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THE MARVe'lOUS PROGRESS OF THE 19TH CENTURY 
 
 The above symbolic picture, after the master painting of Paul Siuibaldi. explains the secret of the wonderful progress of the past 
 joo years. The genius of Industry stands in the centre. To her right sits Chemistry: to the left the geniuses of Elec- 
 tricity with the battery, the telephone, the electric light ; there also are thegeniuse 
 propeller, and of Literature and Art, all bringing the 
 through the hands of Labo 
 
 i of Navigation with the 
 Industry who passes the 
 I'theforegrou'nd'to be fashioned for the 
 
 z of mankind. 
 
1(S()() 
 1900 
 
 THE 
 
 M arvelois A chievements 
 
 -^OF THE— 
 
 NINETEENTH CENTURY 
 
 Emhnicini] Descriptions of tin- Di-cisivc Battles of the Century and the Great Soldiers Who 
 Fought Them; the Rise and Fail of Nations; the Changes in the Map of the World, and the 
 Causes Which Contributed to Political and Social Revolutions; Discoverers and Discoveries; 
 Explorers of the Tropics and Arctics; Inventors and Their Inventions; the Growth of Liter- 
 ature, Science and Art; the Progress of Religion, Morals and Benevolence in All Civilized Nations. 
 
 By CHARLES MORRIS, LL. D. 
 
 Autlioi ot ■''he Aryan Itace " "Civilization. Its History. Etc.." "The Greater Repiihlic." Etc 
 
 limbellished With Nearly 100 Full-Piuie Half-Tone Knflravings, Illua- 
 trating the Greatest Events of the Century, and 100 Tortraits of the 
 Most Famous Men in the World. 
 
 SOLD EXCLUSIVELY BY 
 
 VV. S. REEVE PUBLISHING COMPANY 
 
 CHICAGO ILLINOIS 
 
 u 
 
53730 
 
 SEP 29 1900 
 SECOND copy. 
 
 O^OM DIVISION, 
 
 
 .^^aa^©©gige6&&&g^. 
 
 JS 
 
 Entered according to Act of Congress m tlie ye 
 
 ^\^ E. SCULL, 
 
 in the office of the Librarian of Coii'ness at V 
 
 ¥.&^.&&.&.Si^w.m&s=/^-:smmmte-m^3^miS^^mm-^-^m^m^^^ 
 
LIST OF CHAPTERS AND SUBJECTS 
 
 Introduction p^cb 
 
 A Bird's-eye View — Tyranny and Oppression in the Eighteenth Century — Government 
 and the Rights of Man in 1900 — Prisons and Punishment in 1900 — The Factory 
 System and Oppression of the Workingman — Suffrage and Human Freedom — 
 Criminal Law and Prison DiscipHne in 1800 — The Era of Wonderful Inventions — '-^ 
 The Fate of the Horse and the Sail — Education, Discovery and Commerce .... *3 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 The Threshold of the Century 
 
 The Age We Live in and its Great Events — True History and the Things Which Make It 
 — Two of the World's Greatest Events — The Feudal System and Its Abuses — The 
 Climax of Feudalism in France — The States General is Convened- — The Fall of the 
 Bastille — King and Queen Under the GuiUotine — The Reign of Terror — The Wars of 
 the French Revolution — Napoleon in Italy and Egypt— England as a Centre of 
 Industry and Commerce — The Condition of the German States — Dissension in Italy 
 and Decay in Spain — The Partition of Poland by the Robber Nations — Russia and 
 Turkey 33 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 Napoleon Bonaparte j The Man of Destiny 
 
 \ Remarkable and Wonderful Career — The Enemies and Friends of France — Move- 
 ments of the Armies in Germany and Italy — Napoleon Crosses the Alps at St. 
 Bernard Pass — The Situation in Italy — The Famous Field of Marengo — A Great 
 Battle Lost and Won — The Result of the Victory of Marengo — Napoleon Returns to 
 France — Moreau and the Great Battle of Hohenlmden— The Peace of Luneville — 
 The Peace of Amiens — ^The Punishment of the Conspirators and the Assassination 
 of the Duke d' Enghien — Napoleon Crowned Emperor of tlie French — The Great 
 Works Devised By the New Emperor 4,1 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 Europe in the Grasp of the Iron Hand 
 
 Gr^t Preparations for the Invasion of England — Rapid March on Austria — The Sur- 
 render of General Mack — The Eve Before Austerlitz — The Dreadful Lake Horror — 
 Treaty of Peace With Austria — Prussian Armies in the Field — Defeat of the Prussians 
 at Jena and Auerstadt— Napoleon Divides tlie Spoils of Victory — The Frightful 
 Struggle at Eylau— The Cost of Victory — The Total Defeat of the Russians— The 
 Emperors at Tilsit and the Fate of Prussia — The Pope a Captive at Fontainebleau — 
 Ajjiin^aii Hofer and the War in Tyrol — Napoleon Marches Upon Austria — The 
 
i, US7 OF CHAPTERS AND SUBJECTS 
 
 PAGIi 
 
 Battle of Eckmulil and the Capture of Ratisboii — The Campaign in Italy — The 
 Great Struggle of Essling and Aspern — Napoleon Forced to His First Retreat — ^The 
 Second Crossing of the Danube — -The Victory at Wagram — The Peace of Vienna — 
 The Divorce of Josephine and Marriage of Maria Louisa . 57 
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 The Decline and Fall of Napoleon's Empire 
 
 Tlie Causes of the Rise and Decline of Napoleon's Power — Aims and Intrigues in Por- 
 tugal and Spain — Spain's Brilliant Victory and King Joseph's Flight — The Heroic 
 Defence of Saragossa — Wellington's Career in Portugal and Spain — The Invasion of 
 Russia by tlie Grand Army — Smolensk Captured and in Flames — The Battle of 
 Borodino — The Grand Army in the Old Russian Capital — The Burning of the Great 
 City of Moscow — The Grand Army Begins its Retreat — The Dreadful Crossing of 
 the Beresina — Europe in Arms Against Napoleon — The Battle of Dresden, Napo- 
 leon's Last Great Victory — The Fatal Meeting of the Armies at Leipzig — The Break- 
 up of Napoleon's Empire — The War in France and the Abdication of the Emperor — 
 Napoleon Returns From Elba — The Terrible Defeat at Waterloo — Napoleon Meets 
 His Fate . 83 
 
 CHAPTER V 
 Nelson and Wellington, the Champions of England 
 
 England and France on Land and Sea — Nelson Discovers the French Fleet in Aboukir 
 Bay — The Glorious Battle of the Nile — The Fleet Sails for Copenhagen — The Danish 
 Line of Defence — The Attack on the Danish Fleet — How Nelson Answered the 
 Signal to Cease Action — Nelson in Chase of the French Fleet — ^The Allied Fleet 
 Leaves Cadiz — Off Cape Trafalgar — The "Victory" and Her Brilliant Fight — The 
 Great Battle and its Sad Disaster — Victory for England and Death for Her Famous 
 Admiral — The British in Portugal — The Death- of Sir John Moore — The Gallant 
 Crossing of the Douro — The Victory at Talavera and the Victor's Reward — Welling- 
 ton's Impregnable Lines at Torres Vcdras — The Siege and Capture of the Portuguese 
 Fortresses— Wellington Wins at Salamanca and Enters Madrid — Vittoria and the 
 Pyrenees — The Gathering of the Forces at Brussels — The Battlefield of Waterloo — 
 The Desperate Charges of the French — Bliicher's Prussians and the Charge of 
 Napoleon's Old Guard i^^^ 
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 From the Napoleonic Wars to the Revolution 1830 
 
 , A Quarter Century of Revolution — Europe After Napoleon's Fall — The Work of the 
 Congress — Italy, France and Spain — ITie Rights of Man — The Holy Alliance — Revo- 
 lution in Spain and Naples — Metternich and His Congresses — How Order Was 
 Restored ia Spain — The Revolution in Greece — The Powers Come to the Rescue of 
 Greece — The Spirit of Revolution — Charles X. and His Attempt at Despotism — The 
 Revolution in Paris — Louis Phillippe Chosen as King — Effect in Europe of the Revo- 
 lution — The Belgian Uprising and its Result — The Movements in Germany — The 
 Condition of Poland — The Revolt of the Poles — A Fatal Lack of Unity — The Fate 
 of Poland . . j'6 
 
LIST OF CHAPTERS AND SUBJECTS 7 
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 Bolivar, the Liberator of Spanish America ,^ob 
 
 How Spain Treated Her Colonies — I'he Oppression of the People — Bolivar the Revolu- 
 tionary Leader — Au Attempt at Assassination — Bolivar Returns to Venezuela — The 
 Savage Cruelty of the Spaniards — The Methods of General Morillo — Paez the 
 Guerilla and His Exploits — British Soldiers Join the Insurgents — Bolivar's Plan to 
 Invade New Granada — The Crossing of the Andes — -The Terror of the Mountains — 
 Bolivar's Methods of Fighting — The Victory at Boyaca — Bolivar and the Peruvians — 
 The Freeing of the Other Colonies 128 
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 
 Great Britain as a World Empire 
 
 N aj, ^Iconic Wars' Influence — Great Awakening in Commerce — Developments of the Arts 
 — Growth of the Sciences — A Nation Noted for Patriotism — National Pride — Con- 
 scious Strength — Political Changes and Their Influence — Great Statesmen of Eng- 
 land 141 
 
 CHAPTER IX 
 The Great Reform Bill and the Com Laws 
 
 ( ;*ases of Unrest — Demands of the People — 'J'he Struggle for Reform in i<S3o — 'I'he Corn 
 Taws — Free Trade in (ireat Britain^Cobden the Apostle of Free Trade — Other 
 Promoters of Reform — England's Enlarged Commerce 147 
 
 CHAPTER X 
 Turkey the "Sick Man" of Europe 
 
 The Sultan's Empire in 1800 — Revolts in Her Dependencies — Greece Gains Her Free- 
 dom — The Sympathy of the Christian World — Russian Threats — The Crimean War 
 and its Heroes — The War of 1877 — The Armenian Massacres — The Nations Warn 
 olT Russia — War in Crete and Greece in 1897 — The Tottering Nation of to-day — 
 The "Sick. Mim " 15G 
 
 CHAFFER XI 
 The European Revolution of 1848 
 
 Corrupt Courts and Rulers — The Spirit of Liberty Among the People — Bourbonism— - 
 Revolutionary Outbreak in France — Spreads to Other Countries — The Stiuggle in 
 Italy — In Germany — The Revolt in Hungary — 'Die Career of Kossuth the Patriot, 
 Statesman and Orator — His Visit to America — Defeat of the Patriots by Austria and 
 Hungary — General Haynan the Cruel Tyrant — Later History of Hungary 167 
 
 CHAPTER XII 
 Louis Napoleon and the Second French Empire 
 
 The Power of a Great Name — Ilie French Peo}>le Love the Name Napoleon — Louis 
 Naj)okou's Personality — Elected President — The Tricks of His Illustrious Ancestor 
 
8 LIST OF CHAPTERS AND SUBJECTS 
 
 I 
 
 Imitated — Makes Himself Emperor — The War With Austria — Sends an Army to 
 
 Mexico — Attempt to Establish an Empire in America — Maximilian Made Emperor iu 
 the New World — His Sad Fate — Wax With Germany — Louis Napoleon DetJironcd . 178 
 
 CHAPTER Xni 
 
 Garibaldi and the Unification of Italy 
 
 The Many Little States of Italy — Secret Movements for LInion — Mazzini the Revolu- 
 tionist — Tyranny of Austria and Naples — War in Sardinia — Victor Emanuel and 
 Count Cavour — Garibaldi in Arms — The French in Rome — Fall of the Papal City — 
 Rise of the New Italy — Naval War With Austria 194 
 
 CHAPTER XIV 
 Bismarck and the New Empire of Germany 
 
 The State of Prussia — Sudden Rise to Power — Bismarck Prime Minister — War With Den- 
 mark — With Austria — With France — Mctz and Sedan— Von Moltke — The Fall of 
 Paris — WiUiam I. Crowned Emperor — United Germany — Bismarck and the Young 
 KLaJser — Peculiarities of William II. — Germany of To- Day 207 
 
 CHAPTER XV 
 
 Gladstone the Apostle of Liberalism in England 
 
 Sterling Character of the Man — His Steady Progress to Power — Becomes Prime Minister 
 — Home and Foreign Affairs Under His Administration — His Long Contest With 
 Disraeli — Early Conservatism Later Liberalism — Home Rule Champion — Result of 
 Gladstone's Labors 243 
 
 CHAPTER XVI 
 
 Ireland the Downtrodden 
 
 Ancient Ireland — English Domination — Oppression — Patriotic Struggles Against English 
 Rule — Robert Emmet and His Sad Fate — Daniel O'Connell — Grattan, Curran and 
 Other Patriots — The Fenians — Gladstone's Work for Ireland — Parncll, the Irish 
 Leader in Parliament — Ireland of the Present .^ 
 
 CHAPTER XVII 
 
 England and Her Indian Empire 
 
 Why England Went to India — Lord Clive and the East India Company — Sir Arthur Wel- 
 lesley — Trouble With the Natives — Subjugation of Indian States — The Great Mutiny— 
 Havelock — Relief of Lucknow — Repulse From Afghanistan — Conquest of Burmah — 
 Queen Victoria Crowned Empress of India— What Enghsh Rule Has Done for the 
 Orient — A Vast Country Teeming With Population - Its Resources and Its Prospects 26 
 
LIST OF CHAPTERS AND SUBJECTS 9 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII 
 
 Thiei-s, Gambctta and the Rise of the New French Repoblic 
 
 Frencli Instability of Character — Modern Statesmen of France — Thiers — MacMahon — 
 Gambetta — The New Republic — Leaders in Politics — Dangerous Powers of the 
 Army — Moral and Religious Decline — Law and Justice — The Dreyfus Case as an 
 Index to France's National Character and the Perils Which Beset the Republic . . ay; 
 
 CHAPTER XIX 
 Paul Kruger and South Africa 
 
 Review of the Boers — Their Kstablishnient in Cape Colony — The Rise and Progress ol 
 he Transvaal Republic — Diamond Mines and Gold Discoveries — England's Agjrcs 
 iveness — The Career of Cecil Rhodes — Attempt to Overthrow the Republic — The 
 /nlus and Neighboring Peoples — -The Uitlanders — Political Struggle of England and 
 Paul Kruger — Chamberlain's Demands — The Boers' Firm Stand — WarofiSgg . . . 295 
 
 CHAPTER XX 
 The Rise of Japan and the Decline of China 
 
 Former Cloud of Mystery Surrounding 'I'hese Two Nations — Ancient Civilizations — Closed 
 
 Territory to the Outside World — Their Ignorance of Other Nations — The Breaking ^ 
 Down of the Walls in the Nineteenth Centurj' — Japan's Sudden Rise to Power — 
 Aptness to Learn — The Yankees of the East — Conditions of Conservatism Holds on 
 in China — Li Hung Chang Rises into Prominence — The Corean Trouble — War Be- 
 tween China and Japan — The Battle of Yalu River— Admiral Ito's Victory — Japanc"sc 
 Army Invades the Celestial Empire — China Surrenders — European Nations Demand 
 Open Commerce — Threatened Partition , , . . . 309 
 
 CHAPTER XXI 
 
 The Era of Colonics 
 
 Commerce the Promoter of Colonization — England's Wise Policy — The Growth of Her 
 Colonies Under Liberal Treatment — India — Australia — Africa — Colonies of France 
 and Germany — Partition of Africa — Progress of Russia in Asia — Aggressiveness of 
 the Czar's Government — The United States Becomes a Colonizing Power — The 
 Colonial Powers and Their Colonies ;it the Close of the Century 323 
 
 CHAPTER XXII 
 
 How the United States Entered the Century 
 
 A Newly Formed Country — Washington, the National Capital — Peace With Franco — 
 Nations of State Sovereignty — State Lepslatures and the National Congress — The 
 Influence of Washington — The Supreme Court and its Powers — Population of Less ^ 
 Than Four Millions — No City of 50,000 Inhabitants in America — Sparsely Settled 
 Country — Savages — Trouble With Algiers — War Declared by Tripoli — -Thomas Jeffer- 
 son Elected President 343 
 
TO LIS7 OF CHAPTERS AND SUBJECTS 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII 
 Expansion of the United States From Dwarf to Giant 
 
 Oliio Admitted in 1802 — Louisiana Purchased From French 1803 — Admission of the 
 States — Florida Transferred to the United States 1819 — The First Railway in 1826 — 
 Indians Cede Their Illinois Lands in 1830 — Invention of Telegraph 1832 — Fremont's 
 Expeditions to the Pacific Slope — Conquest of Mexico — Our Domain EstabUshed 
 From Ocean to Ocean 1848 — The Purchase of Alaska From Russia 1867 — 
 Rapid Internal Growth — Cities Spring up on the Plains — A Marvelous Era of 
 Peace — Through the Spanish-American War Comes the Acquisition of First Tropical 
 Territory — From East to West America's Domain Reaches Half-way Around the 
 World — Three Cities Each With Over 1,000,000 Inhabitants 351 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV 
 The Development of Democratic Institutions In America 
 
 C^olonixation and its Results — Religious Influences — Popular Rights — Limitations — Colonial 
 l-^gislatures — The Money Question — -Taxation — Confederation — The Franchise — 
 Property Qualifications— Growth of Western Ideas — Contrast Between Institutions at 
 the Beginning and Close of the Century 361 
 
 CHAPTER XXV 
 America's Answer to British Doctrine of Right of Search 
 
 Why the War of 1812 Was Fought — ^The Principles Involved — Impressing American 
 Sailors — Insults and Outrages Resented — The "Chesapeake" and "Leopard" — 
 Injury to Commerce — Blockades — Embargo as Retaliation — Naval Glory — Failure of 
 Canadian Campaign — "Constitution" and the " Guerriere " — The "Wasp" and 
 the "Frolic" — Other Sea Duels — Privateers — Perry's Great Victory — Land Opera- 
 tions — The "Shannon" and the "Chesapeake" — Lundy's Lane and Plattsburg — 
 The Burning of Washington — Baltimore Saved — Jackson's Victory at New Orleans — 
 Treaty of Peace 369 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI 
 
 The United States Sustains Its Dignity Abroad 
 
 First Foreign Difficulty — The Barbary States — Buying Peace — Uncle Sam Aroused— 
 Thrashes the Algerian Pirates — A Splendid Victory — King Bomba Brought to Terms 
 — -Austria and the Koszta Case — Captain Ingraham — His Bravery — "Deliver or I'll 
 Sink You ' ' — Austria Yields — The Paraguayan Trouble — Lopez Comes to Terms — 
 The Chilian Imbroglio — Balmaceda — The Insult to the United States — American 
 Seamen Attacked — Matta's Impudent Letter — Backdown — Peace — All's Well That 
 Ends Well, Etc 382 
 
 CHAPTER XXVII 
 
 Webster and Qay — The Preservation of the Union 
 
 The Great Questions in American Politics in the First Half of the Century — The Great 
 Orators to Which They Gave Rise — Dnnicl Webster — Henry Clay — John C. Calhoun 
 
I 
 
 LIS! OF CHAPTERS AND SUBJECTS 1 1 
 
 — Clay's Compromise Measure on the Tariff Question — -On S'.avery Extension^ 
 Webster and Calhoun and the Tariff Question — Webster's Reply to Hayne — The 
 Union Must and Shall be Preserved 708 
 
 CHAPTER XXVIII 
 The Annexation of Texas and the War With Mexico 
 
 Texas as a Province of Mexico — Rebellion and War — The Alamo Massacre — Rout of 
 Mexicans at San Jacinto — Freedom of Mexico — Annexation to the United States 
 — The War With Mexico — Taylor and Buena Vista — Scott and Vera Cruz — Advance 
 on and Capture of Mexico — Results of the War 413 
 
 CHAPTER XXIX 
 The Negro In America and the Slavery Conflict 
 
 The Negro in America — The First Cargo — Beginning of the Slave Traffic — As a Laborer 
 — Increase in Numbers — Slavery ; its Different Character in Different States — Politi- 
 cal Disturbances — Agitation and Agitators — John Brown — War and How it Emanci- 
 pated the Slave — ^The Free Negro — His Rapid Progress 425 
 
 CHAPTER XXX 
 Abraham Lincoln and the Work of Emancipation 
 
 Lincoln's Increasing Fame — Comparison With Washington — The Slave Auction at New 
 Orleans — " If I Ever Get a Chance to Hit Slavery, I Will Hit it Hard " — The Young 
 Politician — Elected Representative to Congress — His Opposition to Slavery — His 
 Famous Debates With Douglas — The Cooper Institute Speech — The Campaign of 
 i860 — The Surprise of Lincoln's Nomination — His Triumphant Election — Threats 
 of Secession — Firing on Sumter — The Dark Days of the War — The Emancipation 
 Question — The Great Proclamation — End of the War — The Great Tragedy — The 
 Beauty and Greatness of His Character , 4^0 
 
 CHAPTER XXXI 
 Grant and Lee and The Civil War 
 
 Grant a Man for the Occasion — Lincoln's Opinion — " Wherever Grant is Things Move " 
 — "Unconditional Surrender" — "Not a Retreating Man" — Lee a Man of Ac- 
 knowledged Greatness — His Devotion to Virginia — Great Influence — SimpHcity of 
 Habits — Shares the Fare of His Soldiers — Lee's Superior Skill — Gratitude and Affec- 
 tion of the South — Great Influence in Restoring Good Feeling — The War — Secession 
 Not Exclusively a Southern Idea — An Irrepressible Conflict — Coming Events — Lin- 
 coln — A Nation in Arms — Sumter — Anderson — McClellan — Victory and Defeat — 
 "Monitor" and " Merrimac " — Antietam — Shiloh — Buell — Grant — George H. 
 Thomas — Rosecrans — Porter — Sherman — Sheridan — Lee — Gettysburg— A Great 
 Fight — Sherman's March — The Confederates Weakening — More Victories — Appo- 
 mattox — Lee's Surrender — From War to Peace 449 
 
12 LIST OF CHAPTERS AND SUBJECTS 
 
 CHAPTER XXXII 
 
 The Indian In the Nineteenth Century „^cb 
 
 Our Relations and Obligations to the Indian — Conflict between Two Civilizations — Indian 
 Bureau — Government Policy — Treaties — Reservation Plan — Removals Under It — 
 Indian Wars — Plan of Concentration — Disturbance and Fighting — Plan of Education 
 and Absorption — Its Commencement — Present Condition of Indians — Nature of 
 Education and Results — Land in Severalty Law — Missionary Effort — Necessity and 
 Duty of Absorption 46S 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIII 
 The Development of the American Navy 
 
 The Origin of the American Navy — Sights on Guns and What They Did — Opening Japan 
 — Port Royal — Passing the Forts — The "Monitor" and "Merrimac" — In Mobile 
 Bay — The " Kearsarge " and the "Alabama" — Naval Architecture Revolutionized 
 — The Samoan Hurricane — Building a New Navy — Great Ships of the Spanish Amer- 
 ican War — The Modern Floating Iron Fortresses — New ' 'Alabama ' ' and ' ' Kearsarge " 482 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIV 
 America's Conflict With Spain 
 
 A War of Humanity — Bombardment of Matanzas — Dewey's Wonderful Victory at Manila 
 — Disaster to the "Winslow" at Cardenas Bay — The First American Loss of Life — • 
 Bombardment of San Juan, Porto Rico — The Elusive Spanish Fleet — Bottled-up in 
 Santiago Harbor — Lieutenant Hobson's Daring Exploit — Second Bombardment of 
 Santiago and Arrival of the Army — Gallant Work of the Rough Riders and the 
 Regulars — Battles of San Juan and El Caney — Destruction of Cervera's Fleet — 
 General Shafter Reinforced in Front of Santiago — Surrender of the City — General 
 Miles in Porto Rico — An Easy Conquest — Conquest of the Philippines — Peace Nego- 
 tiations and Signing of the Protocol — Its Terms — Members of the National Peace 
 Commission — Return of the Troops from Cuba and Porto Rico — The Peace Com- 
 mission in Paris — Conclusion of its Work — Terms of the Treaty — Ratified by the 
 Senate 4q6 
 
 CHAPTER XXXV 
 The Dominion of Canada 
 
 The Area and Population of Canada — Canada's Early History — Upper and Lower 
 Canada — TheWarofi8i2 — John Strachan and the Family Compact — A Religious 
 Quarrel — French Supremacy in Lower Canada — The Revolt of 1837 — Mackenzie's 
 Rebellion — Growth of Population and Industry — Organization of the Dominion of 
 Canada— The Riel Revolts — The Canadian Pacific Railway — The Fishery Difficulties 
 — The Fur-Seal Question — The Gold of the Klondike — A Boundary Question — 
 An International Commission — The Questions at Issue — The Failure of the Com- 
 mission-Commerce of Canada with the United States — Railway Progress in Canada 
 — Manufacturing Enterprise — Yield of Precious Metals — Extent and Resources of the 
 Dominion — The Character of th." Canadian Population 509 
 
LIST OF CHAPTERS AND SUBJECTS 13 
 
 CIIAPTKR XXXVr 
 
 Livingstone, Stanley, Peary, Nansen and other Great Discoverers and 
 
 Explorers ,.*c» 
 
 Ignorance of the Earth's Surface at the Beginning of the Century — Notable Fields ol 
 Nineteenth Century Travel — Famous African Travelers — Dr. Livingstone's Mission- 
 ary Labors — Discovery of Lake Ngami — I-ivingstone's Journey from the Zambesi to 
 the West Coast — The Great Victoria Falls — First Crossing of the Contin-^nt — Living- 
 stone discovers Lake Nyassa — Stanley in Search of Livingstone — Other African 
 Travelers — Stanley's Journeys — Stanley Rescues Emin Pasha — The Exploration of 
 the Arctic Zone — The Greely Party — The Fatal "Jeanette " Expedition — Expedi- 
 tions of Professor Nordenskjold — Peary Crosses North Greenland — Nansen and his 
 Enterprise — Andrees Fatal Balloon Venture 523 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVII 
 
 Robert Fulton, George Stephenson, and the Triumphs of Invention 
 
 Anglo-Saxon Activity in Invention — James Watt and the Steam P^ngine — Labor-Saving 
 Machinery of the Eighteenth Century — The Steamboat and the Locomotive — The First 
 Steamboat Trip up the Hudson — Development of Ocean Steamers — George Stephen- 
 son and the Locomotive — First American Railroads — Development of the Railroad 
 — Clreat Railroad Bridges — The Electric Steel Railway — The Bicycle and the Auto- 
 mobile — ^Marvels in Iron and Woodworking — Progress in Illumination and Heating 
 — Howe and the Sewing Machine — Vulcanization of Rubber — Morse and the Tele- 
 graph — The Inventions of Edison — Marconi and Wireless Telegraphy — Increase of 
 Working Power of the Farmer — The American Reapers and Mowers — Commerce 
 of the United States 535 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVIII 
 The Evolution in Industry and the Revolt Against Capital 
 
 Mediaeval Industry — Cause of Revolution in tlie Labor System — Present Aspect of the 
 Labor Question — The 'Trade Union — I'he International Workingmen's Association — 
 The System of the Strike — Arbitration and Profit Sharing — Experiments and Theories 
 in Economies — Co-operative Associations — The Theories of Socialism and Anarchism 
 — Secular ConMnunistic Ivxperiments — Development of Socialism — Growth of the 
 Socialist Party — 'The Development of the Trust — .\n Industrial Revolution .... 554 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIX 
 Charles Darwin and the Development of Science 
 
 Scientific Activity of the Nineteenth Century — Wallace's "Wonderful Century" — Use- 
 ful and Scientific Steps of Progress — Foster's Views of Recent Progress — Discoveries 
 in Astronomy — The Spectroscope — 'The Advance of Chemistry — Light and its Phe- 
 nomena — Heat as a Mode of Motion — Applications of Electricity — The Principles of 
 
14 LIST OF CHAPTERS AND SUBJECTS 
 
 PAGtt 
 
 Magnetism — Progress in Geology — The Nebular and Meteoric Hypotheses — Biolog- 
 ical Sciences — Discoveries in Physiology — Pasteur and His Discoveries — Koch and 
 the Comma Bacillus — The Science of Hygiene — Darwin and Natural Selection . . . 569 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 Literature and Art in the Nineteenth Century 
 
 Literary Giants ot Former Times — The Standing of the Fine Arts in the Past and the 
 Present — Earl) American Writers — -The Poets of the United States — American Novel- 
 ists — American Historians and Orators— The Poets of Great Britain — British Novelists 
 and Historians — Other British Writers — French Novelists and Historians — German 
 Poets and Novelists — ^The Literature of Russia — -The Authors of Sweden, Norway 
 and Denmark — Writers of Italy — Other Celebrated Authors — The Novel and its 
 Development — ^The Text-Book and Progress of Education — Wide-spread use of Books 
 and Newspapers 591 
 
 CHAPTER XLI 
 
 The American Church and the Spirit of Human Brotherhood 
 
 Division of Labor — American Type of Christianity — -Distinguishing Feature of American 
 Life — The Sunday-school System — The Value of Religion in Politics — Missionary 
 Activity — New Religious Movements — The Movement in Ethics — Child Labor in 
 Factories — Prevention of Cruelty to Aminals — Prison Reform — Public Executions — 
 The Spirit of Sympathy — ^The Growth of Charity — An Advanced Spirit of Benevolence 6oy 
 
 CHAPTER XLII 
 The Dawn of the Twentieth Century 
 
 The Century's Wonderful Stages — Progress in Education^The Education of AVomen — 
 Occupation and Suffrage for Women — Peace Proposition of the Emperor of Russia — 
 The Peace Conference at The Hague — Progress in Science — Political Evolution — 
 Territorial Progress of the Nations — Probable Future of English Speech — A Telephone 
 Newspaper — Among the Dull-Minded Peoples — Limitations to Progress — Probable 
 Lines of Future Activity — Industry in the Twentieth Century — The King, the Priest 
 and the Cash Box — The New Psychology 61) 
 
LIST OF FULL-PAGE ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 
 Progress of the Nineteenth Century F'aniispiece 
 
 Duke of Chartres at the Battle of Jemappes 21 
 
 Battle of Chateau-Gonlicr 22 
 
 Death of Marat 3' 
 
 Last Victims of the Reign of Terror 3- 
 
 Marie Antoinette Led to Execution 37 
 
 The Battle of Rivoli 3^ 
 
 Napoleon Crossing the Alps 47 
 
 Napoleon and the Mummy of Pharaoh 4^ 
 
 Napoleon Bonaparte 53 
 
 The Meeting of Two Sovereigns 54 
 
 'I'hc Death of Admiral Nelson 59 
 
 Murat at the Battle of Jena 6° 
 
 The Battle of Eylau 69 
 
 The Battle of Friedland 7° 
 
 The Order to Charge at Friedland 79 
 
 Napoleon and the Queen of Prussia at Tilsit 80 
 
 Marshal Ney Retreating from Russia 89 
 
 General Bliicher's Fall at Ligny 9° 
 
 The Battle of Dresden, August 26 and 27, 1813 94 
 
 Famous English Novelists 95 
 
 The Eve of Waterloo 99 
 
 Wellington at Waterloo Giving the ^Vord to Advance 100 
 
 Retreat of Napoleon from Waterloo i°9 
 
 Ihe Remnant of an Army no 
 
 Illustrious Leaders of England's Navy and Army 119 
 
 James Watt, the Father of the Steam Engine 120 
 
 Great English Historians and Prose Writers 129 
 
 Famous Popes of the Century '3° 
 
 Great English Statesmen (Plate I) i39 
 
 Britain's Sovereign and Heir Apparent to the Throne 140 
 
 Popular Writers of Fiction In England 149 
 
 (1^ 
 
1 6 LIST OF FULL-PAGE ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 PAGB 
 
 Great English Statesmen (Plate 11) 15° 
 
 Potentates of the East I59 
 
 Landing in the Crimea and the Battle of Alma i6o 
 
 The Congress at Berlin, June 13, 1878 169 
 
 The Wounding of General Bosquet 17* 
 
 The Battle of Champigny i79 
 
 Noble Sons of Poland and Hungary 180 
 
 Noted French Authors ,189 
 
 Napoleon III. at the Battle of Solferino 190 
 
 Great Italian Patriots 199 
 
 The Zouaves Charging the Barricades at Mentana 200 
 
 Noted German Emperors 209 
 
 Renowned Sons of Germany 210 
 
 The Storming of Garsbergschlosschen 219 
 
 Crown Prince Frederick at the Battle of Frosch wilier 220 
 
 Present Kings of Four Countries 229 
 
 Great Men of Modern France 230 
 
 Russia's Royal Family and Her Literary Leader 257 
 
 Four Champions of Ireland's Cause 258 
 
 Dreyfus, His Accusers and Defenders 281 
 
 The Dreyfus Trial 282 
 
 The Bombardment of Alexandria 291 
 
 Battle Between England and the Zulus, South Africa 292 
 
 The Battle of Majuba Hill, South Africa 301 
 
 Two Opponents in the Transvaal War 302 
 
 Typical American Novelists 307 
 
 Two Powerful Men of the Orient 30S 
 
 Four American Presidents 409 
 
 Great American Orators and Statesmen 410 
 
 The Battle of Resaca de la Palma 419 
 
 Great American Historians and Biographers 420 
 
 Great Men of the Civil War in America 44- 
 
 The Attack on Fort Donelson 440 
 
 General Lee's Invasion of the North 455 
 
 The Sinking of the Alabama, etc 456 
 
 The Surrender of General Lee 465 
 
 The Electoral Commission Which Decided Upon Election of President Hayes 466 
 
 Prominent American Political Leaders 475 
 
 Noted American Journalists and Magazine Contributors 476 
 
 The U. S. Battleship "Oregon" 4S3 
 
LIST OF FULL-PAGE ILLUSTRATIONS 17 
 
 In the War-Room at Washington 484 
 
 Leading Commanders of the American Navy, Spanisli -American \Var 4S7 
 
 Leading Commanders of the American Army 48S 
 
 Prominent Spaniards in 1S9S 497 
 
 roimlar Heroes of the Spanish-American War 498 
 
 The Surrender of Santiago 501 
 
 United States Peace Commissioners of the Spanisli-Amcrican War 502 
 
 iUustrious Sons of Canada 5^' 
 
 Great Explorers in the Tropics rud Arctics 522 
 
 Inventors of the Locomotive and the I'"lcctric Telegraph 539 
 
 Kdison Perfecting the First Phonograpli 54° 
 
 The Hero of the Strike, Coal Creek, 'I'cnn 557 
 
 Arliitration 55'*^ 
 
 Illustrious Men of Science in the Nineteenth Century 575 
 
 Pasteur in His Laboratory 576 
 
 Crreat Poets of England 589 
 
 C.reat American Poets 590 
 
 Count Tolstoi at Literary Work 603 
 
 New Congressional Library at Washington, 1). C 604 
 
 Famous Cardinals of the Century 615 
 
 Noted Preachers and Writers of Religious Classics 616 
 
 Greater New York 629 
 
 Delegates to the I'niversal Peace Conference at The Hague, 1899 630 
 
 Key to above 631 
 
ALPHABETICAL LIST OF PORTRAITS 
 
 Abbott, Lyman 476 
 
 Adams, John Quincy 409 
 
 Agassiz, Louis 575 
 
 Aguinaldo, Kmilio 308 
 
 Alliert Edward, (Prince of Wales) . . . 140 
 
 Austin, Alfred 589 
 
 Balfour, A. J 150 
 
 Bancroft, George 420 
 
 Barrie, James M 149 
 
 Beechcr, Henry ^^'ard 410 
 
 Besant, Walter 149 
 
 Bismarck, Karl < )tto Von 210 
 
 Black, William 149 
 
 Blaine, James ('• 475 
 
 Blanco, Ramon 497 
 
 Bright, John 139 
 
 Browning, Robert 589 
 
 Bryan, \Villiam Jennings 475 
 
 Bryant, William Cullen 590 
 
 Bryce, James 150 
 
 Caine, T. Hall 149 
 
 Carlyle, Thomas 1 29 
 
 Cervera, (Admiral) 497 
 
 Chamberlain, Joseph 302 
 
 Christian IX., (King of Denmark) . . 229 
 
 Clay, Henry 410 
 
 Cleveland, Grover 475 
 
 Cooper, James Fenimore 307 
 
 Dana, Charles A 476 
 
 Darwin, Charles 575 
 
 Davis, Cnshman K 502 
 
 Davis, Richard Harding 476 
 
 Davitt, Michael 258 
 
 Day, William R 502 
 
 DeLesseps, Ferdinand 230 
 
 Depew, Chauncey M 410 
 
 Dewey, George 487 
 
 Dickens, Charles gj 
 
 Disraeli. Benjamin 139 
 
 Dreyfus. (Captain), Alfred 281 
 
 Doyle, A. Conan 149 
 
 Drummond, Henry . . , 616 
 
 Dumas, Alexander i8g 
 
 DuMaurier, George 149 
 
 Eggleston, Edward 307 
 
 Emerson, Ralph Waldo 590 
 
 Esterhazy, Count Ferdinand W. ... 281 
 
 Everett, Edward 410 
 
 Farrar, Frederick W. , (Canon) .... 616 
 
 Francis Joseph, (Emperor of Austria) . 229 
 
 Froude, Richard H 129 
 
 Frye, William P 502 
 
 Gambetta, Leon 230 
 
 Garibaldi, Guiseppe 199 
 
 Gibbon, Edward 129 
 
 Gladstone, William Ewart 139 
 
 Gough, John B 410 
 
 Grady, Henry W 410 
 
 Grant, Ulysses S 445 
 
 Gray, George 502 
 
 Greeley, Horace 476 
 
 Hale, Edward Everett 307 
 
 Halstead. Murat 476 
 
 Hawthorne, Nathaniel 307 
 
 Hawthorne, Julian 476 
 
 Healy, T. M 258 
 
 Henry, Patrick 410 
 
 Henry, Lieutenant-Colonel 281 
 
 Hobson, Richmond Pearson 498 
 
 Holmes, Oliver Wendell 590 
 
 Howells, William Dean 307 
 
 Hugo, Victor 189 
 
 Humbert, (King of Italy) 229 
 
 Humboldt, F. H. Alexander von . . . 575 
 
 Huxley, Thomas H 575 
 
 Jackson, Andrew 409 
 
 Jefferson, Thoma.s 409 
 
 Kipling, Rudyard 149 
 
 Kosciusko, Thaddeus 180 
 
 Kossuth. Louis • 180 
 
 Kruger, Paul 302 
 
 (19) 
 
ALPHABETICAL LIST OF PORTRAITS 
 
 Labori, Maitrc 281 
 
 I-auricr, Sir Wilfrid 521 
 
 Lee, Robert E 445 
 
 Lee, Fitzhugh 488 
 
 Leo XIIL, (Pope) 130 
 
 Li Hung Chang 308 
 
 Lincoln, Abraham 445 
 
 Livingstone, David 522 
 
 Longfellow, Henry W 590 
 
 Loubet (President of France) .... 230 
 
 Lowell, James Russell 590 
 
 Lytton, (Lord) Bulwer 95 
 
 McCarthy, Justin 150 
 
 Macaulay, Thomas B 129 
 
 MacDonald, Sir John A 521 
 
 MacDonald, George 149 
 
 McKinley, William 475 
 
 McMaster, John B 420 
 
 Manning, Henry Edward (Cardinal) . . 615 
 
 Mercier, (General of French Array) . . 281 
 
 Mcrritt, Wesley 488 
 
 Miles, Nelson .-V 488 
 
 Moltke, H. Karl B. von 210 
 
 Morley, John 150 
 
 Morse, Samuel F. B 539 
 
 Motley, John 1 420 
 
 Nansen, (Dr.) Frithiof 522 
 
 Napoleon Bonaparte 53 
 
 Nelson, (Lord) Horatio 119 
 
 Newman, John Henry (Cardinal) . . . 615 
 
 Nicholas n. and Family, (Czar of Russia) 257 
 
 O'Brien, William 258 
 
 Oscar H., (King of Swecicn and Norway) 229 
 
 Otts, Elwell S 498 
 
 Parnell, Charles Stewart 258 
 
 Parton, James 420 
 
 •^asteur, Louis, in his Laboratory . . . 576 
 
 Peary, Lieutenant R. E 522 
 
 Phillips, Wendell 410 
 
 Pitt, William, (Earl of Chatham) ... 139 
 
 Pius IX., (Pope) 130 
 
 F'escott. William H. 420 
 
 rAGi 
 
 Reid, Whitelaw 476 
 
 Rios, Montero 497 
 
 Roosevelt, Theodore 498 
 
 Ruskin, John 129 
 
 Sagasta, Praxedcs Mateo , 497 
 
 Sampson, William T 487 
 
 Schley, Winfield Scott 487 
 
 Scott, Sir Walter , 95 
 
 Shaffer, William R 488 
 
 Shah of Persia 150 
 
 Shaw, Albert W 476 
 
 Shelley, Percy B 589 
 
 Sherman, William T 445 
 
 Spurgeon, Charles H 616 
 
 Stanley, Henry M 522 
 
 Stephenson, George 539 
 
 Stevenson, Rolicrt Louis . 149 
 
 Sultan of Turkey 159 
 
 Taylor, Zachary 409 
 
 Tennyson, Alfred 589 
 
 Thackeray, William Makepeace .... 95 
 
 Thiers, Loin's Adolphe 230 
 
 Thompson, Hon. J. S. D 521 
 
 Tolstoi, Count Lyof Nikolaievitch . . . 603 
 
 Trollope, Anthony 95 
 
 Tupper, Sir Charles 521 
 
 Victor Ennnanuel (King of Italy) ... 199 
 
 Victoria (Queen of England) 140 
 
 Wallace, General Lew 307 
 
 Watson, John (Ian Maclarcn) .... 616 
 
 Watson, John Crittenden 487 
 
 Watt, James 120 
 
 Watterson, Henry W 476 
 
 Webster, Daniel 410 
 
 Welhngton, Arthur Wellesley, (Duke) . ng 
 
 Wheeler, Joseph 498 
 
 Whittier, John G 590 
 
 William I. , Emperor of Germany . . . 209 
 
 William 11. , Emperor of Germany . . . 209 
 
 Wordsworth, William 589 
 
iz o 
 
 s^^ o 
 
 ~ffZ "* 
 
 , S s n 
 
 li?i~ 
 
BATTLE OF CHATEAU-GONTIER (b..on or T.rror, 1792) 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 IT is the story of a luiiulrcil ytjars that we propose to give ; the record 
 of the noblest and most marvelous century in the annals of mankind. 
 
 Standing here, at the dawn of the Twentieth Century, as at the summit 
 of a lofty peak of time, we may gaze far backward over the road we have 
 traversed, losing sight of its minor incidents, but seeing its great events loom 
 up in startling prominence before our eyes ; heedless of its thronging mil- 
 lions, but proud of those mighty men who have made the history of the 
 age and rise like giants above the common throng. History is made up 
 of the deeds of great men and the movements of grand events, and there is 
 no better or clearer way to tell the marvelous story of the Nineteenth Cen- 
 tury than to put upon record the deeds of its heroes and to describe the 
 events and achievements in which reside the true history of the age. 
 
 First of all, in this review, it is important to show in what the great- 
 ness of the century consists, to contrast its beginning and its ending, 
 and point out the stages of the magnificent progress it has made. It is one 
 thing to declare that the Nineteenth has been the greatest and most glorious 
 of the centuries ; it is another and more arduous task to trace the develop- 
 ment of this greatness and the culmination of this career of glory. This it 
 is that we shall endeavor to do in the pages of this work. All of us have 
 lived in the century here described, many of us through a great part of it, 
 some of us, possibly, through the whole of it. It is in the fullest sense our 
 own century, one of which we have a just right to feel proud, and in whose 
 career all of us must take a deep and vital interest. 
 
 Before entering upon the history of the age it is well to 
 take a bird's-eye view erf it, and briefly present its claims to ^ yj^^ 
 greatness. They are many and mighty, and can only be glanced 
 at in these introductory pages ; it would need volumes to show them in full. 
 They cover every field of human effort. They have to do with political 
 development, the relations of capital and labor, invention, science, literature, 
 iroduction, commerce, and a dozen other life interests, all of which will be 
 considered in this work. The greatness of the world's progress can be 
 most clearly shown by pointing out the state of affairs in the several 
 
 23 
 
24 INTRODUCTION 
 
 branches of human effort at the opening and closing of the century and 
 placing them in sharp contrast. This it is proposed to do in this Introduc- 
 tory sketch. 
 
 A hundred years ago the political aspect of the world was remarkably 
 
 different from what it is now. Kings, many of them, were tyrants ; peoples, 
 
 as a rule, were slaves — in fact, if not in name. The absolute government 
 
 (if the Middle Ages had been in a measure set aside, but the throne had 
 
 still immense power, and between the kings and the nobles 
 
 Tyranny and 1 i i-i • i 1 
 
 )ppression in the people were crushed like gram between the upper and 
 the Eighteenth nether millstones. Tyranny spread widely; oppression was 
 en ury rampant ; poverty was the common lot ; comfort was confined 
 
 to the rich ; law was merciless ; punishment for trifling offences was swift 
 and cruel ; the broad sentiment of human fellowship had just begun to 
 develop ; the sun of civilization shone only on a narrow region of the earth, 
 beyond which barbarism and savagery prevailed. 
 
 In 1800, the government of the people had just fairly begun. Europe 
 had two small republics, Switzerland and the United Netherlands, and in 
 the West the republic of the United States was still in its feeble youth. 
 The so-called republic of France was virtually the kingdom of Napoleon, 
 the autocratic First Consul, and those which he had founded elsewhere 
 were the slaves of his imperious will. Government almost everywhere was 
 autocratic and arbitrary. In Great Britain, the freest of the monarchies, 
 the king's will could still set aside law and justice in many instances and 
 parliament represented only a tithe of the people. Not only was universal 
 suffrage unknown, but some of the greatest cities of the kingdom had no 
 voice in making the laws. 
 
 Government and ^^1 1900, a century later, vast changes had taken place 
 
 the Rights of in the political world. The republic of the United States 
 Manin 1900 j^^j grown from a feeble infant into a powerful giant, and its 
 free system of government had spread over the whole great continent of, 
 America. Every independent nation of the West had become a republic 
 and Canada still a British colony, was a republic in almost everything but 
 the name. In Europe, France was added to the list of firmly-founded 
 republics, and throughout that continent, except in Russia and Turkey, the 
 power of the monarchs had declined, that of the people had advanced. In 
 1800, the kings almost everywhere seemed firmly seated on their thrones. 
 In 1900, the thrones everywhere were shaking, and the whole moss-grown 
 institution of kingship was trembling over the rising earthquake of the 
 popular will. 
 
 The influence of the people in the government had made a marvelous 
 
INTRODUCTION 25 
 
 advance. The right of suffrage, greatly restricted in iSoo, had become 
 universal in most of the civilized lands at the century's end. Throughout 
 the American continent every male citizen had the right of voting. The 
 same was the case in most of western Europe, and even in far-off Japan, 
 which a century before had been held umlera seemingly help- suffrage and 
 less tyranny. Human slavery, which held captive millions Human 
 upon millions of men and women in 1800, had vanished from '^'^^ '"" 
 the realms of civilization in 1900, and a vigorous effort was being made to 
 banish it from every region of the earth. As will be seen from this hasty 
 retrospect, the rights of man had made a wonderful advance during the 
 century, far greater than in any, other century of human history. 
 
 In the feeling of human fellowsliip, the sentiment of sym])atiiy and 
 benevolence, the growth of altruism, or love for mankind, there had been 
 an equal progress. At the beginning of the century law was stern, justice 
 severe, punishment frightfully cruel. Small offences met with severe retri- 
 bution. Men were hung for a dozen crimes which now call for only a light 
 punishment. Thefts which are now thoucrht severely purvished _. , ,, 
 
 ' b 1 i- Criminal Law 
 
 by a year or two in prison then often led to the scaffold. and Prison 
 Men are hung now, in the most t-nlightened nations, only for Oiscipline in 
 murder. Then they were hung for fifty crimes, some so slight 
 as to seem petty. A father could not steal a loaf of bread for his starving 
 children except at peril of a long term of imprisonment, or, possibly, of 
 death on the scaffold. 
 
 And imprisonment then was a different affair from what it is now. The 
 prisons of that day were often horrible dens, noisome, filthy, swarniing with 
 vermin, their best rooms unfit for human residence, their worst dungeons 
 a hell upon earth. This not only in the less advanced nations, but even in 
 enlightened England. Newgate Prison, in London, for instance, was a sink of 
 iniquity, its inmates given over to the cruel hands of ruthless gaolers, 
 forced to pay a high price for the least privilege, and treated worse than 
 brute cattle if destitute of money and friends. And these were not alone 
 felons who had broken some of the many criminal laws, but men whose 
 guilt was not yet proved, and poor debtors whose only crime was their mis- 
 fortune. And all this in England, with its boast of high civilization. The 
 people were not ignorant of the condition of the prisons ; Parliament was 
 appealed to a dozen times to remedy the horrors of the jails ; yet many 
 years passed before it could be induced to act. 
 
 Compare this state of criminal law and prison discipline with that of 
 the present day. Then cruel punishments were inflicted for small offences ; 
 now the lightest punishments compatible with the well-being of the com- 
 
26 INTRODUCTION 
 
 munity are the rule. The. sentiment of human compassion has become strong 
 and compelling ; it is felt in the courts as well as among the people ; public 
 opinion has grown powerful, and a punishment to-day too severe for the 
 Prisons and crime would be visited with universal condemnation. The 
 Punishment treatment of felons has been remarkably ameliorated. The 
 in 1900 modern prison is a palace as compared with that of a century 
 
 \go. The terrible jail fever which swept through the old-time prisons like a 
 pestilence, and was more fatal to their inmates than the gallows, has been 
 stamped out. The idea of sanitation has made its way into the cell and 
 the dungeon, cleanliness is enforced, the frightful crowding of the past 
 is not permitted, prisoners are given employment, they are not permitted to 
 infect one another with vice or disease, kindness instead of cruelty is the 
 rule, and in no direction has the world made a greater and more radical 
 advance. 
 
 A century ago labor was sadly oppressed. The factory system had 
 recently begun. The independent hand and home work of the earlier cen- 
 turies was being replaced by power and machine work. The 
 System and tiie ^^^''•™"^"&^"^ ^"'-^ ^^^ labor-saving machine, while bringing 
 Oppression of blessings to mankind, had brought curses also. Workmen 
 
 t e V or ing- ^yere crowded into factories and mines, and were poorly 
 man _ . . "^ ^ 
 
 paid, ill-treated, ill-housed, over-worked. Innocent little chil- 
 dren were forced to perform hard labor when they should have been at play 
 or at school. The whole system was one of white slavery of the most 
 oppressive kind. 
 
 To-day this state of affairs no longer exists. Wages have risen, the 
 hours of labor have decreased, the comfort of the artisan has grown, what 
 were once luxuries beyond his reach have now become necessaries of life- 
 Young children are not permitted to work, and older ones not beyond their 
 strength. With the influences which have brou</ht this about we are not 
 here concerned. Their consideration must be left to a later chapter. It is 
 enough here to state the important development that has taken place. 
 
 Perhaps the greatest triumph of the nineteenth century has been in the 
 domain of invention. For ages past men have been aiding the work of 
 their hands with the work of their brains. But the progress of invention 
 continued slow and halting, and many tools centuries old were in common 
 use until the nineteenth century dawned. The steam-engine came earlier, 
 and it is this which has stimulated all the rest. A power was given to man 
 enormously greater than that of his hands, and he at once began to devise 
 means of applying it. Several of the important machines used in manufac- 
 ture were invented before 1800, but it was after that year that the great era 
 
INTRODUCTION 27 
 
 of invention began, and words are hardly strong enough to express the 
 marvelous progress which, has since taken place. 
 
 To attempt to name all the inventions of the nineteenth The Era of 
 century would be like writing a dictionary. Those of great Wonderful 
 importance might be named by the hundreds ; those which inventions 
 have proved epoch-making by the dozens. To manufacture, to agriculture, 
 commerce, to all fields of human labor, they extend, and their name is 
 L-gion. Standing on the summit of this century and looking l^ackward, its 
 beginning appears pitifully poor and meager. Around us to-day are hun- 
 dreds of busy workshops, filled with machinery, pouring out finished prod- 
 ucts with extraordinary speed, men no longer makers of goods, but waiters 
 upon machines. In the fields the grain is planted and harvested, the grass 
 cut and gathered, the ground ploughed and cultivated, everything done by 
 machines. Looking back for a century, what do we see ? Men in the fields 
 with the scythe and the sickle, in the barn with the flail, working the ground 
 with rude old ploughs and harrows, doing a hundred things painfully by 
 hand which now they do easily and rapidly by machines. Verily the rate of 
 progress on the farm has been marvelous. 
 
 The above are only a few of the directions of the centur\'s progress. 
 In some we may name, the development has been more extraordinary still. 
 Let us consider the remarkable advance in methods of travel. \\\ the year 
 iSoo, as for hundreds and even thousands of years before, the horse was the 
 fastest means known of traveling by land, the sail of traveling by sea. A 
 hundred years more have passed over our heads, and what do T,«,e Fate of the 
 we behold? On all sides the powerful, and swift loconiotive. Horse and the 
 well named the iron-horse, rushes onward, bound for the ends of ^'" 
 the earth, hauling men and goods to right and left with a speed and strength 
 that would have seemed magical to our forefathers. On the ocean the steam 
 engine performs the same service, carrying great ships across the Atlantic in 
 less than a week, and laughing at the puny efiforts of the sail The horse, 
 for ages iiulespensible to man, is threatened with banishment. Electric 
 power has been added to that of steam. The automobile carriage is coming 
 to take the place of the horse carriage. The steam plough is replacing the 
 horse plough. The time seems approaching when the horse will cease to 
 be seen in our streets, and may be relegated to the zoological garden. 
 
 In th(! conveyance of news the development is more like magic than 
 fact. .\ century ago news could not be transported faster than the horse 
 could run or the ship could sail. Now the words of men can be carried 
 through space faster than one can breathe. By the aid of the telephone a 
 man can speak to his friend a thousand miles away. And with the phono- 
 
28 INTRODUCTION 
 
 graph we can, as it were, bottle up speech, to be spoken, if desired, a thous- 
 and years in the future. Had we whispered those things to our forefathers 
 of a century past we should have been set down as wild romancers or insane 
 fools, but now they seem like every-day news. 
 
 These are by no means all the marvels of the century. At its begin- 
 ning the constitution of the atmosphere had been recently discovered. 
 In the preceding period it was merely known as a mysterious gas called air. 
 Today we can carry this air about in buckets like so much water, or freeze 
 it into a solid like ice. In its gaseous state it has long been used as the 
 power to move ships and windmills. In its liquid state it may also soon 
 become a leading source of power, and in a measure replace steam, the great 
 power of the century before. 
 
 In what else does the beginning of the twentieth stand far in advance 
 of that of the nineteenth century ? We may contrast the tallow candle 
 with the electric light, the science of to-day with that of a century 
 Education, Dis= ^&^» ^^e methods and the extension of education and the 
 covery and dissemination of books with those of the year 1800. Discovery 
 ommerce ^^^ colonization of the once unknown regions of the world 
 have gone on with marvelous speed. The progress in mining has been 
 enormous, and the production of gold in the nineteenth century perhaps 
 surpasses that of all previous time. Production of all kinds has enormously 
 increased, and commerce now extends to the utmost regions of the earth, 
 bearing the productions of all climes to the central seats of civilization, and 
 .supplying distant and savage tribes with the products of the loom and the 
 mine. 
 
 Such is a hasty review of the condition of affairs at the end of the 
 nineteenth century as compared with that existing at its beginning. No 
 eiiort has been made here to cover the entire field, but enough has been 
 said to show the greatness of the world's progress, and we may fairly speak 
 of this century as the Glorious Nineteenth. ' 
 
 iL 
 
CHAPTER I. 
 The Threshold of the Century. 
 
 AFTER its loTii^r career of triiini|jh and disaster, .L;lory and shame, the 
 world stands to-day at the end of an old and the beginning of a new 
 century, looking forward with hope and backward with pride, for it 
 has just completed the most wonderful hundred years it has ever known, 
 and has laid a noble foundation for the twentieth century, now at its 
 dawn. There can be no more fitting time than this to review the marvelous 
 progress of the closing century, through a portion of which ^^^ ^j^^ ^^ 1 1^,^ 
 all of us have lived, many of us through a great portion of in and its 
 it. Some of the greatest of its events have taken place before ^""^ Events 
 our own eyes ; in some of them many now living have borne a part ; to 
 picture them again to our mental vision cannot fail to be of interest and 
 profit to us all. 
 
 When, after a weary climb, we find ourselves on the summit of a lofty 
 mountain, and look back from that commanding altitude over the ground 
 we have traversed, what is it that we behold ? The minor details of the 
 scenery, many of which seemed large and important to us as we passed, are 
 now lost to view, and we see only the great and imposing features of the 
 landscape, the high elevations, the town-studded valleys, the deep and 
 winding streams, the broad forests. It is the same when, from the summit 
 of an age, we gaze backward over the plain of time. The myriad of petty 
 happenings are lost to sight, and we see only the striking events, the critical 
 epochs, the mighty crises through which the world has passed. True History 
 These are the things that make true history, not the daily an«i the Things 
 doings in the king's palace or the peasant's hut. What we ^hich jvukeit 
 should seek to observe and store up in our memories are the turning points 
 in human events, the great thoughts which have ripened into noble deeds, 
 the hands of might which have pushed the world forward in its career ; not 
 the trifling occurrences which signify nothing, the passing actions which 
 have borne no fruit in human affairs. It is with such turning points, such 
 critical periods in the history of the nineteenth century, that this work pro- 
 poses to deal ; not to picture the passing bubbles on the stream of time, but 
 to point out the great ships which have sailed up that stream laden deep 
 
 » (33) 
 
34 THh THRESHOLD Of THE CENTURY 
 
 with a noble freight. This is history in its deepest and best aspect, and we 
 have set our camera to photograph only the men who have made and the 
 events which constitute this true history of the nineteenth century. 
 
 On the threshold of the century with which we have to deal two grand 
 events stand forth ; two of those masterpieces of political evolution which 
 mold the world and fashion the destiny of mankind. These are, in the 
 Eastern hemisphere, the French Revolution ; in the Western hemisphere, 
 the American Revolution and the founding of the republic of the United 
 Two of the States. In the whole history of the world there are no events 
 
 World's Qreat= that surpass these in importance, and they may fitly be dwelt 
 est Events upon as main foundation stones in the structure we are seek- 
 ing to build. The French Revolution shaped the history of Europe for 
 nearly a quarter century after 1800. The American Revolution shaped the 
 history of America for a still longer period, and is now beginning to shape the 
 history of the world. It is important therefore that we dwell on those two 
 events sufficiently to show the part they have played in the history of the 
 age. Here, however, we shall confine our attention to the Revolution in 
 France. That in America must be left to the American section of our work. 
 The Mediaeval Age was the age of Feudalism, that remarkable system 
 of government based on military organization which held western Europf 
 The Feudal Sys- '-^P^'^^ ^^^ centuries. The State was an army, the nobility 
 tern and Its its captains and generals, the king its commander-in-chief, the 
 Abuses people its rank and file. As for the horde of laborers, they 
 
 were hardly considered at all. They were the hewers of wood and drawers 
 of water for the armed and fighting class, a base, down-trodden, enslaved 
 multitude, destitute of rights and privileges, their only mission in the world 
 to provide food for and pay taxes to their masters, and often doomed to 
 starve in the midst of the food which their labor produced. 
 
 France, the country in which the Feudal system had its birth, was the 
 country in'which it had the longest lease of life. It came down to the verge 
 of the nineteenth century with little relief from its terrible exactions. We 
 see before us in that country the spectacle of a people steeped in miser)-, 
 crushed by tyranny, robbed of all political rights, and without a voice to 
 make their sufferings known ; and of an aristocracj' lapped in luxury, proud, 
 vain, insolent, lavish with the people's money, ruthless with the people's 
 blood, and blind to the spectre of retribution which rose higher year by year 
 before their eyes. 
 
 One or two statements must suffice to show the frightful injustice that 
 prevailed. The nobility and the Church, those who held the bulk of the 
 wealth of the community, were relieved of all taxation, the whole burden of 
 
THE THRESHOLD OF THE CENTURY 35 
 
 wliich fell uijoii the incrcantilo and laborinj^ classes — an unfair exaction that 
 thrcatcnccl to crush industry out of existence. And to picture the condition 
 of the ixasaiiH) , tlu- tyranny of the fi-udal customs, it will serve to repeat 
 the oft-iold tale of the peasants who, after their day's hard labor in the 
 fields, were forced to beat the ponds all night long in order to silence the 
 croaking of the frogs that disturbed some noble lady's slumbers. Nothing 
 need be added to these two instances to show the oppression under which 
 the people of France lay during the long era of Feudalism. 
 
 riiis era of injustice and oppression reached its climax in -jhe Climax of 
 ihe closing years of the eighteenth century, and went tlown at l-eudalism in 
 length in that hideous nightmare of blood and t(;rror known 
 as the l-'rench Revolution. Frightful as this was, it was una\ t)idable. The 
 pride and privilege of the aristocracy had the people by the throat, and only 
 the sword or the guillotine could loosen their hold. In this terrible instance 
 the guillotine did the work. 
 
 It was the need of money for the spendthrift throne that precipitated 
 the Revolution. For years the indignation of the people had been growing 
 and spreading ; for years the authors of the nation had been adding fuel to 
 the flame. The voices of Voltaire, Rousseau and a dozen others had been 
 heard in advocacy of the rights of man, and the people were growing daily 
 more restive under their load. But still the lavish waste of money wrung 
 from the hunger and sweat of the people went on, until the king and his 
 advisers found their coffers empty and were without hope of filling them 
 witlioui a direct appeal to the nation at large. 
 
 It was in 1788 that the fatal step was taken. Louis XVI, King of 
 France, called a session of the States General, the Parliament -j-j^g states 
 of the kingdom, which had not met for more than a hundred aeneral is 
 years. This body was composed of three classes, the repre- 
 sentatives of the nobility, of the church, and of the people. In all earlier 
 instances they had been docile to the mandate of the throne, and the mon- 
 arch, blind to the signs of the times, had no thought but that this assembly 
 would vote him the money he asked for, fix by law a system of taxation for 
 his future supply, and dissolve at his command. 
 
 lie was ignorant of the temper of the people. They had been given a 
 voice at last, and were sure to take the opportunity to speak their mind. 
 1 heir representatives, known as the Third Estate, were made up of bold, 
 earnest, indignant men, who asked for bread and were not to be put ofT 
 with a crust. They were twice as numerous as the representatives of the 
 nobles and the clergy, and thus held control of the situation. They were 
 ready to support the throne, but refused to vote a penny until the crying 
 
36 THE THRESHOLD OF THE CENTURY 
 
 evils of the State were reformed. They broke loose from the other two 
 
 Estates, established a separate parliament under the name of the National 
 
 Assembly, and begun that career of revolution which did not cease until it 
 
 had brought monarchy to an end in France and set all Europe aflame. 
 
 The court sought to temporize with the engine of destruction which it 
 
 had called into existence, prevaricated, played fast and loose, and with 
 
 every false move riveted the fetters of revolution more tightly round its 
 
 neck. In July, 1789, the people of Paris took a hand in the game. They 
 
 rose and destroyed the Bastille, that grim and terrible State 
 
 The Fall of prison into which so many of tlie best and noblest of France 
 
 the Bastille ' -' 
 
 had been cast at the pleasure of the monarch and his min- 
 isters, and which tlie people looked upon as the central fortress of their 
 oppression and woe. 
 
 With the fall of the Bastille discord everywhere broke loose, the spirit 
 of the Revolution spread from Paris through all France, and the popular 
 Assembly, now the sole law-making body of the State, repealed the oppres- 
 sive laws of which the people complained, and with a word overturned 
 abuses many of which were a thousand years old. It took from the nobles 
 their titles and privileges, and reduced them to the rank of simple citizens. 
 It confiscated the vast landed estates of the church, which embraced nearly 
 one-third of France. It abolished the tithes and the unequal taxes, wh'ch 
 had made the clergy and nobles rich and the people poor. At a later date, 
 in the madness of reaction, it enthroned the Goddess of Reason and sought 
 to abolish religion and all the time-honored institutions of the past. 
 
 The Revolution grew, month by month and day by day. New and 
 more radical laws were passed ; moss-grown abuses were swept away in an 
 hour's sitting ; the king, who sought to escape, was seized and held as a 
 hostage ; and war was boldly declared against Austria and Prussia, which 
 showed a disposition to interfere. In November, 1792, the F"rench army 
 gained a brilliant victory at Jemmapes, in Belgium, which eventually led to 
 the conquest of that kingdom by France. It was the first important event 
 in the career of victory which in the coming years was to make France 
 glorious in the annals of war. 
 
 King and Queen '\\\<t hostility of the surrounding nations added to the 
 
 Under the revolutionary fury in France. Armies were marching to the 
 uuillot ne rescue of the king, and the unfortunate monarch was seized, 
 reviled and insulted by the mob, and incarcerated in the prison called the 
 Temple. The queen, Marie Antoinette, daughter of the Emperor of 
 Austria, was likewise haled from the palace to the prison. In the following 
 year, 1793, king and queen alike were taken to the guillotine and their 
 
NAPOLEON CROSSING THE ALPS 
 
 xploit ot Hannibal leading an army across the lofty and frozen passes ot the Alps, i 
 
 in 1800, when he led his army across the St. Bernard Pass, descended like a torn 
 
 Austrians in Italy, and defeated them in the great battle of Marenso- 
 
 ,^M 
 
THE THRESHOLD OE THE CENTURY 39 
 
 royal heads fell into the fatal basket. The Revolution was consunimated, 
 the monarchy was at an end, France had fallen into the hands of the 
 people, and from them it descended into the hands of a ruthless and blcod- 
 tliirsty mob. 
 
 At the head of this mob of revolutionists stood three men, Danton, 
 Marat, and Robespierre, the triumvirate of the Reign of Terror, under 
 which all safety ceased in France, and all those against 
 
 , 1 1 1 1 r • • 11- The Reign of 
 
 whom the least breath 01 suspicion arose were crowdea into Terror 
 prison, from which hosts of them made their way to the 
 dreadful knife of the guillotine. Multitudes of the rich and noble had lied 
 from France, among them Lafayette, the friend and aid of Washington in 
 the American Revolution, and Talleyrand, the acute statesman who was to 
 play a prominent part in later French history. 
 
 Marat, the most savage of the triumvirate, was slain m July, 1793, by 
 the knife of Charlotte Corday, a young woman of pious training, who 
 offered herself as the instrument of God for the removal of this infamous 
 monster. His death rather added to than stayed the tide of blood, and in April, 
 1794, Danton, who sought to check its flow, fell a victim to his ferocious 
 associate. But the Reign of Terror was nearing its end. In July the 
 Assembly awoke from its stupor of fear, Robespierre. was denounced, seized, 
 and executed, and the frightful carnival of bloodshed came to an end. The 
 work of the National Assembly had been fully consummated. Feudalism 
 was at an end, monarchy in France had ceased, and a republic had taken 
 its place, and a new era for Europe had dawned. 
 
 Meanwhile a foreign war was being waged. England had y^^ wars of 
 formed a coalition with most of the nations of Europe, and the French 
 France was threatened by land with the troops of Holland, Revolution 
 Prussia, Austria, Spain and Portugal, and by sea with the fleet of Great 
 Britain. The incompetency of her assailants saved lu.r from destruction. 
 Her generals who lost battles were sent to prison or to the guillotine, the 
 whole country rose as one man in defence, and a number of brilliant victor- 
 ies drove her enemies from her borders and gave the armies of France a 
 position beyond the Rhine. 
 
 These wars soon brought a great man to the front. Napoleon Bona- 
 parte, a son of Corsica, with whose nineteenth century career we shall deal at 
 length in the following chapters, but of w^hose earlier exploits some- 
 thing must be said here. His career fairly began in 1794, when, under the 
 orders of the National Convention — the successor of the National Assembly 
 --he quelled the mob in the streets of Paris with loaded cannon and put a 
 imal end to the Terror which had so long prevailed. 
 
40 THE THRESHOLD OF THE CENTURY 
 
 Placed at the head of the French army in Italy, he quickly astonished 
 the world by a series of the most brilliant victories, defeating the Austrians 
 and the Sardinians wherever he met them, seizing Venice, the city of the 
 lagoon, and forcing almost all Italy to submit to his arms. A republic 
 was established here and a new one in Switzerland, while Belgium and the 
 left bank of the Rhine were held by France. 
 Napoleon in ^'^ wars here at an end. Napoleon's ambition led him to 
 
 Italy and Egypt, inspired by great designs which he failed to realize. 
 
 Egypt. ji^ j-jjg absence anarchy arose in France. The five Directors, 
 
 then at the head of the Government, had lost all authority, and Napoleon, 
 
 who had unexpectedly returned, did not hesitate to overthrow them and 
 
 the Assembly which supported them. A new government, with three 
 
 Consuls at its head, was formed, Napoleon as First Consul holding almost 
 
 royal power. Thus France stood in 1800, at the end of the Eighteenth 
 
 Century. 
 
 In the remainder of Europe there was nothing to compare with the 
 
 momentous convulsion which had taken place in France. England had 
 
 gone through its two revolutions more than a century before, and its people 
 
 were the freest of any in Europe. Recently ^it had lost its colonies in 
 
 America, but it still held in that continent the broad domain of Canada, 
 
 and was building for itself a new empire in India, while founding colonies 
 
 in twenty other lands. In commerce and manufactures it entered the nine- 
 
 ^ . ^ teenth century as the irreatest nation on the earth. The 
 
 England as a ^ ° 
 
 Centre of hammer and the loom resounded from end to end of the 
 
 Industry and island, mighty centres of industry arose where cattle had 
 
 Commerce. , , , i i • i • 
 
 grazed a century before, coal and iron were being torn in 
 great quantities from the depths of the earth, and there seemed everywhere 
 an endless bustle and whirr. The ships of England haunted all seas and 
 visited the most remote ports, laden with the products of her workshops and 
 bringing back raw material for her factories and looms. Wealth accumu- 
 lated, London became the money market of the world, the riches and pros- 
 perity of the island kingdom were growing to be a parable among the 
 nations of the earth. 
 
 On the continent of Europe, Prussia, which has now grown so great, had 
 recently emerged from its mediaeval feebleness, mainly under the powerful 
 hand of Frederick the Great, whose reign extended until 1786, and whose!' 
 ambition, daring, and military genius made him a fitting predecessor of 
 Napoleon the Great, who so soon succeeded him in the annals of war. 
 Unscrupulous in his aims, this warrior king had torn Silesia from Austria^; 
 added to his kingdom a portion of unfortunate Poland, annexed the princii 
 
 1, 
 
THE THRESHOLD OF THE CENTURY 41 
 
 pality of East Friesland, and lifted Prussia into a leading position among 
 the European states. 
 
 Germany, now — with the exception of Austria — a compact j^^ condition 
 empire, was then a series of disconnected states, var.ously of the cierman 
 known as kingdoms, principalities, margravates, electorates, 
 and by other titles, the whole forming the so-called Holy Empire, though 
 it was " neither holy nor an empire." It had drifted down in this fashion 
 from the Middle Ages, and the work of consolidation had hut just begun, 
 in the conquests of Frederick the Great. A host of petty potentates ruled 
 the land, whose states, aside from Prussia and Austria, were too weak to 
 have .a voice in the councils of Europe. Joseph II., the titular emperor of 
 Germany, made an earnest and vigorous effort to combine its elements into 
 a powerful unit; but he signally failed, and died in 1790, a disappointed 
 and embittered man. 
 
 Austria, then far the most powerful of the German states, was from 
 1740 to 1780 under the reign of a woman, Maria Theresa, who struggled 
 in vain against her ambitious neighbor, Frederick the Great, his kingdom 
 being extended ruthlessly at the expense of her imperial dominions. 
 Austria remained a great country, however, including Bohemia and Hun- 
 gary among its domains. It was lord of Lombardy and Venice in Italy, and 
 was destined to play an important but unfortunate part in the coming 
 Napoleonic wars. 
 
 The peninsula of Italy, the central seat of the great Roman Empire, 
 was, at the opening of the nineteenth century, as sadly broken up as 
 Germany, a dozen weak states taking the place of the one strong one that 
 the good of the people demanded. The independent cities of the mediaeval 
 period no longer held sway, and we hear no more of wars between Florence, 
 Genoa, Milan, Pisa and Rome ; but the country was still made up of minor 
 states — Lombardy, Venice and Sardinia in the north, Naples jjjgj.ensi„n j„ 
 in the south, Rome in the centre, and various smaller king- Italy and 
 "ioms and dukedoms between. The peninsula was a prey to Recay in 
 turmoil and dissension. Germany and France had made it 
 their fighting ground for centuries, Spain had filled the south with her 
 armies, and the country had been miserably torn and rent by these frequent 
 wars and those between state and state, and was in a condition to welcome 
 the coming of Napoleon, whose strong hand for the time promised the 
 blessing of peace and union. 
 
 Spain, not many centuries before the greatest nation in Europe, and, as 
 such, the greatest nation on the globe, had miserably declined in power and 
 place at the opening of the nineteenth century. Under the emperor Charles I. 
 
42 THE THRESHOLD OF THE CENTURY 
 
 it had been united with Germany, while its colonies embraced two-thirds 
 of the great continent of America. Under Philip II. it continued power- 
 ful in Europe, but with his death its decay set in. Intolerance checked 
 its growth in civilization, the gold brought from America was swept away 
 by more enterprising states, its strength was sapped by a succession of fee- 
 ble monarchs, and from first place it fell into a low rank among the nations 
 of Europe. It still held its vast colonial area, but this proved a source of 
 weakness rather than of strength, and the people of the colonies, exasper- 
 ated by injustice, and oppression, were ready for the general revolt which 
 was soon to take place. Spain presented the aspect of a great nation ruined 
 by its innate vices, impoverished by official venality and the decline of 
 industry, and fallen into the dry rot of advancing decay. 
 
 Of the nations of Europe which had once played a prominent part, one 
 TV. r. ..-.• r was on the point of being swept from the map. The name of 
 
 The Partition of Y & i i 
 
 Poland by the Poland, which formerly stood for a great power, now stands 
 Robber Na- only for a great crime. The misrule of the kings, the turbu- 
 lence of the nobility, and the enslavement of the people had 
 brought that state into such a condition of decay that it lay like a rotten 
 log amid the powers of Europe. 
 
 The ambitious nations surrounding — Russia, Austria, and Prussia — took 
 advantage of its weakness, and in 1772 each of them seized the portion of 
 Poland that bordered on its own territories. In the remainder of the king- 
 dom the influence of Russia grew so great that the Russian ambassador at 
 Warsaw became the real ruler in Poland. A struggle against Russia began 
 in 1792, Kosciusko, a brave soldier who had fought under Washington in 
 America, being at the head of the patriots. But the weakness of the king 
 tied the hands of the soldiers, the Polish patriots left theii native land in 
 despair, and in the following year Prussia and Russia made a further 
 division of the state, Russia seizing a broad territory with morr than 3,000,- 
 000 inhabitants. 
 
 In 1794 a new outbreak began. The patriots returned ancf a desperate 
 struggle took place. But Poland was doomed. Suvoroff, the greatest of 
 the Russian generals, swept the land with fire and sword. Kosciusko fell 
 wounded, crying, " Poland's end has come," and Warsaw was taken and 
 desolated by its assailants. The patriot was right ; the end had come. 
 What remained of Poland was divided up between Austria, Prussf*, and 
 Russia, and only a name remained. 
 
 There are two others of the powers of Europe of which we must speak, 
 Russia and Turkey. Until th ; seventeenth century Russia had been a do- 
 main of barbarians, weak and disunited, and for a long period the vassal oi 
 
Till-: THRESHOLD OF THE CENTURY 43 
 
 tlie savage Mongol conquerors of Asia. Under Peter the Great (1689- 
 
 1725) it rose into power and prominence, took its place among 
 
 civilized states, and betran that career of conquest and expan- Russia an 
 
 . . Turkey. 
 
 sion which is still going on. At the end of the eighteenth 
 century it was under the rule of Catharine II., often miscalled Catharine the 
 Great, who died in 1796, just as Napoleon was beginning his career. Her 
 greatness lay in the ability of her generals, who defeated Turkey and con- 
 quered the Crimea, and who added the greater part of Poland to her empire. 
 Her strength of mind and decision of character were not shared by her 
 successor, Paul I., and Russia entered the nineteenth century under the 
 weakest sovereign of the RomanofY line. 
 
 Turkey, once the terror of Europe, and sending its armies into the heart 
 of Austria, was now confined within the boundaries it had long before won. 
 and had begun its long struggle for existence with its powerful neighbor. 
 Russia. At the beginning of the nineteenth century it was still a powerful 
 state, with a wide domain in Europe, and continued to defy the Christiam 
 who coveted its territory and sought its overthrow. But the canker-worm o^ 
 a weak and barbarous government was at its heart, while its cruel treatmen\. 
 of its Christian subjects exasperated the strong powers of Europe and 
 invited their armed interference. 
 
 As regards the world outside of Europe and America, no part of it had 
 yet entered the circle of modern civilization. Africa was an almost unknown 
 continent; Asia was little better known ; and the islands of the Eastern seas 
 were still in process of discovery. Japan, which was approaching its period 
 of manumission from barbarism, was still closed to the world, and China lay 
 like a huge and helpless bulk, fast in the fetters of conservatism and blind 
 self-sufficiency. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 Napoleon Bonaparte; The Man of Destiny. 
 
 THE first fifteen years of the nineteenth centur)- in Europe yield us the 
 history of a man, rather than of a continent. France was the centre 
 of Europe; Napoleon, the Corsican, was the centre of France. All the 
 affairs of all the nations seemed to gather around this genius of war. He 
 was respected, feared, hated ; he had risen with the suddenness of a thunder- 
 cloud on a clear horizon, and flashed the lightnings of victory in the dazzled 
 eyes of the nations. All the events of the period were concentrated into 
 one great event, and the name of that event was Napoleon. He seemed 
 incarnate war, organized destruction ; sword in hand he dominated the 
 nations, and victory sat on his banners with folded wings. He was, in a full 
 sense, the man of destiny, and Europe was his prey. 
 
 Never has there been a more wonderful career. The earlier great 
 
 , , conquerors begfan life at the top ; Napoleon began his at the 
 A Remarkable ^ '=' iz- • 
 
 Man and a bottom. Alexander was a king ; Caesar was an aristocrat of 
 
 Wonderful j-jig Roman republic ; Napoleon rose from the people, and 
 was not even a native of the land which became the scene of 
 his exploits. Pure force of military genius lifted him from the lowest to 
 the highest place among mankind, and for long and terrible years Europe 
 shuddered at his name and trembled beneath the tread of his marching 
 legions. As for France, he brought it glory, and left it ruin and dismay. 
 
 We have briefly epitomized Napoleon's early career, his doings in the 
 Revolution, in Italy, and in Egypt, unto the time that France's worship of 
 his military genius raised him to the rank of First Consul, and gave him in 
 effect the power of a king. No one dared question his word, the army was 
 at his beck and call, the nation lay prostrate at his feet — not in fear but in 
 admiration. Such was the state of affairs in France in the closing year of 
 the eighteenth century. The Revolution was at an end ; the Republic existed 
 only as a name ; Napoleon was the autocrat of France and the terror of 
 Europe. From this point we resume the story of his career. 
 
 The First Consul began his reign with two enemies in the field. 
 The Enemies England and Austria. Prussia was neutral, and he had won 
 
 and Friends of the friendship of Paul, the emperor of Russia, by a shrewd 
 
 ranee. move. While the other nations refused to exchange the 
 
 Russian prisoners they held, Napoleon sent home 6,000 of these captives, 
 
 (44) 
 
 ■^■H 
 
NAPOLEON BONAPARTIi—THE MAN OF DESTINY 45 
 
 newly clad and armed, under their own leaders, and without demanding 
 ransom. This was enough to win to his side the weak-minded Paul, whose 
 delight in soldiers he well knew. 
 
 Napoleon now had but two enemies in arms to deal with. He wrote 
 letters to the king of England and the emperor of Austria, offering peace. 
 The answers were cold and insulting, asking France to take back her Boui 
 bon kings and return to her old boundaries. Nothing remained but war. 
 Najjoleon prepared for it with his usual rapidity, secrecy, and keenness of 
 judgment. 
 
 There were two French armies in the field in the spring of iSoo, 
 \Ioreau commanding in Germany, Massena in Italy. Switzerland, which 
 ,vas occupied by the French, divided the armies of the enemy, and Napo- 
 leon determined to take advantage of the separation of their forces, and 
 strike an overwhelming blow. He sent word to Moreau and Massena to 
 keep the enemy in check at any cost, and secretly gathered a third army, 
 whose corps were dispersed here and there, while the powers of Europe 
 were aware only of the army of reserve at Dijon, made up of conscripts and 
 invalids. 
 
 Meanwhile the armies in Italy and Germany were doing their bf:st to 
 obey orders. Massena was attacked by the Austrians before „ , , 
 
 •' ... Movements of 
 
 he could concentrate his troops, his army was cut in two, and the Armies in 
 he was forced to fall back upon Genoa, in which city he was Germany and 
 closely besieged, with a fair prospect of being conquered by 
 starvation if not soon relieved. Moreau was more fortunate. He defeated 
 the Austrians in a series of battles and drove them back on Ulm, where he 
 blockaded them in their camp. All was ready for the great movement 
 which Napoleon had in view. 
 
 Twenty centuries before Hannibal had led his army across the great 
 mounlciin barrier of the Alps, and poured down like an avalanche upon the 
 fertile plains of Italy. The Corsican determined to repeat this brilliant 
 achievement and emulate Hannibal's career. Several passes across the 
 mountains seemed favorable to his purpose, especially those of the St. 
 Bernard, the Simplon and Mont Cenis. Of these the first was the most 
 difficult ; but it was much the shorter, and Napoleon determined to lead the 
 main body of his army over this ice-covered mountain pass, despite its 
 dangers and difficulties. The enterprise was one to deter any man less 
 bold than Hannibal or Napoleon, but it was welcome to the hardihood and 
 daring of these men, who rejoiced in the seemingly impossible ami spurned 
 at hardships and perils. 
 
 The task of the Corsican was greater than that of the Carthaginian. 
 
46 NAPOLEON BONAPARTE— THE MAN OF DESTINY 
 
 He had cannon tf) transport, while Hannibal's men carried only swords and 
 
 spears But the genius of Napoleon was equal to the task. 
 Napoleon „,, , , , . . i i i • i 
 
 Crosses the ^ -^^ cannon were taken from their carnages and placed m the 
 
 Alps at St. hollowed-out trunks of trees, which could be dragged with 
 
 ernar ass j-Qpgg over the ice and snow. Mules were used to draw the 
 
 gun-carriages and the wagon-loads of food and munitions of war. Stores 
 
 of provisions had been placed at suitable points along the road. 
 
 Thus prepared, Napoleon, on the i6th of May, 1800, began his remark 
 able march, while smaller divisions of the army were sent over the Simplon, 
 the St. Gothard and Mont Cenis passes. It was an arduous enterprise. 
 The mules proved unequal to the task given to them ; the peasants refused 
 to aid in this severe work ; the soldiers were obliged to harness themselves 
 to the cannon, and drag them by main strength over the rocky and ice- 
 covered mountain path. The First Consul rode on a mule at the head of 
 the rear-guard, serene and cheerful, chatting with his guide as with a friend, 
 and keeping up the courage of the soldiers by his own indomitable spirit. 
 
 A few hours' rest at the hospice of St. Bernard, and the descent was 
 begun, an enterprise even more difficult than the ascent. For five days the 
 dread journey continued, division following division, corps succeeding corps. 
 The point of greatest peril was reached at Aosta, where, on a precipitous 
 rock, stood the little Austrian fort of Bard, its artillery commanding the 
 narrow defile. 
 
 It was night when the vanguard reached this threatening spot. It was 
 passed in dead silence, tow being wrapped round the wheels of the carriages 
 and a layer of straw and refuse' spread on the frozen ground, while the 
 troops followed a narrow path over the neighboring mountains. By day- 
 break the passage was made and the danger at an end. 
 
 The sudden appearance of the French in Italy was an utter surprise to 
 
 the Austrians. They descended like a torrent into the valley, seized Ivry, 
 
 and five days after reaching Italy met and repulsed an Austrian force. The 
 
 divisions which had crossed by other passes one by one joined 
 
 ■^ ,.'*,"^*'°" Napoleon. Melas, the Austrian commander, was warned of 
 in Italy ^ ' '_ 
 
 the danger that impended, but refused to credit the seemingly 
 preposterous story. His men were scattered, some besieging Massena, in 
 Genoa, some attacking Suchet on the Var. His danger was imminent, for 
 Napoleon, leaving Massena to starve in Genoa, had formed the design of 
 annihilating the Austrian army at one tremendous blow. 
 
 The people of Lombardy, weary of the Austrian yoke, and hoping for 
 liberty under the rule of France, received the new-comers with transport, 
 and lent them what aid they could. On June 9th, Marshall Lannes met 
 
< 
 
 H 
 
 If- *• 
 
 Sit o 
 
 ri =. o 
 
NAPOLEON BONAPARTE— THE MAN OE DESTINY 49 
 
 and defeated the Austrians at Montebello, after a hot engagement. " I 
 heard the bones crackle like a hailstorm on the roofs," he said. On the 14th, 
 the two armies met on the plain of Marengo, and one of the most famous 
 of Napoleon's battles began. 
 
 Napoleon was not ready for the coming battle, and was taken by sur- 
 prise. He had been obliged to break up his army in order to guard all the 
 passages open to the enemy. When he entered, on the 13th, the plain be- 
 tween the Scrivia and the Bormida, near the little village of -j-^^ Famous 
 Marengo, he was ignorant of the movements of the Austri- r-ield of 
 ans, and was not expecting the onset of Melas, who, on the arengo 
 
 following morning, crossed the Bormida by three bridges, and made a fierce 
 assault upon the divisions of generals Victor and Lannes. Victor was vigor- 
 ously attacked and driven back, and Marengo was destroyed by the Aus- 
 trian cannon. Lannes was surrounded by overwhelming numbers, and, fight- 
 ing furiously, was forced to retreat. In the heat of the battle Bonaparte 
 reached the field with his guard and his staff, and found himself in the thick 
 of the terrific affray and his army virtually beaten. 
 
 The retreat continued. It was impossible to check it. The enemy 
 pressed enthusiastically forward. The army was in imminent danger of 
 being cut in two. But Napoleon, with obstinate persistance, kept up the 
 fight, hoping for some change in the perilous situation. Melas, on the con- 
 trary, — an old man, weary of his labors, and confident in the seeming vic- 
 tory, — withdrew to his headquarters at Alessandria, whence he sent off 
 despatches to the effect that the terrible Corsican had at length met defeat. 
 
 He did not know his man. Napoleon sent an aide-de-camp in all haste 
 after Desaix, one of his most trusted generals, who had just returned from 
 Egypt, and whose corps he had detached towards Novi. All depended upon 
 his rapid return. Without Desaix the battle was lost. Fortunately the 
 alert general did not wait for the messenger. His ears caught the sound of 
 distant cannon and, scenting danger, he marched back with the utmost speed. 
 
 Napoleon met his welcome otificer with eyes of joy and hope. " You 
 see the situation," he said, rapidly explaining the state of affairs. " What 
 is to be done ? " 
 
 " It is a lost battle," Desaix replied. " But there are some ^ Great Battle 
 hours of daylight yet. We have time to win another." Lost and 
 
 While he talked with the commander, his regiments had **" 
 
 hastily formed, and now presented a threatening front to the Austrians. 
 Their presence gave new spirit to the retreating troops. 
 
 " Soldiers and friends," cried Napoleon to them, " remember that it is 
 my custom to sleep upon the field of battle." 
 
50 NAPOLEON BONAPARTE— THE MAN OF DESTINY 
 
 Back upon their foes turned the retreatuig troops, with new animation, 
 and checked the victorious Austrians. Desaix hurried to his men and placed 
 himself at their head. 
 
 " Go and tell the First Consul that 1 am about to charge," he said to 
 an aide. " I need to be supported by cavalry." 
 
 A few minutes afterwards, as he was leading his troops irresistibly for- 
 ward, a ball struck him in the breast, inflicting a mortal wound. " I have 
 been too long making war in Africa; the bullets of Europe know me no 
 more," he sadly said. "Conceal my death from the men ; it might rob them 
 of spirit." 
 
 The soldiers had seen him fall, but, instead of being dispirited, they 
 were filled with fury, and rushed forward furiously to avenge their beloved 
 leader. At the same time Kellermann arrived with his dragoons, impetuously 
 hurled them upon the Austrian cavalry, broke through their columns, and 
 fell upon the grenadiers who were wavering before the troops of Desaix. 
 It was a death-stroke. The cavalry and infantry together swept them back 
 in a disorderly retreat. One whole corps, hopeless of escape, threw down 
 its arms and surrendered. The late victorious army was everywhere In 
 retreat. The Austrians were crowded back upon the Bormida, here block* 
 ing the bridges, there flinging themselves into the stream, on all sides flying 
 from the victorious French. The cannon stuck in the muddy stream and 
 were left to the victors. When Melas, apprised of the sudden change in the 
 aspect of affairs, hurried back in dismay to the field, the battle was irretriev- 
 ably lost, and General Zach, his representative in command, was a prisoner 
 in the hands of the French. The field was strewn with thousands of the 
 dead. The slain Desai.x and the living Kellermann had turned the Austrian 
 victory into defeat and saved Napoleon. 
 
 The Result of ^ ^^^ days afterwards, on the 19th, Moreau in Germany 
 
 the Victory won a brilliant victory at Hochstadt, near Blenheim, took 5,000 
 of Marengo prisoners and twenty pieces of cannon, and forced from the 
 Austrians an armed truce which left him master of South Germany. A still 
 more momentous armistice was signed by Melas in Italy, by which the Aus- 
 trians surrendered Piedmont, Lombardy, and all their territory as far as the 
 Mincio, leaving France master of Italy. Melas protested against these 
 severe terrns, but Napoleon was immovable. 
 
 " I did not begin to make war yesterday," he said. "I know your situa- 
 tion. You are out of provisions, encumbered with the dead, wounded, and 
 sick, and surrounded on all sides. I could exact everything. I ask only 
 what the situation of affairs demands. I have no other terms to offer." 
 
NAPOLEON BONAPARTE— THE MAN OF DESTINY 51 
 
 During the niglit of the 2d and 3d of July, Napoleon re-entered Paris, 
 which he had left less than two months before. Brilliant ova- Napoleon 
 tions met him on his route, and all France would have pros- Returns to 
 trated itself at his feet had he permitted. He came crowned ''""'^*'' 
 with the kind of glory which is especially dear to the !■" reach, tliat gained on 
 field of battle. 
 
 Five months afterwards, Austria having refused to make peace without 
 the concurrence of England, and the truce being at an end, another famous 
 victory was added to the list of those which were being inscribed upon the 
 annals of France. On the 3d of Dc-cember the veterans under Moreau met 
 an Austrian army under the Arciiduke John, on the plain of llohenlinden, 
 across which .ran the small river Iser. 
 
 The Austrians marched through the forest of Hohen- j^^^reau and the 
 linden, looking for no resistance, and unaware that Moreau's oreat Bat' 
 army awaited their e.xit. As they left the shelter of the trees of Hohen 
 and debouched upon the plain, they were attacked by the 
 French in force. Twt) divisions had been despatched to take them in the 
 rear, and Moreau held back his men to give them the necessary time. 
 The snow was falling in great flakes, yet through it his keen eyes saw 
 some signs of confusion in the hostile ranks. 
 
 " Richepanse has struck them in the rear," he said. " the time has come 
 to charge." 
 
 Ney rushed forward at the head of his troops, driving the enemy in 
 confusion before him. The centre of the Austrian army was hemmed in 
 between the two forces, Dccaen had struck their left wing in the rear and 
 forced it back upon the Inn. Their right was driven into the valley. The 
 day was lost to the Austrians, whose killed and wounded numbered 8,000, 
 while the French had taken 12,000 prisoners and eighty-seven pieces 
 of cannon. 
 
 rhe victorious French advanced, sweeping back all opposition, until 
 \'ienna, the Austrian capital, lay before them, only a few leagues away. 
 His staff officers urged Moreau to take possession of the city. 
 
 " That would be a fine thing to do, no doubt," he said; "but to my 
 fancy to dictate terms of peace will be a finer thing still." 
 
 The Austrians were ready for peace at any price. On Christmas day, 
 iSoo, an armistice was signed which delivered to the French 
 
 The Peace of 
 
 the valley of the Danube, the country of the Tyrol, a number tuneville 
 of fortresses, and immense magazines of war materials. The 
 war continued in Italy till the end of December, when a truce was signed 
 there and the conflict was at an end. 
 
52 NAPOLEON BONAPARTE— THE MAN OF DESTINY 
 
 Thus the nineteenth century dawned with France at truce with all her 
 foes except Great Britain. In February, 1801, a treaty of peace between 
 Austria and France was signed at Luneville, in which the valley of the 
 Etsch and the Rhine was acknowledged as the boundary of France. Austria 
 was forced to relinquish all her possessions in Italy, except the city of 
 Venice and a portion of Venetia ; all the remainder of North Italy falling 
 into the hands of France. Europe was at peace with the exception of the 
 hostile relations still existing between England and France. 
 
 The war between these two countries was mainly confined to Egypt, 
 
 where remained the army which Napoleon had left in his hasty return to 
 
 France. As it became evident in time that neither the British land forces 
 
 nor the Turkish troops could overcome the French veterans in the valley 
 
 of the Nile, a treaty was arransfed which stipulated that the 
 The Peace of . . . , . 
 
 Amiens French soldiers, 24,000 in all, should be taken home in English 
 
 ships, with their arms and ammunition, Egypt being given 
 
 back to the rule of the Sultan. This was followed by the peace of Amiens 
 
 (March 27, 1802), between England and F"rance, and the long war was, for 
 
 the time, at an end. Napoleoi had conquered peace. 
 
 During the period of peaceful relations that followed Napoleon was by 
 no means at rest. His mind was too active to yield him long intervals of 
 leisure. There was much to be done in France in sweeping away the traces 
 of the revolutionary insanity. One of the first cares of the Consul was to 
 restore the Christian worship in the PVench churches and to abolish the 
 Republican festivals. But he had no intention of giving the church back 
 its old power and placing another kingship beside his own. He insisted 
 that the French church should lose its former supremacy and sink to the 
 position of a servant of the Pope and of the temporal sovereign of France. 
 
 Establishing his court as First Consul in the Tuileries, Napoleon 
 began to bring back the old court fashions and etiquette, and attempted to 
 restore the monarchical customs and usages. The elegance of royalty 
 reappeared, and it seemed almost as if monarchy had been restored. 
 
 A further step towards the restoration of the kingship was soon taken. 
 Napoleon, as yet Consul only for ten years, had himself appointed Consul 
 for life, with the power of naming his successor. He was king now in 
 everything but the name. But he was not suffered to wear his new honor 
 in safety. His ambition had aroused the anger of the republicans, conspi- 
 racies rose around him, and more than once his life was in danger. On his 
 way to the opera house an infernal machine was exploded, killing several 
 persons but leaving him unhurt. 
 
NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 
 
NAPOLEON BONAPARTJl THIl MAN OF DESTINY 55 
 
 Oth< T plots were organized, and Fouchc^ the police-agent of the 
 time, was kept busy in seeking the plotters, for whom there -j-^g punish- 
 was brief mercy when found. Even Moreau, the victor at mentof the 
 Hohenlinden, accused of negotiating with the conspirators, ""^J! "*°''^ 
 
 ' & o 1 and the As- 
 
 was disgraced, and exiled himself from France. Napoleon dealt sassin.ition 
 witli his secret enemies with the same ruthless energy as he ^\ ^^^ 9"*^** 
 tlid with his foes in the field of battle. 
 
 His rage at the attempts uijon his life, indeed, took a form that has 
 been universally condemned. The Duke d'Enghien, a royalist French 
 nobleman, grandson of the Prince of Conde, who was believed by Napoleon 
 to be the soul of the royalist conspiracies, ventured too near the borders of 
 rVancc, and was seized in foreign territory, taken in haste to Paris, and 
 shot without form of law or a moment's opportunity for defence. The 
 outrage excited the deepest indignation throughout Europe. No name was 
 given it but murder, and the historians of to-day speak of the act by no 
 other title. 
 
 The opinion of the world had little effect upon Napoleon. He was a 
 law untcj himself. The death of one man or of a thousand men weighed 
 nothing to him where his safety or his ambition was concerned. Men were 
 th(! pawns he used in the great game of empire, and he heeded not how 
 many of them were sacrificed so that he won the game. 
 
 The culmination of his ambition came in 1804, when the hope he had 
 long secretly cherished, that of gaining the imperial dignity was realized. 
 H(; imitated the example of Ca;sar. the Roman conqueror, in 
 seeking the crown as a reward for his victories, and was elected Crowned 
 emperor of the French by an almost unanimous vote. That Kmperor of 
 the sanction of the church might be obtained for the new 
 dignity, the Pope was constrained to come to Paris, and there anointed him 
 emperor on December 2, 1804. 
 
 The new emperor hastened to restore the old insignia of royalty. Ke 
 surrounded nimself with a brilliant court, brought back the discarded titles of 
 nobility, named the members of his family princes and princesses, and 
 sought to banish every vestige of republican simplicity. Ten years before 
 he had begun his career in the streets of Paris by sweeping away with can- 
 non-shot the mob that rose in support of the Reign of Terror. Now he 
 had swept away the Republic of France and founded a French empire, with 
 himself at its head as Napoleon I. 
 
 But though royalty was restored, it was not a royalty of the old type. 
 Feudalism was at an end. The revolution had destroyed the last relics of 
 that effete and abominable system, and it was an empire on new and 
 4 
 
56 NAPOLEON BONAPARTE— THE MAN OF DESTINY 
 
 modern line?^ which Napoleon had founded, a royalty voted into existent < 
 
 by a free people, not resting upon a nation of slaves. 
 
 The new emperor did not seek to enjoy in leisure his new dignity. Mis 
 
 restless mind impelled him to broad schemes of pulilic improvement. Me 
 
 soueht g-lory in peace as actively as in war. Important 
 The Great .^^^^Z., ■' , . - ,, 
 
 Works Divised changes were made in the management oi the nuances m orcU'i- 
 
 By the New ^o provide the great sums needed for the government, the 
 
 army, and the state. Vast contracts were made for road and 
 
 canal buildmg, and ambitious architectural labors were set in train. Churches 
 
 were erected, the Pantheon was completed, triumphal arches were built, 
 
 two new bridges were thrown over the Seine, the Louvre was ordered to be 
 
 finished, the Bourse to be constructed, and a temple consecrated to the exploits 
 
 of the army (now the church of the Madeleine) to be built. Thousands of 
 
 workmen were kept busy in erecting these monuments to his glory, and 
 
 all France resounded with his fame. 
 
 Among the most important of tl" ese evidences of his activity of intellect 
 
 was the formation of the Code Napoleon, the first organized code of French 
 
 law, and still the basis of jurisprudence in France. First promulgated in 
 
 1801, as the Civil Code of France, its title was changed to the Code Napoleon 
 
 in 1804, and as such it stands as one of the greatest monuments raised by 
 
 Napoleon to his glory. Thus the Consul, and subsequently the Emperor, 
 
 usefully occupied himself in the brief intervals between his almost incessant 
 
 wars. 
 
CIIAPTRR III. 
 
 Europe in the Grasp of the Iron Hand. 
 
 Tl I \i peace of Amiens, wliich for an interval left I'rance without an 
 open enemy in Europe, did not lony continue. Hngland failed to 
 carry out one of the main provisions of this treaty, holding on to the 
 island of Malta in despite of the French protests. The feeling between 
 the two nations soon grew bitter, and in 1803 England again declared war 
 against bVance. William Pitt, the unyielding foe of Napoleon, came again 
 to the head of the ministry in 1804, and displayed all his old 
 activity in organizing coalitions against the hated Corsican. "^ ","'' „, 
 
 ■' 1 1 - 1 Declares Wai 
 
 The war thus declared was to last, so far as England was con- 
 cerned, until Napoleon was driven from his throne. It was conducted by 
 the English mainly through the aid of money paid to their European allies 
 and the activity of their fleet. The British Channel remained an insuper- 
 able obstacle to Napoleon in his conflict with his island foe, and the utniosl 
 he could do in the way of revenge was to launch his armies against the 
 allies of Great Britain, and to occupy Hanover, the domain of the English 
 king on the continent. Thrs he hastened to do. 
 
 The immunity of his persistant enemy was more than the proud con- 
 queror felt ilisposed to endure. Hitherto he had triumphed over all his 
 foes in the field. .Should these haughty islanders contemn his power and 
 defy his armies? He determined to play the role of William of Normandy, 
 centuries before, and attack them on their own shores. This design he had 
 long entertained, and began actively to prepare for as soon as war was 
 declared. An army was encamped at Boulogne, and a great ,. 
 
 •' _ r » ' o Cireat Prepara- 
 
 rtotilla prepared to convey it across the narrow sea. The war tionsforthe 
 material gathered was enormous in cpiantity ; the army num- invasion of 
 bered 120,000 men, with 10,000 horses; 1,800 gunboats of 
 various kinds were ready; only the support of the fleet was awaited to 
 enable the crossing to be achieved in safety. 
 
 We need not dwell further upon this great enterprise, since it failed to 
 yield any result. The French admiral whose concurrence was dep^.. :led upon 
 took sick and died, and the great expedition was necessarily postponed. 
 Before new plans could be laid the indefatigable Pitt had succeeded in 
 organizing a fresh coalition in Europe, and Napoleo)i found full employ- 
 ment for his army on the continent. 
 
 (57) 
 
58 EUROPE IN THE GRASPE OF THE IRON HAND 
 
 In April, 1805, a treaty of alliance was made between England and 
 Russia. On the 9th of August, Austria joined this alliance. Sweden sub- 
 sequently gave in her adhesion, and Prussia alone remained neutral among 
 the great powers. But the allies were mistaken if they expected to take the 
 astute Napoleon unawares. He had foreseen this combination, and, while 
 keeping the eyes of all Europe fixed upon his great preparations at Boulogne, 
 he was quietly but effectively laying his plans for the expected campaign. 
 
 The Austrians had hastened to take the field, marching an army into 
 
 Bavaria and forcing the Elector, the ally of Napoleon, to fly from his capital. 
 
 The French emperor was seemingly taken by surprise, and apparently was in 
 
 no haste, the Austrians having made much progress before he left his palace 
 
 at Saint Cloud. But meanwhile his troops were quietly but 
 Rapid March .... . . r 11 ■ 11 
 
 on Austria rapidly in motion, converging trom all points towards the 
 
 Rhine, and by the end of September seven divisions of the 
 
 army, commanded by Napoleon's ablest Generals, — Ney, Murat, Lannes, 
 
 Soult and others, — were across that stream and marching rapidly upon the 
 
 enemy. Bernadotte led his troops across Prussian territory in disdain of the 
 
 neutrality of that power, and thereby gave such offence to King Frederick 
 
 William as to turn his mind decidedly in favor of joining the coalition. 
 
 Early in October the French held both banks of the Danube, and 
 before the month's end they had gained a notable triumph. Mack, one of the 
 Austrian commanders, with remarkable lack of judgment, held his army in 
 the fortress of Ulni while the swiftly advancing French were cutting off 
 every avenue of retreat, and surrounding his troops. An extraordinary 
 result followed. Ney, on the 14th, defeated the Austrians at Elchingen, 
 cutting off Mack from the main army and shutting him up hopelessly in 
 The Surrender Ulm. Five days afterwards the desparing and incapable 
 of Qeneral general surrendered his army as prisoners of war. Twenty- 
 ^'^ three thousand soldiers laid their weapons and banners at 
 
 Napoleon's feet and eighteen generals remained as prisoners in his hands. 
 It was a triumph which in its way atoned for a great naval disaster which 
 took place on the succeeding day, when Nelson, the English admiral, 
 attacked and destroyed the whole French fleet at Trafalgar. 
 
 The succeeding events, to the great battle that closed the campaign, 
 may be epitomized. An Austrian army had been dispatched to Italy under 
 the brave and able Archduke Charles. Here Marshal Massena commanded 
 the French and a battle took place near Caldiero on October 30th. The 
 Austrians fought stubbornly, but could not withstand the impetuosity of the 
 French, and were forced to retreat and abandon northern Italy to Massena 
 and his men. 
 
ss 
 
 
 
 iZS- o 
 
 ;^2 CD 
 
 I S ^ 3) 
 
 : Q a. 
 
..J^t 
 
 m 
 
EUROPE IN THE GRASP OF THE IRON HAND 6i 
 
 In the north the kin;^ of Prussia, furious at tlie violation of his neutrnl 
 territory by the French under Bernadotte, gave free passage to the Russian 
 and Swedisli troops, and formed a league of friendship with the Czar 
 Alexander. He then dispatched his minister Haugwitz to Napoleon, with 
 a demand that concealed a threat, requiring him, as a basis of peace, to 
 restore the former treaties in Oermany, Switzerland, Italy and Holland. 
 
 With utter disregard of this demand Napoleon advanced along the 
 Danube towards the Austrian states, meeting and defeating the Austrlans 
 and Russians in a series of sanguinary condicts. The Russian army was the 
 most ably commanded, and its leader Kutusoff led it backward in slow but 
 resolute retreat, fighting only when attacked. The French under Mortier 
 were caught isolated on the left bank of the Danube, and fiercely assailed by 
 the Russians, losing heavily before they could be reinforced. 
 
 Despite all resistance, the French continued to advance, 
 
 11 T 1 • 1 ■ -KT 1 A • The Advance 
 
 Murat soon reachmg and occupying Vienna, the Austrian on Vienna 
 
 capital, from which the emperor had hastily withdrawn. Still 
 the retreat and pursuit continued, the allies retiring to Moravia, whither the 
 French, laden with an immense booty from their victories, rapidly 
 followed. Futile negotiations for peace succeeded, and on the 1st of 
 December, the two armies, both concentrated in their fullest strength 
 (92,000 of the allies to 70,000 French) came face to face on the field of 
 .\usterlitz, where on the following day was to be fought one of the memor- 
 able battles in the history of the world. 
 
 The Emperor Alexander had joined Francis of Austria, and the two 
 inonarchs, with their staff officers, occupied the castle and village of Auster- 
 htz. Their troops hastened to occupy the plateau of Pratzen, 
 
 which Napoleon had designedly left free. His plans of battle Th^ Hve Before 
 
 ' & . 1 ^ Austerlitz 
 
 was already full)- made. He had, with the intuition of 
 
 genius, foreseen the probable mantcuvers of the enemy, and had left open for 
 
 them the position wliich he wished tliem to occupy. He even announced 
 
 their movement in a |)r()clamation to his troops. 
 
 "The positions tliat we occujjy are formidable," he said, " and while 
 the enemy march to turn my right they will present to me their flank." 
 
 This movement to the right was indeed the one that had been decided 
 upon by the allies, with the purpose of cutting off the road to Vienna by 
 isolating numerous corps dispersed in Austria and Styria. It had been 
 shrewdly divined by Napoleon in choosing his ground. 
 
 The fact that the 2d of December was the anniversary of the corona- 
 tion of their emperor filled the French troops with ardor. They celebrated 
 it by making great torches of the straw which formed their beds and illumi- 
 
62 EUROPE IN THE GRASP OF THE IRON HAND 
 
 nating their camp. Early the next morning the allies began their projected 
 movement. To the joy of Napoleon his prediction was fulfilled, they were 
 advancing towards his right. He felt sure that the victory was in his hands. 
 
 Me held his own men in readiness while the line of the enemy deployed. 
 The sun was rising, its rays gleaming through a mist, which dispersed as It 
 The Greatest of '''^^^ higher. It now poured its brilliant beams across the 
 Napoleon's field, the afterward famous "sun of Austerlitz." The move- 
 ic ones nient of the allies had the effect of partly withdrawing their 
 
 troops from the plateau of Pratzen. At a signal from the emperor the 
 strongly concentrated centre of the French army moved forward in a dense 
 mass, directing their march towards the plateau, which they made all haste 
 to occupy. They had reached the foot of the hill before the rising mist 
 revealed them to the enemy. 
 
 The two emperors v.'atched the movement without divining its intent. 
 " See how the French climb the height without staying to reply to our fire," 
 said Prince Czartoryski, who stood near them. 
 
 The emperors were soon to learn why their fire was disdained. Theii 
 marching columns, thrown out one after another on the slope, found them- 
 selves suddenly checked In their movement, and cut off from the two wingf- 
 of the army. The allied force had been pierced In Its centre, which was 
 flung back in disorder^ in spite of the efforts of Kutusoff to send it aid. At 
 the same time Davout faced the Russians on the right, and Murat and 
 Lannes attacked the Russian and Austrian squadrons on the left, while Kel- 
 lermann's light cavalry dispersed the squadrons of the Uhlans. 
 
 The Russian guard, checked in its movement, turned towards Pratzen, 
 in a desperate effort to retrieve the fortune of the day. It was incautiously > 
 pursued by a French battalion, which soon found itself isolated and in 
 danger. Napoleon perceived Its peril and hastily sent Rapp to its sup- 
 port, with the Mamelukes and the chasseurs of the guard. They rushed 
 forward with energy and quickly drove back the enemy. Prince Repnin 
 remaining a prisoner in their hands. 
 
 The day was lost to the allies. Everywhere disorder prevailed and 
 their troops were in retreat. An isolated Russian division threw down its 
 arms and surrendered. Two columns were forced back beyond the marshes. 
 The soldiers rushed in their flight upon the ice of the lake, which the 
 intense cold had made thick enough to bear their weight. 
 
 And now a terrible scene was witnessed. War is mercl- 
 Tlie Dreadful j^.^^ death is Its aim ; the slautrhter of an enemy by any 
 
 Lake Horror _ . . i > 
 
 means is looked upon as admissible. By Napoleon s order the 
 French cannon were turned upon the lake. Their plunging balls rent and 
 
EUROPE IN THE GKASP OP THE IRON HAND 63 
 
 f^pIintcTcd tlie ice uiider tlie feet of the crowil of fus^itivcs. Soon it Ijroke 
 with a crash, and the unhappy sokUcrs, with shrill cries of despair, sunk to 
 d(rath in the chillinj; waters beneath, thousands of them perishing. It was a 
 frightfid expedient — one that would be deemed a crime in any other code 
 liian the merciless one of war. 
 
 .\ portion of llie allied army made a perilous retreat along a narrow 
 eml)ankment which separated the two lakes of Mclnitz and I'alnilz, their 
 exposed causeway swept by the fire of the French batteries. Of the whole 
 army, the corps of Prince Bagration alone withdrew in order of battle. 
 
 .Ml that dreadful day the roar of battle had resounded. At its close 
 the victorious French occupied the field ; the allied army was pouring back 
 in disordered flight, the dismayed emperors in its midst ; thousands of dead 
 covered the fatal field, the groans of thousands of wounded men filled the 
 air. More than 30,000 prisoners, including twenty generals, remained 
 in Napoleon's hands, and with them a hundred and twenty pieces of 
 cannon and forty flags, including the standards of the Imperial Guard of 
 Russia. 
 
 The defeat was a crushing one. Napoleon had won the most famous 
 of his battles. The Emperor Francis, in deep depression. Treaty of 
 asked for an interview and an armistice. Two days afterwanl Peace with 
 the emperors, — the conqueror and the conquered, — -met and "* "* 
 an armistice was granted. While the negotiations for peace continued 
 Napoleon shrewdly disposed of the hostility of Prussia by offering the state 
 of Hanover to that power and signing a treaty with the king. On Decem- 
 ber 26th a treaty of peace between France and Austria was signed at 
 Presburg. The Emperor Francis yielded all his remaining possessions in 
 Italy, and also the Tyrol, the Black Forest, and other districts in Germany, 
 which Napoleon presented to his allies, Bavaria, Wurtemberg, and Baden ; 
 whose monarchs w'ere still more closely united to Napoleon by marriages 
 between their children and relatives of himself and his wife Josephine. 
 Bavaria and Wurtemberg were made kingdoms, and Baden was raised 
 in rank to a grand-duchy; The three months' war was at an end. Austri.i 
 had paid dearly for her subserviency to England. Of the several lat^.' 
 enemies of France, only two remained in arms, Russia and England. 
 .\nd in the latter Pitt, Napoleon's greatest enemy, died during the next 
 month, leaving the power in the hands of Fox, an admirer of the Corsican. 
 Napoleon was at the summit of his glory and success. 
 
 Napoleon's political changes did not end with the partial dismember- 
 ment of Austria. His ambition to become supreme in Europe and to rule 
 everywhere lord paramount, inspired him to exalt his family, raising his rela- 
 
64 EUROPE IN THE GRASP OF "j HE IRON HAND 
 
 lives to the rank of kings, but keeping them the servants of his imperious 
 
 will. Holland lost its independence, Louis Bonaparte being named its king. 
 
 Joachim Murat, brother-in-law of the emperor, was given a 
 
 Awards King= kingdom on the lower Rhine, with Diisseldorf as its capital. 
 
 domstoHis A stroke of Napoleon's pen ended the Bourbon monarchy in 
 
 Adi ^""^t^" Naples, and Joseph Bonaparte was sent thither as king, with 
 
 a French army to support him. Italy was divided into duke 
 
 doms, ruled over by the marshals and adherents of the emperor, whose hand 
 
 began to move the powers of Europe as a chess-player moves the pieces 
 
 upon his board. 
 
 The story of his political transformations extends farther still. By rais- 
 ing the electors of Bavaria and Wurtemberg to the rank of kings, he had 
 practically brought to an end the antique German Empire — which indeed 
 had long been little more than a name. In July, 1806, he completed this 
 work. The states of South and West Germany were organized into a league 
 named the Confederation of the Rhine, under the protection of Napoleon. 
 Many small principalities were suppressed and their territories added to the 
 larger ones, increasing the power of the latter, and winning the gratitude of 
 their rulers for their benefactor. The empire of France was in this manner 
 practically extended over Italy, the Netherlands, and the west and south of 
 Germany. Francis II., lord of the " Holy Roman Empire," now renounced 
 the title which these radical changes had made a mockery, withdrew his 
 states from the imperial confederation of Germany, and assumed the title 
 of Francis I. of Austria. The Empire of Germany, once powerful, but long 
 since reduced to a shadowy pretence, finally ceased to exist. 
 
 These autocratic changes could not fail to arouse the indignation of the 
 monarchs of Europe and imperil the prevailing peace. Austria was in no 
 The Hostile condition to resume hostilities, but Prussia, which had main- 
 
 Irritation of tained a doubtful neutrality during the recent wars sfrew more 
 russia ^^j more exasperated as these high-handed proceedings went 
 
 on. A league which the king of Prussia sought to form with Saxony and 
 Hesse-Cassel was thwarted by Napoleon ; who also, in negotiating for peace 
 with England, offered to return Hanover to that country, without consulting 
 the Prussian King, to whom this electorate had been ceded. Other causes 
 of resentment existed, and finally Frederick William of Prussia, irritated 
 beyond control, sent a so-called " ultimatum " to Napoleon, demanding the 
 evacuation of South Germany by the French. As might have been expected, 
 this proposal was rejected with scorn, whereupon Prussia broke off all 
 communication with France and began preparations for war. 
 
hUROPE IN THE GRASF OF THE IRON HAND 65 
 
 The Prussians did not know the man with whom they had to deal. It 
 was an idle hope that this state could cope alone with the power of Napo- 
 leon and his allies, and while Frederick William was slowly -phe Prussian 
 preparing for the war which he had long sought to avoid, the Armies in 
 French troops were on the march and rapidly approaching the **^^ '^'^''^ 
 borders of his kingdom. Saxony had allied itself with Prussia under com- 
 pulsion, and had added 20,000 men to its armies. The elector of Hesse- 
 Cassel had also joined the Prussians, and furnished them a contingent of 
 troops. But this hastily levied army, composed of men few of whom had 
 ever seen a battle, seemed hopeless as matched with the great army of war- 
 worn veterans which Napoleon was marching with his accustomed rapidity 
 against them. Austria, whom the Prussian King had failed to aid, now looked 
 on passively at his peril. The Russians, who still maintained ho.stile relations 
 with France, held their troops immovable upon the Vistula. Frederick 
 William was left to face the power of Napoleon alone. 
 
 The fate of the campaign was quickly decided. Through ^y^arch of the 
 the mountain passes of Franconia Napoleon led his forces French Upon 
 against the Prussian army, which was divided into two corps, Prussia 
 under the command of the Duke of Brunswick and the Prince of Holien- 
 loiie The troops of the latter occupied the riiad from Weimar to Jena. 
 The heights which commanded the latter town were seized by Marshal 
 Lannes on his arrival. A second French corps, under Marshals Davout 
 and Bernadottc. marched against the Duke of Brunswick and established 
 themselves upon the left bank of the Saale. 
 
 On the morning of the 4th of October, 1S06, the conflict at Jena, upon 
 which hung the destiny of tiie Prussian kingdom, began. The troops under 
 the Prince of Hohenlohe surpassed in number those of Napoleon, but were 
 unfitted to sustain the impetuosity of the F"rcnch assault. Soult and 
 Augercau, in command of the wings of the F"rench army, advanced rapidly, 
 enveloping the Prussian forces and driving them back by the vigor of their 
 attack. Then on the Prussian center the guard and the reserves fell in a 
 compact mass whose tremendous impact the enemy found it impossible to 
 endure. The retreat became a rout. The Prussian army broke into a mob 
 of fugitives, flying in terror before Napoleon's irresistible veterans. 
 
 They were met by Marsha! Bieche! with an army of 20,000 men, advanc- 
 ing in all haste to the aid of the Prince of Hohenlohe. ^ , , , ,. 
 
 TL • 1 • \ n \ Defeat of the 
 
 1 hrowing his men across the line of night, he did his utmost Prussians at 
 to rally the fugitives. His effort was a vain one. His men Jena and 
 were swept away by the panic-stricken .T.ass and pushed back 
 b) the triumphant pursuers. Weimar was reached by the French and the 
 
66 EUROPE IN THE GRASP OF THE IRON HAND 
 
 Germans simultaneosly, the former seizing prisoners in such numbers as 
 seriously to hinder their pursuit. 
 
 While this battle was going on, another was in progress near Auer- 
 stadt, where Marshal Davout had encountered the forces of the Duke of 
 Brunswick, with whom was Frederick William, the king. Bernadotte, 
 ordered by the emperor to occupy Hamburg, had withdrawn his troops, 
 leaving Davout much outnumbered by the foe. But heedless of this, he 
 threw himself across their road in the defile of Koesen, and sustained alone 
 the furious attack made upon him by the duke. Throwing his regiments 
 into squares, he poured a murderous fire on the charging troops, hurling 
 them back from his immovable lines. The old duke fell with a mortal 
 wound. The king and his son led their troops to a second, but equally 
 fruitless, attack. Davout, taking advantage of their repulse, advanced and 
 seized the heights of Eckartsberga, where he defended himself with his 
 artillery. Frederick William, discouraged by this vigorous resistance, 
 retired towards Weimar with the purpose of joining his forces with those 
 of the Prince of Hohenlohe and renewing the attack. 
 
 Davout's men were too exhausted to pursue, but Bernadotte was 
 encountered and barred the way, and the disaster at Jena was soon made 
 evident by the panic-stricken mass of fugitives, whose flying multitude, 
 hotly pursued by the French, sought safety in the ranks of the king's corps, 
 which they threw into confusion by their impact. It was apparent that the 
 battle was irretrievably lost. Night was approaching. The king marched 
 hastily away, the disorder in his ranks increasing as the darkness fell. In 
 that one fatal day he had lost his army and placed his kingdom itself in 
 jeopardy. "They can do nothing but gather up the debris" said Napoleon. 
 
 The French lost no time in following up the defeated army, which had 
 
 _.. _ ... broken into several divisions in its retreat. On the 17th, 
 The Demonliza- ' _ ' 
 
 tionofthe Duke Eugene of Wurtemberg and the reserves under his 
 
 Prussian command were scattered in defeat. On the 28th, the Prince 
 
 Forces 
 
 of Hohenlohe, with the 12,000 men whom he still held to- 
 gether, was forced to surrender. Blucher, who had seized the free city of 
 Liibeck. was obliged to follow his example. On all sides the scattered debris 
 of the army was destroyed, and on October 27th Napoleon entered in 
 triumph the city of Berlin, his first entry into an enemy's capital. 
 
 ., , The battle ended, the country occupied, the work of 
 
 Napoleon _ ' .. 
 
 Divides the revenge of the victor began. The Elector of Hesse was driven 
 
 Spoils of from his throne and his country stricken from the list of the 
 
 powers of Europe. Hanover and the Hanseatic towns were 
 
 occupied by the French The English merchandise found in corts and 
 
EUROPE IK THE GRASP OF THE IRON IIAh'D 67 
 
 warehouses was seized and confiscated. A heavy war conlrihulidii w.is laid 
 upon the defeated state. .Severe taxes were laid upon llanihurj^, 15renicn 
 and Leipzi^^ and from all the leading cities the treasures of art and science 
 were carried away to enrich the museums and galleries of I'rance. 
 
 Sa.xony, whose alliance with Prussia had been a forced one, was alone 
 spared. The Sa.xon |)risoncrs were sent back free to their sovereign, and 
 the elector was granted a favorable peace and honored with the title of 
 king. In return for these favors he joined the Confederation of the Rhine,' 
 and such was his gratitude to Napoleon that he remained his friend and ally 
 in the trying days when he had no other friend among the powers of Europe. 
 
 The harsh measures of which we have spoken were not the only ones 
 taken by Napoleon against his enemies. England, the most implacable of 
 his foes, remained beyond his reach, mistress of the seas as he was lord of 
 the land. He could only meet the islanders upon their favorite element, 
 and in November 21, 1806, he sent from Berlin to Talleyrand, his Minister 
 of Foreign Affairs, a decree establishing a continental embargo against 
 Great Britain. 
 
 'The British Islanders," said this famous edict of reprisal, "are declared 
 in a state of blockade. All commerce and all correspondence with them are 
 forl)idden." All letters or packets addressed to an Englishman or written in 
 English were to be seized ; every English subject found in tiic Rmbargo 
 any country controlled by France was to be made a prisoner on British 
 of war ; all commerce in English merchandise was forbidden, Commerce 
 and all ships coming from England or her colonies were to be refused 
 admittance to any port. 
 
 It is iiardly necessary to speak here of the distress caused, alike in 
 Ecirope and elsewhere, by this war upon commerce, in whicli England did 
 not fail to meet the harsh decrees of her opponent by others equally severe. 
 The effect of these edicts upon American commerce is well known. The 
 commerce of neutral nations was almost swept from the seas. One result 
 was the American war of 1812, which for a time seemed as likely to be 
 directed against France as Great Britain. 
 
 Meanwhile Frederick William of Prussia was a fugitive 
 
 king. He refused to accept the harsh terms of the armistice wjinam a 
 
 offered by Napoleon, and in despair resolved to seek, with the Punitive in 
 
 remnant of his army, some 2^,0x30 in number, the Russian the Russian 
 
 ,•..,., . Camp 
 
 camp, and jom his forces with those of Alexander of Russia, 
 
 still in arms against France. 
 
 Napoleon, not content while an enemy remained in arms, with inflex- 
 ible resolution resolved to make an end of all his adversaries, and meet in 
 
68 EUROPE IN THE GRASP OF THE IRON HAND 
 
 battle the great empire of the north. The Russian armies then occupied 
 Poland, whose people, burning under the oppression and injustice to which 
 they had been subjected, gladly welcomed Napoleon's specious offers to 
 bring them back their lost liberties, and rose in his aid when he marched 
 his armies into their country. 
 
 Here the French found themselves exposed to unlooked-for privations. 
 They had dreamed of abundant stores of food, but discovered that the 
 country they had invaded was, in this wintry season, a desert ; a series of 
 frozen solitudes incapable of feeding an army, and holding no reward for 
 them other than that of battle with and victory over the hardy Russians. 
 
 Napoleon advanced to Warsaw, the Polish capital. The Russians were 
 entrenched behind the Narew and the Ukra. The French continued to 
 advance. The Russians were beaten and forced back in every battle, several 
 furious encounters took place, and Alexander's army fell back upon the 
 Pregel, intact and powerful still, despite the French successes. The wintry 
 chill and the character of the country seriously interfered with Napoleon's 
 plans, the troops being forced to make their way through thick and rain- 
 soaked forests, and march over desolate and marshy plains. The winter of 
 
 _. ^ ^ . the north fought against them like a strong army and many 
 The French m . . 
 
 the Dreary of them fell dead without a battle. Warlike movements 
 
 Plains of became almost impossible to the troops of the south, though 
 
 the hardy northeners, accustomed to the climate, continued 
 
 their military operations. 
 
 By the end of January the Russian army was evidently approaching in 
 force, and immediate action became necessary. The cold increased. The 
 mud was converted into ice. On January 30, 1807, Napoleon left Warsaw 
 and marched in search of the enemy. General Benningsen retreated, 
 avoiding battle, and on the 7th of February entered the small town of 
 Eylau, from which his troops were pushed by the approaching French. He 
 encamped outside the town, the French in and about it ; it was evident that 
 a great battle was at hand. 
 
 The weather was cold. Snow lay thick upon the ground and still fell 
 in great flakes. A sheet of ice covering some small lakes formed part of 
 the country ujTon which the armies were encamped, but was thick enough to 
 bear their weight. It was a chill, inhospitable country to which the demon 
 of war had come. 
 
 Before daybreak on the 8th Napoleon was in the streets of Eylau, 
 forming his line of battle for the coming engagement. Soon the artillery 
 of both armies opened, and a rain of cannon balls began to decimate the 
 opposing ranks. The Russian fire was concentrated on the town, which 
 
r 
 
EUROPE IN THE GRASP OE THE IRON HAND 71 
 
 was soon in tlanics. That of the French was directed ajj^aiiist a hill which 
 the empi-ror dccnicd it important to occupy. The two armies, -j-j^g Frightful 
 nearly equal in numbers, — the French having' 75,000 to the Struggle at 
 Russian 70,000, — ^were but a short distance apart, and the *' "" 
 slaug^hter from the fierce cannonade was terrible. 
 
 A series of movements on both sides beijan, Davout marchinsJ upon 
 the Russian Hank and Auycreau upon the centre, while the Russians 
 mancruvred as if with a purpose to outtlank the i'rench on the left. At this 
 interval an unlooked-for obstacle interfered with the French movements, a 
 snow-fall beginning, which grew so dense that the armies lost sight of each 
 othc;r, and vision was restricted to a few feet. In this semi-darkness the 
 French columns lost their way, and wandered about uncertainly. For half an 
 hour the snow continued to fall. When it ceased the French army was in a 
 critical position. Its cohesion was lost ; its columns were straggling about 
 and incapable of supporting one another; many of its superior officers were 
 wounded. The Russians, on the contrary, were on the point of executing 
 a vigorous turning movement, with 20,000 infantry, supported by cavalry 
 aiul artillery. 
 
 " ;\re you going to let me be devoured by these people ?" cried Napo- 
 leon to Murat, his eagle eye di.scerning the danger. 
 
 He ordered a grand charge of all the cavalry of the army, consisting 
 of eighty squadrons. With Murat at their head, they rushed Murat's 
 like an avalanche on the Russian lines, breaking through the Mighty 
 
 in''antry antl dispersing the cavalry who came to its support. ^^^^ 
 
 The Russian infantry suffered severely from this charge, its two massive 
 lines being rent asunder, while the third fell back upon a wood in the rear. 
 Finally Davout, whose movement had been hindred by the weather, 
 reached the Russian rear, and in an impetuous charge drove them from the 
 hilly ground which Napoleon wished to occupy. 
 
 rhe battle seemed lost to the Russians, They began a retreat, leaving 
 the ground strewn thickly with their dead and wounded. But at this critical 
 moment a Prussian force, some S,ooo strong, which .was being pursued by 
 Marshal Ney, arrived on the field and checked the French advance and the 
 Russian retreat. Benningsen regained sufficient confidence to prepare for 
 final attack, when he was advised of the approach of Ney, who was two or 
 three hours behiml the Prussians. At this discouraging news a final retreat 
 was ordered. 
 
 The French were left masters of the field, though little attempt was 
 made to pursue the menacing columns of the enemy, who withdrew in mili- 
 tary array. It was a victory that came near being a defeat, and which, 
 
i 
 
 n I 
 
 72 AVVvVV'A" M^ 77//-; a A'. ISP O/' Till'. IRON ITANI^ 
 
 iiidicd, lidlli sides claiiiicd. Nc\rr licforc had Napoleon been so sliii)- 
 liornly uilhslood. Mis success had heeii liou^hl al a Irioluful cost, and 
 The Cost of K<")ninsl)eru, the old I'mssian capital, the tjoal of his march, 
 
 Victory was Still coviTcd by the compact columns ol the allies. The 
 
 Friifhtrul men were in no condition to [)ursue. I'Ood was wanting', aiul 
 
 they were without sludter from the wintry chill. Nt^y surveyed the terrible 
 scene with t')cs of i^loom. "What a massacre," he exclaimed; "and with- 
 out I'esidt." 
 
 .So severe was the (>\d\austion on both sides from tliis j^reat battle that 
 it was four months before hostilities were resumed. Meanwhile Danzij;-, 
 which had been strongly besieged, surrendered, and more than 30,000 men 
 were r(dcased to reinforce the French army. Negotiations for peace went 
 .slowl)' on, without result, and it was |une before hostilities again became 
 imminent. 
 
 Eylau, which now became Napoleon's headr|uartei-s, |)resented a ver' 
 different as|)ect al this season from that of four months before. Then 
 was wintry desolation ; now the country presented a beautiful scene of green 
 woodland, shining lakes, and attractive villages. The light corps of the army 
 were in motion in various directions, their object being to get between the 
 Russians and their niaga/ines ami cut off ri'treat to Konigsberg. On |une 
 i^lh Napoleon, with the main body of his army, marched towartls I'lied- 
 huul, a town on the Ri\cr Alle, in the vicinil)' of Konigsberg, towards which 
 the Russians were mari-hing. I lere, crossing the Alle, iJenningsen dioxe 
 frorn the town a regiment of iM-ench hussars which had occupied it, and fell 
 with all his force- on the cori)s of Marshal Lannes, which alone had reached 
 the held. 
 
 1. amies held his groimd with his usual heroic fortitude, while sending 
 
 Napoleon on successixe messengers for aid to the emperor. Noon hail 
 
 the l'it.-lii of passed wluMi Najxileou and his staff reachetl the flelil at full 
 
 gallop, lai" in advance of the troo|)s. He surveyed the field 
 
 with eyes of hope. " It is tlie 14th of June, the anniversary of Marengo," 
 
 he said ; " it is a lucky da)- for us." 
 
 "(.live WW. only a ri'inforcement," cried Oudinot, " and we will cast all 
 the Russians into the water." 
 
 This seemed possible. Henningsen's troops were perilously concen- 
 trated within a bend of the river. Some of the French generals advised de- 
 ferring the battle till the next day, as the hour was late, but Napoleon was 
 too shrewd to let an advantage escape him. 
 
 " No," he said, " one iloes not surprise th(! enemy twice in such a blun- 
 der." lie swept with his lieKl-glass the masses of the enem)' before him. 
 
EUROPE IX Tin: GRASP OF THE IRON HliVD 73 
 
 tlicn seized the aim o{ IMarslial Ney. " You see tin: Russians ami tln' town 
 of Frit'illaiii.1," he saivl. " Mairh strai^lu foiward ; sci/c the town ; take the 
 bridges, whatever il may cost. Do not trouble yourself witli what is takiiii; 
 place around you. Leave that to me and the army." 
 
 The troops were comiii!:; in rapidly, and marchinij to the places assii,Mied 
 tiicm. The hours moved on. It was half-past five in the afternoon when 
 the cannon sounded ihe signal of tiie cominor fray. 
 
 Meanwhile Ney's march upon Friedland had beijun. A terri])li; fire 
 ironi the Ru.ssians swept his ranks as he ailvanced. Aided by The Assault of 
 cavaliy and artillery, he reached a stream defended by the the Indom- 
 Russian Imperial Guard. Before those picked troops the "tab e Ney 
 I'rench recoiled in temporary disorder , but the division of General Dupont, 
 marchinor briskly up, broke the Russian guard, and the pursuing French 
 rushed into the town. In a short time it was in flames and the fugitive 
 Russians were cut off from the bridges, which were seized and set on fire. 
 
 The Russians made a vigorous effort to recover their lost ground, 
 General Gortschakoff endeavoring to ilrive the French from the town, aiul 
 other corps making repeated attacks on the French centre. All their efforts 
 were in vain. The French columns continued to advanct;. By ten o'clock 
 tile battle was at an end. Many of tiie Russians had been drowned in the 
 stream, and the field was covereil witii their dead, whose* numliers we^n; 
 estimated by the boastful French bulletins at 15,000 or i8,ooo men, while 
 they matle the improbable claim of having lost no more than -j-hg xot„i 
 5iXD dead. Konigsberg, the prize of victory, was quickly occu- Defeat of the 
 pied by Marshal Soult, and yielded the French a vast (piantity K"ssiaiis 
 of food, and a large store of military supplies which had been sent from 
 England for Russian use. The King of Prussia had lost the whole of his 
 possessions with the exception of the single town of Memel. 
 
 Victorious as Napoleon had been, he had found the Russians no con- 
 temptible foes. At Eylau h(; had come nearer defeat than ever before in 
 his career. He was quite reatly, therefore, to listen to overtures for peace, 
 aiul early in July a notable interview took place between him and the Czar 
 of Russia at Tilsit, on the Niemen, the two emperors meeting on a raft in 
 the centre of the stream. What passed between them is not _. „ 
 
 ^ i- ■ • f The Emperors 
 
 known. Some think that they arranged for a division of at Tilsit and 
 Europe between their respective empires, Alexander taking the Fate of 
 all the east and Napoleon all the west. However that was, 
 tlic treaty of peace, signed July Stii, was a disastrous one for the defeated 
 riii-;sian king, who was [ninished for his temerity in seeking to fight 
 
74 hUROPF, IN THE GRASP OF THE IRON HAND 
 
 Napoleon alone by the loss of more than half his kingdom, while in addi- 
 tion a heavy war indemnity was laid upon his depleted realms. 
 
 He was forced to yield all the countries between the Rhine and the 
 Elbe, to consent to the establishment of a dukedom of Warsaw, under 
 the supremacy of the king of Saxony, and to the loss of Danzig and the 
 surrounding territory, which were converted into a free State. A new 
 "kingdom, named Westphalia, was founded by Napoleon, made up of the 
 territory taken from Prussia and the states of Hesse. Brunswick and South 
 Hanover. His youngest brother, Jerome Bonaparte, was made its king. 
 It was a further step in his policy of founding a western empire. 
 
 Louisa, the beautiful and charming queen of Frederick William, sought 
 Tilsit, hoping by the seduction of her beauty and grace of address to induce 
 Napoleon to mitigate his harsh terms. But in vain she brought to bear 
 upon him all the resources of her intellect and her attractive charm of man- 
 ner. He continued cold and obdurate, and she left Tilsit deeply mortified 
 and humiliated. 
 
 In northern Europe only one enemy of Napoleon remained. Sweden 
 retained its hostility to France, under the fanatical enmity of Gustavus IV., 
 who believed himself the instrument appointed by Providence to reinstate 
 the Bourbon monarchs upon their thrones. Denmark, which refused to ally 
 itself with England, was visited by a British fleet, which bom- 
 Denmark and Warded Copenhagen and carried ofT all the Danish ships of 
 
 Sweden . . , . . 
 
 war, an outrage which brought this kingdom into close alliance 
 with France. The war in Sweden must have ended in the conquest of 
 that country, had not the people revolted and dethroned their obstinate 
 king. Charles XIII., his uncle, was placed on the throne, but was induced 
 to adopt Napoleon's marshal Bernadotte as his son. The latter, as ciown 
 prince, practically succeeded the incapable king in 1810. 
 
 Events followed each other rapidly. Napoleon, in his desire to add 
 kingdom after kingdom to his throne, invaded Portugal and interfered in 
 the affairs of Spain from whose throne he removed the last of the Bourbon 
 kings, replacing him by his brother, Joseph Bonaparte. The result was a 
 revolt of the Spanish people which all his efforts proved unable to quell, 
 aided, as they were eventually, by the power of England. In Italy his 
 intrigues continued. Marshal Murat succeeded Joseph Bonaparte on the 
 throne of Naples. Eliza, Napoleon's sister, was made queen of Tuscany. 
 The Pope a ^h.& temporal sovereignity of the Pope was seriously inter- 
 
 Captive at fered with and finally, in 1809, the pontiff was forcibly 
 eau i-e„ioved from Rome and the states of the Church were added 
 10 the French territorj', Pius VII., the .pope, was eventually brought to 
 
EUROPE IN THE GRASP OE THE IRON HAND 75 
 
 Franc(; and ol)lit^recl to reside at I'Ontainebleaii, wht-re he pcTsistenil)' refused 
 to yield to Napoleon's wishes or perform any act of ecclesiastical authority 
 while held in captivity. 
 
 These various arbitrary acts had their natural result, that of active 
 hostility. The Austrians beheld them with growing indignation, and at 
 length grew so exasperated that, despite their many defeats, they decided 
 again to dare the power and genius of thv. conqueror. In April, 1809, the 
 \'ienna Cabinet once more declared war against France and made all haste 
 to put its armies in the field. Stimulated by this, a revolt broke out in the 
 Tyrol, the smiple-minded but brave and sturdy mountaineers gathering under 
 the leadership of Andreas Hofcr, a man of authority among them, and wel- 
 coming the Austrian troops sent to their aid. 
 
 As regards this war in the Tyrol, there is no need here to go into 
 details. It must suffice to say that the bold peasantry, aided Andreas Hofer 
 by the natural advantages of their mountain land, for a time and the War 
 freed themselves from French dominion, to the astonishment 'n the Tyrol 
 and admiration of Europe. But their freedom was of brief duration, fresh 
 troops were poured into the country, and though the mountaineers won 
 more than one victory, they proved no match for the power of their foes. 
 Their country was concjuered, and Hofer, their brave leader, was taken b)- 
 the French and remorselessly put to death by the order of Napoleon. 
 
 The struggle in the Tyrol was merely a side issue in the new war with 
 Austria, which was conducted on Napoleon's side with his usual celerity of 
 movement. The (ia\s when soldiers are whisked forward at locomotive 
 speed had not yet dawned, yet the FVench troops made extraordinary prog- 
 ress on foot, and war was barely declared before the army of Napoleon 
 covered Austria. This army was no longer made up solely of F'rcnchmen. 
 The Confederation of the Rhine practically formed part of Napoleon's 
 empire, and Germans now fought side by side with Frenchmen ; Marshal 
 Lefebvre leading the Bavarians, Bernadotte the Saxons, Au- ^^ , 
 
 1 116 Arm V of 
 
 gereau the men of Baden, Wurtemberg, and Hesse. On the Napoleon 
 other hand, the Austrians were early in motion, and by the loth Marches 
 of April the Archduke Charles had crossed the Inn with his 
 army and the King of Bavaria, Napoleon's ally, was in flight from his capital. 
 The quick advance of the Austrians had placed the F'rench army in 
 danger. Spread out over an extent of twenty-five leagues, it ran serious 
 risk of being cut in two by the rapidly marching troops of the Archduke. 
 Napoleon, who reached the front on the 17th, was not slow to perceive the 
 peril and to take steps of prevention. A hasty concentration of his forces 
 was ordered and vigorously begun. 
 5 
 
76 EUROPE IN THE GRASP OF THE IRON HAND \ 
 
 ' Never was there need for more rapidity of movement than now," he 
 
 wrote to Massena. " Activity, activity, speed !" 
 
 Speed was the order of the day. The French generals ably seconded 
 
 the anxious activity of their chief. The soldiers fairly rushed together. 
 
 A brief hesitation robbed the Austral ns of the advantage 
 
 Overcome'' which they had hoped to gain. The Archduke Charles, one 
 
 of the ablest tacticians ever opposed to Napoleon, had the 
 
 weakness of over-prudence, and caution robbed him of the opportunity 
 
 given him by the wide dispersion of the French. 
 
 He was soon and severely punished for his slowness. On the 19th 
 
 Davout defeated the Austrians at Fangen and made a junction with the 
 
 Bavarians. On the 20th and 21st Napoleon met and defeated them in a 
 
 series of engagements. Meanwhile the Archduke Charles fell on Ratisbon, 
 
 held by a single French regiment, occupied that important place, and 
 
 attacked Davout at Eckmiihl. Here a furious battle took place. Davout. 
 
 outnumbered, maintained his position for three days. Napoleon, warned of 
 
 the peril of his marshal, bade him to hold on to the death, as he was 
 
 hastening to his relief with 40,000 men. The day was well advanced when 
 
 the emperor came up and fell with his fresh troops on the Austrians, who, 
 
 still bravely fighting, were forced back upon Ratisbon. During the night 
 
 the Archduke wisely withdrew and marched for Bohemia, where a large 
 
 reinforcement awaited him. On the 23d Napoleon attacked the town, and 
 
 Th B ttl f carried it in spite of a vigorous defence. His proclamation to 
 
 Eckmuhi and his soldiers perhaps overestimated the prizes of this brief but 
 
 the Capture active campaign, which he declared to be a hundred cannon, 
 of Ratisbon r n 11 1 .11 ■ 1 
 
 lorty nags, all the enemy s artillery, 50,000 prisoners, a large 
 
 number of wagons, etc. Half this loss would have fully justified the Arch- 
 duke's retreat. 
 
 In Italy affairs went differently. Prince Eugene Beauharnais, for the 
 first time in command of a French army, found himself opposed by the 
 
 Archduke John, and met with a defeat. On April i6th, seekins;: 
 The Campaign .■',. ,. , ,,, a,,,, , 
 
 ' In Italy '^ retrieve his disaster, he attacked the Archduke, but the 
 
 Austrians bravely held their positions, and the French were 
 
 again obliged to retreat. General Macdonald, an officer of tried ability, 
 
 now joined the prince, who took up a defensive position on the Adige, 
 
 whither the Austrians marched. On the 1st of May Macdonald perceived 
 
 among them indications of withdrawal from their position. 
 
 "Victory in Germany!" he shouted to the prince. "Now is our time 
 
 for a forward march !" 
 
EUROPE /A' TIfE GRASP OF THE IRON HAND 77 
 
 He was corrrct, the Archduke ]o\\\\ had hccn recalled in haste to aid 
 his brother in the defence of Vienna, on which the f'Vench were advancing 
 in force. 
 
 The campaign now became a race for the capital of Austria. During 
 its progress several conflicts took place, in each of which the French won. 
 The city was defended by the Archduke Ma.ximilian with an army of over 
 ,I5.CXX) men, but he found it expedient to withdraw, and on the 13th the 
 ,' troops of Napoleon occupied the place. Meanwhile Charles had concen- 
 trated his troops and was marching liastil)' towards the o])])<)site side of the 
 1 )anube, whither his brother John was advancing from IlaK. 
 
 It was important for Napoleon to strike a blow before this junction 
 could be made. He resolved to cross the Danube in the suburbs of the 
 capital itself, and attack the Austrians before they were reinforced. In the 
 vicinity of Vienna the channel of the river is broken by many islets. At the 
 island of Lobau, the point chosen for the attempt, the river is broad and 
 deep, but Lobau is separated from the opposite bank by only a narrow 
 branch, while two smaller islets offered themselves as aids in the construc- 
 tion of bridges, there being four channels, over each of which a Ijridge was 
 thrown. 
 
 The work was a difficult on*;. The Danube, swollen by The Bridges 
 the melting snows, imperilled the bridges, erected with diffi- over the 
 culty and braced by insufficient cordage. But despite this ^"" ^ 
 peril the crossing began, and on May 20th Marshal Massena reached the 
 other side and posted his troops in the two villages of Aspern and Essling, 
 and along a deep ditch that connected them. 
 
 As yet only the vanguard of the Austrians had arrived. Other corps 
 soon ajjpeared, and by the afternoon of the 21st the entire ami)', from 
 70,000 to 80.000 strong, faced the French, still only half their number, and 
 in a position of extreme peril, for the bridge over the main channel of the 
 river had broken during the night, and the crossing was cut off in its midst. 
 
 Napoleon, however, was straining every nerve to repair the bridge, and 
 Massena and Lannes, in command of the advance, fought like men fighting 
 for their lives. The Archduke Charles, the ablest soldier Napoleon had yet 
 encountered, hurled his troops in masses upon Aspern, which covered the 
 bridge to Lobau. Several times it was taken and retaken, but the French 
 held on with a death grip, all the strength of the Austrians seeming insuffi- 
 cient to break the hold of Lannes upon Essling. An advance in force, 
 which nearly cut the communication between the two villages, was checked 
 by an impetuous cavalry charge, and night fell, leaving the situation 
 unchanged. 
 
78 EUROPE IN THE GRASP OF THE IRON HAND 
 
 At dawn of the next day more than 70,000 French had crossed the 
 stream ; Marshal Davout's corps, with part of the artillery and most of the 
 ammunition, being still on the right bank. At this critical moment the large 
 bridge, against which the Austrians had sent fireships, boats laden with 
 stone and other floating missiles, broke for the third time, and the engin- 
 eers of the French army were again forced to the most strenuous and hasty 
 exertions for its repair. 
 
 The struggle of the day that had just begun was one of extraordinary 
 
 ^. ^ valor and obstinacy. Men went down in nuiltitudes ; now 
 
 rhe ureat _ ■' 
 
 strugg-reof the Austrians, now the French, were repulsed ; the Austrians, 
 
 Esslingand impetuously assailed, slowly fell back; and Lannes was pre- 
 Aspern . , . ,.,.,. 
 
 parmg lor a vigorous movement designed to pierce their 
 
 centre, when word was brought Napoleon that the great bridge had again 
 yielded to the floating debris, carrying with it a regiment of cuirassiers, 
 and cutting off the supply of ammunition. Lannes was at once ordered to 
 fall back upon the villages, and simultaneously the Austrians made a 
 powerful assault on the French centre, which was checked with great 
 difficulty. Five times the charge was renewed, and though the enemy was 
 finally repelled, it became evident that Napoleon, for the first time in his 
 career, had met with a decided check. Night fell at length, and reluctantly 
 he gave the order to retreat. He had lost more than a battle, he had lost 
 the brilliant soldier Lannes, who fell with a mortal wound. Back to the 
 Napoleon Forced 'sland of Lobau marched the French; Massena, in charge of the 
 to his First rear-guard, bringing over the last regiments in safety. More 
 e reat than 40,000 men lay dead and wounded on that fatal field, 
 
 which remained in Austrian hands. Napoleon, at last, was obliged to 
 acknowledge a repulse, if not a defeat, and the nations of Furope held up 
 their heads with renewed hope. It had been proved that the Corsican was 
 not invincible. 
 
 Some of Napoleon's generals, deeply disheartened, advised an immedi- 
 ate retreat, but the emperor had no thought of such a movement. It 
 would have brought a thousand disasters in its train. On the contrary, he 
 held the island of Lobau with a strong force, and brought all his resources 
 to bear on the construction of a bridge that would defy the current of the 
 stream. At the same time reinforcements were hurried forward, until by 
 the 1st of July, he had around Vienna an army of 150,000 men. The 
 Austrians had probably from 135,000 to 140,000. The archduke had, 
 morever, strongly fortified the positions of the recent battle, expecting the 
 attack upon them to be resumed. 
 
L 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 tr^*. 
 
 ■3^ ^\ 
 
 ^^^ 
 
 
NAPOLEON AND THE QUEEN OF PRUSSIA AT TILSiT (f 
 
 Tilsi 
 
 Her 
 
 ndPr 
 
 -IE PAINTING BY GROSj 
 the Treaty of Peace between the French 
 ssia was signed in July, 1807 
 
EUROrr. /X Till'. GRASP OF TIIF. IRON HAND 81 
 
 Napoleon had no such intf'ntion. He had selected the lieig^hts ranging 
 from Neusietll to Wagram, strongly occupied by the Austrians, The Second 
 but not fortified, as his point of attack, and on the night of Crossing of 
 July 4th bridges were thrown from the island of Lobau to the the Danube 
 mainland, and the army which had been gathering for several days on the 
 island began its advance. It moved as a whole against the heights of 
 Wagram, occupying Aspern and Essling in its advance. 
 
 The great battle began on the succeeding day. It was hotly contested 
 at all points, but attention may be confined to the movement against the 
 plateau of Wa'gram, which had been entrusted to Marshal Davout. The 
 height was gained after a desperate struggle ; the key <>f the 
 battlefield was held by the French ; the Austrians, impetuously ^^^ Victory 
 
 , ' _ _ ' -^ at Wasram 
 
 assailed at every point, and driven from every point of vantage, 
 began a retreat. The Archduke Charles had an.xiously looked for the com- 
 ing of his brother John, with the army under his command. He waited in 
 vain, the laggard prince failed to appear, and retreat became inevitable. The 
 battle had already lasted ten hours, and the French held all the strong points 
 of the held ; but the Austrians withdrew slowly and in battle array, presenting 
 a front that discouraged any effort to pursue. There was nothing resem- 
 bling a rout. 
 
 The Archduke Charles retreated to Bohemia. His forces were dis- 
 persed during the march, but he had 70,000 men with him when Napoleon 
 reached his front at Znaim, on the road to I'rague, on the iilli of Jul)'. 
 Further hostilities were checked by a request for a truce, jjreliminary to a 
 peace. The battle, already begun, was stopped, and during the night an 
 armistice was signed. The vigor of the Austrian resistance and the doubt- 
 ful attitude of the other powers made Napoleon willing enough to treat for 
 terms. 
 
 The peace, wiiich was tinally sigiu-d at X'ienna, October 14. 1809, took 
 from Austria 50,000 square miles of territory and 3,000,000 
 
 inhabitants, together with a war contribution of $8s, 000,000, The Peace of 
 
 *» f j> ' Vienna 
 
 while her army was restricted to 150,000 men. The overthrow 
 
 of the several outbreaks which had taken place in north Germany, the defeat 
 of a British expedition against Antwerp, and the suppression of the revolt 
 in the Tyrol, ended all organized opposition to Napoleon, who was once 
 more master of the European situation. 
 
 Raised by this signal success to the summit of his power, lord para- 
 mount of Western ICurope, only one thing remained to trouble the mind of 
 the victorious emperor. His wife, Josephine, was childless ; his throne 
 tlircatened to be left without an heir. Mucli as he had seemed to love his 
 
82 EUROPE IN THE GRASP OF THE IRON HAND 
 
 wife, the companion of his early days, when he was an unknown and uncon- 
 sidered subaltern, seeking humbly enough for military employment in Paris, 
 yet ambition and the thirst for glory were always the ruling passions in his 
 nature, and had now grown so dominant as to throw love and wifely devo- 
 tion utterly into the shade. He resolved to set aside his wife and seek a 
 new bride among the princesses of Europe, hoping in this way to leave an 
 heir of his own blood as successor to his imperial throne. 
 
 Negotiations were entered into with the courts of Europe to obtain sl 
 daughter of one of the proud royal houses as the spouse of the plebeian 
 emperor of France. No maiden of less exalted rank than a princess of 
 the imperial families of Russia or Austria was high enough to meet the 
 ambitious aims of this proud lord of battles, and negotiations were entered 
 into with both, ending in the selection of Maria Louisa, daughter of the 
 Emperor Francis of Austria, who did not venture to refuse a demand for 
 his daughter's hand from the master of half his dominions. 
 
 ^, ^. , Napoleon was not lone in finding ^ plea for setting aside 
 
 The Divorce of ^ '^ . . 
 
 Josephine and the wife of his days of poverty and obscurity. A defect in 
 
 Marriage of i^i-,^. marriage was alleged, and the transparent farce went on. 
 
 Maria Louisa ,^, ,. r t i • i i i i i r 
 
 1 he aivorce oi Josephme has awakened the sympathy oi a 
 century. It was, indeed, a piteous example of state-craft, and there can be 
 no doubt that Napoleon suffered in his heart while yielding to the dictates 
 of his unbridled ambition. The marriage with Maria Louisa, on the 2d of 
 April, 1 8 10, was conducted with all possible pomp and display, no less than 
 five queens carrying the train of the bride in the august ceremony. The 
 purpose of the marriage did not fail ; the next year a son was born to 
 Napoleon. But this imperial youth, who was dignified with the title of 
 King of Rome, was destined to an inglorious life, as an unconsidered teiant 
 of the gilded halls of his imperial grandfather of Austria. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 The Decline and Fall of Napoleon's Empire. 
 
 AMIjI 1 ION, unrestrained by caution, uncontrolled by moderation, has 
 its inevitable end. An empire built upon victory, trusting solely to 
 military genius, prepares for itself the elements of its overthrow. 
 This fact Napoleon was to learn. In the outset of his career he opposed a 
 new art of war to the obsolete one of his enemies, and his path to empire 
 was over the corpses of slaughtered armies and the ruins of fallen king- 
 doms. But year by year they learned his art, in war after war their resist- 
 ance grew more stringent, each successive victory was won with more 
 difficulty and at greater cost, and finally, at the crossing of the 
 Danube, the energy and genius of Napoleon met their equal, theWae^and 
 and the standards of France went back in defeat. It was the Decline of 
 tocsin of fate. His career of victory had culminated. From Napoleon's 
 that day its decline began. 
 
 It Is Interesting to find that the first effective check to Napoleon's 
 victorious progress came from one of the weaker nations of Europe, a 
 power which the conqueror contemned and thought to move as one of the 
 minor pieces in his game of empire. Spain at that time had reached almost 
 the lowest stage of its decline. Its king was an imbecile ; the heir to the 
 throne a weakling ; Godoy, the " Prince of the Peace," the monarch's 
 lavorite, an ambitious intriguer. Napoleon's armies had invaded Portugal 
 
 and forced its monarch to embark for P)razll, his .American ., 
 
 . . ,.,.„, Aims and In- 
 
 domain. A sunilar movement was attempted in Spain. This trigues in 
 
 country the base Godoy betrayed to Napoleon, and then, Portugal and 
 
 frightened by the consequences of his dishonorable intrigues, 
 
 sought to escape with the king and court to the Spanish dominions in 
 
 .America His scheme was prevented by an outbreak of the people of 
 
 Madrid, and Napoleon, ambitiously designing to add the peninsula to his 
 
 empire, induced both Charles IV. and his son Ferdinand to resign from the 
 
 throne. He replaced them by his brother, Joseph Bonaparte, who, on June 
 
 6, 1808, was named King of Spain. 
 
 Hitherto Napoleon had dealt with emperors and kings, whose overthrow 
 
 tarried with it that of their people In Spain he had a new element, the 
 
 (83) 
 
84 THE DECLINE AND FALL OF NAPOLEON'S EMPIRE 
 
 people itself, to deal with. The very weakness of Spam proved its strength. 
 
 Deprived of their native monarchs, and given a king not of their own choice, 
 
 ^. ^ ,^ ^ ^. the whole people rose in rebellion and defied Napoleon and 
 The Bold Defi- . .. ., .,.. 
 
 anceofthe his armies. An insurrection broke out m Madrid in which 
 
 People of 1,200 French soldiers were slain. Juntas were formed in dif- 
 
 ferent cities, which assumed the control of affairs and refused 
 obedience to the new king. From end to end of Spain the people sprang 
 to arms and began a guerilla warfare which the troops of Napoleon sought 
 in vain to quell. The baj'onets of the French were able to sustain King 
 Joseph and his court in Madrid, but proved powerless to put down the peo- 
 j^le. Each city, each district, became a separate centre of war, each had to 
 be conquered separately, and the strength of the troops was consumed in 
 petty contests with a people who avoided open warfare and dealt in surprises 
 and scattered fights, in which victory counted for little and needed to be re- 
 peated a thousand times. 
 
 The Spanish did more than this. They put an army in the field which 
 
 „ . , „ •• was defeated by the French, but they reveneed themselves 
 
 Spam s BnU . . •' _ -' & 
 
 liant Victory brilliantly at Baylen, in Andalusia, where General Dupont, 
 
 and King Jo- with a corps 20,000 strono-, was surrounded in a position from 
 
 sepli's Fliglit 1 • , ^1 , f , , II- u 
 
 wnicn there was no escape, and torced to surrender himself 
 
 and his men as prisoners of war. 
 
 This undisciplined people had gained a victory over France which none 
 of the great powers of Europe could match. The Spaniards were filled 
 with enthusiasm ; King Joseph hastily abandoned Madrid ; the French armies 
 retreated across the Ebro. Soon encouraging news came from Portugal. 
 The English, hitherto mainly confining themselves to naval warfare and to 
 aiding the enemies of Napoleon with money, had landed an army in that 
 country under Sir Arthur Wellesley (afterwards Lord Wellington) and other 
 generals, which would have captured the entire French army had it not 
 capitulated on the terms of a free passage to France. For the time being 
 the peninsula of Spain and Portugal was free from Napoleon's power. 
 
