smallest of the groups of negro houses is the one of most 
 significance, when its location is considered. This group occupies 
 one block of Milledge avenue and one Block of Prince avenue at 
 their intersection, and is just between two street car lines. ^ These 
 are the principal residence streets of the town. Four of the six 
 negro houses in this group are owned by negroes and two are 
 
 2 Marked No. 13 on Map of Athens. 
 
12 
 
 UNIVERSITY OP GEORGIA. 
 
 rented. In all there are nine families in this settlement, who have 
 risen in the social scale and moved into a better part of the city. 
 A barber who has for j^ears been patronized by some of the old 
 families of Athens owns one of these houses. Another home-owner 
 is a cateress, an ex-slave, who is dear to many homes of the city, 
 not only on account of the fineness of her confection, but also by 
 reason of the fact that many people cannot pass her house without 
 remembering that it was she who baked their wedding cake. Another 
 home is owned by a former postmaster of Athens, a negro of consid- 
 erable means. The fourth house is owned by a salaried clerk em- 
 ployed in the postoffice. The two houses rented are occupied by five 
 other equally as quiet, but not so prosperous, families. 
 
 Showing the crowdhig togethei- of negro homes in the heart of Athens. 
 
 Settlement No. 9. 
 
 On account of the character of these negroes no serious objection 
 has been offered to their rising from the conditions in which other 
 negroes live. Their houses are not objectionable. All have water 
 connections and other conveniences. Statements made later touch- 
 ing sanitary conditions do not apply to this group of homes. 
 
 In all the larger settlements we find self-supporting negroes who 
 own homes, others who earn enough to support themselves fairly 
 well, considering their standard of living; and still others who 
 make a bare subsistence. 
 
 The people live in their two-, three- and four-room houses closely 
 
NEGROES OF ATHENS, GA. 13 
 
 crowded. The condition of houses varies very little from settlement 
 to settlement among the houses that are rented. Those that are 
 owned are of course kept with more care. The two- or three-room 
 house is the most usual style provided for renters. 
 
 The sanitation of these settlements receives practically no atten- 
 tion or supervision from the city. Instead of seeing that the 
 negroes do not live under disease breeding conditions, the city 
 lets the negro settlements take care of themselves, and leaves the 
 health of the negro, and consequently the health of his employer, 
 to the caprice of the negro's habits and the rapacity of landlords. 
 A single sanitary inspector attends to the most flagrant outrages, 
 but the best he can do is to skim over the town once a month. 
 
 4. Rental Property. 
 
 It would seem that, on account of the undesirability and incon- 
 venience of the localities in which these houses are situated, and 
 the cheapness of the houses, a low scale of rents should prevail. 
 But, as is usually the case, negro rental property is looked on by the 
 landlord class as one of the best investments for small amounts of 
 money. 
 
 The average rent per room in the two largest settlements of the 
 town for the 801^ rooms rented is $1.77 per month. The houses 
 average 3.4 rooms each, the average rent per house being $6.00 
 per month, from 15 to 20 per cent, interest on the investment. 
 
 These houses are in the best negro settlements, but when the 
 value of the house, built as it is of loose boards, seldom kept in 
 repair, with no water or light connections, is considered, the rental 
 appears very high. In fact, it is in the nature of a burden placed 
 upon the weak by the strong. There is some evidence also that the 
 rent of these houses is regulated to fit the price that the "market 
 will bear. A negro will rent a house paying $6.50 for it when his 
 neighbor is paying $6.00 for a house which is as like it as one pea 
 to its neighbor. 
 
 Rental does not vary from the poorer to the better settlements 
 for houses similar in value. In settlements numbers 5 and 9 on the 
 map, known as "Morristown" and "Lickskillet," the worst settle- 
 ments, the 85 houses are crowded, inconvenient, and poorly kept. 
 Lickskillet is intersected by spur tracks from railroads, is on a 
 steep hillside sloping down to the river, and its streets are rough 
 and rocky. These 85 houses average $6.52 per month for their 
 rental, or $2.04 per room.* This is a rental of $6.00 per annum 
 
 Settlement Rooms Houses Rent per mouth 
 
 1 431 133 
 
 2 370 104 
 
 V 
 
 Total 801 237 $1,422.70 
 
 4 Settlement Rooms Houses Rent per Mouth 
 
 5 141 41 .$2.56.50 
 
 130 44 20S.50 
 
 Scattering 02 31 170.2.5 
 
14 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 higher than the annual rental of the houses in the better settlements. 
 In odd places, inconvenient groups of houses here and there, the 
 rental, while it averages a few cents lower per house, actually rises 
 higher in the average rent per room. The 31 houses in odd groups 
 rent for $179.25 or $5.82 per house. The average rent per room 
 is $1.95 per month, or above the average of the whole town 
 ($1.76) ;5 or e\en above the average of the best settlements 
 ($1.77). 
 
 The worst type of negro house. 
 
 This simply means that the negro, occupying an inferior bargain- 
 ing position, is exploited by the owners of this class of rental prop- 
 erty. If the hoiu'c is near his place of employment, he will re'.it 
 property worth about $400.00 and pay $5.00 or $6.00 a month for 
 it, regardless of its comfort, and neglect hif: person and family es 
 a result. 
 
 In several cases a bricklayer earning $2.00 or $3.00 a day was 
 found occupying one-half of a double house, and a washerwoman, 
 widowed or separated from her husband, and supporting children 
 on a wage of $3.00 to $4.00 per week, was found living in the other 
 half, and paying the same rent, apparently because she was not 
 shrewd enough to look around for cheaper quarters. 
 
 5 Total houses rented 611; rooms 19.^S; rent $3414.95. 
 
NEGROES OF ATHENS, GA. 
 
 15 
 
 The settlements where negroes own most of the property are in 
 better condition. Naturally the negro who has sense enough to 
 know the condition of these settlements, and money enough to get 
 away from them, wants to buy his property elsewhere. Some few 
 buy or have inherited property in the best blocks of the congested 
 settlements, but for the most part they buy back on the outlying 
 hills, upon which is a ring of negro settlements almost surrounding 
 the town. 
 
 In the outlying settlements the property owners are almost as 
 numerous as the renters. In fact, the only settlements where the 
 
 A negro-owned home in one of the suburban settlements. 
 
 owners of property outnumber the renters are the three which lie 
 on the hills across the river from the town proper, where the houses 
 have more or less space about them. In these places, 145 families'* 
 own their homes, and much of the property which is not owned by 
 those occupying it is owned by negro landlords. 
 
 Such conditions make the above described settlements fall into 
 
 6 Ownership of property in outlying settlements: 
 Settlement Owners Renters 
 
 10 48 45 
 
 11 27 20 
 
 12 70 20 
 
 Total 
 
 145 
 
 85 
 
 Buying on Instalments 
 2 
 
 6 
 4 
 
 12 
 
16 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 two rough groups: First, those settlements in well drained but 
 inaccessible parts of to,wn, where many negroes own property; and, 
 second, those in unwholesome parts of town, nearer the business 
 section, where renters predominate. In all other respects, such as 
 rents, condition of streets, and style of houses, these settlements are 
 very similar. 
 
NEGROES OF ATHENS, GA. 17 
 
 CHAPTER HI. 
 
 HEALTH AND HOUSING. 
 
 1. Exterior of Houses. 
 
 The sanitary conditions of negro settlements in Athens are a 
 menace to the health of the town. There are, it is true, houses and 
 premises which are kept in a clean and orderly manner. These are 
 the ones owned by the more self-respecting class. As a rule the 
 rented house is dirty inside and out, poorly ventilated, and in many 
 cases leaky. The premises are also ill-kept or oftener not kept at all. 
 
 By actual count, only 47 per cent., or 474 out of the 1018 houses, 
 were painted, and some "painted" houses were so counted through 
 charity to the painter. The paint used was thin, usually put on for 
 gaudy color rather than protection, and in many cases the house 
 had not been painted for a long time and the little paint used had 
 almost worn off. A few were white-washed, and the rest were 
 covered with bare boards. Those built soon after the War are 
 badly weatherworn. 
 
 2. Ijack of AVater Connection. 
 
 Only ten houses in the whole town have inside closets, the rest 
 having no sewer connections whatever. Besides this inconvenience, 
 the majority of negroes use well water, only twenty-six houses 
 being furnished with hydrants. The newer houses have city water 
 connections, but in most of the blocks occupied by negroes there 
 are neither water nor sewer mains. 
 
 3. Number of Persons Per Room. 
 
 In these houses, which are all comparatively small, and especially 
 in the rented houses, there is much crowding together of persons. 
 One case of 15 persons in 3 rooms, and one of 11 in 2 rooms came to 
 light, but these were the rarer instances. The average number of 
 occupants per room for the 1018 houses, including both owned and 
 rented, was 1.32 persons. In fifty per cent, of the houses, one of 
 the "rooms" was a mere shed kitchen with just space enough for 
 a stove and a wood box. All three-room houses have such an apart- 
 ment, while most of the four- and the five-room houses have one 
 also. This, of course, increases the total number of rooms occupied, 
 and consequently the crowding is worse than the actual average 
 indicates. 
 
 One encouraging feature of tenancy in Athens is that one-room 
 houses are no longer built. For the most part this style of house is 
 disappearing from Athens, indicating that the negroes of the city, 
 although they still live in the midst of insanitary conditions, are 
 much better off than those who live in localities where the one-room 
 cabin still prevails. 
 
18 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 The following table indicates the crowding in houses: 
 
 TABLE V. 
 
 Rooms Occupied by Negro Families. 
 
 Families. 
 
 Rooms. 
 
 Families. 
 
 Rooms. 
 
 148 living 
 
 517 
 
 313 
 
 156 
 
 in 1 room. 
 
 •' 2 
 
 " 3 
 
 " 4 
 
 43 
 
 27 
 
 9 
 
 11 
 
 living 
 
 in 5 rooms. 
 6 
 
 " over 7 " 
 
 1134 '• 
 
 " fewer than 
 5 rooms. 
 
 90 
 
 t i 
 
 " 5 or more rooms. 
 
 Thus it appears that the two- and three-room houses are the 
 most usual, and that 1134 (93 per cent.) of the 1224 families 
 live in houses of fewer than five rooms. A comparison of the 
 number of houses (1018) with the number of families (1224) shows 
 that there are 206 more families than houses. That is to say, there 
 are 412 families occupying only half a house, the other half being 
 rented by another family. In this case there is only a thin board 
 partition between the two families, and in most cases they use the 
 same front door, well, porch, and sometimes the same kitchen. 
 
 4. Filthy Condition of Homes. 
 
 Although these houses are not the worst to be seen in the South, 
 they are in many cases not fit habitations for human beings. The 
 ventilation of the house and the drainage of the premises are sadly 
 neglected. The floors are dirty, the doors and windows are seldom 
 cleaned. This makes the interior of a negro house present an 
 unattractive and untidy appearance. Practically no care is taken 
 of the premises. A few houses, instead of having proper drainage, 
 have the basement boarded up, and chickens, goats, or dogs are 
 kept under the house, with only a loose board floor between the 
 inmates and the improvised barnyard. In the day time the cooking 
 or ironing of clothes is done before the open fire place, and the 
 result is a room that is smoky and choking with a malodorous com- 
 bination of smells. 
 
 5. The Premises. 
 
 A more detailed examination of the premises surrounding these 
 houses showed that the inmates of 1008 of them use outside privies 
 in some form, most of them having a small earth closet close to 
 the house. A few have no privy at all on the premises, that of a 
 neighbor being used. In such cases the landlords build no fence 
 between the houses, building one joint privy for four or five 
 houses. In one instance the inmates of five houses were using 
 one small box-like house, 6' x 4', and in another four large double 
 houses were using a joint privy of about the same dimensions. 
 
NEGROES OP ATHENS, GA. 
 
 19 
 
 Though the premises of the homeowners are in some instances 
 carelessly kept, the premises of rented houses are incredibly filthy. 
 If the house is not quite new, the privy is, as a rule, in a most 
 dilapidated condition and should be condemned. Many are minus 
 a door, an old gunny sack being nailed across the opening to serve 
 as a curtain. Many have no back, i. e., have a vault directly ex- 
 posed to the flies; while there are practically none that have any 
 receptacle whatever for retaining the excrement, not even a board 
 floor beneath the vault to keep the soil from becoming directly 
 contaminated thereby. 
 
 Showing the comiiiou type of privy. 
 
 6. Pollution of Water Supi»ly. 
 
 The soil is further polluted by the continued dumping of waste 
 water and scraps in the backyards. No negro rented house has such 
 a thing as a sink and all washing is done in the back yard, where 
 the water is emptied on the ground. 
 
 And around these privies and waste-water dumps are the 519 
 wells from which the negroes of the -city get most of their water. 
 Under such conditions the water can but be unhealthy and typhoid 
 breeding. The city bacteriologist has tested 47 wells in the past two 
 years, and reported that most of them should have been condemned. 
 
20 UNIVERSITY OP GEORGIA. 
 
 7. Negro Communities Hotbeds of Disease. 
 
 Such are the insanitary conditions found almost universally among 
 negro renters, and which are more or less common to all negro 
 houses. In many cases these crowded, dirty houses are the cause 
 of disease. And it must be kept in mind that the diseases which go 
 hand in hand with such conditions cannot be confined to the 
 negro settlements. Unhealthy conditions here affect every part 
 of the community, both through the location of the settlements and 
 through the contact of the races as employer and employee. It is 
 in the neglect of these hot-beds of disease that the municipality sins 
 most grievously against itself, including both the stronger and the 
 wealcer race. If the white people were fully cognizant of the 
 danger incurred by living in close contact with such insanitary condi- 
 tions they would doubtless demand that sewer connections be made, 
 or that sanitary privies be built. Any method of disposing of filth 
 other than by a proper sewage system is, of course, unsafe, but, 
 above all, the carelessly built privy is a menace to the community, 
 especially when the negro communities are as close to white resi- 
 dence quarters as is the case in Athens. 
 
 Improvements on these small out-houses would hardly cost $3.00 
 per house, and would serve to divert some of the high rentals to 
 public use, — making the city more sanitary. The lessening of soil 
 pollution by requiring all privy vaults to be floored, provided with 
 backs, and made as fly proof as possible, together with a slight 
 sanitary tax levied on the owners of these houses, to be disbursed 
 on a larger force of sanitary police, would rob the city fly of many 
 of his terrors; would prevent hook worm in many cases, lessen 
 typhoid fever, and go far to prevent epidemics among both white 
 and negro families. 
 
 Is it a wonder that negroes die of typhoid and tuberculosis? Is 
 it a wonder that they are often sick, when they live under such 
 conditions, breathe such air, and drink such water? And is it a 
 wonder that they carry diseases into the homes of their whitu 
 employers? 
 
 A little over a year ago a white child died in Athens, a beautiful 
 child of great promise; recently a second child died, a bright little 
 boy in whom the whole neighborhood was interested. These two 
 children died of tubercular meningitis, the tubercular compli- 
 cation being contagious. It developed that the nurses of these 
 two children were sisters and were consumptives. Thus it is 
 that the flower of the future South is blighted by ignorance. We 
 live in a hot bed of disease and are complacent. 
 
 It is not impossible to make negroes take pride in their houses. 
 Those who own homes and have a strong pride of possession in 
 them, keep their persons and their premises in an orderly manner. 
 Some seventy-five have given their houses a quaint beauty, with 
 
NEGROES OF ATHENS, GA. 21 
 
 their small porch trellised with green vines, old fashioned garden, 
 small violet beds, and clean swept sand walks. 
 
 The burning question before the people of the South, however, 
 is to have some such ideals of cleanliness instilled into the minds 
 of the mass of negroes who now live in filth; and the church, the 
 home and the school must be developed in order that the rising 
 generation may acquire higher ideals. The house, which is in 
 many cases a mere shelter, must be changed into a home. 
 
 Although there are 184 negro housekeepers in Athens whose 
 sole employment is that of caring for their homes and children, 
 and many others are enabled to stay at home all day, by taking 
 in washing, there are many negro mothers who pay little attention 
 to the care of their family. This is due to the abnormal number 
 of women on whom devolves the necessity of providing for a 
 family. This is partly due to the large number of illegitimate 
 children, partly to the large number of separations, and partly 
 to the death of husbands. To create a home in every house 
 requires a different standard of family morality from that which 
 now prevails among the negroes of Athens. 
 
 The following statement of the conjugal condition of women with 
 children under eighteen years of age illustrates the prevalent loose- 
 ness of family ties. 
 
 Number single, 30 4 per cent, of total. 
 
 Number widowed, 113 16 per cent, of total. 
 
 Number separated, 53 7 per cent, of total. 
 
 Number married and living with 
 
 husbands, 546 73 per cent, of total. 
 
 Total number of women rearing children, 742. 
 
 From the above statement it appears that at least 2 7 per cent. 
 of the females with children are self-supporting. Such a proportion 
 of women who have the problem of wage earning in addition to 
 that of raising children is hard on the children, for the winning 
 of bread cannot be neglected. It means that the children do not 
 get the care and training which they should have, and that the next 
 generation is growing up without ideals of sanitation and morals. 
 
 With this, and other less evident phases of immorality, it is 
 difficult for the school to deal, as the children from these homes 
 have a hard time getting to school. The remedies should be applied 
 in such cases through church work, and patient, friendly settlement 
 work. 
 
22 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 THE SCHOOL. 
 
 The prevalence of conditions such as those just described has a 
 farreachlng effect in the general life of the community. The absence 
 of sewer connections and of wholesome drinking water and the 
 accumulation of filth in negro settlements make it wellnigh impossi- 
 ble to enforce sanitary regulations. The principal cause of the 
 disease must first be remo\ed before its symptoms can be treated 
 with any hope of success. From the viewpoint of the white people 
 the matter is most serious, because their own care in these matters 
 is nullified by the conditions existing a block off in a negro com- 
 munity. The evil effects of the negro's way of living get even into 
 the white home, where food is cooked by servants from unclean sur- 
 roundings, and children are cared for by nurses whose bodies and 
 minds are contaminated by the evil conditions under which they 
 live. 
 
 Here is an opportunity for the best educators of the South to 
 adapt a system of eiucation to the needs of the negro race in its 
 present environment. For ignorance and a low standard of life 
 are largely responsible for these conditions. 
 
 1. Percentage of Illiteracy and School Attendance. 
 
 Illiteracy among negroes is decreasing by leaps and bounds, but 
 there is still an appalling number reported by the census as unable 
 to read and write. i For the city of Athens, the census of 1910 gives 
 the following statistics: 
 
 TABLE VI. 
 Age and Literacy.^ 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 Male 
 
 Female 
 
 Age 10 to 20 — 
 
 Literate 
 
 1386 
 
 573 
 
 813 
 
 
 Illiterate 
 
 232 
 
 139 
 
 93 
 
 Age 21 and over- 
 
 —Literate 
 
 1976 
 
 919 
 
 1057 
 
 
 Illiterate 
 
 1368 
 
 564 
 
 804 
 
 Total — 
 
 Literate 
 
 3362 
 
 (68 per cent.) 
 
 
 
 Illiterate 
 
 1600 
 
 (32 per cent.) 
 
 
 There were enrolled (in 1912) in the public and private schools 
 for negroes of Athens 1662 children. Fourteen hundred and seven- 
 ty-seven of this number are pupils living in the city, and 185 are 
 boarding pupils. The United States Census for 1910 reports 5 5 over 
 
 1 Main' so-cnllod literate negroes report that they are able to read "a little." 
 Tlicse are old ne.iiri es who li.-ne nut been to school or used their schooling for 
 a long time and have forgotten how to read and write. 
 
 -This table w-es '<*^oi-P'T '-om the Bureau of the Census, and is not to be 
 found in any published reports. 
 
NEGROES OP ATHENS, GA. 23 
 
 18 years of age who are in school in Athens. This brings the enroll- 
 ment of children between the ages of 6 and 18 down to 1422. This 
 number, 1422, is 87 per cent, of the number of children between 6 
 and 18 enumerated by the census of 1910 (1639).3 
 
 The percentage of negroes in school (87), allowing for consid- 
 erable error, is still much greater than the percentage of literacy 
 (68). We can consequently expect an increase in the literacy of 
 the negro in the future. 
 
 2. The First School. 
 
 The South, wedded as it was to the private school idea before the 
 War, took slowly to the public school system. It was not until the 
 year 1886 that the public school system was inaugurated in the 
 city of Athens. Before this time, however, Knox Institute and In- 
 dustrial School (then Knox School) was opened for negroes. 
 
 This school was established in a small vv^ay by the Freedman's 
 Bureau immediately after the War. It has had a faii'ly steady 
 growth, and it now consists of the original two-story building which 
 is used as a dormitory for out of town girls; Carnegie Hall, a new 
 brick building given by Andrew Carnegie two years ago and which 
 is the academic building; and in addition a small building which is 
 used for a dormitory for out of town boys. The class rooms in 
 Carnegie Hall are large and well lighted, and there is adequate 
 space for the pupils enrolled. 
 
 The school is now supported by the American Missionary Asso- 
 ciation in part, and in part by tuition fees ranging from fifty cents 
 per month in the primary grades to $1.-50 in instrumental music. 
 The students keep the buildings in excellent order, working on them 
 at odd times. The campus is located in the very center of the 
 negro population of the town, just where a public negro high school 
 should be located. 
 
 The teachers of Knox Institute were, for the most part, trained 
 in Atlanta and Fiske Universities. They receive about $35 per 
 month, $25 in money, board and lodging in the school being esti- 
 mated at $10. 
 
 Notwithstanding the fact that there is a fairly good public school 
 system in Athens for negroes, many parents stint themselves to 
 send their children to Knox Institute and the other private schools.* 
 This is partly accounted for by the crowded condition of the public 
 
 3 The 1910 Census eunmerates only 1G30 uegro children of schox)l age. An 
 enrollment of 1422 is apparently too high a proportion of those of school age 
 enrolled in schools, especially as the inquiry, which did not attempt to reach 
 e\ery family, shows 164 out of school at work. The 1913 school census, taken 
 by the Board of Education, further muddies the waters by showing only 1.59;3 
 negro children of school age, less than the number enumerated by the census 
 three years previously. 
 
 i In many cases the question "What School do your children attend" was 
 answered by the name of one of the private schools. The added statement that 
 "they did not attend no free school" was made with a good deal of pride. 
 
24 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 schools, and partly because of a lingering of the old-south idea that 
 it is a reflection on a child to attend a "free school." 
 
 Knox Institute stands well with the colored community and with 
 the whites, who are often called on to address the pupils. Its 
 curriculum, covering ten grades,^ is adapted to prepare for negro 
 colleges. 
 
 In 1912 there were 272 pupils enrolled in the regular school of 
 Knox Institute, 87 of whom were from out of the city. In addition 
 to the regular grades, there is a kindergarten and a special depart- 
 ment of music and domestic science which swell the enrollment to 
 311.<5 The average daily attendance is about 185. ■!■ 
 
 3. Beginning of Public Schools. 
 
 Knox Institute was alone in the field of negro education in 
 Athens until the year 1886. During the year 1885, "Contending 
 against a deep-rooted opposition to the public school idea, the 
 Board of Education erected two two-story, ten-roomed brick build- 
 ings, one for each race," as public schools. During the first year 
 there was a ratio of 41 negroes to 3 9 whites in the public schools, 
 and a ratio of 61 pupils to each colored teacher. In 1893 the old 
 colored school was remodeled and given to the whites, and two 
 six-room frame buildings were substituted for the one ten-room 
 building. These new buildings were erected on opposite sides of 
 town. In the first year of operation with two public school build- 
 ings, 746 pupils, or 62 pupils to a room and teacher, were enrolled. 
 
 The attendance on both white and negro schools compared in 
 tabular form for five year periods since that time is as follows :« 
 
 TABLE VII. 
 
 Athens City Schools, 1893-1912. 
 
 Year. 
 
 No. Enui 
 White. 
 
 Iterated. 
 Negro. 
 
 Enroll 
 White. 
 
 ment. 
 Negro. 
 
 Av. Daily A 
 
 White. 
 
 ttendance. 
 Negro. 
 
 1893 
 
 1374 
 
 1426 
 
 853 
 
 746 
 
 551 
 
 411 
 
 1898 
 
 1346 
 
 1765 
 
 853 
 
 700 
 
 621 
 
 439 
 
 1903 
 
 1412 
 
 1562 
 
 949 
 
 685 
 
 725 
 
 425 
 
 1908 
 
 1598 
 
 1562 
 
 1255 
 
 685 
 
 879 
 
 419 
 
 19129 
 
 
 
 1767 
 
 1004 
 
 1205 
 
 620 
 
 5 Knox Institute, beginning with next year, will have a curriculum covering 
 twelve grades. 
 
 6 Knox Institute Catalogue (Athens, Georgia, 1912), pp. 22-27. 
 T Estimated by Principal Clark. 
 
 8 Superintendent Athens City Schools, Reports, 1S93, p. S; 1S9S, p. 8; 1913, 
 p. 9; 1908, pp. 9-10; 1912, pp. 0-7. 
 
 9 The school population for 1912 is not known, since according to Georgia 
 law the school census is taken every five years, and 1912, unfortunately, was not 
 a census year. 
 
NEGROES OP ATHENS, GA. 
 
 25 
 
 Prom the above table it appears that there was some increase in 
 the white and negro school population during the 15 years from 
 1893 to 1908. The enrollment in negro schools was smaller at 
 the end of this period than it was at the beginning, and the average 
 daily attendance increased only slightly. The enrollment in white 
 schools has more than kept pace ,with the increase in white school 
 population. 
 
 4. Cramped Condition of Negro Public Schools Since 1893. 
 
 The explanation of this steady growth in white schools lies in 
 the fact that the white school facilities increased from two buildings 
 in 1886 to ten, with 48 teachers, in 1908. The negro schools, how- 
 ever, had only their original two buildings with 14 teachers up to 
 1911. These two buildings were on opposite sides of town, prac- 
 tically on the city limits, making them three miles apart, with some 
 negro settlements two miles from a school. Consequently the little 
 children could not be placed in school, and if they could have been, 
 the schools were too crowded for them to have thorough instruction. 
 
 The need of another negro school became evident, and a four- 
 room grade school building was added in 1911-12, the corps of 
 teachers being increased to 17. This school caused the. enrollment 
 in negro schools to jump to 1001, the average daily attendance in- 
 creasing to 620, an increase of 201 over the average attendance in 
 1908. A more detailed study of the school figures for 1912 is as 
 follows: 
 
 TABLE VIII. 
 Athens City Schools, 1912. 
 
 Color. 
 
 Enrollment. 
 Male Pemale 
 
 Average 
 Attendance. 
 
 Teachers. 
 
 Pupils to 
 Teacher. 
 
 White 
 Negro 
 
 909 
 438 
 
 858 
 566 
 
 1,205 
 620 
 
 48 
 17 
 
 36.8 
 57.3 
 
 This average of 58.8 pupils per teacher does not give a fair idea 
 of the crowded condition of the negro public schools until we con- 
 sider that the white schools are full with 36 to a teacher. Also, 
 57 pupils for all grades means that the congestion in the lower 
 grades is much greater. 
 
 In the first grade at West Broad Street school this year (1912- 
 1913) there was an enrollment of 140 with an average daily at- 
 tendance of 105. This large number compels the one teacher to 
 teach in relays, holding one section until 11:30 o'clock and then 
 teaching section number two until 2 o'clock. 
 
 There are in the West Broad Street schooFo only six rooms for 
 ten grades (including the high school), and only eight teachers. 
 
 10 From Books of Principal of West Broad Street School. 
 
26 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 Under conditions sucli as this it is hard to do any work of merit, 
 and yet several unexpected visits to the school showed that the 
 children were learning very well what was put before them. Pro- 
 fessor S. C. Harris, the principal of this school, has the confidence 
 of the white people of the town, and they are beginning to cooperate 
 with him in his work. 
 
 The excess of females over males in attendance on the schools 
 (see above table for 1912) is due partly to the fact that there are, 
 according to the 1910 census, 622 more females in the town than 
 males. A second factor is the numerous avenues of employment 
 which tempt the small negro boy away from school, such as boot- 
 black, news-boy, delivery boy, and the like. 
 
 The West Broad Street public school for negroes. 
 
 The teachers in the public schools are working well under diffi- 
 culties. A short time ago when it seemed that the attendance was 
 falling off, they were known to drum up pupils for the schools, and 
 now they use every effort to get the parents to cooperate with them 
 to keep the average daily attendance up to as high a standard as 
 possible. 
 
 5. Finances of Public Schools. 
 
 The salaries of these teachers range from $250.00 to $350.00 per 
 year, the principals receiving, one $400.00, one $480.00 and one 
 $750.00. The teachers were for the most part trained in Atlanta 
 
NEGROES OF ATHENS, GA. 27 
 
 University. One notable exception to this rule was the fourth grade 
 teacher at West Broad Street school, who was prepared in Hampton 
 Institute. In her room the children were drilled like soldiers and 
 seemed to take great interest in their work. 
 
 In order to support this system of white and negro schools, the 
 city appropriates about 40 per cent, of the revenue derived from a 
 tax of one and one-fourth mills on all property. This fund is, of 
 course, supplemented by the state school fund. 
 
 For the year 1911-12 the disbursement for city schools was as 
 follows: 
 
 Salaries White Teachers $34,003 
 
 Salaries Negro Teachers 6.080^^ 
 
 Total Salaries $40,083 
 
 To be apportioned between eight .white 
 and three negro schools for janitors, 
 
 repairs, etc. 15,117 
 
 Total $55,200 
 
 6. Aims and Equipment of Private Schools. 
 
 There are two small and two large private schools in the city of 
 Athens, all of which are in parts of the town from which the public 
 schools are not easily reached. The relative size and importance of 
 these schools is indicated in the following table: 
 
 TABLE IX. 
 
 Enrollment in Schools, 1913." 
 
 
 Public 
 
 Knox 
 
 Jeruel 
 
 Anne Smith 
 
 Heard |Total Private 
 
 From Athens 
 Boarders 
 
 1004 
 
 185 
 
 87 
 
 1 126 
 1 "^1 
 
 114 
 
 27 
 
 78 
 
 503 
 185 
 
 Total 
 
 1004 
 
 272 
 
 1 197 
 
 141 
 
 78 1 688 
 
 Thus it is seen that 3 3 per cent, of the negro children of Athens 
 are enrolled in private schools. 
 
 6. Aims and Equipment. 
 
 rhe .J. Thomas Heard University, notwithstanding its name, goes 
 only through the sixth grade. The remaining three schools go from 
 the first through the high school grades. The Heard school was 
 built by a negro lawyer of Athens, and is taught by his wife in the 
 daytime, having a night department in which both Heard and his 
 wife teach. It would have been more fortunate had this school 
 been located in some other part of town than on its present site. 
 It is on the lot next to Knox Institute, the oldest and largest private 
 school, and consequently there is no good will lost between the 
 schools. Heard's idea in building and naming his school was, in the 
 
 11 All figures, excepting salaries, from Report of Superintendent Athens Cit.v 
 Schools, 1912, p. 5. Salaries of teachers frouj payroll of secretary Board of 
 Education. 
 
 12 From books of principals. 
 
28 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 words of his wife, "that it may some day grow into a University, 
 and be a factor in the uplift of his race." 
 
 The Anne Smith School is next in size, with an enrollment of 
 141. This school was established by a negro woman who received 
 her training at Atlanta University, and taught for awhile at Knox 
 Institute. Her object is to care for a section of town not covered 
 by the public schools, and to furnish a school where children who 
 have to help their parents can attend at odd times. For this reason 
 there is no basis for computing the average daily attendance on her 
 school. During the morning that the investigator spent in her 
 school-room, the children came in at odd times, always giving, 
 however, their excuse for tardiness, and in most cases this excuse 
 was that they were detained to do some errand for their parents. 
 In some cases the cause of delay was the long trip which had to 
 be taken, the pupils coming in from outlying sections of the 
 county. 
 
 Her method, although impracticable for a teacher who has to 
 instruct a large number of children, was, in her small school, 
 admirably adapted to the different types of negro children. She 
 had no definite curriculum which had to be covered in a year's 
 time. She sometimes kept one pupil on a lesson for several days, 
 and sometimes worked with them for a long time at the board. 
 In this way she adapts the studies and exercises to the smarter 
 mulattoes and also to the duller blacks. 
 
 The next school in size is Jeruel Academy. This school is sup- 
 ported partly by the American Baptist Missionary Society, and 
 partly by the Negro Baptist Churches of the surrounding counties. 
 The curriculum covered is about the same as in the public schools, 
 having very little industrial work. Professor J. H. Brown, who is 
 at the head of this institution, is working every minute to inspire 
 the members of his race with a pride in what they do, and at the 
 same time he is a great exponent of race cooperation and of the 
 need of white help for the negro. Whenever possible he calls on 
 white speakers to address his meetings, and on white men for 
 advice. 
 
 Jeruel Academy is reaching out more than the other private 
 schools for the negroes in the surrounding counties. Supported 
 by the negro churches of the neighborhood, and having a farmer's 
 conference every year, Jeruel is making steps towards broadening 
 its field from that of a local school to a factor in the education of 
 the negro in northeast Georgia. 
 
 7. High Schools. 
 
 The public schools and three of the four private schools have high 
 school departments. Although under the present system of small 
 negro schools all four of the high schools are needed, it seems that 
 Athens has more than her share, when we consider that there are 
 only five towns in the State of Georgia where a high school is a 
 
NEGROES OF ATHENS, GA. 29 
 
 part of the public school facilities for negroes, and only twelve where 
 a high school education may be had in either public or private school. 
 The enrollment in these high schools is as follows: 
 
 TABLE X. 
 High School Eiirollment.12 
 Sexl Public. Knox. Jeruel. Anne Smith. Total. 
 
 Female 33 22 15 9 79 
 
 Male 9 15 8 10 42 
 
 Toeal 42 37 23 19 121 
 
 The above table is an exemplification of the fact that females con- 
 tinue in school longer than males, only one-third of the high school 
 pupils being boys. 
 
 Special high school courses adapted to the needs of the pupils 
 are very little used in the South, and consequently little effort has 
 been made to inject vocational training into the curricula of these 
 schools. The Knox Institute is the only one with special equipment 
 for this work, and it is new in this field. 
 
 The city, in providing for schools for negroes, failed to provide 
 a system of education adapted to their needs, and for the last fifteen 
 years the high school for negroes has been doing almost the same 
 work as that of the white children. This raises the question as to 
 whether or not there should be some special work done to aid the 
 negro in his racial growth, instead of giving him the same work 
 which is required in the white schools. 
 
 Up to 1911 there were 306 living graduates of the negro schools 
 of Athens. The following table, which was compiled with the aid 
 of the principals of the four schools, gives a fair idea of the part 
 the schools have played in the life of Athens and the surrounding 
 country. 
 
 TABLE XI. 
 Record of Graduates, Athens Schools.^* 
 
 Occupation. 
 
 Public. 
 
 Knox. 
 
 Jeruel. 
 
 A. Smith. 
 
 Total. 
 
 Pet. 
 
 Teacher 
 
 32 
 
 27 
 
 29 
 
 2 
 
 90 
 
 29.4 
 
 Home Keeper 
 
 16 
 
 17 
 
 17 
 
 1 
 
 51 
 
 16.7 
 
 Trained Nurse 
 
 5 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 
 9 
 
 2.9 
 
 Milliner 
 
 __ 
 
 
 20 
 
 
 20 
 
 6.6 
 
 Seamstress 
 
 1 
 
 __ 
 
 1 
 
 __ 
 
 2 
 
 .6 
 
 In Business 
 
 4 
 
 8 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 16 
 
 5.2 
 
 Printer 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 1 
 
 2.3 
 
 Lawyer 
 
 __ 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 1 
 
 .3 
 
 Doctor 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 3.2 
 
 Farmer 
 
 __ 
 
 1 
 
 11 
 
 
 12 
 
 4.0 
 
 Preacher 
 
 __ 
 
 4 
 
 16 
 
 
 20 
 
 6.6 
 
 P. 0. and Clerks 
 
 5 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 
 8 
 
 2.6 
 
 Odd and Unknown 
 
 20 
 
 13 
 
 25 
 
 2 
 
 60 
 
 19.6 
 
 Totals 
 
 85 
 
 77 
 
 138 
 
 6 
 
 306 
 
 100. 
 
 13 Ibid. 
 
 14 CataIog:ue Knox Institute, 1912, pp. 29-32. 
 
 Leaflet of Jeruel Aoademy. 
 
 Names and occupations of graduates of Anne Smith and Public Higli 
 School furnished by principals. 
 
30 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 From the above it appears that the negroes who graduate from 
 the high schools are working among their own people. i' 
 
 There is a great field for the trained negro in the South. He 
 enters freely into many avenues of employment, and there is a 
 crying need for more who have received the discipline of the school. 
 
 8. Experiments in Inrtu.strial Education. 
 
 From the table of occupations of negro graduates it appears that, 
 while most of the graduates are teachers, preachers, doctors, and 
 in business, there are nevertheless a number of home-keepers and 
 farmers. With these the need of domestic science and agriculture 
 Is self-evident. 
 
 With the professional class, too, there is an evident need of 
 training in industrial lines, for does not the negro teacher, preacher, 
 doctor, and business man have to do with a community predominate- 
 ly industrial? The negro preacher who is in the country church 
 should be familiar with the agricultural methods and difficulties of 
 his congregation, as should the teacher and doctor whose work is 
 in the rural districts. In the city they should be familiar with the 
 needs and difficulties of labor, skilled and unskilled, and the proper 
 ideals of domestic service. 
 
 Tliere has been, within the last few years, a movement among 
 the negro schools to introduce such work, this movement coming 
 mostly from within the race. The white people of southern com- 
 munities have very little interest in the work of negro schools. 
 
 Knox Institute has in its new Carnegie Hall, a four-room first 
 floor completely devoted to industrial work, two rooms for the 
 boys and two for the girls. The work in carpentry, printing, sewing, 
 and cooking has just been installed and its efficiency has not yet 
 been tested by time. The school is, as we have said, the only one 
 in the town with special equipment for industrial work. 
 
 Jeruel Academy has, each year, a farmer's conference. This con- 
 ference is twofold in purpose: First, to help the farmers by giving 
 them better metliods; and second, to arouse the interest of surround- 
 ing rural sections in the work of the school. 
 
 The success of this work brings out the prime requisite for 
 good work in negro schools, namely, the cooperation of the educa- 
 ted whites of the community. Situated as they are in the center of 
 learning of the state, within easy walking distance of two state 
 colleges, the negro schools are .within calling distance of a great 
 granary of learning, and yet, due to the slight acquaintance and co- 
 operation between the leaders of the two races, there has in the 
 past been comparatively little help given the negro schools. The 
 whites are loth to offer their services, because they do not know 
 
 15 A coinpllatioii of ix'fupiitioiis of negro college grarUintes for the Ignited 
 States shows a similar teiuleiicy. ^-'ee The Coilege Bred Negro American, 
 (Atl.-inta I'liiversitv I'libliratioiis. .Vtlaiita. ir»10i, p. m. 
 
NEGROES OF ATHENS, GA. 31 
 
 how the negro would receive such an offer, and the negroes are slow 
 to call on them, fearing that the whites will not be willing to come. 
 
 A noteworthy beginning in this direction has been made by 
 Principal Brown, of Jeruel Academy. Each year he calls on the 
 Chancellor of the University and occasionally the Deans of Depart- 
 ments of Arts and Agriculture, together with some of the professors 
 in the Agricultural College, to address his farmers' conference. It 
 is to be hoped that this will lead to a better acquaintance and co- 
 operation between the leaders of the two races. 
 
 He is working also with the aid of members of the faculty of 
 the State College of Agriculture to get some of the United States 
 Agricultural Extension work done in his school. 
 
 The success of his conference work is indicated in his pamphlet 
 called "Facts Culled from the Farmers' Conference, "i« which was 
 distributed to the delegates to the 1910 conference. 
 
 "Counties represented 8 
 
 Towns and villages 20 
 
 Acres owned bv members of conference 6245 
 
 Value ■ $183,916.00 
 
 Acres by Counties: Clarke, 1845, Madison, 847, Oconee, 871, Jack- 
 son, 590, Oglethorpe, 677, Lincoln, 395, Jasper, 10, Elbert, 
 represented, but no acreage." 
 
 The principal of West Broad Street School, Professor S. C. Harris, 
 is doing good work in domestic science, both with his school chil- 
 dren and in an extension cooking school for the domestic servants 
 of the town. His efforts to establish a model vegetable garden 
 were not successful. 
 
 Athens is not a compactly built town, but in spite of the fact 
 that in some negro settlements there is ample space for gardens, it 
 is the rarest thing that one finds anything beyond a ro.w or two of 
 "collards" and a patch of turnip greens. A garden would help the 
 family in the matter of provisions very materially, and the negroes 
 of the city should be given every encouragement to economical 
 living. 
 
 With this in view, Professor Harris started his garden, assigning 
 small patches to each student, and the first year's work was so 
 successful that for the following year he rented 10 acres of land, 
 bought a horse and some tools, and received from the Board of 
 Education an appropriation to employ an agricultural graduate from 
 Tuskegee to take charge of the work. 
 
 With this new garden things went .well until summer vacation 
 came. The boys then stopped working the patch, and during the 
 principal's vacation the teacher became discouraged and stopped 
 work, taking a place in the post office. The garden was over-run by 
 weeds, and the crop which was to pay for the tools and horse was 
 
 ic Leaflet .Teniel Acartom.v, 1!>10. 
 
32 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 not forthcoming. Consequently when the principal returned the 
 tools and horse had to be sold and the garden abandoned. 
 
 Growing out of this first experiment in gardening, however, is 
 the cooking school now attached to West Broad Street school. The 
 kitchen equipment was given to the school by a philanthropist ,who 
 noticed the garden work above mentioned at the stage when success 
 seemed assured. 
 
 Classes are held daily for the pupils of the school, and once every 
 year an extension cooking school is held. An afternoon is selected 
 for this work so that the cooks of the town can come, and post 
 cards are sent to the house keepers asking their cooperation in this 
 work for the betterment of domestic service. 
 
 These experiments are chiefly valuable as indicating that both 
 races are awakening to the necessity of cultivating a cooperative 
 spirit; and as affording instances where such cooperation is being 
 actually practised. 
 
NEGROES OF ATHENS, GA. 33 
 
 CHAPTER V.i 
 
 SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATIONS. 
 
 1, Church and Lodge the Centres of Negro Life. 
 
 The church and the lodge furnish most of the social life of the 
 negroes of Athens. There is a theatre which occasionally gives 
 vaudeville performances, and a few dance halls, but outside of 
 these there is no innocent recreation open to negroes. 
 
 It is hard to say which is the more popular, the church or the 
 lodge. The church is the older institution, and has accumulated 
 much property. The lodges have grown very rapidly within the last 
 few years, and now number 29, while there are only 12 negro 
 churches in the city. 
 
 These are the only two institutions wholly in the hands of the 
 negroes which have as their aim the uplift of the race. As such, 
 there is some jealousy between the church and the lodge. Many 
 preachers belie\e that a negro will give up his church for his 
 loige, and, in fact, a number of negroes have expressed such a 
 preference. One church, the Holy Rollers, has a by-law prohibiting 
 its members from joining lodges. 
 
 There is a field, however, for both of these organizations. The 
 charch bases its appeal on the strong religious emotion of the 
 negro. The secrecy and ritualistic side of the lodge attract the 
 negro, and added to this are the benefits received from the mutual 
 insurance feature of the lodge. 
 
 2. The Churches. 
 
 All of the negro churches in Athens are well constructed frame 
 buildings. The one exception to this rule is the First Baptist 
 church, which is a brick edifice. Most of them have a small 
 steeple and colored glass windows. The majority are painted. 
 
 The twelve churches in Athens are distributed among the several 
 denominations as follows: 
 
 Baptist _______---5 
 
 Methodist _______--4 
 
 Congregational ______ 1 
 
 Episcopal _______-_! 
 
 "Sanctified" ______-! 
 
 The discouraging feature of organized work among negroes is the 
 peity jealousy which arises. The principals of three of the schools 
 in Athens are not on speaking terms, and each is ready to belittle 
 the work of the others. The lodges get along fairly well, but every 
 now and then there is an internal rupture which splits a lodge, 
 
 1 The original plan of the work inoliulefl a more comprehensive chapter on 
 these organizations, bnt the qnestiounaires sent out to the preachers and lodge 
 leaders were so tardily answered that this chapter had to be cut to a minimum 
 on account of the absence of the data which could be gotten by no other means 
 than the (juestionnaires. 
 
34 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 one half going off into another part of town and forming a new 
 organization. The churches, too, have their share of such dissen- 
 sion. The Methodists have split into four divisions, namely, the 
 African Methodist Episcopal, the African Methodist Episcopal Zion, 
 the Colored Methodist Episcopal, and the Methodist Episcopal, 
 commonly known by the following initials: A. M. E., A. M. E. Z., 
 C. M. E., and M. E. The Baptists have not been so prone to split 
 into factions, though occasionally one of their churches divides into 
 two congregations. There has lately been quite an exodus from 
 both Methodist and Baptist churches into the Holy Rollers, or 
 Sanctified Church, which has not long been established in the town. 
 
 The church buildings average $3,000 in value, and were reported 
 as free of debt. The preachers are paid from $25.00 to $40.00 per 
 month. 
 
 In matters of finance negro churches are remarkable. The 
 "table method" of collection is used, the giver walking up in front 
 of the congregation and depositing his money on a table. This is 
 an efficient method of money raising, taking advantage as it does 
 of the negro's love of display. 
 
 The negro preachers are liberally endowed with powerful voices 
 and a great native ability for the expression of feeling through 
 rhythmical gestures and utterances. The success of the sermon is 
 measured by the extent to which the preacher arouses the religious 
 emotion of his congregation. The .whole congregation takes part in 
 the service at climactic emotional points with shouts of "Amen."' 
 "Ha" Mussy," "Yes, Lord," and other approving phrases. 
 
 The readiness of the negro to respond to his emotions, and 
 especially to his religious feeling, is one of his most widely known 
 characteristics. Swayed by religion, the negro expresses himself in 
 various forms. The most common outlet is in songs of a wierd 
 metre which are only heard in negro churches. Chanted prayers, 
 responses by the congregation to the pastor's exhortation, and 
 shouting, are other outlets for this feeling, from which the negro 
 
 seems to get great satisfaction. 
 
 It is not until his emotions reach their full development that the 
 negro "gets religion." There are practically no members of the 
 negro churches of Athens under 16 or 17 years of age. They do 
 not feel the full sway of this feeling until the age of puberty, and 
 consequently do not join the church earlier. At this time, to use 
 the negro's characteristic language, he "comes through." This pro- 
 cess of "coming through" generally starts at a revival where the 
 atmosphere is tense with fervid excitement. The young candidate 
 is thoroughly wrought up through the physiological effects of the 
 repeated rhythm. He is then called up to the mourners' bench. 
 The trip to the bench is sometimes preceded by a series of s-houts or 
 a fainting spell. There is generally a period of a month or two 
 between the mourners' bench and baptism. During this period' 
 
NEGROES OP ATHENS, GA. 3 5 
 
 religion is dominant in the mind of the negro. The investigator 
 was informed in several instances by housekeepers that their cook 
 was "getting religion" and that she had a prayer meeting between 
 waffles and a song service over the biscuits. 
 
 Should the pastors reach the children earlier and the parents 
 place more restraint upon them instead of awaiting the physiological 
 development into maturity, the personnel of the church membership 
 would doubtless be better. 
 
 3. The Lodges. 
 Almost without the knowledge of the white man, a vast net 
 work of lodges has spread all through the negro race in the last 
 few years.- These lodges combine a secret ritualistic feature with 
 a mutual insurance company. In this way they have both a social 
 and business side. 
 
 The social side of these meetings, their pompous funerals, their 
 mystical names, and the lure of the secret ritual draw negroes into 
 the lodges, and the inc^urance feature keeps them paying their 
 dues with fair regularity. In this way the two features of the 
 lodges have combined and made the lodge one of the most striking 
 and important features of negro life. 
 
 It is only within the last two decades that the lodges have be- 
 come s^'o popular. Their phenomenal growth started when the 
 insurance feature was added some years ago. The reports of the 
 lodges show that while a few have been in Athens for over twenty- 
 five years, the majority were established within the last five or 
 ten years. 
 
 The present number of lodges is 29, representing 8 orders, viz., 
 The Good Samaritans, Odd Fello.ws, Masons, Knights of Pythias 
 (Court of Calanthe affiliated with Knights of Pythias, and House- 
 hold of Ruth with the Odd Fellows), Gospel Pilgrims, Ancient 
 Knights, Independent Benevolent Order, and Magnolias. All of 
 these orders but the last two have more than one lodge in the city, 
 and the Good Samaritans lead the list with seven lodges. 
 
 The membership in the fifteen"^ whose membership could be 
 accurately ascertained was 1412. The estimated membership of 
 the whole 29 is 2500, or about 75 per cent, of the adult population 
 of the town. 
 
 The insurance given by these lodges is no little protection against 
 the misfortunes of the poorer classes. In times past it was cus- 
 tomary for the employer to help a family out in case of sickness 
 or death in the family. Now this matter is a function of the lodges. 
 The. lodges pay from $2.50 to $5.00 per week when a member is 
 sick, many of them having a sick committee for visiting their mem- 
 bers. The amount allowed for burial of members ranges from 
 
 2 Nine out of fifteen reporting date of organization were founded since 1890. 
 six since 1000. 
 
 sOulv out of 2!) answered (luestiunnaires. Six others reported nieniborsliip. 
 
36 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 $30.00 to $75.00, and in addition, a life insurance policy paying 
 from $100.00 to $350,004 jg covered by the dues paid the society. 
 
 Aside from the financial benefits of the lodge in the event of 
 death, the society "turns out" in full regalia at the funeral of a 
 member, and it is no slight comfort to the bereaved family if the 
 funeral is a "big one." 
 
 The insurance feature and incidental expenses of the lodge are 
 run by the monthly duet, and taxes. The dues vary from fifty 
 cents per month to a dollar and a half, fifty cents being the most 
 general charge. This is a very low premium, and even if doubled, 
 as it sometimes is, by taxes and fines, it is still a good investment 
 for the negro who keeps his dues paid up and receives the sick 
 benefits. There is practically no complaint among the negroes of 
 Athens as to the non-payment of death claims. 
 
 As close an estimate as is possible from the data in hand shows 
 that in 1912 about $3,500 were collected by the lodges. 
 
 The societies are enabled to run on this small income because 
 there are many lapses, and the money which has been deposited in 
 the treasury by a member who becomes "unfinancial" is clear gain 
 to the lodge, and, should he after a lapse desire to regain member- 
 ship in full standing, a renewal fee is charged. A negro lodge has 
 small chance to go into bankruptcy, for if the treasury gets low 
 an extra tax of from twenty-five cents to one dollar per member is 
 levied and the money is always forthcoming. 
 
 Sometimes a negro who is a "joiner" will enroll himself in seven 
 or eight of these lodges, paying out from $3.00 to $4.00 per month 
 in dues. In this case, of course, the lodge spirit is carried to excess 
 and becomes an extravagance"^ but the enjoyment derived from 
 membership in so many organizations is considered worth the 
 price, and, in so far as it keeps the money out of the hands of 
 "wild-cat" insurance companies, it is so much saved. 
 
 Some agents of insurance companies are most adept at per- 
 suading negroes to take policies. There are ten or fifteen agents 
 in Athens who do nothing but solicit insurance and collect the 
 premiums thereon. When the negro's insurance is written, many 
 tricks are practiced to defraud the ignorant policy holder. 
 
 In addition to providing substantial benefits and centres for 
 diversion, the lodges have great possibilities for social service among 
 the negroes. Some lodges now have what they call an "instructed" 
 meeting once a year, at which a hired lecturer talks. If this meet- 
 ini? were devoted to sanitation and civic subjects on a simple scale, 
 and the program gradually broadened, the lodge would become an 
 important factor in uplifting the negro. 
 
 ■» .$100.00 is the usuitl anioiiiit of policy. The Knights of Pythias nay $350: 
 tl)e Odd Fellows. .^I^OO. 
 
 5 These poluies are usually kept in an envelope and huns in a prominent 
 place. The investigator saw several houses with more than ten envelopes hang- 
 ing on tlie door. 
 
NEGROES OF ATHENS, GA. 37 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 OCCUPATIONS. 
 
 1. Diversiflcatioii of Negro Labor Since Emancipation. 
 
 Athens before the War was a sleepy little Southern town, and 
 its activities were those of a residential and educational centre. 
 The bulk of the negro population was, therefore, engaged in domes- 
 tic service. There were, however, trained slaves and a few free 
 negroes who were engaged in mechanical and skilled labor, such as 
 carpentry, bricklaying, shoemaking, and the like. The presence of 
 the trained negro prevented the growth of a white artisan class. 
 Practically the entire white population was interested in agriculture, 
 or were in professions or merchandising. For many years after 
 emancipation the whites were slow to enter employment which 
 traditionally had been confined to negroes. In this way the negroes 
 came to monopolize the artisan trades; in time a large class of 
 negro shopkeepers, barbers, restaurateurs, carpenters, masons, 
 and blacksmiths sprang up; while, on the other hand, domestic 
 service, as a reminder of their former dependant state, fell into 
 disrepute, and all who were trained in slavery, or could get the 
 backing of their former masters, went into the skilled trades or into 
 small business ventures. 
 
 2. White Competition Follows Industrial Revolution. 
 
 During the past twenty years, however, the South has been under- 
 going a second industrial revolution. It has taken the form of a 
 rapid growth of manufacturing and commercial enterprises and a 
 consequent shifting of population, especially of whites, from rural 
 to urban communities. 
 
 Athens has partaken in the fullest measure of this development. 
 The trades connected with building have proved very attractive, 
 wages have been high and considerable profits were to be made 
 from all the various activities so long regarded as negro employ- 
 ments. The influx from rural communities brought to town an ele- 
 ment of white men who were quick to take advantage of the chang- 
 ing conditions. They have entered into competition with the negro 
 and are tending to force him into the background. Nearly all the 
 carpenters and plumbers at present are white men. Negro plasterers 
 are still holding their own, though the number of whites in this 
 trade is increasing; Greeks have superseded negroes as waiters in 
 some restaurants. 
 
 The change which has taken place in the last five years in the 
 pressing clubs illustrates the manner in which white competition 
 affects the negro. Five years ago the pressing clubs of the town 
 were owned and operated by negroes, who sometimes hired assist- 
 ants. White capital has, however, introduced better irons, more 
 responsibility, and delivery wagons, and now there is only one press- 
 
38 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 ing club owned by a negro, and it receives most of its revenue 
 through tailoring done by its owner. There are five or six large 
 pressing clubs owned and supervised by white men, the actual labor 
 being done by negroes. Thus they have been driven downward in 
 the same line of work from owners to hired helpers. 
 
 A similar change has taken place in the barber shops. Ten years 
 ago there was only one small barber shop of four or five chairs 
 operated by whites. The great majority of the people of the town 
 were accustomed to patronizing old colored barbers who had been 
 at their stands for years, and who were the friends of most of their 
 customers. The capital of the one white barber shop was, however, 
 judiciously handled. Better chairs and equipment were purchased 
 and a better location was secured. The success of this venture 
 attracted other white bai-bers and as a result there are now six 
 large white barber shops with thirty-two chairs, while only two of 
 the original negro shops, with three chairs apiece, receive white 
 patronage. One of the white barber shops has more chairs than 
 the two negro shops combined. The other negroes who were in the 
 barbering business have either sought some other employment or 
 opened up shops in the negro settlements, catering to negro trade. 
 
 One can readily see by looking at the shops that it was not pre- 
 judice against the negro in these lines which drove him from the 
 field. It was inability to compete successfully. The negro shops 
 still have plush chairs and untempting stands, while the lure which 
 has taken their customers from them lies in the tile floors, electric 
 fans, and sanitary chairs of their competitors. 
 
 3. Number in Gainful Occupations. 
 
 The percentage of negroes over 18 years of age in gainful occupa- 
 tions is as follows: 
 
 
 TABLE XII. 
 
 
 Sex 
 
 Female 
 
 Male 
 
 Employed 
 1072 
 937 
 
 Unemployed 
 384 
 125 
 
 Per cent. Employed. 
 73. 
 
 88. 
 
 Total over 18 
 
 2009 
 
 509 
 
 79. 
 
 In addition to these there are engaged in gainful occupations 
 164 persons under eighteen years of age, making a grand total of 
 2173 colored persons in gainful occupations. 
 
 This summary of the distribution of negroes in occupations by sex 
 and age brings out the fact that there are more negro women at 
 work in Athens than men. This is due partly to the fact that there 
 are 622 more women than men enumerated by the 1910 census, and 
 partly to the fact that there is a large field for domestic service 
 open to the negro women of the city. 
 
 According to sex, those under 18 in gainful occupations are divid- 
 
NEGROES OF ATHENS, GA. 
 
 39 
 
 ed as follows: male 100, female 64. The males are mostly delivery 
 boys, some few are butlers and boys about the premises, while others 
 go into the fertilizer factories before 18. The females are nurses 
 and house-maids and washerwomen. 
 
 The bulk of the negro breadwinners are divided between domestic 
 service and common labor, with a few in the professions and busi- 
 nesses. The following list of occupations compiled from the schedule 
 gives the details in this connection. 
 
 TABLE XIII. 
 
 Distribution of Negroes by Occupations. 
 
 Professions and Business: 
 
 Preacher 13 
 
 Doctor 5 
 
 Teacher 28 
 
 In Business 62 
 
 Total 
 
 Clerical Work: 
 
 Stenographer 
 Bookkeeper 
 Post Office 
 Insurance 
 
 3 
 2 
 6 
 
 7 
 
 108, 5 per cent, of grand total. 
 
 Total, 
 Skilled Trades: 
 
 Baker 
 
 Barber 
 
 Blacksmith 
 
 Bottler 
 
 Butcher 
 
 Carpenter 
 
 Chauffeur 
 
 Fireman 
 
 Glazier 
 
 Masons 
 
 Painter 
 
 Plasterer 
 
 Plumber 
 
 Seamstress 
 
 Trained Nurse 
 
 Tailor 
 
 Upholsterer 
 
 Total 
 
 Domestic and Hotel Service: 
 Cook 
 
 Maid 
 
 Manservant 
 Janitor 
 Washerwoman 
 
 1 per cent, of grand total. 
 
 D 
 
 15 
 
 7 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 15 
 
 3 
 
 8 
 
 5 
 
 14 
 
 12 
 
 29 
 
 9 
 
 40 
 
 5 
 
 8 
 
 1 
 
 172 
 
 153 
 
 94 
 
 46 
 
 637 
 
 181, 8 per cent, of grand total. 
 
 Total 
 
 1102, 51 per cent, of grand total. 
 
40 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA, 
 
 Unskilled Labor: 
 
 Cotton Mill Hands 67 
 
 Fertilizer Hands 106 
 
 Ice Plant Hands 17 
 
 Lumber Yard Hands 21 
 
 Bartender 4 
 City Employees and Odd 
 
 Jobs, Ditchers, etc., 199 
 
 Cotton Warehouses 18 
 
 Drivers and Porters 182 
 
 Farm Laborers 40 
 
 Gardeners 3 
 
 Hod Carriers 8 
 
 Pool Room 2 
 
 Pressing Clubs 18 
 
 Railroad Gangs 88 
 
 Watchmen 3 
 
 Total 764, 35 per cent, of grand total. 
 
 4. Observations on the Several Groups of Occupations. 
 The Professional Element. 
 
 The work and salaries of the preachers and teachers has been 
 more fully discussed in the chapters on Schools and Social and Relig- 
 ious organizations. All negroes in professions occupy a high position 
 in the negro community The negro preacher is possibly the most in- 
 fluential. The negro doctors of Athens meet with some little preju- 
 dice and suspicion among the masses of the negroes, and yet they are 
 doing very well, receiving a good percentage of the negro practice 
 of the town. There is also a negro drug store run by a negro 
 pharmacist, which receives good patronage. 
 
 The Entrepreneurs. 
 
 There are 62 of the entrepreneurial class in Athens, constituting 
 3 per cent, of the total number in gainful occupations. They are, 
 for the most part, grocers, restaurateurs, dray or hack owners. 
 
 A typical grocery store is located on Broad street in the largest 
 negro settlement of the town. The proprietor owns the store build- 
 ing and fixtures. He does from $75 to $100 worth of business a 
 week, supplying the neighboring houses with flour, side-meat, meal, 
 sugar, and a small amount of canned goods, starch, and soap. On 
 account of the trade catered to the stock is composed almost alto- 
 gether of staple goods. The 1125 people who live in this settlement 
 are supplied by 13 small stores. Three of these grocery stores 
 have a meat shop attached. Two are run by white men, and eleven 
 by negroes. There is some prejudice against negroes here also. 
 The masses of their people are accustomed to trading with the 
 whites, or are employed b-" white men who direct their trade to cer- 
 tain stores; and yet all of these stores seem to be doing fairly well. 
 
NEGROES OF ATHENS, GA. 41 
 
 The Artisans. 
 
 4 larger class of negro wage earners, constituting eight per cent, 
 of the total number in gainful occupations, are those engaged in the 
 skilled trades. Quite a range of occupations are represented here, 
 although there are comparatively few in each occupation. 
 
 As was pointed out, there is an increasing pressure of white com- 
 petition in these trades, but due to the fact that negroes have always 
 been more or less engaged in such trades in Georgia, there is com- 
 paratively little prejudice against them.i Trades unionism has not 
 yet had time to affect these trades, as unions were not organized 
 in Athens until the present year. None of the local unions admit 
 negroes. 
 
 No attempt was made to ascertain where these negroes learned their 
 trade, but as there are no trade schools in the territory from which 
 the population of Athens was drawn, it is probable that in most 
 instances the trade was learned through apprenticeship. A few 
 apprentices to the skilled trades were found, — one baker, one mason, 
 two plasterers, and one plumber. 
 
 The Laborers. 
 
 Ihe 764 laborers may be divided roughly into two classes. First, 
 those who show some degree of skill, such as factory operatives; 
 and, second, those doing odd jobs, ditchers, draymen, warehousemen, 
 and agricultural laborers. There are 201 in the former class, and 
 564 in the latter. 
 
 In factories where skill is required, the hands are generally 
 whites, the heavier mill work in the fertilizer factories, batting 
 mills, and compresses falling to the negroes. For this reason they 
 are classed as unskilled laborers. 
 
 The ditchers, drivers, and factory hands have for the most part 
 irregular employment. None reported employment for more than 
 nine months of the year. With those who are working on excava- 
 tions and streets, employment stops on rainy days. The factories, 
 of course, take 'on and lay off hands according to the season. 
 
 All of these laborers look on themselves as doing "public work." 
 That is to say, they shift their employment as the public demands. 
 Many of this class work only when they cannot see where the next 
 meal is coming from. This means that in many instances some 
 other member of the family besides the father has to seek some 
 steady source of income, such as washing or domestic service. The 
 majority of this group are of the most shiftless class. 
 
 1 Stone, op. oit., p. 166, "Here is wbere the negro profits by tlie drawing of 
 the general Southern color line. The white mason and carpenter work side by 
 side with the negro because they know that that line exists for them just 
 exactly as it does for the lawyer or doctor. The negro recognizes that the 
 white man *is not lowered one particle in the estimation of the community be- 
 cause of his occupation. Each knows that the status of the other remains 
 unchanged." 
 
42 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 Domestic Sei-vice. 
 
 The numerical preponderance of domestic service is due to the 
 inclusion under this category of hotel servants and washerwomen 
 in addition to household servants. Washerwomen, 637 in number, 
 constitute the largest group in any single occupation. The custom 
 of letting the wash in Athens allows the washerwoman to take the 
 clothes home and work on them all the week. In this way she earns 
 from one to five dollars a week, and, at the same time, can stay 
 at home with her children. There is, too, an abnormally large de- 
 mand for washerwomen in Athens, by reason of the fact that there 
 are some 2,000 students in attendance on institutions of learning, 
 each one paying on the average $1.25 per month for washing. 
 
 In view of the importance of domestic service, the next chapter 
 is devoted <o that rubjert. 
 
 < 
 
NEGROES OF ATHENS, GA. 43 
 
 CHAPTER Vn. 
 
 DOMESTIC SERVICE. 
 
 1. The Closest Point of Contact Between the Races is in 
 
 Domestic Sei-iice. 
 
 Omitting the hotel servants, washerwomen, and janitors, there 
 are about 350 domestic servants working for families in Athens, 
 representing 16 per cent, of the negroes in gainful occupations, and 
 33 per cent, of the females in gainful occupations. 
 
 From the standpoint of the Southern white man, domestic service 
 is one of the most important and engrossing of the negro problems. 
 Dr. W. D. Weatherford, in a recent study, has aptly brought out the 
 significance of domestic service :i "Whether we sit down to dinner 
 in our homes or in a hotel, it is a vital question which cannot be 
 lightly passed over, — under what sanitary conditions does the negro 
 who cooked this meal and the negro who served it live." 
 
 The broadest and most intimate point of contact between the races 
 in the South is through domestic service, and the attitude of the 
 servant to the housewife, and the housewife to the servant has 
 much to do with the attitude of the races in general. The following 
 summary of the situation shows the domestic troubles of the South- 
 ern housekeeper:- "Employers, on the other hand, find an increas- 
 ing number of careless and impudent young people who neglect their 
 work, and in some cases demoralize the children or the family. They 
 pay low wages partly because the Southern custom compels families 
 who ought to do their own work to hire help, and they cannot afford 
 to pay much; partly because they do not believe the service rendered 
 is worth more. The servants, receiving less than they think they 
 ought, are often careful to render as little as possible for it." 
 
 2. Changed Status of Domestic Service. 
 
 The number of inefficient servants is increasing, because domestic 
 service no longer occupies the place which it did in the estimation 
 of the negro. In fifty years domestic service has been lowered from 
 the highest place in the negro's estimation to the lowest. On the 
 plantation there were the field hands and the domestics; the latter 
 being picked men and women, the most intelligent negroes on the 
 place, and in most cases mulattoes." Now, however, that generation 
 of whites which cherished domestic servants as the most intelligent 
 and trusted negroes on the place and gave them the most honored 
 
 1 W. D. Weatberforil. Negro Life in the South, (Xashville, 1910, p. 8). 
 
 2W. E. B. Dubois. The Negroes of I'arniville, Va., p. 14. (Bulletin U. S. 
 Dept. of Labor). 
 
 3 Principal S. C. Harris, of the West Broad Street School, who has an 
 intimate knowled^^e of the nesroes of Athens, states that the descendants of 
 the ante-bellum domestics stand highest in the community. 
 
44 UNIVERSITY OP GEORGIA. 
 
 position in the "big laouse," looking on tliem as trusted friends, 
 has passed away, to be replaced by a generation which does not 
 comprehend the paternal relation which existed between master and 
 servant before the war. Among the negroes, that generation which 
 looked upon domestic service as a responsible and meritorious posi- 
 tion has in its turn been replaced by a generation which is entering 
 more and more into the commercial, industrial and professional fields. 
 
 The emancipation of the slaves broke down the artificial system 
 of selecting domestic servants. Newer and more desired fields of 
 employment were opened to the negro, fields into which the more 
 efficient strove to go. This set the process of selection in motion. 
 The best, most reliable, and competent went into the professions 
 and the skilled trades, leaving the backward and unprogressive class 
 to serve as domestics. It is the incompetence of this backward class 
 who come most closely into contact with the whites that gives the 
 Southerner the idea that the negro has made and can make little 
 progress. 
 
 In addition to this change in attitude towards domestic service, 
 another social change working among the negroes takes many of 
 the best domestics out of service, namely, the development of home 
 life. Possibly there is no severer test of the character of a race 
 than the maintenance of a decent family life, in which the entire 
 time of the woman is devoted to the duties of wife and mother. The 
 increase in the number of such homes is most encouraging to those 
 who desire the uplift of the negro race. But as the best negro 
 women become home-makers the quality of domestic servants de- 
 clines. 
 
 3. Questionnaire Sent to Housekeepers. 
 
 All of these forces combine to make the position of the Southern 
 housekeeper, who is compelled to work with this labor, most un- 
 enviable. An effort was made to obtain an authoritative expression 
 of opinion on the subject of domestic service by sending to all house- 
 keepers a detailed questionnaire.* The mailing list included all who 
 were thought to have servants in their employ. 
 
 In addition to the regular questions, a space was left for "re- 
 marks," in which many interesting statements were made. The 
 housekeepers who made remarks had apparently thought so con- 
 stantly and feelingly on the subject that their testimony is deemed 
 of sufficient interest to be published in full.-^ 
 
 Washerwomen were included in this questionnaire only as far 
 as concerned their wages. Under the system in vogue, one washer- 
 woman generally does the laundry of from two to six families, 
 carrying the clothes home Monday and keeping them until Saturday. 
 
 4 See Appendix B. 
 
 5 See Appendix D. 
 
NEGROES OF ATHENS, GA. 45 
 
 Thei'efore, in order to save duplications, washerwomen were omit- 
 ted. 
 
 An effort was made to reach every family employing a servant in 
 Athens. Three hundred and ten letters were sent out and 143 
 replies received. The servants reported on were 255 in number 
 (175 females and 80 males). This number represented 72 per cent, 
 of the total number of negro domestics, not including washerwomen. 
 
 The negroes are less and less willing to perform the duties of 
 two servants for small families. The only common combinations 
 are those of butler and driver, and nurse and maid. In a few instan- 
 ces a single servant performs the duties of cook and chambermaid, 
 bw*- these are becoming rare. The washing is always done by a 
 separate servant. It therefore appears that the service rendered 
 by the negro servants is by no means as much as that rendered by 
 the average northern white servant. This fact explains to an extent 
 the low scale of wages that prevails throughout the South for 
 domestic service. 
 
 By far the most interesting and peculiar feature of the servant 
 problem in the South is the practice of hiring without a shred of 
 reference. A few housekeepers get a sort of recommendation in 
 the following manner: They obtain from the applicant the name 
 of a recent employer and ask on the phone a few questions as to 
 honesty and regularity, and usually hire the servant without refer- 
 ence to her knowledge of cooking and trust to chance for the rest. 
 
 In almost any other country a servant without references would 
 have small chance of employment. In the South, however, so great 
 is the disinclination of negroes to go into domestic service, that 
 housekeepers are glad to get any negro who will stay in the kitchen 
 and relieve them of the heavy work which is necessary in keeping 
 the style of houses generally built in the South. 
 
 Some housekeepers will, when asked about a servant, give a 
 recommendation, when in reality the servant had been unsatis- 
 factory. This is done to keep from having a "bad name" among 
 the negroes, for the negro women in their social meetings are given 
 to comparing notes as to the desirability of work in various families. 
 Almost any negro in domestic service in Athens can tell which house- 
 keepers are "finicky," or hard to please." In fact, so widely known 
 are the methods of individual housekeepers, and so strange to the 
 whites is the inner life of the darker half of the population, that 
 it is believed by some that a blacklist is kept by the negro lodges, 
 and that the servants keep "tabs" in this way on their employers. 
 Inquiry, however, failed to reveal any indication that such was 
 the case in Athens. 
 
 With these facts in mind, it is not strange that only 35 out of 
 
 6 Of course those who are "finicky" from the servant's viewpoint :ire the 
 careful, economical housekeepers. 
 
46 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 the 105 housekeepers reporting on this question ask for references, 
 and 11 of these ask only as to the servant's honesty.' The result of 
 this method of hiring, forced upon the housekeepers by the scarcity 
 of good servants and the inconvenience of the Southern houses, is 
 that domestic service is thoroughly disorganized and unsatisfactory. 
 In many cases incompetence is winked at by the housekeepers 
 for the simple reason that they cannot afford to lose their servant 
 at any cost. 
 
 Another source of worry to the housekeeper is that servants quit 
 frequently without notice and go into other avenues of employment 
 for short times. The average negro likes a short-time job. The 
 pay for such odd jobs is generally a little higher per day, and the 
 employe can make enough money in this time to live for a month 
 or so after the job runs out. This is especially true in cotton pick- 
 ing time. There is a great demand for cotton pickers in the belt of 
 counties surrounding Athens, and numbers of servants leave in the 
 late summer and early fall to go to the country. For this work they 
 are paid by the hundred pounds picked. If they prefer they may 
 work slowly, practically taking a vacation, and still make enough to 
 live on. If they work well, they can make enough to rest in ease 
 for a time after they return to the city.^ 
 
 Still another feature of negro service objected to by some house- 
 keepers, but taken philosophically by others as a result of custom, 
 is the "service basket" or pan. This carrying off of broken victuals, 
 which is in a majority of cases stretched into the carrying off of 
 small amounts of supplies from the pantry, is known among the 
 servants as "toting," and is almost universally practiced among the 
 domestics of the South. 
 
 One housekeeper said that the last servant who applied to her 
 for a position stated that her usual wages were $10.00 per month 
 when she "toted," and $12.00 when she did not. Another house- 
 keeper answered the questionnaire with a note that, having recently 
 moved to Athens, she had not employed a servant. She stated that 
 she was afraid of the cost of this item of food carried off. In her 
 ch.iracteristic, though exaggerated phrasing, she voiced the senti- 
 ment expressed by many when she remarked, "None employed. 
 I found that the Service Basket feature in Athens is a serious matter. 
 Have never seen a town like it. Just note the heavy laden cooks 
 going home in the evening. If a negro man or boy emerged from 
 the rear of a store with a pair of cheap shoes under his coat, the 
 officers would chase him all over the country and finally send him 
 to the chaingang. Every day the negro women, often reinforced 
 
 7 The majority of those not reporting as to the results from asking refer- 
 ences are housekeepers who have had the same servant for years and have had 
 little experience hi hiring servants. 
 
 8 The housekeepers answering as to season in which it is most difficult to 
 obtain a servant almost unanimously answered "Cotton-picking time." 
 
A 
 
 NEGROES OF ATHENS, GA. 47 
 
 by the entire family, carry away from Athens homes supplies of 
 groceries many times the value of the pair of shoes. They do it 
 openly, boldly, in fact consider it one of the perquisites of tlieir 
 employment." 
 
 Of the 138 housekeepers reporting as to service basket, 52 re- 
 ported tliat they did not allow the practice, 15 of these qualifying 
 their answer by such phrase as "Not to my knowledge." The 
 other 86 answered "yes." About half of these were not content 
 with the simple affirmation, but answered with such phrases as 
 "certainly," "always and forever," or "tliree big ones each day." 
 Such answers would indicate that this is a thorn in the flesh, but 
 one not easily removed. 
 
 The question of honesty is closely related to tlie service basket 
 in the mind of the liousekeeper. The general opinion among the 
 housekeepers seemed to be that servants are lionest except where 
 food is concerned. The negroes themselves regard food in tlieir 
 employer's house as theirs and take it without feeling that they 
 are committing a theft. Of the 4 housekeepers who did not abso- 
 lutely alfirm their servant's honesty, only eight actually denied it. 
 The others qualified their answers with phrases such as "fairly," 
 and "except with food." 
 
 . Of course, with the low grade of service rendere d by the domestics 
 ^TOf the South, a low wage rate nre vails. The actual money wages of 
 the several classes of domestics are as follows: 
 
 TABLE XIV. 
 Wages per Week. Cooks. Maids. Manservt. Nurse. '^ Special Serv't. 
 
 $1 to $2 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 
 16 
 
 $2 to $3 
 
 84 
 
 35 
 
 4 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 $3 to $4 
 
 34 
 
 1 
 
 17 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 ?■! to $5 
 
 6 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 Over $5 
 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 19 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 Total 131 39 52 7 22 
 
 Average Wages $2.72 $2.34 $3.80 $3.00 $3.05 
 
 The wages of butlers and special servants run higher than the 
 rest because these branches of domestic service are filled almost 
 altogether by men. The "specials" are in some instances men-of- 
 all-work, but in most cases they are old men who do a little garden- 
 ing and cleaning up around the place. They are kept because of 
 their long attachment to the family. Only seven families report a 
 servant whose duty is exclusively that of nurse, the average wages 
 being $3.00. The most common price for cooks is $2.50, and the 
 most common prices for maids are $2.00 and $2.2 5. 
 
 The cooks may be divided into two classes, according as they 
 cook two or three meals a day. Forty of the 131 cooks reported on 
 
 9 The number of nurses reported Is clearly too small. This is doubtless due 
 to the fact that in many instances the office of maid and nurse is combined. 
 
48 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 prepare only two meals a day, getting off between three and four 
 o'clock for the day. Servants are coming to demand, more and more, 
 that they be released for the afternoon. They do not, however, 
 seem to be willing to give any better service, or suffer any reduction 
 in wages for this reduction of hours. »,| 
 
 The maids and butlers are, as a rule, employed for the whole day. * 
 
 Cooks and maids who stay for supper, however, generally have * 
 
 from an hour and a half to two hours and a half off in the afternoon. 
 
 The average wage of cooks is not all that the housekeeper 
 has to pay for the luxury of a servant. The service basket 
 feature spoken of above, and the waste of food, due to ignorance j 
 
 of economy in cooking, make the real cost of a servant very high. \ 
 
 With the low class of negroes who go into domestic service it is 
 very difficult to control the measure of the ingredients of foods, and 
 the time consumed in their preparation. The limited education 
 which they have gives them little idea of measurement, and hence 
 much is lost to the housekeeper by the unscientific mixing of food 
 stuffs. A small majority of careful housekeepers keep the keys of 
 their pantry and measure the flour, sugar, milk, etc., but this is 
 not always convenient, and, too, these are the housekeepers who 
 get the name of "finicky" among the servants, and have a hard 
 time hiring a cook. Consequently the preparation of meals is 
 generally left to the servant, and the best of them are careless in 
 this respect. 
 
 A second large item of waste in housekeeping is in fuel. The 
 servants are accustomed to cooking on a large wood range, and 
 have little idea as to regulating fires. These ranges fairly eat up 
 wood, and the waste is great, and yet the servants object to using 
 anything else. Even if one can be persuaded to change to a gas 
 stove, the waste is still great. The negroes seem to have little ex- 
 ecutive ability, not even enough to cook a meal so that the shortest 
 time, and hence the least gas, will be consumed. 
 
 A typical estimate of the cost of a cook received from one of the 
 housekeepers is as follows: 
 
 "Yearly Cost of Servant. 
 
 Wages -$130.00 
 
 Food eaten 75.00 
 
 Food taken ______ 75.00 
 
 Food wasted _____ 12.00 
 
 Fuel and lights wasted 16.00 
 
 Total $300.00" 
 
 An idea of the real cost of cooks may be obtained from the report 
 of 63 housekeepers. The estimates ran from $9.00 a week with 
 housekeepers who do not supervise their servants closely to $2.50 a 
 week with housekeepers who hire a cook at $2.00 and supervise 
 the kitchen closely. The average estimate was $5.30. This amount 
 is almost double the average wages of cooks ($2.72). Other 
 
NEGROES OP ATHENS, GA. 49 
 
 housekeepers who did not give exact estimates of the real cost of 
 a cook gave sucli answers as, "Could save $30.00 a month," or 
 $300.00 a year," or "almost double wages," or "half the wages." 
 
 Such incompetence illustrated most strikingly in domestic service 
 is doubtless the reason why there are so many people in the South 
 who question the fact of negro progress, and believe education for 
 them to be a waste of time. The study of the schools of Athens 
 revealed, however, that it has only been within the last few years 
 that anything has been done to better domestic service through a 
 course of study. It is possible that with efficient training in domes- 
 tic service, a better class of negroes will go into service. At any 
 rate, the housekeepero who have this problem constantly before 
 them realize the need for better training in some way along the 
 lines of accuracy and economy in the preparation of food. 
 
50 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 FAMILY ECONOMICS. 
 
 1. Expeiiditui'es of Negi-o Families. 
 
 One hundred and eighty-four budgets of representative negro 
 families were obtained. The incomes were estimated both • from 
 information given by negroes during the house to house canvass 
 made by the writer and from reports obtained from many firms in 
 town that employ negro labor. The budgets actually used were 
 culled from some 350 which we.-e begun but many of which had to 
 be abandoned on account of the unsatisfactory nature of the replies 
 made to questions. These budgets can make little pretense to 
 exactness, since few negroes keep accounts showing their receipts 
 and disbursements. 
 
 A composite budget of the 184 families gives the following result: 
 
 TABLE XV. 
 
 Expenditiu'es of 184 Families of Athens Negroes. 
 
 Average per Percentage of total 
 family. outlay. 
 
 142.92 29. 
 
 38.73 08. 
 
 26.10 05. 
 
 27.04 05. 
 
 16.34 03. 
 
 248.51 50^ 
 
 Income 91,930.00 499.62 100. 
 
 2. Application of Engel's Law. 
 A German economist. Dr. Ernst Engel, has made an interesting 
 study of the way in which Saxon laborers spend their wages. i His 
 results showed that 
 
 As the income of a family increases: 
 
 a. The percentage of expenditure for food decreases; 
 
 b. The percentage of expenditure for clothing remains prac- 
 tically the same; 
 
 c. The percentage of expenditure for rent, fuel, and lights is 
 invariable; 
 
 d. The percentage of expenditure for education, health, recrea- 
 tion, etc., increases. 
 
 An interesting contrast is afforded by comparing the percentages 
 in the third column of the table of expenditures of Athens negroes 
 with the results obtained by Engel for the German laborers: 
 
 Item. 
 