 The humiliating reverse to his arms called Napoleon himself into the 
 field. He marched at the head of an army into Spain, defeated the insur- 
 The Heroic gents wherever met, and reinstated his brother on the throne. 
 
 Defence of The city of Saragossa, which made one of the most heroic 
 defences known iu history, was taken, and the advance of th( 
 British armies was checked. And yet, though Spain was widely overrun, 
 the people did not yield. The junta at Cadiz defied the French, the 
 guerillas continued in the field, and the invaders found themselves baffled 
 by an enemy who was felt oftener than seen. 
 
. THE DECLINE AND FALL OF NAPOLEON'S EMPIRE 85 
 
 The Austrian war called away the emperor and the bulk of his troops, 
 but after it was over he filled Spain with his veterans, increasing the 
 strength of the army there to 300,000 men, under his ablest generals, Soult, 
 Massena, Ney, Marmont, Macdonald and others. They marched through 
 Spain from end to end, yet, though they held all the salient points, the 
 people refused to submit, bvit from their niovnitain fastnesses kept up a 
 petty and annoying war. 
 
 Massena. in 181 i, invaded r\)rtugal, where Wellington with an Ivnglisii 
 armv awaited him behind the stronof lines of Torres V^edras, „, „. ^ , 
 
 / ... . . Wellington .•; 
 
 which the ever-victorious French sought in vain to carry by Career in 
 as.sault. INIassena was compelled to retreat, and Soult, by Portugal and 
 whom the emperor replaced him, was no more successful 
 against the shrewd English general. At length Spain won the reward of 
 her patriotic defence. The Russian campaign of 1812 compelled the 
 emperor to deplete his army in that country, and Wellington came to the 
 aid of the patriol.s, defeated Marmont at Salamanca, entered Madrid, and 
 forced King Joseph once more to flee from his unquiet throne. 
 
 h'or a brief interval he was restored by the French army under Soult 
 and Suchcf, but the disasters of the Russian campaign brought the reign 
 of King Joseph to a final end, and forced him to give up the pretence of 
 reigning over a people who were unflinchingly determined The Reward 
 to have no king but one of their own choice. The story of of Patriotic 
 the .Spanish war ends in 1813, when Wellington defeated the ^* """ 
 French at Vittoria, pursued them across the Pyrenees, and set foot upon the 
 soil of France. 
 
 While these events were taking place in Spain the power of Napoleon 
 was being shattered to fragments in the north. On the banks of the Nie- 
 men, a river that flows between Prussia and Poland, there gath- 
 
 , 1 1 f T n r ^ Record of 
 
 ered near the end 01 June, 1812, an mimense army ol more Disaster 
 than 600,000 men, attended by an enormous multitude of non- 
 combatants, their purpose being the invasion of the empire of Russia. Of 
 this great army, made up of troops from half the nations of Europe, there 
 reappeared si.\ months later on that broad stream about 16,000 armed men, 
 almost all that were left of that stupendous host. The remainder had per- 
 ished on the desert soil or in the frozen rivers of Russia, few of them sur- 
 viving as prisoners in Russian hands. Such was the character of the dread 
 catastrophe that broke the power of the mighty conqueror and delivered 
 Europe from his aufocratic grasp. 
 
 The breach of relations between Napoleon and Alexander was largely 
 due to the arbitrary and high-lianded [jroceedings of the French empen^r, 
 
86 THE DECLINE AND FALL OF NAPOLEON'S EMPLRE 
 
 who was accustomed to deal with the map of Europe as if it represented his 
 private domain. He offended Alexander by enlarging the duchy of Warsaw 
 Napoleon and — °"^ °^ '^'^ °^^" creations — and deeply incensed him by ex- 
 theCzarat tending the French empire to the shores of the Baltic, thus 
 Enmity robbing of his dominion the Duke of Oldenburg, a near rela- 
 
 tive of Alexander. On the other hand the Czar declined to submit the com- 
 mercial interests of his country to the rigor of Napoleon's "continental 
 blockade," and made a new tariff, which interfered with the importation of 
 French and favored that of English goods. These and other acts in which 
 Alexander chose to place his own interests in advance of those of Napoleon 
 were as wormwood to the haughty soul of the latter, and he determined to 
 punish the Russian autocrat as he had done the other monarchs of Europe 
 who refused to submit to his dictation. 
 
 For a year or two before war was declared Napoleon had been prepar- 
 ing for the greatest struggle of his life, adding to his army by the most rig- 
 orous methods of conscription and collecting great magazines of war mate- 
 rial, though still professing friendship for Alexander. The latter, however, 
 was not deceived. He prepared, on his part, for the threatened struggle, 
 made peace with the Turks, and formed an alliance with Bernadotte, the 
 crown prince of Sweden, who had good reason to be offended with his former 
 lord and master. Napoleon, on his side, allied himself with Prussia and 
 Austria, and added to his army large contingents of troops from the German 
 states. At length the great conflict was ready to begin between the two 
 autocrats, the Emperors of the East and the West, and Europe resounded 
 with the tread of marching feet. 
 
 In the closing days of June the grand army crossed the Niemen, its last 
 The Invasion of regiments reaching Russian soil by the opening of July. Na- 
 Russiabythe poleon, with the advance, pressed on to Wilna, the capital of 
 rmy Lithuania. On all sides the Poles rose in enthusiastic hope, 
 and joined the ranks of the man whom they looked upon as their deliverer. 
 Onward went the great army, marching with Napoleon's accustomed rapid- 
 ity, seeking to prevent the concentration of the divided Russian forces, and 
 advancing daily deeper into the dominions of the czar. 
 
 The French emperor had his plans well laid. He proposed to meet the 
 Russians in force on some interior field, win from them one of his accus- 
 tomed brilliant victories, crush them with his enormous columns, and force 
 the dismayed czar to sue for peace on his own terms. But plans need two 
 jides for their consummation, and the Russian leaders did not propose to 
 lose the advantage given them by nature. On and on went Napoleon, 
 deeper and deeper into that desolate land, but the great army he was to 
 
THE DECLINE AND FALL OF NAPOLEON'S EMPIRE 87 
 
 crush failed to loom up before him, the broad plains still spread onward 
 empty of soldiers, and disquiet began to assail his imperious soul as he founc/ 
 the Russian hosts keeping constantly beyond his reach, luring ^^^ prench 
 him ever deeper into their vast territory. In truth Barclay de Baffled by 
 Tolly, the czar's chief in command, had adopted a policy theRussmn 
 which was sure to prove fatal to Napoleon's purpose, that of 
 persistently avoiding battle and keeping the French in pursuit of a llectiuL; 
 will-of-the-wisp, while their army wasted away from natural disintegration ii; 
 that inhospitable clime. 
 
 He was correct in his views. Desertion, illness, the death of young 
 recruits who could not endure the hardships of a rapid march in the severe 
 heat of midsummer, began their fatal work. Napoleon's plan of campaign 
 proved a total failure. The Russians would not wait to be defeated, and 
 each day's march opened a wider circle of operations before the advancing 
 host, whom the interminable plain filled with a sense of hopelessness. The 
 heat was overpowering, and men dropped from the ranks as rapidly as 
 though on a field of battle. At Vitebsk the army was inspected, and the 
 emperor was alarmed at the rapid decrease in his forces. Some of the divi- 
 sions had lost more than a fourth of their men, in every corps the ranks 
 were depleted, and reinforcements already had to be set on the march. 
 
 Onward they went, here and there bringing the Russians to ba)' in a 
 minor engagement, but nowhere meeting them in numbers. Europe waited 
 in vain for tidings of a great battle, and Napoleon began to look upon his 
 ])roud army with a feeling akin to despair. He was not alone in his eager- 
 ness for battle. Some of the high-spirited Russians, among them Prince 
 Hagration, were as eager, but as yet the prudent policy of Barclay de Tolly 
 prevailed. 
 
 On the I4lh of August, the army crossed the Dnieper, and marched, 
 now 175,000 strong, upon Smolensk, which was reached on the 16th. This 
 ancient and venerable town was dear to the Russians, and Smolensk Cap- 
 they made their first determined stand in its defence, fighting tured and in 
 behind its walls all day of the 17th. Finding that the assault ''^•"'^s 
 was likely to succeed, they set fire to the town at night and withdrew, 
 leaving to the French a city in tlames. The bridge was cut, the Russian 
 army was beyond pursuit on the road to Moscow, nothing had been gained 
 by the struggle but the ruins of a town. 
 
 The situation was growing desperate. For two months the army had 
 advanced without a battle of importance, and was soon in the heart of 
 Russia, reduced to half its numbers, while the hoped-for victory seemed 
 as far off as ever. And the short summer of the north was nearing its end 
 
88 THE DECLINE AND FALL OF NAPOLEON'S EMPIRE 
 
 The severe winter of that cHmate would soon begin. Discouragement 
 everywhere prevailed. Efforts were made by Napoleon's marshals to 
 induce him to give up the losing game and retreat, but he was not to be 
 moved from his purpose. A march on Moscow, the old capital of the 
 empire, he felt sure would bring the Russians to bay. Once within its 
 walls he hoped to dictate term.s of peace 
 
 Napoleon was soon to have the battle for which his soul craved. Bar- 
 clay's prudent and successful policy was not to the taste of many of the 
 Russian leaders, and the czar was at length induced to replace him by fiery 
 old Kutusoff, who had commanded the Russians at Austerlitz. A change 
 in the situation was soon apparent. On the 5th of September the French 
 army debouched upon the plain of Borodino, on the road to Moscow, and 
 the emperor saw with joy the Russian army drawn up to dispute the way 
 to the " Holy City" of the Muscovites. The dark columns of troops were 
 strongly intrenched behind a small stream, frowning rows of guns threat- 
 ened the advancing foe, and hope returned to the emperor's heart. 
 
 Battle began early on the 7th, and continued all day 
 
 „ ^^"^ loner, the Russians defending their ground with unyielding 
 
 Borodino * . . ... 
 
 stubborness, the French attacking their positions with all 
 their old impetuous dash and energy. Murat and Ney were the heroes of 
 the day. Again and again the emperor was implored to send the imperial 
 guard and overwhelm the foe, but he persistently refused. ''If there is a 
 second battle to-morrow," he said, "what troops shall I fight it with? It is 
 not when one is eight hundred leagues from home that he risks his last 
 resource." 
 
 The guard was not needed. On the following day Kutusoff was obliged 
 to withdraw, leaving no less than 4o,ocxd dead or wounded on the field. 
 Among the killed was the brave Prince Bagration. The retreat was an 
 orderly one. Napoleon found it expedient not to pursue. His own losses 
 aggregated over 30,000, among them an unusual number of generals, of 
 whom ten were killed and thirty-nine wounded. Three days proved a brief 
 time to attend to the burial of the dead and the needs of the wounded. 
 Napoleon named the engagement the Battle of the Moskwa, from the river 
 that crossed the plain, and honored Ney, as the hero of the day, with the 
 title of Prince of Moskwa. 
 
 Th F'rts' ht ^'^ ^^^^ 'S*"^ ^'^^ Holy City was reached. A shout of 
 
 of the Holy "Moscow! Moscow!" went up from the whole army as they 
 City of oazed on the fjilded cupolas and mairnificent buildinofs of that 
 
 Russia ^3 & r & & 
 
 famous city, brilliantly lit up by the afternoon sun. Twenty 
 miles in circumference, dazzling with the green of its copper domes and 
 
3i ? 
 
 "3. w 
 
THE DECLINE AND FALL OF NAPOLEON-S. EMPIRE 91 
 
 its minarets of yellow stone, the towers and walls of the famous Kremlin 
 rising above its palaces and gardens, it seemed like some fabled city of the 
 Arabian Nights. With re.iowed enthusiasm the troops rushed towards it. 
 while whole regiments of Poles fell on their knees, thanking God for deliver- 
 ing this stronghold of their oppressors into their hands. 
 
 It was an empty city into which the French marched ; its streets 
 deserted, its dwellings silent, Its busy life had vanished like a morning 
 
 mist. Kutusoff had marched his army throutrh it and left it ,^. „ 
 
 . ^ The (irand 
 
 to his foes. The inhabitants were gone, with what they could Army in the 
 
 carry of their treasures. The city, like the empire, seemed oiJ Russian 
 
 likely to be a barren conquest, for here, as elsewhere, the 
 
 policy of retreat, so fatal to Napoleon's hopes, was put into effect. The 
 
 emperor took up his abode in the Kremlin, within whose ample precincts he 
 
 found quarters for the whole imperial guard. The remainder of the army 
 
 was stationed at chosen points about the city. Provisions were abundant, 
 
 the houses and stores of the city being amply supplied. The army enjoyed 
 
 a luxury of which it had been long deprived, while Napoleon confidently 
 
 awaited a triumphant result from his victorious progress. 
 
 A terrible disenchantment awaited the invader. Pearly on the following 
 
 morning word was brought him that Moscow was on fire. P'lames arose 
 
 from houses that had not been opened. It was evidently a premeditated 
 
 conflagration. The fire burst out at once in a dozen quarters, and a high 
 
 wind carried the flames from street to street, from house to house, from 
 
 church to church. Russians were captured who boasted that they had fireil 
 
 the town under orders and who met death unflinchinMy. The ^^ ,^ . 
 
 • ^ ^^ I he Burning; of 
 
 governor had left them behind for this fell purpose. The the Great 
 poorer people, many of whom had remained hidden in their ^'ty <>' 
 huts, now fled in terror, taking with theni what cherished 
 possessions they could carr)'. .Soon the city was a seething mass of tlames. 
 
 The Kremlin did not escape. A tower burst into flames. In vain the 
 imperial guard sought to check the fire. No fire-engines were to be found 
 in the town. Napoleon hastily left the palace and sought shelter outside 
 the city, where for three days the flames ran riot, feeding on ancient palaces 
 and destroying untold treasures. Then the wind sank and rain poured upon 
 the smouldering embers. The great city had become a desolate heap of 
 smoking ruins, into which the soldiers daringly stole back in search of 
 valuables that might have escaped the flames. 
 
 This frightful conflagration was not due to the czar, but to Count 
 Rostopchin, the governor of Moscow, who was subsequently driven from 
 Russia by the execrations of those he had ruined. But it served as a procla- 
 
92 THE DECLINE AND I- ALL OE NAPOLEON'S EMPIRE 
 
 mation to Europe of the implacable resolution of the Muscovites and 
 their determination to resist to the bitter end. 
 
 Napoleon, sadly troubled in soul, sent letters to Alexander, suggesting 
 the advisability of peace. Alexander left his letters unanswered. Until 
 October i8th the emperor waited, hoping against hope, willing to grant 
 almost anv terms for an opportunity to escape from .he fatal trap into which 
 his overweening ambition had led him. No answer came from the czar. 
 He was inflexible in his determination not to treat with these invaders of 
 his country. In deep dejection Napoleon at length gave the order to 
 retreat — too late, as it was to prove, since the terrible Russian winter was 
 ready to descend upon them in all its frightful strength. 
 
 The army that left that ruined city was a sadly depleted one. It had 
 The Grand been reduced to 103,000 men. The army followers had also 
 
 Army Begins become greatly decreased in numbers, but still formed a host, 
 Its Retreat among them delicate ladies, thinly clad, who gazed with terri- 
 fied eyes from their traveling carriages upon the dejected troops. Articles 
 of plunder of all kinds were carried by the soldiers, even the wounded in the 
 wagons lying amiei the spoil they had gathered. The Kremlin was destroyed 
 by the rear guard, under Napoleon's orders, and over the drear Russian 
 plains the retreat began. 
 
 It was no sooner under way than the Russian policy changed. From 
 retreating, they everywhere advanced, seeking to annoy and cut off the 
 enemy, and utterly to destroy the fugitive army if possible. A stand was 
 made at the town of Maloi-Yaroslavitz, where a sanguinary combat took 
 place. The French captured the town, but ten thousand men lay dead or 
 wounded on the field, while Napoleon was forced to abandon his projected 
 line of march, and to return by the route he had followed in his advance 
 on Moscow. From the bloody scene of contest the retreat continued, the 
 battlefield of Borodino being crossed, and, by the middle of November, the 
 ruins of Smolensk reached. 
 
 Winter was now upon the French in all its fury. The food brought 
 
 from Moscow had been exhausted. Famine, frost, and fatigue had proved 
 
 more fatal than the "bullets of the enemy. In fourteen days after reaching 
 
 The Sad Rem- Moscow the army lost 43,000 men, leaving it only 60,000 strong. 
 
 nant of the On reaching Smolensk it numbered but 42,000, having lost 
 
 Army of ) 8,ooo more within eight days. The unarmed followers are 
 
 Invasion . , ^ -^ 
 
 said to have still numbered 60,000. Worse still, the supply 
 
 of arms and provisions ordered to be ready at Smolensk was in great part 
 
 lacking, only rye-flour and rice being found. Starvation threatened to aid the 
 
 winter cold in the destruction of the feeble remnant of the " Grand Army." 
 
THE DECLINE AND EAI.L OE NAPOLEON'S EMPIRE 9;, 
 
 Onward went the despairing host, at every step liarass(;d by the Kussians, 
 wlu) followed like wolves on their path. Ney, in command of the rear- 
 guard, was the hero of the retreat. Cut off by the Russians from the main 
 column, and apparently lost beyond hope, he made a wonderful escape by 
 crossing the Dnieper on the ice during the night and rejoining his compan- 
 ions, who had given up the hope of ever seeing him again. 
 
 On the 26th the ice-cold river Beresina was reach(-d, destined to be the 
 most terrible point on the whole dreadful march. Two l)riilges -j-^g Dreadful 
 were thrown in all haste across the stream, and most of the Crossing of 
 men under arms crossed, but iS.ooo stragglers fell into the the Beresma 
 hands of the enemy. How many were trodden to death in the press or were 
 crowded from the bridge into the icy river cannot be told. It is said that 
 when spring thawed the ice 30,000 bodies were found and burned on the 
 banks of the stream. A mere fragment of the great army remained alive. 
 Ney was the last man to cross that frightful stream. 
 
 On the 3d of December Napoleon issued a bulletin which has become 
 famous, telling the anxious nations of Europe that the grand army was anni- 
 hilated, but the emperor was safe. Two days afterwards he surrendered the 
 command of the army to Murat and set out at all speed for Paris, where 
 liis pre.sence was indispensibly necessary. On the 13th of December some 
 10,000 haggard and staggering men, almost too weak to hold the arms to 
 which they still despairingly clung, recrossed the Niemen, which the grand 
 army had passed in such magnificent strength and with such abounding 
 resources less than six months before. It was the greatest and most astound- 
 ing disaster in the military history of the world. 
 
 This tale of terror may be fitly closed by a dramatic story told by 
 General IMathieu Dumas, who, while sitting at breakfast in Gumbinnen, 
 saw enter a haggard man, with long beard, blackened face, and red and 
 glaring eyes. 
 
 " I am here at last," he exclaimed. " Don't you know me ?" 
 
 " No," said the general. " Who are you ?" 
 
 " I am the rear-guard of the Grand Army. I have fired the last musket- 
 shot on the bridge of Kowno. I have thrown the last of our arms into the 
 Niemen, and came hither through the woods. I am Marshal Ney." 
 
 "This is the beginning of the end," said the shrewd Talleyrand, when 
 Napoleon set out on his Russian campaign. The remark proved true, the 
 disaster in Russia had loosened the grasp of the Corsican on the throat of 
 E!urope, and the nations, which hated as much as they feared their ruthless 
 enemy, made active preparations for his overthrow. While he was in 
 1'" ranee, actively gathering men and materials for a renewed struggle, signs 
 
94 
 
 THE DECLINE AND FALL OF NAPOLEON'S EMPIRE 
 
 of an implacable hostility began to manifest themselves on all sides in the 
 surrounding states. Belief in the invincibility of Napoleon had vanished, 
 and little fear was entertained of the raw conscripts whom he was forcing 
 Europe In Arms ^"'^'^ ^^ ranks to replace his slaughtered veterans. 
 Against Prussia was the first to break the bonds of alliance with 
 
 Napoleon France, to ally itself with Russia, and to call its people to 
 
 arms against their oppressor. They responded with the utmost enthusiasm, 
 men of all ranks and all professions hastened to their country's defence, and 
 the noble and the peasant stood side by side as privates in the same regi- 
 ment. In March, 1813, the French left Berlin, which was immediately 
 occupied by the Russian and Prussian allies. The king of Saxony, how- 
 ever, refused to desert Napoleon, to whom he owed many favors and 
 whose anger he feared ; and his State, in consequence, became the theatre 
 of the war. 
 
 Across the opposite borders of this kingdom poured the hostile hosts, 
 The Opening meeting in battle at Lutzen and Buntzen. Here the French 
 of the held the field, driving their adversaries across the Oder, but 
 
 ina trugge j^^j. j^^ j.j^g ^jjj dismay seen at Jena. A new spirit had been 
 aroused in the Prussian heart, and they left thousands of their enemies 
 dead upon the field, among whom Napoleon saw with grief his especial 
 friend and favorite Duroc. 
 
 A truce followed, which the French emperor utilized in gathering fresh 
 levies. Prince Metternich, the able chancellor of the Austrian empire, 
 sought to make peace, but his demands upon Napoleon were much greater 
 than the proud conqueror was prepared to grant, and he decisively refused 
 to cede the territory held by him as the spoils of war. His refusal brought 
 upon him another powerful foe, Austria allied itself with his enemies, 
 formally declaring war on August 12, 1S13, and an active and terrible 
 struggle began. 
 
 Napoleon's army was rapidly concentrated at Dresden, upon whose 
 ,. g I works of defence the allied army precipitated itself in a vigor- 
 
 Dresden, Na= ous assault on August 26th. Its strength was wasted against 
 poleon's Last [\-^^ vieorouslv held fortifications of the city, and in the end 
 Great Victory , ^ n 11 • 1 , ,• r , 
 
 the gates were nung open and the serried battalions 01 the 
 
 Old Guard appeared in battle array. From every gate of the city these 
 tried soldiers poured, and 'rushed upon the unprepared wings of the hostile 
 host. Before this resistless charge the enemy recoiled, retreating with heavy 
 loss to the heights beyond the city, and leaving Napoleon master of the field. 
 On the next morning the battle was resumed. The allies, strongly 
 posted, still outnumbered the French, and had abundant reason to expect 
 
THR DECLINE AND FALL OF NAPOLEON'S EMPIRE 95 
 
 victor)-. I)ut Napoleon's eagle eye quickly saw that their left wing lacked 
 the strength of the remainder of the line, and upon this he poured the bulk 
 of his forces, while keeping their centre and right actively engaged. The 
 result justified the instinct of his genius, the enemy was driven back in 
 disastrous defeat, and once again a glorious victory was inscribed upon the 
 l)anncrs of F" ranee — the final one in Napoleon's career of fame. 
 
 Yet the fruits of this victory were largely lost in the events of the 
 remainder of tlie month. On the 26th Blucher brilliantly defeated Marsha! 
 Macdonald on the Katzbach, in Silesia; on the 30th General a Series of 
 Vandamme, with 10,000 French soldiers, was surrounded ami French 
 captured at Culm, in Bohemia; and on the 27th Hirschfeld, at *^ *''* 
 
 Hagelsberg, with a corps of volunteers, defeated Girard. The Prussian- 
 Swedish army similarly won victories on August 25th and September 6th, 
 and a few weeks afterward the Prussian general, Count York, supported by 
 the troops of General Horn, crossed the Elbe in the face of the enemy, 
 and gained a brilliant victory at Wartenburg. Where Napoleon was 
 present victory inclined to his banner. Where he was absent his lieute- 
 nants suffered defeat. The struggle was everywhere fierce and desperate, 
 but the end was at hand. 
 
 The rulers of the Rhine Confederation now began to desert Napoleon 
 
 and all Germany to join against him. The first to secede was Bavaria, 
 
 which allied itself with Austria and joined its forces to those of the allies. 
 
 During October the hostile armies concentrated in front of _. „ . , 
 » _ 1 he l-atal 
 
 Leipzig, where was to be fought the decisive battle of the war. Meeting of 
 The struoirle promised was the most gigantic one in which ^^^ Armies 
 
 r . at Leipzig 
 
 Napoleon had ever been engaged. Against his 100,000 men 
 
 was gathered a host of 300,000 Austrians, Prussians, Russians, and 
 
 Swedes. 
 
 We have not space to describe the multitudinous details of this mighty 
 struggle, which continued with unabated fury for three days, October i6th, 
 171)1, and i8th. It need scarcely be said that the generalship shown by Na- 
 poleon in this famous contest lacked nothing of his usual lirilliancy, and 
 that he was ably seconded by Ney, Murat, Augereau, and others of his 
 famous generals, yet the overwhelming numbers of the enemy enabled them 
 to defy all the valor of the French and the resources of their great leader, 
 and at evening of the i8th the armies still faced each other in battle array, 
 the fate of the field yet undecided. 
 
 Napoleon was in no condition to renew the combat. During the long 
 afTray the French had expended no less than 250,000 cannon balls. They had 
 but 16,000 left, which two hours' firing would exhaust. Reluctantly he gave 
 6 
 
96 THE DECLINE AND FALL OF NAPOLEON'S EMPIRE 
 
 the order to retreat, and all that night the wearied and disheartened troops 
 fded through the gates of Leipzig, leaving a rear-guard in the city, who de- 
 fended it bravely against the swarming multitude of the foe. A disastrous 
 blunder terminated their stubborn defence. Orders had been left to blow up 
 the bridge across the Elster, but the mine was, by mistake, set off too soon, 
 and the gallant garrison, 12,000 in number, with a multitude of sick and 
 wounded, was forced to surrender as prisoners of war. 
 
 The end was drawing near. Vigorously pursued, the French reached 
 the Rhine by forced marches, defeating with heavy loss the army of Austri- 
 ans and Bavarians which sought to block their way. The stream was crossed 
 and the French were once more upon their own soil. After years of contest, 
 Germany was finally freed from Napoleon's long-victorious hosts. 
 
 Marked results followed. The carefully organized work of Napoleon's 
 
 policy quickly fell to pieces. The kingdom of Westphalia was dissolved. 
 
 „. „ , The elector of Hesse and the dukes of Brunswick and Olden- 
 
 The Break-up 
 
 of Napoleon's burg returned to the thrones from which they had been driven. 
 European T\\& Confederation of the Rhine ceased to exist, and its states 
 allied themselves with Austria. Denmark, long faithful to 
 France, renounced its alliance in January, 1814. Austria regained posses- 
 sion of Lombardy, the duke of Tuscany returned to his capital, and the 
 Pope, Pius VII., long held captive by Napoleon, came back in triumph to 
 Rome. A few months sufficed to break down the edifice of empire slowly 
 reared through so many years, and almost all Europe outside of France 
 united itself in hostility to its hated foe. 
 
 Napoleon was offered peace if he would accept the Rhine as the F"rench 
 frontier, but his old infatuation and trust in his genius prevailed over the dic- 
 tates of prudence, he treated the offer in his usual double-dealing way, and 
 the allies, convinced that there could be no stable peace while he remained 
 on the throne, decided to cross the Rhine and invade F'rance. 
 
 Bliicher led his columns across the stream on the first day of 1S14, 
 Schwarzenberg marched through Switzerland into France, and Wellington 
 ...^ .., . crossed the Pyrenees. Napoleon, like a wolf brouQ-ht to bav, 
 
 I lie W fli* in o * ' 
 
 France and sought to dispose of his scattered foes before they would unite, 
 
 the Abdlca- and began with Bliicher, whom he defeated five times within 
 
 Emperor^ as many days. The allies, still in dread of their great 
 
 opponent, once more offered him peace, but his success 
 
 robbed him of wisdom, he demanded more than they were willing to give, 
 
 and his enemies, encouraged by a success gained by Bliicher, broke off the 
 
 negotiations and marched on Paris, now bent on the dethronement of their 
 
 dreaded antas/onist. 
 
TIIR FALL AND DECLINE OF NAPOLEON'S EMPIRE 
 
 97 
 
 A few wonls will lirinij;- the story of this contest to an ciul. I'rance 
 was cxhaustecl, its arin\- was incapable of copinor with the serried battalions 
 nuirshalled against it, Paris surrendered before Napoleon could come to it? 
 defence, and in the end the emperor, vacillating and in despair, was obliged, 
 on April 7, 1814, to sign an unconditional act of abdication. The powers of 
 F.urope awarded him as a kingdom the diminutive island of \\\\y.\. in the 
 Mediterranean, with an annual income of 2,000,000 francs and an army 
 composed of 400 of his famous guard. The ne.\t heir to the throne 
 returned as Louis XVHI. France was given back its old frontier of 1492, 
 the foreign armies withdrew from her soil, and the career of the great 
 Corsican seemed at an end. 
 
 In spite of their long experience with Napoleon, the event proved that 
 the powers of l^urope knew not all the audacity and mental resources of the 
 man with whom they had to deal. They had made what might have proved 
 a fatal error in giving him an asylum so near the coast of France, whose 
 people, intoxicated with the dream of glory through which he had so long 
 led them, would be sure to respond enthusiastically to an appeal to rally to 
 his support. 
 
 The powers were soon to learn their error. While the Congress of 
 \'ienna, convened to restore the old constitution of Europe, was deliber- 
 ating and disputing, its members were startled by the news that the de- 
 ihroned emperor was again upon the soil of France, and that Napoleon 
 l.iniis XVTII. was in full flight for the frontier. Napoleon Returns 
 had landed on March i, 1815, and set out on his return to ^rom Elba 
 Paris, the army and the people rapidly gathering to his support. On the 
 30th he entered the Tuileries in a olaze of triumph, the citizens, thoroughly 
 ilissatisfied with their brief experience of Bourbon rule, going mad witli 
 enthusiasm in his welcome. 
 
 Thus began the famous period of the " llundretl Days." The powers 
 declared Napoleon to be the " enemy of nations," and armed a half million 
 of men for his final overthrow. The fate of his desperate attempt was 
 soon decided. P'or the first time he was to meet the British in battle, and 
 in Wellington to encounter the only man who had definitely made head 
 against his legions. A British army was dispatched in all haste to Belgium, 
 Bliicher with his Prussians hastened to the same region, and the mighty 
 final struggle was at hand. The persistent and unrelenting enemies of the 
 Corsican conqueror, the British islanders, were destined to be the agents of 
 his overthrow. 
 
 The little kingdom of lielgium was the scene of the momentous contest 
 that brought Napoleon's marvelous career to an end. Thither he led his 
 
qS the decline and fall of NAPOLEON'S EMPIRE 
 
 army, largely made up of new conscripts; and thither the English and the 
 Prussians hastened to meet him. On June i6, 1815, the prelude to the 
 The Gathering great battle took place. Napoleon met Blucher at Llgny and 
 
 of the Armies defeated him; then, leaving Grouchy to pursue the Prussians, 
 
 in e gium t^^ turned against his island foes. On the same day Ney en- 
 countered the forces of Wellington at Quatre Bras, but failed to drive them 
 back. On the 17th Wellington took a new position at Waterloo, and awaited 
 there his great antagonist. 
 
 June 18th was the crucial day in Napoleon's career, the one in which 
 his power was to fall, never to rise again. Here we shall but sketch in out- 
 line this famous battle, reserving a fuller account of it for our next chapter, 
 The Terrible under the story of Wellington, the victor in the fray. The 
 
 Defeat at Stupendous struggle, as Wellington himself described it, 
 
 ^^^^00 ^^g ,. ^ battle of giants." Long the result wavered in the 
 balance. All day long the British sustained the desperate assaults of their 
 antagonists. Terrible was the contest, frightful the loss of life. Hour 
 after hour passed, charge after charge was hurled by Napoleon against the 
 British lines, which still closed up over the dead and stood firm ; and it 
 seemed as if night would fall with the two armies unflinchingly face to face, 
 neither of them victor in the terrible fray. 
 
 The arrival of Bltlcher with his Prussians turned the scale. To Napo- 
 leon's bitter disappointment Grouchy, who should have been close on the 
 heels of the Prussians, failed to appear, and the weary and dejected French 
 were left to face these fresh troops without support. Napoleon's Old Guard 
 in vain flung itself into the gap, and the French nation long repeated in 
 pride the saying attributed to the commander of this famous corps : 
 "The guard dies, but it never surrenders." 
 
 In the end the French army broke and fled in disastrous rout, three- 
 fourths of the whole force being left dead, wounded, or prisoners, while all 
 its artillery became the prize of the victors. • Napoleon, pale and confused, 
 was led by Soult from the battlefield. It was his last fight. 
 
 apo eon ee His abdication was demanded, and he reslg-ned the crown in 
 
 His Fate _ t" _ _ 
 
 favor of his son. A hopeless and unnerved fugitive, he fled 
 from Paris to Rochefort, hoping to escape to America. But the British fleet 
 held that port, and in despair he went on board a vessel of the fleet, trusting 
 himself to the honor of the British nation. But the statesmen of England 
 had no sympathy with the vanquished adventurer, from whose ambition 
 Europe had suffered so terribly. He was sent as a state prisoner to the 
 Island of St. Helena, there to end his days. His final hour of glory came 
 in '84? when his ashes were brought in pomp and display to Paris 
 
LofC. 
 
This spirited i 
 
 times against the unyiefding B ._ 
 
 gave the magic word of command 
 
 WELLINGTON AT WATERLOO GIVING THE WORD TO ADVANCE 
 
 - figures the final event in the mighty struggle at Waterloo, when the French, after hurling themseW 
 
 rock-bound shore, staggered back in despair, and Welliogto 
 Those words signified the final downfall of Napole 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 Nelson aiid Wclliiiirton. the Champions of England. 
 
 F< ) 1\ nearly l\vcnt\' \'ears went on the stupentU^us stru^jglc between 
 Napoleon the Great and the powers of Europe, but in all that time, 
 and among the multitude of men who met the forces of France in 
 battle, only two names emerge which the world cares to remember, those 
 of Horatio Nelson, the most famous of the admirals of England, and Lord 
 Wellington, who alone seemed able to overthrow the greatest military 
 genius of modern times. On land the efforts of Napoleon were seconded 
 by the intrepidity of a galaxy of heroes, Ney, Murat, Moreau, Massena, and 
 other men of fame. At sea the story reads differently. That era of stress 
 and strain raised no great admiral in the service of France ; E„giand and 
 licr ships were feebly commanded, and the fleet of Great France on 
 ISritain, under the daring Nelson, kept its proud place as " ^" ^* 
 
 mistress of the sea. 
 
 The first proof of this came before the opening of the century, when 
 Napoleon, led by the ardor of his ambition, landed in Egypt, with vague 
 hopes of rivaling in the East the far-famed exploits of Alexander the 
 Great. The fleet which bore him thither remained moored 
 ill Al)oukir Bay, where Nelson, scouring the Mediterranean in covers the 
 quest of it, first came in sight of its serried line of ships on French Fleet 
 Au>nist I, 1798. One alternative alone dwelt in his cour- '" Aboukir 
 ageous soul, that of a heroic death or a glorious victory. 
 " Before this time to-morrow I shall have gained a victory or Westminster 
 Abbey," he said. 
 
 In the mighty contest that followc^d, the French had the advantage in 
 numbers, alike of ships, guns, and men. They were drawn up in a strong and 
 compact line of battle, moored in a manner that promised to bid defiance to 
 a force double their own. They lay in an open roadstead, but had every 
 advantage of situation, the British fleet being obliged to attack them in a 
 position carefully chosen for defence. Only the genius of Nelson enabled him 
 to overcome those advantages of the enemy. "If we succeed, what will the 
 world say?" asked Captain Berry, on hearing the admiral's plan of battle. 
 ' There is no if in the case," answered the admiral. " That we shall succeed 
 is certain • who may live to tell the story, is a very different question." 
 
 (loi) 
 
102 NELSON AND WELLINGTON, THE CHAMPIONS OF ENGLAND 
 
 The story of the "Battle of the Nile" belongs to the record of 
 The Qlorious eighteenth century affairs. All we need say here is that it 
 Battle of the ended in a glorious victory for the English fleet. Of thirteen 
 '^''^" ships of the line In the French fleet, only two escaped. Of 
 
 four frigates, one was sunk and one burned. The British loss was 895 men 
 Of the French, 5,225 perished in the terrible fray. Nelson sprang, in a 
 moment, from the position of a man without fame into that of the naval 
 hero of the world — as Dewey did in as famous a fray almost exactly a century 
 later. Congratulations and honors were showered upon him, the Sultan of 
 Turkey rewarded him with costly presents, valuable testimonials came from 
 other quarters, and his own country honored him with the title of Baron 
 Nelson of the Nile, and settled upon him for life a pension of ^2,000. 
 
 The first great achievement of Nelson in the nineteenth century was 
 the result of a daring resolution of the statesmen of England, in their 
 desperate contest with the Corsican conqueror. By his exploit at the Nile 
 the admiral had very seriously weakened the sea-power of France. But 
 there were powers then in alliance with France — Russia, Sweden and Den- 
 mark — which had formed a confederacy to make England respect their 
 naval rights, and whose combined fleet, if it should come to the aid ol 
 France, might prove sufficient to sweep the ships of England from the seas. 
 The weakest of these powers, and the one most firmly allied to France, 
 was Denmark, whose fleet, consisting of twenty-three ships of the line and 
 about thirty-one frigates and smaller vessels, lay at Copenhagen. At any 
 moment this powerful fleet might be put at the disposal of Napoleon. This 
 possible danger the British cabinet resolved to avoid. A plan was laid to 
 destroy the fleet of the Danes, and on the 12th of March, iSoi, the British 
 fleet sailed with the purpose of putting this resolution into effect. 
 The Fleet Nelson, then bearing the rank of vice-admiral, went with 
 
 Sails for the fleet, but only as second in command. To the disgust 
 
 open agen ^j- ^.j^^ English people, Sir Hyde Parker, a brave and able 
 seaman, but one whose name history has let sink into oblivion, was given 
 chief command — a fact which would have insured the failure of the expedi- 
 tion if Nelson had not set aside precedent, and put glory before duty. 
 Parker, indeed, soon set Nelson chafing by long drawn-out negotiations, 
 which proved useless, wasted time, and saved the Danes from being taken 
 by surprise. When, on the morning of April 30th, the British fleet at 
 length advanced through the Sound and came in sight of the Danish line 
 of defence, they beheld formidable preparations to meet them. 
 
 Eighteen vessels, including full-rigged ships and hulks, were moored in 
 a line nearly a mile and a half in length, flanked to the northward by two 
 
NELSON AND WELLINGTON, THE C/L-iAfP/ONS OF ENGi^AND 103 
 
 artilicial islands mounted with sixty-fij,dit heavy cannon and supplied with 
 furnaces for heating shot. Near by lay two large block-ships. The Danish 
 Across the harbor's mouth extended a massive chain, and Line of 
 shore batteries commanded the channel. Outside the harbor's Defence 
 mouth were moored two 74-gun ships, a 40-gun frigate, and some smaller 
 vessels. In addition to these defences, which stretched for nearly four 
 miles in length, was the difficulty of the channel, always hazardous from its 
 shoals, and now beaconed with false buoys for the purpose of luring the 
 British ships to destruction. 
 
 With modern defences — rapid-fire guns and steel-clad batteries — the 
 enterprise would have been hopeless, but the art of defence was then at a 
 far lower level. Nelson, who led the van in the 74-gun ship Elephant, gazed 
 on these preparations wMth admiration, but with no evidence of doubt as to 
 the result. The British fleet consisted of eighteen line of battle ships, with 
 a large number of frigates and other craft, and with this force, and his in- 
 domitable spirit, he felt confident of breaking these formidable lines. 
 
 At ten o'clock on the morning of April 2d the battle began, two of the 
 British ships running aground almost before a gun was fired. The Attack on 
 At sight of this disaster Nelson instantly changed his plan of the Danish 
 sailing, starboarded his helm, and sailed in, dropping anchor ^'**^* 
 within a cable's length of the Dannebrog, of 62 guns. The other ships fol- 
 lowed his e.xample, avoiding the shoals on which the B ellojta a.r\A Russell \\^A 
 grounded, and taking position at the close quarters of 100 fathoms from the 
 Danish ships. 
 
 A terrific cannonade followed, kept up by both sides with unrelenting 
 fury for three hours, and with terrible effect on the contesting ships and 
 their crews. At this juncture took place an event that has made Nelson's 
 name immortal among naval heroes. Admiral Parker, whose flag-ship lay 
 at a distance from the hot fight, but who heard the incessant and furious fire 
 and saw the grounded ships flying signals of distress, began to fear that Nel- 
 son was in serious danger, from which it was his duty to withdraw him. At 
 about one o'clock he reluctantly hoisted a signal for the action to cease. 
 
 At this moment Nelson was pacing the quarter-deck of the Elcphattl, 
 inspired with all the fury of the fight; " It is a warm business," he said to 
 Colonel Stewart, who was on the ship with him ; "and any moment may be 
 the last of either of us ; but, mark you, I would not for thousands be any- 
 where else." 
 
 As he spoke the flag-lieutenant reported that the signal to cease action 
 was shown on the mast-head of the flag-ship Lotidon, and asked if he should 
 report It to the fleet. 
 
I04 NELSON AND WELLINGTON, THE CHAMPIONS OF ENGLAND 
 
 " No," was the stern answer ; " merely acknowledge it Is our signal 
 for 'close action ' still flying ?" 
 
 "Yes," replied the officer. 
 
 „ j^, . " Then see that you keep it so," said Nelson, the stump 
 
 Answered the of his amputated arm working as it usually did when he was 
 
 Signal to agitated. " Do you know," he asked Colonel Stewart, " the 
 
 Cease Action . - . , , , , i t-. i i i • -,.. 
 
 meanmg ot signal No. 39, shown by rarker s ships r 
 
 " No. What does it mean ?" 
 
 "To leave off action!" He was silent a moment, then burst out, 
 " Now damn me if I do !" 
 
 Turning to Captain Foley, who stood near him, he said : " Foley, you 
 know I have only one eye ; I have a right to be blind sometimes." He raised 
 his telescope, applied it to his blind eye, and said : " I really do not see the 
 signal." 
 
 On roared the guns, overhead on the Elepha7it still streamed the signal 
 for "close action," and still the torrent of British balls rent the Danish ships. 
 In half an hour more the fire of the Danes was fast weakening. In an hour 
 it had nearly ceased. They had suffered frightfully, in ships and lives, and 
 only the continued fire of the shore batteries now kept the contest alive. It 
 was impossible to take possession of the prizes, and Nelson sent a flag of 
 truce ashore with a letter in which he threatened to burn the vessels, with 
 all on board, unless the shore fire was stopped. This threat proved effec- 
 tive, the fire ended, the great battle was at an end. 
 
 At four o'clock Nelson went on board the London, to meet the admiral. 
 He was depressed in spirit, and said : " I have fought contrary to orders, and 
 may be hanged ; never mind, let them." 
 
 There was no danger of this ; Parker was not that kind of man. He 
 had raised the signal through fear for Nelson's safety, and now gloried in 
 his success, giving congratulations where his subordinate looked for blame. 
 The Danes had fought bravely and stubbornly, but they had no commander 
 of the spirit and genius of Nelson, and were forced to yield to British pluck 
 and endurance. Until June 13th, Nelson remained in the Baltic, watching 
 the Russian fleet which he might still have to fight. Then came orders for 
 his return home, and word reached him that he had been created Viscount 
 Nelson for his services. 
 
 There remains to describe the last and most famous of Nelson's 
 exploits, that in which he put an end to the sea-power of France, by destroy-' 
 ing the remainder of her fleet at Trafalgar, and met death at the moment of 
 victory. Four years had passed since the fight at Copenhagen. During 
 much of that time Nelson had kept his fleet on guard off Toulon, impatiently 
 
NELSON AND WELLINGTON, THE CHAMPIONS OF ENGLAND ic.5 
 
 waiting until the enemy should venture from that port of refujje. At length, 
 the combined fleet of France and Spain, now in alliance, escaped his vigil- 
 ance, and sailed to the West Indies to work havoc in the Nefson in Chase 
 British colonies. He followed them thither in all haste ; and of the French 
 subsequently, on their return to France, he chased them back '''^^* 
 across the seas, burning with eagerness to bring them to bay. 
 
 On the 19th of October, 1805, the allied fleet put to sea from the 
 harbor of Cadiz, confident that its great strength would enable it to meet 
 any force the British had upon the waves. Admiral De Villeneuve, with 
 thirty-three ships of the line and a considerable number of smaller craft, had 
 orders to force the straits of Gibraltar, land troops at Naples, sweep 
 British cruisers and commerce from the Mediterranean, and then seek the 
 port of Toulon to refit. As it turned out, he never reached the straits, his 
 fleet meeting its fate before it could leave the Atlantic waves. Nelson had 
 reached the coast of Europe again, and was close at hand when the doomed 
 ships of the allies appeared. Two swift ocean scouts saw ~^^^ Allied 
 the movements, and hastened to Lord Nelson with the wcl- Fleet Leaves 
 come news that the long-deferred moment was at hand. On Cadiz 
 the 2 1st, the British fleet came within view, and the following signal was 
 set on the mast-head of the flag-sliip: 
 
 "The French and Spaniards are out at last; they outnumber us in 
 ships and guns and men ; we are on the eve of the greatest .sea-fight in 
 liistory." 
 
 On came the ships, great lumbering craft, strangely unlike tlie war- 
 vessels of to-day. Instead of the trim, grim, steel-clad, steam-driven 
 modern battle-ship, with its revolving turret, and great frowning, breech- 
 loading guns, sending their balls through miles of air, those were bluff- 
 bowed, ungainly hulks, with bellying sides towering like black walls above 
 the sea as if to make the largest mark possible for hostile shot, with a great 
 show of muzzle-loading guns of small range, while overhead rose lofty spars 
 and spreading sails. Ships they were that to-day would be sent to the 
 bottom in five minutes of fight, but which, mated against others of the same 
 build, w(;re capable of giving a gallant account of themselves. 
 
 It was off the shoals of Cape Trafalgar, near the southern 
 
 extremity of Spain, that the two fleets met, and such a tornado ^ ^?^, 
 
 ^ ' Trafalgar 
 
 of fire as has rarely been seen upon the ocean waves was poured 
 from their broad and lofty sides. As they came together there floated from 
 the masthead of the Victory, Nelson's flagship, that signal which has become 
 the watchword of the British isles : " England expects that every man will 
 do his duty." 
 
106 NELSON AND WELLINGTON, THE CHAMPIONS OF ENGLAND 
 
 We cannot follow the fortunes of all the vessels In that stupendous 
 fray, the most famous sea-fight in history. It must serve to follow the 
 Victory in her course, in which Nelson eagerly sought to thrust himself into 
 The "Victory" '•'^^ heart of the fight and dare death in his quest for victory. 
 and Her Bril= He was not long in meeting his wish. Soon he found himself 
 liant Fig jj^ ^ wQ^t of enemies, eight ships at once pouring their fire 
 
 upon his devoted vessel, which could not bring a gun to bear in return, 
 the wind having died away and the ship lying almost motionless upon 
 the waves. 
 
 Before the Viciorj was able to fire a shot fifty of her men had fallen 
 killed or wounded, and her canvas was pierced and rent till it looked like a 
 series of fishing nets. But the men stuck to their guns with unyielding 
 tenacity, and at length their opportunity came. A 68-pounder carronade, 
 loaded with a round shot and 500 musket balls, was fired into the cabin 
 windows of the Bucettiajtrc, with such terrible efTect as to disable 400 men 
 and 20 guns, and put the ship practically out of the fight. 
 
 The Victory next turned upon the Neptune and the Redoubtable, of the 
 enemy's fleet. The Neptune, not liking her looks, kept off, but she collided 
 and locked spars with the Redoubtable, and a terrific fight began. On the 
 opposite side of the Redoubtable came the British ship Tcmeraire, and 
 opposite it again a second ship of the enemy, the four vessels lying bow to 
 bow, and rending one another's sides with an incessant hail of balls. On 
 the I'lctory the gunners were ordered to depress their pieces, that the balls 
 should not go through and wound the Temeraire beyond. The muzzles of 
 their cannon fairly touched the enemy's side, and after each shot a bucket 
 of water was dashed into the rent, that they may not set fire to the vessel 
 which they confidently expected to take as a prize. 
 
 In the midst of the hot contest came the disaster already spoken of. 
 Brass swivels were mounted in the French ship's tops to sweep with their 
 fire the deck of their foe, and as Nelson and Captain Hardy paced together 
 their poop deck, regardless of danger, the admiral suddenly fell. A ball 
 from one of these guns had reached the noblest mark on the fleet. 
 The Great Battle "They have done for me at last, Hardy," the fallen 
 
 and its Sad man said. 
 
 " Don't say you are hit ! " cried Hardy in dismay. 
 
 " Yes, my backbone is shot through." 
 
 His words were not far from the truth. He never arose from that 
 fatal shot. Yet, dying as he was, his spirit survived. 
 
 " I hope none of our ships have struck. Hardy," he feebly asked, in a 
 later interval of the fight. ' , 
 
UELSON AND WELLINGTON, THE CLLAMPIONS OE ENGLAND 107 
 
 " No, my lord. There is small fear of that," 
 
 " I'm a dead man, Hardy, hut I'm glad of what you say. Whip them now 
 you've got them. Whip them as they've never been whipped before." 
 
 Another hour passed. Hardy came below again to say that fourteen 
 or fifteen of the enemy's ships liad struck. 
 
 " That's better, though I bargained for twenty," said tlie dying man. 
 "And now, anchor. Hardy — anchor." 
 
 " I suppose, my lord, that Admiral Collingwood will now take tiie direc- 
 tion of affairs." 
 
 " Not while I live," e.xclaimed Nelson, with a momentary return of 
 energy. " Do j'tf?< anchor. Hardy." 
 
 " Then shall we make the signal, my lord." 
 
 "Yes, for if I live, I'll anchor." 
 
 That was the end. Five minutes later Horatio Nelson, victory for 
 England's greatest sea champion, was dead. He had won Hnsriand and 
 both prizes he sought for in the battle of the Nile — victor}' Famous 
 and Westminister Abbey. Admiral 
 
 Collingwood did not anchor, but stood out to sea with the eighteen prize.' 
 I if the hard fought fray. In the gale that followed many of the results of 
 victory were lost, four of the ships being retaken, some wrecked on shore, 
 some foundering at sea, only four reaching British waters in Gibraltar Bay. 
 But whatever was lost, Nelson's fame was secure, and the victory at Trafalgar 
 is treasured as one of the most famous triumphs of British arms. 
 
 The naval battle at Copenhagen, won by Nelson, was followed, six years 
 later, by a combined land and naval expedition in which Wellington, Eng- 
 land's other champion, took part. Again inspired by the fear that Napoleon 
 might use the Danish fleet for his own purposes, the British government, 
 though at peace with Denmark, sent a fleet to Copenhagen, bombarded 
 and captured the city, and seized the Danish ships. A battle took place on 
 land in which Wellington (then Sir Arthur Wellesley) won an easy victory 
 and, captured 10,000 men. The whole business was an inglorious one, a 
 dishonorable incident in a struggle in which the defeat of Napaleon stood 
 first, honor second. Among the English themselves some defended it on the 
 plea of policy, some called it piracy and murder. 
 
 Not long afterwards England prepared to take a serious 
 part on land in the desperate contest with Napoleon, and sent The British m 
 a British force to Portugal, then held by the French army of 
 invasion under Marshal Junot. This force, 10.000 strong, was commanded 
 by Sir Arthur Wellesley, and landed Jul)- 30, 1808, at Mondego Bay. He 
 was soon joined by General Spencer from Cadiz, with 13,000 men. 
 
io8 NELSON AND WELLINGTON, THE CHAMPIONS OF ENGLAND 
 
 The French, far from home and without support, were seriously alarmed 
 at this invasion, and jastl)- so, for they met with defeat in a sharp battle at 
 Vimeira, and would probably have been forced to surrender as prisoners of 
 war had not the troops been called off from pursuit by Sir Harry Burrard, 
 who had been sent out to supersede Wellesley in command. The end of it 
 all was a truce, and a convention under whose terms the French troops 
 were permitted to evacuate Portugal with their arms and baggage and return 
 to France. This release of Junot from a situation which precluded escape 
 so disgusted Wellesley that he threw up his command and returned to 
 The Death of England. Other troops sent out under Sir John Moore and 
 Sir John Sir David Baird met a superior force of French in Spain, and 
 
 Moore their expedition ended in disaster. Moore was killed while 
 
 the troops were embarking to return home, and the memory of this affair 
 has been preserved in the famous ode, " The burial of Sir John Moore," 
 from which we quote : 
 
 " We buried him darkly at dead of night, 
 The sod with our bayonets turning. 
 By the glimmering moonbeams' misty light 
 And the lanterns dimly burning. " 
 
 In April, 1809, Wellesley returned to Portugal, now chief in command, 
 to begin a struggle which was to continue until the fall of Napoleon. There 
 were at that time about 20,000 British soldiers at Lisbon, while the French 
 had in .Spain more than 300,000 men, under such generals as Ney, Soult, and 
 Victor. The British, indeed, were aided by a large number of natives in 
 arms. But these, though of service as guerillas, were almost useless in reg- 
 ular warfare. 
 
 Wellesley was at Lisbon. Oporto, 170 miles north, was held by Mar- 
 shal Soult, who had recently taken it. Without delay Wellington marched 
 The Gallant thither, and drove the French outposts across the river Douro. 
 
 Crossing of Hut in their retreat they burned the bridge of boats across 
 e euro jj^g river, seized every boat they could find, and rested in 
 security, defying their foes to cross. Soult, veteran officer though he was, 
 fancied that he had disposed of Wellesley, and massed his forces on the sea- 
 coast side of the town, in which quarter alone he looked for an attack. 
 
 He did not know his antagonist. A few skiffs were secured, and a 
 small party of British was sent across the stream. The French attacked 
 them, but they held their ground till some others joined them, and by the 
 time Soult was informed of the danger Wellesley had landed a large force 
 and controlled a good supply of boats. A battle followed in which the 
 French were routed and forced to retreat. But the only road by which theif 
 

 1 2. O 
 i? 3 
 
 ft." 
 
< I >• 
 
 O S;; 
 
 Z -.« 
 
 S 3*3 
 
NFJ.SON AND WFJJJNGTOM. THE CHAMPIONS OF ENGLAND 1 1 1 
 
 artillery or hayyage could be moved liad been seized by General Beresford, 
 and was strongly held. In consequence Soult was forced to abandon all his 
 wagons and cannon and make his escape by bye-roads into Spain. 
 
 This signal victory was followed by another on July 27, 1809, when 
 Wellesley, with 20,000 British soldiers and about 40,000 Span- ^^ .,. 
 
 .,,,. ,. - . The Victory at 
 
 isli allies, met a rrench army of 60,000 men at Talavera in Talavera and 
 
 Sjjain. The battle that succeeded lasted two days. The brunt the Victor's 
 of it fell upon the British, the Spaniards proving of little use, 
 jet it ended in the defeat of the French, who retired unmolested, the British 
 being too exhausted to pursue. 
 
 The tidings of this victory were received with the utmost enthusiasm 
 in England. It was shown by it that British valor could win battles against 
 Napoleon's on land as well as on sea. Wellesley received the warmest 
 thanks of the king, and, like Nelson, was rewarded by being raised to the 
 peerage, being given the titles of Baron Douro of Wellesley and Viscount 
 Wellington of Talavera. In future we shall call him by his historic title of 
 Wellington. 
 
 Men and supplies just then would have served Wellington better than 
 titles. With strong support he could have marched on and taken Madrid. 
 As it was, he felt obliged to retire upon the fortress of Badajoz, near the 
 frontier of Portugal. Spain was swarming with I'rench soldiers, who were 
 gradually collected there until they e.xceeded 350,000 men. Of these 80,000, 
 under the command of Massena, were sent to act against the British. Before 
 this strong force Wellington found it necessary to draw back, and the frontier 
 fortresses of Almeida and Ciudad Rodrigo were taken by the French. Well- 
 ington's first stand was'on the heights of Busaco, September, 1810. Here, 
 with 30,000 men, he withstood all the attacks of the French, who in the end 
 were forced to withdraw. Massena then tried to gain the road between 
 Lisbon and Oporto, whereupon Wellington quickly retreated towards Lisbon. 
 
 The British general had during the winter been verj' usefully employed. 
 The road by which Lisbon must be approached passes the village of Torres 
 Vedras, and here two stronij lines of earthworks were con- ... ... 
 
 structed, some twenty-five miles in length, stretching from impregnable 
 the sea to the Tagus, and effectually securing Lisbon against Lines at 
 attack. These works had been built with such secrecy and 
 despatch that the French were quite ignorant of their existence, and 
 Massena, marching in confidence upon tht Portuguese capital, was amazed 
 and chagrined on finding before him this formidable barrier. 
 
 It was strongly defended, and all his efforts to take it proved in vain. 
 Me then tried to reduce the British by famine, but in this he was equally 
 
112 NELSON AND WELLINGTON, THE CHAMPIONS OE ENGLAND 
 
 baffled, food being- poured into Lisbon from the sea. He tried by a feigned 
 retreat to draw the British from their works, but this stratagem failed of 
 effect, and for four months more the armies remained inactive. At length 
 the exhaustion of the country of provisions made necessary a real retreat, 
 and Massena withdrew across the Spanish frontier, halting near Salamanca. 
 Of the proud force with which Napoleon proposed to " drive the British 
 leopards into the sea," more than half had vanished in this luckless cam- 
 paign. 
 
 But though the French army had withdrawn from Portugal, the frontier 
 fortresses were still in French hands, and of these Almeida, near the 
 
 borders, was the first to be attacked by Wellington's forces. 
 The Siege and ,. , ... .,.,,, 
 
 Capture of Massena advanced with 50,000 men to its reliei, and the two 
 
 the Por- armies met at Puentes-de-Onoro, May 4, iSii. The Prench 
 
 tuguese made attacks on the ^th and 6th, 'but were each time repulsed, 
 
 Fortresses . ^ 
 
 and on the 7th Massena retreated, sending orders to the gov- 
 ernor of Almeida to destroy the fortifications and leave the place. 
 
 Another battle was fought in front of Badajoz of the most sanguinary 
 character, the total loss of the two armies being 15,000 killed and wounded. 
 For a time the British seemed threatened with inevitable defeat, but the 
 fortune of the day was turned into victory by a desperate charge. Subse- 
 quently Ciudad Rodrigo was attacked, and was carried by storm, in January, 
 181 2. Wellington then returned to Badajoz, which was also taken by 
 storm, after a desperate combat in which the victors lost 5,000 men, a number 
 exceeding that of the whole French garrison. 
 
 These continued successes of the British were seriously out of conso- 
 nance with the usual exploits of Napoleon's armies. He was furious with 
 his marshals, blaming them severely, and might have taken their place in 
 the struggle with Wellington but that his fatal march to Russia was about 
 
 .„ ,,. . to beoin. The fortress taken, Wellington advanced into 
 
 Wellington ^ ^ * 
 
 WinsatSaia- Spain, and on July 21st encountered the French army under 
 mancaand Marmont before the famous old town of Salamanca. The 
 battle, one of the most stubbornly contested in which Welling- 
 ton had yet been engaged, ended in the repulse of the French, and on August 
 1 2th the British army marched into Madrid, the capital of Spain, from 
 which King Joseph Bonaparte had just made his second flight. 
 
 Wellington's next effort was a siege of the strong fortress of Burgos. 
 This proved the one failure in his military career, he being obliged to raise 
 the siege after several weeks of effort. In the following year he was strongly 
 reinforced, and with an army numbering nearly 200,000 men he marched on 
 the retreating enemy, meeting them at Vittoria, near the boundary of 
 
NELSON AND WELLINGTON, THE CHAMPIONS OF ENGLAND iij 
 
 France and Spain, on June 21, 181 3. The French were for the first time 
 in this war in a minority. They were also heavily encumbered with Ijaijoage, 
 the spoils of their occupation of Spain. The battle ended in 
 
 , r -ITT 11- 1 1 Vittoriaand the 
 
 a complete victory lor Welhngton, who captured 157 cannon Pyrenees 
 
 and a vast quantity of plunder, including the spoils of Madrid 
 
 and of the palace of the kings of Spain. The specie, of which a large sum 
 
 was taken, quickly disappeared among the troops, and failed to reach the 
 
 treasure chests of the army. 
 
 The French were now everywhere on tlu; retreat. Soult, after a vigor- 
 ous effort to drive the; P)ritish fr(jm the passes of th(; Pyrenees, withdrew, 
 and Wellington and his army soon stood on the soil of I'rance. A victory 
 over Soult at Nivelle, and a series of successes in the following spring, ended 
 tile long Peninsular War, the abdication of Napoleon closing the long and 
 terrible drama of battle. In the whole si.\ years of struggle Wellington had 
 not once been defeated on the battlefield. 
 
 His military career had not yet ended. His great day of glory was 
 still to come, that in which he was to meet Napoleon himself in the field, 
 and, for the first time in the history of the great Corsican, drive back his 
 army in utter rout. 
 
 A year or more had passed since the events just narrated. In June, 
 1815, Wellington found himself at the head of an army some 100,000 strong, 
 encamped around Brussels, the capital of Belgium. It was a The Gathering 
 mingled group of British, Dutch, Belgian, Hanoverian, Ger- of the Forces 
 man, and other troops, hastily got together, and many of them " ru.sses 
 not safely to be depended upon. Of the British, numbers had never been 
 under fire. Marshal Bliicher, with an equal force of Prussian troops, was 
 near at hantl ; tiie two forces prepareil to meet the rapidly advancing 
 Napoleon. 
 
 We have already told of the defeat of Bliicher at Ligny, and the attack 
 on Wellington at Ouatre Bras. On the evening of the 17th the army, re- 
 treating from Ouatre Bras, encamped in the historic field of Waterloo in a 
 drenching rain, that turned the roads into streams, the fields into swamps. 
 I. Ml night long the rain came down, the soldiers enduring the flood with what 
 patience they could. In the morning it ceased, fires were kindled, and active 
 preparations began for the terrible struggle at hand. 
 
 Here ran a shallow valley, bounded by two ridges, the 
 
 1 /- 1 • 1 -11 1 r, • ■ 1 1 -1 NT 1 The Battlefield 
 
 northern ol which was occupied by the British, while Napoleon ^^ Waterloo 
 
 posted his army on its arrival along the southern ridge. On 
 
 the slope before the British centre was the white-walled farm house of La 
 
 1 laye -Sainte, and in front of tiie right wing the chateau of Hougoumont, 
 
114 NELSON AND WELLINGTON, THE CHAMPIONS Of ENGLAND 
 
 with its various stout stone buildings. Both of these were occupied by men 
 of Wellington's army, and became leading points in the struggle of the day. 
 It was nine o'clock in the morning before the van-guard of the French 
 army made its appearance on the crest of the southern ridge. By half-past 
 ten 61,000 soldiers, — infantry, cavalry, and artillery — lay encamped in full 
 sight. About half-past eleven came the first attack of that remarkable day, 
 during which the French waged an aggressive battle, the British stood on 
 the defensive. 
 
 This first attack was directed against Hougoumont, around which there 
 
 The Desperate ^^'-^^ ^ desperate contest. At this point the affray went on, in 
 
 Charges of successive waves of attack and repulse, all day long ; yet still 
 
 the French ^.j^^ British held the buildings, and all the fierce valor of the 
 
 French failed to gain them a foothold within. 
 
 About two o'clock came a second attack, preceded by a frightful can- 
 nonade upon the British left and centre. Four massive columns, led by 
 Ney, poured steadily forward straight for the ridge, sweeping upon and 
 around the farm-stead of La Haye Sainte, but met at every point by the 
 sabres and bayonets of the British lines. Nearly 24,000 men took part in. 
 this great movement, the struggle lasting more than an hour before the 
 French staggered back in repulse. Then from the French lines came a 
 stupendous cavalry charge, the massive columns composed of no less than 
 forty squadrons of cuirassiers and dragoons, filling almost all the space 
 between Hougoumont and La Haye Sainte as they poured like a torrent 
 upon the British lines. Torn by artillery, rent by musketry ; checked, 
 reformed ; charging again, and again driven back ; they expended their 
 strength and their lives on the infantry squares that held their ground with 
 the grimmest obstinacy. Once more, now strengthened by the cavalry 
 of the Imperial Guard, they came on to carnage and death, shattering 
 themselves against those unyielding squares, and in the end repulsed with 
 frightful loss. 
 
 The day was now well advanced, it being half-past four in the after- 
 noon ; the British had been fearfully shaken by the furious efforts of the 
 French ; when, emerging from the woods at St. Lambert, 
 uc er s appeared the head of a column of fresh troops. Who were 
 
 Prussians r^^^ r 
 
 and the they? Bliicher's Prussians, or Grouchy's pursuing French? 
 
 Charge of Q^ ^j^g answer to this question depended the issue of that 
 Napoleon's 11, t-i • 1 • 1 1 1 1 
 
 Old Guard terrible day. 1 he question was soon decided ; they were the 
 
 Prussians ; no sign appeared of the French ; the hearts of the 
 British beat high with hope and those of the French sank low in despair, 
 for these fresh troops could not fail to decide the fate of that mighty 
 
NELSON AND WELLINGTON, THE CHAMPIONS OF ENGLAND nj 
 
 /ield of l)attle. Soon tlifj final strug;^I<; canic Napoleon, driven to despera- 
 tion, launched his grand reserve corps, the far-famed ImiMtrial Guard, upon 
 his enemies. On they come, with Ney at their head ; on them pours a 
 terrible torrent of flame ; from a distance the front ranks appear stationary, 
 hut only because they meet a death-line as they come, and fall in bleeding 
 rows. Then on tliem, in a wild charoc, rusli the British Foot Guards, take 
 them i.i flank, and soon all is over. " The Guard dies, but never surrenders," 
 says their commander. Hie they tlo, few of them surviving to take part in 
 that mad llight which swept Napoleon from the field antl closed the fatal 
 day of Waterloo. England has won the great victory, now nearly a century 
 old, and Wellington from that day of triumph takes rank with the greatest 
 of British heroes. 
 7 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 From the Napoleonic Wars to the Revolution of 1830 
 
 TlIE terrific struggle of the "Hundred Da\'s," wliic]-! followed Napo- 
 leon's return from Elba and preceded his exile to St. Helena, made 
 a serious break in the deliberations of the Congress of Vienna, con- 
 vened for the purpose of recasting the map of Europe, which Napoleon 
 had so sadly transformed, of setting aside the radical wiM'k of the French 
 A Quarter Revolution, and, in a word, of turning back the hands of the 
 
 Century of clock of tiiuc. Twenty-five j'ears of such turmoil anil volcanic 
 Revo u on disturbance as Europe had rarely known were at an end ; the 
 ruling powers were secure of their own again ; the people, worn-out with 
 the long and bitter struggle, welcomed eagerly the return of rest and peace ; 
 .-ind the emperors and kings deemed it a suitable time to throw overboard 
 the load of new ideas under which the European "ship of state " seemed 
 to them likely to founder. 
 
 The Congress of \'ienna was, in its way, a brilliant gathering. It 
 included, mainly as handsome ornaments, the emperors of Russia and 
 Austria, the kings of Prussia, Denmark, Bavaria and Wurtemberg ; and, as 
 its working element, the leading statesmen of Euroi)e, including the Eng- 
 lish Castlereagh and Wellington, the French Talleyrand, the 
 
 TheCongress Prussian Hardenberg, and the Austrian Metternich. Checked 
 ot Vienna ..... 
 
 in its delibrations for a time by Napoleon's fierce hundred 
 
 days' death struggle, it quickly settled down to work again, having before 
 
 it the vast task of undoing the mighty results of a quarter of a centurj' of 
 
 revolution. For the French Revolution had broadened into an European 
 
 revolution, with Napoleon and his armies as its great instruments. The 
 
 whole continent had been sown thickly during the long era of war with the 
 
 Napoleonic ideas, and a crop of new demands and conditions had grown up 
 
 not ea iily to be uprooted. 
 
 Reaction was the order of the day in the Vienna Congress. The 
 
 shaken power of the monarchs was to be restored, the map of Europe to be 
 
 readjusted, the people to be put back into the submissive condition which 
 
 they occupied before that eventful 1789, when the States-General of France 
 
 began its momentous work of overiurning the equilibrium of the world. 
 
 (116) 
 
FROM THE NAPOLEONIC WARS TO 1830 1 1 7 
 
 P\<, for the people;, deeply infected as they were witli the new ideas nf 
 liherly ;uul the rights of man, which had made their way Europe After 
 far beyond the borders of France, they were for the time worn- Napoleon's 
 out with strife and turmoil, and settled back supinely to '^"" 
 enjoy the welcome era of rest, leaving their fate in the hands of the astute 
 plenipotentiaries who were gathered in their wisdom at Vienna. 
 
 Tiiese worthy tools of the monarchs had an immense task before 
 ilieni — too large a one, as it proved. It was easy to talk about restoring to 
 tile nations the territory they had possessed before Napoleon began his 
 career as a map-maker ; but it was not easy to do so exc(.-pt at the cost of 
 new wars. The territories of many of the powers had been added to by 
 the I'Vench emperor, and they were not likely to give up their new posses- 
 sions without a vigorous protest. In Germany the changes had been 
 enormous. Napoleon had found there more than three hundred separate 
 states, some no larger than a small American county, yet each possessed of 
 the paraphernalia of a court and sovereign, a capital, an army and a public 
 debt. And these were feebly combined into the phantasm known as the 
 Holy Roman Empire. When Napoleon had finished his work this empire 
 had ceased to e.xist, except as a tradition, and the great galaxy of sovereign 
 states was reduced to thirty-nine. These included the great dominions of 
 Austria and Prussia ; the smaller states of Bavaria, Saxony, Hanover and 
 Wurtemberg, which Napoleon had raised into kingdoms ; and a vastly 
 reduced group of minor states. The work done here it was somewhat 
 dangerous to meddle with. The small potentates of Germany were like so 
 many bull-dogs, glaring jealously across their new borders, and ready to fly 
 u one another's throats at any suggestion of a change. The 
 jtmost they would yield was to be united into a confederacy The Work of 
 called the Bund, with a Diet meeting at Frankfurt. But 
 as the delegates to the Diet were given no law-making power, the Bund 
 became an empty farce. 
 
 The great powers took care to regain their lost possessions, or to 
 replace them with an equal amount of territory. Prussia and Austria spread 
 out again to their old size, though they did not cover quite the old ground. 
 Most of their domains in Pola..d were given up, Prussia getting new terri- 
 tory in West Germany and Austria in Italy Their provinces in Poland were 
 ceded to Alexander of Russia, who added to them some of his own Polish 
 dominions, and formed a new kingdom of Poland, he being its king. So in a 
 shadowy way Poland was brought to life again. England got for her share in 
 the spoils a number of French and Dutch colonies, including Malta and the 
 Cape Colony in Africa. Thus each of thegreat p iwers repaid itself for its losses. 
 
ii8 FROM THE NAPOLEONIC WARS TO 1S30 
 
 In Italy a variety of changes were made. The Pope got back the 
 States of the Church ; Tuscany was restored to its king ; the same was the 
 
 case with Naples, King Murat being driven from his throne 
 and Spain ' '^"'^ P"*- '■° death. Piedmont, increased by the Republic of 
 
 Genoa, was restored to the king of Sardinia. Some smaller 
 states were formed, as Parma, Modena, and Lucca. Finally, Lombardy and 
 Venice, much the richest regions of Italy, were given to Austria, which 
 country was made the dominant power in the Italian peninsula. 
 
 Louis XVIII., the Bourbon king, brother of Louis XVI., who had 
 reigned while Napoleon was at Elba, came back to the throne of France. 
 The title of Louis XVII. was given to the poor boy, son of Lou's XVI., 
 who died from cruel treatment in the dungeons of the Revolution. In Spain 
 the feeble Ferdinand returned to the throne which he had given up without 
 a protest at the command of Napoleon. Portugal was given a monarch of 
 its old dynasty. All seemed to have floated back into the old conditions 
 again. 
 
 As for the rights of the people, what had become of them ? Had they 
 been swept away and the old wrongs of the people been brought back ? Not 
 quite. The frenzied enthusiasm for liberty and human rights of the past 
 
 twenty-five years could not go altogether for nothing. The 
 of Man * lingering relics of feudalism had vanished, not only from 
 
 France but from all Europe, and no monarch or congress could 
 bring them back again. In its place the principles of democracy had spread 
 from France far among the peoples of Europe. The principle of class 
 privilege had been destroyed in France, and that of social equality had 
 replaced it. The principle of the liberty of the individual, especially in his 
 religious opinions, and the cioctrine of the sovereignty of the people, had 
 been proclaimed. These had still a battle before them. They needed to 
 fight their way. Absolutism and the spirit of feudalism were arrayed 
 against them. But they were too deeply implanted in the minds of the 
 people to be eradicated, and their establishment as actual conditions has 
 been the most important part of the political development of the nineteenth 
 century. 
 
 Revolution was the one thing that the great powers of Europe feared 
 and hated ; this was the monster against which the Congress of Vienna 
 directed its efforts. The cause of quiet and order, the preservation of the 
 established state of things, the authority of rulers, the subordination of 
 peoples, must be firmly maintained, and revolutionary disturbers must be put 
 down with a strong hand. Such was the political dogma of the Congress. 
 And yet, in spite of its assembled wisdom and the principles it promul- 
 

 
 J 
 
JAMES WATT— THE FATHER OF THE STEAM ENGINE 
 
 i to the steam engine that the ■wonderful productive progress of recent times is largely due, and 
 to the famous Scotch engineer. James Watt, belongs the honor of inventing the first 
 effective steam engine. His idea of condensing the steam from his engine in 
 a separate vessel came to him in 1765, and with this fortunate concep- 
 tion began the wonderful series of improvements which have 
 given us the magnificent engine of to-daif. 
 
FROM THF. NAPOLOENIC WARS TO 1830 12 r 
 
 gated, the nineteenth century has been especially the century of revolutions, 
 actual or virtual, the result being an extraordinary growth in the liberties 
 and prerogatives of the people. 
 
 The plan devised by the Congress for the suppression of revolution 
 was the establishment of an association of nionarchs, which became known 
 as the Holy Alliance. Alexander of Russia, Francis of 
 Austria, and Frederick William of Prussia formed a cove- Alliance 
 nant to ruU- in accordance with the jjrecepts of the Bible, to 
 stand by each other in a true fraternity, to rule their subjects as loving 
 parents, and to see that peace, justice, and religion should flourish in their 
 dominions. An ideal scheme it was, but its promulgators soon won the 
 name of hypocrites and the hatred of those whom they were to deal with 
 on the principle of love and brotherhood. Reaction was the watchword, 
 absolute sovereignty the purpose, the eradication of the doctrine of popular 
 sovereignty the sentiment, which animated these powerful monarchs ; and 
 the Holy Alliance meant practically the determination to unite their forces 
 against democracy and revolution wherever they should show themselves. 
 
 It was not long before the people began to move. The attempt to 
 re-establish absolute governments shook them out of their sluggish tpiiet. 
 Revolution lifted its head again in the face of tht; Holy Revolution in 
 Alliance, its first field being Spain. Ferdinand VII., on Spain and 
 returning to his throne, had but one purpose in his weak ^^^^ 
 mind, which was to rule as an autocrat, as his ancestors had done. He 
 swore to govern according to a constitution, and began his reign with a 
 perjury. The patriots had formed a constitution during his absence, and 
 this he set aside and never replaced by another. On the contrary, he set 
 out to abolish all the reforms made by Napoleon, and to restore the monas- 
 teries, to bring back the irquisition, and to prosecute the patriots. Five 
 years of this reaction made the state of affairs in Spain so intolerable that 
 the liberals refused to submit to it any longer. In 1820 they rose in revolt, 
 and the king, a coward under all his show of bravery, at once gave way and 
 restored the constitution he had set aside. 
 
 The shock given the Holy Alliance by the news from Spain was quickly 
 followed by another coming from Naples. The Bourbon king who had 
 been replaced upon the throne of that country, another Ferdinand, was one 
 of the most despicable men of his not greatly esteemed race. His govern 
 ment, while weak, was harshly oppressive. But it did not need a revolution 
 to frighten this royal dastard. A mere general celebration of the victory 
 of the liberals in Sp?.in was enough, and in his alarm he hastened to give 
 his people a constitution similar to that which the Spaniards had gained. 
 
123 FROM THE NAPOLEONIC WARS TO rSjo 
 
 These awkward affairs sadly disturbed the equanimity of those states- 
 men who fancied that they had fully restored the divine right of kings. 
 Metternich, the Austrian advocate of reaction, hastened to call a new Con- 
 Metternich g^ess, in 1820, and another in 182 1. The question he put to 
 
 and His Con- these assemblies was, Should revolution be permitted, or should 
 gresses Europe interfere in Spain and Naples, and pledge herself to 
 
 uphold everywhere the sacred powers of legitimate monarchs ? His old 
 friends of the Holy Alliance backed him up in this suggestion, both Con- 
 gresses adopted it, a policy of repression of revolutions became the pro- 
 gramme, and Austria was charged to restore what Metternich called 
 "order" in Naples. 
 
 He did so. The liberals of Naples were far too weak to oppose the 
 
 power of Austria. Their government fell to pieces as soon as the Austrian 
 
 army appeared, and the impotent but cruel Ferdinand was made an absolute 
 
 king again. The radicals in Piedmont started an insurrection which was 
 
 quickly put down, and Austria became practically the lord and master of Italy. 
 
 Proud of his success, Metternich called a new Congress in 1822, in 
 
 which it was resolved to repeat in Spain what had been done in Naples. 
 
 How Order was France was now made the instrument of the absolutists. A 
 
 F^estored in French army marched across the Pyrenees, put down the gov- 
 
 ''^'" ernment of the liberals, and gave the king back his despotic 
 
 rule. He celebrated his return to power by a series of cruel executions. The 
 
 Holy Alliance was in the ascendant, the liberals had been bitterly repaid for 
 
 their daring, terror seized upon the liberty-loving peo|)lcs, and Europe 
 
 seemed thrown fully into the grasp of the absolute king^ 
 
 Only in two regions did the spirit of revolt triumph during this period 
 
 of reaction. These were Greece and Spanish America. The 
 The Revolution , . • 1 1 r /- 111 1 • , 1 1 r 1 
 
 in Greece historic land or Oreece had long been in the hands of a des- 
 
 potism with which even the Holy Alliance was not in sympa- 
 thy — that of 'I'urkey. Its very name, as a modern country, had almost van- 
 ished, and iMirope heard with astonishment in 1821 that the descendants of 
 the ancient Greeks had risen against the tyranny under which they had been 
 crushed for centuries. 
 
 The struggle was a bitter one. The sultan was atrocious in his cruel- 
 ties. In the island of Chios alone he brutally murdered 20,000 Greeks. But 
 the spirit of the old Athenians and Spartans was in the people, and they 
 kept on fighting in the face of defeat. For four years this went on, while 
 the powers of Europe looked on without raising a hand. Some of their 
 people indeed took part, among them Lord Byron, who died in Greece in 
 1824 ; but the governments failed to warm up to their duty. 
 
FROM THE NAPOLEONIC WARS TO 1830 123 
 
 Their apathy vanished in 1825, when the sultan, growing weary of the 
 struggle, and bent on bringing it to a rapid end, called in the aid of his power- 
 ful vassal. Mehemcd AH, Pasha of Egypt. Mehemed responded by sending a 
 strong army under his son Ibrahim, who landed in the Morea (the ancient 
 Peloponnesus), where he treated the people with shocking cruelty. 
 
 A year of this was as much as Christian Europe could stand. England 
 
 first aroused herself. Canning, the English prime minister, The Powers 
 
 persuaded Nicholas, who had just succeeded Alexander as Come to the 
 
 Czar of Russia, to join with him in stoppinir this horrible busi- Rescue of 
 
 . Greece 
 
 ness. France also lent her aid, and the combined powers 
 
 warned Ibrahim to cease his cruel work. On his refusal, the fleets of Eng- 
 land and France attacked and annihilated the Turkish-Egyptian fleet in the 
 battle of Navarino. 
 
 The Sultan still hesitatetl, and the czar, impatient at the delay, declared 
 war and invaded with his army the Turkish provinces on the Danube. The 
 next year, 1829, the Russians crossed the Balkans and descended upon Con- 
 stantinople. That city was in such imminent danger of capture that the 
 obstinacy of the sultan completely disappeared and he humbly consented to 
 all the demands of the powers. Servia, Moldavia and Wallachia, the chief 
 provinces of the Balkan peninsula, were put under the rule of Christian 
 governors, and the independence of Greece was fully acknowledged. Prince 
 Otto of Bavaria was made king, and ruled until 1862. In Greece lib- 
 eralism had conquered, but elsewhere in Europe the reaction established by 
 the Congress of Vienna still held sway. 
 
 The people merely bided their time. The good seed sown could 
 not fail to bear fruit in its season. The spirit of revolution was in the air, 
 and any attempt to rob the people of the degree of liberty 
 which they enjoyed was very likely to precipitate a revolt against RevoJut^ion 
 the tyranny of courts and kings. It came at length in France, 
 that country the ripest among the nations for revolution. Louis XVIII. 
 an easy, good-natured old soul, of kindly disposition towards the people, 
 passed from life in 1824, and was succeeded by his brother, Count of 
 Artois, as Charles X. 
 
 The new king had been the head of the ultra-royalist faction, an advo- 
 cate of despotism and feudalism, and quickly doubled the hate which the 
 people bore him. Louis XVIII. had been liberal in his charies X. and 
 policy, and had given increased privileges to the people. His Attempt 
 Under Charles reaction set in. A vast sum of money was at Despotrsm 
 voted to the nobles to repay their losses during the Revolution. Steps 
 were taken to muzzle the press and gag the universities. This was 
 
124 FROM THE NAPOLEONIC WARS TO iSjo 
 
 more than the Chamber of Deputies was willing to do, and it was dis- 
 solved. But the tyrant at the head of the government went on, blind 
 to the signs in the air, deaf to the people's voice. If he could not get 
 laws from the Chamber, he would make them himself in the old arbitary 
 fashion, and on July 26, 1830, he issued, under the advice of his prime 
 minister, four decrees, which limited the list of voters and put an end to 
 the freedom of the press. Practically the constitution was set aside, the 
 work of the Revolution ignored, and absolutism re-established in France. 
 
 King Charles had taken a step too far. He did not know the spirit of 
 the French. In a moment Paris blazed into insurrection. Tumult arose 
 on every side. Workmen and students paraded the streets with enthusi- 
 astic cheers for the constitution. But under their voices there were soon 
 heard deeper and more ominous cries. " Down with the ministers !" came 
 the demand. And then, as the throng increased and grew more violent, 
 arose the revolutionary slogan, " Down with the Bourbons !" The infatu- 
 ated old king was amusing himself in his palace of St. Cloud, 
 The Revolution ^^^ jj^ ^^^^ discover that the crown was tottering upon his 
 head. He knew that the people of Paris had risen, but 
 looked upon it as a passing ebullition of French temper. He did not awake 
 to the true significance of the movement until he heard that there had been 
 fighting between his troops and the people, that many of the citizens lay 
 dead in the streets, and that the soldiers had been driven from the city 
 which remained in the hands of the insurrectionists. 
 
 Then the old imbecile, who had fondly fancied that the Revolution of 
 1789 could be set aside by a stroke of his pen, made frantic efforts to lay 
 the demoii he had called into life. He hastily cancelled the tyrannical 
 decrees. Finding that this would not have the desired effect, he abdicated 
 the throne in favor of his grandson. But all was of no avail. France had 
 had enough of him and his house. His envoys were turned back from the 
 gates of Paris unheard. Remembering the fate of Louis XVI., his unhappy 
 brother, Charles X., turned his back upon France and hastened to seek a 
 refuge in England. 
 
 Meanwhile a meeting of prominent citizens had been held in Paris, the 
 result of their deliberations being that Charles X. and his heirs should be 
 deposed and the crown offered to Louis Philippe, duke of Orleans. There 
 Louis Philippe ^^"^ been a Louis Philippe in the Revolution of 1789, a radical 
 Chosen as member of the royal house of Bourbon, who, under the title 
 '"^ of Egalite, had joined the revolutionists, voted for the death 
 
 of Louis XVI., and in the end had his own head cut off by the guillotine. 
 His .son as a young man had served in the revolutionary army and had 
 
FRO^f THE NAPOLEONIC WARS TO 1830 125 
 
 been one of its leaders in the important victory of Jcniappes. Hut when 
 the terror came he hastened from France, which had become a very unsafe 
 place for one of his blood. He had the reputation of being liberal in his views, 
 and was the first man thought of for the vacant crown. When the Chamber 
 of Deputies met in August and offered it to him, he did not hesitate to 
 accej^t. He swore to observe and reign under the constitution, and took 
 the throne under the title of Louis Philii)pe, king of the French. Thus 
 speedily and happil)' ended the st'cond Re\<iluli()n in b ranee. 
 
 Rut T^aris again jjroved itself the political centre of bLurope. The 
 dc;position of Charles X. was like a stone thrown into the seething waters 
 of Furopean politics, and its effects spread far and wide be- Effect in Europe 
 yond the borders of France. The nations had been bound of the Revo- 
 hand and foot by the Congress of Vienna. The people had 
 writhed uneasily in their fetters, but now in more than one locality they rose 
 in their might to break them, here demanding a greater degree of liberty, 
 there overthrowing the government. 
 
 The latter was the case in Belgium. Its people had suffered severely 
 from the work of the Congress of Vienna. Without even a pretence of 
 consulting their wishes, their country had been incorporated with Holland 
 as the kingdom of the Netherlands, the two countries being fused into one 
 under a king of the old Dutch House of Orange. The idea was good 
 enough in itself. It was intended to make a kingdom strong enough to 
 help keep France in order. But an attempt to fuse these two stales was like 
 an endeavor to mix oil and water. The people of the two countries had long 
 since drifted apart from each other, and had irreconcilable ideas and inter- 
 ests. Holland was a colonizing and commercial country, Belgium an indus- 
 trial country ; Holland was Protestant, Belgium was Catholic; Holland was 
 Teutonic in blood, Belgium was a mixture of the Teutonic and French, 
 but wholly French in feeling and customs. 
 
 The Belgians, therefore, were generally discontented with t!?(; act of 
 fusion, and in 1830 they imitated the French by a revolt against The Belgian 
 King William of Holland. A tumult followed in Brussels, Uprising and 
 which ended in the Dutch soldiers being driven from the city. ** " * 
 King William, finding that the Belgians insisted on independence, decided 
 to bring them back to their allegiance by force of arms. The powers of 
 Europe now took the matter in hand, and, after some difference of opinion, 
 decided to grant the Belgians the independence they demanded. This was a 
 meddling with his royal authority to which King William did not propose to 
 submit, but when the navy of Great Britain and the army of France ap- 
 proached his borders he changc-tl his mind, and since 1833 Holland and Bel- 
 
126 FROM TH^ NAPOLEONIC WARS TO 1830 
 
 gium have gone their own way under separate knigs. A lunitcd monarchy, 
 
 with a suitable constitution, was organized for Belgium by the powers, and 
 
 Prince Leopold, of the German house of Saxe-Coburg, was placed upon the 
 
 throne. 
 
 The Movements '^h.<i spirit of revolution extended into Germany and 
 
 in Qermany Italy, but Only with partial results. Neither in Austria nor 
 
 an ta y Prussia did the people stir, but in many of the smaller states 
 
 a demand was made for a constitution on liberal lines, and in every instance 
 
 the princes had to give way. Each of these states gained a representative 
 
 form of government, the monarchs of Prussia and Austria alone retaining 
 
 their old despotic power. 
 
 In Italy there were many signs of revolutionary feeling ; but Austria 
 
 still dominated that peninsula, and Metternich kept a close watch upon the 
 
 movements of its people. There was much agitation. The great secret 
 
 society of the Carbonari sought to combine the patriots of all Italy in a 
 
 grand stroke for liberty and union, but nothing came of their efforts. In 
 
 the States of the Church alone the people rose in revolt against their rulers, 
 
 but they were soon put down by the Austrians, who invaded their territory, 
 
 dispersed their weak bands, and restored the old tyranny. The hatred of the 
 
 Italians for the Austrians grew more intense, but their time had not yet 
 
 come; they sank back in submission and awaited a leader and an opportunity. 
 
 There was one country in which the revolution in France called forth a 
 
 more active response, though, unhappily, only to double the weight of the 
 
 chains under which its people groaned. This was unfortunate 
 
 The Condition t-) 1 1 ' 1 " 1 i • 1 i- 1 1 
 
 of Poland Poland; once a great and proud kingdom, now dismembered 
 
 and swallowed up by the land-greed of its powerful neighbors. 
 It had been in part restored by Napoleon, in his kingdom of Warsaw, and 
 his work had been in a measure recognized by the Congress of Vienna. The 
 Czar Alexander, kindly in disposition and moved by pity for the unhappy 
 Poles, had re-established their old kingdom, persuading Austria and Prussia 
 to give up the bulk of their Polisli territory in return for equal areas else- 
 where. He gave Poland a constitution, its own army, and its own adminis- 
 tration, making himself it^ king, but promising to rule as a constitutional 
 monarch. 
 
 This did not satisfy the Poles. It was not the independence they 
 craved. They could not forget that they had been a great power in Europe 
 
 when Russia was still the weak and frozen duchy of Muscovy. 
 the Poles When the warm-hearted Alexander died and the cold-hearted 
 
 Nicholas took his place, their discontent grew to dangerous 
 proportions. The news of the outbreak in France was like a firebrand 
 
FROM Tin: NArOl.F.ONIC WARS TO /Sjo 127 
 
 thrown in their midst. In November, 1S30. a few yoiiny hot-lieads sounded 
 the note of revolt, and Warsaw rose in insurrection a;4^ainst the Russians, 
 
 For a time they were successful. Constantine, the czar's brother 
 governor of Poland, was .scared by the riot, and deserted the capital 
 leaving the revolutionists in full control. Towards the frontier he hastened, 
 winged by alarm, while the provinces rose in rebellion behind him as he 
 passed Less than a week had passed before the Russian power was with 
 drawn from Poland, and its people were once more lords of their own lanu 
 They set up a provisional government in Warsaw, and prepared to defend 
 themselves against the armies that were sure to come. 
 
 What was needed now was unity. A single fixed and resolute purpose, 
 
 under able and suitable leaders, formed the only conceivable condition of 
 
 success. l)Ut Poland was, of all countries, the least capable 
 
 A Fatal Lack 
 of such unity. The landed nobility was full of its old feudal „j Unity 
 
 notions; the democracy of the city was inspired by modern 
 
 sentiments. They could not agree ; they quarreled in castle and court 
 
 while their hasty levies of troops we're marciiing to meet the Russians in 
 
 the fiekl. Under such conditions success was a thing beyond hope. 
 
 Yet the Poles fought well. Kosciusko, their former hero, would have 
 been proud of their courage and willingness to die for their country I>ut 
 against the powerful and ably led Russian armies their gallantry was of no 
 avail, and their lack of unity fatal. In May, 1831, they were overwhelmed 
 at Ostrolenka by the Russian hosts In September a traitor betrayed 
 Warsaw, and the Russian army entered its gates The revolt was at an 
 end, and Poland again in fetters. 
 
 Nicholas the Czar fancied that he liatl spoiled these people ijy kindness 
 and clemency. They should not be spoiled in that way any longer. Under 
 his harsh decrees the Kingdom of Poland vanisheil. lie 
 ordeied tliat it should be made a Russian province, and held Poland 
 liy a Russian army of occupation. The very language of the 
 Poles was forbidden to be spoken, and their religion was to be replaced by 
 the Orthodox Russian faith. Those brief months of revolution and indc 
 pendence were fatal to the liberty-loving people. Since then, except iluring 
 their brief revolt in 1863. they have lain in fetters at the feet of Russia, 
 nothing remaining to them but their patriotic memories and their undying' 
 aspiration for freedom and independence. 
 
CHAPTER VII 
 RoHvar, the Liberator of Spanish America. 
 
 IN the preccdini^ chapter mention was made of two regions in which the 
 spirit of revolt triumplied during the period of reaction after the Napo- 
 leonic wars — Greece and Spanish America. The revolt in Greece was 
 there described ; that in Spanish America awaits description. It had its 
 hero, one of the great soldiers of the Spanish race, perhaps the greatest 
 and ablest of guerilla leaders ; " Bolivar the Liberator," as he was known on 
 his native soil. 
 
 Spain had long treated her colonists in a manner that was difficult for a 
 How Spain high-spirited people to endure. Only two thoughts seemed 
 
 Treated Her to rule in their management, the one being to derive from the 
 o onies colonies all possible profit for the government at home, the 
 
 other to make use of them as a means by which the leaders in Spain could 
 pay their political debts. The former purpose was sought to be carried out 
 by severe taxation, commercial restriction, and the other methods in which 
 a short-sighted country seeks to enrich itself by tying the hands and check- 
 ing the industries of its colonists. To achieve the latter purpose all im- 
 Ijortant official position?; in the colonies were held by natives of Spain. 
 Posts in the go\'ernment. in the customs, in all salaried offices were given 
 CO strangers, who knew nothing of the work they were to do or the con- 
 ditions of the country to which they were sent, and whose single thought 
 was to fill their purses as speedily as possible and return to enjoy their 
 wealth In Spain. 
 
 All this was galling to the colonists, who claimed to be loyal Span- 
 iards ; and they rebelled in spirit against this swarm of 
 o^ the iPeop°e '^""^^''' locusts which descended annually upon them, practic- 
 ing every species of extortion and fraud in their eagerness to 
 grow rich speedily, and carrying much of the wealth of the country back 
 to the mother land. Add to this the severe restrictions on industry and 
 commerce, the prohibition of trade except with Spain, the exactions of 
 every kiml, legal and illegal, to which the people were forced to submit, and 
 their dcep-seited dissatisfaction is easy to understand. 
 ( 1.2S; 
 
BOLIVAR, THE LIBERATOR OF SPANISH AMERICA 131 
 
 The war for independence in the United States had no apparent 
 inlluence \\\Mn tlie colonies of Spanish America. They remained loyal to 
 S[)ain. The iM'ench Revolution seemed also without effect, l^ut durinj; 
 the long Napoleonic wars, when Spain remained for years in the grip of the 
 Corsican, and the people of Spanish America were left largely to govern 
 themselves, a thirst for liberty arose, and a spirit of revolt showed itself 
 about 1 8 10 throughout the length and breadth of the colonies. 
 
 Chief among the revolutionists was Simon IJolivar, a native of Caracas, 
 the capital (jf X'enezuela. In iSio we find him in London, Bolivar, the 
 seeking the aid of the British government in favor of tlie Revolutionary 
 rebels against Spain. In 181 i he served as governor of 
 Puerto Cabello, the strongest fortress in Venezuela. He was at that time 
 subordinate to General Miranda, whom he afterwards accused of treason, 
 and who died in a dungeon in Spain. In the year named Venezuela pro- 
 claimed its independence, but in 1S13, Bolivar, who had been entitled its 
 " Liberator," was a refugee in Jamaica, and his country again a vassal 
 of Spain. 
 
 The leaders of affairs in .Spain knew well where to seek the backbone 
 of the insurrection. Bolivar was the one man whom they feared. He 
 removed, there was not a man in sight capaljle of heading the rebels to 
 victory. To dispose of him, a spy was sent to Jamaica, his 
 ])urpose being to take the Liberator's life. This man, after AssassTnation 
 gaining a knowledge of Bolivar's habits and movements, 
 bribed a negro to murder him, and in the dead of night the assassin stole up 
 to Bolivar's hammock and plunged his knife into the sleeper's breast. As 
 it proved, it was not Bolivar, but his secretary, who lay there, and the hope 
 of tile American insurrectionists escaped. 
 
 Leaving Jamaica, Bolivar proceeded to San Domingo, where he found 
 a warm supporter in the president, Petion. Here, too, he met Luis Brion, 
 a Dutch shipbuilder of great wealth. His zeal for the principles of liberty 
 infused Brion witii a like zeal. The result was that Brion fitted out seven 
 sciiooners and placed them at Bolivar's disposal, supplied 3,500 muskets to 
 arm recruits who should join Bolivar's standard, and devoted his own life 
 and services to the sacred cause. Thus slenderly equipped, Bolivar com- 
 menced operations in 18 16 at the port of Cayos de San Luis, where the 
 leading refugees from Cartagena, New Granada, and Venezuela Bolivar Re- 
 had sought sanctuary. By them he was accepted as leader, turns to 
 and Brion, with the title of "Admiral of Venezuela," was given 
 command of the squadron he had himself furnished. The growing expedi- 
 tion now made for the island of Margarita, which Arismendi had wrested 
 
132 BOLIVAR, THE LIBERATOR OF SPANISH AMERICA 
 
 from the Spanish governor; and liere, at a convention of officers, Bolivar 
 was named "Supreme Chief," and tlie third Venezuelan war began. It 
 w^as marked by many a disaster to the patriot arms, and so numerous 
 vicissitudes that, until the culminating triumph of Boyaca on August 7th 
 1819, it remained doubtful upon which side victory would ultimately rest. 
 
 The war was conducted on the part of the Spaniards with the most 
 fiendish cruelty, prisoners taken in war and the unarmed jaeople of the 
 country alike being tortured and murdered under circumstances of revolting 
 barbarity. "The people of Margarita," writes an English officer who 
 serveil in Venezuela, "saw their liberties threatened and endangered; their 
 The Savage wives, children, and kindred daily butchered and murdered; 
 Cruelty of the and the reeking members of beings most dear to them 
 paniar s exposed to their gaze on every tree and crag of their native 
 forests and mountains ; nor was it until hundreds had been thus slaughtered 
 that they pursued the same course. The result was that the Spaniards 
 were routed. I myself saw upwards of seven thousand of their skulls, 
 dried and heaped together in one place, which is not inaptly termed 
 'Golgotha,' as a trophy of victory." 
 
 Another writer tells us : " I saw several women whose ears and noses 
 had been cut off, their eyes torn from their sockets, their tongues cut out, 
 and the soles of their feet pared by the orders of Monteverde, a Spanish 
 brigadier-general." The result of these excesses of cruelty was an implacable 
 hatred of the Spaniard, and a determination to carry on the war unto death. 
 
 In 181 5 Ferdinand of Spain determined to put an end once for all to 
 the movement for independence that, in varying forms, had been agitating 
 for five years the whole of Spanish America. Accordingly, strong rein- 
 forcements to the royalist armies were sent out, under General Morillo. 
 These arrived at Puerto Cabello, and, besides ships of war, comprised 12,000 
 troops — a force in Itself many times larger than ,all the scattered bands of 
 patriots then under arms put together. Morillo soon had Venezuela under 
 his thumb, and, planting garrisons throughout It, proceeded to lay siege to 
 The Methods Cartagena. Capturing this city in four months, he marched 
 ' of General unopposed to Santa Fe de Bogota, the capital of New 
 Granada, ruin and devastation marking his progress. In a 
 despatch to Ferdinand, which was intercepted, he wrote : " Every person of 
 either sex who was capable of reading and writing was put to death. By 
 thus cutting off all who were in any way educated, I hoped to effectually 
 arrest the spirit of revolution." 
 
 An insight into Morillo's methods of coping with the " spirit of revo- 
 lution " is furnished by his treatment of those he found in the opulent city 
 
BOLIVAR, THE LIBERATOR OF SPANISH AMERICA 133 
 
 of Maturin on its capture. Dissatisfied with the treasure he found there, he 
 suspected tlie people of wealth to have anticipated his arrival by burying 
 their property. To fmd out the supposed buried treasure, he had all those 
 whom he regarded as likely to know where it was hidden collected together, 
 and, to make them confess, had the soles of their feet cut off, and then had 
 them driven over hot sand. Many of the victims of this horrid piece of 
 cruelty survived, and were subsequently seen by those that have narrated it. 
 
 At the commencement of the war, with the exception of the little band 
 on the island of Margarita, the patriotic cause was represented by a ft-w 
 scattered groups along the banks of the Orinoco, on the plains of Barcelona' 
 and of Casanare. These groups pursued a kind of guerilla warfare, quitL' 
 independently of one another, and withoMt any plan to achieve. They were 
 kt-pt together by the fact that submission meant death. The leader of one 
 of tliese groups, Paez by name, presents one of the most pic- Paez the Guer. 
 turesque and striking characters that history has produced. ilia and HU 
 1 le was a Llanero, or native of the elevated plains of Barinas, Exploits 
 and quite illiterate. As owner of herds of half-wild cattle, he became chief 
 of a band of herdsmen, which he organized into an army, known as the 
 " Guides of the Apure,'' a tributary of the Orinoco, and whose banks were 
 the ])ase of Paez's operations. Only one of his many daring exploits can be 
 hrre recorded. That occurred on the 3rd of June, 1S19, when Paez was 
 opposing the advance of Morillo himself. With 150 picked horsemen, he 
 swam the river Orinoco anci galloped towards the Spanish camp. " Eight 
 hundred of the royalist cavalry," writes W. Pilling, General Mitres trans- 
 lator, "with two small guns, sallied out to meet him. He slowly retreated, 
 drawing them on to a place called Las Oueseras del Medio, where a bat- 
 talion of infantr}' lay in ambush by the river. Then, splitting his men into 
 groups of twenty, he charged the enemy on all sides, forcing them under 
 the lire of the infantry, and recrossed the river with two killed and a few 
 wounded, leaving the plain strewn with the dead of the enemy." 
 
 While Paez's dashing exploits were inspiring the revolutionary leaders 
 with fresh courage, which enabled them at least to hold their own, a system 
 of enlisting volunteers was instituted in London by Don Luis Lopes 
 Mendez, representative of the republic. The Napoleonic wars being over, 
 the European powers were unable to reduce their swollen armaments, and 
 English and German officers entered into contracts with Mendez to take out 
 to \'enezuela organized corps of artillery, lancers, hussars, and rifles. On 
 enlisting, soldiers received a bounty of ^20 ; their pay was 2s. a day and 
 rations, and at the end of the war they were promised ^125 and an allot- 
 ment of land. The first expedition lo leave England comprised 120 hu.ssars 
 
134 BOLIVAR, 7 HE LIBERATOR OF SPANISH AMERICA 
 
 and lancers, under Colonel Hippisley ; this body became the basis of a corps 
 of regular cavalry. The nucleus of a battalion of riflemen was taken out 
 British Sottiiers ^V Colonel Campbell ; and a subaltern, named Gilmour, with 
 Join the In. the title of colonel, formed with 90 men the basis of a brigade 
 surgents of artillery. General English, who had served in the Peninsular 
 
 War under Wellington, contracted with Mendez to take out a force of 1,200 
 Englishmen ; 500 more went out under Colonel Elsom, who also brought 
 out 300 Germans under Colonel Uzlar. General MacGregor took 800, and 
 General Devereux took out the Irish Legion, in which was a son of the 
 Irish tribune, Daniel O'Connell. Smaller contingents also went to the seat 
 of war ; these mentioned, however, were the chief, and without their aid 
 Bolivar was wont to confess that he would have failed. 
 
 Now it was that a brilliant idea occurred to Bolivar. He had already 
 sent 1,200 muskets and a group of officers to General Santander, who was 
 the leader of the patriots on the plains of Casanare. This enabled Sant- 
 ander to increase his forces from amongst the scattered patriots in that 
 neighborhood. He thereupon began to threaten the frontier of New 
 Granada, with the result that General Barreiro, who had been left in com- 
 mand of that province by Morillo, deemed it advisable to march against him 
 and crush his growing power. Santander's forces, however, though inferior 
 in number, were too full of enthusiasm for Barreiro's soldiers — reduced to 
 a half-hearted condition from being forced to take part in cruelties that they 
 gained nothing from, except the odium of the people they moved amongst 
 Bolivar's Plan BarreIro, accordingly, was diiven back; and, on receiving the 
 to Invade news of Santander's success, Bolivar at once formed the con- 
 
 New Granada ^-gp^JQi^ ^f crossing the Andes and driving the Spaniards out 
 of New Granada. The event proved that this was the true plan of cam- 
 paign for the patriots. Already they had lost three campaigns through en- 
 deavoring to dislodge the Spaniards from their strongest positions, which 
 were in Venezuela; now, by gaining New Granada, they would win prestige 
 and consolidate their power there for whatever further efforts circumstances 
 j might demand. 
 
 Thus, as It has been described, did the veil drop from Bolivar's eyes , 
 and so confident was he of ultimate success, that he issued to the people of 
 New Granada this proclamation : " The day of America has come ; no 
 human power can stay the course of Nature guided by Providence. Before 
 the sun has again run his annual course, altars to Liberty will arise through- 
 out your land." 
 
 Bolivar Immediately prepared to carry out his Idea, and on the nth of 
 June, 1 8 19, he joined Santander at the foot of the Andes, bringing with 
 
BOLIWIR, I llli LIBERATOR OF SPANISH AMERICA 135 
 
 him four hattalions of infantry, of which ont; — tht; "Albion " —was composed 
 entirely of Enij^lish soldiers — two scjuadrons of lancers, one of carabineers, 
 and a regiment called the " Guides of the Apure," part of which were Eng- 
 lish — in all 2,500 men. To join Santander was no easy task, for it involved 
 the crossiig of an immense plain covered with water at this season of the 
 year, and the swimming of seven deep rivers — war materials, of course, 
 having to be taken along as well. This, however, was only a foretaste of 
 tlie still greater difficulties that lay before the venturesome band. 
 
 General Santander led the van with his Casanare troops, and entered 
 the mountain defiles by a road leading to the centre of the province of 
 Tunja, which was held by Colonel Barreiro with 2,000 infantry 
 and 400 horse. The royalists had also a reserve of 1,000 o%he Amf 
 troops at Bogota, the capital of New Granada ; at Cartagena, 
 and in the valley of Cauca were other detachments, and there was another 
 royalist army at Quito. Bolivar, however, trusted to surprise and to the 
 support of the inhabitants to overcome the odds that were against him. As 
 the invading army left the plains for the mountains the scene changed. The 
 snowy peaks of the eastern range of the Cordillera appeared in the dis- 
 tance, while, instead of the peaceful lake through which they had waded, 
 they were met by great masses of water tumbling from the heights. The 
 roads ran along the edge of precipices and were bordered by gigantic trees, 
 upon whose tops rested the clouds, which dissolved themselves in Incessant 
 rain. After four days' march the horses were foundered ; an entire squad- 
 ron of Llaneros deserted on finding themselves on foot. The torrents were 
 crossed on narrow trembling bridges formed of trunks of trees, or by means 
 of the aerial " taravitas."* Where they were fordable, the current was so 
 strong that the infantry had to pass two by two with their arms thrown 
 round each other's shoulders ; and woe to him who lost his footin(T — he lost 
 his life too. Bolivar frequently passed and re-passed these torrents on horse 
 back, carrying behind him the sick and weakly, or the women who accom- 
 panied his men. 
 
 The temperature was moist and warm; life was supportable with the aid 
 of a little firewood ; but as they ascended the mountain the scene chanf^ed 
 again. Immense rocks piled one upon another, and hills of snow, bounded 
 the view on every side ; below lay the clouds, veiling the depths of the 
 abyss ; an ice-cold wind cut through the stoutest clothing. At these heio-hts 
 no other noise is heard save that of the roaring torrents left behind, and the 
 
 • Uridines made uf several Ihon^s of hide twisted Into a stout lope well gicascd and 'ccurcd to trees on opposite baDks. 0« 
 the rope is suspended a cradle or hammock to hold two. and drawn backwards and forwards by loU{j Uues. Horses »u<i tuulea w«r« 
 Also thus cuuvcyed. suspended by long girths round tbeir todies 
 
 s 
 
136 BOLIVAR, THE LIBERATOR OF SFANISH AMERICA 
 
 scream of the condor circling- round the snowy peaks above. Vegetation 
 disappears ; only lichens are to be seen clinging- to the rock, and a tall plant, 
 bearing plumes instead of leaves, and crowned with yellow flowers, resembling 
 a funeral torch. To make the scene more dreary yet, the path was marked 
 out by crosses erected in memory of travellers who had perished by the 
 way. 
 
 On entering this glacial region the provisions gave out ; the cattle they 
 had brought with them as their chief resource could go no farther. The}- 
 reached the summit by the Paya pass, where a battalion could hold an army 
 m check. It was held by an outpost of 300 men, who were dislodged by 
 the vanguard under Santander without much difficulty. 
 
 The Terror of Now the men began to murmur, and Bolivar called a 
 
 the Moun- council of war, to which he showed that still greater difficul- 
 
 ^'"^ ties lay before them, and asked if they would persevere or 
 
 return. All were of opinion that they should go on, a decision which infused 
 
 fresh spirit into the weary troops. 
 
 In this passage more than one hundred men died of cold, fifty of whom 
 were Englishmen ; no horse had survived. It was necessary to leave the 
 spare arms, and even some of those that were carried by the soldiers. It 
 was a mere skeleton of an army which reached the beautiful x'alley of .Saga- 
 moso, in the heart of the province of Tunja, on the- 6th of July, 1S19 
 Prom this point Bolivar sent back assistance to the stragglers left behind, 
 collected horses, and detached parties to scour the country around and 
 communicate with some few guerillas who still roamed about. 
 
 Meanwhile, Barreiro was still in ignorance of Bolivar's arrival. Indeed, 
 he had supposed the passage of the Cordillera at that season impossible. 
 As soon, however, as he did learn of his enemy's proximity, he collected his 
 forces and took possession of the heights above the plains of Vargas, thus 
 interposing between the patriots and the town of Tunja, which, being at- 
 tached to the independent cause, Bolivar was anxious to enter. The oppos- 
 ing armies met on the 25th of July, and engaged in battle for five hours. 
 The patriots v/on, chiefly through the English infantry, led by Colonel 
 James Rooke, who was himself wounded and had an arm shot off. Still, 
 the action had been indecisive, and the royalist power remained unbroken. 
 Bolivar's Meth. Bolivar now deceived Barreiro by retreating in the daytime, 
 ods of Fight- rapidly counter-marching, and passing the royalist army in the 
 '"^ dark through by-roads. On August 5th he captured Tunja, 
 
 where he found an abundance of war material, and by holding which he cut 
 Barreiro's communication with Bogota, the capital. It was in rapid movements 
 like these that the strength- of Bolivar's generalship lay. Freed from the 
 
BOLIVAR. Tin-: rjni'.RATOR or spAf^rsn A.irnRicA ^7,^ 
 
 shackles of inilitar\- rnutiiu- that enslaved the Spanish nfticers. he astonished 
 tiicin liy forced marches over roads pre\ioiisl\' deenicil imf)racticable to a 
 ret,nilar arin\-. While they were manceuvriny, hesitating, calculating, guard- 
 ing the customary avenues of approach, he surprised them by concentrating 
 a superior force upon a point where they least expected an attack, threw 
 them Into confusion, and cut up their troops in detail. Thus it happens 
 tiiat Bolivar's actions in the field do not lend themselves to the same im- 
 pressive exposition as do those of less notable generals. 
 
 Barreiro, finding himself shut out from Tunja, fell back upon Venta 
 Ouemada, where a general action took place. The country was mountain- 
 ous and woody, and well suited to Bolivar's characteristic tactics. He placed 
 a large part of his troops in ambush, got his cavalry in the enemy's rear, and 
 presented only a small front. This the t-nemy attacked furiously, and with 
 apparent success. It was only a stratagem, however, for as they drove back 
 Bolivar's front, the troops in ambush sallied forth and attacked them in the 
 Hanks, while the cavalry attacked them in the rear. Thus were the Span- 
 iards surrounded. General Barreiro was taken prisoner on the field of battle. 
 On finding his capture to be inevitable, he threw away his sword that he 
 might not have the mortification of surrendering it to Bolivar. His second 
 ill loinniand, Colonel Ximenes, was also taken, as were also almost all the 
 commandants and majors of the corp.s, a multitude of inferior officers, and 
 more than 1,600 men. All their arms, ammunition, artillery, horses, etc., 
 likewise fell into the patriots' hands. Hardly fifty men escaped, and among 
 these were some chiefs and officers of cavalry, who fled before 
 the battle was decided. Those who escaped, however, had ^^^ Boyaca 
 only the surrounding country to escape into, and there they were 
 captured by the peasantry, who bound them and brought them in as prisoners 
 The patriot loss was incredibly small — only 13 killed and 53 wounded. 
 
 At Boyaca the English auxiliaries were seen for the first time under fire, 
 and so gratified was Bolivar with their behavior, that he made them all mem- 
 bers of the Order of the Liberator. 
 
 Thus was won Boyaca, which, after Maypu, is the great battle of South 
 America. It gave the preponderance to the patriot arms in the north of the 
 continent, as Maypu had done in the south. It gave New Granada to the 
 patriots, and isolated Morillo in Venezuela. 
 
 Nothing now remained for Bolivar to do but to reach Bogota, the capi- 
 tal, and assume the reins of government, for already the Spanish officials, 
 much to the relief of the inhabitants, had fled. So, with a smaH escort, he 
 rode forward, and entered the city on August loth, amid the acclamations 
 of the populace. 
 
138 BOLIVAR, THE LIBERATOR OF SPANISH AMERICA 
 
 The final battle in this Implacable war took place in 1821 at Carabobo, 
 
 where the Spaniards met with a total defeat, losing more than 
 Bolivar and the ^ t-i • 1 1 i 1 i o • 1 ■ 1 j 
 
 Peruvians 0,000 men. 1 his closed the struggle, the bpaniards withdrew, 
 
 and a republic was organized with Bolivar as president. In 
 1823 he aided the Peruvians in gaining their independence, and was de- 
 clared their liberator and given supreme authority. For two years he ruled 
 as dictator, and then resigned, giving the country a republican constitution. 
 The people of the upper section of Peru organized a commonwealth of their 
 own, which they named Bolivia, in honor of their liberator, while the con- 
 gress of Lima elected him president for life. 
 
 Meanwhile Chili had won its liberty in 181 7 as a result of the victory 
 The Freeing of ^^ Maypu, above mentioned, and Buenos Ayres had similarly 
 the other fought for and gained independence. In North America a 
 
 o onies similar struggle for liberty had gone on, and with like result, 
 
 Central America and Mexico winning their freedom after years of struggle 
 and scenes of devastation and cruelty such as those above mentioned. At 
 the opening of the nineteenth century Spain held a dominion of continental 
 dimensions in America. At the close of the first quarter of the century, as 
 a result of her mediceval methods of administration, she had lost all her posses- 
 sions on the western continent except the two islands of Cuba and Porto 
 Rico. Yet, learning nothing from her losses, she pursued the same methods 
 in these fragments of her dominions, and before the close of the century 
 these also were torn from her hands. Cruelty and oppression had borne 
 their legitimate fruits, and Spain, solely through her own fault, had lost the 
 final relics of her magnificent colonial empire. 
 
BENJAMIN msK^VJil.l nil 'lAM I'lTT 
 
 GRKAT i:.\GI,ISU STATESMEN 
 
CHAPTI'R VI IT. 
 
 Great Britain as a World Empire. 
 
 ON the western edg^e of the continent of Europe Hes the island of 
 Great. Britain, in the remote past a part of the continent, but long 
 ages ago cut off by the British Channel. Divorced from the mainland, 
 left like a waif in the western sea, peopled by men with their own interests 
 and aims, it might naturaHy be expected to have enough to attend to at 
 home and to take no part in continental affairs. 
 
 Such was the case originall)-. The island lay apart, almost unknown, 
 and was, in a sense, "discovered" by the Roman conquerors. But new 
 
 people came to it, the Antrlo-Sa.vons, and subsequently the .„. . , 
 
 '^"^ .* .. ' •'. The Adventur- 
 
 Normans, both of them scions of that stirring race of Vikings ©us Disposi- 
 
 who made the seas their own centuries ago and descended *'"" ^^ *''^ 
 
 , ,1 , , r r- 1 M 1 • British People 
 
 m conquering mroads on all the snores ot burope, while their 
 
 darings keels cut the waters of far-off Greenland and touched upon the 
 
 American coast. This people — stirring, aggressive, fearless — made a new 
 
 destiny for Great Britain. Their island shores were too narrow to hold 
 
 them, and they set out on hold ventures in all seas. Their situation was a 
 
 happy one for a nation of tlaring navigators and aggressive warriors. 
 
 Europe lay to the east, the world to the west. As a result the British 
 
 islands ha\e i:)layed a leading part alike in the affairs of Europe and of the 
 
 world. 
 
 France, the ne.xt door nt^ighbor of Gr^'at iiritaiii, was long its prey. 
 While, after the memorable invasion of William of Normandy, France never 
 succeeded in transporting an army to the island shores, and Hostility of 
 even Napoleon failed utterly in his stupendous expedition, England to 
 the islanders sent army after army to France, defeated its France 
 chivalry on many a hard-fought field, ravaged its most fertile domains, and 
 for a time held it as a vassal realm of the British King. 
 
 All this is matter of far-past history. But the old feeling was promi- 
 nently shown again in the Napoleonic wars, when Great Britain resumed 
 her attitude of enmity to France, and pursued the conqueror with an 
 unrelenting hostility that finally ended in his overthrow. Only for this 
 nggressive island Europe might have remained the bound slave of Napo- 
 
 (141) 
 
142 GREAT DRirAIN AS A WORLD EMPIRE 
 
 Icon's whims. He could conquer his enemies on land, but the people of 
 England lay beyond his reach. Every fleet he sent to sea was annihilated 
 by his island foes. They held the empire of the waters as he did that of 
 the land. Enraged against these ocean hornets, he sought to repeat the 
 enterprise of William of Normany, but if his miglity Boulogne expedition 
 had put to sea it would probably have met the fate of the Armada of Spain. 
 Great Britain was impregnable. The conqueror of Europe chafed against 
 its assaults in vain. This little island of the west was destined to be the 
 main agent in overthrowing the great empire that his military genius had built. 
 The Vast In- Great Britain, small as it was, had grown, by the open- 
 
 dustries of ing of the nineteenth centur)', to be the leading power in 
 Great Britain ];uropt,'. Its industries, its commerce, its enterprise had ex- 
 panded enormously. It had become the great workshop and the chief 
 ciistributor of the world. The raw material of the nations flowed through 
 its ports, the finished products of mankind poured from its looms, London 
 became the great money centre of the world, and the industrious and enter- 
 prising islanders grew enormously rich, while few steps of progress and 
 enterprise showed themselves in an)' of the nations of the continent. 
 
 It was with its money-liags that England fought against the conqueror. 
 It could not conveniently send men, but it could send money and supplies 
 to the warring nations, and by its influence and aid it formed coalition after 
 coalition against Napoleon, each harder to overthrow than the last. Every 
 peace that the Corsican won by his victories was overthrown by England's 
 influence. Her envoys haunted every court, whispering hostility in the 
 
 ^ , ^ ears of monarchs, planniuLj", intriyuincr instiofatinof, threaten- 
 How England . . ' &'&&'&&' 
 
 Fought ing, in a thousand ways working against his plans, and unre- 
 
 Against Na- lentingly bent upon his overthrow. It was fitting, then, that 
 an English general should give Napoleon the coup de grace, 
 and that he should die a prisoner in English hands. 
 
 Chief among those to whom Napoleon owes his overthrow was William 
 Pitt, prime minister of England during the first period of his career of con- 
 quest, and his unrelenting enemy. It was Pitt that organized Europe 
 against him, that kept the British fleet alert and expended the British 
 revenues without stint against this disturber of the peace of the nations, 
 and that formed the policy which Great Britain, after the short interval 
 of the ministry of Fox, continued to pursue until his final defeat was 
 achieved. 
 
 Whether this policy was a wise one is open to question. It may be 
 that Great Britain caused more harm than it cured. Only for its persistant 
 hostility the rapid succession of Napoleonic wars might not have taken place, 
 
GREAT BRITAIN AS A WORLD EMPIRE 143 
 
 and much of the terrible bloodshed and misery caused by them might have 
 been obviated. It seems to have been, in its way, disastrous vvas F.n>cUnd'8 
 to the interests of mankind. Napoleon, it is true, had no Policy .-» Wise 
 regard for the stability of dynasties and kingdoms, but he "^ 
 wrought for the overthrow of the old-time tyranny, and his marches and 
 campaigns had the effect of stirring up the dormant peoples of Europe, and 
 spreading far and wide that doctrine of human equality and the rights of 
 man which was the outcome of the French Revolution. Had he been 
 permitted to die in peace upon the throne and transmit his crown to his 
 descendant, the- long era of reaction would doubtless have been avoided 
 and the people of Europe have become the freer and happier as a result of 
 Napoleon's work. 
 
 The people of Gn-at Britain had no reason to thank their ministers for 
 their polic\'. The cost of the war, fought largely with the purse, had been 
 enormous, anil the public debt of the kingdom was so greatly increased 
 that its annual interest amounted to $150,000,000. But the country 
 emerged from the mighty struggle with a vast growth in power and pres- 
 tige. It was recognized as the true leader in the great contest and had 
 lifted itself to the foremost position in European politics. ThePre'^tige 
 On land it had waged the only successful campaign against Gained by 
 Napoleon previous to that of the disastrous Russian e.xpedi- ^^^ " '" 
 tion. At sea it had destroyed all opposing fleets, and reigned the unques- 
 tioned mistress of the ocean except in American waters, where alone her 
 proud ships had met defeat. 
 
 The islands of Great Britain and Ireland had ceased to represent the 
 dominions uniUr tlie rule of the British king. In the West Indies new 
 islands had been addeil to his colonial possessions. In the East Indies he 
 had become master of an imperial domain far surpassing the mother 
 country in size and population, and with untold possibilities of wealth. In 
 North America the great colony of Canada was growing in population 
 and prosperity. Island after island was being added to his possessions in 
 the Eastern seas. Among these was the continental island of Australia, 
 then in its early stage of colonization. The possession of Great Extension 
 Gibraltar and Malta, the protectorate over the Ionian Islands, ot England's 
 and the right of free navigation on the Dardanells gave Great ooi'es 
 Britain the controlling power in the Mediterranean; And Cape Colony, 
 which she received as a result of the Treaty of Vienna, was the entering 
 wedge for a great dominion in South Africa. 
 
 Thus Great Britain had attained the position and dimensions of a 
 
f44 GREAT hK.1 IAIN AS A IVOR/ J) J-:M/'IR/i 
 
 world-empire. Her colonies lay in all continents and spread through all 
 The Wars of s(;as, and they ummt. U) orow during the century until they 
 the World- enormously excelleil the home country in dimensions, popu- 
 .nipno lalioii, and natural wealth. The British Islands were merely 
 
 the heart, the vital ccnlie of the great system, while the body and limbs 
 lay afar, in Canada, India, South Africa, Australia and elsewhere. 
 
 But the world-empire of Great Britain was not alone one of peaceful 
 'IracU; and rapid accumulation of wealth, but of wars sprc;ad through all the 
 continents, war becoming a permanent feature of its history in the nine- 
 teenth century. After the Napoleonic period England waged only one 
 war in Europe, the Crimean ; but elsewhere her troops were almost con- 
 stantly engaged. Now they were fighting with the Boers and the Zulus 
 of South Africa, now with the Arabs on the Nile, now with the wild trilxis 
 of the Himalayas, now with the natives of New Zealand, now with the 
 half savage Abyssinians. Hardly a year has passed without a fight of some 
 sort, far from the centre of this vast dominion, while for years England 
 and Russia have stood face to face on the nortli(;rn borders of India, 
 threatening at any moment to become involved in a terrible struggle for 
 dominion. 
 
 And the stantling of Great Britain as a world power lay not alone in 
 her vast colonial dominion and her earth-wide wars, but also in the extra- 
 ordinary enterprise that carried her ships to all seas, and made her the 
 commercial emiiorium of the world. Not only to her own colonies, but to 
 all lands, sailed her enormous fleet cf merchantmen, gathering the products 
 of the earth, to be consumed at home or distributed again to the nations of 
 Europe and America. She hatl assumed the position of the purveyor and 
 carrier for mankind. 
 
 This was not all. Great Britain was in a large measure, the producer 
 for mankind. Manufacturing enterprise and industry had grown im- 
 mensely on her soil, and countless factories, forges and other workshops 
 turned out finished goods with a speed and profusion undreamed of before. 
 The preceding cenlur\- had been one of active invention, its vital proiluct 
 being the steam engine, that wonder-worker which at a touch was to over- 
 turn the old individual lal)or system of the world, and rejjlace it witli the 
 congregate, factory system that has revolutionized the industries of man- 
 kind. The steam engine stimulated invention extraordinarily. Machines for 
 Manufacturing; spinning, weaving, iron-making, and a thousand other pur- 
 and Inventive poses came rapidly into use, and by their aid one; of the greatest 
 *^ '^' ^ steps of progress in the history of mankind took place, the 
 
 grand nineteenth century revolution in methods of production 
 
Gh-EAT BRITAIN AS A WuRI.D hMl'IRE 145 
 
 Great Britain did not content herself with ^'oinj^ aijroad for the ma- 
 terials of her active industries. She duj^ her way into the bowels (jI the 
 earth, tore from the rocks its treasures of coal and iron, and thus obtained 
 the necessary fuel for her furnaces and metal for her machines. The whole 
 i land resounded with the rinj^Mn^ of hammers and rattle of wheels, goods were 
 ;iroduced very far beyond the capacity of the island for their consump- 
 t on, and the vast surplus was sent abroad to all quarters of the earth, to 
 i.i')the .savages in far-off regions and to furnish articles of use and luxury 
 to the most enlightened of the nations. To the ship as a carrier was soon 
 added the locomotive and its cars, conveying these products 
 inland with unprecedented speed from a thousand ports. And "r^^^'^'^^i 
 from America came the parallel discovery of the steamship, 
 signalling the close of the long centuries of dominion of the sail. Years 
 went on and still the power and prestige of Great Britain grew, still its 
 industry and commerce spread and expanded, still its colonies increased in 
 population and new lands were added to the sum, until the island-empire 
 stood foremost in industr)- and enterprise among the nations of the world, 
 and its people reached the summit of their [prosperity. From this lofty 
 elevation was to come, in the later years of the century, a slow but inevi- 
 table decline, as the United States and the leading European nations 
 developed in industry, and rivals to the productive and commercial supre- 
 macy of the British islanders began to arise in various quarters of the earth. 
 
 It cannot be said that the industrial prosperity of Great Britain, while 
 of advantage to her people as a whole, was necessarily so to individuals. 
 While one portion of the nation amassed enormous wealth, the bulk of the 
 people sank into the deepest poverty. The factory system brought with it 
 oppression and misery which it would need a century of indus- 
 
 . , , ,^1 1 1 1 • Disasirous 
 
 trial revolt to overcome. 1 he costly wars, the crushmg taxa- Effect on thc 
 
 tion, the oppressive corn-laws, which forbade the importation People of the 
 
 of foreign corn, the extravagant expenses of the court and .^^ '" 
 
 salaries of officials, all conspired to depress the people. Manu- 
 
 facturies fell Into the hands of the few, and a vast number of artisans were 
 
 forced to live from hand to mouth, and to labor for long hours on pinching 
 
 wages. Estates were similarly accumulated in the hands of the few, and 
 
 the small land-owner and trader tended to disappear. Everything was 
 
 taxed to the utmost it would bear, while government remained blind to 
 
 the needs and sufferings of the people and made no effort to decrease the 
 
 prevailing misery. 
 
 Thus it came about* that the era of Great Britain's greatest prosperity 
 
 and supremacy as a world-power was the one of greatest industrial oppres 
 
146 GREAT BRITAIN AS A WORLD EMPIRE 
 
 sion and misery at home, a period marlced by rebellious uprisings among 
 the people, to be repressed with cruel and bloody severity. It was a 
 period of industrial transition, in whicli the government flourished and the 
 people suffered, and in which the seeds of revolt and revolution were 
 widely spread on every hand. 
 
 This state of affairs cannot be said to have ended. In truth the pre- 
 sent condition of affairs is one that tends to its aggravation. Neither the 
 manufacturing nor commercial supremacy of Great Britain are what they once 
 were. In Europe, Germany has come into the field as a formidable com- 
 petitor, and is gaining a good development in manufacturing industry. The 
 same must be said of the United States, the products of whose workshops 
 have increased to an enormous extent, and whose commerce has grown to 
 suppass that of any other nation on the earth. The laboring population of 
 Great Britian has severely felt the effects of this active rivalry, and is but 
 slowly adapting itself to the new conditions which it has brought about, the 
 slow but sure revolution in thp. status of the world's industries. 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 The Great Reform Bill and the Corn Laws. 
 
 AT the close of the last chapter we delected the miseries of the people 
 of (jreat Britain, due to the revokition in the system of industry, 
 the vast (expenses of the Napoleonic wars, the extravagance of the 
 government, and the blindness of Parliament to the condition of the 
 working classes. The situation had grown intolerable ; it was widely felt 
 that something must be done ; if affairs were allowed to go on as they were 
 the people might rise in a revolt that would widen into revolution. A 
 general outbreak seemed at hand. To use the language of a Period of 
 the times, tlie '' Red Cock " was crowing in the rural districts. Riot and 
 That is, inccntliary fires were being kindled in a hundred "*"" 
 places. In the centres of manufacture similar signs of discontent a[> 
 pcared. rumultuous meetings were held, riots broke out, bloody collisions 
 with the troops took place. Daily and hourly the situation was growing 
 more critical. The people were in that state of exasperation that is the 
 preliminary stage of insurrection. 
 
 Two things they strongly demanded, reform in Parliament and repeal 
 of the Corn Laws. It is with these two questions, reform and repeal, that 
 we propose to deal in this chapter. 
 
 The British Parliament, it is scarcely necessary to say. is composed of 
 two bodies, the House of Lords and the House of Commons. The formei 
 represents the aristocratic element of the nation; — in short, it The Parliament 
 represents simply its members, since they hold their seats as ofOreat 
 a privilege of their titles, and have only their own inter- "^ " 
 ests to consider, though the interests of their class go with their own. 
 The latter are supposed to represent thv^, people, but up to the time with 
 which we are now concerned they had never fully done so ; and they 
 ilid so now less than ever, since the right to vote for them was reserved to 
 a few thbusands of the rich. 
 
 In the year 1830, indeed, the House of Commons had almost ceased to 
 represent the people at all. Its seats were distributed in accordance with 
 a system that had scarcely changed in the least for two hundred years. 
 
 (■47) 
 
148 THE GREAT REFORM DILL AND THE CORN LAW5 
 
 The idea of distributing- the members in accordance with tlie population 
 was scarcely thought of, and a state of affairs had arisen which was as 
 absurd as it was unjust. For during these two hundred years great changes 
 Two Centu- ^'^^^ taken place in England. What were mere villages or 
 ries of open plains had become flourishing commercial or manufactur- 
 
 ^"^* ing cities. Manchester, Leeds, Sheffield, Liverpool, and 
 
 other centres of industry had become seats of great and busy populations. 
 On the other hand, flourishing towns had decayed, ancient boroughs had 
 become practically extinct. Thus there had been great changes in the dis- 
 tribution of population, but the distribution of seats in Parliament remained 
 the same. 
 
 As a result of this state of affairs the great industrial towns, Manches- 
 ter, Birmingham, Sheffield, Leeds, and others, with their hundreds of thou- 
 sands of people, did not send a single member to Parliament, while places 
 with only a handful of voters were duly represented, and even places with 
 
 „. . , . J no voters at all sent members to Parliament. Land-holding 
 Disfranchised , , ^ 
 
 Cities and lords nominated and elected those, generally selecting the 
 
 Rotten Bo- younger sons of noble families, and thus a large number of 
 roughs 1 ,, • r 1 1 >' 11 1 
 
 the representatives 01 the people really represented no one 
 
 but the gentry to whom they owed their places. " Rotten " boroughs these 
 
 were justly called, but they were retained by the stolid conservatism with 
 
 which the genuine Briton clings to things and conditions of the past. 
 
 The peculiar state of affairs was picturesquely pointed out by Lord 
 John Russell in a speech in 1831. "A stranger," he said, "who was told 
 that this country is unparalleled in wealth and industry, and more civilized 
 and enlightened than any country was before it — that it is a country which 
 prides itself upon its freedom, and which once In seven years elects repre- 
 sentatives from its population to act as the guardians and preservers of that 
 freedom — would be anxious and curious to see how that representation is 
 formed, and how the people choose their representatives. 
 
 " Such a person would be very much astonished if he were taken to a 
 
 ruined mound and told that that mound sent two representatives to Parlia- 
 
 _. „ ment ; if he were taken ts a stone wall and told that these 
 
 sented by niches In it sent two representatives to Parliament ; If he were 
 
 Lord.iohn taken to a park, where no houses were to be seen' and told 
 
 that that park sent two representatives to Parliament. But 
 
 he would be still more astonished If he were to see large and opulent towns, 
 
 full of enterprise and industry and intelligence, containing vast magazines 
 
 of every species of manufacture, and were then told that these towns sent 
 
 no representatives to Parliament 
 
WILLIAM BLACK. 
 
 WALTKK BESANr. 
 
 POPULAR WRITERS OF FICTION. 
 
 GKiiRr.K MACDONALD. 
 
JOHN MORIJ.Y. A. J. BALFOUR. 
 
 ENGLISH STATESMEN IN LITERATURE. 
 
THE GREAT RHFOR.U BILL AND TLIE CORN LAWS 15; 
 
 "Such a person would be still more astonished if he were taken to 
 Liverpool, where there is a lar^^e constituenc)', and told, ' Here you will 
 have a fine specimen of a popular election.' He would see bribery 
 employed to the greatest extent and in the most unblushing manner ; he 
 would see every voter receiving a number of guineas in a bag as the price 
 of his corruption ; and after such a spectacle he would be, no doubt, mucii 
 astonished that a nation whose representatives are thus chosen, could per 
 form the functions of legislation at all, or enjoy res[)cct in any degree." 
 
 Such was the state of affairs when there came to England the news of 
 
 the quiet but effective French Revolution of 1830. Its effect in England 
 
 was a stern demand for the reform of this mockery miscalled House of 
 
 Commons, of this lie that claimed to represent the English people. We 
 
 have not told the whole story of the transparent falsehood. Two years 
 
 before no man could be a member of Parliament who did not belong to the 
 
 Church of England. No Dissenter could hold any public office in the 
 
 kingdom. The multitudes of Methodists, Presbyterians, Baptists, and 
 
 other dissenting sects were excluded from anv share in the ^, 
 
 ,° . ' ^ . Dissenters ant^ 
 
 government The same was the case with the Catholics, catholics 
 few in England, but forming the bulk of the population of Admitted to 
 Ireland. This evil, so far as all but the Catholics were con- 
 cerned, was removed by Act of Parliament in 1828. The struggle for 
 Catholic liberation was conducted in Ireland by Daniel O'Connell, the most 
 eloquent and patriotic of its orators. He was sneered at by Lord Welling- 
 ton, then prime minister of Great Britain. But when it was seen that all 
 Ireland was backing her orator the Iron Duke gave way, and a Catholic 
 Relief Bill was passed in icSsg, giving Catholics the right to hold all but the 
 highest offices of the realm. In 1830, instigated by the revolution in 
 France, the great fight for the reform of Parliamentary representation began. 
 
 The question was not a new one. It had been raised by Cromwell, 
 nearly two hundred years before. It had been brought forward a number 
 of times during the eighteenth century. It was revived in 1809 and again 
 in 182 1, but public opinion did not come strongly to its support until 1830 
 George IV., its strong opponent, died in that year; William IV., a king 
 more in its favor, came to the throne ; the government of the bitterly con- 
 servative Duke of Wellington was defeated and Earl Grey, a Liberal 
 minister, took his place ; the time was evidently ripe for reform, and soon 
 the great fight was on. 
 
 The people of England looked upon the reform of Parliament as a 
 restoring to them of their lost liberties, and their feelings were deeply 
 enlisted in the event. When, on the ist of March, 1831, the bill was 
 
152 THE GREAT REFORM BILL AND THE CORN LAWS 
 
 brought into the House of Commons, the public interest was intense. For 
 
 hours eager crowds waited in the streets, and when the doors of the 
 
 Parliament house were opened every Inch of room in the 
 
 Introduced galleries was quickly filled, while for hundreds of others no 
 room was to be had. 
 The debate opened with the speech by Lord John Russell from which 
 we have quoted. In the bill offered by him he proposed to disfranchise 
 entirely sixty-two of the rotten boroughs, each of which had less than 2,000 
 inhabitants ; to reduce forty-seven others, with less than 4,000 inhabitants, 
 to one member each; and to distribute the 16S members thus unseated 
 among the populous towns, districts, and counties which either had no 
 members at all, or a number out of all proportion to their population. 
 Also the suffrage was to be extended, the hours for voting shortened, and 
 other reforms adopted. 
 
 The bill was debated, pro and con, with all the eloquence then in Par- 
 liament. Vigorously as it was presented, the opposing elements were too 
 strong, and its consideration ended in defeat by a majority of eight. Par- 
 The Fate of liament was immediately dissolved by the premier, and an 
 
 Reform in appeal was made to the people. The result showed the 
 
 Parliament strength of the public sentiment, limited as the suffrage then 
 was. The new Parliament contained a large majority of reformers, and 
 when the bill was again presented it was carried by a majority of 106. On 
 the evening of its passage it was taken by Earl Grey into the House of 
 Lords, where it was eloquently presented by the prime minister and bitterly 
 attacked by Lord Brougham, who declared that it would utterly over- 
 whelm the aristocratic part of the House. His view was that of his 
 fellows, and the Reform Bill was thrown out by a majority of forty-one. 
 
 Instantly, on the news of this action of the Lords, the whole country 
 blazed into a state of excitement and disorder only surpassed by that of 
 civil war. The people were bitterly in earnest in their demand for reform, 
 England on the their feelings being wrought up to an intense pitch of excite- 
 
 Verge of ment. Riots broke out in all sections of the country. 
 
 Kevo u ion London seethed with excitement. The peers were mobbed 
 in the streets and hustled and assaulted wherever seen. They made their 
 way to the House only through a throng howling for reform. Those 
 known to have voted against the bill were in peril of their lives, some being 
 forced to fly over housetops to escape the fury of the people. Angry 
 debates arose in the House of Lords in which even the Bishops took an 
 ( \cit(Hl part. The Commons was like a bear-pit, a mass of furioLisly 
 
THE GREAT REFORM lUl.l. ANI^ THE CORN LAWS 153 
 
 wraivj^lini:^ opponents. England was shaken to the centre by the defeat of 
 tlie bill, and Parliament rctlected the sentiment of the ])eople. 
 
 On DecemlxT I2lh, Russell ])resented a third I'liform Hill to the 
 House, almost the same in its provisions as thos(> which had been defeated. 
 The debate now was brief, and the resnlt certain. It was felt to be no longer 
 safe to juggle with 'the people. On the i8th the l)ill was passed, witii a 
 greatly increased majority, now amounting to 162. To the Lords again it 
 went, where the Tories, led by Lord Wellington, wen- in a dccitled majority 
 against it. It had no chance of passage, unless th<- king would create 
 enough new [leers t<> outvote the opposition. This King William refused to 
 do, and Karl Gre)- resigned the ministry, leaving the Torit-s to bear thelirunt 
 of the situation they had produced. 
 
 The result was one barely short of ci\il war. The people rose in fuiy 
 determined upon reform or revolution. Org.mi/.cd unions How the Re- 
 sprang up in every town. Threats of marching an arm\- form Bill 
 upon London were made. Lord Wellington was mobbetl in ^* ^'"'''^ 
 
 the streets and was in peril of his life. The maddened populace went so 
 far as to curse and stone the king himself, one stone striking him in the 
 forehead. The country was indeed on the verge of insurrection against 
 the government, and unless quick action was taken it was impossible to 
 furt^see the result. 
 
 William I\\, perhaps with'tlu; recent experience of Charles X. of 
 I'rance before his eyes, gave way, and promised to create enough new 
 peers to insure the passing of the bill. To escape this unwelcome necessity 
 Wellington and others of the Tories agreed to stay away from Parliament, 
 and the Lords, pocketing their dignity as best they could, passed the bill 
 by a safe majority, and reform was attained. Similar bills were passed for 
 Scotland and Ireland, and thus was achieved the greatest measure of reform 
 in the history of the British Parliament. It was essentially a revolution, 
 the first great step in the evolution of a truK' representative assembly in 
 Cireat Britain. 
 
 The second great step was taken in 1867, in response to a popular 
 demonstration almost as great and threatening as that of 1830. The Tories 
 themselves, under their leader Mr. Disraeli, were obliged to bring in this 
 bill, which e.xtended the suffrage to millions of the people, ^^^ H\tension 
 and made it almost universal among the commercial anil oftheSuf- 
 industrial classes. Nearly twenty years later, in 1884, a new ''^*^* 
 crusade was made in favor of the extension of the suffrage to agricultural 
 laborers, previously disfranchised. The accomplishment of this reform 
 ended the great struggle, and for tiie first time in their history the jjeople 
 
154 THE GREAT REFORM BILL AND TEIE CORN LAWS 
 
 of Great Britain were adequate!)' represented in their Parliament, which 
 had ceased to be the instrument of a class and at last stood for the whole 
 commonwealth. 
 
 The cjuestion of Parliamentary reform settled, a second great question, 
 that of the Corn Laws, rose up prominently before the people. It was one 
 that appealed more immediately to them than that of representation. The 
 benefits to come from the latter were distant and problematical ; those to 
 come from a repeal of the Corn Laws were evident and immediate. Every 
 poor man and woman felt each day of his life the crushing effect of these 
 laws, which bore upon the food on their tables, making still more scarce 
 and high-priced their scanty means of existence. 
 
 For centuries commerce in grain had been a subject of legislation. In 
 
 1361 its e.xportation from England was forbidden, and in 1463 its 
 
 importation was prohibited unless the price of wheat was 
 
 e orn greater than 6s. 3d. per quarter. As time' went on changes 
 
 were made in these laws, but the tariff charges kept up the 
 
 price of grain until late in the nineteenth century, and added greatly to 
 
 the miseries of the working classes. 
 
 The farming land of England was not held by the common people, but by 
 the aristocracy, who fought bitterly against the repeal of the Corn Laws, which, 
 by laying a large duty on grain, added materially to their profits. But 
 while the aristocrats were benefited, the workers suffered, the price of the 
 loaf being decidedly raised and their scanty fare correspondingly dim- 
 inished. 
 
 More than once they rose in riot against these laws, and occasional 
 changes were made in them, but many years passed after the era of parlia- 
 mentary reform before public opinion prevailed in this second field of 
 Cobden and the effort. Richard Cobden, one of the greatest of England's 
 Anti-Corn orators, was the apostle of the crusade against these mlsery- 
 
 aw rusa e pi-Qj^^^intr laws. He advocated their repeal with a power 
 and influence that in time grew irresistible. He was not affiliated with 
 either of the great parties, but stood apart as an independent Radical, a 
 man with a party of his own, and that party, Free Trade. For the crusade 
 against the Corn Laws widened into one against the whole principle of 
 protection. Backed by the public demand for cheap food, the movement 
 went on, until in 1846 Cobden brought over to his side the government 
 forces under Sir Robert Peel, by whose aid the Corn Laws were swept 
 away and the ports of England thrown open to the free entrance of food 
 from any part of the world. The result was a serious one to English agri- 
 culture, but it was of great benefit to the English people in their status as 
 
THE GREAT REFORM DILL AND THE CORN LAWS 153 
 
 the greatest of inaniifacturing and commercial nations. Supplying the 
 world with goods, as they did, it was but just that th': world should supply 
 them with food. With the repeal of the duties on grain Qrt&t Britain 
 thft whole system of protection was dropped and in its place Adopts Free 
 was adopted that system of free trade in which Great Britain 
 stands alone among the nations of the world. It was a system especially 
 adapted to a nation whose market was the worKI at large, and under it 
 British commerce spread and flourished until it became one of the wonders 
 (jf the world. 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 Turkey, the "Sick Man" of Europe. 
 
 AMONG the most interesting phases of nineteenth-century history 
 is that of the conHict between Russia and Turkey, a struggle for 
 dominion that came down from the preceding centuries, and still 
 seems only temporarily laid aside for final settlement in the years to come. 
 In the eighteenth century the Turks proved quite able to hold their own 
 against all the power of Russia and all the armies of Catharine the Great, 
 and they entered the nineteenth century with their ancient do- 
 of Europe minion largely intact. But they were declining in strength 
 while Russia was growing, and long before 1900 the empire 
 of the Sultan would have become the prey of the Czar had not the other powers 
 of Europe come to the rescue. The Czar Nicholas designated the Sultanas 
 "the sick man" of Europe, and such he and his empire have truly become. 
 
 The ambitious designs of Russia found abundant warrant in the cruel 
 treatment of the Christian people of Turkey. A number of Christian king- 
 doms lay under the Sultan's rule, in the south inhabited by Greeks, in the 
 north by Slavs ; their people treated always with harshness and tyranny ; 
 their every attempt at revolt repressed with savage cruelty. We have seen 
 how the Greeks rebelled against their oppressors in 182 1, and, with the aid 
 The Result of '^^ Europe, won their freedom in 1829. Stirred by this strug- 
 theWarof gle, Russia declared war against Turkey in 1828, and in the 
 ' ^^ treaty of peace signed at Adrianople in 1829 secured not only 
 
 the independence of Greece, but a large degree of home-rule for the north- 
 ern principalities of Servia, Moldavia, and Wallachia. Turkey was forced 
 in a measure to loosen her grip on Christian Europe. But the Russians 
 were not satisfied with this. They had got next to nothing for themselves. 
 England and the other Western powers, fearful of seeing Russia in posses- 
 sion of Constantinople, had forced her to release the fruits of her victory. 
 It was the first step in that jealous watchfulness of England over Constanti- 
 nople which was to have a more decided outcome in later years. The new- 
 born idea of maintaining the balance of power in Europe stood in Russia's 
 way, the nations of the West viewing in alarm the threatening growth of 
 the great Muscovite Empire. 
 156 
 
TURKEY, THE " SICK MAN'' OF EUROPE 157 
 
 The ambitious Czar Nicholas looked upon Turkey as his destined prey, 
 and waited with impatience a sufficient excuse to send his armies aijain to 
 tile Balkan Peninsula, whose mountain barrier formed the great natural b:il- 
 wark of Turkey in the north. Though the Turkish government at this 
 time avoided direct oppression of its Christian subjects, the fanatical Mo- 
 hammedans were difficult to restrain, ami the robbery and oppression of 
 murder of Christians was of common occurrence. A source the Christian* 
 >f hostility at length arose from the question of protecting ° """ ^^ 
 these ill-treated peoples. By favor of old treaties the czar claimed a certain 
 right to protect the Christians of the Greek faith. I'Vance assumed a simi- 
 lar protectorate over the Roman Catholics of Palestine, but the greater 
 number of Greek Christians in the Holy Land, and the powerful support of 
 the czar, gave those the advantage in the frequent (juarrels which arose in 
 Jerusalem between the pilgrims from the Kast and the West. 
 
 Nicholas, instigated by his advantage in this quarter, determined to de- 
 clare himself the protector of all the Christians in the Turkish Empire, a 
 claim which the sultan dared not admit if he wished to hold The Balance of 
 control over his Mohammedan subjects. War was in the Power in 
 air, and England and France, resolute to preserve the """ope 
 " balance of power," sent their fleets to the Dardanelles as useful 
 lookers-on. 
 
 The sultan had already rejected the Russian demand, and Nicholas lost 
 no time in sending an army, led by Prince Gortchakoff, with orders to cross 
 the Pruth and take possession of the Turkish provinces on the Danube. 
 The gauntlet had been thrown down. War was inevitable. The English 
 newspapers demanded of their government a vigorous policy. The old 
 Turkish party in Constantinople was equally urgent in its demand for hos- 
 tilities. At length, on October 4, 1853, the sultan declared jhe Sultan De- 
 war against Russia unless the Danubian principalities were at dares War 
 once evacuated. Instead of doing so, Nicholas ordered his Against 
 generals to invade the Balkan territory, and on the other hand 
 T'^rance and England entered into alliance with the Porte and sent their 
 iieets to the Bosporus. Shortly afterwards the Russian Admiral Nachi- 
 moff surprised a Turkish squadron in the harbor of Sinope, attacked it, 
 and — though the Turks fought with the greatest courage — the fleet v/as 
 destroyed and nearly the whole of its crews were slain. 
 
 This turned the tide in England and France, which declared war in 
 March, 1854, while Prussia and Austria maintained a waiting attitude. No 
 event of special importance took place early in the war. In April Lord 
 Raglan, with an English army of 20,000 men, landed in Turkey and the 
 
158 TURKEY, THE " SICK MAN '' OF EUROPE 
 
 siege of the Russian city of Odessa was begun. Meanwhile the Russians, 
 
 who had crossed the Danube, found it advisable to retreat and withdraw 
 
 ^ , across the Pruth, on a threat of hostilities from Austria and 
 
 England and 
 France Come Prussia unless the principalities were evacuated. 
 
 to the Aid of The French had met with heavy losses in an advance 
 
 from Varna, and the British fleet had made an expedition 
 against St. Petersburg, but had been checked before the powerful fortress 
 of Cronstadt. Such was the state of affairs in the summer of 1854, when 
 the allies determined to carry the war into the enemy's territory, attack the 
 maritime city of Sebastopol in the Crimea, and seek to destroy the Russian 
 naval power in the Black Sea. 
 
 Of the allied armies 15,000 men had already perished. With the 
 remaining forces, rather more than 50,000 British and F"rench and 6,000 
 Turks, the fleet set sail in September across the Black Sea, and landed near 
 Eupatoria on the west coast of the Crimean peninsula, on the 4th of Sep- 
 tember, 1854. Southwards of Eupatoria the sea forms a bay. 
 
 The War in the . , . , , . . , , , r t 1 ^t. 
 
 Crinnea ^'^'■° which, near the rums 01 the old town 01 Inkermann, the 
 
 little river Tschernaja pours itself. On its southern side 
 lies the fortified town of Sebastopol, on its northern side strong fortifica- 
 tions were raised for the defence of the fleet of war which lay at anchor in 
 the bay. Farther north the western mountain range is intersected by the 
 river Alma, over which Prince Menzikoff, governor of the Crimea, garrisoned 
 the heights with an army of 30,000 men. Against the latter the allies first 
 directed their attack, and, in spite of the strong position of the Russians 
 on the rocky slopes, Menzikoff was compelled to retreat, owing his escape 
 from entire destruction only to the want of cavalry in the army of the allies. 
 This dearly bought and bloody battle on the Alma gave rise to hopes of a 
 speedy termination of the campaign ; but the allies, weakened and wearied 
 by the fearful struggle, delayed a further attack, and Menzikoff gained time 
 to strengthen his garrison, and to surround Sebastopol with strong fortilica- 
 tions. When the allies approached the town they were soon convinced that 
 any attack on such formidable defences would be fruitless, and that they 
 must await the arrival of fresh reinforcements and ammunition. The Eng- 
 lish took up their position on the Bay of Balaklava, and the French to the 
 west, on the Kamiesch. 
 
 There now commenced a siege such as has seldom occurred in the 
 history of the world. The first attempt to storm by a united attack of the 
 land army and the fleet showed the resistance to be much more formidable 
 than had been expected by the allies. Eight days later the English were 
 surprised in their strong position near Balaklava by General Liprandi. 
 
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TURKEY, THE " SICK MAN" OF EUROPE i6i 
 
 The battle of Balaklava was decided in favor of the alHcs, and on the 5th 
 
 of November, when Menzikoff had obtained fresh reinforce- 
 
 , , r T , ft , The Battle of 
 
 nients, the murderous battle of Inkermann was tou<jnt under Balaklava 
 the eyes of the two Grand Princes Nicholas and Michael, and 
 after a mij^hty struggle was won by the allied armies. Fighting in the 
 ranks were two other princely personages, the Duke of Cambridge and 
 Prince Napoleon, son of Jerome, former King of Westphalia. j 
 
 Of the engagements here named there is only one to which special 
 attention need be directed, the battle of Balaklava, in which occurred that 
 mad but heroic "Charge of the Light Brigade," which has become famous 
 in song and story. The purpose of this conllict on the part of the Rus- 
 sians was to cut the line of communication of the allies, by capturing the 
 redoubts that guarded them, and thus to enforce a retreat by depriving the 
 enemy of supplies. 
 
 The day began with a defeat of the Turks anil the capture by the 
 Russians of several of the redoubts. Then a great body of -,-he Highland. 
 Russian cavalry, 3,000 strong, charged upon the 93d High- ers'"Thin, 
 landers, who were drawn up in line to receive them. There 
 was comparatively but a handful of these gallant Scotchmen, 550 all t<il(l, 
 but they have made themselves famous in history as the invincible "thin, 
 red line." 
 
 Sir Colin Campbell, their noble leader, said to them : " Remember, 
 lads, there is no retreat from here. You must die where you stand." 
 
 "Ay, ay. Sir Colin," shouted the stunly Highlanders, "we will do 
 just that." 
 
 They did not need to. The murderous hre from their "thin, red line" 
 was more than the Russians cared to endure, and they were driven back in 
 ciisorder. 
 
 The British cavalry completed the work of the infantry. On the 
 serried mass of Russian horsemen charged Scarlett's Heavy Brigade, vastly 
 inferior to them in numl:)cr, i)ut inspired with a spirit and courage that 
 carried its bold horsemen through the Russian columns with such resistless 
 energy that the great body of Muscovite cavalry broke and fled — 3,000 
 completely routed by 800 gallant dragoons. 
 
 And now came the unfortunate but world-famous event of tne clay. 
 It was due to a mistaken order. Lord Raglan, thinking that the Russians 
 intended to carry off the guns captured in the Turkish redoubts, sent an 
 order to the brigade of light cavalry to " advance rapidly to the front and 
 prevent the enemy from carrying off the guns." 
 
1 62 TURKEY, THE " SICK MAN'' OF EUROPE 
 
 Lord Lucan, to whom the command was brought, did not understand 
 Captain Nolan ^^- Apparently, Captain Nolan, who conveyed the order, did 
 and the Order not clearly explain its purport. 
 
 to Charge "Lord Raglan orders that the cavalry shall attack im- 
 
 mediately," he said, impatient at Lucan's hesitation. 
 
 " Attack, sir ; attack what ?" asked Lucan. 
 
 " There, my lord, is your enemy ; there are your guns," said Nolan, 
 with a wave of his hand towards the hostile lines. 
 
 The guns he appeared to indicate were those of a Russian battery at 
 the end of the valley, to attack which by an unsupported cavalry charge 
 was sheer madness. Lucan rode to Lord Cardigan, in command of the 
 cavalry, and repeated the order. 
 
 " But there is a battery in front of us and guns and riflemen on either 
 flank," said Cardigan. 
 
 " I know it," answered Lucan. " But Lord Raglan will have it. We 
 have no choice but to obey." 
 
 "The brigade will advance," said Cardigan, without further hesitation. 
 
 In a moment more the "gallant six hundred " were in motion — going in 
 the wrong direction, as Captain Nolan is thought to have percieved. At 
 all events he spurred his horse across the front of the brigade, waving his 
 sword as if with the intention to set them right. But no one understood 
 him, and at that instant a fragment of shell struck him and hurled him dead 
 to the earth. There was no further hope of st9pping the mad charge. 
 
 On and on went the devoted Light Brigade, their pace increasing at 
 every stride, headed straight for the Russian battery half a league away. 
 The Charge As they went fire was opened on them from the guns in flank. 
 
 of the Light Soon they came within range of the guns in front, which 
 Brigade ^j^^ opened a raking fire. They were enveloped in " a zone 
 
 of fire, and the air was filled with the rush of shot, the bursting of shells, 
 and the moan of bullets, while amidst the infernal din the work of death 
 went on, and men and horses were incessantly dashed to the ground." 
 
 But no thought of retreat seems to have entered the minds of those 
 brave dragoons and their gallant leader. Their pace increased ; they 
 reached the battery and dashed in among the guns ; the gunners were cut 
 down as they served their pieces. Masses of Russian cavalry standing near 
 were charged and forced back. The men fought madly in the face of death 
 until the word came to retreat. 
 
 Then, emerging from the smoke of the battle, a feeble remnant of the 
 " gallant six hundred" appeared upon the plain, comprising one or two large 
 groups, though the most of them were in scattered parties of two or three. 
 
TURKEY, THE •' SICK' MAN" OF EUROPE 163 
 
 Oiu! t^roiip of about seventy men cut their way through three squadrons of 
 Russian lancers. Another party of equal strength broke through a second 
 intercepting force. Out of some 647 men in all, 247 were killed and wounded, 
 and nearly all the horses were slain. Lord Cardigan, the first The 5^^ pn^ 
 to enter the battery, was one of those who came back alive. of a Deed 
 The whole affair had occupied no more than twenty minutes. " """^ 
 Hul it was a twenty minutes of which the British nation has ever since been 
 proud, and which Tennyson has made famous by one of the most spirit 
 stirring of his odes. The French General Bosquet fairly characterized 
 it by his often quoted remark : "C'est magnifique, mais ce n'cst pas la 
 guerre." (It is magnificent, but it is not war.) 
 
 These battles in the field brought no changes in the state of affairs. 
 The siege of Sebastopol went on through the winter of 1854-55, during 
 which the allied army suffered the utmost misery and privation, partly the 
 effect of climate, largely the result of fraud and incompetency at home. 
 Sisters of Mercy and self-sacrificing English ladies — chief among them the 
 noble Florence Nightingale — strove to assuage the sufferings brought on 
 the soldiers by cold, hunger, and disease, but these enemies proved more 
 fatal than the sword. 
 
 In the year 1855 the war was carried on with increased energy. Sardi- 
 nia joined the allies and sent them an army of 15,000 men. Austria broke with 
 Russia and began preparations for war. And in March the obstinate czar 
 Nicholas died and his milder son Alexander took his place. Peace was de- 
 manded in Russia, yet 25,000 of her sons had fallen and the honor of the 
 nation seemed involved. The war went on, both sides increasing their 
 forces. Month by month the allies more closely invested the besieged city. 
 After the middle of August the assault became almost incessant, cannon 
 balls dropping like an unceasing storm of hail in forts and streets. 
 
 On the 5th of September began a terrific bombardment, continuing 
 day and night for three days, and sweeping down more than 5,000 Russians 
 on the ramparts. At length, as the hour of noon struck on The Assault on 
 September 8th, the attack of which this play of artillery was and Capture 
 the prelude began, the French assailing the Malakoff, the °* Seb«topcl 
 British the Redan, these being the most formidable of the defensive works 
 of the town. The French assault was successful and Sebastopol became 
 untenable. That night the Russians blew up their remaining forts, sunk 
 their ships of war, and marched out of the town, leaving it as the prize of 
 victory to the allies. Soon after Russia gained a success by capturing the 
 Turkish fortress of Kars, in Asia Minor, and, her honor satisfied with this 
 success, a treaty of peace was concluded. In this treaty the Black Sea was 
 
i64 TURKEY, THE '' SICK MAN'' OF EUROPE 
 
 made neutral and all ships of war were excluded from Its waters, while the 
 
 safety of the Christians of Wallachia, Moldavia and Servia was assured by 
 
 making these principalities practically independent, under the protection of 
 
 the powers of Europe. 
 
 Turkey came out of the war weakened and shorn of territory. But 
 
 the Turkish idea of government remained unchanged, and in twenty years' 
 
 time Russia was fairly eoaded into another war. In 187=; 
 The Revolt in „• iiii- fia-ii ■ 
 
 Bosnia Isosnia rebelled m consequence 01 the insunerable oppression 
 
 of the Turkish tax-collectors. The brave Bosnians maintained 
 
 themselves so sturdily in their mountain fastnesses that the Turks almost 
 
 despaired of subduing them, and the Christian subjects of the Sultan in all 
 
 quarters became so stirred up that a general revolt was threatened. 
 
 The Turks undertook to prevent this in their usual fashion. Irregular 
 troops were sent into Christian Bulgaria with orders to kill all they met. It 
 was an order to the Mohammedan taste. The defenceless villages of Bul- 
 garia were entered and their inhabitants slaughtered in cold blood, till 
 thousands of men, women, and children had been slain. 
 
 When tidings of these atrocities reached Europe the nations were 
 filled with horror. The Sultan made smooth excuses, and diplomacy 
 The "Bulgarian sought to settle the affair, but it became evident that a mas- 
 Horror" and sacre so terrible as this could not be condoned so easily. 
 Disraeli, then prime minister of Great Britain, sought to 
 dispose of these reports as matters for jest ; but Gladstone, at that time in 
 retirement, arose in his might, and by his pamphlet on the " Bulgarian 
 Horrors " so aroused public sentiment in England that the government 
 dared not back up Turkey in the coming war. 
 
 Hostilities were soon proclaimed. The Russians, of the same race and relig- 
 ious sect as the Bulgarians, were excited beyond control, and in April, 1877, 
 Alexander II. declared war against Turkey The outrages of the Turks had 
 been so flagrant that no allies came to their aid, while the rottenness of 
 their empire was shown by the rapid advance of the Russian armies. 
 
 They crossed the Danube in June. In a month later they had 
 occupied the principal passes of the Balkan mountains and were in posi- 
 tion to descend on the broad plain that led to Constantinople. But at this 
 point in their career they met with a serious check. Osman Pasha, the 
 single Turkish commander of ability that the war developed, occupied the 
 town of Plevna with such forces as he could gather, fortified it as strongly 
 as possible, and from behind its walls defied the Russians. 
 
 They dared not advance and leave this stronghold in their rear. For 
 five months all the power of Russia and the skill of its generals were held in 
 
TURKEY, Tim " SICK MAN" OF EUROPE 165 
 
 check by this brave man and his few foHowers, until Europe and America 
 aUke looked on with admiration at his remarkable defence, in view of which 
 the cause of the war was almost forgotten. The Russian osman Pacha 
 i^eneral Kriidener was repulsed with the loss of 8,000 men. and the De- 
 The daring Skobeleff strove in vain to launch his troops over *e"ceof Plevna 
 Osman's walls. At length General Todleben undertook the siege, adopting 
 the slow but safe method of starving out the defenders. Osman Pacha now 
 showed his courage, as he had already shown his endurance. When hunger 
 and disease began to reduce the strength of his men, he resolve on a final 
 desperate effort. At the head of his brave garrison the "Lion of Plevna" 
 sallied from the city, ami fought with desperate courage to break through 
 the circle of his foes. He was finally driven back into the city and com- 
 pelled to surrender. 
 
 Osman had won glory, and his fall was the fall of the Turkish cause. 
 The Russians crossed the Balkan, capturing in the Schipka Pass a Turkish 
 army of 30,000 men. Adrianople was taken, and the Turk- ^^^ -xoiaX De- 
 ish line of retreat cut off. The Russians marched to the feat of the 
 Bosporus, and the Sultan was compelled to sue for peace to "*" * 
 save his capital from falling into the hands of the Christians, as it had fallen 
 into those of the Turks four centuries before. 
 
 Russia had won the game for which she had made .so long a struggle. 
 The treaty of San vStefano practically decreed the dissolution of the Turkish 
 Empire. But at this juncture the other nations of PLurope took part. 
 They were not content to see the balance of power destroyed by Russia 
 becoming master of Constantinople, and England demanded that the treaty 
 should be revised by the European powers. Russia protested, but Disraeli 
 threatened war, and the czar gave wa)'. 
 
 The Congress of Berlin, to which the treaty was referred, settled the 
 
 ijuestion in the following manner: Montenegro, Roumania, and Servia were 
 
 declared independent, and Bulgaria became free, except that 
 
 . , , 1 -1 I 1 'T-i t The Congre.NS 
 
 It had to pay an annual tribute to the sultan. 1 he part of ^j Berlin 
 
 old Bulgaria that lay south of the Balkan Mountains was 
 
 named East Roumelia and given its own civil government, but was left 
 
 under the military control of Turkey. Bosnia and Herzegovina were placed 
 
 under the control of Austria. All that Russia obtained for her victories 
 
 were some provinces in Asia Minor. Turkey was terribly shorn, and since 
 
 then her power has been further reduced, for East Roumelia has broken 
 
 loose from her control and united itself again to Bulgaria. 
 
 Another twenty years passed, and Turkey found itself at war again. It 
 
 v»as the old story, the oppression of the Christians This time the trouble 
 
i66 TURKEY, THE " SICK MAN " OF EUROPE 
 
 began in Armenia, a part of Turkey In Asia, where in 1895 and 1896 
 terrible massacres took place. Indignation reigned in Europe, but fears 
 The Turks in o^ ^ general war kept them from using force, and the sultan 
 Armenia and paid no heed to the reforms he promised to make. 
 ""^ ^ In 1896 the Christians of the island of Crete broke out in 
 
 revolt against the oppression and tyranny of Turkish rule. Of all the powers 
 of Europe little Greece was the only one that came to their aid, and the great 
 nations, still inspired with the fear of a general war, sent their fleet and 
 threatened Greece with blockade unless she would withdraw her troops. 
 
 The result was one scarcely expected. Greece was persistant, and 
 gathered a threatening army on the frontier of Turkey, and war broke out in 
 1897 between the two states. The Turks now, under an able commander, 
 showed much of their ancient valor and intrepidity, crossing the frontier, de- 
 feating the Greeks in a rapid series of engagements, and occupying Thessaly. 
 while the Greek army was driven back in a state of utter demoralization. 
 At this juncture, when Greece lay at the mercy of Turkey, as Turkey had 
 The War Be- '^'" ^^ '^hat of Russia twenty years before, the powers, which 
 tween Turkey had refused to aid Greece in her generous but hopeless effort, 
 an reece stepped in to save her from ruin. Turkey was bidden to call 
 a halt, and the sultan reluctantly stopped the march of his army. He de- 
 manded the whole of Thessaly and a large indemnity in money. The former 
 the powers refused to grant, and reduced the indemnity to a sum within the 
 power of Greece to pay. Thus the affair ended, and such is the status of 
 the Eastern Question to-day. But it may be merely a question of time 
 when Russia shall accomplish her long-cherished design, and become master 
 of Constantinople ; possibly by the way of Asia, In which her power is now 
 so rapidly and widely extending. 
 
CHAPTER XI. 
 The European Revolution of 1848. 
 
 THE revolution of 1830 did not bring peace and quiet to France nor 
 to Europe. In France the people grew dissatisfied with their new 
 monarch; in Europe generally they demanded a greater share of 
 liberty. Louis Philippe delayed to extend the suffrage ; he used his higli 
 position to add to his great riches ; he failed to win the hearts of the 
 French, and was widely accused of selfishness and greed. There were 
 risings of legitimist in favor of the Bourbons, while the republican element was 
 opposed to monarchy. No less than eight attempts were made to remove the 
 king by assassination — all of them failures, but they showed opposition 'n 
 the disturbed state of public feeling. Liberty, equality, fra- France to 
 ternity became the watchwords of the working classes, social- Louis Philippe 
 istic ideas arose and spread, and the industrial element of the various 
 nations became allied in one great body of revolutionists known as tiie 
 " Internationalists." 
 
 In Germany the demand of the people for political rights grew until it 
 reached a crisis. The radical writings of the "Young Germans," the 
 stirring songs of their poets, the bold utterances of the press, the doctrines 
 of the " Friends of Light " among the Protestants and of the " German 
 Catholics" among the Catholics, all went to show that the people were 
 deeply dissatisfied alike with the state and the church. They were rapidly 
 arousing from their sluggish acceptance of the work of the Congress of 
 X'ienna of 18 15, and the spirit of liberty was in the air. 
 
 The King of Prussia, Frederick William IV., saw danger ahead. He 
 became kine in 1840 and lost no time in trying to make his ^ 
 
 ,, 7 , ,- ^ , ■' .'^ , Revolutionary 
 
 rule popular by relorms. An edict ot toleration was issued, sentiment in 
 the sittings of the courts were opened to the public, and the ' tiermany and 
 Estates of the provinces were called to meet in Berlin. In * 
 
 the convening of a Parliament he had given the people a voice. The 
 Instates demanded freedom of the press and of the state with such eloquence 
 and energy that the king dared not resist them. The people had gained a 
 great step in their progress towards liberty. 
 
 (167) 
 
1 68 . THE EUROPEAN REVOLUTION OF i8i,8 
 
 In Italy also the persistent demands of the people met with an encour- 
 aging response. The Pope, Pius IX , extended the freedom of the press, 
 gave a liberal charter to the City of Rome, and began the formation of an 
 Italian confederacy. In Sicily a revolutionary outbreak took place, and the 
 King of Naples was compelled to give his people a constitution and a 
 parliament. His e.xample was followed in Tuscany and Sardinia. The 
 tyrannical Duke of Modena was forced to fly from the vengeance of his 
 people, and the throne of Parma became vacant by the death in 1847 of 
 Maria Louisa, the widow of Napoleon Bonaparte, a woman little loved and 
 less respected. 
 
 The Italians were filled with hope by these events. Freedom and the 
 unity of Italy loomed up before their eyes. Only two obstacles stood in 
 their way, the Austrians and the Jesuits, and both of these were bitterly 
 hated. Gioberti, the enemy of the Jesuits, was greeted with cheers, under 
 which might be heard harsh cries of " Death to the Germans." 
 
 Such was the state of affairs at the beginning of 1848. The measure 
 of liberty granted the people only whetted their appetite for more, and over 
 all Western Europe rose an ominous murmur, the voice of the people 
 demanding the rights of which they had so long been deprived. In France 
 this demand was growing dangerously insistant ; in Paris, the centre o{ 
 European revolution, it threatened an outbreak. Reform banquets were 
 the order of the day in France, and one was arranged for in Paris to signa 
 lize the meeting of the Chambers. 
 
 Guizot, the historian, who was then minister of foreign affairs, had 
 
 deeply offended the liberal party of France by his reactionary policy. The 
 
 government threw fuel on the fire by forbidding the banquet and taking 
 
 steps to suppress it by military force. The people were enraged 
 The Outbreak , 1 • r i 11 1 • • 1 
 
 in Paris "^y '■^'"^ lalse Step and began to gather m excited groups. 
 
 Throngs of them — artisans, students, and tramps — were soon 
 marching through the streets, with shouts of "Reform! Down with Guizot !" 
 The crowds rapidly increased and grew more violent. The people were too 
 weak to cope with them ; the soldiers were loath to do so ; soon barricades 
 were erected and fighting began. 
 
 For two days this went on. Then the king, alarmed at the situation, 
 dimissed Guizot and promised reform, and the people, satisfied for the time 
 and proud of their victory, paraded the streets with cheers and songs. All 
 now might have gone well but for a hasty and violent act on the part of the 
 troops. About ten o'clock at night a shouting and torch-bearing throng 
 marched throucrh the Boulevards, singfingf and wavine flag's. Reachincr the 
 Ministry of Foreign Affairs, they halted and called for its illumination. 
 
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 3-3 
 
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THE EUROPEAN REVOLUTION OF iS^S 17 1 
 
 The troops on duty there interfered, and, on an insult to their colonel and 
 the firing of a shot from the mob, they replied with a volley, before which 
 fifty-two of the people fell killed and wounded. 
 
 This reckless and sanguinary deed was enough to turn revolt into 
 revolution. The corpses were carried on biers through the streets by the 
 infuriated people, the accompanying torch-bearers shouting : i^gyou 
 " To arms ! they are murdering us !" At midnight the tocsin Becomes 
 call rang from the bells of Notre- Dame ; the barricades, which Revolution 
 had been partly removed, were restored ; and the next morning, I*"ebruary 
 24, 1848, Paris was in arms. In the struggle that followed they were 
 ipiickiy victorious, and the capital was in their hands. 
 
 Louis Philippe followed the example of Charles X., abdicated his 
 throne and fled to England. After the fate o{ Louis XVT. no monarch 
 was willing to wait and face a Paris mob. The kingdom was overthrown, 
 and a republic, the second which France had known, was established, the. 
 aged Dupont de I'Eure being chosen president. The poet Lamartine, 
 the socialist Louis Blanc, the statesmen Ledru-RoUin and Arago became 
 members of the Cabinet, and all looked forward to a reign -j-^^ second 
 of peace and prosperity. The socialists tried the experi- French 
 ment of establishing national workshops in which artisans ^''" '^ 
 were to be employed at the expense of the state, with the itU a that this 
 would give work to all. 
 
 Yet the expected prosperity did not come. The state was soon deeply 
 in debt, many of the people remained unemployed, and the condition of in- 
 dustry grew worse day by day. The treasury proved incapable of paying the 
 state artisans, and the public workshops were closed. In June the trouble came 
 to a crisis and a new and sanguinary outbreak began, instigated by the 
 hungry and disappointed workmen, and led by the advocates of the " Red 
 Republic," who acted with ferocious brutality. General Brea and the Arch- 
 bishop of Paris were murdered, and the work of slaughter grew so horrible 
 that the National Assembly, to put an end to it, made General Cavaignac 
 dictator and commissioned him to put down the revolt. A terrible struggle 
 ensued between the mob and the troops, ending in the suppression of the 
 revolt and the arrest and banishment of many of its ringleaders. Ten or 
 twelve thousand people had been killed. The National Assembly adopted 
 a republican constitution, under which a single legislative chamber and a 
 president to be elected every four years were provided for. The assembly 
 wished to make General Cavaignac president, but the nation, blinded by 
 their faith in the name of the great conqueror, elected by an almost unani- 
 mous vote his nephew, Louis Napoleon, a man who had suffered a long 
 
172 THE EUROPEAN REVOLUTION OF 184.8 
 
 term of imprisonment for his several attempts ag^ainst the reign of the late 
 
 king. The revolution, for the time being, was at an end, and France was 
 
 a republic again. 
 
 The effect of this revolution in France spread far and wide through 
 
 Furope. Outbreaks occurred in Ital)', Poland, Switzerland and Ireland, 
 
 and in Germany the revolutionary fever burned hot. Baden 
 Effect of the 
 Revolution was the first state to yield to the demands of the people for 
 
 of 1848 in freedom of the press, a parliament and other reforms, and 
 
 urope went so far as to abolish the imposts still remaining from 
 
 feudal times. The other minor states followed its example. In Saxony, 
 
 Wiirtemberg and other states class abuses were abolished, liberals given 
 
 prominent positions under government, the suffrage and the legislature 
 
 reformed, and men of liberal sentiment summoned to discuss the formation 
 
 of new constitutions. 
 
 But it was in the great despotic states of Germany — Prussia and Aus- 
 tria — that the liberals gained the most complete and important victory, and 
 went farthest in overthrov/ing autocratic rule and establishing constitutional 
 o-overnment. The great Austrian statesman who had been a leader in the 
 Congress of Vienna and who had suppressed liberalism in Italy, Prince Met- 
 ternich, was still, after more than thirty years, at the head of 
 His System affairs in Vienna. He controlled the policy of Austria; his 
 word was law in much of Germany ; time had cemented his 
 authority, and he had done more than any other man in Europe in maintain- 
 ing despotism and building a dam against the rising flood of liberal senti- 
 ment. 
 
 But the hour of the man who had destroyed the work of Napoleon was 
 at hand. He had failed to recognize the spirit of the age or to perceive 
 that liberalism was deeply penetrating Austria. To most of the younger 
 statesmen of Europe the weakness of his policy and the rottenness of his 
 system were growing apparent, and it was evident that they must soon fall 
 before the onslaught of the advocates of freedom. 
 
 An incitement was needed, and it came in the news of the Paris revolu- 
 tion. At once a hot excitement broke out everywhere in Austria. From 
 Hungary came a vigorous demand for an independent parliament, reform of 
 the constitution, decrease of taxes, and relief from the burden of the na- 
 tional debt of Austria. From Bohemia, whose rights and privileges had 
 been seriously interfered with in the preceding year, came similar demands. 
 In Vienna itself the popular outcry for increased privileges grew insistant. 
 
 The excitement of the people was aggravated by their distrust of the 
 paper money of the realm and by a great depression in commerce and indue 
 
THE EUROPEAN REVOLUTION OF 1848 173 
 
 try. Daily more workmen were thrown out of employment, and soon 
 
 throngs of the hungry and discontented gathered in the streets. Students, 
 
 as usual, led away by their boyish love of e.xcitement, were 
 
 .\ c ,. ^ .. 1- » 1 \^ ^ ^\ • • J • The Outbreak 
 
 tile iirst to create a disturbance, but others soon joined m, in Vienna 
 
 and the affair quickly became serious. 
 
 The old system was evidently at an end. The policy of Metternich 
 could restrain the people no longer. Lawlessness became general, excesses 
 were committed by the mob, the dwellings of those whom the populace 
 hated were attacked and plundered, the authorities were resisted with arms, 
 and the danger of an overthrow of the government grew imminent. The 
 press, which had gained freedom of utterance, added to the peril of the 
 situation by its inflammatory appeals to the people, and by its violence 
 checked the progress of the reforms which it demanded. Metternich, b\- his 
 system of restraint, had kept the people in ignorance of the first principles 
 of political affairs, and the liberties which they now asked for showed them 
 to be unadapted to a liberal government. The old minister, whose system 
 was falling in ruins about him, fled from the country and sought a refuge in 
 England, that haven of political failures. 
 
 In May, 184S, the emperor, alarmed at the threatening state of affairs, 
 left his capital and withdrew to Innsbruck. The tidings of his withdrawal 
 stirred the people to passion, and the outbreak of mob Fijjtht and Re. 
 violence which followed was the fiercest and most dangerous turn of the 
 that had yet occurred. Gradually, however, the tumult was Emperor 
 appeased, a constitutional assembly was called into being and opened by the 
 Archduke John, and the Emperor Ferdinand re-entered Vienna amid the 
 warm acclamations of the people. The outbreak was at an end. Austria 
 had been converted from an absolute to a constitutional monarchy. 
 
 In Berlin the spirit of revolution became as marked as in Vienna. The 
 
 King resisted the demands of the people, who soon came into conflict with 
 
 the soldiers, a fierce street fight breaking out which continued with violence 
 
 for two weeks. The revolutionists demanded the removal of the troops 
 
 ind the formation of a citizen militia, and the kin*', alarmed ^ . . 
 
 ,^ Revolt In 
 
 at the dangerous crisis in affairs, at last assented. The troops prus.<ia and 
 
 were accordingly withdrawn, the obno.\ious ministry was dis- the (lerman 
 missed, and a citizen-guard was created for the defence of the 
 city. Three days afterwards the king promised to govern as a constitu- 
 tional monarch, an assembly was elected by universal suffrage, and to it was 
 given the work of preparing a constitution for the Prussian state. Here, 
 as in Austria, the revolutionists had won the day and irresponsible g^overn- 
 inent was at an end- 
 
174 THE EUROPEAN REVOLUTION OF 18^8 
 
 Elsewhere in Germany radical changes were taking place. King Louis 
 of Bavaria, who had deeply offended his people, resigned in favor of his son. 
 The Duke of Hesse-Darmstadt did the same. Everywhere the liberals 
 were in the ascendant, and were gaining freedom of the press and constitu- 
 tional government. The formation of Germany into a federal empire was 
 proposed and adopted, and a National Assembly met at Frankfort on May 
 18, 1848. It included many of the ablest men of Germany. Its principal 
 work was to organize a union under an irresponsible executive, who was to 
 be surrounded by a responsible ministry. The Archduke John of Austria 
 was selected to fill this new, but brief imperial position, and made a solemn 
 entry into Frankfort on the iith of July. 
 
 All this was not enough for the ultra radicals. They determined to 
 found a German republic, and their leaders, Hecker and Struve, called the 
 people to arms. An outreak took place in Baden, but it was quickly sup- 
 pressed, and the republican movement came to a speedy end. In the north 
 The Schleswig= ^^'" broke out between Denmark and Schleswig-Holstein, 
 Holstein united duchies which desired to be freed from Danish rule 
 
 *"" and annexed to Germany, and called for German aid. But 
 
 just then the new German Union was in no condition to come to their assistance, 
 and Prussia preferred diplomacy to war, with the result that Denmark came 
 out victorious from the contest. As will be seen in a later chapter, Prussia, 
 under the energetic leadership of Bismarck, came, a number of years after- 
 wards, to the aid of these discontented duchies, and they were finally torn 
 from Danish control. 
 
 While these exciting events were taking place in the north, Italy was 
 swept with a storm of revolution from end. to end. Metternich was no 
 longer at hand to keep it in check, and the whole peninsula seethed with re- 
 volt. Sicily rejected the rule of the Bourbon king of Naples, chose the 
 Duke of Genoa, son of Charles Albert of Sardinia, for its 
 and Sardinia ''^''"'g. ^'"'d during a year fought for liberty. This patriotic effort 
 of the Sicilians ended in failure. The Swiss mercenaries of 
 the Neapolitan king captured Syracuse and brought the island into subjec- 
 tion, and the tyrant hastened to abolish the constitution which he had been 
 frightened into granting in his hour of extremity. 
 
 In the north of Italy war broke out between Austria and Sardinia. 
 Milan and Venice rose against the Austrians and drove out their garrisons, 
 throughout Lombardy the people raised the standard of independence, and 
 Charles Albert of Sardinia called his people to arms and invaded that coun- 
 try, striving to free it and the neighboring state of Venice from Austrian 
 rule. For a brief season he was successful, pushing the Austrian troops to 
 
THE FMROPEAN REVOLUTION OF iS^S 175 
 
 the frontiers, but the old Marshal Radetzky defeated him at Verona and 
 coni[)(.>ll((l him to seek safety in flight. The next j'ear he renewed his at- 
 tempt, hut with no better success. Depressed by his failure, he resigned the 
 crown to his son Victor Emmanuel, who made a disadvantageous peace with 
 Austria. Venice held out for several months, but was finally subdued, and 
 Austrian rule was restored in the north. 
 
 Meanwhile the pope, Pius IX., offended his people by his unwillingness 
 to aid Sardinia against Austria. He promised to grant a constitutional 
 
 government and convened an Assembly in Rome, but the 
 
 ■7 . I r 1 -1 The Revolution 
 
 Democratic people of tiie state were not content with in Rome 
 
 feeble concessions of this kind. Rossi, prime minister of the 
 state, was assassinated, and the pope, filled with alarm, fled in disguise, leav- 
 ing the Papal dominion to the revolutionists, who at once proclaimed a 
 republic and confiscated the property of the Church. 
 
 Mazzini, the leader of "Young Italy," the ardent revolutionist who had 
 long worked in exile for Italian independence, entered the Eternal City, and 
 with him Garibaldi, long a political refugee in America and a gallant parti- 
 san leader in the recent war with Austria The arrival of these celebrated 
 revolutionists filled the democratic party in Rome with the greatest enthu- 
 siasm, and it was resolved to defend the States of the Church to the last 
 extremity, viewing them as the final asylum of Italian liberty. 
 
 In this extremity the pope called on France for aid. That country 
 responded by sending an army, which landed at Civita-Vecchia and marched 
 upon and surrounded Rome. The new-comers declared that they came as 
 friends, not as foes ; it was not their purpose to overthrow the republic, but 
 to defend the capital from Austria and Naples. The leaders of the insur- 
 gents in Rome did not trust their professions and promises and refused them 
 admittance. A fierce struggle followed. The republicans capture of 
 defended themselves stubbornly. For weeks they defied the Rome by the 
 efforts of General Oudinot and his troops. But in the end ^'"^''''^ Army 
 they were forced to yield, a conditional submission was made, and the French 
 soldiers occupied the city. Garibaldi, Mazzini, and others of the leaders 
 took to flight, and the old conditions were gradually resumed under the con- 
 trolling influence of French bayonets. For years afterwards the French 
 held the city as the allies and guard of the pope. 
 
 The revolutionary spirit, which had given rise to war in Italy, yielded 
 
 a still more resolute and sanguinary conflict in Hungary, 
 
 The Outbreak 
 whose people were divided against themselves. The Magyars, j„ Hungary 
 
 the descendants of the old Huns, who demanded govern- 
 mental institutions of their own, separate from these of Austria, though 
 
176 THE EUROPEAN REVOLUTION OF 1S48 
 
 under the Austrian monarch, were opposed by the Slavonic part of the 
 population, and war began between them. Austrian troops were ordered 
 to the aid of Jellachich, the ruler of the Slavs of Croatia in South Hungary, 
 but their departure was prevented by the democratic people of Vienna, 
 who rose in violent insurrection, induced by their sympathy with the 
 Magyars. 
 
 The whole city was quickly in tumult, an attack was made on the 
 arsenals, and the violence became so great that the emperor again took to 
 Hight. War in Austria followed. A strong army was sent to subdue the 
 rebellious city, which was stubbornly defended, the students' club being the 
 centre of the revolutionary movement. Jellachich led his Croatians to the 
 aid of the emperor's troops, the city was surrounded and besieged, sallies 
 and assaults were of daily occurrence, and for a week and more a bloody 
 conflict continued day and night. Vienna was finally taken by storm, the 
 Vienna Cap- troops forcing their way into the streets, where shocking 
 tured by scenes of murder and violence took place. On November 21, 
 
 "'''" 1848, Jellachich entered the conquered city, martial law was 
 
 proclaimed, the houses were searched, the prisons filled with captives, and 
 the leaders of the insurrection put to death. 
 
 Shortly afterwards the Emperor Ferdinand abdicated the throne in 
 favor of his youthful nephew, Francis Joseph, who at once dissolved the con- 
 stitutional assembly and proclaimed a new constitution and a new code of 
 laws. Hungary was still in arms, and offered a desparate resistance to the 
 Austrians, who now marched to put down the insurrection. They found it 
 no easy task. The fiery eloquence of the orator Kossuth roused the 
 Magyars to a desperate resistance, Polish leaders came to their support, 
 foreign volunteers strengthened their ranks, Gorgey, their chief leader, 
 showed great military skill, and the Austrians were driven out and the 
 fortresses taken. The independence of Hungary was now proclaimed, and a 
 government established under Kossuth as provisional president. 
 
 The repulse of the Austrians nerved the young emperor to more 
 
 The Hungarian Strenuous exertions. The aid of Russia was asked, and the 
 
 Revoltandits insurgent state invaded on three sides, by the Croatians from 
 
 uppression ^^j^^ south, the Russians from the north, and the Austrians, 
 
 under the brutal General Haynau, from the west. 
 
 The conflict continued for several months, but quarrels between the 
 Hungarian leaders weakened their armies, and in August, 1849, Gorgey, 
 who had been declared dictator, surrendered to the invaders, Kossuth and 
 the other leaders seeking safety in flight. Haynau made himself infamous 
 by his cruel treatment of the Hungarian people, particularly by his use of 
 
THE EUROPEAN REVOLUTION OE 1S4S 177 
 
 tlif' lash upon women. II is conduct raised such wide-spread indignation 
 that he was roughly handled by a party of hr(-wers, on his visit to London 
 in 1S50. 
 
 With the fall of Hungary the revolutionary movement of 1848 came to 
 an end. The German Union had already disappeared. There were various 
 other disturbances, besides those we have recorded, but finally all the states 
 settled down to peace and quiet. Its results had bt;en great in increasing 
 the political privileges of the people of Western Hurope, and witii it the 
 reign of despotism in that section of the continent came to an end. 
 
 The greatest hero of tlu- war in Hungary was undoubtedly Louis 
 Kossuth, whose name has remained familiar among those of the patriots of 
 his century. From Hungary he made his way to Turkey, where he was 
 imprisoned for two years at Kutaieh, being finally released through the inter- 
 vention of the governments of Great Britain and the United States. He then 
 visited England, where he was received with enthusiastic, popular demon- 
 strations and made several admirable speeches in the English language, of 
 which he had excellent command. In the autumn of 185 i he came to the 
 United States, where he had a flattering reception and spoke on the wrongs 
 of Hungary to enthusiastic audiences in the principal cities. 
 
CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Louis Napoleon and the Second French Empire. 
 
 T'^HYL name of Napoleon is a name to conjure with in France. Two 
 generations after the fall of Napoleon the Great, the people of that 
 country had practically forgotten the misery he had brought them, 
 and remembered only the glory with which he had crowned the name of 
 France. When, then, a man whom we may fairly designate as Napoleon 
 the Small offered himself for their suffrages, they cast their votes almost 
 unanimously in his favor. 
 
 Charles Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, to give this personage his full 
 name, was a son of Louis Bonaparte, once king of Holland, and Hortense 
 de Beauharnais, and had been recognized by Napoleon as, after his father, 
 1 ouis Napoleon the direct successor to the throne. This he made strenuous 
 and His Claim efforts to obtain, hoping to dethrone Louis Philippe and in- 
 to the Throne g^^jj hij^^ggif i,-^ i^ig pi^^g_ i,^ i8^6_ ^yi^l^ ^ few followers, he 
 
 made an attempt to capture Strasbourg. His effort failed and he was 
 arrested and transported to the United States. In 1839 he published a 
 work entitled " Napoleonic Ideas," which was an apology for the ambitious 
 acts of the first Napoleon. 
 
 The growing unpopularity of Louis Philippe tempted him at this 
 time to make a second attempt to invade Prance. He did it in a rash way 
 almost certain to end in failure. Pollowed by about fifty men, and bringing 
 with him a tame eagle, which was expected to perch upon his banner as the 
 harbinger of victory, he sailed from England in August, 1840, and landed 
 at Boulogne. This desperate and foolish enterprise proved a complete 
 A Rash and failure. The soldiers whom the would-be usurper expected 
 
 Unsuccessful to join his standard arrested him, and he was tried for treason 
 by the House of Peers. This time he was not dealt with so 
 leniently as before, but was sentenced to imprisonment for life and was 
 confined in the Castle of Ham. From this fortress he escaped in disguise 
 in May, 1846, and made his way to England. 
 
 The revolution of 1848 gave the restless and ambitious adventurer a 
 more promising opportunity. He returned to France, was elected to the 
 National Assembly, and on the adoption of the republican constitution 
 (i7Si 
 
-?3 * 
 3^ 3 
 
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THE SECOND FRENCH EMPIRE rSt 
 
 offered himself as a candidate for the Presidency of the new repiiMic. AiiJ 
 now the matjic of the name of Napoleon told. General Cavain^nac, his 
 chief competitor, was supported by the solid men of the country, who dis- 
 trusted the adventurer; but the people rose almost solidly in his support, 
 and he was elected president for four years by 5,562,834 votes, at,'ainst 
 1,469,166 for Cavaignac. 
 
 The new President of France soon showed his ambition. He liccame 
 engaged in a contest with the Assembly and aroused the dis- ^„ Autocratic 
 trust of the Republicans by his autocratic tones. In 1849 ''*- President of 
 still further offended the Democratic party by sending an France 
 army to Rome, which put an end to the republic in that city. He sought 
 to make his Cabinet officers the pliant instruments of his will, and thus 
 caused De Tocqueville, the celebrated author, who was minister for foreign 
 affairs, to resign. " We were not the men to serve him on those terms," 
 said De Tocqueville, at a later time. 
 
 The new-made president was feeling his way to imperial dignity. He 
 could not forget that his illustrious uncle had made himself emperor, and 
 his ambition instigated him to the same course. A violent controversy 
 arose between him and the Assembly, which body passed a law restricting 
 universal suffrage, and thus reducing the popular support of the president. 
 In June, 1850, it increased his salary at his request, but granted the increase 
 only for one year — an act of distrust which proved a new source of discord. 
 
 Louis Napoleon meanwhile was preparing for a daring act. He 
 secretly obtained the support of the army leaders and prepared covertly for 
 the boldest stroke of his life. On the 2d of December, 1851, — The Coup d'etat 
 the anniversary of the establishment of the first empire and of Loui.s 
 of the battle of Austerlitz, — he got rid of his opponents by Napoleon 
 means of the memorable coti/xfclal, and seized the supreme power of the state. 
 
 The most influential members of the Assembly had been arrested during 
 the preceding night, and when the hour for the session of the House came 
 the men most strongly opposed to the usurper were in prison. Most of 
 them were afterwards exiled, some for life, some for shorter terms. This 
 act of outrage and violation of the plighted faith of the president roused 
 the Socialists and Republicans to the defence of their threatened liberties, 
 insurrections broke out in Paris, Lyons, and other towns, street barricades 
 were built, and severe fighting took place. But Napoleon had secured the 
 army, and the revolt was suppressed with blood and slaughter. Baudin, one 
 of the deposed deputies, was shot on the barricade in the Faubourg St. 
 Antoine, while waving in his hand the decree of the constitution. He was 
 afterwards honored as a martyr to the cause of republicanism in I-"rance. 
 
i82 THE SECOND FRENCH EMPIRE 
 
 The usurper had previously sought to gain the approval of the people 
 by liberal and charitable acts, and to win the goodwill of the civic authori- 
 How Napoleon ^'^^ ^Y numerous progresses through the interior. He posed 
 
 Won Popular as a protector and promoter of national prosperity and the 
 
 Support rights of the people, and sought to lay upon the Assembly all 
 
 the defects of his administration. By these means, which aided to awaken 
 the Napoleonic fervor in the state, he was enabled safely to submit his acts 
 of violence and bloodshed to the approval of the people. The new consti- 
 tution offered by the president was put to vote, and was adopted by the 
 enormous majority of more than seven million votes. By its terms Louis 
 Napoleon was to be president of France for ten years, with the power of a 
 monarch, and the Parliament was to consist of two bodies, a Senate and a 
 Legislative House, which were given only nominal power. 
 
 This was as far as Napoleon dared to venture at that time. A year 
 Louis Napoleon later, on December i, 1852, having meanwhile firmly cemented 
 
 is Elected his power, he passed from president to emperor, again by a 
 
 mperor vote of the people, of whom, according to the official report, 
 
 7,824,189 cast their votes in his favor. 
 
 Thus ended the second French republic, an act of usurpation of the 
 basest and most unwarranted character. The partisans of the new emperor 
 were rewarded with the chief offices of the state ; the leading republicans 
 languished in prison or in exile for the crime of doing their duty to their 
 constituents ; and Armand Marrest, the most zealous champion of the 
 republic, died of a broken heart from the overthrow of all his efforts and 
 aspirations. The honest soldier and earnest patriot, Cavaignac, in a few 
 years followed him to the grave. The cause of liberty in France seemed lost. 
 The crowning of a n&w emperor of the Napoleonic family in France 
 naturally filled Europe with apprehensions. But Napoleon HL, as he 
 styled himself, was an older man than Napoleon I., and seemingly less 
 likely to be carried away by ambition. His favorite motto, "The Empire 
 is peace," aided to restore quietude, and gradually the nations began to 
 trust in his words, " France wishes for peace ; and when France is satisfied 
 the world is quiet." 
 
 Warned by one of the errors of his uncle, he avoided seeking a wife in 
 
 the royal families of Europe, but allied himself with a Spanish lady of noble 
 
 rank, the young and beautiful Eugenie de Montijo, duchess of 
 
 theE^*eror ^eba. At the same time he proclaimed that, " A sovereign 
 
 raised to the throne by a new principle should remain faithful 
 
 to that principle, and in the face of Europe frankly accept the position of 
 
 a parvenu, which is an honorable title when it is obtained by the public 
 
THE SECOND FRENCH EMPIRE 183 
 
 suffrage of a great people. For seventy years all princes' daughters mar- 
 ried to rulers of France have been unfortunate ; only one, Josephine, was 
 remembered with affection by the I'Vench people, and she was not born of a 
 royal house." 
 
 The new emperor sought by active public works and acts of charity 
 to win the approval of the people. He recognized the necessity of aiding 
 the working classes as far as possible, and protecting them from poverty and 
 wretchedness. During a dearth in 1853 a "baking fund" was organized in 
 Paris, the city contributing funds to enable bread to be sold at a low price. 
 Dams and embankments were built along the rivers to overcome the effects 
 of floods. New streets were opened, bridges built, railways constructed, to 
 increase internal traiific. Splendid buildings were erected for pubiic Works 
 municipal and government purposes. Paris was given a new in Paris and 
 aspect by pulling down its narrow lanes, and building wide France 
 streets and magnificent boulevards — the latter, as was charged, for the 
 purpose of depriving insurrection of its lurking places. The great exhibi- 
 tion of arts and industries in London was followed in 1854 by one in 
 France, the largest and finest seen up to that time. Trade and industry 
 were fostered by a reduction of tariff charges, joint stock companies and 
 credit associations were favored, and in many ways Napoleon III. worked 
 wisely and well for the prosperity of France, the growth of its industries, 
 and the improvement of the condition of its people. 
 
 But the new emperor, while thus actively engaged in labors of peace, 
 by no means lived up to the spirit of his motto, "The Empire is peace." 
 An empire founded upon the army needs to give employment to that army. 
 A monarchy sustained by the votes of a people athirst for .j-^^ Ambition 
 glory needs to do something to appease that thirst. A throne of the Em- 
 filled by a Napoleon could not safely ignore the " Napo- ''^''*"' 
 leonic Ideas," and the first of these might be stated as " The Empire is 
 war." And the new emperor was by no means satisfied to pose simply as 
 the " nephew of his uncle." He possessed a large share of the Napoleonic 
 ambition, and hoped by military glory to surround his throne with some of 
 the lustre of that of Napoleon the First. 
 
 Whatever his private views, it is certain that Prance under his reign 
 became the most aggressive nation of Europe, and the overweening 
 ambition and self-confidence of the new emperor led him to the same end 
 as his great uncle, that of disaster and overthrow. 
 
 The very beginning of Louis Napoleon's career of greatness, as presi- 
 dent of the French Republic, was signalized by an act of military aggression, 
 iin sending his army to Rome and putting an end to the new Italian repub- 
 
1 84 THE SECOND FRENCH EMPIRE 
 
 lie. These troops were kept there until 1866, and the aspirations of the 
 Italian patriots were held in check until that year. Only when United Italy 
 stood menacingly at the gates of Rome were these foreign troops with- 
 drawn. 
 
 In 1854 Napoleon allied himself with. the British and the Turks against 
 Russia, and sent an army to the Crimea, which played an effective part in 
 
 that great struggle in that peninsula. The troops of France 
 The French in , , f, . r j • c l i ui 
 
 the Crimea '^'^'^ ^'''^ honor ot rendermg bebastopol untenable, carrymg 
 
 by storm one of its two great fortresses and turning its guns 
 upon the city. 
 
 The next act of aggression of the French emperor was against Aus- 
 tria. As the career of conquest of Napoleon I. had begun with an attack 
 upon the Austrians in Italy, Napoleon III. attempted a similar enterprise, 
 and with equal success. He had long been cautiously preparing in secret 
 for hostilities with Austria, but lacked a satisfactory excuse for declaring 
 Orsini's At= ^^^''- This came in 1858 from an attempt at assassination. 
 temptatAs= Felice Orsini, a fanatical Italian patriot, incensed at Napoleon 
 sassination j^.^^^^ j^j^ failing to come to the aid of Italy, launched three 
 explosive bombs against his carriage. This effect was fatal to many of the 
 people in the street, though the intended victim escaped. Orsini won sym- 
 pathy while in prison by his patriotic sentiments and the steadfastness of 
 his love for his country. " Remember that the Italians shed their blood for 
 Napoleon the great," he wrote to the emperor. " Liberate my country, and 
 the blessings of twenty-five millions of people will follow you to posterity." 
 Louis Napoleon had once been a member of a secret political society 
 of Italy ; he had taken the oath of initiation ; his failure to come to the aid 
 of that country when in power constituted him a traitor to his oath and one 
 doomed to death ; the act of Orsini seemed the work of the society. That 
 he was deeply moved by the attempted assassination is certain, and the re- 
 sult of his combined fear and ambition was soon to be shown. 
 
 On New Year's Day, 1859, while receiving the diplomatic corps at the 
 Tuileries, Napoleon addressed the following significant words to the Aus- 
 trian ambassador : " I regret that our relations are not so cordial as I could 
 wish, but I beg you to report to the Emperor that my personal sentiments 
 towards him remain unaltered." 
 
 Th w rlik Such is the masked way in which diplomats announce an 
 
 Attitude of intention of war. The meaning of the threatening words was 
 
 Fi-anceand soon shown, when Victor Emmanuel, shortly afterwards, 
 
 announced at the opening of the Chambers in Turin that 
 
 Sardinia could no longer remain indifferent to the cry for help which was 
 
THE SECOND FRENCH EMPIRE 185 
 
 rising from all Italy. Ten years had passed since the defeat i)f the Sar- 
 dinians on the plains of Lombardy. During that time the\- had cherished 
 a hope of retribution, and it was now evident that an alliance had been 
 made with France and that the hour of vengeance was at hand. 
 
 Austria was ready for the 'contest. Her finances, indeed, were in a 
 serious state, but she had a large army in Lombard)-. This was increased, 
 Lombardy was declared in a state of siege, and every step was taken to 
 guard against assault from Sardinia. Delay was disadvantageous to Austria, 
 as it would permit her enemies to complete their preparations, and on April 
 23, 1859, an ultimatum came from Vienna, demanding that Sardinia should 
 put her army on a peace footing or war would ensue, 
 
 A refusal came from Turin. Immediately field-marshal Ciyulai re- 
 ceived orders to cross the Ticino. Thus, after ten years of peace, the beau- 
 tiful plains of Northern Italy were once more to endure the Advanceofthe 
 ravages of war. This act of Austria was severely criticised Austrian 
 by the neutral powers, which had been seeking to allay the Army 
 trouble. Napoleon took advantage of it, accusing Austria of breaking the 
 peace by invading the territory of his ally, the king of .Sardinia. 
 
 The real fault committed by Austria, under the circumstances, was not 
 in precipitating war, which could not well be avoided in the temper of her 
 antagonists, but in putting, through court favor and privileges of rank, an 
 incapable leader at the head of the army. Old Radetzky, the victor in the 
 last war, was dead, but there were other able leaders who were thrust aside 
 in favor of the Hungarian noble Franz Gyulai, a man without experience 
 as commander-in-chief of an army. 
 
 By his uncertain and dilatory movements Gyulai gave the Sardinians 
 time to concentrate an army of 80.000 men around the fortress of Aless- 
 andria, and lost all the advantage of being the first in the field. In early 
 I\Iay the French army reached Italy, partly by way of the St. Bernard Pass, 
 partly by sea ; and Garibaldi, with his mountaineers, took up a position that 
 would enable him to attack the right wing of the Austrians. 
 
 Later m the month Napoleon himself appeared, his presence and the 
 name he bore inspirins: the soldiers with new valor, while his _,. ,, 
 
 ''='__ , The French in 
 
 first order of the day, in which he recalled the glorious deeds Italy and the 
 which their fathers had done on those plains under his great March on 
 uncle, roused them to the highest enthusiasm. While assum- 
 ing the title of commander-in-chief, he left the conduct of the war to his able 
 subordinates, MacMahon, Niel, Canrobert, and others. 
 
 The Austrian general, having lost the opportunity to attack, was now 
 put on the defensive, in which his incompetence was equally manifested. 
 
1 86 THE SECOND FRENCH EMPIRE 
 
 Being quite ignorant of the position of the foe, he sent Count Stadion, with 
 12,000 men, on a reconnoisance. An encounter took place at Montei)ello 
 on May 20th, in which, after a sharp engagement, Stadion was forced to 
 retreat. Gyulai directed his attention to that quarter, leaving Napoleon to 
 march unmolested from Alessandria to the invasion of Lombardy. Gyulai 
 now, aroused by the danger of Milan, began his retreat across the Ticino, 
 which he had so uselessly crossed. 
 
 The road to Milan crossed the Ticino River and the Naviglio Grande, 
 
 a broad and deep canal a few miles east of the river. Some distance farther 
 
 on lies the village of Magenta, the seat of the first great battle of the war. 
 
 Sixty years before, on those Lombard plains. Napoleon the Great had first 
 
 lost, and then, by a happy chance, w^on the famous battle 
 
 of Blunders °^ Marengo. The Napoleon now in command was a verv 
 
 different man from the mighty soldier of the year 1800, and 
 
 the French escaped a disastrous rout only because the Austrians were led 
 
 by a worse general still. Some one has said that victory comes to the army 
 
 that makes the fewest blunders. Such seems to have been the case in the 
 
 battle of Magenta, where military genius was the one thing wanting. 
 
 The French pushed on, crossed the river without finding a man to dis- 
 pute the passage, — other than a much-surprised customs official, — and 
 reached an undefended bridge across the canal. The high road to Milan 
 seemed deserted by the Austrians. But Napoleon's troops were drawn out 
 in a preposterous line, straddling a river and a canal, both difificult to cross, 
 and without any defensive positions to hold against an attack in force. He 
 supposed that the Austrians were stretched out in a similar long line. 
 This was not the case. Gyulai had all the advantages of position, and 
 might have concentrated his army and crushed the advanced corps of the 
 French if he had known his situation and his business. As it was, between 
 ignorance on the one hand and indecision on the other, the battle was 
 fought with about equal forces on either hand. 
 
 The first contest took place at Buffalora, a village on the canal where 
 
 the French encountered the Austrians in force. Here a 
 Buffalora and 111 1 1-1 1 ■ • 1 
 
 Magenta bloody Struggle went on lor hours, endmg m the capture 
 
 of the place by the Grenadiers of the Guard, who held on to 
 
 It afterwards with stubborn courage. 
 
 General MacMahon, in command of the advance, had his orders to 
 
 march forward, whatever happened, to the church-tower of Magenta, and, 
 
 in strict obedience to orders, he pushed on, leaving the grenadiers to hold 
 
 their own as best they could at Buffalora, and heedless of the fact that the 
 
 reserve troops of the army had not yet begun to cross the river. It was 
 
THE SECOND ERENCH EMPIRE 187 
 
 the 51I1 of [line, rind the; da)' was well ach'anccd when MacMalion came in 
 contact with tin; Austrians at Mai^cnta, and the ^real contest of the day 
 began. 
 
 It was a battle in which the commanders on both sides, with th(! excep- 
 tion of iMacMahon, showed lack of mil-itary skill and the soldiers on both 
 sides the staunchest courage. The Austrians seemed devoiti of plan or 
 system, and their several divisions were beaten in detail by the French. Oy\ 
 the other hand, General Camou, in command of the second division of 
 MacMahon's corps, acted as Desai.x had done at the battle of 
 
 ,, 111 1 r 1 1- T-> Camou's Delib- 
 
 iMarengo, marched at the sound of the distant cannon, but, erate March 
 unlike Desai.x, he moved so deliberately that it took him six 
 hours to make less than five miles. He was a tactician of the old school, 
 imbued with the idea that every march should be made in perfect order. 
 
 At half-past four MacMahon, with his uniforna in disorder and followed 
 by a few officers of his staff, dashed back to hurry up this deliberate reserve. 
 On the way thither he rode into a body of Austrian sharpshooters. For- 
 tune favored him. Not dreaming of the presence of the French general, 
 they saluted him as one of their own commanders. On his way back he 
 made a second narrow escape from capture by the Uhlans. 
 
 The drums now beat the charge, and a determined attack was made by 
 the French, the enemy's main column being taken between two fires. Des- 
 perately resisting, it was forced back step by step upon Magenta. Into the 
 town the columns rolled, and the fight became fierce around the church. 
 High in the tower of this edifice stood the Austrian general and his staff, 
 watching the fortunes of the fray ; and from this point he caught siglit of 
 the four regiments of Camou, advancing as regularly as if on parade. 
 They were not given the chance to fire a shot or receive a scratch, eager as 
 they were to take part in the fight. At sight of them the j^e French 
 Austrian general ordered a retreat and the battle was at an Victory at 
 end. The French owed their victory largely to General ^^^^ 
 Mellinet and his Grenadiers of the Guard, who held their own like bull-dogs 
 at Buffalora while Camou was advancing with the deliberation of the old 
 military rules. MacMahon and Mellinet and the French had won the day. 
 \ictor Emmanuel and the Sardinians did not reach the ground until after 
 the battle was at end. For his services on that day of glory for France 
 MacMahon was made Marshal of France and Duke of Magenta. 
 
 The prize of the victory of Magenta was the possession of Lombardy. 
 Gyulai, unable to collect his scattered divisions, gave orders for a general 
 retreat. Milan was evacuated with precipitate haste, and the garrisons 
 were withdrawn from all the towns, leaving them to be occupied by the 
 
1 88 THE SECOND FRENCH EMPIRE 
 
 French and Italians. On the 8th of June Napoleon and Victor PZmmanuel 
 rode into Milan side by side, amid the loud acclamations of the people, 
 who looked upon this victory as an assurance of Italian freedom and unity. 
 
 Meanwhile the Austrians retreated without interruption, not 
 Milan and the , , - -i , • i i ht- • i i 
 
 Quadrilateral halting until they arrived at the Mincio, where they were pro- 
 tected by the famous Quadrilateral, consisting of the four 
 powerful fortresses of Peschiera, Mantua, Verona, and Leguano, the main- 
 stay of the Austrian power in Italy. 
 
 The French and Italians slowly pursued the retreating Austrians, and 
 on the 23d of June bivouacked on both banks of the Chiese River, about 
 fifteen miles west of the Mincio. The Emperor Francis Joseph had 
 recalled the incapable Gyulai, and, in hopes of inspiring his soldiers with 
 new spirit, himself took command. The two emperors, neither of them 
 soldiers, were thus pitted against each other, and Francis Joseph, eager to 
 retrieve the disaster at Magenta, resolved to quit his strong position of 
 defence in the Quadrilateral and assume the offensive. 
 
 At two o'clock in the morning of the 24th the allied French and 
 Italian army resumed its march, Napoleon's orders for the day being based 
 upon the reports of his reconnoitering parties and spies. These led him 
 to believe that, although a strong detachment of the enemy might be 
 encountered west of the Mincio, the main body of the Austrians was await- 
 ing him on the eastern side of the river. But the French intelligence 
 department was badly served. The Austrians had stolen a march upon 
 Napoleon. Undetected by the French scouts, they had re- 
 
 The Armies crossed the Mincio, and by nightfall of the 23d their leading 
 
 on the Mincio . . 
 
 columns were occupying the ground on which the French 
 
 were ordered to bivouac on the evening of the 24th. The intention of the 
 Austrian emperor, now commanding his army in person, had been to push 
 forward rapidly and fall upcMi the allies before they had completed the 
 passage of the river Chiese. But this scheme, like that of Napoleon, was 
 based on defective information. The allies broke up from their bivouacs 
 many hours before the Austrians expected them to do so, and when the 
 two armies came in contact early in the morning of the 24th of June the Aus- 
 trians were quite as much taken by surprise as the French. 
 
 The Austrian army, superior in numbers to its opponents, was posted 
 in a half-circle between the Mincio and Chiese, with the intention of press- 
 ing forward from these points upon a centre. But the line was extended 
 too far, and the centre was comparatively weak and without reserves. 
 Napoleon, who that morning received complete intelligence of the position 
 of the Austrian army, accordingly directed his chief strength against the 
 
h- 
 
THE SECOND FRENCH EMPIRE 191 
 
 enemy's centre, which rested upon a height near the village of Solferino. 
 Here, on the 24th of June, after a murderous conflict, in which the French 
 commanders hurled continually renewed masses against the decisive posi- 
 tion, while OP. the other side the Austrian reinforcements failed through 
 lack of unity of plan and decision of action, the heights were at length won 
 b\- the French troops in spite of heroic resistance on the part of the Aus 
 trian soldiers ; the Austrian line of battle Ijeing cut through, and the armj 
 thus divided into two separate masses. A second attack which Napoleon 
 promptly directed against Cavriano had a similar result ; for the commands 
 given by the Austrian generals were confused and had no general and 
 definite aim. The fate of the battle was already in a grt^at 
 
 measure decided, when a tremendous storm broke forth that j" ,/ . ^' ** 
 ' Solferino 
 
 put an end to the combat at most points, and gave the Aus- 
 trians an opportunity to retire in order. Only Benedek, who had twice 
 beaten back the Sardinians at various points, continued the struggle for 
 some hours longer. On the FVench side Marshal Nitl had pre-eminently 
 distinguished himself by acuteness and bravery. It was a da)' of bloodshed, 
 on which two great powers had measured their strength against each other 
 for twelve hours. The Austrians had to lament the loss of 13,000 dead 
 and wounded, and left 9,000 prisoners in the enemy's hands ; on the side of 
 the French and Sardinians the number of killed and wounded was even 
 greater, for the repeated attacks had been made upon well-defended heights, 
 but the number of prisoners was not nearly so great. 
 
 The victories in Italy filled the French peuph; with the warmest 
 admiration for their emperor, they thinking, in their enthusiasm, that a 
 true successor of Napoleon the great had come to bring glory xhe Feelins in 
 tt) their arms. Italy also was full of enthusiatic hope, fancying France and 
 that the freedom and unity of the Italians was at last assured. ^ * 
 Both nations were, therefore, bitterly tlisappointed in learning that the war 
 was at an end, and that a hasty peace had been arranged between the 
 emperors, which left the hoped-for work but half achieved. 
 
 Napoleon estimated his position better than his people. Despite his 
 victories, his situation was one of danger and difficulty. The army had 
 suffered severely in its brief campaign, and the Austrians were still in pos. 
 session of the Quadrilateral, a square of powerful fortresses which he might 
 seek in vain to reduce. And a threat of serious trouble had arisen in Ger- 
 many. The victorious career of a new Napoleon in Italy was alarming. It 
 was not easy to forget the past. The German powers, though they had 
 declined to come to the aid of Austria, were armed and ready, and at any 
 moment might begin a hostile movement upon the Rhine. 
 
192 THE SECOND FRENCH EMPIRE 
 
 Napoleon, wise enough to secure what he had won, without hazarding 
 
 its loss, arranged a meeting with the Austrian emperor, whom he found 
 
 quite as ready for peace. The terms of the truce arrangfeci 
 A Meeting of ^ ■' ^ . ° 
 
 the Emperors between them were that Austria should abandon Lombardy 
 
 and Treaty to the line of the Mincio, almost its eastern boundary, and 
 that Italy should form a confederacy under the presidency of 
 the pope. In the treaty subsequently made only the first of these condi- 
 tions was maintained, Lombardy passing to the king- of Sardinia. He 
 received also the small states of Central Italy, whose tyrants had fled, 
 ceding to Napoleon, as a reward for his assistance, the realm of Savoy and 
 the city and territory of Nice. 
 
 Napoleon had now reached the summit of his career. In the succeed- 
 ing years the French were to learn that they had put their faith in a hollow 
 emblem of glory, and Napoleon to lose the prestige he had gained at Ma- 
 genta and Solferino. His first serious mistake was when he yielded to the 
 voice of ambition, and, taking advantage of the occupation of the Ameri- 
 cans in their civil war, sent an army to invade Mexico. 
 
 The ostensible purpose of this invasion was to collect a debt which the 
 Mexicans had refused to pay, and Great Britain and Spain were inciuced to 
 take part in the expedition. But their forces were withdrawn 
 of Mexico when they found that Napoleon had other purposes in view, 
 and his army was left to fight its battles alone. After some 
 sanguinary engagements the Mexican army was broken into a series of 
 guerilla bands, incapable of facing his well-drilled troops, and Napoleon 
 proceeded to reorganize Mexico as an empire, placing the Archduke Maxi- 
 milian of Austria on the throne. 
 
 All went well while the people of the United States were fighting for 
 their national union, but when their war was over the ambitious French em- 
 peror was soon taught that he had committed a serious error. He was given 
 plainly to understand that the French troops could only be kept in Mexico 
 at the cost of a war with the United States, and he found it convenient to 
 withdraw them early in 1867. They had no sooner gone than the Mexicans 
 were in arms against Maximilian, and his rash determination to remain 
 quickly led to his capture and execution as a usurper. 
 
 The inaction of Napoleon during the wars which Prussia fought with 
 
 Denmark and Austria gave further blows to his prestige in France, and the 
 
 Napoleon Loses opposition to his policy of personal goverrynent grew so 
 
 Prestige in strong that he felt himself obliged to submit his policy to a 
 
 '■^"'^^ vote of the people. He was sustained by a large majority. 
 
 Yet he perceived that his power was sinking. He was obliged to loosen the 
 
THE SECOND FRENCH EMPIRE 193 
 
 reins of government at home, though knowing that the yielding of increased 
 liberty to the people would weaken his own control. Finally, finding him- 
 self failing in health, confidence, and reinilalion, he yielded to advisers who 
 told him that the only hope for his dynasty la\- in a successful war, and un- 
 dertook the war of 1S70 against Prussia. 
 
 The origin and events of this war will be considered in a subsequent 
 'hapten It will suffice to say here that its events proved Napoleon's in- 
 •^apacity as a military emperor, he being utterly deceived in the condition of 
 the I'Vench army and unwarrantably ignorant of that of the (iermans. He 
 believed that the arm}' of iM'ance was in the highest conilition of organiza- 
 tion anil eompletel)- supplied, when the very contrary was the case ; and was 
 siniilarl)' deceivc-d concerning the state of the niilitar)- force of Prussia. 
 The result was that which might have been expected. The Cie-rman troops 
 admirably organized and excellently commanded, defeated the French in a 
 series of engagments that fairly took the breath of the world by their 
 rapidity and completeness, ending in the capture of Napoleon and his army. 
 As a consequence the second empire of France came to an end and 
 Napoleon lost his throne. He died two years afterwards an e.xile in Eng- 
 land, that place of shelter for French royal refugees. 
 
CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Garibaldi and the Unification of Italy. 
 
 FROM the time of the fall of the Roman Empire until late in the nine- 
 teenth century, a period of some fourteen hundred )'ears, Italy re- 
 mained disunited, divided up between a series of states, small and 
 large, hostile and peaceful, while its territory was made the battlefield of the 
 surrounding powers, the helpless prey of Germany, France, and Spain. Even 
 
 the stronor handof Napoleon failed to bring it unity, and after his 
 Lack of Italian ^^ / ' 
 
 U„Hy fall its condition was worse than before, for Austria held most 
 
 of the north and exerted a controlling power over the remainder 
 of the peninsula, so that the fair form of liberty fled in dismay from its shores. 
 But the work of Napoleon had inspired the patriots of Italy with a new 
 sentiment, that of union. Before the Napoleonic era the thought of a 
 united Italy scarcely existed, and patriotism meant adherence to Sardinia, 
 Naples, or some other of the many kingdoms and duchies. After that era 
 union became the watchword of the revolutionists, who felt that the only 
 hope of giving Italy a position of dignity and honor among the nations 
 Italian Unity '^Y ''"' making it one country under one ruler. The history 
 and Its of the nineteenth century in Italy is the record of the at- 
 
 tempt to reach this end, and its successful accomplishment. 
 And on that record the names of two men most prominently appear, 
 Mazzini, the indefatigable conspirator, and Garibaldi, the valorous fighter; 
 to whose names should be added that of the eminent statesmen, Count 
 Cavour, and that of the man who reaped the benefit of their patriotic 
 labors, Victor Emmanuel, the first king of united Italy. 
 
 The basis of the revolutionary movements in Italy was the secret 
 political association known as the Carbonari, formed early in the nineteenth 
 century and including members of all classes in its ranks. In 1814 this 
 powerful society projected a revolution in Naples, and in 1820 it was 
 The Carbonari Strong enough to invade Naples with an army and force from 
 the king an oath to observe the new constitution which it had 
 prepared. The revolution was put down in the following year by the Aus- 
 trians, acting as the agents of the " Holy Alliance," — the compact of 
 Austria, Prussia, and Russia. 
 (194) 
 
GARIBALDI AND THE UNIFICATION OF ITALY 195 
 
 An ordinance was passed, condemning any one wlio sliould attend a 
 meeting of the Carbonari to capital punishment. But the society continued 
 to exist, despite this severe enactment, and has been at the basis of many 
 of the outbreaks that have taken place in Italy since 1S20. Mazzini, Gari- 
 baldi, and all the leading patriots were members of this powerful organiza- 
 tion, which was daring enough to condemn Napoleon III. to death, and 
 almost to succeed in his assassination, for his failure to live up to his obliga- 
 tions as a member of the society. 
 
 Ciiuseppe Mazzini, a native of Genoa, became a member of the Car- 
 bonari in 1830. His activity in revolutionarjf movements caused him soon 
 after to be proscribed, and in 183 1 he sought Marseilles, where he organized 
 a new political society called " Young Italy," whose watchword 
 was " God and the People," and whose basic principle was the Patriot 
 union of the several states and kingdoms into one nation, as 
 the only true foundation of Italian liberty. This purpose he avowed in hi> 
 writingsand pursued through exile and adversity with inlle.xible constancy, anc^ 
 it is largely due to the work of this earnest patriot that Italy to-day is a single 
 kingdom instead of a medley of separate states. Only in one particular did 
 he fail. His persistent purpose was to establish a republic, not a monarchy. 
 
 While Mazzini was thus working with his pen, his compatriot, Giuseppe 
 Garibaldi, was working as earnestly with his sword. This 
 
 ,• 1,. /-XT- 1 1 i-r I Early Career of 
 
 darmg soldier, a native of Nice and reared to a lite on the oaribaldl 
 sea, was banished as a revolutionist in 1834, and the succeed- 
 ing fourteen years of his life were largely spent in South America, in whose 
 wars he played a leading part. 
 
 The revolution of 1848 opened Italy to these two patriots, and they 
 liastened to return. Garibaldi to offer his services to Charles Albert of 
 Sardinia, by whom, however, he was treated with coldness and distrust. 
 Mazzini, after founding the Roman republic in 1849, called upon Garibaldi 
 to come to its defence, and the latter displayed the greatest heroism in the 
 contest against the Neapolitan and French invaders. He escaped from 
 Rome on its capture by the French, and, after many desperate conflicts and 
 adventures with the Austrians, was again driven into exile, and in 1850 became 
 a resident of New York. For some time he worked in a manufactory of 
 candles on Staten Island, and afterwards made several voyages on the Pacific. 
 
 The war of 1S59 opened a new and promising channel for the devo- 
 tion of Garibaldi to his native land. Being appointed major- 
 general and commissioned to raise a volunteer corps, he T'^'-' Hunters 
 . J , , . of tlie Alps 
 
 organized the hardy body of mountaineers called the " Hunters 
 
 of the Alps," and with them performed prodigies of valor on the plains 
 
X96 GARIBALDI AND THE UNIFICATION OF ITALY 
 
 of Loinbarcly, winning victories over the Austrians at Varese, Como 
 and other places. In his ranks was his fellow-patriot Mazzini. 
 
 The success of the French and Sardinians in Lombardy during- this 
 war stirred Italy to its centre. The grand duke of Tuscany fled to Aus- 
 tria. The duchess of Parma sought refuge in Switzerland. The duke 
 of Modena found shelter in the Austrian camp. Everywhere the brood of 
 tyrants took to flight. Bologna threw off its allegiance to the pope, and 
 proclaimed the king of Sardinia dictator. .Several other towns in the 
 states of the Church did the same. In the terms of the truce between 
 Louis Napoleon and Francis Joseph the rulers of these realms were to 
 resume their reigns if the people would permit. But the people would not 
 permit, and they were all annexed to Sardinia, which country was greatly 
 expanded as a result of the war. 
 
 It will not suffice to give all the credit for these revolutionary move- 
 ments to Mazzini, the organizer, Garibaldi, the soldier, and the ambitious 
 monarchs of France and Sardinia. More important than king and emperor 
 was the eminent statesman, Count Cavour, prime minister of Sardinia from 
 1S52. It is to this able man that the honor of the unification of Italy most 
 CountCavour fully belongs, though he did not live to see it. He sent a 
 the Brain of .Sardinian army to the assistance of France and England in 
 
 ^ the Crimea in 1855, and by this act gave his state a standing 
 
 among the powers of Europe. He secured liberty of the press and favored 
 toleration in religion and freedom of trade. He rebelled against the 
 dominion of the papacy, and devoted his abilities to the liberation and 
 unity of Italy, undismayed by the angry fulminations from the Vatican. 
 The war of 1859 was his work, and he had the satisfaction of seeing 
 Sardinia increa.sed by the addition of Lombardy, Tuscany, Parma and 
 Modena. A great step had been taken in the work to which he had 
 devoted his life. 
 
 The next step in the great work was taken by Garibaldi, who now 
 
 struck at the powerful kingdom of Naples and Sicily in the south. It 
 
 Garibaldi's In- seemed a difficult task. Francis II., the son and successor of 
 
 vasion of the infamous "King Bomba," had a well-organized army of 
 
 ^ 150,000 men. But his father's tyranny had filled the land 
 
 with secret societies, and fortunately at this time the Swiss mercenaries 
 were recalled home, leaving to Francis only his unsafe native troops. This 
 was the critical interval which Mazzini and Garibaldi chose for their work. 
 
 At the beginning of April, i860, the signal was given by separate 
 insurrections in Messina and Palermo. These were easily suppressed by 
 the troops in garrison ; but though both cities were declared in a state of 
 
GARIBALDI AND THE UNIFICATION OF ITALY 197 
 
 sies^e, they ijave occasion for dcnionstrations h)' which the revolutionary 
 
 chiefs excited the public mind. < )n thi! 6th of May, Garihaldi started with 
 
 two steamers from Genoa with about a thousand Italian volunteers, and on 
 
 the iith landed near Marsala, on the west coast of Sicily. He proceeded 
 
 to the mountains, and near Salemi (gathered round him the scattered bands 
 
 of the free corps. By the 14th his army had increased to 4,000 men. He 
 
 now issued a proclamation, in which he took upon himself the dictatorship 
 
 of .Sicily, in the name of V'ictor Mmmanuel, kin;^ of Italy. After waginj^ 
 
 various successful combats under the most difficult circumstances, Garibaldi 
 
 advanced upon the capital, announcing his arrival by beacon-fires kindled 
 
 at nii^ht. On the 27th he was in front of the Porta Termina of Palermo, 
 
 and at once gave the signal for the attack. The people ro.se 
 
 in mass, and assisted the operations of the besiesjers by ^P*"'"'^ " 
 
 '^ & ^ Palermo 
 
 barricade-fighting in the streets. In a few hours half the 
 town was in Garibaldi's hands. But now General Lanza, whom the young 
 king had dispatched with strong reinforcements to Sicily, furiously bom- 
 barded the insurgent city, so that Palermo was reduced almost to a heap of 
 ruins. At this juncture, by the intervention of an English admiral, an armistice 
 was concluded, which led to the departure of the Neapolitan troops and war 
 vessels and the surrender of the town to Garibaldi, who thus, with a Ijand 
 of 5,000 badly armed followers, had gained a signal advantage over a 
 regular army of 25,000 men. This event had tremendous consequences, 
 for it showed the utter hollowness of the Neapolitan government, while 
 Garibaldi's fame was everywhere spread abroad. The glowing fancy of 
 the Italians beheld in him the national hero before whom every enemj' 
 would bite the dust. This idea seemed to extend even to the Neapolitan 
 court itself, where all was doubt, confusion and dismay. The king hastily 
 summoned a liberal ministry, and offered to restore the constitution of 
 1848, but the general verdict was, "too late," and his proclamation fell flat 
 on a people who had no trust in Bourbon faith. 
 
 The arrival of Garibaldi in Naples was enough to set in blaze all the 
 combustible materials in that state. His appearance there 
 was not long delayed. Six weeks after the surrender of Taken 
 Palermo he marched against Messina. On the 21st of 
 July the fortress of Melazzo was evacuated, and a week afterwards all 
 .Messina except the citadel was given up. 
 
 Europe was astounded at the remarkable success of Garibaldi's handful 
 of men. On the mainland his good fortune was still more astonishing. He 
 had hardly landed — which he did almost in the face of the Neapolitan fleet 
 — tlian Reggie was surrendered and its garrison withdrew His progress 
 
198 GARIBALDI AND THE UNIFICATION OF ITALY 
 
 through the south of the kingdom was like a triumphal procession. At the 
 Flight of Francis ^""-^ '^^ August he was at Cosenza ; on the 5th of September 
 II. and Con. at Eboli, near Salerno. No resistance appeared. His very 
 questoi apes ,-m,^^g seemed to work like magic on the population. The 
 capital had been declared in a state of siege, and on September 6th the 
 king took flight, retiring, with the 4,000 men still faithful to him, behind 
 the Volturno. The next day Garibaldi, with a few followers, entered 
 Naples, whose populace received him with frantic shouts of welcome. 
 
 The remarkable achievements of Garibaldi filled all Italy with over- 
 mastering excitement. He had declared that he would proclaim the 
 kingdom of Italy from the heart of its capital city, and nothing less than 
 this would content the people. The position of the pope had become 
 serious. He refused to g^rant the reforms sugeested by the 
 
 Th A && ^ 
 
 ^ th ""p French emperor, and threatened with excommunication any one 
 
 who should meddle with the domain of the Church. Money 
 was collected from faithful Catholics throughout the world, a summons 
 was issued calling the recruits to the holy army of the pope, and the exiled 
 French General Lamoriciere was given the chief command of the troops, 
 composed of men who had flocked to Rome from many nation^. It was 
 hoped that the name of the celebrated French leader would have a favor- 
 able influence on the troops of the French garrison of Rome. 
 
 The settlement of the perilous situation seemed to rest with Louis 
 Napoleon. If he had let Garibaldi have his way the latter would, no doubt, 
 have quickly ended the temporal sovereignity of the pope and made Rome 
 the capital of Italy. But Napoleon seems to have arranged with Cavour to 
 leave the king of Sardinia free to take possession of Naples, Umbria and 
 the other provinces, provided that Rome and the "patrimony of St. Peter" 
 were left intact. 
 
 At the beginning of September two Sardinian army corps, under Fanti 
 and Cialdini, marched to the borders of the states of the church. Lamor- 
 iciere advanced against Cialdini with his motley troops, but 
 uei in Naores" ^^^ quickly defeated, and on the following day was besieged 
 in the fortess of Ancona. On the 29th he and the garrison 
 surrendered as prisoners of war. On the 9th of October Victor Emmanuel 
 arrived and took command. There was no longer a papal army to oppose 
 him, and the march southward proceeded without a check. 
 
 The object of the king in assuming the chief command was to com- 
 plete the conquest of the kingdom of Naples, in conjunction with Garibaldi. 
 For though Garibaldi had entered the capital in triumph, the progress on 
 the line of the Volturno had been slow ; and the expectation that the 
 
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 ^ y fl 
 
 
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 ^^^'^^ fl 
 
In 1867 Garibaldi mad 
 
 of United Italy. He would h; 
 
 troops. The allied forces 
 'French Zouaves i 
 
 THE ZOUAVES CHARGING THE BARRICADES AT MENTANA 
 
 - -=--! effort to take the city of Rome, it being one of the cherished obje. 
 :ceecied m capturing the famous city had not the French 
 re too strong, and he was defeated at Mentana. The ill 
 dashing bayonet charge against the barricades of the re 
 
 of his life to make it the capita/ 
 me to the aid of the papal 
 
GARIBALDI AND THE UNIFICATION OF ITALY 201 
 
 Neapolitan army would go over to the invaders in a mass had not been 
 realized. The great majority of the troops remained faithful to the flag, so 
 that Garibaldi, although his irregular bands amounted to more than 25,000 
 men, could not hope to drive away King Francis, or to take the fortresses 
 of Capua and Gaeta, without the help of Sardinia, .^.gainst the diplomatic 
 statesman Cavour, who fostered no illusions, and saw the conditions of 
 affairs in its true light, the simple, honest Garibaldi cherished a deep aver- 
 sion. \\<i could never forgive Cavour for having given up Nice, Garibaldi's 
 native town, to the French. On the other hand, he felt at- 
 tracted toward the kincf, who in his opinion .seemed to be the Garibaldi Yields 
 t>' ' _ His Conquests 
 
 man raised up by Providence for the liberation of Italy. 
 Accordingly, when Victor Emmanuel entered Sessa, at the head of his 
 army. Garibaldi was easily induced to place his dictatorial power in the 
 hands of the king, to whom he left the completion of the work of the union 
 of Italy. After greeting X'ictor Emmanuel with the title of King of Italy, 
 and giving the required resignation of his power, with the words, " Sire, I 
 obey," he entered Naples, riding beside the king ; and then, after recom- 
 mending his companions in arms to his majesty's special favor, he retired 
 to his home on the island of Caprera, refusing to receive a reward, in any 
 shape or form, for his services to the state and its head. 
 
 The progress of the Sardinian army compelled Francis to give up the 
 line of the V'olturno, and he eventually took refuge, with his best troops, in 
 the fortress of Gaeta. On the maintenance of this fortre.ss hung the fate 
 of the kingdom of Naples. Its defence is the only bright 
 point in the career of the feeble Francis, whose courage was '^J! "1^^ ° 
 
 ... . Ciaeta 
 
 aroused by the heroic resolution ot his young wife, the Bava- 
 rian Princess Mary. For three months the defence continued. But no 
 European power came to the aid of the king, disease appeared with scarcity 
 of food and of munitions of war, and the garrison was at length forced to 
 capitulate. The fall of Gaeta was practically the completion of the great 
 work of the unification of Italy. Only Rome and Venice remained to be 
 added to the united kingdom. On February 18, 1861, Victor Emmanuel 
 assembled at Turin the deputies of all the states that acknowl- victor Emman. 
 edged his supremacy, and in their presence assumed the title uei Made 
 of King of Italy, which he was the first to bear. In four King of Italy 
 months afterwards Count Cavour, to whom this great work was largely 
 due, died. He had lived long enough to see the purpose of his life 
 practically accomplished. 
 
 Great as had been the change which two years had made, the patriots 
 of Italy were not satisfied. " Free from the Alps to the .Adriatic !" was their 
 
202 GARIBALDI AND THE UNIFICATION OF ITALY 
 
 cry ; " Rome and Venice !" became the watchword of the revohitionists. 
 Mazzini, who had sought to found a republic, was far from content, and the 
 agitation went on. Garibaldi was drawn into it, and made bitter complaint 
 of the treatment his followers had received. In 1862, disheartened at the 
 inaction of the king, he determined to undertake against Rome an expedi- 
 tion like that which he had led against Naples two years before. 
 
 In June he sailed from Genoa and landed at Palermo, where he was 
 
 Garibaldi's Ex- quicldy joined by an enthusiastic party of volunteers. They 
 
 pedition supposed that the government secretly favored their design, 
 
 Against Rome y^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ j^^j ^^ 1^^^ ^j- ^^j^^jj^g against the French 
 
 troops in Rome and arousing international complications, and he energetic- 
 ally warned all Italians against taking part in revolutionary enterprises. 
 
 But Garibaldi persisted in his design. When his way was barred by 
 the garrison of Messina he turned aside to Catania, where he embarked 
 v/ith 2,000 volunteers, declaring he would enter Rome as a victor, or perish 
 beneath its walls. He landed at Melito on the 24th of August, and threw 
 himself at once, with his followers, into the Calabrian mountains. But his 
 enterprise was quickly and disastrously ended. General Cialdini despatched 
 a division of the regular army, under Colonel Pallavicino, against the volun- 
 teer bands. At Aspromonte, on the 28th of August, the two forces came 
 into collision. A chance shot was followed by several volleys from the 
 regulars. Garibaldi forbade his men to return the fire of their fellow- 
 subjects of the Italian kingdom. He was wounded, and taken 
 
 en ac o prisoner with his followers, a few of whom had been slain 
 Caprera \ 
 
 in the short combat. A government steamer carried the 
 
 wounded chief to Varignano, where he was held in a sort of honorable im- 
 prisonment, and was compelled to undergo a tedious and painful operation 
 for the healing of his wound. He had at least the consolation that all 
 Europe looked with sympathy and interest upon the unfortunate hero ; and 
 a general sense of relief was felt when, restored to health, he was set free, 
 and allowed to return to his rocky island of Caprera. 
 
 Victor Emmanuel was seeking to accomplish his end by safer means. 
 The French garrison of Rome was the obstacle in his way, and this was 
 finally removed through a treaty with Louis Napoleon in September, 1864, 
 Florence the '^^ emperor agreeing to withdraw his troops during the succeed- 
 Capitai of ing two years, in which the pope was to raise an army large 
 ^ enough to defend his dominions. Florence was to replace Turin 
 
 as the capital of Italy. This arrangement created such disturbances in Turin 
 that the king was forced to leave that city hastily for h-s new capital. In 
 December, 1866, the last of the French troops departed from Rome, in 
 
GARIBALDI AND THE UNIFICATION OF ITALY 203 
 
 despite of the efforts of the pope to retain them. By their withdrawal 
 
 Italy was freed from the presence of foreign soldiers for the first time 
 
 probably in a thousand years. 
 
 In 1S66 came an event which reacted favorably for Italy, though her 
 
 part in it was the reverse of triumphant. This was the war between Prussia 
 
 and Austria. Italy was in alliance with Prussia, and Victor 
 
 Emmanuel hastened to lead an army across the Mincio to 'i,^^'^" 
 
 . . . 1866 
 
 the invasion of Venetia, the last Austrian province in Italy. 
 
 Garibaldi at the same time was to invade the Tyrol with his volunteers. 
 The enterprise ended in disaster. The Austrian troops, under the Arch- 
 duke Albert, encountered the Italians at Custozza and gained a brilliant 
 victory, despite the much greater numbers of the Italians. 
 
 Fortunately for Italy, the Austrians had been unsuccessful in the north, 
 and the emperor, with the hope of gaining the alliance of France and 
 breaking the compact between Italy and Prussia, decided to cede Venetia to 
 Louis Napoleon. His purpose failed. All Napoleon did in response was 
 to act as a peacemaker, while the Italian king refused to recede from his 
 alliance. Though the Austrians were retreating from a country which no 
 longer belonged to them, the invasion of Venetia by the Italians continued, 
 and several conflicts with the Austrian arniy took place. 
 
 But much the most memorable event of this brief war occurred on the 
 sea, in the most striking contest of ironclad ships between the American 
 civil war and the Japan-China contest. Both countries concerned had fleets 
 on the Adriatic. Italy was the strongest in naval vessels, possessing ten iron, 
 clads and a considerable number of wooden ships. Austria's 
 ironclad ileet was seven in number, plated with thin iron and ^^e Adriatic 
 with no very heavy guns. In addition there was a number 
 of wooden vessels and gunboats. But in command of this Ileet was an 
 admiral in whose blood was the iron which was lacking on his ships, Teget- 
 hoff, the Dewey of the Adriatic. Inferior as his ships were, his men 
 were thoroughly drilled in the use of the guns and the evolutions of the 
 ships, and when he sailed it was with the one thought of victory. 
 
 Persano, the Italian admiral, as if despising his adversary, engaged in 
 siege of the fortified island of Lissa, near the Dalmatian coast, leaving the 
 Austrians to do what they pleased. What they pleased was to attack him 
 with a fury such as has been rarely seen. Early on July 20, 1866, when the 
 Italians were preparing for a combined assault of the island by land and sea, 
 their movement was checked by the signal displayed on a scouting frigate : 
 "Suspicious-looking ships are in sight." Soon afterwards the Austrian fleet 
 appeared, the ironclads leading, the wooden ships in the rear. 
 
204 GARIBALDI AND 7 HE UNIFICATION OF ITALY 
 
 The battle that followed has had no parallel before or since. The 
 whole Austrian fleet was converted into rams. Tegethoff gave one final 
 order to his captains: "Close with the enemy and ram everything grey." 
 Grey was the color of the Italian ships. The Austrian were painted black, 
 so as to prevent any danger of error. 
 
 Fire was opened at two miles distance, the balls being wasted in the 
 waters between the fleets, " Full steam ahead," signalled Tegethoff. On 
 came the fleets, firing steadily, the balls now beginning to tell. " Ironclads 
 will ram and sink the enemy," signalled Tegethoff. It was the last order he 
 gave until the battle was won. 
 
 Soon the two lines of ironclads closed amid thick clouds of smoke. 
 Tegethoff, in his flagship, the Ferdinand Max, twiced rammed a grey iron- 
 clad without effect. Then, out of the smoke, loomed up the tall masts of 
 The Sinking ^^^^ ^^ d' Italia, Persano's flagship in the beginning of the 
 of the " Re fray. Against this vessel the Ferdina^id Max rushed at full 
 d'ltaiia speed, and struck her fairly amidships. Her sides of iron 
 
 were crushed in by the powerful blow, her tall masts toppled over, and 
 down beneath the waves sank the great ship with her crew of 600 men. 
 The next minute another Italian ship came rushing upon the Austrian, and 
 was only avoided by a quick turn of the helm. 
 
 One other great disaster occurred to the Italians. The Paiesh'o was 
 set on fire, and the pumps were put actively to work to drown the magazine. 
 The crew thought the work had been successfully performed, 
 is Blown Up ^""^ '^^"^^'^ they were getting the fire under control, when there sud- 
 denly came a terrible burst of flame attended by a roar that 
 drowned all the din of the battle. It was the death knell of 400 men, for 
 the Palestro haci blown up with all on board. 
 
 The great ironclad turret ship and ram of the Italian fleet, t\\e.Affonda- 
 tore, to which Admiral Persano had shifted his flag, far the most powerful 
 vessel in the Adriatic, kept outside of the battle-line, and was of little ser- 
 vice in the fray. It was apparently afraid to encounter Tegethoff's terrible 
 rams. The battle ended with the Austrian fleet, wooden vessels and all, pass- 
 ing practically unharmed through the Italian lines into the harbor of Lissa, 
 leaving death and destruction in their rear. Tegethoff was the one Aus- 
 trian who came out of that war with fame. Persano on his return home 
 was put on trial for cowardice and incompetence. He was con- 
 
 Venetici Ceded - • 
 
 to Italy victed of the latter and dismissed from the navy in disgrace. 
 
 But Italy, though defeated by land and sea, gained a 
 
 valuable prize from the war, for Napoleon ceded Venetia to the Italian 
 
 king, and soon afterwards Victor Emmanuel entered Venice in triumph, 
 
GARinALDI AND THE UNIFICATION OF ITALY 205 
 
 the solemn act of homage being performed hi the superb Place of St. 
 Marks. Thus was completed the second act in the unification of Italy. 
 
 The national party, with Garibaldi at its head, still aimed at the posses- 
 sion of Rome, as the historic capital of the peninsula. In 1867 he made a 
 second attempt to capture Rome, but the papal army, strengthened with a 
 a new French au.xiliary force, defeated his badly armed volunteers, and he 
 was taken prisoner and held captive for a time, after which he was sent back 
 to Caprera. This led to the French army of occupation being returned to 
 Civita W"cchia, wiiere it was kept for several years. 
 
 The final act came as a consequence of the I'ranco-Cierman war of 
 1S70, which rendered necessary the withdrawal of the French troops from 
 Italy. The pope was requested to make a peaceful abdica- Rome Becomes 
 tion. As he refused this, the States of the Church were occu- the Capital 
 pied up to the walls of the capital, and a three hours' cannon- ** ^^ 
 ade of the city sufficed to bring the long strife to an end. Rome became 
 the capital of Italy, and the whole peninsula, for the first time since the fall 
 of the ancient Roman empire, was concentrated into a single nation, under 
 one king. 
 
CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Bismarck and the New Empire of Germany. 
 
 WHAT was for many centuries known as "The? Holy Roman Kmpirc 
 of the German Nation " was a portion of tlie great imperial do- 
 main of Charlemagne, divided between his sons on his death in 
 814. It became an elective monarchy in 911, and from the reign of Otho 
 the Great was confined to Germany, which assumed the title above given. 
 This great empire survived until 1804, when the imperial title, then held by 
 Francis I. of Austria, was given up, and Francis styled him- The Empires of 
 self Emperor of Austria. It is an interesting coincidence that Germany and 
 tliis empire ceased to exist in the same year that Napoleon, ranee 
 who in a large measure restored the empire of Charlemagne, assumed the 
 imperial crown of France. The restoration of the Emjjire of Germany, 
 though not in its old form, w^as left to Prussia, after the final overthrow of 
 the Napoleonic imperial dynasty in 1871. 
 
 Prussia, originally an unimportant member of the German confedera- 
 tion, rose to power as Austria declined, its progress upward being remark- 
 ably rapid. Frederick William, the "Great Elector" of Brandenburg, 
 united the then minor province of Prussia to his dominions, and at his death 
 in 1688 left it a strong army and a large treasure. His son, xhe Rapid 
 Frederick I., was the first to bear the title of Kinof of i'russia. (irowth of 
 Frederick the Great, who became king in 1740, had under him ruhMa 
 a series of disjointed provinces and a population of less than 2,500,000. His 
 genius made Prussia a great power, which grew until, in 1805, it had a popu- 
 lation of 9,640,000 and a territory of nearly 6,000 square miles. 
 
 We have seen the part this kingdom played in the Napoleonic wars. 
 Dismembered by NapoU-on and reduced to a mere fragment, it regained its 
 old importance by the Treaty of Vienna. The great career of this kingdom 
 began with the accession, in 1862, of King William I., and the appointment, 
 in the same year, of Count Otto von Bismarck as Minister of the King's 
 House and of Foreign Affairs. It was not King William, but Count Bis- 
 marck, who raised Prussia to the exalted position it has since assumed. 
 
 Bismarck began his career by an effort to restore the old despotism, 
 setting aside acts of the legislature wMth the boldness of an autocrat, and 
 
 (207) 
 
2o8 BISMARCK AND THE NEW EMPIRE OF GERMANY 
 
 ieekiiiL,^ to make the king supreme over the representatives of the people. 
 
 He disdained the protest of the Chamber of Deputies in con- 
 Bismarck s _ ^^ _ . i i j 
 
 Despotic Acts chiding a secret treaty with Russia. He made laws and de 
 
 and Warlike creed budget estimates without the .concurrence of the Cham- 
 Agsiressions , a i i m i i -i 11 • 1 
 
 bers. Arid while thus busily engaged at home in altercations 
 
 with the Prussian Parliament, he was as actively occupied with foreign 
 
 affairs. 
 
 In 1864 Austria reluctantly took part with Prussia in the occupation of 
 the duchy of Schleswig-Holstein, claimed by Denmark. A war with Den- 
 mark followed, which ultimately resulted in the annexation to Prussia of 
 the disputed territory. In this movement Bismarck was carrying out a pro- 
 ject which he had long entertained, that of making Prussia the leading power 
 in Germany. A second step in this policy was taken in 1S66, when the troops 
 of Prussia occupied Hanover and Saxony. This act of aggression led to a 
 war, in which Austria, alarmed at the ambitious movements of Prussia, came 
 to the aid of the threatened states. 
 
 Bismarck was quite ready. He had strengthened Prussia by an alliance 
 with Italy, and launched the Prussian army against that of Austria with a 
 rapidity that overthrew the power of the allies in a remarkably brief and 
 most brilliant campaign. At the decisive battle of Sadowa fought July 3, 
 1866. King William commanded the Prussian army and Field-marshal Bene- 
 dek the Austrian. But back of the Prussian king was General Von MoltK 
 one of the most brilliant strategists of modern times, to whose skillful com' 
 binations, and distinguished services in organizing the army of Prussia, that 
 state owed its rapid series of successes in war. 
 
 At Sadowa the newly-invented needle-gun played an effective part in 
 bringing victory to the Prussian arms. The battle continued actively from 
 7.30 A.M. to 2.30 P.M., at which hour the Prussians carried the centre of the 
 Austria Over- Austrian position. Yet, despite this, the advantage remained 
 thrown at with the Austrians until 3.30, at which hour the Crown Prince 
 Sadowa Frederick drove their left flank from the village of Lipa. An 
 
 hour more sufficed to complete the defeat of the Austrians, but it was 9 p.m.i 
 before the fighting ceased. In addition to their losses on the field, 15,000 
 of the Austrians were made prisoners and their cause was lost beyond possi- 
 bility of recovery. 
 
 There seemed nothing to hinder Bismarck from overthrowing and dis- 
 membering the Austrian empire, as Napoleon had done more than once, but 
 there is reason to believe that the dread of France coming to the aid of the 
 defeated realm made him stop short in his career of victory. Napoleon III. 
 boasted to the French Chambers that he had stayed the conqueror at the 
 
BISMARCt: AND THE NEW EMPIRE OE GERMANY 211 
 
 gates of Vienna However that be, a treaty of in;ace was signed, in which 
 Austria consented to withdraw from the German Confederation. Bismarck 
 had gained one great point in his plans, in removing a formidable rival from 
 his path. The way was cleared for making Prussia the supreme power in 
 Germany. The German allies of Austria suffered severely for their assistance 
 to that power. Sa.xony kept its king, but fell under Prussian control ; and 
 Hanover, Hesse-Cassel, Nassau, and the free city of Frankfurt-on-the-Main 
 were absorbed by Prussia. 
 
 The States of South Germany had taken part on the side of Austria 
 in the war, and continued the struggle after peace had been made between 
 the main contestants. The result was the only one that could have been 
 e.xpected under the circumstances. Though the Bavarians and Wiirtem- 
 bergers showed great bravery in the several conllicts, the south German 
 Prussians were steadily successful, and the South German states in the 
 army was finally obliged to retire beyond the Main, while '"^ 
 
 Wlirzburg was captured by the Prussians. In this city a truce was effected 
 which ultimately led to a treaty of peace. Wiirtemberg, Bavaria, and Baden 
 were each required to pay a war indemnity, and a secret measure of the 
 treaty was an olTensive and defensive alliance with Prussia for common ac- 
 tion in case of a foreign war. 
 
 Mention was made in the last chapter of the long disunion of Italy, its 
 ilivision into a number of separate and frequently hostile states from the 
 lall of the Roman Empire until its final unification in 1870. A similar con- 
 dition had for ages e.xisted in Germany. The so-called Ger- 
 
 . , ,. , . , ... , Disunion of 
 
 man hmpire ol the medueval period was little more than a Germany 
 
 league of separate states, each with its own monarch and dis- 
 tinct government. And the authority of the emperor decreased with time 
 until it became but a shadow. It vanished in 1804, leaving Germany com- 
 posed of several hundn>d independent states, small and large. 
 
 Several efforts were made in the succeeding years to restore the bond 
 of union between these states. Under the influence of Napoleon they were 
 organized into South German and North German Confederacies, and the 
 effect of his interference with their internal affairs was such that they be- 
 came greatly reduced in number, many of the minor states being swallowed 
 up by their more powerful neighbors. 
 
 The subsequent attempts at union proved weak and ineffective. The 
 Hand, or bond of connection between these states, formed after 
 the Napoleonic period, was of the most shadowy character, union 
 its congress being destitute of power or authority. The 
 National Assembly, convened at Prankfurt after the revolution of 1848, 
 
212 BISMARCK AND THE NEW EMPIRE OF GERMANY 
 
 with the Archduke John of Austria as administrator of the empire 
 proved equally powerless. It made a vigorous effort to enforce its author- 
 ity, but without avail ; Prussia refused to be bound by its decisions ; and the 
 attitude of opposition assumed by this powerful state soon brought the new 
 attempt at union to an end. 
 
 In 1886 the war between the two great powers of Germany, in which 
 most of the smaller powers were concerned, led to more decided measures, 
 in the absorption by Prussia of the states above named, the formation of a 
 North German League among the remaining states of the north, and the 
 offensive and defensive alliance with Prussia of the South German states. 
 By the treaty of peace with Austria, that power was excluded from the Ger- 
 man League, and Prussia remained the dominant power in Germany. A 
 constitution for the League was adopted in 1867, providing for a Diet, or 
 legislative council of the League, elected by the direct votes of the people, 
 and an army, which was to be under the command of the Prussian king and 
 subject to the military laws of Prussia. Each state in the League bound 
 itself to supply a specified sum for the support of the army. 
 
 Here was a union with a backbone — an army and a budget — and 
 
 Bismarck had done more in the five years of his ministry in forming an 
 
 united Germany than his predecessors had done in fifty years. 
 The Feeling for n 1 • 1 1- • 1 n- 1 1 • 1 1 
 
 y„jt But the idea oi union and alliance between kindred states was 
 
 then widely in the air. Such a union had been practically 
 completed in Italy, and Hungary in 1867 regained her ancient rights, which 
 had been taken from her in 1849, being given a separate government, with 
 Francis Joseph, the emperor of Austria, as its king. It was natural that 
 the common blood of the Germans should lead them to a political confed- 
 eration, and equally natural that Prussia, which so overshadowed the smaller 
 states in strength, should be the leading element in the alliance. 
 
 The great increase in the power and importance of Prussia, as an out- . 
 come of the war with Austria, was viewed with jealousy in Fiance. The 
 Emperor Napoleon sought, by a secret treaty with Holland, to obtain 
 possession of the state of Luxemburg, for which a sum of money was to be 
 paid. This negotiation became known and was defeated by Bismarck, the 
 King of Holland shrinking from the peril of war and the publicity of a 
 disgraceful transaction. But the interference of Prussia with this underhand 
 scheme added to the irritation of France. 
 
 The Position And thus time passed on until the eventful year 1870. 
 
 of Louis By that year Prussia had completed its work among the 
 
 Napoleon North German states and was ready for the issue of hostilities, 
 
 if this should be necessary. On the other hand, Napoleon, who had found 
 
BlSAfARCk' AND THE NEW EMPIRE OF GERAfANV 213 
 
 his prestige in Prance from various causes decreasing, felt obliged in 1S70 
 to depart from his policy of personal rule and give that country a constitu- 
 tional goxcrnment. This proposal was submitted to a vote of the people and 
 was sustained by an immense majority. He also took occasion to state that 
 "peace was never more assured than at the present time.' This assurance 
 gave satisfaction to the world, yet it was a false onv. for war was probably 
 at that moment assured. 
 
 There were alarming signs in I'rance. The opposition to N'apoleonism 
 was steadily gaining power. A bad harvest was threatened — a serious 
 source of discontent. The Parliament was discussing the reversal of the 
 sentence of banishment against the Orleans family. These indications of a 
 change in public sentiment appeared to call for some act that would aid in 
 restoring the popularity of the emperor. Ami of all the acts that could be 
 devised a national war seemed the most promising. If the Rhine frontier, 
 which every French regarded as the natural boundary of the empire, could 
 be regained by the arms of the nation, discontent and opposition would 
 vanish, the name of Napoleon would win back its old prestige, and the 
 reign of Bonapartism would be firmly established. 
 
 Acts speak louder than words, and the acts of Najjoleon were nt)t in 
 accord with his assurances of peace. Extensive military pn-parations 
 began, and the forces of the empire were strengthened b)- 
 
 1 , , , ., ... Preparations 
 
 land and sea, while great trust was placed m a new weapon, forHo.stiiities 
 
 of murderous powers, called the mitrailleuse, the predecessor 
 
 of the machine gun, and capable of discharging twenty-five balls at once 
 
 On the other hand, there were abundant indications of discontent in 
 Germany, where a variety of parties inveighed against the rapacious policy of 
 Prussia, and where Bismarck had sown a deep crop of hate. It was believed 
 in I'rance that the minor states would not support Prussia in a war. In 
 Austria the defeat in 1866 rankled, and hostilities against Prussia on tiie 
 part of I'Vance seemed certain to win sympathy and support in tiiat com- 
 posite empire. Colonel Stoffel, the French military envo)- at Berlin, 
 declareil that Prussia would be found abundantly prepared for a struggle ; 
 but his warnings went unheeded in the French Cabinet, and the warlike 
 preparations continued. 
 
 Napoleon did not have to go far for an excuse for the war upon which 
 
 he was resolved. One was prepared for him in that potent 
 
 c 1 1 ^1 ■ II r ,- • T The Revolution 
 
 source of trouble, the succession to the throne of Spam. In in Spain 
 
 that country there had for years been no end of trouble, 
 
 revolts, Carlist risings, wars and rumors of wars. The government of Queen 
 
 Isabella, with its endless intrigues, plots, and alternation of despotism 
 
214 BISMARCK AND THE NEW EMPIRE OF GERMANY 
 
 and anarchy, and the pronounced immorality of the queen, had become so 
 distasteful to the people that finally, after several years of revolts and armed 
 risings, she was driven from her throne by a revolution, and for a time Spain 
 was without a monarchy and ruled on republican principles. 
 
 But this arrangement did not prove satisfactory. The party in opposition 
 looked around for a king, and negotiations began with a distant relative of 
 the Prussian royal family, Leopold of Hohenzollern. Prince Leopold ac- 
 cepted the offer, and informed the king of Prussia of his decision. 
 
 The news of this event caused great excitement in Paris, and the Prus- 
 sian government was advised of the painful feeling to which the incident 
 
 had given rise. The answer from Berlin that the Prussian 
 The Spanish , , . , i i ti • 
 
 Succession government had no concern m the matter, and that rrmce 
 
 Leopold was free to act on his own account, did not allay the 
 
 excitement. The demand for war grew violent and clamorous, the voices 
 
 of the feeble opposition in the Chambers were drowned, and the journalists 
 
 and war partisans were confident of a short and glorious campaign and a 
 
 triumphant march to Berlin. 
 
 The hostile feeling was reduced when King William of Prussia, though 
 
 he declined to prohibit Prince Leopold from accepting the crown, expressed 
 
 his concurrence with the decision of the prince when he withdrew his accept- 
 
 „, , , ^ ance of the dano-erous offer. This decision was regarded as 
 Napoleon s De- _ ? . . . . 
 
 mand and sufficient, even in Paris; but it did not seem to be so in the 
 
 William's palace, where an excuse for a declaration of war was ardently 
 Refusal . 
 
 desired. The emperor's hostile purpose was enhanced by the 
 
 influence of the empress, and it was finally declared that the Prussian king 
 
 had aggrieved France in permitting the prince to become a candidate for 
 
 the throne without consulting the French Cabinet. 
 
 Satisfaction for this shadowy source of offence was demanded, but King 
 
 William firmly refused to say any more on the subject and declined to stand 
 
 in the way of Prince Leopold if he should again accept the offer of the 
 
 Spanish throne. This refusal was declared to be an offence to the honor 
 
 and a threat to the safety of France. The war party was so strongly in the 
 
 ascendant that all opposition was now looked upon as lack of 
 The Declaration . . , /^ , r t i i t-. • tvt- • /-^n- • 
 
 of War patriotism, and on the 15th of July the Prime Mmister Ollivier 
 
 announced that the reserves were to be called out and the neces- 
 sary measures taken to secure the honor and security of France. When the 
 declaration of war was hurled against Prussia the whole nation seemed in 
 harmony with it, and public opinion appeared for once to have become a 
 unit throucjhout France. 
 
BISMAA'Ck' .IXP Tlir. NEW KMriRIi OF GERMANY 215 
 
 Rarely in the history of the world has so trivial a cause given rise to 
 such stupendous military and political events as took place in I*"rance in a 
 brief interval following this blind leap into hostilities. Instead of a tri- 
 umphant marcli to Berlin and the dictation of peace from its palace, France 
 was to find itself in two months' time without an emperor or an army, and 
 in a few months more completely subdued and occupied by foreign troops, 
 while Paris had been made the scene of a terrible siege and a frightful com- 
 munistic riot, and a republic had succeeded the empire. It was such a series 
 of events as have seldom been compressed within the short interval of half 
 a year. 
 
 In truth Napoleon and his advisers were blinded by their hopes to the 
 true state of affairs. The army on which they depended, and which they 
 assumed to be in a high state of efficiency and discipline, was lacking in 
 almost every requisite of an efficient force. The first Napo- ^^^^^ ^^ ^^^ 
 leon was his own minister of war. The third Napoleon, when French and 
 told by his war minister that " not a single button was want- German 
 ing on a single gaiter," took the words for the fact, and 
 hurled an army without supplies and organization against the most thor- 
 oughly organized army the world had ever known. That the French were 
 as brave as the Germans goes without saying ; they fought desperately, but 
 from the first confusion reigned in their movements, while military science 
 of the highest kind dominated those of the Germans. 
 
 Napoleon was equally mistaken as to the state of afTairs in Germany. 
 The disunion upon which he counted vanished at the first threat of war. 
 All Germany felt itself threatened and joined hands in defence. The 
 declaration of war was received there with as deep an enthusiasm as in 
 France and a fervent eagerness for the struggle. The new popular song. 
 Die IVacht am Rhem (" The Watch on the Rhine ") spread rapidly from 
 end to end of the country, and indicated the resolution of the German 
 people to defend to the death the frontier stream of their country. 
 
 The French looked for a parade march to Berlin, even fixing the day 
 of their entrance into that city — August 15th, the emperor's birthday. On 
 the contrary, they failed to set their foot on German territory, and soon 
 found themselves engaged in a death struggle with the invaders of their 
 own land. In truth, while the Prussian diplomacy was conducted by Bis- 
 marck, the ablest statesman Prussia had ever known, the movements of the 
 army were directed by far the best tactician Europe then 
 possessed, the famous Von Moltke, to whose strategy the ^vonMoitkf 
 rapid success of the war against Austria had been due. In 
 the war with France Von Moltke, though too old to lead the armies in per- 
 
2i6 B/SMAKCK' AND THE NEW EMPIRE OE GERMANY 
 
 son, was virtually coniniander-in-chief, and arranged those masterly combina- 
 tions which overthrew all the power of France in so remarkably brief a 
 period. Under his directions, from the moment war was declared, every- 
 thing" worked with clocklike precision. It was said that \^on Moltke had 
 only to touch a bell and all went forward. As it was, the Crown Prince 
 Frederick fell upon the French while still nnprepared, won the first battle, 
 and steadily held the advantage to the end, the P'rench being beaten by the 
 strategy that kept the Germans in superior strength at all decisive points. 
 
 But to return to the events of war. On July 23, 1870, the Emperor 
 Napoleon, after making his wife Eugenie regent of France, set out with his 
 son at the head of the army, full of high hopes of victory and triumph. By 
 the end of July King William had also set out from Berlin to join the 
 armies that were then in rapid motion towards the frontier. 
 
 The emperor made his way to Metz, where was stationed his main 
 
 army, about 200,000 strong, under Marshals Bazaine and Canrobert and 
 
 General Bourbaki. Further east, under Marshal MacMahon, 
 
 reng o ^^^^ hcro of Magenta, was the southern army, of about 100,000 
 
 the Armies . ^ 
 
 men. A third army occupied the camp at Chalons, while a 
 
 well-manned fleet set sail for the Baltic, to blockade the harbors and assail 
 
 the coast of Germany. The German army was likewise in three divisons, 
 
 the first, of 61,000 men, under General Steinmetz ; the second, of 206,000 
 
 men, under Prince Frederick Charles; and the third, of iSo,ooo men, under 
 
 the crown prince and General Blumenthal. The king, commander-in-chief 
 
 of the whole, was in the centre, and with him the general staff under the 
 
 guidance of the alert Von Moltke. Bismarck and the minister of war Von 
 
 Roon were also present, and so rapid was the movement of these great 
 
 forces that in two weeks after the order to march was given 300,000 armed 
 
 Germans stood in rank along the Rhine. 
 
 The two armies first came together on August 2d, near Saarbriick, on 
 
 Battles of Saar- ^'^^ frontier line of the hostile kingdoms. It was the one 
 
 bruckand success of the French, for the Prussians, after a fight in which 
 
 urg Ijqj]^ sides lost equally, retired in good order. This was 
 
 proclaimed by the French papers as a brilliant victory, and filled the people 
 
 with undue hopes of glory. It was the last favorable report, for they were 
 
 quickly overwhelmed with tidings of defeat and disaster. 
 
 Weissenburg, on the borders of Rhenish Bavaria, had been invested 
 
 by a division of MacMahon's army. On August 4th the right wing of the 
 
 army of the Crown Prince Frederick attacked and repulsed this investing 
 
 force after a hot engagement, in which its leader, General Douay, was 
 
 killed, and the loss on both sides was heavy. Two days later occurred a 
 
D/SMAKCk' Ai\D THE NEW EMPIRE OF GERMANY 217 
 
 liattlf which decided the fate of the whole war, that of Worth-Reideshofen. 
 where the army of the crown prince met that of MacMahon, and after a 
 desperate striiy^^de, which continued for fifteen hours, complete])- defeated 
 him, with very heavy losses on both sides. MacMahon retreated in haste 
 towards the army at Chalons, while the crown prince took possession of 
 Alsace, and prejjared for the reduction of the fortresses on the Rhine, from 
 Strasburg to Belfort. On the same day as that of the battle of Worth, 
 General Steinmetz stormetl the heights of Spicheren. and, thougii at great 
 loss of life, drove Frossard from those heights and back upon Metz. 
 
 The occupation of Alsace was followed by that of Lorraine, by the 
 Prussian army under King William, who took possession of Nancy and the 
 country surrounding on August iith. These two provinces had formerly 
 belonged to Germany, and it was the aim of the Prussians to occupation of 
 retain them as the chief anticipated prize of the war. Mean- Alsace and 
 while the world looked on in amazement at the extraordinary -orrame 
 rapidity of the German success, which, in two weeks after Napoleon left 
 Paris, had brought his power to the verge of overthrow. 
 
 Towards the Moselle River and the strongly fortified town of Metz, 
 180 miles northeast of Paris, around which was concentrated the main French 
 force, all the divisions of the German army now advanced, and on the 14th 
 of August they gained a victory at Colombey-Neuvilly which drove their 
 opponents back from the open field towards the fortified city. 
 
 It was Moltke's opinion that the French proposed to make their stand 
 before this impregnable fortress, and fight there desperately for victory. 
 But, finding less resistance than he expected, he concluded, 
 
 , iiT->--r ri- 1 -1- The Situation 
 
 on the 15th, that hJazaine, m tear 01 bemg cooped up within at Metz 
 
 tile fortress, meant to march towards Verdun, there to join his 
 
 forces with those of MacMahon and give battle to the Germans in the plain. 
 
 The astute tactician at once determined to make every effort to prevent 
 this concentration of his opponents, and by the evening of the 15th a 
 cavalry division had crossed the Moselle and reached the village of Mars-la- 
 Tour, where it bivouacked for the night. It had seen troops in motion 
 towards Metz, but did not know whether these formed the rear-guard or the 
 vanguard of the French army in its march towards Verdun. 
 
 In fact, Bazaine had not yet got away with his army. All the roads 
 from Metz were blocked with heavy baggage, and jt was impossible to move 
 so large an army with expedition. The time thus lost by Bazaine was 
 diligently improved by Frederick Charles, and on the morning of the i6th 
 the Brandenburg army corps, one of the best and bravest in the German 
 army, had followed the cavalry and come within sight of the \'erdun road. 
 
2i8 BISAfARCk' .lA'P rilE NEW EMPIRE OF GER3L4NY 
 
 It was quickly perceived that a Fre:ich force was before them, and some 
 
 preliminary skirmishing developed the enemy in such strength as to convince 
 
 the leader of the corps that he had in his front the whole or the greater part 
 
 of Bazaine's army, and that its escape from Metz had not been achieved. 
 
 They were desperate odds with which the brave Brandenburgers had 
 
 Ko contend, but they had been sent to hold the French until reinforcements 
 
 could arrive, and they were determined to resist to the death. 
 The Battle of ,- i • i i ■ i • i i 
 
 Mars=la=Tour ^*^'' nearly SIX hours they resisted, with unsurpassed courage, 
 
 the fierce onslaughts of the French, though at a cost in life 
 
 that perilously depleted the gallant corps. Then, about four o'clock in the 
 
 afternoon. Prince Frederick Charles came up with reinforcements to their 
 
 support and the desperate contest became more even. 
 
 Gradually fortune decided in favor of the Germans, and by the time 
 
 night had come they were practically victorious, the field of Mars-la-Tour, 
 
 after the day's struggle, remaining in their hands. But they were utterly 
 
 exhausted, their horses were worn out, and most of their ammunition was 
 
 spent, and though their impetuous commander forced them to 
 Defeat of the i-ii i i ri-rr i- 
 
 French '^ "^^^ attack, it led to a useless loss oi hie, tor their powers 
 
 of fighting were gone. They had achieved their purpose, 
 that of preventing the escape of Bazaine, though at a fearful loss, amount- 
 ing to about 16,000 men on each side. " The battle of Vionville [Mars-la- 
 Tour] is without a parallel in military history," said Emperor William, "see- 
 ing that a single army corps, about 20,000 men strong, hung on to and re- 
 pulsed an enemy more than five times as numerous and well equipped. 
 Such was the glorious deed done by the Brandenburgers, and the Hohen- 
 zollerns will never forget the debt they owe to their devotion." 
 
 Two days afterwards (August i6th), at Gravelotte, a village somewhat 
 nearer to Metz, the armies, somewhat recovered from the terrible struggle 
 of the 14th, met again, the whole German army being now brought up, so 
 
 that over 200,000 men faced the 140,000 of the French. It 
 
 ^jreat Victory ' ^ 
 
 of the Qer- was the great battle of the war. For four hours the two 
 mans at armies stood fighting face to face, without any special result, 
 
 neither being able to drive back the other. The French held 
 their ground and died. The Prussians dashed upon them and died. Only 
 late in the evening was the right wing of the French army broken, and the 
 victory, which at five o'clock remained uncertain, was decided in favor of the 
 Germans. More than 40,000 men lay dead and wounded upon the field, the 
 terrible harvest of those nine hours of conflict. That night Bazaine with- 
 drew his army behind the fortifications at Metz. His effort to join Mac- 
 Mahon had ended in failure. 
 
« I 
 
BISMARCK AND THE NEW EMPIRE OF GERMANY 2i\ 
 
 It was the fixed purpose of ilie Prussians to detain him in that stron^- 
 liold, and thus render practically useless to P ranee its largest army. A siege 
 was to be prosecuted, and an army of 150,000 men was extended 
 around the town. The fortifications were far too strong to „f fA^xr 
 he taken by assault, and all depended on a close blockade. 
 On August 31st Razaine made an effort to break through the German lines, 
 but was repulsed. It became now a question of how long the provisions of 
 the P'rench would hold out. 
 
 The French emperor, who had been with Bazaine, had left his army 
 before the battle of Mars-la-Tour, and was now with MacMahon at Chalons. 
 Here lay an army of 125,000 infantry and 12,000 cavalry. On it the Ger- 
 mans were advancing, in doubt as to what movement it would make, whether 
 back towards Paris or towards Metz for the relief of Bazaine. They sought 
 to place themselves in a position to check either. The latter movement was 
 
 determined on by the French, but was carried out in a dubious .. 
 
 •^ 1 ■ 1 • • Mac.Wahon 
 
 and uncertain manner, the time; lost giving abundant opportu- Marches to 
 
 nity to the Germans to learn what was afoot and to prepare to Relieve 
 prevent it. As soon as they were aware of MacMahon's inten- 
 tion of proceeding to Metz they made speedy preparations to prevent his re- 
 lieving Bazaine. By the last days of August the army of the crown prince 
 had reached the right bank of the Aisne, and the fourth division gained 
 possession of the line of the Maas. On August 30th the French under 
 General de Failly were attacked by the Germans at Beaumont and put to 
 iHght with heavy loss. It was evident that the hope of reaching Metz was 
 at an end, and MacMahon, abandoning the attempt, concentrated his 
 army around the frontier fortress of Sedan. 
 
 This old town stands on the right bank of the Meuse, in an angle of 
 territory between Luxemburg and Belgium, and is surrounded by meadows, 
 gardens, ravines, ditches and cultivated fields ; the castle rising on a cliff- 
 like eminence to the southwest of the place. MacMahon 
 
 11 1 1 ^ • 1 • r \ The Trench 
 
 liad stopped here to give his weary men a rest, not to fight, surrounded 
 but Von Moltke decided, on observing the situation, that 
 Sedan should be the grave-yard of the French army. " The trap is now 
 closed, and the mouse in it," he said, with a chuckle of satisfaction. 
 
 Such proved to be the case. On September ist the Bavarians won the 
 village of Bazeille, after hours of bloody and desperate struggle. During 
 this severe fight Marshal MacMahon was so seriously wounded that he was 
 obliged to surrender the chief command, first to Ducrot, and then to Gen- 
 eral Wimpffen, a man of recognized bravery and cold calculation. 
 
222 BISMARCK AND THE NEW EMPIRE OE GERMANY 
 
 r'ortune soon showed Itself in favor of the Germans. To the north- 
 west of the town, the North German troops uivested the exits from St. 
 Meuges and Fleigneux, and directed a fearful fire of artillery against the 
 French forces, which, before noon, were so hemmed in the valley that only 
 two insufficient outlets to the south and north remained open. But Gen- 
 eral Wimpffen hesitated to seize either of these routes, the 
 «f d^"'^°' open way to Illy was soon closed by the Prussian guard 
 corps, and a murderous fire was now directed from all sides 
 upon the French, so that, after a last energetic struggle at Floing, they 
 gave up all attempts to force a passage, and in the afternoon beat a 
 retreat towards Sedan. In this small town the whole army of MacMahon 
 was collected by evening, and there prevailed in the streets and houses an 
 unprecedented disorder and confusion, which was still further increased 
 when the German troops from the surrounding heights began to shoot 
 down upon the fortress, and the town took fire in several places. 
 
 That an end might be put to the prevailing misery. Napoleon now 
 commanded General Wimpffen to capitulate. The flag of truce already 
 waved on the gates of Sedan when Colonel Bronsart appeared, and in the 
 name of the king of Prussia demanded the surrender of the army and 
 fortress. He soon returned to headquarters, accompanied b)^ the French 
 General Reille, who presented to the king a written message from Napo- 
 leon : " As I may not die in the midst of my army, I lay my sword in the 
 hands of your majesty." King William accepted it with an expression of 
 sympathy for the hard fate of the emperor and of the French army which 
 had fought so bravely under his own eyes. The conclusion of the treaty 
 of capitulation was placed in the hands of Wimpffen, who, accompanied by 
 General Castelnau, set out for Doncherry to negotiate with Moltke and 
 Bismarck. No attempts, however, availed to move Moltke from his stipu- 
 lation for the surrender of the whole army at discretion ; he granted a 
 short respite, but if this expired without surrender, the bombardment of 
 the town was to begin anew. 
 
 At six o'clock in the morning the capitulation was signed, and was 
 ratified by the king at his headquarters at Vendresse ('2d September). Thus 
 the world beheld the incredible spectacle of an army of 83,000 men sur- 
 rendering themselves and their weapons to the victor, and being carried off 
 as prisoners of war to Germany. Only the officers who gave their written 
 word of honor to take no further part in the present war with Germany 
 were permitted to retain their arms and personal property. Probably the 
 assurance of Napoleon, that he had sought death on the battlefield but had 
 not found it, was literally true ; at any rate, the fate of the unhappy man, 
 
BfS.UARCK' AND THE NEW EMPIRE OF GERMANY 223 
 
 bowed down ;is he was both I)y physical and mental suffering, was so soh-nin 
 and tragic, that there was no room for hypocrisy, and that he had exposed 
 himself to personal danger was admitted on all sides. Ac- surrender of 
 companied 1)\' Count Bismarck, he stopped at a small and Napoleon and 
 meandooking laborer's inn on the road to Doncherry, where, '^ ^'"^ 
 sitting down on a stone seat before the door, with Count Bismarck, he 
 declared that he had not desired the war, but had been driven to it through 
 the force of public opinion ; and afterwards the two proceeded to the little 
 castle of Bellevue, near Frenois, to join King William and the crown 
 prince. A telegram to Queen Augusta thus describes the interview : 
 " What an impressive moment was the meeting with Napoleon ! He was 
 cast down, but dignified in his bearing. I have granted him Wilhelmshohe, 
 near Cassel, as his residence. Our meeting took place in a little castle 
 before the western glacis of Sedan." 
 
 The locking up of Bazaine in Metz and the capture of MacMahon's 
 army at Sedan were fatal events to France. The struggle continued for 
 months, but it was a fight against hope. The subsequent events of the war 
 consisted of a double siege, that of Metz and that of Paris, with various 
 minor sieges, and a desperate but hopeless effort of France in the field. 
 As for the empire of Napoleon III., it was at an end. The tidings of the 
 terrible catastrophe at Sedan filled the people with a fury that soon became 
 revolutionary. While Jules Favre, the republican deputy, was offering a 
 motion in the Assembly that the emperor had forfeited the crown, and that 
 a provisional government .should be established, the people were thronging 
 the streets of Paris with cries of " Deposition ! Republic !" Revolution 
 On the 4th of September the Assembly had its final meeting. and the Third 
 Two of its prominent members, Jules Favre and Gambetta, ''" "^ 
 
 sustained the motion for deposition of the emperor, and it was carried after 
 a stormy session. They then made their way to the senate-chamber, where, 
 before a thronging audience, they proclaimed a republic and named a 
 government for the national defence. At its head was General Trochu, 
 military commandant at Paris. Favre was made minister of foreign affairs ; 
 Gambetta, minister of the interior; and other prominent members of the 
 Assembly filled the remaining cabinet posts. The legislature was dis- 
 solved, the Palais de Bourbon was closed, and the Empress Eugenie quitted 
 the Tuileries and made her escape with a few attendants to Belgium, wlience 
 she sought a refuge in Tuigland. Prince Louis Napoleon made his way to 
 Italy, and the swarm of courtiers scattered in all directions; some faithful 
 followers of the deposed monarch seeking the castle of Wilhelmshohe, 
 where the unhapp\- Louis Napoleon occupied as a prison the same beautiful 
 
2^; BISMARCK AND THE NFAV EMPIRE OF GERMANY 
 
 palace and park in which his uncle Jerome Bonaparte had once passed six 
 years in a life of pleasure. The second French Empire was at an end ; the 
 third French Republic had begun — one that had to pass through many 
 changes and escape many dangers before it would be firmly established. 
 
 " Not a foot's breadth of our country nor a stone of our fortresses 
 shall be surrendered," was Jules Favre's defiant proclamation to the 
 invaders, and the remainder of the soldiers in the field were 
 Defiance collected in Paris, and strengthened with all available rein- 
 
 forcements. Every person capable of bearing arms was en- 
 rolled in the national army, wh'ch soon numbered 400,000 men. There was 
 need of haste, for the victors at Sedan were already marching upon the 
 capital, inspired with high hopes from their previous astonishing success. 
 They knew that Paris was strongly fortified, being encircled by powerful 
 lines of defence, but they trusted that hunger would .soon bring its garrison 
 to terms. The same result was looked for at Metz, and at Strasburg, which 
 was also besieged. 
 
 Thus began at three main points and several minor ones a military siege 
 the difficulties, dangers, and hardships of which surpassed even those of the 
 winter campaign in the Crimea. Exposed at the fore-posts to the enemy's 
 balls, chained to arduous labor in the trenches and redoubts, and suffering from 
 the effects of bad weather, and insufficient food and clothing, the German 
 soldiers were compelled to undergo great privations and sufferings before 
 the fortifications; while many fell in the frequent skirmishes and sallies, 
 many succumbed to typhus and epidemic disease, and many returned home 
 mutilated, or broken in health. 
 
 No less painful and distressing was the condition of the besieged. 
 
 While the garrison soldiers on guard were constantly compelled to face 
 
 death in nocturnal sallies, or led a pitiable existence in damp huts, having 
 
 Inevitable surrender constantly before their eyes, and dlsarma- 
 Hardships of ... , 1 r 11 t • 1 
 
 the Conflict nient and nnpnsonment as the reward 01 all their struggles 
 
 and exertions, the citizens in the towns, the women and chil- 
 dren, were in constant danger of being shivered to atoms by the fearful 
 shells, or of being burled under falling walls and roofs ; and the poorer part 
 of the population saw with dismay the gradual diminution of the necessa- 
 ries of life, and were often compelled to pacify their hunger with the flesh 
 of horses, and disgusting and unwholesome food. 
 
 The republican government possessed only a usurped power, and 
 none but a freely elected national assembly could decide as to the fate of 
 the French nation. Such an assembly was therefore summoned for the 
 1 6th of October. Three members of the government — Cremleux, Fou' 
 
BIS.UARCh' AND THE NEW EMPIRE OP GERMANY 325 
 
 richon, and GlaisA'izoin — were despatched before the entire lilockade of 
 
 the town had been effected, to Tours, to maintain coinmunication with the 
 
 provinces. An attempt was also made at the same time to induce the great 
 
 powers which had not taken part in the war to orc^anize an intervention, as 
 
 hitherto only America, Switzerland, and Spain had sent official 
 
 T^ , . . Ill- • • 1 t 1 Thiers and 
 
 recognition, ror tins important and dencate mission the oM Bismarck 
 st;itesman and historian Thiers was selected, and, in spite of his 
 ihree-and-seventy years, immediately set out on the journey to London, St. 
 Petersburg, Vienna, and Florence. Count Bismarck, however, in the name 
 of Prussia, refused any intervention in internal affairs. In two despatches 
 to the ambassadors of foreign courts, the chancellor declared that the war, 
 begun by the Emperor Napoleon, had been approved by the representatives 
 of the nation, and that thus all France was answerable for the result. Ger- 
 many was obliged, therefore, to demand guarantees which should secure her 
 in future against attack, or, at any rate, render attack more difficult. Thus a 
 cession of territory on the part of France was laid down as the basis of a treaty 
 of peace. The neutral powers were also led to the belief that If they fostered in 
 the French any hope of intervention, peace would only be delayed. The mis- 
 sion of Thiers, therefore, yielded no useful result, while the direct negotiation 
 which Jules Favre conducted with Bismarck proved equally unavailing. 
 
 Soon the beleaguered fortresses began to fall. On the 23d of Septem- 
 ber the ancient town of Toul, in Lorraine, was forced to capitulate, after a 
 fearful bombardment; and on the 271)1 .Strasburg, in danger of the terrible 
 results of a storming, after the havoc of a dreadful artillery fire, hoisted 
 the white llag, and surrendered on the following day. The supposed 
 impregnable fortress of Metz held out little longer. Hunger did what 
 cannon were incapable of doing. The successive sallies made by Bazaine 
 proved unavailing, though, on October 7th, his soldiers fought with des- 
 perate energy, and for hours the air was full of the roar of cannon and 
 mitrailleuse and the rattle of musketry. But the Germans withstood the 
 attack unmoved, and the French were forced to withdraw into the town. 
 
 Bazaine then sought to negotiate with the German leaders at Versailles, 
 offering to take no part in the war for three months if permitted to with- 
 draw. But Bismarck and Moltke would listen to no terms siegeandSur- 
 other than unconditional surrender, and these terms were renderof 
 finally accepted, the besieged army having reached the brink ^^^^ 
 of starvation. It was with horror and despair that France learned, on the 
 30th of October, that the citadel of Metz, with its fortifications and arms of 
 defence, had been yielded to the Germans, and its army of more than 
 150,000 men had surrendered as prisoners of war. 
 
226 BISMARCK AND THE NEW EMPIRE OE GERMANY 
 
 This hasty surrender at Metz, a still gTcater disaster to France than 
 
 that of Sedan, was not emulated at Paris, which for four months held out against 
 
 all the efforts of the Germans. On the investment of the great city, King 
 
 William removed his headquarters to the historic palace of Versailles, 
 
 setting up his homely camp-bed in the same apartments from 
 
 The Germans i • i t • -v-t^t- i i • i i • i • i- i 
 
 at Versailles which Louis A IV. had once issued his despotic edicts and 
 
 commands. Here Count Bismarck conducted his diplomatic 
 labors and Moltke issued his directions for the siege, which, protracted from 
 week to week and month to month, gradually transformed the beautiful 
 neighborhood, with its prosperous villages, superb country houses, and 
 enchanting parks and gardens, into a scene of sadness and desolation. 
 
 In spite of the vigorous efforts made by the commander-in-chief 
 Trochu, both by continuous firing from the forts and by repeated sallies, to 
 prevent Paris from being surrounded, and to force a way through the 
 trenches, his enterprises were rendered fruitless by the watchfulness and 
 strength of the Germans. The blockade was completely accomplished ; 
 Paris was surrounded and cut off from the outer world ; even the under- 
 ground telegraphs, through which communication was for a time secretly 
 maintained with the provinces, were by degrees discovered and destroyed. 
 But to the great astonishment of Europe, which looked on with keenly 
 pitched excitement at the mighty struggle, the siege continued for months 
 
 without any special progress being observable from without 
 
 The Siege of , .* . . - ■ ^ ■ r~\ r 
 
 p^^jg or any lessening oi resistance irom within. Un account ot 
 
 the extension of the forts, the Germans were compelled to 
 remain at such a distance that a bombardment of the town at first appeared 
 impossible ; a storming of the outer works would, moreover, be attended 
 with such sacrifices, that the humane temper of the king revolted from such 
 a proceeding. The guns of greater force and carrying power which were 
 needed from Germany, could only be procured after long delay on account 
 of the broken lines of railway. Probably also there was some hesitation 
 on the German side to expose the beautiful city, regarded by so many as 
 the " metropolis of civilization," to the risk of a bombardment, in which 
 works of art, science, and a historical past would meet destruction. Never- 
 theless, the declamations of the French at the Vandalism of the northern 
 barbarians met with assent and sympathy from most of the foreign powers. 
 Determination and courage falsified the calculations at Versailles of a 
 quick cessation of the resistance. The republic offered a far more energetic 
 and determined opposition to the Prussian arms than the empire had done. 
 The government of the national defence still declaimed with stern reitera- 
 tion : " Not a foot's breadth of our country ; not a stone of our fortresses!" 
 
B/SAfANCK' .LVD THE NEW EMPIRE OF GERMANY 227 
 
 and positively rejected all proposals of treaty based on territorial conces- 
 sions. Faith in the invincibility of the republic w.'is rooted as an indisputa- 
 ble dogma in the hearts of the French people. The victories and the com- 
 manding position of F'rancc from 1792 to 1799 were regarded as so entirely 
 the neces.sary result of the Revolution, that a conviction prevailed that the 
 formation of a republic, with a national army for its defence, would have an 
 especial effect on the rest of Europe. Therefore, instead of summoning a 
 constituent Assembly, which, in the opinion of Prussia and 
 the other foreign powers, would alone be capable of offering Resistance 
 security for a lasting peace, it was decided to continue the 
 revolutionary movements, and to follow the same course which, in the years 
 1792 and 1793, had saved France from the coalition of the European powers 
 — a revolutionary dictatorship such as had once been exercised by the Con- 
 vention and the members of the Committee of Public .Safety, must again 
 be revived, and a youthful and hot-blooded leader was alone needed to stir 
 up popular feeling and set it in motion. To fill such a part no one was bet- 
 ter adapted than the advocate Gambetta, who emulated the career of the 
 leaders of the Revolution, and whose soul glowed with a passionate ardor 
 of patriotism. In order to create for himself a free sphere of action, and 
 to initiate some vigorous measure in place of the well-rounded phrases and 
 eloquent proclamations of his colleagues Trochu and Jules Favre, he quitted 
 the capital in an air-balloon and entered into communication with the Gov- 
 ernment delegation at Tours, which through him soon obtained a fresh im- 
 petus. His next most important task was the liberation of the capital from 
 the besieging German army, and the expulsion of the enemy from tlie 
 
 " sacred " soil of France. F'or this purpose he summoned, 
 
 . , , ... . . - „ 1 1 r Qambetta and 
 
 With the authority 01 a minister of war, all persons capable ot ^Ws Work 
 
 bearing arms up to forty years of age to take active service, 
 
 and (.lespatched them into the field ; he imposed war-taxes, and terrified the 
 
 tard)- and refractory with threats of punishment. Every force was put in 
 
 motion ; all France was transformed into a great camp. A popular war was 
 
 now to take the place of a soldiers' war, and what the soldiers had failed to 
 
 effect must be accomplished by the people ; France must be saved, and the 
 
 world freed from despotism. To promote this object, the whole of France, 
 
 with the exception of Paris, was divided into four general governments, the 
 
 headquarters of the different governors being Lille, Le Mans, Bourges, and 
 
 Besan^on. Two armies, from the Loire and from the Somme, were to 
 
 march simultaneously towards Paris, and, aided by the sallies tif Trochu and 
 
 his troops, were to drive the enemy from the country. Energetic attacks 
 
 were now attempted from time to time, in the hope that when the armies of 
 
228 BISMARCK AND THE NEW EMPIRE OF GERMANY 
 
 relief arrived from tlie provinces, it miglit be possible to effect a coalition ; 
 but all these efforts were constantly repulsed after a hot struggle by the be- 
 sieging German troops. At the same time, during the month of October, 
 the territory between the Oise and the Lower Seine was scoured by recon- 
 noitering troops, under Prince Albrecht, the south-east district was protected 
 by aWiirtemberg detachment through the successful battle near Nogent on 
 the Seine, while a division of the third army advanced towards the south 
 The Southward accompanied by two cavalry divisions. A more unfortunate 
 
 Advance of circumstance, however, for the Parisians was the cutting off of 
 
 the Qermans ^]] communication with the outer world, for the Germans had 
 destroyed the telegraphs. But even this obstacle was overcome by the in- 
 ventive genius of the French. By means of pigeon letter-carriers and air- 
 balloons, they were always able to maintain a partial though one-sided and 
 imperfect communication with the provinces, and the aerostatic art was de- 
 veloped and brought to perfection on this occasion in a manner which had 
 never before been considered possible. 
 
 The whole of France, and especially the capital, was already in a state 
 of intense excitement when the news of the capitulation of Metz came to 
 Qambetta's '^^^ fresh fuel to the flame. Outside the walls Gambetta was 
 
 Army of using heroic efforts to increase his forces, bringing Bedouin 
 
 e ence horsemen from Africa and inducing the stern old revolutionist 
 
 Garibaldi to come to his aid ; and Thiers was opening fresh negotiations for 
 a truce. Inside the walls the Red Republic raised the banners of insurrec- 
 tion and attempted to drive the government of national defence from power. 
 This effort of the dregs of revolution to inaugurate a reign of terror 
 failed, and the provisional government felt so elated with its victory that it 
 determined, to continue at the head of affairs and to oppose the calling of a 
 chamber of national representatives. The members proclaimed oblivion for 
 what had passed, broke off the negotiations for a truce begun by Thiers, 
 The Negotia- ^'^'^ demanded a vote of confidence. The indomitable spirit 
 
 tions Are shown by the French people did not, on the other hand, in- 
 
 *"" '^" spire the Germans with a very lenient or conciliatory temper. 
 
 Bismarck declared in a despatch the reasons why the negotiations had 
 failed: "The incredible demand that we should surrender the fruits of all 
 our efforts during the last two months, and should go back to the conditions 
 which existed at the beginning of the blockade of Paris, only affords fresh 
 proof that in Paris pretexts are sought for refusing the nation the right of 
 election." Thiers mournfully declared the failure of his undertaking, but in 
 Paris the popular voting resulted in a ten-fold majority in favor of the gov- 
 ernment and the policy of postponement. 
 
KlNt. USCAK II. Ob- SWEDKN AND NORWAY 
 
 KING CHRISTIAN IX. OF JjENMARK 
 
 -r 
 
 1 
 
 
 \ ^vj 
 
 '\ 
 
 t.MPEROK IKANlI.S JOSLI'll Ul- ALslKl \ KING HlMr.l-.kl OK ITAl-V 
 
 RULERS OF SWEDEN AND NORWAY, DENMARK. AUSTRIA AND ITALY 
 
FERDINAND DtLESSEPS PREblDEM LUUBEl 
 
 GREAT MEN OF MODERN FRANCE 
 
BISMARCK' AND Till- XIAV F.MPIRE OF CFRAfANY 2.;i 
 
 After thei breaking off of the negotiations, the world anticipated some 
 energetic action towards the besieged city. The efforts of the enemy were, 
 however, principally directed to drawing the iron girdle still tighter, en- 
 closing the giant city more and more closely, and cutting off every means 
 of communication, so that at last a surrender might be brought about by 
 the stern necessity of starvation. That this object would not be accom- 
 plished as speedily as at Metz, that thr city of pleasure, enjoyment, and 
 luxury would withstand a siege of four months, had never been contem- 
 plated for a moment. It is true that, as time went on, all fresh meat disap- 
 peared from the market, with the e.xception of horse-flesh ; that white bread, 
 on which Parisians place such value, was replaced by a baked compound of 
 meal and bran ; that the stores of dried and salted food began to decline, 
 until at last rats, dogs, cats, and even animals from the zoological gardens 
 .vere prepared for consumption at restaurants. Yet, to the Famine and 
 amazement of the world, all these miseries, hardships, and Misery in 
 sufferings were courageously borne, nocturnal watch was kept, ^^^^^ 
 sallies were undertaken, and cold, hunger, and wretchedness of all kinds 
 were endured with an indomitable steadfastness and heroism. The courage 
 of the besieged Parisians was also animated by the hope that the military 
 forces in the provinces would hasten to the aid of the hard-pressed capital, 
 and that therefore an energetic resistance would afford the rest of France 
 sufficient time for rallying all its forces, and at the same time exhibit an ele- 
 vating example. In the carrying out of this plan, neither Trochu nor Gam- 
 betta was wanting in the requisite energy and circumspection. The former 
 organized sallies from time to time, in order to reconnoitre and discover 
 whether the army of relief was on its way from the provinces ; the latter 
 exerted all his powers to bring the Loire army up to the Seine. But both 
 erred in undervaluing the German war forces ; they did not believe that the 
 hostile ami)- would bt- able to keep Paris in a slate of blockade, ant! at the 
 same time engage the armies on the south and north, east and west. They 
 had no conception of the hidden, inexhaustible strength of the Prussian 
 army organization — of a nation in arms which could send forth constant re- 
 inforcements of battalions and recruits, and fresh bodies of disciplined troops 
 to (ill the gaps left in the ranks by the wounded and fallen. There could be 
 no doubt as to the termination of this terrible war, or the final victory of 
 German energy and discipline. 
 
 Throughout the last months of the eventful year 1870, the northern 
 part of France, from the Jura to the Channel, from the Belgian frontier to 
 the Loire, presented the aspect of a wide battlefield. Of the troops that 
 had been set free by the capitulation of Metz, a part remained behind in 
 
232 BISAfARCh' AND THE NEW EMPIRE OF GERMANY 
 
 garrison, another division marched northwards in order to invest the pro- 
 vinces of Picardy and Normandy, to restore communication with tlie sea, 
 and to bar the road to Paris, and a third division joined the second army, 
 whose commander-in-chief, Prince Frederick Charles, set up his head- 
 quarters at Troyes. Different detachments were despatched against the 
 northern fortresses, and by degrees Soissons, Verdun, Thionville, 
 
 e a o e Ham, where Napoleon had once been a prisoner, Pfalzburof and 
 
 Fortresses ' _ ' / ^ 
 
 Montmedy, all fell into the hands of the Prussians, thus open- 
 ing to them a free road for the supplies of provisions. The garrison troops 
 were all carried off as prisoners to Germany ; the towns — most of them in a 
 miserable condition — fell into the enemy's hands ; many houses were mere 
 heaps of ruins and ashes, and the larger part of the inhabitants were suffer- 
 ing severely from poverty, hunger and disease. 
 
 The greatest obstacles were encountered in the northern part of Alsace 
 and the mountainous districts of the Vosges and the Jura, where irregular 
 warfare, under Garibaldi and other leaders, developed to a dangerous 
 Guerilla War= extent, while the fortress of Langres afforded a safe retreat to 
 
 fare in the the guerilla bands. Lyons and the neighboring town of St. 
 
 ^^ Etienne became hotbeds of excitement, the red flag being 
 
 raised and a despotism of terror and violence established. Although many 
 
 divergent elements made up this army of the east, all were united in hatred 
 
 of the Germans and the desire to drive the enemy back across the Rhine. 
 
 Thus, during the cold days of November and December, when General 
 Von Treskow began the siege of the important fortress of Belfort, there 
 burst forth a war around Gray and Dijon marked hy the greatest hardships, 
 perils and privations to the invaders. Here the Germans had to contend 
 with an enemy much superior in number, and to defend themselves against 
 continuous firing from houses, cellars, woods and thickets, while the im- 
 poverished soil yielded a miserable subsistence, and the broken railroads 
 cut off freedom of communication and of reinforcement. 
 
 The whole of the Jura district, intersected by hilly roads as far as the 
 plateau of Langres, where, in the days of Ctesar, the Romans and Gauls 
 were wont to measure their strength with each other, formed during 
 November and December the scene of action of numerous encounters 
 which, In conjunction with sallies from the garrison at Belfort, inflicted 
 severe injury on Werder's troops. Dijon had repeatedly to be evacuated ; 
 and the nocturnal attack at Chattillon, 20th November, by 
 
 District Garibaldians, when one hundred and twenty Landwehrmen 
 
 and Hussars perished miserably, and seventy horses were lost, 
 
 affording a striking proof of the dangers to which the German army was 
 
BISMARCIk .L\'D the new empire OE GERMANY 23.1 
 
 fxposed in this hostile country ; although the revolutionary exct;sscs of the 
 turbulent population of the south diverted to a certain extent the attention 
 of the National Guard, who were compelled to turn their weapons against 
 an internal enemy. 
 
 Hy means of the revolutionary dictatorshij) of Ganibetta the whole 
 French nation was drawn into the struggle, the annihilation of the enemy 
 being represented as a national duty, and the war assuming a steadily more 
 violent character. The indefatigable patriot continued his exertions to 
 increase the army and unite the whole south antl west against (jambetta and 
 the enemy, hoping to bring the army of the Loire to such the Army 
 dimensions that it would be able to expel the invaders from «* the Loire 
 the soil of France. But these raw recruits were poorly fitted to cope with 
 the highly disciplined Germans, and their early successes were soon followed 
 by defeat and discouragement, while the hopes entertained by the Paris 
 garrison of succor from the south vanished as news of the steady progress of 
 the Germans were received. 
 
 During these events the war operations before Paris continued un- 
 interruptedh". Moltke had succeeded, in spite of the difficulties of trans- 
 port, in procuring an immense quantity of ammunition, and the long-delayed 
 bombardment of Paris was ready to begin. Having stationed with all 
 secrecy twelve batteries with seventy-six guns around Mont Avron, on 
 Christmas-day the firing was directed vvith such success against the forti- 
 fied eminences, that even in the second night the French, after great losses, 
 evacuated the important position, the " key of Paris," which was immedi- 
 ately taken possession of by the Saxons. Terror and dismay spread 
 throughout the distracted city when the eastern forts, Rosny, 
 
 Noeent and Noisv, were stormed amid a tremendous volley ^ °I" ^Vi '■ 
 ^ _ - . . -' ment of Pans 
 
 of firing. Vainly did Trochu endeavor to rouse the failing 
 courage of the National Guard ; vainly did he assert that the government 
 of the national defence would never consent to the humiliation of a capitu- 
 lation ; his own authority had already waned ; the newspapers already 
 accused him of incapacity and treachery, and began to cast every aspersion 
 on the men who had presumptuously seized the government, and yet were 
 not in a position to effect the defence of the capital and the country. After 
 the new year the bombardment of the southern forts began, and the terror 
 in the city daily increased, though the violence of the radical journals kept 
 in check any hint of surrender or negotiation. Yet in spite of fog and 
 snow-storms the bombardment was systematically contiu'.ed, and with every 
 day the destructive effect of the terrible missiles grew n",ore pronounced. 
 
234 BISMARCK AND THE NFAV EMPIRE OF GERMANY 
 
 Trochu was blamed for having undertaken only small sallies, which 
 could have no result. The commander-in-chief ventured no opposition to 
 the party of action. With the consent of the mayors of the twenty arron- 
 disse)iit'ii/s of Paris a council of war was held. The threatening famine, the 
 firing of the enemy, and the excitement prevailing among the adherents of 
 the red republic rendered a decisive step necessary. Consequently, on the 
 19th of January, a great sally was decided on, and the entire armed forces 
 of the capital were summoned to arms. Early in the morning, a body of 
 100,000 men marched in the direction of Meudon, Sevres and St. Cloud for 
 the decisive conflict. The left wing was commanded by General Vinoy, the 
 right by Ducrot, while Trochu from the watch-tower directed the entire 
 The Last Great Struggle. With great courage Vinoy dashed forward with his 
 Sally from column of attack towards the fifth army corps of General 
 ^"^ Kirchbach, and succeeded in capturing the Montretout en- 
 
 trenchment, through the superior number of his troops, and in holding it 
 for a time. But when Ducrot, delayed by the barricades in the streets, failed 
 to come to his assistance at the appointed time, the attack was driven 
 back after seven hours' fierce fighting by the besieging troops. Having 
 lost 7,000 dead and wounded, the French in the evening beat a retreat, 
 which almost resembled a flight. On the following day Trochu demanded 
 a truce, that the fallen National Guards, whose bodies strewed the battle- 
 field, might be interred. The victors, too, had to render the last rites to 
 many a brave soldier. Thirty-nine officers and six hundred and sixteen 
 soldiers were given in the list of the slain. 
 
 Kntire confidence had been placed by the Parisians in the great sally. 
 When the defeat, therefore, became known in its full significance, when the 
 number of the fallen was found to be far greater even than had been stated 
 in the first accounts, a dull despair took possession of the famished city, 
 which next broke forth into violent abuse against Trochu, " the traitor." 
 Capitulation now seemed imminent ; but as the commander-in-chief had 
 declared that he would never countenance such a disgrace, he resigned his 
 post to Vinoy. Threatened by bombardment from without, terrified within 
 by the pale spectre of famine, paralysed and distracted by the violent dis- 
 sensions among the people, and without prospect of effective aid from the 
 
 provinces, what remained to the proud capital but to desist 
 PaHs^" from a conflict the continuation of which only increased the 
 
 unspeakable misery, without the smallest hope of deliverance ? 
 Gradually, therefore, there grew up a resolution to enter into negotiations 
 with the eneni)- ; and it was the minister Jules Favre, who had been fore- 
 most with the cry of " no surrender" four months before, who was now com- 
 
B/SAfAA'CA' AND THE NEW EMPIRE CE GERMAN V 235 
 
 pelled to take the first step to deliver liis covintry from cf)mplet(.- ruin. It 
 was prol)al)ly the bitterest hour in the life of the brave man, who lovec/ 
 I'rance and libcrt)- willi such a sincere affection, when he was conducted 
 til rough the German outposts to his interview with Bismarck at Versailles, 
 lie brought the proposal for a convention, on the strength of which the 
 garrison was to be permitted to retire with military honors to a part of 
 France not hitherto invested, on promising to alistain for several months 
 from taking part in the struggle. But such conditions were positively 
 refused at the Prussian headquarters, and a surrender was demanded as at 
 Sedan and Metz. Completely defeated, the minister returned to Paris. A< 
 a second meeting on the following day, it was agreed that from the 27th, 
 at twelve o'clock at night, the firing on both sides should be discontinued. 
 This was the preliminary to the conclusion of a three w-eeks' truce, to 
 await the summons of a National Assembly, with which peace might be 
 negotiated. 
 
 Tlie war was at an end so far as Paris was concerned. But it continued 
 in the south, where frequent defeat failed to depress Gambetta's indomitable 
 energy, and where new troops constantly replaced those put to rout. Gari- 
 baldi, at Dijon, succeeded in doing what the French had not done during 
 the war, in the capture of a Prussian banner. But the progress of the 
 Germans soon rendered his position untenable, and, finding his exertions 
 unavailing, he resigned his command and retired to his island „ .... 
 
 *' o Bourbakis 
 
 of Caprera. Two disasters completed the overthrow of France. Army and 
 Bourbaki's army, 8s, 000 strone, became shut in, with scanty theSiegeot 
 
 ■ • ^ 1 11 r 1 Belfort 
 
 food and ammunition, among the snow-covered valleys 01 the 
 Jura, and to save the disgrace of capitulation it took refuge on the neutral 
 soil of Switzerland ; and the strong fortress of Belfort, which had been 
 dcftmded with the utmost courage against its besiegers, finally yielded, with 
 the stipulation that the brave garrison should march out with the honors of 
 war. Nothing now stood in the way of an extension of the truce. On the 
 suggestion of Jules Favre, the National Assembly elected a commission of 
 fifteen members, which was to aid the chief of the executive, and his min- 
 isters, Picard and Favre, in the negotiations for peace. That cessions of 
 territory and indemnity of war expenses would have to be conceded had 
 long been acknowledged in principle ; but protracted and excited discussions 
 took place as to the extent of the former and the amount of The Harsh 
 the latter, while the demanded entry of the German troops Terms of 
 into Paris met with vehement opposition. But Count Bis- ^^'^^ 
 marck resolutely insisted on the cession of Alsace and German Lorraine, 
 including Metz and Diedenhofen Only with difficulty were the Germans 
 
236 BISMARCK' AND THE NEW EMPIRE OE GERMANY 
 
 persuaded to separate Belfort from the rest of Lorraine, and leave it still 
 in the possession of the French. In respect to the expenses of the war, 
 the sum of five milliards of francs ($1,000,000,000) was agreed upon, of 
 which the first milliard was to be paid in the year 1871, and the rest in a 
 stated period. The stipulated entry into Paris also — so bitter to the French 
 national pride — was only partially carried out ; the western side only of the 
 city was to be traversed in the march of the Prussian troops, and again 
 evacuated in two days. On the basis of these conditions, the preliminaries 
 of the Peace of Versailles were concluded on the 26th of P"ebruary between the 
 Imperial Chancellor and Jules Favre. Intense excitement prevailed when the 
 terms of the treaty became known ; they were dark days in the annals of French 
 history. But in spite of the opposition of the extreme Republican party, led 
 by Ouinet and Victor Hugo, the Assembly recognized by an overpowering 
 majority the necessity for the Peace, and the preliminaries were accepted by 
 546 to 107 votes. Thus ended the mighty war between France and Ger- 
 many — a war which has had few equals in the history of the world. 
 
 Had King William received no indemnity in cash or territory from 
 France, he must still have felt himself amply repaid for the cost of the 
 brief but sanguinary war, for it brought him a power and prestige with 
 which the astute diplomatist Bismarck had long been seeking to invest his 
 name. Political changes move slowly in times of peace, rapidly in times of 
 war. The whole of Germany, with the exception of Austria, had sent 
 troops to the conquest of France, and every state, north and south alike, 
 
 shared in the pride and glory of the result. South and North 
 Germany Germany had marched side by side to the battlefield, every 
 
 difference of race or creed forgotten, and the honor of the 
 German fatherland the sole watchword. The time seemed to have arrived 
 to close the breach between north and south, and obliterate the line of the 
 Main, which had divided the two sections. North Germany was united 
 under the leadership of Prussia, and the honor in which all alike shared 
 now brought South Germany into line for a similar union. 
 
 The first appeal in this direction came from Baden. Later in the )'ear 
 plenipotentiaries sought Versailles from the kingdoms of Bavaria and Wiir- 
 temberg and the grand duchies of Baden and Hesse, their purpose being to 
 arrange for and define the conditions of union between the South and the 
 North German states. For weeks this momentous question filled all Ger- 
 many with excitement and public opinion was in a state of high tension. 
 The scheme of union was by no means universally approved, there being a 
 large party in opposition, but the majority in its favor in Chambers proved 
 sufificient to enable Bismarck to carry out his plan. 
 
BISMARCK AND THE NEW EAl/'/KE OF GERMANY 237 
 
 Tliis was no less than to restore the GernKin l^mpire, or rather to estab- 
 lisli a new empire of (ierniany, in which Austria, long at the [Restoration of 
 head of the former empire, should have no part, the imperial theUerman 
 dignity being conferred upon the venerable King William of -■"?""«; 
 Prussia, a monarch whose birth dated back to the eighteenth century, and 
 who had lived throughout the Napoleonic wars. 
 
 Near the close of 1870 Bismarck concluded treaties with the ambassa- 
 ilors of the Southern States, in which they agreed to accept the constitution 
 of the North German Union. These treaties were ratified, after some op- 
 position from the "patriots" of the lower house, by the legislatures of the 
 four states involved. The next step in the proceeding was a suggestion 
 from the king of Bavaria to the other princes that the imperial crown of 
 Germany should be offered to King William of Prussia. 
 
 When the North German Diet at Berlin had given its consent to the 
 wvw constitution, congratulatory address was despatched to the Pruss- 
 ian monarch at Versailles. Thirty members of the Diet, with the president 
 Simson at their head, announced to the aged hero-king the nation's wish 
 that ht! should accept the new dignity. He replied to the deputation in sol- 
 emn audience that he accepted the imperial dignity which the German nation 
 ,uul its princes had offered him. On the ist of Januar\-, 1871, the new con- 
 stitution was to come into operation. The solemn assumption of the im- 
 perial office did not take place, however, until the iSth of January, the day on 
 which, one hundred and seventy years before, the new em- The Crowning 
 peror's ancestor, Frederick I., had placed the Prussian crown of William 1. 
 on his head at Konigsberg, and thus laid the basis of the 
 growing greatness of his house. It was an ever-memorable coincidence, that 
 in the superb-mirrored hall of the Versailles palace, where, since the days 
 of Richelieu, so many plans had been concerted for the humiliation of Ger- 
 many, King William should now proclaim himself German Kmperor. After 
 the reading of the imperial proclamation to the German people by Count 
 Bismarck, the Grand Duke led a cheer, in which the whole assembly joined 
 amid the singing of national hymns. Thus the important event had taken 
 place which again summoned the German Empire to life, and made over the 
 imperial crown with renewed splendor to another royal house. Barbarossa's 
 old legend, that the dominion of the empire was, after long tribulation, to 
 pass from the Hohenstaufen to the Hohenzollern, was now fulfilled ; the 
 dream long aspired after by German youth had now become a reality and a 
 living fact. 
 
 The tidings of the conclusion of peace with I'Vance, whose prelimi- 
 naries were completed at Frankfurt on the loth of May, 1871. filled all Ger- 
 
238 BISMARCK AND THE NEW EMPIRE OF GERMANY 
 
 many with joy, and peace festivals on the most splendid scale extended from 
 end to end of the new empire, in all parts of which an earnest spirit of 
 patriotism was shown, while Germans from all regions of the world sent home 
 expressions of warm sympathy with the new national organization of their 
 fatherland. 
 
 The decade just completed had been one of remarkable political 
 changes in Europe, unsurpassed in significance during any other period of 
 A D ade of equal length. The temporal dominion of the pope had van- 
 Remarkable ished and all Italy had been united under the rule of a single 
 Changes king. The empire of France had been overthrown and a 
 
 republic established in its place, while that country had sunk greatly in 
 prominence among the European states. Austria had been utterly defeated 
 in war, had lost its last hold on Italy and its position of influence among 
 the German states. And all the remaining German lands had united into a 
 great and powerful empire, of such extraordinary military strength that the 
 surrounding nations looked on in doubt, full of vague fears of trouble from 
 this new and potent power introduced into their midst. 
 
 Bismarck, however, showed an earnest desire to maintain international 
 peace and good relations, seeking to win the confidence of foreign govern- 
 ments, while at the same time improving and increasing that military force 
 which had been proved to be so mighty an engine of war. 
 
 In the constitution of the new empire two legislative bodies were pro- 
 vided for, the Bundesratli or Federal Council, whose members are annually 
 appointed by the respective state governments, and the Reichs. 
 ol the'Emprre ^'■^S o"^ Representative body, whose members are elected by 
 universal suffrage for a period of three years, an annual ses- 
 sion being required. Germany, therefore, in its present organization, is 
 practically a federal union of states, each with its own powers of internal 
 government, and with a common legislature approximating to our Senate 
 and House of Representatives. 
 
 The remaining incidents of Bismarck's remarkable career may be 
 
 briefly given. It consisted largely in a struggle with the Catholic Church 
 
 organization, which had attained to great power in Germany, and was 
 
 aggressive to an extent that roused the vigorous opposition of the chan- 
 
 „ cellor of the empire, who was not willing to acknowledore any 
 
 The Power of r- i i i r i ^ } 
 
 the Catholic power in Germany other than that of the emperor. 
 
 Church in King Frederick William IV., the predecessor of the reigning 
 
 monarch, had made active efforts to strengthen the Catholic 
 
 Church in Prussia, its clergy gaining greater privileges in that Protestant 
 
 state than they possessed in any of the Catholic states. They had estab- 
 
BISMARCK AND THE NEW EMPIRE OE GERMANY 239 
 
 lished everywhere in North Germany their congregations and monasteries, 
 and, by their control of public education, seemed in a fairway to eventually 
 make Catholicism supreme in the empire. 
 
 This state of affairs Bismarck set himself energetically to reform. The 
 minister of religious affairs was forced to resign, and his place was taken 
 by F"alk, a sagacious statesman, who Introduced a new school law, bringing 
 the whole educational system under state control, and carefully regulating 
 llu; power of the clergy over religious and moral education. This law met 
 with such violent opposition that all the personal influence of The New l^ws 
 Bismarck and Falk were needed to carry it, and it gave such Against 
 deep offence to the pope that he refused to receive the German "'"'^ "*''"' 
 
 ambassador. He declared the Falk law invalid,, and the German bishops 
 united in a declaration against the chancellor. Bismarck retorted by a law 
 expelling the Jesuits from the empire. 
 
 In 1873 '^he state of affairs became so embittered that the rights and 
 liberties of the citizens seemed to need protection against a priesthood 
 armed with e.xtensive powers of discipline and excommunication. In con- 
 sequence Bismarck introduced, and by his eloquence and influence carried, 
 what were known as the May Laws. These provided for the scientific 
 education of the Catholic clergy, the confirmation of clerical appointments 
 by the state, and a tribunal to consider and revise the conduct of the 
 bishops. 
 
 These enactments precipitated a bitter contest between church and 
 state, while the pope declared the May Laws null and void and threatened 
 with excommunication all priests who should submit to them. The state 
 retorted by withdrawing its financial support from the Catholic church and 
 abolishing those clauses of the constitution under which the church claimed 
 independence of the state. Pope Pius IX. died in 1878, and on the elec- 
 tion of Leo XIII. attempts were made to reconcile the exist- 
 
 j.j-f T,, ■!• • ■ r 1 The Triumph Of 
 
 ing dinerences. the reconciliation was a victory for trie the Chnrch 
 
 church, the May Laws ceasing to be operative, the church 
 revenues being restored and the control of the clergy over education in 
 considerable measure regained. New concessions were granted in 1886 and 
 1887, 3^"<i Bismarck felt himself beaten in his long conflict with his clerical 
 opponents, who had proved too strong and deeply entrenched for him. 
 
 Economic questions became also prominent, the revenues of the empire 
 requiring some change in the system of free trade and the adoption of pro- 
 tective duties, while tlie railroads were acquired by the various state of the 
 empire. Meanwhile the rapid growth of socialism excited apprehension, 
 which was added to when two attempts were made on the life of the em- 
 
34° 
 
 BISMARCK AND THE NEW EMPIRE OF GERMANY 
 
 pcror. These were attributed to the Socialists, and severe laws for the 
 suppression of socialism were enacted. Bismarck also sought to cut the 
 The Socialists ground from under the feet of the Socialists by an endeavor 
 and the In- to improve the condition of the working classes. In 1881 
 burance ws jg^^g were passed compelling employers to insure their work- 
 men in case of sickness or accident, and in 1888 a system of compulsory 
 insurance against death and old age was introduced. None of these 
 measures, however, checked the growth of socialism, which very actively 
 continued. 
 