 Money 
 
 
 Spent. 
 
 Food 
 
 $26,291.00 
 
 Clothing 
 
 7,127.00 
 
 Lodging 
 
 4,802.90 
 
 Fuel and Lights 
 
 4,975.85 
 
 Insurance 
 
 3,007.10 
 
 Incidentals 
 
 45,726.15 
 
 1 Ely, Outlines of Economics, p. 119. 
 
NEGROES OF ATHENS, GA. 
 
 51 
 
 TABLE XVI.2 
 
 Item 
 
 Expenditure of 
 Athens Negroes. 
 
 Expenditure of Expenditure Saxon 
 Saxon Laborer. Laborer. Income. 
 Income $225-$300 $450-$600. 
 
 Food 
 
 29 per 
 
 cent. 
 
 62 per 
 
 cent. 
 
 55 per cent. 
 
 Clothing- 
 
 8 " 
 
 t ( 
 
 16 " 
 
 a 
 
 18 " " 
 
 Lodging 
 
 5 " 
 
 if 
 
 12 " 
 
 it 
 
 12 " " 
 
 Fuel 
 
 5 " 
 
 a 
 
 5 " 
 
 it 
 
 5 " " 
 
 Miscellaneous 
 
 53 " 
 
 a 
 
 5 " 
 
 i t 
 
 10 " " 
 
 This table indicates a profound difference in the conditions of 
 life among negroes and German laborers. The negro's standard of 
 life is so low that he is able to spend the bulk of his earnings not 
 on the necessities of life, but on pleasure and recreation. Food 
 from the white man's kitchen, second-hand clothes bought for a 
 tithe of their value, and inexpensive lodging, leave him a large 
 margin for other purposes; whereas the German laborer is forced to 
 spend the bulk of his wages for food. 
 
 An attempt has been made to work out a table showing the 
 changes in the percentages of expenditures of negroes for the 
 several classes of needs as the wage rises. In this table are in- 
 cluded for purposes of comparison the expenditures of negroes of 
 Kansas City"' and of white laborers in New York City* of similar 
 income: 
 
 2 Ibid. 
 
 SMartiu, A. E., The Negro of Kansas City, Missouri, (Kansas City, 1912), 
 p. 6:^. 
 
 i The flgures for families In New Yorli were talsen from Ely, Outlines of 
 Economics, p. 119. This table was compiled from the Eighteenth Annual 
 Bulletin of the Department of Labor. It does not give the average expendi- 
 ture, only listing the percentages. The incomes in this table are subdivided 
 further than .$500.00, and hence no figures for New York families of over ?500.00 
 were available. 
 
52 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
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NEGROES OF ATHENS, GA. 53 
 
 5. Abuonualities in NegTo Expentlitures. 
 
 The foregoing tables show the following abnormalities in the 
 expenditures of negroes: (1) The percentages spent for food by the 
 negroes of Athens is notably smaller than that of the white families 
 investigated in Saxony and New York, and smaller than that of 
 the negroes of Kansas City. This percentage decreases greatly with 
 the increase in income. (2) The money expenditure for clothes 
 remains practically stationary for the first four groups and then 
 jumps upward suddenly for the fifth group. (3) The expenditure 
 for rent is about the same for all families, the percentage of total 
 outlay which goes for this item steadily decreasing with increasing 
 income. (4) The percentage spent for fuel is high, especially in 
 the lower classes, but decreases with increasing income. (5) The 
 percentage remaining for miscellaneous expenditure is very great 
 compared to the white families of New Yorlc and much larger than 
 that of the negroes of Kansas City. 
 
 A more detailed study of the individual items throws light on the 
 peculiarities of negro expenditures. 
 
 Food. The negroes of Athens spend only a small part of 
 their income for food. The ante-bellum menu of corn-bread and 
 side-meat, or flour hoe-cake and pork, is still common. It will be 
 noticed that while, as a general rule the percentage of total outlay 
 which goes for food decreases with increasing income, there is an 
 rctual increase from 30.9 per cent, to 3 6.4 per cent, between groups 
 one and two. The expenditure is low in group one because of the 
 fact that the income of many families is the wages of a domestic 
 servant, and the service basket, or broken victuals carried home 
 from the table of the employer, reduces the necessary expenditure 
 for food.'"' 
 
 Clotluiig. There is much difference in the clothing of the poorer 
 and the better class of negroes. The first desire of the women of 
 prosperous families is to out-dress their poorer neighbors. In many 
 cases, in the poorer families, practically the whole family is clothed 
 through gifts, while in almost all others where the income of the 
 family is under $500, second-hand clothes are bought. But the 
 most prosperous negroes are very particular with their clothes, 
 spending proportionately much more than the lower classes. 
 
 Rent. This item plays a prominent part in the family budget of the 
 three lower classes of negroes, and, in reality does not properly be- 
 long in the budget of families of an income of over $500.00, as 
 these families live in homes owned by some member of the family. 
 Rent has been more fully discussed in the chapter on Settlements 
 
 5 The pei-centase of total expenditure for the town of Athens follow closely 
 the percentages In group 5 as budgets from this group are larger and have 
 more effect on the total budget. 
 
54 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 and Rents and the amount of money spent therefor was emphasized 
 there. In the higher classes the percentage paid for rent is small. 
 
 Fuel. The item of fuel is also relatively very high in the budgets 
 of families with a low income. This is due to the fact that such 
 families are pitifully lacking in knowledge of economy. Fuel is 
 bought in "driblets" instead of in cord or ton quantities. The usual 
 amount of wood bought is a dollar's worth, which lasts the average 
 woman who washes for a living less than a week. Investigation 
 revealed that charcoal would do the same amount of heating at from 
 20 to 30 cents a week, and a gasoline iron would make a further 
 reduction of five or ten cents. These fuels are, however, seldom 
 used, as the gasoline iron or charcoal pot costs from $2.50 to $3.50, 
 and the average negro of this class never gets this much money 
 ahead, and would rather pay $1.00 every week for wood than to 
 make the required outlay for an iron or a pot. 
 
 It is in this case that the negro's ignorance vitally affects his 
 standard of living. They have no idea of saving or of preparation 
 for the future, and have no one to direct them along these lines. 
 The condition of the families whose head is a washerwoman with a 
 weekly wage of two and a half or three dollars, one dollar of which 
 is paid out for wood, is indeed pitiable. They are compelled to live 
 in squalor and filth merely because of the lack of sufficient know- 
 ledge of economy. 
 
 Miscellaneous. The average expenditure for miscellaneous items 
 is 53 per cent, of the total outlay. The percentage of the total in- 
 come spent for miscellaneous items rises with much more rapidity 
 than the income. In the lower income groups not much is left for mis- 
 cellaneous expenditure, but beginning with group III, the percentage 
 becomes abnormal. The average is extremely high, but as has been 
 explained, it is accounted for by the fact that the negro can live on 
 a small part of his wage, since his wants are easily satisfied. If this 
 miscellaneous expenditure were saved, or spent for such laudable 
 wants as education, furniture and books, it might be to the negro's 
 advantage that his actual expenditure is only half his income. Such, 
 however, is not the case. Agents, saloons, and installment dealers 
 cater to negro trade with the view of getting this extra money, and, 
 except in cases of exceptional thrift, they succeed. Instead of spend- 
 ing the surplus for legitimate needs, negroes too often spend it for 
 near-beer. Instead of better furniture, cheap prints, organs, and 
 bric-a-brac are too often purchased; and instead of better clothing 
 a surplus of wages over expenditures goes, too often, for gaudy 
 ornaments. 
 
 6. Necessity for CJieater Diversifloation of Wants. 
 
 The fact that the negro can live off of the fruits of three days' 
 labor, and, if so minded, can rest the other three days, is emphasized 
 by the fact that half of the income of the negro goes for 
 
NEGROES OF ATHENS, GA. 55 
 
 incidentals, while the items of food, shelter, cleanliness, and self- 
 improvement receive the slightest possible attention. As long as 
 the negro's standard of living is so low that he can expend his 
 money in this way, and suffer no loss of satisfaction, just so long 
 will his progress be painfully slow. The fallacy that higher wages 
 would make the negro a better workman has been disproved by his 
 tendency to spend for unnecessary articles all over and above a 
 certain low percentage of his income. His wants must be diversified 
 before any steps can be taken towards bettering his present living 
 conditions. 
 
 The Outlooko tells a good story of a New England cotton mill 
 that moved South and employed negro labor. On Saturday night 
 long rows of negroes filed out with their week's wages, and on 
 Monday only a small portion of them came back. It was Thursday 
 before the full number returned and all the mills could be put in 
 operation. The mill remained in this predicament until the owner's 
 son took charge of the company commissary. He installed gaudy 
 show windows, and whetted the negro's desire for his articles by 
 appealing to his tastes. His windows were filled with silver headed 
 canes, purple hats, organs, pictures, and week after week he had 
 something new to attract his customers. In this way the wants of 
 the negroes were ever shifting, and their desire for the satisfaction 
 which could be gained by labor was always kept fresh in their minds. 
 The mills operated six days in the week from that time on. 
 
 The problem is to make the really essential things which go to 
 sustain a higher standard of life attractive to the negro. If he 
 works for the gaudy and the unnecessary, he will work for the 
 substantial things of life when he becomes convinced of their 
 desirability. Nothing is so fundamentally important as this vision 
 of a better standard of life. It is the same thing, of course, as an 
 increase in self-respect, a desire to have an attractive home, clean 
 surroundings, substantial furniture, wholesome food, and educated 
 children. These wants require money and hence constant labor. 
 An increase in industrial efficiency must follow a more faithful 
 application to work, and the entire complexion of negro life would 
 be changed for the better, and race relations vastly improved. . 
 
 The agencies which must be relied on to effect this revolution in 
 negro life are the church and the school. And the activities of these 
 institutions must receive the sympathy, encouragement and aid of 
 Southern white people. Negroes are highly responsive to suggestions 
 emanating from whites whom they consider really concerned in 
 their welfare. The dominant race of the South has not only too 
 long neglected its duty towards the negro, but has been blind to its 
 own self-interest in bettering the conditions under which the weaker 
 race lives. 
 
 6 Lee, G. S., Good News and Hard Work, in The Outlook, May 31, 1913. 
 
56 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY. 
 
 Atlanta University Publications (Atlanta University Press). Num- 
 bers 1-16, inclusive. 
 
 1. Mortality of Negioes in Cities. 
 
 2. Social and Physical Condition of Negioes in Cities. 
 
 3. Some Efforts of Negroes for Social Betterment. 
 
 4. The Negi'o in Business. 
 
 5. The College Bred Negio. 
 
 6. The Negro Common School. 
 
 7. The Negro Artisan. 
 
 8. The Negro Church. 
 
 9. Notes on Negro Crime. 
 
 10. A Select Bibliography of the Negro American. 
 
 11. The Health and Physique of the Negro Ameiican. 
 
 12. Economic Cooperation Among NegTO Americans. 
 
 13. The Negro American Family. 
 
 14. Some Efforts for Social Bettennent Among Negro Americans. 
 
 15. The College Bred NegTo American. 
 
 16. The Common School and the Negi-o American. 
 
 Brooks, R. P. A Local Study of the Race Problem, Political Science 
 
 Quarterly, June, 1911. 
 Comptroller General of Georgia, Reports 1875, 1880, 1885, 1890, 
 
 1895, 1900, 1905, 1910. 
 Dubois, W. E. B. 
 
 The Negro Landholder of Georgia. Bulletin U. S. Department 
 
 of Labor, 1901. 
 The Negroes of Fannville, AMrginia. Bulletin U. S. Department 
 
 of Labor, 1898. 
 The Philadelphia Negro. University of Pennsylvania Publica- 
 tions. (Philadelphia, 1899). 
 Elwang, W. W. The Negroes of Columbia, ^lissouri. University of 
 
 Missouri Publications, (Columbia, 1904). 
 
 Ely, R. T. Outlines of Economics. (Macmillan Company, 1909). 
 
 Lee, G. S. Good News and Hard AVork. (Outlook, March 31, 1913). 
 
 Kelsey, Carl. The Negro Farmer. University of Pennsylvania Publi- 
 cations (Philadelphia, 1902). 
 
 Martin, A. E. Our Negro Population. (Kansas City, 1912). 
 
 Murphy, E. G. 
 
 The Basis of Ascendancy. (The Macmillan Company, 1909), 
 The Present South. (The Macmillan Company, 1904). 
 
 Thorn, W. H. T. The Negi'o of Litwalton, Virginia. Bulletin U. S. 
 Department of Labor, 1901. 
 The Negro of Sandy Spring, Maryland. Bulletin U. S. Depart- 
 ment of Labor, 1901. 
 
 Stone, A. H. Studies in the American Race Problem. (Longmans, 
 Green & Company, New York, 1908). 
 
NEGROES OF ATHENS, GA. 
 
 57 
 
 Superintendent Athens City Schools, Reports, 1886-1912. 
 Georgia State Superintendent of Schools, Report, 1911, 1912. 
 Washington, B. T. Is The Negi-o Having a Fair Chance? (Century 
 
 Magazine, November, 1912). 
 Weatherford, W. D. 
 
 Negro Life in the South, (Nashville, 1911). 
 
 Present Forces in the Uplift of the Negro. (Nashville, 1912). 
 Winston, G. T. Relation of the Whites to the Negroes. (Annals 
 
 American Academy, Vol. 18). 
 
 APPENDIX A. 
 
 INDIVIDUAL QUESTIONNAIRE. 
 
 February, 1913. No Head of Family 
 
 Street No Rooms Material Painted. 
 
 Families in house Persons Water Light Privy ) _. 
 
 Closet} _. 
 
 Owner Rent per month Any Boarders 
 
 Individual Statistics. 
 
 1 
 
 Relation to head 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 Sex 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ?. 
 
 3 
 
 Afifp 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 4 
 
 Married, Single, 
 Widowed or Divorced 
 
 Able to read 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 p; 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 6 
 
 Able to write 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 7 
 
 Attend what school _ 
 Attend reaularlv 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 9 
 
 What church 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 10 
 
 What lodee 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 11 
 
 Where born 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 12 
 
 Ocpii nation 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^?, 
 
 13 
 
 Work how many days 
 in the week 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 14 
 
 . Wages per day, 
 week month 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 15 
 
 What other occupation 
 have you followed _ 
 
 Any income from 
 investments 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
58 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 Family Statistics. 
 
 Do you own Property? How much?. 
 
 Why do your children not attend school? _ 
 
 Length of residence in Athens? In this house? 
 
 How long have you had your present job? 
 
 Weekly expenditures for food? Clothes- Rent? 
 
 Tobacco? Snuff? Liquor? Insurance?. 
 
 Church? Total 
 
 How much do you save? 
 
 APPENDIX B. 
 DOMESTIC SERVICE QUESTIONAIRE. 
 
 f female [ mulatto 
 
 1. Number of servants (male -{ black 
 
 [ white 
 
 2. Do your servants come regularly? 
 
 3. Do they live on your lot? Are they honest?-. 
 
 4. What results are obtained from asking for references?. 
 
 5. What do you pay per week to: Cook $ Maid $ 
 
 Butler $ Driver $ Chauffeur $ 
 
 Washerwoman $ Other servants $ 
 
 6. What hours do they work? Sunday hours? 
 
 7. Have you had experience with white servants in Athens?. 
 
 8. Do you have more difficulty in getting servants at any one season 
 of the year than another? 
 
 9. Does your cook carry a "service basket"? 
 
 10. What do you estimate the total cost of cook in wages, waste, 
 fuel, etc.? 
 
 11. Give name and reason for departure or discharge of cooks and 
 maids employed during last year 
 
 Name Discharged Reason 
 
 REMARKS: 
 
 (Do not include washerwomen except in No. 5). 
 
 APPENDIX C. 
 
 Questionnaires for Lodges and Churches. 
 
 Lodges. 
 
 Name of officer Office Full Title of 
 
 Loige Membership: Male? Female? 
 
 Benefits: Sick? Funeral? Death? Charity? 
 
 Amount of Dues- Taxes? Total annual disbursements? 
 
 How long has lodge been established in Athens? 
 
 4 
 
NEGROES OP ATHENS, GA. 59 
 
 Chiu'ches. 
 
 Name of Church? How long have you been pastor? 
 
 Number Women Members? Men? 
 
 Is Church Owned by Congregation? 
 
 Do you do anything besides preach for a living? 
 
 APPENDIX D. 
 
 Remarks on Domestic Sei-vice, Taken from Answers to Questionnaire 
 
 Sent to Housekeepers. 
 
 1. was the cook I had in the winter of 1911-12 and 
 
 was regular in coming. I could not induce her to keep clean 
 kitchen, so did not reengage her when I returned in the autumn. 
 
 2. Cook would not work as required. Reasons for discharging 
 servants were laziness and slovenliness, ill health, and dishonesty. 
 
 3. In 15 years of housekeeping I have had 5 cooks; first one for 
 5 years, second for 7 years, third for 3 years, fourth for six months, 
 fifth for one month, so far. The old man on my lot is in his 7th 
 year of service to me. He is old and slow, but has never failed 
 once to come in the morning in good time. That does not seem 
 the case with the younger ones. 
 
 4. Maid is sickly, or pretends to be a great part of the time. 
 Has been absent a month, but sends word each week that she will 
 be back. The cook and butler are above the average servants in 
 service and honesty. I have had 6 maids during the year and only 
 two of any account at all. One died of consumption, but was old 
 and had it when she came. The sickly one is honest, but not re- 
 liable. 
 
 5. I have an exceptional girl. Has been with me for two years 
 regularly and has lost practically no time. She is far above the 
 average. I had one girl two years ago. After she left me I learned 
 she had stolen a number of things. They were returned when I 
 learned of it. 
 
 6. I do not remember all the names, but all were discharged for 
 worthlessness, untidiness and stealing, save two, and they just quit 
 because I required them to eat their meals here instead of taking 
 them home. 
 
 6. Both women and men are as a rule indolent and need over- 
 sight. 
 
 7. Do not know just what reply to make to the question about 
 cost. Think there is considerable waste by the average cook. The 
 wages are a small part of cost. 
 
 8. Have had present cook one year, the one previous to this 
 thirteen years. 
 
 9. Have had the same cook for the past eight years, in fact, she 
 worked for me when we were living on the farm before she was 
 married. Has only lost four weeks in the past eight years. 
 
 10. I find maids and cooks more dishonest than male servants. 
 I seldom ever change cooks. Generally keep the same one three or 
 
60 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 four years, then take back one I had before. Don't notice their 
 shortcomings. Change maids and butlers sometimes weekly and 
 sometimes monthly. Have had same milker thirteen years. 
 
 11. My servants have proved fairly honest, all things considered. 
 
 12. I never discharge them. I allov^^ them to discharge me, if 
 I wish to be rid of them. Then they give me a good name, and to 
 get servants is easier. The reason I let any of them go is that they 
 get "trifling" — they all do- in time. Some of them have admitted 
 it themselves. Negroes have intellects of the type of children's 
 and the only way to get along with negro servants is to humor 
 them and command them just as you would children. 
 
 13. Have had butler for sixteen years, and he is Iionest. Cook 
 has been with us about eight years. 
 
 14. Have let several nurses go for different reasons. Have for- 
 gotten their names. Discharged only one, distrusted her honesty 
 and influence over the children. Have had practically no servant 
 troubles in the past six years, except with nurses. 
 
 15. I find more trouble in getting servants who will do more than 
 one kind of work than anything else. Example: the cook does not 
 want to clean house and driver will not work the garden, or serve 
 the table. 
 
 16. Have had a "black mammy" servant for 23 years and have 
 the same servant now that I had after the death of an old servant. 
 I feel that I have been extremely fortunate in the matter of servants, 
 but my work is not hard on them. 
 
 17. I have had my cook for over four years, and she has been 
 very satisfactory. She is a settled woman and likes to stay at a 
 place and not change often. I suppose it costs us a third more for 
 cook and fuel than wages. 
 
 18. My cook has been with us over twenty years. Perfectly 
 honest and most reliable, but she will take anything to eat off the 
 lot. My maids all get married. As to my cook's baskets, she never 
 takes anything out of the house, but she slips something while she 
 is cooking to feed her family, although I carry the keys. 
 
 20. My present cook has been with me for ten years. The servant 
 problem gives he little trouble. 
 
 21. My family is very small, just two, so we have very little 
 trouble. 
 
 22. Some questions you asked I cannot answer as I have had my 
 cook about fifteen years. Have not had much experience with the 
 average darky. I suppose the cook's total cost will be five dollars 
 per week. My butler has been with me about eight months only. 
 
 23. I am away for three months in the year, which breaks into 
 my plans greatly. I had the same boy two years, but had to give 
 him up as he did not want to go to the country in the summer. 
 This year he went to school. I could not possibly give the names 
 of nurses during the past year, and all were unspeakable. Have 
 
NEGROES OF ATHENS, GA. 61 
 
 usually had my nurses for a long time and very good ones. Have 
 had much less trouble than most people, I think, and have usually 
 had good servants. The seasons of bad ones have proved, however, 
 that there are some whom no treatment can benefit or reform. 
 
 24. Our cook has been with us for twenty years; our driver four- 
 teen; our maid for eight and our chauffeur for one. Have had no 
 occasion to discharge a servant for twenty years. 
 
 25. I do not remember the names of ones I had last year, they 
 certainly are very unsatisfactory. Before they learn where to put 
 cooking vessels they just fail to come back and then another is to 
 be taught the same things. 
 
 2 6. By carrying off food, wastefulness and carelessness in general, 
 I should say they cost $40.00 a month. 
 
 27. No name for their utter triflingness. Thorough and reliable 
 in nothing. 
 
 2 8. It is hard to tell why the servants leave. They just grow 
 tired, I suppose. 
 
 2 9. My white servants have been cleaner and less careless than 
 the negroes. 
 
 30. I think that a negro cook is like a child, more liberty you 
 give her the more she takes, and if you are careful and lock your 
 pantry there will not be any waste. 
 
 31. In my opinion one great cause of so many inefficient servants 
 is because householders do not require recommendations from pre- 
 vious employers as to honesty and efficiency. I think one of the 
 most serious of the housekeepers' grievances is the habit of so 
 many servants of leaving without any notice at all. I should be 
 delighted to see the basket habit abolished, as it encourages theft 
 and shiftlessness. 
 
 32. I thing ladies should pay servants wages according to what 
 they can do. One who can make cake, salads, bread, an deserts 
 certainly deserves more than one that has to be taught. It would 
 encourage them to learn. 
 
 33. If we Southern people would build our houses with more 
 conveniences we would not be compelled to worry with the negro. 
 
 34. Most of the time from September until Christmas I was unable 
 to get a servant. At Christmas there were many applicants but. they 
 wished to work for a few weeks only and not one could give refer- 
 ence. They were from the country. 
 
 35. I find them all more or less dishonest, unreliable, dirty and 
 incompetent. I am having much more trouble in securing a good 
 washerwoman than I have ever had at any time before. 
 
 36. The trouble with Athens servants is that they do not want to 
 work and the fact that no attention is paid to references enables 
 them to get a place at any time they need money. There are no 
 trained servants in Athens and none who have a desire to better 
 their work. 
 
62 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 37. We have saved between $15 and $20 (a month) without a 
 regular servant. 
 
 38. If I did without a cook, I would save about thirty dollai's a 
 month in wages, food and fuel. My cook feeds her son from my 
 table, but it is with my consent. 
 
 39. I have the worst grade of servants and the most ignorant in 
 my 20 years experience as a housekeeper in eight states east • of 
 the Mississippi river. Residence in Athens over three years. 
 
 40. Negroes as a rule are becoming less efficient every year. I 
 think if the employers were as well organized as the employed, we 
 would have more competent servants. 
 
 41. I asked my driver, who could tell what wages our servants 
 are paid, and he answered: "Miss, the Lord only knows." We can 
 add to the money wage, clothing, shoes, overcoats, rain coats, blank- 
 ets, etc. Much that is new, much that is "second-hand" but the 
 money is only a part. I find much more faithfulness to reward 
 than meanness to blame. 
 
 42. One cook whom I have had a year and a half left to take in 
 washing, so she said. I believe that it was because my family was 
 too small to allow a large enough service pan. I had three in the fall. 
 One stopped to pick cotton, and the other two got sick. 
 
 43. I have had my cook nine years and my mother had her that 
 long before me. 
 
 4 4. Have had three servants in ten years. 
 
 45. Some of our servants have been excellent, and some too defi- 
 cient for anything. 
 
 4 6. Question as to honesty should always presumably be answered 
 in the negative. There is, however, a difference in degree. Theft 
 of provisions is commonest, and this is practically universal among 
 the negro race. 
 
 47. I have had my boy for two and a half years and he has given 
 perfect satisfaction. 
 
 48. The main trouble with us is that cooks do not come early 
 enough to prepare breakfast properly. 
 
 4 9. My first nurse departed at the end of first day and has not 
 been heard from since. She left no message. I lost a very good 
 servant in moving to Athens. 
 
 50. I have found no difficulty in getting servants, the only trou- 
 ble being in getting them to stay in the afternoon. If they are 
 allowed to go home after dinner they are satisfied. I should say 
 that my cook costs me between $15 and $2 per month. 
 
 51. I changed servants frequently last year; they either left of 
 their own accord or were discharged. In both cases for triflingness. 
 
 52. Above I said that servant is honest, yet I charge in $75 per 
 year for food "taken." Nobody expects a negro's honesty to extend 
 to food.. Cook does about half of the house cleaning and gets off 
 early. 
 
MARCH, 1915 
 
 Bulletin of the University of Georgia 
 
 Volume XV. 
 
 Number 3 
 
 I Phelps -Stokes Fellowship 
 
 Studies, No. 2 
 
 
 n 
 
 Rural Survey of Clarke County, Georgia, 
 with Special Reference to the Negroes 
 
 Bntered at the Post Office at Athens, Ga., as Second Class Matter, August ^\. 1905. 
 under Act of Congress of July 16tli, 1904. Issued Monthly by the University. 
 
 SERIAL. NUMBER 236 
 

 
MARCH, 1915 
 
 Bulletin of the llniversily ol Georgia 
 
 Volume XV. Number 3 
 
 Phelps -Stokes Fellowship 
 Studies, No. 2 
 
 .0% 
 
 
 / 
 
 ^%j^7a^,,// 
 
 Rural Survey of Clarke County, Georgia, 
 with Special Reference to the Negroes 
 
 Entered at the Post Office at Athens. Ga.. as Second Class Matter, August 31, 1905. 
 under Act of Consress of July ICth, 100-t. Issued Monthly by the University. 
 
 SERIAL NUMBER 336 
 
 Coileeted set. 
 
ciy 
 
 D, of D.' 
 
 IA^' 3 1917 
 
During the academic year 1912-13 there was established in the 
 University of Georgia a Fellowship for the study of Negro problems 
 in the South. The resolution of the Trustees of the Phelps-Stokes 
 Fund in creating the Fellowship reads as follows: 
 
 "Whereas, Miss Caroline Phelps Stokes in establishing the Phelps- 
 Stokes Fund was especially solicitous to assist in improving the 
 condition of the negro, and 
 
 "Whereas, It is the conviction of the Trustees that one of the best 
 methods of forwarding this purpose is to provide means to enable 
 southern youth of broad sympathies to make a scientific study of the 
 negro and of his adjustment to American civilization, 
 
 "Resolved, That twelve thousand five hundred dollars ($12,500) 
 be given to the University of Georgia for the permanent endowment 
 of a research fellowship, on the following conditions: 
 
 "1. The University shall appoint annually a Fellow in Sociology, 
 for the study of the Negro. He shall pursue advanced studies under 
 the direction of the departments of Sociology, Economics, Education 
 or History, as may be determined in each case by the Chancellor. 
 The Fellowship shall yield $500, and shall, after four years, be 
 restricted to graduate students. 
 
 "2. Each Fellow shall prepare a paper or thesis embodying the 
 result of his investigations which shall be published by the University 
 with assistance from the income of the fund, any surplus remaining 
 being applicable to other objects incident to the main purpose of the 
 Fellowship. A copy of these resolutions shall be incorporated in 
 every publication issued under this foundation. 
 
 "3. The right to make all necessary regulations, not inconsistent 
 with the spirit and letter of these resolutions, is given to the Chan- 
 cellor and Faculty, but no changes in the conditions of the foundation 
 can be made without the mutual consent both of the Trustees of the 
 University and of the Phelps-Stokes Fund." 
 
 I appointed as Fellow under this foundation for the year 1913- 
 1914 Mr. W. B. Hill, a graduate of the University in the Class of 
 1913, and placed the work under the direction of Professor R. P. 
 Brooks, of the department of History. The present study is published 
 in pursuance of the requirement in the second condition attached to 
 the Fellowship. 
 
 DAVID C. BARROW, 
 Chancellor, University of Georgia. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 The first of the Phelps-Stokes Studies, published by the University 
 of Georgia in 1914, was the result of an investigation into the con- 
 ditions of Negro life in the city of Athens. The second year's work 
 under this foundation, here presented, extends the study to include 
 the Negroes of Clarke County, exclusive of Athens. The study takes 
 the form of a rural survey of the county, canvassing the conditions 
 prevailing among both whites and blacks, because it was felt that 
 after all the really important questions are, what are the Negro's 
 relations to his white neighbors, and how do his conditions compare 
 in certain respects with the conditions prevailing among the whites? 
 
 It would have been neither practicable nor profitable to consult all 
 of the 1300 farmers of the county. Instead an effort was made to 
 confer with a number of representative men of both races in each 
 district of the county. I succeeded in obtaining information from 
 52 white landowners, 30 colored landowners, and 70 Negro tenants. 
 Three months in the winter of 1914 were spent in the study of 
 economic conditions, and two months in the spring were used in 
 the work on schools and churches. 
 
 W. B. HILL. 
 
 Athens, Ga., February, 1915. 
 
RURAL SURVEY OF CLARKE COUNTY, GEORGIA. 
 
 Rural Survey of Clarke County, Georgia, with 
 Special Reference to the Negroes 
 
 CHAPTER L 
 
 LOCATION, TOPOGRAPHY, AND EARLY HISTORY. 
 
 1. Physical Characteristics. 
 
 What is now Clarke County was a part of Franklin County before 
 the Revolutionary War, and was afterwards included in Jackson, 
 when that county was created by the Legislature in 17 96.i Clarke 
 County was cut off. from Jackson by an act of the Legislature in 
 1801, but was not settled at that time. The county was named for 
 the Revolutionary hero. General Elijah Clarke; probably the name 
 was suggested by an Indian trading post named Clarkesboro, which 
 was located near the present northern boundary of the county.- The 
 new county had an area of 250 square miles. It will be interesting 
 to trace the changes which made an originally large county the 
 smallest one in Georgia. The first land taken from Clarke was in 
 1801, when part of the county was annexed to Madison. The next 
 land taken was added to Oglethorpe in 1813. Madison County was 
 given more land at the expense of Clarke in 1829. But the greatest 
 reduction came in 1875, when the entire county of Oconee was 
 created from Clarke. This left Clarke an area of 74,012 acres, or 
 115.6 square miles. ^ 
 
 Athens had grown to be an educational center of the State, and 
 had secured a city charter in 18 72. Although Athens was at this 
 time much larger than Watkinsville, the smaller town was still the 
 county site. Many of the citizens were in favor of making Athens 
 the county site, but the. Watkinsville people naturally opposed the 
 change. The Legislature settled the matter in 1875 by creating 
 Oconee County from the southern part of Clarke, with Watkinsville 
 as the county site, and Athens became the site of Clarke. Part of 
 the town of Winterville was added to Clarke from Oglethorpe in 
 1906,4 and the present boundaries of the county are as follows: 
 On the north, Madison; on the south and southwest, Oconee; on 
 the northwest, Jackson; and on the east, Oglethorpe. 
 
 Clarke County is situated in the hill country of Northeast Geor- 
 gia, about forty miles from the Blue Ridge Mountains, whose peaks 
 can be seen from Athens on a clear day. The average elevation of 
 the county is 800 feet. The trend of the water systems is to the 
 southeast, and the ridges leading down toward the sea form the 
 
 1 Smith. G. G.. Story of Georgia and the Georgria People, p. 221. 
 
 2 Straban. C. M., Athens and Clarke County, p. 9. 
 
 <5 Ibid, p. 10. Tbe U. S. Census gi^es the area of Clarke County as 72,960 acres. 
 Census lUlO, Abstract for Georgia, p. 658. 
 4 Cen.sus 1910, Abstract for Georgia, p. 636. 
 
6 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 water-sheds. The principal streams are the forks of the Oconee, 
 one of them known as "Middle River," which meet in the southern 
 part of the county. The county has been described as a "succession 
 of high ridges with broad backs, whose sides descend rapidly as 
 
 the streams are reached and the general appearance of 
 
 the country has all the characteristics of that belt of country lying 
 forty miles from the Blue Ridge range in Virginia and the Caro- 
 linas." 5 
 
 The soils'^^ of Clarke County may be classified as red lands, gray 
 sandy, mulatto, and alluvial bottom soils. The red clay lands, about 
 sixty-five per cent, of the total area, occur in two belts about six 
 miles in width extending across the county. This soil has an 
 average depth of about eighteen inches, with a tougher red clay 
 subsoil. Containing little sand and being fine-grained and com- 
 pact, the red clay land is very retentive of moisture. It is best 
 suited for corn, clover, and wheat, but more than half the red clay 
 area is usually planted to cotton. 
 
 About thirty per cent, of the county is taken up by gray sandy 
 land, which forms a belt some three miles wide in the middle of 
 the county. This soil is sixteen inches deep and has under it a 
 yellowish or reddish clay, which is not so retentive of moisture as 
 the red land. This land washes more easily than the red clay soil, 
 and is more rapidly exhausted. On the other hand, it recuperates 
 faster than the red clay. It is best adapted to cotton and oats. 
 
 The bottom lands comprise about five per cent, of the land area. 
 They vary in width, but are narrow, as a rule. This land consists 
 of a dark, alluvial loam, often having a subsoil of tough pipe clay, 
 bluish or white. This land is admirably suited to corn. 
 
 The forest growth on these lands is about as follows: on the 
 red clay lands, Spanish, red, black, and white oaks; chestnut, pine, 
 and hickory; on the gray lands, white, red, Spanish and post oaks; 
 hickory, pine, and chestnut; on the bottoms, hickory, birch, pine, 
 oak, and walnut. 
 
 No health statistics are available, but the county has an excellent 
 health record, due to the climate, and the rolling character of the 
 land. The few deaths that occur from contagious diseases are 
 usually from pulmonary tuberculosis and typhoid fever. Deaths 
 from diphtheria, scarlet fever, measles, and mumps are rare. There 
 are occasional cases of smallpox, but practically no deaths from 
 this disease. Malaria is almost unknown. This is explained by 
 the fact that the county is located in the Piedmont section, and that 
 the land is well drained by the creeks and rivers. The numerous 
 streams of the county are not sluggish, but fairly swift at all points, 
 with a number of shoals and rapids. The banks of the streams are 
 elevated, and this has the effect of facilitating drainage, as well as 
 
 n Stralmn, op. cit., p. 11. „ i. tt nn 
 
 « Census ISSO, Vol. VI, Cotton Production in the United States, rnit II, p. .)i. 
 
RURAL SURVEY OF CLARKE COUNTY, GEORGIA. 
 
8 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 preventing overflows, which in more level country often cause 
 lagoons and swamps. Under the paragraph "Temperature and Pre- 
 cipitation" below it will be shown that the county has a climate 
 almost ideal for health. 
 
 The most important of the streams comprising the county's water 
 systems are the two forks of the Oconee River, which unite on the 
 Oconee County line in the lower end of Clarke. The rainwater fall- 
 ing on the area drained by these two rivers runs off rapidly, due to 
 the rolling character of the country. This tendency is offset to some 
 extent by the woodland covering some twenty-five per cent, of 
 the total area. Then, too, the nature of the ground is such that 
 much rainwater is readily taken up, and later finds its way into 
 the numerous branches and creeks forming the tributaries of the 
 rivers. The flow of water in the rivers and larger creeks is well 
 maintained, while freshets and overflows are very rare. 
 
 The following table gives the Climatological Data for Athens, 
 1909-1913." 
 
 TABLE No. 1. 
 Climatological Data for Atliens, 1909-1913. 
 
 1909 1910 1911 1912 191? 
 
 Annual mean 60.9 60.9 
 
 £ Highest 96 96 
 
 a-\ Date Aug. 29 Aug. 2 5 
 
 Lowest 11 18 
 
 Date Jan. 31 Feb. 13 
 
 ' Total for year, in. 51.57 47.26 
 
 Greatest monthly 7.56 8.24 
 
 Month July June 
 
 Least monthly 1.56 .23 
 
 Month Nov. Nov. 
 
 
 No. rain days 105 102 
 
 No. clear days 198 
 
 No. partly cloudy 57 
 
 Total snowfall T 
 
 No. cloudy 110 
 
 Pievailing winds west west 
 
 Elevation of Athens, 772 feet. 
 
 The annual mean temperature for these five years was 61.36 
 degrees Fahrenheit. From the table it is evident that the hottest 
 days usually occur during the latter part of August. The average 
 of the highest temperatures is 100 and of the lowest 14.2. The 
 coldest days during the five years were mostly in January. The 
 average total rainfall per year was 4 9.9 inches. The wettest season 
 of the year varied between spring and summer, while the least rain- 
 fall was in November in four of the years; the average number of 
 rainy days per year was 109. 
 
 T This table wns rompilod from luilletiiis of the TJ. S. Weather Bureau entitled 
 Climatological Data lor (il«'org:ia. for the years 1909-1913. 
 
 63.2 
 
 60.5 
 
 61.6 
 
 103 
 
 99 
 
 108 
 
 June 4 
 
 Aug. 30 
 
 July 19 
 
 14 
 
 9 
 
 19 
 
 Jan. 4 
 
 Jan. 16 
 
 Dec. 9 
 
 50.02 
 
 54.20 
 
 47.12 
 
 8.52 
 
 7.65 
 
 7.82 
 
 Aug. 
 
 Mar. 
 
 Mar. 
 
 .73 
 
 1.84 
 
 .32 
 
 May 
 
 Nov. 
 
 Nov. 
 
 110 
 
 119 
 
 109 
 
 173 
 
 
 
 
 
 38 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 9.2 
 
 T 
 
 154 , 
 
 
 
 
 
 west 
 
 west 
 
 west 
 
RURAL SURVEY OF CLARKE COUNTY, GEORGIA. 9 
 
 Taking the normal volume of the rainfall per month for these 
 years, the total fall for the winter months is 14.7 inches, for the 
 spring months, 11.7 inches, for the summer, 14.54, and for the fall, 
 10.38 inches. These figures show clearly that the rainfall is well 
 distributed throughout the year. From these data it is obvious that 
 the county has a climate free from extremes of temperature as well 
 as "wet" and "dry" seasons. Such a climate is well adapted to 
 agriculture, and excellent from the standpoint of health. 
 
 2. Settlement and growth. 
 
 In 1801 the Board of Trustees of the University of Georgia, hav- 
 ing decided to place the new institution in Jackson County, fixed 
 upon the site of Athens as a proper location, and in the same year 
 that part of Jackson was laid off as Clarke County. 
 
 The erection of the first building began at once and in the same 
 year the college was formally opened to students, Professor Josiah 
 Meigs, then of Yale, being the first president. In 1804 President 
 Meigs graduated the first class from the institution. The first 
 settlers in Clarke were from Virginia and North Carolina, but later 
 people came in from the older counties to the south. The settlement 
 around the University continued to grow, and a town charter was 
 secured in 1806, the name of Athens being selected for the little 
 college town. At this time Athens was further north than any other 
 town in Georgia, and therefore nearest to the Cherokee reservation.^ 
 The county government was established in 1802, and a courthouse 
 was erected at Watkinsville, seven miles to the southwest. 
 
 b. Population by decades. 
 
 "Like the other hill counties of Georgia, Clarke was settled by 
 people of moderate means, "^ who lived on farms which were small 
 compared to the large slave plantations of the cotton raising coun- 
 ties, Morgan and Wilkes, for example. But slaves were brought in 
 faster than white settlers came, as the population figures show. 
 
 Table II. 
 White and Black Poi>ulation. 
 
 Year White Black Per cent. Black 
 
 1810 
 
 5000 
 
 2628 
 
 31 
 
 1820 
 
 5285 
 
 3482 
 
 39 
 
 1830 
 
 5438 
 
 4738 
 
 45.5 
 
 1840 
 
 5603 
 
 4919 
 
 47 
 
 1850 
 
 5513 
 
 5606 
 
 50 
 
 1860 
 
 5539 
 
 5679 
 
 50 
 
 1870 
 
 6488 
 
 6453 
 
 49 
 
 1880 
 
 5313 
 
 6388 
 
 54.5 
 
 1890 
 
 7072 
 
 8111 
 
 53.4 
 
 1900 
 
 8230 
 
 9478 
 
 53.5 
 
 1910 
 
 11502 
 
 11767 
 
 50.5 
 
 8 Strahau, op. cit., p. 9. 
 
 
 
 
 9 Smith, op. cit., p. 253. 
 
 
 
 
10 ' UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 Before the Civil War there were two agricultural systems in 
 Northeast Georgia. One was the plantation system, followed by 
 the large slaveholders, and the other was the small farm system, in 
 which the farmer, often with a few slaves, but sometimes without 
 any, raised corn and other food crops, and did not depend on cotton 
 for his money crop, as did the large slaveholder. These small farm- 
 ers could not compete with the planters, so they emigrated to the 
 hill counties, like Jackson, where land was cheap. This exodus 
 of whites resulted in counties like Wilkes and Greene having a good 
 many more slaves than white people, while in Jackson and Madison 
 the whites were decidedly in the majority. Clarke was divided be- 
 tween these two systems, the plantation system obtaining in the 
 southern part of the county, but the small farmers predominating in 
 the county as a whole. As a result, the number of whites and Negroes 
 was very nearly equal, and this is the case today. Thus Clarke is sit- 
 uated on the border of the "black belt," the counties to the south- 
 east being "black," and those to the northwest, "white." lo 
 
 TABLE III. 
 Table Showing Rural and Urban Population of Clarke County, 
 
 1870-1910.11 
 
 Urban (Athens). Rural (Rest of County). 
 Year White Black White Black 
 
 2248 
 
 1679 
 
 4240 
 
 4774 
 
 3017 
 
 3011 
 
 2296 
 
 3377 
 
 4715 
 
 3924 
 
 2357 
 
 4187 
 
 5055 
 
 5190 
 
 3265 
 
 4288 
 
 8612 
 
 6316 
 
 2890 
 
 5451 
 
 1870 
 1880 
 1890 
 1900 
 1910 
 
 The table shows that the rural Negro population of the county has 
 exceeded the rural white population since 1870, and has grown 
 relatively faster. The loss of white and black population between 
 1870 and 1880 in the rural section was due to the cutting off of 
 Oconee County in 1875. The Negro population of Athens came from 
 the counties both to the north and south of Clarke. For thirty years 
 after the war the negroes coming to Athens generally came from 
 old slaveholding counties such as Wilkes and Greene. Of later 
 years the migration of the blacks to Athens from outside of Clarke 
 has been scattering, but usually from the "white" counties.^- The 
 increase in the white population of Athens has been due to the 
 facilities for manufacturing offered by the water powers of the 
 Oconee, and to the educational advantages of the city. 
 
 10 Brooks, K. P., A Local Study of the Race Problem, in Political Science 
 Quarterl.v, June, 1911, p. li»7. , ^, . .. ^ 
 
 11 Woofter, T. J., Negroes of Athens, Ga., p. G. Bulletin of the University of 
 GeorRin, 1912. Phelps-Stokes Studies, No. 1.- 
 
 12 Ibid., p. 7. 
 
RURAL SURVEY OF CLARKE COUNTY, GEORGIA. 11 
 
 3. Economic History. 
 
 It will be interesting to compare the white and Negro population 
 of Clarke County with that of two adjacent counties, one in the 
 black belt and one outside of it. The figures for periods of twenty- 
 years are these: 
 
 TABLE IV. 
 
 Population Movements in Clarke (a border county), and Adjacent 
 
 Wliite and Black Counties.i^ 
 
 
 Clarke 
 
 Jackson 
 
 Oglethorpe 
 
 Year 
 
 White Black 
 
 White Black 
 
 White 
 
 Black 
 
 1810 
 
 5000 2628 
 
 8742 1827 
 
 6851 
 
 5440 
 
 1830 
 
 5438 4738 
 
 6180 2824 
 
 5659 
 
 7951 
 
 1850 
 
 5513 5606 
 
 6808 2960 
 
 4382 
 
 7877 
 
 1870 
 
 6488 6453 
 
 7471 3710 
 
 4641 
 
 7141 
 
 1890 
 
 7072 8111 
 
 13780 5396 
 
 5686 
 
 11264 
 
 1910 
 
 11502 11767 
 
 21544 8613 
 
 7342 
 
 11388 
 
 Looking at the population of Oglethorpe for 1810, it is seen that 
 the slaves were in the minority, which means that the small farmers 
 outnumbered the planters. But by 1830 the black population ex- 
 ceeded that of the white, and by 1850 this difference became more 
 marked, due to a decrease in the white population of 1,277, and a 
 stationary black population. The increasing difference was caused 
 by an exodus of the whites, carrying a few slaves with them. Some 
 of the small farmers had evolved into planters, and were buying 
 up the land of their less prosperous neighbors. Slaveholders coming 
 in from the lower counties, where the land was being exhausted, 
 also bought out small landowners. These small farmers moved on 
 to Clarke, Jackson, and other counties, where land was cheaper. 
 
 Looking now at the figures for Clarke, it is seen that during the 
 interval from 1810 to 1850 the number of slaves increased over 
 100 per cent, while the number of white people remained practically 
 the same. In the southeastern and eastern parts of the county the 
 small holdings were being absorbed by the planters, and the small 
 farmers were moving to Jackson and other counties to the north. 
 The southern part of the county is in the "plantation belt" today, 
 while the northern part is made up of smaller farms. The land in 
 Puryear's District, the most southern one in the county, bordering 
 on Oglethorpe and Oconee, is held mostly in large tracts, and is 
 either rented out to white or Negro tenants, or worked by super- 
 vised Negro share and wage hands. The northwestern part of 
 Clarke is "whiter" than the southeastern, the "blackest" district 
 being Puryear's — the plantation district— where the whites con- 
 stitute only 18 per cent of the total population. In Buck Branch, 
 which also borders on Oglethorpe, the whites make up only 22 per 
 
 13 Brooks, op. cit., p. 19S. 
 
12 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
RURAL SURVEY OF CLARKE COUNTY, GEORGIA. 13 
 
 cent of the total population. In Bradberry's, however, the white 
 people form 43 per cent of the population, and in Kinney's, 35 per 
 cent. Both these districts border on Jackson County. From the 
 figures for Jackson, it is evident that this county is out of the 
 black belt. 
 
 4. Civil Divisions. 
 
 
 
 Table 
 
 V. 
 
 
 
 
 Showing the 
 
 Population of 
 
 the 
 
 Militia 
 
 Districts by Races 
 
 14 
 
 • 
 
 
 Area, 
 
 
 
 
 Per 
 
 
 Per 
 
 G. M. 
 
 sq. mi. 
 
 Name 
 
 
 White 
 
 Cent. 
 
 Black 
 
 Cent. 
 
 216 
 
 10.4 
 
 Athens 
 
 
 9080 
 
 57 
 
 6837 
 
 43 
 
 217 
 
 9.27 
 
 Ga. Factory 
 
 
 363 
 
 52 
 
 332 
 
 48 
 
 218 
 
 23 
 
 Puryear's 
 
 
 193 
 
 18 
 
 872 
 
 82 
 
 220 
 
 22.5 
 
 Buck Branch 
 
 
 646 
 
 21 
 
 1337 
 
 79 
 
 241 
 
 13.6 
 
 Bradberry's 
 
 
 331 
 
 22 
 
 427 
 
 78 
 
 1347 
 
 14.2 
 
 Kinney's 
 
 
 315 
 
 43 
 
 584 
 
 57 
 
 1467 
 
 6.5 
 
 Princeton 
 
 
 318 
 
 35 
 
 434 
 
 65 
 
 219 
 
 15.9 
 
 Sandy Creek 
 
 
 256 
 
 21 
 
 944 
 
 79 
 
 Total, 11,502 49.3 11,767 50.7 
 
 This table shows that only two districts in the county, Athens 
 District and Georgia Factory, have a white population exceeding 
 that of the Negroes. In the case of the Athens District, this is 
 because the white people outnumber the colored people in the city. 
 In this district, outside of Athens, there are 521 negroes and 368 
 whites. Georgia Factory District is about equally divided, the whites 
 being 31 in excess of the negroes. The explanation of this is that 
 there are in this district two cotton mills, Georgia Factory and the 
 Whitehall Yarn Mill, employing white operatives. The factory town 
 of Whitehall has a population of 2 30.i'^ On the farms the negroes 
 outnumber the whites. Princeton District has two mills, Princeton 
 Factory and the Cord Mill, which are smaller than those in Georgia 
 Factory. But in this case the increased number of whites is more 
 than offset by negro settlements at Allenville and Chestnut Grove. 
 The Allenville settlement is a suburban one, many of the negro 
 residents working in Athens. Chestnut Grove, however, is a strictly 
 rural settlement, most of the negroes owning their farms. With 
 the exception of Athens, Buck Branch District has the largest 
 population, both white and Negro, in the county. After Puryear's, 
 this is the largest district in the county, and has a white settlement 
 at Tuckston, in addition to the town of Winterville, with a total 
 population of 4 65. And just outside of Athens, there is a large 
 Negro settlement and a fertilizer plant employing Negro labor. 
 Sandy Creek District borders on Madison, a white county, and we 
 
 14 This table w.is compiled by the U. S. Census Bureau, and is not to bo 
 found hi any printed report. 
 
 15 Census 1910, Abstract for Georgia, p. 344. 
 
14 UNIVERSITY OP GEORGIA. 
 
 should expect this district to be whiter than tliose toucliing the black 
 counties. The explanation of the fact that only 21 per cent of the 
 population is white, is that the Negroes have bought up a good deal 
 of land in this district, both individually and in clubs. The clubs 
 purchase tracts of land and subdivide it among the members. They 
 returned for taxes^^ 2,9 63 acres, 1,790 acres more than was returned 
 by the negroes of any other district. These farm owners are rather 
 scattered, but a number of them live at Settlement. 
 
 16 Tax Eeceivcr's booki of Clarke County, I'.)i;j. 
 
RURAL SURVEY OF CLARKE COUNTY, GEORGIA. 15 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 ECONOMIC CONDITIONS. 
 
 1. Land area in farms. 
 
 The Thirteenth Census, that of 1910, reports that 67,152i of the 
 72,690 acres forming the area of Clarlie County are in farm land. 
 The percent, of the county's land area in farms is 92.0. In 1900 
 the land area in farms was reported as 61,310.2 The increase in land 
 area in farms during the ten years of tlie Census period was thus 
 5,842. Of the land in farms reported in 1910, 44,788 acres were 
 reported as improved land, an increase of 6,221 in the acreage of 
 improved land over that reported in 1900. At present 66.7 per cent, 
 of *the farm land is improved. The area of unimproved land re- 
 ported in 1910 was 1,634, and that of woodland, 20,730 acres. The 
 average number of acres per farm is 48.6, and the average number 
 of improved acres, 34.2. 
 
 2. Farm values, 1900 and 1910. 
 
 During the ten years between the twelfth census and the thir- 
 teenth, there was an enormous increase in farm values. In Clarke 
 County the value of land, as reported by the Census, rose from 
 $627,540 to $2,444,057, an increase of $1,816,607. This increase 
 is partly explained by the fact that the 1900 census was taken 
 during a period of depression, while that of 1910 was taken during 
 the reaction from a financial panic, and because of this reaction 
 land had taken on a "boom"' or fictitious value. The value of 
 houses on farms was reported in 1900 as $271,240, and in 1910 
 as $713,245, the increase being $442,005. Other increases are as 
 follows: 
 
 Table VI.s 
 
 Farm machinery, 1910 $129,595 
 
 Farm machinery, 1900 48,460 
 
 Increase 81,135 
 
 Animals on farms, 1910 358,116 
 
 Animals on farms, 1900 110,142 
 
 Increase 247,974 
 
 Value of animals slaughtered on farms in 1909__ 20,557 
 Value of animals slaughtered on farm in 1899__ 13,031 
 
 Increase 7,026 
 
 Received from sale of animals in 1909 31,233 
 
 Received from sale of animals in 1899 5,910 
 
 Increase 26,323 
 
 The Census does not report property ownership by races, but 
 from the tax digest of Clarke County some idea can be had of the 
 amount of property owned by Negroes. The aggregate value of 
 land, including the buildings thereon, was returned in 1913 at 
 
 1 Census 1910, Abstract for Georgia, p. 65S. 
 
 2 Census 1900, Vol. V, Part I, p. 271. 
 
 3 Ibid, p. 42G, and Census 1910, Abstract for Georgia, p. 658. 
 
16 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 $1,387, 656. ■* Of this total, $149,260, or 10.8 per cent., was returned 
 by the Negroes. The total value of horses, mules, hogs, sheep, 
 cattle, and all other stock returned was $228,115. In the case of this 
 item the difference is not nearly so great, as the Negroes returned 
 $69,005, or 30.3 per cent, of the total. The value of carriages, 
 wagons, buggies, plantation and mechanical tools returned for 
 taxes was $32,520. Of this sum only $235, or seven-tenths of one 
 per cent, was returned by the Negroes. The total value of "all 
 other property not enumerated" was $51,440, and the Negroes re- 
 turned $1,000 of this, or 1.9 per cent. All of this was returned by 
 the Negro taxpayers of Sandy Creek District. 
 
 3. Number of farms. 
 
 A special schedule secured from the Census Bureau shows that 
 there are 1,382 farms in Clarke, 912 being farms of colored farmers, 
 and 470 farms of white farmers. These figures are misleading unless 
 some explanation is made of what the Census Bureau considers a 
 "farm." In defining "farm," the Census says: "When a land- 
 owner has one or more tenants, renters, croppers, or managers, the 
 land operated by each is considered a farm.""' Under this definition 
 a plantation worked with "croppers," as a share tenant is called, is 
 reported as several farms, although in reality it is one farm, since 
 it is under the supervision of one man, the owner or manager. 
 The croppers go to work by the farm bell, and are practically wage 
 hands paid with a part of the crop instead of with money. The 
 farm of a renter, however, is under the supervision of the tenant 
 himself, and is a farm in every sense of the word." The ex'iess of 
 Negro over white farms is, of course, due to the definition given 
 the word "farm." 
 
 Of the farms of white farmers, 161, or 34.3 per cent, of the 
 total, were reported as being between 20 and 4 9 acres. More 
 white farms are in this size group than in any other. Eighty, or 
 17 per cent, of the white farms, are between 10 and 19 acres, while 
 95, or 20.3 per cent, are between 50 and 99. The 29 to 40 acre 
 group contains 4 47, or 4 9 per cent, of the farms of Negro farmers. 
 Sixteen and six-tenths per cent, of the Negro farms are between 
 10 and 19 acres, and 17.3 per cent, are between 50 and 99.* 
 
 4. Tendency since the Civil AVar of size of farms to decline. 
 
 While the plantation system is still followed in some counties 
 of Georgia, it has been almost abandoned in Clarke County. After 
 the war the plantation system was very difficult to maintain, due 
 
 4 Tax Receiver's Books of Clarke County, 191o. 
 
 !> Census .1910, Abstract for deorKia. p. '_'(ir>. 
 
 " P.rooks, K. P., Agrarian Kevoliitioii in (ieorgia, Cliai). IV. 
 
 * See Appendix, p. 58. 
 
RURAL SURVEY OP CLARKE COUNTY, GEORGIA. 
 
 17 
 
 to the difficulty of controlling Negro labor. Many of the Georgia 
 planters gave up the system altogether, and divided their lands into 
 smaller farms, which they rented out for cash or cotton. Others 
 maintained the system in a modified form, by farming part of the 
 land with wage hands, and working the rest "on halves" with 
 tenants. Since the share tenant works under the landlord's super- 
 vision, the plantation was still one large farm, instead of many 
 small ones, as in the case of the rented lands. All three of these 
 systems were found on some of the farms in Clarke County. But 
 the changing conditions tended to break up the plantation system, 
 and its fall resulted in the creation of several small farms in the 
 place of one plantation. The tendency since the War has been 
 for the farms to grow smaller. 
 
 Cotton — the County's main crop. 
 
 5. Tenure of Farms. . 
 
 Farms are classified for Census purposes as follows: those opera- 
 ted by owners; by renters; by share tenants; and by managers. 
 There is also a class between owners and tenants, known as "part 
 owners." A part owner owns part of his farm and rents the rest 
 from some one else, or works it on shares. A renter pays a stipula- 
 ted amount of cotton for his land, or in rare cases a cash rental, 
 while a share tenant or cropper pays his landlord a part of the 
 crop, usually one-half. For this reason croppers are often called 
 
18 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 "halvers." Most of the Negro croppers work on halves, but a few 
 of them, and a larger number of the white croppers, farm on the 
 •'third and fourth" plan. Under this plant the tenant pays the 
 owner a fourth of the cotton raised and a third of the corn. These 
 croppers, like the renters, furnish their own stock and implements, 
 while the "halvers" use the landlord's stock and tools. Renters 
 are sometimes called cash tenants, but this term is not appropriate 
 in Clarke County. They are usually referred to as "standing 
 renters." A renter is supposed to "put himself through," that is, 
 not to depend on his landlord to furnish him provisions on credit, 
 or lend him money. Most of the white renters finance them- 
 selves, and some of them sub-let land to Negroes on halves. But in 
 the case of the Negro renters, a good many landlords "stand for 
 them" by going security for them, or give "orders" on stores for 
 provisions and other supplies, settling up with the tenant when 
 the cotton and other crops are sold. 
 
 TABLE VII. 
 
 Table Showing Tenure of Farms, 1900 and 1910. 
 
 
 
 
 
 1900. 
 
 
 Share 
 
 
 Total farms. 
 
 O 
 
 wners. 
 
 Part owners. 
 
 Renters. 
 
 tenants. 
 
 White 
 
 359 
 
 
 147 
 
 25 
 
 101 
 
 71 
 
 Negro 
 
 480 
 
 
 79 
 
 32 
 1910. 
 
 200 
 
 164 
 
 White 
 
 470 
 
 
 177 
 
 34 
 
 107 
 
 152 
 
 Negro 
 
 912 
 
 
 128 
 
 70 
 
 336 
 
 378 
 
 Nine white farms were reported in 1910 as being supervised by 
 managers. No Negro farms were operated by managers. These 
 figures show an increase of 432 Negro farms during the ten year 
 period. As there was a large increase in "land in farms" between 
 these Census periods, we would expect a marked increase. The 
 130 per cent, increase in the number of Negro croppers and the 60.3 
 per cent, increase in the number of renters shows that a good many 
 wage hands became tenants. The number of white renters increas- 
 ed only 7 per cent., while the number of Negro renters increased 
 60 per cent. This is an unhealthy sign, as is shown by the opinions 
 expressed in the following paragraph. The Negroes greatly prefer 
 renting, on account of its freedom from control, and have been able 
 to determine to a considerable extent the terms of their contract. 
 
 6. Questionnaire as to the relative merits of tlifferent 
 forms of tenancy. 
 
 When asked to give their opinions as to the relative merits of 
 the wage system, cropping, and renting, a majority of the white 
 landlords replied that the wage system was best from the landlord's 
 standpoint; cropping, from the laborer's standpoint; and the wage 
 system, from the standpoint of the care of land. But opinion was 
 
RURAL SURVEY OF CLARKE COUNTY, GEORGIA. 19 
 
 OWNERSHIP AND TENANCY 
 
 WHITES, ^70 FARMS 
 
 "T^E-R CENT, 
 
 OWNED 37 
 
 PART OWNED 
 
 ON HALF SHARE 
 
 4 
 
 ON OTHEK share: 29 
 
 "liENTED 
 
 23 
 
 NE&UOES, 912 FATIMS 
 
 OWNED 
 
 TART OWNED 
 
 14 
 
 8 
 
 HALF SHARE it 
 
 OTHER SHA15E ;IS 
 
 "TtE^TED 37 
 
20 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 very much divided on these questions. Forty-eight and seven- 
 tenths per cent, of the farmers interviewed answered tliat, from the 
 landlord's point of view the wage system was preferable; 3 6.5 per 
 cent, stated that cropping was more desirable; 12.2 per cent, gave 
 it as their opinion that renting was most satisfactory. ^ Several 
 landlords could see no difference between working wage hands and 
 croppers. Looking at the question from the tenant's point of view, 
 68.4 per cent, said that cropping was the best system; 24.3 per 
 cent, thought the laborers were better off as wage hands; 9.7 per 
 cent, held that the tenant makes more money by renting; while a 
 few replied that it depended largely on the man. Their opinion 
 was that if the tenant knew how to farm, he could make more 
 profit by renting, but if he needed supervision he ought to work on 
 halves. Sixty-five and eight-tenths per cent, said that the wage 
 system was best, as far as the land was concerned; 2 9.2 per cent, 
 preferred cropping; 4.8 per cent, thought cropping and working 
 wage hands equally good, and both vastly superior to renting. 
 No landlord said that renting was best for the land. 
 
 In the appendix will be found a number of answers to this ques- 
 tion, giving various reasons for the preferences expressed. The 
 prevailing ones in favor of wages from every standpoint were these: 
 A farmer working wage hands has better control of his labor than 
 one who works croppers; the land can be kept up better under the 
 wage system than by cropping; the owner does not have to put up 
 so much against the laborer's time as under the cropping system; 
 and a laborer who wants to save can save as much as a wage hand 
 as he can as a "halver," unless he has a lot of help. The advocates 
 of cropping said that the croppers do better work than wage hands, 
 and do not have to be as closely watched, because they have an 
 interest in the crop; they get the benefit of the landlord's know- 
 ledge of farming, and hence are in a position to make more money 
 than a wage hand. The landowners who preferred renting were 
 nearly always absentee landlords, and their argument was that 
 the owner knows what he is going to get from his renter, and does 
 not have the labor of supervising him. 
 
 7. Landownership among Negroes. 
 
 The following figures from the County Tax Receiver's books show 
 the acreage and value of land owned by Negroes in each district 
 of the county, and the value of their city and town property. 
 
 8 An effort was mafle to see ten farmers of both races, tenants and land- 
 owners, iu every district. 
 
RURAL SURVEY OF CLARKE COUNTY, GEORGIA. 21 
 
 Table VIII. 
 
 City or 
 District Acres of land . Value of land. town property. 
 
 Athens 592 $16,550 
 
 Ga. Factory 191.5 3,625 
 
 Puryear's 782.75 9,760 
 
 Sandy Creek 2,963.4 53,630 
 
 Buck Branch 1,143 20,410 
 
 Bradberry's 1,173.75 15,920 
 
 Princeton 1,154 20,845 
 
 Kinney's 443.75 8,520 
 
 $324,365 
 
 1,250 
 
 525 
 300 
 
 450 
 600 
 
 Total 8,415.75 $149,260 $327,490 
 
 The total acreage returned by both races was 70,232. The 
 Negroes, then, own 12 per cent, of the total area. The value 
 of city or town property returned by the Negroes was 5.5 per cent, 
 of $5,895,290, the total value of city or town property returned." 
 Of the Negro landowners interviewed, 3 4.8 per cent, had not 
 finished paying for their farms, but most of them had paid over 
 half of the purchase price. One Negro farmer had been in posses- 
 sion of his place 3 5 years, another 2 5, and a third 22 years. The 
 average length of time that the Negro landowners had owned their 
 farms was 9.6 years. Some who had paid for their land had mort- 
 gaged it to buy more land. 
 
 Undoubtedly some land is sold to Negroes who are able to make 
 the first payment, with the expectation that they will not 
 finish paying for it. The Negro, holding a bond for title, has to 
 pay the taxes, and if he fails to make his payments the landowner 
 has practically rented him the land and escaped taxes. But this 
 is not a general practice. One white farmer said that some of the 
 land sold to Negroes was land that had been rented so long that 
 it had greatly depreciated in value. Under the cotton rent system, 
 the renters are not encouraged to grow any soil-replenishing crops, 
 and as the prevalent one-year lease system supplies no incentive 
 to build up the place, they soon "rob the land" and move on to 
 another farm. A white renter explained the increase of Negro 
 farm ownership in his district by calling attention to the fact that 
 the Negro, on account of his low standard of living, could make 
 the first payment on a tract of land more easily than a white 
 tenant could. 
 
 8. Does the County feed itself? 
 
 While Clarke is a county able to feed itself, the one-crop system 
 so generally followed makes the county dependent on outside 
 sources for food supplies. Instead of raising provisions on their 
 farms, many of the farmers, especially the tenants, put their atten- 
 
 9 "City or town property" means real estate inside the corporate limits of 
 Athens or Winterville. This is a somewhat curious situation, l)ut it seems to 
 be the case tliat rural negroes own a little property in these towns. 
 
22 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 tion on cotton, the "money crop," practically to the exclusion of 
 everything else except corn and forage crops for the stock. The 
 "rations" are bought in town with the money from the sale of 
 cotton. From the 1910 Census the following figures were worked 
 out by Mr. E. C. Branson for the "Home and Farmstead. "lo Home 
 raised meat supply, per person, 1910: Butter, % of an ounce per 
 day; milk, nearly % of a pint per day; eggs, Vs egg per day; 
 poultry, 14 of a fowl per week; pork, nearly %.-, of a hog per year; 
 beef, 1/15 of a beef per year; mutton, 1/200 of a sheep or goat per year. 
 These figures show how deficient the county is in supplying itself 
 with meat. In this connection, however, it should be remembered 
 that Clarke is the smallest county in Georgia, with a population 
 only 35.9 per cent, rural, and the city of Athens, whose population 
 according to the last Census was 1.5,000. 
 
 From the same source these figures have been taken to show to 
 what extent the county does not sustain itself: population, 23,723; 
 annual food bill, $1,930,659; annual feed bill for domestic animals, 
 $561,800. Crops, including town-raised vegetables, $1,162,968; 
 animal products, county and town, $541,301; total, $1,714,269. 
 Shortage, $778,190. Clearly the county does not sustain itself. 
 
 It must be said, however, that some of the large landowning 
 farmers do raise feed and forage crops for their stock. But they 
 are more than offset by the tenants, both black and white. Yet 
 the whole blame for the production of cotton to the exclusion of 
 truck farming and cattle raising cannot be laid upon the tenant. 
 The absentee landlord has his rent paid in cotton, in the expecta- 
 tion of high priced cotton in the fall. And the farmers who live 
 on their places could have their tenants raise more food crops in 
 proportion to cotton. 
 
 9. Farm labor. 
 
 Nearly all of the wage hands of the farms of Clarke County are 
 Negroes. The average wage is $15 a month and board. The wages 
 sometimes range from $12 to $18 on one place, depending on the 
 worth of the laborer. The wage hands are paid more, as a rule, 
 on the farms nearer the city than on those farther out. Most 
 of the farmers estimated that their "hands" cost them a total of 
 $20 a month, when the wage was $15 or $16. Where the farmer 
 has only one or two laborers, they often get their meals in their 
 employer's kitchen, and sometimes this method of boarding the 
 help is followed on places where a half dozen wage hands are 
 employed. But as a rule the laborer's rations are issued to him 
 by the month or week, more often the latter. Where the planta- 
 tion has a commissary, the laborers draw their provisions just as 
 the croppers do theirs. But the prevailing custom is for the farmer 
 
 10 Hoinf and Farnisteail, Athens, G.i.. Vol. XIII. Xo. 3.3. 
 
RURAL SURVEY OF CLARKE COUNTY, GEORGIA. 23 
 
 to buy the provisions and issue tliem to the hands. The commis- 
 sary has the added advantage to the farmer of reducing his own 
 grocery bill, as well as enabling him to save on his laborer's hire, 
 by getting the provisions at wholesale rates. When the planter 
 runs a store, the store takes the place of a commissary. The pro- 
 visions given the laborer are, of course, part of his wages, and he 
 has the advantage of the cropper, whose supplies are advanced to 
 him, often with an added charge of ten per cent, interest. 
 
 The planters hire their wage hands by the year when they can 
 get them. This is the only means by which they can be sure of 
 having labor at the time when it is most needed. In order to 
 employ a hand, it is nearly always necessary to advance him money. 
 Just before Christmas is the best time to hire Negroes, as this is the 
 time when they are most anxious to get money. After the 
 hand hag signed a contract to work a year, and has received an 
 advance on his wages, sometimes he fails to report for work. The 
 employer can then have the Negro arrested on a charge of cheating 
 and swindling, but cannot make him fulfill the contract, as this 
 would be a violation of the peonage law. But his case serves as 
 an example to the other hands. One farm manager stated to the 
 investigator that he tried to keep in debt to the laborers, instead 
 of keeping them in debt to him. He refused to let his hands spend 
 their money before they earned it. In this way, he said, the hands 
 were better satisfied, as they did not have to pay debts with their 
 wages as soon as they received them. He admitted that this custom 
 had been hard to establish, but claimed that it was more satisfac- 
 tory than the prevailing one. 
 
 10. Child labor on the farms. 
 
 The Negro farmers, both tenants and landowners, rely to a large 
 extent on their children's help in the field. The amount of land 
 cultivated by a cropper depends on the size of his family, and how 
 many of his children are old enough to "help in the crop." It is 
 customary on the larger places for the owner or manager to hire 
 the cropper's family to help out the wage hands in rush seasons. 
 The use of the children by the Negroes is the cause of the divided 
 school term in the colored schools. Some of the colored farmers 
 are dependent on their children's help, but in many cases children 
 too small to be of much value as farm help are taken out of school. 
 Even where the children are not taken out of school in such num- 
 bers as to make the school attendance below the limit allowed for 
 maintaining the school, it is not deemed expedient to keep the school 
 open, since this would cause a breaking up of the grades. 
 
 11. Scarcity of labor. 
 
 Very few of the white farm land owners answered "Less," 
 to the question, "Is it more or less difficult to get laborers than it 
 was ten years ago?" And these men called attention to the fact 
 
2 4 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 that the price of farm labor had advanced greatly. One farmer 
 said that his hands cost him about $10 a month in 1904, and $18 
 in 1914. Another farmer whose place was near Athens said 
 that the increase of the Negro population in Athens and the fact 
 that the city had built in the direction of his place probably ex- 
 plained why he could get laborers more easily than he could ten 
 years ago, although he had to pay them higher wages. The majority 
 of the farmers interviewed said that laborers were much harder 
 to get than they were ten years ago, and most of them added that 
 while the quality of labor was not so good, the wages had advanced. 
 A farm manager who was an overseer of long experience said he 
 found it about ten times as hard to get hands, and a number of 
 farmers expressed the opinion that farm labor was "about half 
 as good" as it was ten years ago. Various explanations were offer- 
 ed on this point. For example, a common reason given for the 
 scarcity of labor was that the Negroes were moving to town, where 
 wages were higher, and the hours were not so long as on the farm. 
 Other explanations were that the Negroes found employment in 
 fertilizer plants, and in the construction of public works. Some 
 farmers said that so many more Negroes were now renting land 
 or cropping that the number of available laborers had been greatly 
 reduced. This is doubtless the correct explanation of the shortage. 
 The increase of farm land under cultivation since 1904 has created 
 a larger demand for hands, and this helps to explain the scarcity 
 of labor. 
 
 12. Transportation. 
 
 Clarke County has five railroads, the Seaboard Air Line, the 
 Southern, the Georgia, the Central of Georgia, and the Gainesville 
 Midland. The Seaboard is the only main line in the county. The 
 Gainesville Midland is a local road connecting Athens and Gaines- 
 ville. The Georgia has a station at Winterville; the Central has 
 one at Whitehall; and the Gainesville Midland at Oconee Heights. 
 These are the only railway stations outside of Athens. By reason 
 of the central location of Athens, the small size of the county and the 
 excellence of the country roads, the people do not suffer on account 
 of the small number of stations. The county is remarkable for its 
 system of public roads, which are among the best in the State. 
 Many of them have been relocated since they were laid out. There 
 are about 200 miles of graded roadway in the county. ^^ Half of this 
 mileage has been top-soiled with a sand-clay mixture which greatly 
 improves the road. The cross roads have been worked to some 
 extent, but the most attention has been put on the main thorough- 
 fares of the county, leading to the county sites and towns of adjoin- 
 ing counties. The county convicts are used to maintain and improve 
 the road system. 
 
 11 Estimate of J. !>. Mclveroy, County Commissioner in cliarjre of roads, lftl-1 
 
RURAL SURVEY OF CLARKE COUNTY, GEORGIA. 
 
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2G UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 13. How tlie farmers are financed. 
 
 In order to show how the Negro tenants are financed, let us take 
 for example ten from one district, eight renters and two croppers. 
 Every one of these tenants depends on a merchant at Athens or 
 Winterville for credit. Four secured credit by putting a mortgage 
 on their cotton crop; that is, either by giving a crop lien or by 
 agreeing to sell their cotton through a cotton factor; three got 
 their supplies at their landlord's store in town; one put up his 
 stock as security and another both his stock and crop; and one 
 obtained credit by having his landlord endorse his note. Twenty- 
 two per cent, of the Negro tenants are supplied from farm com- 
 missaries.^2 These, of course, are all croppers. A few farmers buy 
 provisions for their croppers, but when the farmer has neither a 
 store nor commissary, he generally gives the tenant an order on a 
 store. Of the Negro tenants, 5 8.3 per cent, depend on credit at a 
 store, half of these furnishing some security, such as a mortgage on 
 stock or a note endorsed by the landlord, and half getting an order 
 on the store from their landlord. These tenants are practically 
 dependent on the landlords to finance them, and even where they 
 borrow money from a "warehouse man" or cotton factor, the land- 
 lord nearly always endorses for them. Most of the tenants who 
 get their credit at stores by means of orders are renters. Eleven 
 per cent, of the colored tenants borrow money from their land- 
 lords. This small division represents both croppers and renters. 
 Eight and four-tenths per cent, of the tenants either "run them- 
 selves," have their provisions bought by their landlord, or borrow 
 from a cotton factor. 
 
 The bank is the most popular source of credit with the white 
 landowning farmers, 4 4 per cent, of those interviewed depend- 
 ing on this source. The farmer usually gives a note, and some- 
 times a mortgage on his land. Some of the farmers who patronize 
 the banks as a general thing also go to cotton factors for loans at 
 times. The interest paid to the bank was generally reported as 
 8 per cent, but in a few cases as high as 10 per cent. The cotton 
 factors "carry" the white farmers to a larger extent than the 
 merchants do. Of the farmers interviewed 2 3 per cent, said they 
 depended on the cotton men to a larger extent than on banks 
 or merchants. The cotton factors charge 8 per cent, on money 
 lent, and the farmer agrees to sell a certain number of bales through 
 the cotton dealer. The farmers relying on merchants for credit 
 make up 21 per cent, of the total interviewed. Instead of borrow- 
 ing money they buy their supplies on credit, paying up when their 
 cotton is sold. The rate of interest is one per cent, a month, or 
 12 per cent., if the account runs a year. 
 
 12 This aiul the succeeding percentages are not based on tbe total number of 
 tenants, but on those interviewed, altoiit ten in each district. 
 
RURAL SURVEY OF CLARKE COUNTY, GEORGIA. 27 
 
 The Negro landowners are to a large extent financed by mer- 
 chants. Forty per cent, of them said that they depended largely 
 on merchants for credit, although a number of these borrowed 
 from banks or cotton factors at times. The banks and cotton 
 factors are about equally popular with the Negro landowners, 28 
 per cent, borrowing from banks and 2 4 per cent, from cotton deal- 
 ers. The Negroes also often buy merchandise other than provisions 
 from merchants, on credit, sometimes paying a high rate of interest. 
 For instance, the difference between the time and cash price of 
 goods is nearly always 10 per cent., and "a cent a month" is often 
 charged in addition. 
 
 And the merchants sometimes offer the landowners a certain per 
 cent, of the tenant's purchases, in order to get the tenant trade. 
 Of course, this extra revenue comes out of the tenant's pocket. 
 
28 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 EDUCATIONAL CONDITIONS. 
 
 1. Management and supervision of the school system. 
 
 The management of the common schools of Clarke County is in 
 the hands of the County Board of Education. This board consists 
 of five men, appointed from the county by the Grand Jury. No two 
 members can be from the same district, and all must be landowners. 
 They are paid $2.00 a day for every day spent in attending to their 
 duties as members of the board. It is the duty of the board to 
 receive the reports of the County School Superintendent, and the 
 monthly reports of the teachers, and pass on them before they are 
 sent to the State School Superintendent. They also consider meas- 
 ures recommended by the County Superintendent, and in a general 
 way have charge of the county school system. 
 
 The County School Superintendent is elected by the people for 
 a term of four years, and is paid a salary of $1,095 a year. The 
 incidental expenses of the superintendent or "commissioner" are 
 also paid. This officer has direct charge of the schools, makes 
 contracts with the teachers, supervises their work, and advises 
 the county board on school questions. Each school is supposed to 
 have three local trustees, who were formerly appointed by the 
 county board, but under a new law are elected by the school patrons 
 in their respective districts. Several of the schools have failed to 
 elect trustees. Under the law, the local trustees recommend teach- 
 ers, who are appointed by the County Superintendent, subject to 
 the approval of the County Board. A community so desiring may 
 have the superintendent appoint a teacher without election, but 
 must notify the superintendent to this effect in writing. Teachers 
 desiring appointment apply to the superintendent, and present their 
 license and recommendations. 
 
 2. Number of schools, white and black, by districts. 
 Public schools.! 
 
 Clarke County has 2 8 common schools outside the city of Athens, 
 14 for the whites, and the same number for the Negroes. The 
 school districts correspond to the militia districts, but there are 
 more schools in some of the districts than in others, because of 
 the uneven distribution of population. Of the eight militia dis- 
 tricts, the Athens district is, of course, best supplied with schools, 
 on account of the city school system in Athens, and the presence 
 of state and private institutions there. Outside of the city limits, 
 there is only one white and one colored school in this district. 
 
 1 The facts and figures in this chapter were obtained from the County School 
 Superintendent, from the teachers, patrons, and local trustees, and from per- 
 sonal observations by the investigator. 
 
RURAL SURVEY OF CLARKE COUNTY, GEORGIA. 29 
 
30 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 Kinney's District has two white schools, and one colored; Sandy- 
 Creek, three white and two colored; Buck Branch, three white 
 and three colored; Puryear's, one white and two colored; Georgia 
 Factory, one for each race; Princeton, one for the whites, and 
 three for the Negroes; and Bradberry's, two white and one Negro 
 school. The civil divisions of the county have been indicated on 
 the school map, since they coincide with the school districts. From 
 this map it will be seen that three of the white and two of the 
 colored schools are "county line" schools. This is rather unfor- 
 tunate, because pupils from other counties attend these schools, 
 and such pupils are not paid for from the Clarke County pro rata 
 of the State school fund. The teachers are obliged to look to the 
 other county for their remuneration for teaching these children, 
 and, as they are not always sure of getting paid, their salary is 
 uncertain. One of these county line schools is maintained by 
 Clarke because a dozen white children in that school district can 
 not attend school anywhere else. Clarke pays the teacher only 
 twenty dollars a month. More than half of the pupils are from 
 another county. These statements do not apply to the Winterville 
 school, which is located in a town. In addition to the schools of 
 the county, there are several white and colored schools in other 
 counties attended by children from Clarke. And some children at- 
 tend school in Athens, but they have to pay for tlie privilege, as the 
 city schools are supported by municipal taxation. 
 
 Private schools. 
 
 The only white private school in the county is the mill school 
 at Whitehall. A "Model and Training School," colored, in Sandy 
 Creek District, gets $500 a year from the Slater Fund. The 
 "Normal-Rural," as the model country school on the campus of 
 the State Normal School is called, is supported four months of the 
 year by the Normal School. These three schools will be described 
 later in detail. 
 
 3. Description of schools. 
 AVhite. 
 
 Nine of the white schools are one-room schools; but two are 
 large enough to be converted into two-room schools, should the 
 number of pupils demand it. Three of these schools have cloak 
 rooms, and two have porches. Four schoolhouses are two-room 
 buildings, and two of these have one cloakroom each, and one has 
 two cloakrooms. One of the two-room schools, that at Tuckston, is 
 using only one room. The Winterville school has five class rooms 
 and a library. All the school buildings are frame structures, and 
 all except one are painted, but three need repainting badly. Seven 
 of the buildings may be said to be in good repair, six are in fair 
 condition, and one is in bad shape. The Winterville school is the 
 
RURAL SURVEY OF CLARKE COUNTY, GEORGIA. 
 
 31 
 
 only one provided with artificial lighting, swinging lamps being 
 used. Every school room in use is provided with a stove, but the 
 Normal Rural has the only jacketed heater in use. Only three 
 schools have their interiors painted, but practically all are ceiled. 
 Most of the white schools have patent school desks, 200 being in 
 use in the county. The other schools have double desks manu- 
 factured in Athens. Five schools have wells on the school property, 
 but only three are in use. Not being used throughout the year, 
 the school wells get in bad condition. One of the schools using 
 its own well also gets water from a nearby spring on private prop- 
 erty. Nine schools get their water from wells on private property. 
 The distance of these wells from the schools varies from 2 00 feet 
 to 200 yards. One of these schools also makes use of a spring. 
 The Winterville school has a well on the grounds that is covered 
 and equipped with a pump. 
 