 In 1882 a meeting was arranged by the chancellor between the emper- 
 ors of Germany, Russia, and Austria, which was looked upon in Europe as 
 a political alliance. In 1878 Russia drifted somewhat apart from Ger- 
 many, but in the following year an alliance of defence and offence was con- 
 cluded with Austria, and a similar alliance at a later date with Italy. This, 
 which still continues, is known as the Triple Alliance In 1877 Bismarck 
 announced his intention to retire, being worn out with the great labors of 
 his position. To this the emperor, who felt that his state rested on the 
 shoulders of the " Iron Chancellor," would not listen, though he gave him 
 indefinite leave of absence. 
 
 On March 9, 1S88, Emperor William died. He was ninety years of 
 age, having been born in 1797. He was succeeded by his son Frederick, 
 then incurably ill from a cancerous affection of the throat, which carried him 
 to the grave after a reign of ninety-nine days. His oldest son, William, 
 succeeded on June 15, 188S, as William II. 
 
 The liberal era which was looked for under Frederick was checked by 
 his untimely death, his son at once returning to the policy of William I. and 
 William II. and Bismarck. He proved to be far more positive and dictatorial 
 the Dismissal in disposition than his grandfather, with decided and vigorous 
 ismarc views of his own, which soon brought him into conflict with 
 the equally positive chancellor. The result was a rupture with Bismarck, 
 and his dismissal from the premiership in 1S90. The young emperor subse- 
 quently devoted himself in a large measure to the increase of the army and 
 navy, a policy which brought him into frequent conflicts with the Reichstag, 
 whose rapidly growing socialistic membership was in strong opposition to 
 this development of militarism. 
 
 The old statesman, to whom Germany owed so much, was deeply ag- 
 grieved by this lack of gratitude on the part of the self-opinionated young 
 emperor. Subsequently a reconciliation took place. But the political career 
 of the great Bismarck was at an end, and he died on July 30, 189S. It is an 
 interesting coincidence that almost at the same time died the equally great, 
 
B/SA/.IKCA' .ftXD THE NEW EMPIRI'. OE GERMANY ajr 
 
 but inrirkedly different, statesman of England, William Ewart Gladstone. 
 Count Cavour, the third great European statesman of the last half of the 
 nineteenth century, had completed his work and passed away nearly forty 
 years before. 
 
 The career of William II. has been one of much interest and some 
 alarm to the other nations of Europe. His eagerness for the development 
 of the army and navy, and the energy with which he pushed forward it;^ 
 organization and sought to add to its strength, seemed significant of warlike 
 intentions, and there was dread that this energetic )oung monarch might 
 break the peace of Eurojje, if only to prove the irresistible strength of the 
 military machine he had formed. But as years went on the -^y^^ uevelop- 
 apprehensions to which his early career and expressions gave mentof the 
 rise were quieted, and the fear that he would plunge Europe "erman Army 
 into war vanished. The army and navy began to appear rather a costly 
 plaything of the active )()ung man than an engine of destruction, while it 
 tended in considerable nieasure to the preservation of peace by rendering 
 Germany a power dangerous to go to war with. 
 
 The speeches with which the emperor began his reign showed an exag- 
 gerated sense of the imperial dignity, though his later career indicated far 
 more judgment and good sense than the early display of overweening self- 
 importance promised, and the views of William II. now command far more 
 respect than they did at first. He has shown himself a man of exuberant 
 energy. Despite a permanent weakness of his left arm and a serious affec- 
 tion of the ear, he early became a skilful horseman and an untiring hunter, 
 as well as an enthusia.stic yachtsman, and there are few men in the empire 
 more active and enterprising to-day than the Kaiser. 
 
 A principal cause of the break between William and Bismarck was the 
 
 system of partial state socialism established by him, of which 
 , 1 1 1 11 II- 1 -i-i •' state Socialism 
 
 the okl chancellor strongly disapproved. 1 his was a s)stem 
 
 of compulsory old age insurance, through which workmen and their em- 
 ployers — aided by the state — were obliged to provide for the support of 
 artisans after a certain age. The system seems to have worked satisfacto- 
 rily, but socialism of a more radical kind has grown in the empire far more 
 rapidly than the emperor has approved of, and he has vigorously, though 
 unsuccessfully, endeavored to prevent its increase. Another of his favorite 
 measures, a religious education bill, he was obliged to withdraw on account 
 of the opposition it excited. On more than one occasion he has come into 
 shar[) confiict with the Reichstag concerning increased ta.xation for the army 
 and nav)-, and a strong party against his autocratic methods has sprung up, 
 and has forced him more than once to recede from warmly-cherished measures. 
 
242 BISMARCK AND THE NEW EMPIRE OF GERMANY 
 
 It may be of interest here to say something concerning the organiza- 
 tion of the existing German empire. The constitution of this empire, as 
 Constitution of adopted April i6, 1871, proposes to "form an eternal union 
 the German for the protection of the realm and the care of the welfare of 
 Empire ^^^^ German people," and places the supreme direction of mili- 
 
 tary and political affairs in the King of Prussia, under the title of Deutscher 
 Kaiser (German emperor). The war-making powers of the emperor, how- 
 ever, are restricted, since he is obliged to obtain the consent of the Buridesrath 
 (the Federal Council) before he can declare war otherwise than foi' the defence 
 of the realm. His authority as emperor, in fact, is much less than that 
 which he exercises as King of Prussia, since the imperial legislature is inde- 
 pendent of him, he having no power of veto over the laws passed by it., 
 
 This legislature consists of two bodies, the Bundesrath, representing 
 the states of the union, whose members, 58 in number, are chosen for each 
 session by the several state governments ; and the Reichstag, representing 
 the people, whose members, 397 in number, are elected by universal suf- 
 frage for periods of five years. The German union, as now constituted, 
 comprises four kingdoms, six grand duchies, five duchies, seven principali- 
 ties, three cities, and the Reichsland of Alsace-Lorraine ; twenty-six 
 separate states in all. It includes all the German peoples with the ex- 
 ception of those of Austria. 
 
 The progress of Germany within the century under review has been 
 
 very great. The population of the states of the empire, 24,831,000 at the 
 
 end of the Napoleonic wars, is now over 52,000,000, having more than 
 
 doubled in number. The wealth of the country has grown in a far greater 
 
 ratio, and Germany to-day is the most active manufacturing 
 The Progr-tss of . , . , ^ a • 1 1 -11 
 
 Q'irmany nation on the contment or turope. Agriculture has similarly 
 
 been greatly developed, and one of its products, the sugar 
 beet, has become a principal raw material of manufacture, the production of 
 beet-root sugar having increased enormously. The commerce of the empire 
 has similarly augmented, it having become one of the most active commercial 
 nations of the earth. Its imports, considerable in quantity, consist largely 
 of raw materials and food stuffs, while it vies with Great Britain and the 
 United States in the quantity of finished products sent abroad. In short, 
 Germany has taken its place to-day as one of the most energetic of pro- 
 ductive and commercial nations, and its wealth and importance have 
 increased correspondingly. 
 
CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Gladstone, the Apostle of Liberalism in England. 
 
 IT is a fact of imich iiUcrcsl, as showing tiie growth of th(.' human mind, 
 that Wilhain I'.wart Gladstone, the great advocate of luigHsh Liberal- 
 ism, made his first political speech in vigorous opposition to the Reform 
 Mill of 1831. He was then a student at Oxford University, but this boyish 
 address had such an efTect upon his hearers, that Bishop Wordsworth felt 
 sure the speaker "would one day rise to be Prime Minister of England." 
 This prophetic utterance may be mated with another one, Gladstone's 
 by Archdeacon Denison, who said : "I have just heard the First Political 
 best speech I ever heard in my life, by Gladstone, against the 
 Reform Bill. But, mark my words, that man will one day be a Liberal, 
 for he argued against the Bill on liberal ground." 
 
 Both these far-seeing men hit the mark. Gladstone became Prime 
 Minister and the leader of the Liberal Party in P'ngland. Yet he had been 
 reared as a Conservative, and for many years he marched under the banner 
 of Conservatism. His political career began in the first Reform Parlia- 
 ment, in January, 1S33. Two years afterward he vas made an under- 
 secretary in Sir Robert Peel's Cabinet. It was under the same ,,, . . 
 
 •' , . . (iladstone in 
 
 Premier that he first became a full member of the Cabinet, in Parliament 
 1845, as Secretary of State for the Colonies. He was still a and the 
 Tory in home politics, but had become a Liberal in his com- 
 mercial ideas, and was Peel's right-hand man in carrying out his great 
 commorcial policy. 
 
 The repeal of the Corn-laws was the work for whicl his Cabinet had 
 been formed, and Gladstone, as the leading Free-trader in the 1 ory ranks, 
 was called to it. As for Cobden, the apostle of Free-trade, Gladstone 
 atlmired him immensely. "I do not know," he said in later years, "that 
 there is in any period a man whose public career and life were nobler or 
 more admirable. Of course, I except Washington. Washington, to my 
 mind, is the purest figure in history." As an advocate of Free-trade Glad- 
 stone first came into connection with another noble figure, that of John 
 Bright, who was to remain associated with him during most of his 
 career. In 1857 he first took rank as one of the great moral forces of 
 
 24.3 
 
244 GLADSTONE, THE APOSTLE OF LIBERALISM 
 
 modern times. In that year he visited Naples, where he saw the barbarous 
 
 treatment of poHtical prisoners under the government of the infamous King 
 
 Bomba, and described them in letters whose indignation was breathed in 
 
 such tremendous tones that England was stirred to its depths 
 
 / ^"f ^, and all Europe awakened. These thrillino- epistles grave the 
 from Naples /^ _ & i & 
 
 cause of Italian freedom an impetus that had much to do with 
 its subsequent success, and gained for Gladstone the warmest veneration of 
 patriotic Italians. 
 
 In 1852 he first came into opposition with the man against whom he 
 was to be pitted during the remainder of his career, Benjamin Disraeli, who 
 had made liimself a power in Parliament, and in that year became Chan- 
 cellor of the Exchequer in Lord Derby's Cabinet and leader of the House 
 of Commons. The revenue Budget rntroduced by him showed a sad lack of 
 financial abilit}-, and called forth sharp criticisms, to which he replied in 
 a speech made up of scoffs, gibes and biting sarcasms, so daring and auda- 
 cious in character as almost to intimidate the House. As he sat down Mr. 
 Gladstone rose and launched forth into an oration which became historic. 
 He gave voice to that indignation which lay suppressed beneath the cowed 
 feeling which for the moment the Chancellor of the Exchequer's perform- 
 
 ^. . ^ . , ance had left amony- his hearers. In a few minutes the 
 First Contest . '^ . 
 
 Between Glad- House was wildly cheering the intrepid champion who had 
 
 stone and rushed into the breach, and when Mr. Gladstone concluded, 
 
 having torn to shreds the proposals of the Budget, a majority 
 followed him into the division lobb)', and Mr. Disraeli found his govern- 
 ment beaten by nineteen votes. Such was the first great encounter between 
 the two rivals. 
 
 Lord Derby resigned at once, and politics were plunged into a condi- 
 tion of the wildest excitement and confusion. Mr. Gladstone was the butt 
 of Protectionist execration. He was near being thrown out of the window 
 at the Carlton Club by twenty extreme Tories, who, coming upstairs after 
 dinner, found him alone in the drawing-room. They did not quite go this 
 length, though they threatened to do so, but contented themselves with 
 insulting him. 
 
 In the Cabinet that followed, headed by Lord Aberdeen, Gladstone 
 succeeded Disraeli as Chancellor of the Exchequer, a position in which he 
 was to make a great mark. In April, 1853, '""^ introduced his first Budget, 
 a marvel of ingenious statemanship, in its highly successful effort to equal- 
 ize taxation. It remitted various taxes which had pressed hard upon the 
 poor and restricted business, and replaced them by applying the succession 
 duty to real estate, increasing the duty on spirits, and extending the income 
 
GLADSTONE, THE APOSTLE OF LIBERALISM 245 
 
 tax. The latter Gladstone spoke of as an emergency tax, only to be 
 applied in times of national danger, and presented a plan to extinguish it in 
 1S60. His plan failed to work. Nearly fifty years have passed since then, 
 and the income tax still remains, seemingly a fixed element of the British 
 revenue system. 
 
 Taken altogether, and especially in its expedients to equalize taxation, 
 this first Budget of Mr. Gladstone may be justly called the Gladstone's 
 greatest of the century. The speech in which it was intro- (ireat Uud- 
 duced and expounded created an extraordinary impression on ^^ ''^^'^ 
 the House and the country. For the first time in Parliament figures were 
 made as interesting as a fairy tale ; the dry bones of statistics were invested 
 with a new and potent life, and it was shown how the yearly balancing of 
 tlie national accounts might be directed by and made to promote the pro- 
 foundest and most fruitful principles of statesmanship. With such lucidity 
 and picturesqueness was this financial oratory rolled forth that the dullest 
 intellect could follow with pleasure the complicated scheme; and for five 
 hours the House of Commons sat as if it were under the sway of a magi- 
 cian's wand. When Mr. Gladstone resumed his seat, it was felt that the 
 career of the coalition Ministry was assured by the genius that was discov- 
 ered in its Chancellor of the Exchequer. 
 
 It was, indeed, to Gladstone's remarkable oratorical powers that much 
 of his success as a statesman was due. No man of his period was his equal 
 in swaying and convincing his hearers. His rich and musical voice, his 
 varied and animated gestures, his impressive and vigorous delivery, great 
 lluency, and wonderful precision of statement, gave him a Gladstone's 
 power over an audience which few men of the century have Powers as 
 riijo\eil. His sentences, indeed, were long and involved, 
 growing more so as his years advanced, but their fine choice of words, rich 
 rhetoric, and eloquent delivery carried away all that heard him, as did his 
 deep earnestness, and intense conviction of the truth of his utterances. 
 
 We must pass rapidly over a number of years of Gladstone's career, 
 through most of which he continued to serve as Chancellor of the Ex 
 chequer, and to amaze and delight the country by the financial reforms 
 effected in his annual Budgets. Between 1853 and 1866 those reforms rep 
 resented a decrease in the weight of the burden of the national revenue 
 amounting to ;/^ 13,000,000. 
 
 Meanwhile his Liberalism had been steadily growing, and reached its 
 culmination in 1865, when the great Tory university of Oxford, which he 
 had long represented, rejected him as its member. At once he offered him- 
 self as a candidate for South Lancashire, in which his native place was situ- 
 
246 GLADSTONE, THE APOSTLE OF LIBERALISM 
 
 ated, saying, in the opening of his speech at Mancliester : "At last, my 
 friends, I am come among you ; to use an expression which has become very 
 famous and is not Hkely to be forgotten, ' I am come among you unmuz- 
 zled.' " 
 
 Unmuzzled he was, as his whole future career was to show. Oxford 
 had, in a measure, clipped his wings. Now he was free to give the fullest 
 Gladstone the expression to his liberal faith, and to stand before the country 
 Liberal Leader as the great apostle of reform. In 1866 he became, for the 
 o t e House ^^.^j. jj^^^ j^^ j^j^ career, leader of the House of Commons — 
 Lord Russel, the Prime Minister, being in the House of Lords. Many of 
 his friends feared for him in this difficult position ; but the event proved 
 that they had no occasion for alarm, he showing himself one of the most 
 successful leaders the House had ever had. 
 
 His first important duty in this position was to introduce the new suf- 
 frage Reform Bill, a measure to extend the franchise in counties and bor- 
 oughs that would have added about 400,000 voters to the electorate. In 
 the debate that followed Gladstone and Disraeli were again pitted against 
 each other in a grand oratorical contest. Disraeli taunted him with his 
 youthful speech at Oxford against the Reform Bill of 1831. 
 
 The Suffrage ^1 , i- 1 • 1 ^ r ■ i • t • u 
 
 Reform Bill Gladstone replied m a burst of vigorous eloquence, in which 
 he scored his opponent for lingering in a conservatism from 
 which the speaker gloried in having been strong enough to break. He and 
 the Cabinet were pledged to stand or fall with the Bill But, if it fell, the 
 principle of right and justice which it involved would not fall. It was sure 
 to survive and triumph in the future. He ended with this stirring predic- 
 tion : 
 
 " You cannot fight against the future. Time is on our side. The great 
 social forces which move onwards in their might and majesty, and which the 
 tumult of our debates does not for a moment impede or disturb, those great 
 social forces are against you : they are marshalled on our side ; and the ban- 
 ner which we now carry into this fight, though perhaps at some moment it 
 may droop over our sinking heads, yet it soon again will float in the eye of 
 Heaven, and it will be borne by the firm hands of the united people of the 
 three kingdoms, perhaps not to an easy, but to a certain, and to a not far 
 distant, victory." 
 
 Disraeli and his party won. The Bill was defeated. But its defeat 
 roused the people almost as they had been roused in 1832. A formidable 
 riot broke out in London. Ten thousand people marched in procession 
 past Gladstone's residence, singing odes in honor of " the People's 
 William." There were demonstrations in his favor and in support of the 
 
GLADSTONE, THE APOSTLE OL LlliERALlSM 247 
 
 F^ill throiiL^hout the country. The agitation continued durint^ the winter, 
 its fire fed Ijy the eloquence of another of the great orators of tiic century, 
 the "tribune of the people," John Bright. This distingu- England 
 ished man and powerful public speaker, through all his Asitaied on 
 life a strenuous advocate of moral reform and political *^ *"^"' 
 progress, had begun his parliamentary career as an advocate of tiie Reform 
 Bill of 1831-32. He now became one of the great leaders in the new cam- 
 paign and through his eloquence and that of Gladstone the force of public 
 opinion rose to such a height that the new r)crl)y-Disraeli ministry found 
 itself obliged to bring in a Bill similar to that which it had worked so hard 
 to overthrow. 
 
 And now a striking event took place. The Tory Reform Bill 
 was satisfactory to Gladstone in its general features, but he proposed many 
 improvements — lodger franchise, educational and savings-bank franchises, 
 enlargement of the redistribution of seats, etc. — every one of which was 
 yielded in committee, until, as one lord remarked, nothing of the original 
 Bill remained but the opening word, "Whereas." This bill, really the work 
 of Gladstone, and more liberal than the one which had been defeated, was 
 passed, and Toryism, in the very success of its measure, suffered a crushing 
 defeat. To Gladstone, as the people perceived, their right to vote was due. 
 
 But Disraeli was soon to attain to the exalted office for which he had 
 long been striving. In February, 1868, failing health caused Djsraeii lie- 
 Lord Derby to resign, and Disraeli was asked to form a comes Prime 
 new administration. Thus tin- " Asian Mystery," as he had Minister 
 been entitled, reached the summit of his ambition, in becoming Prime 
 Minister of I'Lngland. 
 
 He was not to hold this position long. Gladstone was to reach the 
 same high eminence before the year should end. Disraeli's government, 
 beginning in February, 1868, was defeated on the question of the disestab- 
 lishment of the Irish Church; an appeal to the country resulted in a large 
 Liberal gain ; ami on December 4th the Queen sent for Mr. Gladstone and 
 commissioned him to form a new ministry, The task was completed bv 
 the 9th, Mr. Bright, who had aided so greatly in the triumph of the 
 Liberals, entering the new cabinet as President of the Board of Trade. 
 Thus at last, after thirty-five years of active public life, Mr. Glad- Qiad^tone is 
 stone was at the summit of power — Prime Minister of Great Made Prime 
 Britain with a strong majority in Parliament in his support. mister 
 
 Bishop Wilberforce, who met him In this hour of triumph, wrote of him 
 thus in his journal: "Gladstone as ever great, earnest, and honest; as 
 
248 GLADSTONE, THE APOSTLE OF LJBERALISM 
 
 unlike the tricky Disraeli as possible. He is so delightfully true and the 
 same ; just as full of interest in every good thing of every kind." 
 
 The period which followed the election of 1868 — the period of the 
 Gladstone Administration of 1868-74 — has been called "the golden age of 
 Liberalism." It was certainly a period of great reforms. The first, the 
 most heroic, and probably — taking all the results into account — the most 
 completely successful of these, was the disestablishment of the Irish 
 Church. 
 
 Though Mr. Gladstone had a great majority at his back, the dif^culties 
 which confronted him were immense. In Ireland the wildest protests eman- 
 ated from the friends of the Establishment. The " loyal minority " declared 
 that their loyalty would come to an end if the measure were passed. One 
 synod, speaking with a large assumption, even for a synod, of inspired 
 knowledge, denounced it as "highly offensive to the Almighty God." The 
 Orangemen threatened to rise in insurrection. A martial clergyman pro- 
 posed to " kick the Queen's crown into the Boyne " if she assented to such 
 a Bill. Another announed his intention of fighting with the Bible in one 
 hand and the sword in the other. These appeals and these threats of civil 
 war, absurd as they proved to be in reality, were not without producing 
 some effect in Great Britain, and it was amid a din of warnings, of misgiv- 
 ing counsels, and of hostile cries, that Mr. Gladstone proceeded to carry out 
 the mandate of the nation which he had received at the polls. 
 
 On the first of March, i86g, he introduced his Disestablishment Bill. 
 Disestablish- ^'^ speech was one of the greatest marvels amongst his ora- 
 mentofthe torical achievements. His chief opponent declared that, 
 though it lasted three hours, it did not contain a redundant 
 word. The scheme which it unfolded — a scheme which withdrew the tem- 
 poral establishment of a Church in such a manner that the Church was 
 benefited, not injured, and which lifted from the backs of an oppressed people 
 an intoleraljle burden — was a triumph of creative genius. Leaving aside 
 his Budgets, which stand in a different category, it seems to us there is no 
 room to doubt that in his record of constructive legislation this measure for 
 the disestablishment of the Irish Church is Mr. Gladstone's most perfect 
 masterpiece. 
 
 Disraeli's speech in opposition to this measure was referred to by the 
 London Times as " flimsiness relieved by spangles." After a debate in 
 which Mr. Bright made one of his most famous speeches, the bill was car- 
 ried by a majority of 118. Before this strong manifestation of the popular 
 will the House of Lords, which deeply disliked the Bill, felt obliged to give 
 way, and passed it by a majority of seven. 
 
Gr.ADSTONF., T/rr. APOST/.r. OF I.IIU'.RAIJSM 249 
 
 In 1870 Mr. Gladstone inlrotluced his Irisli Lane! Bill, a measure o 
 reform which Parliament hatl for years refused to '.n-ant. Hy 
 
 ,,,,., ' , The Irish Land 
 
 it the tenant was given the right to hold Ins farm as long as ,{i|, i.;„actfd 
 he paid his rent, and received a claim upon the improvement 
 made by himself and his predecessors — a tenant-right which he could sell. 
 This bill was triiunphanlly carried ; and anotlutr important Liberal measure, 
 Mr. Forster's Education Hill, became law. 
 
 In the following sessions the tide of Liberal reform continued on its 
 course. Among the reforms adopted was that of vote by ballot. A 
 measure was introduced abolishing purchase in the Army ; and on this ques- 
 tion Mr. Gladstone had his third notable conflict with the Lords. The Lords 
 threw out the Bill. The imperious Premier, having found that purchase in 
 the Army existed only by royal sanction, advised the Queen to issue a Royal 
 Warrant cancelling the regulation. By a single act of executive authority 
 he carried out a reform to which Parliament had, through one of its branches, 
 refused its assent. This was a high-handed, not to say autocratic, step, and 
 it afforded a striking revelation of the capacities in boldness and resolu- 
 tion of Mr. Gladstone's character. It was denounced as Cresarism ami 
 Cronnvellism in some quarters; in others as an unconstitutional invocatitm 
 of the royal prerogative. 
 
 rUit the career of reform at length proved too rapid for the country to 
 follow. The Government was defeated in 1873 on a bill for University Edu- 
 cation in Ireland. Gladstone at once resigned, but, as Disraeli declined to 
 form a Government, he was obliged to resume office. In 1874 Defeat of Glad- 
 he took the bold step of dissolving Parliament and appealing stone and the 
 to the country for support. If he were returned to power he '*"''''" * 
 promised to repeal the income ta.K. He was not returned. The Tory party 
 gained a majority of 46. Gladstone at once resigned, not only the Premier- 
 ship, but the leadership of the Liberal party, and retired to private life — a 
 much needed rest after his many years of labor. Disraeli succeeded him as 
 Prime Minister, and two years afterwards was raised to the peerage by the 
 Queen as the Earl of Beaconsfield. 
 
 Mr. Gladstone was never idle. The intervals of his public duties were 
 filled with tireless studies and frequent literary labors. Chief among the 
 latter were his "Homeric Studies," works which showed great erudition and 
 active mental exercise, though not great powers of critical discrimination. 
 They adopted views which were then becoming obsolete, and their conclu- 
 sions have been rejected by Homeric scholars. Gladstone's greatness wa.i 
 as an orator and a moral reformer, not as a great logician and brilliant 
 lliinker. 
 
250 GLADSTONE, THE APOSTLE OF LIBERALISM 
 
 In the period at which we have arrived his moral greatness and literary 
 fer\'^or were both called into exercise in an international cause. The 
 Bulgarian atrocities of 1876 — spoken of in Chapter X — called the aged 
 Qladstoiiee on Statesman from his retirement, and his pamphlet entitled 
 the Bulgarian " Bulgarian Horrors and the Question of the East," rang 
 Horrors through England like a trumpet-call. " Let the Turks now 
 
 carry away their abuses in the only possible manner — by carrying off them- 
 selves," he wrote. " Their Zaptiehs and their Mudirs, their Bimbashis and 
 their Yuzbachis, their Kaimakams and their Pashas, one and all, bag and 
 baggage, shall, I hope, clear out from the province they have desolated 
 and profaned." 
 
 He followed up this pamphlet by a series of speeches, delivered to 
 great meetings and to the House of Commons, with which for four years 
 he sought, as he expressed it, "night and day to counterwork the purpose 
 of Lord Beaconsfield." He succeeded ; England was prevented by his 
 His Second eloquence from joining the Turks in the war ; but he excited 
 
 Great Contest the fury of the war party to such an extent that at one time 
 with Disraeli j^ ^^^^ ^^^ ^^f^ f^^j. j,;^^^ j.^ appear in the streets of London, 
 
 Nor was he quite safe in the House of Commons, where the Conservatives 
 hated him so bitterly as to jeer and interrupt him whenever he spoke, and a 
 party of them went so far as to mob him in the House. 
 
 Yet the sentiment he had aroused saved the country from the greatest 
 of the follies by which it was threatened ; and, if it failed to stop the lesser 
 adventures in which Lord Beaconsfield found an outlet for the passions he 
 had unloosed, — an annexation of Cyprus, an interference in Egypt, an 
 annexation of the Transvaal, a Zulu war which Mr. Gladstone denounced 
 as " one of the most monstrous and indefensible in our history," an Afghan 
 war which he described as a national crime, — it nevertheless was so true an 
 interpretation of the best, the deliberate, judgment of the nation, that it 
 sufficed eventually to bring the Liberal party back to power. 
 
 This took place in 1880. In the campaign for the Parliament elected 
 in that year Gladstone took a most active part, and had much to do with 
 the great Liberal victory that followed. In the face of the overwhelming 
 Qiadstone majority that was returned Lord Beaconsfield resigned office. 
 
 Again Made and Gladstone a second time was called to the head of the 
 
 Premier government. 
 
 As in the previous, so in the present, Gladstone administration the 
 question of Ireland loomed up above all others. While Beaconsfield 
 remained Premier Ireland was lost sight of, quite dwarfed by the Eastern 
 question upon which the two life-long adversaries measured their strength 
 
GLADSTONJi, THE APOSTLE OF LIliERAI I.-.M 251 
 
 But as Turkey went down in public interest Ireland rose. The Irish people 
 
 were gainin<j a vivid sense of their power under the Constitution. And 
 
 another famine came to put the hmd laws and government of Ireland to a 
 
 severe test. Still more, Ireland gained a leader, a man of remarkable 
 
 ability, who was to play as great a part in its history as O'Connell had done 
 
 half a century before. This was Charles Stewart Parnell, the „ „ „ 
 
 •' . Parnell Becomes 
 
 founder of the Irish Land League — a powerful trade-union the Leader 
 
 of tenant farmers — and for man\' years the leader of the of the Irish 
 
 . . Party 
 
 Irish party in Parliament. In the Parliament of 1880 his 
 
 followers numbered sixty-eight, enough to make him a power to be dealt 
 
 with in legislation. 
 
 Gladstone, in assuming control of the new government, was quite 
 unaware of tiie task before him. When he had completed his work with 
 tile Church and the Land Bills ten years before, he fondly fancied that the 
 Irish cpiestion was definitely settled. The Home RuU; movement, which 
 was started in 1870, seemed to him a wild delusion which would die away 
 of itself. In 1884 he said : " I frankly admit tiiat 1 had had much upon my 
 iiands connected with the doings of the Beaconsfield Government in every 
 ([uarter of the world, and I did not know — no one knew — the severity of 
 the crisis that was already swelling upon tiie horizon, and that shortly after 
 rushed upon us like a Hood." 
 
 He was not long in discovering tlie gravit)' of the situation, of which 
 the House had been warned by Mr. Parnell. The famine had brought its 
 crop of misery, and, while the charitable wt-re seeking to relieve the dis- 
 tre.ss, many of the landlords were turning adrift their tenants the Pamine and 
 for non-payment of rents. The Irish party brought in a the Bill for 
 Bill for the Suspension of Evictions, wiiich the government ''"'*'' '^'^''^^ 
 replaced by a similar one for Compensation for Disturbance. This was 
 passed with a large majority by the Commons, but was rejected by the 
 Lords, and Ireland was left to face its misery without relief. 
 
 The state of Ireland at that moment was too critical to be dealt with 
 in tiiis manner. The rejection of the Compensation for Disturbance Bill 
 was, to the peasantry whom it had been intended to protect, a message of 
 despair, and it was followed by the usual symptom of despair in Ireland, 
 an outbreak of agrarian crime. On the one hand over 17,000 persons were 
 evicted ; on the other there was a dreadful crop of murders and outrages. 
 The Land League sought to do what Parliament did not; but in doing sc 
 it came in contact with the law. Moreover, the revolution — for revolution 
 it seemed to be — grew too formidable for its control ; the utmost it succeeded 
 in doin<r was in some sense to ritle wiiliout ilirecline the storm. The first 
 
252 GLADSTONE, THE APOSTLE OF LIBERALISM 
 
 decisive step of Mr. Forster, the chief secretary for Ireland, was to strike 
 a hlow at the Land League. In November he ordered the prosecution of 
 Mr Forster'a ^'^''- ^^arnell, Mr. Biggar, and several of the officials of the 
 
 Policy of organization, and before the year was out he announced his 
 
 Coercion intention of introducing a Coercion Bill. This step threw 
 
 the Irish members under Mr. Parnell and the Liberal Government into rela- 
 tions of definitive antagonism. 
 
 • Mr. Forster introduced his Coercion Bill on January 24, 18S1. It was 
 a formidal)le measure, which enabled the chief secretary, by signing a war- 
 rant, to arrest any man on suspicion of having committed a given offence, 
 and to imprison him without trial at the pleasure of the government. It 
 practically suspended the liberties of Ireland. The Irish members ex- 
 hausted every resource of parliamentary action in resisting it, and their 
 tactics resulted in several scenes unprecedented in parliamentary histor)-. In 
 order to pass the Bill it was necessary to suspend them in a body several 
 times. Mr. Gladstone, with manifest pain, found himself, as leader of the 
 House, the agent by whom this extreme resolve had to be executed. 
 
 The Coercion Bill passed, Mr. Gladstone introduced his Land Bill of 
 Gladstone's 1^8 1, which was the measure of conciliation intended to 
 
 New Land balance the measure of repression. This was really a great and 
 ' sweeping reform, whose dominant feature was the introduction 
 
 of the novel and far-reaching principle of the State stepping in between 
 landlord and tenant and fixing the rents. The Bill had some defects, as a. 
 series of amending acts, which were subsequently passed by both Liberal 
 and Tory Governments, proved ; but, apart from these, it was on the whole 
 the greatest measure of land reform ever passed for Ireland by the Impe- 
 rial Parliament. 
 
 But Ireland was not yet satisfied. Parnell had no confidence in the 
 good intentions of the government, and took steps to test its honesty, 
 which so angered Mr. Forster that he arrested Mr. Parnell and several 
 other leaders and pronounced the Land League an illegal body. Forster 
 was well meaning but mistaken. He fancied that by locking up the ring- 
 leaders he could bring quiet to the country. On the contrary, affairs were 
 soon far worse than ever, crime and outrage spreading widely. 
 
 in Ireland ^'^ despair, Mr. Forster released Parnell and resigned. Ail- 
 
 now seemed hopeful ; coercion had proved a failure ; peace 
 and quiet were looked for ; when, four days afterward, the whole country 
 was horrified by a terrible crime. The new secretary for Ireland, Lord 
 Cavendish, and the under-secretary, Mr. Burke, were attacked and hacked 
 to death with knives in Phoenix Park. 
 
GLADSTONE, Tlir. AI'OSTl E OE LIBERALISM 253 
 
 EvcM'ywlicre panic and indignation arose. A new Coercion Act was 
 passed without delay. It was vigorously pnt into effect, and a state of 
 virtual war between En<:;-land and Ireland ai^ain came into existence. Great 
 r»ritain. in her usual fashion of seekinj^ to carry the world on Ivr shoulders, 
 had made the control of the Suez Canal an excuse for mrddliuL; with the 
 i^^overnment of E^vj)!. 
 
 The result was a revolution that drove Ismail Pasha from his throne 
 As the British still held control, a rcvult Iirokc out anions the people, 
 headed by an ambitious leader named Arabi Pasha, and Alexandria waft 
 seized, the 15ritish being driven out and many of th(;m killed. Much as 
 Cilailslone deprecated war, he felt himself forced into it. John Briyht, to 
 whom war was a crime that nothing could warrant, resigned from the cabi- 
 net, but the Government acted vigorously, the British fleet being ordered 
 to bombard Alexandria. This was done effectively. The city, half reduced 
 to ashes, was occupied by the British, Arabi and his army 
 withdrawing in haste Soon afterwards he was defeated by ^,.„, „f ,^|^.^. 
 General Wolseley and the insurrection was at an end. Egypt andria and 
 remained a vassal of Great Britain. An unfortunate sequel (,*,^rj,'„" 
 to this may be briefly stated. A formitlable insurrection 
 Ijroke out in the Soudan, under El Mahdi, a Mohammedan fanatic, who 
 captured the city of Khartoum and murdered the famous General Gordon. 
 For years Upper Egypt was lost to the state, it being recovered only at the 
 close of the century by a military e.xpedition. 
 
 In South Africa the British were less successful. Here a war had been 
 entered into with the Boers, in which the British forces suffered a severe 
 defeat at Majuba Hill. Gladstone did not adopt the usual fashion of seek- 
 ing revenge by the aid of a stronger force, but made peace, the Boers gain- 
 ing what they had been fighting for. 
 
 Disasters like this weakened the administration. Parnell and his fol- 
 lowers joined hands with the Tories, and a vigorous assault 
 was made upon the government. Slowly its majority fell the Mberals 
 away, and at length, in May, 1885, it was defeated. 
 
 The scene which followed was a curious one. The Irish raised cries of 
 " No Coercion," while the Tories delivered themselves up to a frenzy of 
 jubilation, waving hats and handkerchiefs, and wildly cheering. Lord Ran- 
 dolph Churchill jumped on a bench, brandished his hat madly above his 
 head, and altogether behaved as if he were beside himself. Mr. Gladstone 
 calmly resumed the letter to the Queen which he had been writing on his 
 knee, while the clerk at the table proceeded to run through the orders of 
 the day, as if nothing particular had happened. Wlutn in a few moments 
 
224 CL.ADSTONE, rilE APOSTLE OE LIBERALISM 
 
 the defeated Premier moved the adjournment, he did so still holding his 
 letter in one hand and the pen in the other, and the Conservatives surged 
 through the doorway, tumultuously cheering. 
 
 Gladstone's great opponent was no longer on earth to profit by his 
 defeat. Beaconsfield had died in i88i, and Lord Salisbury became head of 
 the new Tory Government, one which owed its existence to Irish votes. It 
 had a very short life. Parnell and his fellows soon tired of their unnatural 
 alliance, turned against and defeated the Government, and Gladstone was 
 sent for to form a new government. On February i, 1886, he became 
 Prime Minister of Great Britain for the third time. 
 
 During the brief interval his opinions had suffered a great revolution. 
 He no longer thought that Ireland had all it could justly demand. He re- 
 turned to power as an advocate of a most radical measure, that of Home 
 Gladstone a Rule for Ireland, a restoration of that separate Parliament 
 
 Convert to which it had lost in 1800. He also had a scheme to buy out 
 Home Rule ^^^ Irish landlords and establish a peasant proprietary by state 
 aid. His new views were revolutionary in character, but he did not hesitate 
 —he never hesitated to do what his conscience told him was right. On April 
 8, 1886, he introduced to Parliament his Home Rule Bill. 
 
 The scene that afternoon was one of the most remarkable in Parlia- 
 HK-ntary history. Never before was such interest manifested in a debate by 
 either the public or the members of the House. In order to secure their 
 places, members arrived at St. Stephen's at si.x o'clock in the morning, and 
 spent the day on the premises ; and, a thing quite unprecedented, members 
 A Remarkable "^^^""o could not find places on the benches filled up the floor of 
 Scene in Par- the House with rows of chairs. The strangers', diplomats', 
 hament peers', and ladies' galleries were filled to overflowing. Men 
 
 begged even to be admitted to the ventilating passages beneath the floor of 
 the Chamber that they might in some sense be witnesses of the greatest 
 feat in the lifetime of an illustrious old man of eighty. Around Palace 
 Yard an enormous crowd surged, waiting to give the veteran a welcome as 
 he drove up from Downing Street. 
 
 Mr. Gladstone arrived in the House, pale and still panting from the 
 excitement of his reception in the streets. As he sat there the entire Lib- 
 eral party — with the exception of Lord Hartington, Sir Henry James, Mr. 
 Chamberlain and Sir George Trevelyan — and the Nationalist members, by 
 a spontaneous impulse, sprang to their feet and cheered him again and again. 
 The speech which he delivered was in every way worthy of the occasion. 
 It expounded, with marvelous lucidity and a noble eloquence, a tremendous 
 scheme of constructive legislation — the re-establishment of a legislature in 
 
GLADSTONE, Tin-. APOSTLE OE LlliERALISM 255 
 
 Ireland, but one subordinate to the Imperial Parliament, and hedged round 
 with every safeguard which could protect the unity of the limpire. It took 
 three hours in delivery, and was listened to throughout with the utmost 
 attention on every side of the House. At its close all parties united in a 
 tribute of admiration for the genius which had astonished them with such an 
 exhibition of its powers. 
 
 Yet it is one thing to cheer an orator, another thing to vote for a revo- 
 lution. The Bill was defeated — as it was almost sure to be. Mr. Cdadstone 
 at once dissolved Parliament and appealed to the country in a new election, 
 with the result that he was decisively defeated. His bold declaration that 
 the contest was one between the classes and the masses turned the aristocracy 
 against him, while he had again roused the bitter hatred of his opponents. 
 
 But the " Grand Old Man " bided his time. The new Salisbury ministry 
 was one of coercion carried to the e.xtreme in Ireland, wholesale eviction, arrest 
 of members of Parliament, suppression of public meetings by force of arms, 
 and other measures of violence which in the end wearied the British public 
 and doubled the support of Home Rule. In 1892 Mr. Gladstone returned 
 to power with a majority of more than thirty Home Rulers in his support. 
 
 It was one of the greatest efforts in the career of the old Parliamen- 
 tary hero when he brought his new Home Rule Bill before the House. 
 Never in his young days had he worked more earnestly and ^, , 
 
 1 II V 1 II.- • r Gladstone's 
 
 mcessantly. hie disarmed even his bitterest enemies, none of i^stand 
 whom now dreamed of treating him with disrespect. Mr. Bal- Greatest 
 four spoke of the delight and fascination with which even his '""''' 
 
 opponents watched his leading of the House and listened to his unsurpassed 
 eloquence. Old age had come to clothe with its pathos, as well as with its 
 majesty, the white-haired, heroic figure. The event proved one of the great- 
 est triumphs of his life. The Bill passed with a majority of thirty-four. 
 That it would pass in the House of Lords no one looked for. It was de- 
 feated there by a majority of 37S out of 460. 
 
 With this great event the public career of tlie Grand Old Man came to 
 an end. The burden had grown too heavy for his reduced strengtii. In 
 March, 1894, to the consternation of his party, he announced 
 his intention of retiring from public life. The Queen offered, areat^Carecr 
 as she had done once before, to raise him to the peerage as an 
 earl, but he declined the proffer. His own plain name was a title higher 
 than that of any earldom in the kingdom. 
 
 On May 19, 1S98 William PZwart Gladstone laid down the burden of his 
 life as he had already done that of labor. The greatest and noblest fio-ure in 
 1' gislative life of the nineteenth century had passed away from earth. 
 
MICHAEL DAVITT, 
 
 FOUR GREAT MODERN IRISH LEADERS 
 
 T ;ij. HEALV 
 
CHAPTER XVI. 
 Ireland the Drnvntroddcn. 
 
 TIME was when Ireland was free. Rut it was a barbarian freedom. 
 The island had more kings than it had counties, each petty chief 
 bearing the royal title, while their battles were as frequent as those 
 of our Indian tribes of a past age. The island, despite the fact that it had 
 an active literature reaching back to the early centuries of the Christian 
 era, was in a condition of endless turmoil. This state of affairs was gradu- 
 ally put an end to after the English conquest; but the civili- Ireland in the 
 zation which was introduced into the island was made bitter PastCen- 
 by an injustice and oppression which has filled the Irish heart ""^^ 
 with an undying hatred of the Englisli nation and a ceaseless desire to 
 break loose from its bonds. 
 
 For centuries, indeed, the rule of England was largely a nominal one, 
 the English control being confined to a few coast districts in the east. In 
 tlie interior the native tribes continued under the rule of their chiefs, were 
 governed by their own laws, and remained practically independent 
 
 It was not until tlie reign of James I. that England became master of 
 all Ireland. In the last days of the reign of Elizabeth a great rising against 
 tile ICnglish had taken place in Ulster, under a chief named O'Neill. The 
 Earl of Essex failed to put it tlown and was disgraced by the queen in con- 
 sequi'nce. The armies of James finally suppressed the rebellion, and the 
 unri/ly island now, for the first time, came fully under the ^^ „,^, .,. 
 
 , , , . . . . The O Neill 
 
 control of an English king. It had given the earlier monarchs Rebellion and 
 
 nothing but trouble, and James determined to weaken its *•"-' Confisca- 
 
 " r •i.-fTj 1^1 • c • tJ°" o* Ulster 
 
 power tor mischiei. 1 o do so he took possession of six 
 counties of Ulster and filled them with Scotch and English colonists. As 
 for the Irish, they were simply crowded out, and left to seek a living where 
 they could. There was no place left .for them but the marshes. 
 
 This act of ruthless violence filled the Irish with an implacable hatred 
 of their oppressors which has not vanished in the years since it took place. 
 They treasured up their wrongs for thirty years, but in 1641. when England 
 was distracted by its civil war, they rose in their wratii, fell upon the 
 colonists, and murdered all who could not save themselves by fli"-]it. For 
 
 259 
 
25o IRELAND THE DOWNTRODDEN 
 
 eight years, while the English had their hands full at home, the Irish held 
 their reconquered lands in triumph, but in 1649 Cromwell fell upon them 
 with his invincible Ironsides, and took such a cruel revenge that he himself 
 confessed that he had imbued his hands in blood like a common butcher. 
 In truth, the Puritans looked upon the Papists as outside the pale of 
 humanity, and no more to be considered than a herd of wild 
 
 'Bloody "^ beasts, and they dealt with them as hunters might with 
 
 Severity and noxious animals. 
 
 ^f"^ T'?*? **' The severity of Cromwell was threefold Lrreater than that 
 
 the Irish . , , , . . , ^ , 
 
 of James, for he drove the Irish out of three provinces, 
 Ulster, Leinster and Munster, bidding them go and find bread or graves 
 in the wilderness of Connaught. Again the Irish rose, when James II., the 
 dethroned king, came to demand their aid ; and again they were over- 
 thrown, this time In the memorable Battle of the Boyne. William III. now 
 completed the work of confiscation. The greater part of the remaining 
 province of Connaught was taken from its holders and given to English 
 colonists. The natives of the island became a landless people in their 
 own land. 
 
 To complete their misery and degradation, William and the succeeding 
 monarchs robbed them of all their commerce and manufactures, by forbid- 
 ding them to trade with other countries. Their acltivlty In this direction 
 interfered with the profits of English producers and merchants.. By these 
 The Cause of merciless and cruel methods the Irish were reduced to a 
 Irish Hatred nation of tenants, laborers and beggars, and such they still 
 of England remain, downtrodden, oppressed, their most lively sentiment 
 being their hatred of the English, to whom they justly impute their 
 degradation. 
 
 The time came when England acknowledged with shame and sorrow 
 the misery to which she had reduced a sister people — but it was then too 
 late to retrieve the wrong. English landlords owned the land, manufac- 
 turing industry had been irretrievably crowded out, the evil done was past 
 mending. 
 
 With these preliminary statements we come to the verge of the nine- 
 teenth century. America had rebelled against England and gained 
 independence. This fact stirred up a new desire for liberty in the Irish. 
 The island had always possessed a legislature of its own, but It was of no 
 value to the natives. It represented only the great Protestant land- 
 owners, and could pass no act without the consent of the Privy Council 
 of England. 
 
I R EI. AND THE DOWNTRODDEN 261 
 
 A deinaiui for a national Parliament was made, and the Knglisli 
 government, having its experience in America before its eyes. Home Rule and 
 granted it, an act being passed in 1782 which made Ireland the Act of 
 independent of T'^ni^hind in legislation, a system such as is " °" 
 now called Home Rule. It was not enongh. It did not pacify the island. 
 The religious animosity Ixjlwecn the Catholics and I'rotestants continued, 
 and in 1798 violent disturbances broke out, with massacres on both sides, 
 
 The Irish Parliament was a Protestant body, and at first was elected 
 solely by Protestant votes. Grattan, the eminent Irish statesman, through 
 whose efforts this body had been made an independent legislature, — " The 
 King, Lords, and Commons of Ireland, to make laws for the people of Ire- 
 land," — carried an act to p(;rmit Catholics to vote for its members. He then 
 strove for a measure to permit Catholics to sit as members in the Irish 
 Parliament. This was too much for Ceorge III. He recalled Lord Pitz- 
 william, the viceroy of Ireland, who had encouraged and assisted Grattan 
 and blighted the hopes of the Irish Catholics. 
 
 The revolt that followed was the work of a society called the United 
 Irishmen, organized by Protestants, but devoted to the interests of Ireland. 
 Wolfe Tone, one of its leading members, went to France and induced Napo- 
 leon to send an e.xpedition to Ireland. A lleet was dispatched, but this, like 
 the Spanish Armada, was dispersed by a storm, and the few xhe United 
 P renchmen who landed were soon captured. The rebellion rrishmen and 
 was as quickly crushed, and was followed by deeds of remorse- '^'^* ** '"'*'" 
 less cruelty, so shameful that they were denounced by the commander-in 
 chief himself. With this revolt the independence of Ireland ended. An 
 act of union was offered and carried through the Irish Parliament by a very 
 free use of money among the members, and the Irish Legislature was incor- 
 porated with the British one. Since January i, 1801, all laws for Ireland 
 have been made in London. 
 
 Among the most ])rominent members of the I'nited Irishmen Society 
 were two brothers nanutl P'mmet, the fate of one of whom has ever since 
 been remembered with sympathy, Thomas A. Emmet, one of these 
 brothers, was arrested in 1798 as a member of this society, and was impris- 
 oned until 1802, when he was released on condition that he should spend the 
 remainder of his life on foreign soil. He eventually reached New York, at 
 whose bar he attained eminence. The fate of his more famous brother, 
 Robert Emmet, was tragical. This young man, a school-fellow of Thomas 
 Moore, the poet, was expelled from Trinity College in 1798, when twenty 
 years of age, as a member of the United Irishmen. He went to the conti- 
 
262 IRELAND THE DOWNTRODDEN 
 
 nent, interviewed Napoleon on behalf of the Irish cause, and returned in 
 1802 with a wild idea of freeing Ireland by his own efforts from Enj^dish 
 rule. 
 
 Organizing a plan for a revolution, and expending his small fortune in 
 the purchase of muskets and pikes, he formed a plot to seize Dublin Castle, 
 capture the viceroy, and dominate the capital. At the head of a small body 
 The Fate of °^ followers he set out on this hopeless errand, which ended 
 
 Robert Em- at the first volley of the guards, before which his confederates 
 ""^^ hastily dispersed. Emmet, who had dressed himself for the 
 
 occassion in a green coat, white breeches and cocked hat, was deeply morti- 
 fied at the complete failure of his scheme. He fled to the Wicklow moun- 
 tains, whence, perceiving that success in his plans was impossible, he 
 resolved to escape to the continent. But love led him to death. He was 
 deeply attached to the daughter of Curran, the celebrated orator, and, in 
 despite of the advice of his friends, would not consent to leave Ireland until 
 he had seen her. The attempt was a fatal one. On his return from the 
 interview with his lady-love he was arrested and imprisoned on a charge of 
 higli treason. He was condemned to death September 19, 1803, and 
 was hanged the next day. 
 
 Before receiving sentence he made an address to the court of such 
 noble and pathetic eloquence that it still thrills the reader with sympathetic 
 emotion. It is frequently reprinted among examples of soul-stirring oratory. 
 The disconsolate woman, Sarah Curran, perished of a broken heart after his 
 untimely death. This event is the theme of one of Moore's finest poems : 
 " She is far from the land where her young hero lies." 
 
 The death of Emmet and the dispersal of the United Irishmen by no 
 means ended the troubles in Ireland, but rather added to their force. Ire- 
 land and England, unlike in the character and religion of their people and 
 in their institutions, continued in a state of hostility, masked or active, the 
 Landlords, Ten- o'*^ feuds being kept alive on the one side by the landlords, 
 ants and on the Other by the peasantry and the clergy. The country 
 
 ^^^^ was divided into a great number of small farms, thousands of 
 
 them being less than five acres each in size. For these the landlords — • 
 many of whom the tenants never saw and some of whom had never seen 
 Ireland — often exacted e.xtravagant rents. Again, while the great majority 
 of the people was Catholic, the Catholic clergy had to be supported by 
 the voluntary contributions of the poverty-stricken people, while tithes, or 
 church taxes, were exacted bv law for the payment of clergymen of the 
 English Church, who remained almost without congregations. Finally, 
 the Catholics were disfranchised. After the abolishment of the Irish 
 
IRELAND THE DOWNTRODDEN 263 
 
 Parliament they were witlioiit representation in the government under 
 which they lived. No Catholic could be a member of Parliament. It is not 
 surprising that their protest was vigorous, and that the British government 
 had many rebellious outbreaks to put down. 
 
 It was the disfranchisement of the Catholics that first roused opposition. 
 Grattan brought up a bill for "Catholic Emancipation" that o'Connel! and 
 is, the admission of Catholics to the British Parliament ami the Catholic 
 repeal of certain ancient, and oppressive edicts — in 1813. The Emancipation 
 bill was lost, but a new and greater advocate of Irish rights now arose, Daniel 
 O'Connell, the " Liberator," the greatest of Irish orators and patriots, who 
 for many years was to champion the cause of downtrodden Ireland. 
 
 The "counsellor" — a favorite title of O'Connell among his Irisli 
 admirers — was a man of remarkable powers, noted for his boisterous Irish 
 wit and good humor, his fearlessness and skill as a counsel, his constant tact 
 and readiness in reply, his unrivalled skill in the cross-examination of Irish 
 witnesses, and the violent language which he often employed in court, 
 rhis man, of burly figure, giant strength, inexhaustible energy and j)ower 
 of work, a voice mighty enough to drown the noise of a The "Counsel- 
 crowd, a fine command of telling language, coarse but efYec- lor "and His 
 tive humor, ready and telling retort, and master of all the Oratory 
 artillery of vituperation, was just the man to control the Irish people, 
 passing with the ease of a master from bursts of passion and outbreaks of 
 buffoonery to passages of the tenderest pathos. Thoroughly Irish, lie 
 seemed made by nature to sustain the cause of Ireland. 
 
 O'Connell was shrewd enough to deter revolt, and, while awakening in 
 the Irish the spirit of nationality, he taught them to keep political agita- 
 tion within constitutional limits, and seek by legislative means what they 
 had no hope of gaining by force of arms. His legal practice was enor- 
 mous, yet amid it he found time for convivial relaxation and for a deep 
 plunge into the whirlpool of politics. 
 
 The vigorous advocate was not long in rising to the chiefship of the 
 Irish party, but his effective work in favor of Catholic emancipation began 
 in 1823, when he founded the "Irish Association," a gigantic system of 
 organization which Ireland had nothing similar to before. The 
 clergy were disinclined to take part in this movement, but sodation "" 
 O'Connell's eloquence brought them in before the end of the 
 year, and under their influence it became national, spreading irresistibly 
 throughout the land and rousing everywhere the greatest enthusiasm. To 
 obtain funds for its support the "Catholic Rent" was established — one 
 penny a month — which yielded as much as ^'500 per week. 
 
264 IRELAND THE DOWNTRODDEN 
 
 In alarm at the growth of this association, the government brought in a 
 bill for its suppression, but O'Connell, too shrewd to come into conflict with 
 the authorities, forstalled them by dissolving it in 1825. He had set the 
 ball rolling. The Irish forty-shilling freeholders gained courage to oppose 
 their landlords in the elections. In 1826 they carried Waterford. In 1828 
 O'Connell himself stood as member of parliament for Clare, and was 
 elected amid the intense enthusiasm of the people. 
 
 This triumph set the whole country in a flame. The lord-lieutenant 
 looked for an insurrection, and even Lord Wellington, prime minister of 
 England, was alarmed at the threatening outlook. But O'Connell, knowing 
 that an outbreak would be ruinous to the Catholic cause, used his marvelous 
 powers to still the agitation and to induce the people to wait for parliamen- 
 tary relief. 
 
 This relief came the following year. A bill was passed which admitted 
 
 Catholics to parliament, and under it O'Connell made his appearance in the 
 
 House of Commons May 15, 1829. He declined to take the old oaths, 
 
 which had been repealed by the bill. The House refused to 
 O'Connell in , . , . , ... , , , „, 
 
 Parliament admit nun on these conditions, and he went down to Clare 
 
 again, which sent him back like a conqueror. At the begin- 
 ning of 1830 he took his seat unopposed. 
 
 O'Connell's career in parliament was one of persistent labor for the 
 repeal of the "Act of Union" with Great Britain, and Home Rule for 
 Ireland, in the advocacy of which he kept the country stirred up for years. 
 The abolition of tithes for the support of the Anglican clergy w^as another 
 of his great subjects of agitation, and this one member had the strength of 
 a host as an advocate of justice and freedom for his country. 
 
 The agitation on the Catholic question had quickened the sense of 
 
 the wrongs of Ireland, and the Catholics were soon engaged in a crusade 
 
 against tithes and the established Church, which formed the most offensive 
 
 symbols of their inferior position in the state. In 1830 the potato crop in 
 
 Ireland was very poor, and wide-spread misery and destitution prevailed. 
 
 O'Connell advised the people to pay no tithes, but in this matter they passed 
 
 beyond his control, and for months crime ran rampant. The 
 
 -f ' * farmers refused to pay tithes or rents, armed bands marched 
 
 Troubles ^ -' ..... 
 
 through the island, and murder and incendiarism visited the 
 
 homes of the rich. A stringent coercion bill was enacted and the troubles 
 
 were put down by the strong hand of the law. Subsequently the Whig party, 
 
 then in power, practically abolished tithes, cutting down the revenue of the 
 
 Established Church, and using the remainder for secular purposes, and the 
 
 agitation subsided. 
 
IRELAND THE DOWNTRODDEN 265 
 
 In 1832 O'Connell became member for Dublin, and nominated most of 
 the Irish candidates, with such effect that he had in the next Parliament a 
 following of forty-five members, known sarcastically as his "tail." He 
 gradually attained a position of great eminence in the House of Commons, 
 standing in the first rank of parliamentary orators as a debater. 
 
 When a Tory ministry came into power, in 1841, O'Connell began a 
 
 vigorous agitation in favor of repeal of the Act of Union and of Hunitt 
 
 Rule for Ireland, advocating the measure with all his wonder- 
 
 r 1 c I >> I 111 -11 1 The Home Rule 
 
 ful power of oratory. In 1843 ^^ travelled 5,000 miles through crusade 
 
 Inland, speaking to immense meetings, attended by hun- 
 dreds of thousands of people, and extending to every corner of the island. 
 But thanks to his great controlling power, and the influence of Father 
 Mathew, the famous temperance advocate, these audiences were never 
 unruly mobs, but remained free from crime and drunkenness. The greatest 
 was that held on the Hill of Tara, at which, according to the Nation, three- 
 (luarters of a million persons were present. 
 
 O'Connell wisely deprecated rebellion and bloodshed. " He who com- 
 mits a crime adds strength to the enemy," was his favorite motto. Through 
 a whole generation, with wonderful skill, he kept the public mind at the 
 highest pitch of [)olitical excitement, yet restrained it from violence. But 
 with all his power the old chief began to lose control of the enthuisastic 
 Young Ireland party and, confident that the government must soon yield to 
 the impassioned appeal from a whole nation, he allowed himself in his 
 speeches to outrun his sober judgment. 
 
 Fearful of an outbreak of violence, the government determined to put 
 an end to these enormous meetings, and a force of 35,000 men was sent to 
 Ireland. A great meeting had been called for Clantarf on October 5, 1843, 
 but it was forbidden the day before by the authorities, and O'Connell, 
 fearing bloodshed, abandoned it. He was arrested, however, tried for a con- 
 spiracy to arouse sedition, and sentenced to a year's imprison- 
 ment and a fine of ^2,000. This sentence was set aside by imprigoned 
 the House of Lords some months afterward as erroneous, 
 and at once bonfires blazed across Ireland from sea to sea. But the tiiree 
 months he passed in prison proved fatal to the old chief, then nearly 
 seventy years old. He contracted a disease which tarried him to the grave 
 three years afterwards. 
 
 During his withdrawal the Young Ireland party began to advocate 
 resistance to the government. In 1S46 and 1847 came the potato famine, 
 the most severe visitation Ireland had known during the century, and in 
 1848 the revolutionary movement in Furope made itself felt on Irish soil. 
 
266 IRELAND THE DOWNTRODDEN 
 
 Ir. the latter year the ardent Young Ireland party carried the country into 
 rebellion ; but the outbreak was easily put down, hardly a drop of blood be- 
 The Young '"S shed in its suppression. The popular leader, Smith 
 
 Ireland O'Brien, was banished to Australia, but was eventually 
 
 Rebellion pardoned. John Mitchell, editor of the Nation and the United 
 
 Irishman, was also banished, but subsequently escaped from Australia to 
 the United States. 
 
 The wrongs of Ireland remained unredeemed, and as long as this 
 was the case quiet could not be looked for in the island. In 185S a Phoenix 
 conspiracy was discovered and suppressed. Meanwhile John O'Mahony, 
 one of the insurgents of 1S48, organized a formidable secret society among 
 the Irish in the United States, which he named the P^enian Brotherhood, 
 after Finn, the hero of Irish legend. This organization was opposed by the 
 Catholic clergy, but grew despite their opposition, its members becoming 
 numerous and its funds large. 
 
 Its leader in Ireland was James Stephens, and its organ the IrisJi Peo- 
 ple newspaper. But there were traitors in the camp and in 1865 the paper 
 was suppressed and the leaders were arrested. Stephens 
 Brotherhood escaped from prison ten days after his arrest and made his 
 way to America. The revolutionary activity of this associa- 
 tion was small. There were some minor outbreaks and an abortive attempt 
 to seize Chester Castle, and in -September, 1867, an attack was made on a 
 police van in Manchester, and the prisoners, who were P^enians, were 
 rescued. Soon after an attempt was made to blow down Clerkenwell Prison 
 wall, with the same purpose in view. 
 
 The Fenians in the United States organized a plot in 1866 for a raid 
 upon Canada, which utterly failed, and in 1871 the government of this 
 country put a summary end to a similar expedition. With this the active 
 existence of the Fenian organization ended, unless we may ascribe to it the 
 subsequent attempts to blow down important structures in London with 
 dynamite. 
 
 These movements, while ineffective as attempts at insurrection, had 
 their influence in arousing the more thoughtful statesmen of England to the 
 causes for discontent and need of reform in Ireland, and since that period 
 the Irish question has been the most prominent one in Parliament. Such men 
 Land Holding ^^ ^^- Gladstone and Mr. Bright took the matter in hand. 
 Reform in Gladstone presenting a bill for the final abolition of Irish tithes 
 Ireland ^^.^j ^.j^^ disestablishment of the English Church in Ireland. 
 
 This was adopted in 1868, and the question of the reform of land holding 
 was next taken up, a series of measures being passed to improve the 
 
IRELAND THE DOWNTRODDEN 267 
 
 condition of the Irish tenant farmer. If ejected, he was to be compensated 
 for improvements he had made, and a Land Commission was formed with 
 the power to reduce rents where this seemed necessary, and also to fix the 
 rent for a term of years. At a hiter date a Land Purchase Commission was 
 orj^anized, to aid tenants in bnying their farms from the landlords, by an 
 advance of a large portion of the purchasi' money, with provisiDn for grad- 
 ually repayment. 
 
 These measures ditl not put an end to the agitation. Numerous ejec- 
 tions from farms for non-payment of rent had been going on, and a fierce 
 struggle was raging between the peasants and the agents of tiie absentee 
 landlords. The disturbance was great, and successiv(; Coercion Acts were 
 passed. The peasants were supported by the powerful Land League, while 
 the old question of Home Rule was revived again, under the active leader- 
 ship of Charles Stewart Parnell, who headed a small but very determined 
 body in Parliament. The succeeding legislation for Ireland, engineered by 
 Mr. Gladstone, to the passage in the House of Commons 
 of the Home Rule Bill of 1893, '^-^^ been sufficiently Agitation 
 described in the preceding chapter, and need not be repeated 
 here. It will suffice to say in conclusion, that the demand for Home Rule 
 still exists, and that, in spite of all efforts at reform, the position of the Irish 
 peasant is far from being satisfactory, the most prolific crop in that long- 
 oppressed land seemingly being one of beggary and semi-starvation. 
 
CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 England and Her Indian Empire. 
 
 IN 1756, in the town of Calcutta, the headquarters of the British in India 
 there occurred a terrible disaster. A Bengalese army marched upon 
 and captured the town, taking prisoner all the English who had not 
 escaped to their ships. The whole of these unfortunates, 146 in number, 
 
 were thrust into the "black hole," a small room about eigh- 
 
 The Black Hole , ^ vi . 11 • i t. • u. r 
 
 of Calcutta teen teet square, with two small wuidows. It was a night ot 
 
 tropical heat. The air of the crowded and unventilated room 
 soon became unfit to breathe. The victims fought each other fiercely to 
 reach the windows. The next morning, when the door was opened, only 
 twenty-three of them remained alive. Such is the famous story of the 
 "black hole of Calcutta." 
 
 In the following year (1757) this barbarism was avenged. On the bat 
 tlefield of Plassey stood an army of about i.ooo British and 2,100 Sepoys, 
 with nine pieces of artillery. Opposed to them were 50,000 native infantry 
 Cliveandthe ^'^'^ 1 8, ooo cavalry, with fifty cannon. The disproportion was 
 Battle of enormous, but at the head of the British army was a great 
 
 Plassey leader, Robert Clive, who had come out to India as a humble 
 
 clerk, but was now commander of an army. A brief contlict ended the 
 affair. The unwieldy native army fled. Clive's handful of men stood vic- 
 torious on the most famous field of Indian warfare. 
 
 This battle is taken as the beginning of the British Empire in India. It is 
 of interest to remember that just one hundred years later, in 1857, that em- 
 pire reached the most perilous point in its career, in the outbreak of the great 
 Indian mutiny. Plassey settled one question. It gave India to the English 
 in preference to the French, in whose interest the natives were fighting. The 
 empire which Clive founded was organized by Warren Hastings, the ablest 
 but the most unscrupulous of the governors of India. At the opening of 
 the nineteenth century the British power in India was firmly established. 
 
 In 1798 the Marquis of Wellesly — afterwards known as 
 
 reeHn^ndia^" Lord Wellington — was made governor. Ever there he had 
 
 his future great antagonist to guard against, for Napoleon was 
 
 at that time in Egypt, and was thought to have the design of driving the 
 
 368 
 
ENGLAND AND HIIR INDIAN JiMI'IRE 269 
 
 British from India and restoring that groat dominion to France. Wellesley's 
 career in India was a brilliant one. He overthrew the powerful Mar- 
 hatta Confederacy, gained victory after victory over the native chiefs and 
 kincs, captured the great Mogul cities of Delhi and Agra, and spread the 
 power of the British arms far and wide through the peninsula. 
 
 In the succeeding years war after war took plart-. I he warlike Mar- 
 hattas r(;belled and were again put down, other tribes were conquered, and 
 in 1824 the city of Bhartpur in Central India, believed by the natives to be 
 impregnable, was taken by storm, and the reputation of the British as in- 
 domitable fighters was greatly enhanced. Rapidly the British power 
 extended until nc-arly the whole peninsula was subdued. In 1837 the con- 
 querors of India began to interfere in the affairs of Afghanistan, and a Brit- 
 ish garrison was placed in Cabul, the capital of that country, in 1839. 
 
 Two years they stayed there, and then came to them one of the great- 
 est catastrophes in the history of the British army. Surrounded by hostile 
 and daring Afghans, the situation of the garrison grew so perilous that it 
 seemed suicidal to remain in Cabul, and it was determined to evacuate the 
 city and retreat to India through the difficult passes of the Himalayas. In 
 January, 1842, they set out, 4,000 fighting men and 12,000 camp followers. 
 Deep snow'.i covered the hills and all around them swarmed The Terrible 
 the Alghao.5, savage and implacable, bent on their utter de- Retreat 
 struction, attacking them from every point of vantage, cutting ''"'" 
 down women and children with the same ruthless cruelty as they displayed 
 in the case of men. One terrible week passed, then, on the afternoon of 
 January 13th, the sentinels at the Cabul gate of Jelalabad saw approaching 
 a mi-serable, haggard man, barely able to sit upon his horse. Utterly ex- 
 haust(;d, covered with cuts and contusions, he rode through the gate, and 
 announced himself as Dr. Brydan, the sole survivor of the army which had 
 left Cabul one week before. The remainder, men, women, and children, — 
 except a few who had been taken prisoners, — lay slaughtered along that 
 dreadful road, their mangled bodies covering almost every foot of its blood- 
 stained length. 
 
 The British exacted revenge for this terrible massacre. A powerful 
 force fought its way back to Cabul, defeated the Afghans wherever met, and 
 rescued the few prisoners in the Afghan hands. Then the soldiers turned 
 their backs on Cabul, which no Bristish army was to see again for nearly 
 forty years. 
 
 Three years afterwards the British Empire in India was seriously threat- 
 ened by one of the most warlike races in the peninsula, the Sikhs, a cour- 
 ageous race inhabiting the Punjab, in northern India, their capital the 
 
270 ENGLAND AND HER INDIAN EMPIRE 
 
 city of Lahore. In 1845 'I Sikh army, 60,000 strong, with 150 guns, crossed 
 
 the Sutlei River and invaded British territory. Never before 
 The War With .... . 
 
 the Sikhs \y^<i^ the British in India encountered men like these. Four 
 
 pitched battles were fought, in each of which the British lost 
 heavily, but in the last they drove the Sikhs back across the Sutlej and cap- 
 tured Lahore. 
 
 That endeci the war for the time being, but in 1848 the brave Sikhs 
 were in arms again, anci pushing the British as hard as before. On the field 
 of Chilianwala the British were repulsed, with a loss of 2,400 men and the 
 colors of three regiments. This defeat Avas quickly retrieved. Lord Gough 
 met the enemy at Guzerat and defeated them so utterly that their army was 
 practically destroyed. They were driven back as a shapeless mass of fugi- 
 tives, losing their camp, their standards, and fifty-three of their cherished 
 guns. With this victory was completed the conquest of the Punjab. The 
 Sikhs became loyal subjects of the queen, and afterwards supplied her armies 
 with the most valorous and high-spirited of her native troops. 
 
 Thus time went on until that eventful year of 1857, when the British 
 
 power in India was to receive its most perilous shock. For a long time 
 
 there had been a great and continually increasing discontent in India. 
 
 Complaints were made that the treaties with native princes were not kept, 
 
 that extortion was practised by which officials grew rapidly and mysteriously 
 
 wealthy, looking upon India as a field for the acquisition of riches, and that 
 
 the natives were treated by the governing powers with deep contempt, 
 
 while every license was o;ranted to the soldiery. The hidden 
 The Causes of 
 the Mutiny cause of the discontent, however, lay in the cfeep hatred felt by 
 
 the natives, Hindu and Mussulmen alike, for the dominant 
 race of aliens to whom they had been obliged to bow in common subjection ; 
 and the fanaticism of the Hindus caused the smouldering elements of discon- 
 tent to burst out into the flames of insurrection. A secret conspiracy was 
 formed, in which all classes of the natives participated, its object being 
 to overthrow the dominion of the English. It had been prophesied among 
 the natives that the rule of the foreign masters of India should last only foi 
 a hundred years ; and a century had just elapsed since the triumph of Clive, 
 at Plassey. 
 
 Small chupatties, cakes of unleavened bread, were secretly passed from 
 hand to hand among the natives, as tokens of comradeship in the enter- 
 prise. This conspiracy was the more dangerous from makino 
 The Greased . 
 
 Cartridges ''-^ ^^^Y i'lto the army, for India was a country governed by 
 
 the sword. A rumor ran through the cantonments of the 
 Bengal army that cartridges had been served out greased with the fat of 
 
ENGLAND AND HER INDIAN EMPIRE 
 
 271 
 
 animals uncli;an to Hiiulii aiitl Mussulman alike, ami wliich tht: Hindus could 
 
 not bite without loss of caste, the injunction of their religion obliging 
 
 them to abstain from animal food under this penalty. After this nothing 
 
 could quiet their minds ; fires br6ke out nightly in their quarters ; officers 
 
 were insulted by their men ; all confidence was gone, and discipline became 
 
 an empty form. 
 
 The sentence of penal servitude passed upon some of the mutineers 
 
 became the signal for the breaking out of the revolt. At Meerut, on the 
 
 Upper Ganges, the Sepoys broke into rebellion, liberated their comrades 
 
 who were being led away in chains, and marcht-d in a body to Delhi, the 
 
 ancient capital of India and former seat of the Mogul emjiire. 
 ,, , , ... ... ^. The Old Em- 
 
 Here they took possession 01 the great miiitar)' magazme and p,;ror Akbar 
 
 seized its stores. Those among the British inhabitants who 
 
 did not save themselves by immediate flight were barbarously put to death ; 
 
 and the decrepit Akbar, the descendant of the Moguls, an old man of ninety, 
 
 who lived at Delhi upon a pension granted to him by the East India Company, 
 
 was drawn from his retirement and proclaimed Emperor of Hindostan by 
 
 the rebels, his son, Mirza, being associated with him in the government. 
 
 The mutiny spread with terrible rajjidity, and massacres of the English 
 took place at Indore, Allahabad, Azimghur, and other towns. Foremost in 
 atrocity stands the massacre perpetrated at Cawnpore by Nana Sahib, the 
 adopted son of the last Peishwa of the Marhattas, who, after -p,,g Friirhtful 
 entering into a compact with General Wheeler, by which he Massacre at 
 promised a free departure to the English, caused the boats in Cawnpore 
 which they were proceeding down the river to be fired upon. The men were 
 thus slain, while the women and children were brought back as prisoners to 
 Cawnpore. Here they were confined for some days in a building, into 
 which murderers were sent who massacred them every one, the mutilated 
 corpses being thrown down a w(dl. 
 
 In Oude, the noble-minded Sir Henry Lawrence defended himself 
 throughout the whole summer in the citadel of Lucknow against the rebels 
 under Nana Sahib with wonderful skill and bravery, until he was killed by 
 the bursting of a bomb, on the; 2d of July. The distress of the besieged, 
 among whom were many ladies and children, was now extreme. But the little 
 garrison held out for nearly three months longer against the greatest odds 
 and amid the most distressing hardships. At length came that f^e scotch 
 eventful day, when, to the keen ears of one of the despairing srogan at 
 sufferers, a Scotch woman, came from afar a familiar and most Lucknow 
 hopeful sound. '' Dinna ye hear the pibroch ?" she cried, springing to her feet 
 in the ecstacy of hope renewed. 
 
272 ENGLAND AND HER INDIAN EMPIRE 
 
 Those near, her hstened but heard no sound, and many minutes passed 
 before a swell of wind bore to their ears the welcom<? music of the bagpipe, 
 playing the war-march of the; Highlanders of her native land. It came 
 from the party of relief led by General Havelock, which had left Calcutta 
 on the first tidings of the outbreak, and was now marching in all haste to 
 imperilled Lucknow. 
 
 On his way Havelock had encountered the mutineers at Futtipur and 
 
 gained a brilliant victory. Three days later Cawnpore was reached. There 
 
 the insurgent Sepoys fought with desperation, but they were defeated, and 
 
 the British entered the town, but not in time to rescue the women and chil- . 
 
 dren, whose slaughter had just taken place. What they saw 
 
 Havelock there filled the soldiers with the deepest sentiments of horror 
 
 and vengeance. The sight was one to make the blood run 
 
 cold. "The ground," says a witness of the terrible scene, "was strewn 
 
 with clotted blood, which here and there lay ankle deep. Long locks of 
 
 hair were scattered about, shreds of women's garments, children's hats and 
 
 shoes, torn books and broken playthings. The bodies were naked, the 
 
 limbs dismembered. I have seen death in all possible forms, but I could 
 
 not gaze on this terrible scene of blood." 
 
 The frightful slaughter was mercilessly avenged by the infuriated 
 soldiers on the people of Cawnpore and on the prisoners they had taken. 
 Havelock then crossed the Ganges and marched into Oude. Fighting its 
 way through the difficulties caused by inclement weather and the continual 
 onslaughts of the enemy, Havelock's regiment at last effected a coalition 
 with the reinforcements under General Outram, and together they marched 
 towards Lucknow, which was reached at the end of September. 
 
 An especial act of heroism was achieved during the siege of Lucknow 
 by Mr. Kavanagh, an official, who offered, disguised as a native, to pene- 
 trate through a region swarming with enemies, to communicate with the 
 general of the approaching relieving force. He happily accomplished his 
 dangerous exploit, from which he obtained the honorable nickname of 
 " Lucknow Kavanagh." 
 
 As the army of relief drew near, the beleaguered people heard with ears 
 
 of delight the increasing sounds of their approach, the roar of distant guns 
 
 reaching their gladdened ears. Yet the enterprise was a desperate one and 
 
 its success was far from assured. Havelock and Outram had 
 
 e Ke le o ^^ more than 2,600 men, while the enemy was so,ooo strone. 
 
 Yet as the sound of the guns increased there were evidences 
 
 of panic among the natives. Many of the town people and of the Sepoys 
 
 took to flight, some crossing the river by the bridge, some by swimming. 
 
ENGLAND AND HER INDIAN EMPIRE 273 
 
 At two o'clock the smoke of the guns was visil)le in the suburbs and the 
 
 rattle of nuisketr)- could be heard. At five o'clock heavy firing broke out 
 
 in the streets, and in a few minutes more a force of Highlanders and Sikhs 
 
 uirned into the street leading to the residency, in which the besieged garrison 
 
 had so long been confined. Headed by General Outram, they ran at a 
 
 rapid pace to the gate, and, amid wild cheers from those within, made their 
 
 way into the beleaguered enclosure, and the first siege of Lucknow was 
 
 ai an t-nd. 
 
 The garrison had fought for months behind slight defences and against 
 
 enormous odds. They were well supplied with food and water, but they 
 
 had been exposed to terrible heat and heavy and incessant rains. The 
 
 Sepoys had been drilled by British officers, were well supplii-(l 
 
 ■1 1 ••' ir .11 .. r.i The Suffering; 
 
 witli arms and ammunition, and trom the housetops of the at Lucknow 
 
 lown kept up an incessant fire that searched every corner of 
 the defended fortress. Sickness raged in the crowded and underground 
 rooms in which shelter was sought against the constant musketry, and 
 tleath had reaped a harvest among the gallant and unyielding few who had 
 so long held that almost untenable post. 
 
 Havelock's men were able to do no more tlian ntinforcc the gar- 
 rison. After fighting their way with hi:avy losses into the citadel, they 
 found that it was impossible, with their small army, to force a retreat 
 through the ranks of the enemy with the women, children and invalids, 
 surrounded by the swarms of rebels who surged round the walls like a 
 foaming sea. They were compelled, therefore, to shut themselves up, and 
 await frt;sh reinforcements. Provisions, however, now began to diminish, 
 and they were menaced with the horrors of starvation ; but 
 
 matters did not reach this last extremity. Sir Colin Camp- ^ ommgo 
 
 •' ' Campbell 
 
 bell, the new commander-in-chief, with 7,000 well-ecjuipped 
 
 troops, was already on the way. He arrived at Lucknow on the 14th of 
 November, made a bold and successful attack on the fortifications, and 
 lil)erated the besieged. Unable to hold the town, he left it to the enemy, 
 being obliged to content himself with the rescue of the people in the resi- 
 dency. Eight days afterwards Havelock died of cholera. His memory is 
 held in high esteem as the most heoric figure in the war of the mutiny. 
 
 Meanwhile Delhi was under siege, which began on June 8th, just one 
 month after the original outbreak. It was, however, not properly a siege, 
 for the British were encamped on a ridge at some distance 
 
 from the city. They never numbered more than 8,000 men, ^'^k^ a"'' Cap- 
 , ■' ■' . ture of Delhi 
 
 while within the walls were over 30,000 of the mutineers. 
 
 General Nicholson arrived with a reinforcement in middle August, and on 
 
274 ENGLAND AND HER INDIAN EMPIRE 
 
 September 14th an assault was made. The city was held with desperation 
 by the rebels, fighting going on in the streets for six days before the Sepoys 
 fled. Nicholson fell at the head of a storming party, and Hodson, the leader 
 of a corps of irregular horse, took the old Mogul emperor prisoner, and 
 shot down his sons in cold blood. 
 
 It was not until three months and a half after the release of the garri- 
 son at Lucknow that Sir Colin Campbell, having dealt out punishment to 
 the mutineers at many of the stations where they still kept together, and 
 having received large reinforcements of men and artillery from home, pre- 
 pared for the crowning attack upon that place. On the 4th of February he 
 advanced from Cawnpore, with three divisions of infantry, a division of cav- 
 alry, and fifteen batteries, and on the ist of March operations began ; Gen- 
 eral Outram, with a force of 6,000 men and thirty guns, crossing the Goom- 
 tee, and reconnoitering the country as far as Chinhut. On the following day 
 Final Opera- '^*^ invested the king's race-house, which he carried the next 
 tions Against day by assault, and on the 9th Sir Colin Campbell's main force 
 Lucltnow captured, with a slight loss, the Martiniere, pushed on to the 
 
 bridges across the river, and carried, after some hard fighting, the Begum's 
 palace. Two clays later the Immaumbarra, which had been converted into 
 a formidable stronghold and was held by a large force, was breached and 
 stormed, and the captors followed so hotly upon the rear of the flying foe 
 that they entered with them the Kaiserbagh, which was regarded by the 
 rebels as their strongest fortress. Its garrison, taken wholly by surprise, 
 made but a slight resistance. The loss of these two positions, on which they 
 had greatly relied, completely disheartened the enemy, and throughout the 
 night a stream of fugitives poured out of the town. 
 
 The success was so unexpected that the arrangements necessary for 
 cutting off the retreat of the enemy had not been completed, and 
 very large numbers of the rebels escaped, to give infinite trouble later 
 on. Many were cut down by the cavalry and horse artillery, which set out 
 the next morning in pursuit ; but, to the mortification of the army, a con- 
 The storming siderable proportion got away. The next day a number of 
 of the Fort- palaces and houses fell into the hands of the advancing troops 
 resses without resistance, and by midnight the whole city along the 
 
 river bank was in their possession. In the meantime Jung Bahadoor, the Brit- 
 ish ally, was attacking the city with his Goorkhas from the south, and pushed 
 forward so far that communications were opened with him halfway 
 across the city. The following day the Goorkhas made a further advance, 
 and, fighting with great gallantry, won the suburbs adjacent to the 
 Charbach bridge. 
 
ENGLAND AND HER INDIAN EMPIRE 275 
 
 The hard fighting was now over; the faihire to defend even one of the 
 fortresses upon which for months they had bestowed so much care, com- 
 ]jieiely ilisiieartened the mutineers remaining in the city. Numbers effected 
 liieir escape ; others hid themselves, after liaving got rid of their arms and 
 uniforms ; some parties took refuge in houses, and ck:fended themselves des- 
 perately to the end. The work was practically accomplished on the 21st, 
 and Lucknow, which had so long been the headquarters of the insurrection, 
 was in British hands, and that with a far smaller loss than could have been ex- 
 pectetl from the -task of capturing a city possessing so many places of 
 strengtii, and held by some 20,000 desperate men fighting with ropes round 
 their necks. 
 
 The city taken, the troo|)s were permittc-tl to plunder and murder X.o 
 their hearts' content. In every house were dead or dying, and the corpses 
 of Sepoys lay piled up several feet in height. The booty which the soldiers 
 carried off in the waj' of jewels and treasures of every kind was enormous. 
 The widowed cjueen of Oude set out for England, to proclaim 
 
 1 • r\ ,-111 • r 1 iir " The Bootv of 
 
 the innocence of her son 'in the dark countries ot the West, the Soldiers 
 and to preserve to her house the shadow of an independent 
 monarchy. She never saw her sunny India again, however; on the return 
 journey she died of a broken lieart. Though the rebellion gradually lost 
 force and cohesion after this period, the vengeance continued for a year 
 longer. But the chief rebel. Nana Sahib, and the two heroic women, the 
 Begum of Oude and the Ranee of Jansee, escaped to Nepaul. In the 
 course of the year 1858, peace and order again returned to the Anglo-Indian 
 Kmpire, and the government was able to consider means of reconciliation. 
 By a proclamation of the queen all rebels who were not directly implicated 
 in the murder of Britisii subjects, and would return to their duty and allegi- 
 ance by January, 1S59, were to obtain a complete amnest)'. The Ea.^t India 
 This proclamation also announced that the queen, with the Company 
 consent of Parliament, had determined to abolish the East Abolished 
 India Company, to take the government into her own hands, and to rule India 
 by means of a special secretary of state and council. The Indian Empire, 
 both within and without, had assumed such gigantic proportions that it could 
 no longer be properly ruled by a mercantile company, and came properly 
 under the control of the crown. In 1876 Queen Victoria assumed, by act 
 of Parliament, the title of Empress of India. The most re- victoria is Made 
 cent important event, in the acquisition of territory in this Empress of 
 part of the world, was the invasion of Burmah in 1885, and '"*"* 
 its capture after a short antl decisive campaign. The Indian Empire of 
 \ ictoria has now grown enormous in extent, its borders extending to the 
 
276 ENGLAND AND HER INDIAN EMPIRE 
 
 Himalayas on the north, where they are in contact with the boundaries of 
 the great imperial dominion whicli Russia has acquired in Asia. Wliether 
 the two great rivals will yet come into conflict on this border is a question 
 which only the future can decide. 
 
 India possesses a population only surpassed by that of China amounting 
 at the census of 1896 to 221,172,952. This excludes the native and partially 
 independent states, the population of which numbers 66,050,479, making a 
 total for the whole empire, including fkirmah, of 287,223,431. Under British 
 control the country has been greatly developed, and abundantly supplied 
 with means of internal communication, its railroad lines covering a length 
 of about 27,000 miles, and its telegraphs of over 45,000 miles, while the 
 telephone has also been widely introduced. Its commerce amounts in round 
 numbers to nearly $500,000,000 annually. 
 
 This great country has long been subject to devastating disasters. In 
 1876 a terrible tidal wave drowned thousands of the people and destroyed 
 millions in value of property. In 1897 much of the country suffered fright- 
 fully from famine, being the fifteenth occasion during the century. In the 
 same year a plague broke out in the crowded city of Bombay and caused 
 dreadful ravages among its native population. For ages past India has been 
 subject to visitations of this kind, which have hitherto surpassed the power 
 of man to prevent. In the last named all the world came to the aid of the 
 starving and science did its utmost to stay the ravages of the plague. 
 
CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 Thiers, Gambetta, and the Rise of the French 
 Republic. 
 
 IT Ikis hcx-n already told how the capitulation of the French army at Sedan 
 and the captivity of Louis Napoleon were followed in Paris by the 
 overthrow of the empire and the formation of a republic, the third in 
 the history of French political changes. A provisional government was 
 formed, the legislative assembly was dissolved, and all the court parapher- 
 nalia of the imperial establishment disappeared. The new 
 
 ,,,.,,.,— , , „ A Provisional 
 
 government was called in J aris the Lrovernment oi Lawyers, Government 
 
 most of its members and officials belonging to that profession. 
 
 .\t its head was General Trochu, in command of the army in Paris ; among 
 
 its chief members were Jules Favre ami Gambetta. While upright in its 
 
 membership and honorable in its purposes, it was an arbitraiy body, formed 
 
 by a coup if c tat like that by which Napoleon had seized the reins of power, 
 
 and not destined for a long existence. 
 
 The news of the fall of Metz and the surrender of Bazaine and his 
 
 army served as a fresh spark to the inHammable public feeling of France. 
 
 In Paris the Red Republic raised the banner of insurrection against the 
 
 government of the national defence and endeavored to revive the sjjirit of 
 
 the Commune of 1793. The insurgents marched to the 
 
 , , 111 1 • '^ r • • 1 -1 Excitement In 
 
 senate-house, demanded the election 01 a municipal council p^^^ 
 
 which should share power with the government, and pro- 
 ceeded to imprison Trochu, Jules Favre, and their associates. This, 
 however, was but a temporary success of the Commune, and the provisional 
 government continued in existence until the end of the war, when a nationa' 
 assembly was elected by the people and the temporary government was sei 
 aside. Gambetta, the dictator, " the organizer of defeats," as he wa? 
 sarcastically entitled, lost his power, and the aged statesman and historian, 
 Louis Thiers, was chosen as chief of the executive department of the new 
 government. 
 
 The treaty of peace with France, including, as it did, th'i loss of Alsace 
 and Lorraine and the payment of an indemnity of $1,000,000,000, roused 
 once more the fierce passions of the radicals and the masses of the great 
 
 277 
 
278 THE RISE OF THE FRENCH REPUBLIC 
 
 cities, who passionately denounced the treaty as due to cowardice and treason. 
 The dethroned emperor added to the excitement by a manifesto, in which 
 he protested against his deposition by the assembly and called for a fresh 
 election. The final incitement to insurrection came when the assembly 
 decided to hold its sessions at Versailles instead of in Paris, whose unruly 
 populace it feared. 
 
 In a moment all the revolutionary elements of the great city were in a 
 blaze. The social democratic " Commune," elected from the central com- 
 mittee of the National Guard, renounced obedience to the government and 
 
 the National Assembly, and broke into open revolt. An 
 Outbreak of the , 1 1 1 1 ■ • 1 
 
 Commune attempt to repress the movement only added to its violence, 
 
 and all the riotous populace of Paris sprang to arms. A new 
 
 war was about to be inaugurated in that city which had just suffered so 
 
 severely from the guns of the Germans, and around which German troops 
 
 were still encamped. 
 
 The government had neglected to take possession of the cannon on 
 Montmartre ; and now, when the troops of the line, instead of firing on the 
 insurrectionists, went over in crowds to their side, the supremacy over Paris 
 fell into the hands of the wildest demagogues. A fearful civil war com- 
 menced, and in the same forts which the Germans had shortly before 
 evacuated firing once more resounded ; the houses, gardens, and villages 
 around Paris were again surrendered to destruction, and the creations of 
 art, industry, and civilization, and the abodes of wealth and pleasure were 
 once more transformed into dreary wildernesses. 
 
 The wild outbreaks of fanaticism on the part of the Commune recalled 
 the scenes of the revolution of 1789, and in these spring days of 1871 Paris 
 added another leaf to its long history of crime and violence. The insur- 
 gents, roused to fury by the efforts of the government to suppress them, 
 murdered two generals, Lecomte and Thomas, and fired on the unarmed 
 
 citizens who, as the "friends of order," desired a reconcilia- 
 Outrages of the . -11 1 • • \t -n ti t 1 
 
 Insuro-ents '^'°''' With the authorities at Versailles. 1 hey lormed a govern- 
 ment of their own, extorted loans from wealthy citizens, 
 confiscated the property of religious societies, and seized and held as 
 hostages Archbishop Darboy and many other distinguished clergymen and 
 citizens. 
 
 Meanwhile the investing troops, led by Marshal MacMahon, gradually 
 fought their way through the defences and into the suburbs of the city, and 
 the surrender of the anarchists in the capital became inevitable. This 
 necessity excited their passions to the most violent extent, and, with the 
 wild fury of savages, they set themselves to do all the damage to the historical 
 
77//i K/SE OF THE FRENCH Rl-.PUISI.IC 279 
 
 monuments erf Paris they could. The noble Vendonie column, the symbol 
 
 of thQ warlike renown of France, was torn d(iwn from its petlestal and 
 
 liurled prostrate in the street. The most historic huiklini^s in the city were 
 
 set on fire, and either partially or entirely destroyed. Among- these were 
 
 the Tuileries, a portion of the Louvre, the Luxembourg, the Palais Royal, 
 
 liie Elysee, etc. ; while several of the imprisoned hostages, foremost among 
 
 them Darboy, Archbishop of Paris, and the universally respected ministei- 
 
 Daguerry, were shot by the infuriated mob. Such crimes e.xcited the Vei 
 
 sailles troops to terrible vengeance, when they at last succeeded in reprc;ss- 
 
 ing the rebellion. They went their way along a bloody course ; human life 
 
 was counted as nothing ; the streets were stained with blood and strewn 
 
 with corpses, and the Seine once more ran red between its banks. When 
 
 at last the Commune surrendered, the judicial courts at Ver- 
 
 .,, , , . , f -1 ■ 'm II I • Punishment of 
 
 sallies began their work 01 retribution. 1 he leaders aiul parti- theCommune 
 
 cipators in the rebellion who could not save themselves by 
 
 llight were shot by hundreds, confined in fortresses, or transported to the 
 
 colonies. For more than a year the imprisonments, trials, and executions 
 
 continued, military courts being established which excited the world for 
 
 months by their wholesale condemnations to exile and to death. The 
 
 carnival of anarchy was followed by one of pitiless revenge. 
 
 The Repulican goverment of France, which had been accepted in an 
 emergency, was far from carrying with it the support of the whole of the 
 assembly or of the people, and the aged, but active and keen-witted Thiers 
 had to steer through a medley of opposing interests and sentiments. His 
 government was considered, alike by the Monarchists and the Jacobins, as 
 only provisional, and the Bourbons and Napoleonists on the one hand and 
 the advocates of " liberty, equality and fraternity " on the other, intrigued 
 for its overthrow. But the German armies still remained on Prench .soil, 
 pending the payment of the costs of the war; and the astute chief of the 
 executive power possessed moderation enough to pacify the passions of 
 the people, to restrain their hatred of the Germans, which was so boklK 
 exhibited in the streets and in the courts of justice, and to quiet the clamo 
 for a war of revenge. 
 
 The position of parties at home was confused and distracted, and a 
 disturbance of the existing order could only lead to anarchy and civil war. 
 Thiers was thus the indispensable man of the moment, and so President 
 much was he himself impressed by consciousness of this fact, Thiers and 
 >;hat he many times, by the threat of resignation, brought the the Assembly 
 apposing elements in the assembly to harmony and compliance. This 
 i>ccurred even during the siege of Paris, when the forces of the government 
 
28o THE RISE OF THE FRENCH REPUBLIC 
 
 were in conflict witii the Commune. In the assembly there was shown 
 an inclination to moderate or break through the sharp centralization of the 
 government, and to procure some autonomy for the provinces and towns. 
 When, therefore, a new scheme was discussed, a large part of the assembly 
 demanded that the mayors sliould not, as formerly, be appointed by the 
 government, but be elected by the town councils. Only with difficulty was 
 Thiers able to effect a compromise, on the strength of which the government 
 was permitted the right of appointment for all towns numbering over twenty 
 thousand. In the elections for the councils the Moderate Republicans proved 
 triumphant. With a supple dexterity, Thiers knew how to steer between the 
 Democratic-Republican party and the Monarchists. When Gambetta endea 
 vored to establish a " league of Republican towns," the attempt was forbidden 
 as illegal ; and when the decree of banishment against the Bourbon and Orlean 
 princes was set aside, and the latter returned to France, Thiers knew how to 
 postpone the entrance of the Due d'Aumale and Prince de Joinville, who had 
 been elected deputies, into the assembly, at least until the end of the year. 
 
 The brilliant success of the national loan went far to strengthen the 
 position of Thiers. The high offers for a share in this loan, which indi- 
 cated the inexhaustible wealth of the nation and the solid credit of France 
 abroad, promised a rapid payment of the war indemnity, the 
 
 a lona consequent evacuation of the country by the German army of 
 occupation, and a restoration of the disturbed finances of the 
 state. The foolish manifesto of the Count de Chambord, who declared 
 that he had only to return with the white banner to be made sovereign of 
 France, brought all reasonable and practical men to the side of Thiers, and 
 he had, during the last days of August, 1S71, the triumph of being pro- 
 claimed " President of the French Republic." 
 
 The new president aimed, next to the liberation of the garrisoned 
 provinces from the German troops of occupation, at the reorganization of 
 the F"rench army. Yet he could not bring himself to the decision of enforc- 
 ing in its entirety the principle of general armed service, such as had raised 
 Prussia from a state of depre.ssion to one of military regeneration. Universal 
 military service in France was, it is true, adopted in name, and the army was 
 increased to an immense extent, but under such conditions and limitations 
 that the richer and more educated classes could exempt themselves from 
 service in the army ; and thus the active forces, as before, consisted of pro- 
 fessional soldiers. And when the minister for education, Jules Simon, 
 introduced an educational law based on liberal principles, he experienced 
 en the part of the clergy and their champion. Bishop Dupaidoup, such 
 violent opposition, that the government dropped the measure. 
 
Lawyer Labori : He 
 
 DREYFUS, HIS ACCUSERS AND DEFENDERS 
 
 ry, the suicide : Dreyfus, theprisoD;r ; Esterhazy, ihc confessed criminal ; 
 
 General Mercier, chief accuser 
 
THE DREYFUS TRIAL 
 
 Dreyfus m tne act ot aeclaring " / am hinocent.- 
 
THE RISE OF THE FRENCH REPUBLIC 
 
 283 
 
 In order to place the army in the condition which Thiers desired, an 
 increase in the military budget was necessary, and consequently an en- 
 hancement of the (general revenues of the state. For this purpose a return 
 to the tariff system, which had been abolished under the empire, was pro- 
 loosed, but excited so great an opposition in the assembly 
 that six months passed before it could be carried. The new R«-'»'->-;a"'zation 
 
 ... .0* t"<i Army 
 
 organization of the army, undertaken with a view of placing 
 I'rance on a level in military strength with her late conqueror, was now 
 eagerly undertaken by the president. An active arm)', with five vcars' 
 service, was to be added to a "territorial army," a kind of militia. y\nd so 
 great was the demand on the portion of the nation capable of bearing arms 
 that the new French army exceeded in numbers that of any other nation. 
 
 But all the statesmanship of Thiers could not overcome the anarchy in 
 the assembly, where the forces for monarchy and republicanism were bit- 
 terly opposed to each other. Gambetta, in order to rouse 
 
 ,,...., r 1 I 1 Oambetta as 
 
 public opinion in favor of democracy, made several lours ^„ Agitator 
 through the country, his extravagance of language giving 
 deep offence to the monarchists, while the opposed sections of the assembly 
 grew wider and more violent in their breach. 
 
 Indisputably as were the valuable services which Thicn's had rendered to 
 brancc, by the foundation of public order and authority, the creation of a 
 regular army, and the restoration of a solid financial system, yet all these 
 services met with no recognition in the face of the party jealousy and politi- 
 cal passions prevailing among the people's representatives at Versailles. 
 More and more did the Royalist reaction gain ground, and, aided by the 
 priests and by national hatred and prejudice, endeavor to bring about the 
 ilestruction of its opponents. Against the Radicals and Liberals, among 
 whom even the Voltairean Thiers was inchuled, superstition anil fanaticism 
 were let loose, and against the Ronapartists was directed the terrorism of 
 court martial. The French could not rest with the thought that their mili- 
 tary supremacy had been broken by the superiority of the Prusso-German 
 arms ; their defeats could have proceeded only from the treachery or incapa- 
 city of their leaders. To this national prejudice the Government decided 
 to bow, and to offer a sacrifice to the popular passion. And thus the world 
 beheld the lamentable spectacle of the commanders who had Trial and Con- 
 surrendered the French, fortresses to the enemy being sub- demnation of 
 jected to a trial by court-martial under the presidency of Mar- the Oenerals 
 shal Baraguay d'Hilliers, and the majority of them, on account of their 
 proved incapacity or weakness, deprivetl of their military honors, at a mo- 
 ment when all had cause to reproach themselves and endeavor to raise up d. 
 
284 THE RISE OF THE FRENCH REPUBLIC 
 
 new siructure on the ruins of the past. liven lUrich, tlie once celebrated 
 coniniamler of Strasburg, whose name had been given to a street in 
 I'aris, was brou;^ht under the censure of the court-martial. But the chief 
 blow fell \\\)K^w the commamler-in-chief of Metz, Marshal Bazaine, to whose 
 " treachery " the whole misfortune of France was attributed. Far months 
 he was retained a prisoner at Versailles, while preparations were made for 
 Mie threat court-martial spectacle, which, in the following" year, took phice 
 inder the presidency of the Due d'Aumale. 
 
 The resuk of the party division in the assc:mbly was, in May, 1873, a 
 vote of censuri: on the ministry which induced them to resign. Their resig- 
 nation was followed by an offer of resignation on the part of Thiers, who 
 AlacMahon experienced the unexpected slight of having it accepted by 
 
 illected the majority of the assembly, the monarchist MacMahon, 
 
 President Marshal of iM-ance and Duke of Magenta, being- elected 
 
 President in his place. Theirs had just performed one of his greatest ser- 
 vices to France, by paying off the last installment of the war indemnity and 
 relieving the soil of his country of the hated German troops. 
 
 The party now in power at once began to lay plans to carry out their 
 cherished purpose of placing a Legitimist king upon the throne, this honor 
 being offered to the Count de Chambord, grandson of Charles X. He, an 
 old man, unfitted for the thorny seat offered him. and out of all accord with 
 
 „. ,, , , the spirit of the times, put a sudden end to the hopes ot his 
 The Count lie ' ' * , ^ 
 
 Chambord i>ariisans by his mediajval conservatism. Their purpose was to 
 
 and His establish a constitutional government, under the tri-colored flag 
 
 of revolutionary France ; but the old Bourbon gave them to under 
 
 stand thai he would not consent to reign under the Tricolor, but must remain 
 
 steadfast to the white banner of his ancestors ; he had no desire to be " the 
 
 legitimate king of revolution." 
 
 'This letter shattered the plans of his supporters. No man with ideas 
 like these would be tolerated on the French throne. There was never to be 
 in T'rance a King Henry V. The Monarchists, in disgust at the failure of 
 iheir schemes, elected MacMahon president of the republic for a term of 
 seven \-ears, and for the tin;c being the reign ol republicanism in T'rance 
 was made secure. 
 
 While MacMahon was thus being raised to the pinnacle of honor, his 
 
 former comrade Bazaine was imprisoned in another part of the palace at 
 
 Trial and Sen- Versailles, awaiting trial on the charge of treason for the sur- 
 
 tenceof render of Metz. In the trial, in which the whole world took a 
 
 '^'"'"^ deep interest, the efforts of the prosecution were directed to 
 
 prove that the conquest of T^rance was solely due to the treachery of the 
 
THE RISE OF THli I- REN CI I REPUBLIC 285 
 
 Ronapartist marshal. Dt-spitc all that could be said in his defence, he was 
 found guilty by the court-martial, sentenced to degradation from his rank in 
 the army, and to be put to death. 
 
 A letter which Prince Frederick Charles wrote in his favor only added 
 to the wrath of the people, who cried aloud for his execution. But, as 
 though the judges themselves felt a twinge of conscience at the si'ntenc(>, 
 they at the same time signed a petition for pardon to the presiilent of the 
 republic. INIacMahon thereupon commuted the |)unishnient of dealli into a 
 twenty years' imprisonment, remitted the disgrace of the formalities of a 
 military degradation, without cancelling its operation, and appointed as the 
 prisoner's place of confinement the fortess on the island of St. Marguerite, 
 opposite Cannes, known in connection with the "iron mask." Bazaine's 
 wealthy Mexican wife obtained permission to reside near him, with her fam- 
 ily and servants, in a pavilion of the sea-fortress. This afforded her an op- 
 portunity of bringing about the freedom of her husband in the following 
 year with the aid of her brother. After an adventurous escape, by letting 
 himself down with a rope to a Genoese vessel, Bazaine lied to llolland, and 
 then offered his services to the Republican government of .Spain. 
 
 In 1875 the constitution under which France is now governed was 
 adopted by the republicans. It provides for a legislature of two chambers; 
 one a chamber of deputies elected by the people, the other a senate of 300 
 members, 75 of whom are elected by the National Assembly The New Con- 
 and the others by electoral colleges in the departments of stitution of 
 France. The two chambers unite to elect a president, who "ranee 
 has a term of seven jears. He is comniander-in-ciiief of the army, appoints 
 all officers, receives all ambassadors, executes the laws, and appoints the 
 cabinet, which is responsible to the Senate and House of Deputies, — thus 
 resembling the cabinet of Great Britain instead of that of the United States. 
 
 This constitution was soon ignored by the arbitrar)- president, who 
 forci:d the resignation of a cabinet which he could not control, and replaced 
 it by another responsible to himself instead of to the assembly. His ac/ 
 >f autocracy roused a violent opposition. Gambetta moved that the repre' 
 sentatives of the people had no confidence in a cabinet which was not free 
 in its actions and not Republican in its principles. The sudden death of 
 Thiers, whose last writing was a defence of the republic, MaciMahon 
 stirred the heart of the nation and added to the excitement. Resigns and 
 which soon reached fever heat. In the election that followed Orevy Elected 
 the Republicans were in so great a majority over the Conservatives that 
 the president was compelled either to resign or to govern according to the 
 constitution. He accepted the latter and appointed a cabinet composed 
 
286 THE RISE OF THE FRENCH REPUBLIC 
 
 of Republicans. But the acts of the legislature, which passed laws to pre- 
 vent arbitrary action by the executive and to secularize education, so 
 exasperated the old soldier that he finally resigned from his high office. 
 
 Jules Grevy was elected president in his place, and Gambetta was 
 made president of the House of Deputies. Subsequently he was chosen 
 presiding minister in a cabinet composed wholly of his own creatures. His 
 Gambetta as career in this high office was a brief one. The Chambers 
 Prime nin= refused to support him in his arbitrary measures and he 
 '**-^'' resigned iu disgust. Soon after the self-appointed dictator, 
 
 who had played so prominent a part in the war with Germany, died from a 
 wound whose origin remained a mystery. 
 
 The constitution was revised in 1884, the republic now declared per- 
 manent and final, and Grevy again elected president. General Boulanger, 
 the minister of war in the new government, succeeded in making himself highly 
 popular, many looking upon him as a coming Napoleon, by whose genius 
 the republic would be overthrown. 
 
 In 1887 Grevy resigned, in consequence of a scandal in high circles, 
 and was succeeded by Sadi Carnot, grandson of a famous general of the 
 first republic. Under the new president two striking events took place. 
 General Boulanger managed to lift himself into great promi- 
 The Career of pence, and gain a powerful following in France. Carried 
 away by self-esteem, he defied his superiors, and when tried 
 and found guilty of the offence, was strong enough in France to overthrow 
 the ministry, to gain re-election to the Chamber of Deputies, and to defeat 
 a second ministry. 
 
 But his reputation was declining. It received a serious blow by a duel 
 he fought with a lawyer, in which the soldier was wounded and the lawyer 
 escaped imhurt. The next cabinet was hostile to his intrigues, and he fled to 
 Brussels to escape arrest. Tried by the Senate, sitting as a High Court of Jus- 
 tice, he was found guilty of plotting against the state and sentenced to imprison- 
 ment for life. His career soon after ended in suicide and his party dis- 
 appeared. 
 
 The second event spoken of was the Panama Canal affair. De Lesseps, 
 
 the maker of the Suez Canal, had undertaken to excavate a similar one 
 
 across the Isthmus of Panama, but the work was managed with such wild 
 
 extravagance that vast sums were spent and the poor in- 
 
 . The Panama vestors widely ruined, while the canal remained a half-dug 
 
 ditch. At a later date thi.= affair became a great scandal, 
 
 dishonest bargains in connection with it were abundantly unearthed, bribery 
 
 was shown to have been common in high places, and France was shaken 
 
rilF. K/S/-: OF THE FRENCH KEPUBLK 287 
 
 to its centre by th(; startling exposure. De Lesseps, fortunately for him, 
 escaped by death, but others of the leaders in the enterprise were con- 
 demned and punished. 
 
 In the succeeding years perils manifold threatened the existence of the 
 I'rcnch republic. A moral decline seemed to have sapped the foundations 
 of public virtue, anil the new military organization rose to a dangerous 
 height of power, becoming a monster of ambition and iniquity which over- 
 shadowed and portendecl evil to the state. The spirit of anarchy, which 
 
 nad been so strikinelv displayed in the excesses of the Parisian . , , 
 
 ■^ - ' Z Anarchy In 
 
 Cf)mmune, was shown later in various instances of death and France and 
 
 destruction by the use of dynamite bombs, exploded in Paris Murder of 
 
 ,,,„.' ... , . , the President 
 
 and elsewhere, nut its most strikmg e.xample was m the 
 
 murder of President Carnot, who was stabbed by an anarchist in the streets 
 of Lyons. This assassination, and the disheartening exposures of dishon- 
 (•sty in the Panama Canal Case trials, stirred the moral sentiment of France 
 to its depths, and made many of the best citizens despair of the perma- 
 nency of the republic. 
 
 But the most alarming threat came from the army, which had grown in 
 power and prominence until it fairly overtopped the state, while its leaders 
 felt competent to set at defiance the civil authorities. This despotic army 
 was an outgrowth of the franco-Prussian war. The terrible punishment which 
 the French had received in that war, and in particular the loss of Alsace 
 and Lorraine, filled them with bitter hatred of Germany and -j-he Reorzani- 
 . I burning desire for revenge. Yet it was evident that their zatlon of 
 military organization was so imperfect as to leave them help- * *^ "^""^ 
 less before the army of Germany, and the first thing to be done was to place 
 themselves on a level in military strengh with their foe. To this President 
 Thiers had earnestly devoted himself, and the work of army organization 
 went on until all France was virtually converted into a great camp, defended 
 by powerful fortresses, and the whole people of the country were practically 
 made part and portion of the army. 
 
 The final result of this was the development of one of the most complete 
 and well-appointed military establishments in Europe. The immediate 
 cause of the reorganization of the army gradually passed away- As time 
 went on the intense feeling against Germany softened and the danger of 
 war decreased. But the army became more and more dominant in France, 
 and, as the century neared its end, the autocratic position of its leaders was 
 revealed by a startling event, which showed vividly to the world the moral 
 decadence of France and the controlling infiuence and dominating power of 
 the members of the General Staff. This was the celebrated Dreyfus 
 16 
 
288 THE RISE OE THE ERENCH REPUBLIC 
 
 Case, the cause cclcbre of the end of the century. This case is of such im- 
 portance that a description of its saHent points becomes here necessary. 
 
 Albert Dreyfus, an Alsatian Jew and a captain in the Fourteenth Regi- 
 ment of Artillery of the French army, detailed for service at the Informa- 
 The Oneninz ^''-*" Bureau of the Minister of War, was arrested October 15, 
 of theDrey= I S94, on the charge of having sold military secrets to a for- 
 fus Case eign power. The following letter was said to have been 
 
 found at the German embassy by a F"rench detective, in what was declared 
 to be the handwriting of Dreyfus : 
 
 " Having no news from you I do not know what to do. I send you in 
 the meantime the condition of the forts. I also hand you the principal in- 
 structions as to firing. If you desire the rest I shall have them copied. The 
 document is precious. The instructions have been given only to the otticers 
 of the General Staff. I leave for the manoeuvres." 
 
 For some time prior to the arrest of Dreyfus on the charge of being 
 the author of this letter, M. Drumont, editor of the Libre Parole, had been 
 carrying on a violent anti-Semitic agitation through his journal. He raved 
 about the Jews in general, declared Dreyfus guilty, and asserted that there 
 was danger that he would be acc]uitted through the potent Juiverie, "the 
 cosmopolite syndicate which exploits France." 
 
 Public opinion in Paris became much infiuenced by this journalistic as- 
 sault, and under these circumstances Dreyfus was brought to trial before a 
 military court, found guilty and condemned to be degraded from his mili- 
 tary rank, and by a special act of the Chamber of Deputies was ordered to 
 be imprisoned for life in a penal settlement on Devil's Island, off the coast 
 of French Guiana, a tropical region, desolate and malarious in character. The 
 sentence was executed with the most cruel harshness. During part of his de- 
 tention Dreyfus was locked in a hut, surrounded by an iron cage, on the 
 island. This was done on the plea of possible attempts at rescue. He was 
 allowed to send and receive only such letters as had been transcribed by one 
 of his guardians. 
 
 He denied, and never ceased to deny, his guilt. The letters he wrote 
 1*0 his counsel after the trial and after his disgrace are most pathetic asser- 
 tions of his innocence, and of the hope that ultimately justice would be done 
 him. His wife and family continued to deny his guilt, and used every influ- 
 ence to get his case reopened. 
 
 The first trial of Dreyfus was conducted by court-martial and behind 
 closed doors. Some parts of the indictment were not communicated to the 
 accused and his lawyer. The secrecy of the trial, the lack of fairness in its 
 management, his own protestations of innocence, the anti-Jewish feeling. 
 
THE RISE OF T/f/- I-RF.NCH REPUBLIC 28.J 
 
 and the course of the government in the affair aroused a strong suspicion 
 tliat Dreyfus, being a Jew, had been used as a scapegoat for some one else 
 and had been unjustly convicted. Many eminent literary men Belief in the 
 of France, and even M. Schcurer-Kestner, a vice president of innocence 
 the Senate-— none of them Jews — -eventually advocated the ° "^^^ "*" 
 revision of a sentence which failed to appeal to the sense of justice of the 
 best clement of France. 
 
 It was asserted by some that Dreyfus had sold the plans of various 
 strongly fortified places to the German government, and by others that the 
 sale had been to the Italian government. It was also said that he had dis- 
 closed the plans for the mobilization of the French army in case of war, 
 covering several departments, and especially the important fortress of 
 Hriancon, the Alpine Gibraltar near the Italian frontier. 
 
 The bordereau, the paper on which the charges against Dreyfus were 
 based, was a memorandum of treasonable revelations concerning F"rench 
 military affairs. The dossier was the; official envelope containing -j-^g Bordereau 
 the papers relative to the case, which embraced facts alleged to and the 
 be sufficient to prove the guilt of the accused ofificer. The bor- "ossier 
 dereau was examined by five experts in handwriting, only three of whom testi- 
 fied that it could have been written by Dreyfus. The papers in the dossier were 
 not shown to Dreyfus or his counsel, so that it was impossible to refute them. 
 In fact, the court-martial was conducted in the most unfair manner, and many 
 became convinced that some disgraceful mystery lay behind it, and that 
 Dreyfus had been made a scapegoat to shield some one higher in oftice. 
 
 It was in the early part of 1898 that the case was again brought promi 
 nently to public notice, after the wife of the unfortunate prisoner had, with 
 the most earnest devotion for three years, used every effort to obtain for 
 him a new trial. Lieutenant-Colonel Picquart, in charge of the secret 
 service bureau at Paris, became familiar through his official duties with the 
 famous case, and was struck with the similarity between the handwritin<^i- of 
 th(! b(jrdereau and that of Count F'erdinand Esterhazy, an officer of the 
 b'rench army and a descendant of the well-known Esterhazy 
 family of Hungary. Shortly afterwards M. Scheurer-Kestner ^ ^^j g^t ".^ha!^ 
 declared that military secrets had continued to leak out after 
 the arrest of Dreyfus, that in consequence a rich and titled officer had been 
 requested to resign, and that this officer was the real author of the bor- 
 dereau. This man was Count Esterhazy, whose exposure was due to 
 Picquart's fortunate discovery. Others took up this accusation, and the 
 affair was so ventilated that Esterhazy was subjected to a secret trial by 
 court-martial, which ended in an accpiittal. 
 
2go THE RISE OE THE ERENCH REPUBLIC 
 
 At the close of the Esterhazy trial a new defender of Dreyfus stepped 
 into the fray, Emile Zola, the celebrated novelist. He wrote an open letter 
 to M. Faure, then President of France, entitled " y'accusc" ("I accuse"), 
 Zola's Letter which was published in \.\\& Atcrorc newspaper. In it he boldly 
 and Accusa- charged that Esterhazy had been acquitted by the members 
 *'°" of the court-martial on the order of their chiefs in the minis- 
 
 try of war. who were anxious to show that French military justice could 
 not possibly make an error. 
 
 This letter led to the arrest and trial of Zola and the manager of the 
 paper, their trial being conducted in a manner specially designed to prevent 
 the facts from becoming known. They were found guilty of libel against 
 the officers of the court-martial and sentenced to heavy fines and one year's 
 imprisonment. On appeal, they were tried again in the same unfair way, 
 and received the same sentence. Zola took care, by absenting himself 
 from France, that the sentence of a year's imprisonment should not be 
 executed. 
 
 As time went on new evidence became revealed. Colonel Henry, who 
 was one of the witnesses in the Zola trial, was confronted with a damaging 
 fact, one of the most important papers in the secret dossier being traced to 
 Henry's For- '"'''"• He confessed that he had forged it to strengthen the 
 geryand case against Dreyfus, was imprisoned for the offence, and 
 
 Suicide committed suicide in his cell — or was murdered, as some 
 
 thought. Picquart was punished by being sent to Africa, and afterwards 
 imprisoned. He made the significant remark that if he should be found 
 dead in his cell it would not be a case of suicide. Esterhazy was said to 
 have acknowledged to a London editor that he was the author of the bor- 
 dereau, and it was proved that the handwriting was identical with his and 
 the paper on which it was written a peculiar kind which he had used in 
 1894. The Dapers in the secret dossier were also alleged to be a mass of 
 forgeries. 
 
 The great publicity of this case, in which the whole world had taken 
 interest, — the action of the French courts being universally condemned, — and 
 the development of the facts just mentioned, at length goaded the oiificials 
 of the French government to action. President Faure had the case con- 
 sidered by the cabinet, and finally forced a revision. In consequence the 
 cabinet resigned and a new one was chosen. As a result the case was 
 brought before the Court of Cassation, the final court of appeal, which, 
 after full consideration, ordered a new trial of the condemned officer. 
 
 Captain Dreyfus was accordingly brought from Devil's Island, and on 
 July I, 1899, reached the city of Rennes, where the new court-martial was 
 
THE BOMBARDMENT OF ALEXANDRIA 
 
 Egyptian pa.riots of .882. who rushed .0 arms nt >he call ,,f Arab, Pa.ha for the expulsion of the hated British fro 
 made their most vigorous stand behind the strong fort.ficafons of Alexandra where they fought w.th much 
 But the cannon of the British fleet proved 100 heavy for their powers of defence, and the city lell into the c 
 of the invaders. It was plundered and partly burned by the Egyptians in their retreat. 
 
BATTLE BETWEEN THE ENGLISH AND THE ZULUS, SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 all the natives encountered by the British in Africa, there were none more brave and daring than the Zujt's o^ Jh_=_Sout_h.^who 
 c3id not hesitate with spear and shield to charge against the death de; 
 
 i of their foes. ' Cetewayo, the leader of these 
 t blacks. was"a man who would have bee"n a hero in civilized warfare. As a captive savage in London : 
 be compelled the respect of his enemies by the majestic dignity of his bearing, and wo the right to retu 
 
 Qd die iP ftis native land. 
 
THE RISE OF THE FRENCH REPUBLIC ^93 
 
 to be lield. It is not necessary to repeat the evidence given in this 'iial, 
 whicli lasted from August 7th to September 7th, and with which the \v .-rid 
 is sufticiently famihar. It will suffice to say that the evidence against Drey- 
 fus was of the most shadowy and uncertain character, being largely conjec- 
 tures and opinionsof army officers, and seemed insuthcientto convict a criminal 
 for the smallest ofTence before an cquitabU; court ; that the evidence in his 
 favor was of the strongest ciiaracter ; that the proceedings a Second 
 -vere of the loosest description ; that much favorable evidence Condemna- 
 was ruled out by the judges, the presiding judge throughout 
 showing a bias against the accused ; and that the trial ended in a conviction 
 of the prisoner, by a vote of five judges to two, the verdict being the ex- 
 traordinary one of "guilty of treason, with extenuating circumstances" — as 
 if any treason could be extenuated. 
 
 This is but an outline sketch of this remarkable case, which embraced 
 many circumstances favorable to Dreyfus which we have not had space to 
 give. The verdict was received by the world outside of France with 
 universal astonishment and condemnation. The opinion was everywhere 
 expressed that not a particle of incriminating evidence had been adduced, 
 and that the members of the court-martial had acted virtually under the 
 commands of their superior officers, who held that the " honor of the army" 
 demanded a conviction. Dreyfus was thought by many to have been made 
 a victim to shield certain criminals of high importance in the army, which 
 so dominated French opinion that the great bulk of the people pro- 
 nounced in favor of the sacrifice of this innocent victim to 
 
 the Moloch of the French military system. It was widely The World's 
 
 ^ ■' '_ Opinion 
 
 felt in foreign lands that the great development of mili- 
 tarism in France, and the vast influence of the general staff of the army, 
 formed a threatening feature of the governmental system, which might 
 at any time overthrow the republic and form a military empire upon its 
 ruins. Two republics have already been brought to an end in France 
 through the supremacy of the army, and the safety of the third is far from 
 assured. The Dreyfus case has thrown a llood of light upon the volcanic 
 condition of affairs in France. 
 
 The general condemnation of this example of French "justice" by 
 the press of other nations, and very probably the recognition by the 
 governing powers of France of the inadequacy of the evidence led, shortly 
 after the conclusion of the court-martial, to the pardon of the con- 
 demned. The sentence of the court in no sense affected his position be- 
 fore the world, he being looked upon everywhere outside of France as a 
 victim of injustice instead of a criminal. The severity of his imprisonment 
 
294 THE RISE OF THE FRENCH REPUBLIC 
 
 however, had seriously affected his health, and threatened to bring his life to 
 an end before he could obtain the justice which he proposed to seek in the 
 courts of France. 
 
 This remarkable case, which made an obscure officer of the French army 
 the most talked-of and commiserated man among all the peoples of the 
 earth, at the end of the nineteenth century, is of further interest from the 
 light it throws upon the legal system of France as compared with that of 
 Anglo-Saxon nations. Dreyfus, it is true, was tried by court-martial, but the 
 procedure was similar to that of the ordinary French courts, in which trial 
 by jury does not exist, the judge having the double function of deciding 
 upon the guilt or innocence of the accused and passing sentence ; while 
 efforts are made to induce the prisoner to incriminate himself which would 
 be considered utterly unjust in British and American legal practice. The 
 French legal system is a direct descendant of that of ancient Rome. The 
 British one represents a new development in legal methods. Doubtless both 
 have their advantages, but the Dreyfus trial seems to indicate that the sys- 
 tem of France opens the way to acts of barbarous injustice. 
 
CIIAPTI'R XIX. 
 
 Paul Kruger and tlic Slruggk' for Dominion in 
 South Africa. 
 
 Ar the close of the nineteenth century, not the least important among 
 the international questions that were disturbing the nations was the 
 controversy between the English and the Boers in South Africa, 
 concerning the political privileges of th(; Uitlanders, or foreign gold miners 
 of the Transvaal. .\ consideration of this subjc^ct obliges us to go back 
 to the beginning of the citntury and review tin: whole history of coloniza 
 tion in South Africa. 
 
 That region belongs by right of settlement to the Dutch, who founded 
 a colony in the reirion of Capetown as early as i6so, and in _. ,^ . , 
 
 -' » I . The Dultli 
 
 the succeeding ccntur\' and ,i half spread far and wide over Settlement in 
 
 the territory, their farms and cattle ranches occupj'ing a very South Africa 
 wide area. The tirsl inlerfen^-nce with their ])eac(,-ful occupation came in 
 1795, when the English took possession. In 1800, however, they restored 
 the colony to Holland, which held it in peaceable ownership until the Con- 
 gress of Vienna, in 1S15, came to disturb tii(.' map of luirope, and in a meas- 
 ure that of the world. As part of tiu' distriinition of spoils among the 
 great nations. Cape Colony was ceded to Cireat l>rilain. .Since then ihat 
 countrv, which has a great faculty of taking hold and a ver\- 
 
 r' , f 1 • 1111 • 11 1 '1 <i''eat IJritain in 
 
 poor taculty of lettmg go, has held possession, and has pushed cape Colony 
 
 steadily northward until British .S(-uth .Africa is now a li'rri- and the Kmi- 
 
 tory of enormous extent, stretching northward to tlu.' bonlers ^" '"" " *^ 
 , , , , , Boers 
 
 of the Congo Free State and to Lake Tanganyika. 
 
 This vast territory has not been gained with(jut active and persistent 
 aggression, from which the Dutch settlers, known as Boers, and the African 
 natives have alike suffered. In truth, the Boers found the oppression of 
 British rule an intolerable burden early in the century, and in 1840 a great 
 Darty of them gave up their farms and " treked " northward — that is, traveled 
 vith their o.x-teams and belongings — eager to get away from British con- 
 trol. Here they founded a republic of their own on the river Vaal, and 
 settled down again to peace and prosperity. 
 
 295 
 
2^6 PAUL KRUGER AND THE SI RUGGLE IN SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 The country in which they settled was a huntsman's paradise. On the 
 
 great plains of the High Veldt or plateau (from 4,000 to 7,000 feet in 
 
 height) antelopes of several species roamed in tens of thousands. In the 
 
 valleys and plains of the low country the giraffe, elephant, 
 
 AHuntsman's i^^ffalo, Hon and other large animals were plentiful. The 
 
 Paradise r 1 n- • ■ 
 
 rivers were full of alligators and hippopotami. Here the new- 
 comers found abundance of food, and a land of such pastoral wealth that 
 the farm animals they brought increased abundantly. For years a steady 
 stream of Boers continued to enter and settle in this land, deserting their 
 farms in the British territory, harnessing their cattle to their long, lumber- 
 ing wagons, and bringing with them food for the journey, and a good 
 supply of powder and lead for use in their tried muskets. Their active 
 hunting experience brought them in time to rank among the best marks- 
 men in the world. 
 
 They had not alone wild animals to deal with, but wild men as well. 
 Fierce tribes of natives possessed the land, and with these the Boers were 
 soon at war. A number of sanguinary battles were fought, with much 
 The Boers slaughter on both sides, but in the end the black men were 
 
 Drive Out forced to give way to the whites and cross the Limpopo River 
 
 the Blacks -^^^^ Matabeleland, to the north, which their descendants still 
 occupy. Others of the natives were subdued and continued to live with the 
 Boers. The latter were essentially pioneers. They did not till the soil, 
 but divided up the land into great grazing ranges, covered with their 
 abundant herds. And they had no instinct for trade, what little commerce 
 the country possessed falling into British hands. 
 
 Two settlements were made, one between the Orange and the Vaal 
 rivers, and the other north of the Vaal. The former had much trouble 
 with the British previous to 1854, in which year it was given its indepen- 
 dence. It is known as the Orange River Free State. The latter was given 
 The South Afri- ^^^ name of Transvaal, and originally formed four separate 
 can Republic republics, but in i860 these united into one under the title 
 **"" of the South African Republic. The settlers were for a time 
 
 covered with the shadow of British sovereignty, the claims of the British 
 extending up to the 25th degree of latitude. But this claim was only on paper, 
 and in 1852 it was withdrawn. Great Britain formally renouncing all rights 
 over the country north of the Vaal. And for years afterwards the Boers 
 lived on here free and undisturbed. 
 
 But their country possessed other wealth than that of pasture lands, 
 and its hidden treasures were to yield them no end of trouble in the 
 years to come. Under their soil lay untold riches, which in time brought 
 
PAi'l. k'RUGER AND THE STRUGGLE IN SOU'l II AFRICA 297 
 
 hosts of unruly stran^^ers to disturb their pastoral peace. The troulile 
 
 began in 1867, wlien diamonds were found in the vicinity of the \'aal I\i\<r, 
 
 and a rush of miners began to invatie this remote district. 
 
 But the diamond mines lay west of the borders of the The Oiscovcry 
 
 ■' ... of Diamonds 
 
 Transvaal, and brought rather a threatening situation than 
 
 immediate tlisturbance to tlie Boer state. It was the later discovery of gold 
 
 on Transvaal territory that eventually overthrew the quiet content of the 
 
 pastoral community. 
 
 In 1877 f'l^ ^\x%X. intrusion came. The British were now abundant in 
 Cirifjualand West, the diamond region, and on the Transvaal borders 
 lay a host of native enemies, chief among them being the warlike Zulus, 
 Kil t)\- the boUl and daring Cetewayo. Onl\- fear of the British kept 
 this truculent chief at rest. Meanwhile the Boer Repul)lic iiad fallen 
 into a financial collapse. Its frequent wars with the natives had ex- 
 hausted its revenues and thrown it deeply into debt. A shep.stone's 
 serious crisis seemed impending. On the plea of preventing Annexation of 
 this. Sir Theophilus Shepstone, secretary of Natal, made his "'« Transvaal 
 way to Pretoria, the capital of the repul)lic, and issued a proclamation 
 annexing the Transvaal country to Great Britain. The public treasury he 
 found to be almost empt\', it containing only twelve shillings and six pence^ 
 and even part of this was counterfeit coin. His act was arbitrary and unwar- 
 ranted, and while the Boers submitted, they did so with sullen anger, 
 ([uietly biding their time. 
 
 In the following year tile Zulus, who had been tlireatening the Boers, 
 broke out into war with the British, and with such energy that thi; whiles 
 were at first repulsed by the impetuous Cetewayo and his warlike followers. 
 In this onset Prince Napoleon, son of the deposed emperor Louis Napo- 
 leon, who served as a volunteer in the British ranks, was killed. The British 
 
 soon retrieved the disaster, and in the end decisively defeated _. _ , ... 
 
 •' . The Zulu War 
 
 the Zulus, capturing their king, who was taken as a prisoner 
 to London. After the Zulu war Sir Garnet Wolseley led his troops into the 
 Transvaal, telling the protesting Boers that "so long as the sun shone and 
 the Vaal River flowed to the sea the Transvaal would remain British terri- 
 tory." Other acts of interference, and the attempt of the British officials 
 to tax the Boers, added to their exasperation, and at the end of 1880 they 
 resolved to fight for the independence of which they had been robbed. 
 \Volsele\' had before this left the territory, and the troops had been reduced 
 to a few detachments, scattered here and there. 
 
 The first hostile action took place on December 20. 1880, a detachment 
 of the Ninety-fourth regiment, on its march to Pretoria, being waylaid by a 
 
2yo 
 
 PAUL KRUGER AND THE STRUGGLE IN SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 body of about 150 armed Boers, who ordered them to stop. Colonel Ans- 
 truther curtly replied : " I go to Pretoria ; do as you like." The Boers 
 
 did more than he liked. They closed in on his columns and 
 War With the 
 g^g^j. opened on them so deadly a fire that the British fell at a fright- 
 
 ful rate. Out of 259 in all, 155 had fallen dead or wounded 
 in ten minutes' time. Then the colonel, himself seriously wounded, ordered 
 a surrender, and the Boers at once became as friendly as they had just been 
 hostile. They had lost onlv two killed and five wounded. 
 
 As soon as news of this disaster reached Natal, Colonel Sir George 
 Colley, in command at Natal, marched against the Boers without waiting 
 for reinforcements, the force at his disposal being but 1,200 men. He paid 
 dearly for his temerity and contempt of the enemy. On January 28, 1881, 
 he was encountered by the Boers at a place called Lang's Nek, and met with 
 a bloody defeat. In about a week afterwards another engagement took 
 place, in which the British lost 139 officers and men, while the whole Boer 
 loss was 14. Practised hunters, their fire was so deadly that almost every 
 shot found its mark. 
 
 The war was going badly for the British. It was soon to go worse. 
 
 Receiving reinforcements, Colley made a stand in an elevated position 
 
 known as Majuba Hill, whose summit was 2,000 feet above the positions 
 
 held by the Boers and its ascent so steep and rugged that the 
 The stand at , ,. , , ..... -in xt 1 r ■, 
 
 Majuba Hill soldiers had to climb it in single hie. IN ear the top of the 
 
 ascent the grassy slopes were succeeded by boulders, crags, 
 
 and loose stones, over which the weary men had to drag themselves on hands 
 
 and knees. In this way about 400 men gained the summit on the morning 
 
 of February 27th. The top of the hill was a saucer-shaped plateau, about 
 
 1,200 yards wide, with an elevated rim within which the British were 
 
 posted. 
 
 The place seemed impregnable, but the daring Boers did not hesitate 
 
 in the attack. A force of the older men were detailed to keep on the watch 
 
 below — picked shots ready to fire on any soldier who should appear on the rim 
 
 of the hill. The younger men began to climb the slopes, under cover of the 
 
 shrub and stones. The assault was made on every side, and the defenders, 
 
 too weak in numbers to hold the whole edge of the plateau, had to be moved 
 
 from point to point to meet and attempt to thwart the attacks of the Boers. 
 
 Slowly and steadily the hostile skirmishers clambered upwards from cover 
 
 to cover, while the supports below protected their movement with a steady 
 
 and accurate fire. During the hours from dawn to noon the British did not 
 
 suffer very heavily, notwithstanding the accuracy of the Boer marksmanship. 
 
 But the long strain of the Boers' close shooting began to tell on the morale of 
 
PAUL Ki<ui,i-:i< Aivn I III-: si'ru(,c,lf. /a' south afkic 
 
 299 
 
 Uic British soldiers, and wiicn the enemy at length reached the crest and opened 
 a deadly fire at short ran^je the officers had to exert themselves to the utmost 
 in the effort to avert disaster. The reserves stationed in the central dip of 
 the plateau, out of reach until then of the enemy's fire, were ordered up in 
 support of the fij^^htini^r line. Their want of promptitude in obeying this 
 order did not augur well, and soon after reaching the front they wavered, and 
 then gave way. The offict;rs lenii)orarily succeeded in rallying them, but the 
 "bolt" had a bad effect. Fo use the expression of an eye-witness, a "funk 
 became established." 
 
 It was struggled against very gallantly by the olhcers, who, sword and 
 revolver in hand, encouraged the soldiers by word and by action. A num- 
 ber of men, unable to confront the deadly fire of the Boers, had huddled 
 for cover behind the rocky reef crossing the plateau, and no -j-,,^ Uoers 
 entreaty or upbraiding on the part of their officers would Storm the 
 induce them to face the enemy. What then happened one "*'^ "'"'' 
 does not care to tell in detail. Everything connected with this disastrous 
 enterprise went to naught, as if there had been a curse on it. Whatever 
 may have been the object intended, the force employed was absurdly inade- 
 quate. Instead of being homogeneous, it consisted of separate detach- 
 ments with no link or bond of union — a disposition of troops which notoriously 
 has led to more panics than any other cause that the annals of regimental his- 
 tory can furnish. Fragments of proud and distinguished regiments fresh 
 from victory on another continent shared in the panic of the Majuba, 
 seasoned warriors behaving no better than mere recruits. To the calm- 
 pulsed philosopher a panic is an academic enigma. No man who has seen 
 it — -much less shared in it — can ever forget the infectious madness of panic- 
 stricken soldiers. 
 
 In the sad ending, with a cry of fright and despair the remnants of the 
 hapless force turned and fled, regardless of the efforts of the officers to 
 stem the rearward rush. Sir George CoUey lay dead, shot through the 
 head just before the tmal llight. A surgeon and two hospital attendants 
 caring for the wounded at the bandaging place in the dip of 
 the plateau were shot down, probably inadvertentlv. The elder The Victory of 
 
 ^ . . . ' . fie Boers 
 
 Boers promptly stopped the firing in that direction. I?ut 
 there was no cessation of the fire directed on the fugitive.s. On them the 
 i)ullets rained accurately and persistently. The Boers, now disdaining 
 cover, stood boldly on the edge of the plateau, and, firing down upon the 
 scared troops, picked off the men as if shooting game. The slaughter would 
 have been yet heavier but for the entrenchment which had been made 
 by the company of the Ninety-second, left overnight on the Nek, between 
 
300 PAUL KRUGER AND THE STRUGGLE IN SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 the Inquela and the Majuba. Captain Robertson was joined at dawn from 
 
 camp by a company of the Sixtieth, under Captain Thurlovv. Later there 
 
 arrived at the entrenchment on the Nek a troop of the Fifteenth Hussars, 
 
 under the command of Captain Sulhvan. After midday the sound of the 
 
 firing on the Majuba rapidly increased, and men were seen running down 
 
 the hill towards the laager, one of whom brought in the tidings that the 
 
 Boers had captured the position, that most of the troops were killed or 
 
 prisoners, and that the general was dead with a bullet through his head. 
 
 Wounded men presently came pouring in, and were attended by 
 
 Surgeon-Major Cornish. The laager was manned by the companies, and 
 
 outposts were thrown out, which were soon driven in by large bodies of 
 
 mounted Boers, under whose fire men fell fast Robertson dispatched the 
 
 rifle company down the ravine towards the camp, and a little later followed 
 
 with the company of the Ninety-second under a murderous fire from the 
 
 Boers, who had reached and occupied the entrenchment. The Highlanders 
 
 » n • r-i- I... lost heavily in the retreat, and Sureeon-Maior Cornish was 
 A Panic Flight -' ' . 
 
 killed. The surviving fugitives from Majuba and from the 
 laager finally reached camp under cover of the artillery fire from it, which 
 ultimately stopped the pursuit. With the consent of the Boer leaders a 
 temporary hospital was established at a farm-house near the foot of the 
 mountain, and throughout the cold and wet night the medical staff never 
 ceased to search, for and bring in the wounded. .Sir George CoUey's body 
 was brought into camp on March ist, and buried there with full military 
 honors. 
 
 Of 650 officers and men who took part in this disastrous affair the loss 
 in killed, wounded, and prisoners was 283 ; the Boers had one man killed 
 and five wounded. Majuba Hill was enough for the British, fighting as 
 they were in an unjust cause. An armistice was agreed upon, followed by 
 a treaty of peace on March 23d. Large reinforcements had been sent out, 
 which would have given the British an army of 20,000 against the 8,000 
 Peace Declared I^o^rs, capable of bearing arms ; but to fight longer in defence 
 with British of an arbitrary invasion against such brave defenders of their 
 uzerain y homes and their rights, did not appeal to the conscience of 
 Mr. Gladstone, and he lost no time in bringing the war to an end. By the 
 terms of the treaty the Boers were left free to govern themselves as they 
 would, they acknowledging the queen as suzerain of their country, with 
 control of its foreign relations. 
 
 The next important event in the history of the Transvaal was the ex- 
 ploitation of its gold mines. Gold was discovered there soon after the open- 
 ing of the diamond mines, but not under very promising conditions. It exists 
 
THE BATTLE OF MAJUBA HILL, BETWEEN THE ENGLISH AND BOERS, SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 The greatest disaster ever e.vpcrieiiced by the nritish in Africa was at Majuha Hill, in the South African Republic. In the wxr 
 
 of iSSoSi »iih the Boers, a British force occupied the Hal top of this steep elevation, but was driven out with great 
 
 sIi'uThter The attempt tv> recapture the hill in the face of the skilled Boer marksmen was simply 
 
 a climb to death, and »hc lUy eiid,d in a seiious defeat for the iinadrrs 
 
PAUL KRUcr.R AND Tin-. STRUGGLE IN SOUTH AFRICA 303 
 
 in a conglomerate rock, whose beds extend over an art-a of seventy by forty 
 miles, and through a depth of from two to twenty feet ; but years passetl 
 before tlu; richness in metal of these rocks was discovered, The Gold Dig- 
 and it was not until after the Hoer war that mining fairly scings of the 
 began. No ont; in his wildest dreams foresaw that these Transvaal 
 "banket" beds would in time yield gold to the value of more than $60,000,- 
 000 a year. The yield of the diamond mines was also enormous, and these 
 two incitements l)rought a stead)' stream of new settlers to that region, 
 destined before many years greatly to outnumber the sturdy farmers and 
 herders of Dutch descent. 
 
 In the vicinity of the gold mines, not far from Pretoria, the Boer capi- 
 tal. ros(; the mining city of Johannesburg, which now has a population of 
 more than 100,000 souls, of whom half are European miners antl nearly all 
 the remainder are natives. The grttat event in the histor\' of tin; 
 diamond mines was the advent thither of Cecil Rhodes. This c^qw Rhodes 
 remarkable man, the son of a country parson in Englantl, who 
 was ordered to South Africa for the benefit of his failing lungs, displaved 
 such enterprise and ability that he soon became the leading figure in the dia- 
 amond mining industry, organizing a company that controlled the mines, and 
 accumulating an immense fortune. 
 
 This accomplisheil, he entered actively into South African politics, and 
 was not long in immensely e.xtending the dominion of Great Britain in that 
 region of the earth. He obtained from Lord Salisbury, prime minister of 
 Great Britain, a royal charter giving him the right to occupy and govern the 
 great terriior\- I> ing between the Limpopo River on the south and the Zam- 
 besi on the north, and extending far to the north and the west of the South 
 African Republic. With an expedition of a thousand men, volunteers from 
 the Transvaal and the Cape Colony, Rhodes marched north through a coun- 
 try filled with armed Zulus, — the best fighting stuff in Africa, — and reached 
 the, spot where now stands the flourishing town of Fort Salisbury without 
 firing a shot or losing a man. Here gold mines were opened, the resources 
 of the country developed, anil within three years as many important town- 
 ships were founded an^.1 settled. 
 
 Not until July, 1893, did trouble with the natives arise. Then a rupture 
 took place with the Matabele chief, Lobengula, who sent against the whites 
 powerful bands of his dreaded Zulu warriors, numbering in 
 all over 20,000 armed blacks. These were met by Dr. Jameson, Matabeles 
 the administrator of the chartered territory, and dealt with so 
 vigorousl)- and skilfully that in two months the power of the Matabeles was at 
 an end, their army was practically annihilated, their great kraals were occupied, 
 
304 PAUL KRUGER AND THE STRUGGLE IN SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 and their king- was driven from his capital into the desert, where he died two 
 
 months later. Thus Cecil Rhodes added to the dominion of Great Britain 
 
 a territory as large as France and Germany, very fertile and healthful, and 
 
 rich in gold and other metals. 
 
 Zambesia — or Rhodesia, as it is often called — now extends far to the 
 
 „, ,. . ^ north of the Zambesi River, beinof bordered on the north by 
 The Uomain of -^ -' 
 
 the South the Congo Free State and Lake Tanganyika, and on the east 
 
 African ijy Lake Nyassa, and embracing the heart of South Africa. 
 
 This territory was chartered in 1889 by the British South 
 
 Africa Company, with Cecil Rhodes, then premier of the Cape Colony, as 
 
 its managing director and practical creator. 
 
 The rapid development of British interests in South Africa, the acqui- 
 sition of territory in great part surrounding the South African Republic, — 
 which was completely cut off from the sea by British and Portuguese terri- 
 tory, — and the growth of a large foreign population on the soil of the 
 republic itself, could not fail to be a source of great annoyance to the Boers, 
 who deeply mistrusted their new neighbors. Their effort to get away from 
 the British had been a failure. They were surrounded and overrun by 
 them. It is true, the coming of the gold miners had been a great boon to 
 the Boer in oneway. From having an empty treasury, he had 
 Foreigners now an overflowing one. The tax on the gold product had 
 Brought to made the government rich. The foreigners had also brought 
 the railway, the electric light, the telegraph, cheap and 
 abundant articles of every-day use, newspapers, schools, and other append- 
 ages of civilization, but it is doubtful if these were as welcome to the Boers 
 as the cash contribution, since they tended to break up their simple, patri- 
 archal style of living and destroy their time-honored customs. 
 
 The question that particularly troubled the Boer mind was a political 
 one. Paul Kruger, the president of the republic, was a man of remarkable 
 character, an astute statesman, a shrewd politician, with an iron will and 
 keen judgment, a personage strikingly capable of dealing with a disturbing 
 situation. While ignorant in book lore, he had associated with him as 
 secretary of state an educated Hollander, Dr. Leyds by name, one of the 
 ablest and shrewdest statesmen in South Africa. The pair of them were a 
 Paul Kruger ^lose match for the bold and aspiring Cecil Rhodes, then 
 and the Uit- premier of the Cape Colony. The difficulty they had to deal 
 landers ^^jj.j^ ^^^^ ^-^q following : The Uitlander (Outlander or foreign) 
 
 element in the republic had grown so enormously as far to outnumber the 
 Dutch. The country presented the anomaly of a minority of 15,000 igno- 
 rant and unprogressive Dutch burghers ruling a majorit)' of four or five 
 
PAUL KRUGF.R ANP THE STRUGGLF. IX SOUTH AFRICA 305 
 
 times llii-ir luimlx'i- of educated, wealtliv and i)i<)S|)er(ins aliens, wln), wliile 
 possessiiij^ tile most vaiuaijle |iart of tlit; territory, we-re L;iven no \'()ice in 
 its government. They were not only deprived of l(;i^dslative functions in the 
 country at large, but also of municipal functions in the city of their own 
 creation, and they demanded in vain a charter that would enable them to 
 control and improve their own city. President Kruger, fearing to have his 
 govc-rnment overwhelmc^d !))• these Anglo-Sa.xon strangers, sternly deter- 
 mined thai they should have no political foothold in his stale until after a 
 long residence, forseeing that if they were given the franchist; on easy terms 
 they would soon control the state. In this sense the gold which was making 
 them rich seemed a curse to the Boers, since it threatened to bring them 
 again under the dominion of the hated Knglishman. 
 
 In 1895 '^^''^ state of affairs rcNiched a critical ])()inl. The l)ritish in 
 Matabeleland, north of the Transvaal, were in warm sympathy with their 
 brethren in Johannesburg, and between them a plot was laid to overthrow 
 Kruger and his people. An outbreak took place in Johannesburg, led by 
 Colonel F. W. Rhodes, brother of Cecil Rhodes, by whom it was thought 
 to have been instigated. It was quickly followed by an invasion from 
 Matabeleland, led by Dr. L. .S. Jameson, Cecil Rhodes' lieu- 
 tenant in that region. The movement was a hasty and Ttie Jameson 
 
 . , , . Raid 
 
 ill-considered one. The invaders were met by the bold Boers, 
 
 armed with their unerring rilles, were surrounded anil forced to surreniler. 
 and their leaders were pul on trial for their lives. 
 
 Paul Kruger, howevt-r, was shrewd enough not lo push the mailer to 
 extremities. Jameson and his tionfederates were set at libt'rty and allowed 
 to return to England, where they were tried, convicted of invading a friendly 
 country and impri.soned — Cecil Rhodes going free. This daring man soon 
 after suppressed an extensive revolt of the Matabeles, and gained the 
 reputation of designing to found a great British nationality in South Africa. 
 Ai a later date he devised the magnificent scheme of building a railroad 
 throughout the whole length of Africa, from Cairo lo Cape Colony, and 
 threw himself into this ambitious enterprise- with all his accustomed energy 
 and organizing capacity. 
 
 The victory of the Boers over Jameson anti his raiders did not bring 
 to an end the strained relations in Johannesburg. The demand of the 
 Uitlanders for political rights and privileges grew more The Demands 
 earnest and insistant as time went on, and the British govern- of the Uit- 
 ment. on the basis of its suzerainty, began to take a hand 'a"«Jers 
 in ii. The right to vote, under certain stringent conditions as to period 
 of residence and declaration of intention to become citizens, was accorded 
 
3o6 PAUL KKUGER AND THE STRUGGLE IN SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 by the Boer government, but was far from satisfactory to the foreign resi- 
 dents, who demanded the suffrage under less rigorous conditions. 
 
 In r899 the state of affairs became critical, England taking a more 
 decided stand, and strongly pressing her claim to a voice in the status of 
 British residents under her suzerainty — despite the fact that the latter gave 
 her no right to interfere in the domestic affairs of the state. Joseph Cham- 
 berlain, secretary of state for the colonies, demanded a more equitable 
 arrangement than that existing, and his insistence led to a conference 
 between the Boer authorities and those of Cape Colony. But President 
 Kruger refused to yield to the full demands made upon him, while the con- 
 cessions which he offered were not satisfactory to the British cabinet. 
 
 Negotiations went on during the summer and early autumn of 1899, 
 but at the same time both sides were actively preparing for war, and Great 
 Britain had begun to send large contingents of troops to South Africa. The 
 state of indecision came to a sudden end on October loth. President 
 Kruger apparently fearing that Joseph Chamberlain, who conducted the 
 negotiations, was deceiving him, and seeking delay until he could land an 
 overwhelming force in South Africa, sent a sudden ultimatum to the British 
 cabinet. They were bidden to remove the troops which threatened the 
 borders of his state before five o'clock of the next day or accept war as 
 the alternative. 
 
 Such a mandate from a weak to a strong state was not likely to be com- 
 plied with. The troops were not removed, and the Boers promptly crossed 
 the borders into Natal on the east and Cape Colony on the west. The 
 Orange River Free State had joined the South African Republic in its 
 attitude of hostility, and the British on the borders found themselves out- 
 numbered and outgeneraled. The towns of Mafeking and Kimberley on 
 the west were closely besieged, and on the east the outlying troops were 
 driven back on Ladysmith, where General White, the British commander, 
 met with a severe repulse, losing two entire regiments as prisoners. 
 
 Meanwhile General Buller, the British commander-in-chief, had reached 
 Cape Town and a powerful army was on the ocean, and it was widely felt 
 that the successes of the Boers were but preliminaries to a desperate strug- 
 gle whose issue only time could decide. 
 
 General White had made a serious tactical error in seeking to hold 
 Ladysmith instead of falling back to the coast to await reinforcements. The 
 neatly devised plan of operations of the British army was greatly deranged, 
 and General Buller, who had counted on a triumphal march to the Transvaal 
 border, found himself held fast at the Tugela River, whose group of steep 
 and rugged hills served the Boers as so many natural forts, from which the 
 
PAUL KRUGF.R AND THE STRl'GGf.E IS SOUTH AFRICA 307 
 
 British found it ini|-)ossihlc to dislodt^c thcin. It had been supposed that 
 the Boers were adapted only to warfare of tlie guerilla chiaracter, that of 
 bold raids, sudden dashes and swift retreats, but this event proved them to 
 be skillful in investment, stubborn in defence, and fertile in expedients. 
 
 An attempt to cross the Tugela at Colcnso proved a sanguinary failure-, 
 the troops being repulsed and a battery of guns lost. Buller met with other 
 defeats, the most serious being that on the hilltop called Spion Kop. Mean- 
 while General White held on obstinately to Ladysmith, 
 tlioii'di h(- had to contend, not only against the guns of the ^t?,^''.''' , 
 
 ■-' ' ^ o & White s 
 
 iiHui)-, l)ut against sparse food, unwholesome water, and Operations 
 threatening pestilence. Despite all these he defended iiim- 
 self with unlhnching courage against the guns and the assaults of the 
 enemy for four long months, at the end of which time he was rewarded 
 by a sudden disappearance of the foe, and the welcome entrance of Lord 
 Diuidonald and his troop of cavalry. Operations elsewhere had forced 
 the brave Joubert to give up the siege and withdraw with his men. Those 
 distant operations now demand our attention. 
 
 Far away from Ladysmith, on the opposite side of the Orange Free 
 State, lies the town of Kimberley, the centre of the diamond mining industry. 
 Among its inmates was Cecil Rhodes, the diamond magnate, and the invest- 
 ing Boers were even more eager to capture their hated foe than to fall heir 
 to the rich products of the diamond mines. To the relief of Kimberly 
 came Lord Methuen, with a strong force, hastening by rail from Capetown 
 north. I'Vom the Orange to the Modder River he made his way by dint of 
 a succession of fierce skirmishes, in which the Boers gave a very good 
 account of themselves. His misfortunes culminated at Magersfontein, on 
 the Modder River, where his army fell into a Boer trap and was defeated 
 with a loss of nearly 1,100 men. This was the most serious battle of the war. 
 
 By this time the government of Great Britain was thoroughl\- alarmed. 
 Instead of the easy victory that had been looked for, it began 
 to appear as if the courage, skill, and military resources of the '^" ^"f P'^'^^^'^ 
 
 '■'■ , ^ . ^ Contingency 
 
 Boers might yield them an eventual triumph, and Kruger and 
 Joubert be able to drive the invaders from their native soil. This was a 
 contingency which British pride could not accept. Strenuous efforts were 
 made to raise and equip a great force, and early in 1900 Field-Marshal 
 Lord Roberts and the gallant General Kitchener, the two most famous 
 soldiers that England possessed, were sent to the front. Lord Roberts as 
 commandi-r-in-chief. Under them was the largest army which Great 
 Briuiin had ever dispatched to a foreign soil. 
 
3o8 PAUL KRITGER AND THE STRUGGLE IN SOUTH AERICA 
 
 It was too powerful a force for the small population of the Boer republics 
 successfully to oppose. The abundant cavalry under Lord Roberts enabled 
 him to flank his opponents at every point, and the stubborn resistance of the 
 Boers was changed to a rapid retreat. A sudden dash of General French 
 and his light cavalry freed Kimberley, and the diamond capital was entered 
 by the swift horsemen on February i6th, much to the relief of Cecil Rhodes 
 and the distressed people, who had suffered severely during the siege. 
 
 General Cronje, at the head of the Boer besieging force, hurried away 
 as fast as his slow-moving ox teams would permit, but the pursuit was so hot 
 and rapid that he was headed off and forced to take refuge in a dry river 
 bed. Here he made a vigorous fight for life. F"or ten days he desperately 
 held out, with a gallant persistance that won the plaudits of the world, and 
 surrendered only when death stared him and his followers in the face. It 
 was this surrender that forced Joubert to raise the siege of Ladysmith. 
 
 From this point Roberts' great army swept resistlessly onward, the enemy 
 vanishing before it, and on March 13 it made a triumphant 
 ^"Enlerecf"^^' ^"'^''y '"'^° Bloemfontein, the capital of the Orange River 
 Free State. Two days afterwards the town of Mafeking, in 
 which the valiant Colonel Baden-Powell and his gallant followers had 
 made one of the most memorable defences of modern times, was relieved — 
 none too soon, for starvation was almost at hand. 
 
 In early June the final great success was won. In May Roberts put his 
 men again in motion, the Vaal River was passed and the Transvaal entered, 
 and the mining city of Johannesburg fell without a blow. With it the gold 
 mines, the impelling motive of the war, and which it was feared would be 
 blown up and destroyed, were won. Finally Pretoria, the Transvaal capital, 
 which was said to be strongly fortified and abundantly provisioned, and 
 where the last dying struggle of Paul Kruger and his countrymen was 
 looked for, fell into British hands, the Boers and their government 
 taking precipitately to flight. 
 
 This conquest practically closed the drama of the war. Some daring 
 raids on the British lines were made, but the Boer armies had vanished and 
 there was every indication that their power of resistance was almost at an 
 end. The great British army rapidly closed in on them, and little remained 
 but to let fall the curtain of fate on the Boer republics, and raise it again over 
 a British colony extending without a break from Capetown in the south to 
 the Congo Free State in the north. 
 
SIX rVl'lCAl. AMERICAN NOVELISI'S. 
 
2 J 
 
chapti':r XX 
 The Rise oi Japan and tlu- Decline of China. 
 
 ASIA, thtt greatest of the continents and the seat of the earliest civiliza- 
 tions, yields us the most remarkable phenomenon in the history of 
 mankind. In remote ages, while Europe lay plunged in the deepest 
 Karbarism, certain sections of Asia were marked by surprising activity in 
 tliougiit and progress. In thret- far-separated regions — China, India, and 
 Habylonia — and in a fourth on the borders of Asia — -Egypt Asia the Origi- 
 — civilization rose and flourished for ages, while the savage nal 5eat of 
 and the barbarian roamed over all other regions of the earth. ^^ zat on 
 A still more extraordinary fact is, that during the more recent era, tiiat of 
 European civilization, Asia has rested in the most sluggish conservatism, 
 sleeping while Europe and America were actively moving, content with its 
 ancient knowledge while the people of the West were pursuing new knowl- 
 edge into its most secret lurking places. 
 
 And this conservatism is an almost immovable out-. Eor a century 
 England has been pouring new thought ami new enterprise into India, yet 
 the Hindoos cling stubbornly to their remotely ancient beliefs and customs. 
 Eor half a century Europe has been hammering upon the gates of China, 
 but the sleeping nation shows little signs of waking up to the fact that the 
 world is moving around it. As regards the other early civili- The sruKRish- 
 zations — Babylonia and Egypt — -they have been utterly ncss of nod- 
 swamped under the tide of Turkish barbarism and e.xist onl)- ^'^" ^'^ 
 in their ruins. Persia, once a great and tlourishing empire, lias likewise 
 sunk under the flood of Arabian and Turkish invasion, antl to-day, under its 
 ruling Shah, is one of the most inert of nations, steeped in the self-satisfied 
 barbarism that has succeeded its old civilization. Such was the Asia upon 
 which the nineteenth century dawned, and such it remains to-daj- except in 
 one remote section o( its area, in which alone modern civilization has gained 
 a firm foothold. 
 
 The section referred to is the island empire of Japan, a nation the people 
 
 of which are closely allied in race to those of China, yet which has displayed 
 
 a progressiveness and a readiness to avail itself of the resources of modern 
 
 civilization strikingly diverse from the obstinate conservatism of its densely 
 
 17 309 
 
3IO THE RISE OF JAPAN AND THE DECLINE OF CHINA 
 
 settled neighbor. The development of Japan has taken place within the 
 The Seclusion P^^'^ '^^^'^ century. Previous to that time it was as resistant 
 of China to western influences as China. They were both closed na- 
 
 an apan tions, prohibiting the entrance of modern ideas and peoples, 
 proud of their own form of civilization and their own institutions, and sternly 
 resolved to keep out the disturbing influences of the restless west. As a 
 result, they remained locked against the new civilization until after the 
 nineteenth century was well advanced, and China's disposition to avail itself 
 of the results of modern invention was not manifested until the century 
 was near its end. 
 
 China, with its estimated population of nearly 400,000,000, attained to 
 a considerable measure of civilization at a very remote period, but has made 
 almost no progress during the Christian era, being content to retain its old 
 ideas, methods and institutions, which its people look upon as far superior 
 
 to those of the western nations. Great Britain gained a foot- 
 The Opening 1 1 1 • ,^i • 1 i 1 11 
 
 of China hold m Chma as early as the seventeenth century, but the per- 
 
 sistent attempt to flood the country with the opium of India, 
 in disregard of the laws of the land, so annoyed the emperor that he had the 
 opium of the British stores at Canton, worth $20,000,000, seized and de- 
 stroyed. This led to the "opium war" of 1840, in which China was defeated 
 and was forced to accept a much greater degree of intercourse with the 
 world, five ports being made free to the world's commerce and Hong Kong 
 ceded to Great Britain. In 1856 an arbitrary act of the Chinese authorities 
 at Canton, in forcibly boarding a British vessel in the Canton River, led to a 
 new war, in which the French joined the British and the allies gained fresh con- 
 cessions from China. In 1859 ^^^^ ^^'' ^^^ renewed, and Peking was occu- 
 pied by the British and French forces in i860, the emperor's summer palace 
 being destroyed. 
 
 These wars had their effect in largely breaking down the Chinese wall 
 of seclusion and opening the empire more fully to foreign trade and inter- 
 course, and also in compelling the emperor to receive foreign ambassadors 
 at his court in Peking. In this the United States was among the most suc- 
 cessful of the nations, from the fact that it had always maintained friendly 
 relations with China. In 1876 a short railroad was laid, and in 1877 a telegraph 
 line was established. During the remainder of the century the telegraph 
 service was widely extended, but the building of railroads was strongly op- 
 posed, and not until the century had reached its end did the Chinese awaken 
 to the importance of this method of transportation. They did, however, 
 admit steam traffic to their rivers, and purchased some powerful ironclad 
 naval vessels in Europe. 
 