 Deliipidatecl Negro cluu'cli used as a s<hi)iil. 
 
 There is a great difference in the appearance of the grounds of 
 the different schools. The Normal Rural and Tuckston schools 
 have school gardens, but the grounds of the latter school were 
 ruined by the county's taking top-soil from them to surface the 
 road. The Hodges and Bethaven schools have rose bushes planted 
 out in the yards, and the Buchanon and Fowler schools have flower 
 beds in front of the school buildings. The Princeton school is loca- 
 
32 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 ted on a steep hillside, and the school property is practically useless 
 as a playground. Some of the school grounds present a very bleak 
 appearance, not having a shrub or plant on them. With a few 
 exceptions, the interiors of the white schools are well decorated 
 with pictures, flags, and maps. Four schools have poor blackboard 
 facilities. 
 
 Coloretl schools. 
 
 Four of the colored schools are held in churches. These are the 
 Billups's Grove, Timothy, Ailenville, and Brooklyn schools. The 
 St. James school building is not well suited to school purposes. 
 The Mount Sinai and Shiloh schools are held on the first floor of 
 lodge buildings. All of the colored schools are one room buildings, 
 
 Negro church, school, mid lodge hall. A social center iu Puryear's District. 
 
 except the Model and Training school, which has three rooms, and 
 the Midway school, which has two. Two of the other school build- 
 ings are large enough to have partitions put in them. Two of the 
 one-room schools have two teachers, and the teachers necessarily 
 interfere with each other to some extent. The Model and Training 
 and the St. James schools are consolidated schools. The schools 
 held in church buildings are the poorest ones in the county. One of 
 these buildings is unfinished, and another is in a very dilapidated 
 condition. But, with one exception, these schools are the only colo- 
 ed schools that are artificially lighted, having swinging lamps, and 
 bracket lamps along the walls. The church schools are as un- 
 attractive within as they are from the outside. The blackboard 
 
RURAL SURVEY OP CLARKE COUNTY, GEORGIA. 
 
 33 
 
 facilities are wretched, and tlie frame benches are poor substitutes 
 for desks. There are no pictures or maps in these scliools, and few 
 in most of the others. 
 
 All the schools are heated with unjacketed stoves, some of which 
 are in bad condition. The Model and Training school is the only- 
 one that has a garden, and flowers and shrubbery in the front yard. 
 It is in pleasing contrast with the other schools, whose grounds are 
 bare and unattractive. Three of the colored schools are located on 
 the edge of a wooded grove, and this helps the appearance of the 
 grounds to some extent. Nine schools depend on private wells for 
 
 Type of unimpi-oved School Grounds. (White). 
 
 their water supply; and four get water from springs off the school 
 grounds. Two schools have wells, and one of these uses its well. 
 Only two of the Negro school buildings are painted. None of the 
 colored schools has patent desks, but four have double benches 
 made in Athens. Four of the buildings in use are in good condition, 
 five in fair, five in bad condition, and three unfit for use as school 
 houses. 
 
 Private schools. 
 
 The mill school at Whitehall and the Model and Training school 
 may be classed as private schools, although the last named is really 
 a county school, which gets funds from other sources. The mill 
 school runs for eight months, and Is free to the children of the 
 
34 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 factory operatives. It is supported by the owners of Georgia 
 Factory. The teacher of this school is a high school graduate, who 
 has had normal training. The school is held in a church, and the 
 enrollment is 4 0. The building is heated by an open fire place, and 
 the equipment is rather poor. The church benches are used in 
 lieu of desks and the school has no blackboards or maps. This 
 school is run to satisfy the mill operatives, who want a school of 
 
 their own. 
 
 The Model and Training school has already been described as 
 the best colored rural school in the county. It is also one of the 
 best in the state. It is located in a thickly settled Negro district, 
 five miles from Athens, on the Danielsville road. One of the three 
 
 Outdoor gymnastic drill. Model and Traiiiiii.g Sdiool. 
 
 rooms is elevated above the level of the others, and sliding doors 
 are arranged so that all three rooms may be thrown together, pro- 
 viding an auditorium with a stage. The interior of the building is 
 painted, and nicely decorated with pictures, maps, and flags. The 
 school has a library of over 1,000 books. The school is also 
 equipped with an organ, a victrola, and a drum. The four acre^ 
 included in the school grounds were included in a tract of land 
 bought by the first land club, and were deeded to the county by 
 the Negroes. The school house was erected by the General Educa- 
 tion Board. In order to get the appropriation from the Slater 
 Fund, the school raises the difference when the county does not 
 give the school $5 00 a year. This school has been established ten 
 
RURAL SURVEY OF CLARKE COUNTY, GEORGIA. 
 
 The "Normal Rural" school oh the campus of the State Normal School in the 
 
 Athens I)istrict. This Model School shows the possiI»ilitles of the one- 
 
 teaclier rural scliool. and serves as an inspiration to tlie county 
 
 teachers and students of tlie Normal School. 
 
 School (hardening at the Normal Rural School. 
 
36 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 years, and five pupils have finished its course, which goes through 
 the eight grammar grades. Two of these are at Hampton, and 
 three are teaching. The principal of the school is a graduate of 
 Atlanta University, and one of her assistants is a graduate of 
 Spellman Seminary, Atlanta. The school is a social center in the 
 community, being used as a meeting place for the corn club, and 
 for land club meetings. The Fair Association meets in the school 
 to raise money for premiums to be awarded at the colored county 
 fair. The school gives instruction along industrial lines, not only 
 to the pupils, but to the older Negroes as well. There is a parent- 
 
 Pupils of the N(irni,il Ruinl School at lunch. 
 teachers association known as the "Industrial Club," but the 
 patrons do not give the school the financial aid that they might. 
 
 On the campus of the Normal School is located the only white 
 country school in the Athens District. This is a model school, con- 
 ducted to show the Normal students what can be done in a one-room, 
 one-teacher, rural school. The Normal School pays the expenses 
 of this school four months out of the year, and the patrons pay 
 five dollars a year for equipment and supplies. The school building 
 is fitted out with the most modern equipment. The building is 
 lighted by four windows, all on one side of the room, thus elim- 
 inating cross-lighting, which gives trouble in so many country 
 schools. The school has an oil stove, and a complete outfit for 
 cooking and dining. Sometimes the pupils cook dinner during the 
 
RURAL SURVEY OF CLARKE COUNTY, GEORGIA. 37 
 
 noon recess, but usually they set the table, and eat their lunches 
 In the school room. Those living near the school often go home 
 for dinner. Each place at the table has a plate, bread-and-butter 
 plate, knife, fork, spoon, tumbler, and napkin. The pupils work in 
 shifts, each shift setting the table on certain days in the week. The 
 children have a school garden and the grounds are planted out with 
 flowers, shrubs, and fruit trees. The children have erected bird 
 boxes, which help to get them interested in nature study. The 
 seniors at the Normal School observe the lessons taught in this 
 school, and sometimes teach classes, but the school is not intended 
 as a practice school. 
 
 4. School statistics. 
 
 The State of Georgia appropriates each year $2,500,000 for the 
 common schools, which enables them to run five months. This 
 fund is prorated among the counties according to population, the 
 division between the races being left to the county officials. In 
 Clarke County only 33 per cent, of the money used for the rural 
 schools goes to the Negro schools, although of the children of 
 school age 63 per cent, are Negroes. The salaries paid by the 
 county to the white teachers during the year were as follows :- 
 To male teachers, $854.20; to female, $4,440. To the Negro 
 teachers, male, $67.69; female, $2,615.34. Total for whites, 
 $5,294.67; for Negroes, $2,683.03; grand total, $7,977.70. These 
 figures do not represent the total salaries paid to teachers, as 
 the county pays for only a five months term, and some of the 
 schools are supported longer than this by local assistance. Only one 
 of the Negro schools runs nine months. The average monthly 
 salaries paid the teachers by the county are: white males, $70.00; 
 white females, $4 8.20. There are only two white male teachers, one 
 of whom is paid $80.00 per month, the other $60.00. The one 
 colored male is paid $24.00; the colored female teachers are paid 
 an average of $23.4 5. The average monthly cost of tuition, to the 
 county, per white pupil, is $2.40; per Negro pupil, $.73. 
 
 The total value of the 14 white school houses is $9,900, an average 
 of $707. Three of these are owned by individuals, the average 
 value being $400. The county owns only five of the 14 Negro 
 school houses, the value being $2,700, or an average of $540. 
 Four of the negro schools are owned by individuals, the average 
 of these buildings being $200. The remaining five negro schools 
 are conducted in church buildings or lodge halls. The following 
 table shows the enrollment and average attendance at each school, 
 and the number of teachers in the grammar and high school grades: 
 
38 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 ENROLLMENT 
 
 NEGHOES 
 
 WHITFS 
 
 ATTEMMKCE 
 
 NIGUOES WHITES 
 
 "Popul3Jtlon of School a.ge, 6 to 18 ^edr^. 
 
RURAL SURVEY OF CLARKE COUNTY, GEORGIA. 
 
 30 
 
 Table IX.^ 
 White Schools. 
 
 School. 
 
 Eiu 
 
 ollmoiit 
 
 Average 
 
 
 Male. 
 
 Female. 
 
 Attend. 
 
 Winterville 
 
 56 
 
 64 
 
 96 
 
 Buchanon 
 
 18 
 
 11 
 
 18 
 
 Tuckston 
 
 16 
 
 17 
 
 11 
 
 Belmont 
 
 12 
 
 9 
 
 18 
 
 Centerville 
 
 17 
 
 17 
 
 21 
 
 Princeton 
 
 49 
 
 41 
 
 51 
 
 Hinton Brown 
 
 13 
 
 14 
 
 24 
 
 Hodges 
 
 18 
 
 17 
 
 25 
 
 Fowlers 
 
 17 
 
 16 
 
 22 
 
 Normal Rural 
 
 32 
 
 14 
 
 24 
 
 Oconee Heights 
 
 35 
 
 35 
 
 46 
 
 Lamkins 
 
 20 
 
 15 
 
 22 
 
 Barberville 
 
 16 
 
 11 
 
 17 
 
 Bethaven 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 9 
 
 , — Teacbers — ^ 
 Graniiiiar High School 
 
 (trades Grades 
 
 Male. Female. IMale. Female. 
 
 4 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 2 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 
 Total 
 
 325 
 
 2%\ 
 
 404 
 
 18 
 
 School. 
 
 Table X. 
 Colored Schools. 
 
 Eurollmeiit 
 iNIale. Female. 
 
 Averaijje 
 Attend. 
 
 ,, — Teachers — ^ 
 Grammar High School . 
 
 Grades Grades 
 
 Male. Female. Male. Female. 
 
 Model & Train. 83 115 81 
 
 Midway 93 96 106 
 
 Oak Grove 22 29 43 
 
 Billups Grove 22 26 32 
 
 St. Lukes 42 48 61 
 
 Mortons Chapel 56 65 65 
 
 Macedonia 30 34 33 
 
 Allenville 28 33 43 
 
 Timothy 13 22 25 
 
 Chestnut Grove 49 68 60 
 
 Brooklyn 25 40 37 
 
 Mt. Sinai 41 31 46 
 
 St. James 82 86 75 
 
 Shiloh 39 50 59 
 
 2 
 2 
 1 
 1 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 1 
 
 2 
 1 
 2 
 2 
 2 
 
 Total 
 
 625 
 
 743 
 
 730 
 
 22 
 
 2 This table and tal)les X, XI, XII, and XIII were compiled from the County 
 Superintendent's report to the State Superintendent. This report is not pub- 
 lished in extenso. 
 
40 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 The next two tables show how the pupils are distributed in the 
 grades: 
 
 Table XI. 
 
 School 
 
 White Schools. 
 
 GRADES 
 12 3 4 
 
 Winterville 12 16 11 88 
 
 Buchanon 11 4 2 8 
 
 Tuckston 13 4 4 2 
 
 Belmont 4 3 4 
 
 Centerville 11 1 7 8 
 
 Princeton 29 15 10 11 
 
 Hinton Brown 6 5 8 5 
 
 Hodges 10 8 11 2 
 
 Fowlers 10 3 6 4 
 
 Normal Rural 18 7 7 11 
 
 Oconee Heights 16 14 12 15 
 
 Lamkins 8 7 9 7 
 
 Barberville 5 7 8 4 
 
 Bethaven 112 2 
 
 11 
 
 4 
 6 
 4 
 6 
 9 
 4 
 2 
 8 
 
 10 
 
 13 12 13 13 11 
 
 1 
 10 
 1 
 2 
 1 
 3 
 3 
 4 
 
 Total 
 
 154 92 100 91 67 40 30 14 13 11 
 
 School 
 
 Table XII. 
 
 Colored Schools. 
 
 GRADES 
 12 3 4 
 
 10 
 
 Model and Training 69 42 34 29 12 
 
 Midway 48 46 49 18 15 
 
 Oak Grove 12 11 10 10 5 
 
 Billups Grove 25 7 11 3 
 
 St. Lukes 18 20 18 22 5 
 
 Mortons Chapel 56 19 20 18 7 
 
 Macedonia 20 16 15 12 1 
 
 Allenville 30 14 10 7 
 
 Timothy 22 7 14 1 
 
 Chestnut Grove 67 18 12 7 8 
 
 Brooklyn 47 7 4 7 
 
 Mt. Sinai 20 10 8 24 10 
 
 St. James 74 22 14 19 13 
 
 Shiloh 57 18 16 5 3 
 
 13 
 3 
 
 2 
 4 
 1 
 
 Total 385 257 212 185 80 39 8 
 
 Two of the white schools ran nine months, three ran seven 
 months, and one six. The other white schools had no local aid and 
 ran only for five months, the length of the public or free school 
 term. Only one colored school had a term longer than five months, 
 and this school's term was nine months. 
 
 The next table gives the number of children of school age, by 
 races, in the militia districts of the county. 
 
RURAL SURVEY OF CLARKE COUNTY, GEORGIA. 41 
 
 
 
 Table Xin. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 School 
 
 Ceii.sus, 
 
 1913. 
 
 
 
 
 Districts 
 
 
 White 
 
 
 
 Negro 
 
 
 Grand 
 
 
 Male. Female. Total. 
 
 Male. Female. 
 
 Total. 
 
 Total. 
 
 Athens 
 
 55 
 
 73 
 
 128 
 
 55 
 
 65 
 
 120 
 
 248 
 
 Bradberrys 
 
 31 
 
 38 
 
 69 
 
 77 
 
 71 
 
 148 
 
 217 
 
 Buck Branch 
 
 100 
 
 96 
 
 196 
 
 180 
 
 205 
 
 385 
 
 581 
 
 Kinneys 
 
 62 
 
 59 
 
 121 
 
 101 
 
 90 
 
 191 
 
 312 
 
 Princeton 
 
 57 
 
 45 
 
 102 
 
 56 
 
 84 
 
 140 
 
 242 
 
 Puryears 
 
 22 
 
 20 
 
 42 
 
 125 
 
 125 
 
 250 
 
 292 
 
 Sandy Creek 
 
 37 
 
 34 
 
 71 
 
 109 
 
 124 
 
 233 
 
 304 
 
 Georgia Factory 
 
 79 
 
 91 
 
 170 
 
 49 
 
 46 
 
 95 
 
 265 
 
 Total 443 456 899 752 810 1562 2461 
 
 In Georgia, "school age" means from 6 to 18 years of age. The 
 table shows that there are nearly twice as many Negro children of 
 school age in the county as tliere are white. The figures for the 
 Athens District are for the rural part of that district, outside the 
 city limits. Puryear's District has only 4 2 white children of school 
 age, and, as a good many of them do not attend school, it is hard 
 for the Belmont school to keep going. Some of the people send 
 their children to Winterville. 
 
 Comparison of the races with regard to school attendance. 
 
 Of the 899 white children of school age, 638 are enrolled in the 
 schools, and the average attendance is 421. Thirty of these chil- 
 dren attend school in other counties; of the total, 70.9 per cent, 
 are enrolled, and 65.9 of those enrolled is the average attendance. 
 Forty-nine and two-tenths per cent, of those enrolled are boys. 
 Of the 1562 Negro children, 1381, or 88.4 per cent, are enrolled, 
 but the average attendance is only 737, 53.4 per cent, of those 
 enrolled. Forty-eight and one-tenth per cent, of those enrolled are 
 boys. Eleven of the Negro children attend school outside of the 
 county. A large per cent, of the Negro children are enrolled, but 
 the white children attend school more regularly than the Negroes. 
 The per cent, of negro children enrolled in the schools is remark- 
 ably large, and it would seem from the figures that the Negroes 
 are more anxious to send their children to school than the whites 
 are. The poor attendance on the part of the Negroes is due to the 
 fact that their parents need their help on the farm. But this is 
 not always the case, for the Negroes do not seem to appreciate the 
 value of regular attendance, apparently not understanding that a 
 child's schooling does not amount to much when he attends fitfully. 
 Some of the white children are probably kept out of school alto- 
 gether to work on the farms, but the white people as a whole are 
 not as dependent on their children's help as the Negroes. The per- 
 centage of white children enrolled in the schools ought to be as 
 good as that of the Negro children, if not better. Some children 
 
42 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 of both races, too small to be of much use at home, are kept out 
 of school, but as a rule it is the larger ones, whose help is valuable 
 to their parents in working the crops. 
 
 Illiteracy.^ 
 
 Exclusive of the city of Athens, 24.9 per cent, of the population 
 of Clarke County, above the age of 10 years, was reported as 
 illiterate by the Census of 1910. There are 200 illiterate whites, 
 or 9.2 per cent, of the population included in this age group; and 
 1306 Negroes, or 34.7 per cent, of those ten years old and over. 
 The total number of illiterates in both races was 1506, for the 
 entire county. 
 
 5. Funds for support of the schools. 
 
 Lack of funds makes the maintenance of the county school system 
 a very difficult matter. The money paid by the state for the com- 
 mon schools is not sufficient to pay adequate salaries to the teach- 
 ers, and meet other school expenses. Furthermore, this money is 
 never paid promptly. Rather than make the teachers >vait months 
 for their pay, the county board borrows money and pays them. The 
 interest on this money borrowed during the year 1913 was $267.40, 
 a sum which would have gone far towards improving the school 
 buildings and grounds of some schools. In the days when the 
 county sold whiskey through a dispensary at Athens, the school 
 system was well maintained, the teachers were paid good salaries, 
 and were paid promptly. At the time the dispensary was abolished, 
 the county had $13,000 available, not having used all the money 
 paid by the state to the county for schools. To run the schools 
 with money made from the sale of whiskey was a strange way to 
 educate children, but schools cannot be run without money. This 
 school fund has been used up, and the schools get no money now 
 except from the State, as local tax has been defeated. Two districts 
 were in favor of local county tax, but after investigating the matter 
 the people of these districts decided against local district tax. The 
 state law on local district tax is extremely unsatisfactory. The 
 district must elect two officers, a secretary and a treasurer, the 
 latter under bond. The district local tax is collected by the county 
 tax collector and turned over to the district treasurer. The County 
 School Superintendent gives the district treasurer the district's 
 share of the county's school fund, and the treasurer pays the teach- 
 ers in his district, but the Superintendent controls the schools, as 
 in the other districts. The district officers report all corporations 
 in their district to the Comptroller General of the State, who col- 
 lects the tax on them and sends the money to the treasurer. The 
 
 a The Census of 1900 did not report illiteracy for the County exclusive of 
 Athens City, so it is impossible to say how much illiteracy declined in the rural 
 part of the' County duriui;- the last ten years. 
 
RURAL SURVEY OF CLARKE COUNTY, GEORGIA. 
 
 43 
 
 two district officers have to make a quarterly report to the State 
 Superintendent of Schools on the condition of the schools in the 
 district. All the treasurer receives for his work is a small per- 
 centage of the money handled by him. The districts have not been 
 able to find men willing to undertake this work. 
 
 6. High Schools. 
 
 The only high school in the county, outside of Athens, is the 
 Winterville school for whites. This school has ten grades, each 
 of the five teachers having charge of two grades. All the teachers 
 
 AVhite iluu'ch and 
 
 ■licKil on the Lexington road, the line lietween I'nr.vear's 
 and Biu-k Branch Districts. 
 
 are college graduates. Besides the pupils from Winterville, this 
 school has pupils in attendance from Buck Branch, Georgia Factory, 
 and Puryear's Districts, and from Oglethorpe County. Winterville 
 is an incorporated town, but there is no municipal school tax levied. 
 However, the people of Winterville and the patrons support the 
 school very loyally. In order to supplement the school fund so as 
 to have a nine months session, scholarships are sold at $ir).00 
 apiece. Each patron is supposed to purchase a scholarship for 
 every child of his in school. Those unable to do this, pay what 
 they can, and the well-to-do people buy extra scholarships. Several 
 citizens who have no children in school subscribe for scholarships 
 in order to make up the necessary amount. 
 
 The school has a playground of two acres. The school house is 
 a frame structure, having six rooms. It needs repainting, and the 
 
44 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 blinds should be repaired. The rooms are artificially lighted witli 
 swinging lamps. All the rooms are fitted Avith patent school desks. 
 The school building has been used for school fairs, but the pupils 
 hold their public exercises in the town auditorium. The present 
 building is too small, and ought to be replaced by a brick structure, 
 having a larger seating capacity, and a school auditorium. 
 
 7. Organizations, 
 
 One serious defect in the county schools is the lack of organiza- 
 tion among the pupils and patrons. Only one white school reported 
 a parent-teachers' association. As a rule, though, every school has 
 one trustee who takes an active interest in school affairs, and looks 
 after repairs on the schoolhouse. 
 
 8. Facilities for recreation. Libraries. 
 
 Another striking defect is the absence of recreational facilities. 
 The Model and Training school and the Normal Rural are the only 
 schoools having any play-ground apparatus to speak of. The play- 
 grounds of the other schools are woefully lacking in this respect. 
 Most of the grounds are either too small or too rough for ball games. 
 
 Six of the white schools have so-called libraries. One teacher of 
 a white school having no library lends the children books. The 
 Winterville school has a library of 550 books, especially selected 
 for the different grades. The Normal Rural has an excellent little 
 library of 50 books. The other school libraries range from 12 to 75 
 books. One teacher said that her school library was a good one, 
 but was not of much use to the school, as most of the pupils were 
 in the lower grades, and the books were too advanced for them. 
 Only two colored schools have libraries, but one of these is unusual- 
 ly well selected. The other consists of 30 books, some of them 
 text books. 
 
 9. School rules and regulations. 
 
 The school term of those schools having no local aid begins 
 January fourth. In thirteen of the colored schools, and in some of 
 the white schools, the session is divided into a winter term of three 
 months and a summer one of two. The County Board of Educa- 
 tion determines when the summer session of each school shall begin, 
 after considering local conditions. The maximum and minimum 
 number of pupils in any school is left to the superintendent, but 
 no teacher is allowed to enroll more than the maximum number, or 
 continue the school after the attendance falls below the minimum, 
 usually 20. Each teacher is required to keep a register. Any pupil 
 absent from school two consecutive days during any school month, 
 except for unavoidable cause, may be suspended. Pupils are not 
 allowed to change schools during the term, except with the super- 
 intendent's consent. Pupils of school age, living in adjoining 
 
RURAL SURVEY OF CLARKE COUNTY, GEORGIA. 45 
 
 counties, may attend a school in Clarlte, provided there is no public 
 school in their own county, nearer their residence; but teachers 
 have to keep a separate register for their names, and teachers are 
 not paid by the Clarke County Board for these pupils. Pupils are 
 required to attend the school nearest their residence. Teachers are 
 required to open their schools by 9 A. M., sun time, and to engage 
 in actual work with their pupils not less than six hours each day. 
 Pupils are not allowed to attend school unless they have the nec- 
 essary books. Schools houses belonging to the county cannot be 
 used for other than school purposes except by permission of the 
 board. "Patrons are expected to furnish fuel and other necessary 
 articles and supplies for the use of the school, and to make and 
 pay for such repairs, as may be needed to schoolhouse or furniture." 
 
 10. Results of the School Questionnaire. 
 
 Most of the information obtained from the questionnaire for 
 schools has already been used. One of the objects of this question- 
 naire was to find out what preparation the teachers have had for 
 their work. Five of the white teachers are college graduates, and 
 three are normal graduates. Eight are graduates of high schools, 
 and three of these have attended college. Three teachers, not 
 high school graduates, have attended normal schools and colleges. 
 Three teachers hold high school licenses, or professional certificates; 
 eighteen hold general elementary licenses. Eleven teachers have 
 attended summer school. The others teach during the summer, 
 and hence cannot attend. 
 
 Three of the colored teachers are college graduates, three are 
 normal graduates, and nine are graduates of high schools. Two 
 reported that they had completed the eight grades of grammar 
 school. Six hold general elementary licenses, and eighteen hold 
 primary licenses. Four colored teachers have attended summer 
 school. 
 
 Another object of the questionnaire was to ascertain the size 
 of the school grounds, and what the sanitary conditions at the 
 various schools were. One of the white schools has three acres, 
 and can get more land when it is needed. Five schools have two 
 acres each; seven have an acre apiece, and one has only three- 
 fifths of an acre. One of the colored schools has four acres; 
 four have two acre grounds; two have one and one-half; two 
 have three-fourths of an acre, and one has only half an acre. 
 Ten of the white schools have two outhouses, and the other four 
 schools have one. Four Negro schools have no outhouses of 
 any sort. These schools are held in churches. One negro school 
 has a double toilet, consisting of a frail shack with a partition in it, 
 and used by both boys and girls. Toilets of this kind work for 
 
4 6 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 immorality and are worse than none at all.^ Three Negro schools 
 have one outhouse, and the remaining four have two each. In the 
 case of one white school, the school grounds are so small that the 
 toilets are too near the school building. Most of the toilets are not 
 kept in a sanitary condition. This statement applies to both the 
 white and colored schools. The cause of this neglect may be ascrib- 
 ed to the fact that there is no provision for having them looked 
 after. In some cases, the teacher hires a man to do this work, and 
 at some schools a local trustee has the toilets cleaned. As a rule, 
 the school toilets are the poorest type of privies, unpainted, and 
 some of them are almost ready to fall down. 
 
 Eight white teachers answered the question about supervised 
 play by saying that they did supervise the children's play. This 
 means that they stay on the grounds at every recess. Four white 
 teachers reported that they played with the children at times, or 
 gave occasional supervision. One white teacher suggests new 
 games, and directs the play of the children. One white teacher said 
 that she supervised the play of the younger children. The Model 
 and Training school was the only colored school that reported reg- 
 ular supervision. Three colored teachers play with the children, 
 particularly the younger ones, and three reported some supervision 
 of play. 
 
 On the question of schools as social centers, seven white schools 
 reported that the school house was used for some purpose out of 
 school hours. The use made of the schools is occasional, not reg- 
 ular, being generally for school entertainments to raise money. 
 One school building is used as a union meeting house, and one is 
 used as a Sunday School. The colored schools housed in churches 
 are, of course, used for church and Sunday School purposes. One 
 colored school house is used for lodge meetings. 
 
 11. Comments on the school situation. 
 
 The investigator questioned teachers, local trustees, and patrons, 
 to learn what criticism they had to make of the schools. Many 
 of the colored local trustees said they considered it a mistake to 
 divide the short school term, but they did not see any way to avoid 
 it, as most of the patrons would take their children out of school 
 to help with the spring planting. All of the trustees were in favor 
 of having at least seven months school, but most of them thought 
 that two of these would have to be the months of .July and August. 
 The trustees of those schools held in churches thought that the 
 most urgent need was a school building, so that the children could 
 have desks instead of benches, and good blackboards. It was point- 
 ed out by several trustees that the large, two-teacher schools should 
 have a partition put in them. One trustee said that the schools 
 
 ■* Weatherford. W. D.. Present Forces in Negrro Progress, p. 122. 
 
RURAL SURVEY OF CLARKE COUNTY-, GEORGIA. 4 7 
 
 ought to have better teachers, but that they had fairly good ones, 
 considering what the teachers were paid. Another suggested that 
 some plan be adopted to keep the teachers from moving from one 
 school to another so often. 
 
 The white trustees all said that they considered the school session 
 given by the state entirely too short, and a number of them ex- 
 pressed the opinion that it was the duty of the patrons to supple- 
 ment the school fund, so that every school would have a seven 
 months, or, if possible, a nine months, term. Opinion was divided 
 as to whether the term would have to be divided into a winter and 
 summer session, but the majority was in favor of a continuous 
 session. One trustee of a county line school said that each county 
 ought to furnish a teacher, or else Clarke ought to furnish two, 
 and another room be added to the school house. Two stated that 
 the school grounds were too bare and unattractive, and that the 
 patrons ought to plant them out in shrubs. These two also said 
 that the school houses needed repairs. 
 
 On the whole, it must be admitted that the schools of Clarke 
 County, white and black, are inadequate. This is due to the fact 
 that the people of the county depend wholly on the state appropria- 
 tion for schools, which is insufficient to sustain an effective system. 
 In two elections the people of Clarke have refused to authorize local 
 taxation for schools. No improvement is to be expected until the 
 public conscience on this subject is aroused. An effort was made 
 two years ago to introduce the "county unit" idea. Under the 
 terms of the proposed arrangement, the administration of the city 
 and rural schools was to have been combined, the term in the rural 
 sections raised from five to nine months, and other improvements 
 made. This scheme was defeated at the polls by the united action 
 of property owners in the city of Athens, who disliked the extra 
 tax involved, and of country people, who feared they might become 
 liable for the educational bonds of Athens. The rural sections, 
 furthermore, were opposed to surrendering the control of their 
 schools, as was represented to them would be the case should the 
 new system be adopted. It is said that even the tenant class oppose 
 local taxation for schools, believing that the tax would eventually 
 fall on them in the shape of increased rent, a groundless assumption, 
 as the landlords are far from being in a position to raise rents 
 arbitrarily. 
 
 When the teachers were asked how much cooperation they re- 
 ceived from the patrons, very different replies were made. For 
 instance, one teacher said, "They cooperate with me as much as 
 I have any right to expect; I never ask for anything without getting 
 it," while another replied, "The school patrons seem inclined to 
 work against me, rather than with me; they do not want their 
 children disciplined." Other replies were: "They help me to secure 
 regular attendance"; "At times they meet to discuss the school's 
 
48 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 needs"; "I get some cooperation, but all my pupils are from tenant 
 families, and they do not feel any permanent interest in the school." 
 All' these replies were made by white teachers. One of the colored 
 teachers answered, "The parents do not make the children attend 
 school as they should. The attendance falls off most as the end of 
 the term approaches." Another said, "No, the patrons do not co- 
 operate with me much, except by contributing ten cents a month 
 for crayon and other supplies." 
 
RURAL SURVEY OF CLARKE COUNTY, GEORGIA. 49 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 RELIGIOUS AND SOCIAL CONDITIONS. 
 
 A. Religious Conditions. 
 
 1. Number of Churches. 
 
 Active. 
 
 In Clarke County, outside the city of Atliens, there are 17 colored 
 and 8 white churches. Of the white churches, two are on the 
 county line, and have members living in other counties. As there 
 are two white Methodist churches and one white Baptist church 
 over the line in other counties, with congregations made up partly 
 of people living in Clarke, these were regarded as belonging to 
 Clarke, and the county may be said to have eleven white churches. 
 
 Dormant. 
 
 Two colored churches are practically dormant, as one has no regu- 
 lar pastor, and only occasional services, while the other has become 
 a mission church with only a dozen members. Several of the 
 white churches are not gaining in their already small membership. 
 
 Dead. 
 
 There are two dead churches in the county, one white and the 
 other colored. The white church died because it was built in a 
 community already supplied with churches, and the failure of the 
 colored church was due to the fact that it was a "family affair," 
 that is to say, was founded by a family of one denomination in a 
 settlement made up of people of another denomination. Such 
 churches are foredoomed to failure through lack of sustaining 
 membership. One white church has within recent years been moved 
 over the county line into Madison County. Four white churches 
 have died out in Clarke inside of the last twenty-seven years. ^ 
 This was probably due to the movement to town which has been 
 going on in Georgia, and to the increase of absentee landlordism 
 and Negro tenancy in Clarke County. 
 
 3. Churches and population. 
 
 Outside of Athens there is a white church for every 185 persons, 
 and a colored church for every 3 08 persons. The white churches 
 have a total membership of 1041, and the Negro churches 2486. 
 Hence 42.9 per cent, of the whites and 50.4 per cent, of the Negroes 
 attend church in the county. Practically all the Negroes claimed 
 membership in some church, but when asked where their church 
 was located, the investigator would often be told that it was "way 
 
 1 Home and Farmstead, Athens, Ga., Vol. XTI. No. 33, p. 3. 
 
50 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 down in Oglethorpe." The Negroes are very loath to move their 
 membership from one church to another. So when they migrate to 
 Clarke from other counties, they keep their membership in the old 
 church, and attend services at churches near their new home. One 
 clerk of a Negro church was found in another district from that 
 in which his church was located, several miles away from the 
 church. There were three churches of his denomination nearer 
 his home than the one with which he was affiliated. The white 
 "mill" churches suffer from the same trouble. One white church 
 in a mill settlement was carrying the names of twenty-five persons 
 
 
 
 '«^'.*-^ 
 
 
 |5^ ^- 
 
 Negro Methodist church in Sandy Creek District. 12 members. The membership 
 of this church was depleted by emigration to Arljansas and Mississippi. 
 
 on its roll who had moved to another mill and were attending 
 another church. 
 
 The figures showing the membership in Clarke County churches, 
 by race, are apt to be deceptive unless other factors than number 
 and size of churches are considered. Besides being the smallest 
 county in Georgia, Clarke has an excellent road system, and both 
 whites and Negroes attend church in Athens, as well as in other 
 counties. There are a number of both white and colored churches 
 in other counties not far from the line of Clarke. The white people, 
 especially, attend churches in Bogart, Oconee County; Arnoldsville, 
 in Oglethorpe; and in Hull, Madison County. 
 
RURAL SURVEY OF CLARKE COUNTY, GEORGIA. 51 
 
 4. Denominations; relative strength. 
 
 The prevailing denomination among the white people is the 
 Methodist; and among the colored people, the Baptist. All but 
 three of the eleven white churches are Methodist; while fourteen 
 of the seventeen colored churches are Baptist. Of the other 
 three Negro churches, two are Methodist and one is a Primitive 
 Baptist. Eleven of the fourteen Negro Baptist churches are in the 
 "Jeruel Association," which supports the Jeruel Academy at Athens. 
 The other three Negro Baptist churches in the county are in the 
 "Northwestern Association," which contributes money to a Negro 
 Industrial school at Monroe, Ga. One of the white Baptist churches 
 is in the "Appalachee Association," and the other two are in the 
 "Sarepta Association." 
 
 5. Preachers. 
 
 None of the white churches has a pastor on full time. Two of 
 them have pastors serving one other church; five have pastors 
 serving two others; and four have pastors with three other churches 
 under their charge. Of the seventeen colored churches, five have 
 pastors on half time; six have pastors serving two other churches, 
 or on one-third time; and six have pastors with three other churches 
 to look after, or on one-fourth time. In addition to the regular 
 preachers, the Negroes have a good many vounteer or lay preachers. 
 The colored churches suffer from dissension, which frequently re- 
 sults in the secession of part of the members and the forming of 
 another church. It will be noticed that while there is a large 
 number of colored churches, considering the size and population 
 of the county, four have less than a hundred members. Some of 
 these should be combined so as to have services three Sundays 
 every month, if not four. 
 
 While there is doubtless much foundation for the oft-repeated 
 charge that the Negro preachers are lax in their personal morality, 
 yet some of the Negro preachers in this county hold a high position 
 in their church community, and are landowners, setting their people 
 a good example by their thrift. One Negro preacher was found who 
 had served his church twenty-five years, and was held in high esteem 
 by the members of his congregation. The Negroes show a disposi- 
 tion to favor the preacher who can put on the "rousements" and 
 get the congregation to a high pitch of emotion. 
 
 6. Church statistics. 
 
 The following tables, obtained from the ministers and secretaries 
 of the various organizations, give in succinct form the principal 
 facts bearing on the church situation. 
 
52 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 Table XVI. 
 Wliite Churches, Methodist. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 ■;:- 
 
 
 2a ■ 
 
 Name of 
 Church 
 
 ■M 
 
 
 rr. 
 
 ■f. 
 
 ' 
 
 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 0/ 
 
 
 O -^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 Oi 
 
 i--i 
 
 
 
 V 
 
 '-■J^ 
 
 •- _i 
 
 
 00 
 
 o 
 
 
 Ci 
 
 S, 
 
 %l 
 
 .s S 
 
 - S 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 »i^ 
 
 r^A 
 
 'ji 
 
 K&. 
 
 '-^ rf. 
 
 ■>:<-. 
 
 Temple 
 
 Pur. 
 
 $800 
 
 30 
 
 50 
 
 $115 
 
 1(3) 
 
 
 30 
 
 Boggs Chapel 
 
 Kin. 
 
 1,600 
 
 20 
 
 40 
 
 400 
 
 1(2) 
 
 2 
 
 40 
 
 Tuckston 
 
 B. B. 
 
 1,000 
 
 15 
 
 87 
 
 
 1(1) 
 
 
 45 
 
 Whitehall 
 
 Ga. F. 
 
 1,100 
 
 35 
 
 75 
 
 125 
 
 1(2) 
 
 
 40 
 
 Princeton 
 
 Prin. 
 
 1,000 
 
 18 
 
 70 
 
 225 
 
 2(4) 
 
 
 75 
 
 Winterville 
 
 B. B. 
 
 5,500 
 
 20 
 
 200 
 
 1,100 
 
 2(4) 
 
 2 
 
 100 
 
 Cherokee Corner 
 
 Pur. 
 
 400 
 
 40 
 
 100 
 
 325 
 
 1(2) 
 
 
 
 Li 
 
 30 
 
 Prospect 
 
 Kin. 
 
 1,500 
 
 20 
 
 220 
 
 302 
 
 1(2) 
 
 
 40 
 
 
 
 Table XVII. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Wliite Vh 
 
 urches 
 
 , Baptist. 
 
 
 
 
 Name of 
 
 
 
 V- 
 
 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 Churcli 
 
 
 ^-1 
 S 
 
 0) 
 
 
 \^^ 
 
 'Sf, 
 
 .a .2 
 
 
 
 s 
 
 p 
 
 < 
 
 
 'fi 
 
 11 
 
 .§1 
 
 - 2 
 k!3 
 
 Edwards Chapel 
 
 Prin. 
 
 1,200 
 
 10 
 
 66 
 
 $100 
 
 1(3) 
 
 
 50 
 
 Winterville 
 
 B. B. 
 
 2,290 
 
 28 
 
 198 
 
 225 
 
 1(3) 
 
 2 
 
 100 
 
 Corinth 
 
 Pur. 
 
 600 
 
 27 
 
 55 
 
 125 
 
 1(2) 
 
 1 
 
 35 
 
 Table XVIII. 
 Colored Churches, Baptist. 
 
 Is nine of 
 ("hurch 
 
 5 
 
 o 
 o 
 
 Clj 
 
 a tt) 
 
 ^■x 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 1 
 1 
 1 
 
 o 
 o 
 
 =j.a 
 
 x. 
 
 Central B. B. 1,000 22 200 $25 1 
 
 Shiloh B. B. 800 30 140 175 1 
 
 Morton's Chapel Pur. 1,020 15 400 180 1 
 
 Bethel S. C. 600 20 50 75 1(3) 
 
 New Grove B. B. 1,500 20 237 185 1(2) 
 
 New Shiloh S. C. 700 10 65 140 1 
 
 St. James Kin. 575 Va 180 125 1(2) 
 
 Thankful Prin. 300 20 52 75 2 
 
 Mt. Pleasant Ath. 800 2 160 2 
 
 Billups Grove B. B. 400 1 15 150 1(2) 
 
 Timothy Prin. 100 15 104 150 1 
 
 Chestnut Grove Prin. 1,000 8 163 125 1(2) 
 
 St. Mary's S. C. 1.500 15 150 125 1(3) 
 
 Mt. Sinai -- -- 
 
 * The first figure uiclicates the number of Sundays in the month on which services 
 
 wore lu'ld. The fi.nuro in jtarentliesis shows tlio total number of services held. 
 
 35 
 60 
 100 
 30 
 75 
 35 
 40 
 30 
 30 
 55 
 25 
 25 
 35 
 
RURAL SURVEY OF CLARKE COUNTY, GEORGIA. 53 
 
 Table XIX, 
 Colored Churches, Methodist. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 
 d 
 
 
 
 
 %a 
 
 Xame of 
 Church 
 
 •ict. 
 erty. 
 