THE RISE OE JAPAN AND THE DECLINE OF CHINA 31 1 
 
 The isolation of Japan was maintained longer than that of China, 
 tratle with that country being of less importance, and foreign nations know- 
 ing and caring less about it. The United States has the credit of breaking 
 down its long and stubborn seclusion and setting in train the now Japan Was 
 remarkably rapid development of the Japanese island empire. Opened to 
 In 1854 Commodore Perry appeared with an American fleet ommerce 
 in the bay of Yeddo, and, by a show of force and a determination not to be 
 rebuffed, he force-d the authorities to make a treaty of commercial inter- 
 course witii the United States. Other nations cjuickly demanded similar 
 ^)rivili-gt.s, and Japan's obstinate r(;sislance to ff)reign intercourse was at an 
 end. 
 
 The result of this was revolutionary in Japan, b'or centuries the Shogun, 
 or Tycoon, the principal military noble, liad been dominant in the empire, 
 and the Mikado, the true emperor, relegated to a position of obscurity. The 
 entrance of foreigners disturbed conditions so greatly — by developing par- 
 ties for and against seclusion — that the Mikado was enabled to regain his 
 long-lost power, and in 1868 the ancient form of government was restored. 
 
 Meanwhile the Japanese began to show a striking activity in the accept- 
 ance of the results of western civilization, both in regard to objects of com- 
 merce, inventions, and industries, and to political organization. The latter 
 
 advanced so rapidly that in 1889 the old desi>otic grovernment 
 
 , , , -^ , , -111- Oreat Develop, 
 
 was, by the voluntary act 01 the emperor, set aside and a hm- ment of Japan 
 
 ited monarchy established, the country being given a constitu- 
 tion ami a legislature, with universal suffrage for all men over twenty-five. 
 This act is of remarkable interest, it being doubtful if history records any 
 similar instance of a monarch decreasing his authority without appeal ot 
 pressure from his people. I indicates a liberal spirit that could hardly 
 have been looked for in a nation so recently emerging from semi-barbarism. 
 To-day, Japan differs little from the nations of Europe and America in its 
 institutions and industries, and from being among the most backward, has 
 taken its place among the most advanced nations of the world. 
 
 I he Japanese army has been organized upon the European system, 
 ami armed with the most modern style of weapons, the German method of 
 drill and organization being adopted. Its navy consists of over fifty war 
 vessels, principally built in the dock-yards of Europe and America, and of 
 the most advanced modern type, while a number of still more powerful 
 ships are in process of building. Railroads have been widely extended; 
 telegraphs run everywhere ; education is in an advancing stage of develop- 
 ment, embracing an imperial university at Tokio, and institutions in which 
 foreign languages and science are taught; and in a hundred ways Japan is 
 
312 THE RISE OF JAPAN AND THE DECLINE OF CHINA 
 
 progressing at a rate which is one of the greatest marvels of tlie nineteenth 
 century. This is particularly notable in view of the obstinate adherence 
 of the neighboring empire of China to its old customs, and the slowness 
 with which it is yielding to the influx of new ideas. 
 
 As a result of this difference in progress between the two nations, we 
 have to describe a remarkable event, one of the most striking evidences that 
 could be oiven of the practical advantasre of modern civiliza- 
 g^g„j tion. Near the end of the century war broke out be- 
 
 tween China and Japan, and there was shown to the world the 
 singular circumstance of a nation of 40,000,000 people, armed with modern 
 implements of war, attacking a nation of 400,000,000 — equally brave, 
 but with its army organized on an ancient system — and defeating it 
 as quickly and completely as Germany defeated France in the Franco- 
 German War. This war, which represents a completely new condition of 
 events in the continent of Asia, is of sufficient Interest and importance to 
 speak of at some length. 
 
 Between China and Japan lies the kingdom of Corea, separated by 
 rivers from the former and by a strait of the ocean from the latter, and 
 claimed as a vassal state b)' both, yet preserving its independence as a state 
 against the pair. Japan invaded this country at two different periods in the 
 past, but failed to conquer It. China has often invaded it, with the same 
 result. Thus it remained practically independent until near the end of the 
 nineteenth century, when it became a cause of war between the two rival 
 empires. 
 
 Corea long pursued the same policy as China and Japan, locking 
 Its ports against foreigners so closely that it became known as the Hermit 
 Corea Opened Nation and the Forbidden Land. But it was forced to give 
 to Foreign way, like its neighbors. The opening of Corea was due to 
 Intercourse Japan. In 1876 the Japanese did to this secluded kingdom 
 what Commodore Perry had done to Japan twenty-two years before. They 
 sent a fleet to Seoul, the Corean capital, and by threat of war forced the 
 government to open to trade the port of Fusan. In 1880 Chemulpo was 
 made an open port. Later on the United States sent a fleet there which 
 obtained similar privileges. Soon afterwards most of the nations of 
 Europe were admitted to trade, and the Isolation of the Hermit Nation 
 was at an end. Less than ten years had sufficed to break down an 
 isolation which had lasted for centuries. In less than twenty years after — 
 in the year 1899 — an electric trolley railway was put in operation In the 
 streets of Seoul — a remarkable evidence of the great change in Corean 
 policy. 
 
THE RISE OF JAPAN AND THE DECLINE OF CHINA 313 
 
 Corea was no sooner opened to foreign intercourse than China and 
 Japan became rivals for influence in that country — a rivalry in which Japan 
 showed itself the more active The Coreans became divided into two 
 factions, a progressive one that favored Japan, and a conservative one that 
 favored China. Japanese and Chinese soldiers were sent to the country, 
 and the Chinese aided their party, whicii was in tiie ascendant among the 
 Coreans, to drive out the Japanese troops War was threatened, but it wa^ 
 averted by a treaty in 1885 under which both nations agreed to withdraw 
 their troops and to send no officers to drill the Corean soldiers. 
 
 The war, thus for the time averted, came nine years afterwards, in con- 
 sequence of an insurrection in Corea. The people of that country were 
 discontented. They were oppressed with taxes and by tyranny, 
 and in 1894 the followers of a new religious sect broke out in "^"rrection 
 
 ^^ * _ in Corea 
 
 open revolt. Their numbers rapidly increased until they were 
 20,000 strong, and they defeated the government troops, captured a provincial 
 city, and put the capital itself in danger. The Min (or Chinese^ faction 
 was then at the head of affairs in the kingdom and called for aid from 
 China, which responded by sending some two thousand troops and a num- 
 ber of war vessels to Corea. Japan, jealous of any such action on the part 
 of China, responded by surrounding Seoul with soldiers, several thousands 
 in number. 
 
 Disputes followed. China claimed to be suzerain of Corea and Japan 
 denied it. Both parties refused to withdraw their troops, and the Japanese, 
 finding that the party in power was acting against them, advanced on the 
 capital, drove out the officials, and took possession of the palace and the 
 king. A new government, made up of the party that favored Japan, was 
 organized, and a revolution was accomplished in a day. The new author- 
 ities declared that the Chinese were intruders and requested the aid of the 
 Japanese to expel them. War was close at hand. 
 
 China was at that time under the leadership of a statesman of marked 
 ability, the famous Li Hung Chang, who, from being made viceroy of a 
 province in 1S70, had risen to be the prime minister of the empire. At the 
 head of the empire was a woman, the Dowager Empress Tsu li Hung chanR 
 Tsi, who had usurped the power of the young emperor and and the Km- 
 ruled the state. It was to these two people in power that '"''^** 
 the war was due. The dowager empress, blindly ignorant of the power 
 of the Japanese, decided that these "insolent pigmies" deserved to be 
 chastised. Li, her right-hand man, was of the same opinion. At the last 
 moment, indeed, doubts began to assail his mind, into which came a dim 
 idea that the army and navy of Ciiina were not in shape to meet the 
 
314 THE RISE OF JAPAN AND THE DECLINE OF CHINA 
 
 forces of Japan. But the empress was resolute. Her sixtieth birthday 
 was at hand and she proposed to celebrate it magnificently ; and what better 
 decorations could she display than the captured banners of these insolent 
 islanders ? So it was decided to present a bold front, and, instead of the 
 troops of China being removed, reinforcements were sent to the force at Asan. 
 There followed a startling event. On July 25th three Japanese men-of- 
 war, cruising in the Yellow Sea, came in sight of a transport loaded with 
 Chinese troops and convoyed by two ships of the Chinese navy. The 
 The Sinking of Japanese admiral did not know of the seizure of Seoul by the 
 theCliinese land forces, but he took it to be his duty to prevent Chinese 
 ranspor troops from reaching Corea, so he at once attacked the war 
 
 ships of the enemy, with such effect that they were quickly put to flighl 
 Then he sent orders to the transport that it should put about and follow 
 his ships. 
 
 This the Chinese generals refused to do. They trusted to the fact 
 that they were on a chartered British vessel and that the British flag flew 
 over their heads. The daring Japanese admiral troubled his soul little 
 about this foreign standard, but at once opened fire on the transport, and 
 with such effect that in half an hour it went to the bottom, carrying with it 
 one thousand men. Only about one hundred and seventy escaped. 
 
 On the same day that this terrible act took place on the waters of the 
 
 sea, the Japanese left Seoul en route for Asan. Reaching 
 
 War* '"" ** there, they attacked the Chinese in their works and drove 
 
 them out. Three days afterwards, on August i, 1894, both 
 
 countries issued declarations of war. 
 
 Of the conflict that followed, the most interesting events were those 
 
 that took place on the waters, the land campaigns being an unbroken series 
 
 of successes for the well-organized and amply-armed Japanese troops over the 
 
 mediaeval army of China, which went to war fan and umbrella in hand, with 
 
 antiquated weapons and obsolete organization. The principal battle was 
 
 fought at Ping Yang on September 15th, the Chinese losing 
 
 Und"'^*'" 16,000 killed, wounded and captured, while the Japanese loss 
 
 was trifling. In November the powerful fortress of Port 
 
 Arthur was attacked by army and fleet, and surrendered after a two days' 
 
 "lege. Then the armies advanced until they were in the vicinity of the 
 
 Great Wall, with the soil and capital of China not far before them. 
 
 With this brief review of the land operations, we must return to the 
 performances of the fleets, which were of high interest as forming the sec- 
 ond occasion in which a modern ironclad fleet had met in battle — the first 
 being that already described in which the Austrians defeated the Italians at 
 
THE RISE OF JAPAN AND THE DECLINE OF CHINA 315 
 
 Lissa. Backward as the Chinese were on land, they were not so on the sea. 
 Li Hung Chang, progressive as he was, had vainly attempted to introduce 
 railroads into China, but he had been more successful in regard to ships, 
 and had purchased a navy more powerful than that of Japan. The heaviest 
 ships of Japan were cruisers, whose armor consisted of deck and interior 
 lining of steel. The Chinese possessed two powerful battle- The Chinese 
 ships, with 14-inch iron armor and turrets defended with 12- and Japanese 
 inch armor, each carrying four 12-inch guns. Both navies had fleets 
 the advantage of European teaching in drill, tactics, and seamanship. The 
 Tino; Vuen. the Chinese flagship, had as virtual commander an experienced 
 German officer named Van Hanneken ; the Chen }^iien, the other big iron- 
 clad, was handled by Commander M'Giffen, formerly of the United States 
 navy. Thus commanded, it was expected in Europe that the superior 
 strength of the Chinese ships would ensure them an easy victory over those 
 of Japan. The event showed that this was a decidedly mistaken view. 
 
 It was the superior speed and the large number of rapid-fire guns of 
 the Japanese vessels that gave them the victory. The Chinese guns were 
 mainly heavy Krupps and Armstrongs. They had also some machine guns, 
 but onl\' three quick-firers. The Japanese, on the contrary, had a few heavy 
 armor-piercing guns, but were supplied with a large number of quick-firing 
 cannon, capable of pouring out shells in an incessant stream. Admiral Ting 
 and his European officers expected to come at once to close quarters and 
 quickly destroy the thin armored Japanese craft. But the shrewd Admiral 
 Ito, commander of the fleet of Japan, had no intention of being thus dealt 
 ivith. The speed of his craft enabled him to keep his distance and to dis- 
 tract the aim of his foes, and he proposed to make the best use of this ad- 
 vantage. Thus equipped the two fleets came together in the month of Sep- 
 tember, and an epocii-making battle in the history of the ancient conti- 
 nent of Asia was fought. 
 
 On the afternoon of Sunday, .September i6th. Admiral Ting's fleet, 
 consisting of 11 warships, 4 gunboats, and 6 torpedo boats, anchored ofif 
 the mouth of the Yalu River. They were there as escorts to some trans- 
 ports, which went up the river to discharge their troops. Admiral Ito had 
 been engaged in the same work farther down the coast, and early on Monday 
 morning came steaming towards the Yalu in search of the 
 enemy. Under him were in all twelve ships, none of them the VaL^R*i ver 
 with heavy armor, one of them an armed transport. The 
 swiftest ship in the fleet was the Voshino, capable of making twenty-three 
 knots, and armed with 44 quick-firing Armstrongs, which would discharge 
 nearly 4,000 pounds weight of shells every minute. The heaviest guns were 
 
3i6 THE RISE OF JAPAN AND THE DECLINE OF CHINA 
 
 long 13-inch cannon, of which four ships possessed one each, protected by 12- 
 inch shields of steel. Finally, they had an important advantage over the 
 Chinese in being abundantly supplied with ammunition. 
 
 With this formidable fleet Ito steamed slowly to the north-westward. 
 Early on Monday morning he was off the island of Hai-yun-tao. At 
 seven a.m. the fleet began steaming north-eastward. It was a fine 
 autumn morning. The sun shone brightly, and there was only just enough 
 of a breeze to ripple the surface of the water. The long line of warships 
 cleaving their way through the blue waters, all bright with white paint, the 
 chrysanthemum of Japan shining like a golden shield on every bow, and the 
 same emblem flying in red and white from every masthead must have been 
 a grand spectacle. Some miles away to port rose the rocky coast and the blue 
 hills of Manchuria, dotted with many an island, and showing here and there 
 a little bay with its fishing villages. On the other side, the waters of the 
 wide Corean Gulf stretched to an unbroken horizon. Towards eleven 
 The Cruise of o'clock the hills at the head of the gulf began to rise. 
 Admiral Ito's Jto had in his leading ship, the Yoshino, a cruiser that would 
 have made a splendid scout. In any European navy she 
 would have been steaming some miles ahead of her colleagues with, perhaps, 
 another quick ship between her and the fleet to pass on her signals. Ito 
 however seems to have done no scouting, but to have kept his ships in single 
 line ahead, with a small interval between the van and the main squadron. At 
 half-past eleven smoke was seen far away on the starboard bow, the bearing 
 being east-north-east. It appeared to come from a number of steamers in 
 line, on the horizon. The course was altered and the speed increased. Ito 
 believed that he had the Chinese fleet in front of him. He was right. 
 \ he smoke was that of Ting's ironclads and cruisers anchored in line, with 
 steam up, outside the mouth of the Yalu. 
 
 On Monday morning the Chinese crews had been exercised at their 
 guns, and a little before noon, while the cooks were busy getting dinner 
 read)', the lookout men at several of the mastheads began to call out that 
 they saw the smoke of a large fleet away on the horizon to the south-west. 
 Admiral Ting was as eager for the fight as his opponents. At once he 
 signalled to his fleet to weigh anchor, and a few minutes later ran up tiie 
 signal to clear for action. 
 
 A similar signal was made by Admiral Ito half-an-hour later, as his 
 ships came in sight of the Chinese line of battle. The actual moment was 
 five minutes past noon, but it was not until three-quarters of an hour later 
 that tlie fleets had closed sufficiently near for the fight to begin at long 
 range. This three-quarters of an hour was a time of an.xious, and eager 
 
THE RISE OF JAPAN AND THE DECLINE OF CHINA 317 
 
 expectation for both Chinese and Japanese. Commander McGiffen of the 
 
 Chen Yuen has given a striking description of the scene when " the deadly 
 
 space" between the two fleets was narrowing, and all were watching for the 
 
 flash and smoke of the first gun : — " The twenty-two ships," he says, "trim 
 
 and fresh-looking in their paint and their bright new bunting, and gay with 
 
 fluttering signal-flags, presented such a holiday aspect that one found 
 
 difficulty in realizing that they were not there sim]ily for a friendly meeting. 
 
 But, looking closer on the C/ieii )'iicn, one could s(;e beneath this gayety 
 
 much that was sinister. Dark-skinned men, with queues tightly coiled 
 
 round their heads, and with arms bared to the elliow, clustered along the 
 
 decks in groups at the guns, waiting impatiently to kill or be The Chinese 
 
 killed. Sand was sprinkled along the decks, and more was on the "Chen 
 
 kept handy against the time when they might become slip- "^" 
 
 pery. In the superstructures, and down out of sight in the bowels of the 
 
 ship, were men at the shell whips ami ammunition hoists and in the torpedo 
 
 room. Here and there a man lay flat on the deck, with a charge of powder 
 
 — fifty pounds or more — in his arms, waiting to spring up and pass it on 
 
 when it should be wanted. The nerves of the men below deck were in 
 
 extreme tension. On deck one could see the approaching enemy, but below 
 
 nothing was known, save that any moment might begin the action, and 
 
 bring in a shell through the side. Once the battle had begun they were all 
 
 right ; but at first the strain was intense. The fleets closed on each other 
 
 rapidly. My crew was silent. The sub-lieutenant in the military foretop 
 
 was taking sextant angles and announcing the range, and exhibiting an 
 
 appropriate small signal-flag. As each range was called, the men at the 
 
 guns woultl lower the sight-bars, each gun captain, lanyard in hand, keeping 
 
 his gun trained on the en6my. Through the ventilators could be heard the 
 
 beats of the steam pumps ; for all the lines of hose were joined up ami 
 
 spouting water, so that, in case of fire, no time need be lost. Every man's 
 
 nerves were in a state of tension, which was greatly relieved as a huge 
 
 cloud of white smoke, belching from the Tiji£^ Yuens starboard barbettt;. 
 
 opened the ball." 
 
 The shot fell a little ahead of the Yoshino, throwing up a tall column 
 
 of white water. Admiral Ito, in his official report, notes that this first shot 
 
 was fired at ten minutes to one. The range, as noted on the Chen l^jien, 
 
 was 5,200 yards, or a little over three and a half miles. The 
 
 heavy barbette and bow ijuns of the Chen Yuen and other ships ^'l? *^^11?''^ "* 
 
 . . '^ the Battle 
 
 now joined in, but still the Japanese van squadron came on 
 
 without replying. For U\\i minutes the firing was all on the side of the 
 
 Chinese. Tile space between the Japanese van and tlie hostile line liad 
 
3i8 THE RISE OE JAPAN AND THE DECLINE OF CHINA 
 
 diminished to 3,000 yards — a little under two miles. The Yosiiino, the leading 
 ship, was heading for the centre of the Chinese line, but obliquely, so as to 
 pass diagonally along the front of the Chinese right wing. At five minutes 
 to one her powerful battery of quick-firers opened on the Chinese, sending 
 out a storm of shells, most of which fell in the water just ahead of the Ting 
 and Chen Yuen. Their first effect was to deluge the decks, barbettes and 
 bridges of the two ironclads with the geysers of water flung up by their 
 impact with the waves. In a few minutes every man on deck was soaked 
 to the skin. One by one the other ships along the Japanese line opened 
 fire, and then, as the range still diminished, the Chinese machine-guns, 
 Hotchkisses and Nordenfelts added their sharp, growling reports to the 
 deeper chorus of the heavier guns. 
 
 The armored barbettes and central citadels of the two Chinese battle- 
 ships were especially the mark of the Japanese fire. Theoretically they 
 ought to have been pierced again and again, but all the harm they received 
 were some deep dents and grooves in the thick plates. But through the 
 thin lined hulls of the cruisers the shells crashed like pebbles through glass, 
 the only effect of the metal wall being to explode the shells and scatter their 
 fragments far and wide. 
 
 The Chinese admiral had drawn up his ships in a single line, with the 
 
 large ones in the centre and the weaker ones on the wings. Ito's ships came 
 
 up in column, the Yoshino leading, his purpose being to take advantage of the 
 
 superior speed of his ships and circle round his adversary. Past 
 Admiral Ito's ,,",••, ■ , . , ^ , , . . 
 
 Strategy '^'''*^ Chinese right wmg swept the swift Yos/uno, pouring in 
 
 the shells from her rapid-fire guns on the unprotected vessels 
 there posted, one of which, the Yang Wei, was soon in flames. The ships 
 that followed tore the woodwork of the Chao Yung with their shells, and 
 she likewise burst into flames. The slower vessels of the Japanese fleet 
 lagged behind their speedy leaders, particularly the little Heijei, which fell 
 so far in the rear as to be exposed to the fire of the whole Chinese fleet. In 
 The Daring this dilemma its captain displayed a daring spirit. Instead of 
 
 Act of the following his consorts, he dashed straight for the line of the 
 
 enemy, passing between two of their larger vessels at 500 
 yards distance. Two torpedoes were launched at him, but mi.ssed their 
 mark. But he was made the target of a heavy fire, and came through with 
 his craft in flames. At 2.23 the blazing Chao Yungvj&nt to the bottom with 
 all on board. 
 
 As a result of the Japanese evolution, their ships finally closed in on 
 the Chinese on both sides and the action reached its most furious phase. 
 The two flag-ships, the Japanese Matsnshima and the Chinese Ting Yuen, 
 
run RISE OF JAPAM AND THE DECLINE OF CHINA 319 
 
 battered each other with their great guns, the wood-work of the latter being 
 soon in flames, while a heap of ammunition on the McxtsusJiima was ex- 
 ploded 1)V a shell and killetl or wounded eighty men. The _. „ ^ 
 1 - f> 3 The "Matsu- 
 
 Chinese (lag-ship would probably have been destroyed by the shima" and 
 flames but that her consort came to her assistance. By five ^^^ "TinR 
 o'clock the Chinese fleet was in the greatest disorder, several 
 of its ships having been sunk or driven in flames ashore, white others were 
 in flight. The Japanese fire was mainly concentrated on tlie two largt! iron- 
 clads, which continued the fight, their thick armor resisting the heaviest guns 
 of the enemy. 
 
 Signals and signal haljards had been long since shot away, antl all tiie 
 signalmen killed or wounded ; but the two ships conformed to each other's 
 movements, and made a splendid fight of it. Admiral Ting had been insen- 
 sible for some hours at the outset of the battle. He had stood too close to 
 one of his own big guns on a platform above its muzzle, and had been 
 stunned by the upward and backward concussion of the air ; but he had re- 
 covered consciousness, and, though wounded by a burst shell, was bravely 
 commanding his ship. Von Hanneken was also wounded in one of the bar 
 bettes. The ship was on fire forward, but the hose kept the flames under. 
 The Chen Yuen was almost in the same plight. Her commander, McGiffen, 
 had had several narrow escapes. When at last the lacquered woodwork on 
 her forecastle caught fire, and the men declined to go forward and put it out 
 
 unless an officer went with them, he led the party. He was 
 
 , . 1 f 1 I Mc(iiffen's Ter- 
 
 stooping down to move somethmg on the forecastle, when a ^j^ie Danger 
 shot passed between his arms and legs, wounding both his 
 wrists. At the same time he was struck down by an explosion near him. 
 When he recovered from the shock he found himself in a terrible position. 
 He was lying wounded on the forecastle, and full in front of him he saw the 
 muzzle of one of the heavy barbette guns come sweeping rountl, rise, and 
 then sink a little, as the gunners trained it on a Japanese ship, never noticing 
 that he lay just below the line of fire. It was in vain to try to attract their 
 attention. In another minute he would have been caught in the fiery blast. 
 With a great effort he rolled himself over the edge of the forecastle, drop- 
 ping on to some rubbish on the main deck, and hearing the roar of the guji 
 as he fell. 
 
 The battle now resolved itself into a close cannonade of the two iron- 
 clads by the main body of the Japanese fleet, while the rest of the ships 
 kept up a desultory fight with the three other Chinese ships and the gun- 
 boats. The torpedo boats seem to have done nothing. Commander 
 McGiffen savs that their engines had been worn out, and their fittings 
 
320 THE RISE OF JAPAN AND THE DECLINE OF CHINA 
 
 shaken to pieces, by their being recklessly used as ordinary steam launches 
 in the weeks before the battle. The torpedoes fired from the tubes of the 
 battleships were few in number, and all missed their mark, one, at least, 
 going harmlessly under a ship at which it was fired at a range of only fifty 
 yards. The Japanese used no torpedoes. It is even said that, by a mis- 
 take, they had sailed without a supply of these weapons. Nor was the ram 
 used anywhere. Once or twice a Chinese ship tried to run down a Japanese, 
 but the swifter and handier vessels of Ito's squadron easily avoided all 
 such attacks. The Yalu fight was from first to last an artillery battle. 
 
 And the end of it came somewhat unexpectedly. The Chen Yuen and 
 the Tin£ Yuen were both running short of ammunition. The latter had 
 been hit more than four hundred times without her armour being pierced, 
 and the former at least as often. One of the Clieti YtiCJis heavy guns had 
 its mountings damaged, but otherwise she was yet serviceable. Still, she 
 had been severely battered, had lost a great part of her crew, and her slow 
 fire must have told the Japanese that she was economizing her ammunition, 
 which was now all solid shot. But about half-past five Ito signalled to his 
 
 fleet to retire. The two Chinese ironclads followed them for 
 The End of the , , ., ,. ... ^ , , 
 
 Battle ^ couple oi miles, sendmg an occasional shot alter them ; then 
 
 the Japanese main squadron suddenly circled round as if to 
 
 renew the action, and, towards six o'clock, there was a brisk exchange of 
 
 fire at long range. When Ito again ceased fire, the Chen Yuen had just 
 
 three projectiles left for her heavy guns. If he had kept on for a few 
 
 minutes longer the two Chipese ships would have been at his mercy. 
 
 Just why Ito retired has never been clearly explained. Probably 
 
 e.xhaustion of his crew and the perils of a battle at night with such antag- 
 
 Lessons from onists had much to do with it. The next morning the Chinese 
 
 the Yalu fleet had disappeared. It had lost four ships in the fight, two 
 
 ^^" '^ had taken to flight, and one ran ashore after the battle and was 
 
 blown up. Two of the Japanese ships were badly damaged, but none were 
 
 lost, while their losses in killed and wounded were much less than those of 
 
 the Chinese. An important lesson from the battle was the danger of too 
 
 much wood-work in ironclad ships, and another was the great value in naval 
 
 ■warfare of rapid-firing guns. But the most remarkable characteristic of 
 
 the battle of the Yalu was that it took place between two nations which, 
 
 had the war broken out forty years earlier, would have done their fighting 
 
 with fleets of junks and weapons a century old. 
 Capture of Wei .. r^ii n i' i-i 
 
 Haj ^Vei In January, 1895, ^"^ Japanese fleet advanced against the 
 
 strongly fortified stronghold of Wei Hai Wei, on the northern 
 
 coast of China. Here a force of 25,000 men was landed successfully, and 
 
THE RISK OF JAPAN AXD THE DECLINE OF CHINA 32 1 
 
 attacked the fort in the rear, quickly capturinij its lanchvard defences. 
 The stronghold was thereupon abandoned by its garrison and occupied by 
 the Japanese. The Chinese fleet lay in the harbor, and surrendered to 
 the Japanese after several ships had been sunk by torpedo boats. 
 
 China was now in a perilous position. Its fleet was lost, its coast 
 strongholds of Port Arthur and Wei Hai Wei were held by the enemy, 
 anil its capital city was threateneil from the latter plac(; and by the army 
 north of the Great Wall. A continuation of the war promised to bring 
 about the complete conquest of the Chinese empire, and Li Hung Chang, 
 who had been degraded from his ofiicial rank in consequence of the disasters 
 to the arm\ , was now restored to all his honors antl sent to Japan to sue for 
 peace. In the treaty obtained China was compelled to acknowledge the 
 independence of Corea, to cede to Japan the island of For- 
 
 , 1 11 , II r A r 1 • The Treaty of 
 
 mosa and the Pescadores group, and that part ot Manchuria Peace 
 
 occupied by the Japanese army, including Port Arthur, also to 
 
 pay an indemnity of 300,000, CXX) taels and open seven new treaty ports. 
 
 This treaty was not fully carried out. The Russian, British, and I'rench 
 
 ministers forced Japan, under threat of war, to give up her claim to the 
 
 Liau Tung peninsula and Port Arthur. 
 
 Thr story of China during the few remaining years of the century may 
 be briefly told. The evidence of its weakness yielded by the war with Japan 
 was quickly taken advantage of by the great powers of Europe, -j-^g impemiinR 
 and China was in danger of going to pieces under their attacks, Partition of 
 which grew so decided and ominous that rumors of a partition *" '"^ 
 between these powers of the most ancient and popndous empire of the world 
 filled the air. 
 
 In 1898 decided steps in this direction were taken. Russia obtained a 
 
 lease for ninety-nine years of Port Arthur and Talien Wan, and is at 
 
 present in practical possession of Manchuria, through which a railroad is to 
 
 be built connecting with the Trans-Siberian road, while Port Arthur affords 
 
 her an ice-free harbor for her Pacific fleet. Great Britain, jealous of this 
 
 movement on the part of Russia, forced from the unwilling hands of China 
 
 the port of Wei Hai Wei, and Germany demanded and obtained the cession 
 
 of a port at Kiau Chun, farther down the coast. P'rance, not to be outdone 
 
 by her neighbors, gained concessions of territory in the south, adjoining her 
 
 Indo-China possessions, and Italy, last of all, came into the Eastern market 
 
 for a share of the nearly defunct empire. 
 
 How far this will gfo it is not easv to say. The nations '^r,^'"!^,, 
 
 *^ .J Revolution 
 
 are settling on China like vultures on a carcass, and perhaps 
 
 may tear the antique commonwealth to pieces between them. Within 
 
32 2 THE RISE OF JAPAN AND THE DECLINE OF CHINA 
 
 the empire itself revolutionary changes have taken place, the dowager 
 empress having first deprived the emperor of all power and then en- 
 forced his abdication, while Japan, the late enemy of China, is now 
 looked to for its defence, and Count I to has been asked to become its 
 premier. 
 
 Meanwhile one important result has come from the recent war. Li 
 Hung Chang and the other progressive statesmen of the empire, who have 
 long been convinced that the only hope of China lies in its being thrown 
 open to Western science and art, have now become able to carry out their 
 plans, the conservative opposition having seriously broken down. The 
 result of this is seen in a dozen directions. Railroads, long almost com- 
 pletely forbidden, have now gained free " right of way," and 
 
 rogress in before many years promise to traverse the country far and 
 
 China . ., 
 
 wide. Steamers plough their way for a thousand miles up 
 
 the Yang-tse-Kiang ; engineers are busy exploiting the coal and iron mines 
 of the Flowery Kingdom ; great factories, equipped with the best modern 
 machinery, are springing up in the foreign settlements ; foreign books are 
 being translated and read ; and the emperor and the dowager empress have 
 even gone so far as to receive foreign ambassadors in public audience and 
 on a footing of outward equality in the " forbidden city " of Peking, long the 
 sacredly secluded centre of an empire locked against the outer world. 
 
 All this is full of significance. The defeat of China in 1895 "''^y prove 
 its victory, if it starts it upon a career of acceptance of Western civilization 
 which shall, before the twentieth century has far advanced, raise it to the 
 level of Japan. It must be borne in mind that the extraordinary progress of 
 the island empire has been made within about forty years. China is a larger 
 body and in consequence less easy to move, but its people are innately 
 What the Fu= practical and the pressure of circumstances is forcing them 
 ture May forward. Within the next half centur)' this great empire, 
 
 ringtoChina ^jggpij-g jj-g thousands of years of unchanging conditions, may 
 take a wonderful bound in advance, and come up to Japan in the race of 
 political and industrial development. In such a case all talk of the parti- 
 tion of China must cease, and it will take its place among the greatest 
 powers of the world. 
 
CHAPTKR XXI. 
 
 The Era of Colonies. 
 
 SINCE civilization beg^an nations have endeavored to extend their 
 dominions, not alone by adding to their territor\- by the conquest of 
 adjoining countries, but also by sending out their excess population 
 to distant regions and founding colonies that served as aids to and feeders 
 of the parent state. In the ancient world the active commercial nations, 
 Phoenicia and Greece, were alert in this direction, some of their colonies, — 
 Carthage, for instance, — becoming powerful enough to gain the status of 
 independent states. In modern times the colonial era began with the dis- 
 covery of America in 1492 and the circumnavigation of Africa immediately 
 afterwards. .Spain and Portugal, the leaders in enterprise at that period, 
 were quick to take advantage of their discoveries, while France, Great Bri- 
 tain and Holland came into the field as founders of colonies at a later date. 
 .At the opening of the nineteentli century Spain ami Portugal still held 
 the great dominions they had won. They divided between them the conti- 
 nent of South .America, while Spain held a large section of North America, 
 embracing the whole continent south of Canada and west of the Mississippi 
 River, together with the peninsula of Florida. Portugal held, in addition 
 
 to Brazil, large territories in east and west Africa and minor 
 
 '11 , 1 ^1 ■ ■ • Progress in 
 
 possessions elsewhere. As regards the remammg active colonization 
 
 colonizing nations, — Great Britain, France, and Holland, — 
 
 some striking transformations had taken place. Great Britain, while 
 
 late to come into the field of colonization, had shown remarkable activity 
 
 and aggressiveness in this direction, robbing Holland of her settlement on 
 
 the Atlantic coast of America, and depriving France of her great colonial 
 
 possessions in the east and the west. 
 
 France had shown a remarkable activity in colonization. In the east 
 
 she gained a strong foothold in India, which promised to expanil to imperial 
 
 dimensions. In the west she had settled Canada, had planted French Activity 
 
 military posts along the great Mississippi River and claimed in Founding 
 
 the vast territory beyond, and was extending into the Ohio Colonies 
 
 Valley, while the British still confined themselves to a narrow strip along the 
 
 Atlantic coast. The war whicii broke out between the English and French 
 
 323 
 
324 THE ERA OF COLONIES 
 
 colonists in 1754 put an end to tliis grand promise. When it ended France 
 had lost all her possessions in America and India, Great Britain becoming 
 heir to the whole of them with the exception of the territory west of the 
 Mississippi, which was transferred to Spain. As regards Holland, she had 
 become the successor of Portugal in the east, holding immensely valuable 
 islands in the Malayan archipelago. 
 
 The colonial dominion of Great Britain, however, suffered one great 
 loss before the end of the eighteenth century. It failed to regconize 
 the spirit of Anglo-Saxon colonists, and by its tyranny in America gave rise 
 to an insurrection which ended in the freedom of its American colonies. It 
 still held Canada and many of the West India Islands, but the United States 
 was free, and by the opening of the nineteenth century had fairly begun 
 its remarkable development. 
 
 Such was the condition of colonial affairs at the beginning of the cen- 
 tury with which we are concerned. .Spain and Portugal still held the great- 
 est colonial dominions upon the earth, France had lost nearly the whole of 
 her colonies, Holland possessed the rich spice islands of the eastern seas, 
 and Great Britain was just entering upon that activity in colonization which 
 forms one of the striking features of nineteenth century progress. 
 
 At the close of the century a remarable difference appears. Spain had 
 
 lost practically the whole of her vast colonial empire. She had learned no 
 
 lesson from England's experience with her American colonies, 
 Spain's Colo- , ..,,.' , . ... 
 
 nial Decline '-'"^ mamtamed a policy 01 tyranny and oppression until these 
 
 far-extended colonial provinces rose in arms and won their 
 
 independence by courage and endurance. Her great domain west of the 
 
 Mississippi, transferred by treaty to France, was purchased by the United 
 
 States. Florida was sold by her to the same country, and by the end of 
 
 the first quarter of the century she did not own a foot of land on the 
 
 American continent. She still held the islands of Cuba and Porto Rico 
 
 in the West Indies, but her oppressive policy yielded the same result there 
 
 as on the continent. The islanders broke into rebellion, the United States 
 
 came to their aid, and she lost these islands and the Philippine Islands in 
 
 the East. At the end of the century all she held were the Canary Islands 
 
 and some small possessions elsewhere. 
 
 Portugal had also suffered a heavy loss in her colonial dominions, but 
 
 in a very different manner. The invasion of the home state by Napoleoi'^'s 
 
 armies had caused the king and his court to set sail for Brazil, where they 
 
 established an independent empire, while a new scion of the family of 
 
 Braganza took Portugal for his own. Thus, with the exception of Canada, 
 
rUE ERA OE COLONIES 
 
 325 
 
 Guiana, aiul the snialltT islands of tlie West Imlics, no colonies existed in 
 
 America at the end of the century, all the former colonies having become 
 
 independent republics. 
 
 The active powers in colonization within the nineteenth century were 
 
 the great rivals of the preceding period, Great Britain and France, though 
 
 the former gained decidedly the start, and its colonial empire ^. ^ . . . 
 , , , . - . The Colonial 
 
 to-day surpasses that of any other nation of mankind. It is Development 
 
 so enormous, in fact, as to dwarf the parent kingdom, which <>* Cireat 
 
 is related to its colonial dominion, so far as comparative size 
 
 is concerned, as the small brain of the elephant is related to its great body. 
 
 Other powers, not heard of as colonizers in the past, have recently 
 
 come into this field, though too late to obtain any of the great prizes. 
 
 These are Germany and Italj', the latter to a small extent. But there is a 
 
 great power still to name, which in its way stands as a rival to Great Britain, 
 
 the empire of Russia, whose acquisitions in Asia have grown enormous in 
 
 extent. These are not colonies in the ordinary sense, but rather results of 
 
 the expansion of an empire through warlike aggression, but 
 
 ^1 , . , . , -,,.,' , other Coloniz- 
 
 they are colonial m the sense 01 absorbmg the excess popula- ing Powers 
 tion of European Russia. The great territory of Siberia was 
 gained by Russia before the nineteenth century, but within recent years its 
 dominion in Asia has greatly increased, and it is not easy to tell just when 
 and where it will end. 
 
 \\ ith this preliminary review we may proceed to consider the history 
 of colonization within the century. And first we must take up the results 
 of the colonial enterprise of Great Britain, as much the most important of 
 the whole. Of this story we have already described some of the leading 
 features. A chapter has been given to the story of the Indian empire of 
 Great Britain, far the largest of her colonial possessions, and another to 
 that of South Africa. In addition to Hindostan, in which the Growth of the 
 dominion of Great Britain now extends to Afghanistan and British 
 Thibet in the north, the British colony now includes Burmah Coiomes 
 and the west-coast region of Indo-China, with the Straits Settlements in the 
 Malay peninsula, and the island of Ceylon, acquired in 1802 from Holland. 
 
 In the eastern seas Great Britain possesses another colony of vast 
 dimensions, the continental island of Australia, which, with its area of nearly 
 3,000,000 square miles, is three-fourths the size of Europe. The first 
 British settlement was made here in 1788, at Port Jackson, the site of the 
 present thriving city of Sydney, and the island was long maintained as a 
 penal settlement, convicts being sent there as late as 1868. It was the dis- 
 covery of gold in 1S51 to which Australia owed its great progress. The 
 18 
 
326 THE ERA OF COLONIES 
 
 incitement of the yt;!low metal drew the enterprising tliither by thousands, 
 
 until the population of the colony is now more than ^,000,000. 
 Australia and ,. ^ ^ . ., ' . . . , ,,, 
 
 New Zealand '^"'-' '^ growing at a rapia rate, it havmg developed other 
 
 valuable resources besides that of gold. Of its cities, Mel- 
 bourne, the capital of Victoria, has more than 300,000 population ; Sydney, 
 the capital of New South Wales, probably 250,000, while there are other 
 cities of rapid -growth. Australia is the one important British colony 
 obtained without a war. In its human beings, as in its animals generally, 
 it stood at a low level of development, and it was taken possession of 
 without a protest from the savage inhabitants. 
 
 The same cannot be said of the inhabitants of New Zealand, an impor- 
 tant group of islands lying east of Australia, which was acquired by Great 
 Britain as a colonv in 1840. The Maoris, as the people of these islands call 
 themselves, are of the bold and sturdy Polynesian race, a brave, generous, 
 and warlike people, who have given their new lords and masters no little 
 trouble. A series of wars with the natives 1 -egan in 1843 ^"^^1 continued 
 until 1869, since which time the colony has enjoyed peace. It can have no 
 more trouble with the Maoris, since there are said to be no more Maoris. 
 They have vanished before the "white man's face." At present this colony 
 is one of the most advanced politically of any region on the face of the 
 earth, so far as attention to the interests of the masses of the people is con- 
 cerned, and its laws and regulations offer a useful object lesson to the remain- 
 der of the world. 
 
 In addition to those great island dominions in the Pacific, Great Britain 
 
 possessess the Fiji Islands, the northern part of Borneo, and a large section 
 
 of the extensive island of Papua or New Guinea, the remainder of which is 
 
 held b\' Holland and Germany. In addition there are various 
 other British ,. ,.,, , ta-ti 
 
 Colonies coaJing Stations on the islands and coast 01 Asia. In the 
 
 Mediterranean its possessions are Gibraltar, Malta, and Cyprus, 
 and in America the great colony of Canada, a considerable number of the 
 islands of the West Indies, and the districts of British Honduras and British 
 Guiana. Of these, far the most important is Canada, to which a chapter 
 will be devoted farther on in our work. 
 
 We have here to deal with the colonies in two of the continents, Asia 
 and Africa, of which the history presents certain features of singularity. 
 Though known from the most ancient times, while America was quite un- 
 known until four centuries ago, the striking fact presents itself that at the 
 beginning of the nineteenth century the continents of North and South 
 America were fairly well known from coast to centre, while the interior of 
 Asia and Africa remained in great part unknown. This fact in regard to 
 
THE ERA OF COLONIES 327 
 
 Asia was due to the hostile attitude of its people, which rendered it very 
 dangerous for any European traveler to attempt to penetrate its interior. 
 In the case of Africa it was due to the inhospitality of nature, which had 
 placed the most serious obstacles in the way of those who sought -j-,,^ interior 
 to penetrate beyond the coast regions. This state of affairs of Africa 
 continueil until the latter half of the century, within which and Asia 
 period there has been a remarkable change in the aspect of affairs, both con- 
 tinents having been penetrated in all directions and tlK-ir walls of isolation 
 completely broken down. 
 
 Africa is not only now well known, but the penetration of its interior 
 has been followed by political changes of the most revolutionary character. 
 It presented a virgin field for colonization, of which the land-hungry nations 
 of Europe hastened to avail themselves, dividing up the continent between 
 them, so that, by the end of the century, the partition of Africa was 
 practically complete. It is one of the most remarkable circumstances in the 
 
 history of the nineteenth century that a complete continent 
 
 .' , , ., , . , , . - , , , Early Colonics 
 
 remamed thus until late m the history ot the world to serve as ,„ Africa 
 a new field for the outpouring of the nations. The occupation 
 of Africa by Europeans, indeed, began earlier. The Arabs had held the sec- 
 tion north of the Sahara for many centuries, Portugal claimed — but scarcely 
 occupied— large sections east and west, and the Dutch had a thriving settle- 
 ment in the south. But the exploration and division of the bulk of the con- 
 tinent waited for the nineteenth century, and the greater part of the work 
 of partition took place within the final quarter of that century. 
 
 In this work of colonization Great Britain was, as usual, most energetic 
 and successful, and to-day the possessions and protectorates of this active 
 kingdom in Africa embrace 2,587,755 square miles; or, if we add Egypt and 
 the Egyptian Soudan — practically British territory — the area occupied 01 
 claimed amounts to 2,987,755 square miles. France comes 
 
 .... . -1 /- The Partition 
 
 next. With claims covermg 1,232,454 square miles, (jermany ©f Africa 
 
 lays claim to 920,920 ; Italy, to 278,500 ; Portugal, to 735,304 ; 
 Spain, to 243,877 ; the Congo Free State, to 900,000; and Turkey (if Egypt 
 be included), to 79S.738 square miles. The parts of Africa unoccupied or 
 unclaimed by Europeans are a portion of the Desert of Sahara, which no 
 one wants ; Abyssinia, still independent though in danger of absorption ; 
 and Liberia, a state over which rests the shadow of protection of the 
 United States. 
 
 Of the British colonial possessions in Africa we have already sufficiently 
 described that in the south, extending now from Cape Town to Lake Tan- 
 ganyika, and forming an immense area, replete with natural resources, and 
 
328 THE ERA OE COLONIES 
 
 capable of sustaining' a very large future population. On the east coast is 
 
 another large acquisition, British East Africa, extending north to Abyssinia 
 
 and the Soudan and west to the Congo Free State, and including part of 
 
 the great Victoria Nyanza. Further north a large slice 
 
 British Colonies ,, , ,„ ... . ^ . , °., .^ . 
 
 in Africa "^^ been carved out ot Somaliland, facing on the Guli ol 
 
 Aden. The remainder of this section of Africa is claimed — 
 though very feebly held — by Italy, whose possessions include Somaliland 
 and Eritrea, a coast district north of Abyssinia. Great Britain, in addition, 
 lays claim to Sierra Leone and the Ashantee country on the west coast and 
 an extensive region facing on the Gulf of Guinea, and extending far back 
 into the Soudan. 
 
 Next to Great Britain in activity in the acquisition of African territory 
 comes- France, which within the recent period has enormously extended its 
 claims to territory in this continent. Of these the most difficult in acquire- 
 ment was Algeria, on the Mediterranean, which France first invaded in 1830, 
 but did not obtain quiet possession of for many years and then only at the cost 
 
 of long and sanguinary wars. At a later date the adjoining 
 African Colonies ,, .,,. , ^ ^ . ,1, i- 1 , 
 
 of France Moorish kingdom of 1 unis was added, and since then the 
 
 claims of France have been extended indefinitely southward, 
 to include the greater part of the western half of the Sahara — the Atlantic 
 coast district of the Sahara being claimed by Spain. Of this great desert 
 region almost the whole is useless to any nation, and France holds it mainly 
 as a connecting link between her possessions in Algeria and the Soudan. 
 
 French Soudan has had a phenomenal growth, the French displaying the 
 same enterprise here as they did in America in the rapid extension of their 
 Canadian province. Claiming, as their share in the partition of Africa, the 
 Atlantic coast region of Senegal and an extensive district facing on the Gulf 
 of Guinea and the South Atlantic, and known as French Congo, they have 
 made an enormous spread, northward from the latter, westward from Sene- 
 gal, and southward from Algeria, until now their claims cover nearly the 
 whole of the Soudan — a vast belt of territory stretching from the Atlantic 
 nearly across the continent and bordering on the Egyptian Soudan in the 
 east. The French claim, indeed, extended as far as the Nile, being based 
 on Major Marchand's journey to the river, in 1898. But the English con- 
 quests in that region barred out the French claim, and it has been abandoned. 
 In addition to the territories here named, France has taken possession of a 
 portion of the coast region of Abyssinia, between the Italian and the British 
 regions, and completely shutting out that ancient kingdom from the sea. 
 
 The latest of the nations to develop the colonizing spirit were Italy and 
 Germany. We have described Italy's share in Africa. Germany's is far 
 
THE ERA OF COLONIES 3-9 
 
 larger and more imporant. In East Africa it hokls a large and valuable 
 region of territory, on the Zanzibar coast, between British East Africa 
 and Portuguese Mozambique, and extending westward to Qcnnan and 
 Lake Nyassa and Tanganyika and the Congo Free State, Italian 
 and northward to the Victoria Nyanza. It cuts off British <'"*>""cs 
 territory from an extension throughout the whole length of Africa, and 
 if Cecil Rhodes' Cairo to Cape Town Railway is ever completetl, some 
 hundreds of miles of it will have to run through German territory. 
 
 In South Africa Germany has seized upon abroad region left unclaimed 
 by Great Britain, the Atlantic coast section of Damaraland and Great 
 Namaqualand, and also an extensive section on the right of the Gulf of 
 Guinea, stretching inward like a wedge between British and French posses- 
 sions in this region. On the Gold Coast it has also a minor territory, lying 
 between British Ashantee and French Dahomey. 
 
 The broad interior of the continent, the mighty plateau region watered 
 
 by the great Congo River and its innumerable affluents, first traversed by 
 
 the daring Stanley not many years in the past, has been 
 
 , . " , . , . . --, T- o The Congo 
 
 erected mto the extensive and promismg Congo hree btate, pree state 
 
 under the suzerainty of the king of Belgium. It is the most 
 populous and agriculturally the richest section of Africa, while its remark- 
 able extension of navigable waters give uninterrupted communication 
 through its every part. It has probably before it a great future. 
 
 Off the east coast of Africa lies the great island of Madagascar, now a 
 French territory. France has had military posts on its coast for more than 
 iwo hundred years, and in 1883 began the series of wars -j-^g French 
 which resulted in the con(|uest of the island. The principal Conquest of 
 war of invasion began in 1895 and ended in a com[)lete over- ^ aga.scar 
 throw of the native government, Madagascar being declared a French col- 
 ony in June, 1S96. 
 
 Of these Europt-an i)ossessions in Africa, all are held with a strong 
 hand except those of Portugal, which unprogressive state may soon give up 
 all claim to her territories of Angola and Mozambique. Great Britain and 
 Germany have been negotiating with Portugal for the purchase of these ter- 
 ritories — to be divided between them. As one part of the bargain, Great 
 Britain will get the important Delagoa Bay, and definitely shut in the Boer 
 Republic from the sea. ^^^^ ,„ ^^^.^^ 
 
 This division of Africa between the European nations, 
 with the subsequent taking possession of the acquired territories, has not 
 been accomplished without war and bloodshed ; England, France, and 
 Italv having had to fight hard to establish their claims. In only two sec- 
 
330 
 
 THE ERA OF COLONIES 
 
 tions, Abyssinia and the Egyptian Soudan, have the natives been able to 
 drive out their invaders, and the wars in these regions call for some fuller 
 notice. 
 
 The first war in Abyssinia occurred in 1867, when England, irritated by 
 an arbitrary action of the Emperor Theodore, declared war against him, 
 and invaded his rocky and difficult country. The war ended in the conquest 
 of Magdala and the death of Theodore. In rSSg Italy aided Menelek in 
 gaining the throne, and was granted the large district of Eritrea on the Red 
 Defeat of the ^^^' with a nominal protectorate over the whole kingdom. 
 Italians in Subsequently Menelek repudiated the treaty, and in 1894 the 
 Abyssinia Italians invaded his kingdom. For a time they were success- 
 ful, but in March, 1896, the Italian army met with a most disastrous defeat, 
 and in the treaty that followed Italy was compelled to acknowledge the 
 complete independence of Abyssinia. It was the one case in Africa in 
 which the natives were able to hold their own against the ambitious nations 
 of Europe. 
 
 In Egypt they did so for a time, and a brief description of the recent 
 history of this important kingdom seems of interest. Egypt broke loose 
 in large measure from the rule of Turkey during the reign of the able and 
 ambitious Mehemet Ali, who was made viceroy in 1840 In 1876 the inde- 
 pendence of Egypt was much increased, and its rulers were given the title 
 of khedive, or king. The powers of the khedives steadily increased, and in 
 1874-75 Ismail Pasha greatly extended the Egyptian terri- 
 of Eg'-pt tory, annexing the Soudan as far as Darfur, and finally to the 
 
 shores of the lately discovered Victoria Nyanza. Egypt thus 
 embraced the valley of the Nile practically to its source, presenting an 
 aspect of immense length and great narrowness. 
 
 Soon after, the finances of the country became so involved that they 
 were placed under European control, and the growth of English and French 
 influence led to the revolt of Arabi Pasha in 1879. This was repressed by 
 Great Britain, which bombarded Alexandria and defeated the Egyptians, 
 F"rance taking no part. As a result the controlling influence of France 
 ended, and Great Britain became the practical ruler of Egypt, which posi- 
 tion she still maintains. 
 
 In 1880 began an important series of events. A Mohammedan prophet 
 arose in the Soudan, claiming to be the Mahdi, a Messiah of the Mussulmans. 
 
 A larije body of devoted believers soon gathered around him, 
 The Rise of the . . ^ 
 
 jyjgjjjj and he set up an independent sultanate in the desert, defeating 
 
 four Egyptian expeditions sent against him, and capturing El 
 
 Obeid, the chief city of Kordofan which he made his capital in 18S3. 
 
THE ERA OF COEONIES 331 
 
 Then against him Great Britain dispatclied an army of British and li.L^xp- 
 tian soldiers, under an F!nglish leader styled in Et^ypt Hicks Pasha. Theso 
 advanced to III Obeid, where they fell into an ambush prepared by the 
 Mahdists, and, after a tlesperate strugj^le, lasting three days, were almost com- 
 pletely annihilated, scarcely a man escaping to tell the d'^astrous tale. 
 " Gcncnil 1 licks," said a newspaper correspondent, "charged at the head of 
 staff. They galloped towards a sheikh, supposed by the jhe Massacre ot 
 Egyptians to be the Mahdi. Hicks rushed on him with his Hicks Pasha 
 sword and cut his face and arm ; this man had on a Darfur °" '* ^^^ 
 steel mail-shirt. Just then a club thrown struck General Hicks on the head 
 and unhorsed him. The chargers of the staff were speared but the English 
 officers fought on foot till all were killed. Hicks was the last to die." 
 
 Other e.xpeditions of Egyptians troops sent against Osman Digma 
 (' Osman the ligly"), the lieutenant of the Mahdi in the Eastern Soudan, 
 met with a similar fate, while the towns of Sinkat and Tokar were invested 
 by the iMahdisls. To relieve these towns Baker Pasha advanced with a 
 force of 3,650 men. I here was no more daring or accomplished officer in 
 the British army than Valentine Baker, but his expedition met with the 
 same fate as that of his predecessor. Advancing into the desert from Trin- 
 kitat, a town some distance south of .Suakim, on the Red Sea, the force 
 was met by a body of Mahdists, and the Egyptian soldiers at once broke 
 into a panic of terror. The Mahdists were only some 1,200 strong, but 
 they surrounded and butchered the unresisting Egyptians in a frightful 
 slaughter. 
 
 " Inside the square," said an eyewitness, " the state of affairs was almost 
 indescribable. Cavalry, infantry, mules, camels, falling baggage and dying 
 men were crushed into a struggling, surging mass. The 
 Egyptians were shrieking madly, hardly attempting to run Near Suakim 
 away, but trying to shelter themselves one behind another." 
 "The conduct of the Egyptians was simply disgraceful," said another officer. 
 "Armed with rille and bayonet, they allowed themselves to be slaughtered, 
 without an effort at self-defence, by savages inferior to them in numbers and 
 armed only with spears and swords." 
 
 Baker and his staff officers, seeing that affairs were hopeless, charged 
 the enemy and cut their way through to the shore, but of the total force 
 two-thirds were left dead or wounded on the field. Such was the " massa- 
 cre " of El Teb, which was followed four days afterwards by the capture of 
 Sinkat and slaughter of its garrison. This butchery was soon after avenged. 
 General (iraham was sent from Cairo with reinforcements of British troops, 
 which advanced on Osman's position, and, in two bloody engagements sub- 
 
333 THE ERA OF COLONIES 
 
 jected him to disastrous defeat. The last victory was a crushins;- one, the 
 total British loss being about 200, while, of the Arab loss, the killed alone 
 numbered over 2,000. 
 
 In the same j'ear in which these events took place (1884) General 
 Charles Gordon — Chinese Gordon, as he was called, from his memorable 
 exploits in the Flowery Kingdom — advanced by the Nile to Khartoum, the 
 
 far-off capital of the Mohammedan Soudan, of which he had 
 '""^ Kh t^^ been governor-general in former years. His purpose was to 
 
 relieve the Egyptian garrison of that city — in which design 
 he failed. In fact, the Arabs of the Soudan flocked in such multitudes to 
 the standard of the Mahdi that Khartoum was soon cut off from all com- 
 munication with the country to the north, and Gordon and the garrison 
 were left in a position of dire peril. It was determined to send an expedi- 
 tion to his relief, and this was organized under the leadership of Lord 
 Wolseley, the victor in the Ashantee and Zulu wars. 
 
 The expedition was divided into two sections, a desert column which 
 was to cross a sandy stretch of land with the aid of camels, from Korti to 
 Metamneh, on the Nile, thus cutting off a wide loop in the stream ; and a 
 river column for whose transportation a flotilla of 800 whale boats was sent 
 out from England. The desert column found its route strongly disputed. 
 
 On the 7th of January, 1885, it was attacked by the Arabs in 
 
 ".^ J '^"^ overwhelmino;- force and figr-hting- with the ferocity of timers, 
 of Gordon >=> . . . . 
 
 some 5,000 of them attacking the 1,500 British drawn up in 
 
 square, round which the fanatical Mahdists raged like storm-driven waves. 
 
 The peril was imminent. Among those who fell on the British side was 
 
 Colonel Burnaby, the famous traveler. The battle was a remarkably brief 
 
 one, the impetuous rush of the Arabs being repulsed in about five minutes 
 
 of heroic effort, during which there was imminent danger of their penetrating 
 
 the square and making an end of the British troops. As it was the Arabs lost 
 
 1,100 in dead and a large number of wounded, the British 
 
 ^. .t^®*^ less than 200 in all. A few days afterwards the Arabs at- 
 
 Fights . ^ 
 
 tacked again, but as before were repulsed with heavy loss. 
 On the 19th of January the river was reached, and the weary troops 
 bivouacked on its banks. 
 
 Here they were met by four steamers which Gordon had sent down 
 the Nile, after plating their hulls with iron as a protection against Arab 
 bullets. Various circumstances now caused delay, and several days passed 
 before General Wilson, in command of the expedition, felt it safe to 
 advance on Khartoum. At length, on January 24th, two of the steamers, 
 with a small force of troops, set out up the river, but met with so many 
 
THE ERA OF COf.OXIES 333 
 
 obstacles that it was the 28th before they came within sic^ht of the distant 
 towers of Khartoum. From the bank came a shout to the effect that 
 Khartoum had been taken and Gordon killed two days before. As they 
 drew nearer there came evidence that the announcement was true. No 
 British flag was seen flying ; not a shot came from tlie shore in aid of the 
 steamers. Masses of the enemy could be seen in all directions. A storm 
 of musketry beat like hail on the iron sides of the boats. Wilson, believing 
 the attem])t hopeless, gave the order to turn and run at full speed down the 
 river. They did so amid a rattle of bullets and bursting of shells from the 
 artillery of the enemy. 
 
 The news they brought was true. The gallant Gordon was indeed 
 dead. The exact events that took place are not known. Some attributed 
 the fall of the town to the act of a traitor, some to the storming of the 
 gates. It does not matter now; it is enough to know that 
 the famous Christian soldier had been killed with all his l^eathofQen- 
 
 era! Oordon 
 
 men — about 4,000 persons being slaughtered, in a massacre 
 
 that continued for six hours. That was the end of it. The British soon after 
 withdrew and left Khartoum and the Soudan in the undisputed possession 
 of the Arabs. The Mahdi had been victorious, though he did not live long 
 to enjoy his triumph, he dying some months later. 
 
 And so matters were left for nearly twelve years, when the British 
 government, having arranged affairs in Egypt to its liking, and put the 
 country in a prosperous condition, decided to attempt the reconquest of 
 the Soudan, and avenge the slaughtered Gordon. An expedition was sent 
 out in 189b, which captured Dongola in September and defeated the der- 
 vish force in several engagements. The progress continued, slowly but 
 surely, up the Nile. In 1897 other advantages were gained. But it was 
 not until 1898 that the .Anglo-Egyptian force, under Sir Herbert Kitchener, 
 known under his Egyptian title of the Sirdar, reached the vicinity of 
 
 Khartoum. The E<rvptian soldiers under him were of other .^^ . _. 
 
 ^-^ ' The Advance of 
 
 stuff than those commanded by Baker Pasha. From a mob the British 
 vith arms in hand they had been drilled into brave and steady ""'' Recapture 
 
 ... . 1 1 I- ■ ■ I r \ I <*' t''C Soudnn 
 
 soldiers, quite capable ot giving a good account of themselves 
 At Omdurman, near Khartoum, the dervishes were met in force and a 
 fierce and final battle was fought. The .Arabs suffered a crushing defeat, 
 losing more than 10,000 men, while the British loss was only about 200. 
 This brilliant victory ended the war on the Nile. The fight was taken out 
 of the Arabs. 1 ne .Soudan was restored to Egypt by British arms, four- 
 teen years after it had been lost to the Mahdi. 
 
334 'i^E: ERA OF COLONIES 
 
 Asia has been invaded by the nations of civiHzation almost as actively 
 as Africa, and to-day, aside from the Chinese and Japanese Empires, far the 
 greater part of that vast continent is under foreign control, the only impor- 
 tant independent sections being Turkey, Arabia, Persia, and Afghanistan. 
 As matters now look, all of these, China included, before the twentieth cen- 
 tury is very old may be in European hands, and the partition 
 of Asia '^^ Asia become as complete as that of Africa. The nations 
 
 active in this work have been Great Britain, Russia, and 
 France, while Holland is in possession of Java, Sumatra, and others of the 
 valuable spice islands of the eastern seas. Of the enterprise of Great Bri- 
 tain in extending her colonial dominion in Hindostan and Burmah we have 
 already spoken. The enterprise of France here demands attention. 
 
 France has always been remarkably active in her colonizing enterprises. 
 In America she surpassed Great Britain in the rapid extension of her do- 
 minion, though she fell far behind in the solidity of her settlements. It has 
 been the same in Africa. France has spread out with extraordinary rapidity 
 
 over the Soudan, while EnMand has moved much more slowly 
 French and , ... .... 
 
 British Meth- but far more surely. The enterprises of the one are brilliant, 
 
 ods of Colons those of the other are solid, and it is the firmness with which 
 the .A.nglo-Saxon race takes hold that makes it to-day the 
 dominant power on the earth. The French have the faculty of assimilating 
 themselves with foreign peoples, accepting their manners and customs and 
 becoming their friends and allies. The British, on the contrary, are too apt 
 to treat their colonial subjects as inferior beings, but they combine their 
 haughtiness with justice, and win respect at the same time as they inspire 
 distrust and fear. 
 
 The colonizing enterprise of France in Asia, after the French had been 
 ousted from India by Great Britain, directed itself to the peninsula of Indo- 
 China. This was the only region of the Asiatic coast land which was at 
 once safe to meddle with and worth the cost and trouble. In 17S9 the em- 
 peror of Annam accepted French aid in the conquest of the adjoining 
 Ooerations of states of Cochin China and Tcnquin. The wedge of French 
 France in influence, thus entered, was not removed. Missionaries sought 
 
 Indo-China those far-off realms, and in time found themselves cruelly 
 treated by the natives. As usual in such cases, this formed a pretext for in- 
 vasion and anne.xation, and in 1862 a portion of Cochin China was seized upon 
 by France, the remainder being annexed in 1867. Meanwhile, in 1863, the 
 "protection" of France was extended over the neighboring state of Cambodia. 
 North of Cochin China lies Annam, and farther north, bordering on 
 China, is the province of Tonquin, inhabited largely by Chinese. The four 
 
THE ERA OF COLONIES 
 
 335 
 
 states incntionctl constitute the eastern luilf of Indo-China. The western 
 portion is formed by the kingdom of Burmah, now a Briiisli [)ossession. 
 Between these hcs the contracted kingdom of Siani, tlie only jjortion of the 
 peninsula that retains its independence. 
 
 The attention of I-'rance was ne^^ directed to Tonquin, the northern 
 ])rovince of the Annamite Empire, which was invaded in 1873, and its capi- 
 tal city, Hanoi, captured. Here the French found foeman worthy of their 
 steel. After the suppression of the Taiping rebellion in 
 Ciiina certain bands of the rebels took refuge in Tonciuiti, p, 
 where they won themselves a new home by force of arms, and 
 in 1868 held the valley of the Red River as far south as Hanoi. These, 
 known as the " Black F"lags," were bold, restless, daring desperadoes, who 
 made the conquest of the country a difficult task for the French. By their 
 ai(.l the invading French were driven from Hanoi and forced back in defeat. 
 
 The French resumed their work of conquest in 1882, again taking the 
 city of Hanoi, and in December, 1883, a strong expedition advanced up the 
 Red River against the stronghold of Sontay, which, with the 
 neighboring Bac Ninh, was looked upon, in a military sense, son^y^ 
 as the key to Tonquin. The enterprise seemed a desperate 
 one, the expeditionary force consisting of but 6,000 soldiers and 1,350 
 coolies, while behind the strong works of the place were 25,000 armed men, 
 of whom 10,000 were composed of the valiant Black Flags. But cannon 
 served the place of men. The river defences were battered down and 
 preparations made to storm the citadel. During the succeeding night, 
 however, the French ran imminent risk of a disastrous repulse. At one 
 o'clock at night, when all but the sentries were locked in slumber, a sudden 
 shower of rockets was poured on the thatched roofs of the huts in which 
 the soldiers lay asleep, and with savage yells the Chinese rushed from their 
 gates and into the heart of the camp, firing briskly as they came. The 
 French troops, fatigued with the hard lighting of the preceding day, and 
 demoralized by the suddenness of the attack and the pluck 
 
 ■' . , ., , » . A NiRht Attack 
 
 and persistent energy ot the assailants, were thrown almost into 
 panic, and were ready to give way when the Chinese trumpets sounded the 
 recall and the enemy drew off. As it appeared afterwards this attack was 
 made by only 300 men. It would undoubtedly have stampeded the 
 invading forces but for the vigilance of the sentinels. 
 
 On the next day, December i6th, the fort was stormed, and taken after 
 a desperate resistance. There is but one incident of the assault that we 
 nccil relate-. As the French rushed across the bridge that sjianned the wide 
 ditch and approached the gate of the citadel, there was seen an instance of 
 
336 THE ERA OF COLONIES 
 
 cool and devoted bravery hardly excelled by that which was displayed by the 
 
 famous " captain of the gate " who held the Tiber bridge against the Tuscan 
 
 host. There, told off to guard the narrow passage between the stockade and 
 
 the wall, stood a gallant Black Flag soldier. His Winchester repeating rifle 
 
 was in his hand, its magazine filled with cartridges. Although 
 
 the Citadel '^'^'^ ^^^^ French force were at the gate, he quailed not. Shot 
 
 after shot he fired, deliberately and calmly, and each bullet 
 
 found its billet. Down went brave Captain Mehl, leader of the Foreign 
 
 Lesfion, with a ball throug-h his heart, and other attackers were slain ; and 
 
 when the stormers rushed in at last the heroic Black Flag, true to his trust, 
 
 died with his face to the foe, as a soldier should die. The French, quick to 
 
 recognize bravery either in friend or enemy, buried him with military honors 
 
 when the day's fight was over, at the gate which he defended so well. 
 
 The capture of this town, followed by that of Bac-Ninh, which was 
 similarly taken by storm, completed the work of conquest and firmly estab- 
 lished the French in their occupation of Tonquin. 
 
 They had, however, still the Chinese to deal with. China claimed a 
 
 suzerainty over this region and protested against the French invasion, and 
 
 in 18S5 went to war for the expulsion of the foreign conquerors. During 
 
 the previous year the Black Flags had engaged in murderous raids on the 
 
 French mission stations, in which they massacred nearly 
 
 France in Pos- . ^, . . , , . , „. . , . , 
 
 session io,ooo native Christians. In the war with China, they, with 
 
 other Chinese troops, held the passes above Tuyen-Kivan for 
 
 nearly a month against repeated assaults by the French, and were still in 
 
 possession of their posts when peace was declared. China had yielded 
 
 the country to France. 
 
 In 1895 France gained the right to extend a railway from Annam into 
 China, a concession which was protested against by Great Britain, then in 
 possession of the adjoining province. In .1896 a treaty was made between 
 these two powers, which fixed the Mekong or Cambodia River as their divid- 
 ing line. As a result those powers now hold all of Indo-China except the 
 much diminished kingdom of Siam. France has permitted the form of 
 the old government to continue, the Emperor of Annam still reigning — 
 though he does not rule, since the real power is in the hands of the French 
 governor-general at Hanoi. 
 
 While Great Britain and France were thus establishing themselves in 
 the south, Russia was engaged in the conquest of the north and centre 
 of the continent. The immense province of Siberia, crossing the whole 
 width of the continent in the north, was acquired by Russia in the seven- 
 teenth century, after which the progress of Russia in Asia ceased until the 
 
THE i:ra of colon //iS 337 
 
 nineteenth century, within which the territory of the Muscovite empire in 
 
 that continent has been very greatly extended. Two provinces were wrested 
 
 from Persia, in 1828, as the prize of a victorious war, and in 
 
 i8SQ the conquest of the retrion of the Caucasus was completed ,^ A vanceo 
 •^^ ^ 5' ' Russia in Asia 
 
 by the capture of the hreoic Schamyl. In 1858 the left bank 
 
 of the great Amur River was gained by treaty with China, after iiaving 
 
 been occupied by force. 
 
 Soon after this period, Russia began tlie work of conquest in the region 
 of Turkestan, that long-mysterious section of Central Asia, inhabited in 
 part by fierce desert nomades, who for centuries made Persia the spoil of 
 their devastating raids, and in part by intolerant settled tribes, among 
 whom no Christian dared venture except at risk of his life. It remained in 
 great measure a terra incognita until the Russians forced their way into it 
 arms in hand. 
 
 The southern border of Siberia was gradually extended downward 
 over the great region of the Mongolian steppes until the northern limits 
 of Turkestan were reached, and in 1864 Russia invaded this region sub- 
 duing the oasis of Tashkend after a fierce war. In 1868 the march of 
 invasion reached Bokhara, and in 1873 ^^ oasis of Khiva 
 
 was conquered and annexed. In 187S-76 Khokand was con- The invasion 
 
 ' 1 .0* Turkestan 
 
 quered after a fierce war, and annexed to Russia. This 
 
 completed the acquisition of the fertile provinces of Turkestan, but the 
 
 fierce nomades of the desert remained unsubdued, and the oasis of Merv 
 
 and the country of the warlike Tekke Turcomans were still to conquer. 
 
 This, which was accomplished in 1880-81, merits a fuller description. 
 
 A broad belt of desert lands st' .-tches across the continent of Asia 
 from Arabia, in the southwest, to the iinless highlands of Gobi, or Shamo, 
 in the far east. This desert zone i? nere and there broken by a tract of 
 steppe land that is covered with grass for a portion of the year, while more 
 rarely a large oasis is formed where the rivers and streams, descending 
 from a mountain range, supply water to a fertile region, before losing them- 
 selves in the sands of the desert beyond. 
 
 Eastward of the Caspian, and south of the Aral, much of the waste 
 land is a salt desert, and the shells, mixed with the surface sand, afford 
 further evidence that it was in times not very remote part 
 of the bottom of a laree inland sea, of which the land- The Deserts of 
 
 ^ ° _ , Central Asia 
 
 locked waters of Western Asia are a survival. 
 
 Along the Caspian the steppe and desert sink gradually to the water- 
 level, and the margins of the sea are so shallow that, except where extensive 
 
33^ THE ERA OE COLONIES 
 
 dredging '.vorks have been carried out, and long jetties constructed, 
 ships have to discharge their cargoes into barges two or three miles from 
 the shore. 
 
 This desert region marked for many years the southern limit of the 
 Russian empire in Central Asia. A barren waste is a more formidable 
 obstacle to an European army than the ocean itself; and the Turkoman 
 tribes of the oases not only refused to acknowledge the dominion of the 
 White Czar, but successfully raided up to the very gates of his border forts 
 in the spring, when the grass of the steppe afTorded forage for their horses. 
 The first successful advance across the desert zone was made by Kaufmann, 
 whose expeditions followed the belt of fertile land which breaks the desert 
 where the Amu Daria (the Oxus of classical times) flows down from the 
 central highk^jids of Asia to the great lake of the Aral Sea. But in 1878 
 the Russians began another series of conquests, starting not from their forts 
 on the Oxus, but from their new ports on the southwestern shore of the 
 Caspian. 
 
 In this direction the most powerful of the Turkoman tribes were the 
 Tekkes of the Akhal oasis. Between their strongholds and the Caspian 
 The Country there was a desert nea»rly 150 miles wide, and then the ridge 
 of the Tekke of the Kopet Daeh Mountains. The desert, which stretches 
 omans [,-0,1-1 the northern shore of the Atrek River, is partly sandy 
 waste, partly a tract of barren clayey land, baked hard by the sun ; 
 broken by cracks and crevices in the dry season, and like a half-flooded 
 brickfield when it rains. The water of the river is scanty, and not good to 
 drink. It flows in a deep channel between steep banks, and so closely does 
 the desert approach it that for miles one might ride within a hundred yards 
 of its clay-banked canon without suspecting that water was so near. Where 
 the Sumber River runs into the Atrek the Russians had an advanced post — 
 the earthwork fort of Tchad, with its eight-gun battery. Following the 
 Sumber, one enters the arid valleys on the south of the Kopet Dagh range. 
 On this side the slopes rise gradually ; on the other side of the ridge there 
 is a sharp descent, and sometimes the mountains form for miles a line of 
 precipitous rocky walls. At the foot of this natural rampart lay the fortified 
 villages of the Tekke Turkomans. 
 
 Numerous streams descend from the Kopet Dagh, flowing to the north- 
 eastward, and after a few miles losing themselves in the 
 Akhal sands of the Kara Kum desert. Between the mountain wall 
 
 and the desert the ground thus watered forms a long, narrow 
 oasis — the land of Akhal — to which a local Mussulman tradition says that 
 Adam betook himself when he was driven forth from Eden. No doubt 
 
THE F.RA OF COI.ONIF.S 
 
 339 
 
 much of the praise that has been i,nven to the beauty and fertility of this 
 three-hundrcd-inile strip of well-watered garden ground comes from the 
 contrast between its green enclosures and the endless waste that closes in 
 the horizon to the north-eastward. Corn and maize, cotton and wool, form 
 part of the wealth of its people. They had the finest horse's of all rin-ke.s- 
 tan, and great herds and flocks of cattle, sheep and camels. 11,^. Hgrj., ^nu 
 The streams turned numerous mills, and were led by a net- Villages of 
 work of tunnels and conduits through the fields and gardc-n. the Tekkes 
 The villages were mud-walled quadrangles, witii an inner enclosure for the 
 cattle ; the kibitkas, or tents, and the mud huts of the Tekkes filling the 
 space between the inner and outer walls, and straggling outside in tem- 
 porary camps that could be rapidly cleared away in war time. The people 
 were over 100,000 strong — perhaps 140,000 in all — men, women and chil- 
 dren. They were united in a loose confederacy, acknowledged the lordship 
 of the Khan of Merv, who had come from one of \.\\v\x own villages. They 
 raided the Russian and Persian borders successfully, these plundering expe- 
 ditions filling up the part of the year when they were not busy with more 
 peaceful occupations. Along their fertile strip of land ran the caravan 
 track from Merv by Askabad to Kizil Arvat and the Caspian, and when 
 they were not at war the Tekkes had thus an outlet for 
 their surplus productions, among which were beautiful car- warriors 
 pets, the handiwork of their women. In war they had proved 
 themselves formidable to all their neighbors. United with the warriors of 
 Merv, the men of Akhal liad cut to pieces a Khivan army in 1855 and a 
 host of Persians in 1861. 
 
 The conquest of Akhal luul long been a subject of Russian ambition. 
 It was not merely that they were anxious to put an end once for all to the 
 raids of the Turkomans of the great oasis, but they regarded the pcjsses- 
 sion of this region as a great step towards the consolidation of their power 
 in Asia. From Baku, the terminus of their railways in the Caucasus, it was 
 easy to ferry troops across the Caspian. What they wanted was a secure 
 road from some port on its eastern shore to their provinces on the Upper 
 Oxus, and anyone who knew the country must have felt that this road would 
 eventually run through the .Akhal and the Merv oases. 
 
 The first effort to subdue the Akhal warriors proved a Lomakine 
 complete failure. As soon as peace was concluded with and the 
 Turkey, after the war of 1877-78, General Lomakine was 
 sent with a strong force to the Caspian, whence he made his way by the 
 caravan route over the desert to the strong nomade fortress of Geok 
 Tepe (" blue hills "), at the foot of the mountain range mentioned. We 
 
340 THE ERA OF COLONIES 
 
 shall sa)' nothing more concerning this expedition than that the attempt to 
 cake the fort by storm proved a complete failure, and the Russians were 
 forced to retreat in disorder. 
 
 To retrieve this disaster General SkobelefT, the most daring of the Rus- 
 sian generals, who had gained great glory in the siege of Plevna, was 
 selected, and set out in 1880. On the ist of January, 1881, he came in 
 sight of the fort, with an army of 10,000 picked troops, and fifty-four can- 
 non. Behind the clay ramparts lay awaiting him from 20,000 to 30,000 of 
 valiant nomades, filled with the pride of their recent victory. The first bat- 
 Skobeleff and teries opened fire on the 8th, and the siege works were pushed 
 the Siege of so rapidly forward that the Russians had gained all the out- 
 eo epe works by the 17th. This steady progress was depressing to 
 the Turkomans, who were not used to such a method of fighting. The can- 
 nonade continued resistlessly, the wall being breached on the 23d and the 
 assault fi.xed for the next day. Two mines had been driven under the ram- 
 part, one charged with gun-powder and one with dynamite, and all was 
 ready for the desperate work of the storming parties. 
 
 Early the next day all the Russian guns opened upon the walls, and a 
 false attack was made on the west side of the fort, the men firing inces- 
 santly to distract the attention of the Turkomans, while the actual column 
 of attack was formed and held ready on the east. Another column, 2,000 
 strong, waited opposite the south angle, the soldiers ready and eager for the 
 assault. 
 
 A little after eleven the mines were fired. The explosion caused mo- 
 mentary panic among the garrison, and in the midst of the confusion the 
 two storming columns rushed for the breaches. I3ut before they could climb 
 
 the heaps of smokinor debris the Tekkes were back at their 
 The Fort Car- ^ , . . ^ , , ^ c -n 1 1 
 
 ried by Storm posts, and it was through a sharp nre 01 rifies and muskets 
 
 that the Russians pushed in through the first line of defence. 
 The fight in and around the breaches was a close and desperate struggle ; 
 but as the stormers in front fell, others clambered up to replace them, and 
 at the same time Haidaroff, converting his false attack into a real one, 
 escaladed the southern wall. 
 
 " No quarter !" had been the shout of the Russian officers as they dashed 
 forward at the head of the stormers. The Tekkes expected none. They 
 
 fought in desperate knots, back to back, among the huts and 
 
 '^!^"^''""' tents of the town, but at last they were driven out by the east 
 
 Massacre _ -' r 1 1 1 
 
 side. Skobeleff did not make Lomakine's mistake of block- 
 ing their way. He let them go ; but once they were out on the plain 
 the Cossack cavalry was launched in wild pursuit, and for ten long miles 
 
THE ERA OF COLO MI US 341 
 
 sword and spear drank deep of tlic blood of the fui,fitivcs. Women as 
 well as men were cut down or speared as the horses overtook them. More 
 than 8,000 Tekkes fell in the pursuit. Asked a year after if this was true, 
 Skobeleff said that he had the slain counted, and that it was so. .Six thousand 
 five hundred bodies were buried inside the fortress ; eight thousand more 
 strewed the ten miles of the plain. 
 
 Skobeleff looked on the massacre as a necessary element in the con- 
 quest of Geok Tepe. "I hold it as a principle," he said, "that in Asia the 
 duration of peace is in direct proportion to the slaughter you inflict on the 
 enemy. Tiie harder you hit them the longer they will keep quiet after it." 
 No women, he added, were killed by the troops under his immediate com- 
 mand, and he set at liberty 700 Persian women who were captives in Geok 
 I epe. After ten miles the pursuit was stopped. There was no further re- 
 sistance. Not a shot was fired on either side after that terrible day. The 
 chiefs came in and surrendered. The other towns in the eastern part of the 
 oasis were occupied without fighting; nay, more, within a month of Geok 
 Tepe Skobeleff was able to go without a guard into the midst 
 of the very men who had fought against him. We in America Submission of 
 cannot understand the calm submission with which the Asiatic 
 accepts as the decree of fate the rule of the conqueror whose hand has been 
 heavy upon him and his. The crumbling ramparts of Geok Tepe remain a 
 memorial of the years of warfare which it cost the Russians, and the iron track 
 on which the trains steam past the ruined fortess shows how complete has 
 been the victory. 
 
 Skobeleff looked upon his triumph as only the first step to further con- 
 quests. But within eighteen months of the storming of Geok' Tepe he 
 died suddenly at Moscow. Others have built on the foundations which he 
 laid ; and, for good or ill, the advance which began with the subjugation of 
 the Tekke Turkomans has now brought the Russian outposts in Central 
 Asia in sight of the passes that leatl across the mountain barriers of the 
 Indian frontier. 
 
 This conquest was cpiickly followed by the laying of a railroad across the 
 desert, from the Caspian to the sacred Mohammedan city of Samarcand, 
 the former capital of the terrible Timur the Tartar, and the iron horse now 
 penetrates freely into the heart of that once unknown land, its shrill whistle 
 perhaps disturbing Timur in his tomb. Across the broad stretch of Siberia 
 another railroad is being rapidly laid, and extended downward through 
 Manchuria to the borders of China, a stupendous enterpise, the road being 
 thousands of miles in length. Manchuria, the native land of the Chinese 
 emperors, is now held firmly by Russia, ami the ancient empire of Persia. 
 
342 THE ERA OF COLONIES 
 
 on the southern border of Turkestan, is threatened with absorption. 
 When and where the advance of Russia in Asia will end no man can say, 
 Oreat Devel- perhaps not until Hindostan is torn from British hands and 
 opmentof the empire of the north has reached the southern sea. While 
 ussia in sia J^^gg|a^ jj^ Europe comprises about 2,000,000 square miles, 
 Russia in Asia has attained an area of 6,564,778 square miles, and the total 
 area of this colossal empire is nearly equal to that of the entire continent of 
 North America. 
 
 The final step in colonization — if we may call it by this name — be- 
 longs to the United States, which at the end of the century laid its hand on 
 two island groups of the Eastern Seas, acquiring Hawaii by peaceful an- 
 nexation and the Philippine Islands by warlike invasion. What will be the 
 result of this acquisition on the future of the United States it is impossible 
 to say, but it brings the American border close to China, and when the 
 destiny of that great empire is settled, the republic of the West may 
 have something to say. 
 
 At the end of the nineteenth century the work of the colonizing powers 
 was fairly at an end. Nearly all the available territory of the earth had 
 The Future of been entered upon and occupied. But the work, while in this 
 Colonizing sense completed, was in a fuller sense only begun. It was left 
 nterpnse j-^^. j_j^g twentieth century for those great tracts of the earth 
 to be brought properly under the dominion of civilization, their abundant 
 resources developed, peace and prosperity brought to their fertile soils, and 
 their long turbulent population taught the arts of peaceful progress and 
 civilized industry. 
 
CHAPTER XXII. 
 How the United States Entered the Century. 
 
 HITHI'LRTO our attention has b(;en dircctcil to the Eastern Hemi- 
 sphere, and to the stirring events of nineteenth ctMitury history in 
 that great section of the earth. But beyond the ocean, in North 
 America, a greater event, one filled with more promise for mankind, one 
 destined to loom larger on the horizon of time, was meanwhile taking 
 place, the development of the noble commonwealth of the United States of 
 America. To this far-e.xtending Republic of the West, a nation almost 
 solely an outgrowth of the nineteenth century, our attention The Great 
 needs now to be turned. Its history is one full of great steps Republic oi 
 of progress, illuminated by a hundred events of the highest ^ ^^ 
 promise and significance, and it stands to-day as a beacon light of national 
 progress and human liberty to the world, " the land of the brave and the 
 home of tlie free." 
 
 /\ hundred years ago the giant here described was but a babe, a new- 
 born nation just beginning to feel the strength of its limbs. It is with this 
 section of its history that we are here concerned, its days of origin and 
 childhood. Two events of extraordinary significance in human history rise 
 before us in the final quarter of the eighteenth century, the French Revo- 
 lution and the American Declaration of Independence and its results. The 
 first of these revolutionary events we have dealt with; the second remains 
 to be presented. 
 
 There is one circumstance that impresses us most strongly in this great 
 event, the remarkable group of able men who laid the foundation of the 
 American commonwealth. Among those whose hands gave The<ireatMen 
 the first impulse to the ship of state were men of such noble who loundcd 
 proportions as George Washington, the greatest man of the """^ ^' "" 
 century not only in America but in the whole world ; Benjamin Franklin, 
 who came closely to the level of Washington in another field of human 
 greatness; Patrick Henry, whose masterpieces of oratory still stir the soul 
 like trumpet-blasts; Thomas Jefferson, to whose genius we owe the inimit- 
 able " Declaration of Independence;" Thomas Paine, whose pen had the 
 point of a sword and the strength of an army; John Paul Jones, the hero 
 
 34^ 
 
344 HOW THE UNITED STATES ENTERED THE CENTURY 
 
 of the most brilliant feat of daring in the whole era of naval warfare, and 
 Alexander Hamilton, whose financial genius saved the infant state in one 
 of the most critical moments of its career. These were not the whole of 
 that surpassing coterie, but simply in their special fields the greatest, and it 
 is doubtful if the earth ever saw an abler group of statesmen than those to 
 whom we owe the Constitution of the United States. 
 
 It is not our purpose to tell the story of the American Revolution. 
 That lies back of the borders of time within which this work is confined. 
 But some brief statement of its results is in order, as an introduction to the 
 nineteenth century record of the United States. 
 
 It was a country in almost an expiring state when it emerged from the 
 
 ,., , ^ fierce death struggle of the Revolution. It had been swept by 
 
 Weakness of Y .... 
 
 the States fire and sword, its resources destroyed, its industries ruined, 
 
 After the {[g government financiallybankrupt, its organization in a state 
 
 Revolution - . , viir-i^i r- 
 
 or tottermg weakness, httle left it but the courage ot its 
 
 people and the aspirations of its leaders. But in courage and aspiration 
 
 safety and progress lie, and with those for its motive forces the future of 
 
 the country was assured. 
 
 The weakness spoken of was not the only or the worst weakness with 
 which the new community had to contend. Though named the United 
 States, its chief danger lay in its lack of union. The thirteen recent 
 colonies — now states — were combined only by the feeblest of bonds, one 
 calculated to carry them through an emergency, not to hold them together 
 under all the contingencies of human affairs. Practically they were thirteen 
 distinct nations, not one close union ; a group of communities with a few 
 ties of common self-interest, but otherwise disunited and distinct. 
 
 "Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union" had been adopted 
 In 1777 and ratified by the agreement of all the states in 1781. But the 
 Confederation was not a union. Each state claimed to be a sovereign com- 
 monwealth, and little power was given to the central government. The 
 weak point in the Articles of Confederation was that they 
 
 ^'^^5*''^'^^,.°* grave Conoress no power to lay taxes or to levy soldiers. It 
 Confederation o ^ r j j 
 
 could merely ask the states for men and money, but must 
 v/ait till they were ready to give them — if they chose to do so at all. It 
 could make treaties, but could not enforce them ; could borrow money, but 
 could not repay it ; could make war, but could not force a man to join its 
 armies ; could recommend, but had no power to act. 
 
 The states proposed to remain independent except in minor particulars. 
 They were jealous of one another and of the general Congress. "We are," 
 said Washington, "one nation to-day and thirteen to-morrow." That well 
 
HOW THE UNITED STATES ENTERED THE CENTURY 345 
 
 expressed the state of the case ; no true union existed ; the states were 
 free to join hands more closely or to drift more widely asunder. 
 
 The time from the revolt against the stamp duties in 1775 to the 
 inauguration in 1789 of the National Government under which we live has 
 been called the critical period of American history. It was a period which 
 tlisplayed all the inaptitude of the Americans for sound fmanciering. There 
 is hard!)- an evil in finances that cannot be illustrated by some event in 
 American affairs at that time. The Americans began the war without any 
 prei^aralion, they conducted it on cretlit, and at the end of fourteen years 
 three millions of people were five hundred millions of dollars or more in 
 debt. The exact amount will never be known. Congress and the State 
 Legislatures issued paper currency in unlimited quantities and upon no 
 security. The Americans were deceived themselves in believing that their 
 products were essential to the welfare of Europe, and that all 
 luiropean nations would speedily make overtures to them for ^.^\.. ^^^ 
 
 ^ ' •' _ in Finance 
 
 the control of American commerce. It may be said that the 
 .Xmericans wholly over-estimated their importance in the world at that 
 time ; they thought that to cut off England from American commerce 
 would ruin England ; they thought that the bestowal of their commerce upon 
 !•" ranee would enrich France so much that the French king, for so inestimable 
 a privilege, could well afford to loan them, and even to give them, money. 
 
 The doctrine of the rights of man ran riot in America. Paper currency 
 became the infatuation of the day. It was thought that paper currency 
 would meet all the demands for money, would win American independence. 
 Even so practical a man as Franklin, then in France, said : "This effect of 
 paper currency is not understood on this side the water ; and, indeed, the 
 whole is a mystery even to the politicians, how we have been able to con- 
 tinue a war four years without money, and how we could pay with paper 
 that had no previously fixed fund appropriated specifically to redeem it. 
 This currency, as we manage it, is a wonderful machine : it performs its 
 office when we issue it ; it pays and clothes troops and provides victuals 
 and ammunition, and when we are obliged to issue a quantity excessive, it 
 [jays itself ofT by depreciation." 
 
 If the taxing power is the most august power in government, the abuse 
 of the taxing power is the most serious sin government can commit. No 
 one will deny that the Americans were guilty of committing most grievous 
 financial offenses during the critical period of their history. They abused 
 liberty by demanding and by exercising the rights of nationality, and at the 
 same time b)' neglecting or refusing to burden themselves with the taxation 
 necessary to support nationality. 
 
346 HOW THE UNITED STATES ENTERED THE CENTURY 
 
 The inability of the Congress of the Confederation to legislate under 
 
 the provisions of the Articles compelled their amendment ; for while the 
 
 exigencies of war had forced the colonies into closer union, — a "perpetual 
 
 ^•j. ^- league of friendship," — they had also learned additional les- 
 
 Constitutions * . ^ ■' . . 
 
 of Colonies sons in the theory and administration of local government; 
 
 and Confeder- f^^ each of the colonies, with the exception of Connecticut 
 and Rhode Island, had transformed colonial government into 
 government under a constitution. The people had not looked to Congress 
 as a central power ; they considered it as a central committee of the States. 
 The individualistic tendencies of the colonies strengthened when the 
 colonies transformed themselves into commonwealths. 
 
 The struggle, which began between the thirteen colonies and the 
 imperial Parliament, was now transformed into a struggle between two 
 tendencies in America, the tendency toward sovereign commonwealths and 
 the tendency toward nationality. The first commonwealth constitutions 
 did not acknowledge the supreme authority of Congress ; there was yet 
 lacking that essential bond between the people and their general govern- 
 ment, the power of the general government to address itself directly to 
 individuals. Interstate relations in 1787 were scarcely more perfect than 
 they had been fifteen years before. The understanding of American affairs 
 was more common, but intimate political association between the common- 
 wealths was still unknown. The liberty of nationality had not yet been 
 won. A peculiar tendency in American affairs from their beginning is seen 
 in the succession of written constitutions, instruments peculiar to America. 
 The commonwealths of the old Confederation demonstrated the necessity 
 for a clearer definition of their relations to each other and of the associa- 
 tion of the American people in nationality. 
 
 A sense of the necessity for commercial integrity led to the calling of 
 the Philadelphia Convention to amend the old Articles, but when the Con- 
 vention assembled it was found that an adequate solution of the large 
 problem of nationality could not be found in an amendment of the old 
 "Articles of Confederation," but called for a new and more vigorous Con- 
 
 -^ ^ ,.^ stitution. This Convention combined the associated states 
 
 The Constitu- 
 tional Cono into a Strongly united nation, possessed of all the powers of 
 
 vention and nationality, civil, financial and military. It organized a tri- 
 its Work . . . , ^ T- ^- c- 
 
 partite government, consisting 01 bupreme Executive, ou- 
 
 preme Legislative, and Supreme Judicial departments, each with all the 
 
 power "necessary to make it feared and respected." While the Upper 
 
 House of Congress still represented the states as separate commonwealths, 
 
 the Lower House represented the people as individuals ; it standing, not 
 
//oil' ////■: u A' //'/■:/) sTAT/-:s /-int /•:/</■:/) ////; century 
 
 347 
 
 /or a group of tlistinct coiiniuinities, but for a nation of people. And to this 
 IJouse was given the sole power "to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts 
 and excises, and to pay the debt, and provide for the common defence and 
 general welfare of the United States." 
 
 With this Constitution the United States of America first came into 
 existence ; a strong, energetic and capable nation ; its government possessed 
 of all the powers necessary to the full control of the states, and full abilitv 
 to make itself respected abroad ; its people possessed of all the civil rights 
 )et known or demanded. 
 
 Yet the people, in their political privileges, were still controlled by the 
 c<'nstitutions of the states, and these fixed close restrictions on the right of 
 suffrage, the electorate being confined to a small body whose ownership 
 of real estate and whose religious opinions agreed with the ideas existing in 
 colonial times. The property each voter was required to possess differed 
 in different commonwealths. In New Jersey he must have Restrictions on 
 property to the value of fifty pounds, in Maryland and the theRijfhtof 
 Carolinas an estate of fifty acres, in Delaware a freehold Sufferage 
 estate of known value, in Georgia an estate of ten dollars or follow a 
 mechanic trade ; in New York, if he would vote for a member of Assembly 
 he must possess a freehold of twenty pounds, and if he would vote for State 
 Senator, it must be a hundred. Massachusetts required an elector to own a 
 freehold estate worth sixty pounds or to possess an annual income of three 
 pounds. Connecticut was satisfied if his estate was of the yearly value of 
 seven dollars, and Rhode Island required him to own the value of one hun- 
 dred and thirty-four dollars in land. Pennsylvania required him to be a 
 freeholder, but New Hampshire and Vermont were satisfied with the pay- 
 ment of a poll-tax. 
 
 The number of electors was still further affected by the religious opin- 
 ions required of them. In New Jersey, in New Hampshire, in Vermont, 
 in Connecticut, and in South Carolina, no Roman Catholic could vote ; 
 Maryland and Massachusetts allowed "'those of the Christian religion" to 
 exercise the franchise, but the " Christian religion " in Massa- Religious Ouali. 
 chusetts was of the Congregational Church. North Carolina ficationsof 
 required her electors to believe in the divine authority of the Voters 
 Scriptures ; Delaware was satisfied with a belief in the Trinity and in the 
 inspiration of the Bible ; Pennsylvania allowed those, otherwise qualified, 
 to vote who believed " in one God, in the reward of good, and the punish- 
 ment of evil, and in the inspiration of the Scriptures." In New York, in 
 Virginia, in Georgia, and in Rhode Island, the Protestant faith was pre- 
 
348 HOW THE UNITED STATES ENTERED THE CENTURY 
 
 dominant, but a Roman Catholic, if a male resident, of the age of twenty- 
 one years or over, could vote in Rhode Island. 
 
 The property qualifications which limited the number of electors were 
 higher for those who sought office. If a man wished to be governor of 
 New Jersey or of South Carolina, his real and personal property must 
 amount to ten thousand dollars ; in North Carolina to one thousand pounds; 
 in Georgia to two hundred and fifty pounds or two hundred and fifty acres 
 Property Quali- ^^ land; in New Hampshire to five hundred pounds; in Mary- 
 fications of land to ten times as much, of which a thousand pounds must 
 "^'^ ^ be of land; in Delaware he must own real estate; in New 
 
 York he must be worth a hundred pounds; in Rhode Island, one hundred 
 and thirty-four dollars ; and in Massacusetts a thousand pounds. Connec- 
 ticut required her candidate for governor to be qualified as an elector, as 
 did New Hampshire, Vermont, Pennsylvania, and Virginia. In all the com- 
 monwealths the candidate for office must possess the religious qualifications 
 required of electors. 
 
 From these statements it is evident that the suffrage in the United 
 States was greatly limited when, after the winning of American indepen- 
 dence, the Constitution of the United States was framed and the -i-ommen- 
 wealths had adopted their first constitutions of government. It may be 
 said that in 1787 the country was bankrupt, and America was without credit, 
 Condition of the ^"'^ ^^^^'^ °^ ^ population of three million souls, who, by our 
 Country in present ratio, would represent six hundred thousand voters, 
 '^ ^ less than one hundred and fifty thousand possessed the right 
 
 to vote. African slavery and property qualifications excluded above four 
 hundred thousand men from the exercise of the franchise. It is evident, 
 then, that at the time when American liberty was won American liberty had 
 only begun ; the offices of the country were in the possession of the few, 
 scarcely any provision existed for common education, the roads of the coun- 
 try may be described as impassable, the means for transportation, trade, and 
 commerce as feeble. If the struggle for liberty in America was not to be 
 in vain, the people of the United States must address themselves directly 
 to the payment of their debts, to the enlargement of the franchise, to im- 
 provements in transportation, and to the creation, organization, and support 
 of a national system of common taxation. It is these great changes which 
 
 „ ^ ^ constitute the history of this country during the nineteenth 
 
 Payment of ./ ^ t> 
 
 Debt and Ex. century. 
 
 tension of ^\\ these have been gained since the adoption of the 
 
 Constitution. The remarkable financial operations of Alexander 
 
 Hamilton — by which the, crushing load of debt of the new nation was funded. 
 
//Oiy THE UNITED STATES ENTERED THE CENTURY 349 
 
 '(ir pa)nuiit in after years a customs tariff established as a means of ol)tain- 
 ing revenue, and provision made for payin^j the claims of the soldiers 
 3f the Revolution — saved the credit and secured the honor of the nation. 
 A.S rej^ards the franchise, it was <jreatly extended durini^ the nineteenth 
 century. By the time the Erie canal was excavated property tjualifications 
 lor suffrage had disappeared in nearly all the states, and by the middle of 
 :he century sucii qualifications had been abandoned in them all. Those of 1 
 "eligious character had vanished thirty years earlier. 
 
 As yet, however, the right to vote was limited t(? " free, white, male 
 :itizens." Twenty years afterwards, on March 30, 1S70, a furtlier great ex- 
 tension of the right of suffrage was matle, when, in accordance with the 
 Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution, it was proclaimed by Hamilton 
 Fish, Secretary of State, that the right of citizens of this country to vote 
 could not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on 
 account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. 
 
 Universal suffrage, so far as male citizens were concerned, thus became 
 the common condition of American political life in 1870. But the struggle 
 for liberty in this direction was not yet ended. Female citizens, about the 
 middle of the century, gave voice to their claim to the same right, and with 
 such effort that they had gained the right to vote at all elections in four ot 
 the States — Wyoming, Colorado, Utah, and Idaho — by the end of the cen- 
 tury, and partial rights of suffrage in a majority of the States. The outlook 
 is that before many years universal suffrage in its fullest sense will be estab- 
 lished in the United States. 
 
 With the westward movements of tlie millions of human beings who 
 have occupied the North American continent have gone the institutions and 
 constitutions of the east, modified in their journey westward by the varying 
 conditions of the life of the people. The brief constitutions of 1776 have 
 developed into extraordinary length by successive changes and additions 
 made by the more than seventy Constitutional Conventions which have been 
 held west of the original thirteen States. These later consti- Development i 1 
 tutions resemble elaborate legal codes rather than brief state- State Const! - 
 ments of the fundamental ideas of government. But these " **"* 
 constitutions, of which those of the Dakotas and of Montana and Wash 
 ington are a type, express very clearly the opinions of the American people 
 in government at the present time. The earnest desire shown in them for an 
 accurate definition of the theory and the administration of government proves 
 how anxiously the people of this country at all times consider the interpreta- 
 tion of their liberties, and with what hesitation, it may be said, they delegate 
 tlvir powers in g<ivernmcnt to legislatures, to judges, and to governors. 
 
350 HOW THE UNITED STATES ENTERED THE CENTURY 
 
 The struggle for liberty will never cease, for with the progress of civili- 
 zation new definitions of the wants of the people are constantly forming in 
 the mind. The whole movement of the American people in government, 
 from the simple beginnings of representative government in Virginia, when 
 the little parliament was called, to the present time, when nationality is en- 
 throned and mighty commonwealths are become the component parts of 
 the " more perfect union," has been toward the slow but constant realiza- 
 tion of the rights and liberties of the people. Education, for 
 Progress in the ,., ,, , , 
 
 United States whicn no commonwealth made adequate provision a century 
 
 ago, is now the first care of the State. Easy and rapid trans- 
 portation, wholly unknown to our fathers, is now a necessary condition of 
 daily life. Trade has so prospered that the accumulated wealth of the 
 country is more than sixty billions of dollars. Newspapers, magazines, 
 books and pamphlets are now so numerous as to make it impossible to con- 
 tain them all in hundreds libraries, and the American people have become 
 the largest class of readers in the world. 
 
 A century ago there were but six cities of more than eight thousand 
 people in this country ; the number is now more than five hundred. Three 
 millions of people have become seventy-five millions. The area of the origi- 
 nal United States has expanded from eight hundred and thirty thousand 
 square miles to four times that area. With expansion and growth and the 
 amelioration in the conditions of life, the earnest problems of government 
 have been brought home to the people by the leaders in the State, by the 
 clergy, by the teachers in schools and colleges, and by the press. 
 
 But though we may be proud of these conquests, we are compelled in 
 the last analysis of our institutions, to return to a few fundamental notions of 
 our government. We must continue the representative idea based upon 
 the doctrine of the equality of rights and exercised by representative assem- 
 blies founded on popular elections ; and after our most pleasing contempla- 
 tion of the institutions of America, we must return to the people, the founda- 
 tion of our government. Their wisdom and self-control, and these alone, 
 will impart to our institutions that strength which insures their perpetuity 
 
CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 Expansion of tlic United States from Dwarf to Giant. 
 
 1^' '775- \vli*''i tlie Ilrilish colonies in AnnTica struck the first hlow for 
 iiulcpendencc, they were of dwarfish stature as comparetl with tlie 
 
 present superb dimensions of the United States. Though the war 
 witli France had given them possession of the great Ohio Valley, the settled 
 portion of the country lay between the Alleghanies and the Atlantic, and the 
 thirteen confederated States were confined to a narrow strip along the ocean 
 border of the continent. 
 
 But before and during the Revolutionary War pathfinders and pioneers 
 were at work. Chief among them was the noted hunter Daniel Boone, the 
 explorer and settler of the "Dark and Bloody Ground" of Kentucky. 
 Before him daring men had crossed the mountains, and after him came 
 others, so that by the end of the Revolution the hand of civilization was 
 firmly laid on the broad forest land of Kentucky and Tennessee. The rich 
 •ountry north of the Ohio, where the British possessed a number of forts, 
 was captured for the United States by another daring adventurer, George 
 Rogers Clark, who led a body of men down the Ohio, took and held the 
 British forts, and saved the northwest to the struggling States. The bound- 
 aries of the United States in iSoo. as established by the treaty of peace 
 with Great Britain, extended from the .Atlantic Ocean to the Mississippi, 
 and from the Great Lakes on the north to I""lori(ia on the south. Florida, 
 then held by Spain, included a strip of land e.xtending to the Mississippi 
 River, so that the new republic was cut off from the Gulf of Mexico by 
 domain belonging to a foreign country. The area thus acquired by the new 
 nation was over 827,000 square miles. It was inhabited in 1800 by a popu- 
 lation of 5,300,00a 
 
 The vast and almost wholly unknown territory west of the Mississippi, 
 claimed by France, in virtue of her discoveries and settlements on the great 
 river, until 1763, when it was ceded to Spain, was held by that country in 
 1800. This cession gave Spain complete control of the lower course of the 
 Mississippi, since her province of Florida extended to the east bank of the 
 streair,. And she held it in a manner that proved deeply annoying to the 
 American settlers in the west, to whom frf-e navigation of the Mississippi 
 was 0} great and growing im[)ortance. 
 
 351 
 
352 
 
 EXPANSION OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 These settlers were increasing in numl>ers with considerable ra[)iility. 
 
 The daring enterprise of Daniel Boone and other fearless pioneers had 
 
 opened up the fertile lands of Kentucky and Tennessee. The warlike 
 
 l)oldness of Colonel Clark had gained the northwest territory for the new 
 
 nation. Into this new country pioneer settlers poured, over 
 
 The Settlement ^j^^ mountains and down the Ohio, and by the opening of the 
 of the West , . '. 
 
 century villages and towns had been built in a hundred places, 
 
 .ind farmers were widely felling the virgin woods and planting their grain 
 in the fertile soil. Kentucky and Tennessee had already been organized as 
 states, and their admission was quickly followed by that of Ohio, which 
 entered the Union in 1803. In the same year an event of the highest 
 importance took place, the acquisition of the great Louisiana territory by 
 the United States. 
 
 It has been stated above that the action of Spain gave great annoyance 
 to the settlers m the country west of the AUeghanies. To these the natural 
 commercial outlet to the sea was the Mississippi River, and the free use 
 Spain Closes the '^^ '^'"''^ Stream was forbidden by Spain, through whose 
 nississippi to country ran its lower course. Spain was so determined to 
 Traffic retain for herself the exclusive navigation of the great river 
 
 that in i 7S6 the new American republic withdrew all claim upon it, agree- 
 ing to withhold any demand for navigation of the Mississippi for twenty- 
 five years. 
 
 This action proved to be hasty and unwise. The West filled up with 
 unlooked-for rapidity, and the settlers upon the Mississippi soon began to 
 insist on free use of its waters, their irritation growing so great that the 
 United States vainly sought in 1793 to induce Spain to open the stream to 
 American craft. This purpose was attained, however, in 1795, when a 
 treaty was made which opened the Mississippi to the sea for a term of three 
 years, with permission for Americans to use New Orleans as a free port of 
 entry, and place goods there on deposit. 
 
 Five years later (1800), by an article in a secret treaty between Spain 
 
 and France, the vast province of Louisiana, extending from the source to 
 
 the mouth of the Mississippi River, and westward to the Rocky Mountains, 
 
 was ceded by Spain to France, from which country Spain had 
 
 France Obtains received it in 1763. Towards the end of 1801 Napoleon Bona- 
 Louisiana ' ^ , ^^ . ^ 
 
 parte, then at the head of French affairs, sent out a fleet and 
 
 army ostensibly to act against San Domingo, but really to take possession 
 
 of New Orleans. 
 
 When the secret of this treaty leaked out, as it soon did, there was 
 
 great excitement in the United States, the irritation being increased by a 
 
EXPANSION OF THE UNITED STATES 353 
 
 Spanish order which withdrew the right of deposit of American merciian- 
 dise in New Orleans, granted by the treaty of 1795, and failed to substitute 
 any other place for that city, \\\ accordance with the terms of the treaty. 
 So strong was the feeling that a Pennsylvania Senator introduced a resolu- 
 tion into Congress, authorizing President Jefferson to call out 50.000 
 militia and occupy New Orleans. But Congress wisely decided that it 
 would be better and cheaper to buy it than to fight for it, and in January, 
 1803, made an appropriation of $2,000,000 for its purchase. The President 
 thereupon sent James Monroe to Paris to co-operate with Robert R. Living- 
 ston, United States Minister to France, in the proposed purchase. 
 
 Fortunately for the United States a new war Ijetween Kngland and 
 France was then imminent, in the event of which Napoleon felt that he 
 could not long hold his American acquisition against the powerful British 
 navy. Not only New Orleans, but the whole of Louisiana, 
 would probably be lost to him, and just then money for his ^ Miut-mna. 
 wars was of more consequence than wild lands beyond the 
 sea. Therefore, to the surprise of the American Minister, he was asked to 
 make an offer for the entire territory. This was on April iitli. On the 
 12th Monroe reached Paris. The two commissioners earnestly debated on 
 tile offer. They had no authority to close with such a proposition, but by 
 the time they could receive fresh instructions from Washington the golden 
 opportunity might be lost, and Great Britain deprive us of the mighty West. 
 An ocean telegraph cable would have been to them an invaluable boon. As 
 it was, there was no time to hesitate, and they decided to close with the 
 offer, fixing the purchase price at $10,000,000. Napoleon demanded more, 
 and in the end the price fi.xed upon was $15,000,000, of which $3,750,000 
 was tt) be paid to American citizens who held claims against Spain. A 
 treaty to this effect was signed April 30. 1803. 
 
 The news fell upon Spain like a thunderbolt. She filetl a protest 
 against the treaty — based, probably, on a secret condition of her cession of 
 Louisiana to France, to the effect that it should not be parted with by that 
 country. But Napoleon was not the man to pay any attention to a protest 
 from a power so weak as Spain, and the matter was one with which the 
 United States was not concerned. President Jefferson highly How the Pur- 
 approved of the purchase, and called an extra session of the chase Was 
 Senate for its consideration. It met with some vigorous eceive 
 opposition in that body, based upon almost absolute ignorance of the value 
 of the territory involved; but it was ratified in October, 1803, and 
 Louisiana became ours. The territory thus easily and cheaply acquired 
 added about 9.^0,000 square miles to the United States, more than 
 
354 EXPANSION OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 doubling its area. It is now divided up into a large number of States, 
 
 and includes much of the most productive agricultural land of the United 
 
 States. 
 
 The members of the Senate who opposed the ratification of the treaty 
 
 of purchase were in a measure justified in their doubt. Almost nothing was 
 
 known of the country involved, and many idle legends were afloat concerning 
 
 it Hunters and trappers had penetrated its wilds, but the stories told by 
 
 them had been transformed out of all semblance of truth. In order to 
 
 dispel this ignorance and satisfy these doubts, the President 
 Ignorance of , . , , , . ,. . i r ii7 
 
 the Country uetermmed to send an explormg expedition to the far West, 
 
 with the purpose of crossing the Rocky Mountains, seeking 
 the head-waters of the Columbia River, and following that stream to its 
 mouth. The men chosen to lead this expedition were William Clark — ■ 
 brother of George Rogers Clark, of Revolutionary fame — -and Merriwether 
 Lewis. Both of these were army officers, and they were well adapted for the 
 arduous enterprise which they were asked to undertake. 
 
 Lewis and Clark left St. Louis in the summer of 1S03. They encamped 
 for the winter on the bank of the Mississippi opposite the mouth of the 
 The Lewis Missouri River. The company included nine Kentuckians, 
 
 and Clark who were used to Indian ways and frontier life, fourteen 
 
 Expedition soldiers, two Canadian boatmen, an interpreter, a hunter and 
 a negro boatman. Besides these, a corporal and guard with nine boatmen 
 were engaged to accompany the expedition as far as the territory of the 
 Mandans. 
 
 The party carried with it the usual goods for trading with the Indians — 
 looking-glasses, beads, trinkets, hatchets, etc., and such provisions as were 
 necessary for the sustenance of its members. While the greater part of the 
 command embarked in a fieet of three large canoes, the hunters and pack- 
 horses followed a parallel route along the shore. In this way, in the spring 
 of 1804, the ascent of the Missouri was commenced. In June the 
 country of the Osages was reached, then the lands occupied by the Ottawa 
 tribes, and finally, in the fall, the hunting grounds of the Sioux. Here the 
 leaders of the expedition ordered cabins to be constructed, and camped for 
 the winter among the Mandans, in latitude 27 degrees 21 minutes north. 
 They found in that country plenty of game, buffalo and deer being abun- 
 dant ; but the weather was intensely cold and the expedition was hardly 
 prepared for the severity of the climate, so that its members suffered greatly. 
 In April a fresh start was made and the party continued to ascend the 
 Missouri, reaching the great falls by June. Here they named the tributary 
 waters and ascended the northernmost, which they called the Jefferson River. 
 
EXPANSION OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 355 
 
 until further navifjation was impossible; then Captain Lewis with three com- 
 panions left the expedition in camp and started out on foot toward the 
 mountains, in search of the friendly Shoshone Indians, from whom he 
 expected assistance in his projected journey across the mountains. 
 
 On the I 2th of August he discovered the source of the Jefferson River 
 in a defile of the Rocky Mountains and crossed the dividing ridge, upon the 
 other side of which his eyes were gladdened by the discovery of a small 
 rivulet which flowed toward the west. Here was proof irrefutable " that 
 the great backbone of earth " had been passed. The intrepid explorer saw 
 with joy that this little stream danced out toward the setting xhe Head- 
 sun — toward the Pacific Ocean. Meeting a force of Sho- Waters of the 
 shones and persuading them to accompany him on his return " "'" * 
 to the main body of the expedition, Captain Lewis, sought his compan.'ons 
 once more. Captain Clark then went forward to determine their future 
 course, and coming to the river which his companion had discovered, he 
 named it the Lewis River. 
 
 A numl)er of Indian horses were procured from their red-skinned 
 friends and the explorers pushed on to the broad plains of the western 
 slope. The latter part of their progress in the mountains had been slow 
 and painful, because of the early fall of snow, but the plains presented all 
 the charm of early autumn. In October the Kaskaskia River was reached, 
 and, leaving the horses and whatever baggage could be dispensed with in 
 charge of the Indians, the command embarked in canoes and descended to 
 the moucli of the Columbia River, upon tlie south bank of 
 which, four hundred miles from their slartiuir point upon ^'^f" '"*^ * ^ 
 
 '^ ' i^ Columbia 
 
 this stream, they passed the second winter. Much of the 
 return journey was a fight with hostile Indians, and the way proved to be 
 much more difficult than it had been found while advancing toward the 
 west. Lewis was wounded before reaching home, by the accidental dis- 
 charge of a gun in the hands of one of his force. 
 
 Finally, after an absence of two years, the expedition returned to its 
 carting point, the leaders reaching Washington while Congress was in session. 
 Grants of land were immediately made to them and to their subordinates 
 Captain Lewis was rewarded also with the governorship of Missouri. Clark 
 was appointed brigadier-general for the territory of Upper Louisiana, and in 
 1813 was made governor of Missouri. When this Territory became a State 
 he was appointed superintendent of Indian affairs, which office he filled till 
 Viis death. 
 
 The second acquisition of territory by the United -States embraced the 
 peninsula of Florida. The Spanisli colony of Florida was divided into two 
 
356 EXPANSION OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 sections, known as Eastern and Western Florida, the latter extending 
 
 from the Appalachicola River to the Mississippi River, and 
 
 Spam's irritat- ^.^ttina off the Americans of Florida and Alabama from all ac- 
 ing Action ° 
 
 cess to the Gulf. Spain set up a customhouse at the mouth of 
 
 the Alabama River, and levied heavy duties on goods to or from the 
 
 country up that stream. 
 
 The United States was not willing to acknowledge the right of Spain 
 
 to this country. It claimed that the Louisiana purchase included the region 
 
 east of the Mississippi as far as the Perdido River, — -the present western 
 
 boundary of Florida — and in 1810 a force was sent into this 
 
 es ern on a (;Qy,-,(-j-y -which took possession of it, with the exception of the 
 Occupied •' ^ " _ 
 
 city of Mobile. That city was occupied by General Wilkinson, 
 
 commander-in-chief of the army, in 181 3, leaving to Spain only the country 
 
 between the Perdido and the Atlantic Ocean and south of Georgia. 
 
 Throughout these years the purpose had grown in the southern state.s 
 
 to gain this portion of the Spanish dominion, as well as Western Florida, 
 
 for the United States. On January 15 and March 3, 181 1, the United 
 
 States Congress passed in secret — and its action was not made known 
 
 until 1818 — acts which authorized the President of the United .States 
 
 to take " temporary possession " of East Florida. The commissioners 
 
 appointed under these acts, Matthews and Mitchell, both Georgians, stirred 
 
 up insurrection in the coveted territory, and, when President Madison 
 
 refused to sustain them, the state of Georgia formally pronounced Florida 
 
 General Jackson needful to its own peace and welfare, and practically declared 
 
 Invades East- war on its private account. But its expedition against Florida 
 
 ern on a came to nothing. In 18 14, General Andrew Jackson, then in 
 
 command of United States forces at Mobile, made a raid into Pensacola, 
 
 and drove out a British force which had been placed there. He afterwards 
 
 restored the place to the Spanish authorities and retired. Four years 
 
 after, during the Seminole war, Jackson, annoyed by Spanish assistance 
 
 given to the Indians, again raided Eastern Florida, captured St. Marks and 
 
 Pensacola, hung Arbuthnot and Ambruster, two Englishmen who were 
 
 suspected of aiding the Seminoles, as "outlaws and pirates," and again 
 
 demonstrated the fact that Florida was at the mercy of the United States. 
 
 The action of Jackson was unauthorized by the government, and his 
 
 hanging the Englishmen without taking the trouble to make 
 
 ^ r-l"^'^-j^^^ sure of their euilt caused a feeline of hostile irritation in 
 of Florida ^ t> & 
 
 England. But it had by this time grown quite evident to Spain, 
 both that it could not hold Florida in peace and that this colony was of 
 very little value to it. In consequence it agreed to sell the peninsula to the 
 
EXPANSION OF THE UNITED STATES 357 
 
 United States for the sum of $5,000,000, the treaty being signed I'ebruary 
 
 22, 1S19. By this treaty Spain also gave up all claim to the country 
 
 west of the Louisiana purchase, extending from the Rocky Mountains 
 
 to the Pacific Ocean. The purchase of Florida added 59,268 square miles to 
 
 the United States, and the way was cleared for the subsequent acquisition 
 
 of the Oregon country. 
 
 The next accession of territory came in 1845, when Texas was added 
 
 to the dominion of the United States. This country had, since 182 1, been 
 
 one of the states of the Mexican Republic. But American frontiersmen. 
 
 of the kind calculated to foment trouble, soon made their way across the 
 
 borders, 'hcreasing in numbers as the years passed on, until Texas had a 
 
 considerable population of United States origin. Efforts were made to 
 
 purchase this country from Mexico, $1,000,000 being offered in 1827 and 
 
 $5,000,000 in 1829. These were declined, and in 1833 Texas adopted a 
 
 constitution as a state of the Mexican republic. Two years 
 
 1 (^ » 1 -1 f TV T • II- Texas Gains 
 
 later Santa Anna, the president 01 Mexico, was made dictator, Freedom and 
 
 and all state constitutions were abolished. Irritated by this, is Annexed to 
 
 the American inhabitants declared the independence of Texas * ^ "'*^ 
 
 .' states 
 
 in 1836, and after a short war, marked by instances of savage 
 cruelty on the part of the Mexicans, gained freedom for that country, lexas 
 was organized as a republic, but its people soon applied for annexation to the 
 United States. This was not granted until 1845. The territory added to 
 this country by the admi.=sion of Texas amounted to 376,133 square miles. 
 
 In the following year another large section of territory was added to 
 the rapidly growing United States. The Louisiana purchase ran indefi- 
 nitely westward, but came to be considered as bounded on the west by the 
 Rocky Mountains, Spain retaining a shadowy claim over the country west 
 of that range. This exceedingly vague claim was abandoned in the Florida 
 purchase treaty, and the broad Oregon country was left 
 without an owner. The United States, indeed, might justly country" 
 have claimed ownership on the same plea advanced for new 
 regions elsewhere — namely, that of discovery and exploration. Captain 
 Grey, in his ship, the Columbia, carried the starry flag to its coast in 
 1792, and was the first to enter and sail up its great river, which he 
 named after his vessel. In 1805 the country was traversed and explored by 
 Lewis and Clark. In 181 1 John Jacob Astor founded the settlement of 
 Astoria at the mouth of the Columbia, and sent hunters in search of furs 
 through the back country. And 'n 1819 the vague right over the country 
 lield by Spain was transferred by treaty to tiie United States. 
 
358 EXPANSION OF THE UN/TEE STATES 
 
 These various circumstances would ha\'e establislietl a prescriptive 
 right to tlie country concerned as against otlier countries, had any thought of 
 claiming such a right been entertained. Hut no man, statesman or com- 
 moner, tliought the country wortli the value of even a paper claim, and it 
 was left unconsidered and unthought of until the century was well advanced. 
 Then, after the Hudson Ba\' Company' had gained control of Astoria, and 
 had begun to fill the countr\' with fur liunters, a living sense of the value 
 of this great region came to the mind of one man. 
 
 This was Dr. Marcus Whitman, a missionary physician among the 
 
 Indians of the Columbia River region. He discovered that the Hucison 
 
 Bay Company was making efforts to bring permanent settlers there, and 
 
 that it proposed to claim the country for Great Britain. At once the 
 
 energetic doctor set out for Washington, crossing the vast stretch of 
 
 country from the Pacific to the Atlantic on horseback and 
 Whitman's it->iat ••iiir- t 
 
 j^jjg traversing the Kocky Mountams m the dead oi wmter. It 
 
 was a long and terrible journey, full of perils and hardships, 
 but he accomplished it in safety, and strongly urged the government at 
 Washington to lay claim to the country. Even then it was hard to arouse 
 an interest in the statesmen concerning this far-off territory, so the brave 
 pioneer went among the people, told them of the beauty of the country 
 and the fertility of its soil, and on his return, in 1843, took with him air 
 emigrant train of nearly a thousand persons. This settled the question, 
 The newcomers formed a government of their own. Others followed, and 
 the question of ownership was practically settled. In 1845 there were some 
 7,000 Americans in Oregon and only a few British. By that time a, stern 
 determination had arisen in the people of this country to retain Oregon. A 
 claim was made on the whole western region up to the parallel of 54 degrees 
 40 minutes, the southern boundary of Russian America, and the political 
 war-cry of that year was "fifty-four forty or fight." In 1846 the question 
 was settled by treaty with Great Britain, the disputed country 
 Acquired being divided at the forty-ninth parallel. The northern por- 
 
 tion became British Columbia, the southern Oregon. In this 
 way it was that the United States spanned the continent and established its 
 dominion from ocean to ocean. The tract acquired measured about 255,00c 
 square miles. It now constitutes the States of Oregon, Washington and 
 Idaho. 
 
 The United States grew with extraordinary rapidity in the decade with 
 which we are now concerned, the acquisition of Texas and Florida bein^^ 
 followed in 1848 by another great addition of territory, much larger than 
 either. This came as the result of the annexation of Texas. 
 
KXP.lNS/iW OF TUE UhTITKD STATES 359 
 
 Mexico liatl lu-vt-r acknowledged the iiulcix-ndnue of the "Lone Star 
 Reiniblic," and was deeply dissatisfieil at its acquisition by the United 
 States, which it looked upon as an unwarranted interference in its private 
 affairs. The strained relations between the two countries were made more 
 strinijent by a dispute as to the western boundar)- of Texas, both countries 
 claiming the strip of land between the Rio drande and war with 
 Nueces Rivers. The result was a war, the description of Mexico and 
 which must be left for a later chapter. It will suffice here 
 to say that the American troops marched steadily to victory, and at the 
 end of the war held two large districts of northern Mexico, those of New 
 Mexico and California. The occupation of these Mexican states gave this 
 country a warrant to claim them as the prizes of victory. 
 
 But there was no disposition shown to despoil the defeated party with- 
 out compensation. An agreement was made to pay Mexico $15,000,000 
 for New Mexico and California, and to assume debts owed by Mexico to 
 United States citizens amounting to about $3,000,000. The territory thus 
 acquired was 545,783 square miles in extent. Of its immense California and 
 value we need scarce speak. It will suffice to say that it gave New Mexico 
 the United States the gold mines of California and the silver 
 mines of Nevada, together with the still more valuable fertile fields of the 
 California lowlands. Five years afterwards, to settle a border dispute, 
 another tract ef land, south of New Mexico, 45,535 square miles in extent, 
 was purchased for the sum of $10,000,000. This is known as the Gadsden 
 purchase, the treaty being negociated by James Gadsden. Thus in less 
 than ten years the United States acquired more than 1,220,000 square 
 miles of territory, increasing its domain by nearly three-fourths. These 
 new acquisitions carried it across the continent in a broad band, giving it 
 a coast line on the Pacific nearly equal to that on the Atlantic, and adding 
 enourmously to its mineral and agricultural wealth. 
 
 Still another extensive acquisition remained to be made. Long before, 
 when the daring pioneers of Russia overran Siberia, parties of them crossed 
 the narrow Bering Strait and took possession of the northwestern section 
 of the American continent. This territory, long known as Russian America, 
 embraced the broad peninsular extension west of the 141st degree of west 
 longitude, and a narrow strip of land stretching down the coast t-,,^ Acquistion 
 as far south as the parallel of 54 degrees 40 minutes. It of Russian 
 included also all the coast islands and the Aleutian Archi- America 
 pelago, with the exception of Copper and Bering Islands on the Siberian 
 coast. This territory was of little value or advantage to Russia, and in 1867 
 
36o l:xfansion of the united states 
 
 ihat country offered to sell it to the United States for $7,200,000. The 
 offer was accepted without hesitation, the result being an addition of 577,000 
 square miles to our territory. 
 
 As regards the value of this acquisition something more remains to 
 be said. The active Yankee prospectors have found Alaska — as the new 
 territory was named — far richer than its original owners dreamed of. It 
 was like the story of California repeated. First were the valuable fur seals, 
 which haunted certain islands of Bering Sea. Then were the fur animals of 
 the mainland. To these must be added the wealth of the rivers, which 
 were found to swarm with salmon and other food fishes Next may be 
 named the forests, which cover the coast regions for hundreds of square 
 
 miles. Finally, the country proved to be rich in mineral 
 Alaska wealth, and especially in gold. The recently discovered gold 
 
 deposits lie principally on the British side of the border, the 
 Klondike diggings — developed in 1S97 — being in Canada. But gold has 
 been mined in Alaska for years, and probably exists on most of the tribu- 
 taries of the Yukon River, so that the country may yet prove to be a 
 second California in its golden treasures. 
 
 The final acquisition of territory by the United States came in 1899, as 
 a result of the Spanish-American War of 1898. The treaty of peace gave 
 to this country a series of highly fertile tropical islands, consisting of Porto 
 Rico in the West Indies, and the Philippine Archipelago in the Asiatic 
 Seas. To these must be added a temporary protectorate over, and possibly 
 the future ownership of, the broad and fertile West Indian Island of Cuba. 
 In 1898 there came by peaceful means another accession of territory, the 
 Hawaiian group of islands in the Central Pacific. These, with some islands 
 of minor importance — including Guam, in the Ladrone group, also acquired 
 from Spain — constitute the recent island accessions of the United States. 
 
 Their areas are: Porto Rico, 3,530; Hawaii, 6,564; and the 
 
 Island Acquisi- ^. ... . ^ .. , . 1 c 1 ^ 
 
 jjj,„g Philippmes, 116,000 square mues ; making a total 01 about 
 
 126,000 square miles. As a consequence of those various acces- 
 sions of territory, the United States now has an area of, in round numbers, 
 3,732,000 square miles, more than four times its area in 1800. As a result 
 of these several acquisitions this country has grown from one of the smaller 
 nations to nearly the largest nation in area, on the earth, while its population 
 has increased from 5,300,000 in 1800 to about 75,000,000 in 1900. Its few 
 small cities at the beginning of the century have been replaced by a con- 
 siderable number of large ones, three of them with more than 1,000,000 in- 
 habitants each, while New York, the largest, is now the second city in popu- 
 lation on the earth. 
 
CHAPTKR XXIV. 
 
 The DcvclopiiKut of Democratic Inslitiitioiis in 
 
 America. 
 
 M()1)KRN democracy is often looked u])on as soniethini^ peculiarly 
 secular, unreligious, or even irrelij^ious in its ori^^in. In truth, how- 
 ever, it has its origin in relicrious aspirations quite as much as modern 
 art or architecture or literature. To the theolojj^y of Calvin, the founder of 
 the Reijublic of Geneva, grafted upon the sturdy independence of Englisl' 
 and Scotch middle classes, our American democracy owes its birth. James I. 
 Avell appreciated that the principles of uncompromising Protestantism wer^ 
 as incompatible with monarchy as with the hierarchy which they swepi 
 aside. Each man by his theology was brought into direct personal respon 
 sibility to his (iod, without the intervention of priest, bishop, or pope, anci 
 without any allegiance to his king e.xcept so far as it agreed with his allegi 
 ance to the King of kings. Macaulay has struck this note of Puritan 
 
 republicanism when he says that the Puritans re<rard(Hl them- _., „ ,. . 
 
 ' _ -' . . . T ■"•■ KeliRiou.s 
 
 selves as " Kings by the right of an earlier creation ; i)riesls oriRin of 
 
 by the interposition of an Almighty hand." As John Fiskc; Modern Dem- 
 says, James Stuart always treasured up in his memory the da\' 
 when a Puritan preacher caught him by the sleeve and called him " (iod'? 
 silly vassal." " A Scotch Presbytery," cried the king, "agrees as well with 
 monarchy as God and the devil. Then Jack and Tom and Will and Dick 
 shall meet, and at their pleasure censure me and my council and all our 
 l^roceedings ! " 
 
 But the democracy which was fountled in New England as the logical 
 outcome of the religious principles for which the Puritans l(;ft Old England 
 was not democracy as we know it to-day. The Puritans, for the most part, 
 believed as much in divinely appointed rulers as the monarchs against whom 
 they rebelled • but these divinely appointed rulers were to be the " elect of 
 Got!" — those who believed as they did, and joined with their organizations 
 to establish His kingdom on earth. For this reason we find the Massachu- 
 setts C:)lony as early as 1631 deciding that, " no man shall be admitted to 
 tile freedom of this body politic but such as are members of some of the 
 ciuirches within the limits of the same." The government, in short, was 
 
 361 
 
362 DEVELOPMENT OF DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS 
 
 simply ;i democratic theocracy, and, as the colony grew in numbers, the 
 power came to be lodged in the hands of the minority. There were, how- 
 ever, among the clergy of Massachusetts men who believed in democracy as 
 we understand it to-day. Alexander Johnson, in his history of Connecticut, 
 says with truth that Thomas Hooker, who led from Massachusetts into 
 The Political Connecticut the colony which established itself at Hartford, 
 Conceptions laid down the principle upon which the American nation long 
 o. e untans geiigj-ations after was to be established. When Governor 
 Winthrop, in a letter to Hooker, defended the restriction of the suffrage 
 on the ground that "the best part is always the least, and of that best part 
 the wiser part is always the lesser," the learned and generous-hearted pastor 
 replied : "In matters which concern the common good, a general council, 
 chosen by all to transact business which concerns all, I conceive most suit- 
 able to rule, and most safe for the relief of the whole." The principles of 
 our republicanism were never better stated until Lincoln in his oration at 
 Gettysburg made his appeal that this nation might be consecrated anew in 
 the fulfillment of its mission, and that government " from the people, for 
 the people, by the people " might not perish from the earth. Both Hooker 
 and Lincoln had a supreme belief in the wisdom of the plain people in the 
 matters which affect their own lives. The rank and file of the people have 
 the surest instinct as to what will benefit or injure the rank and file of the 
 people, and when upon them is placed the responsibility of determining 
 what their government shall be, they are educated for self-government. In 
 the colony which Thomas Hooker founded upon these principles there was 
 found at the time of the Revolution more political wisdom, more genius for 
 self-government, and more devotion to the patriotic cause, than in any other 
 of the thirteen colonies. 
 
 At the time of the Revolution, however, there was another democracy 
 
 besides that of New England which enabled the colonies successfully to 
 
 resist the Government of George III. This was the democracy of the planters 
 
 of the South. The democracy of the .Southern colonies was not, like that 
 
 of New England, the democracy of collective self-government, 
 
 emocracy j^j^j. j.|^^ democracy of individual self-eovernment, or, rather, of 
 
 in the South ... ^ , . ^ 
 
 individual self-assertion. In fact, it would hardly be too much 
 
 to say that many of the Virginia planters who espoused so warmly and 
 
 fought so bravely in the cause of liberty were not inspired by the spirit of 
 
 democracy at all, but rather by the spirit of an aristocracy which could brook 
 
 no control. These southern planters were the aristocrats of the American 
 
 Revolution. In New York City, and even in Boston and Philadelphia, tne 
 
 wealthiest merchants were strongly Tory in their sympathies. In New 
 
DEVFJ.OPMENT OF DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS 
 
 Z^^l 
 
 V'ork it was atfirmecl by General Greene that two-thirds of the land belonged 
 to men in sympathy with the Ent^lish and out of sympathy with their fellow 
 countrymen. In these cities it was the plain people and tlie poorer classes 
 who furnished most of the uncompromising patriots, Init in the South men 
 of fortune risked their fortunes in the cause of independence. These men 
 were slave owners, and the habit of mastery made thtmi fiercely rebellious 
 when George III. attempted in any way to txrannize over them. Many of 
 them were the descendants of the English nobility, and as such they acknow- 
 ledged no superiors. Naturally, then, in the struggle for liberty they 
 furnished the leaders of the colonists, both North and South; and the agri- 
 cultural classes, whether rich or poor, were naturally on the side of self- 
 government, for their isolation had from the first compelled them to be 
 self-governing. 
 
 The first half century of the political history of the- United States con- 
 sisted rather in the development of the political rights of the individual 
 citizen than of the loyalty which all owed to the American nation. Nothing 
 is so difficult as to keep in mind that the government of the colonies at the 
 
 close of the Revolution was not what it is to-day, and that 
 1 1 • 1111 r WhatNNa.s 
 
 democracy as we know it was regarded as the dream ot Thought of 
 
 theorists. Some of the members of the P'ederal Convention Democracy in 
 
 dceplv distrusted the common people. IClbridge Gerry, of ^ ^ ^ f," 
 1 - I 1 .-. ^ ' Convention 
 
 Massachusetts, declared that "The people do not want 
 suffrage, but are the dupes of pretended patriots;" and those who were at 
 all in sympathy with him prevented, as they imagined, the election of the 
 President by the people themselves, and did prevent the election of the 
 United States Senators by the people. Some of them were even opposed 
 to the election of the House of Representatives directly by the people; but, 
 fortunately, even Hamilton sided with Madison and Mason, when they 
 urged that our House of Commons ought to have at heart the rights and 
 interests of, and be bound, by the manner of their election, to be the repre- 
 sentatives of every class of people. But by " every class of people " the 
 framers of the Constitution from the more conservative of the States meant 
 simply every class of freeholders. 
 
 In Virginia none could vote except those who owned fifty acres of land. 
 In New York, to vote for Governor or State Senator, a freehold worth $250 
 clear of mortgage was necessary, and to vote for Assembly- property Quaii- 
 men a freehold of $50 or the payment of a yearly rent of fications for 
 $10 was necessary. Even Thomas Jefferson, who was the " ^^^^ 
 Democratic philosopher of the Revolutionary period, did not strenuously 
 insist that the suffrage must be universal, and it was not for a half century 
 
364 DEVELOPMENT OF DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS 
 
 that it became universal, even among white males. In the State of New 
 York these restrictions existed until the adoption of the Constitution of 
 1 82 1, and even this Constitution merely reduced the privileges of land 
 owners. Old Chancellor Kent, the author of " Kent's Commentaries," 
 declared in this convention that he would not "bow before the idol of uni- 
 versal suffrage," the theory which he said had "been reofarded 
 Chancellor , . . 
 
 Kent's Views with terror by the wise men of every age," and whenever tried 
 on Universal 1,^^ broug-ht "corruption, iniustice, violence, and tvrannv." 
 
 Suffrage . > ^ / 
 
 " If universal suffrage were adopted," he declared, " prosperity 
 would deplore in sackcloth and ashes the delusion of the day." The 
 horrors of the French Revolution were always held up by conservatives to 
 show that the people could not be trusted, and the learned author of the 
 " Commentaries," which every lawyer has pored over, maintained that, if 
 universal suffrage should be adopted, "The radicals of England, with the 
 force of that mighty engine, would sweep away the property, the laws, and 
 the people of that island like a deluge." Not until between 1840 and 1850 
 did universal suffrage among the whites come to be accepted in the older 
 States. 
 
 During the first half century of our history it was the Democratic 
 party, the party of JefYerson, which was on the side of these extensions of 
 popular rights. The principle of this j^arty was that each State ought to 
 legislate for itself, with the least possible control from the central govern- 
 ment ; that each locality ought to have its freedom of local government 
 extended ; and that each individual should be self-governing, with the same 
 rights and privileges for all. As regards foreign affairs, it was charac- 
 terized by a "passion for peace," and an abiding hostility toward a costly 
 army and navy. Jefferson believed that the way to avoid wars, and the way 
 to be strong, should war become inevitable, was by the devotion of the 
 people to productive industry, and not by burdening them to rival the 
 powers of Europe in the strength of their armaments. In the year 1800, 
 the party which rallied to his support — then called the Republican party, 
 but generally spoken of as the Democratic party — triumphed over the 
 Federalists. 
 
 In New England alone did Federalism remain strong at the close of 
 
 ^ . ,. . Jefferson's first administration. In that section the calvinistic 
 
 Federalism and -^ 
 
 Democracy clergy, who had done so much for the establishment of Ameri- 
 m New £jng. (,.^,., democracy, fought fiercely against its e.xtension. Jeffer- 
 son's followers demanded the separation of Church and State 
 and the abolition of the religious qualifications for office holding, which 
 were then almost as general as property qualifications. He was known to 
 
DEVELOPMENT OF DEMOCRATIC INSTTTUTIONS 365 
 
 be in syinpatliy with the French revokition, and was therefore denounced 
 as a Jacobin, both in religion and in politics. Wc cannot wonder, therefore, 
 that in the section in which the clergy were the real riil(;rs, Jcffersonian 
 democracy was regarded with hatred and contempt. Vermont alone, among 
 the New England States, was from the first thoroughly democratic, and 
 this was because in Vermont there was no established aristocracy, either of 
 education or of wealth. In Connecticut, which under clerical leadership had 
 once been the stronghold of advanced democracy, we find President Dwight 
 expressing a sentiment common not only to the clergy but to the educated 
 classes generally, when he declared that "the great object of Jacobinism, 
 both in its political and moral revolution, is to destroy every race of civili- 
 zation in the world." " In the triumph of Jeffersonianism," he said, "we have 
 now reached a consummation of democratic blessings ; we have a country 
 governed by blockheads and knaves." 
 
 But the ideas which in New England were at first received only by the 
 poor and the ignorant, were in the very air which Americans breathed. The 
 new States which were organized at the West were aggressively democratic 
 from the outset. In the Northwest Territory the inequalities |^^g^ \A^a^ in 
 against which JefTersonian democracy protested never gained the New 
 a foothold. Here, where the State of Ohio was organized *** 
 
 during Jefferson's first administration, the union of Church and State was 
 not thought of, and no religious qualifications whatever for the office of 
 Governor were e.xacted. Property qualifications were almost as completely 
 set aside. While in some of the older States the Governor had to possess 
 /■S-OOO, and even ^10,000, Ohio's Governor was simply required to be a 
 resident and an owner of land. As regards inheritances, the English law 
 of primogeniture which remained unaltered in some of the older States, 
 and in New England generally took the form of a double portion to the 
 oldest son, was completely set aside, and all children of the same parents 
 became entitled to the same rights. That Ohio thus led the way in the 
 democratic advance was due to the fact that its constitution was framed 
 when these ideas had already become ascendant in the hearts of the people, 
 and the failure of the clergy of New England was due to their trying to 
 keep alive institutions which were the offspring of another age, and could 
 not long survive it. 
 
 For its distrust of the new democracy Nc;w P^ngland Federalism paid 
 liravily in the isolation, defeat, and destruction which shortly awaited it. 
 When the new democratic administration had fidly reduced Federal taxation 
 and shown its capacity for government, the more liberal-minded of the 
 Federalists went over to the Democrats. Even Massachusetts gave a 
 
366 DEVELOPMENT OF DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS 
 
 majority for Jefferson in 1804, and when the extreme Federalists became 
 
 _. ,, ^ more extreme throuo-h the loss of their Liberal continijent, 
 
 The Decay and * ^ . . 
 
 Disappear- and called the Hartford Convention, in 18 14, Federalism died 
 
 anceof Fed- ^f jjg o\Wi excesses. The policy of the democratic adminis- 
 eralism , , , , ... 
 
 tration toward hntjland may not nave been wise, but the pro- 
 
 posal of secession in order to resist it made Federalism almost synonymous 
 with toryism and disloyalty. 
 
 For a number of years after the close of the war of 181 2 there was 
 really only one political party in the United States. In 1S24, when the con- 
 test was so close between Jackson, Adams and Clay, each of these contest- 
 ants was a " Democratic Republican," and it would have been hard to tell 
 what questions of policy divided their followers ; though Jackson's followers, 
 as a rule, cared most for the extension of the political rights of the poorer 
 classes, and least for that policy of protection which the war had made an 
 important issue, by cutting off commerce and thus calling into being exten- 
 sive manufacturing- interests. That the followers of Clay 
 
 A Period Witli- 
 
 out a Party finally voted for Adams may have been due to sympathy upon 
 this question of the tariff. In 1828 something akin to party 
 lines were drawn upon the question of the national bank, and the victory of 
 Jackson provoked the hostility of the masses toward that institution, which 
 certainly enriched its stockholders to such an extent as to make them a 
 favored class. The Tariff Act, passed in 1828, made the tariff question 
 thenceforth the dividing question in our national politics until slavery took 
 its place. 
 
 Most of the absolute free-traders were supporters of Jackson, but when 
 South Carolina passed its Nullification Act as a protest against the " tarifif 
 of abominations," as it was called, President Jackson promptly declared that 
 "the Union must and shall be preserved," and forced the recalcitrant State 
 to renew its allegiance to the National Government. By the end of Jack- 
 son's administration there were again two distinct parties in the United 
 States ; the one advocating a high tariff and extensive national improve- 
 ments by the Federal Government, and the other advocating a low tariff 
 and the restriction of national expenditures to the lowest possible limit. 
 The former party — ^^the Whig — was, of course, in favor of a liberal construc- 
 tion of the Constitution and the extension of powers to the National Gov- 
 ernment, while the latter advocated " strict construction " and " State 
 rights." 
 
 Jackson belonged to the latter party, and in 1836 was able to transfer 
 the •="o-;ession to Van Buren. But in 1840 the Whigs swept the country, 
 ciectmg Harrison and Tyler after the most picturesque Presidential 
 
DE VFJ.OP.UF.NT OF DEMOCRA TIC INSTITUTIONS 367 
 
 caiiipais^n ever known in America. All the financial ills from which the 
 
 country was siifferinj^ were for the time attributed to \'an Hurc;n's economic 
 
 policy, and his alleired extravajfance at the Whit(; House ^. , ^. 
 1 ■' ' -^ f' _ Rise of the 
 
 enabled the \Vhi|^s to arouse the enthusiasm of the |>oor for Democratic 
 their candidate, who was claimed to live in a lotj cabin ami and Whig 
 drink hard cider. Durin*;- the ne.xt four years, however, there 
 was a reaction, and in 1S44 Polk was elected upon the platform on which 
 Van Buren had stood. It is true that in Pennsylvania the Democratic cam- 
 paitjn cry was, " Polk, Dallas and the tariff of '42," which was a high tariff ; 
 but in most of the country Democracy meant "free trade and sailors' rights." 
 From this time on, the Whig party grew weaker and the Democratic 
 party stronger. It is true that the Whigs elected General Taylor in 1848. 
 The revenue tariff law passed by the Democrats in 2846 was not changed 
 until the still lower tariff of 1857 was enacted. By 1852 the Whig party 
 had so declined that it was hardly stronger than the old Federalist party at 
 the close of Jefferson's first term. But just as the Democratic party became 
 able to boast of its strength, a new party came into being which adopted the 
 principles of the free-soil wing of the old Democratic party, chose the 
 name of " Republican Party," swept into its ranks the remnants of various 
 political orsjanizations of the i)ast, and in its second national ^. ,, . . 
 
 J _ & ■ _ The Ori>:in ana 
 
 campaign elected Abraham Lincoln to the presidency. In this character of 
 readjustment of parties tlie pro-slavery Whigs went over to the Repuhli- 
 
 , ,- , , . , ,^ can I'arty 
 
 the Democrats and the anti-slavery Democrats went over to 
 the Republicans. The bolting Democrats claimed, with truth, lo maintain 
 the principles held by their party from the time of Jefferson down, but the 
 party as a whole followed the interests of its most powerful element instead 
 of the principles of its founder. In the States from Ohio west, where upon 
 economic questions the Democratic party had swept everything by increas- 
 ing majorities since 1S40, the bolting element was so great that all of these 
 States were landed in the Republican column. One great Church — the 
 Methodist — which before had been, as a rule. Democratic in politics, now 
 became solidly Republican. 
 
 From time to time, in the succeeding years, a variety of political organ- 
 izations, of minor importance, rose and declined. But none of national sig- 
 nificance were added to the two great parties until the Presidential campaigns 
 of 1S92 and 1896, when a new organization, known as the People's party, 
 came into prominence. The principles distinguishing it from ^he People's 
 the old Democratic and Republican parties were its demand Party and its 
 for a currency issued by the general Government only, without rmcip es 
 the intervention of banks of issue, and the free and unrestricted coinage of 
 
368 DEVELOPMENT OF DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS 
 
 silver and gold at the ratio of i6 to i, regardless of foreign nations. It de- 
 manded further that the Government, in payment of its obligations, should 
 use its option as to the kind of lawful money in which they were to be paid ; 
 should establish and collect a graduated income tax ; and should own and 
 operate the railroads and telegraph lines in the interests of the people. Its 
 general tendency was tx) favor what is known as " Paternalism in govern- 
 ment," the existing form in America of what is known as Socialism in 
 Europe. This party found its chief strength among the farmers, who be- 
 lieved it possible and right for the Government to pass laws to suppress 
 " trusts " and monopolies, and also to favor the agricultural and laboring 
 classes. 
 
 The history of American politics up to the time of the introduction of 
 the new economic questions by the labor unions in the East, and the farmer's 
 unions in the West and South, has been the history of the gradual extension 
 of political rights. The Federalist party gave us the Constitution ; the old 
 Democratic party gave us white manhood suffrage ; the Republican party 
 gave us universal suffrage. What the People's party may give us remains 
 for the future to demonstrate. The glory of America's past is that she has 
 been continually progressing ; that she has proven to the world the capacity 
 of the whole people for self-governmenL 
 
CHATPHR XXV 
 
 America's Answer to the British CL'iini of the Right 
 
 of Search. 
 
 BY their first war with Great Britain our forefathers asserted and main- 
 tained their right to independent national existence ; by their second 
 war with Great Britain, they claimed and obtained equal considera- 
 tion in international affairs. The War of 1812 was not based on a single 
 cause; it was undertaken from mixed motives, — partly political, partly com- 
 mercial, partly patriotic. It was always unpopular with a great number of 
 the American people ; it was far from logical in some of its positions; it was 
 perhaps precipitated by party clamor. But, despite all these facts, it remains 
 true that this war established once for all the position of the United States 
 as an equal power among the powers. Above all — clearing away the petty 
 political and partisan aspects of the struggle — we find that in ihe Causes 
 it the United States stootl for a strong, sound, ami universally of the War 
 beneficial principle, that of tlie rights of neutral nations in " '^'^ 
 time of war. "Free ships make free goods" is a maxim of international 
 law now universally recognized, but at the opening of the century it was a 
 theory, supported, indeed, by good reasoning, but i)ractically disregarded by 
 the most powerful nations. It was almost solely to the stand taken by the 
 United States in 1S12 that the final settlement of this disputed principle 
 was due. 
 
 The cause of the War of 1S12, which appealed most strongly to the 
 patriotic feelings of the common people, though, perhaps, not in itself so 
 intrinsically important as that just referred to, was unquestionably the 
 impressment by Great Britain of sailors from American ships. No doubt 
 great numbers of English sailors did desert from their naval vessels and 
 avail themselves of the easier service and better treatment of the American 
 
 merchant ships. Great Britain, in the exitrencies of her des- „ . . , 
 ^ . , ' .5^ British 
 
 perate contest with Napoleon, was straining every nerve to impressment 
 strengthen her already powerful navy, and the press-gang was of American 
 constantly at work in English seaports. Once on board a 
 British man-of-war, the impressed sailor was subject to overwork, bad rations, 
 and the lash. That British sailors fought as gallantly as they did under 
 
 369 
 
37° 
 
 ANSWER TO BRITISH CLAIM OF THE RIGHT OF SEARCH 
 
 this regime will always remain a wonder. But it is certain that they deserted 
 in considerable numbers, and that they found in the rapidly-growing com- 
 mercial prosperity of our carrying trade a tempting chance of employment. 
 Great Bricain, with a large contempt for the naval weakness of the 
 United States, assumed, rather than claimed, the right to stop our merchant 
 vessels on the high seas, to examine their crews, and to take as her own 
 any British sailors among them. This was bad enough in itself, but the 
 way in which the search was carried out was worse. Every form of insolence 
 
 and overbearine was exhibited. The pretense of claiming 
 
 Outrages Upon ^ ■ i r i j 
 
 American British deserters covered what was sometimes barefaced and 
 
 Ships and outrageous kidnapping of Americans. The British officers 
 
 went so far as to lay the burden of proof of nationality in each 
 case upon the sailor himself ; if he were without papers proving his identity 
 he was at once assumed to be a British subject. To such an extent was this 
 insult to our flag carried, that our Government had the record of about 
 forty-five hundred cases of impressment from our ships between the years 
 of 1803 and 1810; and when the War of 1812 broke out the number of 
 American sailors serving against their will in British war vessels was vari- 
 ously computed to be from six to fourteen thousand. It is even recorded 
 that in some cases American ships were obliged to return home in the 
 middle of their voyages because their crews had been so dimmished in 
 number by the seizures made by British officers that they were too short- 
 handed to procceed. In not a few cases these depredations led to blood- 
 shed. 
 
 The greatest outrage of all, antl one which stirred the blood of Ameri- 
 cans to the fighting point, was the capture of an American war vessel, the 
 Chesapeake, by the British man-of-war, the Leopard. The latter was by far 
 the more powerful vessel, and the Chesapeake was quite unprepared for 
 
 ^^ ,^ . , action; nevertheless, her commander refused to accede to a 
 Tlie Affair of . . 1 r n • • 1 
 
 the"Chesa= demand that his crew be overhauled in search for British 
 
 peake"and deserters. Thereupon the Leopard poured broadside after 
 eopar ]jt-ojj(-lside into her until her flag was struck. Three Americans 
 were killed and eighteen wounded ; four were taken away as alleged desert- 
 ers ; of these, three were afterwards returned, while in one case the charge 
 •was satisfactorily proved and the man was hanged. The whole affair was 
 without the slightest justification under the law of nations and was in itself 
 ample ground for war. Great Britain, however, in a quite ungracious and 
 tardy way, apologized and offered reparation. This incident took place six 
 years before the actual declaration of war. But the outrage rankled during 
 all that time, and nothing did more to fan the anti-British feeling which was 
 
ANSIVER TO BRiriSII CLAIM OF THE RIGHT OF SF.ARClf 371 
 
 already so strong in tlu- rank and file of Americans, especially in the Demo- 
 cratic (or, as it was then often called, the Repuhlican) part)-. it was such 
 deeds as this that letl 1 lenry Clay to exclaim, " Not content with seizin;; 
 upon all our property which falls within her rapacious L;^rasp, the personal 
 rights of our countrymen — ri;;hts which must forever be sacred — are tramp- 
 led on and violated by tiie impressment of our seamen. What are we to 
 gain by war ? What are we not to lose by peace ? Commerce, character, a 
 nation's best treasure, honor !" 
 
 The interference with American commerce was also a serious threat to 
 the cause of peace. In the early years of the century Great Britain was at 
 war not only with France, but with other European countries. Both Great 
 Britain and France adopted in practice the most extreme -j-jjg g^^ 
 theories of non-intercourse between neutral and hostile of Paper 
 nations. It was the era of "paper blockades." In 1806 Blockades 
 England, for instance, declared that eight hundred miles of the European 
 coast were to be considered blockaded, whereupon Napoleon, not to be out- 
 done, declared the entire Kingdom of Great Britain to be under blockade. 
 
 Up to a certain point the interruption of the neutral trade relations 
 between the countries of Europe was to the commercial advantage of 
 America. Our carrying trade grew and prospered wonderfully. Much 
 of this trade consisted in taking goods from the colonies of European 
 nations, bringing them to the United States, then trans-shipping them and 
 conveying them to the parent nation. This was allowable under the inter- 
 national law of the time, although the direct carrying of goods by the 
 neutral ship from the colony to the parent nation (the latter, of course, 
 being at war) was forbidden. But by her famous "Orders in Council" 
 Great Britain absolutely forbade this system of trans-shipment as to nations 
 with whom she was at war. American vessels engaged in this form of trade 
 were seized and condemned by English prize courts. Naturally, France 
 followed Great Britain's example and even went further. Our merchants, 
 who had actually been earning doul)le freights under the old system, now 
 found that their commerce was woefully restricted. At first it was thought 
 that the unfair restriction might be punished by retaliatory measures, and a 
 cpiite illogical analogy was drawn from the effect produced on Great Britain 
 before the Revolution by the refusal of the colonies to receive goods on 
 which a tax had been imposed. So President JefTerson's administration 
 resorted to the most unwise measure that could be thought of — an absolute 
 embargo on our own ships, which were prohibited from leaving port. 
 
 This measure was passed in 1807, and its immediate result was to 
 reduce the exports of this country from nearly fifty million dollars' worth to 
 
372 ANSIVJ-R TO BRITISH CLAIM OF THE RIGHT OF SFARC/f 
 
 nine million dollars' worth in a single year. This was evidently anything 
 but profitable, and the act was changed so as to forbid only commercial 
 Jefferson intercourse with Great Britain and France and their colonies, 
 
 and the " with a proviso that the law should be abandoned as regards 
 m argo either of these countries which should repeal it^ objectionable 
 decrees. The French government moved in the matter first, but only con- 
 ditionally. Our non-intercourse act, however, was after 1810 in force only 
 against Great Britain. That our claims of wrong were equally, or 'nearly 
 so, as great against France in this matter cannot be doubted. But the 
 popular feeling was stronger against Great Britain ; a war with England 
 was popular with the mass of the Democrats ; and it was the refusal of 
 England to accept our conditions which finally led to the declaration of war. 
 By a curious chain of circumstances it happened, however, that between the 
 time when Congress declared war (June 18, 1812) and the date when the 
 War Declared news of this declaration was received in England, the latter 
 Against country had already revoked her famous "Orders in Council." 
 
 Great Britain j^^ point of fact. President Madison was very reluctant to 
 declare war, though the Federalists always took great pleasure in speaking 
 of this as " Mr. Madison's war." The Federalists throughout considered 
 the war unnecessary and the result of partisan feeling and unreasonable 
 prejudice. 
 
 It is peculiarly grateful to American pride that this war, undertaken in 
 defence of our maritime interests and to uphold the honor of our flag upo.n 
 the high seas, resulted in a series of naval victories brilliant in the extreme. 
 It was not, indeed, at first thought that this would be chiefly a naval war. 
 President Madison was at one time strongly inclined to keep our war vessels 
 in port ; but, happily, other counsels prevailed. The disparity between the 
 American and British navies was certainly disheartening. The United 
 States had seven or eight frigates and a few sloops, brigs, and gunboats, 
 while the sails of England's navy whitened every sea, and her ships cer- 
 tainly outnumbered ours by fifty to one. On the other hand, her hands 
 were tied to a great extent by the stupendous European war in which she 
 was involved. She had to defend her commerce from formidable enemies, 
 The Briti h d ^"""^ could spare but a small part of her naval strength for 
 American battle with the new foe. That this new foe was despised by 
 
 Navies Com= ji-,g great power which claimed, not without reason, to be the 
 mistress of the seas, was not unnatural. But soon we find a 
 rament raised in Parliament about the reverses of its navy, which were such 
 as "English officers and English sailors had not before been used to, 
 particularly from such a contemptible navy as that of America had always 
 
ANSWER TO BRITISH CLAIM OF THE RIGHT OF SEARCH 373 
 
 been held to be." The fact is, that the restriction fif American commerce 
 had made it possible for our naval officers to take their pick of a remark- 
 ably fine body of native American seamen, naturally brave and intelligent, 
 and thoroughly well trained in all seamanlike experiences. These men were 
 in many instances filled with a spirit of resentment at British insolence, 
 having either themselves been the victims of the aggressions which we have 
 described, or having seen their friends compelled to submit to these insolent 
 acts. The; very smallness of our navy, too, was in a measure its strength ; 
 the competition for active service among those bearing commissions was 
 great, and there was never any trouble in finding officers of proved sagacity 
 and courage. 
 
 At the outset, however, the policy determined on by the administration 
 was not one of naval aggression. It was decided to attack England from 
 her Canadian colonies. This plan of campaign, however reasonable it might 
 seem to a strategist, failed wretchedly in execution. The first The War on 
 year of the war, so far as regards the land campaigns, showed the Canada 
 nothing but reverses and fiascoes. There was a long and *"^ 
 thinly settled border country, in which our slender forces struggled to hold 
 their own against the barbarous Indian onslaughts, making futile expeditions 
 across the border into Canada, and resisting with some success the similar 
 expeditions by the Canadian troops. One of the complaints which led to the 
 war was that the Indian tribes had been incited against our settlers by the 
 Canadian authorities and had been promised aid from Canada. It is certain 
 that after war wiis declared British officers not only employed Indians as 
 their allies, but, in some instances at least, paid bounties for the scalps of 
 American settlers. 
 
 The Indian war planned by Tecumseh had just been put down by Gen- 
 eral (afterward President) Harrison. No doubt Tecumseh was a man of 
 more elevated ambition and more humane instincts than one often finds in 
 an Indian chief. His hope to unite the tribes and to drive the whites out 
 of his country has a certain nobility of purpose and breadth of view. But 
 this scheme had failed, and the Indian warriors, still inflamed for war, were 
 only too eager to assist the Canadian forces in a desultory but bloody bor- 
 der war. The strength of our campaign against Canada was dissipated in an 
 attempt to hold Fort Wayne, Fort Harrison, and other garrisons against 
 Indian attacks. Still more disappointing was the complete Hull and the 
 failure of the attempt, under the command of General Hull, Surrender of 
 to advance from Detroit into Canada. He was easily driven '^-t^oit 
 back to Detroit, and, while the nation was confidently waiting to hear of a 
 bold defence of that place, it was startled by ihe news of Hull's surrender 
 
374 ANSWER TO BRITISH CLAIM OF THE RIGHT OF SEARCH 
 
 without firing a gun, and luider circumstances wliich seemed to indicate 
 either cowardice or treacliery. Hull was, in fact, court-martialed and con- 
 demned to death, and was only pardoned on account of his services in the 
 war of 1776. 
 
 The mortification that followed the land campaign of 1812 was for- 
 gotten in the joy at the splendid naval victories of that year. Pre-eminent 
 among these was the famous sea-duel between the frigates Constitution and 
 Giiei'-riere. Every one knows of the glory of Old Ironsides, and this, 
 though the greatest, was only one of many victories through which the 
 name of the Constitution became the most famed and beloved of all that 
 have been associated with American ships. She was a fine frigate, carrying 
 forty-four guns, and though English journals had ridiculed her as "a bunch 
 of pine boards under a bit of striped bunting," it was not long before they 
 were busily engaged in trying to prove that she was too large a vessel to be 
 properly called a frigate, and that she greatly out-classed her opponent in 
 The " Constitu- rnetal and men. It is true that the Constitution carried six 
 tion"andthe more Sfuns and a few more men than "C^xo. Guerricre, but all 
 uernere allowances being made, her victory was a naval triumph of the 
 first magnitude. Captain Isaac Hull, who commanded her, had just before 
 the engagement proved his superior seamanship by escaping from a whole 
 squadron of British vessels, out-sailing and out-manoeuvring them at every 
 point. It was on August 19, 1 81 2, that he descried the G^/z^-r/^r*?. Both vessels 
 at once cleared for action and came together with the greatest eagerness on 
 both sides for the engagement. Though the battle lasted but half an hour, it 
 was one of the hottest in naval annals. At one time the Constitution was 
 on fire, and both ships were soon seriously crippled by injuries to their 
 spars. Attempts to board each other were thwarted on both sides by the 
 close fire of small arms. Here, as in later sea-fights of this war, the accu- 
 ,pi^ „i ^. racy and skill of the American gunners were something mar- 
 
 Victory of th«- velous. At the end of half an hour the Guerriere had lost 
 Frigate "C«)n. both mainmast and foremast, and floated as a helpless hulk in 
 the open sea. Her surrender was no discredit to her ofificers, 
 as she was almost in a sinking condition. It was hopeless to attempt to tow 
 her into port, and Captain Hull transferred his prisoners to his own vessel 
 and set fire to his prize. 
 
 In this engagement the American frigate had only seven men killed and 
 an equal number wounded, while the British vessel had as many as seventy- 
 nine men killed or wounded. The conduct of the American seamen was 
 throughout gallant in the highest degree. Captain Hull put it on record 
 that " From the smallest boy in the ship to the oldest seaman not a look of 
 
ANSWER TO BRITISH CLAIM OF THE RIGHT OF SEARCH 375 
 
 fear was seen. Tlicy all went into action i^ivinj^- three cheers anil request- 
 ing to be laid close alongside th(; enemy." 1 he eliect of this victory in both 
 America and England was extraordinary. English papers long refused to 
 believe in the possibility of the well-proved facts, while in America the whole 
 country joined in a triumphal shout of joy, and loaded well-deserved honors 
 on vessel, captain, officers, and men. 
 
 The chagrin of the English public at the unexpected result of this sea- 
 battle was changed to amazement and vexation when, one after another, 
 llien? followed no less than six combats of the same duel-like character, in 
 all of which the American vessels were victorious. The first was between 
 the American sloo[) JVasp and the English brig Frolic, which -j-jj^ "Wasp" 
 was convoying a lleet of merchantmen. The fight was one of Captures the 
 the most desperate in the war ; the two ships were brought so " ''*' "^ 
 close together that their gunners could touch the sides of the opposing ves- 
 sels with their rammers. Broadside after broadside was poured into the 
 Frolic by the Wasp, which obtained the superior position ; but her sailors, 
 too excited to await the victory which was sure to come from the continued 
 raking of the enemy's vessel, rushed upon her decks without orders and soon 
 t)verpowered her. Again the British loss in killed and wounded was large ; 
 that of the Americans very small. It in no wise detracted from the glory 
 of this victory that both victor and prize were soon captured by a British 
 man-of-war of immensely superior strength. 
 
 I'oUowing this action. Commodore Stephen Decatur, in tlie frigate 
 
 United States, attacked the Macedonian, a British vessel of the ^^ ,, . . 
 
 The "United 
 same class, and easily defeated her, bringing her into New states" and 
 
 York harbor on New Year's Day, 1813, where he received an the "Mace- 
 ovation equal to that offered Captain Hull. The same result 
 followed the attack of the Constitution, now under the command of Commo- 
 dore Bainbridge, upon the British Java. The latter had her captain and 
 fifty men killed and about one hundred wounded, and was left such a wreck 
 tliat it was decided to blow her up, while the Constitution suffered so little 
 iiat she was in sport dubbed Old Ironsides, a name now ennobled by a poem 
 which has been in every school-boy's mouth. Other naval combats resulted, 
 in the great majority, of cases, in the same way ; in all unstinted praise was 
 awarded by the nations of the world, even including England herself, to the 
 admirable seamanship, the wonderful gunnery, and the personal intrepidity of 
 our naval forces. When the second year of the war closed our little navj- 
 had captured twenty-six warships, armed with 560 guns, while it had lost 
 only seven ships, carrying 119 guns. 
 
37^ ANSWER TO BRITISH CLAIM OF THE RIGHT OF SEARCH 
 
 But, if tilt highest honors of the war were thus won by our navy, the 
 most serious injury materially to Great Britain was in the devastation of her 
 commerce by American privateers. No less than two hundred and fifty 
 American Pri= ^^ these sea guerrillas were afloat, and in the first year of the 
 vateers and war they Captured over three hundred merchant vessels, some- 
 ^" *"" times even attacking and overcoming the smaller class of war- 
 ships. The privateers were usually schooners armed with a few small guns, 
 but carrying one long cannon mounted on a swivel so that it could be 
 turned to any point of the horizon, and familiarly known as Long Tom. 
 Of course, the crews were influenced by greed as well as by patriotism. 
 Privateering is a somewhat doubtful mode of warfare at the best ; but inter- 
 national law permits it, and, though it is hard to dissociate from it the 
 aspect of legalized piracy, it is recognized to this day. In the most recent 
 war, however, the Spanish-American, neither of the belligerent nations 
 indulged in this relic of barbarism. 
 
 If privateering were ever justifiable it was in the war now under con- 
 sideration. As Jefferson said, there were then tens of thousands of seamen 
 cut off by the war from their natural means of support and useless to their 
 country in any other way, while by "licensing private armed vessels, the 
 whole naval force of the nation was truly brought to bear on the foe." The 
 havoc wrought on British trade was widespread indeed ; altogether between 
 fifteen hundred and two thousand prizes were taken by the privateers. To 
 compute the value of these prizes is impossible, but some idea may be 
 gained from the single fact that one privateer, the Yankee, in a cruise of 
 less than two months captured five brigs and four schooners, with cargoes 
 valued at over half a million dollars. The men engaged in this form of 
 warfare were bold to recklessness, and their exploits have furnished many a 
 tale to American writers of romance. 
 
 The naval combats thus far mentioned were almost always of single 
 vessels. For battles of fleets we must turn from the salt water to the fresh, 
 from the ocean to the great lakes. The control of the waters 
 the Lakes ^^ Lake Erie, Lake Ontario, and Lake Champlain was ob- 
 viously of vast importance, in view of the continued land- 
 fighting in the West and of the attempted invasion of Canada and the 
 threatened counter-invasions. The British had the great advantage of 
 being able to reach the lakes by the St. Lawrence, while our lake navies had 
 to be constructed after the war began. One such little navy had been built 
 at Presque Isle, now Erie, on Lake Erie. It comprised two brigs of twenty 
 guns and several schooners and gunboats. It must be remembered that 
 everything but the lumber needed for the vessels had to be brought through 
 
ANSWER TO BRITISH CLAIM OF THE RIGHT OF SEARCH 377 
 
 the forests by land from the eastern seaports, and the mere problem of 
 transportation was a serious one. When finished, the fleet was put in com- 
 mand of Oliver Hazard Perry. Watchinor his time (and, it is said, taking 
 advantage of the carelessness of the British commander, who went on 
 shore to dinner one Sunday, when he should have been watching Perry's 
 inovements), the American commander drew his lleet over the bar which 
 had protected it while in harbor from the onslaughts of the British fleet. 
 Fo get the brigs over this bar was a work of time and great difficulty ; an 
 attack at that hour by the British would certainly have ended in the total 
 destruction of the fleet. This feat jiccomplished, Perry, in his flagship, the 
 Lawrence, headed a fleet of ten vessels, fifty-five guns and four hundred 
 men. Opposed to him was Captain Barclay with six ships, sixty-five guns, 
 and also about four hundred men. The British for several weeks avoided 
 the conflict, but in the end were cornered and forced to fight. It was at 
 llie beginning of this battle that Perry displayed the flag perry's Great 
 bearinsf Lawrence's famous dyinor words, " Don't ^\\<i up th(- Victory on 
 ship !" No less famous is his dispatch announcing the result ^ "^ 
 
 in the words, "We have met the enemy and they are ours." The victory 
 was indeed a complete and decisive one ; all six of the enemy's ships were 
 captured, and their loss was nearly double that of Perry's forces. The 
 complete control of Lake Erie was assured ; that of Lake Ontario had 
 already been gained by Commodore Chauncey. 
 
 Perry's memorable victory opened the way for important land opera- 
 tions by General Harrison, who now marched from Detroit with the d(>sign 
 of invading Canada. He engaged with Proctor's mingled body of British 
 
 troops and Indians, and by the battle of the Thames drove 
 
 1 1 1 n • ■ 1 r I !■ I- ^ 1 1 The Battle of 
 
 hack the llntish trom tliat part ot Canada and restort^d the Thames 
 
 matters to the position in which they stood before Hull's 
 
 deplorable surrender of Detroit — and, indeed, of all Michigan — to the 
 
 British. In this battle the Indian chief, Tecumseh, fell, and about three 
 
 hundred of the British and Indians were killed on the field. The hold of 
 
 our enemies on the Indian tribes was greatly broken by this defeat. 
 
 Previous to this the land campaigns had been ma., .ced by a succession 
 
 of minor victories and defeats. In the West a force of Americans under 
 
 General Winchester had been captured at the River Raisin, where there 
 
 took place an atrocious massacre of prisoners by the Indians, who were 
 
 quite beyond restraint from their white allies. On the other hand, the 
 
 Americans had captured the city of ^'ork, now Toronto, though at the cost 
 
 of their leader, General Pike, who, witii two hundred of his men, was 
 
 destroyed by the explosion of a magazine. Fort George had also been 
 
378 ANSWER TO BRITISH CLAIM OF THE RIGHT OF SEARCH 
 
 caplured by the Americans and an attack on Sackett's Harbor had been 
 gallantly repulsed. Following the battle of the Thames, extensive opera- 
 tions of an aggressive kind were planned, looking toward the capture of 
 Montreal and the invasion of Canada by way of Lakes Ontario and Cham- 
 plain. Unhappily, jealousy between the American Generals Wilkinson and 
 Hampton resulted in a lack of concert in their military operations, and the 
 expedition became a complete fiasco. 
 
 One turns for consolation from the mortifying record of Wilkinson's 
 expedition to the story of the continuous successes which accompanied the 
 naval operations of 1813. Captain Lawrence, in the Hornet, won a com- 
 plete victor}' over the English brig Peacock ; our brig, the Enterprise, cap- 
 tured the Boxer, and other equally welcome victories were reported. One 
 distinct defeat marred the record — that of" our fine brig, the Chesapeake, 
 commanded by Captain Lawrence, which was captured after one of the 
 most hard-fought contests of the war by the British brig, the Shannon. 
 
 , ^ Lawrence himself fell mortally wounded, exclaimingf as he 
 Lawrence s Fa- _ . . 
 
 mous Saying, was carried away, "Tell the men not to give up the ship, but 
 
 "Don't Give flght her till she sinks." It was a paraphrase of this exclama- 
 tion which Perry used as a rallying signal in the battle on 
 Lake Erie. Despite his one defeat, Captain Lawrence's fame as a gallant 
 seaman and high-minded patriot was untarnished, and his death was more 
 deplored throughout the country than was the loss of his ship. 
 
 In the latter part of the war England was enabled to send large rein- 
 forcements Ijoth to her army and navy engaged in the American campaigns. 
 Events in Europe seemed in 18 14 to insure peace for at least a time. Na- 
 poleon's power was broken ; the Emperor himself was exiled at Elba ; and 
 Great Britain at last had her hands free. But before the reinforcements 
 reached this country, our army had won greater credit and had shown more 
 military skill by far than were evinced in its earlier operations. Along the 
 line of the Niagara River active fia-hting^ had been going on. In the battle 
 of Chippewa, the capture of Fort Erie, the engagement at Lundy's Lane, 
 and the defence of Fort Erie the troops, under the command of Generals 
 Winfield Scott and Brown, had more than held their own against superior 
 forces, and had won from British officers the admission that they fought as 
 
 ,. J . , well under fire as regular troops. More encouraging still 
 
 Macdonough s _ ^ , ^ . . ^ „ 
 
 Victory on was the total defeat of the plan of invasion from Canada 
 
 Lake Cham- undertaken by the now greatly strengthened British forces. 
 
 These numbered twelve thousand men and were supported 
 
 by a fleet on Lake Champlain. Their operations were directed against 
 
 Plattsburg, and in the battle on the lake, usually called by the name of that 
 
AN51VER TO BRITISH CLAIM OF THE RIGHT TO SEARCH 3-9 
 
 to>vn, the American flotilla, under the command of Commodore I\Iac- 
 donough, completely routed the British fleet. As a result the English army 
 also beat a rapid and undignified retreat to Canada. This was the last 
 important engagement to take place in the North. 
 
 Meanwhile e.xpeditions of considerable size were directed by the British 
 against our principal Southern cities. One of these brought Genera' Ross 
 with five thousand men, chiefly the pick of the Duke of Wellington's arm\-. 
 into the Bay of Chesapeake. Nothing was more discreditable in the militar\ 
 strategy of our administration than the fact that at this time Washington 
 was left unprotected, though in evident danger. General Ross marched 
 straight upon the capital, easily defeated at Bladensburg an inferior force 
 of raw militia — who fought, however, with much courage — seized the city, 
 and carried out his intention of destroying the public buildings and a great 
 part of the town. Most of the public archives had been removed. Ross's 
 conduct in the burning of Washington, though of a character common 
 enough in modern warfare, has been condemned as semi-barbarous by many 
 writers. The achievement was greeted with enthusiasm by the English 
 papers, but was really of much less importance than they supposed. Wash- 
 ington at that time was a straggling town of only eight thousand inhabit- 
 ants ; its public buildings were not at all adequate to the TheBurnineof 
 demands of the future; and an optimist might even consider the American 
 the destruction of the old city as a public benefit, for it Capital 
 enabled Congress to adopt the plans which have since led to the makiu"- of 
 the most beautiful city of the country, if not of the world. 
 
 A similar attempt upon Baltimore was less successful The people of 
 that city made a brave defence and hastily threw up extensive fortifications. 
 In the end the British fleet, after a severe bombardment of Fort McHenry, 
 was driven off. The British admiral had boasted that Fort McHenry would 
 yield in a few hours ; and two days after, when its flag was still flyin"', 
 Francis S. Key was inspired by its sight to com[)ose our far-famed national 
 ode, the "Star Spangled Banner." 
 
 A still larger expedition of British troops soon after landed on the 
 Louisiana coast and marched to the attack of New Orleans. Here General 
 .\ndrew Jackson was in command. He had already distinguished himself 
 during the war by putting down with a strong hand the hostile Creek Indians, 
 who had been incited by English envoys to warfare against our southern 
 settlers; and in .\pril, 1814, William Weathersford, the half- jackson and 
 breed chief, had surrendered in person to Jackson. General the Creek 
 Packenham, who commanded the five thousand British sol- '"^lans 
 diers sent against New Orleans, expected as easy a victory as that of Gen- 
 
3So ANSWER TO BRITISH CLAIM OT THE RIGHT OF SEARCH 
 
 eral Ross at Washington. But Jackson had summoned to his aid the 
 stalwart frontiersmen of Kentucky and Tennessee — men used from boy- 
 hood to the rifle, and who made up what was in effect a splendid force of 
 sharp-shooters. Both armies threw up rough fortifications ; General Jack- 
 son made great use for that purpose of cotton bales, Packenham employing 
 the still less solid material of sugar barrels. As it proved neither of these 
 were suitable for the purpose, and they had to be replaced by earthworks. 
 Oddly enough, the final battle, and really the most important one of the 
 war, took place after the treaty of peace between the two countries had 
 been signed. The British were repulsed again and again in persistent and 
 
 . , , (jallant attacks on our fortifications. General Packenham 
 
 Jackson s ^'^ 
 
 Famous Great himself was killed, together with many of his officers and 
 
 Victory at seven hundred of his men. One British officer pushed to the 
 New Oi*leHns 
 
 top of our earthworks and demanded their surrender, where- 
 upon he was smilingly asked to look behind him, and turning saw, as he after- 
 wards said, that the men he supposed to be supporting him "had vanished 
 as if the earth had swallowed them up." Of the Americans only a few men 
 were killed. 
 
 The treaty of peace, signed at Ghent, December 24, 18 14, has been 
 ridiculed because it contained no positive agreement as to many of the 
 questions in dispute. Not a word did it say about the impressment of 
 American sailors or the rights of neutral ships. Its chief stipulations were 
 the mutual restoration of territory and the appointing of a commission to 
 determine our northern boundary line. The truth is that both nations 
 were tired of the war; the circumstances that had led to England's aggres- 
 sions no longer existed; both countries were suffering enormous commer- 
 cial loss to no avail ; and, above all, the United States had emphatically 
 justified by its deeds its claim to an equal place in the council of nations. 
 Politically and materially, further warfare was illogical If 
 of th^w^ the two nations had understood each other better in the first 
 place ; if Great Britain had treated our demands with cour- 
 tesy and justice instead of with insolence ; if, in short, international comity 
 had taken the place of international ill-temper, the war might have been 
 avoided altogether. Its undoubted benefits to us were incidental rather 
 than direct. But though not formally recognized by treaty, the rights of 
 American seamen and of American ships were in fact no longer infringed 
 upon by Great Britain. 
 
 One political outcome of the war must not be overlooked. The New 
 England Federalists had opposed it from the beginning, had naturally 
 fretted at their loss of commerce, and had bitterly upbraided the Demo- 
 
ANSWER TO BRITISH CLAIM OF THE RIGHT OF SEARCH 3S1 
 
 cratic administration for currying popularity by a war carried on mainly at 
 New England's expense. When, in the latter days of the war, New 
 England ports were closed, Stonington was bombarded, Castine in Maine 
 was seized, and serious depredations were threatened everywhere along 
 the northeastern coast, the Federalists complained that the administration 
 taxed them for the war but did not protect them. The outcome of all this 
 discontent was the Hartford Convention. In point of fact it was a quite 
 harmless conference which proposed some constitutional 
 amendments, protested against too ofreat centralization of rhe Hartford 
 11 1 • 1 •!• r Convention 
 
 dower, and urged the desirability of peace with honor. lUit 
 
 the most absurd rumors were prevalent about its intentions , a regiment of 
 troops was actually sent to Hartford to anticipate treasonable outbreaks ; 
 and for many years good Democrats religiously believed that there had 
 been a plot to set up a monarchy in New England with the Duke of Kent 
 as king. Harmless as it was, the Hartford Convention caused the death of 
 the Federalist party. Its mild debates were distorted into secret conclaves 
 plotting treason, and, though the news of peace followed close upon it, the 
 Convention was long an object of opprobrium and a political bugbear. 
 
CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 The United States Sustains Its Dignity Abroad. 
 
 IF the reader will look at any map of Africa he will see on the northern 
 coast, defining the southern limits of the Mediterranean, four States, 
 
 Morocco, Algeria, Tunis, and Tripoli, running east and west a distance 
 of 1 800 miles. These powers had for centuries maintained a state of semi- 
 independency by paying tribute to Turke\'. But this did not suit Algeria, 
 the strongest and most warlike of the North African States ; and in the 
 year 1710 the natives overthrew the rule of the Turkish Pasha, expelled him 
 from the country, and united his authority to that of the Dey, the Algerian 
 monarch. The Dey subsequently governed the country by means of a 
 The Piratical Divan or Council of State chosen from the principal civic 
 states of functionaries. The Algerians, with the other " Barbary 
 
 or nca States," as the piratical States were called, defied the powers 
 of Europe ; their armed vessels sweeping the waters of the Mediterranean, 
 committing a thousand ravages upon the merchant vessels of other nations, 
 and almost driving commerce from its waters. France alone resisted these 
 depredations, and this only partially, for after she had repeatedly chastised 
 the Algerians, tlie strongest of the piratical States, and had induced the Dey 
 to sign a treaty of peace, the Corsairs would await their opportunity and 
 after a time resume their depredations. Algiers in the end forced the United 
 States to resort to arms in the defence of its commerce, and the long immu- 
 nity of the pirates did not cease until the great republic of the West took 
 them in hand. 
 
 The truth is, this conflict was no less irrepressible than that greater 
 conflict which a century later deluged the land in blood. Before the Con- 
 stitution of the United States had been adopted, two American vessels, fly- 
 ing the flag of thirteen stripes and thirteen stars, instead of the forty-five 
 stars which now form our national constellation, while sailing the Mediter- 
 ranean had fallen a prey to the swift, heavily-armed Algerian cruisers. The 
 vessels were confiscated, and their crews, to the number of twenty-one persons, 
 were held for ransom, for which an enormous sum was demanded. 
 
 This sum our Government was by no means willing to jjay, as to do so 
 would be to establish a precedent not only with Algeria, but also with Tunis. 
 
 ?,82 
 
THE UNITED STATES SUSTAINS TfS DIGNrTY ABROAD 383 
 
 Tripoli, and Morocco, for each of these African piratical States was in league 
 vvitn the others, and all had to be separately conciliated. 
 
 But, after all, what else could the Government do ? The country had 
 no navy. It could not undertake in improvised ships to go forth and fight 
 the powerful cruisers of the African pirates — States so strong that the com- 
 mercial nations of Europe were glad to win exemption from their depreda- 
 tions by annual payments. Why not, then, ransom these American captives 
 by the payment of money and construct a navy sufficiently strong to resist 
 their encroachments in the future ? This feeling on the part of the Gov- 
 ernment was shared by the people of the country, and as a The War with 
 result Congress authorized the building of six frigates, and by the Pirates 
 another act empowered President Washington to borrow a " '^'''" ' 
 million of dollars for purchasing peace. Eventually the ransom money was 
 paid to the piratical powers, and it was hoped all difficulty was at an end. 
 But, as a necessary provision for the future, the work of constructing the 
 new warships was pushed with expedition. As will be .se(;n, this proved to 
 be a wise and timely precaution. 
 
 We are now brought to the year 1800. Tripoli, angry at not receiving 
 as much money as was paid to Algiers, declared war against the United 
 States. Circumstances, however, had changed for the better, and the repub- 
 lic was prepared to deal with the oppressors of its seamen in a more digni- 
 fied and efficient manner than that of paying ransom. For our new navy, a 
 small but most efficient one, had been completed, and a squadron consisting 
 of the frigates Essex, Captain Bainbridge, the Philadelphia, the President, and 
 the schooner Experi))ient, was in Mediterranean waters. Two Tripolitan 
 cruisers lying at Gibraltar on the watch for American vessels were blockaded 
 by the Philadelphia. Cruising off Tri[)()li, the Experiment fell in with 
 a Tripolitan cruiser of fourteen guns, and atter three hours' hanl fighting 
 captured her, the Tripolitans losing twenty killed and thirty wounded. This 
 brilliant result had a marked effect in quieting the turbulent pirates, who for 
 the first time began to resi)cct the United States. A treaty was signed in 
 1S05, in which Tripoli agreed no longer to molest American ships and 
 sailors. 
 
 1 his war was marked by a striking evidence of American pluck and 
 
 readiness in an emergency. During the contest the fri<rate ^^ ^ 
 Tti 1 I 1 1 • 1-1 . . r . . The Famous 
 
 / niladelphia, while chasing certain piratical craft into tiie har- incident of 
 
 Ijor of Tripoli, ran aground in a most perilous situation. ^^'^ "Phila- 
 
 Escape was impossible, she was under the guns of the shore 
 
 batteries and of the Tripolitan navy, and after a vain efiort to sink her, 
 
 all on board were forced to surrender as prisoners of war. Subsequently 
 
3S4 THE UNITED STATES SUSTAINS TTS DIGNTTY ABROAD 
 
 the Tripolitans suceeded in floating the frigate, brought her into port 
 in triumph, and began to refit her as a welcome addition to their navy. 
 This state of affairs was galling to American pride, and, as the vessel could 
 not be rescued, it was determined to make an effort to destroy her. One 
 night a Moorish merchantman (captured and fitted for the purpose) entered 
 the harbor and made her way close up to the side of the Pliiladelphia. Only 
 a few men, dressed in Moorish garb, were visible, and no suspicion of their 
 purpose was entertained. As these men claimed to have lost their anchor, 
 a rope was thrown them from the vessel, and they made fast. In a minute 
 more a startling change took place. A multitude of concealed Americans 
 suddenly sprang into sight, clambered to the deck of the Plnladelphia, and 
 drove the surprised Moors over her sides. The frigate was fairly recaptured. 
 But she could not be taken out, so the tars set her on fire, and made their 
 escape by the light of her blazing spars and under the guns of the Tripoli- 
 tan batteries, not a ball from which reached them. It was a gallant achieve- 
 ment, and gave fame to Decatur, its leader. 
 
 But peace was not yet assured. In 1815, when this country had just ended 
 
 its war with Great Britain, the Dey of Algiers unceremoniously dismissed 
 
 the American Consul and declared war against the United States, on the plea 
 
 that he had not received certain articles demanded under the tribute treaty. 
 
 This time the government was well prepared for the issue. The 
 
 War Declared population of the country had increased to over eight millions, 
 by Algiers '^ ^ -' 111 
 
 The military spirit of the nation had been aroused by the war 
 
 with Great Britain, ending in the splendid victory at New Orleans under 
 
 General Jackson. Besides this, the navy had been increased and made far 
 
 more effective. The administration, with Madison at its head, decided to 
 
 submit to no further extortions from the Mediterranean pirates, and the 
 
 President sent in a forcible message to Congress on the subject, taking high 
 
 American ground. The result was a prompt acceptance of the Algerian 
 
 declaration of war. Events succeeded each other in rapid succession. 
 
 Ships new and old were at once fitted out. On May 15, 1815, Decatur 
 
 sailed from New York to the Mediterranean. His squadron comprised the 
 
 frigates Gtierriere, Macedotiiatt and Constellation, the new sloop of war 
 
 Ontario, and four brigs and two schooners in addition. 
 
 On June 17th, the second day after entering the Mediter- 
 
 ^"forPeafe"^* ranean, Decatur captured the largest frigate in the Algerian 
 
 navy, having forty-four guns. The next day an Algerian brig 
 
 was taken, and in less than two weeks after his first capture Decatur, with 
 
 his entire squadron, appeared off Algiers. The end had come. The Dey's 
 
 courage, like that of Bob Acres, oozed out at his fingers' ends. The 
 
THE UNITED STATES SUSTAINS ITS DIC.NITY ABROAD 385 
 
 ccrrified Dey sued for peace, which Decatur compelled him to sign on thr 
 quarter-deck of the Gnerriere. In this treaty it was agreed by the Dey to sur- 
 render all prisoners, pay a heavy indemnity, and renounce all tribute from 
 America in the future. Decatur also secured indemnity from Tunis and 
 Tripoli for American vessels captured under the guns of tlieir forts by 
 British cruisers during the late war. 
 
 This ended at once and forever the pajnunt of uibulc to tin- piratical 
 States of North Africa. All Europe, as well as our own country, rang with 
 the splendid achievements of our navy ; and surely the stars and stripes 
 had never before floated more proudly from the masthead of an American 
 vessel — and they are flying as proudly to-day. 
 
 One further e.xample of the readiness of this country to defend itself 
 upon the seas in its weak, early period may be related, though it slightly 
 antedated the beginning of the century. This was a result of American 
 indignation at the ravages upon its commerce by the warring 
 nations of Europe. About 179S the depredations of F" ranee wUMrance 
 upon our merchantmen became so aggravating that, without 
 the formality of a declaration, a naval war began. The vessels of our new 
 navy were 'sent out, " letters of marque and reprisal " were granted to 
 ])rivateers, and their work soon began to tell. Cai)tain Truxton of the Con- 
 stellation captured the French frigate L Insurocntc, the privateers brought 
 more than fifty armed vessels of the French into port and France quickly de- 
 cided that she wanted peace. This sort of argument was not quite to her taste. 
 
 Seventeen years after the close of the trouble with Algiers, in 1S32, 
 one of the most interesting cases of difficulty with a foreign power arose. 
 As with Algeria and Tripoli, so now our navy was resorted to for the pur- 
 pose of exacting reparation. This time the trouble was with the kingdom of 
 Naples, in Italy, which had been wrested from Spain by Napoleon, who 
 placed successively his brother Joseph and his brother-in-law Murat on the 
 throne of Naples and the two Sicilies. During the years 1809-12 the Nea- 
 politan government, under Joseph and Murat successively, had confiscated 
 numerous American ships with their cargoes. The total amount of the 
 American claims against Naples, as filed in the State department when 
 Jackson's administration assumed control, was $1,734,994. They were held 
 by various insurance companies and by citizens, principally of Baltimore. 
 Demands for the payment of these claims had from time to time been made 
 by our government, but Naples had always refused to settle them. 
 
 Jackson and his cabinet took a decided stand, and determined that the 
 Neapolitan government, then in the hands of Ferdinand II.— subsequently 
 nicknamed Bomba because of his cruelties- -should make due reparation for 
 
386 THE UNITED STATES SUSTAINS ITS DIGNITY ABROAD 
 
 the losses sustained by American citizens. 'I he Hon. John Nelson, ot 
 
 Frederick, Maryland, was appointed Minister to Naples, and required to 
 
 insist upon a settlement. Commodore Daniel Patterson, who had aided 
 
 The Claim '" '•'^^ defense of New Orleans in 1S15. was put in command 
 
 Against of the Mediterranean squadron and ordered toco-operate with 
 
 apes Minister Nelson in enforcing his demands. But Naples 
 
 r)ersisted in her refusal to render satisfaction, and a warlike demonstration 
 
 was decided upon, the whole matter being placed, under instructions, in the 
 
 hands of Commodore Patterson. 
 
 The entire force under his command consisted of three fifty-gun 
 
 frigates and three twenty-gun corvettes. In order not to precipitate 
 
 matters too hastily, the plan adopted was that these vessels should appear 
 
 in the Neapolitan waters one at a time, and instructions were given to that 
 
 effect. The Brandywine, with Minister Nelson on hoard, went fir^t. Mr 
 
 Nelson made his demand for a settlement and was refused. There was 
 
 nothing in the appearance of a Yankee envoy and a single ship to trouble 
 
 King Bomba and his little kingdom. The Bra7idywine cast anchor in the 
 
 harbor and the humbled envoy waited patiently for a few days. Then 
 
 another American flae appeared on the horizon, and the 
 How King . . 
 
 Bomba was frigate United States floated into the harbor and came to 
 
 Brought to anchor. Mr. Nelson repeated his demands, and they were 
 again refused. Four days slipped away, and the stars and 
 stripes once more appeared off the harbor. King Bomba, looking out from 
 his palace windows, saw the fifty-gun frigate Co7icord sail into the harbor 
 and drop her anchor. Then unmistakable signs of uneasiness began to 
 show themselves. Forts were repaired, troops drilled, and more cannon 
 mounted on the coast. The demands were reiterated, but the Neapolitan 
 government still declined to consider them. Two days later another war- 
 ship made her way into the harbor. It was the John Adams. When the 
 fifth ship sailed gallantly in. Nelson sent word home that he was still 
 unable to collect the bill. The end was not yet. Three days later, and the 
 sixth American sail showed itself on the blue waters of the peerless bay. It 
 was the handwriting on the wall for King Bomba, and his government 
 announced that they would accede to the American demands. The nego- 
 tiations were promptly resumed and speedily closed, the payment of the 
 principal in installments with interest being guaranteed. Pending nego- 
 tiations, from August 28th to September 15th the entire squadron remained 
 in the Bay of Naples, and then the ships sailed away and separated. So, 
 happily and bloodlessly, ended a difficulty which at one time threatened 
 most serious results. 
 
THE VKITF.n STATES SUSTAINS ITS DIGNITY AHROAn 387 
 
 Another demonstration, less irnposinqf in numbers but quite as spirited, 
 and, indeed, more intensely dramatic, occurred at Snnrna in . 
 
 Captain In- 
 
 1853, when Captain Duncan N. In^jraham, with a sin^dt; graham and 
 sloop-of-war, trained his broadsides on a fleet of Austrian the Kos/ta 
 warships in the harbor. The episode was a most thrilling- 
 one, and our record would be incomplete were so dramatic an affair left 
 unrecorded on its pat^es. This is the story : 
 
 When the revolution of Huntjary against Austria was put down, Kos- 
 'uith, Koszta, and other leading revolutionists fled to Sm\rna, and the 
 furkish government, after long negotiations, refused to give them \\\>. 
 Koszta soon after came to the United States, and in July, 1852, declared 
 under oath his intention of becoming an American citizen. He resided in 
 New York city a year and eleven months. 
 
 A year after he had declared his intention to assume American citizen- 
 ship, Koszta went to Smyrna on business, where he remained for a time 
 undisturbed. He had so inflamed the Austrian government against him, 
 however, that a plot was formed to capture him. On June 21, 1853, while 
 he was seated on the Marina, a public resort in Smyrna, a band of Greek 
 mercenaries, hired by the Austrian Consul, seized him and carried him off 
 to an Austrian ship-of-war, the Htizzar, then lying in tiie harlK)r. Arch- 
 duke John, brotlier of the emperor, is said to have been in command of this 
 vessel. Koszta was put in irons and treated as a criminal. The next da\ 
 an American sloop-of-war, the St. Louis, commanded by Captain Duncan N. 
 Ingraham, sailed into the harbor. Learning what had happened. Captain 
 Ingraham immediately sent on board the Huzzar and courteously asked 
 permission to see Koszta. His request was granted, and the captain 
 assured himself that Koszta was entitled to the protection of the American 
 flag. He demanded his release from the Austrian commander. When it 
 was refused, he communicated with the nearest United States official, Con- 
 sul Brown, at Constantinople. While he was waiting for an answer six 
 Austrian warships sailed into the harbor and came to anchor in positions 
 near i\\G Huzzar. On June 29th, before Captain Ingraham The"St 
 had received any answer from the American Consul, he Louis "and 
 noticed unusual signs of activit\- on board the Hiizzar, and * c'Huzzar 
 before long she began to get under way. The .'\merican captain made up 
 his mind immediately. He put the St. Louis straight in the I/uzzar's 
 course and cleared his guns for action. The Huzzar hove to, and Captain 
 Ingraham went on board and demanded the meaning of her action. 
 
 ■■ We propose to sail for home," replied the Austrian. " The consul 
 has ordered us to take our prisoner to Austria." 
 
388 THE UNITED STATES SUSTAINS ITS DIGNITY ABROAD 
 
 You will pardon me," said Captain Ingraham, "but if you attempt to 
 leave this port with that American on board I shall be compelled to resort 
 te extreme measures." 
 
 The Austrian glanced around at the lleet of Austrian war-ships and the 
 single American sloop-of-war. Then he smiled pleasantly, and intimated that 
 the Hiczar would do as she pleased. 
 
 Captain Ingraham bowed and returned to the St. Louis. He had no 
 soone* reached her deck than he called out : "Clear the guns for action !" 
 
 The Archduke of Austria saw the batteries of the St. Louis turned 
 upon him, and suddenly realized that he was in the wrong. The Huzzar 
 was put about and sailed back to her old anchorage. Word was sent to 
 Captain Ingraham that the Austrian would await the arrival of the note 
 from Mr. Brown. 
 
 The consul's note, which came on July ist, commended Captain Ingra- 
 ham's course and advised him to take whatever action he thought the situa- 
 tion demanded. At eight o'clock on the morning of July 2d, Captain In- 
 graham sent a note to the commander of the Huzzar, formally demanding 
 the release of Mr. Koszta. Unless the prisoner was delivered on board the 
 St. Louis before four o'clock the next afternoon, Captain Ingraham would 
 take him from the Austrians by force. The Archduke sent back a formal 
 refusal. At eight o'clock the next morning Captain Ingraham once more 
 Koszta is aiven ordered the decks cleared for action and trained his batteries 
 Up to Ingra- on the Huzzar. The seven Austrian war vessels cleared their 
 *" decks and put their men at the guns. 
 
 At ten o'clock an Austrian officer came to Captain Ingraham and began 
 to temporize. Captain Ingraham refused to listen to him. 
 
 " To avoid the worst," he said, " I will agree to let the man be delivered 
 to the French Consul at Smyrna until you have opportunity to communicate 
 with your government, ^ut he must be delivered there, or I will take him. 
 I have stated the time." 
 
 At twelve o'clock a boat left the Huzzar with Koszta in it, and an hour 
 later the French Consul sent word that Koszta was in his keeping. Then 
 several of the Austrian war-wessels sailed out of the harbor. Long negotia- 
 tions between the two governments followed, and in the end Austria ad- 
 mitted that the United States was in the right, and apologized. 
 
 Scarcely had the plaudits which greeted Captain Ingraham's intrepid 
 course died away, when, the next year, another occasion arose where our 
 government was obliged to resort to the show of force. This time Nica- 
 ragua was the country involved. Various outrages, as was contended, had 
 been committed on the persons and property of American citizens dwelling 
 
77//r UNITF.D STATES SUSTAINS ITS DlCNTrV A P, ROAD 389 
 
 in that couiitr)-. The repeated tlemamls for redress were not complied 
 ■with. Peaceful negotiations having Jailed, in June, 1854, xiie Trouble 
 Commander Hollins, with the sloop of war Cyane, was with Nicara. 
 ordered to proceed to the town of San Juan, or Greytown, ^"* 
 which lies on the Mosquito coast of Nicaragua, and to insist on favorable 
 action from tlie Nicaraguan government. 
 
 Captain Hollins came to anchor off the coj\st and placed his demands 
 before the authorities. He waited patiently for a response, but no satisfac- 
 tory one was offered him. After a number of days he made a final appeal 
 and then proceeded to carry out his instructions. On the morning of July 
 13th he directed his batteries on the town of San Juan and opened fire. 
 Until four o'clock in the afternoon the ship poured out broadsides as 
 fast as its guns could be loaded. Hy that time the greater part of the 
 town was destroyed. Then a party of marines was put on shore, and 
 completed the destruction of the place by burning the houses. 
 
 A lieutenant of the British navy commanding a small vessel of war was 
 in the harbor at the time. England claimed a species of protectorate over 
 the settlement, and the British officer raised violent protest against the 
 action taken by America's representative. Captain Hollins, however, paid 
 no attention to the interference and carried out his instructions. The 
 United States government later sustained Captain Hollins in everything 
 he had done, and England thereupon thought best to let the matter drop. 
 In this that country was uncjuestionably wise. 
 
 At this time the United States seems to have entered upon a period of 
 international conflict ; for no sooner had the difficulties with Austria and 
 Nicaragua been adjusted than another war-cloud appeared on the horizon. 
 Here again only a year from the last conflict had elapsed, for in 1855 an 
 offense was committed against the United States by Paragua\-. 
 
 To explain what it was we shall have to go back three years. " araguayan 
 
 ^ . , , . . Waters 
 
 In 1852 Captain Thomas J. Page, commanding a small light- 
 draught steamer, the Water Witch, by direction of his government started 
 for South America to explore the River La Plata and its large tributaries, 
 with a view to opening up commercial . intercourse between the United 
 States and the interior States of South America. We have said that the 
 expedition was ordered by our government ; it also remains to be noted 
 tiiat it was undertaken with the full consent and approbation of the 
 countries having jurisdiction over those waters. Slowly, but surely, the 
 little steamer pushed her way up the river, making soundings and charting 
 the river as she proceeded. All went well until P^ebruary i, 1855, when the 
 first sign of trouble appeared. 
 
3Qr. THE UNITED STATES SUSTAINS ITS DIGNITY ABROAD 
 
 It was a lovely day in early summer — the summer be^jins In I'^ebruarji 
 in that latitude — and nothing appeared to indicate the slightest disturbance 
 The little Water Witch was quietly steaming up the Riv^er Parana, which 
 forms the northern boundary of the State of Corrientes, separating ip from 
 Paraguay, when suddenly, without a moment's warning, a battery from Fort 
 Itaparu, on the Paraguayan shore, ojiened fire upon her, immediately killing 
 
 The Assault on 
 
 one of her crew, who at that time was at tlie wheel. Fht 
 
 the "Water JJ^atcr Jl'itck was not fitted for hostilities; least of all could 
 ' '^ she assume the risk of attempting to run the batteries of the 
 
 fort. Accordingly, Captain Page put the steamer about, and was soon out 
 of range. It should here be explained that at that time President Carlos 
 A. Lopez was the autocratic ruler of Paraguay, and that he had previously 
 received Captain Page with every assurance of friendship. A few months 
 previous, however, Lopez had been antagonized by the Uniteil States con- 
 sul at Ascencion. This gentleman, in addition to his official position, acted 
 as agent for an American mercantile company of which Lopez disapproved 
 and whose business he had broken up. He had also issued a decree 
 forbidding foreign vessels of war to navigate the Parana or any of the 
 waters bounding Paraguay, which he clearly had no right to do, as half the 
 stream belonged to the country bordering on the other side. 
 
 Captain Page, finding it impracticable to prosecute his exploration any 
 further, at once returned to the United States, where he gave the Washington 
 authorities a detailed account of the occurrence. It was claimed by our 
 government that the Water JVitch was not subject to the jurisdiction of 
 Paraguay, as the channel was the equal property of the Argentine Republic. 
 It was further claimed that, even if she had been within the jurisdiction of Para- 
 guay, she was not properly a vessel of war, but a government boat employed 
 for scientific purposes. And even were the vessel supposed to be a war 
 vessel, it was contended that it was a gross violation of international right 
 and courtesy to fire shot at the vessel of a friendly power without first 
 resorting to more peaceful means. At that time William L. Marcy, one of the 
 ioremost statesmen of his day, was Secretary of State. Mr. Marcy at once 
 
 wrote a stronof letter to the Parasruavan government, stating 
 Marcy Demands , , ^ f , , • , i • r r. 
 
 Reparation ^^'^ lacts oi the case, declaring that the action ot Paraguay m 
 
 firing upon the Water Witch would not be submitted to, and 
 
 demanding ample apology and compensation. All efforts in this direction, 
 
 however, proved fruitless. Lopez refused to give any reparation ; and not 
 
 only so, but declared that no American vessel would be allowed to ascend 
 
 the Parana for the purpose indicated. 
 
'/■///•; UNITl-.D STATES SUSTAINS ITS DICMTV AH ROAD ^nr 
 
 The fvt-nt, as il became known, aroused not a little excitement ; and 
 while there were some who de[)recated a resort to extreme measures, the 
 general sentiment of the country was decideiU)' manifested in favor of an 
 assertion of our rights in the premises. Accordingly, President I'ierce sent 
 a message to Congress, stating that a jjeaceful adjustment of the difficulty was 
 impossible, and asking for aullu)rit\- to send such a naval force to Paraguay 
 e- would compel her arbitrary ruler to give the full satisfaction demanded. 
 
 I'o this request Congress promptly and almost unanimously gave 
 assent, and one of the strongest naval expeditions ever fitted out b\' the 
 United Slates up to that time was ordered to assemble at \.\\v. mouth of La 
 Plata River. The Heet was an imposing one for the purpose, and com- 
 prised nineteen vessels, seven of which were steamers specially ^ Powerful 
 chartered for the purpose, as our largest war vessels were of Fleet Sent to 
 too deep draught to ascend the La Plata and Parana. The ^^^^^»^y 
 entire squadron carried 200 guns and 2,500 men, and was commanded by 
 llag officer, afterward rear-admiral, Shubrick, one of the oldest officers of 
 our navy, and one of the most gallant men that ever trod a quarter-deck. 
 Flag Officer Shubrick was accompanied by United States Commissioner 
 Bowlin, to whom was intrusted negotiations for the settlement of the 
 difficulty. 
 
 Three years and eleven months had now passed since the ]]\ittr W'itcli 
 was fired upon, and President Buciianan had succeeded Franklin Pierce. 
 The winter of 1S59 was just closing in at the north ; the streams were closed 
 by ice, and the lakes were ice-bound, but the palm trees of the south were 
 displaying their fresh green leaves, like so many fringed banners, in the 
 warm tropical air when the United States, squadron assembled at Monte- 
 video. The lleet included two United States frigates, the Sahinc and the 
 St. Laiurcncc ; two sloops-of-war, the Falmouth and the Preble ; three brigs, 
 iha Bainbriiloc, \.\\(i Dolphin i\nd the Per?y ; seven steamers especially armed 
 for the occasion, the Memphis, the Caledonia, the Atlanta, the Southern Star, 
 the IVestcrnport, the M. IV. Chapin, and the Mctacomet ; two armed store- 
 ships, the Supply and the Release ; the revenue steamer, Harriet Lane; and, 
 lastly, the little Jl'ater J I 'itch herself, no longer defenceless, but in fighting 
 trim for ln)stilities. 
 
 On tlu' 25th of January, 1859, within just one week of four years from 
 the firing up- • the JVater JVitch, the squadron got under way and came to 
 anchor off Ascencion, the capital of Paraguay. Meanwhile ^^^ sMps 
 President Urquiza, of the Argentine Republic, who had Anchor off 
 offered his services to mediate the difficulty, had arrived at Ascencion 
 .'\;;cencion in ailvance of the squadron. The negotiations were reopened, and 
 
:^qi> rifE UNITED STATES SUSTAINS ITS DIGNITY ABROAD 
 
 Commissioner Bowlin made his demand for instant reparation. All this 
 time Flag Officer Shubrick was not idle. With such of our vessels as were 
 of suitable size he ascended the river, taking them through the difficulties 
 created b\' its currents, shoals and sand bars, and brought them to a position 
 above the town, where they were made ready for action in case of necessity 
 to open fire. The force within striking distance of Paraguay consisted of' 
 1,740 men, besides the ofiicers, and 78 guns, including 23 nine-inch shell 
 guns and one shell gun of eleven inches. 
 
 Ships and guns proved to be very strong arguments with Lopez. It did 
 not take the 1 )ictator-President long to see that the United States meant 
 business, and that the time for trifling had passed and the time for serious 
 work had come. President Lopez's cerebral processes worked with re- 
 markable and encouraging celerity. By February 5th, within less than 
 two weeks of the starting of the squadron from Montevideo, Commissioner 
 Bowlin's demands were all acceded to. Ample apologies were made for 
 
 ,, ., ^, firingr on the Water IVitch, aud pecuniary compensation was 
 
 President Lopez _ ^ ^ . 
 
 Brought to given to the family of the sailor who had been killed. In 
 Terms addition to this, a new commercial treaty was made, and 
 
 cordial relations were fully restored between the two governments. 
 
 A period of more than thirty years now elapsed before any serious dif- 
 ficulty occurred with a foreign power. In 1S91 an event took place that 
 threatened to disturb our relations with Chili and possibly involve the 
 United States in war with that power. Happil)' the matter reached a peace- 
 ful settlement. In January, of that year, civil war had broken out in Chili, the 
 cause of which was a contest between the legislative branch of the government 
 The Civil War and the executive, for the control of affairs. The President of 
 in Chili Chili, General Balmaceda, began to assert authority which the 
 
 legislature, or "the Congressionalists," as the opposing" party was called, 
 resisted as unconstitutional and oppressive, and they accordingly proceeded 
 to interfere with Balmaceda's Cabinet in its efforts to carry out the presi- 
 dent's despotic will. 
 
 Finally matters came to a point where appeal to arms was necessary. 
 On the 9th of January the Congressional party took possession of the 
 greater part of the Chilian fleet, the navy being in hearty sympathy with 
 them, and the guns of the warships were turned against Balmaceda, — ■ 
 Valparaiso, the capital, and other ports being blockaded '^y the ships. 
 For a time Balmaceda maintained control of the capital and the southern 
 part of the country. The key to the position was Valparaiso, which was 
 strongly fortified, Balmaceda's army being massed there and placed at 
 available points. 
 
THE UNITllD STATES SUSTAINS ITS DIGNITY ABROAD JVj 
 
 At last tlie Congressionalists determined to attack Balmaceda at liis 
 capital, and on Aut:^ust 2ist landed every available fighting man at their 
 disposal at Concon, about ten miles north of X'alparaiso. They were 
 attacked by the Dictator on the 22d, there l)eing twenty thousand men on 
 each side. The Dictator had the worst of it. Then he rallied his shattered 
 forces, and made his last stand at Placillo, close to Valparaiso, on the 28th. 
 Thi' battle was hot, the carnasj^e fearful ; neither side asked for or received 
 quarter. The magazine rifles, with which the revolutionists were armed, 
 did wonders. The odds were against Balmaceda ; both his generals quar- 
 reled in face of the enemy ; his army became divided and de- 
 moralized. In a later battle both of his generals were killed. tu^f^* "^".^ 
 
 ^ of Balmaceda 
 
 The valor and the superior tactics of General Canto, leader of 
 
 the Congressional army, won the day. Balmaceda fled and eventually 
 
 committed suicide, and the Congressionalists entered the capital in 
 
 trium[)h. 
 
 Several incidents meantime had conspired, during the progress of this 
 war, to rouse the animosity of the stronger party in Chili against the United 
 States. Before the Congressionalists' triumph the steamship Itata, loaded 
 with American arms and ammunition for Chili, sailed from .San Francisco, 
 and as this was a violation of the neutrality laws, a United States war vessel 
 j)ursued her to the harbor of Iquique, where she surrendered. Then other 
 troubles arose. Our minister at Valparaiso, Mr. Egan, was chargc'd by the 
 Congressionalists, then in power, with disregarding international law in 
 allowing the American Legation to be made an asylum for the adherents of 
 Balmaceda. Subsequently these refugees were permitted to go aboard 
 American vessels and sail away. Then Admiral Brown, of the United 
 States s([uadron, was, in Chili's opinion, guilty of having acted as a spy 
 upon the movements of the Congressionalists' fleet at Ouinteros, and of 
 bringing intelligence of its movements to Balmaceda at Valparaiso. This, 
 however, the Admiral stoutly denied. 
 
 The strong popular feeling of dislike which was engendered by these 
 charges culminated on tne 1 6th of October, in an attack upon American sea- 
 men by a mob in the streets of the Chilian capital. Captain Schley, com- 
 mander of the United States cruiser Baltimore, had given shore-leave to a 
 hundred and seventeen petty otTicers and seamen, some of An Attack on 
 whom, when they had been on shore for several hours, were the Men of 
 
 set upon by Chilians. Thev took refuse in a street car, from * ^ ",,^*'' 
 
 ' ^ ' . . more 
 
 which, however, they were soon driven and mercilessly beaten, 
 
 and a subordinate officer named Riggen fell, apparently lifeles.s. The Ameri- 
 can sailors, according to Captain Schley's testimony, were sober and 
 
394 THE UNITED STATES SUSTAINS ITS DIGNITY ABROAD 
 
 conducting themselves with propriety when the attack was made. They 
 were not armed, even their knives having been taken from them before they 
 left the vessel. 
 
 The assault upon those in the street car seemed to be only a signal for 
 a general uprising ; and a mob which is variously estimated at from one 
 thousand to two thousand people attacked our sailors with such fury that in 
 a little while these men, whom no investigation could find guilty of any 
 breach of the peace, were fleeing for their lives before an overwhelming 
 crowd, among which were a number of the police of Valparaiso. In this 
 affray eighteen sailors were stabbed, several dying from their wounds. 
 
 Of course the United States government at once communicated with 
 the Chilian authorities on the subject, expressing an intention to investigate 
 the occurrence fully. The first reply made to the American government by 
 Signor Matta, the Chilian minister of foreign affairs, was to the effect that 
 Chili would not allow anything to interfere with her own official investi- 
 gation. 
 
 An examination of all the facts was made on our part. It was careful 
 and thorough, and showed that our flag had been insulted in the persons of 
 American seamen. Yet, while the Chilian court of inquiry could present 
 An investiga- "*^^ extenuating facts, that country refused at first to offer 
 tion ne= apology or reparation for the affront. In the course of the 
 
 correspondence Minister Matta sent a note of instruction to 
 Mr. Montt, Chilian representative at Washington, in which he used the most 
 offensive terms in relation to the United States, and directed that the letter 
 should be given to the press for publication. 
 
 After waiting for a long time for the result of the investigation at 
 Valparaiso, and finding that, although no excuse or palliation had been found 
 for the outrage, the Chilian authorities seemed reluctant to offer apology, 
 the President of the United States, in a message to Congress, made an ex- 
 tended statement of the various incidents of the case and its legal aspect, 
 and stated that on the 21st of January he had caused a peremptory com- 
 munication to be presented to the Chilian government by the American 
 minister at Santiago, in which severance of diplomatic relations was 
 threatened if our demands for satisfaction, which included the withdrawal 
 of Mr. Matta's insulting note, were not complied with. At the time that 
 this message was delivered no reply had been sent to the note. 
 
 Mr. Harrison's statement of the legal aspect of the case, upon which 
 the final settlement of the difficulty was based, was that the presence of a 
 Warship of any nation in a port belonging to a friendly power is by virtue 
 of a general invitation which nations are held to extend to each other ; that 
 
THE UNITED STATUS SUSTAINS ITS DIGNITY ABROAD 
 
 395 
 
 Commamler Schley was invited, witli his officers and crew, to enjoy tlie 
 liospitality of Valparaiso; that while no claim that an attack which an 
 individual sailor may be subjected to raises an international y^g American 
 question, yet where the resident population assault sailors of Case I're- 
 another country's war vessels, as at Valparaiso, aniniaUnl by an *''^" ^ 
 animosity against the <^overnment to which they belon;^, that government 
 must act as it would if the representatives or Hag of the nation had been 
 attacked, since the sailors are there by the order of their government. 
 
 Finally an ultimatum was sent from the State department at Washing- 
 ton, on the C3th. to Minister Egan, and was by him transmitted to the 
 proper Chilian authorities. It demanded the retraction of Mr. Matta's note 
 and suitable apology and reparation for the insult and injury chili Offers an 
 sustained by the United States. On the 2Sth of January, Apology and 
 1892, a dispatch from Chili was received, in which the de- Reparation 
 mands of our government were fully acceded to, the offensive letter was 
 withdrawn, and regret was expressed for the occurrence. In his relation to 
 this particular case, Minister Egan's conduct received the entire approval of 
 his government. 
 
 While the United States looked for a peaceful solution of tliis annoy- 
 ing international episode, the proper preparations were made for a less 
 desirable outcome. Our naval force was put in as efficient a condition as 
 possible, and the vessels which were then in the navy yard were got 
 ready for service with all expedition. If the Ciiilian war-scare ilid nothing 
 else, it aroused a wholesome interest in naval matters throughout the whole 
 of the United States, and by focusing attention upon the needs of this 
 branch of the public service, showed at once how helpless we might become 
 in the event of a war with any first-class power. We may thank Chili that 
 to-day the United States Navy is in a better condition than at any time in 
 our history. 
 
 When the great Napoleon was overthrown, France, Russia, Prussia 
 and Austria formed an alliance for preserving the "balance of power" and 
 for suppressing revolutions within one another's dominions. This has been 
 spoken of in a preceding chapter as the " Holy Alliance." At the time 
 the Spanish South American colonies were in revolt, and the alliance had 
 taken steps indicating an intention to aid in their reduction. George Can- 
 ning, the English secretary of state, pro[)osed to our country that we should 
 unite with England in preventinsr such an outra'';c a^rainst 
 
 civilization. It was a momentous question, and President ^ ' "?'^"* 
 
 ' Doctrine 
 
 Monroe consulted with Jefferson, Madison, Calhoun and 
 
 John Ouincy Adams, the secretary of state, before making answer. The 
 
3g6 THE UNITED STATES SUSTAINS ITS DIGNITY ABROAD 
 
 decision being reached, the President embodied in his annual message to 
 Congress in December, 1S23, a clause which formulated what has ever since 
 been known as the " Monroe Doctrine." It was written by John Ouincy 
 Adams, and, referring to the intervention of the allied powers, said that we 
 " should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any 
 portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety ;" and 
 further, " that the American continents, by the free and independent condi- 
 tion which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be con- 
 sidered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers." 
 
 By the Monroe Doctrine the United States formally adopted the posi- 
 tion of guardian of the weaker American States, and since its promulgation 
 there have been few aggressions of European nations in America, and none 
 in which the United States has not decisively warned them 
 
 The Case of ^1^ j|_j xno%X. Striking instances may be stated. When, 
 
 Cuba '^ ^ 
 
 during the troubles in Cuba, France and Great Britain sug- 
 gested an alliance with the United States to look after affairs in that 
 quarter, they were given plainly to understand that this country would 
 attend to that matter itself and would brook no interference on the part of 
 foreign powers. It also intimated that, in the event of Spain giving up her 
 authority in Cuba from any cause, the United States proposed to act as 
 the sole arbiter of the destinies of the island. Since that date no European 
 power has shown any inclination to interfere in Cuban affairs. 
 
 The only decided effort to set at naught the Monroe Doctrine was 
 made by France during the American Civil War. Taking advantage of 
 
 . the difficulties under which our g-overnment then labored, 
 France in Mexico •t./t- ■^.^• 
 
 and the Fate France landed an army m Me.xico, overthrew the republic, 
 
 of Maximilian established an empire, and placed Maximilian, a brother of 
 the Emperor of Austria, upon its throne. All went well with the new 
 emperor until after the close of our Civil War ; then all began to go ill. 
 The Monroe Doctrine raised its head again, and the French were plainly 
 hidden to take their troops from Me.xico if they did not want trouble. 
 Napoleon III. was quick to take the hint, and to withdraw his army. Max- 
 imilian was advised to go with it, but he unwisely declined, fancying that 
 he could maintain his seat upon the Mexican throne. He was quickly 
 undeceived. The liberals sprang to arms, defeated with ease his small 
 army, and soon had him in their hands. A few words complete the story. 
 He was tried by court martial, condemned to death, and shot. Thus ended 
 in disaster the most decided attempt to set at naught the Monroe Doctrine 
 of American guardianship. 
 
THE UNITED STATES SUSTAINS ITS DIGNITY ABROAD 397 
 
 A second effort, less piratical in its character, was the attempt of Great 
 
 Britain to extend the borders of British (niiana at the expense of Venezuela. 
 
 To a certain detrree Great Britain seems to have had riidit ^. 
 
 . . . '^ The Venezuelan 
 
 on Its side in this movement, but its methods were those Roundaryand 
 used by strong^ nations when dealing with weak ones, the *'"^ Monroe 
 demand of Venezuela for arbitration was scornfully ignored, 
 and force was used to support a claim whose justice no effort was made to 
 show. These high-handed proceedings were brought to a quick termination 
 by tlic action of the United States, which offered itself as the friend and 
 ally of WMU-zuela in tlu; dispute. President Cleveland insisted on an arbitra- 
 tion of the difficulty in words that had no uncertain ring, and the states- 
 men of Great Britain, convinced that he meant just what he said, submitted 
 with what grace they could. A court of arbitration was appointed, the 
 boundary question put into its hands to settle, and peace and satisfaction 
 reigned again. The Monroe Doctrine had once more decisively asserted 
 itself. By the decision of the court of arbitration each country got the 
 portion of the disputed territory it most valued, and both were satisfied. 
 Thus peace has its triumphs greater than those of war. 
 
 These are not offered as the only occasions in which the United States 
 has come into hostile relations with foreign powers and has sustained its 
 dignity with or without war, but they are the most striking ones, unless we 
 include in this category the Mexican war. Various disputes of a minor 
 character have arisen, notably with Great Britain, the latest being that con- 
 cerning the Alaskan boundary; but those given are the only instances that 
 seem to call for attention here. 
 
CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 Webster and Clay and the Preservation of the Union 
 
 DURING the first half of the nineteenth century a number of great 
 questions came up in American politics and pressed for solution. 
 There was abundance of hostilities — wars with Great Britain, the 
 Barbary states, Mexico and the Indians — and international difficulties of 
 various kinds. The most important of these we have described. We have 
 now to consider questions of internal policy, problems arising in the devel- 
 opment of the nation which threatened its peace and pros- 
 
 Ouestions of In- pgrity, and to deal with which called for the most earnest 
 ternal Policy . . 
 
 patriotism and the highest statesmanship in the political 
 
 leaders of the commonwealth. Among these leaders two men loomed high 
 
 above their contemporaries, Daniel Webster, the supreme orator and 
 
 ■staunch defender of the Union, and Henry Clay, the great peace-maker, 
 
 whose hand for years stayed the waves of the political tempest and more 
 
 than once checked legislative hostilities in their early stage. It was not until 
 
 Clay had passed from the scene that one of the national problems alluded to 
 
 plunged the country into civil war and racked the Union almost to the 
 
 point of dissolution. 
 
 Of these great political questions, danger to the Union arose from two, 
 
 the problem of the tariff and the dispute over the institution of slavery. 
 
 There were others of minor importance, prominent among them those of 
 
 internal improvement at government expense, and of state 
 
 anger to t e ritrhts, or the decree of independence of the states under the 
 Union '=' ^ ' 
 
 Federal Union, but it was the first two only that threatened 
 
 the existence of the nation, and in dealing with which the noblest states- 
 manship and the most fervid and convincing oratory were called into play. 
 The subject of slavery in particular gloomed above the nation like a terrible 
 thunder cloud. All other questions of domestic policy — tariff, currency, 
 internal improvements, state rights — were subordinate to the main ques- 
 tion of how to preserve the Union under this unceasing threat. Some, 
 like Calhoun, were ready to abandon the Union that slavery might be 
 saved; others, like Garrison, were ready to abandon the Union that slavery 
 might be destroyed. Between these extremes stood many able and patriotic 
 398 
 
THE PRESERVATION OF THE UNION 399 
 
 statesmen, who, to save the Union, were ready to make any sacrifice and 
 join in any compromise. And hij^di amono; tliese, for more than fifty years, 
 stood the noi)le figure of Henry Clay. 
 
 Not often does a man whose life is spent in purely civil affairs become 
 such a popular hero and idol as did Clay — especially when it is his fate 
 never to reach the higiiest place in the people's gift. " Was there ever," 
 says Parton, " a public man, not at the head of a state, so be- 
 loved as he ? Who ever heard such cheers, so hearty, distinct '**' *,""?** 
 
 ■' Popularity 
 
 and ringing, as those wiiich his name evoked? Men shed 
 tears at his defeat, and women went to bed sick from pure sympathy with 
 his disappointment. He could not travel during the last thirty years of his 
 life, but only make progresses. When he left home the i)ublic seizetl him 
 and bore him along over the land, the committee of one state passing him 
 on to the committee of another, and the hurrahs of one town dying away as 
 those of the ne.xt caught his ear." 
 
 Born a poor boy, who had to make his way up from the lowest state o' 
 frontier indigence, he was favored by nature with a kindly soul, the finest 
 and most effective powers of oratory, and a voice of the most admirable 
 character ; one of deep and rich tone, wonderful volume, and sweet and 
 tender harmony, which invested all he said with majesty, and swept 
 audiences away as much by its musical and swelling cadences as by the 
 logic and convincing nature of his utterances. 
 
 After years of active and useful labor in Congress, it was in 181S that 
 Clay first stepped into the arena for the calming of the passions of Con- 
 gress and the preservation of the Union, a duty to which he devoted him- 
 self for the remainder of his life. In the year named a petition for the 
 admission of Missouri into the Union was presented in Congress, and with 
 it began that long and bitter struggle over slavery which did not end until 
 the surrender of Lee at Appomattox in 1865. 
 
 For years the sentiment in favor of slavery had been growing stronger 
 in the South. .\t one time many of the wisest southern statesmen and 
 planters disap{)roved of the institution and proposed its aboli- 
 tion Rut the invention of the cotton gin by P21i Whitney, in sentiment 
 1793, and the subsequent great development of the cotton 
 culture had decidedly changed the situation. Hy 1800 liie value of the 
 cotton product had advanced to $5,700,000. In 1S20 it had made another 
 great advance, and was valued at nearly $20,ooo,o<')0. There was now no 
 thought of doing away with the use of slaves, but a strojig sentiment had 
 arisen in the South in favor of extending the area in wliicli slave labor 
 could be employed. 
 
400 THE PRESERVATION OF THE UNION 
 
 In the North a different state of feeUng existed. Slavery was believed 
 
 to be a wrong and an injury to American institutions, though no movement 
 
 for its abolition had been started. Many people thought it ought to and 
 
 would disappear in time, but there was no idea of taking steps 
 
 The Admission ^ • ,. r, , ■,,•,,?, 
 
 of Missouri '^'^ eniorce its disappearance. But when, in the bill for the 
 admission of Missouri, there was shown a purpose of extend- 
 ing the area of slavery, northern sentiment became alarmed and a strong 
 opposition to this project developed in Congress. 
 
 It was the sudden revelation of a change of feeling in the South which 
 the North had not observed in its progress. "The discussion of this Mis- 
 souri question has betrayed the secret of their souls," wrote John Quincy 
 Adams. The slaveholders watched with apprehension the steady growth of 
 the free states in population, wealth and power. In 1790 the population 
 of the two sections had been nearly even. In 1820 there was a difference 
 of over 600,000 in favor of the North in a total of less than ten millions. 
 In 1790 the representation of the two sections in Congress had been about 
 evenly balanced. In 1820 the census promised to give the North a prepon- 
 derance of more than thirty votes in the House of Representatives. If 
 the South was to retain its political equality in Congress, or at least in the 
 Senate, it must have more slave states, and there now began a vigorous 
 struggle with this object in view. It was determined, if possible, to have 
 as many states as the North, and it was with this purpose that it fought so 
 hard to have slavery introduced into Missouri. 
 
 The famous " Missouri Compromise," by which the ominous dispute of 
 
 1820 was at last settled, included the admission of one free state (Maine) 
 
 and one slave state (Missouri) at the same time, and it was enacted that no 
 
 other slave state should be formed out of any part of the Louisiana 
 
 territory north of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes, which 
 
 e Missouri ^^^ the southern boundary line of Missouri. The assent of 
 Compromise _ _ _ -^ 
 
 opposing parties to this arrangement was secured largely by 
 the patriotic efforts of Clay, who, says Schurz, " did not confine himself to 
 speeches, * * * but went from man to man, expostulating, beseeching, 
 persuading, in his most winning way. * * * His success added greatly 
 to his reputation and gave new strength to his influence." The result, says 
 John Quincy Adams, was "to bring into full display the talents and re- 
 sources and influence of Mr. Clay." He was praised as " the great pacifi- 
 cator" — a title which was confirmed by the deeds of his later life. 
 
 Clay served as secretary of state during the administration of John 
 Quincy Adams, but in 1829, when Jackson, his bitter enemy, succeeded to 
 the presidency, he retired for a short .season to private life in his beautiful 
 
THE I'Rl-.SERVATIOM OF THE UNION 401 
 
 Kentucky lu)ine. But he was not long to remain there; in 1831 he was 
 ai^^ain elected lo the Senate, where he remained until KS42. They were 
 stormy years. In South Carolina the opposition to the protective tariff had 
 led to the promulgation of the famous " nullification " theory — the doctrine 
 that any state had the power to declare a law of the United States null 
 ami void. Jackson, whose anger was thoroughly aroused, dealt with the 
 revolt in summary fashion, threatening that if any resistance to the govern- 
 ment was attempted he would instantl)' have tht; lead(;rs arrested and 
 brought to trial for treason. Nevertheless, to allay the discontent of the 
 South, Clay devised his Compromise Tariff of 1833, under which the duties 
 were to he grailuall)' reduced, until they should reach a minimum of twenty 
 per cent. In 1832 he allowed himself, very unwisely, to be a candidate for 
 the presidency, Jackson's re-election being a foregone conclusion. In 1836 
 he declined a nomination, and Van Buren was elected. Then followed the 
 panic of 1837, which insured the defeat of the party in power, and the elec- 
 tion of the Whig candidate at the following presidential election ; but the 
 popularity of General Jackson had convinced the party managers that suc- 
 cess demanded a military hero as a candidate ; and accordingly General 
 Harrison, "the hero of Tippecanoe," was elected, after the famous "Log 
 Cabin and liard Cider campaign " of 1840. This slight was deeply morti- 
 fying to Clay, who had counted with confidence upon being the candidate 
 of the part)-. " I am the most unfortunate man in the history of parties," 
 he truly remarked; "always run by my friends when sure to be defeated, 
 and now betra)ed for a nomination when I, or an)' one else, would be sure 
 of an election." 
 
 In 1844, however, Clay's opportunity came at last. He was so obvi- 
 ousl)- the Whig candidate that there was no opposition. The ciavasa 
 convention met at Baltimore in May, and he was nominated Presidential 
 by acclamation, with a shout that shook the building. Every- <^andidate 
 thing appeared to indicate success, and his supporters regarded his iri- 
 vnnphant election as certain. 
 
 But into the politics of the time had come a new factor — the '* Libertv 
 parly." This had been hitherto considered unimportant ; but the proposed 
 annexation of Texas, which had become a prominent question, was opposed 
 by many in the North who had hitherto voted with the Whig party. Clay 
 was a slaveholder ; and though he had opposed the extension of slavery, his 
 record was nc)t satisfactory to those who disapproved of the annexation of 
 Texas. In truth, the opposition to slavery in the North was rapidly gaining 
 political strength, while the question of the annexation of Texas was looked 
 upon as one for the extension of the " peculiar institution," since Texas 
 
402 
 
 THE PRESERVATION OF THE UNION 
 
 would, under the Missouri Compromise, fall into line as a slave state, and 
 
 was large enough, if Congress should permit, to be cut up into a number oi 
 
 slave states. Clay was between two fires. He was distrusted 
 
 TheContest j^^ ji^^^ South ; while his competitor, Polk, was pledged to 
 
 of 1844 , ^ ^ ^ . , 
 
 support the annexation of Texas. He was doubted in the 
 North as a slaveholder. His old enemy, Jackson, used his influence strongly 
 against him. The contest finally turned upon the vote of New York, and 
 that proved so close that the suspense became painful. People did not go 
 to bed, waiting for the delayed returns. The contest was singularly like 
 that of Blaine and Garfield, forty years later, when the result again turned 
 upon a close vote in the State of New York. When at last the decisive 
 news was received, and the fact of Clay's defeat was assured, the Whigs 
 broke out in a wail of agony all over the land. " It was," says Nathan Sar- 
 gent, "as if the first-born of every family had been stricken down." The 
 descriptions we have of the grief manifested are almost incredible. Tears 
 flowed in abundance from the eyes of men and women. In the cities and 
 villages the business places were almost deserted for a day or two, people 
 gathering together in groups to discuss in low tones what had happened. 
 The Whigs were fairly stunned by their defeat, and the Democrats failed 
 to indulge in demonstrations of triumph, it being widely felt that a great 
 wrong had been done. It was the opinion of many that there would be no 
 hope thereafter of electing the great statesmen of the country to the 
 presidency, and that this high office would in future be attained only by 
 men of second-rate ability. 
 
 The last and greatest work of the life of Henry Clay was the famous 
 Compromise of 1850, which has been said to have postponed for ten years 
 
 the great Civil War. At that period the sentiment against 
 miseofiSso slavery was rapidly increasing in the North and had gained 
 
 great strength. Though the number of free and slave states 
 continued equal, the former were fast surpassing the latter in wealth and 
 population. 
 
 It was evident that slavery must have more territory or lose its political 
 influence. Shut out of the northwest by the Missouri Compromise, it was 
 supposed that a great field for Its extension had been gained in Texas and the 
 territory acquired from Mexico. But now California, a part of this territory 
 which had been counted upon for slavery, was populated by a sudden rush 
 of northern immigration, attracted by the discovery of gold ; and a state 
 government was organized with a constitution excluding slavery, thus 
 giving the free states a majority of one. Instead of adding to the area of 
 slavery, the Mexican territory seemed likely to increase the strength «*f 
 
THE Pni-SHRWITION OF THE UNION 403 
 
 freedom. The Soiitli was both alarmed and exasperated. Threats of dis 
 union were freely made. It was clear that prompt measures must be taken 
 to allay the prevailins^r e.xcitement, if disruption were to be avoided. In such 
 an emeri^ency it was natural that all eyes should turn to the "t,rreat pacifi- 
 cator," Henry Clay. 
 
 When, at the session of 1849-50, he appeared in the Senate to assist, if 
 possibli-. in removin^r the slavery question from j)olitics, Cla\' was an infirm 
 and serious, but not sad, old man of seventy-two. lie never lost his cheer- 
 fulness or faith, but he felt deeply for his distracted ccHintry. During^ that 
 memorable session of Congress he spoke seventy times. Often extremely 
 
 sick and feeble, scarcely able, with the assistance of a friend's 
 
 , . , , f 1 /- • 1 I 1 An Orator of 
 
 arm, to climb the steps ol the Capitol, he was never absent seventy-two 
 
 on the days when the compromise was to be debated. On 
 the morning on which he began his great speech, he was accompanied by a 
 clerical friend, to whom he said, on reaching the long flight of steps leading 
 to the Capitol, " Will you lend me your arm, my friend ? for I find myself 
 quite weak and exiiausted this morning." Every few steps he was obliged 
 to stop and take breath. " Had you not better defer your speech ?" asked 
 the clergyman. " My dear friend," said the dying orator, " I consider our 
 country in ilanger ; and if I can be the means, in any measure, of averting 
 that danger, my health or life is of little consequence." When he rose to 
 speak it was but too evident that he was unfit for the task he had under- 
 taken. But as he kindled with his subject, his cough left him, and his bent 
 form resumed all its wonted erectness and majesty. He may, in the [jrime 
 of his strength, have spoken with more energy, but never with so much 
 pathos or grandeur. His speech lasted two days; and though he lived two 
 years longer, he never recovered from the effects of the effort. The ther- 
 mometer in the Senate chamber marked nearly 100 degrees. Toward the 
 close of the second day, his friends repeatedly proposed an adjournment; 
 but he would not desist until he had given complete utterance tcj hi^ 
 feelings. He said afterwards that he was not sure, if he gave way to an 
 adjournment, that he should ever be able to resume. 
 
 Never was Clay's devotion to the Union displayed in such thrilling and 
 pathetic forms as in the course of this long debate. On one occasion allu- 
 sion was made to a South Carolina hot-head, who had publicly 
 
 , 1 ,T f 1- ■ I in ,^-1 t Clav's Tribute 
 
 proposed to raise the Hag ol disunion. W hen Clay retorted to the Union 
 
 by saying, that, if Mr. Rhett had really meant that pro- 
 position, and should follow it up by corres[jonding acts, he would be a 
 traitor, aiul added, "and I hope he will meet a traitor's fate," thunders of 
 ajjphiuse broke from the crowded ;;alleries. WHieii the chairman succeeded 
 
404 THE PRESERVATION OE THE UNION 
 
 in restoring silence, Mr. Clay made that celebrated declaration which was so 
 frequently quoted in 1861 : " If Kentucky to-morrow shall unfurl the banner 
 of resistance unjustly, I will never fight under that banner. I owe para- 
 mount allegiance to the whole Union, a subordinate one to my own 
 state." Again ; " The senator speaks of Virginia being my country. This 
 Union, sir, is my country ; the thirty states are my country ; Kentucky is my 
 country, and Virginia, no more than any state in the Union." And yet 
 again : " There are those who think that the Union must be preserved by 
 an exclusive reliance upon love and reason. That is not my opinion. I 
 have some confidence in this instrumentality ; but, depend upon it, no 
 human government can exist without the power of applying force, and the 
 actual application of it in extreme cases." 
 
 The compromise offered by Clay became known as the " Omnibus Bill," 
 from the various measures it covered. It embraced the following provi- 
 sions : I. California should be admitted as a free state. 2. New Mexico 
 and Utah should be formed into territories, and the question of the admis- 
 sion of slavery be left for their people to decide. 3. Texas should give up 
 part of the territory it claimed, and be paid $10,000,000 as 
 ' B'H™"' "* ^ recompense. 4. The slave-trade should be prohibited in 
 the District of Columbia. 5. A stringent law for the return 
 of fugitive slaves to their masters should be enacted. 
 
 The question concerning Texas was the following : Texas claimed that 
 its western boundary followed the Rio Grande to its source. This took in 
 territory which had never been part of Texas, but the claim was strongly 
 pushed, and was settled in the manner above stated. The serious question, 
 however, in this compromise was that concerning the return of fugitive 
 slaves. When an effort was made to enforce the Fugitive Slave Law great 
 opposition was excited, on account of the stringency of its provisions. The 
 fugitive, when arrested, was not permitted to testify in his own behalf or to 
 claim trial by jury, and all persons were required to assist the United States 
 Effect of the marshal, when called upon for aid. To assist a fugitive to 
 Fugitive Slave escape was an offence punishable by fine and imprisonment. 
 ^ In the last two respects the law failed ; and its severe pro- 
 
 visions added greatly to the strength of the anti-slavery party, and thus 
 had much to do in bringing on the Civil War. 
 
 Side by side with Clay in the senate stood another and greater figure, 
 the majestic presence of Daniel Webster, one of the greatest orators the 
 world has ever known, a man fitted to stand on the rostrum with Demos- 
 thenes, the renowned orator of Greece, or with Chatham, Burke, or Glad- 
 stone of the British parliament 1 
 
THE PNESERWVrioM OF '/'J/H UNIOM 405 
 
 In the haH of the United States Senate, on January 26, 1830, occurred 
 what may be considered the most memorable scene in the annals of Congress. 
 It was then that Daniel Webster made his famous " Reply to 
 
 Havne," — that renowned speech which has been declared the ^ _ '"'''*',, 
 
 . . , ... *** Hayne 
 
 greatest oration ever made in Congress, and which, in its far- 
 reaching effect upon the public mind, did so much to shaj^e the future tlestiny 
 of the American Union. That speech was Webster's crowning work, and the 
 event of his life by which \\v. will be best known to posterity. 
 
 Nothing in our history is more striking than the contrast between the 
 Union of the time of Washington and the Union 6f the time of Lincoln. 
 It was not merely that in the intervening seventy-two years the republic 
 had grown great and powerful ; it was that the popular sentiment toward 
 the Union was transformed. The old feeling of distrust and jealousy had 
 given place to a passionate attachment. It was as though a puny, sickly, 
 feeble child, not expected by its parents even to live, had come to be their 
 strong defense and support, their joy and pride. A weak league of states 
 had become a strong nation ; and when in 1861 it was attacked, millions of 
 men were ready to fight for its defence. What brought about this great 
 change ? What was it that stirred the larger patriotism that gave shape 
 and purpose to this growing feeling of national pride and unity? It was in 
 a great degree the work of Daniel Webster. It was he who maintained and 
 advocated the theory that the Federal Constitution created, not a league, 
 but a nation; that it welded the people into organic union, supreme and per- 
 petual. He it was who set forth in splendid completeness the picture of a 
 great nation, inseparably united, commanding the first allegiance and loyalty 
 of every citizen ; and who so fostered and strengthened the sentiment of union 
 that, when the great struyfirle came, it had grown too strong to be over- 
 thrown. 
 
 No description of Daniel Webster is complete or adecjuate which fails 
 to describe his extraordinary personal appearance. In face, form and voice 
 nature did her utmost for him. .So impressive was his pre- Webster's Per- 
 sence that men commonly spoke of this man of five feet ten sonal Appear- 
 inches in height and less than two hundred pounds in weight °"" 
 as a giant. He seemed to dwarf those surrounding him. His head was very 
 large, but of noble shape, with broad and lofty brow, and strong but finely 
 cut features. His eyes were remarkable. They were large and deep-set, 
 and in the excitement of an eloquent appeal they glowed with the deep 
 light of the fire of a forge. His voice was in harmony with his appearance. 
 In conversation it was low and musical ; in debate it was high but full. In 
 moments of excitement it rang out like a clarion, whence it would sink into 
 
 33 
 
4o6 THE PRESERVATION OF THE UNION 
 
 notes oi the solemn richness of organ tones, while the grace and dignity of 
 
 his manner added greatly to the impressive delivery of his 
 Voice and Per- . . 
 
 sonar Mag- words. That wonderful quality which we call personal mag- 
 netism of netism, the power of impressing bv one's personality every 
 Webster . ^ j r j j 
 
 human being who comes near, was at its height in Mr. 
 
 Webster. He never punished his children. It sufficed, when they did 
 wrong, to send for them and look at them in silence. The look, whether 
 jf sorrow or anger, was rebuke and punishment enough. 
 
 As an orator, Mr. Webster's most famous speeches were the Plymouth 
 
 Rock address, in 1820 ; -the Bunker Hill Monument address, in 1825 ; and his 
 
 orations in the Senate in 1830 in reply to Hayne, and in 1850 on Clay's 
 
 Compromise Bill. Greatest among these was the speech in reply to Robert 
 
 Y. Hayne, of South Carolina, on the 26th of January, 1830. The Union 
 
 was threatened, and Webster rose to the utmost height of his 
 
 N iPf^^ '?" ** impassioned genius in this thrilling appeal for its preservation 
 
 and endurance. The question under debate was the right of a 
 
 state to nullify the acts of Congress. Hayne, in sustaining the affirmative 
 
 of this dangerous proposition, had bitterly assailed New England, and had 
 
 attacked Mr. Webster by caustic personalities, rousing "the giant" to a 
 
 crushing reply. 
 
 "There was," says Edward Everett, "a very great excitement in 
 Washington, growing out of the controversies of the day, and the action 
 of the South ; and party spirit ran uncommonly high. There seemed to 
 be a preconcerted action on the part of the southern members to break 
 down the northern men, and to destroy their force and influence by a pre- 
 meditated onslaught. 
 
 " Mr. Hayne's speech was an eloquent one, as all know who ever read 
 it. He was considered the foremost southerner in debate, except Calhoun, 
 who was vice-president and could not enter the arena. Mr. Hayne was the 
 champion of the southern side. Those who heard his speech felt much 
 alarm, for two reasons ; first, on account of its eloquence and power, and 
 second, because of its man)' personalities. It was thought b)' many who 
 heard it, and by some of Mr. Webster's personal friends, that it was im- 
 possible for him to answer the speech. 
 
 " I shared a little myself in that fear and apprehension," said Mr, 
 
 Everett. " I knew from what I heard concerning General Hayne's speech 
 
 that it was a very masterly effort, and delivered with a great 
 
 aynes peec j^^j ^j- pQ^ygj- g^^f;} with an air of triumph. I was engaged 
 in the Senate '^ . ' . 
 
 on that day in a committee of which 1 was chairman, and 
 
 could not be present in the Senate. But immediately after the adjournment, 
 
THE PRESERVATION OF THE UNION 4oy 
 
 I hastened to Mr. \\'f!)ster's house, with, I ailniit, soiiu; hltle trepidation, 
 not knowinij how 1 sliould find him. liut 1 was quite re-assureil in a 
 moment after seeini,'^ Mr. Webster, and observing his entire cahnness. He 
 seemed to be as mncli at ease and as unmoved as I ever saw him. Indeed, 
 at first I was a little afraid from this that he was not quite aware of the 
 mat(nitu(.le of the contest. I said at once ■ 
 
 " * Mr. Hayne has made a speech ?' 
 
 " ' Yes, he has made a speech.' 
 
 "'You reply in the mornini.^ ?' 
 
 "'Yes,' said Mr. W^ebster, ' I <.lo not pro|)os(i to let the case yo by de- 
 fault, and without sa\ini^ a word.' 
 
 "'Did you take notes, Mr. Webster, of Mr. Hayne's speech?' 
 
 " Mr. Webster took from his vest pocket a piece of jjaper about as big 
 as the palm of his hand, and re|)lied, ' I have it all : that is vveb.ster 
 his S[)eech.' Prepares for 
 
 "1 immediately arose," said Mr. Kverett, "and remarked ^'^fy 
 to him that I would not disturb him lon<^er ; Mr. Webster desired me not 
 to hasten, as he had no desire to be alone ; but I left." 
 
 "On the niorniui;- of the memorable day," writes Mr. Lotl^^e, "the 
 Senate chamber was packed bj- an eager and excited crowd. ]{ver\' seat on 
 the floor and in the galleries was occupied, and all the available standing- 
 room was filled. The protracted debate, conducted with so much ability on 
 both sides, had e.xcited the attention of the whole country, and had given 
 time for the arri\al of hundreds of interested spectators from all parts of 
 the Union, and especiall}' from New England. 
 
 " In tin- midst of the hush of expectation, in lliat dead silence which 
 is so peculiarl)' o[)i)ressive because it is possible only wiieii man)' human 
 beings are gathered together, Mr. Webster arose. His personal grandeur 
 and his majestic calm thrilled all who looked upcMi him. With perfect 
 quietness, unaffected apparently by the atmosphere of intense feeling about 
 him, he said, in a low, even tone : 
 
 "' Mr. President: When the mariner has been tossed for many days in 
 thick weather and on an unknown .sea, he naturally avails himself of the first 
 pause in the storm, the earliest glance of the sun, to take his rue Openinz 
 latitude and ascertain how far the elements have driven him of a Great 
 from his true course. Let us hnitate this prudence; and -P'-''-''^ 
 before we float farther on the waves of this debate, refer to the point from 
 which we departed, that we may, at least, be able to conjecture where we are 
 now. 1 ask for the reading of the resolution before the Senate.' 
 
4o8 THE PRESERVATION OE THE UNION 
 
 "This opening sentence was a piece of consummate art. The simple 
 and appropriate image, the low voice, the calm manner, relieved the strained 
 excitement of the audience, which might have ended by disconcerting the 
 speaker if it had been maintained. Every one was now at his ease ; and 
 when the monotonoLis reading of the resolution ceased, Mr. Webster was 
 master of the situation, and had his listeners in complete control." 
 
 With breathless attention they followed him as he proceeded. The 
 strong, masculine sentences, the sarcasm, the pathos, the reasoning, the 
 burning appeals to love of state and country, flowed on unbroken. As 
 his feelings warmed the fire came into his eyes ; there was a glow in his 
 swarthy check ; his strong right arm seemed to sweep away resistlessly 
 the whole phalanx of his opponents, and the deep and melodious cadences 
 of his voice sounded like harmonious organ tones as they filled the chamber 
 with their music. Who that ever read or heard it can forget the closing 
 passage of that glorious speech ? 
 
 " When my eyes shall be turned to behold for the last time the sun in 
 
 heaven, may I not see him shining on the broken and dishonored fragments 
 
 of a once glorious Union ; on states dissevered, discordant, belligerent; on 
 
 a land rent with civil feuds, or drenched, It maybe, in fraternal blood ! Let 
 
 their last feeble and lingering glance behold rather the glorl- 
 
 agni icen ^^^^ ensign of the republic, now known and honored througfh- 
 
 out the earth, still full high advanced, Its arms and trophies 
 
 streaming in their original lustre, not a stripe erased or polluted, not a single 
 
 star obscured ; bearing for Its motto no such miserable Interrogatory as, 
 
 Wliat is all this ■worth ? or those other words of delusion and folly, Liberty 
 
 first, anil Union afterivards ; but everywhere, spread all over In characters 
 
 of living light, blazing on all Its ample folds, as they float over the sea and 
 
 over the land, that other sentiment, dear to every true American heart, — 
 
 Ltbertv and Union, now and fukevkr, onk and iNSEPARAiiLE !" 
 
 As the last words died away Into silence, those who had listened looked 
 wonderingly at each other, dimly conscious that they had heard one of the 
 grand speeches which are landmarks In the history of eloquence ; and the 
 men of the North and of New England went forth full of the pride of 
 victory, for their champion had triumphed, and no assurance was needed to 
 prove to the world that this time no answer could be made. 
 Calhoun, the The great supporter of the doctrine which Hayne advo- 
 
 Advocateof cated and which Webster tore Into shreds and fragments, the 
 avery Indefatigable sustalner of the institution of slavery in the 
 
 United States Congress, was John C. Calhoun. That this man was sincere 
 In his conviction that slavery was morally and politically right, and beneficial 
 

 k 
 
 
 \ 
 
 
 g 
 
 
 r 
 
 THOMAS JHIlliKSoX. (17,J3-1S26) 
 
 J>JHN .jriNCV AHAM- > :■ r) 
 
 /ACHARY TA^XOR. (17S4-1S50) 
 
WKNDKI.L PHILIlPs 
 
 CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW. 
 
 GREAT AMERICAN ORATORS AND STATESMEN. 
 
 EDWARD EVERETT 
 
THE PRESERVATION OF THE UNION 411 
 
 alike to white and black, to North ami South, nc one has questioned. He 
 •.vas one of the most upritjht of men ; one devoid of pretence or conceal- 
 ment : a mnn nf unre lioiiesty of purpose and j;^reat ability, and in conse- 
 ([uence of immense intluence. His own state followed his lead with unques- 
 tioninij faith, and it is not too much to say that the slaver)- conflict was in 
 threat measure due to tlie tloctrines whicli he unceasin^dx' acK'ocated for a 
 (juarter of a century. 
 
 Callioun is equally well known for his state rit^hts iJKunpionsliip aricl 
 in connection with the effort of .South Carolina to sect-de from the Uni(^n, 
 as a consequence of the tariff bill of 182S. This measure, which consider- 
 ably increased the duties on imports, aroused bitter opposition in the South, 
 where it was styled the "Tariff of Abominations." On its passat^e Calhoun 
 prepareil a \ii^orous paper called the "South Carolina l^.\i)osi- xhc South 
 tion," in wliich he maintained that the Constitution limited the Carolina Bx- 
 KV^\X. of Coni^ress to e.xact tariff charges to the purpose of position 
 revenue ; that protective duties were, therefore, unconstitutional ; and that 
 any state had the right to declare an unconstitutional law null and void, 
 and forbid its execution in that state. Such was the famous iloctrine of 
 " nullification." 
 
 This paper was issu<<l in 182S, Calhoun being then \'ice-IVesitient un- 
 der Jackson, and as such president of the senate. In 1829, the long debate 
 on the question : " Does the Constitution make us one sovereign nation or 
 only a league of separate states .''" reached its height. Its clima.x came in 
 January, 1830, in the remarkable contest between \Yebster and Hayne, 
 above described. Webster showed that an attempt to nuliif\- tht: laws of 
 the nation was trea.son, and would lead to revolution, in tlie employment 
 of armed force to sustain it. 
 
 To such a revolutionary measure South Carolina proceetled. After the 
 presitlential election of 1832, Calhoun, who had resigned the vice-presi- 
 dency, called a convention of the people of the state, which ihe Ordinance 
 passed the famous Ordinance of Nullification, declaring of Nuiiifica- 
 the 1828 tariff null and void in that state. *'"" 
 
 The passage of the ordinance created intense excitement throughout 
 the states. Everywhere the dread of civil war and of the dissolution of the 
 Union was entertained. Fortunately there was a Jackson, and not a 
 Huchanan, in the presidential chair. Jackson was not a model President 
 under ordinary circumstances, but he was just the man for the emergency of 
 this character, and he dealt with it much as he had dealt with the Spaniards 
 in I'lorida. On December 10, 1832, came out his vigorous proclamation 
 against nullification. The governor of South Carolina issued a counter- 
 
<I2 
 
 THE PRESERVATION OF THE UNION 
 
 proclamation, and called out twelve thousand volunteers. A crisis seemed 
 
 at hand. Congress passed a " Force Bill " to provide for the 
 
 ^5, ^!'."^". collection of the revenue in South Carolina, though Calhoun 
 Nullification _ ^ ' ;5 
 
 — then in the Senate — opposed it in the most powerful of his 
 
 speeches. It is said that Jackson warned him that, if any resistance to the 
 
 government was made in South Carolina, he would be at once arrested on 
 
 a charge of treason. 
 
 The President made prompt preparations to suppress the threatenec' 
 
 revolt by force of arms, troops and naval vessels being sent to Charleston. 
 
 But at the same time Congress made concessions to South Carolina and the 
 
 crisis passed. It was through the efforts of Henry Clay as already specified 
 
 that this warcloud was dissipated. The tariff cjuestion settled, 
 Calhoun Seeks i i • • ^t^i • • r i • 
 
 to Force the the slavery issue grew promment. 1 he agitation ot this ques- 
 
 issue of tion, from 1835 to 1850, was chiefly the work of one man, John C. 
 
 avery Calhoun. Parton says that "the labors of Mr. Garrison and 
 
 Mr. Wemlell I'hillips might have borne no fruit during their lifetime, if Cal- 
 houn had not made it his business to supply them with material. ' I mean 
 to force the issue on the North,' he once wrote ; and he did force it. 
 
 This chapter cannot be more fitly closed than with a quotation from 
 Harriet Martineau, in whose " Retrospect of Western Travel " we find the 
 following pen-picture of the three great statesmen above treated : " Mr. 
 Clay sitting upright on the sofa, with his snuff-box ever in his hand, would 
 A Pen Picture of discourse for many an hour in his even, soft, deliberate tone. 
 Three Great on any one of the great subjects of American policy which 
 " """^ we might happen to start, always amazing us with the moder- 
 
 ation of estimate and speech which so impetuous a nature has been able to 
 attain. Mr. Webster, leaning back at his ease, telling stories, cracking 
 jokes, shaking the sofa with burst after burst of laughter, or smoothly dis- 
 coursing to the perfect felicity of the logical part of one's constitution, would 
 illuminate an evenln .j now and then. Mr. Calhoun, the cast-iron man, who 
 looks as if he had never been born and could never be extinguished, would 
 come in sometimes to keep our understanding on a painful stretch for r 
 short while, and leave us to take to pieces his close, rapid, theoretical, illus- 
 trated talk, and see what we could make of it. We found it usually more 
 worth retaining as a curiosity, than as either very just or useful. 
 
 " I know of no man who lives in such utter intellectual solitude. He 
 meets men and harangues by the fireside as in the Senate; he is wrought 
 like a piece of machinery, set going vehemently by a weight, and stops 
 while you answer ; he either passes by what you say, or twists it into a 
 suitability with what is in his head, and begins to lecture again." 
 
CHAPTER XXVIII. 
 
 The Annexation of Texas and the War with 
 
 Mexico. 
 
 Wi'^ have spoken, in Chapter xxiii, of the revolt of Texas from Mexico 
 and the annexatii)n of the newly formed republic to the United 
 States. In the present chapter it is proposed to deal more fully 
 with this subject and describe its results in the war with Mexico. In the 
 year 1821, after more than ten years of struj^gle for freedom, Mexico (iains 
 Mexico won its independence from Spain, and soon after its Indepen- 
 founded a constitutional monarchy, with Aus;ustin de Iturbide, ^"'^^ 
 the head of the revolutionary government, as emperor. This empire did 
 not last long. General Santa Anna proclaimed a republic in 1S23, and the 
 emperor was obliged to resign his crown. In the following year he returned 
 to Mexico with the hope of recovering his lost crown ; but, on the contrary, 
 was arrested and shot as a traitor. Mexico is not a good country for 
 emperors. About forty years afterward, a second emperor, sent there by 
 France, was disposed of in the same manner. 
 
 The establishment of the republic was followed by earnest efforts in 
 favor of the settlement and development of the unoccupied territory of the 
 country, and Texas, a large province in its northeastern boundary, began to be 
 
 settled by immigrants, very largely from the United States. 
 ,,.,,,. ■ ". Ill The Settlement 
 
 ny 1030 tile American population numbered about 20,000, of Texas 
 
 being much in excess of that of Mexican origin. These 
 
 peojjle were largely of the pioneer class, bold, unruly, energetic frontiersmen, 
 
 difficult to control under any government, and unanimous in their detestation 
 
 of the tyranny of Mexican rule. Their American spirit rose against the 
 
 dominance of those whom they called by the offensive title of " greasers, ' 
 
 and in 1832 they broke into rebellion and drove all the Mexican troops out 
 
 of the country. 
 
 It was this revolt that brought the famous Samuel Houston to Texas. 
 
 The early life of this born leader had been spent on the Tennessee frontier, 
 
 and during much of his boyhood he had lived among the Cherokee Indians, 
 
 who looked up to him as to one of their head chiefs. He fought under 
 
 413 
 
414 ANNEXATION OF TEXAS— WAR WITH MEXICO 
 
 Jackson in the war of 1812, and was desperately wounded in the Creek 
 
 War. He subsequently studied law, was elected to Congress, and in 1.S27 
 
 The Career became governor of Tennessee. An unhappy marriage brought 
 
 of General to an end this promising part of his career. A separation 
 
 ous on from his wife was followed by calumnies on the part of her 
 friends, which became so bitter that Houston, in disgust, left the state and 
 proceeded to Arkansas, where for three years he lived with his boyhood 
 friends, the Cherokees. The outbreak in Texas offered a promising oppor- 
 tunity to a man of his ambitious and enterprising disposition, and he set 
 out for that region in December, 1832. 
 
 For two years after Houston joined fortunes with Texas there was com- 
 parative quiet ; but immigration went on in a steadily increasing stream, 
 and the sentiment for independence grew stronger every day. The Mexi- 
 can government, in fear of the growing strength of Texas, ordered that the 
 people should be disarmed — a decree which aroused instant re- 
 War m Texas bellion. A company of Mexican soldiers sent to the little 
 town of Gonzales, on the Guadalupe, to remove a small brass six-pounder, 
 was met a few miles from the town by one hundred and eighty Texans, who 
 fell upon them with such vigor that they turned and fled, losing several men. 
 No Texan was killed. This battle was called "the Lexington of Texas." 
 
 Then war broke out again more furiously than ever. The Mexican 
 soldiers, who were under weak and incompetent commanders, were again 
 dispersed and driven out of the country. But now Santa Anna himself, the 
 Mexican dictator, an able general, but a false and cruel man, took the field. 
 With an army of several thousand men, he crossed the Rio Grande, and 
 marched against the I^exans. 
 
 The town of Bexar, on the San Antonio River, was defended by a 
 garrison of about one hundred and seventy-five men. Among them were 
 two whose names are still famous — David Crockett, the renowned pioneer, 
 and Colonel James Bowie, noted for his murderous " bowie-knife," his duels, 
 and his deeds of valor and shame. The company was commanded by Colonel 
 W. Barrett Travis, a brave young Texan. On the approach of Santa 
 Anna, they took refuge in the Alamo, about half a mile to the north of the town. 
 
 The Alamo was an ancient Franciscan mission of the eighteenth 
 century. It covered an area of about three acres, surrounded by walls 
 three feet thick and eight feet high. Within the walls were a stone church 
 The Massacre '^"^ several Other buildings. For two weeks it withstood 
 of the Alamo Santa Anna's assaults. A shower of bombs and cannon-balls 
 fell incessantly within the walls. At last, after a brave de- 
 fense by the little garrison, the fortress was captured, in the early morning 
 
ANNF.XATION OF TEXAS— WAR WITH MF.XICO 
 
 415 
 
 of Sunday, March 6, 1836. After the surrender, Travis, Bowie and 
 Crockett, with all their companions, were by Santa Anna's especial com- 
 mand massacred in cold blood. 
 
 Hut this was not the worst ; a few days afterwards a company of over 
 four iuindred Texans, under Colonel I'annin, besieged at Goliad, were in- 
 duced to surrender, under Santa Anna's solemn promises of protection. 
 Aftei the surrender the)' were divided into several companies, marched in 
 different directions a short distance out of the town, and shot down like 
 elogs by the Mexican soldiers. Not a man (^scaped. 
 
 While these horrible events were taking place, Houston was at Gonza- 
 les, with a force of less than four hundred men. Meetings were held in the 
 different settlements to raise an army to resist the Mexican invasion ; and a 
 convention of the people issued a proclamation declaring Texas a free and 
 independent republic. It was two weeks before General Houston received 
 intelligence of tlu; atrocious massacres at Be.\ar and Goliad, and of .Santa 
 Anna's advance. The country was in a state of panic. Settlers were 
 everywhere al)andoning their homes, and Hecing in terror at the approach 
 of the Mexican soldiers. Houston's force of a few hundred men was the 
 only defense of Texas ; and even this was diminished b\- frequent desertion 
 from the ranks. The cause of Texan freedom seemed utterly hopeless. 
 
 In order to gain time, while watching his opportunity for attack, Hous- 
 ton slowly retreated before the Mexican arm\-. .After waiting two weeks 
 for reinforcements, he moved toward Buffalo Bayou, a deep, narrow stream 
 connecting with the San Jacinto River, about twenty niiles (j^^g^jjl j^^j^gj^^ 
 southeast of the present city of Houston. Here he expected and Santa 
 to meet the Mexican army. The lines being formed. General ""* 
 Houston made one of his most impassioned and eloquent appeals to his troops 
 firing every breast by giving as a watchword, " RKMK>rnKR thk Ai.a.mo." 
 
 Soon the Mexican bugles rang out o\er the prairie, announcing the 
 advance guard of the enemy, almost eighteen hundri'd strong. The rank 
 and file of the patriots was less than seven hundred and fifty men. Their 
 disadvantages only served to increase the enthusiasm of the soldiers ; and 
 when their general said, " Men, there is the enemy ; do you wish to fight?" 
 the universal shout was. "We do!" "Well, then," he said, " remember it 
 is for liberty or death ; rc»ic»ibcr tJic Alamo!" 
 
 At the moment of attack, a lieutenant came galloping up, his horse 
 covered with foam, and shouted along the lines, '• I've cut down Yince's 
 bridge." Each army had used this bridge in coming to the battle-field, and 
 General Houston had ordered its destruction, thus preventing all hope of 
 escape to the vanquished. 
 
41 6 ANNEXATION OF TEXAS—WAR WITH MEXICO 
 
 Santa Anna's forces were in perfect order, awaiting the attack, and 
 reserved their fire until the patriots were within sixty paces of their works. 
 Then they poured forth a volley, which went over the heads of the at- 
 tackers, though a ball struck General Houston's ankle, inflict- 
 
 c . ^ * i'lU' '1 very painful wound. Thoucfh suffering and bleedingf. 
 San Jacinto e. .? I t> o &■ 
 
 General Houston kept his saddle during the entire action. 
 The patriots held their hre until it was given to the enemy almost in their 
 very bosoms, and then, having no time to reload, made a general rush upon 
 the foe, who were altogether unprepared for the furious charge. The 
 patriots not having bayonets, clubbed their rifles. About half-past four the 
 Mexican rout began, and closed only with the night. Seven of the patriots 
 were killed and twenty-three were wounded ; while the Me.xicans had six 
 hundred and thirt)-two killed and wounded, and seven hundred and thirty, 
 among whom was .Santa Anna, made prisoners. 
 
 The victory of San Jacinto struck the fetters forever from the hands of 
 Texas, and drove back the standard of Mexico beyond the Rio Grande, 
 never to return e.xcept in predatory and transient incursions. General 
 Houston became at once the leading man in Texas, almost universal ap- 
 plause following him. As soon as quiet and order were restored, he was 
 made the first President of the new republic, under the Constitution adopted 
 in November, 1835. 
 
 In 1837 the republic of Texas was acknowledged by the United States, 
 and in 1840 by Great Britain, France and Belgium. The population was 
 overwhelmingly of American origin, and these people had in no sense lost 
 their love for their former country, a sentiment in favor of the annexation 
 of the " Lone Star State" to the United States being from the first enter- 
 Te-vas Applies tained. In 1S37 a formal application for admission as a state 
 for Admission of the American Union was made. This proposition found 
 
 to the Union 1 . 1 • ..1 • ,. -t u • „ 
 
 many advocates and many opposers m this country, it being 
 
 strongly objected to by northern Congressmen and favored by those from 
 the South. The controversy tyrned upon the question of the extension of 
 the area of slavery, which was a matter of importance to the South, whili^ 
 others who supported it held large tracts of land in Texas which they 
 hoped would Increase in value under United States rule. 
 
 As a result of the opposition, the question remained open for years, 
 and was prominent in the presidential campaign of 1844, in which Henry 
 Clay, the Whig candidate, was defeated, and James K. Polk, the Demo- 
 cratic candidate, was elected on the annexation platform. This settled the 
 dispute. The people had expressed their will and the opposition yielded. 
 Both Houses of Congress passed a bill in favor of admitting Texas as a 
 
ANNEXATION OF TFXAS—H'AA' Wirif MEXICO 417 
 
 State, and it was sij^uicd by President Tyler in the closing hours of his 
 
 administration. The offer was nnanimoiisly accepted by the lej^islature of 
 
 Texas on }id\- 4. 1S45, 'i'^"-! 'l^ l)ecame a state of the American Union in 
 
 December of that year. 
 
 In ailmitting Te.xas, Congress had opened the way to serions trouble. 
 
 Though Mexico had taken no steps to recover its lost province, it had 
 
 never acknowledged its independence, and stood over it somewhat like the 
 
 do'j^ in the manij^er, not prepared to taki; it, yet viirorously 
 
 •=• . . '^ ^ , . . I Mexico Protests 
 
 protesting agamst any other power doing so. Its protest 
 
 against the action of the United States was soon followed liy a more 
 
 critical exigency, an i^ctive boundary dispute. Texas claimed the Rio 
 
 Grande River as her western boundary. Mexico held that the Nueces 
 
 River was the true boumlary. Hetwec^n these two streams lay a ijroad tract 
 
 of land claimed by both nations, and which both soon sought to occupy. 
 
 War arose in consequence of this ownership dispute. 
 
 In the summer of 1845 President Polk directed General Zachary 
 
 Taylor to proceed to Corpus Christi, on the Nueces, and in the spring of 
 
 1846 he received orders to march to the Rio Grande. As soon as this 
 
 movement was made, the Mexicans claimed that their terri- 
 
 torv hail been invaded, ordered Tavlor to retire, and on his ,'*''"'■ 
 
 ' Hounuary 
 
 refusal sent a body of troops across the rive-r. Both countries 
 were ripe for war, and both had taken steps to bring it on. A hostile 
 meeting took place on April 24th, with some loss to both sides. On receiv- 
 ing word by telegraph of tliis skirmish, the President at once sent a mes- 
 sage to Congress, saying: " Mexico has passed the boundary of the United 
 States, and shed American blood upon American soil. ■'■ * * War 
 exists, notwithstanding all our elforts to avoid it." 
 
 The etiorts to avoitl it had not been active. There was rather an 
 effort to favor it. Al)raiiam Lincoln, then a nicinber of war Declared 
 Congress, asked pointedly if special efforts had not been Against 
 taken to provoke a war. Hut Congress responded favorably exico 
 to tlu; President's appeal, declared that war existed "by the act of Mexico* 
 ami called for fifty thousand volunteers. 
 
 The declaration of war was dattnl May 13, 1S46. Several days before 
 this, severe fights had taken place at Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma, on 
 the disputed territory. The Mexicans were defeated, and retreated across 
 the Rio Granile. They were quickly followed by Taylor, who took posses- 
 sion of the town of Matamoras. The plan of war laid out embraced an 
 invasion of Mexico from four (juarters. Taylor was to march southward 
 from his position on the Kio Graniii-, General W^infield Scott to advance on 
 
4i8 ANNEXATION OF TEXAS— WAR WITH MEXICO 
 
 the capital by the way of Vera Cruz, General Stephen W. Kearny to in- 
 vade New Mexico, and California was to be attacked by a naval expedition, 
 already despatched. 
 
 Taylor was quick to act after receiving reinforcements. He advanced 
 
 on September 5th, and on the 9th reached Monterey, a strongly fortified 
 
 interior town. The Mexicans looked upon this place as almost 
 
 The storming- imnreenable, it being- surrounded by mountains and ravines, 
 of Monterey it. & ' 
 
 difficult to pass and easy of defense. Yet the Americans 
 
 quickly penetrated to the walls, and were soon within the town, where a 
 severe and bloody conflict took place. The stormers made their way over 
 the house roofs and through e.xcavations in the a.dobe walls, and in four 
 days' time were in possession of the town which the Mexicans had confi- 
 dently counted upon stopping their marcli. 
 
 Some months passed before Taylor was in condition to advance again, 
 
 his force being much depleted by reinforcements sent to General Scott. It 
 
 was February, 1.847, when he took the field once more, reaching a position 
 
 south of Monterey known as Buena Vista, a narrow mountain 
 
 Taylor at ^^^^^ ^^,jj_j^ j^j]]^. ^^^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^ ^ ravine on the other. This 
 
 liuena Vista ' 
 
 bold advance of an army not more than 5,000 strong seemed 
 
 a splendid opportunity to Santa Anna, then commander-in-chief of the 
 Mexican army, who marched on the small American force with 20,000 men. 
 The battle that followed was the most interesting and hard fought one in 
 the war. Santa Anna hoped to crush the Americans utterly, and would 
 perhaps have done so but for the advantage of their position and the effec- 
 tive service of their artillery. 
 
 "You are surrounded by twenty tliousand men, and cannot, in all 
 human probabilit)-, avoid suffering rout and being cut to pieces with your 
 troops." Such were the alarming words with which the Mexican general 
 accompanied a summons to General Taylor to surrender within an hour. 
 Taylor's answer was polite but brief. "In answer to your note of this date 
 summoning me to surrender my forces at discretion, I beg leave to say that 
 I decline acceeding to your request." 
 
 General Taylor, or " Rough and Ready " as he was affectionately called 
 by his men. had long before — he was now sixty-three years old — won his spurs 
 on the battlefield. He was short, round-shouldered, and stout. His fore- 
 head was high, his eyes keen, his mouth firm, with the lower lip protruding, 
 his hair snow-white, and his expression betokened his essentially humane 
 and unassuming character. No private could have lived in simpler fashion. 
 When he could escape from his uniform he wore a linen roundabout, cotton 
 trousers, and a straw hat, and, if it rained, an old brown overcoat. Iri battle 
 
C«p«»in M-iy l<!»I»'l ''i' '"<^"=<' "^ 
 
 ■^ gunners ihc n«t mon 
 
 BATTLE OF RESACA DE LA PALMA 
 
 ^ ,, 11 ,!,„.. „r t,l> n,.-n «l..>s<: tuirscs could do a like feat, and was among Oi» 
 
 n'.'''Xn,':r.^hI;;!';i:hf l-'^d^eT "cVener^T'.'; l>;ard^a h'undred of hi. meo we„ made 
 ' " uri'oners and borne back lo ibe American lines. 
 
ANNEXAT/ON OF TKXAS- WAR WIIH AfFXICO 421 
 
 he was absolutely fearless, and iinariahl)' roilc a favourite white horse, alto- 
 
 L^elher regardless of attracting the enemy's attention. The old hero nev(^r 
 
 wavered when he heard of the approach of llie dreaded Santa Anna. He 
 
 (juietly went to work, and, having strongly garrisoned Saltillo, j, laced his 
 
 men so as to seize all the advantages the position offered. 
 
 Imagine a narrow valley between two mountain ranges. On tiie west 
 
 side of the road a series of gullies or ravines, on the east the sheer sides of 
 
 precipitous mountains. Such was the Pass of Angostura, 
 
 which, at one spot three miles from Buena Vista, could be '^ ^'f ** 
 
 . . Battle 
 
 held as easily as Horatius kejit the bridge in the brave da)s 
 
 of olil ; and here was placed Captain Washington's battery of three guns, with 
 two compatiies as a guard. Up the mountain to the eastward the rest of the 
 American army was ranged, more especially on a plateau so high as to com- 
 mand all the ground east and west, and only approachable from the south 
 or north by intricate windings formed by ledges of rock. 
 
 At nine o'clock on the morning of the 22d of February the advance 
 ])ickets espied the Mexican van, and General Wool sent in hot haste to 
 Taj'lor, who was at Saltillo. The Mt-xican arni\- dragged its slow length 
 along, its respleiulent uniforms shining in the sun. With much th<t same 
 feelings as Macbeth saw Birnam Wood ap|)roach, must many of the Amer- 
 icans have watched the coming of this forest of steel. Two hours after the 
 pickets had announced the van, a Mexican officer came forward with a white 
 llag. He bore the imperious message from the dictator the opening words 
 of which have already been quoted. 
 
 The fight on that day was confined to an exchange of artillery shots, 
 and at nightfall TaNJor returned to Saltillo, seeing that the affair was over 
 for the time. But during the night the Mexicans madt; a movement tliat 
 put the small American force in serious peril. While the Americans 
 bivouacked without fires in the bitter chill of the mountain height, some 
 1,500 Mexicans gained the summit under cover of the darkness, and when 
 the mists of morning rose the Americans, to their surprise and chagrin, saw 
 everywhere before them the batallions i)f the enemy. 
 
 Up the pass soon came heavy forcv, in the face of Captain Washing- 
 ton's battery, while a rush, that seemed as if it must be irresistable, was 
 made for the plateau. The tight here was desperate. The soldiers of 
 neither army had had any experience in battle, and an Indiana The A\exican 
 regiment retreated at the command of its colonel, and could Cavalry 
 not be rallied again. This imperilled the safety of all who t^''ar>ic 
 remained, many of them being killed, while only the active service of the 
 artillery prevented the loss of the plateau, u[)on whose safe keeping 
 
422 ANNEXATION OF TRXAS^WAR WITH MEXICO 
 
 depended the issue of the day. So fierce was the Mexican charge that 
 
 every cannonier of the advanced battery fell beside his gun, and Captain 
 
 O'Brienwas obliged to fall back in haste losinghis guns. He replaced them by 
 
 two six pounders, borrowed from Captain Washington, who had repulsed the 
 
 attack in the pass. Meanwhile, more American artillery on O'Brien's left 
 
 was driving the Mexicans back upon the cavalry opposed to the gallant 
 
 captain. The Mexican lancers charged the Illinois soldiers — "the very 
 
 earth did shake." It was not until the lancers were within a few yards of 
 
 O'Brien that he opened fire. This gave the Mexicans pause, but with cries 
 
 of "God and Liberty!" on they came. Once more the deadly cannonade — 
 
 another pause. O'Brien determined to stand his ground until 
 
 rien s ^.j^^ hoofs of the enemy's horses were upon him, but the 
 
 Battery ... 
 
 recruits with him, only few of whom had escaped from being 
 
 shot down, had no stomach left for fighting. The intrepid captain again lost 
 
 his pieces, but he had saved the day. 
 
 At this point the leisurely General Taylor, on his white horse, so easily 
 recognisable, came from Saltillo to the field of battle. North of the chief 
 plateau was another, where the Mississippi Rifles, under Colonel Davis — 
 who, although early wounded, kept his horse all day— stood at bay, formed 
 into a V-shape with the opening towards the enemy. Nothing loth, the 
 Mexican lancers rushed on, and the riflemen did not fire until they were 
 able to recognize the features of their foe and to take deliberate aim at their 
 eyes. This coolness was too great to be combated. 
 
 For hours the active and deadly struggle went on. The Mexican 
 lancers made an assault on Buena Vista, where were the American baggage 
 and supply train, but were driven off after a sharp contest. At a later hour 
 of the day the brunt of the fight was being borne by the Illinois regiment 
 and the Second Kentucky Cavalry, who were in serious straits when Taylor 
 sent to their relief a light battery under Captain Bragg. It was quickly in 
 peril. The Mexicans capturetl the foremost guns and repulsed the infantry 
 support. 
 
 Bragg appealed for fresh help. " I have no reinforcements to give 
 
 you," "Rough and Ready" is reported to have replied, "but Major Bliss 
 
 and I will support you " ; and the brave old man spurred his horse to the 
 
 spot beside the cannon. Unheeding, the Mexican cavalry 
 
 The Work of , - 111 1 • r • , /-- 1 
 
 Captain Bragg rode forward — the day was now theirs tor a certamty, "God 
 
 and Liberty !" their proud cry again rang out. Their horses 
 galloped so near to Captain Bragg's coign of vantage that their riders had 
 no time in which to pull them up before the battery opened fire with canis- 
 ter. As the smoke cleared, the little group of Americans saw the terrible 
 
ANNIiXATIiW OF TEXAS— WAR WITH MEXICO 423 
 
 work tlu'v had done in llic L^aijs in llie enemy's ranks, and licard it in the 
 screams of men and horses in agony. Ihey reloa(Kd with grape. 1 lie 
 Mexicans pressed on ; th('ir courage at the cannon's mouth was truly mar- 
 velous. This second shower of lead did ecjual, if not greater, niischi(;f. 
 A third tlischarge completely routed the enemy, who, being human, Ottd in 
 headlong haste over the wounded and the dead — no matter where. The 
 \merican infantry pursued the Hying foe, with foolish rashness, beyond safe 
 ..mits. The Mexicans, all on an instant, turnctd about, the hounds l)ecame 
 the hare, and had it not been for Washington's cannon checking the Mexi- 
 can cavalry, who had had enough grape and canister for one tlay, they 
 woiilil have been annihilatetl. 
 
 At six o'clock, after ten hours of fierce and uninterrupted fighting, the 
 battle came to an end, both armies occupying the same positions as in the 
 morning, though each had lost heavily during the day. General Taylor 
 expected the battle to be renewed in the morning, but with daylight came 
 the welcome news that the enemy had disapi)eareil. The five thousand had 
 held their own against four times their number, ami the victory that was to 
 make General Taylor President of the United States had been won. 
 
 Meanwhile General Scott, the hero of Chippewa and Lundy's Lane in 
 1 8 14, had sailed down the Gulf with a considerable force to the seaport city 
 of Vera Cruz, which was taken after a brief bombardmc-nt. Prom hej^e 
 an o\erland march of two hundred miles was ukuU: to the scott's Advance 
 Mexican capital. .Scott reached the vicinity of the City of Against the 
 Mexico with a force 11,000 strong, and found its approaches "'* " exico 
 strongly fortified and guarded by 30,000 men. Vet he pushed on almost 
 unchecked. Victories were won at Contreras and Churubusco, the defences 
 surroundmg the city were taken, and on September i3tli the most formid- 
 able of them all, the strong hill fortress of Chapultepec, was carried by 
 storm, the American troops charging up a steep hill in face of a severe fire 
 and driving the garrison in dismay from their guns. 
 
 This ended the war in that cpiarter. The next day the star and stripes 
 waved over the famous " Halls of the Montezumas" anil the city was ours. 
 On February 2, 1S4S, a treaty of peace was signed at the village of Guada 
 lupe lliilalgo, wiiose terms gave the United States an accession of territory 
 that was destined to prove of extraordinary value. 
 
 New Mexico, a portion of this territory, had been invaded and occupied 
 by General Kearny, who had taken Santa I'^e after a thousand miles' march 
 overland. Before the fleet sent to California could reach there, Captain 
 John C. b'remont, in charge of a surveying party in Oregon, had invaded 
 that country. lie did not know that war had been declared, his purpose 
 
424 ANNEXATION OF TEXAS— WAR WITH MEXICO 
 
 being to protect the American settlers, whom the Mexicans threatened to 
 
 expel. Fremont was one of the daring pioneers who made 
 
 ^^j /'i!^*' . their way over the mountains and plains of the West in the 
 and California -^ . ... 
 
 days when Indian hostility and the difificulties raised by nature 
 
 made this a very arduous and perilous enterprise. Several conflicts with 
 the Mexicans, in which he was aided by the fleet, and later by General 
 Kearny, who had crossed the wild interior from Santa P'e, gave Fremont 
 control of that great country, which was destined almost to double the 
 wealth of the United States. Whatever he thought of the ethics of the 
 acquisition of Texas and the Mexican war, their economical advantages to 
 the United States have been enormous, and the whole world has been en- 
 riched by the product of California's golden sands and fertile fields. 
 
CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 The Negro in America and the Slavery Conflict. 
 
 WHEN, over two hundred and eighty years ago (it is in doubt 
 whether the correct date is 1619 or 1620) a few wretched negroes, 
 some say fourteen, some say twenty, were bartered for provisions 
 by the crew of a Dutch man-of-war, then lying off the Virginia coast, it 
 would have seemed incredible that in 1900 the negro population of the 
 Southern States alone should reach very nearly eight million BeRinningof 
 souls. African negroes had, indeed, been sold into slavery the slave 
 among many nations for perhaps three thousand years ; but in its ^"^ '^ 
 earlier periods slavery was rather the outcome of war than the deliberate 
 subject of trade, and white captives no less than black were ruthlessly thrown 
 into servitude. It has been estimated that in historical times some forty 
 million Africans have been enslaved. The Spaniards found the Indian an 
 intractable slave, and for the arduous labors of colonization soon began to 
 make use of negro slaves, importing them in great numbers and declaring 
 that one negro was worth, as a human beast of burden, four Indians. Soon 
 the English adventurers took up the traffic. It is to Sir John Hawkins, the 
 ardent discoverer, that the English-speaking peoples owe their participation 
 in the slave trade. He has put it on record, as the result of one of his famous 
 voyages, that he found "that negroes were very good merchandise in Hisp- 
 aniola and might easily be had on the coast of Guinea." For his early 
 adventures of this kind he was roundly taken to task by Queen Elizabeth. 
 But tradition says that he boldly faced her with the argument 
 
 1 1 ^ r • • r • i i i ^ Increase in 
 
 that the Africans were an mterior race, and ended by con- Numbers 
 vincing the Virgin Queen that the slave trade was not merely 
 a lucrative but a perfectly philanthropic undertaking. Certain it is that she 
 acquiesced in future slave trading, while her successors Charles II. and James 
 II. chartered four slave trading companies and received a share in their 
 profits. It is noteworthy that both Great Britain and the United States 
 recognized the horrors of the slave trade as regards the seizing and trans- 
 portation from Africa of the unhappy negroes, long before they could bring 
 themselves to deal with the problem of slavery as a domestic institution. Of 
 those horrors nothing can be said in exa':::geration. 
 
 24 425 
 
426 THE NEGRO W AMERICA AND THE SLAVERY CONEI.ICT 
 
 The institution of slaver)\ introduced as we have seen into V^irginia, 
 grew at first very slowly. Twenty-five years after the first slaves were 
 landed tlie negro population of the colony was only three hundred. But 
 the conditions of agriculture and of climate were such that, once slavery 
 Colonial Laws obtained a fair start, it spread with continually increasing 
 
 About rapidity. We find the Colonial Assembly passing one after 
 
 avery another a series of laws defining the condition of the negro 
 
 slave more and more clearly, and more and more pitilessly. Thus, a dis- 
 tinction was soon made between them and Indians held in servitude. It 
 was enacted that "all servants not being Christians nnported into this 
 colony by shipping shall be slaves for tlieir lives ; but what shall come by 
 land shall serve, if boyes or girles. until thirty years of age ; if men or 
 women, twelve years and no longer." And before the end of the century 
 a long series of laws so encompassed the negro with limitations and pro- 
 hibitions, that he almost ceased to have any criminal or civil rights and be- 
 came a mere personal chattel. 
 
 In some of the northern colonies slavery seemed to take root as readily 
 and to flourish as rapidly as in the South. It was only after a considerable 
 time that social and commercial conditions arose which led to its gradual 
 Slavery in abandonment. In New York a mild type of negro slavery 
 
 Early was introduced by the Dutch. The relation of master and 
 
 ^^ "'' slave seems in the period of the Dutch rule to have been free 
 
 from great severity or cruelty. After the seizure of the government b)' the 
 English, however, the institution was officially recognized and even en- 
 couraged. The slave trade grew in magnitude ; and here again we find a 
 series of oppressive laws forbidding meetings of negroes, laying down penalties 
 for concealing slaves, and the like. When the Revolution broke out there 
 were not less than fifteen thousand slaves in New York — a number greatly 
 in excess of that held by any other northern colony. 
 
 Massachusetts, the home in later days of so many of the most eloquent 
 abolition agitators, was from the very first, until after the war with Great 
 Britain was well under way, a stronghold of slaver}'. The records of 1633 
 tell of the fright of Indians who saw a " Blackamoor" in a treetop, whom 
 they took for the devil in person, but who turned out to be an escaped 
 Slavery in slave. A few years later the authorities of the colony offici- 
 
 nassachu. ally recognized the institution. To quote Chief Justice Par- 
 
 ** * sons, " Slavery was introduced into Massachusetts soon after 
 
 its first settlement, and was tolerated until the ratification of the present 
 constitution in 1780." The curious may find in ancient Boston newspapers 
 no lack of such advertisements as that, in 1728. of the sale of "two very 
 
THh: M-.CRO IN AMERICA AXP THE SLAVERY CONFLICT 427 
 
 likely negro girls," and of " A likely negro woman of about nineteen years 
 and a child about seven months of age, to be sold together or apart." A 
 Tory writer before the outbreak of tlie Revolution sneers at the liostonians 
 for their talk about freedom when they possessed two thousand negro slaves. 
 Kven Peter I-'aneuil, who built the famous "Cradle of LibertN," was him- 
 self, at that very time, actively engaged in the slave trade. Tliere is some 
 truth in the once common taunt of the pro-slavery orators tliat tiie North 
 iin]ii)rted slaves, the South (,)nly bought them. 
 
 As with New York and Massachusetts, so with the other colonies, 
 b-ither slavery was introduced by greedy speculators from abroad or it 
 spread easily from adjoining colonies. In 1776 the slave Ne>cro Soldiers 
 p()|)ulation of the thirteen colonies was almost e.xactly half a in the Revolu- 
 million, nimvttmths of whom were to be found in the southern *'°" 
 slates. In the War of the Revolution the question of arming the nc'i^roes 
 raised bitter opposition. In the end a comparatively few were enrolled, 
 and it is admitted that they served faithfully and with courage. Rhode 
 Island even formed a regiment of blacks, and at the siege of Newport and 
 afterwards at Point's Bridge, New York, this body of soldiers fought not 
 only without reproach but with positive heroism. 
 
 b'rom the day when the Declaration of Independence asserted "That 
 all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with' 
 certain inalienable rights ; that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit 
 of happiness," the peoples of the new, self-governing states could not but 
 have seen that with them lay the responsibility. There is ample evidence 
 that the ti.\ing of the popular mind on liberty as an ideal bore results 
 inunediately in arousing anti-slavery sentiment. Such sentiment existed 
 in the South as well as in the North. Even North Carolina in 1 7S6 de- 
 clared the slave trade of "evil consequences and highly impolitic." All the 
 
 northern states abolished slaverv, beginnintr with Vermont ci« au 1 
 
 c" c> slavery Abol- 
 
 in 1777, and ending with New Jersey in 1804. It should be ished in the 
 added, however, that many of the northern slaves were not North 
 freed, but sold to the South. The agricultural and commercial conditions 
 in the North were such as to make slave labor less and less profitable, while 
 in the South the social order of things, agricultural conditions, and climate 
 were gradually making it seemingly indispensable. 
 
 When the Constitutional debates began the trend of opinion seemed 
 strongly against slavery. Many delegates thought that the evil would die 
 out of itself. One thought the abolition of slavery already rapidly croino- 
 on and soon to be completed. Another asserted that "slavery in time will 
 not be a speck in our country." Mr. Jefferson, on the other hand, in view 
 
428 THE NEGRO IN AAfER/CA AND THE SLAVERY CON ELI CT 
 
 of the retention of slavery, declared roundly that he trembled for his coun- 
 try when he remembered that God was just. And John Adams urged again 
 and again that " every measure of prudence ought to be assumed for the 
 eventual total extirpation of slavery from the United States." The obstinate 
 states in the convention were South Carolina and Georgia. Their delegates 
 declared that their states would absolutely refuse ratification to the Con- 
 stitution unless slavery were recognized. The compromise sections finally 
 agreed upon, avoided the use of the words slave and slavery, but clearlv 
 recognized the institution, and even gave the slave states the advantage of 
 sending representatives to Congress on a basis of population determined by 
 adding to the whole number of free persons " three-fifths of all other per- 
 sons." The other persons referred to were, it is almost needless to add, 
 negro slaves. 
 
 The entire dealing with the question of slavery, at the framing of the 
 Constitution, was a series of compromises. This is seen again in the failure 
 definitely to forbid the slave trade from abroad. Some of the southern 
 Compromises states had absolutely declined to listen to any proposition 
 in the Con- which would restrict their freedom of action in this matter, 
 s I u ion ^j^j they were yielded to so far that Congress was forbidden 
 
 to make the traffic unlawful before the year 1808. As that time approached, 
 President Jefferson urged Congress to withdraw the country from all "fur- 
 ther participation in those violations of human rights which have so long 
 been continued on the unoffending inhabitants of Africa." Such an act 
 was at once adopted, and by it heavy fines were imposed on all persons 
 fitting out vessels for the slave trade and also upon all actually engaged in 
 the trade, while vessels so employed became absolutely forfeited. Twelve 
 years later another act was passed declaring the importation of slaves to be 
 actual piracy. The latter law, however, was of little practical value, as it 
 was not until 1861 that a conviction was obtained under it. Then, at last, 
 when the whole slave question was about to be settled forever, a ship- 
 master was convicted and hanged for piracy in New Yorlc for the crime of 
 being engaged in the slave trade. In despite of all laws, however, the trade 
 in slaves was continued secretly, and the profits were so enormous that the 
 risks did not prevent continual attempts to smuggle slaves into the territory 
 of the United States. 
 
 The first quarter of a century of our history, after the adoption of the 
 Constitution, was marked by comparative quietude in regard to the future 
 of slavery. In the North, as we have seen, the institution died a natural 
 death, but there was no disposition evinced in the northern states to inter- 
 fere with it in the South. The first great battle took place in 1820 over 
 
 I 
 
Till-: NEGRO IN AMERICA AND THE SLAVERY CONELICT 429 
 
 the so-called Missouri compromise. Now, for the first time, the country 
 was divided, sectionally and in a strictly political way, upon issues which in- 
 volved the future policy of the United States as to the extension or restric- 
 tion of slave territory. State after state had been admittetl 
 into the Union, but there had been an alteration of slave and 
 free states, so that the political balance was not disturbed. Tims Ohio was 
 l)alanced by Lousiana, Indiana by Mississippi, Illinois by Alabama. Of th<^ 
 iwenty-two states admitted before 1820, eleven were slave and eleven fr?r 
 4ates. 
 
 linmeiliatt-ly after the admission of Alaltama, of course as a slave- 
 holding state, Maine and Missouri applied for admission. The admission 
 of Maine alone would have given a preponderance to the free states, and 
 for this reason it was strongly contended by southern members that Mis- 
 souri should be admitted as a slave state. But the sentiment of opposition 
 to the extension of slavery was growing rapidly in the North, and many 
 members from that section opposed this proposition. They had believed 
 that the ordinance of 1787, adopted simultaneously with the Constitution, 
 and which forbade slaver\- to be established in the territory northwest of 
 the Ohio, had settled this question definitel)' ; but this ortlinance did not 
 apply to territory west of the Mississippi, so that tlie question really 
 remained open. A fierce debate was waged through two sessions of Con- 
 gress, and in the end it was agreed to permit the introduction of slavery 
 into Missouri, but to prohibit it forever in all future states 
 lyinef north of the parallel of •56 deijrees ^o minutes, the The Mis.soun 
 
 1 1 ) f AT- Ti^ • Compromise 
 
 southern boundary ol Missouri. 1 his was a compromise, 
 
 satisfactory only because it seemed to dispose of the cjuestion of slavery 
 in the territories once and forever. It was carried mainly by the great 
 personal intluence of Henry Clay. It did, indeed, dispose of slavery as a 
 matter of national legislative discussion for thirty years. 
 
 Hut this interval was distinctively a period of popular agitation. Anti- 
 slavery sentiment of a mild type had long existed. The Quakers liad, 
 since revolutionary times, held anti-slavery doctrines, had released their 
 own servants from bondage, and had disfellowshiped members who refused 
 to concur in the sacritice. The very last public act of Benjamin Franklin 
 was the framing of a memorial to Congress in which he deprecated the 
 existence of slavery in a free country. In New York the The Anti- 
 Manumission society had been founded in 1785, with John slavery Senti- 
 Jay and Alexander Hamilton, in turn, as its presidents. "'*^"* 
 But this early writing and speaking were directed against slavery in a 
 general way, and with no tone of aggression. Gradual emancipation and 
 
430 THE NEGRO IN AMERICA AND THE SLAVERY CONFLICT 
 
 colonization were the only remedies suggested. It was with the founding 
 of the Liberator by William Lloyd Garrison, in 1831, that the era of 
 aggressive abolitionism began. Garrison and his society maintained that 
 slavery was a sin against God and man ; that immediate emancipation was 
 a duty ; that slave owners had no claim to compensation ; that all laws up- 
 holding slavery were, before God, null and void. Garrison exclaimed : " 1 
 am in earnest. I will not equivocate — I will not excuse — I will not retreat 
 a single inch. And I will be heard." His paper bore conspicuously the 
 motto " No union with slaveholders." 
 
 The Abolitionists were, in numbers, a feeble band ; as a party they 
 lever acquired strength, nor were their tenets adopted strictly by any 
 political f)arty ; but they served the purpose of arousing the conscience of 
 the nation. They were abused, vilified, mobbed, all but killed. Garrison 
 was dragged through the streets of Boston with a rope around his neck — 
 through those very streets which, in 1854, had their shops closed and hung 
 in black, with flags Union down and a huge coffin suspended in mid-air, on 
 the day when the fugitive slave, Anthony Burns, was marched through 
 them on his way back to his master, under a guard of nearly two thousand 
 men. Mr. Garrison's society soon took the stand that the union of states 
 with slavery retained was "an agreement with hell and a covenant with 
 death," and openly advocated secession of the non-slaveholding states. On 
 this issue the Abolitionists split into two branches, and those who threw off 
 Leading Oppo- Garrison's lead ' maintained that there was power enough 
 nents of under the Constitution to do away with slavery. To the 
 
 ^^^""^ fierce invective and constant agitation of Garrison were, in 
 
 time, added the splendid oratory of Wendell Phillips, the economic argu- 
 ments of Horace Greeley, the wise statesmanship of Charles Sumner, the 
 fer\ id writings of Channing and Emerson, and the noble poetry of Whit- 
 ^ier. All these and others, in varied ways and from different points of view, 
 joined in bringing the public opinion of the North to the view that the 
 permanent existence of slavery was incompatible with that of a free 
 republic. 
 
 In the South, meanwhile, the institution was intrenching itself more and 
 more firmly. The invention of the cotton gin and the beginning of the 
 reign of cotton as king made the great plantation system a seeming com- 
 mercial necessity. From the deprecatory and half apologetic utterances of 
 early southern statesmen, we come to Mr. Calhoun's declaration that slavery 
 " now preserves in quiet and security more than six and a half million human 
 beings, and that it could not be destroyed without destroying the peace and 
 prosperity of nearly half the states in the Union." The Abolitionists were 
 
I HE NEGRO IN AMERICA AND THE SLAVERY CONFLICT 431 
 
 reg3Tded in the South with tlie bitterest hatred. Attempts were tven 
 made to compel the northern states to silence the anti-slavery orators, to 
 prohibit the circulation through the mail of anti-slavery speeches, and to 
 refuse a hearing in Congress to anti-slavery petitions. The southern 
 influence of the South was still dominant in the North. Though Hatred of 
 the feeling against slavery spread, there co-existed with it Abolitionists 
 the belief that an o[)cn quarrel with the South meant commercial ruin ; and 
 the anti-slavery sentiment was also neutralized by the nobler feeling that the 
 Union must be preserved at all hazards, and that there was no constitutional 
 mode of interfering with the slave system. The annexation of Texas was 
 a distinct gain to the slave power, and the Mexican war was undertaken, 
 said John Ouincy Adams, in order that "the slave-holding power in the 
 government shall be secured and riveted." 
 
 The actual condition of the negro over whom such a strife was being 
 waged differed materially in different parts of the South, and, under masters 
 of different character, in the same locality. It had its side of cruelty, 
 oppression and atrocity ; it had also its side of kindness on the part of 
 master and of devotion on the part of slave. Its dark side has been made 
 familiar to readers by such books as " Uncle Tom's Cabin," Dickens' 
 "American Notes," and Edmund Kirk's "Among the Pines;" 
 its brighter side has been charmingly depicted in the stories o'f siat-Try'^* 
 of Thomas Nelson Page, Joel Chandler Harris, and Harry 
 Edwards. On the great cotton plantations of Mississippi and Alabama the 
 slave was often overtaxed and harshly treated ; in the domestic life of Vir- 
 ginia, on the other hand, he was as a rule most kindly used, and often a 
 relation of deep affection sprang up between him and his master. 
 
 With this state of public feeling North and South, it was with increased 
 bitterness and developed sectionalism that the subject of slavery in new 
 Slates was again debated in the Congress of 1850. The Liberty party, 
 which held that slavery might be abolished under the Constitution, had 
 been merged in the Free Soil party, whose cardinal principle was, " To 
 secure free soil to a free people," and, while not interfering with slavery in 
 existing states, to insist on its exclusion from territory so far free. The pro- 
 posed admission of California was not affected by the Missouri Compromise. 
 Its status as a future free or slave state was the turning point of the famous 
 debates in the Senate of 1850, in which Webster, Calhoun, Douglas and 
 Seward won fame — debates which have never been equaled in our history 
 for eloquence and acerbity. It was in the course of these debates that Mr. 
 Seward, while denying that the Constitution recognized property in man, 
 struck out his famous dictum, " There is a higher law than the Constitu- 
 
432 THE NEGRO IN AMERICA AND THE SLAVERY CONFLICT 
 
 tion." The end reached was a compromise which allowed California to 
 
 settle for itself the question of slavery, forbade the slave trade in the Dis- 
 
 _^ ^ .,. trict of Columbia, but enacted a strict fui'itive slave law. To 
 
 The Fugitive .... 
 
 Slave Law and the Abolitionists this fugitive slave law, sustained in its most 
 
 Underground extreme measures by the courts in the famous — or as they 
 called it, infamous — Dred Scott case, was as fuel to fire. 
 They defied it in every possible way. The " Underground Railway" was the 
 outcome of this defiance. By it a chain of secret stations was established, 
 from one to the other of which the slave was guided at night until at last 
 he reached the Canada border. The most used of these routes in the East 
 was from Baltimore to New York, thence north through New England ; 
 that most employed in the West was from Cincinnati to Detroit. It has 
 been estimated that not fewer than thirty thousand slaves were thus assisted 
 to freedom. 
 
 Soon the struggle was changed to another part of the western territory, 
 which was now growing so rapidly as to demand the formation of new states. 
 The Kansas-Nebraska Bill introduced by Douglas was in effect the repeal 
 of the Missouri Compromise, in that it left the question as to whether slavery 
 should be carried into the new territories to the decision of the settlers 
 themselves. As a consequence immigration was directed by both the anti- 
 slavery and the pro-slavery parties to Kansas, each determined on obtain- 
 ing a majority enabling it to control the proposed State Constitution. Then 
 began a series of acts of violence which almost amounted to civil war. 
 " Bleeding Kansas" became a phrase in almost every one's mouth. Border 
 ruf^ans swaggered at the polls and attempted to drive out the 
 
 heOutbrea n ggg|5jg(j emiijrants sent to Kansas by the Abolition societies. 
 Kansas '^ _ ■'_ _ 
 
 The result of the election of the Legislature on its face made 
 
 Kansas a slave state, but a great part of the people refused to accept this 
 
 result ; and a convention was held at Topeka which resolved that Kansas 
 
 should be free even if the laws formed by the Legislature should have to be 
 
 "resisted to a bloody issue." 
 
 Prominent among the armed supporters of free state ideas in Kansas 
 
 'was Captain John Brown, a man whose watchword was at all times action. 
 
 "Talk," he said, "is a national institution; but it does no good for the 
 
 John Brown at slave." He believed that slavery could only be coped with by 
 
 Harper's armed force. His theory was that the way to make free men 
 
 ^"^ of slaves was for the slaves themselves to resist any attempt 
 
 to coerce them by their masters. He was undoubtedly a fanatic in that he 
 
 did not stop to measure probabilities or to take account of the written law. 
 
 His attempt at Harper's Ferry was without reasonable hope, and as 
 
THE NEGRO IN AMERICA AND THE SLAVERY CONELICT 433 
 
 the intended beginning of a great military movement was a ridiculous 
 fiasco. To attempt to make war upon the United States with twenty men 
 was utter madness, and if the hoped for rising of the slaves had taken place 
 might have yielded horrible results. The execution of John Brown, that 
 folUnved, was the logical consequence of his hopeless effort. 
 
 But there was that about the man which none could call ridiculous. Rash 
 and unreasoning as his action seemed, he was still, even by his enemies, 
 recognized as a man of unswerving conscience, of high ideals, of deep belief 
 in the brotherhood of mankind. His offense against law and peace was 
 cheerfully paid fur by his death and that of others near and dear to him. 
 Almost no one at that day could be found to applaud his plot, but the 
 incident had an effect on the minds of the people altogether out of propor- 
 tion to its intrinsic character. More and more as time went on he became 
 recognized as a martyr in the cause of human liberty. 
 
 Events of vast importance to the future of the negro in America now 
 hurried fast upon each other's footsteps : the final settlement of the Kansas 
 dispute by its becoming a free state ; the formation and rapid growth of the 
 Republican party ; the division of the Democratic party into northern and 
 southern factions; the election of Abraham Lincoln ; the secession of South 
 Carolina, and, finally, the greatest civil war the world has known. Though 
 that war would never have been waged were it not for the negro, and though 
 his fate was inevitably involved in its result, it must be remembered that it 
 was not undertaken on his account. Before the struggle began Mr. Lincoln 
 said : " If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could 
 at the same time save slavery, I do not agree with them. If there be those 
 who would not save the Union unless they could at the same time destroy 
 slavery, I do not agree with them. My paramount object is to save the 
 Union, and not either to destroy or to save slavery." And the northern 
 press emphasized over and over again the fact that this was " a white man's 
 war." But the logic of events is inexorable. It seems amazing now that 
 Union generals should have been puzzled as to the question whether they 
 ought in duty to return runaway slaves to their masters. General Butler 
 settled the controversy by one happy phrase when he called the fugitives 
 "contraband of war." Soon it was deemed right to use these 
 
 contrabands, to employ the new-coined word, as the South ^'^""f?"*''^,' 
 
 '■ ■' band of War 
 
 was using the negroes still in bondage, to aid in the non-fight- 
 ing work of the army — on fortification, team-driving, cooking, and so on. 
 From this it was but a step, though a step not taken without much per- 
 turbation, to employ them as soldiers. At V'icksburg, at Fort Pillow, and 
 in many another battle, the negro showed beyond dispute that he could 
 
434 THE NEGRO IN AMERICA AND THE SLAVERY CONFLICT 
 
 fight for his liberty. No fiercer or braver charge was made in the war than 
 that upon the parapet of Fort Wagner by Colonel Shaw's gallant colored 
 regiment, the Massachusetts Fifty-fourth. 
 
 In a thousand ways the negro figures in the history of the war. In its 
 literature he everywhere stands out picturesquely. He sought the flag with 
 the greatest avidity for freedom ; flocking in crowds, old men and young, 
 Behavior of women and children, sometimes with quaint odds and ends of 
 
 Slaves During personal belongings, often empty-handed, always enthusiastic 
 ^ '^' ^^ and hopeful, almost always densely ignorant of the meaning 
 of freedom and of self-support. But while the negro showed this avidity 
 for liberty, his conduct toward his old masters was often generous, and 
 almost never did he seize the opportunity to inflict vengeance for his past 
 wrongs. The eloquent southern orator and writer, Henry W. Grady, said : 
 " History has no parallel to the faith kept by the negro in the South during 
 the war. Often five hundred negroes to a single white man, and yet 
 through these dusky throngs the women and children walked in safety and 
 the unprotected homes rested in peace. . . A thousand torches would 
 have disbanded every southern army, but not one was lighted." 
 
 It was with conditions, and only after great hesitation, that the final 
 step of emancipating the slaves was taken by President Lincoln in Septem- 
 ber, 1862. The proclamation was distinctly a war measure, but its recep- 
 tion b\' the North and by the foreign powers and its immediate effect upon 
 the contest were such that its expediency was at once recognized. There- 
 after there was possible no question as to the personal freedom of the negro 
 The Emancipa- '" '•'^^ United States of America. With the Confederacy, 
 tion Proclama- slavery went down once and forever. In the so-called recon- 
 '"" struction period which followed, the negro suffered almost as 
 
 much from the over-zeal of his political friends as from the prejudice of his 
 old masters. A negro writer, who is a historian of his race, has declared 
 that the government gave the negro the statute book when he should have 
 had the spelling book ; that it placed him in the legislature when he ought 
 to have been in the school house, and that, so to speak, "the heels were put 
 where the brains ought to have been." 
 
 A quarter of a century and more has passed since that turbulent 
 period began, and if the negro has become less prominent as a political 
 factor, all the more for that reason has he been advancing steadily though 
 slowly in the requisites of citizenship. He has learned that he must, by 
 force of circumstances, turn his attention, for the time at least, rather to 
 educational, industrial and material progress than to political ambition. 
 And the record of his advance on these lines is promising and hopeful. In 
 
THE NEGRO IN AMERICA AND THE SLAVERY CONFLICT 435 
 
 Mississippi alone, for instance, the negroes own one-fifth of the entire pro- 
 perty in the state. In all, the negroes of the South to-day possess two 
 hundred and fifty million dollars' worth of property, l-iverywhere through- 
 out the South white men and negroes may be found working together. 
 
 The promise of the negro race to-day is not so much in the develop- 
 ment of men of exceptional talent, such as Frederick Douglas or Senator 
 liruce, as in the general spread of intelligence and knowledge, progress of the 
 1 he southern states have very generally given the negro NcRrocs of 
 equal educational opportunities with the whites, while the * ^ ""' ' 
 eagerness of the race to learn is shown in the recently ascertained fact that 
 while the colored population has increased only twenty-seven per cent, the 
 enrollment in the colored schools has increased one hundred and thirty- 
 seven percent. Fifty industrial schools are crowded by the colored youth 
 of the South. Institutions of higher education, like the Atlanta Univer- 
 sity, the Hampton Institute of Virginia, and Tuskegee College are doing 
 admirable work in turning out hundreds of negroes fitted to educate their 
 own race. Honors and scholarships have been taken by colored young men 
 at Harvard, at Cornell, at Phillips Academy and at other northern schools 
 and colleges of the highest rank. The fact that a young negro, Mr. Morgan, 
 was, in 1890, elected by his classmates at Harvard as the class orator has a 
 
 a special sicrnificance. Yet there is frfeater significance, as a ^. . .^ 
 ' *=" . . '' . Rducational De- 
 
 negro newspaper writes, in the fact that the equatorial telescope velopment of 
 
 now used bv the Lawrence University of Wisconsin was made the Negro 
 
 ' . . Race 
 
 entirely by colored pupils in the School of Mechanical Arts of 
 
 Nashville, Tenn. In other words, the Afro-American is finding his place as 
 an intelligent worker, a property owner, and an independent citizen, rather 
 than as an agitator, a politician or a race advocate. In religion, supersti- 
 tion and effusive sentiment are giving way to stricter morality. In educa- 
 tional matters, ambition for the high-sounding and the; abstract is giving 
 place to practical and industrial acquirements. It will be many years 
 before the character of the negro, for centuries dwarfed and distorted by 
 oppression and ignorance, reaches its normal growth, but that the race 
 is at last upon the right path, and is being guided by the true principles 
 cannot be doubted. 
 
CHAPTER XXX. 
 
 Abraham Lincoln and the Work of Emancipation. 
 
 AMONG the men who have filled the office of President of the United 
 States two stand pre-eminent, George Washington and Abraham 
 Lincoln, both of them men not for the admiration of a century but 
 of the ages, heroes of history whose names will live as the chief figures 
 among the makers of our nation. To the hand of Washington it owed its 
 freedom, to that of Lincoln its preservation, and the name of 
 
 as ing on ^^^ preserver will occupy a niche in the temple of' fame next 
 and Lincoln '^ ■ ^ ■' ... 
 
 to that of the founder. But our feeling for Lincoln is 
 
 different from that with which we regard the " Father of his Country." 
 While we venerate the one, we love the other. Washington was a stately 
 figure, too dignified for near approach. He commanded respect, admira- 
 tion and loyalty ; but in addition to these Lincoln commands our affection, 
 a feeling as for one very near and dear to us. 
 
 The fame of Lincoln is increasing as the inner history of the great 
 struggle for the life of the nation becomes known. For almost two decades 
 after that struggle had settled the permanence of our government, our 
 vision was obscured by the near view of the pygmy giants who "strutted 
 their brief hour upon the stage ;" our ears were filled with the loud claims 
 of those who would magnify their own little part, and, knowing the facts 
 concerning some one fraction of the contest, assumed from that knowledge 
 to proclaim the principles which should have governed the whole. Time is 
 dissipating the mist, and we are coming better to know the 
 
 "^fl. ^". . ureat man who had no pride of opinion, who was willing to 
 and His Critics '^ '^ ... 
 
 let Seward or Sumner or McClellan or any one imagine him- 
 self to be the guiding spirit of the government, if he were willing to give 
 that government the best service of which he was capable. We see more 
 clearly the real greatness of the leader who was too slow for one great sec- 
 tion of his people, and too fast for another, too conservative for those, too 
 radical for these ; who refused to make the contest merely a war for the 
 negro, yet who saw the end from the beginning, and led, not a section 
 of his people, but the whole people, away from the Egyptian plagues of 
 slavery and disunion, and brought them, united in sentiment and feeling, 
 
 436 
 
UNCOI.h^ AND THE WORK' OF EAfANCIPATION 437 
 
 to the l:)orders of the promised land. We are comini^ to appreciate that 
 
 the " Father Abraham " who in that Red Sea passage of fraternal strife was 
 
 ready to listen to every tale of sorrow, and who wanted it said that he 
 
 "always plucked a thistle and planted a flower when he thought a flower 
 
 would grow," was not onh' in this sense the father of his 
 
 people ; but that he was a trulv great statesman, who, within t,.'*'^^'^ ^'" 
 ' 1^ ' - ^ of Lincoln 
 
 the limits of human knowledge and human strength, guided 
 the affairs of state with a wisdom, a patience, a courage which belittle all 
 praise, and make him seem indeed a man divinely raised up, not only to set 
 the captive free, but in order that "government of the people, by the 
 people, and for the people, shall not perish from the earth." 
 
 It is not our purpose to tell the story of Lincoln's boyhood — his days 
 of penury in the miserable frontier cabins of his father in Kentucky and 
 Indiana, his struggles to obtain an education, his pitiful necessity of writing 
 his school exercises with charcoal on the back of a wooden shovel, his efforts 
 to make a livelihood when he had become a tall and ungainly, but strong 
 and vigorous, youth, his work at farming, rail-splitting, clerking, boating, 
 and in other occupations. A journey on a flat-boat to New Lincoln's i-irst 
 Orleans gave him his first acquaintance with the institution of K\perience 
 slavery, with which he was thereafter to have so much to do. ** avery 
 Here he witnessed a slave auction. The scene was one that matle a deep 
 and aliiding impression on his sympathetic mind, and he is said to have 
 declared to his companion, "If I ever get a chance to hit that institution, 
 /// //// // hard." Whether this is legend or fact, it is certain that he did get 
 a chance to hit it, and did "hit it hard." 
 
 Difficult as it was to obtain an education on the rude frontier and in 
 the extreme poverty in which Lincoln was reared, he succeeded by persistent 
 reading and study in making himself the one man of learning among his 
 farming fellows, and one who was not long content with the occupations of 
 rail-splitting, flat-boating, or even that of keeping country store, which he 
 tried without success. He was too devoted to his books to attend very care- 
 fully to his business, which left him seriously in debt, and he soon chose the 
 law as his vocation, supporting himself meanwhile by serving as land sur- 
 veyor in the neighboring district. 
 
 Lincoln's political career began in 1834, when his neighbors, who admired 
 him for his learning and ability, elected him to represent them in the Illinois 
 legislature. His knowledge was only one of the elements of his popularity. 
 He had acquired a reputation as a teller of quaint and humorous stories ; 
 he was a champion wrestler, and could fight well if forced to ; and he was 
 beginning to make his mark as a ready and able orator. In the legislature 
 
438 LINCOLN AND THE WORK OF EMANCIPATION 
 
 he became prominent enough to gain twice the nomination of his party for 
 
 speaker. His principal service there was to advocate a system of public 
 
 improvements, whose chief result was to plunge Illinois deeply 
 
 In the Illinois j^^ debt. A siofnificant act of his at this early day in his careei 
 Legislature .... . , . . 
 
 was to jom with a smgle colleague m a written protest 
 
 against the passage of resolutions in favor of slavery. The signers 
 based their action on their belief that ''the institution of slavery is founded 
 on both injustice and bad policy." It needed no little moral courage to 
 make such a protest in 1837 in a community largely of southern origin, but 
 moral courage was a possession of which Lincoln had an abundant store. 
 
 In the meantime Lincoln had been admitted to the bar, and in 1837 he 
 removed to Springfield, where he formed a partnership with an attorney of 
 established reputation. He became a successful lawyer, not so much by his 
 knowledge of law, for this was never great, as by his ability as an advocate, 
 and by reason of his sterling integrity. He would not be a party to misrepre- 
 sentation, and more than once refused to take cases which 
 
 Lincoln as a involved such a result. He even was known to abandon a case 
 
 Lawyer 
 
 which brought him unexpectedly into this attitude, making 
 
 in his first case before the United States Circuit Court the unusual state- 
 ment that he had not been able to find any authorities supporting his side 
 of the case, but had found several favoring the opposite, which he proceeded 
 to quote. 
 
 The very appearance 01 such an attorney in any case must have gone 
 far to win the jury ; and, when deeply stirred, the power of his oratory, and 
 the invincible logic of his argument, made him a most formidable opponent. 
 "Yes," he was overheard to say to a would-be client, "we can doubtless 
 gain your case for you ; we can set a whole neighborhood at loggerheads ; 
 we can distress a widowed mother and her six fatherless children, and 
 thereby get for you the six hundred dollars to which you seem to have a 
 legal claim, but which rightfully belongs, it appears to me, as much to the 
 woman and her children as it does to you. You must remember that 
 some things legally right are not morally right. We shall not take your 
 case, but will give you a little advice for which we will charge you nothing. 
 You seem to be a sprightly, energetic man ; we would advise you to try 
 your hand at making six hundred dollars in some other way." 
 In the United ^" i846he accepted a nomination to Congress and was 
 
 states Con- triumphantly elected, being the only Whig among the seven 
 ^■"^^^ representatives from his state. As a member of the House 
 
 his voice was always given on the side of human freedom, he voting in 
 favor of considering the petitions for the abolition of slavery and supporting 
 
UNCOI.h' AND TIIR WORK Ol- E.\rANCinATHlN 439 
 
 the doctrines of the W'ilmot proviso, which opposei! the i-xtcnsion of 
 slavery to the territor\' accjiiiretl from Mexico. 
 
 As )et Lincohi hatl not niach- a stritcin^,^ liyure as a letrislalor. He was 
 achnired by those about him for his sterling h(jnesty and integrity, but his 
 name was hardly known in the country at large, and there was no indication 
 that Ik.' w(juld ever occupy a prominent position in the politics of the nation. 
 il was the threatened repeal of the Missouri Compromise, in 1854, an act 
 w hich would open llu- western tcrrritor)' to the admission of slaver)', that 
 lirst fairly wakened him up and laid the foundation of his remarkable career. 
 Ihe dangerous question which Henry Clay had set aside for years, but 
 which was now brought forward again, alisorbcd his attention, and he grew 
 constanth' more bold and powerful in his tlenunciation of tlu- encroach- 
 ments of the slave power. Me becanu.', therefore, the n.itural champion of 
 his party in the campaig"ns in which Senator Douglas undertook to defend 
 before the people of his state his advocacy of " squattt;r sovereignty," or 
 the right of the people of each territor\' to decide whether it shoukl be ad- 
 mitted as a slave or a free state, and of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, by 
 which the " Missouri Compromise " was repealed. 
 
 The first great battle between these two giants of debate took place at 
 the State Fair at Springfield, in October, 1854. Douglas made a great 
 speech to an unprecedented concourse of people, and was the The Great Lin- 
 lion of the hour. The next day Lincoln replied, and his coin and i)ou- 
 eftort was such as to surprise both his friends and his oppo- "^^^ ^ "''^ 
 nents. It was probably the first occasion in which he reached his full 
 power. In the words of a friendly editor: "The Nebraska bill was 
 shivered, and like a tree of the .forest was torn and rent asunder 1)\' the hot 
 bolts of truth. . . . At the conclusion of this speech ever)' man and 
 child felt that it was unanswerable." 
 