 «3 
 
 3 
 
 .2 
 
 k. 
 
 a bi 
 
 
 O -3 
 
 
 Disti 
 Prop 
 
 be 
 < 
 
 a 
 
 f— 1 
 
 
 
 "ga 
 ^3 
 
 St. Luke's 
 
 Pur. $1,000 
 
 20 
 
 70 
 
 $200 
 
 2(4) 
 
 1 
 
 45 
 
 Johnstown 
 
 S. C. 500 
 
 13 
 
 12 
 
 72 
 
 2(2) 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 Primitive Baptist. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Mount Perry 
 
 S. C. 500 
 
 10 
 
 30 
 
 29 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 The social conditions existing in tlie several districts of the 
 county are, of course, affected by the distribution of the white and 
 Negro population. In the blackest district of the county there is 
 only one white school, which is not expected to open next year, and 
 all the white churches have died. In this district, as might be 
 expected, are located the strongest Baptist and Methodist colored 
 churches in the county, and two good colored schools. In the white 
 districts the colored churches are weaker, and the schools are not 
 as good as where the Negroes are in the majority. Absentee land- 
 lordism and tenancy have had the effect of making the rural dis- 
 tricts blacker, and this has not helped social conditions among the 
 whites. There has been a movement to town among the Negroes, 
 but in Clarke County it has been more marked in the case of the 
 whites. The tenants on absentee-owned farms are usually Negroes, 
 and the movement of the white tenant class to the cotton mills has 
 helped to decrease the white rural population. 
 
 The county is sadly deficient in the matter of organized recrea- 
 tion. The only social organization among the whites is a Dramatic 
 Club at Winterville. The custom of going to Athens every Satur- 
 day, except in the spring when the farmers are pushed for time, 
 is followed by both races. The trip is a very easy one to make 
 from almost every point in the county. Among the negroes, the 
 favorite forms of recreation, especially during "laying-by time" are 
 "visiting around," fishing and hunting (only in season, according 
 to reports), going to Athens and other towns, attending lodge meet- 
 ings, school "performances," and baseball games. 
 
 The housing conditions among the Negro tenants, and in some 
 cases, among the landowners, are very bad. The Negro tenant 
 house seldom has more than four rooms, and usually two or three. 
 This means that the families are crowded in many cases, two or 
 more persons must occupy one room. Many of the tenant houses 
 are built without weatherboarding, and very few are painted. The 
 
54 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 The old style of Negro cabin, built of hewn logs. This type of house is passing 
 out of existence, but many of the "boarded up" tenant houses are little better. 
 
 Common type of Negro tenant house. 
 
RURAL SURVEY OF CLARKE COUNTY, GEORGIA. 55 
 
 yards are often littered up with trash, and the sanitary conditions 
 leave much to be desired. A very pleasing contrast is offered by 
 the homes of the Negro landowners, many of them having well- 
 kept premises. But in spite of the difficulties under which the 
 Negro tenants labor, they are undoubtedly better off than the rent- 
 ing class in town, since they are not crowded together in dirty 
 settlements, but have plenty of space and fresh air to offset the 
 poor housing conditions. 
 
 Typical home of Negro landowuer iu Saudy Creek District. 
 
 The Negro lodges. 
 
 The lodges having the largest membership among the country 
 Negroes in Clarke County are the Odd Fellows, Knights of Pythias, 
 United Gospel Aid Society, Good Samaritans, Masonic, and the 
 Independent Benevolent Order. The Masonic, Odd Fellows, United 
 Gospel Aid, and the "I. B. O." are best represented, most of the 
 lodge halls in the county outside of Athens being the property of 
 one of these organizations. The members of the other societies 
 usually belong to a lodge in Athens. The dues paid per month by 
 members depend on the amount of insurance carried, and usually 
 range between 25 and 85 cents. The "sick benefits" paid to members 
 who are thrown out of work on account of sickness is nearly always 
 $3.00 a week, though in a few cases less. Fifty cents a month is 
 
5 6 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 the amount of dues the Negroes generally pay to carry this in- 
 surance. The amount paid by the lodge on the death of a member 
 in good standing is $300 in the case of practically all the lodges, 
 but this depends on how long the membership has been carried, 
 and what dues have been paid. The country lodges are not as 
 strong as those in town, for the country Negro is not so conhrmed 
 a "joiner" as is the town Negro. The explanation of this is that 
 in the country the longer distance which has to be covered at night 
 in order to attend a meeting furnishes a serious drawback. Then, 
 too, the tenant farmer does not have as much ready money through- 
 out the year as the wage earner in town, and finds it harder to pay 
 his dues. 
 
 Meeting of the Corn Club at the Model aiul Training Scliool. 
 
 Cooperation among Negroes for acquiring land. 
 
 In 1900 an educated and intelligent colored woman, Mrs. Judia C. 
 Jackson Harris, wife of a teacher in the Athens City Schools, in- 
 augurated a settlement scheme in Sandy Creek district, which has 
 proved a uniquely successful and significant undertaking. Mrs. 
 Harris entered a neighborhood of negro renters, none of whom 
 owned land or home, and induced a group of them to organize a 
 Mutual Benefit Society for the purchase of land and the development 
 of a healthy rural settlement. The first club contained ten members. 
 They paid in $100 in cash in 1900 and obtained bond for title to a 
 tract of forty acres (later increased to fifty-five acres), the purchase 
 
RURAL SURVEY OF CLARKE COUNTY, GEORGIA. 57 
 
 price being $350 for the forty acres. In 1908, all payments having 
 been made and title having been secured to the land, the tract was 
 divided among the members, eacli receiving an amount proportionate 
 to the sum he had contributed. 
 
 A second club of seven members was organized in 1903 for the 
 purchase of a tract of thirty-two acres at $2 5 per acre. A third 
 club, formed in 1906 with seven members, purchased sixty-five acres 
 at $23.50 per acre. In both cases the purchase price was paid in 
 accordance with the terms agreed upon and a satisfactory division 
 of the property made. Two other clubs have since been organized. 
 The total amount of land acquired to date is 440 acres, the total 
 amount paid out is $3,330. 
 
 A group of landowning farmers has thus been created. The story, 
 however, does not end here. Mrs. Harris succeeded in enlisting out- 
 side aid and has erected the school already described as the Rural 
 Model and Training School, by far the best rural school in the 
 county. A model cottage was also built as a residence for the 
 originator of the plan. The school and home form the nucleus of 
 the community, which has been named "Settlement." Fifteen of 
 the new landowners have erected neat homes. The school is well 
 supported by the community and now has an enrollment of 244 in 
 nine grades. In addition to the regular studies, work is given in 
 domestic science and elementary agricultural science. 
 
 The homeowners of Settlement are adapting themselves readily 
 to advanced ideas of cooperation in other ways than the buying of 
 land. They own a cooperative saw mill, a cotton gin and a thresh- 
 ing machine. Both men and boys have been organized into Corn 
 Clubs to encourage the development of this important crop, so gen- 
 erally neglected by Negroes. 
 
 It would be difficult to overestimate the value of this experiment 
 in cooperation. It serves as an inspiration to the county and state. 
 The general condition of afffvirs in the community is a powerful 
 commentary on the social value of changing shiftless renters to 
 responsible landowners. 
 
58 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 APPENDIX A. 
 Table No. 1 . A'alue of Farms and Farm Property, Clarke County, 1910. 
 
 Land $2,444,057 
 
 Land in 1900 627,450 
 
 Buildings 713,245 
 
 Buildings in 1900 271,240 
 
 Implements and machinery 129,595 
 
 Implements and machinery in 1900 48,460 
 
 Domestic animals, poultry, etc 358,116 
 
 Domestic animals, poultry, etc., 1900 110,142 
 
 Per cent, of Value of all Property in: 
 
 Land 67.1 
 
 Buildings l^.Q 
 
 Implements and machinery 3.6 
 
 Domestic animals, poultry, etc 9.7 
 
 Average Values (Number of all farms, 1,382) : 
 
 All property per farm 2,637 
 
 Land and buildings per farm 2,285 
 
 Land per acre 36.40 
 
 Land per acre in 1900 10.23 
 
 Table Xo. 2. Size of Farms. 
 
 Per cent, of all Per cent, of all 
 
 Size of Farms farms operated by farms operated by 
 
 White Farmers Colored Farmers 
 
 19 acres or less 26.7 26.6 
 
 20—49 acres 34.3 49.2 
 
 50 — 99 acres 20.3 17.3 
 
 100 — 174 acres H.l 5.6 
 
 175 — 259 acres 4.2 1.1 
 
 260 — 499 acres 2.0 .2 
 
 500 — 999 acres 1.4 .0 
 
 Table No. 3. Tenure of Farms. 
 
 Per Cent, of All Farms 
 Operated by 
 
 White Colored 
 
 Owners 37.6 14.1 
 
 Part owners 7.2 7.7 
 
 Renters 22.8 37.1 
 
 Share tenants 32.4 41.1 
 
 Table No. 4. Value of Live Stock on the Farms. 
 
 Cattle: 
 
 Total Number --- 2,479 
 
 Dairy cows 1.516 
 
 Other cows 224 
 
 Other cattle 1.479 
 
 Value $56,114 
 
 Horses ^^^ 
 
 Value $94,325 
 
 Mules 1.155 
 
 Value $181,035 
 
 Swine 2,177 
 
 Value $15,915 
 
 Sheep 112 
 
RURAL SURVEY OP CLARKE COUNTY, GEORGIA. 59 
 
 Value $484 
 
 Number of poultry of all kinds 18,137 
 
 Value $9^028 
 
 Number of colonies of bees 348 
 
 Value $674 
 
 Table No. 5. Yield and Acreage of Principal Crops. 
 
 Acres Yield 
 
 Corn 9,172 105,100 bushels 
 
 Oats 1,930 34,404 
 
 Wheat 687 6,106 
 
 Rye 20 222 " 
 
 Potatoes 204 19,277 
 
 Hay and forage 3,202 3,698 tons 
 
 Cotton 23,207 9,346 bales 
 
 Dry peas 541 1,897 bushels 
 
 Sorghum cane 56 296 tons 
 
 Table No. 6. Farm Expenses. 
 
 Labor — Farms reporting 564 
 
 Cash expended $59,256 
 
 Rent and board furnished 25,457 
 
 Feed — - Farms reporting 416 
 
 Amount expended $29,243 
 
 Fertilizer — Farms reporting 1,129 
 
 Amount expended $78,855 
 
 APPENDIX B. 
 
 \ 
 
 Some answers to the question, "Opinion as to relative merits of 
 wage system, cropping, and renting, from the standpoints of the 
 landlord, laborer, and care of land." These answers include all the 
 reasons given for preferring one system to the others. 
 
 1. From the landlord's standpoint, the wage system is superior 
 to the other two, because it gives him better control of his hands, 
 and enables him to keep up his land. We have to depend on crop- 
 pers, though, because we cannot get enough wage hands. Crop- 
 ping is the best system for the tenant, because it gives him the 
 benefit of the landlord's expert knowledge of farming. Land can 
 be kept up best under the wage system, and suffers most under the 
 renting system. 
 
 2. I believe that cropping is the best system for the landlord, 
 because under that system his hands have an interest in the crop 
 that wage hands do not have, and hence do better work. As far 
 as the tenant is concerned, I don't see much difference in working 
 on halves and working for wages, except when the tenant has a 
 family. Then, of course, he can make more at cropping, because 
 of the help furnished by his family. The wage system keeps up 
 the land best. 
 
 3. From every standpoint I think the cropping system is superior 
 to the other two. The farm owner has laborers who are interested 
 in the crop, and are not trying to kill time. It certainly is best 
 
60 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 for the tenant, if he has any family to lielp him, because lie makes 
 so much more at it. One of my croppers, who has considerable 
 help, cleared $700 last year. I can keep my land up as well with 
 "halvers" as I can with wage hands. 
 
 4. The wage system is the best one for the landowner. Croppers 
 cost him more than wage hands do. And at busy seasons the owner 
 can hire the laborer's wife and children as extra hands. The 
 laborer certainly makes more out of cropping. It takes wage hands 
 to keep land up. 
 
 5. I believe cropping is best for the landlord, the tenant, and 
 the land. A tenant working on halves knows that the better the 
 crop, the more he will get out of it, and therefore he does better 
 work than a wage hand, and does not require such close super- 
 vision. The tenant makes better crops under this system than he 
 does as a renter. I can tend my land as well with croppers as with 
 wage hands. 
 
 6. The landlord can make more out of the half share system, 
 provided he can get families who will work. Unless a laborer has 
 a family large enough to be of real help to him in the field, he 
 will do better to work for wages. Land can be built up faster and 
 cared for better with wage hands than with croppers. The cropper 
 is interested in the crop, but not in keeping your land up. 
 
 7. From the landlord's standpoint, the cropping system is best 
 if he stays on his farm, or is in a position to supervise his tenants 
 properly. But the tenant can make more at renting provided he 
 is a fairly good manager, and knows something about farming. 
 Under the half share system, the better crop he makes, the more 
 rent he has to pay, while as a renter he clears everything over the 
 specified rent and his expenses. I prefer wage hands from the 
 standpoint of taking care of land. 
 
 8. The wage hand system is better for the owner and his land. 
 The tenant, of course, makes more out of cropping. I would let 
 my land lie fallow before I would rent it. The rent paid hardly 
 equals the damage done the land. All my croppers work on halves, 
 and they did well last year. None failed to pay up and have some- 
 thing besides. 
 
 9. If I could get the wage hands I would not have a cropper on 
 my land. The landowner can make more money and take better 
 care of his land with hired hands. Cropping is best from the 
 laborer's standpoint. 
 
 10. I prefer to work my land with wage hands, but enough of 
 them cannot be secured, and I think share tenants are preferable 
 to renters. It depends largely on the tenant whether he will make 
 more as a renter, share hand or wage hand. One reason I would 
 rather have wage hands if I could get them is because the land 
 can be improved faster under this system. 
 
RURAL SURVEY OF CLARKE COUNTY, GEORGIA. 61 
 
 11. I would do all my farming with wage hands if I could get 
 them. The tenant working on halves does better than the wage 
 hand or renter, as a rule. Wage hands and croppers are about 
 equal when it comes to taking care of land. 
 
 12. From the landlord's standpoint, I think the best plan is to 
 rent land to white men, or else work it with negro croppers or wage 
 hands. The white tenant does best as a renter, and the Negro 
 laborer as a wage hand, except when he has a family large enough 
 to help him. I can take care of my land better with croppers than 
 with wage hands. 
 
 13. From every standpoint I think cropping is better than rent- 
 ing or working land with wage hands. It is the most desirable 
 system, since it makes more money for the landlord, and gives the 
 tenant a better chance. 
 
 14. If your land is in good condition, and does not have to be 
 built up, the cropping system is best for the landlord. Unless he 
 has considerable help, the laborer can do better as a wage hand 
 than as a cropper or renter. For improving land the wage hand 
 system is certainly the best. 
 
 15. The landowner makes more money with wage hands, and 
 keeps his land in better condition with wage hands, but the laborer 
 makes more out of cropping. 
 
 16. I have not been able to keep my land up with croppers, and 
 this year I have only wage hands. The landowner has to put up 
 too much against the Negro's labor under the halves plan. The 
 tenants make more out of cropping than they do out of renting. 
 I prefer the wage hand system to either. 
 
 17. Working croppers is more profitable to the landlord if he 
 is raising mostly cotton, but if he is raising other crops and prac- 
 ticing rotation, he makes more money with wage hands. If the 
 laborer has children old enough to help him in his crop, he does 
 better as a cropper than as a wage hand. From the standpoint of 
 the care of land, wage hands are better than croppers or renters. 
 
 18. I work my farm altogether with wage hands, because it is 
 more profitable than cropping or renting, and because the land can 
 be tended best under the wage hand system. The laborers do better 
 as wage hands than they do as croppers. 
 
 19. I consider the wage hand system better than cropping or 
 renting from every standpoint. 
 
 20. From the standpoints of the landlord and the care of land, 
 the wage system is best. From the tenant or laborer's standpoint, 
 cropping is the best, because the tenant makes more out of this 
 system of tenancy. 
 
 21. The wage system is more profitable to the landlord. The 
 tenant, of course, makes more money by working on halves. The 
 cropping system is unfair to the landlord. He has to put up too 
 
62 UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA. 
 
 much against the Negro's labor. The landlord, therefore, carries 
 the risk. Working wage hands certainly beats cropping, as far as 
 keeping up land is concerned. 
 
 22. I prefer the wage system, and think it superior to the others 
 from every standpoint. It is the most businesslike way to farm. 
 
 23. Cropping is more profitable to the landlord and the laborer. 
 I have been able to take as good care of my land with croppers as 
 with wage hands. 
 
 24. From the landlord's standpoint, I don't see much to choose 
 between cropping and working wage hands, because the land can be 
 kept up under both systems, and both are profitable to the land- 
 lord. Both of these systems are certainly to be preferred to renting. 
 The laborer makes more money out of cropping than he does by 
 working for wages. 
 
 25. From the landlord's standpoint, I think renting is best. 
 Under this system the landlord knows what he is going to get for 
 his land, and is not bothered with looking after his tenants. And 
 the tenants seem to do better as renters. They certainly prefer 
 renting to working for wages or on halves. From the standpoint 
 of the care of land, cropping is the best system. 
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY. 
 
 Brooks, R. P., A Local Study of the Race Problem. New York: 
 Political Science Quarterly, June, 1911. 
 
 The Agrarian Revolution in Georgia, 1863-1912.. University 
 of Wisconsin Bulletin No. 639. 
 
 Hart, J. K., Educational Resources of Village and Rural Communi- 
 ties. New York: The Macmillan Co., 1913. 
 
 Monahan, A. C, and others. An Educational Survey of a Suburban 
 and Rural County. (Montgomery County, Md.) Washington: 
 Bulletin of the United States Bureau of Education, No. 32, 1913. 
 
 Murphy, E. G., The Basis of xlscendancy. New York: The Macmillan 
 Co., 1909. 
 The Present South. New York: The Macmillan Co., 1904. 
 
 Presbyterian Department of Church and Country Life, Wilson, 
 
 W. H., Director. A Rural Survey in Missouri. (No date). 
 
 Ohio Rural Life Survey. "Church Growth and Decline in 
 
 Ohio." (No date). New York Board of Home Missions of the 
 
 Presbyterian Church in the U. S. 
 Smith, G. G., Story of Georgia and the Georgia People. Atlanta: 
 
 Franklin Printing and Publishing Co., 1900. 
 Stevens, O. B., Georgia Historical and Industrial. Atlanta: Franklin 
 
 Printing and Publishing Co., 1901. 
 Strahan, C. M., Athens and Clarke County. Atlanta: Charles P. 
 
 Byrd, 1893. 
 
RURAL SURVEY OF CLARKE COUNTY, GEORGIA. 63 
 
 Taft, Anna B., Community Study for Country Districts. New York: 
 The Presbyterian Department for Missionary Education, 1912. 
 
 Weatlierford, W. D., Negro Life in tlie Soutli. Nasliville, 1911. 
 Present Forces in Negro Progress. Nashville, 1912. 
 
 Woofter, T. J., Jr., Tlie Negroes of Atliens, Georgia. Athens: Bul- 
 letin of the University of Georgia, Volume XIV, Number 4, 
 1913. (Phelps-Stokes Fellowship Studies, No. 1.) 
 
 I 
 
AUGUST, 1916 
 
 Bulletin of the University of Georgia 
 
 Vol. XVI 
 
 Number lla 
 
 Peabody School of 
 Education 
 
 Phelps-Stokes Studies, No. 3 
 
 School Conditions in Clarke 
 County, Georgia 
 
 Entered at the Post Office at Athens, Ga., as Second Class Matter, August 31, 1905. 
 under Act of Congress of July 16th, 1904. Issued Monthly by the Uniyerslty. 
 
 Serial Number 266 
 
D. of D. 
 lA'^ 3 1917 
 
School Conditions in Clarke 
 County, Georgia 
 
 WITH 
 
 Special Reference to Negroes 
 
 BY 
 
 M. K. JOHNSON 
 
 Sometime Phelps-Stoke Fellow at the 
 University of Georgia 
 
 Phelps-Stokes Studies 
 No. 3 
 
 Collected set. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 Chancellor's Foreword. 
 
 Chapter 1. 
 
 General Social and Economic Conditions in the County. 
 
 Chapter II, 
 
 General School Conditions in the County. 
 
 Chapter III. 
 
 School Work and School Progress. 
 
 Chapter IV^. 
 
 Tests of General Intelligence and Mental Processes. 
 
Chancellor's Foreword 
 
 The Phelps-Stokes Fellowship was established for the purposes 
 stated in the following resolution: 
 
 "Whereas, Miss Caroline Phelps Stokes in establishing the Phelps- 
 Stokes Fund was especially solicitous to assist in improving the 
 condition of the negro, and 
 
 "Whereas, It is the conviction of the Trustees that one of the best 
 methods of forwarding this purpose is to provide means to enable 
 southern youth of broad sympathies to make a scientific study of the 
 negro and of his adjustment to American civiilization, 
 
 "Resolved, That twelve thousand five hundred dollars ($12,500) 
 be given to the University of Georgia for the permanent endowment 
 of a, research fellowship, on the following conditions: 
 
 "1. The University shall appoint annually a Fellow in Sociology, 
 for the study of the Negro. He shall pursue advanced studies under 
 the direction of the departments of Sociology, Economics, Education 
 or History, as may be determined in each case by the Chancellor. 
 The Fellowship shall yield $500, and shall, after four years, be 
 restricted to graduate students. 
 
 "2. Each Fellow shall prepare a paper or thesis embodying the 
 result of his investigations which shall be published by the University 
 with assistance from the income of the fund, any surplus remaining 
 being applicable to other objects incident to the main purpose of the 
 Fellowship. A copy of these resolutions shall be incorporated in 
 every publication issued under this foundation. 
 
 "3. The right to make all necessary regulations, not inconsistent 
 with the spirit and letter of these resolutions, is given to the Chan- 
 cellor and Faculty, but no changes in the conditions of the foundation 
 can be made without the mutual consent both of the Trustees of the 
 University and of the Phelps-Stokes Fund." 
 
 As will be seen from the title page, this paper by Mr. M. K. 
 Johnson is the third study of the/|egroes of Clarke County, Geogria, 
 and is mainly directed to the question of schools. A fourth study 
 with especial reference to health and housing has been prepared 
 by Mr. H. S. O'Kelly and will be ultimately published. The work 
 of preparing both the third and fourth studies was carried on under 
 the advice of Dr. H. W. Odum, professor of Educational Sociology 
 and Rural Education. It is hoped that the results of this study 
 may be of value and of service in making our schools more effective. 
 
 The marked difference between the school-advantages of the 
 child in communities which give local aid and those which depend 
 solely upon the state appropriation is made evident in this study. 
 Indeed, a number of the problems and difficulties which our schools 
 confront are developed by the statements of this paper. As these 
 Phelps-Stokes papers are studies of conditions rather than dis- 
 cussions, it is perhaps well to avoid saying much by way of de- 
 ducton. 
 
 DAVID C. BARROW. 
 
School Conditions in Clarke County, Georgia 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 General Social and Economic Conditions 
 
 The Basis of the Chapter. In studying the school and educational con- 
 ditions of Clarke County, and especially with reference to Negro Educa- 
 tion, it is necessary first to ascertain the general social and economic 
 facts and to learn something of the history, standards and ideals of 
 the people. This chapter describes briefly some of the conditions obtain- 
 ing in Clarke County with the specific purpose in view of providing a 
 background for the more careful study of school facts. It will not, 
 therefore, be expected that the chapter will deal exhaustively with general 
 conditions of life and labor. The greater portion of the facts stated in 
 Chapter I can be found in more detail in the Phelps-Stokes Studies at the 
 University of Georgia, No. 1, by Mr. T. J. Woofter, Jr., and No. II, by 
 Mr. Walter B. Hill. Wherever practicable the facts have been brought 
 up to date and made as simple as possible consistent with the purpose of 
 the chapter already stated. 
 
 Growth and Distribution of the Population. Clarke County, with an 
 area of one hundred and fifteen square miles, more or less, may be called 
 one of the average prosperous counties situated in the hill country of 
 Northeast Georgia. Its soils are well adapted to an efficient agriculture 
 and it is noted for its good top soil roads. Further particulars of road, 
 soils, streams, political divisions, and distribution of population may be 
 seen from the accompanying maps. Created by the Legislature in 1801 
 the county has had a most interesting and distinguished record. It has 
 for its county site the city of Athens, a prosperous and cultured city of 
 some twenty thousand population. Of special interest are the educational 
 facilities. Here are located the University of Georgia, the oldest of the 
 state universities, chartered sixteen years before the creation of Clarke 
 county itself; the State College of Agriculture; the State Normal School; 
 the Lucy Cobb Institute for Girls, and four institutions for Negroes as 
 follows: the Knox Institute, the Jeruel Academy, the J. T. Heard "Col- 
 lege," and the Anne Smith School; besides an adequate public school 
 system for the city. Thus Athens and Clarke County have come to be 
 known as the educational center of Georgia, although the rural school 
 conditions present a striking contrast to those in the city. There are, 
 however, many beginnings of closer relationship between the educational 
 institutions of Athens and the open country adjacent. 
 
 The population of Clarke County has grown steadily from the first 
 settlers who were attracted by the educational advantages, through the 
 influx of slaves who constituted 31 per cent, of the population in 1810 
 and fifty per cent in 1850, to the present time when the two populations 
 approximate equal numbers. The following table shows the population 
 of the county classified by decades. 
 
TABLE I. 
 Showing White and Negro Population of Clarke County by Decades. 
 
 
 White 1 
 
 Negro 
 
 Year. 
 
 Number. 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 Number. | Per cent. 
 
 1810 
 
 5000 
 
 69. 
 
 2628 
 
 31. 
 
 1820 
 
 5285 
 
 61. 
 
 3482 
 
 39. 
 
 1830 
 
 5438 
 
 54.5 
 
 4738 
 
 45.5 
 
 1840 
 
 5603 
 
 53. 
 
 4919 
 
 47. 
 
 1850 
 
 5513 
 
 50. 
 
 5606 
 
 50. 
 
 1860 
 
 5539 
 
 50. 
 
 5679 
 
 50. 
 
 1870 
 
 6488 
 
 51. 
 
 6453 
 
 49. 
 
 1880 
 
 5315 
 
 45.5 
 
 6388 
 
 54.4 
 
 1890 
 
 7072 
 
 46.6 
 
 8111 
 
 53.4 
 
 1900 
 
 8230 
 
 46.5 
 
 9478 
 
 53.5 
 
 1910 
 
 11502 
 
 49.5 
 
 11767 
 
 50.5 
 
 The next table shows the distribution of both white and negro popula- 
 tion in city and county for five decades. 
 
 TABLE II. 
 Showing the Rural and Urban Population of Clarke County. 
 
 Athens 
 
 Rural 
 
 Year White 
 
 Negro 
 
 i Total 
 
 White 
 
 Negro 
 
 Total 
 
 
 No. 
 
 % 
 
 No. % 
 
 No. • % 
 
 No. 
 
 % 
 
 No. 
 
 % 
 
 No. % 
 
 1870 
 1880 
 1890 
 1900 
 1910 
 
 2248 
 3017 
 4715 
 5055 
 8612 
 
 57. 
 
 50. 
 
 54. 
 
 49.3 
 
 51. 
 
 1679 
 3011 
 3924 
 5190 
 6316 
 
 43. 
 
 50. 
 
 46. 
 
 50.7 
 
 49. 
 
 3927 
 
 6028 
 
 8639 
 
 10245 
 
 14928 
 
 30.3 
 51.5 
 56.9 
 57.6 
 64.1 
 
 4240 
 2296 
 2357 
 3265 
 2890 
 
 47.1 
 
 40.7 
 34.5 
 44.6 
 34.7 
 
 4774 
 3377 
 4187 
 4288 
 5451 
 
 52.9 
 59.3 
 65.5 
 55.4 
 65.3 
 
 9014 
 5673 
 6544 
 7553 
 8341 
 
 67.7 
 48.5 
 43.1 
 42.4 
 35.9 
 
 As seen from this table, the rural population outnumbered the urban 
 until 1875 when Oconee County received part of Clarke. Since that time 
 the urban has outnumbered the rural and in 1910 the urban population 
 was 64.1 per cent, of the whole. In 1870 the negro population of Athens 
 was 43. per cent, of the population of the city. By 1880 the whites and 
 negroes were about equally divided and there has been little variation 
 since. In the rural section the negroes have outnumbered the whites 
 continuously since the war. To show further the distribution of the rural 
 population, the following table which shows the number of inhabitants 
 in each of the militia districts in the county is inserted. 
 
 TABLE III. 
 
 Showing the Population of Militia Districts by Race. 
 
 
 
 
 White 1 
 
 Negro 
 
 G. M. 
 
 Areas sq. 
 
 mi. Name of Dist. 
 
 No. 
 
 % 
 
 No. 
 
 % 
 
 215 
 
 10.4 
 
 Athens 
 
 9080 
 
 57. 
 
 6837 
 
 43. 
 
 217 
 
 9.27 
 
 Ga. Factory 
 
 363 
 
 52. 
 
 332 
 
 48. 
 
 218 
 
 23. 
 
 Puryear's 
 
 193 
 
 18. 
 
 872 
 
 82. 
 
 220 
 
 22.5 
 
 Buck Branch 
 
 646 
 
 32. 
 
 1337 
 
 68. 
 
 241 
 
 13.6 
 
 Bradberry's 
 
 331 
 
 43. 
 
 427 
 
 57. 
 
 1347 
 
 14.2 
 
 Kinney's 
 
 315 
 
 35. 
 
 584 
 
 65. 
 
 1467 
 
 6.5 
 
 Princeton 
 
 318 
 
 43. 
 
 434 
 
 57. 
 
 219 
 
 15.9 
 
 Sandy Creek 
 
 256 
 
 21.3 
 
 944 
 
 78.7 
 
From Study Ko. 2. 
 
As seen from this table, there are only two districts in the county in 
 which the white population exceeds the negro, namely, the Athens district 
 and the Georgia Factory. In the case of the former, the whites outnumber 
 the negroes in the city. At Georgia Factory, there is a cotton factory 
 employing only white operatives. The factory town of Whitehall has 230 
 inhabitants. Princeton district has two small cotton mills employing 
 white operatives, but these settlements are more than offset by negro 
 settlements at Allenville and Chestnut Grove. Buck Branch district has 
 two white settlements, one at Tuckston and one at Winterville, but Win- 
 terville also has a large negro population. But to offset these, the negro 
 settlements at a fertilizer plant just outside Athens makes the negro 
 population twice as great as the white. 
 
 General Social and Economic Conditions, First, the conditions in Ath- 
 ens will be described and the first item discussed will be that of property. 
 The more industrious and stable element of the negro population is ac- 
 quiring property. In the city many ^groes own homes and some own 
 their places of business and others to be rented. There are a number of 
 individuals who are conspicuously prosperous, although the average prop- 
 erty owned is about the same as for most Georgia towns. As seen from 
 the figures given the average holding is $407.00, and of the total number 
 of negro taxpayers, 618 or eighty-nine per cent, pay taxes on less than 
 one thousand dollars worth of property. The following table will show 
 further distribution of the taxpayers among the negroes, the total number 
 being 12.9 per cent, of the negro population. 
 
 TABLE IV, 
 Negro Holdings Classified According to Value. 
 
 1 Holding between $15,000 and $20,000 
 
 " " 5,000 " 15,000 
 
 14 " " 2,000 " 5,000 
 
 48 " " 1,000 " 2,000 
 
 618 " less than 1,000 
 
 Health and Housing in Athens, There are in the city niany well kept 
 negro homes that reflect credit upon the inmates whether they be owners 
 or renters. But the majority of the houses occupied by negroes are 
 scarcely fit for social habitation. Too often filthy within and without, 
 with unkempt yards and outhouses, they reflect much of the unfavorable 
 conditions under which the Itegroes live. The houses too often have leaky 
 roofs as well as cracks in the walls which let in the wind and rain. Gen- 
 erally the rented houses contain one or two rooms, some, three or four, 
 and very few, more than four rooms. In the case of the three and four- 
 room houses one of the rooms is generally used for a cook room and 
 storage room, thus leaving only two or three rooms to be occupied by the 
 family. Cases were reported in which fifteen persons occupied three 
 I'ooms and eleven occupied two rooms. The average number, however, 
 of the occupants per room, out of 1018 cases reported was 1.32. The 
 following table gives an idea of the large number of extreme cases. 
 
 Health ami llousini; ( "oiiilitiiuis in Athens liave liccn stnilied by the fourth I'help.s- 
 Stokes fellow. 
 
 8 
 
TABLE V. 
 
 Rooms Occupied by Negro Families. 
 
 Families Rooms in house 
 
 148 living in 1 room 
 
 517 " •' 2 
 
 3 
 " . 4 
 
 5 
 6 
 
 313 
 
 156 
 
 43 
 
 27 
 
 9 
 
 11 
 
 over t 
 
 With crowded conditions in the homes and witli home located in in- 
 ferior sections of the city and crowded close together it is not likely that 
 children will grow up with a very strong sense of personal morality. So 
 long as white landlords provide tenants with no better living quarters 
 conditions are certain to remain in a large measure as they are at present. 
 
 Employment in Athens. Before the war, most of the negroes were 
 domestic servants. There were a few in such skilled trades as barber, 
 carpenter, and blacksmith. After they were freed there was a tendency 
 to turn away from domestic service and turn to the trades, and as a result 
 many negroes enjoyed profitable employment. But on account of com- 
 petition from the whites, lack of industry, and other conditions, the 
 negroes are fast losing their hold on the better class of employments, and 
 are forced to' work, to a great extent, as common laborers. The following 
 table shows the results of 2 94 6 cases investigated. 
 
 TABLE VI. ' 
 
 Negroes 
 
 Over 
 
 18 Years 
 
 of Age in Gainful Occupations 
 
 • 
 
 Sex 
 
 
 
 Employed Unemployed 
 
 No. 1 % i No. i % 
 
 Alaie . . . 
 
 
 
 937 
 1072 
 2009 
 
 88 
 73 
 79 
 
 125 
 384 
 509 
 
 12 
 
 Female 
 Total . . 
 
 • 
 
 • 
 
 27 
 21 
 
 The number of females employed outnumber the males, but there were 
 enumerated in the 1910 census more females in the city than males. Also 
 of the number of females reported as employed, 63 7 were washerwomen, 
 some of whom did not have steady employment, and were not forced to 
 be away from home much of the time. 
 
 The table below shows the distribution of negroes by occupations. 
 
 TABLE VII. 
 
 Distribution of Occupation Among Athens Negroes. 
 
 1 Professions 
 Distribu- | or 
 tion 1 Business 
 
 Clerical 
 Work 
 
 Skilled 
 Trades 
 
 Domestic 
 Service 
 
 Unskilled 
 Labor 
 
 Total 
 
 1 % 
 .Vumber i 108 
 
 Per cent. | 5 
 
 18 
 1 
 
 181 1102 
 8 51 
 
 764 
 35 
 
 2173 
 100 
 
I 
 
 From Study No. 2. 
 
 10 
 
As seen from the above table only fourteen per cent, of tlie^iegroes re- 
 ported employed are engaged in the better occupations, as commonly con- 
 sidered. Domestic service is a most profitable field for them in Athens 
 due to the large number of students, dormitories and boarding houses in 
 Athens as well as a large population employing ample service. 
 
 Social Organizations and Recreation. Outside the Church, the center 
 o^ Negro social life, and the Lodge, a close competitor at times, there are 
 comparatively few social organizations and places of recreation. With the 
 exception of one motion picture house, where also are given occasional 
 vaudeville performances, and a few dance halls, together with unorganized 
 and questionable places of amusements, the Church and Lodge represent 
 the great part of ^egro meeting places, outside the home and school. 
 Among the Churches the Baptists predominate in number with Methodists, 
 Congregational and Episcopal following, together with certain of the 
 'sanctified" organizatians. Among the Lodges the Good Samaritans pre- 
 dominate with seven lodges and the Odd Fellows, Masons, Knights of 
 Pythias, Gospel Pilgrims, Ancient Knights, Independent Benevolent Order, 
 Magnolias, and others following. Both Church and Fraternal Order are 
 well organized and prosperous, being housed in good buildings and ex- 
 pending considerable amount of the people's money. 
 
 General Social Conditions in the Rural Districts. In the country dis- 
 tricts the great majority of negroes will be found engaged in agricultural 
 labor, some owning farms, some renting, some "halving," and some on 
 the wage scale. As in the city, the best negroes in the rural districts are 
 acquiring property and developing some thrift. The following table will 
 show the distribution of such property. 
 
 TABLE VIII. 
 
 Showing Negro Holdings in Rural Clarke County. 
 
 Vehicles Property not 
 
 Land Live stock (Buggies, wagons) enumerated 
 
 Value $149,260 $69,005 $235 $1,000 
 
 Per cent. 10.8 30.3 0.7 1.9 
 
 The next table shows the tenure of farms, 1900 and 1910. 
 
 TABLE IX. 
 
 Showing Farm Tenure of White and Negro Farmers. 
 
 1900. 
 
 
 Total 
 
 Owners 
 
 Part owners | 
 
 Reu 
 
 ters 
 
 Shares tenants 
 
 
 Farms 
 
 No. % 
 
 No. 
 
 % 1 
 
 Xo. 
 
 % 
 
 No. 
 
 % 
 
 White 
 
 344 
 
 147 
 
 42.7 
 
 25 
 
 7.5 
 
 101 
 
 29.3 
 
 71 
 
 20.6 
 
 Negro 
 
 480 
 
 79 
 
 16.6 
 
 32 
 1910 
 
 6.7 
 
 200 
 
 42.1 
 
 164 
 
 34.5 
 
 White 
 
 470 
 
 177 
 
 37.6 
 
 34 
 
 7.2 
 
 107 
 
 22.8 
 
 152 
 
 32.3 
 
 Negro 
 
 912 
 
 128 
 
 14. 
 
 70 
 
 7.6 
 
 336 
 
 36.8 
 
 378 
 
 41.4 
 
 The table shows that more people, white and colored, owned their 
 farms in 1900 than in 1910, the per cent, of the farms owned in 1910 
 being less than in 1900 for both races. The number partly owning their 
 
 11 
 
\ 
 
 From riiflps-Stokes Study, Xo. 2. 
 
 12 
 
farms increased also, but the per cent, of partly owned farms was about 
 the same as in 1900. The number of renters greatly increased also in 
 number over 1900, but the per cent, of the total of farms rented was 
 less in 1910 than in 1900. There was a large increase both in number 
 and in per cent, of the total working on the share tenant system. 
 
 When a man is hired on the wage system, he is directly under the 
 supervision of the owner or his manager. In the share system the owner 
 furnishes the land and all farming implements and pays half the fertilizer 
 bill. The tenant pays the other half of the fertilizer bill and furnishes 
 the labor. The owner and tenant share equally in the profits. There are 
 modifications in the above system in some instances, but the one outlined 
 is the one most commonly found. A renter pays either in cash or gives 
 so much lint cotton, generally about two bales, for a farm. He has to 
 furnish all implemetns and all other things necessary to make the crop. 
 Aside from his cash rental, he receives all the profits. 
 
 The ftegroes on the farms do not, as a rule have better houses to live 
 in than those in the city, but they have this advantage, that they are not 
 so closely crowded together. There are no health statistics available, but 
 it is believed the negroes in the country districts are in better physical 
 condition than the ^groes in the closely crowded city houses. 
 
 As in the city, there are few organizations for social purposes other 
 than the churches and lodges. The country churches are well attended. 
 The lodges are not so numerous as in the city, and often ^egroes in the 
 country attend the lodges in Athens. 
 
 1 See Phelps-Stokes Studies, Numbers 1 and 2 at the University of Georgia, for 
 careful studies of social and economic conditions in Athens and Clarlte County. 
 
 13 
 
Twii r.\ pes — The one passing' and the other conininn. 
 (Photos Coiu'tesy of Study .\o. I.i 
 
 14 
 
CHAPTER II 
 
 General School Conditions 
 
 The Basis of the Chapter. This chapter purposes to present briefly the 
 principal facts relating to the general school system, the school popula- 
 tion, the enrollment and attendance, the physical conditions as represent- 
 ed in buildings and grounds, the teaching force, and something of the 
 finances involved in the public school administration of Clarke County. 
 These facts are presented as the physical basis upon which the subsequent 
 studies of school progress and mental tests have been prosecuted. The 
 data included in the chapter were gathered carefully by the Phelps-Stokes 
 fellow from the school census, the superintendent's reports, and from any 
 other available sources. Practical efforts were made to see that all 
 figures approximate accuracy and reliability. 
 