 But it was the canipaign of 1858 that made Lincoln famous. In this 
 contest he lirst fully displayed his powers as an orator and logician, and won 
 the reputation that made him President. Douglas, his opponent, was im- 
 mensely popular in the West. His advocacy of territorial expansion 
 appealed to the patriotism of the young and ardent ; his doctrine of popular 
 sovereignty was well calculated to mislead shallow thinkers; and his power 
 in debate was so great that he became widely known as the " Little Giant." 
 But he found a worthy champion of the opposite in Abraham Lincoln, who 
 riddled and ventilated many of his specious arguments, and succeeded in 
 inducing him to make a statement that proved fatal to his hopes of the 
 Presidency. 
 
440 LINCOLN AND THE WORK OF EMANCIPATION 
 
 When Lincoln proposed to press upon his opponent the question 
 whether there were lawful means by which slavery could be excluded from 
 a territory before its admission as a state, his friends suggested that 
 Douglas would reply that slavery could not exist unless it was 
 oug as s ata (j^sj^gj;! \,y ^^ people, and unless protected by territorial 
 legislation, and that this answer would be sufficiently satis- 
 factory to insure his re-election. But Lincoln replied, " I am after larger 
 game. If Douglas so answers, he can never be President, and the battle of 
 i860 is worth a hundred of this." Both predictions were verified. The 
 people of the South might have forgiven Douglas his opposition to the 
 Lecompton Constitution of Kansas, but they could not forgive the promulga- 
 tion of a doctrine which, in spite of the Dred Scott decision (a Supreme 
 Court decision to the effect that a master had the right to take his slave 
 into any state and hold him there as "property"), would keep slavery out 
 of a territory ; and so, although Douglas was elected and Lincoln defeated, 
 the Democracy was divided, and it was impossible for Douglas to command 
 southern votes for the presidency. 
 
 The campaign had been opened with a speech by Lincoln which startled 
 the country by its boldness and its power. It was delivered at the Repub- 
 lican convention which nominated him for Senator, and had been pre- 
 viously submitted to his confidential advisers. They strenuously opposed 
 the introduction of its opening sentences. He was warned that they would 
 be fatal to his election, and, in the existing state of public feeling, might 
 permanently destroy his political prospects. Lincoln could 
 
 Lincoln Takes ^^^ j^^ moved. " It is true" said he, " and I ivill deliver it as 
 His Stand . ' . 
 
 written. I would rather be defeated with these expressions 
 
 in my speech held up and discussed before the people than be victorious 
 without them." The paragraph gave to the country a statement of the 
 problem as terse and vigorous and even more complete than Seward's " irre- 
 pressible conflict," and as startling as Sumner's proposition that "freedom 
 was national, slaverj' sectional." " A house divided against itself," said 
 Lincoln, "cannot stand. I believe this government cannot endure per- 
 manently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dis- 
 solved ; I do not expect the house to fall ; but I expect it will cease to be 
 divided. It will become all one thing or all the other. Either the opponents 
 of slavery will arrest the farther spread of it, and place it where the public 
 mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction, or 
 its advocates will push it forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the 
 states, — old as well as new. North as well as South." 
 
LINCOLN AND THE WORK OF EMANCIPATION 441 
 
 Never had the issues of a poHtical campaign seemed more momentous ; 
 never was one more ably contested. The triumph of the doctrine of 
 "popular sovereignty," in the Kansas-Nebraska bill, had opened the terri- 
 tories to slavery, while it professed to leave the question to hv. decided by 
 the people. To the question whether the people of a territory could 
 exclude slavery Douglas had answered, "That is a question for the courts 
 to decide," but the Dred Scott decision, practically holding 
 
 that the Federal Constitution guaranteed the right to hold The "Champion 
 
 ^ ° of Freedom 
 
 slaves in the territories, seemed to make the pro-slavery cause 
 
 triumphant. The course of Douglas regarding the Lecompton Constitu- 
 tion, however, had made it possible for his friends to describe him as "the 
 true champion of freedom," while Lincoln continually exposed, with merci- 
 less force, the illogical position of his adversary, and his complete lack of 
 political morality. 
 
 Douglas claimed that the doctrine of popular sovereignty " originated 
 when God made man and placed good and evil before him, allowing him to 
 choose upon his own responsibility." But Lincoln declared with great 
 solemnity : " No ; God did not place good and evil Ix^fore man, telling him 
 to take his choice. On the contrary, God did tell him that there was one 
 tree of the fruit of which he should not eat, upon pain of ilcath." The 
 question was to him one of right, a high question of morality, and only 
 upon such a question could he ever be fully roused. "Slavery is wrong," 
 was the keynote of his speeches. But he did not take the position of the 
 abolitionists. He even admitted that the South was entitled, under the 
 Constitution, to a national fugitive slave law, though his soul revolted at 
 the law which was then in force. His position, as already cited, was that 
 of the Republican party. He would limit the extension of Lincoln's views 
 slavery, and place it in such a position as would insure its on the slavery 
 ultimate extinction. It was a moderate course, viewed from vucstron 
 this distance of time, but in the face of a dominant, arrogant, irascible pro- 
 slavery sentiment it seemed radical in the extreme, calculated, indeed, to 
 fulfill a threat he had made to the governor of the state. He had been 
 attempting to secure the release of a young negro from Springfield who was 
 wrongfully detained in New Orleans, and who was in danger of being sold 
 for prison expenses. Moved to the depths of his being by the refusal of 
 the official to interfere, Lincoln exclaimed : " By God, governor, I'll make 
 the ground of this country ioo hot /or the foot of a slave.' 
 
 Douglas was re-elected. Lincoln had hardly anticipated a different 
 result, and he had nothing of the feeling of defeat. On the contrary, he 
 felt that the corner-stone of victory had been laid. He had said of his 
 «s 
 
44^ LINCOLN AND THE WORK OF EMANCIPATION 
 
 opening speech : "If I had to draw a pen across my record, and erase my 
 whole life from sight, and I had one poor gift or choice left as to what I 
 should choose to save from the wreck, I should choose that speech, and 
 leave it to the world unerased." 
 
 The great debate had made Lincoln famous. In Illinois his name was 
 a household word. His stand for the liberty of the slave was on the lips of 
 the advocates of human freedom through all the country. Deep and wide- 
 The Cooper spread interest was felt in the East for this prairie orator, and 
 
 Institute when, in i860, he appeared by invitation to deliver an address 
 
 ''^^'^ in the Cooper Institute, of New York, he was welcomed by 
 
 an audience of the mental calibre of those who of old gathered to hear 
 Clay and Webster speak. 
 
 It was a deeply surprised audience. They expected to be treated to 
 something of the freshness, but much of the shallowness, of the frontier 
 region, and listened with astonishment and admiration to the dignified, clear, 
 and luminous oration of the prairie statesman. It is said that those who 
 afterwards published the speech as a campaign document were three weeks 
 in verifying its historical and other statements, so deep and abundant was 
 the learning it displayed. 
 
 He had taken the East by storm. He was invited to speak in many 
 
 places in New England, and everywhere met with the most flattering 
 
 reception, which surprised almost as much as it delighted hiii. It astonished 
 
 him to hear that the Professor of Rhetoric of Yale College took notes of 
 
 his speech and lectured upon them to his class, and followed him to Meriden 
 
 the next evening to hear him again for the same purpose. An intelligent 
 
 hearer spoke to him of the remarkable " clearness of your 
 
 our m statements, the unanswerable style of vour reasoninof, and 
 
 New England -' -' '=' 
 
 especially your illustrations, which are romance and pathos, 
 
 fun and logic, all welded together." Perhaps his style could not be better 
 described. He himself said that it used to anger him, when a child, to hear 
 statements which he could not understand, and he was thus led to form the 
 habit of turning over a thought until it was in language any boy could 
 'comprehend. 
 
 It is not necessary to tell in detail what followed. Lincoln had attained 
 the high eminence of being considered as a suitable candidate for President, 
 and when the Republican Convention of i860 met in Chicago, he found him- 
 self looked upon as the man for the West. Seward was a prominent candi- 
 date, but his candidacy sank before that of the choice of the westerners, who 
 were roused to a frenzy of enthusiasm when some of the rails which Lincoln 
 had split were borne into the hall. He was nominated on the third ballot. 
 
LINCOLN AND TUF. WORK OF FMANCIPATION 443 
 
 aniltl the wildest acclamations. In llie campai^^ni that followed Lincoln and 
 Hamlin were the triumphant candidates, winning their seats by a majority 
 of fifty-seven in the electoral college. The poor rail-splitter of Illinois had 
 lifted himself, by pure force of genius, to be President of the -j.,,^ y^^^^^_ 
 United States of America. From that time forward the splitter Made 
 life of Abraham Lincoln is the history of the great Civil '''"e.sident 
 War. His task was such as few men had ever faced before. The mighty 
 republic of the West, the most promising experiment in self-government 
 by the people that the world had ever known, seemed about to end in failure. 
 No man did more to save it from destruction and start it on its future 
 course of greatness and renown than this western prodigy of genius and 
 nctitudi-. 
 
 .Mr. Lincoln called to his cabinet the ablest men of his part)', two of 
 whom, Seward and Chase, had been his competitors for the nomination, and 
 tile new administration devoted itself to the work of saving the Union. 
 Every means was tried to prevent the secession of the border states, and 
 the President delayed until Fort Sumter had been fired upon before he 
 began active measures for the suppression of the rebellion and called for 
 seventy-five thousand volunteers. 
 
 The great question, from the start, was the treatment of the negro. 
 The advanced anti-slavery men demanded decisive action, antl could not 
 understand that success depended absolutely upon the administration com- 
 manding the support of the whole people. And so Mr. Lincoln incurred 
 liie displeasure and lost the confidence of some of those who had been his 
 heartiest supporters, by keeping the negro in the background and making 
 the preservation of the Union the great end for which he strove. He 
 repeatedly declared that, if he could do so, he would preserve the Union 
 ivitk slavery, and further said, "I could not feel that, to the xhe (ireat 
 best of my ability, I had even tried to preserve the Constitu- Question of 
 tion, if, to save slavery or for any minor matter, I should ' e Civi ar 
 permit the wreck of government, country and Constitution, all together." 
 Only when it became evident that the North was in accord with him in his 
 detestation of slavery did the President venture to strike the blow which 
 was to bring that perilous system to an end. 
 
 In the dark days of 1862, when the reverses of the Union arms cast a 
 gloom over the North, and European governments were seriously consider- 
 ing the propriety of recognizing the Confederacy, it seemed to Mr. Lincoln 
 that the time had come, that the North was prepared to support a radical 
 measure, and that emancipation would not only weaken the South at home, 
 but would make it impossible for any European government to lake the 
 
444 LINCOLN AND THE WORK OF EMANCIPATION 
 
 attitude toward slavery which would be irivolved in recognizing the Con- 
 federacy. Action was delayed until a favorable moment, and after the 
 victory of Antietam the President called his cabinet together and announced 
 The Proclama- '•^^^ ^^ ^^'^^ about to issue the Proclamation of Emancipation. 
 tion of Eman- It was a solemn moment. The President had made a vow — 
 cipa ion .. J p^Qj^i^g^j ].,.jy God," were his words — that if the tide of 
 
 invasion should be mercifully arrested, he would set the negro free. The 
 hnal proclamation, issued three months later, fitly closes with an appeal 
 which indicates the devout spirit in which the deed was done : " And upon 
 this act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice, warranted by the Consti- 
 tution upon military necessity, I invoke the considerate judgment of man- 
 kind, and the gracious favor of Almighty God." 
 
 The question of slavery was only one of the many with which Lincoln 
 had to contend. Questions of foreign policy, of finance, of the conduct of 
 the war, of a dozen different kinds pressed upon him for solution, while 
 dissensions in his cabinet and incompetence in the army made his task any- 
 thing but a pleasant one. His personal advisers, Stanton, Seward, Chase, 
 and others, were strong and able men, but above them was a stronger man, 
 who held firmly in his own hands the reins of government, and would not 
 yield them to any of his ambitious subordinates, nor change his fixed policy 
 at the bidding of irresponsible critics and fault-finders. 
 
 Upon what Lincoln called " the plain people " — the mass of his country- 
 men — he could always depend, because he, more than any other political 
 Lincoln and leader in our history, understood them. Sumner, matchless 
 
 the " Plain advocate of liberty as he was, distrusted the President, and 
 People ^^g desirous of getting the power out of his hands into 
 
 stronger and safer ones. But suddenly the great Massachusetts senator 
 awoke to the fact that he could not command the support of his own con- 
 stituency, and found It necessary to issue an interview declaring himself not 
 an opponent, but a supporter, of Lincoln. The President's grasp of ques- 
 tions of state policy was, indeed, stronger than that of any of his advisers. 
 The important dispatch to our minister in England, in May, 1861, outlining 
 the course to be pursued towards that power, has been published in its 
 original draft, showing the work of the Secretary of State and President 
 Lincoln's alterations. Of this publication the editor of the 
 Diplomatist North American Review says : " Many military men, who have 
 had access to Lincoln's papers, have classed him as the best 
 general of the war. This paper will go far toward establishing his reputa- 
 tion as its ablest diplomatist." It would be impossible for any intelligent 
 person to study the paper thus published, the omissions, the alterations, 
 
Ml; \ll \M MNI.'llI N 
 
 IRANT. (1822-1885) 
 
 
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 fe^ 
 
 K^ 
 
 ROBERT EDMUND LEE. (1807-1870) 
 
 WTLI.IAM ■! . ~m KM W 
 
J 
 
 
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 .2g 
 
 / "*■ ^• 
 
 ;o 
 
 
 
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 •3g 
 
LINCOLN AND THE WORK OF EMANCIPATION 447 
 
 the suhstitutions, without acknowledging that they were the work of 
 a master mind, and that the raw backwoodsman, not three months in office, 
 was the peer of any statesman with whom he might find it necessary to 
 cope. He was entirely willing to grant to his secretaries and to his generals 
 the greatest liberty of action ; he was ready to listen to any one, and to 
 accept advice even fn^u hostile critics ; and his readiness made them think, 
 sometimes, that he had little mental power of his own, and brought upon 
 liim the charge of weakness ; but, as the facts have become more fully 
 known, it has grown more and more evident that he was not only the "best 
 general " and the " ablest diplomatist," but the greatest man among all the 
 great men whom that era of trial brought to the rescue of our country. 
 
 And when the end came, after four years of desperate conHict ; when 
 Lee had surrendered and the work of saving tiie Union seemed complete ; 
 when the liberator was made, by the assassin's hand, the martyr 
 to that yreat cause which he had carried to its trlorious termina- ,.^ f.!.a.sina- 
 
 ^ t> tion of Lincoln 
 
 tion, a depth of pathos was added to our memory of America's 
 
 noblest man, insuring him a fame that was worth dying for, that crown of 
 
 human sympathy which lends glory to mari.yrdom. 
 
 The story of the end need hardly be told. On the evening of April 
 14, 1865, Abraham Lincoln was shot by a half-crazed sympathizer with the 
 South, John Wilkes Booth. The President had gone, by special invitation, 
 to witness a play at Ford's Theatre, and the assassin had no difficulty in 
 gaining entrance to the box, committing the dreadful deed, and leaping to 
 the stage to make his escape. The story of his pursuit and death while 
 resisting arrest is familiar to us all. Mr. Lincoln lingered till the morning, 
 when the little group of friends and relatives, with members of the cabinet, 
 stood with breaking hearts about the death-bed. 
 
 Sorrow more deep and universal cannot be imagined than enveloped 
 our land on that 15th of April. Throughout the country every household 
 felt the loss as of one of themselves. The honored remains lay for a few 
 days in state at Washington, and then began the funeral journey, taking in 
 backward course almost the route which had been followed 
 four years before, when the newly-elected President went to pg^'^'le 
 assume his burdens of his high office. Such a pilgrimage of 
 sorrow had never been witnessed by our people. It was followed by the 
 sympatliy of the whole world until the loved remains were laid in the tomb 
 at Springfield, Illinois. Over the door of the state house, in the city of his 
 home, where his old neighbors took their last farewell, were these lines: 
 
 " He left us borne up by our ptiycrsj 
 He returns embalmed in our tears. " 
 
448 LINCOLN AND THE WORK OF EMANCIPATION 
 
 Abraham Lincoln was in every way a remarkable man. Towering 
 above his fellows, six feet four inches in height, his giant figure, with its 
 inclination to stoop, of itself attracted attention. While possessed of 
 gigantic strength, he was diffident and modest in the extreme. The expres- 
 sion of his face was sad, and that sadness deepened as the war dragged on 
 and causes for national depression increased. Melancholy was hereditary 
 A Man of with him, and it is doubtful if his mind was ever free from a 
 
 Melancholy degree of mental dejection. On certain occasions he was 
 *" ^ ' almost overwhelmed by it. Yet with all this he was one of 
 the readiest inventors and gatherers of amusing stories, which were inimit- 
 able as told by him. He opened the cabinet meeting in which he announced 
 his purpose to issue the Emancipation Proclamation by reading" to his dig- 
 nified associates a chapter from Artemus Ward. His jokes were usually 
 for a purpose. He settled more than one weighty question by the wit of a 
 homely "yarn," that told better than hours of argument would have done. 
 A signal illustration of his method is the telling aphorism by which he once 
 settled the question of changing the generals in command : " It is a bad 
 plan to swap horses crossing a stream." 
 
 His gift of expression was only equaled by the clearness and firmness 
 of his grasp upon the truths which he desired to convey ; and the beauty of 
 his words, upon many occasions, is only matched by the goodness and purity 
 of the soul from which they sprung. His Gettysburg speech will be 
 remembered as long as the story of the battle for freedom shall be told ; 
 and of his second inaugural it has been said: "This was like a sacred 
 poem. No American President bad ever spoken words like these to the 
 American people. America never had a President who found such words 
 in the depth of his heart." The following were its closing words, and with 
 them we may fitly close this imperfect sketch : 
 
 " Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray, that this mighty scourge of 
 war may speedily pass away. Yet if God wills that it continue until all 
 The Great ^^^ wealth piled by the bondman's two hundred and fifty years 
 
 Ciettysburg of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood 
 Oration drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the 
 
 sword ; as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said, ' The 
 judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether.' With malice 
 toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God gives 
 us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in ; to bind up 
 the nation's wounds ; to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and 
 for his widow and his orphan ; to do all which may achieve and cherish a 
 just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations." 
 
CHAPTER XXXI. 
 
 Grant and Lee and the Civil War. 
 
 IN several of the preceding chapters the causes which led the United 
 States into its great fratricidal War have been given. In the present 
 
 we propose to deal with the war itself ; not to describe it in detail, — 
 that belongs to general history, — but to speak of its great soldiers and its 
 leading events, which form the chosen topics of this work. Of the states- 
 men brought into prominence by the war, President Lincoln was the chief, 
 and we have given an account of his life. Of its famous The Great 
 soldiers two stand pre-eminent, Ulysses S. Grant and Robert Leadersof the 
 H. Lee, and art)und the careers of these two men the whole Civil War 
 story of the war revolves. They did not stand alone ; there were others 
 who played leading parts, — Thomas, Sherman, Sheridan, McClellan and 
 others, on the Union side ; Jackson, Johnston and others on the Con- 
 federate, — but this is not a work of biographical sketches, and our main 
 attention must be centred upon the two leading figures in the war, the 
 mighty opponents who linked arms in the desperate struggle from the 
 Wilderness to Appomatto.x. 
 
 Grant was a modest and retiring man. While others were strenuously 
 pushing their claims to command, he, an experienced soldier of the Mexican 
 war, held back and was thrust aside by the crowd of enterprising incompe- 
 tents, doing anything that was offered him, the coming Napoleon of the war 
 performing services suitable for a drill sergeant. But gradually men of experi- 
 ence in war began to find their appropriate places, and in August, 1861, Grant 
 
 was made brigadier-general and eiven command of a district 
 
 . . Qrant Takes 
 
 including southeast Missouri and western Kentucky. He command 
 
 soon set out to meet the Confederates, and found them at 
 
 Belmont, Missouri, where he drove them back in a hard four hours' fight. 
 
 Then they were reinforced and advanced in such strength that Grant and 
 
 his men were in danger of being cut off from the boats in which they had 
 
 come. 
 
 " We are surrounded," cried the men, in some alarm. 
 
 "Well, then," said Grant, "we must cut our way out, as we cut our 
 way in," and they did. It was the only retreat in Grant's career. 
 
 449 
 
450 GRANT AND LEE AND THE CIVIL WAR 
 
 Meanwhile, in the East, the battle of Bull Run had been fought, to the 
 dismay of the Union side, the triumph of the Confederate. There fol- 
 lowed an autumn and winter of weary waiting, which severely tried the 
 patience of North and South alike, both sides being eager for something to 
 be done. Early in the following year something was done, but not in the 
 region where the people looked for it. While attention was chiefly concen- 
 trated upon the Potomac, where McClellan was organizing and drilling that 
 splendid army which another and a greater commander was to lead to final 
 victory ; while the only response to the people's urgent call, " On to Rich- 
 mond!" was the daily report, "All quiet on the Potomac;" 
 All Quiet on the ^ . . . , , , . , . 
 
 Potomac Orant, an obscure and almost unknown soldier, was pushmg 
 
 forward against Forts Henry and Donelson, eleven miles 
 apart, on the Tennessee and the Cumberland, near where these rivers cross 
 the line dividing Kentucky and Tennessee. 
 
 He had obtained from his commander, Halleck, a reluctant consent to 
 his plan for attacking these important posts with a land force, co-operating at 
 the same time with a fleet of gunboats under Commodore Foote. It was 
 the month of February and bitterly cold. Amid sleet and snow the men 
 pushed along the roads, arriving at Fort Henry just after it had been captured, 
 as the result of a severe bombardment, by the gunboats. Grant immediately 
 turned his attention to Fort Donelson, which had been reinforced by a large 
 part of the garrison that had escaped from Fort Henry. It was held by 
 Generals Buckner, Floyd and Pillow with 20,000 men. For three days a fierce 
 attack was kept up. Buckner, who had been at West Point with Grant, 
 and doubtless knew that he was, as his wife designated him, " a very 
 obstinate man," sent on the morning of the fourth day, under a flag of truce, 
 to ask what terms of surrender would be granted. In reply Grant sent 
 The Surrender '•'^^'- brief. Stern message which thrilled throughout the North, 
 of Fort stirring the blood in every loyal heart: "No terms but un- 
 
 one son conditional and immediate surrender can be accepted. I 
 
 propose to move immediately upon your works." 
 
 Buckner protested against the terms ; but he was obliged to accept 
 them and to surrender unconditionally. With Fort Donelson were surren- 
 dered 15,000 men, 3,000 horses, sixty-five cannon, and a great quantity of 
 small arms and military stores. It was the first victory for the North, and 
 the whole country was electrified. Grant's reply to Buckner became a 
 household word, and the people of the North delighted to call him, *' Un- 
 conditional Surrender Grant." He was made a major-general of volunteers, 
 his commission bearing date of February 16, 1862, the day of the surrtndc: 
 of Fort Donelson. 
 
GRANT AND LEE AND THE CIVIL WAR 451 
 
 On April 6th, less than two months afterwards, another of Grant's 
 
 great battles was foufrht, at Shiloh, or Pittsbur"- Landintr in ^^ _ ,^, 
 t> . . . T^*i«= Terrible 
 
 Mississippi. In this battle Sherman was Grant's chief lieuten- struggle at 
 
 ant, and the two men tested each other's qualities in the Pittsburg 
 •greatest trial to which either had as yet been exposed. The 
 battle was one of the turnin<^-points of the war. The Confederates, 50,000 
 stroni,^ under Albert Sidney Johnston, one of their liest generals, attacked 
 the Union force of 40,000 men at Shiloh Church. All day on Sunday the 
 battle raged. The brave Johnston was killed ; but the Union forces were 
 driven back, and at night their lines were a mile in the rear of their position 
 in the morning. Grant came into his headquarters' tent that evening, when, 
 to any but the bravest and most sanguine, the battle seemed lost, and said : 
 " Well, it was tough work to-day, but we will beat them out of their boots 
 to-morrow." " When his staff and the generals present heard this," writes 
 one of his officers, " they were as fully persuaded of the result of the mor- 
 row's battle as when the victory had actually been achieved." 
 
 The next day, after dreadful fighting, the tide turned in favor of the 
 Union forces, which had been strongly reinforced by General Buell during 
 the night. In the afternoon Grant himself led a charge against the Con- 
 federate lines, under which they broke and were driven back. Night found 
 the Union army in possession of the field, after one of the severest battles 
 of the war. 
 
 A man who wins victories is apt to become a fair foil for criticism from 
 those who lo.se them. " Grant is a drunkard," said his opponents. This 
 charge came to the President's ears. " Grant drinks too much whisky,'' 
 some fault-finder said. Lincoln replied, with his dry humor. " I wish you 
 would tell me what brand of whisky General Grant uses ; I should like to 
 send some of it to our other generals." 
 
 It would doubtless have been better if this general, who drank a fight- 
 ing brantl of whisky, had been brought to the blast, where the war was 
 proceetling in a manner far from satisfactory. F"or six days 
 the armies of Lee and McClellan met in desperate battle Th^^Var in the 
 before Richmond, the Union army being driven from all its 
 positions, and forced to seek a new base on the James River. This disaster 
 was followed by a second conflict at Bull Run, which ended in one of 
 the most sanguinary defeats of the Union side during the war. The 
 repulse was in a measure retrieved by McClellan at Antietam, yet affairs 
 did not look very bright for the Union cause, and in the winter of 1862-63 
 there was much depression in the North. The terrible defeats at Fred- 
 ericksburg and Chancellorsville added to the anxiety of the people, and 
 
452 GRANT AND LEE AND THE CIVIL WAR 
 
 the necessity of some signal success seemed urgent. Such a success 
 came in double measure in the following summer, at Gettysburg and at 
 Vicksburg. 
 
 On a high bluff on the east bank of the Mississippi River, which 
 pursues a winding course through its fertile valley, stands the town of 
 Vicksburg. From this point a railroad ran to the eastward, and from the 
 opposite shore another ran westward through the rich, level country of 
 Louisiana. The town was strongly fortified, and from its elevation it com- 
 manded the river in both directions. So long as it was held 
 The Vicksburg |^ ^^ Confederate armies, the Mississippi could not be 
 
 Problem ^ . . , , ,• r i i 
 
 opened to navigation ; and the hne oi railroad running east 
 and west kept communication open between the western and eastern parts 
 of the Confederacy. How to capture Vicksburg was a great problem ; but 
 it was one which General Grant determined should be solved. 
 
 For eight months he worked at this problem. He formed plan after 
 plan, only to be forced to abandon them. Sherman made a direct attack at 
 the only place where a landing was practicable, and failed. Weeks were 
 spent in cutting a canal across the neck of a peninsula formed by a great 
 bend in the river opposite Vicksburg, so as to bring the gunboats through 
 without their passing under the fire of the batteries ; but a flood destroyed the 
 work. Meanwhile great numbers of the troops were ill with malaria or other 
 diseases, and many died. There was much clamor at Washington to have 
 Grant removed, but the President refused. He had faith in Grant, and 
 determined to give him time to work out the great problem, — how to get 
 below and in the rear of Vicksburg, on the Mississippi River. 
 
 This was at last accomplished. On a dark night the gunboats were 
 successfully run past the batteries, although every one of them was more 
 or less damaged by the guns. The troops were marched across the penin- 
 sula, and then taken down the river on the side opposite the town ; and on 
 April 30th the whole force was landed on the Mississippi side, on high 
 ground, and at a point where it could reach the enemy. 
 
 The railroad running east from Vicksburg connected that city with 
 Jackson, the state capital, which was an important railway 
 
 Passms the centre, and from which Vicksburo; was supplied. Grant made 
 Batteries ' . ^ tt r 1 • • 1 
 
 his movements with great rapidity. He fought in quick suc- 
 cession a series of battles by which Jackson and several other towns were 
 captured ; then, turning westward, he attacked the forces of Pemberton, drove 
 him back into Vicksburg, cut off his supplies, and laid siege to the place. 
 
 The e)es of the whole nation were now centred on Vicksburg. More 
 than two hundred guns were brought to bear upon the place, besides the 
 
GRANT AND LEE AND THE CIVIL WAR 453 
 
 batteries of the gunboats. In default of mortars, guns were improvised 
 by boring out tough logs, strongly bound with iron bands, which did good ser- 
 vice. The people of Vicksburg took shelter in cellars and caves 
 to escape the shot and shell. Food of all kinds became very y. J^^^^^ 
 scarce ; flour was sold at five dollars a pound, molasses at 
 twelve dollars a gallon. The endurance and devotion of the inhabitants 
 were wonderful. But the siege was so rigidly and relentlessly maintained 
 that there could be only one end. On July 3d, at ten o'clock, flags of truce 
 were displayed on the works, and General Pemberton sent a message to 
 Grant asking for an armistice, and proposing that commissioners should 
 be appointed to arrange terms of capitulation. 
 
 On the afternoon of the same day. Grant and Pemberton met under 
 an oak between the lines of the two armies and arranged the terms of sur- 
 render. It took three hours for the Confederate army to march out and 
 stack their arms. There were surrendered 31,000 men, 250 cannon, and a 
 great quantity of arms and munitions of war. But the moral advantage to 
 the Union cause was far beyond any material gain. The fall of Vicksburg 
 carried with it that of Port Hudson, a few miles below, which surrendered 
 to Banks a few days later; and at last the great river was open from St. 
 Louis to the sea. 
 
 The news of this great victory came to the North on the same day 
 with that of Gettysburg, July 4, 1863. The rejoicing over The Great vic- 
 the great triumph is indescribable. A heavy load was lifted tones and 
 from the minds of the President and his cabinet. The North 
 look heart, and resolved again to prosecute the war with energy. The 
 name of Grant was on every tongue. It was everywhere felt that he was 
 the foremost man of the campaign. He was at once made a major-general 
 in the regular army, and a gold medal was awarded him by Congress. 
 
 Grant's next striking victory was at Chattanooga, an important railway 
 centre in the valley of the Tennessee River, near where it enters Alabama. 
 South of the town the slope of Lookout Mountain rises to a height of 
 2000 feet above sea-level. Two miles to the east rises Missionary Ridge, 
 500 feet high. Both Lookout Mountain and Missionary Ridge were 
 occupied by the army of General Bragg, and his commanding position, 
 strengthened by fortifications, was considered by him impregnable. 
 
 The disastrous battle of Chickamauga, in September, 1863, hail left 
 the Union armies in East Tennessee in a perilous situation, chickamaujca 
 General Thomas, in Chattanooga, was hemmed in by the Con- and Chat- 
 federate forces, his line of supplies was endangered, and his 
 men and horses were almost starving. The army was on quarter rations. 
 
454 
 
 GRANT AND LEE AND THE CIVIL WAR 
 
 Ammunition was almost exhausted, and the troops were short of clothing. 
 Thousands of army mules, worn out and starved, lay dead along the miry 
 roads. Chattanooga, occupied by the Union army, was too strongly fortified 
 for Bragg to take by storm, but. every day shells from his batteries upon 
 the heights were thrown into the town. This was the situation when Grant, 
 stiff and sore from a recent accident, arrived at Nashville, on his way to 
 direct the campaign in East Tennessee. 
 
 " Hold Chattanooga at all hazards. I will be there as soon as possible," 
 he telegraphed from Nashville to General Thomas. " We will hold the 
 town until we starve," was the brave reply. 
 
 Grant's movements were rapid and decisive. He ordered the troops to 
 be concentrated at Chattanooga; he fought a battle at Wauhatchie, in 
 Lookout V^alley, which broke Bragg's hold on the river below Chattanooga 
 and shortened the Union line of supplies; and by his prompt and vigorous 
 preparation for effective action he soon had his troops lifted out of the 
 demoralized condition in which they had sunk after the defeat of Chicka- 
 inauga. One month after his arrival were fought the memorable battles of 
 Lookout Mountain and Missionary Ridge, by which the Confederate troops 
 Lookout Mount- were driven out of Tennessee, their hold on the country was 
 ain and Mis- broken up, and a large number of prisoners and guns were cap- 
 sionary Ridge j^j-gj Nothing in the history of war is more inspiring than 
 the impetuous bravery with which the Union troops fought their way up 
 the steep mouiitain sides, bristling with cannon, and drove the Confederate 
 troops out of their works at the point of the bayonet. An officer of Gen- 
 eral Bragg's staff afterward declared that they considered their position 
 perfectly impregnable, and that when they saw the Union troops, after cap- 
 turing their rifle-pits at the base, coming up the craggy mountain toward 
 their headquarters, they could scarcely credit their eyes, and thought that 
 every man of them must be drunk. History has no parallel for sublimity 
 and picturesqueness of effect, while the consequences, which were the 
 division of the Confederacy in the East, were inestimable. 
 
 After Grant's success in Tennessee, the popular demand that he should 
 
 be put at the head of all the armies became irresistible. In Virginia the 
 
 magnificent Army of the Potomac, after two years of fighting, 
 
 "Lieutenant- ^^*^ been barely able to turn back from the North the tide of 
 
 General and Confederate invasion, and was apparently as far as ever from 
 
 Commander- capturinor Richmond. In the West, on the other hand, 
 m-Chiet 1 o ' . j j • i 
 
 Grant's armies had won victory after victory, had driven the 
 
 opposing forces out of Kentucky and Tennessee, had taken Vicksburg, 
 
 opened up the Mississippi, and divided the Confederacy in both the West 
 
GENERAL LEE'S IIN, 
 
 3F THE NOfilh 
 
 brought to n disnslrous end by the Battta 
 
 aJtU the North, i ; 
 
GRANT AND I. HE AND THE CIVIL WAR 
 
 457 
 
 and the East. In response to tlie call for Grant, Congress revived the grade 
 of lieutenant-general, which had been held by only one commander, Scott, 
 since the time of Washington ; and the hero of Fort Donelson, Vicksburg, 
 and Chattanooga was nominated to this rank, by the President, confirmed 
 by the Senate, and placed in command of all the armies of the nation. 
 
 The relief of President Lincoln at having such a man in command was 
 very great. " Grant is the i\x%x. general I've had," he remarked to a frieml. 
 "You know how it has been with all the rest. As soon as I put a man in 
 command of the army, he would come to me with a plan, and about as much 
 as say, 'Now, I don't believe I can do it, but if you say so I'll try it on,' and 
 so put the responsibility of success or failure upon me. They all wanted 
 me to be the general. Now, it isn't so with Grant. He hasn't told me what 
 his plans are. I don't know, and I don't want to know. I am glad to find a 
 man who can go ahead without me." 
 
 Never were the persistent courage, the determined purpose, which formed 
 the foundation of Grant's character, more clearly brought out than in the Vir- 
 ginia campaign of 1S64, in which he commanded ; and never The Virginia 
 were they more needed. Well did he know that no single Campain of 
 triumph, however brilliant, would suffice. He saw plainly that ' *^'<""S 
 nothing but " hammering away " would avail. The stone wall of the Con- 
 federacy had too broad and firm a base to be suddenly overturned ; it had 
 to be slowly reduced to powder. 
 
 During the anxious days which followed the battle of the Wilderness, 
 Frank B. Carpenter, the artist, relates that he asked President Lincoln, 
 ■' How does Grant impress you as compared with other generals?" 
 
 "The great thing about him," said the President, "is cool persistency 
 of purpose. He is not easily excited, and he has the grip of a bull-dog. 
 When he once gets his teeth in, tiothing can shake him ojf." 
 
 His great opponent, Lee, saw and felt the same quality. When, after 
 days of indecisive battle, the fighting in the Wilderness came to a pause, it 
 was believed in the Confederate lines that the Union troops were falling 
 back. General Gordon said to Lee, — 
 
 •■ I think there is no doubt that Grant is retreating." 
 
 The Confederate chief knew better. He shook his head. 
 
 " You are mistaken," he replied earnestly, — " quite mistaken. Grant is 
 not retreating ; he is not a retreating matt." 
 
 The battles of Spottsylvania and North Anna followed, and then came 
 the disastrous aftair at Cold Harbor. Then Grant changed his base to James 
 river and attacked Petersburg. Slowly but surely the Union lines closed 
 in. ■' Falling back " on the Union side had gone out of fashion. South or 
 
458 GRANT AND LEE AND THE CIVIL WAR 
 
 North, all could see that now a steady resistless force was back of the 
 Union armies, pushing them ever on toward Richmond. 
 
 Grant's losses in the final campaign were heavy, but Lee's slender 
 resources were wrecked in a much more serious proportion ; and for the 
 Confederates no recruiting was possible. Their dead, who lay so thickly 
 beneath the fields, were the children of the soil, and there were none to 
 replace them. In some cases whole families were destroyed; but the sur- 
 vivors still fought on. In the Confederate lines around 
 
 ~. ... ** Petersburir there was often absolute destitution. An officer 
 
 The War » 
 
 who was there testified, shortly after the end of the struggle, 
 that every cat and dog for miles around had been caught and eaten. Grant 
 was pressing onward ; Sherman's march through Georgia and the Carolinas 
 had proved that the Confederacy was an egg-shell ; Sheridan's splendid 
 cavalry was ever hovering round the last defenders of the bars and stripes. 
 Grant saw that all was over, and on April 7, J 865, he wrote that memorable 
 letter calling upon Lee to surrender and bring the war to an end. Lee, 
 whose army was cut off beyond possibility of escape, was obliged to con- 
 sent, and the terrible four years' conflict ceased. 
 
 We have told the chief incidents in the career as a soldier of the great 
 Union general ; we have now to deal with that of his equally great oppo- 
 nent in the final year of the war, the brilliant commander of the Con- 
 federate forces. General Robert E. Lee. 
 
 Of all the men whose character and ability were developed in the Civil 
 War, there was perhaps not one in either army whose greatness is more 
 generally acknowledged than that of the man just named. His ability as 
 a soldier and his character as a man are alike appreciated; and while it 
 
 is natural that men of the North should be unwilling to 
 
 Character of 1 1 • ^ 1 • • ^ ^i ^ ^ 
 
 ,. , , condone his takuiyf up arms agfamst the gfovernment, vet 
 
 ueneral Lee & r & t. 'J 
 
 that has not prevented their doing full justice to his greatness. 
 It is not too much to say that General Lee is recognized, both North and 
 South, as one of the greatest soldiers, and one of the ablest and purest 
 men, that America has produced. 
 
 Lee, like Grant, was a graduate of West Point and had seen service in 
 the Mexican war, in which he won high honor. It was he who, when John 
 Brown made his raid against Harper's Ferry, was despatched with a body 
 of troops for his capture. The raiders had entrenched themselves in the 
 engine house of the arsenal, but Lee quickly battered down the door, cap- 
 tured them, and turned them over to the civil authorities. 
 
 Lee, the son of " Light Horse Harry Lee," a famous general of the 
 Revolutionary War, cherished an attachment to the Union which his father 
 
GRANT AND LEE AND THE CIVIL WAR 45,^ 
 
 had helped him to form, and at tlu- Lrtakiiii; nut of the Civil War was in great 
 doubt as to what course he should take. He disapproved of secession, but 
 was thoroughly pervaded with the idea of loyalty to his state, — an idea 
 which was almost universal in the South, though not enter- 
 tained by the people of the North. He had great difficulty '-^.^'•^ f^^^"*'"" 
 
 / r' r ^ ... -'to His State 
 
 in arriving at a decision ; but when at last Virginia adopted 
 
 in ordinance of secession, he resigned his commission in the United States 
 irniy. Writing to his sister, he said, " Though I recognize no necessit)- for 
 this state of things, and would have forborne and pleaded to the end for 
 ri-dress of grievances, yet in my own person I had to meet the question 
 whether I should take part against my native state. With all my devotion 
 to the Union, and the feeling of loyalty and duty as an American citizen, 
 1 have not been able to make up my mind to raise my hand against my 
 relatives, my children, my home. I have therefore resigned my commis- 
 sion in the army, and, save in defence of my native state, I hope I may 
 never be called upon to draw my sword." 
 
 It was not a case in which a soldier who believed in state supremacy 
 could long hesitate. Virginia was invaded, and Lee drew his sword " in 
 defence of his native state," his first service being as brigadier-general 
 in Northwestern Virginia, where he was opposed to General Rosccrans. 
 Here no important battle was fought, and in the latter part of Lee in Com - 
 1861 he was sent to the coast of North Carolina, where he mandatRich. 
 ]jlarined tiie defences whicli were held good against Union ""**" 
 attack until the last year of the war. After the wounding of General J. E. 
 Johnston at Fair Oaks, Lee was called to the command of the forces at 
 Richmond, and on June 3, 1862, took charge of the army defending the 
 Confederate capital. 
 
 The task before him was no light one. McClellan lay before Richmond 
 with a powerful and well-appointed army, and that city was in considerable 
 danger of capture. But the generals opposed to each other were of very dif- 
 ferent calibre. McClellan was of the cautious and deliberate order ; Lee was 
 )ne of those ready to dare all " on the hazard of a die." On June 26th he 
 made a vigorous assault on the Union army, and continued it 
 with unceasing persistence day after day for six days, driving ^ '^ "*' * 
 McClellan and his men steadily backward. On the final day, 
 July 1st, the Union army, strongly posted on Malvern Hill, defeated Lee, 
 who suffered heavy loss. But McClellan continued to retreat until the 
 James River was reached and the siege of Richmond abandoned. 
 
 A few months passed, and then, with a sudden and rapid sweep north, 
 Lee fell upon the large army whicli had been gathered under General Pope, 
 
46o GRANT AND LEE AND THE CIVIL WAR 
 
 on the old battlefield of Bull Run. Here a terrible struggle took place, 
 
 °nding in the disastrous defeat of Pope. In this bloody battle the Unionists 
 
 lost 25,000 men, of whom 9,000 were made prisoners. The Confederates 
 
 lost about 15,000. As the defeated army had fallen back on Washington, 
 
 that city was safe against assault, and on September 4th, with another of 
 
 his brilliant and rapid movements, Lee marched his army into Maryland, 
 
 hoping that this State would rise in his support. 
 
 He was disappointed in this ; the Marylanders proved staunch for tlie 
 
 Union ; but one great advantage was gained in the capture of Harper's 
 
 Ferry by Stonewall Jackson, with nearly 12,000 prisoners and immense 
 
 quantities of munitions of war. It was a bloodless victory, as valuable in its 
 
 results for the Confederacy as had been the sanguinary battle of Bull Run, 
 
 A few days later, on September 17th, the two late opponents, McClellan and 
 
 Lee, met in conflict at Antietam, in the most bloody battle, for 
 
 ^'^°j » ."• .. the numbers engaged, of the war. Lee had taken a danaerous 
 and Antietam _ . . . 
 
 risk in weakening his army to despatch Jackson against 
 
 Harper's Ferry. But the alert Jackson was back again, and the Confederates 
 
 had 70,000 men to oppose to the 80,000 under McClellan. The result was in 
 
 a measure a drawn battle, but Lee was so severely handled that he did not 
 
 deem it safe to wait for a renewal of the conflict, and withdrew across the 
 
 Potomac. The failure of McClellan to pursue with energy brought his 
 
 career to an end. He was removed from command by the government and 
 
 replaced by General Burnside. 
 
 It cannot be said that the change of commanders was a successful one. 
 
 Burnside attacked the vigilant Lee at Fredericksburg, on December 13th, 
 
 and met with one of the most disastrous defeats of the war, losing nearly 
 
 14,000 men to a Confederate loss of 5,000. General Hooker, who succeeded 
 
 Fredericksburg h'™' '""^^ with a similar defeat. Supplied with a splendid 
 
 And Chancel- army, over 100,000 strong, he attacked Lee at Chancellorsville 
 lorsville ,, „^ , ., .,, , , , 
 
 on May 3, I003, and met with a terrible repulse, through a 
 
 brilliant flank movement executed by Stonewall Jackson, losing over 17,000 
 
 men. The Confederates had a loss, not less severe, this being the death of 
 
 Jackson, their most brilliant leader after Lee. 
 
 His great successes at Fredericksburg and Chancellorsville led Lee to 
 venture upon a daring but dangerous movement, an invasion of the North ; 
 one which, if successful, might have placed Philadelphia, Baltimore, and 
 Washington in his hands, but which, if unsuccessful, would leave him in a 
 very critical position. 
 
 It was, as all readers know, unsuccessful. General Meade, who replaced 
 Hooker in command, followed the Confederates north with the utmost 
 
GRANT AND LKE AND THE Cn'lL WAR 461 
 
 haste, and placed himself across their path at Gettysburg, in western Penn- 
 sylvania. On July 1st, the advance columns of the two armies 
 
 met, and encraircd in a preliminary strucrgrle, which ended in a The Armies at 
 
 Oettysburg 
 repulse of the Union forces. These fell back and took up a 
 
 strong position on Cemetery Ridge, where during the night they were 
 strongly reinforced by the troops hurrying up from the south. During the 
 next two days the Union army fought on the defensive, Lee making vigor- 
 ous ouslaughts upon it and fighting desperately but unsuccessfully to break 
 Meade's line or seize some commanding point. The end of this fierce 
 struggle — which is ranked among the decisive battles of the world — came 
 on the 3d, when Lee launched a powerful column, I5,cxx) The Union vic- 
 strong, under General Pickett, against the Union centre. It toryatQet- 
 ended in a repulse, almost an annihilation, of the charging tysburg 
 force, and the great battle was at an end. The next day Lee retreated. 
 He had lost in all about 30,000 men. The Union loss aggregated about 
 23,000. 
 
 The 4th of July, 1863, was in its way as great a day for the American 
 Union as the 4th of July, 1776, for it was the great turning point in the 
 war. On this day Grant took possession of Vicksburg, with 30,000 
 prisoners, and cut the Confederacy in two. And on the same day Lee 
 began his retreat, disastrously beaten in his last act of offensive warfare. 
 During the remainder of his career he was to stand on the 
 defence, until driven to bay and forced to surrender by the The 4th of July, 
 hammer-like blows of " Unconditional surrender Grant." 
 
 But while brilliant in offensive war, Lee was in his true element in 
 defence, and never has greater skill and ability, or more indomitable resis- 
 ance, been shown than in his struggle against his vigorous adversary. 
 Grant was appointed commander-in-chief of the Union armies, on March i, 
 1864. Having sent Sherman to conduct a campaign in the South, he himself, 
 on May 4 and 5, crossed the Rapidan River for a direct advance on Rich- 
 mond. A campaign of forty-three days followed, in which more than 100,000 
 men, frequently reinforced, were engaged on either side. Grant -j-^e Qreat 
 came first into encounter with Lee in the Wilderness, near the Struggle for 
 scene of Hooker's defeat a year before. Here, after two days R'chmond 
 of terrible slaughter, the battle ended without decided advantage to either 
 side, though the Union loss was double that of the Confederates. 
 
 Finding Lee's position impregnable. Grant advanced by a flank move- 
 ment to Spottsylvania Court House. Here, on May nth, Hancock, by a 
 desperate assault, captured Generals Johnson and E. H. Stewart, with 3000 
 men and 30 guns, while Lee himself barely escaped. But no fighting, how- 
 26 
 
462 GRANT AND LEE AND THE CIVIL WAR 
 
 ever desperate, could carry Lee's works. Sheridan with his cavalry now 
 made a dashing raid toward Richmond. He fought the Confederate cavalry, 
 killed their ablest general, J. E. B. Stuart, and returned, having suffered little 
 damage, to Grant. On May 17th, Grant, having executed another flank 
 movement, reached the North Anna River. But Lee had fallen back with 
 his usual celerity, and the advancing army found itself again in face of 
 strong entrenchments. As a vigorous attack failed to carry Lee's works, 
 Grant made a third flank march, which brought him to the vicinity of 
 Richmond. 
 
 Here once more he found his indefatigable opponent in his front, 
 very strongly posted at Cold Harbor. Grant, perhaps incensed at seeing 
 this man always blocking up his road, hurled his tried troops upon 
 the impregnable works of the enemy. It was a vain effort, leading only to 
 dreadful slaughter. The Unionists lost in this hopeless affair over 10,000 
 in killed and wounded, while the Confederates escaped practically with- 
 out loss. 
 
 Grant now executed the most promising of his flank movements. He 
 
 secretly crossed the James River about June 15th and made a dash on 
 
 Petersburg, hoping to seize the railroads leading south and to 
 
 on Petersburg ^^^ ^^ ^'"^ °f supply of Richmond. But unforeseen delays and 
 
 strong resistance enabled Lee to throw a force of his veterans 
 
 into the town, and the movement failed. And now for months it was a 
 
 question of attack and defence. Both sides threw up entrenchments of 
 
 enormous strength, and the following fall and winter were occupied in an 
 
 incessant artillery duel, marked by a few assaults, which had little effect 
 
 other than that of loss of life. 
 
 But during all this time Lee's army was weakening, while that of 
 Grant was kept in full strength. At the end of March, 1865, the final 
 events of the great struggle were at hand. Grant sent Warren and Sheridan 
 to the south of Petersburg, to cut the Danville and Southside Railroads, 
 Lee's avenues of supply. On April ist the Confederate right wing was 
 encountered and defeated at Five Forks, and on the following day the whole 
 line of works defending Petersburg was successfully assailed. 
 
 Richmond could no longer be held. Lee evacuated it that night, and 
 
 retreated towards Danville with about 35,000 men. But the 
 The End of the it- i i o i • i i • i i i • 
 
 Conflict Union cavalry under bnendan pursued with such celerity 
 
 that escape was cut off, and the Confederates were surrounded 
 at Appomattox Court House, and forced to surrender on April 9, 1865. 
 
 Lee had made for himself a world-wide reputation. While the bull- 
 dog persistence of Grant had enabled him to crush army after army of the 
 
GRANT AND LEE AND THE CIVIL WAR 
 
 403 
 
 Confederacy, Lee liail shown himsL'lf one of the most brilliant of <,rencrals, 
 successful in all his assaults except at Gettysburg, and almost without a 
 peer in defensive warfare. Only the utter exhaustion of the country behind 
 him and the slow grinding of his army into fragments brought final success 
 to his opponents. 
 
 We can only refer briefly to the careers of some of the abler sub- 
 ordinate commanders in the war. First among them was Sherman, whose 
 exploits ill great measure place him on a level with Grant and Lee. 
 In truth, there was no more brilliant operation in the entire war than his 
 famous "March through Georgia." 
 
 This striking event was the culmination of a series of successful battles 
 and flank movements, by which Johnston was gradually forced back from 
 Chattanooga to Atlanta. Here the able Johnston was removed and replaced 
 by the dashing but reckless Hood, who attacked Sherman Sherman's 
 fiercely, but only to meet a disastrous repulse. A final flank March on 
 movement, which cut off Hood's sources of supply, forced him * "" 
 to evacuate Atlanta, which Sherman occupied on September i, 1864. It 
 was the most brilliant success of the year, and Sherman became the hero of 
 the hour. Hood, finding that he could do nothing there, made a dash into 
 Tennessee, hoping to draw Sherman after him for the defence of Nashville. 
 
 Sherman had no intention of doing anything of the kind. The 
 removal of Hood from his vicinity was just what he wanted, and he 
 remarked in a chuckling tone, " If Hood will go to Tennessee I will be 
 glad to furnish him with rations for the trip." What he had in view was 
 something very different ; namely, to abandon his long line of supplies, 
 march across Georgia to Savannah, nearly three hundred miles away, and 
 live upon the country as he went, while destroying one of the richest 
 sources of Confederate supply. 
 
 The Confederate generals did not dream of a movement of such 
 unusual boldness, and left the field clear for Sherman's march. For a 
 month he and his men simply disappeared. No one knew narchinR 
 where they were, or if they were not annihilated. They had ThrouKh 
 plunged into the heart of the Confederacy, far away from all eorgia 
 means of communication, and the people of the North could only wait and 
 hope. " I know which hole he went in at," said Lincoln to anxious 
 inquirers, " but I know no more than you at which hole he will come out." 
 
 He came out at Savannah. He had cut a great swath, thirty miles 
 wide, through Georgia, his soldiers living off the country and rendering 
 it incapable of furnishing supplies for the Confederate armies, and on 
 December 23d he sent Lincoln a despatch that carried joy throughout the 
 
4^4 GRANT AND LEE AND THE CIVIL WAR 
 
 North : " I beg to present you as a Christmas gift the city of Savannah, 
 with one hundred and fifty guns and plenty of ammunition, and about 
 twenty-five thousand bales of cotton." 
 
 The remainder of Sherman's movement may be briefly told. March- 
 ing northward, he took Charleston, which had so long defied Union assault, 
 without a shot. Reaching North Carolina, he found himself opposed again 
 Sherman ^^ Johnston, but before much fighting took place the news of 
 
 Marches Lee's surrender came, and nothing was left for Johnston 
 
 except to yield up his force. Meanwhile, Thomas, who had 
 saved the army at Chickamauga, hurried to Nashville to meet the hard- 
 fighting Hood, and there defeated him so utterly and dispersed his army 
 so completely that it never came together again. 
 
 There is only one further exploit of the Union generals that calls here 
 for special mention, that of Sheridan's famous ride. In 1864 Lee sent 
 General Early with 20,000 men to the Shenandoah Valley, recently cleared 
 General Early's ^^ '"^^ defenders, the purpose being to threaten Washington 
 Raid on Wash- and possibly oblige Grant to weaken his forces for its defence. 
 ng on Success attended Early's movement. He invaded Maryland, de- 
 
 feated Lew Wallace near Frederick, and reached the suburbs of Washington, 
 which an immediate attack might have placed in his hands. Not venturing, 
 however, to attack the captial, he soon returned, with large spoils in horses 
 and cattle, to the Valley, where he defeated General Crook at Winchester. 
 
 In one respect this movement had failed. Grant was not induced to 
 weaken his forces to any important extent. Had it been Stonewall Jackson 
 in the Valley it might have been different, but he contented himself with 
 sending Sheridan to take care of Early. Sheridan bided his time, despite 
 the growing impatience in the country. Grant visited him, intending to 
 propose a plan of operations, but he found that Sheridan was in full touch 
 with the situation, and left him to his own devices. 
 
 At length, in September, Early incautiously divided his command, and 
 Sheridan, who was closely on the watch, attacked him, flanked him right 
 and left, broke his lines in every direction, and sent him, as he telegraphed 
 "Whirling to Washington, "Whirling through Winchester." "I have 
 
 Through never since deemed it necessary to visit General Sheridan he- 
 
 me es er. [q^^ giving him orders," said Grant afterwards. Sheridan 
 again attacked and defeated Early at Fisher's Hill, driving him out of the 
 valley and into the gaps of the Blue Ridge. 
 
 Sometime afterwards took place the most famous event in Sheridan's 
 career. During an absence at Washington his camp at Cedar Creek was 
 surprised by Early, the men were driven back in disorderly rout, and eighteen 
 
GRANT AND LEE AND THE CIVIL WAR 467 
 
 guns and nearl\- a tlinusand [jrisoners were lost. Sheridan on his way back 
 from the capital, had stopped for the night at Winchester. On his way to the 
 front the next morning the sound of distant guns came to his ears. Per- 
 ceiving that a battle was in progress, he rode forward at full speed. Soon 
 he began to meet frightened fugitives, and guessed what had happened. 
 Taking off his hat, he swung it in the air as he dashed onward at a gallop, 
 shouting, "Face the other way, boys ; face the other way. We're going 
 back to lick them out of their boots ! " 
 
 His words were electrical. The fugitives did "face the other way." As 
 he came nearer and met the retreating companies and regiments, he rallied 
 them with the same inspiring cry. The men turned back. The Confederates, 
 
 who were rilling their camp, were astounded to fmd a routed 
 
 1 • ^, T -. 1 .1 I 1 ■ Sheridan's Ride 
 
 army charging upon them. iJismay spread through their 
 
 ranks, they were thrown into disorder, and were soon in full llight, having 
 lost all the captured guns and twenty-four more, with a heavy loss in killed, 
 wounded, and prisoners. Since that day " Sheridan's ride " has been cele- 
 brated in song and story as the most dramatic incident of the war. 
 
 We have told some of the exciting events of the conflict from the 
 Union side. The Confederates also had their dashing generals and thrilling 
 deeds of valor. But this chapter is already so extended that we must con- 
 fine ourselves to an account of but one in addition to Lee, the renowned 
 Stonewall Jackson. It is well known how Thomas J. Jackson got this title 
 of honor. In the battle of Bull Run his men stood so firm amid the 
 disordered fragments of other corps, that General Bee called attention to 
 them : " Look at those Virginians ! They stand like a stone wall." The 
 title of " Stonewall" clung to their leader until his death. His most famous 
 work was done in the Shenandoah Valley. In March, 1862, stonewall 
 he retreated before Banks some forty miles, then suddenly .lackson and 
 turned and with only 3,500 men drove him back in dismay. H>s Exploits 
 But his most brilliant exploit was in April, when he whipjied IMilroy, Banks, 
 Shields, and Fremont, one after another, in the Valley, and then suddenly 
 turned, marched to Lee's aid, and helped to defeat McClellan at Gaines's 
 Mills, the first victory in the memorable six days' fight. 
 
 In August, 1862, he drove Pope back from the Rappahannock, and by 
 stubborn fighting held him fast until Longstreet could get up to aid in the 
 victory of the second Bull Run. We have told of his striking exploit at 
 Harper's Ferry, and how he won the day at Chancellorsville. Here 
 he was wounded by a mistaken volley from his own men, was soon after at- 
 tacked with pneumonia, and died on May 10, 1863. Thus fell the ablest 
 man, after Lee, that the great contest developed on the Confederate side. 
 
CHAPTER XXXII. 
 The Indian in the Nineteenth Century 
 
 THE relation of the American people to the Indians, since the first 
 settlement of this country, has been one of conflict, which has been 
 almost incessant in some sections of the land By the opening of the 
 nineteenth century the red men had been driven back in great measure from 
 the thirteen original states, but the tribes in the west were still frequently 
 The Relation of hostile, and Stood sternly in the way of our progress westward. 
 Whites and We propose in this chapter to describe the various relations, 
 Indians both peaceful and warlike, which have existed between the 
 
 whites and the red men during the century with which we are here concerned. 
 The close of the Revolutionary War brought only a partial cessation 
 of the Indian warfare. The red man was by no means disposed to give up 
 his country without a struggle, and throughout the interior, in what is 
 now Indiana, Illinois, and Wisconsin, and along the Ohio River, there were 
 constant outbreaks, and battles of great severity. The conflict in Indiana 
 brought forward the services of a young lieutenant, William Henry Harrison, 
 who for many years had much to do with Indians, both as military officer 
 and as governor of the Indian territory. In iSii appeared one of those 
 great Indian chiefs whose abilities and influence are well worth attention 
 and study. Tecumseh, a mighty warrior of mixed Creek and Shawnee 
 blood, was one who dreamt the dream of freeing his people. With elo- 
 quence and courage he urged them on, by skill he combined the tribes in a 
 new alliance, and, encouraged by British influence, he looked forward to a 
 great success. While he was seeking to draw the Southern Indians into his 
 scheme, his brother rashly joined battle with General Harrison, and was 
 utterly defeated in the fight which gained for Harrison the title of Old 
 Tippecanoe. Disappointed and disheartened at this destruction of his life- 
 work, Tecumseh threw all his great influence on the British side in the W^ar 
 of 1812, in which he dealt much destruction to the United 
 
 Harrison and States troops. At Sandusky and Detroit and Chicago, and at 
 Tecumseh , , / , , t ,• 1 r 1 
 
 Other less important torts, the Indian power was severely lelt ; 
 
 but at Terre Haute the young captain Zachary Taylor met the savages 
 
 with such courage and readiness of resources that they were finally repulsed. 
 
 468 
 
THE INDIAN IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 469 
 
 Rut rarely did a similar good fortune befall our troops ; and it was not until 
 after Commodore Perry won victory for us at Lake Erie, that Tecumseh 
 himself was killed, and the twenty-five hundred Indians of his force were 
 finally scattered, in the great fight of the Thames River, where our troops 
 were commanded by William Henry Harrison and Richard M. Johnson, 
 afterward President and Vice-President of the United States. For a little 
 time the Northwest had peace. But in the South the warfare was not over. 
 Tecumseh had stirred up the Creeks and Seminoles against the whites, and 
 throughout Alabama, Georgia, and Northern Florida the Creek War raged 
 with all its horrid accompaniments until 1S14 ; even the redoubtable Andrew 
 Jackson could not conquer the brave Creeks until they were almost extermi- 
 nated, and then a small remnant remained in the swamps of Florida to be 
 heard of at a later time. 
 
 Before the new government of the United States was fully upon its 
 feet it recognized the necessity and duty of caring for its Indian population. 
 In 1775, a year before the Declaration of Independence, the Continental 
 Congress divided the Indians into three departments, northern, middle and 
 southern, each under the care o{ three or more commissioners, among whom 
 we find no less personages than Oliver Wolcott, Philip Schuyler, Patrick 
 Henry and Benjamin P'ranklin. As early as 1832 the; young 
 nation found itself confronted with a serious Indian problem, Pericd 
 created a separate bureau for the charge of the red men, and 
 inaugurated a definite policy of treatment. Speaking in general, we have 
 altered this policy three times. As a matter of fact, we have altered its 
 details, changed its plans, and adopted new methods of management as often 
 as changing administrations have changed the administrators of our Indian 
 affairs. But in the large, there have been three great steps in our Indian 
 policy, and these have to some e.xtent grown out of our changing conditions. 
 The first plan was that of the reservations. Under that system, as the 
 Indian land was wanted by the white population, the red man was removed 
 across the Mississippi and pushed step by step still further west ; and as 
 time went on and the population followed hard after, he was 
 eventually confined to designated tracts. Yet dispite the fact Policy 
 that these tracts were absolutely guaranteed to him, he was 
 driven off them again and again as the farmer or the miner demanded the 
 land. In time a new policy was attempted, or rather an old policy was 
 revived, that of concentrating the whole body of Indians into one state or 
 territory, but the obvious impossibility of that scheme soon brought it to an 
 end. Less than thirty years ago the present plan took its place, that of 
 education and eventual absorption. 
 
470 THE INDIAN IN THE NINETEENTH CENTUR Y 
 
 In 1830 the country seemed to stretch beyond any possible need of the 
 young nation, lusty as it was, and the wide wilderness of the Rocky Moun- 
 tains promised to furnish hunting grounds for all time. The Mississippi 
 Valley and the Northwest were still unsettled, but in the South the Five 
 Nations were greatly in the way of their white neighbors, and the work of the 
 removal of the latter beyond the Mississippi was begun. Under President 
 Monroe several treaties were made with those tribes — the Creeks, Chero- 
 kees, Choctaws, Chickasaws and Seminoles — by which, one after another, 
 Removal of the they ceded their lands to the government, and took in ex- 
 Southern change the country now known as the Indian Territory. 
 Tribes They were already somewhat advanced in civilization, with 
 leaders combining in blood and brain the Indian astuteness and the white 
 man's experience and education. John Ross, a half-breed chief of the 
 Cherokees, of unusual ability, brought about the removal under conditions 
 more favorable than often occurred. He was bitterly opposed by full half 
 the Indians, and it was not without sufferings and losses of more than one 
 kind that the great southern league was removed to the fair and fertile land 
 set aside for them in the far-off West. It was owing to the sagacity of 
 John Ross and his associates that this land ivas secured to them, in a way 
 in which no other land has ever been secured to an Indian tribe. They 
 hold it to-day by patent, as secure in the sight of the law as an old Dutch 
 manor house or a Virginia plantation, and all the learning of the highest 
 tribunals has not yet found the way to evade or disregard these solemn 
 obligations. To these men, too, and to the missionaries who long taught 
 their tribes, do they owe an effective form of civilization, and a governmental 
 
 polity which j^reserves for them alone, among all the red men. 
 War with the , . , , , ^ . ,^, o • 1 1 
 
 Seminoles '^"^ X.\u.& and the State 01 nations. 1 he bemmoles, who 
 
 were of the Creek blood, were divided, some of them going 
 west with their brethren, the larger number of them remaining in Florida. 
 With these — about 4,000 in all — under their young and able chief, Osceola, 
 the government fought a seven years' war, costing many lives and forty 
 millions in money, and did not then succeed in removing all the Seminoles 
 from their much-loved home. 
 
 A similar state of affairs attended the removals in the north. The sav- 
 ages bitterly opposed giving up their native soil, there being in every case 
 two parties in the tribe, one that sorrowfully yielded to the necessity of sub- 
 mission, and one that mdulged in the hopeless dream of successful resistance. 
 Thus the Sac and Fox tribe of Wisconsin was divided, and although 
 Keokuk and one band went peaceably to their new home among the lowas, 
 Black Hawk and his followers were slow to depart, and were removed by 
 
THE INDIAN IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 471 
 
 force. The Indian Department failed to furnish corn enough for the new 
 settleinent, and, going to seek it among the Winnebagoes, the Indians 
 came into collision with the government. Thereafter ensued a series of 
 misunderstandings, and consequent fights, resulting in great Hostilities with 
 alarm amone the whites and destruction to the Indians. The Northern 
 Story is the same story, almost to details, that has been fre- " 
 quently seen since that time. After the fashion above described all the 
 removals have proceeded, the cause ever the same, the white man's greed 
 and the ferocity of the wronged and infuriated savage. 
 
 It is useless and impossible to give the details of all the various tribes 
 that have been pushed about in the manner described. In 1830 the East 
 was already crowding toward the West, and every succeeding decade saw 
 the frontier moved onward with giant .strides. Everywhere the Indian was 
 an undesirable neighbor, and when, in 1849, the discovery of gold began to 
 create a new nation on the Pacific slope, a pressure began from that side 
 also, and the intervening deserts became a thoroughfare for the pilgrims of 
 fortune and the lovers of adventure. From year to year the United States 
 made fresh treaties with the tribes; those in the East were Treatment of 
 gone already, those in the interior were following fast, and the Western 
 there had arisen the new necessity of dealing with those in " "'"''^ 
 the far West. One tribe after another would be planted on a reservation 
 millions of acres in extent and apparently far beyond the home of civiliza- 
 tion, and almost in a twelvemonth the settler would be upon its border, 
 demanding its broad acres. The reservations were altered, reduced, taken 
 away altogether, at t^ie pleasure of the government, with little regard to 
 the rights or wishes of the Indian. Usually this brought about fighting, 
 and it produced a state of permanent discontent that wrought harm for 
 both settler and savage. The Indian grew daily more and more treacherous 
 and constantly more cruel. The white settler was daily in greater danger, 
 and constantly more eager for revenge. 
 
 A new comijlication entered into the problem. The game was fast 
 disappearing, and with it the subsistence of the Indian. It became neces- 
 sary for the government to furnish rations and clothes, lest he should starve 
 and freeze. Cheating was the rule and deception the every-day experience of 
 these savages. In 1795 General Wayne gained the nickname 
 of General To-morrow, so slow was the orovernment to fulfill *'^"'^''^' " y**- 
 
 '^ _ morrow 
 
 his promises ; and thus for more than a hundred years it was 
 to-morrow for the Indian. Exasperated beyond endurance, he was ever 
 ready to retaliate, and the horrors of an Indian war constantly hung over 
 the pioneer. During all this period we treated the Indian tribes as if they 
 
472 THE INDIAN IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 
 
 were foreign nations, and made solemn treaties with them, agreeing to 
 
 furnish them rations or marking the reservation bounds. We have made 
 
 more than a thousand of these treaties, and General Sherman is the 
 
 authority for the statement that we have broken every one of them. Day 
 
 by day the gluttonous idleness, the loss of hope, the sense of wrong, and 
 
 the bitter feeling of contempt united to degrade the red man as well as to 
 
 madden him. 
 
 The fighting did not cease, for all the promises or the threats of the 
 
 government. But always, it is credibly declared, the first cause of an Indian 
 
 outbreak was a wrong inflicted upon some tribe. And always, in the latter 
 
 days as in the earlier period, it has meant one more effort on the part of 
 
 the old warriors to regain the power they saw slipping away so fast. 
 
 Both these causes entered into the awful Sioux War in Min- 
 
 The Sioux War ^iggQ^^ \^ 1862. Suffering from piled-up wrongs, smarting 
 of 1862 ^ ^ . ^ . . 
 
 under the loss of power, and conscious that the Civil War 
 
 was their opportunity, a party of one hundred and fifty Sioux began the 
 most horrid massacre known for fifty years ; the beginning of a struggle 
 which lasted more than a year, and which was remarkable for the steadfast 
 fidelity of the Christian Indians, to whose help and succor whole bodies of 
 white men owed their lives. Four years later, in 1866, the discovery of gold 
 in Montana caused the invasion of the Sioux reservation, and Red Cloud 
 set about defending it. Scarcely more than thirty years old, but no mean 
 warrior, he fought the white man long and desperately and with the cunning 
 of his race. 
 
 This outbreak was scarcely quieted when another occurred. As was its 
 wont, the government forgot the promises of its treaty of peace, and a small 
 band of the Cheyennes retaliated with a raid upon their white 'neighbors. 
 General Sheridan made this the occasion he was seeking for a war of exter- 
 mination, and in November, 1868, Lieutenant Custer fell upon Black Kettle's 
 village and after a severe fight destroyed the village, killing more than a 
 hundred warriors and capturing half as many women and children. The 
 next year General Sheridan ordered the Sioux and Cheyennes off the hunt- 
 ing grounds the treaty had reserved to them, but these were the strongest 
 and bravest of the tribes and they resisted the order. A 
 General Cus- number of Civil War heroes, Crook, Terry, Custer, Miles and 
 ter'sCom- McKenzie, led our troops, and among the chiefs whom they 
 met in along and desperate struggle were Crazy Horse and 
 Spotted Tail, notable warriors both. At the battle of the Big Horn, by 
 some misunderstanding or mismanagement, General Custer was left with only 
 five companies to meet nearly three thousand savage Sioux. He fought 
 
THE INDIAN IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 473 
 
 desperately until the last, but he was killed ami his command so utterly des- 
 troyed that not a sin<rle man was left alive. The attempt to remove the 
 Modocs from California to Oregon in 1872 was the signal for a new war ; and 
 a year or two afterwards similar results followed when it was attempted to 
 push the Nez Perces from the homes they had sought in Oregon to a new 
 reservation in Idaho. This tribe, under its famous leader, Chief Joseph, was 
 hard to conquer. The military organization, the civilized method of warfare, 
 and the courage and skill of the tribe were publicly complimented by Gen- 
 erals Sherman, Howard and Gibbons, who declared Chief Joseph to be one 
 of the greatest of modern warriors. 
 
 In 1877, discouraged by the failure of our efforts to hold the Indians in 
 check, it was determined by Secretary Schurz, then in charge of the Depart- 
 ment of the Interior, to remove them all to the western part of the Indian 
 Territory, where the tribes in possession agreed to cede the necessary land. 
 It was hoped to create there an Indian commonwealth, but trouble arose from 
 the attempt to carry out the well-meant effort. A single story, the story of the 
 Northern Cheyennes, will illustrate the wrongs the Indian suffered, as well 
 as those he infl* .ed. The Cheyennes, as has been seen, were a tribe of 
 valiant warriors ome of them at home in the hills of the North, some 
 residing in the hills of the South. The Cheyennes, Arapahoes, Kiowas 
 and Comanches were banded together in a close and common bond, and, 
 at first the friends of the government, had become frequently its enemies, 
 by reason of broken faith, cruel treatment, injustice, and downright wrong. 
 That chronicle of misery, " A Century of Dishonor," contains forty pages 
 of facts taken from the government records, which relate the Barbarous 
 inexcusable and indefensible treatment of the Cheyenne tribe Treatment of 
 liy the government, and their vain endurance of wrongs, inter- the Cheyennes 
 spersed with savage outbreaks, when human nature could entlure no longer. 
 It includes the account of a massacre of helpless Indian women and children 
 under a tlag of truce ; a war begun over ponies stolen from the Indians, and 
 sold in the open market by the whites in a land where the horse thief counts 
 with the murderer ; another incited by a rage against a trader who paid one 
 dollar bills for ten dollar bills ; and tells of whole tracts of land seized with- 
 :)ut compensation by the United States itself. 
 
 The Northern Cheyennes had been taken by force to the Indian Terri- 
 torry, and in its severe heat, with scant and poor rations, a pestilence came 
 npon them. Two thousand were sick at once, and many died because there 
 was not medicine enough. At last three hundred braves, old men and young, 
 with their women and children, broke away and, making a raid through 
 Western Kansas, sought their Nebraska home. This was not a mild and 
 
474 
 
 THE INDIAN IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 
 
 peaceable tribe. It was fierce and savage beyond most, and its people were 
 wild with long endured injustice and frantic with a nameless terror. Three 
 How the Chey- times they drove back the troops who were sent to face them, 
 ennes were and, living by plunder, they made a red trail all through Kansas, 
 ^" "^ until they were finally captured in Nebraska in December. They 
 
 refused to go back to the Indian Territory, and the department ordered them 
 to be starved into submission. Food and fuel were taken from the imprisoned 
 Indians. Four days they had neither food nor fire — and the mercury froze 
 at Fort Robinson in that month ! And when at last two chiefs came out 
 under a flag of truce, they were seized and imprisoned. Then pandemonium 
 broke loose inside. The Indians broke up the useless stoves, and fought 
 with the twisted iron. They brought out a few hidden arms, and, howling 
 like devils, they rushed out into the night and the snow. Seven days later 
 they were shot down like dogs. 
 
 Experiences like this soon ended the attempt to gather together all our 
 Indian wards, and we returned to the old plan of the reservations, but with 
 little more certainty of peace than before. Again and again starvation was 
 followed by fighting, nameless outrages upon the Indian by cruel outrages 
 upon the white man. Whether Apaches under Geronimo in New Mexico, 
 or Sioux in Dakota, it was the old story over again. Thus, with constant 
 danger menacing the white settler from the infuriated savage Indian, and 
 constant outrage upon the red man by rapacious and cruel whites, the 
 President Grant government found a new policy necessary. This policy was 
 Adopts a New inaugurated by a strange and unusual sequence of events. 
 ys em j^^ 1869 a sharp difference arose between the two Houses of 
 
 Congress over the appropriations to pay for eleven treaties then just 
 negotiated, and the session closed with no appropriation for the Indian 
 service. The necessity for some measure was extreme ; the plan was devised 
 of a bill which was passed at an extra session, putting two millions of dollars 
 in the hands of President Grant, to be used as he saw fit for the civilization 
 and protection of the Indian. He immediately called to his aid a commision 
 composed of nine philanthropic gentlemen to overlook the affairs of the 
 Indian and advise him thereupon. This commission served without salary 
 and continues to this day its beneficent work. Another valuable measure 
 followed. At the next Congress a law was enacted forbidding any more 
 treaties with Indians, and thenceforth they became our wards ; not foreigners 
 and rivals, as practically the case before. 
 
 The war of 1877 had indirectly another beneficent result, most far-reach- 
 ing in its consequences. Among the brave men who had fought the Chey- 
 ennes and Kiowas and Comanches, was Captain Richard H. Pratt, who was 
 
'.: ■ ■■ r ; > 1 I , I Wli W II.I.IAM J. liK\ AN 
 
 GREAT AMERICAN POLITICAL LEADERS, LAST QUARTER OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 
 
WHITELAW REID. JULIAN HAWTHORNE. RICHARD HARDING DAVJS. 
 
 NOTED AMERICAN JOURNALISTS AND MAGAZINE CONTRIBUTORS. 
 
THE INDIAN IN THE NINETEENTII CENTURY 477 
 
 put in charge of the prisoners who had been sent to Fort Marion, Florida, 
 as a punishment worse than death. They were the wildest and fierces<. 
 warriors, who had fought long and desperately. On their way East they 
 killed their guard, and repeatedly tried, one and another, to kill themselves. 
 But Captain Pratt was a man of wonderful executive ability, of splendid 
 courage and great faith in God and man. B\' firmness and patience and 
 wondrous tact he gradually taught the savages to read and to work, and when 
 after three years the government offered to return them to their captain Pratt 
 homes, twenty-three of them refused to go. Captain Pratt and his Cap- 
 appealed to the government to continue their education, and 
 General Armstrong, with his undying faith in human beings as children of 
 one Father and his sublime enthusiasm for humanity, received most of them at 
 Hampton Institute, the rest being sent to the North under the care of Bishop 
 Huntington, of New York. In the end these men returned to their tribes 
 Christian men, and, with the seventy who returned directly from Florida, 
 they became a power for peace and industry in their tribe. Out of 
 this small beginning grew the great policy of Indian education, and the long 
 story of death and destruction began to change to the bright chronicle o( 
 peace and education. 
 
 What, then, is the condition of the Indian to-day? In number there 
 are scarcely more than two hundred and forty thousand in the whole coun- 
 try. Of these less than one-fifth depend upon the government for support. 
 All told, they are fewer than the inhabitants of Buffalo or Cleveland or 
 Pittsburg, yet they are not dying out, but rather steadily increasing. They 
 are divided and subdivided into many tribes of different characteristics 
 and widely different degrees of civilization. Some are Siou.x — these are 
 brave and able and intelligent ; they live in wigwams or tepees, and are 
 
 dangerous and often hostile. Some are Zunis, who live in 
 
 , I 1 I -r 1 1 -111 How the Indians 
 
 houses and make beautiful pottery, and are mild and peace- ^.^^ 
 
 able, and do not question the ways of the Great Father at 
 
 Washington. Some are roving bands of Shoshones, dirty, ignorant, and 
 
 shiftless — the tramps of their race — who are on every man's side at once. 
 
 Some are Chilcats or Klinkas, whose Alaskan homes offer new problems of 
 
 new kinds for every day we know them. And some are Cherokees, living 
 
 in fine houses, dressed in the latest fashion, and spending their winters in 
 
 Washington or Saint Louis. 
 
 Yet these, and many of other kinds, are all alike Indians. They have 
 
 their own governments, their own unwritten laws, their own customs. As 
 
 a race they are neither worthless nor degraded. The Indian is not only 
 
 brave, strong, and able by inheritance and practice to endure, but he is 
 
47S THE INDIAN IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 
 
 patient under wrong, ready and eager to learn, and willing to undergo much 
 privation for that end ; usually affectionate in his family relations, grateful 
 to a degree, pure and careful of the honor of his wife and daughter ; and 
 he is also patriotic to a fault. He has a genius for government, and an 
 unusual interest in it. He is full of manly honor, and he is strongly reli- 
 gious. His history and traditions have only recently been traced, to the de- 
 light and surprise of scientific students. His daily life is a thing of ela- 
 borate ceremonial, and his national existence is as carefully regulated as our 
 own, and by an intricate code. It is true that our failure to comprehend 
 his character and our neglect to study his customs have bred many faults 
 in him and have fostered much evil. Our treatment of him, moreover, has 
 produced and increased a hostility which has been manifested in savage 
 methods for which we have had little mercy. 
 
 But we have not always given the same admiration to warlike virtues 
 
 when our enemy was an Indian that we have showered without stint upon 
 
 ancient Gaul or modern German. The popular idea of the Indian not only 
 
 misconceives his character, but to a large degree his habits also. 
 
 '^"rji ^^^^ ^^ Even the wildest tribes live for the most part in huts or cabins 
 and Habits _ ^ 
 
 made of logs, with two windows and a door. In the middle 
 is a fire, sometimes with a stovepipe and sometimes without. Here the 
 food is cooked, mostly stewed, in a kettle hung gypsy-fashion, or laid on 
 stones over the fire. Around the fire, each in a particular place of his own, 
 lies or sits the whole family. Sometimes the cooking is done out of doors, 
 and in summer the close cabin is exchanged for a tepee or tent. Here they 
 live, night and clay. At night a blanket is hung up, partitioning the tent 
 for the younger women, and if the family is very large, there are often two 
 tents, in the smaller of which sleep the young girls in charge of an old 
 woman. These tents or cabins are clustered close together, and their in- 
 habitants spend their days smoking, talking, eating, or quarreling, as the 
 case may be. Sometimes near them, sometimes miles away, is the agent's 
 house and the government buildings. These are usually a commissary build- 
 ing where the food for the Indians is kept, a blacksmith shop, the store of 
 the trader, school buildings, and perhaps a saw-mill. To this place the 
 Indians come week by week for their food. The amount and nature of the 
 
 rations called for by treaties vary greatly among different 
 ^ ^ . tribes. But everywhere the Indian has come into some sort of 
 
 contact with the whites, and usually he makes some shift to 
 adopt the white man's ways. A few are rich, some own houses, and almost 
 universally, at present, government schools teach the children something 
 of the elements of learning as well as the indispensable English. 
 
THE INDIAN IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 479 
 
 The imiiK-diate control of the reservation Indian is in tiic iiands of the 
 agent, whose power is ahnost absolute, and, like all despotisms, may be 
 very good or intolerably bad according to the character of the man. The 
 agencies are visited from time to time by inspectors, who report directly to 
 the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, — an officer of the Interior Department 
 and responsible to the secretary, who is, of course, amenal)le to the Presi- 
 dent. In each house of Congress is a committee having charge of all legis- 
 lation relating to Indian affairs. Besides these officials there is the Indian 
 Commission already mentioned. The National Indian Rights Association 
 and the Women's National Indian Association are the unofficial and volun- 
 tary guardians of the Indian work. It is their task to spread correct infor 
 ination, to create intelligent interest, to set in motion public and private 
 forces which will bring about legislation, and by public meetings and private 
 labors to prevent wrongs against the Indian, and to further good work of 
 many kinds. While the Indian Rights Association does the The Indian 
 most public and ofificial work for the race and has large in- Rights Asso- 
 lluence over legislation, the Women's Indian Association con- ^lation 
 corns itself more largely with various philanthropic efforts in belialf of the 
 individual, and thus the two bodies supplement each other. 
 
 Hopeless and impossible as it seemed to many when this effort began 
 
 to absorb the Indian, to-day we see the process well under way and in some 
 
 cases half accomplished ; and in this work the government, philanthropy, 
 
 education and religion have all had their share, and so closely have these 
 
 worked together that neither can be set above nor before the others. We 
 
 began to realize, it is true, that our duty and our safety alike lay in educating 
 
 the Indians as early as 1819, when Congress appropriated $10,000 for that 
 
 purpose, and still earlier President Washington declared to a deputation of 
 
 Indians his belief that industrial education was their greatest 
 
 ,,..,.,. , , . , -, Appropriations 
 
 need ; but it is only within recent years that determined etiorts j^^ Kducation 
 have been matle or adequate provision afforded. Beginning 
 with $10,000 in 1819, we had reached only $20,000 in 1877 ; but the appro- 
 priation for Indian education is now over $2,500,000.- Witli this money we 
 support great industrial training schools established at various convenient 
 points. In them several thousand children are learning not only books, but 
 all manner of industries, and are adding to study the training of character. 
 There are more than 150 boarding schools on the various reservations 
 teaching and training these children of the hills and plains, and many 
 gather daily at the three hundred little day schools which dot the prairies, 
 some of them appearing to the unintiated to be miles away from any habi- 
 tation. I his does not include the mission schools of the various churches. 
 
48o THE INDIAN IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 
 
 But all together it is hoped that in the excellent government schools now 
 provided, in the splendid missionary seminaries, and in the great centres of 
 light like Hampton and Carlisle and Haskell Institute, we shall soon do 
 something for the education of nearly or quite all the Indian children who 
 can be reached with schools. At present the daily school attenuance is 
 over 20,000. 
 
 The two great training schools at the East, Hampton and Carlisle, 
 Hampton and have proved object lessons for the white man as well as the 
 Carlisle in= Indian, and the opposition they constantly encounter from 
 lan c 00 i those who do not believe that the red man can ever receive 
 civilization is in some sort a proof of their value. In the main, they and 
 all their kind have one end — the thorough and careful training in books and 
 work and home life of the Indian boy and girl — and their methods are much 
 alike. Once a year the superintendents or teachers of these schools go out 
 among the Indians and bring back as many boys and girls as they can per- 
 suade the fathers and mothers to send. At first these children came in dirt 
 and filth, and with little or no ideas of any regular or useful life, but of late 
 many of them have gained some beginnings of civilization in the day 
 schools. They are taught English first, and by degrees to make bread and 
 sew and cook and wash and keep house if they are girls ; the trade of a 
 printer, a blacksmith, a carpenter, etc., if they are boys. They study books, 
 the boys are drilled, and from kind, strong men and gentle, patient women 
 they learn to respect work and even to love it, to turn their hands to any 
 needed effort, to adapt themselves to new situations. 
 
 It is charged that the Indian educated in these schools does not remain 
 civilized, but shortly returns to his habits and customs. A detailed examina- 
 tion into the lives of three hundred and eighteen Indian students who have 
 CTone out from Hampton Institute has shown that only thirty-five 
 
 The Effect of f . ,. ^ . , , r i • r ' j 
 
 Education nave in any way disappomted the expectations 01 their iriends 
 and teachers, and only twelve have failed altogether; and the 
 extraordinary test of the last Sioux war, in which only one of these students, 
 and he a son-in-law of Sitting Bull, joined the hostiles, may well settle the 
 question. A recent statement says that 76 per cent, of the school graduates 
 prove " good average men and women, capable of taking their place in the 
 great body politic of our country." 
 
 In 1887 a new step was taken for the advancement of the Indian, in 
 the passage of the Severalty Act, by which homesteads of 160 acres were 
 set aside for each head of a family willing to accept the proffer, and smaller 
 homesteads for other members of the family. These were to be free from 
 taxation and could not be sold for twenty-five years. They might be 
 
THE INDIAN OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 481 
 
 selected on the reservation of the tribe or anywhere else on the public 
 domain. This allotment of land carried with it all the rii^hts, privileges 
 and immunities of American citizenship. In case the Indian 
 should not care to take up a homestead, he could still become Act^^^" ^ 
 a citizen if he took up his residence apart from the tribe and 
 adopted civilized habits. The purpose was to break up the tribal organiza- 
 tion which had stood so greatly in the way of the beneficent purposes of 
 the government, and to convert each Indian into an individual citizen of the 
 United States. 
 
 The effort has been attended with highly encouraging success. Within 
 twelve years after the law was passed 55,467 Indians had taken up homesteads, 
 aggregating in all 6,708,628 acres. Of these agriculturists, more than 15,000 
 were heads of families, around whose farms were gathered the smaller ones 
 of the other members of the family. The change to the 
 independence and responsibilites of United States citizenship indiT^^*^" 
 was so sudden as to prove a severe strain to the Indian, 
 accustomed to consider himself a fraction of a tribe and lacking the full 
 sense of individuality. Yet the failures have been very few, and we begin 
 to see our way clear to a final disposal of the long-existing Indian question. 
 
 As regards the effect of religious training upon the Indians, it may be 
 said to be quite encouraging. Of the 33,000 Sioux, for instance, 8,000 are 
 now church members. The Presbyterian Church numbers nearly 5,000 
 Indian members and 4,000 Sunday-school pupils; while the total number 
 (if church communicants among the Indians is nearly 30,000. 
 
 Thus, with the close of the nineteenth century, there is good reason to 
 iiope for the end of a serious difficulty that has confronted the whites since 
 their first settlement in this country nearly three hundred years ago. War, 
 slaughter, injustice, wrongs innumerable have attentletl its attempted solu- 
 tion, which long seemed as if it would be reached only when all the red men 
 had been exterminated. F'ortunately it was justice, not slaughter, that was 
 needed, and the moment our government awoke fully to this 
 fact and bejian to practice justice the difficulty began to disan- The outcome of 
 
 * 1 ■• _ .... Indian Policy. 
 
 pear. To-day just treatment, education, religious training are 
 rapidly overcoming the assumed ineradicable savageness of the Indian, while 
 the breaking up of the tribal system promises before many years to do away 
 with the political aggregation of the Indians, and distribute them among 
 the other citizens of our country as members of the general body politic. 
 Thus has the nineteenth century happily disposed of an awkward problem 
 that threateneil seriously the successful development of our nation a 
 century ago. 
 •7 
 
CHAPTER XXXIII. 
 
 The Development of the American Navy. 
 
 IN scarcely any department of human industry are the chani^es produced 
 by the progress of civilization more strikingly seen than in the navy. 
 When America was discovered the galleon and the caravel were the 
 standard warships of the world — clumsy wooden tubs, towering high in the 
 air, propelled by sails and even oars, with a large number of small cannons, 
 and men armed with muskets and cross-bows. Such was the kind of vessels 
 that made up the famous Armada, "that great fleet invincible," which was 
 vanquished by the smaller and lighter crafts of Britain. Three hundred 
 years have passed, and what is the warship of to-day ? A low-lying hulk 
 Development in ^^ '''C"" '^"'^^ Steel ; armed with a few big guns, each one of 
 Naval Arciii- which throws a heavier shot than a galleon's whole broadside! 
 ^'^ """^ driven resistlessly through the water by mighty steam engines ; 
 
 lighted and steered by electric apparatus, and using an electric search-light 
 that makes midnight as bright as day. All the triumphs of science and 
 mechanic arts have contributed to the perfection of these dreadful sea 
 monsters, a single one of which could have destroyed the whole Armada in 
 an hour, and laughed to scorn the might of Nelson at Trafalgar. 
 
 And in the development of this modern warship no other nation on earth 
 has won as much credit as the United States, the whole career of which upon 
 the sea has been one of glory and success, while its inventors and engineers 
 have gained as much renown as its admirals and sailors, in their develop- 
 ment of new ideas in naval architecture and warfare. Of all ocean exploits 
 American '" history that of John Paul Jones in the Bon Hoynme Richard 
 
 Saiiorsand ranks first. Lord Nelson himself scarcely showed such indomi- 
 Their Doings ^^^j^ pluck and intrepidity. And in the war of i8 12 Ameri- 
 can ships and sailors took from Great Britain the credit of being the mistress 
 of the seas, winning gallantly in every conflict where the forces engaged were 
 at all near equality. 
 
 This good work of the sailors was aided by that of the shipwrights. 
 
 the Americans winning battles largely because they had better ships than their 
 
 opponents. But their success was also in great measure due to the 
 
 superiority of their ordnance and the better service of their guns. It was 
 
 482 
 
THE DEVELOPMENT OE THE AMERICAN NAVY 485 
 
 to the careful sighting of the pieces that our sailors owed much of their 
 
 victorious career. While most of the British shot were wasted 
 
 on the sea and in the air, nearly all the American balls went '^"l"-'''"" 
 
 ; . Harksmanship 
 
 home, carrying death to the British crews and destruction to 
 
 their hulls and spars, while the American ships and sailors escaped in 
 
 great measure unharmed. 
 
 As regards the work of our naval inventors, it will suffice to say, tiiat 
 the Americans, while not the first to plate vessels with iron, were the first 
 to do so effectively and to prove the superiority of the ironclad in naval 
 warfare. The memorable contest in Hampton Roads between t\\c Monitor 
 and the Merrimac made useless in a day all tlie fleets of all the nations of 
 the world, and caused such a revolution in naval architecture and warfare as 
 the world had never known. 
 
 The fleet with which the United States entered the nineteenth century 
 was due to the depredations on American ships and commerce of the war 
 vessels of France and Great Britain. This roused great indignation, par- 
 ticularly against France. While England contented herself with stopping 
 American ships on the high seas and impressing sailors claimed to be of 
 British birth, France seized our ships themselves, under the pretext that 
 they had British goods on board, and if she found an American seaman on 
 a British ship — ^even if impressed — she treated him as a -1-^^ Early 
 pirate instead of as a prisoner of war. Protection was felt American 
 to be necessary, and preparations for war were made. The "^^ 
 small navy of the Revolution had practically disappeared, and a new one 
 was built. In July, 1798, the three famous frigates, the Constcllatioti, the 
 United States, and the Constitution — the renowned Old Ironsides — were 
 completed and sent to sea, and others were ordered to be built. Actual 
 hostilities soon began. French piratical cruisers were captured, and an 
 American squadron sailed for the West Indies to deal with the French 
 privateers that abounded there, in which work it was generally successful. 
 In January, 1799, Congress voted a million dollars, for building si.x ships of 
 the line and six sloops. Soon after, on February 9, occurred 
 the first engagement between vessels of the American and "^^e Naval w ar 
 
 T^ 7 ,y,, ^ II ■ r^ • With hrance 
 
 French navies. The Constellation, Captain Truxton, over- 
 hauled L Instirgente at St. Kitts, in the West Indies, and after a fight of an 
 hour and a (quarter forced her to surrender The Constellation had three 
 men killed and one wounded ; L' hisiirgetite twenty killed and forty-six 
 wounded. 
 
 Again, on February i, 1800, Truxton with the Constellation came up, 
 at Guadeloupe, with the French Frigate La Vengeance. After chasing her 
 
486 THE DEVELOPMENT OE THE AMERICAN NAVY 
 
 two days he brought on an action. The two ships fought all night. In the 
 morning, La Vengeance, completely silenced and greatly shattered, drew 
 away and escaped to Cura^oa, where she was condemned as unfit for further 
 service. The CoJistellation was little injured save in her rigging. For his 
 gallantry, Truxton received a gold medal from Congress. Later in that 
 year there were some minor engagements, in which the American vessels) 
 were successful. 
 
 By the spring of 1801, friendly relations with France were restored. 
 The President was accordingly authorized to dispose of all the navy, save 
 thirteen ships, six of which were to be kept constantly in commission, and 
 to dismiss from the service all officers save nine captains, thirty-six lieuten- 
 ants, and one hundred and fifty midshipmen. At about this time ground 
 was purchased and navy-yards were established at Portsmouth, Boston, New 
 York, Philadelphia, Washington and Norfolk, and half a million dollars were 
 appropriated for the completion of six seventy-four gun ships. 
 
 Nothing needs to be said here concerning our conflicts with the pirates 
 of the Mediterranean or of the remarkable exploits of the small American 
 navy in the second war with Great Britain. These have already been dealt 
 with in chapters xxv. and xxvi. In the interval between that period 
 and the Civil War there was little demand upon the American navy. 
 The naval operations during the Mexican war were of no great importance. 
 Some vessels were used in scientific exploration, and the dignity of America 
 had to be asserted on some occasions, but the most important service ren- 
 dered by the navy was the opening up of Japan to the commerce of the 
 world. After some fruitless efforts at intercourse with the 
 
 The Opening up [^\^^^^ realm. Commodore Perry was sent thither in 18^2, and 
 of Japan ■' ... 
 
 by a resolute show of force he succeeded in obtaining a treaty 
 
 of commerce from Japan. That treaty opened Japan to the world, and was 
 
 the first step in its remarkable recent career. 
 
 At the beginning of the Civil War the United States was very poorly 
 provided with ships of war. There were only forty-two vessels in commis- 
 sion, nearly all of which were absent in distant parts of the world. Others 
 were destroyed in southern ports, and for a time there was actually only 
 one serviceable warship on the North, Atlantic coast. This difficulty was 
 soon overcome by buying and building, and by the end of 1861 there were 
 264 vessels in commission, and all the ports in the South were under 
 blockade. These vessels were a motley set, — ferry boats, freight steamers, 
 every sort of craft — but they served to tide over the emergency. 
 
 With all this we are not particularly concerned, but must turn oui 
 attention to the great naval events of the war, those conflicts which served 
 
REAR-ADMIRAL JOHN CRITTENDEN WATSON REAR-AUMl KAL WINKIELU SCOTT ^CHLEV 
 
 LEADING COMMANDERS OF OLR NAVY IN THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR 
 
MAJOR GENERAL WESI ^V MERRITT, 
 
 MAJOR-GENERAL WILLIAM R. SHAFTER. 
 
 lEADING CO 
 
 MMAPDERS OF OUR ARMY IN THE S P AN ISH - A M E R I C AN WAR 
 
THE DEVELOPMENT OF T/fE AMERICAN NAVY 489 
 
 as turning points in nineteenth century warfare. And first and greatest 
 
 among these was tlie remarkable naval battle in llampton Roads on 
 
 March 9, 1862. 
 
 The use of iron for plating the hulls of ships was not first adopted in 
 
 ;\merican war. This device was employed by England and France in the 
 
 Crimean war in attacks on the Turkish forts. I'he idea, however, was 
 
 American. As early as 181; Colonel lohn Stevens, of New ^.^ ,. 
 
 . . . 1 he Idea of 
 
 York, made plans for an ironclad ship somewhat resembling ironplating 
 
 the iJ/f«/A';' in type. His son Edwin afterwards performed of American 
 
 experiments with cannon balls against iron plate, and in 1844 
 
 Robert L. Stevens began the construction of a vessel to be plated with 
 
 4)^-inch iron for the government. It was never finished, thougii in all nearly 
 
 $2,000,000 were spent upon it. New invention rendered it obsolete before 
 
 it could be completed, yet to it belongs the credit of inaugurating the era 
 
 of the ironclad navy. After the Crimean war France and England both 
 
 built ironcUul ships, tiie I^'rench La Gloire beiny; the first ^ . . 
 
 ' ^ _ _ Early Ironclads 
 
 ironclad ever constructed. It was followed by the British of Great 
 
 Warrior, launched in January. 1S61. Yet despite this enter- Britain and 
 prise, the fact remains that the first conception of an iron- 
 clad ship belongs to the United States, and the first hostile meeting of two 
 ironclads took place in American waters. 
 
 At the opening of the American Civil War this idea was in the air, 
 and it was soon made evident that the era of wooden warships was near its 
 end. It is interesting to learn that the Confederates were the first to adopt 
 the new idea, the earliest ironclad of the war being produced by them on 
 the lower Mississippi. A large double-.screw tugboat was employed, whose 
 deck was covered with a rounded roof, plated with bar iron one and .1 half 
 inches thick. This craft — named the Manassas after the first Confederate 
 victory — made its appearance at the mouth of the Mississippi on the night 
 of October 31, 1861, and created a complete panic in the 
 l>lockading fleet at that point. The Manassas wrecked one "Manassas" 
 
 I her engines in attempting to ram the fiagship Richmond, 
 and crept slowly back, at the same time as the alarmed fleet was hastening 
 away with all speed over the waters of the gulf. 
 
 While this event was taking place, two ironclads of more formidable 
 description were being built elsewhere, the meeting of which subsequently 
 was the most startling revelation to the nations of the earth ever shown in 
 naval warfare. The United States steam frigate Merrimac had been set 
 on fire at the Gosport Navy Yard, when hastily abandoned by the Federal 
 navy officers at the outbreak of the war. It was burned to the water's 
 
490 THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE AMERICAN NA VY 
 
 edge and sunk, but soon after the Confederates raised the hull, which was 
 seriously damaged — its engines being in reasonably good condition — and 
 they hurriedly undertook the work of converting it into an ironclad. A 
 The Plating of powerful prow of cast iron was attached to its stem, a few feet 
 the"JVierri= underwater and projecting sufficiently to enable it to break in 
 '"^'^ the side of any wooden vessel. A low wooden roof two feet 
 
 thick was built at an incline of about 36 degrees, and this was plated with 
 double iron armor, making a four-inch iron plating. Under this protection 
 were mounted two broadside batteries of four guns each, and a gun at the 
 stem and stern. The government was soon advised of the raising of the hull 
 of the ]\Icrrimac, and without having detailed information on the subject, knew 
 that a powerful ironclad was being constructed. A board of naval officers 
 had been selected by the government to consider the various suggestions 
 for the construction of ironclad vessels, and although, as a rule, naval 
 officers had little faith in the experiment. Congress coerced them into 
 action by the appropriation of half a million dollars for the work. The 
 Naval Board recommended a trial of three of the most acceptable plans 
 presented, and ships on these plans were put under contract. 
 
 Among those who pressed the adoption of light ironclads, capable of 
 penetrating our shallow harbors, rivers, and bayous, was John Ericsson. 
 Ericsson and ^^^ ^^^ ^ Swede by birth, but had long been an American 
 the "noni= citizen, and exhibited uncommon genius and scientific attain- 
 *"' ments in engineering. The vessel he proposed to build was 
 
 to be only 127 feet in length, 27 feet in width, and 12 feet deep, to be 
 covered by a flat deck rising only one or two feet above water. The only 
 armament of the vessel was to be a revolving turret, about 20 feet in diame- 
 ter and nine feet high, made of plated wrought iron aggregating eight inches 
 in thickness, with two eleven-inch Dahlgren guns. The guns were so con- 
 structed that they could be fired as the turret revolved, and the port-hole 
 would be closed immediately after firing. The size of the Merrimac was 
 well known to the government to be quite double the length and breadth 
 of the Monitor, but it had the disadvantage of requiring nearly double the 
 depth of water in which to manoeuvre it. Various sensational reports were 
 received from time to time of the progress made on the Merrimac, the 
 name of which was clianged by the Confederates to Virginia, and as there 
 were only wooden hulls at Fortress Monroe to resist it, great solicitude was 
 felt for the safety of the fleet and the maintenance of the blockade. While 
 the government hurried the construction of the new ironclads to the 
 utmost, little faith was felt that so fragile a vessel as the Monitor could 
 cope with so powerful an engine of war as the Merrimac. The most 
 
THE DEVELOrMENT OF THE AMERlCAiX NAVY 491 
 
 formidable vessels of the navy, incliidiiij^ the MiiDiesula, the twin ship of the 
 Diii^inal Mcrriinac, the Si. Lax^'rcncc, the Roano/ce, the Congress and the Cum- 
 hcrland, were all in Hampton Rhoads \vaitin<^^ the advent of the Mcrrimac. 
 
 On Saturday, the 8th of March, the Mcrriviac appeared at the mouth 
 of the Elizabeth River and steamed directly for the Federal fleet. All the 
 vessels slipped cable and started to enter the conflict, but the heavier ships 
 soon ran aground and became helpless. The Mcrri»iac hurried on, and, 
 after firins^ a broadside at the Congress, crashed into the sides The Coming of 
 of the Cunidcrland, whose brave men fired broadside after the " Aler- 
 broatlside at their assailant on\\ to see their balls g^lance from "mac 
 its mailed roof. An immense hole had been broken into the hull by the 
 prow of the Merriniac, and in a very few minutes the Cjunbcrland sank in 
 fifty feet of water, her last gun being fired when the water had reached its 
 muzzle, while the whole gallant crew went to the bottom with their flag still 
 ll)'ing from the masthead. The Merrimac then turned upon the Congress, 
 which was compelled to flee from such a hopeless struggle, and was finally 
 grounded near the shore ; but the Merriviac selected a position where her 
 guns could rake her antagonist, and, after a bloody fight of 
 more than an hour, with the commander killed and the ship the "Con- 
 on fire, the Congress struck her Hag, and was soon blown up gress " and 
 
 the " Cu 
 bcrland ' 
 
 by the explosion of her magazine. Most fortunately for the '^ " "*"" 
 
 Federal fleet, the Merrimac had not started out on its work 
 of destruction until after midday. Its iron prow^ was broken in breaching 
 liie Cnmherlaiid, and, after the fierce l:)roadsides it had received from the 
 Congress and the Cumberland, with the other vessels firing repeatedly 
 during the hand-to-hand conflict, the Merrimac s captain was content to 
 withdraw for the day, and anchor for the night under the Confederate shore 
 batteries on Sewall's Point. 
 
 The night of March Sth was one of the gloomiest periods of the war. 
 The Merrimac was sure to resume its work on the following day, and, with 
 the fleet destroyed and the blockade raised, Washington, and even New 
 York, might be at the mercy of this terrible engine of war. But deliverance 
 was at hand. The building of the Monitor had been hurried with all 
 speed, and this little vessel, — "a cheese bo.\ on a raft," as it was con- 
 temptuously termed — was afloat and steaming in all haste -phe Monitor in 
 to Hampton Roads. It entered there that night, and took up Hampton 
 a position near the helpless Minnesota in bold challenge to the ^ 
 
 Merrimac. On Sunday morning, March 9th, the Confederate ironclad 
 came out to finish its work of destruction, preparatory to a cruise against 
 the northern ports. 
 
492 THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE AMERICAN NAVY 
 
 The little Monitor steamed boldly out to meet it. The history of that 
 
 conflict need not be repeated. To the amazement of the commander of the 
 
 Mcrrimac, the Mo7utor was impervious to its terrible broadsides, while its 
 
 lightness and shallow draft enabled it to out-manceuvre its 
 
 The First Battle ^ntas^onist at every turn ; and while it did not fire one sfun to 
 of Ironclads ^ _ -^ . . . ^ . 
 
 ten from its adversary, its aim was precise and the Merrimac 
 
 was materially worsted in the conflict. After three hours of desperate 
 battle the defiant and invincible conqueror of the day before found it 
 advisable to give up the contest and retreat to Norfolk. 
 
 It was this naval conflict, and the signal triumph of the little 
 Mo7titor, that revolutionized the whole naval warfare of the world in a 
 single day, and from that time until the present the study of all nations in 
 aggressive or defensive warfare has looked to the perfection of the iron- 
 clad. To the people of the present time the ironclad is so familiar, and its 
 discussion so common, that few recall the fact that less than fifty years ago 
 'x was almost undreamed of as an important implement of war. It is notable 
 ,hat neither of those vessels which inaugurated ironclad warfare, and made 
 it at once the accepted method for naval combat for the world, ever after- 
 ward engaged in battle dufing the three years of war which con- 
 Fate o t e First (-[j^^gfj^ 'Wift Merrimac was feared as likely to make a new incur- 
 Ironclads . . -^ . . 
 
 sion against our fleet, but her commander did not again venture 
 
 to lock horns with the Monitor. Early in May the capture of Norfolk by 
 General Wool placed the Merrimac in a position of such peril that on the 
 I ith of that month she was fired by her commander and crew and abandoned, 
 and soon after was made a hopeless wreck by the explosion of her magazine. 
 The fate of the Monitor was even more tragic. The following December, 
 when being towed off Cape Hatteras, she foundered in a gale and went to 
 the bottom with part of her officers and men ; but she had taught the prac- 
 ticability of ironclads in naval warfare, and when she went down a whole 
 fleet was under construction after her own model, and some vessels already 
 m active service. 
 
 While these events were taking place in the waters of the coast, a fleet 
 of ironclad boats was being built for service on the rivers of the West, seven of 
 these being begun in August, 1861, by James B. Eads, the famous engineer 
 of later times. These were light-draught, stern paddle-wheel river steamers, 
 plated with 21^-inch Iron on their sloping sides and ends. These, and 
 those that followed them, saw much service in the western rivers, bombard- 
 ing Forts Henry and Donelson, running through the fire of the forts on 
 Island No. 10, and daring the terrible bombardment from the Vicksburg 
 batteries. 
 
THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE AMERICAN NAVY 493 
 
 But the most famous event in river warfare during the conflict was the 
 
 exploit of the daring Farragut in running past Forts St. Philip and Jackson on 
 
 the Mississippi with his fleet of wooden vessels, breaking their iron chain. 
 
 dispersing their gun-boats, and driving ashore the ironclad 
 
 Manassas. The Confederates had also an ironclad battery, Farragut on the 
 
 , Mississippi 
 
 the Louisiana, but it proved of little service, and Farragut 
 
 sailed triumphantly through the hail of fire of the forts, and on the same 
 
 afternoon reached the wharves of New Orleans. 
 
 The niost famous exploit of Farragut was the passing of the forts at 
 Mobile. It is worth a brief relation, for in this the resources of ironclad 
 warfare, as then developed, were fully employed, while the bottom of the 
 channel was thickly sown with torpedoes, a mechanism in naval warfare to 
 >ecome of great importance in the following years. Farragut's main fleet, 
 mdeed, was of wooden ships, but he had four monitors ; while the Con- 
 federates, in addition to their forts and gunboats, had the ironclad ram Ten- 
 nessee, the most powerful floating battery ever built by them. This form- 
 idable craft — for that period — was plated with six inch iron armor in front 
 and iwit inch elsewhere ; and, while carrying only six guns, these were 6- and 
 8-inch rifled cannon. 
 
 The torpedoes, of which no fewer than 180 were sown in the channel, 
 
 were not quite ineffective, since one of them exploded under the monitor 
 
 Tecumseh. and she went down head first with nearly all her crew. The 
 
 Brooklyn, following in her track, halted as this disaster was 
 
 seen, her recoil checking all the vessels in her rear. Farragut '^*''''*S"* "". 
 
 ^ _ *= the Torpedoes 
 
 had taken his famous stand in the shrouds, just under the 
 maintop, and hailed the Brooklyn as he came up in the Hartford. " What 
 is the matter?" he demanded. " Torpedoes," came back the reply. " Damn 
 the torpedoes !" cried Farragut, in a burst of noble anger. "Follow me." 
 As the Hartford passed on the percussion caps of the torpedoes were heard 
 napping under her keel. Fortunately they were badly made, and no other 
 explosion took place. 
 
 The story of the battle we may briefly complete. The ships dashed 
 almost unharmed through the fire of the forts, driving the Confederate gun- 
 ners from their pieces with a shower of grape and canister ; and the contest 
 ended with an attack upon the Tennessee, whose stern-port shutters were 
 jammed and her steering gear shot away. Rendered helpless, she was 
 forced to surrender, and the fight was at an end. 
 
 The Confederates were singularly unfortunate with their ironclads. With 
 the exception of the temporary advantage gained by the Merrimac, all their 
 labor and expense proved of no avail. The last of these war-monsters. 
 
494 THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE AMERICAN NA VY 
 
 the Albemarle, built in Roanoke River, and causing some alarm in the 
 
 blockading fleet on the coast, was sent to the bottom by a daring young 
 
 officer, Lieutenant Gushing, in one of the most gallant exploits of the war. 
 
 ,. He and a few men, in a steam launch carrying a large torpedo, 
 
 Gushing and sailed up the stream at night to where the ironclad lay in her 
 
 thcAibe- dock at Plymouth. A protecting- raft of loes sfuarded the 
 marie " i o ^ .~r> 
 
 Albe7narle, but Gushing daringly drove his launch up on the 
 
 slimy logs, exploded the torpedo as it touched the sides of the ship, and 
 leaped with his men into the stream. The Albejnarle sank to a muddy bed 
 in the river's bottom, and Gushing escaped to the blockading fieet, after a 
 series of thrilling adventures. 
 
 But the most important thing achieved in this war was the entire trans- 
 formation effected in naval science. Previously the warship had been of the 
 type of an armed merchantship, propelled by sails or, latterly, by steam, and 
 carrying a large number of small guns. Modern inventiveness made it, after 
 the duel of the Monitor and Merrhnac, a floating fortress of iron 
 
 e y pe o e ^^ steel, carrvinor a few enormuuslv heavy afuns. The crlory 
 New Navies ' .? & ^ / & t^ } 
 
 of the old line-of-battle ship, with three or four tiers of guns 
 on each side and a big cloud of canvas overhead, firing rattling broadsides, 
 and manoeuvring to get and hold the weather-gauge of the enemy — all that 
 was relegated to the past forever. In its place came the engine of war, 
 with little pomp and circumstance, but with all the resources of science shut 
 within its ugly, black iron hull. 
 
 John Paul Jones, with his Bon Homme Richard, struck the blow that 
 made universal the law of neutrals' rights. Hull, with the Constihction, 
 sending a British frigate to the bottom, showed what Yankee ingenuity in 
 sighting guns could do. Ericsson and Worden, with the Monitor, sent 
 wooden navies to the hulk-yard and ushered in the era of iron and steel 
 fighting-engines. These were the great naval events of a century. 
 
 Yet the American navy was greatly neglected in the years succeeding the 
 Givil War, while foreign nations, quick to learn the lesson taught at Hampton 
 Roads, were straining every nerve to build powerful fleets of iron and 
 steelclad ships, and to develop the breech-loading rifled cannon into an 
 Beginning of the i'liplement of war capable of piercing through many inches 
 Modern Am- of solid Steel. It was not until after 1880 that our govern- 
 encan ee nient awoke to the need of a navy on the new lines, and 
 began to take advantage of the lessons that had been learned abroad. It 
 is not our purpose to speak in detail of the results. The steelclad battle- 
 ship and cruiser, the armor-piercing breech-loader, the quick-firing gun, the 
 machine gun, the submarine torpedoboat, the anchored mine, the auto- 
 
THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE AMERICAN NAVY 495 
 
 mobile torpedo, and other devices have come to make the naval warfare of 
 
 our day a wonderfully different thing from that of the past. 
 
 The United States began late to build a modern navy, but has made 
 
 highly encouraging progress, and while still far in the rear of Great Britain 
 
 and France in the number of her ships, possesses some of the fmest 
 
 examples of naval architecture now afloat upon the waters. _. _ , 
 
 ^ _ ^ _ The"Coluin- 
 
 Among commerce-destroyers the Colicmbia and the Minnca- bia"andthc 
 polis, with their respective trial speeds of 22.81 and 23.07 "ninnea- 
 i-cnots, stand beyond any rivals to-day in the navies of Europe, 
 while the inventive naval engineering of the Americans is exemplified in 
 the double turrets of the Kearsarge and Kentucky^ two additions to our 
 navy of original formation, and likely to give an excellent account of them- 
 selves should any new war occur. 
 
 Of modern fleets, however, far the most powerful one is that of Great 
 Britain, the government of which island shows a fixed determination to 
 keep its naval force beyond rivalry. This stupendous lleet forms the most 
 striking example of naval destructiveness the world has ever -j-^^ Powerful 
 seen, and the nations ot the world are entering the twentieth Fleet of Great 
 century with powers of warfare developed enormously beyond i^r ta n 
 those with which they entered the nineteenth. We can only hope that this 
 vast development both in army and navy may prove to exert a peace-compel- 
 ling influence, and that every new discovery in the art of killing and destroy- 
 ing may be a nail in the cottin of Mars, the god of war. 
 
CHAPTER XXXIV, 
 
 America's Conflict With Spain. 
 
 A THIRD of a century passed after the great struggle of the United 
 States tor the existence of the Union, and then, in ahnost the closing 
 
 year of the nineteenth century, came another war, tliis time fought in 
 the Interests of humanity. . It was not a Avar for gain or conquest ; the 
 thought of territorial acquisition did not enter into the motives leading to 
 it, despite the fact that this country gained new territory as one of its 
 A War in the results; in its inception humane feeling, the sentiment of 
 Cause of sympathy with the oppressed and starving people of Cuba, 
 
 umani y alone prevailed, and the nineteenth century fitly reached its 
 end with a war entered into for humanity's sake alone, it being one of the 
 very few instances in the history of the world in which a nation has gone to 
 war from purely philanthropic motives. 
 
 It is not necessary here to repeat the story of Spain's tyranny in Cuba. 
 It is too well known to need telling again, and simply carried out the 
 colonial policy of Spain from the time of the discovery of America. The 
 successful rebellion of her colonies on the American continent failed to teach 
 that country the lesson which England learned from a similar occurrence, 
 and in Cuba was continued the same system of tyranny and official 
 oppression which had driven the other colonies to revolt. The result was 
 the same, Cuba blazed into rebellion, and for years war desolated that fair 
 island. 
 
 The United States, however, sedulously avoided taking any part in the 
 
 affair until absolutely driven to interfere by the horrible inhumanity 
 
 displayed by Captain-General VVeyler. It was the awful policy of " recon- 
 
 centration " that stretched the forbearance of the people of this country to 
 
 the breakingr point. Not content with fiehtine the rebels in 
 
 ^"^Tu- f^^i-*"^ arms, the brutal Wevler extended the war aeainst the people 
 and His Policy ^ & r r^ 
 
 in their homes, burning their houses, destroying the crops in 
 their fields, driving them in multitudes into the cities and towns, and holding 
 them there in the most pitiable destitution and misery until they died by 
 thousands the terrible death of starvation. It was not until word came to 
 this country that not less than 200,000 of the helpless people had perished 
 4q6 
 
AUMIRAL CERVERA 
 Commander of Sp-ioish Fleet at Santiago.. 
 
 PROMINENT SPANIARDS' LAST HALF OF TH E"N I N ETE E NTH CENTURY 
 
 SAGASTA 
 Premier of Spain during the Spanish-American Wa 
 
,„ M *I()R-GENERAL ELWELL S. OTIS 
 
 THEODORE ROOSEVELT majuk L,ci^r.R 
 
 POPULAR HEROES OF THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR 
 
AMERICA 'S CONFLICT WITH SPAIN 499 
 
 in this horrible manner, and that there seemed no hope of alleviation of the 
 frightful situation, that a practically universal demand for the govern- 
 ment to interfere. Spain was asked to tix a date in which the war should 
 be brought to an end, with the intimation that if the contest was not con- 
 cluded or the independence of the island concedctl by that date, this country 
 would feel obliged to take decisive steps. 
 
 No satisfactory answer was received, and anticipations of war fdled all 
 minds, though many hoped that this dread ultimatum mii^dit be avoided, 
 when, in the last week of January, 1898. thi; battleship Maine was ordered 
 to proceed from Key West to the harbor of Havana. Her visit was 
 ostensibly a friendly one, but there had been riots in Havana which imperilled 
 the safety of American residents, to whom the Spanish inhabitants of that 
 city were bitterly hostile, and it was felt that some show of force in that 
 harbor was imperative. 
 
 A terrible disaster succeeded. In one fatal instant, on the night of 
 
 February 15th, the noble ship was hurled to destruction antl her crew into 
 
 eternity. This frightful event took place about 9.45 in the evening, while 
 
 the ship lay quietly at anchor in the place selected for her by the Spanish 
 
 authorities. Intense darkness prevailed in the harbor. Captain 
 
 Sigsbee was writinij- in his cabin, the men were in their ciuar- ,f " "..".'^*',, 
 
 '^ '^ _ ' the " Maine 
 
 ters below, when of a sudden came a terrible explosion that 
 
 tore the vessel asunder and killed most of her cnw. So violent was the 
 shock that the whole water-front of the city was shak(.-n as by an earthquake, 
 telegraph poles were thrown down and the electric lights extinguished. The 
 wrecked vessel sank quickly into the mud of t.he harbor's bottom, and a 
 great llame broke from her upper works that illuminated the whole harbor. 
 Of three hundred and fifty-three men in the ship's company only forty-eight 
 escaped unhurt, and the roll-call of the dead in the end reacheil two hun- 
 dred and sixty-six. 
 
 This terrible event was the immediate cause of the war. It intensified 
 the feeling of the people and of their representatives in Congress to such 
 an extent that no other solution of the difficulty now seemed possible. The 
 popular indignation was increased when the court of inquiry announced that, 
 in its opinion, "the Maine was destroyed by a submarine mine." It was 
 universally felt that the disaster was another instance of Span- 
 ish malignity, the war-fever redoubled, and Conirress unani- '"eparatons 
 ^ •' s> for War 
 
 mously voted an appropriation of $50,000,000 " for the national 
 defense." The War and Navy Departments hummed with the activity of 
 recruiting, the preparations of vessels and coast defenses, and the purchase 
 of war material and vessels at home, while agents were sent to P2urope to 
 
500 AMERICA'S CONFLICT WITH SPAIN 
 
 procure all the warships that could be purchased. Unlimited capital was 
 at their command, and the question of price was not an obstacle When 
 hostilities impended the United States was unprepared for war, but by 
 amazing activity, energy and skill the preparations were pushed and com- 
 pleted with a rapidity that approached the marvelous. 
 
 Negotiations went on, it is true, but they were principall}' with the 
 purpose of gaining time to permit American citizens to leave Cuba. Con- 
 sul-general Lee left Havana on April iith, and on the same day President 
 McKinley sent a message to Congress in which he described in earnest 
 terms the situation in Cuba, reciting the dreadful results of VVeyler's heart- 
 less policy and asking for power to intervene. "In the name of humanity, 
 in the name of civilization," he said, " the war in Cuba must stop." On 
 April 1 8th, Congress responded with a series of resolutions that were vir- 
 tually a declaration of war, and on the 22d war actually began, 
 War is Declared -' o ' 
 
 the fleet which had gathered at Key West bemg despatched 
 to Cuba with orders to blockade Havana and some other leading ports. 
 On the following day a call was issued for 125,000 volunteers to serve in 
 the coming conflict. 
 
 While it seems important to give the preliminary events that led to the 
 war, we do not propose to tell the story of the war itself, but to confine our- 
 selves to a description of its more important incidents, in accordance with the 
 plan of this work. It may be said here, however, that the war was in great 
 part a naval one, and gave rise to naval operations of intense interest and 
 great importance, so that this chapter will fitly round out the preceding one, 
 which deals with the progress in naval warfare during the century. We 
 there described the contests of ironclad ships during the Civil War. In 
 other chapters have been told the stories of the fight between Austrian and 
 Italian ironclads at the battle of Lissa and of the Japanese and Chinese 
 Progress in ironclad fleets at the battle of the Yalu. We have now to tell 
 
 Naval War- the final events in nav;d warfare of the century, the epoch- 
 ^'"'^ making contest in Manila Bay, and the desperate flight and 
 
 fight off Santiago harbor. If these examples of ocean warfare be contrasted 
 with those between the Co7istellation and the French frigates L! Insurgente 
 and Vengeance a century before, they will place in striking clearness the 
 immense advance in naval warfare within the hundred years involved. 
 
 Of these two events the greatest was that which took place in Manila 
 Bay. War, it must be remembered, is governed by a different system of 
 ethics from that operative in peace. Though inhumanity in Cuba was the 
 cause of the war, to strike the enemy wherever he could be found was the 
 demand of prudence and military science. Spain had an important posses- 
 
THE PEACE COMMISSIONERS. 
 
 . appointed September 9, 1898. Met Spanish Commissioners at Paris, October ist. Treaty of Peace signed by the Commlli 
 
 siooers at Paris, December loth, and ratified by the United States Senate at Washington. Februlry 6th, 1899 
 
AMERICA'S CONFLICT WITH SPAIN 
 
 503 
 
 sion in the eastern seas, the Philippine Islands, off the sdutheastern coast of 
 Asia. There, in the bay of Manila, near the large city of that name, lay a 
 Spanish fleet, which, if left unmolested, might seek our Pacitic Coast and com- 
 mit terrible depredations. In the harbor of Hong Kong lay a 
 
 , c \ ■ 1 1 /- I I r The Mission of 
 
 squadron 01 American war-vessels under Lommodore Uewey. uewey 
 
 Prudence dictated but one course under the circumstances. 
 There was flashed to Dewey under sea and over land the telegraphic mes- 
 sage to "find the Spanish fleet and capture or destroy it." How Dewey 
 obeyed this order is the circumstance with which we are now concerned. 
 
 He lost no time. Leaving port in China on April 27th. he arrived off 
 the entrance to Manila Bay on the night of the 30th. An island lay in the 
 neck of the bay, with well-manned batteries on its shores. It was probable 
 that torpedoes had been planted in the channel. But George Dewey had 
 been a pupil of Farragut in the Civil War, and was inspired ^^^^. oewey 
 with the spirit of that hero's famous order, " Damn the tor- Rntcred 
 pedoes! Follow me !" Past Corregidor Island in the dark- Manila Bay 
 ness glided the great ships, several of them being out of range of its 
 batteries before the alarm was taken. Then some shots were fired, but the 
 return fire from the squadron silenced the Spanish guns and the ships 
 passed safely into Manila Bay. 
 
 About five o'clock on the morning of May ist Dewey's fleet swept in 
 battle-line past the front of the city of Manila, and soon after rounded up 
 in face of the Spanish fleet, which extended across the mouth of Bakoor 
 Bay, within which lay the naval station of Cavite. There were ten of the 
 Spanish ships in all, with shore batteries to add to their defensive force, 
 while the effective American ships consisted of six, the cruisers Olympia, 
 Baltimore, Raleigh, Boston, and the gunboats Petrel and Concord. The 
 Spaniards had two large and four small cruisers, three gunboats and an 
 armed transport. They were not equal in size or weight of metal to the 
 American vessels, but their fixed position, their protection 
 by shore batteries, ;iiul the acquaintance of their officers with e Opposing 
 the waters in which mey lay gave them an important advan- 
 tage over the Americans, which was added to by their possession of torpedo 
 boats and by the mines which they had planted in the track of an attacking 
 fleet. Dewey and his men were, in fact, in a position of great peril, and if 
 the Spaniards knew how to work their guns none of them might leave that 
 bay alive. Fortunately for them the Spaniards did not know how to work 
 their guns. 
 
 On swept the gallant squadron of assault, the Olympia leading with 
 Dewey on the bridge. He had a look-out place protected by steel armor, 
 
504 AMERICA'S CONFLICT WITH SPAIN 
 
 but he preferred to stand in the open and dare all peril from the Spanish 
 
 guns. The mines were there. As the flagship drove onward two of them 
 
 exploded in her path. Luckily the nervous hands at the electric wires 
 
 set them off too soon. Heedless of such perils as this Dewey pursued his 
 
 course, and at 5.40 a.m. opened fire, followed by the remainder of his ships. 
 
 _, „ ., From that moment the fire was deadly and continuous, the 
 
 The Deadly •' 
 
 Work of the boom of the great guns seconded by the rattle of the rapid fire 
 
 American pieces until the air seemed full of the roar of ordnance. The 
 
 Spanish returned as hot a fire, but by no means so effective. 
 
 While most of their shot were wasted on the waves, the bulk of those from 
 
 the American ships found a goal, and death and destruction reigned in the 
 
 Spanish ships while their opponents moved on almost unharmed. 
 
 Back and forth across the Spanish lines swept Dewey's ships, 
 five times in all, at first at 5,000 yards distance, then drawing in to 
 a distance of 2,000 yards. And during all this time the great guns 
 roared their message and the small guns poured out their fiery hail, rending 
 the Spanish hulls and carrying death to their crews, while the frames 
 that shot up from their decks told that another element of destruction was 
 at work. Early in the fight two torpedo boats darted out towards the 
 Olympia, but were met with a torrent of fire that sent one to the bottom 
 and drove the other hastily to the beach. Then, with an instinct of despera- 
 tion, Admiral Montojo drove gallantly out in his flagship, the Reina Chris- 
 The Fate of the tii'-C-, with the purpose of engaging the Olympia at shorter 
 Spanish Flag- range. At once Dewey turned his entire battery upon her, 
 ''' and poured in shot and shell at such a frightful rate that the 
 
 Spaniard hastily turned and fled for the shelter of Bakoor Bay. But the 
 deadly baptism of fire with which she had been met proved the end of her 
 career. Swept from stern to stem by shells as she fled, she burst into flames, 
 which continued to burn until she sank to a muddy death. 
 
 Meanwhile the Spanish ships and batteries returned the fire vigorously, 
 but with singular lack of effect. While they were being riddled and sunk, 
 the American ships escaped almost unhurt, and while hundreds, of 
 The Destruction their crews fell dead or wounded, not an American was 
 of the Spanish killed and seven men alone were slightly wounded. What 
 '^'^^^ little skill in aiming the Spaniards possessed was utterly dis- 
 
 concerted by the incessant and deadly American fire, and their balls and 
 shells screamed uselessly through the air to plunge into the waves. 
 
 At the hour of 7.35 Dewey withdrew from the fight, that he might see 
 how all things stood on his ships and give the men an interval of rest and 
 an opportunity for breakfast. He knew very well that the Spaniards must 
 
AMERICA'S CONFLICT WITH SPAIN 
 
 505 
 
 await his return. Fight and flight were ahke taken out of them. When 
 lie came back to the attack, shortly after 1 1 o'clock, nearly all the Spanish 
 ships were in (lames and some rested on the bottom of the bay. For an 
 hour longer the firing continued on both sides. At the end of that time the 
 batteries were silenced and the ships sunk, burned, and deserted. Tin; 
 great battle was at an end, and Dewey had made himself the hero of 
 the war. 
 
 When tiie news of the result reached Furope, the naval powers of the 
 nations heard with utter astonishment of the fighting prowess and skill of 
 the Yankees. Anything so complete in the way of a naval victory the 
 century had not seen before, and it was everywhere recognized that a new- 
 power had to be dealt with in the future counsels of the nations. Americans, 
 previously lookt-tl upon almost with contempt from a mili- how the Nation 
 tar)' point of view, suddenly won respect, and Dewey took Rewarded 
 rank among the great ocean fighters of the century. His t-'wey 
 nation hastened to honor him with the title of rear-admiral, and finally with 
 that of admiral, its highest naval dignity, and on his return home in autumn 
 of the following year he was received with an ovation such as few Americans 
 had ever been given before. To his f^ellow citizens he was one of the chid 
 of their heroes, and they could not do him honor enough. 
 
 The second notable naval event of which we have spoken took place off 
 the harbor of Santiago, a city on the southern coast of Cuba, at a date after 
 that just describ(;(l. 
 
 The finest lleet possessed by Spain, that under the command of Admiral 
 Cervera, consisted of four cruisers, the Christohal Colon, plated with a 
 complete belt of 6-inch nickel steel, and with a deck armor of steel 2 to 6 
 inches thick , and the llzcaya, the Almirante Oquendo, and the Infanta Maria 
 Teresa, each of 6890 tons, with 10- to 12-inch armor and power- The fleet of 
 ful armament. They were all of high speed, and were the Admiral Cer- 
 only vessels of which any dread was felt in the United States. ^^" 
 With them were three torpedo boats, the Terror, the Furor and the Phtton, 
 among the best of their class, and dangerous enemies to deal with. 
 
 This fleet lay in the Cape Verde Islands at the opening of the war. 
 F"rom there, in May, it set sail, causing doubt and dread in American coast 
 cities while its destination remained unknown, and yielding relief when the 
 news came that it had reached some of the lower islands of the West 
 Indies. On May 21st it was learned that the dreaded scjuadron had reached 
 Santiago and was safely at anchor in its harbor. 
 
 The Atlantic fleet of the United States meanwhile had l)ecn partly 
 engaged in blockading the Cuban ports, partly in searching for Cervera's 
 
 ■3& 
 
5o6 AMERICA'S CONFLICT WITH SPAIN 
 
 fleet, and there was a decided sensation of relief when the tidings from 
 Santiago were confirmed. Thither from all quarters the great ships of the 
 The Spanish fleet hastened at full speed, battleships, cruisers, monitors, gun- 
 Fleet at San= boats, and craft of other kinds, and soon they hung like grim 
 *'*^*' birds of war off the harbor's mouth, determined that the 
 
 Spanish fleet should never leave that place of refuge except to meet 
 destruction. To the battleships of the fleet was soon added the Oregon, 
 which had made an admirable journey of many thousand miles around the 
 continent of South America, and barely touched land in Florida before it 
 was off again to take part in the great blockade. 
 
 The story that follows is, if given in all its details, a long one, but we 
 must confine ourselves to its salient points. Admiral Sampson, in command 
 of the American fleet, at first sought to lock up the Spaniards in their 
 harbor of refuge, by sinking a coaler, the Merrimac, in the narrow channel of 
 Santiago Bay. The work was gallantly and ably done by Lieutenant Hob- 
 The sinking of ^°" ^""^ '^'•'^ daring crew, but proved a failure through causes 
 the"MerrJ=. beyond his control. The Mer^'imac sank lengthwise in the 
 "^^ channel, and the passage remained open. This being recog- 
 
 nized, the most vigilant watch was kept up, battle-ships, cruisers, and gun- 
 boats lying off the harbor's mouth in a wide semicircle, with their lookouts 
 ever closely on the watch. 
 
 On the morning of Sunday, July 3d, the long-looked for alarm came, 
 in a yell form the sentinel on the Brooklyn, " There is a big ship coming 
 out of the harbor ! " A like alarm was given on other ships, and Commodore 
 Schley, on the Brooklyn, hastened to signal the fleet and to give the order, 
 "Clear ship for action." Almost in an irtstant the lazily swinging fleet 
 awoke to life and activity, and the men sprang from their listless Sunday 
 rest into the most enthusiastic readiness for duty. 
 
 Admiral Sampson, unfortunately for him, was absent, having gone up 
 the coast in the cruiser Neiv York, and the direction of affairs fell to Com- 
 modore Schley. He was capable of meeting the emergency. It was soon 
 The Flight of evident that Cervera's fleet was coming out, the flagship, 
 the Spanish Infanta Maria Teresa, in the lead, the others following. On 
 Ships clearing the harbor headland they turned west, and the Amer- 
 
 icans at once set out in pursuit, firing as they went. " Full speed ahead ; 
 open fire, and don't waste a shot," shouted Schley. The Oregon had 
 already opened fire from her great 13-inch guns, and was followed by the 
 battleships Texas, Indiana, and Iowa. The Brooklyn joined in with her 8- 
 and 5-inch batteries, and soon a rain of shells was pouring upon the devoted 
 fugitive ships. The Maria Teresa ran towards the Brooklyn as if with 
 
AMERICA'S CONFLICT WITH SPAIN 507 
 
 fntrntion to ram her, Init the danq^cr was nvnidcd by a quick swerve of the 
 hc:hn, and Cervera's flagship turned ao^ain and sped away in lli^ht. 
 
 The fugitive ships soon found themselves the centre of the most terrific 
 fire any war vessels had ever endured, with the exception of a Hot Chase 
 those at Manila. Big guns and little guns joined in the fright- Down the 
 ful concert, shot after shot telling, while the response of the Cuban Coast 
 Spaniards was little more effective than that of their compatriots in Manila 
 liay. One man killed on the Brooklyn was the sole loss of life on the 
 American side, while the unfortunate Spaniards were swept down by hun- 
 dreds. 
 
 The first ship to succumb to this hail of shells was the Maria Teresa, which 
 ([uickly burst into flames, and soon after ran ashore. Then the I>rook/v>i, 
 Orcf^on and Indiana concentrated their fire on the Al))iira}itc Ogtiendo, 
 which was similarly beached in flames. Next the Vizeaya drew abeam of 
 the hnoa, which turned its fire from the Oqiirndo to this new quarry, pour- 
 mg in shells that tore great rents in her side, while the Vizeaya fired back 
 notly but unefTcctively. As the Spaniard drew ahead of the 
 hnoa, the fire of the Oregon and Texas reached her, and ^'{f '^"[^."',**'* 
 an 8-inch shell from the Ihoohlyn raked lier fore and aft. The 
 next moment a great shell exploded in her interior, killing eighty men. She 
 was clearly out of the race, and ran in despair for the beach. 
 
 Meanwhile the Chrislobal Colon was running at great speed along the 
 beach, pursued by the American ships. Of these the Orc<^on and Brooklyn 
 alone were able to keep within hopeful distance. For an hour the chase 
 kept up, then the Oregon tried a 13-inch shell, which struck the water close 
 astern of the Colon, four miles away. Another was tried and reached its 
 mark. .Soon after a shell from the Brooklyn pierced the Colon at the top 
 of her armor belt. Then she too gave up and ran for the beach. Admiral 
 Sampson, on the N^e^u York, reaching the scene in time only to receive the 
 surrender of her officers. 
 
 Perhaps the most telling work of the day was that done by the little 
 (iloueesier, a yacht turned into a gunboat, which was commanded by 
 Richard Wainwright, one of the surviving officers of the The'-aiouc 
 Maine. Two torpedo-boat destroyers had followed the Span- ter"and Her 
 ish ships from the harbor, and these were gallantly attacked ^o^k 
 and sunk by Wainwright in his little craft, thus finally disposing of the 
 second Spanish fleet with which the Yankees came into contact. 
 
 The annals of naval history record no more complete destruction of an 
 enemy's fleet than in the two cases we have described, and never has such 
 
5oS AMERICA'S CONFLICT WITH SPAIN 
 
 work been done with so little loss — only one man being killed and a few 
 wounded in both American fleets. It taught the world a new 
 
 e esson o lesson in the art of naval warfare, and admonished the 
 the War . ' 
 
 nations that the United States was a power to be gravely con- 
 sidered in the future in any question of war. 
 
 We have told the only incidents of this short war with which we are 
 concerned. In the conflict on land there was nothing of special character. 
 An American army landed near Santiago and fought its fight to a quick finish 
 in the capture of that city ; and a similar story is to be told of Manila ; 
 while the attempted conquest of Porto Rico was cut short in the middle by 
 the signing of a peace protocol. In December a treaty of peace was signed 
 in which Spain abandoned her colonies of Cuba and Porto Rico, the latter 
 being ceded to the United States, while the Philippine Islands, the scene of 
 Dewey's great victory, were likewise ceded to this country. The latter, 
 however, was not to the pleasure of the island people, who took up arms to 
 fight for freedom from the dominion of the whites. 
 
 Brief as was the war, it had the effect of radically changing the posi- 
 tion of the United States, which for the first time in its history became a 
 The 't d colonial power, and acquired an interest in that troublesome 
 
 states Made Eastern Question which reached, at the end of the century, 
 
 a Colonial ^ hiorhly critical staee. Into what complication this new 
 Power ... . 
 
 political relation is likely to lead the republic of the West 
 
 it IS impossible to say, but this country will certainly play its part in the 
 
 shaping of the future destiny of the East. 
 
CHAPTER XXXV 
 
 The Dominion of Canada. 
 
 OCCUPYING the northern section of the western hemisphere lies 
 Great Britain's most extended colony, the vast Dominion of Canada, 
 which covers an immense area of the earth's surface, surpassing 
 that of the United States, and nearly equal to the whole of Europe. Its 
 population, however, is not in accordance with its dimensions, being less 
 than 5,000,000, while the bleak and inhospitable character of The Area and 
 much the greater part of its area is likely to debar it from r*opulation of 
 ever having any other than a scanty nomad population, fur '^"^ ^ 
 animals being its principal useful product. It is, however, always unsafe 
 to predict. The recent discovery of gold in a part of this region, that 
 traversed by the Klondike River, has brought miners by the thousands to 
 that wintry realm, and it would be very unwise to declare that the remainder 
 of the great northern region contains no treasures for the craving hands 
 of man. 
 
 It is the development of Canada during the nineteenth century with 
 which we are here concerned, and we must confine ourselves, as in the case 
 of the other countries treated, to its salient points, those upon which the 
 problem of its progress turns. First settled by the French in the seven- 
 teenth century, this country came under British control in 1763, as a result 
 of the great struggle between the two active colonizing powers for domi- 
 nion in America. The outcome of this conquest is the fact 
 , ^ 11-1 1 1 1 ■ r r~ T> • • Canada's Barly 
 
 tliat (^anada, like the other colonies 01 Lrreat Britain, possesses History 
 
 .1 large alien population, in this case of French origin ; and it 
 may further be said that the conflict between EngKnd and France in 
 America is not yet at an end, since political warfare, varied by an occasional 
 act of open rebellion, has been maintained throughout the century by the 
 P'rench Canadians. 
 
 The revolution of 1775 in the colonies to the south failed to gain adhe- 
 rents in Canada, which remained loyal to Great Britain and repelled every 
 attempt to invade its territory. It met invasion in the war of 1812 in the 
 same spirit, and despite the fact that there has long been a party favoring 
 
 509 
 
5IO THE DOMINION OF CANADA 
 
 annexation to the United States, the Canadians as a whole are to-day 
 among the most loyal colonial subjects of the home government of Great 
 Britain. 
 
 At the opening of the nineteenth century the population of Canada 
 was small, and its resources were only slightly developed. Its people did not 
 reach the million mark until about 1840, though since then the tide of 
 immigration has flowed thither with considerable strength and the popula- 
 tion has grown with some rapidity. In 1791 the original province of Quebec 
 was divided into Upper and Lower Canada, a political separation which by 
 no means gave satisfaction, but led to severe political conflicts. As a result 
 an act of union took place, the provinces being reunited in 1840. 
 
 Upper Canada, at the opening of the century, was only slightly devel- 
 oped, the country being a vast forest, without towns, without roads, and 
 practically shut out from the remainder of the world. The 
 Lower Canada sparse population endured much suffering, which, in 1 788, 
 deepened into a destructive famine, long remembered as a 
 terrible visitation. But it began to grow with the new century, numbers 
 crossed the Niagara River from the States to the fertile lands beyond, 
 immigrants crossed the waters from Great Britain and France, Toronto 
 was made the capital city, and the population of the province soon rose to 
 30,000 in number. Lower Canada, however, with its old cities of Quebec 
 and Montreal, and its flourishing settlements along the St. Lawrence River, 
 continued the most populous section of the country, though its people were 
 almost exclusively of French origin. The strength of the British population 
 lay in the upper province. 
 
 These historical particulars are desirable as a statement of the position 
 
 and relations of Canada at the opening of the nineteenth century, though 
 
 in the succeeding history of the country only an occasional event occurred 
 
 of sufficiently striking character to fit into our plan. We have already 
 
 detailed the events of the war of 1 812 on the Canada frontier, in which the 
 
 capture and burning of York (now Toronto) served as an excuse for the 
 
 subsequent indefensible burning of Washington by the British. Battle: 
 
 were fought on Canadian soil in 18 14 at Chippewa and Lundy's Lane — the 
 
 latter the bloodiest battle of the war. But thoug-h the Ameri- 
 The War of 1812 .... * , 
 
 cans were victorious in these engagements, they soon alter 
 
 withdrew from Canada — to which they have never since returned in a hostile 
 
 way.' Many political complications have arisen between the two countries, 
 
 and at times sharp words have been spoken, but all the questions have been 
 
 amicably settled and the two countries remain fairly good friends, with only 
 
 such disputes as too close neighborhood is apt to provoke. 
 
rUE DOMINION OF CANADA 
 
 5" 
 
 The leader of public opinion in Canada durini^^ the three years' struggle 
 with the United States was a clergyman of the English church, John 
 Strachan, rector of York. Though a clergyman of the English establish- 
 ment, Strachan was by birth a Scotchman, and a decidedly pugnacious and 
 determined character, a man of courage, persistence, cunning and political 
 
 skill, whose ambition drove him forward, until, with his party, , ^ ^, 
 
 ' •' John Strachan 
 
 he formed in 1820 what was long known as the " Family and the 
 Compact," which for years ruled the country in an autocratic Family Com- 
 way. The governor and council were the tools of Strachan 
 and his allies ; they filled the public of^ces with their favorites, and went so 
 far as to drive Robert Gourlay, an honest and capable business man, from 
 the country, because he was so presumptuous as to reflect on the character 
 of their administration. 
 
 In 1824 their power was for a time overturned. William Lyon 
 Mackenzie, a Scotchman of impetuous disposition, started the Colonial 
 Advocate newspaper, which opposed the "Compact" so vigorously as to 
 arouse the hatred of its adherents. The ofifice of the Advocate was gutted 
 by a mob, but Mackenzie recovered large damages, an opposition Assembly 
 was elected, and the Family Compact fell from power. Strachan however, 
 was only temporarily defeated. A religious quarrel arose 
 which lasted for thirty years, and in which he played the leading "^ ^ igious 
 part. This turned upon the use of what was known as the 
 "clergy reserve fund," an allotment of one-seventh of the crown lands for 
 the support of a Protestant clergy. A portion of this fund was demanded 
 by a Scotch Presbyterian congregation, but Strachan, who had a controlling 
 voice in its disposition, claimed it all for the English Established Church, and 
 entered into this new fight with all his old energy. He gained strong sup- 
 port, was promoted to the dignity of a bishop, founded King's College from 
 part of the fund, and, in 1853 obtained a transfer of the fund — which had been 
 placed at the disposal of the British Parliament for religious purposes — to 
 Canada. The controversy was finally settled in 1S54, an act being passed 
 which secured their life interests to the clergy already enjoying them, while 
 the remainder of the fund was devoted to public education. 
 
 Thus for forty years and more John Strachan made himself the most 
 prominent and powerful figure in Upper Canada. Meanwhile a strained 
 condition of affairs existed in Lower Canada, due to the rivalry and struggle 
 for power of the inhabitants of French and British descent. The strife 
 became so intense as in 1837 to lead to open rebellion. 
 
 The great supremancy of the French in numbers gave them a decided 
 majority in the Assembly, and for years Louis Papineau was elected by 
 
513 
 
 THE DOMINION OF CANADA 
 
 them speaker of that body, though bitterly opposed by the British popula- 
 tion. When Lord Dalhousie, the governor-general, refused to recognize 
 him in this position, sufficient influence was brought to bear upon the home 
 French Suprem- &°'^^^"'^^"^ to have the autocratic lord transferred to India, 
 acy in Lower and the French retained their control of the Assembly. A 
 Cana a reform in the government of the province was recommended 
 
 by a committe of the British Parliament, which resulted in 1832 in giving 
 the Assembly control of the local finances. 
 
 This gave the French Canadians a perilous power, and they endeavored 
 to rid themselves of the English judges and civil officials by a process of 
 financial starvation. Salaries were unpaid and the government was blocked 
 through lack of funds. The sharpness of the strife was added to by resolu- 
 tions in the British Parliament which condemned the Canadian legislature 
 and supported the council — an arbitrary body under the governor's control, 
 and in the British interest. 
 
 The strife eventually deepened into revolt. Both provinces vigorously 
 demanded that the council should be chosen by the votes of the people, and 
 thus truly represent the country. Lower Canada became violently excited 
 on this question ; funds known as " Papineau tribute " were collected ; the 
 liberty cap was worn ; imported goods were replaced by homespun clothes, 
 and military training soon began. These movements were followed by 
 hostile acts, the English "Constitutionalists" and the French " Sons of 
 Liberty " coming into warlike contact. But Sir John Colborne, the governor, 
 was a man of energy and decision, and quickly brought the 
 
 The Revo to incipient rebellion to an end. The insurgents were attacked 
 1837 ^ . '^ 
 
 and dispersed wherever they showed themselves. Dr. Nelson, 
 
 one of their leaders, was captured, and Papineau, the head of the revolt, was 
 
 obliged to escape across the border. 
 
 This movement in Lower Canada was accompanied by a similar revolt 
 in Uppei Canada under the leadership of William Lyon Mackenzie, the 
 former opponent of the F^amily Compact. He, as a leader of the opposition 
 forces, had continued bitterly to oppose the oligarchy which controlled 
 Canadian affairs. Three times he was elected to the Assembly of Upper 
 Canada, and three times expelled by the tyrannical majority. The law 
 officers of Great Britain pronounced his expulsion illegal, and he was re- 
 elected by a large majority, but the arbitrary Assembly again refused to 
 admit him. 
 
 The result of this unlawful action was to make him highly popular, he 
 was elected the first mayor of Toronto, and the struggle went on more 
 bitterly tlian ever. An unlucky expression he had used — " The baneful 
 
THE DOMINION OF CANADA 
 
 513 
 
 domination of the mother country" — was now quoted against him as 
 evidence of disloyahy, and Mackenzie, exasperated by the acts of his 
 enemies, lost his self-control and entered into rebellion. He made a com- 
 pact with Louis Papineau to head a rising in Toronto on the 
 
 same day with the insurcrcnt risintr in Montreal. In furtherance ,t ^^,^)*^^ 
 ■' . " => . . Kebellion 
 
 of this he proclaimed a " Provisional Government of the 
 State of Upper Canada," gathered a force of eight hundred men, and 
 liireatened Toronto with capture. But hesitation was fatal to his cause, 
 his men were attacked and dispersed, and he was forced to flee. On Navy 
 Island he flung the flag of rebellion to the breeze, but he had lost his one 
 opportunity and the flag soon went down. Lack of prudence and patience 
 had put ah end to a promising political career. 
 
 The suppression of this rebellion was followed in 1840 by the Act of 
 Union of the two provinces already mentioned. The population now began 
 to grow with considerable rapidity. Prom about 1,100,000 in 1S40, it grew 
 to nearly 2,000,000 in 1850, and 2,500,000 in i860. And the crowth of 
 people were spreading out widely northward and westward, Population 
 settling new lands, and stretching far towards the Pacific "'"^ '■"'"**'■>• 
 border. The industries of Canada, which had been greatly depressed by 
 the adoption of free trade in Great Britain, were revived by a treaty of 
 reciprocity in trade with ihe United States, and prosperity came upon the 
 country in a flood. 
 
 But political troubles were by no means at an end, and much irritation 
 arose from acts of citizens of the United States during the Civil War. 
 Refugees and conspirators from the south sought the Canadian cities, and 
 endeavored to involve the two countries in hostile relations. P^enian raids 
 were attempted from the United States, and there was much alarm, though 
 nothing of importance arose from the disturbed condition of afl'airs. 
 
 In time the confederation which existed between the two larger pro- 
 vinces of Canada became too narrow to serve the purposes of the entire 
 colony. The maritime provinces began to discuss the question of local 
 federation, and it was linally proposed to unite all British North America 
 into one general union. This was done in 1867, the British Parliament 
 passing an act which created the "Dominion of Canada." or"-aniz.ition of 
 The new confederation included Ontario (Upper Canada), the i>ominion 
 Quebec (Lower Canada), New Brunswick and Nova Scotia. ofCanaJa 
 P"our years later Manitoba and British Columbia were included, and Prince 
 Edward's Island in 1874. A parliament was formed consisting of a Senate 
 of life members chosen by the prime minister and an Assembly elected by 
 the people. The formation of the dominion was soon followed by trouble. 
 
514 THE DOMINION OF CANADA 
 
 this time arising in the Indian country, over which the' Canadian people 
 had rapidly extended their authority. Louis Riel, son of the leader of the 
 Metes (half-breed) Indians, headed a rebellion in i86g and established a 
 provisional governmei.t at Fort Garry. In the following year 
 the revolt collapsed on the arrival of General Wolseley at 
 this fort. Twice in later years Riel attempted rebellion, the second time 
 in 1885. He was finally captured and executed, and the rebellious senti-,' 
 ment vanished with his death. 
 
 Shortly after the formation of the dominion. Sir John Macdonald 
 became a conspicuous figure in Canadian politics and for many years served 
 as prime minister of the country. He took part in the treaty of Washing- 
 ton, which referred to arbitration of the Alabama claim and other questions 
 between Great Britain and the United States, and came near defeat in con- 
 sequence, since the parts of the treaty which referred to Canada were very 
 unpopular in that country. He was defeated in 1873 on the question of the 
 Canadian Pacific Railway, concerning which a great scandal had arisen, 
 with suspicion of wholesale bribery. In 1878 Macdonald returned to the 
 premiership, which he continued to hold until his death in 1891. 
 
 Despite the scandal attending the Pacific Railway bill, that enterprise 
 was pushed forward with much energy, and, after desperate financial strug- 
 gles, was completed in 1886. It need scarcely be said that it has since 
 played a highly important part in the development of Canada. Under the 
 The Canadian liberal ministry of Alexander Mackenzie (1873-78) the coun- 
 Paciflc Rail- try prospered greatly for a time, but a period of financial 
 ^^^ stringency followed, and the people demanded commerical pro- 
 
 tection. This was given by the Conservatives, under Macdonald, in 1879, a 
 protective tariff being adopted as a measure of defence against the commer- 
 ical enterprise of the United States. The result was a rapid revival of trade 
 and wide-spread prosperity. In 18S0, by an act of the British Parliament, 
 the control of all the British possessions in Canada — except Newfoundland, 
 which had not joined the Union — was transferred to the Dominion Parlia 
 ment, and the country became in large measure an independent nation. 
 
 The important questions which have since that time arisen in Canada 
 
 have had largely to do with its relations to the United States and its 
 
 people. One of the most troublesome of these has been the question of 
 
 the fisheries on the banks of Newfoundland and the coasts of 
 
 The Fishery Nova Scotia and New Brunswick. For years the problem 
 Difficulties . \ r^ ^■ 
 
 of the rights of American fishermen on the Canadian coast 
 
 excited controversy. In 1877 the Halifax Fishery Commission awarded 
 
THE DOMINION OF CANADA 
 
 515 
 
 $5,500,cx>3 to Great Britain, to pay for the privileges granted ti) the United 
 States, and in 1888 a treaty was signed for the settlement of this vexa- 
 tious question. 
 
 The temporary removal of this difficulty was followed by the develop- 
 ment of a still more serious fishery controversy between the two countries, 
 that relating to the fur-seal fishery of Alaska. The fur-seals, frequenting 
 the Pribylof Islands of the Bering Sea for breeding purposes, belonged to 
 the United States, which rented out the right of killing seals on these islands 
 to the Alaska Commercial Company, whose killing privileges were restricted 
 to 100,000 yearly. But these seals had a wide range of e.Kcursion at sea, 
 and Canadian fishermen began to prey upon them in the open waters. 
 These depredations, beginning in 1S86, reduced the herds by 
 1890 to such an extent that the Alaska Company could secure J "'^." ^" 
 only 21,000 skins in that year. There was serious danger of 
 the extermination of the animals, and the United States took active 
 measures to prevent poaching on its preserves, as it regarded the work of the 
 Canadian.s. The controversy on this question became strenuous as time 
 went on, and it was seriously thought at one time that the easiest way out 
 of the difficulty would be to kill all the seals at once and so put an end to the 
 l>r()blem. Finally the two nations concerned agreed to submit the question 
 to arbitration, and a decision was rendered in 1893, establishing a " protected 
 zone" of sixty miles around the Pribylof Islands. Unfortunately the ocean 
 range of the seals is much wider than this, and the diminution of the herd 
 has still gone on. The difficulty, therefore, remains unsettled. 
 
 Sir John Macdonald died in 1S91 and Sir John S. D. Thompson, a man 
 of marked ability, became premier in 1892. lie lived, however, only until 
 i8g4 and for a brief ijiterval Sir Charles Tupper filled the office. Before 
 the end of the year he resigned, and Sir Wilfred Laurier became premier, 
 he being the first French Canadian to hold that high office. The most 
 important questions rising under his administration were those springing 
 from the discovery of gold on the Klondike River. This find 
 was made in the autumn of 1896, and as reports tjuickly spread ^ " . /" ^'"^ 
 of the richness of the diggings, a rush of miners, mainly 
 Americans, took place during the following year. But it was quickly 
 perceived that the region was not in Alaska, as at first supposed, but 
 in Canadian territory, and mining laws were imposed by the Canadian govern- 
 ment, including heavy fees and royalties, which were bitterly objected to 
 by the American miners. 
 
 But the chief question arising from the find was that concerning the 
 true boundary between the two countries. This had never been clearly 
 
^i6 THE DOMINION OF CANADA 
 
 decided upon for the southern section of Alaska, and the natural desire of 
 
 Canada to obtain an ocean outing for the new gold district, which was being 
 
 very rapidly settled, soon stirred up a very active controversy. 
 
 The claim of Russia, transferred by purchase to the United States, 
 
 called for a strip of land ten leagues wide from the coast backward. This 
 
 would have been definite enough had it been quite clear what constituted 
 
 the coast. The sea line of Alaska is marked by deep indentations, some of 
 
 which are open to question as to whether they should be considered oceanic 
 
 or inland waters. Such a one is Lynn Canal, which affords the natural 
 
 waterway to the mountain passes leading to the upper Yukon, by whose 
 
 waters the gold district can be most easily reached. This 
 
 A Boundary inlet, running si.xtv miles into the land, is less than six miles 
 
 Question fD j t ■ i o i ■ j 
 
 wide at its mouth ; and while the United States clanned 
 
 that it was part of the open sea, the Canadian government looked upon it 
 as territorial water, and demanded that the coast line should be drawn 
 across its mouth. This would have given Canada control of its upper 
 waters and the access to the sea from the Klondike region over its own 
 territory which it so urgently needed. It would also have given it pos- 
 session of Dyea and Skagua, two mining towns built and peopled by 
 Americans at the head of the canal, and whose people would have bitterly 
 opposed being made citizens of Canada. 
 
 As will be perceived from the above statement a number of interna- 
 tional questions had arisen between the United States and Canada, of 
 which only the most urgent have here been mentioned. In 1898 an earnest 
 attempt was made to adjust these annoying problems, by the appointment 
 of an International Commission, whose sessions began in the city of Quebec, 
 August 23, 1898. On the part of Great Britain and Canada the member- 
 An Interna^ ship consisted of Lord Herschell, ex-Lord Chancellor of 
 tional Com- England, chairman. Sir Wilfred Laurier, the Premier of 
 mission Canada, Sir Richard J. Cartwright, Minister of Trade and 
 
 Commerce, Sir Louis H. Davies, Minister of Marine and Fisheries, John 
 Charlton, M. P., and Sir James T. Winter, Premier of Newfoundland. The 
 American members were Charles W. Fairbanks, United States Senator 
 from Indiana, chairman, George Gray, Senator from Delaware, Nelson 
 Dingley, Representative from Maine, John W. Foster, former Secretary of 
 State and ex-Minister to Spain, Russia and Mexico, John A. Kasson, former 
 Minister to Germany and Austria, and T. JeiTerson Coolidge, former Min- 
 ister to France. Senator Gray resigned in September, to take part in Peace 
 Commission on the Spanish War, and was succeeded by Senator Charles J 
 Faulkner, of West Virginia. 
 
THE DOMINION OF CANADA 
 
 517 
 
 The principal questions that came before this Commission for con- 
 sideration were the following : The adjustment of the difficulties concern- 
 ing the Atlantic and Pacific coast fisheries and those still arising in reference 
 to the fur-seals ; the establishment of a fixed boundary between Alaska 
 and Canada ; provision for the transit of merchandise to or from either 
 country across territory of the other, or to l)e delivered at 
 [)oints in either country beyond the frontier; the questions of e Questions 
 lal)or laws and mining rights affecting the subjects of either 
 country within the territory of the other ; a mutually satisfactory readjust- 
 ment of customs duties ; an understanding concerning the placing of war 
 vessels on the great lakes ; arrangements to define and mark the frontier 
 line; provision for the conveyance of accused persons by officers of one 
 country through the territory of the other ; and reciprocity in wrecking 
 and salvage rights. 
 
 As will be perceived from this list of subjects to be considered, the 
 High Commission had abundance of work mapped out for it. While some 
 of the questions were of minor importance and might be settled with 
 comparative ease, others were of high significance and likely to prove very 
 difficult to adjust. In fact, they proved beyond the powers of the commis- 
 sion. Adjourning from Quebec to meet in Washington in The Failure of 
 November, the members continued in session there for several the Commis- 
 months longer, but adjourned finally in the spring of iSggwith- *"*" 
 out having been able to come to a decision on the difficult matters involved. 
 