 School Systems in Clarke County. The management of the public 
 
 schools of Clarke County is vested in two separate boards of education, 
 
 similar to the regular system of town and county in Georgia- where the 
 
 county unit system does not obtain: the city schools under the direction 
 
 of a city board of ten, and the rural schools under the direction of a 
 
 county board of five. The city board members are elected two from 
 each ward and two from the city at large, the mayor being ex-officio 
 
 member. The board, organized into committees on finance, salaries, sup- 
 plies, buildings and property, grievances, rules and laws, examinations, 
 sanitation, and library, has general supervision of all public school busi- 
 ness in the city. The further organization of the city schools is repre- 
 sented by the superintendent, principal, teachers and patrons. 
 
 The members of the county board of education are appointed by the 
 grand jury, and must be freeholders, no two to be from the same militia 
 district, and no member to be elected from the local city school district. 
 
 The further organization of the county schools is vested in a county 
 superintendent of schools elected by the people for a term of four years 
 who has the supervision of all county schools, through their principals 
 and each has three local trustees elected by the local school patrons. 
 
 The School Population. The tables below show the number of children 
 enumerated in the school census of 1913 in Clarke County. School age 
 in Georgia means from 6 to 18 years of age. These tables were com- 
 puted from the census made by the city and county school authorities in 
 compliance with a law that required a school census every five years. 
 The final table shows the school population of Athens, classified by sex, 
 race, and ward. 
 
 TABLE X. 
 School Population of Athens. 
 
 White 
 
 Negro 
 
 Ward 
 
 Male 
 
 No. % 
 
 E'emale 
 
 No. % 
 
 TotaJ 
 No. % 
 
 Male 
 
 No. % 
 
 Female 
 
 No. % 
 
 Total 
 No. % 
 
 Grjnd 
 Tola! 
 
 I- 
 II. 
 
 III. 
 
 IV. 
 
 Total 
 
 242 
 173 
 175 
 430 
 1020 
 
 47.6 
 48.6 
 47.4 
 50.7 
 48.9 
 
 269 
 185 
 194 
 417 
 1065 
 
 52.4 
 51.4 
 52.6 
 49.3 
 51.1 
 
 511 
 358 
 369 
 847 
 2085 
 
 46.8 
 82.6 
 41.6 
 66.8 
 56.6 
 
 263 
 35 
 233 
 205 
 736 
 
 45.1 
 46.7 
 45.0 
 48.7 
 46.1 
 
 318 
 40 
 285 
 216 
 859 
 
 54.9 
 53.3 
 55.0 
 51.3 
 53.9 
 
 581 
 
 75 
 
 518 
 
 421 
 
 1595 
 
 53.2 
 17.4 
 58.4 
 33.2 
 43.4 
 
 1092 
 
 433 
 
 887 
 
 1268 
 
 3680 
 
 15 
 
« 
 
 From Study No. 2. 
 
 16 
 
This table shows that there are more girls of both races in the city 
 than there are boys. The whites number 1020 males and 1065 females, 
 or 48.9 per cent, males and 51.1 per cent, females. The j^egroes number 
 736 males and 859 females, or 46.1 per cent, males and 53.9 per cent, 
 females. The total number of children enumerated in the city, whites 
 and negroes is 3680, of whom 2085, or 56.6 per cent, are white and 1595 
 or 43.4 per cent, are negroes. The next table gives the classified school 
 population of the rural districts. 
 
 TABLE XI. 
 Clarke County Rural Scliool Population. 
 
 White 
 
 Negro 
 
 DISTRICT 
 
 Male 
 
 No. -To 
 
 Female 
 
 No. % 
 
 Total 
 
 No. % 
 
 Male 
 
 No. % 
 
 Female 
 
 No. % 
 
 Total 
 
 No. % 
 
 Grand 
 Tola! 
 
 Athens 
 Bradberry's 
 Buck Branch 
 Kenney's 
 Princeton 
 Puryear's 
 Sandy Creek 
 Ga. Factory 
 
 55 
 31 
 
 100 
 62 
 
 57 
 22 
 37 
 79 
 
 40.6 
 44.5 
 51.0 
 51.0 
 55.8 
 51.0 
 52.1 
 46.5 
 
 73 
 38 
 96 
 59 
 45 
 20 
 34 
 91 
 
 59.4 
 55.1 
 49.0 
 49.0 
 44.2 
 49.0 
 47.9 
 53.5 
 
 128 
 
 69 
 
 196 
 
 121 
 
 102 
 
 42 
 
 71 
 
 170 
 
 51.6 
 31.8 
 33.8 
 38.8 
 43.0 
 14.4 
 25.4 
 64.1 
 
 55 
 
 77 
 180 
 101 
 
 56 
 125 
 109 
 
 49 
 
 45.9 
 52.0 
 46.8 
 53.0 
 40.0 
 50.0 
 47.8 
 51.6 
 
 65 
 
 71 
 
 205 
 
 90 
 
 84 
 
 125 
 
 124 
 
 46 
 
 54.1 
 48.0 
 53.2 
 47.0 
 60.0 
 50.0 
 52.2 
 48.4 
 
 120 48.4 
 148 68.2 
 385 66.2 
 191 61.2 
 140 57.0 
 250 85.6 
 233 76.6 
 95 35.9 
 
 248 
 217 
 581 
 312 
 242 
 292 
 304 
 265 
 
 Total 
 
 443 
 
 49.3 
 
 456 
 
 50.7 
 
 899 
 
 36. 6j 
 
 |752 
 
 48.2 
 
 810 
 
 51.8 1562|63.4| 
 
 2461 
 
 In the rural districts of Clarke County the females of school age also 
 outnumber the males. Of the number enumerated, the white males are 
 443, or 49.3 per cent, and the white females are 456 or 50.7 per cent. 
 The negro males are 757 or 48.2 per cent., and the negro females are 
 810 or 51.8 per cent. 
 
 The total of all children in the country districts, white and negro, is 
 2461, of whom the whites number 899 or 36.6 per cent, and the negroes 
 number 1562 or 63.4 per cent. Further particulars of the totals may be 
 seen in the following table. 
 
 TABLE XII. 
 Total School Population of County, City of Athens and Rural. 
 
 White 
 
 Negro 
 
 Male 
 
 No. % 
 
 Female 
 
 No. % 
 
 Total 
 
 No. % 
 
 Male 
 
 No. % 
 
 Female 
 
 No. % 
 
 Total Grand 
 No. % Total 
 
 City 1020148. 9|1065|51.1 
 Rural 443 49. 3| 456|50.7 
 
 2085|56.6 
 899|36.6 
 
 736146.1 
 
 752|48.2 
 
 859|53.9 
 810|51.8 
 
 1595 43.4 
 1562 63.4 
 
 3680 
 2461 
 
 Total |1463|49.1 
 
 1521|50.9 
 
 2984|48.5 
 
 1488|47.2 
 
 1669|52.8 
 
 3157 51.5 
 
 6141 
 
 Table XIII, which shows the totals of tables XI and XII shows that the 
 females are more numerous than the males in the entire county, for both 
 races. It shows also that of a grand total of 6141 children of school age, 
 there are 2984 white children, or 48.5 per cent., and 3157 ^egro children, 
 or 51.5 per cent., the majority of white school age being one per cent, 
 larger than of the entire population of the county. 
 
 Enrollment and Attendance. There are six white schools maintained 
 in the city of Athens. Table XVI shows the enrollment and average at- 
 tendance in each of these schools. As seen from the table, there are en- 
 
 17 
 
rolled in the public white schools 1723 pupils. This is an enrollment of 
 82.6 per cent, of all children of school age in the city. The average 
 attendance is shown to be 7 7.3 per cent, of those enrolled. 
 
 TABLE XIII. 
 
 Eni-ollment and Average Attendance, Wliite City Schools. 
 
 Enrollment 
 
 Average Daily Attendance 
 
 Name of 
 School 
 
 Male 
 
 No. % 
 
 Female 
 
 No. % 
 
 Total 
 
 1 Male 
 ' No. % 
 
 Female 
 
 No. % 
 
 Total \\ ^ 
 
 No. 11 '7" 
 
 College Ave. 
 Meigs St. 
 Baxter St. 
 High School 
 Nantahala Ave. 
 Oconee St. 
 
 235 
 148 
 148 
 130 
 93 
 108 
 
 47.2 
 53.2 
 50.5 
 50.5 
 51.3 
 48.8 
 
 262 
 130 
 144 
 124 
 88 
 113 
 
 52.8 
 46.8 
 49.5 
 49.5 
 48.7 
 51.2 
 
 497 
 278 
 292 
 254 
 181 
 221 
 
 179 
 125 
 120 
 112 
 60 
 76 
 
 46.7 
 56.4 
 50.0 
 50.0 
 52.1 
 50.0 
 
 205 
 
 98 
 
 120 
 
 110 
 
 55 
 
 75 
 
 53.3 
 43.6 
 50.0 
 50.0 
 47.9 
 50.0 
 
 384 
 223 
 240 
 222 
 115 
 151 
 
 77.2 
 80.2 
 82.2 
 87.4 
 63.5 
 68.3 
 
 Total i 82 6|50.0 
 
 861 
 
 50.0 
 
 1723] 
 
 1 672 
 
 50.3 
 
 663 
 
 49.7|1335| 
 
 77.3 
 
 Table XIV shows the enrollment and average daily attendance in each 
 of the four negro schools maintained in the city. The table shows that 
 the 1180 enrolled constitute 74.0 per cent of all negro children in the 
 city. The average daily attendance is 66.5 per cent of the enrollment. 
 
 TABLE XIV. 
 
 Enrollment and Average Attendance, Negro City Scliools. 
 
 Enrollment 
 
 Average Daily Attendance 
 
 Name of School 
 
 Male Female Total 
 No. % No. <^/o : No. 
 
 Male 
 
 No. % 
 
 Female 
 
 No. % 
 
 Total 
 No. 
 
 9fc 
 
 West Athens 
 East Athens 
 Newtown 
 Reese Street 
 
 101 
 
 166 
 
 95 
 
 161 
 
 45.7 120 
 45.9 196 
 45.5 114 
 41.5 227 
 
 54.3 
 54.1 
 54.5 
 58.5 
 
 221 
 362 
 209 
 388 
 
 1 65 
 1 105 
 1 51 
 1 116 
 
 43.4 
 43.2 
 45.2 
 42.5 
 
 84 56.4 
 138 56.8 
 
 62 54.8 
 164 57.5 
 
 149 67.4 
 243 67.1 
 113 54.1 
 280. 74.7 
 
 Total 
 
 523 
 
 44.4 657 
 
 55.6 
 
 118011 337|43.0 
 
 448 57.0 
 
 785. 66.5 
 
 These tables show that the average attendance is low for both races in 
 the city schools. This low attendance was caused in part by epidemics 
 and contagious diseases. There is no regular inspection of schools by a 
 health officer, and it is difficult to keep pupils with contagious diseases 
 from coming into contact with and spreading the disease to other pupils. 
 The city superintendent says in his report, "It is very discouraging to 
 teachers to have to run schools for nearly half the year with from 10 to 
 35 per cent, of the pupils absent on account of quarantine." 
 
 Table XV shows the enrollment and average daily attendance of the 
 white rural schools. There are enrolled 608 pupils, and the average daily 
 attendance is 66.4 per cent, of those enrolled. Table XVI shows that the 
 enrollment in the negro rural schools is 13 68, but the average attendance 
 is only 53.3 per cent, of the enrollment. 
 
 18 
 
Xejjrro cliiirch I'spil as a scliool. 
 
 Xe.iii-o (■linr( li. sclionl. and Imluv ball. A social center in l'nrycai''s I>isli-ict. 
 
 19 
 
TABLE XV. 
 Total Enrollment and Attendance Wliite Rural. 
 
 
 Malp 
 
 Feiiisiip 
 
 
 
 
 Name of School 
 
 No. 
 
 % 1 
 
 No. 
 
 % 
 
 Total 
 
 Ave. Attendance 
 
 Winterville 
 
 56 
 
 46.7 
 
 64 
 
 53.3 
 
 120 
 
 96 
 
 80. 
 
 Tuckston 
 
 34 
 
 54.8 
 
 28 
 
 45.2 
 
 62 
 
 29 
 
 
 Belmont 
 
 12 
 
 57.1 
 
 9 
 
 48.9 
 
 21 
 
 18 
 
 85.7 
 
 Centerville 
 
 17 
 
 50.0 
 
 17 
 
 50.0 
 
 34 
 
 21 
 
 61. S 
 
 Princeton 
 
 49 
 
 54.5 
 
 41 
 
 45.5 
 
 90 
 
 51 
 
 58.4 
 
 }linton Brown 
 
 13 
 
 48.2 
 
 14 
 
 51.8 
 
 27 
 
 24 
 
 88.8 
 
 Hodges 
 
 18 
 
 51.4 
 
 17 
 
 48.6 
 
 35 
 
 25 
 
 71.4 
 
 Fowler's 
 
 17 
 
 51.5 
 
 16 
 
 48.5 
 
 33 
 
 22 
 
 66.6 
 
 Normal Rural 
 
 32 
 
 69.9 
 
 14 
 
 30.1 
 
 46 
 
 24 
 
 52.2 
 
 Oconee Heights 
 
 35 
 
 50.0 
 
 35 
 
 50.0 
 
 70 
 
 46 
 
 65.7 
 
 Lampkin's 
 
 20 
 
 57.1 
 
 15 
 
 42.9 
 
 • 35 
 
 22 
 
 62.9 
 
 Barberville 
 
 16 
 
 59.3 
 
 11 
 
 40.3 
 
 27 
 
 17 
 
 63.5 
 
 Bethaven 
 
 6 
 
 50.0 
 
 6 
 
 50.0 
 
 12 
 
 9 
 
 75. 
 
 Total 
 
 325 
 
 51.1 
 
 283 
 
 48.9 
 
 608 
 
 404 
 
 66.4 
 
 The next table gives the attendance and enrollment for the negro 
 county schools, revealing some remarkably low percentages. During the 
 last weeks of school the percentage of attendance often falls to twenty-five 
 or thirty. The variation among the different schools may be seen from 
 a careful examination of table XVII. 
 
 TABLE XVI. 
 
 Enrollment and Average Attendance, Negi'o Rui'al. 
 
 
 Male 
 
 Female 
 
 Total 
 
 Ave. Attendance 
 
 
 No. 
 
 % 
 
 No. 
 
 % 
 
 No. 
 
 ) No. 
 
 % 
 
 Model and Training 
 
 83 
 
 41.9 
 
 115 
 
 58.1 
 
 198 
 
 81 
 
 40.9 
 
 Midway 
 
 93 
 
 49.2 
 
 96 
 
 50.8 
 
 189 
 
 106 
 
 56.0 
 
 Oak Grove 
 
 22 
 
 43.2 
 
 29 
 
 56.8 
 
 51 
 
 43 
 
 84.4 
 
 Billups' Grove 
 
 22 
 
 45.8 
 
 26 
 
 54.2 
 
 48 
 
 32 
 
 66.6 
 
 St. Luke 
 
 42 
 
 46.7 
 
 48 
 
 53.3 
 
 90 
 
 61 
 
 67.7 
 
 Morton's Chapel 
 
 56 
 
 46.3 
 
 65 
 
 53.7 
 
 121 
 
 65 
 
 53.1 
 
 Macedonia 
 
 30 
 
 49.9 
 
 34 
 
 53.1 
 
 64 
 
 33 
 
 51.6 
 
 Allenville 
 
 28 
 
 45.9 
 
 33 
 
 54.1 
 
 61 
 
 43 
 
 70.4 
 
 Timothy 
 
 13 
 
 37.4 
 
 22 
 
 62.9 
 
 35 
 
 25 
 
 71.5 
 
 Chestnut Grove 
 
 49 
 
 42.7 
 
 68 
 
 57.3 
 
 117 
 
 60 
 
 51.2 
 
 Brooklyn 
 
 25 
 
 38.5 
 
 40 
 
 61.5 
 
 65 
 
 37 
 
 56.9 
 
 Mt. Sinai 
 
 41 
 
 56.9 
 
 31 
 
 43.1 
 
 .■J^ 
 
 46 
 
 63.9 
 
 St. James 
 
 82 
 
 48.8 
 
 86 
 
 51.2 
 
 168 
 
 \^ 
 
 44.6 
 
 Shiloh 
 
 39 
 
 43.8 
 
 50 
 
 56.2 
 
 89 
 
 ^9 
 
 66.3 
 
 Total 
 
 625 
 
 46.7 
 
 743 
 
 54.3 
 
 1368 
 
 730 
 
 53.3 
 
 The poor attendance in the country schools is due to a number of 
 causes, chief among which is the fact that the farmers take their children 
 out of school to work in the crops. Both races are dependent to a certain 
 extent on the help of their children, but the ^egroes more so at certain 
 seasons of the year. It is a frequent thing for a country school to have 
 Its seating capacity taxed to tlie limit in the winter months, but so soon 
 as work is started in the fields the benches are emptied. The investigator 
 visited a school in April; examination of its record book showed that there 
 had been enrolled 96 pupils in January and February, but in April, there 
 
 20 
 
were present in school 2 pupils. When asked the reason why so many 
 were absent, the teacher replied, that the children had stopped school to 
 work on the farm. 
 
 Another cause of poor attendance for at least a part of the year was 
 the fear of a smallpox epidemic. The county school superintendent closed 
 some of the negro schools temporarily, and there was a marked falling 
 off in attendance in the other schools for awhile. Perhaps the children 
 are not properly encouraged by their parents to attend regularly. They 
 do not seem to be aware of the value of regular attendance, and certain 
 it is that in some cases called to the attention of the investigator, children 
 were allowed to stay away from school on very slight pretexts. 
 
 Table XVII is a summary of the school population, of the enrollment 
 in all the schools and of the average attendance. 
 
 TABLE XVII. 
 
 Summary of School Census, Enrollment and Average Attendance. 
 
 Enumerated 
 
 Enrolled 
 
 Av.Allendance 
 
 Athens 
 
 Male 
 
 No. % 
 
 Female 
 
 No. % 
 
 Total 
 
 Male 
 
 No. % 
 
 Female 
 
 No. % 
 
 Total 
 No. % 
 
 No. % 
 
 White |1020 
 Negro 1 736 
 Rural j 
 White 1 443 
 Negro 1 752 
 
 49.0 
 46.8 
 
 49.3 
 
 48.8 
 
 1065 
 859 
 
 456 
 810 
 
 51.0 
 53.2 
 
 50.7 
 51.2 
 
 2085 
 1595 
 
 899 
 1562 
 
 862 
 523 
 
 325 
 625 
 
 50.0 
 44.4 
 
 53.5 
 
 45.7 
 
 861 
 657 
 
 283 
 743 
 
 50.0 
 55.6 
 
 46.5 
 54.3 
 
 1723 
 1180 
 
 608 
 1368 
 
 82.6 
 74.0 
 
 67.4 
 86.9 
 
 1335 
 785 
 
 404 
 730 
 
 77.3 
 66.5 
 
 66.4 
 53.3 
 
 The white children in the city of school age number 2085. Of these, 
 there are enrolled 1723, or 82.6 per cent. Of those enrolled, the average 
 attendance is 77.3 per cent. There are in the city 1595 negro children of 
 school age. Of this number there are enrolled 1180, or 74.0 per cent. 
 The average attendance is 66.5 per cent, of the enrollment. 
 
 In the country there are 889 white children of school age, and 608 or 
 67.4 per cent, are enrolled. The average attendance is 66.4 per cent, of 
 the enrollment. There are 15 62 )\egro children of school age. Of this 
 number 1368 are enrolled, or 86.9 per cent. The average attendance is 
 only 53.3 per cent, of the enrollment. If the percentages are worked on 
 the whole number of J^egro pupils in the county it is seen that 46.9 per 
 cent, of the negroes attend regularly. 
 
 Buildings, Grounds and Equipment. There are in Athens six school 
 buildings for whites and four for negroes. There is one high school for 
 each race. In the matter of buildings, Athens is well equipped at present. 
 In January of 1915 there was opened the Athens High School for white 
 children, and the occupying of this building relieved crowding that had 
 been prevalent previously. All the buildings are supplied with patent 
 desks and blackboards and are amply heated. 
 
 The schools occupied by the )\egroes are well constructed frame build- 
 ings; all have patent desks, and blackboards. The High School, having 
 brick foundations and basement, is steam heated and electric lighted. The 
 other buildings are heated with stoves. Prior to the opening of school in 
 
 21 
 
the fall of 1914 there were only three school buildings for negroes, but 
 the new High School building opened at that time relieved congestion 
 somewhat, although they are still forced to hold double daily sessions in 
 the lower grades. One part of the children come at 9 o'clock and remain 
 until 11:30, when they are dismissed and the other part is admitted until 
 2 o'clock. 
 
 The High School for Xegroes has 8 rooms for the regular school work, 
 and a basement in which manual training is conducted. On the school lot 
 is also a small two-room building in which is taught domestic science. 
 The High School physics department has a small collection of apparatus 
 for conducting simple experiments in physics. The domestic science de- 
 partment is supplied with stoves and receives $4.00 per month with which 
 to buy foodstuffs for use in that department. 
 
 The West Athens school for )jegroes is a six-room frame house, with 
 patent desks and is heated with stoves. It is a fairly good school building. 
 
 The East Athens school was a good building when it was built, but at 
 present repairs are badly needed both within and without. 
 
 The Newtown school is a serviceable and rather comfortable four-room 
 building. Cuts of these schools will give a general idea of their character. 
 
 table' XVIII. 
 
 Description of IJuildings, White Schools, Rural. 
 
 
 No. ol Rooms 
 
 Cloak 
 Room 
 
 Painted 
 
 Desks 
 
 Play 
 
 Grounds 
 
 Location 
 
 Flower 
 Garden 
 
 General 
 Condition 
 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 >• 
 
 Z 
 
 >- 
 
 o 
 Z 
 
 
 Z 
 
 J 
 
 o 
 o 
 
 a. 
 
 o 
 
 O 
 
 O 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 >- 
 
 o 
 Z 
 
 i 
 
 CQ 
 
 Winterville 
 
 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 
 Jackston 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 1 
 
 * 
 
 
 Belmont 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 
 Centerville 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 
 ;l: 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 1 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 Princeton 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 
 Hinton Brown 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 1 * 
 
 1 
 
 
 Hodge's 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S|-' 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 * 1 * 
 
 i 
 
 
 Fowler's 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 -1: 
 
 
 
 « 
 
 1 * 1 * 
 
 1 ! 
 
 
 Normal Rural 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 1 * 
 
 
 Oconee Heights 
 
 
 'fi 
 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 * 1 * 
 
 
 Lampkin 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 * 1 * 
 
 
 Bethaven 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 1 
 
 1 
 
 * 
 
 Barberville 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 * * 
 
 
 Total 
 
 8 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 5 
 
 8 
 
 12 
 
 1 
 
 9 
 
 4 
 
 11 
 
 2 
 
 7 
 
 6 
 
 4 
 
 9 
 
 11 
 
 2 
 
 There are in Clarke County outside of Athens 13 school buildings for 
 whites and 14 schools for colored pupils, four of which are held in 
 churches. Prior to 1914 there were 14 schools for whites, but the 
 Buchanon and Tuckston schools (see school map) have been consolidated 
 in the Tuckston building. The following characteristics are common to 
 all school buildings in the county, white and colored. They are ventilated 
 only by windows, and are heated by stoves. With one exception these 
 stoves are unjacketed. The Normal Rural school has a steel jacketed 
 
 22 
 
Type of uniiuproved School Grounds. (White). 
 Fi-diii Stiitly No. '^. 
 
 Outdoor gyiini;istic drilJ, Model and Trainin.i;' St-hoDl. 
 This school deserves the lilghest couinienchition and loyal supiiort. 
 
 23 
 
stove. They obtain their water from wells, either on the school grounds, 
 or from a nearby farm house. The toilet houses are mere boxes con- 
 structed of rough boards and are unscreened. They are rarely, if ever, 
 cleaned out and the filth accumulates from the beginning to end of school. 
 The specific characteristics are so few that they can scarcely be tabulated, 
 but the accompanying table will give a slight sketch wherein some of the 
 houses differ from the above general description. 
 
 As this diagram shows, there is one house with five rooms, four having 
 two rooms, and nine having one room. There are four school buildings 
 with cloak rooms, and nine that have no cloak room. All the houses but 
 one are painted, or fiave been. The paint has peeled off most of them 
 so that they need repainting badly. Only one school building is lighted 
 at night. Eight buildings are supplied with patent desks. The others are 
 fitted with serviceable desks manufactured in Athens. The total number 
 of patent desks in use is 220. 
 
 Most of the buildings were located on level shady spots, but two or 
 three are located on steep hillsides. Princetown school house is located on 
 a hill so steep that the playground is practically useless. A few of the 
 school grounds have flower gardens, but having no one to attend them 
 during the long vacations, each year has to start anew: the general con- 
 dition of most of the school houses is below normal. Consider the fact 
 that not a penny was spent in the whole county in 1914 for repairs on 
 school buildings and it is readily seen that the school buildings are not 
 in repair. 
 
 The )i\ggro schools are also classified according to their general charac- 
 teristics and a glance at the next table will give a fair picture of the four- 
 teen schools. 
 
 TABLE XIX. 
 Description of Buildings, Negro Schools, Rural. 
 
 No. oi Rooms 
 
 Cloak 
 Room 
 
 D.J n 1 ' P'^'y 
 Painted , Uesks , Grounds 
 
 Location 
 
 Flower 
 Garden 
 
 General 
 Condition 
 
 
 1. 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 
 o 
 Z 
 
 >- 
 
 o 
 Z 
 
 CU 
 
 o 
 Z 
 
 -a 
 o 
 o 
 
 O 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 CU 
 
 -a 
 o 
 o 
 
 O 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 a. 
 
 >■ 
 
 o 
 Z 
 
 .u -a 
 
 Midway 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 
 Oak Grove 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 Billups't 
 
 . * 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 ♦ 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 Morton's Ch'p'l 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 
 St. Luke's 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 ♦ 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 
 Allenvillef 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 :? 
 
 Timothyt 
 
 -* 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 Chestnut Grove 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 ••i! 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 
 Mt. Sinai 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 
 St. James 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 
 Brooklyn! 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 Shiloh 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 i >-f 
 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 
 Model & Tr. 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 Macedonia 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 
 
 * * 
 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 ~1~ 
 
 * 
 
 13 
 
 * 
 
 9 
 
 
 Total 
 
 12 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 13 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 
 14 
 
 9 
 
 ~5" 
 
 7 
 
 7 
 
 5 
 
 flu fhiircb buildings. 
 
 24 
 
Tvpical home of Xecro landowner in Sanilv C'reelc District. 
 (From Study No. 1. 
 
 Meeting' cf tlie Corn ritih at the Mialel and Training School. 
 !~i;nie of the Kxceileut Work 1 ein.^;- lionc liy This Scllonl. 
 
 25 
 
Of the fourteen negro schools, twelve of them are one-room buildings, 
 one has two rooms, and one has three. Four of the negro schools are 
 held in churches, there being no building provided for school purposes. 
 As for the white schools, not a penny was put into repairs, buildings or 
 equipment in 1914. As some of the buildings were in bad condition 
 before, a year's rough usages make some of them very dilapidated. One 
 of the buildings has a cloak room, and six of them were painted. All the 
 buildings that are used for school and church purposes are equipped for 
 night lighting. They were lighted by the church-goers and not the school 
 patrons. There are no patent desks in the negro school buildings. Only 
 five of the schools have desks of any kind. The others have only wooden 
 benches in them. The rural pupil is fortunate in that he has plenty of 
 room for playgrounds. All of the schools have ample play grounds. Some 
 are rough, it is true, but it does not stop the children from play. The 
 schools that are run in the church buildings are the poorest ones. They 
 are too large for the purpose, they cannot be properly heated in winter, 
 and the benches are poor substitutes for desks. 
 
 The Model and Training School is the only rjegro building in the county 
 where the property is in good condition. The grounds are well kept and 
 have flowers planted, and since the principal of this school has her home 
 on the grounds, she cares for the flowers the whole year. The premises 
 are kept clean of trash, and altogether presents a neat appearance. This 
 school is partly supported by the Slater fund, and gets a small donation 
 from the Phelps-Stokes Fund. The Slater Fund is withdrawn after the 
 school term 1914-1.5, and the school will be seriously crippled. 
 
 Preparation of Teachers. With the State Normal School and the Uni- 
 versity of Georgia located in Athens, it is an easy matter to get normal 
 trained white teachers for the schools. Many girls who are so trained 
 cannot get employment in the city schools because there is not room for 
 them. Also the schools in the county districts, have easy access to normal 
 trained teachers. Despite the fact that schools run only five months and 
 the salaries are small, of the twenty white teachers employed in the county 
 seventeen of them have had normal training. 
 
 Of the twenty-three colored teachers in the city schools, fourteen have 
 had college or normal training, six have had high school training, one had 
 only gone through the grammar grades, and the other two were not ascer- 
 tained. In the country districts, seven of the teachers had had some nor- 
 mal training, though there were only three who had had as much as six 
 months. Five had had high school work though only two had completed 
 the high school. The remaining eleven teachers had finished the grammar 
 school. This data was secured directly from the teachers themselves, 
 since no other record of their training could be obtained. 
 
 Other qualifications are important. Much has been written on the low 
 moral standard of the negro teacher, and there is no direct proof to the 
 contrary. The investigator inquired after the record of the teachers in 
 Athens of every iierson whom he met whose judgment was thought to be 
 of consequence, and every one questioned spoke highly of the character 
 
 26 
 
of the Athens force of teachers. He did not hear one of them spoken of 
 in any but the best terms. In the county it was somewhat different. 
 There were instances in which some of the colored teachers in the county 
 districts were thought to have set a bad example. However, these opin- 
 ions are merely set down at what they are worth. The salaries of the 
 teachers may be noted subsequently. 
 
 Length of School Term. In Athens, all the schools, white and colored, 
 are run for nine months in the year, and funds are appropriated to enable 
 them to run for that long. In the country schools, the majority run for 
 only five months in the year. The amount received from the state enables 
 them to run for only five months, and there is no other fund available for 
 most of them. Winterville white school, however, runs nine months. 
 Tuition is charged to pay part of the expenses, and citizens of the town 
 interested in school work subscribe to the fund. The Princeton school 
 runs seven months. The expenses for the two extra months are met by 
 charging a small tuition, and by subscription of citizens of the village. 
 The remainder of the schools run five months. 
 
 Of the colored schools, only one runs more than five months in the 
 year, and that is the Model and Training School, which runs nine months, 
 due to donations from the Slater Fund, a small donation from the Phelps- 
 Stokes Fund, and private Contributions. With short term schools and 
 poor attendance the total proportion of school days for the average 
 child is consequently small. 
 
 General Finances. The state apportioned to Athens $11,665.60 from 
 the general state appropriations as the city's share of the state school 
 money in the school year 1914-15. The schools received from the city a 
 supplement, appropriated directly from the city treasury. The total cost 
 of operating the schools in the city for the 1914-15 school year was 
 $57,615.95, but a detailed report as to how it was divided between 
 the white and negro schools was not received. All school buildings in 
 use in the city for public school purposes are owned by the city. 
 
 In the county districts, the county does not own all the school buildings. 
 Of the thirteen buildings in which white schools are conducted, ten are 
 publicly owned. These ten buildings are valued at about $7,5 00. Only 
 five of the fourteen school buildings for negroes are publicly owned. The 
 value of these five is estimated at $2,700. 
 
 The total value of white school property, publicly and privately owned, 
 in the county is about $9,100. The total value of negro school property, 
 publicly and privately owned, in the rural districts is about $3,500. 
 
 What the county gets from the state appropriations is about all there 
 is available for public education in the county. The buildings now in use 
 were constructed several years ago when Georgia was a "wet" state. A 
 dispensary was run in Athens, and the profits went to the education fund. 
 Now that this fund has been used up, there is no other source of revenue 
 supplied. A local tax election held a few years ago failed to pass, and 
 Clarke Cotlnty is still without adequate revenue to maintain a good system 
 of schools. Sentiment is now being worked up in the county in favor of 
 
 27 
 
I'rohalily tlie best ne.sird Iidiiu- in Athens. 
 
 The West Broad Street public school for negroes. 
 
 28 
 
local tax, and probably before long the voters will supply revenue to sup- 
 plement the state school fund. 
 
 The receipts and disbursements for the year 1914-15 in the Athens city 
 schools are shown below: 
 
 Receipts. 
 
 From City of Athens $45100.00 
 
 State of Georgia 11665.60 
 
 Tuition 848.50 
 
 Miscellaneous Income i 213.28 
 
 Bill Payable 600o!oO 
 
 Deficit, July 1915 375.85 
 
 $64203.23 
 Disbui'senients. 
 
 Deficit July, 1914 90.59 
 
 Salary account 49917.04 
 
 Janitor " 1955.66 
 
 Repair " 1429.02 
 
 Supply " : 656.29 
 
 Fuel and Light account 1584.58 
 
 Printing and advertising account ' 116.40 
 
 Furniture and Equipment 
 
 Misc. and Incidentals 
 
 Library 
 
 Maintenance of Grounds 
 
 Rent 
 
 Contingent 
 
 Bills Payable 
 
 756.24 
 474.10 
 78.55 
 193.94 
 247.50 
 207.63 
 6000.00 
 
 Discount on note and City warrants 495.69 
 
 $64203.23 $64203.23 
 The total cost of operating the schools, exclusive of the loan to offset 
 the delay in State payments and interest on this loan and on city war- 
 rants, was $57616.95. 
 
 The total amount available for public education in the county is here 
 shown. 
 
 Received from State appropriation in 1914 $7,936.77 
 
 Balance from 1913 1,056.06 
 
 Tuition 487.00 
 
 $9,479.83 
 The following report from the County School Superintendent will show 
 expenditures. 
 
 Male Female Total 
 
 Teachers' Salaries — White $774.91 $3843.52 $4618.43 
 
 Teachers' Salaries — Negro 114.00 2,484 2598. 3a 
 
 Insurance $ 14.00 
 
 Equipment 
 
 Supplies 
 
 Repairs 
 
 Interest $ 202.45 
 
 Superintendent's Salary $1032. Members County Board $84 $1,116.00 
 
 Office expenses 41.66 
 
 Total, $8,591.67 
 
 29 
 
The item marked interest in tlie above budget of expenditures, means 
 interest that comes from borrowing for teachers' salaries. Tlie state 
 does not make arrangements to pay tlie teachers promptly, but in order 
 to pay the teachers, the county superintendent borrows the money to pay 
 the teacher, the teacher being required to pay the interest on the amount 
 borrowed. Their pay is small enough, and their work difficult enough to 
 at least get their money promptly without having to pay interest on it.* 
 
 The following are average expenditures for the county schools: 
 
 White Negro 
 
 Average monthly expenditure per pupil, $2.14 $0.67 
 
 Male Female 
 
 Salary to white teachers $70.00 $40.45 
 
 Salary to negro teachers 24.00 22.09 
 
 Salary to H. S. white teachers 80.00 60.00 
 
 Salary to H. S. negro teachers 
 
 * The lOl.j T^egislaturo luis reinodie'l tliis defect liy suitable lesislation. 
 
 30 
 
i*.-^ 
 
 m^^.' 
 
 
 'riie "Xormnl IJur.-il" scIkkiI mi tlie camims of thfj State Normal Srhonl in the 
 Athens District. Contrasted with the (■onininn ty|ie in ('larke ("onnTy. 
 
 School (hardening at the Xornial Knral School. 
 Possibilities so undeveloped in the Clarke Connt.v Scliools. 
 
 31 
 
CHAPTER III 
 
 School Work and School Progress 
 
 Basis of this Chapter. This chapter will show in a general way the 
 character of the work actually being done in the schools of Clarke County, 
 including the city schools of Athens and the country schools of the county, 
 both white and negro. The results obtained from the study of school work 
 and the comparisons between white and black will be studied further in 
 connection with subsequent facts brought out in the study of the aptitudes 
 and abilities of, white and negro children. The information in this chapter 
 is all printed here for the first time, and was obtained through original 
 inquiry instituted by the Phelps-Stokes studies. Special report blanks 
 were prepared and carried or sent to every teacher in every school in the 
 county. After the desired information was obtained the blanks were re- 
 turned or collected by the investigator. The information asked for on 
 the blanks included: Name of pupil, age, sex, grade, promoted or not 
 promoted, time in grade, deportment, class standing, and in what subject 
 best work was done. Most of the information received proved to be 
 accurate and usable; in those cases where there was doubt or irregularity, 
 the results were thrown out. The substance of the information so gained 
 is presented below. 
 
 Age and Grade Distribution. The relative distribution of all pupils in 
 the public schools of the city and country, classified by race, sex, .^.nd 
 grades is given in the first table. 
 
 TABLE XX. 
 
 Showing the per cent, in each grade in all elementary schools. 
 
 White 
 
 Negro 
 
 City 
 
 Country 
 
 Elemen- 
 tary 
 
 City 
 
 Country 
 
 Male 
 
 Female 
 
 Tolal 
 
 Male 
 
 Female 
 
 Tolal 
 
 Grade 
 
 1 
 
 Male 1 Female 
 
 Total 
 
 Male 
 
 Female 
 
 Tolal 
 
 27.4 
 18.1 
 12.1 
 15.9 
 
 21.8 
 19.0 
 14.9 
 17.9 
 
 24.8 
 18.6 
 13.4 
 16.7 
 
 39.6 
 
 12.8 
 
 12.8 
 
 9.3 
 
 24.8 
 14.2 
 11.7 
 11.2 
 
 32.9 
 13.5 
 12.4 
 10.1 
 
 1 
 2 
 3 
 4 
 
 47.8 
 
 14.1 
 
 12.3 
 
 9.9 
 
 28.5 
 22.9 
 13.2 
 13.1 
 
 37.0 
 18.9 
 12.8 
 11.6 
 
 53.0 
 
 18.6 
 
 11.9 
 
 9.4 
 
 40.6 
 18.5 
 16.8 
 12.4 
 
 46.2 
 18.7 
 14.6 
 11.0 
 
 73.5 
 
 73.6 
 
 73.5 
 
 74.5 
 
 61.9 
 
 68.9 
 
 1 Total 
 
 1 84.1 
 
 77.7 
 
 80.3 
 
 92.9 
 
 88.3 
 
 90.6 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Grammar Grades 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 12.7 
 8.8 
 4.9 
 
 10.6 
 
 13.7 
 
 2.0 
 
 11.7 
 
 11.1 
 
 3.5 
 
 10.3 
 9.3 
 5.6 
 
 24.2 
 8.0 
 5.6 
 
 16.3 
 8.7 
 6.0 
 
 5 
 6 
 
 7 
 
 8.4 
 4.6 
 2.6 
 
 12.8 
 6.9 
 2.9 
 
 10.8 
 5.9 
 2.8 
 
 5.4 
 
 1.4 
 
 .2 
 
 7.1 
 2.8 
 1.8 
 
 6.4 
 2.0 
 1.0 
 
 26.4 
 
 1 26.3 
 
 26.1 
 
 25.2 
 
 37.8 
 
 31.0 
 
 Total 
 
 15.6 
 
 22.6 
 
 19.5 
 
 7.0 
 
 11.7 
 
 9.4 
 
 Some of the important facts gleaned from the above table should be 
 summarized and emphasized. The table shows that in the city, 73.5 per 
 cent, of the whites are enrolled in the primary grades, and 26.1 per cent, 
 in the grammar grades. The negroes are 80.3 per cent, enrolled in the 
 primary grades and 19.5 per cent, in the grammar grades. The per cent. 
 of both whites and blacks in the seventh grade is small, only 3.5 per cent. 
 
 32 
 
of the whites, and 2.S per cent, of the negroes are thus enrolled in the 
 last grade in the grammar school. In the country schools, the negroes 
 are 46.2 per cent, in the first grade, and only 1.0 per cent, in the seventh. 
 Of the total negro pupils enrolled in the country schools, 90.6 per cent, 
 are enrolled in the primary grades, and only 9.4 per cent, in the grammar 
 grades. The whites make a much better showing. Of those enrolled, 
 68.9 per cent, are in tha primary grades, and 31.0 per cent, in the gram- 
 mar grades. 
 
 An examination of the table shows further, that the whites do not 
 vary so much in sex as the negroes. Of the negro boys in the city, only 
 15.6 per cent, are in the grammar grades, as opposed to 22.6 per cent, of 
 the negro girls. Of the whites in the city, 2 6.4 per cent of the boys are 
 enrolled in the grammar grades, and 2 6.3 per cent, of the girls. Thus it 
 is seen that a larger per cent, of the whites reach the higher grades than 
 of the negroes. With the whites, the two sexes are almost equally divided, 
 but with the negroes the females are greatly in excess of the males. 
 
 The negroes remain in school to a more advanced age. If 14 years be 
 adopted as the age when pupils would finish the grammar school, there 
 is only 1.1 per cent, of the whites above that age, while of the negro 
 pupils, 4.3 per cent, are over 14. The following table shows the distri- 
 bution by ages of the pupils of the different groups. 
 
 TABLE XXI. 
 
 Distribution of Pupils by Ages in All Elementary Schools. 
 
 
 
 
 Wl 
 
 lite 
 
 
 Negro 
 
 Age 
 
 City 
 
 Country 
 
 City 
 
 C 
 
 ountry 
 
 
 Male 
 
 Female 
 
 Tola! 
 
 Male ' Female 
 
 Total 
 
 Male Female 
 
 Total 
 
 Male 
 
 Female 
 
 Total 
 
 6 
 
 12.9 
 
 11.9 
 
 12.4 
 
 12.4 
 
 8.1 
 
 10.4 
 
 13.1 
 
 8.9 
 
 10.8 
 
 9.8 
 
 9.6 
 
 9.8 
 
 7 
 
 11.5 
 
 11.1 
 
 11.3 
 
 10.5 
 
 8.2 
 
 9.4 
 
 12.1 
 
 9.1 
 
 10.6 
 
 10.5 
 
 10.3 
 
 10.4 
 
 8 
 
 14.9 
 
 18.2 
 
 16.5 
 
 12.4 
 
 9.2 
 
 10.9 
 
 14.7 
 
 10.9 
 
 12.7 
 
 11.0 
 
 10.9 
 
 11.2 
 
 9 
 
 14.7 
 
 15.2 
 
 14.9 
 
 10.5 
 
 8.6 
 
 9.7 
 
 10.1 
 
 14.3 
 
 12.4 
 
 10.3 
 
 11.0 
 
 10.7 
 
 10 
 
 13.8 
 
 14.1 
 
 13.9 
 
 10.5 
 
 i6.a 
 
 13.2 
 
 12.5 
 
 14.1 
 
 12.8 
 
 11.0 
 
 10.6 
 
 11.0 
 
 11 
 
 12.6 
 
 11.6 
 
 12.1 
 
 6.2 
 
 10.3 
 
 8.2 
 
 11.4 
 
 9.5 
 
 10.4 
 
 7.5 
 
 8.8 
 
 8.2 
 
 12 
 
 9.6 
 
 8.4 
 
 9.1 
 
 14.0 
 
 9.7 
 
 11.9 
 
 10.4 
 
 9.8 
 
 10.1 
 
 11.7 
 
 9.3 10.4 
 
 13 
 
 6.7 
 
 7.1 
 
 6.9 
 
 5.4 
 
 9.7 
 
 7.3 
 
 7.0 
 
 10.9 
 
 9.2 
 
 10.5 
 
 7.6 
 
 8.9 
 
 14 
 
 1.9 
 
 1.4 
 
 1.7 
 
 8.6 
 
 8.1 
 
 8.4 
 
 6.1 
 
 6.7 
 
 6.5 
 
 6.8 
 
 8.8 
 
 7.8 
 
 15 
 
 1.2 
 
 .3 
 
 .8 
 
 6.2 
 
 10.8 
 
 8.4 
 
 2.6 
 
 3.5 
 
 3.1 
 
 7.0 
 
 5.6 
 
 6.2 
 
 16 
 
 .1 
 
 .5 
 
 .3 
 
 2.8 
 
 .5 
 
 1.7 
 
 .6 
 
 1.1 
 
 .9 
 
 2.1 
 
 5.8 
 
 4.1 
 
 17 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 .5 
 
 .3 
 
 .4 
 
 1.6 
 
 1.0 
 
 18 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 In the above table the mode, or the age in which the largest number is 
 found ,is in heavy type. A glance across the columns will show that there 
 is not much difference between the whites and negroes in the city schools. 
 The only difference is that the negro girls have a tendency to extend to a 
 higher age than others. In the country schools, the variation is greater. 
 There is a tendency on the part of boys of both races to extend to a higher 
 age. Summarizing, it is seen that in the city schools a larger nuriiber is 
 enrolled at eight years than in any other year. In the country schools 
 
 33 
 
the largest number enrolled is at ten years for the whites and eight for 
 the negreos. In the city schools the whites enrolled 16.5 per cent, at eight 
 years and the negroes 12.7 per cent. The country schools have 13.2 per 
 cent, enrolled at ten years of the whites, and of the negroes 11.2 per cent, 
 at eight years. Likewise, throughout the table there is variation among 
 the whites and negroes in the city and country schools at the different 
 age periods. The tendency of the negroes to extend over a somewhat 
 wider range is shown. The irregularity of the curve at different age 
 periods is graphically shown. The irregularity in the country schools is 
 more pronounced than in the city schools. 
 
 Retardation. Having seen that a smaller number of negroes reach the 
 higher grades, but that a larger number are enrolled at the later ages, 
 it is to be expected that the negro pupils w^ill show a higher percentage 
 of retardation. This is the case. The total pupils for each race and 
 school, are first arranged according to age and grade. Then the standard 
 of normal age most commonly accepted, is applied. This standard applies 
 to each grade a normal age, and all children who are older than that age 
 are called above normal age. The above normal age children are counted 
 as retarded. The normal age of children in the first grade is commonly 
 accepted as seven years. The normal age of children in the second grade 
 is eight years, those in the third grade nine years, and so on. 
 
 In the comparisons of the different races and schools, the proportion 
 of children of normal age is shown, and also those above normal and those 
 below normal. These proportions are shown in the tables that follow 
 
 Examine first the table of percentages. In the table the mode is under- 
 lined, and comparisons can be quickly made. The difference between 
 retarded children by grades in the white and negro city schools is not 
 great. Among th'e whites, the mode for above normal falls in the fourth 
 grade. The same is true of the negroes. The mode for normal among 
 the whites falls in the third grade. For the negroes, the mode is in the 
 first grade, but there is not much difference in the first and third. The 
 mode for below normal for both races is in the first grade. 
 
 In the country schools, note that the mode for above normal falls in 
 the second grade, but for the negroes it falls in the fifth. The mode for 
 normal among the whites is in the sixth grade, while for the negroes it 
 is in the first. The mode for below normal for the whites is in the 
 seventh grade, while for the negroes it is in the first. Further compari- 
 sons can be made by noticing the graphical representation. The differ- 
 ence between the sexes is seen to be slight. In the group above normal, 
 there is a difference of almost half between the whites and negroes; in 
 the normal group, the difference is seen to be about one-third; in the 
 below normal group the difference is about half. Among the wdiites in 
 the city schools there are more in the below normal group than in. the 
 above normal group. For the negroes, however, there are only a third 
 as many in the below normal as in the above normal group. In the 
 country schools, the whites are about three-fifths as many in the below 
 as in the above normal group. For the negroes, the below normals are 
 
 34 
 

 
 
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 85 
 
 
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only a sixth of the above normals. Careful notice should be given the 
 relative number of children who are in the below normal group, and are 
 called bright ones as compared to the slow or retarded ones. 
 
 Of course most children enter school in Georgia at six years of age, and 
 these tables could be worked on a basis allowing six years as normal age 
 for the first grade; however, most writings on the subject take seven 
 years as normal age, for- the first grade. For the reason above mentioned 
 there are more children, of both races, in the below normal group than 
 would be if the six year standard had been used. 
 
 The preceding tables and representations have shown the per cent, of 
 children who are retarded. But as given, they do not show the difference 
 in the degree of retardation. Evidently a child who is retarded one year 
 and one retarded five years are not to be classed alike. Again, a more 
 accurate comparison may be made between the whites and negroes, if the 
 retarded pupils are classified according to the number of years retarded. 
 The following table shows the two groups classified according to number 
 of years retarded. 
 
 From this table is seen that in the city schools, there is not much 
 difference in the per cent, retarded one year between the whites and 
 negroes. For those retarded more than one year however, the negroes 
 are retarded for two years more than twice as much as the whites. Re- 
 tarded three years, the negroes are three times as much as the whites, 
 and so on, for the other remaining numbers. In the rural schools, the 
 number retarded one year is greater for the whites than for the blacks. 
 The difference between the number of whites and number of negroes re- 
 tarded two years is 3.0 per cent. For those retarded three years or more 
 the negroes show a much larger per cent, than the whites. Further 
 relative comparison may be made from the tables and graphs. 
 
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other Comparisons. In the above tables and conclusions it has been 
 assumed that one year only be allowed for a normal age for each grade. 
 The usual classifications were then made as commonly made in other 
 studies. Experience, liowever, has shown that three years may be allow- 
 ed for each grade and thus make a more flexible and refined classifica- 
 tion. Thus a child who is in the first grade may be classed as normal if 
 ne be six, seven or eight years old; a child in the second if he be seven, 
 eight, or nine; and so on for the grades. For late entrance to school, 
 different standards of grading, and many other factors contribute to make 
 the age for the several grades variable. Thus, if one is not disposed to 
 accept the previous classifications of retardation, the second may be 
 studied and comparisons made between white and negro children. The 
 table follows. 
 
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 elow 
 
 
 
 
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An examination of this table shows tliat in tlie case of the white chil- 
 dren only 11.5 per cent, are retarded, while in the case of the negroes 
 39.9 per cent, are retarded, thus making the difference even greater than 
 with the former classification. This is for the city schools. In the 
 country districts, the difference is not quite so great, both white and 
 negro being more retarded, the former 30.7 per cent, and the latter 58.3 
 per cent. Further comparisons may be made if desired. 
 
 Class-room Work. An attempt was made to find out the quality of the 
 class-room work done by pupils in the schools. In the special report 
 blank sent to the different teachers, provision was made for classifying 
 the pupils in three grades. That is, whether the pupil was in the upper 
 section, middle or lower section of his class. The following table gives a 
 summary of the results obtained. 
 
 TABLE XXV. 
 
 Class Standing. 
 
 
 City 
 
 Country 
 
 
 White 
 
 No. % 
 
 Negro 
 No. 7c 
 
 White 
 
 No. % 
 
 Nc 
 No. 
 
 gro 
 
 High 
 
 Medium 
 
 Low 
 
 402 
 557 
 281 
 
 32.4 
 44.9 
 22.6 
 
 195 
 622 
 213 
 
 18.9 
 60.2 
 20.6 
 
 148 
 
 178 
 
 49 
 
 39.5 
 47.4 
 15.1 
 
 182 
 570 
 158 
 
 20.0 
 62.6 
 17.4 
 
 Total 
 
 1240 
 
 99.9 
 
 1030 
 
 99.8 1 
 
 375 
 
 
 910 
 
 100.0 
 
 As seen from the table, there were reported in the city the standing of 
 1240 white pupils and of 998 negro pupils. Of the white pupils, there 
 were 402, or 32.4 per cent, in the upper section. In the middle section 
 were 557, or 44.9 per cent, of those reported, while in the lower section 
 were 281, or 22.6 per cent. Of the negroes, there were in the upper 
 section 195, or 18.9 per cent, of the pupils. In the middle section were 
 622, or 60.3 per cent, of the number reported, and in the lower section 
 were 213, or 20.6 per cent. 
 
 As seen from the table also, there were reported 3 75 white pupils and 
 910 negro pupils from the country schools, of the white pupils, there 
 were in the upper section of the class 14 8, or 39.5 per cent, of the 
 number reported, in the middle section were 178, or 47.4 per cent., and 
 in the lower section 49, or 15.1 per cent. Of the negroes, 182, or 20.0 
 per cent, were in the upper section, 570, or 62.6 per cent, in the middle 
 section, and 158, or 17.4 per cent, in the lower section. 
 
 In view of the fact that negro pupils and white pupils study the same 
 texts, and are in school under more or less the same circumstances, it 
 would seem from the above figures that the work accomplished by the 
 two groups is of about the same quality. 
 
 The standards of measurements for the two are necessarily different, 
 however. As has been shown in a preceding chapter, the preparation 
 of the two groups of teachers is very different. The white teachers have 
 had very superior training compared to the negro teachers, and the 
 quality of the work done by them should be of a higher order. There- 
 
 40 
 
 I 
 
fore, when a negro teacher classes a pupil in the upper section of his 
 class, a white teacher grading a pupil of equal standing by her standards, 
 the two pupils would not come in the same class as t* quality of work 
 accomplished. 
 
 Deportment and Conduct in School. The deportment of the negro 
 pupils in the city schools was reported to be on the average as satisfac- 
 tory. Talks with the principals of the various schools brought out the 
 information that the pupils were easy to discipline. Corporal punish- 
 ment is used when necessary, and the principals report that in some 
 cases it is absolutely necessary. Out of an enrollment of 1180, there 
 were reported 140 cases of corporal punishment in the negro city schools. 
 
 As seen from the table that follows, out of 13 77 reported in the white 
 city schools, 9 9 pupils, or 6.0 per cent, were reported as bad. In the 
 negro schools in the city 1041 were reported. Of this number, the 
 deportment of 121, or 11.6 per cent, of the group were reported as hav- 
 ing bad deportment. 
 
 In the country schools, 388 pupils were reported. 11.3 per cent, of 
 that number were reported as having bad deportment. Of the negroes, 
 933 pupils were reported. Of that number only 54, or 5.7 per cent, were 
 reported as having bad deportment. Other comparisons may be made. 
 
 TABLE XXVI. 
 
 Deportment and Class. 
 
 Deportment 
 
 City 
 
 Country 
 
 
 White 
 
 No. % 
 
 Negro 
 No. % 
 
 White 
 
 No. <7o 
 
 Negro 
 No. % 
 
 Good 
 
 Average 
 
 Bad 
 
 747 
 
 538 
 
 92 
 
 54.8 
 
 39.1 
 
 6.0 
 
 435 
 
 485 
 121 
 
 41.8 
 46.6 
 11.6 
 
 155 
 189 
 
 44 
 
 40.0 
 
 48.7 
 11.3 
 
 292 
 
 587 
 
 54 
 
 31.3 
 
 62.9 
 
 5.7 
 
 Total 
 
 1377 
 
 99.9 
 
 1041 
 
 100.0 1 
 
 1 388 
 
 100.0 
 
 933 
 
 99.9 
 
 Aptitude in Branches of Study. In asking the different teachers to 
 report for each pupil the subject that he did his best work, results as 
 tabulated below are of interest, although probably of little absolute value. 
 By looking at the table carefully, it is seen that a larger per cent, of all 
 groups did better work in reading than in any other subject. Arithmetic 
 comes next. A large per cent, of pupils of the various groups were re- 
 ported as doing good work in arithmetic. Comparisons can be made for 
 all the subjects taught in the primary and grammar grades by looking 
 at the table. As seen from the graphs, the leaders for all groups are 
 reading, arithmetic, and spelling. The other subjects follow with varying 
 degrees. Very few of the pupils excel in knowing the fundamental prin- 
 ciples of the care of the body and cleanliness taught in Physiology. 
 
 41 
 
Subject 
 
 TABLE XXVI r. 
 Best AVoik in the Subjects of: 
 
 City 
 
 Country 
 
 White 
 
 No. % 
 
 Reading 
 
 284 
 
 30.0 
 
 Spelling 
 
 184 
 
 20.1 
 
 Arithmetic 
 
 226 
 
 24.7 
 
 English 
 
 89 
 
 9.7 
 
 Geography- 
 
 36 
 
 3.9 
 
 History 
 
 62 
 
 6.7 
 
 Physiolgy 
 
 6 
 
 .6 
 
 Writing 
 
 26 
 
 2.8 
 
 Negro 
 
 No. '/c 
 
 416 
 88 
 
 327 
 51 
 23 
 27 
 6 
 30 
 
 42.9 
 9.1 
 
 33.7 
 5.8 
 2.4 
 2.7 
 .6 
 3.0 
 
 913 I 99.7 I 968 ilOO.O 
 
 White 
 
 No. % 
 
 Negro 
 
 No. Vc 
 
 110 
 25 
 
 127 
 14 
 12 
 19 
 
 38.5 
 8.1 
 
 41.3 
 4.5 
 3.9 
 6.2 
 
 307 ! 99.8 
 
 746 1 99.6 
 
 42 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 
 Tests of General Intelligence and Mental Processes 
 The Basis of this Cliapter. In this chapter it is proposed to give the 
 results of certain tests of intelligence of both white and negro children in 
 order that they may be compared with each other and with the results 
 given in previous chapters. These results will have a practical value in 
 helping to interpret the problems of instruction in the schools and a 
 theoretical value in contributing something to the knowledge of the differ- 
 eences between the two groups of children. All results were obtained 
 from original tests made uniformly by the same investigator after thor- 
 ough instruction in the use of material. The tests were made in separate 
 rooms where individual experiments were necessary, and all tests were 
 made between the hours of 9:30 and 1:30 of the school morning. Condi- 
 tions were as nearly uniform as it was possible to obtain. 
 
 Two general types of experiments were made. The first consisted of 
 the Binet measuring scale for intelligence, and was modeled after God- 
 dard's revision. Results were tabulated according to his classifications 
 so that comparisons might be made with his results and also the results 
 obtained by Dr. Odum in his tests of three hundred children three years 
 ago. The tests of mental processes were limited to four and selected for 
 comparison with other similar studies. These four comprised the test for 
 efficiency in simple perception, as found in the A-tests; the tests for 
 efficiency in association of ideas, as found in the A-t tests; the tests for 
 efficiency in controlled association, as found in the opposites-test; and 
 the test for efficiency in controlled association and association of ideas 
 in the misspelled word-test. These were selected as the most typical of 
 the tests for simple and complex processes. 
 
 The Binet Tests: In addition to the general conclusions reached from 
 the use of the Binet tests it may be suggested that they do not appear 
 as suited to negro children as to white children and that therefore the 
 difference between the two groups may seem too large. Since, however, 
 they represent a sort of standardized measurement, regardless of race or 
 individuals, the results may be accepted as of some value. This is espe- 
 cially true in view of the fact that the results agree with the three other 
 tests that have been made for negro children, to my knowledge. The 
 number of children tested included 304, although the number in the 
 fifth, fifteenth and sixteenth years is too small to be of any value. The 
 results may be gathered from the table which follows: 
 

 
 Standing of Xeg 
 
 ro 
 
 Pupils 
 
 According to Binet Tests. 
 
 
 Age 
 
 Intelligence age | 
 
 % one year 
 and more re- 
 tarded 
 
 ''t ad- 
 vanced 
 
 % retarded 
 
 two years or 
 
 more 
 
 '■; back- 
 
 in yrs. 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 6 
 
 7 
 
 8 
 
 9 
 
 10|11 
 
 12 
 
 13 
 
 Total 
 
 ward 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 __ 
 
 100.0 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 1 
 
 19 
 
 23 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 __ 
 
 __ 
 
 47 
 
 42.5 
 
 8.5 
 
 2.0 
 
 „ _ 
 
 7 
 
 
 1 
 
 10 
 
 11 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 39.3 
 
 21.4 
 
 3.5 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 22 
 
 6 
 
 
 __ 
 
 _■_ 
 
 
 
 __ 
 
 38 
 
 ' 84.2 
 
 — — 
 
 26.3 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 19 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 __ 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 42 
 
 80.9 
 
 
 
 61.9 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 1 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 10 
 
 13 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 34 
 
 94.1 
 
 
 
 55.8 
 
 14.7 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 8 
 
 12 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 __ 
 
 33 
 
 90.9 
 
 
 
 72.7 
 
 12.1 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 7 
 
 5 
 
 12 
 
 __ 
 
 __ 
 
 
 
 26 
 
 100.0 
 
 
 
 100.0 
 
 23.6 
 
 13 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 13 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 26 
 
 100.0 
 
 __ 
 
 100.0 
 
 34.6 
 
 14 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 4 
 
 9 
 
 6 
 
 4 
 
 2 
 
 
 26 
 
 100.0 
 
 __ 
 
 100.0 
 
 76.9 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 100.0 
 
 __ 
 
 100.0 
 
 100.0 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 1 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 -- 
 
 1 
 
 100.0 
 
 -- 
 
 100.0 
 
 100.0 
 
 Total 1 1 |21 
 
 59 
 
 66 
 
 52 
 
 52 
 
 39|12 
 
 2 
 
 1 304 
 
 1 . 78.6 
 
 4.0 
 
 47.0 
 
 15.8 
 
 As seen from the same table, 4.0 per cent, of the children were ad- 
 vanced, that is, tested above normal. 78.7 per cent, are retarded 1 year 
 or more, and 4 7 per cent, are retarded two years or more. If those chil- 
 dren who tests 3 or more years below age are counted backward, then 
 of the negro children tested 15.8 per cent, were found backward by the 
 Binet Tests. 
 
 The next table is a comparison of the results of 1547 white children 
 tested by Dr. Goddard, in New Jersey, of 300 negro children tested by 
 Dr. Odum in Philadelphia, and of the 304 negro children tested in Athens. 
 
 The white children tested 329 pupils one year above age, and 312 tested 
 one year below age, while at normal was the largest number, 554 pupils. 
 The negroes tested by Dr. Odum show 15 testing one year above age, and 
 80 testing one year below age, and at age the largest number, 83 pupils. 
 
 Binet Tests of AVhite and NegTO Children. 
 
 FEEBLEMINDED 
 
 BACKWARD 
 
 NORMAL 
 
 EXCEPTIONAL 
 
 
 GROUP Years 
 
 Be 
 
 low Age 
 
 Ai 
 
 Age 
 
 Years Above Age 
 1 2 3-4 
 
 TOTAL 
 
 7 6 
 
 4 
 
 ■i 2 1 
 
 
 White 
 
 Children 16 8 
 
 37 
 
 79 156 312 
 
 554 
 
 329 49 14 2 
 
 1547 
 
 Negro 
 
 Children 2 3 
 
 (Philadelphia) 
 
 14 
 
 26 76 80 
 
 83 
 
 15 1 
 
 300 
 
 Negro 
 
 Children 2 6 17 
 
 (Athens) 
 
 24 
 
 41 71 78 
 
 53 
 
 12 
 
 304 
 
 Of the 304 tested in this report, 12 tested one year above age, at one 
 year below age as the table shows, there are 78, the largest number. 
 Testing at age the number is 53. 
 
 The white children as tested show 3.9 per cent, feebleminded, of the 
 
 44 
 
negroes tested by Dr. Odum, 6.3 per cent, are reported feebleminded, and 
 of those tested in tliis report sliow that 16.1 per cent, as tested by the 
 Binet Tests are feebleminded. i 
 
 The total averages do not give a fair representation of the averages for 
 the Binet test in this report. Children of five, six, and seven years test 
 about normal, while those of eleven, twelve and thirteen tested far below- 
 normal. 
 
 As seen from the next table which follows, the children at five years 
 of age tested 6 years, while at 14 years, they tested 9.9 years. One child 
 of sixteen tested at 9. The main group, however, from one to fourteen 
 years, show a range from 1 to 4.1 years retarded. 
 
 Average Intelligence of Negro Children by Binet Tests. 
 
 Number of Average Age Average Amount 
 Age Pupils by Binet Backward (years; 
 Tests 
 
 5 2 6.0 +1.0 
 
 6 47 5.6 .4 
 
 7 28 6.8 .2 
 
 8 38 6.9 1.1 
 
 9 42 7.4 1.6 
 
 10 34 . 8.1 1.9 
 
 11 33 8.8 2.2 
 
 12 26 9.0 3.0 
 
 13 26 9.5 3.5 
 
 14 26 9.9 4.1 
 
 15 1 11.0 4.0 
 
 16 1 9.0 7.0 
 
 Tests of "Single Traits" Mental Processes. These tests are fully de- 
 scribed by Whipple, in his "Manual of Mental and Physical Tests." 
 
 The first is a test of simple perception, and is called the "A" test. This 
 consists of a printed sheet of capital letters. One sheet is given to each 
 pupil, who is instructed uniformly by the same examiner to "mark the 
 largest number of letters possible in two minutes; to see who can mark 
 the largest number in two minutes. The papers were graded by counting 
 the number of letters marked regardless of omissions. 
 
 The next table shows the table of frequencies of 160 white children 
 and 156 negro children of approximately the same age. In this table, 
 the results are classified by sex and race, and the frequencies are given 
 in percentages. 
 
 1 h^ee .Annals of the American Academy, Sept., 1013. 
 
 45 
 

 Efficiency 
 
 of Percept 
 
 ion in White and Negro Pupils. 
 
 
 
 A's 
 
 Marked 
 
 GIRLS 
 
 BOYS 
 
 TOTAL 
 
 WHITE 
 
 No. % 
 
 NEGRO 
 
 No. * 
 
 WHITE 
 
 No. % 
 
 NEGRO 
 
 Mo. % 
 
 WHITE 
 
 No. •;; 
 
 NEGRO 
 
 No. <h 
 
 Under 10 
 
 10 to 12 
 
 12 to 14 
 
 14 etc. 
 
 16 
 
 18 
 
 20 
 
 22 
 
 24 
 
 26 
 
 28 
 
 30 
 
 32 
 
 34 
 
 36 
 
 38 
 
 40 
 
 42 
 
 44 
 
 46 
 
 48 
 
 50 
 
 1~ 
 3 
 1 
 1 
 
 7 
 
 6 
 
 7 
 
 5 
 
 9 
 
 11 
 
 5 
 
 8 
 
 5 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1.2 
 3.7 
 1.3 
 1.2 
 8.8 
 7.5 
 8.7 
 6.2 
 
 11.2 
 
 13.7 
 6.2 
 
 10.0 
 6.2 
 
 10.0 
 
 Y2 
 1.3 
 1.2 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 Y 
 
 V 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 6 
 
 4 
 
 8 
 
 13 
 
 8 
 
 14 
 
 6 
 
 7 
 
 5 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 1.0 
 2.0 
 
 2.0 
 
 5.0 
 
 3.0 
 
 3.0 
 
 6.0 
 
 4.0 
 
 8.0 
 
 13.0 
 
 18.0 
 
 14.0 
 
 6.0 
 
 7.0 
 
 5.0 
 
 6.0 
 
 3.0 
 
 1 
 
 4 
 3 
 11 
 
 4 
 
 7 
 
 9~ 
 
 11 
 
 7 
 
 5 
 
 6 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 1.2 
 
 Y.o 
 
 3.7 
 
 13.7 
 
 5.0 
 
 8.7 
 
 11.2 
 13.8 
 
 8.7 
 6.2 
 7.5 
 2.5 
 5.0 
 2.5 
 1.2 
 3.8 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 6 
 5 
 6 
 3 
 7 
 6 
 6 
 3 
 4 
 3 
 2 
 
 ,1~ 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 1.7 
 
 5.0 
 
 10.0 
 
 8.3 
 
 10.0 
 
 5.0 
 
 11.7 
 
 10.0 
 
 10.0 
 
 5.0 
 
 6.7 
 
 5.0 
 
 3.3 
 
 1.7 
 3.3 
 
 1.7 
 1.6 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 7 
 
 4 
 
 12 
 
 11 
 
 13 
 
 7 
 
 14 
 
 20 
 
 18 
 
 10 
 
 14 
 
 7 
 
 12 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 0.6 
 0.6 
 
 4.4 
 2.5 
 7.5 
 6.9 
 8.1 
 4.3 
 8.7 
 12.5 
 11.2 
 6.2 
 8.7 
 4.4 
 7.5 
 1.2 
 1.2 
 2.5 
 0.7 
 
 1 
 3 
 
 5~ 
 
 6 
 
 10 
 
 9 
 
 6 
 
 13 
 
 10 
 
 14 
 
 16 
 
 12 
 
 17 
 
 8 
 
 7 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 0~6 
 1.0 
 
 ~3~2 
 3.9 
 6.4 
 5.8 
 3.8 
 8.3 
 6.4 
 8.9 
 
 10.4 
 7.7 
 
 10.9 
 5.1 
 4.5 
 3.8 
 5.1 
 2.5 
 0.6 
 
 Total i 80 1 
 Average [ 30. 6| | 
 
 99 80 
 31.5 28. 7| 
 
 
 64 
 25.6 
 
 
 100 
 29.6 
 
 156 
 28.6 
 
 
 Average | | | 
 Deviation | 5.8| 
 
 6.1| 6.6 
 
 
 6.1 
 
 
 6.2 
 
 
 6.1 
 
 
 From this table it will be seen that both groups show a wide range and 
 much irregularity. Negro children show a little wider range than the 
 white children. Thus the negro children range from 10 up to 4 8. The 
 white children range from 12 up to 48. By consulting the table, com- 
 parisons can be made between the total groups, and also by sexes. 
 
 The averages for the two groups are also shown. The white children 
 marked on an average of 29.6 A's in two minutes, while the negro children 
 averaged 28.6 A's in two minutes. The average deviation for the whites 
 is 6.2, and for the negroes it is 6.1. 
 
 The next test combined perception with association of ideas. The 
 "A-T" test was used here. This consists of a page printed in Spanish. 
 The examiner instructs the pupil to mark as many words having both 
 "a" and "t" in them as possible, or to see who can mark the largest 
 number of "a's" and "t's" in two minutes. The test was made by the 
 same examiner as the other, and the pupils were uniformly instructed. 
 The tests were graded by counting the number of words marked without 
 regard to omissions. Many pupils marked words that did not contain 
 both "a" and "t." These words were disregarded in grading. This test 
 was given to 125 white chil(Jren and to 149 negro children, of approx- 
 imately the same age. The results are classified by sex, giving the fre- 
 quencies in percentages. The following table shows the results: 
 
 46 
 
Efficiency in Association of Ideas — White and Negro Punils. 
 
 (A and T Words). 
 
 
 WHITE 
 
 NEGRO 
 
 TOTAL 
 
 No. Words 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Marked 
 
 MALE 
 
 FEMALE 
 
 MALE 
 
 FEMALE 
 
 WHITE 
 
 NEGRO 
 
 
 No. 
 
 *'i' . 
 
 No. 
 
 % 
 
 No. 
 
 '4 
 
 No. 
 
 %. 
 
 No. 
 
 No. 
 
 No. 
 
 % 
 
 2 to 4 
 
 1 
 
 1.6 
 
 
 
 _, 
 
 1 
 
 1.7 
 
 2 
 
 2.2 
 
 1 
 
 .8 
 
 3 
 
 2.0 
 
 4 to 6 
 
 1 
 
 1.6 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 5.1 
 
 2 
 
 2.2 
 
 1 
 
 .8 
 
 5 
 
 3.4 
 
 6 to 8 
 
 1 
 
 1.6 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 5.1 
 
 1 
 
 1.1 
 
 1 
 
 .8 
 
 4 
 
 2.7 
 
 8 etc. 
 
 2 
 
 3.2 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 6.9 
 
 3 
 
 3.3 
 
 2 
 
 1.6 
 
 7 
 
 4.8 
 
 10 
 
 2 
 
 3.3 
 
 3 
 
 4.7 
 
 4 
 
 6.9 
 
 6 
 
 6.6 
 
 5 
 
 4.0 
 
 10 
 
 6.8 
 
 12 
 
 12 
 
 19.7 
 
 4 
 
 6.2 
 
 9 
 
 15.5 
 
 10 
 
 11.1 
 
 16 
 
 12.8 
 
 19 
 
 12.8 
 
 14 
 
 3 
 
 4.9 
 
 10 
 
 15.6 
 
 7 
 
 12.1 
 
 9 
 
 10.0 
 
 13 
 
 10.4 
 
 16 
 
 10.8 
 
 16 
 
 14 
 
 22.9 
 
 11 
 
 17.2 
 
 9 
 
 15.5 
 
 12 
 
 13.4 
 
 25 
 
 20.0 
 
 21 
 
 14.2 
 
 18 
 
 11 
 
 18.0 
 
 16 
 
 25.1 
 
 9 
 
 15.5 
 
 15 
 
 15.5 
 
 27 
 
 21.6 
 
 23 
 
 15.5 
 
 20 
 
 5 
 
 8.2 
 
 9 
 
 14.0 
 
 4 
 
 6.9 
 
 11 
 
 12.2 
 
 14 
 
 11.2 
 
 15 
 
 10.1 
 
 22 
 
 1 
 
 1.6 
 
 6 
 
 9.4 
 
 1 
 
 1.7 
 
 14 
 
 15.5 
 
 7 
 
 5.6 
 
 15 
 
 10.1 
 
 24 
 
 7 
 
 11.4 
 
 3 
 
 4.7 
 
 
 
 __ 
 
 4 
 
 4.5 
 
 10 
 
 8.0 
 
 4 
 
 2.7 
 
 26 
 
 28 
 
 1 
 
 1.6 
 
 2 
 
 3.1 
 
 4 
 
 6.8 
 
 3 
 
 3.3 
 
 3 
 
 2.4 
 
 7 
 
 4.7 
 
 Total 
 
 61 
 
 
 64 
 
 
 58 
 
 
 92 
 
 
 125 
 
 
 149 
 
 
 Average 
 
 15.9 
 
 
 17.4 
 
 
 14.1 
 
 
 16.3 
 
 
 16.6 
 
 
 15.2 
 
 
 Average 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Deviation 
 
 3.5 
 
 
 3.3 
 
 
 4.4 
 
 
 4-. 2 
 
 
 3.4 
 
 
 4.3 
 
 
 Here again both groups show a wide range and much irregularity. The 
 whites marked an average of 16.6 words in two minutes, and the negroes 
 152. In the table, under the column headed "total" the mode is in black- 
 faced figures. It is seen that the whites excel in the mode, as well as in 
 the average. The average deviation for the whites is 3.4 and for the 
 negroes it is 4.3. 
 
 The next test added, to association of ideas, controlled association, as 
 embodied in the "opposite word-test." This consists of twenty rather 
 simple words. The pupils were instructed in the first test to write as 
 many opposites to the words provided as possible in one minute. The 
 same instructor gave the test and the instructions were uniform. In this 
 test, there were 126 white pupils and 95 negro pupils. The following 
 table gives the frequencies. 
 
 Efficiency in Controlled Association — ^\Vhite and Negro Children. 
 
 Number of White Pupils Negro Pupils 
 
 Words Marked 
 
 Number 
 
 Per Cent. 
 
 Number 
 
 Per Cent. 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 __ 
 
 7 
 
 7.3 
 
 2 
 
 
 __ 
 
 7 
 
 7.3 
 
 3 
 
 __ 
 
 ■ 
 
 5 
 
 5.2 
 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 0.8 
 
 7 
 
 7.3 
 
 6 
 
 5 
 
 3.9 
 
 6 
 
 6.3 
 
 8 
 
 12 
 
 9.5 
 
 17 
 
 17.9 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 7.9 
 
 14 
 
 14.7 
 
 12 
 
 12 
 
 9.5 
 
 14 
 
 ' 14.8 
 
 14 
 
 19 
 
 15.1 
 
 13 
 
 14.7 
 
 16 
 
 21 
 
 16.6 
 
 4 
 
 4.2 
 
 18 
 
 25 
 
 19.8 
 
 1 
 
 1.0 
 
 20 
 
 21 
 
 16.6 
 
 — 
 
 -- 
 
 Total 
 
 126 
 
 99.8 
 
 95 
 
 99.8 
 
 Aveerage 
 
 14.6 
 
 
 8.5 
 
 
 Average Deviation 
 
 1.9 
 
 
 3.7 
 
 
 47 
 
In this case the negroes show a very large proportion giving a minimum 
 number of correct words, and a smaller proportion giving a maximum 
 number of correct words. The average number given by the negro chil- 
 dren is much smaller than that given by the white children. The average 
 given by the whites is 14.6, and by the negro children is 8.5. The average 
 deviation for the white children is 1.9, and for the negro children it is 3.7. 
 In this table, the mode is underscored. It is seen that for the whites, 
 the largest number marked 18 words, and for the negro children, the 
 largest number marked 8 words. 
 
 The next test combines with association of ideas and controlled asso- 
 ciation some practice in a knowledge of spelling. The teest consists of a 
 page of narrative in in which one hundred words are misspelled. The 
 pupils were again uniformly instructed to mark as many misspelled words 
 as possible in two minutees. 
 
 The number of white pupils was 90 and the number of negro pupils 
 was 110. The following table shows the frequencies in terms of the 
 number of words marked correctly. Some words were marked that were 
 not misspelled, but these were disregarded. 
 
 Efficiency in Controlled Association and Association of Ideas. 
 White and Negro Cliildren, 
 
 Number of Misspelled 
 
 White Pupils 
 Number Per Cent. 
 
 Negro Pupils 
 
 Words Marked 
 
 Number 
 
 Per Cent. 
 
 Under 10 
 
 6 
 
 6.6 
 
 40 
 
 36.3 
 
 10 up to 20 
 
 18 
 
 20.0 
 
 22 
 
 20.0 
 
 20 up to 30 
 
 25 
 
 29.9 
 
 28 
 
 25.4 
 
 etc. 40 
 
 23 
 
 25.5 
 
 16 
 
 14.5 
 
 50 
 
 12 
 
 13.3 
 
 1 
 
 .9 
 
 60 
 
 6 
 
 6.7 
 
 3 
 
 2.7 
 
 70 
 
 80 
 
 90 
 
 100 
 
 Total 
 Average 
 
 90 
 33.9 
 
 100 
 
 110 
 25.5 
 
 100 
 
 Average Deviation 
 
 10.9 
 
 11.1 
 
 Both groups show about the same range, but the difference in efficiency 
 between white and negro children is shown to be great. The white chil- 
 dren have only 6.6 per cent marking under 10, but the negroes have 36.3 
 per cent. The white children marking 60 words is 6.7 per cent, but the 
 negro children who marked 60 was 2.7. The mode for white children falls 
 between 20 and 30, but for the negroes it is below ten. Further differ- 
 ences are to be seen in the averages. The white children marked on an 
 average, 33.9 words in two minutes. The negro children averaged 25.5 
 words. The average deviation for white children was 10.9, and for the 
 negro children it was 11.1. 
 
 In order that comparisons of the above tables may be made, the follow- 
 ing summary table is added. It gives a summary of the tables of the 
 "Single Traits" mental processes. The tests are arranged from the sim- 
 
 48 
 
plest to the more complex. A review of the table shows that the white 
 children excel the negroe children in proportion as the tests become more 
 difficult. In the first case, the variability of the negroes is not so much 
 as for the whites, but as the tests grow in complexity, the negro pupils 
 exceed the white pupils in variability. 
 
 Efficiency in Mental Processes, White and Negro Childi-en. 
 
 Nature of Test 
 
 Number o( 
 PupiU 
 
 WHITE PUPILS 
 
 Average Per- 
 formance 
 
 Average 
 Deviation 
 
 Number ol 
 Pupils 
 
 NEGRO PUPILS 
 
 Average Per- 
 iormance 
 
 Average 
 Deviation 
 
 Efficiency in 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Perception 
 
 160 
 
 29.6 
 
 6.2 
 
 156 
 
 28.6 
 
 6.1 
 
 Association of 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Ideas 
 
 125 
 
 16.6 
 
 3.4 
 
 149 
 
 15.2 
 
 4.3 
 
 Controlled 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Association 
 
 126 
 
 14.6 
 
 1.9 
 
 95 
 
 8.5 
 
 3.7 
 
 Association of 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Ideas and Con- 90 
 trolled Association 
 
 33.9 
 
 10.9 
 
 110 
 
 25.5 
 
 11.1 
 
 Conclusion: Since it is the purpose of this paper to present the facts 
 gathered in original study the conclusions and deductions are left largely 
 to the reader and to those making a summary of all the Phelps-Stokes 
 studies in the series. That there are important differences between the 
 races; that much of the school work is being wasted; that there are no 
 good negro schools in Clarke County except the Model and Training 
 School; that the white schools are little better; these and a score of other 
 conclusions ought to give material for serious thought and practical study. 
 
 49 
 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 Ayres: Laggards in our Schools. 
 
 Brooks: The Agrarian Revolution in Georgia. 
 
 Bruce: The Plantation Negro as a Freeman. 
 
 Bryce: The Present and Future of the American Negro. 
 
 (In American Commonwealth, Pages 512-564, 1911.) 
 
 Du Bois: Negroes in Philadelphia. 
 
 Atlanta University Studies. 
 
 Giddings: Inductive Sociology. 
 
 Gulick and Ayres: Medical Inspection of Schools. 
 
 Hart: The Southern South. 
 
 Hoffman: Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 
 
 Kelsey: The Negro Farmer. 
 
 King: Elements of Statistical Methods. 
 
 Murphy: The Basis of Ascendency. 
 The South and The Negro. 
 
 Odum: Social and Mental Traits of The Negro. 
 
 "Negro Children in the Public Schools of Philadelphia" in 
 Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social 
 Science, September, 1913. 
 
 Stone: Studies in The American Race Problem. 
 
 Whipple: Manual of Mental and Physical Tests. 
 
 Phelps-Stokes Bulletins, Nos. 1 and 2, The University of Georgia 
 Publications. 
 
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