 Several of these questions, indeed, were of the most complex and 
 vexatious character, particularly that relating to the fisheries, which had 
 been a source of trouble and conflict through most of the century. As 
 respects the transport of goods of one country over the territory of the 
 other, it is a matter of much importance to Canada, which sends great 
 quantities of goods over United States territory for shipment abroad, 
 six times more Canadian grain, for instance, going by way of Buffalo, than 
 via Montreal and the St. Lawrence. The problem of reciprocal customs 
 regulations is also one of much importance to Canada, which imports more 
 merchandise from the United States than is sent by that ^ 
 
 ^ _ Commerce of 
 
 country to all the remainder of the American Continent, Canada with 
 amounting in all to about $70,000,000 annually. In return the United 
 its exports to the United States amount to about $50,000,000, 
 the total commerce being of importance enough to call for special tariff 
 regulations between the two countries. 
 
 After the adjournment of the commission, efforts were made to adjust 
 the boundary question, so far as Lynn Canal was concerned, through an 
 
5i8 THE DOMINION OF CANADA 
 
 understanding between the two governments. The United States, in con- 
 sideration of the needs of Canada in the Klondike region, showed a disposi- 
 tion to concede temporarily to that country a tidewater port in the Lynn 
 Canal. But decided protests from commercial ports on the Pacific seaboard 
 caused the withdrawal of the proposed concession. A temporary adjust- 
 ment of the question was subsequently made, a line being drawn by of^cials 
 of the two countries which followed the mountian summits and cut off 
 Canada from access to the sea except accross United States territory. 
 
 The progress of Canada during the past quarter of a century has been 
 very great, while her population has increased in that period by nearly one- 
 half. Railways have spread like a network over the rich agricultural terri- 
 tory along the southern border land of the dominion, from 
 Railway Prog= , i • • i , r i i 
 
 ress in Canada ocean to ocean, and are now pushing mto the deep forest land 
 and rich mir.eral regions of the interior and the northwest, 
 their total length in 1899 being over 17,000 miles, a large mileage for a 
 population of 5,000,000. The most recent railway projected is one to the 
 Klondike region, which already has a large population, and possesses . in 
 Dawson City a thriving and enterprising headquarters of the mining region. 
 Canada has also been active in canal building, and has now under consider 
 ation a project of the highest importance, namely, the excavation of a ship- 
 canal from Lake Huron to the St. Lawrence. This great enterprise, if 
 carried Into eifect, will shorten the distance of commercial navigation by 
 hundreds of miles and be of untold advantage to the Canadian common- 
 wealth. It is proposed also to deepen the existing canals, so as to permit 
 the conveyance (^f ocean frieght without breaking bulk. 
 
 In manufacturing industry almost every branch of production is to be 
 found, the progressive enterprise of the people of the Dominion being 
 great, and a large proportion of the goods they need being 
 ^Entlrprire"^ made at home. The best evidence of the enterprise of 
 Canada in manufacture is shown by the fact that she exports 
 many thousand dollars worth of goods annually more than she buys — Eng- 
 land being her largest customer and the United States second on the list. 
 In addition to her manufactured products, Canada is actively agricultural, 
 and possesses vast natural wealth in the products of her rich mines, vast 
 The Yield of forests and prolific fisheries. The most recent of these sources 
 Precious of wealth are her mines of the precious metals, which yielded 
 
 Metals ^^^^ $6,000,000 in gold and $7,000,000 in silver in 1897, 
 
 shortly after the discovery of the Klondike deposits. The yield of those 
 has since very greatly increased. 
 
THE DOMINION OF CANADA 519 
 
 Not only is the outside world largely ignorant of the importance of 
 Canada, but few of her own people realize the greatness of the country thr;y 
 possess. Its area of more than three and one-half millions of square miles 
 —one-sixteenth of the entire land surface of the earth — is great enough to 
 include an immense variety of natural conditions and products. This area 
 constitutes forty per cent, of the far extended British empire, while its 
 richness of soil and resources in forest and mineral wealth are as yet almost 
 untouched, and its promise of future yield is immense. The dimensions 
 of the dominion guarantee a great variety of natural attractions. There 
 are vast grass-covered plains, thousands of square miles of untouched forest 
 lands, multitudes of lakes and rivers, great and small, and Extent and Re- 
 mountains of the wildest and grandest character, whose sources of the 
 natural beauty equals that of the far-famed Alpine peaks. i>ominion 
 In fact, the Canadian Pacific Railway is, becoming a route of pilgrimage for 
 the lovers of the beautiful and sublime, its mountain scenery being un- 
 rivaled upon the continent. 
 
 The population of Canada varies in character according to location. 
 In Ontario the people arc generally English. In Quebec, and many other 
 portions of what was formerly called Lower Canada, the original settlers 
 were French, and their descendants are still in the majority and retain many 
 of the habits and customs of their mother country — so much so, in fact, that, 
 though England has ruled the land for about one hundred and fifty years, 
 the French language is still almost exclusively spoken. Even in the cities 
 of Montreal and Quebec the prevalence of the language makes the vistor 
 from Toronto feel that he is in a foreign city. 
 
 In the west, until a few years ago, the prevailing population was the 
 original Indian and the half-breed. But this element, though still numerous, 
 is fast being swallowed up or hidden by the throng of immigrants, who are 
 now pouring into that vast and resourceful region. These immigrants, 
 unlike those of the older eastern provinces, are made up of all The Character of 
 the nationalities of northern Europe, the British Isles, however, the Canadian 
 l)eing well represented. Out of this mixture a new people, opu ation. 
 combining the good and progressive elements of various nations, is springing 
 up. In this respect the Canadians of the northwest are much like the 
 inhabitants of the northwestern United States. 
 
 Population at present is densest on the southern borders of the country, 
 along the Great Lakes and the shores of the St. Lawrence. The interior is 
 very sparsely settled, and as the latitude increases the cold of winter, except 
 where the country is warmed by the winds of the Pacific, becomes more 
 intense, until, in the northern part of the dominion, it is practically impossible 
 
520 
 
 THE DOMINION OF CANADA 
 
 for the Caucasian race to live in comfort. Much of this unbroken wilderness 
 is covered with gigantic forests, wliicli malce lumbering the chief industry of 
 that section, as agriculture is of the lower latitudes. In fact, lumbering 
 and agriculture are the chief industries of all sections except the sea-coasts, 
 where fishing interests are of great importance, and certain portions of the 
 great northwest, like the Yukon districts, where mining is predominant. 
 On the whole, Canada has before it a great future, and what its political 
 destiny will be no man can foresee. 
 
 In several conditions the people of Canada, while preserving the general 
 features of English society, are much more free and untrammeled. The 
 caste system of Great Britain has gained little footing in this new land, 
 where nearly every farmer is the owner of the soil which he tUls, and the 
 people have a feeling of independence unknown to the agricultural popula- 
 tion of European countries. There has been great progress also in many 
 social questions. The liquor traffic, for instance, is subject to the local option 
 of restriction ; religious liberty prevails ; education is practically free and un- 
 sectarian ; the franchise is enjoyed by all citizens ; members of the parliament 
 are paid for their services ; and though the executive department of the 
 government is under the control of a governor-general appointed by the 
 queen, the laws of Canada are made by its own statesmen, and a state of 
 practical independence prevails. Recognizing this, and respecting the liberty- 
 loving spirit of the people. Great Britain is chary in interfering with any 
 question of Canadian policy, or in any sense in attempting to limit the free- 
 dom of her great Transatlantic Colony. 
 
Rl', Hl>N. SIR JIIHN' A. M ACDOXAI.n. O t I 
 
 rrim,- Mi„;si,-, ,.r rai,;,d;i. iSt--,- , 
 
 K i . Ill iN. J. > !• I HOMl'SON, K C. M. 
 I'tim,: Miai^lcr of CanaJ;i. . = j.-. , , 
 
 CI 
 
 1^' 
 
 \ 
 
 ^ 
 
 Kl. HON. SIR WILFRID l.AURIEk 
 Prime Minister of Canada, iSo6. 
 
 'I'.USTRIOUS SONS OF CANADA 
 
 SIR CHARLES Tl'PPER. 
 
DAVID LIVINGSTONE 
 
 HENRY M. STANLEY, 
 
 DR. KKITHIUF NANSEN. LlELl. R. E. PEARY. 
 
 GREAT EXPLORERS IN THE TROPICS AND ARCTICS. 
 
CHAPTER XXXVI. 
 
 Livingstone, Stanley, Peary, Nansen and Other Great 
 Discoverers and Explorers. 
 
 AT the beginnin;^^ of the nineteenth century, long as man had previously 
 existed upon the earth, much more than half its surface was unknown 
 to the most civilized nations. Of the e.xtensive continent of Africa, 
 for instance, only the coast regions had been explored, while the vast inte- 
 rior could fairly be described as the " Great Unknown." The immense con- 
 tinent of Asia was known only in outline. With its main features men had 
 some acquaintance, but its details were as little known as the 
 mountains of the moon. With America men were little bet- ^^"orance ot 
 ter acquainted than with Africa. The United States itself had Surface at 
 been explored only as far west as the Mississippi, and that but **]^ Begin. 
 imperfectly. The vast space between that great stream and century 
 the Pacific almost wholly awaited discovery. The remainder 
 of the continent was divided into national domains, which were tiiinly in- 
 habited and very imperfectly known. Of the continental island of Australia 
 only a few spots on the border had been visited, and still less was known of 
 the broad region of the North Polar zone. 
 
 At the end of the century a very different tale could be told. The hun- 
 dred years had been marked by an extraordinary activity in travel, adven- 
 ture, and discovery; daring men had penetrated the most obscure recesses 
 of continents and islands, climbed the most difficult moun- 
 tains, ventured among the most savage tribes, studied the ^j Explorers 
 geographical features and natural productions of a thousand in tiie Nine- 
 regions before unknown, and learned more about the condi- *•-'*-'"'•' *^en. 
 
 . tury 
 
 tions of the earth than had been learned in a thousand years 
 I before. The work of the century has no parallel in history except the 
 I fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, when America was discovered and the 
 ! East Indies were explored, and the horizon of human knowledge was im- 
 mensely extended. 
 
 The great achievements of the century with which we have to deal were 
 performed by a large number of adventurous men, far too numerous even to 
 be named in this review. 
 
 ="5 523 
 
524 GREAT DISCOVERERS AND EXPLORERS 
 
 In fact it would need a volume, and one of considerable extent, to tell, 
 even in epitome, the story of travel and exploration within the nineteenth 
 century. Such a story, given in any fulness, would far transcend our pur- 
 pose, which is confined to the description of the great events of the century, 
 those of epoch-making significance, and which played leading parts in the 
 progress of the period with which we are concerned. In this review, there- 
 fore, we may fairly confine ourselves to records of travel in 
 Yne Notable . ,, ,, . ..,. ,, 
 
 FieSdsof ^^'^ regions ot the earth, the continent oi Ainca and the 
 
 Nineteenth Arctic Zone, of both of whicli little was known at the opening of 
 en ury ^.j^^ century, while the story of their exploration has been of 
 
 startling interest and importance. The interior of Asia and 
 America, while presenting problems to be solved, were not unknown in the 
 sense in which we speak of Africa, over which rested a pall of darkness as black 
 as the complexion of its inhabitants. Australia alone was unknown in a 
 similar sense. But the interior of that great island is practically a desert, 
 and its exploration possesses nothing of the interest which attaches to that of 
 Africa, a land which for many centuries has attracted the active attention 
 and aroused the vivid curiosity of mankind, while a satisfactory acquaintance 
 with it has been left for the latter half of the nineteenth century. 
 
 Of the great travelers to whom we are indebted for our present knowl- 
 edge of this continent two stand pre-eminent, David Livingstone and Henry 
 M. Stanley, and we may deal with their careers as the pivots around which 
 the whole story of African exploration revolves. 
 
 The first of modern travelers to penetrate the interior of western 
 Africa to any considerable depth was the justly celebrated 
 
 Famous African Mu^g^Q p^^j-k, whose first journey to the Niaer was made in 
 Travelers =" -" •' ^ . 
 
 1795-96, and the second in 1805. He traced that important 
 
 stream through a large part of its upper course — finally losing his life as a 
 result of his intrepid daring. On the east coast, at a somewhat earlier date 
 (1768-73) the equally famous James Bruce penetrated Abyssinia to the head- 
 waters of the Blue Nile, which he looked upon as the source of the great 
 river of Egypt. About the same time the French traveler Vaillant entered 
 the continent at Cape Town and journeyed north for more than three 
 hundred miles, into the country of the Bushmen. 
 
 Such was the state of African exploration at the beginning of the century 
 under consideration. The travelers named, and others of minor importance, 
 had not penetrated far from the coast, and the vast interior of the continent 
 remained almost utterly unknown. In fact the century was half gone before 
 anything further of consequence was discovered, the first journey of Dr. 
 Livingstone being made in 1840. 
 
GREAT DISCOVERERS AND EXPLORERS 525 
 
 David Livingstone, an enterprisin;^ man, of Scotch liirth, left England 
 in 1S40 to devote his life to missionary work in Africa. He had studied 
 medicine and theology, and was well equipped in every way for the arduous 
 and difficult work he had undertaken. Landing at Port Natal, he became 
 associated with the Rev. Robert Moffat, a noted African missionary, whose 
 daughter he afterwards married, and for years he labored ^^ UvJnjr- 
 perseveringly as an agent of the London Missionary Society, stone's Mis- 
 He studied the languages, habits, and religious beliefs of a ^'""^'•y Labors 
 number of tribes, and became one of the most earnest and successful 
 of missionaries, his subsequent journeys being undertaken largely for the 
 ailvancf of iiis religious labors. 
 
 His experience in missionary work convinced him that success in tliis 
 field of duty was not to be measured by the tale of conversions — of doubtful 
 character — which could be sent home every year, but that the proper work 
 for the enterprising white man was that of pioneer research. He could 
 best employ himself in opening u[> antl e.Kploring new fields of labor, and 
 might safely leave to native agents the duty of working these out in detail. 
 
 This theory he first put into effect in 1849, in which year he set out 
 on a journey into the unknown land to the north, the goal of his enter- 
 prise being Lake Ngaini, on which no white man's eyes had ever fallen. In 
 company with two English sportsmen, Mr. Oswell and Mr. 
 
 Murray, he traversed the great and bleak Kalahari Desert, — i>"scoverv of 
 
 ■' * . . ., I.ake Nsrami 
 
 which he was the first to describe in detail, — and on the 
 
 1st of August the travelers were gladdened by the sight of the previously 
 
 unknown liquid plain, the most southerly of the great African lakes. 
 
 Two hundred miles beyond this body of water lived a noted chief 
 named Sebituane, the chief of the Makololo tribe, whose residence Living- 
 stone sought to reach the following year, bringing with him on this journey 
 his wife and children. But fever seized the children and he was obliged to 
 stop at the shores of the lake. Nothing daunted by this failure, he set out 
 again in 1851, once more accompanied by his family, and with his former 
 companion, Mr. Oswell, his purpose being to settle among the Makololos and 
 seek to convert to Christianity their great chief. He succeeded in reaching 
 the tribe, but the death of Sebituane, shortly after his arrival, disarranged 
 his plans, and he was obliged to return. But before doing so he and Mr, 
 Oswell made an e.xploration of several hundred miles to the northeast, their 
 journey ending at the Zambesi, the great river of South Africa, which he here 
 found flowing in a broad and noble current through the centre of the continent. 
 
 The subsequent travels of Livingstone were performed more for 
 purposes of exploration than for religious labors, though to tiie cnti he 
 
526 GREAl DISCOVERERS AND EXPLORERS 
 
 considered himself a missionary pioneer. Sending his family to England, 
 
 he left Capetown in June, 1852, and reached Linyanti, the capital of the 
 
 Makololo, in May, 1853, being received in royal style by the 
 
 Journey from chief and his people, by whom he was greatly esteemed. He 
 
 the Zambesi next ascended the Zambesi, in search of some healthy high 
 
 to the West land for a missionary station. But everywhere he found the/ 
 
 tsetse fly, an insect deadly to animals, and, annoyed by the 
 
 ravages of this insect among his cattle, he determined to leave that locality 
 
 and enter upon the greatest journey ever yet undertaken in Africa, one 
 
 through the unknown interior to the west coast. 
 
 The start was made from Linyanti on November 11, 1S53, the party 
 
 ascending the Leeba to Lake Dilolo, which was reached in February, 1854. 
 
 Finally, on the 31st of May, they came to the coast town of St. Paul de 
 
 Loanda, in Portuguese West Africa. Their long and dangerous journey 
 
 had been attended by numberless hardships, and Livingstone reached the 
 
 coast nearly worn out by fever, dysentery and semi-starvation. But nothing 
 
 could deter the indefatigable traveler. He set out again after a few months, 
 
 reached Lake Dilolo on June 13, 1855, and Linyanti in September. After 
 
 a brief interval of rest he left this place with a determination to follow the 
 
 broad-flowing Zambesi to its mouth in the eastern sea. 
 
 A fortnight after his start he made the most notable of his discoveries, 
 
 the one with which his name is most intimately associated in popular 
 
 The Discovery estimation, that of the great Victoria Falls of the Zambesi, 
 
 of the Great a cataract which has no rival upon the earth except the still 
 
 Victoria Falls i^ijgi-itie,- one of the Niagara. Here an immense cleft or 
 
 fissure in the earth cuts directly across the channel of the river, which 
 
 pours in an enormous flood down into the cavernous abyss, whence " the 
 
 smoke of its torrent ascendeth forever." The » country surrounding seems 
 
 to be a great basin-shaped plateau, surrounded by a ring of mountains, 
 
 the depression having probably at onetime been filled with an immense lake 
 
 whose waters were drained off when the earth split asunder across its bed. 
 
 On went the untiring traveler, and on May 20, 1856, he reached the 
 
 east coast at the Portuguese town of Ouillimane, at the mouth of the Zam-' 
 
 . . ."^ . i 
 
 besi, in a frightfully emaciated condition He had, in two and a half years 
 
 of travel, performed one of the most remarkable journeys ever made up to 
 
 The First Cross= ^^^^ time. First proceeding north from the Cape to Loanda, 
 
 ingofthe through twenty-five degrees of latitude, he had for the first 
 
 Continent time in history, crossed the continent of Africa from ocean to 
 
 ocean, through as many degrees of longitude, while his discoveries in the 
 
 geography and natural history of the region traversed had been immense. 
 
GREA T DISCO VERERS AND EX PL ORERb 5 2 7 
 
 Livingstone returned to England in tlie latter part of the year and was 
 received with the highest enthusiasm, being welcomed as the first to break 
 through that pall of darkness which had so long enveloped the interior 
 of Africa. The Royal Geographical Society had already conferred upon 
 him its highest token of honor, its gold medal, and now honors and 
 compliments were showered upon him until the modest traveler was over- 
 whelmed with the warmth of his reception. 
 
 The desire to complete his work was strong upon him. and after pub- 
 lishing an account of his travels, in a work of modest simplicity, he returned 
 to Africa, reaching the mouth of the Zambesi in May, 1858. In 1859 his 
 new career of discovery began in an exploration of the Shire, Livingstone 
 a northern affluent of the Zambesi, up which he journeyed to Discovers 
 tile great Lake Nyassa, another capital discovery. For several ^' y"**"" 
 
 years he was engaged in exploring the surrounding region and in furthering 
 the interests of missionary enterprise among the natives. In one of his 
 journeys his wife, who was his companion during this period of his travels, 
 died, and in 1864 he returned home, worn out with his extraordinary labors 
 in new lands and desiring to spend the remainder of his days in quiet and 
 repose. 
 
 But at the suggestion of Murchison, the famous geologist and his 
 staunch friend, he was induced to return to Africa, one of his main purposes 
 being to take steps looking to the suppression of the Arab slave trade, whose 
 horrors had long excited his deepest sympathies. Landing at the mouth of 
 the Rovuma River — a stream he had previously explored — on March 22, 
 1 866, he started for the interior, rounded Lake Nyassa on the south, and 
 set off to the northeast for the great Lake Tanganyika — which had mean- 
 while been discovered by Barton and Speke, in 1857. 
 
 After his de|)arture Livingstone vanished from sight and knowledge. 
 and for five years was utterly lost in the deep interior of the continent. 
 From time to time vague intimations of his movements reached the world 
 of civilization, but the question of his fate became so exciting a one that 
 in 1 87 1 Henry M. Stanley was dispatched, at the expense of the proprietor 
 of the Neio York Herald, to penetrate the continent and seek to discover 
 the long-lost traveler. Stanley found him at Ujiji, on the Stanley 
 northeast shore of Tanganyika, on October 18. 1871, the great in Search of 
 explorer being then, in his words, "a ruckle of bones." Far vmgs one 
 and wide he had traveled through Central Africa, discovering a host of 
 lakes and streams, and finding many new tribes with strange habits. Among 
 his notable discoveries was that of the Lualaba River — The Upper Congo 
 — which he believed to be the head-waters of the Nile. His work had been 
 
528 GREAT DISCOVERERS AND EXPLORERS 
 
 enormous, and the " Dark Continent " had yielded to liim a host of Its long 
 hidden mysteries. Not willing yet to give up his work, he waited at Ujiji for 
 men and supplies sent him by Stanley from the coast, and then started 
 The Death of south for Lake Bangweolo, one of his former discoveries. But 
 the Great attacked again by his old enemy, dysentery, the iron frame of 
 
 xp orer the great traveller at length yielded, and he was found, on 
 
 May I, 1873, tiy his men, dead in his tent, kneeling by the side of his bed. 
 Thus perished in prayer the greatest traveler in modern times. 
 
 For more than thirty years Livingstone had dwelt in Africa, most of 
 that time engaged in exploring new regions and visiting new peoples. His 
 travels had covered a third of the continent, extending from the Cape to 
 near the equator, and from the Atlantic to the Indian Ocean, his work being 
 all done leisurely and carefully, so that its results were of the utmost value 
 to geographical science. He had also aroused a sentiment against the Arab 
 slave-trade which was to give that frightful system its death-blow. 
 
 The work of Livingstone stirred up an enthusiasm for African travel, 
 and many adventurous explorers set out for that continent during his 
 career. After the discovery of Lake Tanganyika by Burton and Speke, in 
 1857, the latter started to the northeast, and reached the head-waters of the 
 great Victoria Nyanza, the largest body of water on the continent. Subse- 
 quently this traveler, accompanied by Mr. Grant, journeyed to the White 
 Nile, north of this lake, while Samuel Baker, another adventurous traveler, 
 accompanied by his heroic wife, reached in 1864 a great lake west of the 
 Victoria, which he named the Albert Nyanza. 
 
 Further north Dr. Barth, as early as 1850, set out on a journey across 
 
 the .Sahara to the .Soudan, and at a later date various travelers explored 
 
 this northern section of the continent, while in 1874—75 Lieu- 
 
 V^*" Z"^^" tenant Cameron repeated Livingstone's feat of crossino- the 
 
 Travelers _ r & o 
 
 continent from sea to sea. But the greatest of African travel- 
 ers after Livingstone was Henry M. Stanley, with whose work we are next 
 concerned. 
 
 While a reporter in the New York Herald, this enterprising man had 
 been sent to Crete to report upon the revolution in that island, to Abyssinia 
 during the British invasion, and to Spain during the revolution in that 
 country. While in Spain, in 1869, James Gordon Bennett sent him the 
 brief order to "find Livingstone." This was enough for Stanley, who pro- 
 ceeded at once to Zanzibar, organized an expedition, and did " find Living- 
 stone," as above stated. 
 
 Next, filled with the spirit of travel, Stanley set out to "find Africa," 
 now as joint agent for the Herald and the London Daily Telegraph. 
 
GREA T DISCO VERERS AND EX PL ORERS 529 
 
 Setting out from Zanzibar in Nnvt-mbt-r, 1874, he proceeded, witli a large 
 expedition, to the Victoria Njanza, which he circumnavisrated ; and then 
 journeyed to Tanganyika, whose shape and dimension he similarly ascer- 
 tained. From these he proceeded westward to the Lualaba, ^^ , , . 
 
 . . ' _ Stanley 5 Jour- 
 
 the stream which Livingstone had supposed to be the Nile. ney to the 
 How Stanley made his way down this great stream, overcom- Victoria Ny- 
 irig enormous difficulties and fighting his way through 
 hostile tribes, is too long a story to be told here. It must suffice to say 
 that he soon found that he was not upon the Nile, but uj)on a westward 
 Howing stream, which he eventually identified as the Congo — a great river 
 whose lower course only had been previously known. For ten months the 
 daring traveler pursued his journey down this stream, assailed by treachery 
 and hostility, and finally reached the ocean, having traversed the heart of 
 that vast "unexplored territory " which long occupied so wide a space on 
 all maps of Africa. He had learned that tiie interior of the continent is a 
 mighty plateau, watered by the Congo and its many large The Descent of 
 affluents and traversed in all directions by navigable waters. the Great 
 Politically this remarkable journey led to the founding of the ongo River 
 Congo Free State, which embraces the central region of tropical Africa, and 
 which Stanley was sent to establish in 1879. 
 
 In 1887 he set out on another great journey. The conquest of the 
 Egyptian Soudan by the Mahdi, described in a preceding chapter, had not 
 only greatly diminished the territory of Egypt, but had cut off Emin Pasha 
 (Dr. Edward .Schnitzler), governor of the Equatorial Province of Egypt, 
 leaving him stranded on the Upper Nile, near the Albert Nyanza. Here 
 Emin maintained himself for years, holding his own against his foes, and 
 actively engaging in natural history study. But, cut off as he was from 
 civilization, threatened by the Mahdi, and his fate unknown in Europe, a 
 growing anxiety concerning him prevailed, and Stanley was sent to find him, 
 as he had before found Livingstone. 
 
 Organizing a strong expedition at Zanzibar, the traveler sailed with his 
 officers, soldiers and negro porters for the mouth of the Congo, which river 
 he proposed to make the channel of his exploration. Setting out stanlev Goes to 
 from this point on March 18, 1887, by June 15th the expedition the Rescue of 
 had reached the village of Yambuya, 1,300 miles up the stream. *"'" ^ 
 Thus far he had traversed waters well known to him. From this point he 
 proposed to plunge into the unknown, following the course of the Aruwimi, 
 a large affluent of the Congo which flowed from the direction of the great 
 Nyanza lake-basins. 
 
530 GREAT DISCOVERERS AND EXPLORERS 
 
 It was a terrible journey which the expedition now made. Before it 
 spread a forest of seemingly interminable extent, peopled mainly by the 
 curious dwarfs who form the forest-folk of Central Africa. The difficulties 
 before the traveler were enormous, but no hardship or danger could daunt 
 his indomitable courage, and he kept resolutely on until he met the lost 
 Emin on the shores of Albert Nyanza, as he had formerly met Livingstone 
 on those of Lake Tanganyika. 
 
 Three times in efTect Stanley crossed that terrible forest, since he returned 
 to Yambuya for the men and supplies he had left there and journeyed back 
 again. Finally he made an overland journey to Zanzibar, on the east coast, 
 with Emin and his followers, who had been rescued just in time to save them 
 A Terrible from imminent peril of overthrow and slaughter by the fana- 
 
 Forest tical hordes of the Mahdi. This second crossing of the con- 
 
 .lourney tinent by Stanley ended December 4, 1889, having continued 
 
 little short of three years. The discoveries made were great and valuable, 
 and on his return to Europe the explorer met with a reception almost 
 royal in its splendor. Among the large number of travelers who during 
 the latter half of the century have contributed to make the interior of 
 Africa as familiar to us as that of portions of our own continent, Livingstone 
 and Stanley stand pre-eminent, the most heroic figures in modern travel : 
 Livingstone as the missionary explorer, who won the love of the savage 
 tribes and made his way by the arts of peace and gentleness ; Stanley as 
 the soldif-rly explorer, who fought his way through cannibal hordes, his arts 
 being those of force and daring. They and their successors have performed 
 one of the greatest works of the nineteenth century, that of lifting the 
 cloud which for so many centuries lay thick and dense over the whole 
 extent of interior Africa. 
 
 Leaving this region of research, we must now seek another which has 
 been the seat of as earnest efforts and terrible hardships and has aroused 
 The Exploration '^^ ardent a spirit of investigation, the Arctic Zone. At no 
 of the Arctic point in the story of the nineteenth century do we find a 
 ^**"^ greater display of courage and resolution, a more patient 
 
 endurance of suffering, and a more unyielding determination to extend the 
 limits of human knowledge, than in this region of ice and snow, the delving 
 into whose secrets has actively continued during the latter half of the 
 century. 
 
 A number of voyages were made to the Arctic regions in former 
 centuries, and Henry Hudson as early as 1607 sailed as far north as the 
 latitude of 81 degrees 30 minutes in the vicinity of Spitzbergen. With the 
 opening of the nineteenth century exploration grew more active, and 
 
GREAT DISCOVERERS AND EXPLORERS 531 
 
 voyage after voyage was made ; but the distance north reached V)y Hudson 
 two centuries before was not surpassed until 1827, when Parry reached 82 
 degrees 40 minutes north latitude in the same region of the gariy Expedi- 
 sea. Beyond these efforts to p-^netrate the ice barrier, and the tions to the 
 discovery of some islands in the Arctic Ocean, nothing of Far North 
 special interest occurred until the date of Sir Joiin Franklin's expedition, 
 u'hich left England in 1845 and disappeared in the icy seas, every soul on 
 board perishing. This expedition was made famous by the many search 
 j)arties which were sent out in quest of the lost mariners. 
 
 By one of these parties the northwest passage from ocean to ocean, 
 around the Arctic coast of America, was traversed in 1S54, The fate of 
 Franklin and his men was not fully solved until 18S0, when an American 
 (■xpedition, under Lieutenant Schwatka, found the last traces left by the 
 unfortunate explorers. 
 
 As famous and as disastrous as the Franklin expedition was the "Lady 
 I'ranklin Bay Expedition," conducted by Lieutenant Greely, of the United 
 States army, which set out in 1881. This expedition was not sent for pur- 
 poses of polar research, but in pursuance of a plan to conduct a series of 
 circumpolar meteorological observations. The relief party of 1883, dis- 
 patched to the rescue of the explorers, was unfortunately put under the 
 control of military men, who not only failed to reach their destination, but 
 even to leave a supply of food where Greely and his men might justly 
 expect to find one. 
 
 As a result of this failure, the explorers were obliged to abandon their 
 ships and make their way southwards over almost impassable ice. In Octo- 
 ber they reached Cape Sabine, one of the bleakest spots in -j-i^^. preadfut 
 the Arctic zone. If food had been left there for them all would l-ate of the 
 have been well. But they looked in vain for the expected ^''ee'y Party 
 supplies, and when, in June, 1884, Commodore Schley reached them with a 
 new relief ship, starvation had almost completed its work. Of the whole 
 party only six men survived, and a day or two more of delay would have 
 carried them all away. Among the survivors was their leader, Lieutenant 
 Greely. 
 
 A disaster as fatal in character attended the yca>inellc expedition, sent 
 out by the New York Herald, in 1879, under Commander DeLong, to push 
 north by way of Bering Strait. The vessel was crushed by -^^^^ vslXjuX 
 the ice in 1S82, and the crew made their way over the frozen " Jeannette" 
 surface past the New Siberian Islands to the mouth of the Expedition 
 Lena River, on the north coast of Siberia. Here starvation attacked them, 
 and DeLong and many of his men miserably perished, their bodies being 
 
532 
 
 GREAT DISCOVERERS AND EXPLORERS 
 
 found b)' Engineer Melville, one of their companions, who had pushed 
 south to the Siberian settlements and secured aid, with which he heroically 
 returned for the rescue of the unfortunate mariners. 
 
 Another expedition calling for attention was that of Adolf Erik 
 Nordenskjold, a Swedish scientist. The purpose of this enterprise was to 
 discover, if possible, a practical commercial route through the waters north 
 of Europe and Asia, the long sought-for Northeast Passage. In 1878 
 Expedition Nordenskjold set out in the Vega, commanded by Captain 
 
 of Prof. Nor- Pallander, of the Swedish Navy. The party succeeded in 
 ens JO making the long journey round the northern coasts of Eu- 
 
 rope and Asia, wintering in Bering Strait and reaching Japan in 1879. 
 This vessel was the first one to round the northernmost point of Asia, and 
 Nordenskjold was rewarded by being made a baron and a commander of the 
 order of the Pole Star in his own country, and by marks of distinction from 
 several others of the courts of Europe. 
 
 Since 1890 the work of polar exploration has taken new forms. In 
 
 1870 Nordenskjold made a journey into Greenland, and a second one in 
 
 1883, penetrating that island more than 100 miles and reach- 
 
 LandJourneys -^ ^ snow-clad elevation of 7,000 feet. In 1886 Lieutenant 
 in Greenland -^ _' 
 
 Robet E. Peary, of the United States Navy, made a similar 
 
 journey, and in 1888 Dr. Frithjof Nansen, a Norwegian explorer, crossed 
 the southern part of the island on snowshoes from east to west. 
 
 In 1 89 1 Peary proceeded with a small party to McCormick Bay, a locality 
 far up on the west coast of Greenland, whence he set out in the following 
 spring with a single companion for a sledge journey over the northern 
 section of the island. After a remarkable journey of 650 miles he reached 
 the northeast coast of Greenland, at 81°, t,j" N. latitude, but the appear- 
 ance of an area of broken stones impassable by sledges cut off his progress 
 Peary Crosses to the far north. In 1895 Peary repeated this journey, but 
 
 North Qreen- failed to make farther progress northward. 
 
 ^" During the final decade of the century polar expeditions 
 
 became numerous. Walter Wellman, a young American journalist, attempted 
 in 1894 to reach the pole by sledge and boat over the Spitzbergen route, 
 but his supporting vessel was crushed in the ice, and he was forced to retreat 
 when near the 81st parallel, He made a second "dash for the pole " in 
 1898-99, but was disabled by an accident, and again obliged to return with- 
 out success. In 1894 Frederick G. Jackson, an English explorer, visited 
 Franz Joseph Land, an island region discovered by an Austrian expedition 
 in 1872-74, and whose northern extension was not known. He remained 
 on this island three years, carefully exploring it, and in 1896 stood on its 
 
GREAT DISCOVERERS AND EXPLORERS 
 
 533 
 
 northern extremity, near the Sist parallel, and in view of an open ex 
 panse of polar waters. Jackson's most notable service to science was the 
 rescue of the daring explorer Nansen, whose expedition needs next to be 
 described. 
 
 I'rithjof Nansen, whose crossing of Greenland has been mentioned, 
 soon after projected an enterprise of a new character. There was excellent 
 rfeason to suppose that a strong ocean current crossed the polar area, flow- 
 ing from the coast of the Eastern hemisphere across to Greenland and 
 down both shores of that island. By trusting to the drift in- 
 fluence of this current a vessel mitrht be carried past the pole '^=>psen and His 
 
 Enterprise 
 
 and the long banning mystery solved. Nansen accordingly had 
 a vessel constructed adapted to resist the most powerful crushing force, 
 and so formed that a severe ice pressure would lift it to the surface of 
 the floe. In this vessel, the Fram, he set out in June, 1893, sailed east to 
 the vicinit)- of the New Siberia Islands, and there made fast his ship to an 
 ice floe, with the hope that the current would slowly carry ice and ship 
 across tlie polar area. 
 
 I'"or three years Nansen and his crew were lost to all knowledge of man, 
 in these frozen seas, and all hopes of his return had nearly vanished 
 when he triumphantly reappeared, having achieved a marvelous success, 
 even though short of that which he had desired. P"or more than a year the 
 Fram had drifted slowly northward, and on Christmas eve, 1894, the lati- 
 tude of 83 degrees 24 minutes, reached by the Greely expedition, and the 
 liighest yet attained, was passed. In March, 1895, Nansen left the ship, 
 dissatisfied with its slow progress, and with one companion started on a 
 sledge journey to the north. But the ice grew so difficult to cross and his 
 dog teams so depleted in number, that, after a desperate effort, he was 
 obliged to give uj) the enterprise on April 7ih. He had then reached 
 latitude 86 degrees 14 minutes, being 200 miles nearer the pole than former 
 e.vplorers had gone, and within 300 miles of that " farthest north " point. 
 The vessel which he had left continued to drift north until il jsansen's 
 reached 85 degrees 57 minutes, when it turned southward. "Farthest 
 Here the sea was found to be deep, and the belief that the North 
 pole might be surrounded by a land area was disproved. It lies probably 
 in a sea region of over 10.000 feet in depth. 
 
 Nansen and Johansen, his companion, finally reached the coast of 
 Franz Joseph Land, where they drearily spent the winter of 1895-96, living 
 on the flesh of bears and walrusses, which they shot. In the spring they set 
 out to cross the ice to Spitzbergen, and after two unsucessful attempts had 
 the good fortune to meet Dr. Jackson on the shores of Franz Joseph Land. 
 
534 
 
 GREAT DISCOVERERS AND EXPLORERS 
 
 The incident was one of the most notable in the history of research it 
 seeming next to impossible that almost the only human beings in i he 
 vast area of the frozen north should have the remarkable 
 The Rescue of fortune to come together. The voyagers completed their 
 journey home in Jackson's supply ship, the Windward, their 
 arrival in the realms of civilization being one of the most striking events of 
 the century. In 1897 Jackson returned, having explored and mapped Franz 
 Joseph Land. 
 
 The final years of the century were very active in polar research. A 
 new explorer of Swedish birth, S. A. Andree, devised a plan of reaching 
 the pole as original as that of Nansen, and thought by many to be more 
 hopeful. This was the taking advantage of the currents of air, instead of 
 those of water. Mr. Andree was an aeronaut of experience, and found it 
 possible, by aid of a rope drag and a rubber sail, to direct the motion of a 
 balloon somewhat aside from the course of the wind. A balloon seemingly 
 suitable for his enterprise was constructed, and in the summer of 1897 he 
 Andre'e's Fatal ^^"^ '^^^ ^°'' ^^^ north with two companions, and with ardent 
 Balloon Ven. hopes of returning successful in a few months. Unhappily, 
 ^"■''^ accident or miscalculation interfered with the plans of the 
 
 adventurous aeronaut, and he and his companions have failed to return. 
 They have in all probability fallen victims to the terrible conditions of the 
 northern zone. 
 
 In 1898 Lieutenant Peary set out again for the scene of his former 
 triumph, now equipped for a continued effort to solve the problem of the 
 pole. He proposed to establish depots of provisions at successive points 
 in the north, and to continue the enterprise for years if necessary, finally 
 dashing polar-ward from his farthest north station. In the same year the 
 Norwegian Captain Sverdrup proceeded to the same locality in the famous 
 Fram, with purposes analogous to those of Peary. In 1899 the adventurous 
 Italian Prince Luigi, set out for Franz Joseph Land, well equipped for a 
 journey north, and proposing to devote several years to the enterprise. 
 
 Thus there is room for hope that the pole may be reached by the end 
 of the nineteenth century, or before the twentieth century is many years 
 advanced. Meanwhile the enterprise of South Polar exploration, long 
 aeglected, has been actively revived. Several expeditions have recently 
 visited that region, and active steps are being taken for its exploration on 
 a larger scale. 
 
CHAPTER XXXVII. 
 
 Robert Fulton, George Stephenson, and the 
 Triumphs of Invention. 
 
 IN no direction has the nineteenth century been more prolific than in that 
 of invention, and its fame in the future is lilcely to be largely based on 
 its immense achievements in this field of human activity. It has 
 been ijreat in other directions, — in science, in exploration, in political and 
 moral development, but it is perhaps in invention and tlic industrial adapta- 
 tion of scientific discovery that it stands hig^hest and has done most for the 
 advancement of mankind. And it is a fact of great interest that much the 
 
 most strikinir and important work in this direction has been , , ^ 
 
 •^ [ An.!>;lo-Saxon 
 
 done by the Anglo-Sa.xon race, in many respects the most Activity in 
 enterprising and progressive race upon the face of the earth. Invention 
 For the beginning of this work, during the eighteenth centur)-, credit must 
 be given to Great Britain, and especially for the notable invention of the 
 steam engine, which forms the foundation stone of the whole immen.se 
 edifice. But to the development of the work, during the nineteenth cen- 
 tury, we must seek the United States, whose inventive activity and the 
 value of its results have surpassed those of any other region of the earth. 
 
 We cannot confine ourselves to the nim-teenth century in considering 
 tiiis subject, but must go back to the eighteenth, and glance at the epocli^ 
 making discovery of James Watt, the fam.ous Scottish engi- james Watt ana 
 neer, to whom we owe the great moving force of nineteenth the steam 
 century industry and progress, and whose life extended until "K'ne 
 1819, well within the century. There exists an interesting legend that his 
 attention was first attracted to the power of steam when a boy, when sitting 
 by the fireside and observing the lid of his mother's tea-kettle lifted by the 
 escaping steam. It is not, however, to the discovery, but to the useful 
 application of steam power that his fame is due. The use of steam as a 
 motive power had been attempted long before, and steam pumps used 
 almost a century before Watt's great invention. What he did was to pro- 
 duce the first effective steam engine, the parent machine upon which the 
 multitudinous improvements during the succeeding century were based. 
 
 535 
 
536 THE TRIUMPHS OF INVENTION 
 
 While the eighteenth century is notable for the discovery of the steam 
 engine and for the first stages in the production of labor-saving machinery, 
 the great triumphs in the latter field of invention were made in the suc- 
 ceeding century, during which era the powers of human production were 
 Nineteenth developed to an extent not only unprecedented, but almost 
 
 Century incredible, the powers of man, aided by steam and electricity, 
 
 Invention being increased a hundred-fold during a century of time. It 
 
 would need a volume devoted to this subject alone to tell, even in epitome, 
 all that has been done in this direction, and here we must confine ourselves 
 to a rapid review of the leading results of inventive genius. 
 
 Both in Great Britain and in America notable triumphs in the invention 
 of labor-saving machines were accomplished in the closing period of the 
 eighteenth century. These include the famous British Inventions of the 
 spinning jenny of James Hargreaves, the spinning frame of Sir Richard 
 Arkwright, and the power loom of Dr. Cartwright, the first notable aids in 
 cotton manufacture. These were rendered available by the cotton-gin of 
 Eli Whitney, the American inventor, by whose genius the production of 
 cotton fibre was enormously cheapened. Other celebrated American 
 inventors of this period were John Fitch, to whose efforts the first practical 
 steamboat was due, and Oliver Evans, who revolutionized milling machinery, 
 
 his devices in flour anci trrist mills beingr in use for half a cen- 
 Labor-saving _ ?> , ~, . 
 
 Machinery of tury after his death. He was also the first to devise a steam 
 
 the Eighteenth (,^rriage, and in 1804 built a steam dredger, which propelled 
 
 itself through the streets of Philadelphia and afterwards was 
 
 moved as a stern-wheel steamboat on the Schuylkill River. Another famous 
 
 invention of this period was the nail machine of Jacob Perkins, patented in 
 
 1795, though not fully developed until 1810. At that time nails were all 
 
 ITand-wrought, and cost twenty-five cents a pound. By this machine the 
 
 ancient hand process was speedily brought to an end and the price of nails 
 
 has since been reduced to little more than that of the iron of which they are 
 
 made. Another famous American inventor of early date was Thomas 
 
 Blanchard, the most notable of whose many inventions was the Blanchard 
 
 lathe, developed in 18 19, for the turning of irregular forms, a contrivance 
 
 of the utmost value in doing away with slow and costly methods of labor. 
 
 Of early inventions of the nineteenth century, however, the most 
 
 The steamboat "otable were the steamboat and the locomotive, the later de- 
 
 and Locomo- velopment of which has been of extraordinary value to man- 
 
 *'^^ kind. Previous to the century under review, for a period of 
 
 several thousand years, the horse had been depended on for rapid land travel 
 
 the sail for rapid motion on the water. The inventions of Fulton and 
 
THE TRIUMPHS OF INVENTION 537 
 
 Steuhenson brouj^^ht these ancient systems to an end, and within a siiii^le 
 century produced a magical ciiange in the ability of man to make his way 
 over the surface of land and sea. 
 
 The application of steam to the movement of boats had been tried by 
 several inventors in Great Britain and America in the eighteenth century, 
 the most successful being John Fitch, whose steamboat was used for months 
 iin the Delaware about 1790. But the earliest inventor to produce a com- 
 mercially successful steamboat was Robert Fulton, another American, 
 whose boat, tlic Clermont, was given its trial tri[) on the Hudson in 1S07. 
 
 This boat, in which was employed the principle ol the side paddle- 
 wheel, and which used a more powerful engine than John Fulton's Boat 
 Fitch could command, was completed in August, 1807, and the •• aer- 
 excited a great degree of ])ublic interest, far more than had '"** 
 l)een given to the pioneer steamboat. Monday, September 11, 1S07. the 
 timi; set for sailing, came, and expectation was at its highest pitch. The 
 friends of the inventor were in a state of feverish anxiety lest the enterprise 
 should come to grief, and the scoffers on the wharf were ready to give vent 
 to shouts of derision. Precisely at the hour of one the moorings were 
 thrown off, and the Clcrmo7it mt)ved slowly out into the stream. Volumes 
 t)f smoke rushed forth from her chimney, and her wheels, which were 
 uncovered, scattered the spray far behind her. The spectacle was certainly 
 novel to the people of those days, and some of the crowd on the wharf 
 
 broke into shouts of ridicule. Soon, however, the jeers grew _.. ... . 
 
 ' 'J * 1 he Hirst 
 
 silent, for it was seen that the steamer was increasing her speed. steamboat 
 
 Soon she was fairlv under wav, and making a steadv pro- Trip Up the 
 
 1 '1 ' c c M 1 ' -T-i Hudson 
 
 gress up the stream at the rate 01 nve miles per hour. 1 he 
 
 incretlulity of the spectators had been succeeded by astonishment, and 
 now this feeling gave way to undisguised delight, and cheer after cheer went 
 up from ilie vast throng. In a little while, however, the boat was observed 
 to stop, and the enthusiasm at once subsided. The scoffers were again in 
 their glory, and unhesitatingly pronounced the enterprise a failure. But to 
 their chagrin, the steamer, after a short delay, once more proceedeil on her way, 
 and this time even more rapidly than before. Fulton had discovered that 
 the paddles were too long, and took too deep a hold on the water, and had 
 stopped the boat for the purpose of shortening them. 
 
 This defect remedied, the Clermont continued her voyage during 
 the rest of the day and all night, without stopping, and at one o'clock the 
 next day ran alongside the landing at Clermont, the seat of Chancellor 
 Livingston. She lay there until nine the next morning, when she continued 
 
538 THE TRIUMPHS OF INVENTION 
 
 her voyage toward Albany, reaching that city at five in the afternoon. On 
 
 her return trip, slie reached New York in thirty hours running time — exactly 
 
 five miles per hour. 
 
 The river was at this time navigated entirely with sailing vessels. The 
 
 surprise and dismay excited among the crews of these vessels by the 
 
 r^^. T~^ ^ ^ appearance of the steamer was extreme. These simple 
 The Effect of '^'^ ^ 
 
 the Steam- people beheld what they supposed to be a huge monster, 
 boat on River vomiting fire and smoke from its throat, lashing the water 
 with its fins, and shaking the river with its roar, approaching 
 rapidly in the face of both wind and tide. Some threw themselves flat on 
 the decks of their vessels, where they remained in an agony of terror until 
 the monster had passed, while others took to their boats and made for the 
 shore in dismay, leaving their vessels to drift helplessly down the stream. 
 
 The introduction of the steamboat gave a powerful impetus to the 
 internal commerce of the Union. It opened to navigation many important 
 rivers whose swift currents had closed them to sailing craft, and made rapid 
 and easy communication between the most distant parts of the country 
 practicable. The public soon began to appreciate this, and orders came in 
 rapidly for steamboats for various parts of the country. Fulton executed 
 these as fast as possible, several among the number being for boats on the 
 Ohio and Mississippi rivers. 
 
 The subsequent history of this important invention need but be glanced 
 at Iiere. The first steamship to cross the ocean was the Savannah, which 
 set out from the city of that name in 1819, and reached Liverpool by the 
 combined aid of wind and steam in twenty-eight days. The first to cross 
 entirely by steam power was the Royal William, a Canadian-built vessel, in 
 1833. A year or two later the Great Britain, the first iron ocean steamer — 
 322 feet long by 31 feet beam — crossed the ocean in fifteen days. Since then 
 the development of steam navigation, alike on inland and ocean waters, has 
 been enormous, and an extraordinary increase has been made in the size 
 and speed of steam vessels. Forty years ago the fastest ocean steamer 
 took more than nine days to cross from New York to Queenstown. This 
 Development journey can be made now in a little over five days. As 
 of Ocean regards size, the great Oceanic, whose first voyage was made 
 
 teamers j^^ 1 899, surpasses any other boat ever built. This sea- 
 
 monster is 704 feet long, and has a displacement of 28,000 tons, while it 
 is capable of steaming around the earth at twelve knots an hour with- 
 out recoaling. Its engine power is enormous, and its carrying capacity 
 unprecedented. This leviathan considerably outranks in dimensions the Great 
 
THI-: TRIUMPHS OF INVENTION 541 
 
 Eastern, the former ocean marvel and fitly typifies the progressof the century. 
 As will be remembered the Gnat Eastern jiroved a failure, while the Oceanic 
 is a pronounced success. 
 
 Important as has been the invention of the steamboat, it is much 
 surpassed by that of the locomotive and the railroad, which have increased 
 the ease, cheapness, and rapidity of land travel and freight transportation 
 far more than steam navigation has increased traffic by water. While the 
 sailing vessel falls short of the steamship as an aid to commerce, the 
 difference between the two is very much less than that between the horse 
 and the locomotive, the iron rail and the ordinary road, and the railroad has 
 achieved a revolution in transportation equal to that made by the steam 
 engine in manufacture. 
 
 The motor engine is, aside from the work of Oliver Evans, already 
 mentioned, solely a result of nineteenth century enterprise. The railroad 
 came earlier, first in the form of tramways of wood ; the earliest iron rails 
 being laid in England about 1767. But it was not until after 1800 that an 
 attempt was made to replace the horse by the steam carriage on these roads. 
 Of those who sought to solve this problem, George Stephenson, a poor 
 English workingman, stands decidedly first. While serving as fireman in a 
 colliery, and later as engineer, he occupied himself earnestly in the study of 
 machinery, and as early as 1814 constructed for the colliery a traction engme 
 with two cylinders. This was seated on a boiler mounted on wheels, which 
 were turned by means of chains connected with their axles. It drew eight 
 loaded cars at a speed of four miles an hour. This was a clumsy affair, 
 weak in power, and Inefficient in service, but it was much superior to any 
 other engine then in use, and was improved on greatly bj- his second engine, 
 built the following year, and in which he used the steam blast-pipe. These 
 early engines were not much esteemed, and the horse con- q^.^^^^ g^^pl^^^^ 
 tinned to be employed in preference, the first passenger rail- son and the 
 road, the Stockton and Darlington, opened in 1S25, being run Locomotive 
 by horse-power. Meanwhile Stephenson continued to work on the locomo- 
 tive, improving it year after year, until his early ventures were far surpassed 
 in efficiency by his later. A French engineer, M. Scguin, in 1826, successfully 
 introduced locomotives in which improved appliances for increasing the 
 draught were employed. At that time, indeed, inventors seem to have been 
 actively engaged on this problem, and when the Liverpool and Manchester 
 Railway, begun in 1825, offered premiums for the best engines to be run at 
 high speed, a number of applicants appeared. The premium was easily won, 
 in 1830, by Stephenson's " Rocket," the most effective locomotive yet 
 produced. This antediluvian affair, as it would appear to-day, weighed 
 7f> 
 
542 THE TRIUMPHS OF INVENTION 
 
 only 4'/4! tons, but was able to draw a load of 17 tons at an average speed 
 of fourteen miles an hour, sometimes reaching seventeejn miles. When 
 The Perform- '""^"^ alone it attained thirty miles an hour, to the amazement 
 ance of the and admiration of the public. It is to George Stephenson 
 "Roc et .^g Q^g j.j^g locomotive as an effective piece of mechanism. 
 
 " He found it inefficient," says Smiles, " and he made it powerful, efficient 
 and useful." 
 
 While these events were taking place in England and France, the new 
 idea had taken root in America, and the inventors and engineers of the 
 United States set themselves to the development of the problem. Short 
 lines of railway, for horse traction, were laid at early dates, the first loco- 
 motive, the " Stourbridge Lion," being imported from England and placed 
 on a short line at Honesdale, Pa., in 1829. The Baltimore and Ohio, the 
 first passenger railroad in the United States, was begun in 1830, and on it 
 was tried the earliest American-built locomotive, the production of Peter 
 Cooper, the celebrated philanthropist of later years. This was a toy affair, 
 First American with a three and a half inch cylinder, an upright tubular boiler 
 Railroads and made of old gun barrels, and a fan blower to increase the 
 Locomotives draught. Its weight was two and a half tons. Yet it did not 
 lack speed, making the run from Baltimore to Ellicott's Mills, twenty-seven 
 miles, in an hour. But the first serviceable American locomotive was the 
 " Best Friend," built at West Point, N. Y., and run on the Charleston and 
 Hamburg Road, in South Carolina, in 1830, shortly after Stephenson's 
 "Rocket" had been tried. The "Best Friend" could make more than 
 thirty miles an hour, and could draw a train of four or five coaches, with 
 forty to fifty passengers, at twenty miles an hour. It was inferior to the 
 " Rocket," however, in design, and its career came to a sudden end through 
 the zeal of a negro fireman, who sat on the safety valve to stop the escape 
 of steam. The fireman shared the fate of the locomotive. 
 
 Such was the railroad as it began, — a microscopic event. To day it is 
 
 of telescopic magnitude. At the end of 1831 there were less than a hundred 
 
 miles of railroad in the United States, and probably still fewer 
 
 [Development of elsewhere. At the end of the century this country alone had 
 The Railroad -' -' 
 
 over 180,000 miles of railroad, while there were single railroad 
 
 systems with more than 8000 miles of track. In the whole world there were 
 
 about 450,000 miles of road, — only two and a half times the mileage of the 
 
 United States. 
 
 As for the development of the locomotive, the railroad carriage, the 
 
 track, etc., it has been enormous, and sixty miles an hour for passenger 
 
 trains is now a common speed, while the numbers of people and tons of 
 
THE TRIUMPHS OF INVENTION 
 
 513 
 
 frei>^ht transported annually l)y tiie railroads of the world arc- incredibly 
 great. We cannot here undertake to describe the notable feats of engineer- 
 ing which have carried railroads over rivers and chasms, over mountains 
 impassable otherwise except by sure-footed mules, across deserts too hot and 
 diyeven for mule trains. " No heights seem too great to-day, no valleys too 
 tleep, no canons too forbidding, no streams too wide; if commerce demands 
 it the engineer will respond and the railways will be built." The railroad 
 briilges of the country would make a continuous structure from New V'ork 
 to San Irancisco, and include many of the boldest and most original, as 
 well as the longest and highest, bridges in the world. The pioneer railroad 
 suspension bridge at Niagara Falls was as remarkable in its 
 
 day for boldness and originality as for dimensions and success, ^''^at Railroad 
 
 Brid'^es 
 A single span of 821 feet, supported by four cables, carried 
 
 the track 245 feet above the river that rushed beneath. The cables were 
 supported by masonry towers, whose slow disintegration gave occasion for 
 an engineering feat even more notable than the original construction of the 
 bridge. The first railroad bridge across the Ohio was at Steubenville, com- 
 pleted in 1866; the first iron bridge over the Upper Mississippi was the 
 Burlington bridge of 1869. The first great bridge across the Mississippi 
 was Eads' magnificent structure at St. Louis, w-hose beautiful steel arches 
 of over 500 feet span each give no hint of the difficult problems that had to 
 be solved before a permanent bridge was possible at that point. It was 
 completed in 1874. Since then the great river has been frequently bridged 
 for railroads, while its great branch, the Missouri, has been crossed by bridges 
 in a dozen places. 
 
 The steam railroad has been supplemented by the electric street rail- 
 way, which at the close of the century was being extended at a highly 
 promising rate. Passenger travel in cities by aid of the horse railway was 
 inaugurated about the middle of the century, the horse beginning to be 
 replaced by the electric motor in 1S81, when the first railway of this char- 
 acter was laid in Berlin. A second was laid in Ireland in 1883. But the 
 electric steel railway has made its greatest progress in the United States, 
 where the first line went into operation at Richmond, Va., in 1888. This 
 adopted the overhead trolly system, since so widely employed, and the 
 length of line had increased to over 3,000 miles in 1892 and 
 I vooo miles in 1897. Since that date the pro<rress of electric ,t ^^"!^ 
 
 -" ^' . steel Railway 
 
 railways has been enormous, they being extended from the 
 
 cities far into the country, where they come into active competion with 
 the steam roads. Electric locomotives are also in use, and the twentieth 
 
544 ''tip- TRIUMPHS OF INVENTION 
 
 century is likely to see a development of electric traction whicii will have 
 the whole earth for its field, and may perhaps displace the steam road, the 
 great triumph in transportation of the nineteenth century. 
 
 Other recent devices for swift travel are the bicycle, which came extra- 
 ordinarily into use during the last quarter of the century, and the automobile 
 carriage, whose era only fairly began as the century reached its end. It is 
 The Bicycle ''^ '^^^ direction of the latter and of aerial travel that the 
 
 and the twentieth century will perhaps achieve its most notable 
 
 Automobile triumphs in this field. As for the horse, man's most useful 
 servant at the beginning of the century, it was rapidly being displaced at 
 the end, and may during the century to come cease to be employed in the 
 service of man. 
 
 The story of railroading leads naturally to that of progress in iron and 
 steel work generally, which has been extraordinary during the century. Of 
 inventions in this direction perhaps the most notable is the Bessemer steel- 
 making process, which converts iron into steel by the direct addition of the 
 necessary quantity of carbon, and has had the important result of making 
 steel cheaper to-day than iron was not very many years ago. In iron- 
 working machinery the progress has been very great, and in no other field 
 has the genius of the American inventor been more conspicuously dis- 
 Marvels in Iron Played. The same may be said of wood-working machinery, 
 and Wood- in which the most clever mechanism is employed. The result 
 wor ing j^ \\\2lK. many articles in metal and wood, of the most varied and 
 
 useful kinds, formerly almost unattainable by the rich, are now within 
 the easy reach of the poor, and the comfort and convenience of common 
 life to-day are enormously in advance of those enjoyed by our ancestors of a 
 century ago. 
 
 As it is impossible to name all the inventions which conduce to this 
 increase in convenience, it will perhaps suffice to name one alone, the 
 friction match, that most useful of small contrivances, which has relegated 
 into the museum of antiquities the slow and clumsy flint and steel to which 
 the world was for centuries confined. This invention, gradually developed 
 in various countries, owes its cheapness largely to the invention of an 
 American, whose patent, taken out in 1836, first made possible the produc- 
 tion of phosphorus matches on a large scale. 
 
 Mention of the friction match opens to us one broad vista of nine- 
 teenth century progress, too great to be more than glanced at. This 
 embraces the replacement of wood by coal for heating purposes, the devel- 
 opment of the stove, the furnace, the coal-burning grate, and various con- 
 veniences of like character. As regards the tallow candle, which was in 
 
THE TRIUMPHS OF INVENTION 545 
 
 common use during tlie first tliird of the century, it seems as antiquated 
 now as the pyramids. Various kinds of oil succeeded it as prosress in 
 ilhiminants, until the discovery of petroleum set them all illumination 
 aside, and gave the world one of its most useful natural '"*" "^^ '"^ 
 products. Then came tiie illuminating gas. and finally the wonderful electric 
 light, whose Iirilliant glow lighted up thct threshold of the twentieth 
 century. Petroleum, gas and electricity are also beginning to replace 
 coal for heating and cooking purposes, — as coal replaced wood, — and an out- 
 look into the future seems to reveal to us the marvelous electric energy per- 
 forming these and a thousand other services ; this energy yielded, not as now, 
 by costly fuel dug from the earth, but by power derived from falling water, 
 from moving air, from swelling tides and flowing currents, and even from 
 the direct light and heat of the sun. 
 
 We cannot undertake to describe in detail the inventions of the cen- 
 tury, even all those of great service to mankind. A mere inventory of these 
 would more than fill this chapter, and we must confine ourselves to the 
 notable ones of American origin. Among the most important of these 
 may be named the sewing machine, a device gradu.iUy apjjroached through 
 a century of effort, but not made workable until a poor me- Howe and the 
 chanic named Elias Howe attacked the problem, and worked Sewing Ma- 
 it out through years of penury and disappointment. It was 
 the lock-stitch and shuttle to which he owed his success, but thtrse devices, 
 patented by him in 1846, were pirated by wealthy corporations, and years of 
 litigation were necessary before he gained his rights. He finally obtained 
 a royalty of five dollars for each machine made up to i860, and, after the 
 renewal of his patent in that year, one dollar for each machine. The num- 
 bers produced were sufficient to make him very wealthy, and by the time 
 the original patents expired, in 1877, over si.x million machines had been 
 produced and sold by American manufacturers alone. Aside from the vast 
 luimber of sewing machines now used in families, those used in factories 
 are estimated to give employment, throughout the world, to over 20000,00c 
 women. 
 
 Another American invention of the greatest utilit) "s that of vulcanized 
 India-rubber, the production of a poor man named Charles Goodyear, who, 
 like Howe, spent years of his life and endured semi-starvation while persis- 
 tently experimenting. Beginning in 1834, it was 1839 before, ooodyear and 
 after innumerable failures, he discovered the secret of vul- the \'uicaniza- 
 canizing the rubber by means of sulphur. Before that date 
 the softening effect of heat rendered rubber practically useless, but the 
 vulcanized ruljber produced by Goodyear was, before his death in i860, 
 
54^ THE TRIUMPHS OF INVENTION 
 
 applied to nearly five hundred purposes, and gave employment to 60,000 
 persons in Europe and the United States. Since then its utility has very 
 greatly increased, and its recent employment for bicycle and carriage tires 
 opens up a new field for its use which must enormously increase the 
 demand. 
 
 Another of the famous inventions of the century, the electric tele- 
 graph, usually attributed to Samuel Finley Morse, should really be credited 
 to the labors of several scientists both in Europe and America. The merii 
 
 of Morse lay, not in the discovery of the principle of electric 
 Telegraph telegraphy, but in his simplified telegraphic alphabet, which 
 
 has nearly driven out all other devices and has made its way 
 throughout the world. Morse's first line, completed -in 1S44, was the 
 pioneer of a development analogous to that of the railroad. To-day the 
 telegraph runs over all continents and under almost all seas, the length of the 
 telegraph lines in the world at the end of the century being over 
 5,000,000 miles, of which more than half were in America. The tele- 
 phone — the marvelous talking telegraph — invented by Alexander Bell and 
 developed in the final quarter of the century, now has over half a million 
 miles of wire in the United States. 
 
 The mention of the telegraph and telephone calls to our attention one 
 of the ablest and most prolific of American inventors, the imlefatigable 
 Thomas Alva Edison, to whom are due important discoveries in multiple.x 
 telegraphy — the sending of various messages at once over a single wire — in 
 
 telephony, in the incandescent electric light, and other fields 
 The Inventions , 1 i>/r • • r i • i- • • ^1 
 
 of Edison '^^ research. Most surprising 01 his many discoveries is the 
 
 marvelous phonograph, by which the sounds of the human 
 
 voice may be put on permanent record, to speak again in their original 
 
 tones years or centuries hence. 
 
 Other inventors have been active in this field, and extraordinary prog- 
 ress has been made in systems of telegraphy, some of the new inventions 
 being capable of remarkable feats in the rapid sending of messages, while 
 it is possible now to transmit pictures as well as words over the telegraphic 
 wire. 
 
 So vast, indeed, has been the advance in this field of practical science, 
 so many the applications and devices employed, and so wonderful the results, 
 that it seemed as if the powers of telegraphy must be exhausted, when, at 
 the very end of the century, one of its most remarkable results was 
 announced, as the discovery of a young Italian named Marconi. This was 
 the method of " wireless telegrapy," the sending of messages through the 
 air without the aid of connecting wires. This discovery, like most others, 
 
THE TRIUMPHS OF INVENTION 517 
 
 car.iio*. oc credited to one man alone. A number of scientists were experi- 
 mentini,^ with it simultaneously, hut to Marconi is due the honor of a 
 successful and practical solution of the problem. It has long been known 
 that electric energy can produce effects through space by the influence 
 known as induction, in which a moving current causes a reverse Marconi and 
 current to appear in a neighboring wire. By aid of the Wireless 
 very powerful currents now produced this effect may be shown e eg:rap y 
 at a considerable distance. Whether the action in wireless telegraphy 
 is the result of induction, or of a direct passage of electricity through 
 space, must be left for scientists to decide, but the results are astonishing, 
 messages having been sent and received over distances of many miles. It 
 is not well to state how many miles, since the system is still in its infancy, and 
 before these words are read, for all that can now be afifirmed to the contrary, 
 a message may be sent in this manner from America to Europe. 
 
 Wireless telegraphy is a combination of science and invention. Scien- 
 tifically the electric waves appear to How out through the air in all directions 
 from the powerful currents employed. Mechanically a lofty pole seems 
 necessary, and by the aid of a directive contrivance the waves can be sent 
 in a fixed course. In the Marconi contrivance, the electric waves, when 
 received, are made to pass through a vial containing metal filings, which are 
 caused to cohere so as to furnish a direct line of passage for the current. 
 Marconi's special invention is a small tapper which strikes the vial of filings 
 and causes them to fall asunder, thus breaking the current. The public at 
 large, however, is likely to be more interested in results than methods, and 
 in the system of wireless telegraphy there is promise of a development that 
 may supplant all existing telegraphic systems during the century ujion whose 
 threshold we stand. 
 
 In no field of effort have inventors been more active or their results 
 more useful than in the production of labor-saving devices in agriculture. 
 In these we have to do with the yield of food, the very corner-stone of life 
 itself, and whatever seems to increase the product of the fields, Labor-saving 
 or to cheapen the necessaries of life, is of the most direct and Agricultural 
 immediate utility to mankind. This subject, therefore, one of ""pemen 
 vital interest to all the farmers of our country, calls for special notice here. 
 
 Great inventions are not necessarily large or costly. The scythe is a 
 simple and inexpensive tool ; yet the practical perfecting of It by Joseph 
 Jenks, almost at the outset of farm-life in New England, formed an epoch- 
 mark in agriculture. It was the beginning of a new order of things. Put- 
 ting curved fingers to the improved scythe-blade and snath did for the 
 liarvester what had been done for the grass-cutter, gave him an implement 
 
548 THE TRIUMPHS Ob INVENTION 
 
 which doubled or trebled his efficiency at a critical season, and furnished in 
 
 the American grain cradle a farm-tool perfect of its kind, and 
 
 ^^'^.'^^'^"""^ lilvelv to hold its place as long as grain is grown on uneven 
 Tools •' ^ * ^ . . , 
 
 ground. For the great bulk of grain and grain-cutting, the 
 
 scythe and the cradle have been displaced by later American inventions, — 
 mowers and harvesters, operated by animal or steam power, — still they are 
 likely to remain forever a part of every farm's equipment. Their utility is 
 beyond computation. 
 
 The plow supplied to the Colonial farmers, was as venerable as the 
 reaping-hook. It had been substantially unimproved for four thousand 
 years. The moment our people were free to manufacture for themselves, 
 they set about its improvement in form and material, the very first patent 
 granted by the National Patent Office being for an improved plow of cast- 
 iron. The best plow then in use was a rude affair, clumsily made, hard to 
 guide, and harder to draw. It had a share of wrought iron, roughly shaped 
 by the roadside black-smith, a landside and standard of wood, and an ill- 
 shaped mould-board plated with tin, sheet iron, or worn-out saw-plates. 
 Only a stout man could hold it, and a yoke of oxen was needed for work 
 that a colt can do with a modern plow. Its improvement engaged the atten- 
 tion of many inventors, notably President Jefferson, who experimented with 
 various forms and made a mathematical investigation of the shape of the 
 mould-board, to determine the form best suited for the work. He was the 
 first to discover the importance of straight lines from the sole to the top of 
 the share and mould-board. Pinckney discovered the value of a straight 
 line from front to rear. Jethro Wood discovered that all lines, from front 
 to rear, should be straight. The method of drafting the lines, on a plane 
 surface, in designing plows, is due to Knox. The discovery of the import- 
 ance of the centre-draught, and the practical means of attaining it by the 
 
 ^, inclination of the landside inward, is credited to Mears. Gov- 
 
 The Develop- 
 ment of the ernor Holbrook, of New Hampshire, devised the method of 
 
 American making plows of any size symmetrical, so as to ensure the 
 
 complete pulverization of the soil. Col. Randolph, Jefferson's 
 son-in-law, " the best farmer in Virginia," invented a side-hill plow. Smith 
 was the first to hitch two plows together; and Allen, by combining a num- 
 ber of small plow-points in one implement, led the way to the production of 
 the infinite variety of horse-hoes, cultivators, and the like, for special use. 
 But Jethro Wood, of New York, in 1819 and after, probably did more than 
 any other man to perfect the cast-iron plow, and to secure its general use 
 in place of the cumbrous plows of the earlier days. His skill as an inventor, 
 and his pluck as a fighter against stolid ignorance and prejudice, for the 
 
THE TR/UAfPHS OF INI i:\nON 549 
 
 advancement of sensible plowins^f, cost hiin — \vh;it they ouL,^ht to have gained 
 for him — a fortune. The use of cast-iron plows had become general by 
 1825. 
 
 The construction of jilows has since been taken up by a multitude of 
 inventors, the most valuable of improvements, probably, coming through 
 the use of chilled iron, and the most promising from the application of 
 steam-power to plowinof- The increase in the workin^r power . 
 
 » . . Increase of 
 
 of the farmer, from American improvements in plows, may be Working 
 
 estimated from the fact that two million plowmen, with as Power of 
 
 , , , , ... . , the Farmer 
 
 many teams, woultl need to work every day in the year with 
 
 the primitive plow to prepare the soil annually under cultivation in this 
 
 country. It would be impossible, under the ancient system, to do this 
 
 work within the brief plowing season. 
 
 The era of agricultural machinery began about 1825, its earliest p.iase 
 appearing in the application of horse-power to the threshing and cleaning 
 of grain. Already the American tendency to seek practical results by 
 the simplest means, and to make high-priced labor profitable by increasing 
 its efficiency, had been shown in the improvement of a wide range of farm- 
 er's tools, almost everything they had to use being made lighter, neater, 
 and more serviceable. The same improving, practical sense was displayed 
 in devising more complicated labor-saving machines, which made it possible 
 to do easily and directly what had been previously difficult or quite impos- 
 sible to do. Too often, however, the early inventor was defeated by the 
 lack of skilled laluir and jjroper machine tools for making his improvements 
 commercially successful. As soon as the mechanic arts had been sufficiently 
 perfected and e.xtended — largely by American genius —the development and 
 production of agricultural machinery became rapid and profitable. 
 
 Washington had tried a sort of threshing machine as early as 1798; 
 antl one of the first patents issued by the Patent Office was for an improved 
 thresher; yet the Hail held the field until after 1825. In the following 
 twenty-five years over two hundred patents were granted for improvements 
 in threshers, and since then the patents have numbered thou- ._. . . 
 
 ' I hresning; 
 
 sands. By 1840. most of the grain was threshed by horse- Aiachines 
 driven machinery. In 1S53, when a famous trial of rival and Their 
 threshers was held in England, the American machine did 
 three times as much as the best English machine, and did it Ix-tter. In a 
 subsecjuent trial in Erance, the average work of experts with the llail being 
 reckoned as one, that of the best French machine was twenty-five ; of the 
 best English machine, fortv-one ; while Pitt's American machine did the 
 
550 
 
 THE TRIUMPHS OF INVENTION 
 
 work of seventy-four. The application of steam-power greatly increased 
 the efficiency of threshing machines, raising the output from perhaps 2,000 
 bushels a day to six or seven thousand for a single machine. 
 
 Still more significant and important have been the victories of Amer- 
 ican inventors in connection with mowers and reapers. The circumstance 
 that reaping by machinery is as old as the Christian era, and that a multi- 
 tude of comparatively modern attempts have been made, particularly in 
 England, to apply horse-power to the cutting of grass and grain, only added 
 to the merit of inventors like Hussey and McCormick, who practically 
 solved the problems involved by means so simple and efficient that they 
 The American h«'^ve not been and are likely never to be entirely displaced. 
 Reapers and Hussey's mowing machine of 1833 had reciprocating knives 
 owers working through slotted fingers, a feature not only new but 
 
 essential to all practical grass and grain cutters, except the special type 
 known as lawn-mowers. McCormick patented a combination reaper and 
 mower in 1S34, which he subsequently so improved as to make it the neces- 
 sary basis of all reapers. In competitive trials at home and abroad, the 
 American mowers and reapers have never failed to demonstrate their 
 superiority over all others. 
 
 The first great victory, which gave these machines the world-wide fame 
 they have so successfully maintained, was won in London in 1851. In the 
 competitive trial near Paris, in 1855, the American machine cut an acre of 
 oats in twenty-two minutes; the English in sixty-six minutes; the French 
 in seventy-two. In the later competition, local and international, their 
 superior efficiency has been not less signally manifested. By increasing 
 the efficiency of the harvester twenty-fold (and twice that by the self- 
 binders), these products of American invention have played a part second 
 only to railroads in opening up the West to profitable cultivation, rapidly 
 converting a wilderness into the granary of the world. Devices for bind- 
 ing grain as it was cut began to be developed about 1855. 
 
 Harvesters and jhg. j^j-st machine used wire binders: the later twine. The 
 Self-binders ' _ 
 
 combination of reapers and threshers in one machine has been 
 
 most largely developed in California. The largest in use there weighs eight 
 tons ; and, pushed by thirty mules, cuts a swath twenty-two feet wide and 
 eighteen miles long in a day — over forty-eight acres, yielding about as many 
 tons of wheat, which is cut, threshed, cleaned and deposited in 700 sacks. 
 The machine employs a driver, a shearer, a knife-tender, and a sack-lowerer 
 — four men, costing eight dollars a day for wages. 
 
 Less important individually, yet in the aggregate of incalculable assist- 
 ance to agriculture, have been a multitude of American inventions intended 
 
THE TRIUMPHS OF INVENTION 551 
 
 t(i expedite ami lighten the fanner's work — stuniii and stone extractors 
 
 for clearing the ground, ditching machines for drainage systems, fencing 
 
 devices, particularly the barbed wire fence, special plows for breaking up 
 
 new ground, harrows of many types, seeders, planters, culti- _. ^ 
 
 o ' ^ . I ' ' r The Great 
 
 vators, horse rakes, hay tedders and hay loaders, potato and variety of 
 
 rock diggers, corn buskers and shellers, cotton pickers, and Agricultural 
 , 111 1 11- T Implements 
 
 countless other labor-savmg tools and devices. In most cases 
 
 these improved appliances enable one man to do easily the work of several 
 
 working with primitive tools. With the help of machine planters and 
 
 seeders the farmer's work is made at least five times more efficient ; with 
 
 cultivators, ten times ; with potato diggers, twenty ; with harrowers, thirty ; 
 
 with mowers and harvesters, from twenty to fifty ; with corn buskers and 
 
 shellers, a hundred. The latest cotton harvester, employing a team, a 
 
 driver, and a helper, does the work of forty hand-pickers. 
 
 These agricultural machines, by greatly cheapening all food products, 
 have had a wider influence, probably, than any other group of American 
 inventions. In connection with improvements in means of transportation — 
 largely of American origin — they have changed the food conditions of half 
 the world, making food more al)undant, more varied, nion^ wholesome, more 
 s'-curc, and vastly cheaper than ever before. .At the same time they have 
 lightened the farmer's labor, shortened his hours of toil, increased his gains, 
 and quite transformed his social and industrial position. 
 
 The marvelous evolution in tin" nineteenth centur)-, of which we have 
 mentioned only some of the more notable particulars, the wiiole story being 
 far too voluminous to deal with here, has had the result of immensely increas- 
 ing the wealth of the world and the cheapness and rapid distribution of pro- 
 ducts, and of placing within the ready control of mankind hundreds of 
 articles of art and utility scarcely dreamed of a century ago. In textile 
 production, in metal working, in the making of furniture, clothing and other 
 articles of ordinary use, in heating and illumination, in travel and transporta- 
 tion of goods, farm operations, engineering, mining and p^^jy^jj^g 
 excavation, and the production of the tools of peace and the Activity of the 
 weapons of war, in ways, indeed, too numerous to mention, the Mneteenth 
 • • • 1 1 • 1 • 1 r L • 1 Century 
 
 inventive activity and the industrial energy ol the nineteentii 
 century have added enormously to the variety and abundance of useful 
 objects at man's disposal, increased his wealth to an extraordinary extent, 
 and enabled him to move over land and sea with marvelous ease and 
 speed, and to send information around the world with a rapidity that 
 almost annihilates time and space. 
 
552 THE TRIUMPHS OF INVENTION 
 
 Not the least among the results of modern mechanical progress is the 
 vast development in commerce, and particularly in that of the Anglo-Saxon 
 people — the inhabitants of Great Britain and the United States — the com- 
 mercial enterprise of which countries is nowhere else equalled. The ocean 
 commerce of the United States, for instance, has nearly doubled within thirty 
 years, and now amounts to nearly $2,000,000,000 worth of goods annually, 
 two-thirds of which are articles of export. But this great sum 
 Commerceo t e j^ |-^j. f^^,^-, indicatiuQ- the actual commerce of this country. 
 United States ... ... 
 
 since it is greatly surpassed by its interior commerce, the 
 
 movement of goods by aid of river, canal, and railroad from part to part of 
 
 the vast area of the United States, the extent of which commerce it is 
 
 impossible even to estimate. 
 
 The statement of a single fact will suffice to put in striking prominence 
 
 the result of this in increasing the value of property and the wealth of 
 
 the people of this country. In the year 1801, the opening year of the 
 
 century, the ideas entertained of riches differed remarkably from what they 
 
 do now. At that time it is doubtful if there was a person in this country 
 
 worth more than a quarter million of dollars. Thirty years afterwards, 
 
 Stephen Girard, with an estate of about nine million dollars, was looked 
 
 upon as a prodigy of wealth, and his reputation as a man of immense riches 
 
 spread round the world. In 1900, the closing year of the century, there 
 
 were single estates worth more than two hundred million dollars, and the 
 
 number of millionairs in the United States could be counted 
 
 eat an its by the hundreds. As regards the lars^est estates possessed 
 Sources . * . 
 
 in 1 801, there are thousands among us with greater wealth 
 
 to-day, while the general average of property possessed by our citizens has 
 very greatly advanced. 
 
 If it be asked in what this wealth consists, it may be said that the rail- 
 road property of the country alone suffices to account for a considerable 
 proportion of it. The assets of the railroads of the United States are 
 valued at over $12,000,000,000, and the annual profits of their business 
 amounts to a very great sum. Another immense source of wealth is the 
 landed property of the United States, the annual product of which alone is 
 worth over $3,000,000,000. A third great element of wealth consists in the 
 dwellings and other buildings of cities and towns ; and a fourth in the build- 
 ings and machinery of manufacturing enterprises, whose annual products 
 alone are valued at more than $10,000,000,000. It will suffice here to name 
 a fifth great source of wealth, our mines and their productions, particularly 
 those of coal, iron and precious metals. The annual yield of coal alone is 
 worth more than $200,000,000; that of iron more than $90,000,000; those c' 
 
THE TRIUMPHS OF INVENT/ON 553 
 
 gold and silver more than $100,000,000. To these may l)e added an annual 
 production of nearly $60,000,000 worth of copper, and as much of petroleum 
 and its products — each of which nearly equals gold in value, — $12,000,000 
 worth of lead, and large values of other minerals : the grand total being 
 over $750,000,000. 
 
 If these figures should be extended to cover the world, the total 
 sum of values would be something astoumling. What we vsv. ])rincipall\- 
 concerned with here is the fact that this vast total o{ wealth is Expansion of 
 very largely the result of nineteenth century enterprise, and Vaiues Durinj: 
 mainly as applied in Europe and the northern section of North "^ ^" "*"* 
 America. What the percentage of increase in value has been it is quite 
 impossible to state, but the wealth of the world as a whole is probably more 
 than double what it was a century ago, while that of such expanding coun- 
 tries as the United States has increased in a vastly greater proportion. 
 That this growth in wealth will go on during the twentieth century cannot be 
 doubted, but that the proportionate rate of increase will ecjual that of the 
 century now at its end may well be questioned, the inventive activity and 
 application of nature's forces within this century having reached a develop- 
 ment which seems to preclude as great a future rate of progress. The 
 nineteenth may, therefore, perhaps remain the banner century in material 
 progress. 
 
CHAPTER XXXVIIL 
 
 The Evolution in Industry and the Revolt 
 Against Capital. 
 
 INDUSTRY in the past centuries was a strikingly different thmg from 
 what it has been in the recent period. For a centure it has been pass- 
 ing through a great process of evolution, which has by no means 
 reached its culmination, and whose final outcome no man can safely predict. 
 For a long period during the mediseval and the subsequent centuries 
 industry existed in a stable condition, or one whose changes were few and 
 The Conditions "One of them revolutionary. Manufacture was in a large 
 of MediiEval sense individual. The great hive of industry known as a fac- 
 Industry tory did not exist, workshops being small and every expert 
 
 mechanic able to conduct business as a master. Employees were mainly 
 apprentices, each of whom expected to become a master mechanic, or, if he 
 chose to work for a master, did so with an independence that no longer 
 exists. The workshop was usually a portion of the dwelling, where the master 
 worked with his apprentices, teaching them the whole art and mystery of 
 his craft, and giving them knowledge of a complete trade, not of a minor 
 portion of one as in our day. 
 
 The trade-union had its prototype in the guild. But this was in no 
 sense a combination of labor for protection against capital, but of master 
 workmen to protect their calling from being swamped by invasion from 
 without. In truth, when we go back into the past centuries, it is to find 
 ourselves in another world of labor, radically different from that which sur- 
 rounds us to-day. 
 
 It was the steam-engine that precipitated the revolution. This great 
 invention rendered possible labor-saving machinery. From working directly 
 
 upon the material, men begjan to work indirectly through the 
 The Cause of "^ . . *= . 
 
 the Revoiu= medium of machines. As a result the old household indus- 
 
 tion in the tries rapidly disappeared. Engines and machines needed spe- 
 ^ *"^ ^ cial buildings to contain them and large sums of money to 
 
 purchase them, the separation of capital and labor began, and the nine- 
 teenth century opened with the factory system fully launched upon the world, 
 
 554 
 
E VOL UTION IN IND USTRY 555 
 
 The century with which we are concerned is the one of vast accuimila- 
 tions of capital in single hands or under the control of companies, the 
 concentration of labor in factories and workshops, the extraordinary 
 development of labor-saving machines, the growth of monopolies on the 
 one hand and of labor unions on the other, the revolt of labor against 
 the tyranny of capital, the battle for shorter hours and higher wages, the 
 coming of woman into the labor field as a rival of man, the development of 
 economic theories and industrial organizations, and in still Present Aspect 
 other ways the growth of a state of affairs in the world of of the l-abor 
 industry that had no counterpart in the past, and which we y"«-"5»t <>" 
 lu)pe may not extend far into the future, since it involves a condition of 
 anarchy, injustice, and violence that is certainly not calculated to advance 
 the interests of mankind. 
 
 In past times wealth was largely accumulated in the hands of the 
 nobility, who had no thought of using it productively. Such of it as lay 
 under the control of the commonalty was applied mainly for commercial 
 purposes and in usury, and comparatively little was used in manufacture. 
 This state of affairs came somewhat suddenly to an end with the invention 
 of the steam-engine and of labor-saving machinery. Capital 
 was largely diverted to purposes of manufacture, wealth grew , '-'^"" '"" 
 
 ^ J 1 1 » In Industry 
 
 rapidly as a result of the new methods of production, the 
 making of articles cheaply required costly plants in buildings and machinery 
 which put it beyond the reach of the ordinary artisan, the old individuality 
 in labor disappeared, the number of employers largely diminished and that 
 of employees increased, and the mediaeval guild vanished, the workmen 
 finding themselves exposed to a state of affairs unlike that for which their 
 old organizations were devised. 
 
 A radically new condition of industrial affairs had come, and the 
 industrial class was not prepared to meet it. Everywhere the employers 
 became supreme and the men were at their mercy. Labor was dismayed. 
 Its unions lost their industrial character and resumed their original form of 
 purely benevolent associations. Such was the state of affairs in the early 
 years of the nineteenth century. Industry was in a stage of transition, and 
 inevitably suffered from the change. It was only at a later date that the 
 idea of mutual aid in industry revived, and the trade union — a new form of 
 association adapted to the new situation — arose as the lineal successor of 
 the old society of artisans. 
 
 The trade union resembles the old industrial association in general char- 
 acter, and in modes of action, but is much more extensive and concentrated in 
 organization and far-seeing in management, in accordance with the vast 
 
556 EVOLUTION IN INDUSTRY 
 
 expansion of industries and the changed relations of the workingman. 
 
 The new form of association was not welcomed by the employers, who 
 
 scented danger afar. They attacked it in the press, in the 
 The Trade Union , . , , , , . i -n , i i 
 
 legislature, and by every means at their command, out the trade 
 
 union had come to stay, hostile legislation failed to destroy it, and the 
 opposition of employers to check its growth. It slowly, but steadily 
 advanced, increased in strength and unity of purpose, gained legislative 
 recognition, and in time became a legally protected institution and one of 
 the powerful forces in modern industry. 
 
 The trade union had Its origin in England, in which country the modern 
 conditions of industry rapidly gained a great development. It appeared in 
 a crude form near the end of the eighteenth century, one of the earliest 
 societies known being the " Institution," established by the cloth-workers of 
 Halifax in 1796. Many other unions were formed during the first twenty 
 years of the nineteenth century, in spite of persecution and attempts at re- 
 pression. It was not until 1825, however, that they gained legal recognition, 
 and not until 187 1 that they obtained permanent protection for their property 
 and funds. Some of the earlier unions still survive, though many changes 
 have taken place in their constitution. 
 
 In 1850 a new departure was taken, in the formation of the Amalgam- 
 ated Society of Engineers, one of the most perfect types of a trade union 
 in the world. It is organized for the mutual benefit of its members as well 
 as for protection against oppression by employers, and the annual tax upon 
 Progress and '"^^ members for various purposes amounts to as much as 
 Purpose of $15.00 per year, often more. Others of the same character 
 tie nions followed, and in all there are about 2,000 trade unions in 
 Great Britain and Ireland, with a membership of nearly 2,250,000, and an 
 annual income of about $10,000,000. 
 
 The purposes of the union are various. The mutual aid and benefit 
 feature is secondary to the protective purpose, which is to secure the most 
 favorable conditions of labor that can be obtained. This includes efforts to 
 raise wages and to prevent their fall, reduction of hours of labor and pre- 
 vention of their increase, the regulation of apprentices, overtime, piecework, 
 and many other difficulties which arise in the complicated relations of labor 
 and capital. 
 
 It is generally acknowledged that the trade union has reached its 
 highest state of organization and power in Great Britain, and that the 
 British workman, in consequence, controls the situation more fully than in 
 any other country. This form of organization has only of late years 
 appeared on the continent of Europe, freeciom to combine have been denied 
 
, .o„o .. , ■'■HE HER° Of THE STRIKE, COAL CREEK, TENN. 
 
 In ISna a period of great labor agitation began, lasting for M.veral years. One of the most heroic fignres of those 
 troublesome limes is ( olo.iel Anderson, un.ler a tlag of Irueo, meeting the infuriatui inirtrs at ('oal Treek, 
 
1 
 
EVOLUr/ON LV INDUSTRY 559 
 
 to workmen in most countries until late in the century. There are excellent 
 unions in the Australian colonies, both these and those of the mother coun- 
 tr)' being superior in organization and influence to the trade unions of the 
 United States, though those of the latter country- have gained much in 
 power and cohesion in recent years. 
 
 The first great combination of all trades was the International Work- 
 ingmen's Association, founded in London in 1847, and in- ^. . 
 
 11 i_- u-i -11 The Intema- 
 
 tended to combine the industrial classes throughout Europe. tional Work- 
 
 Dr. Karl Marx gave it a definite organization on the con- inRmen's As- 
 tinent in 1864. but it was there warped widely from its orig- 
 inal purpose, became a neld for anarchists, and came to an end in 1872. In 
 the United States a general organization called the Knights of Labor was 
 formed in 1869, and at one time had a membership of a million, but has 
 now greatly decreased, being largely replaced by the American F'ederation 
 of Labor, an association of trade unions of very large membership. Of 
 single trade organizations probably the most powerful in this country' is the 
 Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners, with more than 60,000 members. 
 The International Typographical Union, the oldest in America, has a 
 membership of over 40,000, and there are many others of great strength. 
 
 The weapon of offense with which the labor organization seeks to gain 
 its ends is the strike, in which the artisans quit work for the purpose of 
 forcing employers to grant their demands, and endeavor to prevent others 
 from taking their place. The reverse of this is the lock-out, an expedient 
 adopted by capitalists for the purpose of obliging workmen to yield to 
 their demands. 
 
 During the century under consideration strikes have been very numer- 
 ous both in England and America, many of them of great dimensions and 
 serious results. It must suffice to speak of some of the more important 
 of those within the United States. In 1803 occurred a strike of sailors 
 in New York, often spoken of as the first strike in this 
 
 , , , , ■ 1-1 T^e System of 
 
 country', though there seem to have been several in the j,,^ strike 
 
 preceding century. A strike of Philadelphia shoemakers 
 took place in 1805 and one of New York cordwainers in 1809, while as time 
 went on strikes became frequent, with varying results of success and 
 failure. Violence was at times resorted to, and in the early days strikers 
 were tried for conspiracy. As population increased and labor associa- 
 tions became stronger, strikes grew greatly in dimensions, and were fre- 
 quently attended with bloodshed and destruction. Such was the case 
 with the famous railroad strike of 1S77, which interrupted traffic over great 
 part of the country for a week, and resulted in acts of sanguinary violence ax 
 
560 E VOL UriON IN IND USTR V 
 
 Pittsburg. There a lawless mob joined the strikers, the militia were 
 
 attacked and lives were lost, and the railroad buildings 
 Qreat American , , , , 1 i 1 • • 1 
 
 Strikes ^^^'^ ^^^^ were burned, the total loss bemg estimated at 
 
 $5,000,000. The coal miners of Pennsylvania joined the 
 
 strike, and in all about 150,000 men stopped work. 
 
 Since that date strikes have been very numerous and some of them of 
 great proportions. Among these, one of the most notable was that which 
 'began in Chicago on May i, 18S6, in which fully 40,000 men took part. On 
 the 4th, when the disorder was at its height, a meeting of Anarchists was held, 
 in the streets, which the police attempted to disperse on account of the violent 
 and threatening language used. While doing so a dynamite bomb was 
 thrown in their midst, which killed several and wounded about sixty of the 
 officers. This action was denounced by workingmen throughout the 
 country and excited general horror and detestation. 
 
 Another serious strike took place at the Carnegie Steel-Works, at 
 Homestead, Pa., in 1892, which was also attended with bloodshed, the 
 workmen firing on a force of detectives hired to protect the works. The 
 disturbance became so great that the whole military force of Pennsylvania 
 had to be called out. Two years afterwards Chicago was the scene of a great 
 railroad strike, directed against the Pullman Car Works of that city. The 
 movement of trains was greatly interfered with, and in the end President 
 Cleveland sent United States troops to Chicago to maintain order and pro- 
 tect the movement of the mails. 
 
 That the difficulty between capital and labor will ever be settled by the 
 
 strike and the lock-out cannot be expected, though these methods of warfare 
 
 have had the effect of producing some degree of wholesome fear on both 
 
 sides, and of rendering each more likely to offer concessions 
 Arbitration and , -ii • 1 iiiri -r ai- 
 
 Profit Sharing than to mdulge m a costly and doubtiul stnie. A disposition 
 
 to replace violent measures by peaceful arbitration is grow- 
 ing up, while in some instances employers have agreed to share a portion of 
 rheir profits with their employees. This system of profit sharing, origi- 
 nating in France, has been extended to other countries, and appears to have 
 proved very generally successful. Workmen act as if they were real 
 partners in the business, and had their own interests to serve. They do 
 more and better work, and are more careful in the use of tools and mate- 
 rials, so that in some instances the increased profit arising from their 
 carefulness and diligence has covered their share of the proceeds, leaving 
 that of their employers undiminished. Strikes have almost ceased to exist 
 in such institutions, and the future of profit-sharing is full of promise. 
 
FA'OLUriON IN INDUSTRY 
 
 561 
 
 But expedients which leave the cxistinef system practically unchanged 
 can have only a temporary and partial utility. The cause of the difficulty 
 appears to lie deeper and to call for more radical chanyes. It is not easy to 
 l)elieve that a system of perpetual protest and fn-quent strife is Experiments 
 a natural one, and it seems as if it must in tlic future be and Theories 
 replaced by some more peaceful and satisfactory relation be- '" R*^o"*"""^'* 
 tween capital and labor. During the nineteenth century the labor problem 
 has given rise to a number of experiments and tiieories looking towards its 
 solution, an account of which is here in place. 
 
 The chief of the experiments alluded to is that of co-operation, the 
 association of workingmen as producers, a democratic organization of labor 
 calculated, if successfully instituted, to bring the present system to an end, 
 and replace it by one in which the division into employer and employee, 
 capitalist and artisan, will cease to exist, each workman embracing both of 
 these in his single person, the combined property of the group representing 
 the capital of the concern and the profits being equitably divided. This 
 seemingly promising solution of the problem has not hitherto proved satis- 
 factory in practice. In most cases experience and skill in management have 
 been wanting, and the placing of ambitious and influential members of the 
 association in the positions of business manager and financier, regardless of 
 their adaptation to these duties, has wrecked more than one promising 
 co-operative concern. 
 
 But while most of such manufacturing associations of workingmen 
 
 have failed, some have succeeded, and the story of the latter seems to show 
 
 that there is nothing false in the principle, the failure being due to the 
 
 results of injudicious management, as above indicated. The successful 
 
 associations have accumulated large capital, pay good dividends, and are 
 
 noted for the honesty of their operations and the unusual 
 
 ndustry of their members, each of whom feels that the profit Co-operative 
 
 -' ' . . ^ Associations 
 
 from increased or superior product will come to himself. Of 
 
 'co-operative institutions now in existence, the most famous is that of the 
 Rochdale Pioneers, founded at Rochdale, England, in 1844. This associa- 
 ion, organized by twenty-eight poor weavers with a capital of twenty-eight 
 jounds, at first as a distributive enterprise, is now a rich and flourishing 
 nstitution, which adds manufacturing to its distributive interests. 
 
 At first these poor pioneers, who had very slowly collected their small 
 :apital of one pound each, opened a store to supply themselves with pro- 
 visions, having only four articles to sell — flour, butter, sugar and oatmeal. 
 They limited interest on shares to five per cent., and divided profits among 
 nembers in proportion to their purchases, a system which proved highly 
 
562 E VOL UTION IN IND USTR Y 
 
 advantageous. From the first this organization was successful, and by 
 1857 it had 1,850 members, a capital of ^,15,000, and annual sales of ;^8o,ooo. 
 Since then its growth has continued rapid, and it is now in a high state of 
 prosperity. 
 
 There were co-operative societies in Great Britain long before the date 
 of this, and many have been started since, nearly all of them being in the 
 form of co-operative stores, of which the Army and Navy Stores are among 
 the most flourishing. There are now in that country probably over 1,500 
 of these associations, with a million of members, a capital of more than 
 ^10,000,000, and profits of over ^3,000,000 annually. In 1864 there was 
 founded at Manchester a Wholesale Society to supply goods to these stores, 
 and a second at Glasgow in 1869 — the two being now practically one institu- 
 tion. This society purchases and forwards goods, and owns a number of 
 steamships of its own, which traffic with cities on the continent. Its manu- 
 facturing industries are also large, including boot and shoe factories at 
 Leicester, soap works at Durham, woolen-cloth mills at Batley, and other 
 factories elsewhere. There are in addition mills and factories carried on 
 by retail societies, the annual production by these associations being 
 probably considerabl)' over _;/^5,ooo,ooo. It will be perceived from the 
 above statement that the worlcmen's co-operative enterprises in Great 
 Britain comprise one of the important institutions of the country, one that 
 has become firmly established during the latter half of the nineteenth 
 century, and may grow enormously in importance during the twentieth. It 
 is likely to play a prominent part in the solution of the labor question. 
 
 In no other country has this form of association flourished. In France 
 
 profit-sharing has made a much greater progress, and ordinary co-operation 
 
 has met with slight success. In Germany and Austria co-operation has 
 
 taken the form of people's banks. These originated in 1840 
 Co«operation in ... 
 
 Europe and at the little town of Delitzsch, in Saxony, and have flourished 
 
 the United p-reatlv, there beino- several thousand societies in the German 
 states . 
 
 states, with probably two million members and a very large 
 
 business. There are also in Germany a considerable number of productive 
 associations and co-operative dairies, while the latter have greatly flourished 
 in Denmark. In Italy the people's banks have made marked progress, and 
 there are several hundred co-operative dairies, bakeries and other en- 
 terprises. 
 
 Co-operation has made no decided progress in the United States, it 
 being most developed in New England, where it takes the form of associa- 
 tions of fishermen, of creameries and banks. In Philadelphia co-operative 
 building societies have provided workmen with more than 100,000 homes. 
 
EVOLUTION IN INDUSTRY 563 
 
 The co-operative store has not tlourished, and associated nianufacliirc has 
 made little progress, though profit-sharing has been introduced into many 
 large stores and factories. 
 
 Such is the status of the experimental development in associated 
 manufacturing and distributive enterprise. The theoretical phase of this 
 question has gone much furtiier, and has given rise to an extensive popular 
 movement whose final outcome it is not easy to predict. This is really, in 
 its way, an extension of the co-operative idea, being an attempt to make 
 co-operation national, the entire nation becoming one great co-operative 
 association, and the functions of government being extended to cover 
 production and distribution of the necessaries of life, in addition to its 
 present duties. This theory is most commonly known as The Theories of 
 Socialism, though also entitled Nationalism and Collect- Socialism and 
 ivism. Its main purpose is industrial reform, but it seeks to 
 produce by political means what the trade union has attempted to do by 
 non-political agitation. An opposite doctrine, which has many adherents, is 
 known as Anarchism, whose platform contemplates the overthrow of existing 
 institutions and the rebuilding of society from its elements upon the basis of 
 local grouping. This doctrine has attracted to itself much of the ignorant 
 and violent element of the European populations, and has been seriously 
 discredited by the outrages committed by its members. Prominent examples 
 of these were the massacre of the police in Chicago, already mentioned, the 
 excesses of the Commune in Paris, and the acts of violence of the Russian 
 Nihilists. The theory itself is philosophical, even if impracticable, and has 
 been advocated by a number of able men who cannot be charged with its 
 excesses. 
 
 Returning to the doctrines of .Socialism, it may be saitl tiiat it was 
 
 preceded by the concc|)tion of Communism, or equal distrilmtion of liie 
 
 proceeds of labor among the members of a community. This has long 
 
 since passed from the stage of belief to that of experiment, 
 
 r^ • ^- • ^- 1 • 1 r J 1 • I »i Communi.stic 
 
 many Communistic societies havniir been founded m both ^ . .. 
 _■' » _ Societies 
 
 ancient and modern times. The Essenes, prominent in Pales- 
 tine in the time of Christ, were one of the ancient examples. In modern 
 times the United States has been a favorite field for the founding of Com- 
 munistic societies, probably from the reason that they were less likely to 
 come into conflict with existing institutions than in Europe. 
 
 The best known of those societies of a religious character comprise the 
 Dunkers, founded at Ephrata, Pennsylvania, in 1713 ; the Harmony Society, 
 established in 1824, and still in existence at Economy, near Pittsburg; the 
 Separatist Community, established at Zoar, Ohio, in 1817; the Shakers, 
 
564 E VOL UTION IN IND USTR Y 
 
 first organized at Watervliet, N. Y., in 1774; and the Perfectionists, founded 
 by John H. Noyes, at Putney, Vermont, in 1837. Several others, less well 
 known, might be named, but it must be said that the persistence of several 
 of these organizations has been mainly due to the religious enthusiasm of 
 their members, and is in no sense a proof of the economic correctness of their 
 principle. Many of them require celibacy of their members, while the Per- 
 fectionist Society practiced free love until broken up by the strong disap- 
 proval of the community. 
 
 In addition to these religious experiments in Communism, a number 
 of secular communistic societies have been founded in this country. Promi- 
 nent among these was that established by Robert Owen, in 1824, at New 
 Secular Com- Harmony, Indiana. Every effort was made to promote the 
 munistic success of this enterprise, and ten other communities on the 
 
 Experiments g^j^g principle were organized elsewhere, but they all failed 
 in a few years, and the Owenite movement came to an end in this country 
 by 1832. 
 
 A second example was the celebrated Brook Farm enterprise, first sug- 
 gested by Dr. Channing, and founded at West Roxbury, Mass., in 1841. 
 It included the most remarkable group of men and women ever embraced 
 in such an undertaking, among its members being Emerson, Hawthorne, 
 Dana, Ripley, Alcott, and other well known literary men. Its business man- 
 agement was anything but practical, and it came to an end in 1847. The 
 form of community suggested by Fourier, the French theorist, was abun- 
 dantly tried in the United States, where thirty-three communities or 
 "phalanxes" were founded in the years 1842-53. They had all failed 
 
 ijy 1855- 
 
 The result of these efforts to establish societies where everything shall 
 be in common between the members, of which hundreds have been founded 
 and none persisted for more than a few years, except where sustained by 
 religious fanaticism, does not speak well for the practical nature of com- 
 munism. The mass of the people have always kept away from it, and its 
 abrogation of the principle of personal reward for personal effort seems 
 likely to prevent its, ever becoming successful. 
 
 Socialism was originally similar to Communism, but as now under- 
 stood and advocated differs essentially from it, since the principle of 
 equal division of property or products is no longer maintained. 
 Development of Nationalism, or the ownership of all productive property and 
 all manufactures and their products by the nation, with the 
 complete distribution of profits among the people, on the basis of the value 
 to the community of the labor or service of each person, is the existing 
 
EVOLUTIOX IN INDUSTRY 565 
 
 lorin of Socialism. Originated and developed within the nineteenth cen- 
 tury, it has now become one of the prominent social and political move, 
 ments of the age, and some brief description of it is here in order. 
 
 France is the birth place of Socialism in its primary form. Two writers, 
 Mably and Morelly, advanced a scheme for a communistic reorganization of 
 society about the middle of the eighteenth ctMitury, ami in 1796 a commun- 
 istic consjiirary to revolutionize the government, organized by a man named 
 r^abeuf, at the head of a society called the Equals, was discovered and sup- 
 pressed. Later arose Robert Owen in England, with his communistic 
 scheme, and St. Simon and Fourier in Fance, whose plans were only in 
 part communistic. A more properly Socialistic movement was attempted 
 by Louis Blanc in Paris during the revolution of 1848, when national work- 
 shops for the industrial classes of France were established. In Paris 150,- 
 000 workmen were employed in these shops, but they were closed after a 
 brief trial. Their failure, it is claimed, was largely the result of bad man- 
 agement. Of recent English Socialistic movements may be named that of 
 Maurice and Kingsley, the originators of Christian Socialism, which con- 
 tinues to exercise an important influence. 
 
 After 1850 the socialistic movement temporarily declined in Prance 
 and Great Britain, but it gained a great impetus in Germany, under the 
 teachings of certain able and skillful advocates. German Socialism first 
 became active in 1863, through the efforts of Ferdinand Lasalle, though it 
 had earlier supporters. He proposed to establish a German 
 workman's republic, with himself as president; but ended his ,f^ .*.f" 
 
 '^ . _ * _ _ Karl Alarx 
 
 career in the following )'ear, being killed in a duel. After 
 his death his system of "social democracy" fell under the control ot the 
 notable Karl Mar.v, a writer of original genius, to whom Socialism as it 
 exists to-day is largely due. The International Association of Workingmen, 
 as reorganized by him in 1864, changed its purpose from an industrial to a 
 [jolitical one, and soon became a threatening compound of dangerous 
 elements. It was socialistic in aim, having, below its declared purpose of 
 the protection and emancipation of the working classes, schemes for the 
 abolition of the wages system, the state control of all property, and the 
 grading of compensation for labor on the basis of time occupied, instead of 
 on the more logical basis of ability and industry shown and value of 
 product. 
 
 Karl Marx's famous work " Capital," is the ablest and most logical 
 exposition of the socialistic theory yet produced, and has exerted a power- 
 ful influence on recent thought. It set in motion a great political and 
 social movement which has grown with extraordinary rapidity, in spite of 
 
503 
 
 EVOLUTION IN INDUSTRY 
 
 repressive laws against it, and has given rise to a large number of volumes 
 dealing with the subject, some of which have had a phenom- 
 
 The Literature ^^^^ g^|g_ -pj^^ popular little volume entitled " Merrie Eng- 
 
 of Socialism , , „ . . , \ ^ , , , , , -11? 
 
 land IS said to have sold to the number ot considerably 
 
 more than a million copies, while Bellamy's " Looking Backward," which 
 advocates a communistic organization of society, has had a sale of several 
 hundred thousands. 
 
 In recent years Socialism has spread upward from the working classes 
 and gained many advocates among the leaders of thought. It has had a con- 
 siderable development in all western Europe, and particularly in Germany, in 
 which country the Socialists form a powerful political party, which as early 
 as 1887 polled eleven per cent, of the total vote, and gained a considerable 
 membership in the Reichstag. By 1890 its vote had so largely increased 
 that liberalism obtained a majority in the Reichstag. At the end of the 
 
 century the Social Democrat party had <6 members in the 
 Growth of the ^ . ,^ ,.,^^ ,ri/- 
 
 Socialist Reichstag as contrasted with 54 members 01 the Lierman 
 
 Party in Conservatives. The remainder of the 396 members were 
 
 erma y divided among a number of parties, the Clericals or Centre 
 
 being the strongest, with 104 members. As will be seen from these figures, 
 Socialism has made a remarkable advance in that country, having within 
 less than forty years become a power in Parliament. The time may come 
 in the near future when it will be the controlling party in legislature and 
 government. 
 
 In the United States Socialism has grown with less rapidity, yet within 
 recent )ears it has sprung into political importance in the rapid growth of 
 the Populist party, organized in 1892. This new organization gained five 
 senators and eleven representatives in Congress in the year of its 
 origin. In 1896, while its success was no greater, it had the striking effect 
 of gaining the adhesion of the Democratic party, not only to the Free Silver 
 plank in its platform, but to some of its more socialistic features. There are 
 The Populist probably very many citizens of this country of strongly social- 
 Party in the istic views who are opposed to the radical measures advocated 
 United States |^y ^j^^ Populists, and the real strength of Socialism in the 
 United States may be much greater than is commonly supposed. It is shown 
 in other directions than that of party affiliation, and at the end of the 
 century was particularly indicated in the movement for the municipal 
 ownership of street railways, gas works, and other forms of what are known 
 as public utilities. This movement has gone farther in Europe than in this 
 country, several nations owning their railway and telegraph plants, while 
 municipal control of street railways and other public utilities is becoming 
 
EVOLUTION IN INDUSTRY 567 
 
 general. In short, it would be difficult to point to a popular movcmient in 
 
 the history of the world that has made a more rapid and substantial advance 
 
 than has Socialism within the past forty years. 
 
 As the nineteenth century approached its end a new element in the 
 
 economic situation, which had been displaying itself in some measure for a 
 
 considerable number of years, suddenly assumed a striking prominence in 
 
 the United States, and remarkably transformed the industrial situation. 
 
 This was the element of the combination of distributive and ti, r. i 
 
 I nc iiCN'ciop- 
 
 nianufacturing enterprises, shown at first in the growth of mcnt of the 
 the department stores and the pooling of manufacturing ^^^^^ 
 interests, and later in the formation of trusts and monopolies, powerful 
 corporations of industrial interests, which assumetl gigantic proportions in 
 189S and the succeeding years. 
 
 Several of these great organizations, absorbing all the factories or 
 plants of the special trades concerned into single vast corporations, have 
 been in existence for years. Most prominent of these are the Suo-ar Trust 
 and the Standard Oil Company, which have eliminated the element of com- 
 petition from those industries and accumulated their profits in the hands of 
 a few great ca[)italists. 
 
 The complete control of important productive interests gained by these 
 groups of capitalists has instigated those connected with other lines of pro- 
 duction to similar methods, and the formation of- trusts has gone on at an 
 accelerating ratio, until all the great and many of the minor industries of 
 the country have formed trust organizations, while a large number of estab- 
 lishments have been closed, and thousands of workmen and other employees 
 dismissed. 
 
 The result of all this has been to produce a state of affairs in which 
 competition, so long considered the life of trade, is practically eliminated 
 from many branches of industry, while the opportunities for 
 individual enterprise, which have been active for so many cen- o'f Trusts ^"^ 
 turies, have in great part vanished. An economic situation 
 seems at hand in which the mass of the community will be obligeil to assume 
 the position of employees, the class of employers being reduced to a few 
 very rich men, absorbing the profits of industry and holding the remainder 
 of the community in a condition of galling servitude. 
 
 Such an undesirable condition of industrial affairs as is here threatened 
 has naturally aroused a strong feeling of opposition, and the forces of the 
 community are being marshalled to prevent such a radical revolution in 
 industr)-. Just how the brake is to be applied is not clear. It is not easy 
 to prevent capital from [)ooling its forces, and legislation may fail to find a 
 
568 E VOLUTION IN INDUSTRY 
 
 remedy which will reach the root of the disease. Yet a cure must come, in 
 one way or the other — the trust movement being either reversed or carried 
 forward to its logical conclusion. It is being widely recognized and acknow- 
 ledged, even by some of the trust potentates themselves, that the movement 
 thus inaugurated is likely to hasten the advent of socialistic institutions. 
 To What the ^'^^ abolition of individual enterprise under the trust must 
 Trust Must eventually become almost as extreme as it would be in a 
 socialistic community, and if the trust movement continues the 
 principal objection to socialism will be removed. It must be evident to all 
 that the tyranny of a group of irresponsible and grasping capitalists, ambi- 
 tious to obtain enormous wealth, will be much greater than that of officials 
 chosen as the servants of the people, and subject to removal at their will, 
 can ever become. 
 
 The Roman despot wished that all the Roman people had but one 
 neck, that he might cut it off with a single blow. Capital is in a measure 
 reducing itself to this condition, and the people may in time cut off 
 its head in a similar manner. It is easier to deal with the few than with 
 the many, and the relation into which capital and labor has now come 
 can have, sooner or later, only one or the other of two endings. As 
 above said, the evolution now in operation must go forward or go back- 
 ward ; go backward until the former state of affairs is regained, or go 
 forward until industrial slavery grows complete, in which case the people 
 will, in the end, inevitably rebel. It is impossible for such a movement to 
 stop half way, one result or the other must inevitably come, either a return to 
 individualism or a progress to collectivism. Which it shall be depends upon 
 the people themselves. The power is in their hands the moment they elect 
 
 to cast aside their differences and act in concert, and the pres- 
 An Industrial , , .,,,..., , . 
 
 Revolution ence oi a great danger or an mtolerable situation is the one thing 
 
 to bring them to this common action. In such a case it will 
 
 rest with themselves which status of industry they prefer, the old state of 
 
 individualism and competition or a new state of collectivism and industrial 
 
 alliance. Though it is but dimly recognized, the world of industry is in tht 
 
 throes of a revolution, the final result of nineteenth century development, 
 
 and it must be left for the twentieth century to decide what the outcome of 
 
 this revolution is to be. 
 
 I 
 
CHAPTliR XXXIX- 
 Charles Darwin and the Development of Science 
 
 SCIENCE by no means belongs to the nineteenth century. It has been 
 extant upon the earth ever since man began to observe and consider 
 the marvels of the universe. We can trace it back to an age possibly 
 ten thousand years remote, when men began to watch and record the move- 
 ments of the stars in tlie heavens above the broad Babylonian plain. It 
 
 grew active among the Greeks of Alexandria in that too brief _ 
 
 '■ . ^ ^ Progress of 
 
 period before the hand of war checked for centuries the pro- scientific ois. 
 gress of mankind. It rose again in Europe during the medi- covery in th« 
 
 . ... Past 
 
 aival period, and became active during the later centuries of 
 
 this period. In the centuries immediately preceding the nineteenth num- 
 bers of great scientists arose, and many highly important discoveries were 
 made, while theoretical science achieved a remarkable progress, its ranks 
 being adorned by such names as those of Copernicus, Kepler, Galileo, New- 
 ton, and various others of world-wide fame that might be given. Thus at 
 the dawn of the nineteenth century there existed a great groundwork of 
 scientific facts and theories upon which to build the massive future edific(.-. 
 
 This building has been going on with extraordinary rapidity during the 
 ])resent century, and to-day our knowledge of the facts of science is im- 
 mensely greater than that of our predecessors of a century ago ; while of the 
 
 views entertained and theories promulgated previous to 1800, _ , .... . ,, 
 
 r b I Scientific Acti» 
 
 the great sum have been thrown overboard and replaced by vityofthe 
 
 others founded upon a much wider and deeiier knowledsje of Nineteenth 
 , ' 1 & Century 
 
 facts. •' 
 
 New and important theoretical views of science have been reached in 
 all departments. Recent chemistry, for instance, is a very different thing 
 from the chemistry of a century ago. Geology has been largely trans- 
 formed within the century. Heat, once supposed to be a substance, is now 
 known to be a motion ; light, formerly thought to be a direct motion of 
 particles, is now believed to be a wave motion ; new and important concep- 
 tions have been reached concerning electricity and magnetism ; and our 
 knowledge of the various sciences that have to do with the world of life is 
 extraordinarily advanced. As for the practical applications of science, it 
 
 569 
 
570 CHARLES DARWIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF SCIENCE 
 
 may suffice to present the startling fact that the substance of the atmos- 
 phere, scarcely known a century ago, can now be reduced to a liquid and 
 carried about like water in a bucket. 
 
 In view of the facts here briefly stated it might almost be said that 
 science, as it exists to-day, is a result of nineteenth century thought and 
 observation ; since that of the past was largely theoretical and the bulk of 
 its theories have been set aside, while the scientific observations of former 
 times were but a drop in the bucket as compared with the vast multitude 
 of those of the past hundred years. As regards the utilization of scientific 
 facts, their application to the benefit of mankind, this is almost solely the 
 work of the century under review, and in no direction has invention pro- 
 duced more wonderful and useful results. 
 
 Alfred Russell Wallace, one of the most distinguished scientists of 
 recent times, in his work entitled " The Wonderful Century," has made a 
 Wallace's careful inventory of the discoveries and inventions to which 
 
 "Wonderful the progress of mankind is mainly due, and he divides them 
 Century j^^j.^ ^^^ groups, the first embracing all the epoch-making 
 
 discoveries achieved by men previous to the present century, and the second 
 taking in the steps of progress of equal importance which have been made 
 in the nineteenth century. In the first list he finds only fifteen items of 
 the highest rank, and the claims of some even of these to a separate place 
 are not beyond question, since they may not really be of epoch-making char- 
 acter. He puts first in the list the following, viz. : Alphabetic writing and 
 the Arabic notation, which have always been powerful engines of knowledge 
 and discovery. Their inventors are unknown, lost in the dim twilight of 
 prehistoric times. As the third great discovery of ancient times he names 
 the development of geometry. Coming after a vast interval to the four- 
 teenth century A. D., we find the mariner's compass, and in the fifteenth 
 the printing press, both of which beyond question are of the same character 
 and rank as alphabetic writing. From the sixteenth century we get no 
 physical invention or discovery of leading importance, but it witnessed an 
 amazing movement of the human mind, which in good time gave rise to the 
 Epoch-Making great catalogue of advances of the seventeenth century. To 
 Discoveries of this he credits the invention of the telescope, and, though not 
 Past imes ^j- gq^g^] rank, the barometer and thermometer (which he 
 classes as one discovery), and in other fields the discovery of the differential 
 calculus, of gravitation, of the laws of planetary motion, of the circulation 
 of the blood, and the measurement of the velocity of light. To the eight- 
 eenth century he refers the more important of the earlier steps in the evolu- 
 tion of the steam engine and the foundation of both modern chemistry 
 
CHARLES DARWIX AND DEVELOPMENT OE SCIENCE 571 
 
 and electrical science. This completes the list. To the above inanv would 
 
 add Jenner's discovery of vaccination and probably several others. Each 
 
 writer, in makinjr up such a list, would be governed in a measure by his 
 
 personal range of studies, but no one would be likel)- to deviate widely from 
 
 the above list. 
 
 Now what has hitvn the record since 1800? How does the nineteenth 
 
 cetury compare with its predecessors? In Wallace's view it 
 
 , , , . .^ ... Great Dis- 
 
 is not to be compared, as regards scientinc progress and dis- coveries of 
 
 covery, with any single century, but with all past time. In the Nine- 
 fact, it far outstrips the entire prosrress of mankind in the a^res *'^<^"*'i ^en- 
 
 I r » o Jury 
 
 preceduig 1800. 
 
 Estimating on the same basis as that which he previously adopted, 
 Wallace finds twenty-four discoveries and inventions of the first class that 
 have had their origin in the nineteenth century, against the fifteen enumer- 
 ated from all previous time. 
 
 Of the same rank with Newton's theory of gravitation, which comes 
 from the seventeenth centurj-, stands out the doctrine of the correlation and 
 conservation of forces, one of the widest and most far reaching general- 
 izations that the mind of man has yet reached. Against Kepler's laws of 
 planetary motions from the .seventeenth century we can set the nebular 
 theory of the nineteenth. The telescope of the seventeenth is matched by 
 the spectroscope of the nineteenth. If the first reveals to us myriads of 
 suns, otherwise unseen, scattered through the illimitable fields of space, the 
 second tells us what substances compose these suns and maintain tht:ir 
 distant fires, and. most wonderful of all, the direction and the rate in which 
 each is moving. Harvey's immortal discovery of the seventeenth century 
 finds a full equivalent in the germ theory of disease of the nineteenth. 
 The mariner's compass of the fourteenth century easily yields first 
 place to the electric telegraph of the nineteenth, while the barometer and 
 thermometer of the seventeenth century are certainly less woncierful, 
 chough perhaps not less serviceable, than the telephone aiul phonograph 
 antl the Rontgen rays of our own day. 
 
 We may more brietly enumerate the remaining discoveries cited by 
 
 Wallace, partly, as will be perceived, mechanical, but mainly results of 
 
 scientific research. Early in the century came the inestima- ,, , , 
 
 / ■' Useful and 
 
 ble inventions of the railway engine and the steamboat, and Scientific 
 somewhat later the minor but highly useful discoveries of the steps of 
 lucifer match and of gas illumination. These were quickly 
 followed by the wonderful discovery of photography, than which few things 
 have added more to the enjoyment of man. Equally important in relation 
 
572 CHARLES DARWIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF SCIENCE 
 
 to his relief from suffering are the remarkable discoveries of anaesthetics 
 and the antiseptic method in surgery. Another of the great discoveries 
 of the age is that of the electric light, with its remarkably rapid develop- 
 ment and utilization. 
 
 More purely scientific in character are Mendeljeff's discovery of the 
 periodic law in chemistry, the molecular theory of matter, the direct 
 measurement of the velocity of light, and the remarkable utility of Hoating 
 dust in meteorology. The list concludes with the geological theory of the 
 glacial age, the discovery of the great antiquity of man, the cell theory and 
 the doctrines of embryological development, and last, but, in pure science, 
 perhaps the greatest, Darwin's famous theory of organic evolution — devel- 
 oped by Spencer into universal evolution. 
 
 It is quite possible that other nineteenth century scientists would be 
 tempted to expand this list, and perhaps add considerably to Wallace's 
 twenty-four epoch-making discoveries. Indeed, since his book was written, 
 a twenty-fifth has arisen, in the discovery of wireless telegraphy, the 
 scientific marvel of the end of the century, too young as yet for its vast 
 possibilities to be perceived. We might also mention the electric motor 
 and liquid air as of equal importance with some of those enumerated. 
 
 An interesting review of the advances made in science during the 
 nineteenth century was offered by Sir Michael Foster, President of the 
 British Association in its 1899 meeting, from which we may quote. He 
 first touched upon chemistry. The ancients, he said, thought that but four 
 Foster's Views elements existed — fire, air, earth, and water. Anything like a 
 on Recent correct notion of the composition of matter dates from the 
 Progress latter part of the eighteenth century, when Priestley and 
 
 Lavoisier revealed to the world the nature of oxygen, and thus led to a 
 long series of fruitful discoveries. 
 
 The whole history of electricity as a servant of man is confined to the 
 last sixty or seventy years, and really springs from Volta's invention ot the 
 galvanic battery. Frictional electricity had long been known, but nothing 
 beyond curious laboratory experiments were conducted with it. The investi- 
 gations and discoveries of Oersted and Faraday, which made possible the 
 telegraph, dynamo, trolley car and telephone, followed Volta's discovery of 
 the means of producing a steady current of electricity — first announced 
 in 1799. 
 
 Geology, too, he states to be a new born science. Although numerous 
 ingenious theories were entertained in regard to the origin and significance 
 of the strata rock, it was only at the close of the eighteenth century that men 
 began to recognize that the earth's crust, with its various layers of rock, was 
 
CHARLES DARWIN Ah'D DKVKLOPAfENT OE SCIENCE 573 
 
 a vast book, of history, each leaf of which told of jx-riods of thousands or 
 millions of years. The slow processes of formation, and th(r emhcdding of 
 the remains of the animal and vegetable life of those ancient times, were 
 only interpreted aright after Hutton, Playfair and Cuvier had wrestled with 
 the |)roblem. 
 
 With these interesting views of prominent scientists, we may proceed to 
 1 more detailed consideration of the scientific triumphs of the century. To 
 _H<sent anything other than the headlights of its progress, in the space at 
 our command, would be impossible, in view of the e.xtraordinary accumula- 
 tion of facts made by its many thousands of observers, and the multitude of 
 generalizations, of the most varied character, offered by the 
 thinkers in the domain of science. These creneralizations Headlijihts of 
 
 • • 1 1 1-1 HT r Pronrcas 
 
 vary m unportance as much as they do m character. Many of 
 them are evidently temporary only, and must fall before the future progress 
 of discovery ; others are founded upon such a multitude of significant facts, 
 and are of such inherent probability, that they seem likely to be as permanent 
 as the theories of Galileo, Kepler, Newton, and others of the older worthies. 
 Beginning with astronomy, the oldest and noblest of the sciences, we 
 could record a vast number of minor discoveries, but shall confine ourselves 
 to the major ones. Progress in astronomy has kept in close pace with 
 development in instruments. The telescope of the end of the century, for 
 instance, has enormously greater space-penetrating and star-defining powers 
 than that used at the beginning, and has added extraordinarily to our 
 knowledge of the number of stars, the character of their groupings, and 
 the constitution of solar orbs and nebulai. These results have been greatly 
 adddfd to by the use of the camera in astronomy, the photo- 
 srraph revealintr stellar secrets which could never have been t>'scoveries In 
 
 " ' '^ . . Astronomy 
 
 learned by the aid of the telescope alone. This has also the 
 great advantage of placing on record the positions of the stars at any fixed 
 moment, and thus rendering comparatively easy the detection of motions 
 among them. 
 
 But it is to a new instrument of research, the spectroscope, that we 
 owe our most interesting knowledge of the stars. This wonderful instru- 
 ment enables us to analyze the ray of light itself, to study the many lines by 
 which the vari-colored spectrum is crossed and discover to what substances 
 certain groups of lines are due. F"rom studying with this instru- Revelations of 
 ment the substances which compose the earth, science has taken the Spectre 
 to studying the stars, and has found that not only our sun, scope 
 but suns whose distance is almost beyond the grasp of thought, are made 
 up largely 01 chemical substances similar to those that exist in the earth. 
 
574 CHARLES DARWIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF SCIENCE 
 
 A second result of the use of this instrument has been to prove that there 
 are true nebulse in the heavens, masses of star dust or vapor not 
 yet gathered into orbs, and that there are dark suns, great invisible orbs, 
 which have cooled until they have ceased to give off light. A third result 
 is the power of tracing the motions of stars which are passing in a 
 direct line to or from the earth. By this means it has been found that 
 many of the double or multiple stars are revolving around each other. A 
 late discovery in this direction, made in 1899, '^ ^^at the Polar star, which 
 appears single in the most powerful telescope, is really made up of three 
 stars, two of which revolve round each other every four hours, while the two 
 circle round a more distant companion. 
 
 Late astronomy has revealed to us many marvels of the solar system. 
 Before the nineteenth century it was not known that any planetary bodies 
 existed between Mars and Jupiter. On the first day of the century — January 
 I, 1801 — Ceres, the first of the asteroids or planetoids, was discovered. 
 New Facts in Three others were soon discovered, and later on smaller ones 
 the Solar began to be found in multitudes, so that by the end of the 
 
 System century not less than four hundred and fifty of these small 
 
 planetary bodies were known. Of other discoveries we may briefly refer to 
 the new facts discovered concerning comets and meteors, planets and satellites, 
 the condition of the sun's surface, the detailed knowledge of the surface 
 conditions of Mars and the Moon, the character of Saturn's rings, the dis- 
 covery of the planet Neptune etc., all due to nineteenth century research. 
 
 In the group of sciences known under the general title of Physics 
 — chemistry, light, heat, electricity, and magnetism — the progress has been 
 equally decided and many of the discoveries of almost startling signifiance. 
 Chemistry, as it exists to-day, is almost wholly a child of the century. 
 Many chemical substances were known in the past, but their number sinks 
 into insignificance as compared with those of late discovery. Of chemical 
 conceptions of earlier date, Dalton's theory of atoms is the only one of 
 importance that still exists. The view long maintained — until 
 The Advance of j^^^ j^^ ^j^^ nineteenth century, in fact — that organic and 
 
 Chemistry ... . 
 
 inorganic chemistry are separated from each other by a wide 
 gap, is no longer held. Hundreds of organic substances, some of them of 
 great complexity, have been made in the chemist's laboratory, and can now 
 be classed as properly with inorganic as with organic substances. The gap 
 has been closed, and there is now but one chemistry. Only the most intri- 
 cate chemical compounds still lie beyond the chemist's grasp, and the isola- 
 tion of these may be at any time overthrown. Organic chemistry has 
 become simply the chemistry of carbon-compounds. 
 
BARON K. H. AI.KXANDKK v.in Hl'MliDl.DT. 
 
 I.OUIS Af.ASSIZ. 
 
 a.l-:; 1' \K A IN i IlilMAS H III \l 
 
 ILLUSTRIOUS MEN OF SCIENCE. 19TH CENTURY 
 
The discovery of the mission of the exceedingly 
 
 minute orf-ini 
 
 among the greatest and most beneficie 
 
 nt of our age. 
 
 raised to the rank of a scien 
 
 :e. Thehono 
 
 Louis Pasteur, the en 
 
 linent French 
 
 PASTEUR IN HIS LABORATORY 
 
 nskn 
 Bvit 
 of th 
 
 as bacteria in pruducing dibe: 
 art of the physician was first 
 scovery belongs to 
 d biologist. 
 
CHARLES DARWIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF SCIENCE 577 
 
 One chemical theory of recent date, the vortex atom theory of Lord 
 Kelvin, has quickly met its fate, being abandoned by its author himself, but 
 the study of it has been rich in results. It is now widely held that the 
 universe is made up of two great basic elements, ether and matter, or 
 perhaps one only, since it seems highly probable that the atom of matter is 
 a minute, self coherent mass of ether. It is further held as doubtful that 
 atoms ever exist alone, they being combined by their attractions into small 
 bodies known as molecules, which are in incessant motion, and to whose 
 activity the physical force of the universe is largely due. 
 
 One of the most important chemical discoveries of the century was that 
 of the "periodic law" of the chemical elements, advanced by the Russian 
 scientist Mendeljeff, under which the weights of the atoms of the elements 
 were for the first time placed in harmony with each other, and a fixed 
 numerical relation shown to exist between them. We may conclude this 
 brief glance at the science by mention of the very high temperature which 
 the electric furnace has now placed at the command of chemists, and the 
 equally great refrigeration now attainable, by which the air itself can easily 
 be liquified and even frozen into a solid mass. 
 
 Light, naturally one of the earliest of the pnenomena 01 nature to 
 
 attract the attei>tion of man, was little understood until after the advent 
 
 of the nineteenth century. It was of old supposed to be a 
 
 , , ... , ■ ,1 • L.ghtandlts 
 
 substance of so rapid motion as to be practically instantaneous phenomena 
 
 in its movement through space. Even Newton looked upon 
 it as a substance given off by shining bodies, and it remained for Young, in 
 the beginning of the nineteenth century, to prove that light is not a sub- 
 stance but a motion, a series of rapid waves or undulations in a substance 
 extending throughout space, and known as the lumen iferous ether. The 
 idea that light is instantaneous in its motion also vanished when Roemer 
 discovered, by observing the eclipses of Jupiter's moons, that it takes about 
 eight minutes for the ray of light to travel from the' sun to the earth. 
 A cannon ball moving at the rate of 1,700 feet per second would take 
 about nine years to make the same journey, the wave of light traveling at 
 the extraordinary speed of over 1 86, 000 miles in a second. Yet immensely 
 rapid as is this rate of movement, we do not need to go to the sun and 
 planets to measure the speed of light, but can now do so, by the use of 
 delicate instruments, on a few miles of the earth's surface. This is one of 
 the great discoveries enumerated by Wallace. 
 
 The discoveries in relation to the constitution and cnaracteristics vi 
 light made during the century have been so numerous that we must confine 
 ourselves to those of major importance. Much might be said about the 
 
578 CHARLES DARWIN AND DFA'F.I.OPMF.NT OF SCIENCE 
 
 phenomena of polarization, refraction, diffraction, photography, and the de- 
 velopment of the power of lenses, to which the great advance in telescopic 
 and microscopic observation is due. Among these steps of progress perhaps 
 the most interesting is the development of instantaneous photo- 
 eries in Op'tics o'"^?!''}'' ^ Striking result of which is the power, by aid of pho- 
 tographs taken in rapid succession, of portraying objects in 
 motion — livmg pictures, as they are called — an exhibit now so common and 
 so marvelous. But among all the advances in the science of optics the most 
 important are spectrum analysis and the Rontgen ray. The remarkable 
 discoveries made in astronomy b}' the former of these have been already 
 stated. The Rontgen ray, which has the power of rendering ordinarily 
 opaque substances transparent, has become of extraordinary value in surgery, 
 as showing the exact location of foreign substances within the body, the 
 position and character of bone fractures, etc. 
 
 Heat, once looked upon as a substance, and known by the now obsolete 
 name of Caloric, has been demonstrated to be, like light, a motion, the 
 incessant leaping about of the molecules of matter, this motion being readily 
 transferable from one substance to another, and forming the great substra- 
 tum of power in the universe. This theory, first promulgated by Count 
 Rumford, an American by birth, was fully worked out by others, and put in 
 
 popular form by Professor Tyndall, an English scientist, in his 
 Heat as a Mode ,, , ., , n/ri riv/r- >> ii-i i- d^ 
 
 of notion 'Heat Lonsidered as a Mode oi Motion, pubhshed in 1862. 
 
 Radiant heat is identical with light, being a vibration of the 
 ether. Tt may be further said in relation to heat phenonema that remark- 
 able power in producing very high and extremely low temperatures is now 
 possessed. By the former the most refractory substances may be vaporized. 
 By the latter the most volatile gases may be liquified and even frozen. 
 The point of absolute zero, that in which all heat motion would disappear, 
 is estimated to be at the temperature of 274 degrees 6 minutes centigrade 
 below the freezing point of water. A degree of cold within some forty de- 
 grees of this has been reached in the liquefaction of hydrogen. In 1889 the 
 climax in this direction was reached in the reduction, by Professor Dewar, 
 of the very volatile element hydrogen to the solid state. 
 
 Electricity, formerly, like heat and light, looked upon as a substance, 
 is now known to be a motion, being, in fact, identical in origin with light 
 Conservation ^"'^ radiant heat. All these forces are considered to be 
 and Correla- motions of the lumeniferous ether, their principal destinction 
 ion o orces i^gjpjg j,^ length of wave. In fact, it is easy to convert one 
 of them into the other, and the great doctrine of the conservation and 
 correlation of forces means sinqjly that heat, light and electricity may be 
 
CHARLES n.lUH'JjV .hXP PI'M'I.OPMr.NT OF SCIENCE 579 
 
 imitiiall)' traiisforineil, antl tliat no loss of motion or force takes place in 
 
 these chanj^^es from one mode of motion to another. In the operation of 
 
 the electric trolley car, to offer a familiar example, the heat power of coal is 
 
 first transformed into engine motion, then into electricity, then ai,rain into 
 
 light and heat within the car, then into mass motion in the motor, and 
 
 finally passes away as electricity. No better example of the " correlation of 
 
 forces" than this familiar instance could be adduced. 
 
 As regards the nature of electricity, though innumerable observations 
 
 have been made during the nineteenth century and a vast multitude of facts 
 
 put upon record, we know little more than is above stated. But if we turn 
 
 to the practical applications of electric power, it is to find these standing 
 
 high among the great advances of the century. To it we owe the highly 
 
 important discoveries of the telegraph and the telephone ; the conversion 
 
 of engine power into electricity by the dynamo and the use of 
 
 this in moving cars, carriages and machinery; the storage ^1 ""f ,'",?^ " 
 ... . . . . ^ Electricity 
 
 battery, with its similar applications ; the use of electricity in 
 
 lighting and heating, the latter remarkably exemplified in the electric fur- 
 nace, which yields the highest temperature known on the earth ; the weld- 
 ing of metals by electricity ; the electrotype and electro-plating; the con- 
 version of water power into electric force and its transportation by wire for 
 long distances ; the therapeutic uses of the electric current, and other 
 applications too numerous to mention. 
 
 In regard to the magnet, the handmaid of electric power, we know 
 little other than that the force displayed by it seems to be a result of some 
 mode of rotation in the atoms or molecules of matter, since all the effects 
 of magnetism can be produced by the rotary motion of the electric cur- 
 rent in spirals of wire. From this it is thought that the mole- 
 cular motion to which maenetism is due may be of an electric '^ ,,'^'"'^'^,.^~'' 
 
 & -'of .Wasnetism 
 
 character, though the permanence of the magnetic force 
 renders this very doubtful. It seems most probable that magnetism is 
 a result of some special condition of the ordinary, inherent motions of atoms 
 — not their lluctuating heat activities, but those fixed motions upon which 
 their organization and persistence depend. The readiness with which soft 
 iron can be magnetized and demagnetized by the use of the electric current 
 is of extraordinary^ value in the practical applications of electricity. To 
 this fact we owe the dynamo and the electric motor, with all their varied uses. 
 With this passing glance at the physical forces, we may proceed to the 
 consideration of the great science of geology, which, as above stated by 
 I-'oster, is a new-born science, almost wholly of nineteenth century develop- 
 ment. Geology as it now exists may be said to date from 1790, when 
 
58o CHANLES DAN WIN AND DEVELOPMENT OE SCIENCE 
 
 William Smith published his "Tabular View," in which he showed the proper 
 succession of the rock strata and pointed out that each group of rocks is 
 marked by fossils peculiar to itself. With his'work began that great series 
 of close observations which still continue, and which have laid the constitu- 
 tion of the earth's crust open before us in many of its intimate details. 
 
 Among the many geologists of the century Sir Charles Lyell stands 
 prominent, his " Principles of Geology " (1S30-33) forming an epoch in the 
 advance of the science. Before his time the seeming breaks in the series of 
 the rocks were looked upon as the results of mighty catastrophes, vast 
 upheavals or depressions in the surface, which worked widespread destruc- 
 tion among animals and plants, these cataclysms being followed by new 
 creations in the world of life. Lyell contended that the forces 
 
 rogress in ^^^^ ^^ work are of the same type as those which have been 
 
 Geology ^ ^ 
 
 always at work; that catastrophes have always been local, as 
 
 the)' are now local; tliat general forces have acted slowly, and that there has 
 
 been no world-wide break, either in rock deposits or the progress of human 
 
 beings. 
 
 His views gave rise to a conception of the unbroken continuity of 
 organic life which was greatly strengthened by the publication of Charles 
 Darwin's " Origin of Species," which went far to do away with the old belief 
 that each new life-form has arisen through special creation, and to replace it b)' 
 the theory now widely held that all new forms of life arise through hereditary 
 descent, with variation, from older forms. In this conception we have the 
 basis of the recent theory of evolution, so thoroughly worked out and 
 widel)' extended since Darwin's time — a theory including the doctrine that 
 man himself is a result of descent, and not of special creation. 
 
 With geology is closely connected the Nebular Hypothesis of Kant 
 and Laplace, of eighteenth century origin, to the effect that all the spheres 
 of space originated in the condensation and rotation of immense volumes 
 of nebulous vapor, similar to the nebuke now known to exist in the 
 heavens, and that each planet began its existence as a great gaseous globe, 
 its evolution being due to the gradual process of cooling and condensing, 
 by which its surface, and perhaps its whole mass, were in time converted 
 The Nebular '"^° solid matter. This interesting doctrine of world evolu- 
 and Meteoric tion does not remain unquestioned. A new hypothesis was 
 ypot ese> advanced by Professor Lockyer in the final decade of the 
 nineteenth century, to the effect that spheral evolution is not due to the 
 condensation of gaseous nebula;, but of vast aggregations of those meteoric 
 stones with which space seems filled, and which are drawn together by their 
 mutual attractions, become intensely heated through their collisions, and are 
 
CHARLES DARWIK AND DEVELOPMEiXl OE SCIENCE 5^' 
 
 converted into liquids and gases through the heat thus evolved. It is pos- 
 sible that the visible nebuljp, like the comets, are great volumes of such 
 meteors. This is the meteoric theory referred to in Wallace's categoi^' 
 of great discoveries. It is still, however, far from being established. 
 
 Meteorology, the study of the atmosphere and its phenomena, is 
 another science to which much attention was given during the century under 
 review. A vast number of facts have been learned concerning the atmos- 
 phere, its alternations of heat and cold, of calm and storm, 
 
 of pressure, of diminution of density and loss of heat in .'1^'''^"'',^° 
 
 r ..... AActeorolojiy 
 
 ascending, and of its fluctuations in humidity, with the varia- 
 tions of sunshine and cloud, fog, rain, snow, hail, lightning and other 
 manifestations. 
 
 The study of the winds has been a prominent feature in the progress 
 of this science, and our knowledge of the causes and character of storms 
 has been greatly developed. The theory that storms are due to great rotary 
 movements in the atmosphere, immense cyclonic whirls, frequently followed 
 by reverse, or anti-cyclonic, movements, has gone far to clear up the 
 mystery of the winds, while the destructive tornado, the terrific local whirl 
 in the winds, has been closely studied, though not yet fully understood. 
 These close observations of atmospheric changes have given rise to tht; 
 Weather Bureau, by which the kind of weather to be looked for is pre- 
 dicted for the United States. Similar observations and preilictif)ns have 
 been widely extended among civilized nations. This is a |)ractical apjilica- 
 tion in meteorology which has been of immense advantage, particularly 
 in the field of navigation. 
 
 Of the sciences with which the nineteentn century has had much to do, 
 those relating to organic life, classed under the general title of biology, 
 stand prominent, which includes botany and zoology. Sub- progress in the 
 siduary to these are the sciences of anatomy, physiology, em- r?ioiogicai 
 brvologv. psychology, anthropology, and several others of 
 minor importance. We have, here laid out before us a very large subject, 
 which has made remarkable progress during the past hundred years, much 
 too great to handle except in brief general terms. 
 
 In botany and zoology alike, the development of the cell theory is one of 
 the most conspicuous advances of the century. It has been shown clearly 
 that all plants and animals are made up of minute cells, semi-fluid in consis- 
 tency, and principally made up of a highly organized chemical compound 
 known as protoplasm, which Huxley has denominated the "physical basis of 
 life." These cells are the laboratories of the system. Motions and changes 
 take place within them. They increase in size and divide in a peculiar 
 
582 CHARLES DARWIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF SCIENCE 
 
 manner, thus grovviny in number. Many of them have self-motion like that 
 of the low forms known as amoebae. Various chemical substances are elab- 
 orated in them, such as the osseous structure of animals, the wood-fibre of 
 plants, and others which are given off into the sap or the blood. In short, 
 they are the foundation stones of life, and the physical operations of the 
 highest beings are made up of the combined and harmonized activities of 
 these myriads of minute cells. 
 
 It would be impossible, unless we should devote a volume to the sub- 
 ject, to do justice to the progress of botany and zoology in the nineteenth 
 century. This progress consists largely in observation and description of 
 a vast multitude of varied forms, with the consequent study of their 
 Classification of affinities, and their classification into family groups, ranging 
 Plants and from species and varieties to orders and classes, or from minor 
 Animals ^^^ local to major and general groups. Both plants and 
 
 animals have been divided up into a number of great orders, ranging in 
 the former instance from the microscopic bacteria to the great and highly 
 organized exogens, and in the latter from the minute unicellular forms to 
 the mammalia. We have here, aside from the cell-theory, and the great 
 progress in classification, nothing of epoch-making significance to offer, 
 and are obliged to dismiss these subjects with this brief retrospect. 
 
 There are, however, two fields in which an important accumulation of 
 facts in reference to organic life has been made, those of embryology and 
 paleontology. The study of the organic cell by the microscope is one of 
 the basic facts of embiyology, since living operations take place within this 
 cell. The network of minute fibres, of which it is largely made up, is .seen 
 to gather into two star-shaped forms with a connecting spindle 
 j-gl, of fibres, the division of which in the centre is followed by the 
 
 division of the cell into two. This is the primary fact in repro- 
 duction, new cells being thus born. In higher production two cells, arising 
 from opposite sexes, combine, and their growth and division give rise to the 
 organs and tissues of a new living being. It is the development of these 
 organs and tissues that constitutes the science of embryology. 
 
 The observation, under the microscope, of the stages of this develop- 
 ment, has been of the highest value in the study of animal origin, and has 
 aided greatly in the classification of animals. Many old ideas died out 
 when it was clearly shown that all life begins in a single cell, from which the 
 organs of the new being gradually arise. The most important lesson 
 taught by embryology is that the embryo in its development passes through 
 various stages of its ancestry, resembling now one, now another, of the 
 lower animals, and gains for a brief time organs which some of its ancestors 
 
CHARLES DARWIh' AND DEVELOPMENT OF SCIENCE 583 
 
 possessed permanently. Of these facts the most significant is that the 
 embryo of man develops gill-slits like those which the fish The Sciences of 
 uses in breathing. These are of no use to it and soon disap- the Embryo 
 pear, but tlieir appearance is very strong evidence that the «"<• the Fossil 
 hsh form lay in the line of man's ancestry, and that man has developed 
 through a long series of the lower animals. 
 
 In pakeontology, or the study of fossil forms of animals and plant life, 
 we have the embryology of races as contrasted with that of individuals. 
 The study of the multitude of these forms which has been collected witiiin 
 the past century has enabled man to fill many of the gaps which formerly 
 appeared to divide animal forms, and has furnished very strong arguments 
 in favor of the descent of new species from older ones. One of the most 
 striking of these facts is that in relation to the horse, of which a practically 
 complete series of ancestral forms have been found, leading from a small 
 five-toed animal, far back in geological time, through forms in which the 
 toes decrease in number and the animal increases in size until the large 
 single-toed horse is reached. 
 
 Two other organic sciences, those of anatomy and physiology, have 
 added enormously to our knowledge of animated nature. Anatomy, which 
 is of high practical importance from its relation to surgery, is a science of 
 ancient origin, many important facts concerning it having been discovered 
 by the physicians of old Greece and Rome. This study continued during 
 later centuries, and by the opening of the nineteenth the gross anatomy 
 of the human frame was fairly well known, and many facts in its finer 
 anatomy had been traced. In later anatomical work the microscope has 
 played an active part, and has yielded numbers of important revelations. 
 
 What is known as comparative anatomy has formed perhaps the most 
 
 important field of nineteenth century study in this domain of 
 
 science. Though this branch of anatomical study is as old as omparative 
 
 s- ■' Anatomy 
 
 Aristotle, little was done in it from his time to that of Cuvier, 
 
 who was the founder of the science of palaeontology, and the first to show 
 that the forms and affinities of fossil forms could be deduced from the study 
 of e.xisting animals. If a fossil jaw were found, for instance, with the teeth 
 of a ruminant, it could be taken for granted that it came from an animal 
 whose feet had hoofs instead of claws. It is often said that Cuvier could 
 construct an animal from a single bone, and though this is saying much 
 more than the facts bear out, he did make some marvelous predictions of 
 this kind. 
 
 A notable triumph of the science of comparative anatomy was the pre- 
 diction made by Cope, Marsh, and Kowalewsky, from the fact that specialized 
 
584 CHARLES DARWIN AND DEVELOPMENT OE SCIENCE 
 
 forms are preceded by others of more generalized structure, that an animal 
 must once have existed with affinities, on the one hand, with hoofed 
 „ ,. . animals, and on the other with the carnivores and the lemurs 
 
 Predictions , ,. r 1 r -i 
 
 Concerning This prediction was fulfilled in the discovery of the fossil 
 Fossil An- Phenacodus in the Eocene deposits of the western United 
 States. The study of comparative anatomy, particularly in its 
 application to fossil forms, has aided greatly in the acceptance of the doc- 
 trine of evolution, and has been specially valuable in classification, as show- 
 ing how nearly animals are related to each other. To classify animals and 
 plants, in short, may be simply stated as a method of sorting them over and 
 placing together those which have similar characters, just as in arranging a 
 library we keep together books which relate to similar subjects. We' may, 
 for instance, make one general branch of history, a smaller branch of 
 American history, and yet others relating to states, to counties, to cities 
 and towns, and, most special of all, to particular families. 
 
 The science of physiology differs from that of anatomy in dealing with 
 the functions of life instead of with its forms. The study of these func- 
 tions has gone on for many centuries, covering the various 
 Discoveries in operations of motion, nutrition, respiration, nervous action, 
 
 Physiology. ^ . • , , • r ^• 
 
 growth, and reproduction, with the many minor tunctions 
 included under these. Though many of the facts of physiology were dis- 
 covered in earlier centuries, the scientists of the nineteenth have been busy 
 in adding to the list, and a number of important discoveries have been 
 made. Prominent among these is that of ansesthesia, the discovery that 
 by the inhalation of certain gases a state of temporary insensibility can be 
 produced, lasting long enough to permit surgical and dental operations to 
 be performed without pain ; and that of antiseptical surgery, in which, by the 
 employment of other chemical substances, wounds can be kept free from 
 the action of deleterious substances, and surgical operations be performed 
 without the perils formerly arising from inflammation, — the disease — produc- 
 ing germs and poisons being kept out. 
 
 One of the great gains of the century, says Sir Michael Foster, from 
 whom we have already quoted, is in our insight into nervous phenomena. 
 " We now know that what takes place along a tiny thread we call a 
 nerve fibre differs from that which takes place along its fellow threads; 
 
 that differing nervous impulses travel along -different nerve 
 Living Threads f^i-,j.gs . ^^j j-j-j^^. nervous and psychical events are the outcome 
 of the Brain . • ' , . . • , 1 r l 
 
 of the clashing of nervous impulses as they sweep along the 
 
 closely woven web of living threads, of which the brain is made. We 
 have learned by experiment and observation that the pattern of the web 
 
CHARLES DARWIN AND DFAlil.OI'.MIiNT OF SC/KNCF 5S5 
 
 determines the play of the impulses ; and we can already explain many of 
 the obscure problems, not only of nervous disease, but of nervous life, by an 
 analysis, tracking out the devious and linked paths of the nervous threads." 
 This observation links to^^ethcr the sciences of physiology and psycho- 
 logy, the latter the science of mental phenomena, the exact study of which 
 largely belongs to the nineteenth century. Broad as this subject is, and 
 much as has been done in it, few facts stand out with sufficient distinctness 
 to call for special mention here. The most famous psychical experiments 
 are those made on the brains of some of the animals below man, and espe- 
 cially on that of the monkey, by which the functions of the several sections 
 of the brain have been to some extent mapped out, the important fact being 
 discovered that each function is confined to a fixed locality in the brain, and 
 with it the accordant fact that certain regions of the brain control the mus- 
 cular movements of certain parts of the body. In conseciucnce, 
 
 1 rr • r 1 1 1 f i • i f. Brain Surgery 
 
 a particular ariection oi the hand, foot, or other region has often 
 
 been traced to a diseased condition of some known part of the l)rain. and 
 
 the trouble has been removed by a surgical operation on that organ. 
 
 The sciences last named refer specially to man, in whom they have 
 been particularly studied. Other sciences relating to him exclusively are 
 those of ethnology and anthropology, which belong almost solely to the 
 nineteenth century. Ethnology, the study of the races of mankind, has 
 been carefully and widely studied, and though the problems relating to it 
 have not yet been solved, a very fair conception has been gained of the 
 diversities and relations of mankind. Anthropology, embracing, as it does, 
 archceology, has been prolific in discoveries. Archaeological 
 research has laid out before us the pathway of man through ^^^'," ^^"^ 
 the ages and shown his gradual and steady development, 
 through the successive periods of chipped stone and polished stone imple- 
 ments, of bronze and iron tools and weapons, with his gradual development 
 of jiottcry, ornament, art, architecture, etc. 
 
 The most striking and notable fact in anthropological science is the 
 total reversal of our ideas concerning the length of time man has dwelt 
 upon the earth. The old limitation to a few thousand years, everwhere held 
 at the beginning of the century, fails to reach back to a time when, as we 
 now know, man had reached a considerable degree of civilization. Back of 
 that we can trace him by his tools and his bones through a period many 
 times more distant, leading back to the glacial age of geology and possibly 
 to a much more remote era. Instead of man's residence upon the earth 
 being restricted to some 6,000 years, it probably reached back not less than 
 60,000, and possibly to a much earlier period. 
 
586 CHARLES DARWIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF SCIENCE 
 
 Anioni^ the minor sciences, there is one that has deserved that name 
 only within the past thirty or forty years, the science of medicine. F'ormerly 
 it was an art only, and by no means a satisfactory one. Nothing was known 
 of the cause of the most virulent and destructive diseases — the infectuous 
 Development of fevers, the plague, cholera, etc. And the treatment of these, 
 the Science and in fact of nearly all diseases, was wholly empirical, 
 o e icine depending solely upon experiment, not at all upon scientific 
 principles. E.xperience showed that certain drugs and chemical compounds 
 produced certain effects upon the system, and upon this physicians 
 depended, with no conception of the cause of diseases and little knowl- 
 edge of the physiological action of medicines. 
 
 This state of affairs was materially changed during the final third of 
 the nineteenth century, as the result of an extensive series of observations, 
 set in train in great part by Louis Pasteur, Professor of chemistry at the 
 Sorbonne in Paris, who was in large measure the originator of the germ 
 theory of disease. The discovery that the fermentation which produces 
 alcohol is due to a microscopic organism, the yeast-plant, gave Pasteur the 
 clue, and he soon was able to prove that other fermentations, — the lactic, 
 acetic, and butyric, — are also due to the action of living forms. It had 
 further been found that the putrefaction of animal substance 
 
 asteuran is ^^^^ caused in the same way, and it has since been abundantly 
 
 Discoveries , "^ _ ■' 
 
 demonstrated that if these minute organisms can be kept out 
 
 of animal and vegetable substances these may be preserved indefinitely. 
 
 This fact has given rise to one of the most important industries of the 
 
 century, the keeping of fruits, meats, etc., by the process of air-tight 
 
 canning. 
 
 Pasteur next extended his observations to the silkworm, which was 
 subject to an epidemic disease that had almost ruined the silk industry in 
 France. Others before him had discovered what were supposed to be 
 disease germs in the blood of these worms. He proved positively that 
 these bacteria, as they are called, are the cause of the disease, and that 
 infection could be prevented by proper precautions. From the insecl 
 Pasteur proceeded to the higher animals, and investigated the cause of 
 splenic fever, a dangerous epidemic among farm cattle. This he also 
 proved to be caused by a minute form of life, and that fowl cholera is due 
 to still another form of micro-organism. At a later date he studied hydro- 
 phobia, which he traced to a similar cause, and for the cure of which he 
 established the Pasteur Institute in 1886. 
 
 This was not the whole of Pasteur's work. He discovered not only 
 the cause of these diseases, but a system of vaccination by which they could 
 
CHAKJ.es DARWIN AND Dh VliLOPMENT OF SCIENCE 587 
 
 be cured or prevented. By -'cultivating'" the bacteria in various ways, he 
 succeeded in decreasing their danj^erous properties, so that they would j^ive 
 the disease in a mild form, — actinij in the same way as vaccination does in 
 the case of small-pox, by enabling the animals to resist virulent attacks of 
 the disease. 
 
 Pasteur's work, was performed largely on the lower animals. Others 
 have devoted themselves to the infectuous diseases which attack the humar 
 frame, and with remarkable success. Robert Koch, a German physician, 
 a[)plied himself to the study of cholera, which he proved in Koch and 
 (883 to be due to a germ named by him, from its shape, the the Comma 
 comma bacillus. He discovered about the same time the Bacillus 
 bacterial organism which causes the fatal disease of tuberculosis, or con- 
 sumption. Other investigators have traced typhoid and yellow fevers, 
 diphtheria, and some other infectuous disea.ses to similar causes, and the 
 study of diseases of this character has at last gained the status of a science. 
 
 Methods of cure are also becoming scientific. These minute organ- 
 isms, once introduced within the body, tend to increase in number at an 
 amazing rate, feeding on the blood and tissues, and giving off substances 
 called toxines which in some cases are of highly poisonous character. To 
 overcome their effect inoculation of anti-toxines is practiced. These are 
 yielded by the same bacteria as produce the toxines, and inoculation with 
 them enables the system to resist the action of the toxin poisons. 
 
 We must dismiss this broad subject with this brief consideration, saying 
 further that it is still largely in the stage of experiment, and that many of 
 its theories must be left to the twentieth century for proof. Its study, 
 however, has been of inestimable value in another direction, that of antiseptic 
 surgery, a mode of treatment of surgical wounds introduced 
 
 ,„.,,,. , 1 1 11 11 Antiseptic Sur- 
 
 by bir Joseph Lister, and now used by all surgeons with tlie ^ 
 most beneficial effects. It being recognized that inflamma- 
 tion and putrefactive action in wounded tissues are due to the action of 
 disease germs introduced by the air or by the hands and instruments of the 
 operators, the greatest care is now taken, by the use of chemical substances 
 fatal to those germs, to prevent their entrance. As a result many diseases 
 once common in hospitals — pyaemia, septica;mia, gangrene and erysipelas — 
 have almost disappeared, fever and the formation of pus are prevented, and 
 healing is rapid and continuous, while surgeons now daringly and success- 
 fully undertake operations in the most secret recesses of the body, which 
 formerly would have led to certain death. 
 
 A secondary result of the germ theory of disease is the great advance 
 in hygiene, which, formerly almost non-existent, has now reached the status 
 
588 CHARLES DARWIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF SCIENCE 
 
 of a science. It is still against these perilous germs that continuous battle 
 
 is kept up, absolute cleanliness being the ultimatum at which 
 The Science of , . . ^- . , , , , 
 
 Hvaiene physicians aim. Disease germs lurk everywhere, and can 
 
 only be combatted by incessant care. The bacteria of cholera 
 and typhoid fever, for example, are known to be conveyed in water, and the 
 former epidemics of these diseases were in great measure due to the free 
 use of polluted water for drinking. Their ravages have been largely 
 arrested by boiling, filtering or otherwise purifying drinking water, while 
 the free use of carbolic acid and other antiseptics in hospitals has put an 
 end to the reign of infection which once made those places hives of disease. 
 We may fitly conclude this chapter with reference to a subject several 
 times referred to in its pages, and which is looked upon as the greatest 
 scientific theory of the century, that of evolution. The belief that new 
 species of animals and plants arise through development from older ones is 
 not of recent origin, but is at least as old as Aristotle. It was taught by 
 Harvey, Erasmus Darwin, Goethe, and others in the eighteenth century, 
 but the first attempt to develop a general theory of organic evolution was 
 made by Lamarck, in the early part of the succeeding century. Lamarck's 
 view, however, that the variations in animals are the result of efforts on 
 their part to gain certain results, — the neck of the giraffe, for instance 
 growing longer through its attempt to browse on leaves just out of reach, — 
 did not gain acceptance, and it was not until after the middle of the century 
 that a more satisfactory theory was presented. 
 
 The theory of evolution, as now understood, was arrived at simulta- 
 Darwin and neously by Alfred Russell Wallace and Charles Darwin, it 
 
 Natural Se- being fully worked out by the latter in his "Origin of Species 
 lection j^y Means of Natural Selection," published in 1859. This 
 
 theory — that the changes in animals are due to the struggle for existence 
 among vast multitudes, and the survival of those whose natural variations 
 in form give them an advantage over their fellows in the battle of life — is 
 now accepted by the great body of scientists, while the general idea of evolu- 
 tion has been extended to cover all changes in the universe, inorganic as 
 well as organic. This extension has been the work of Herbert Spencer and 
 many other scientific and philosophical writers, and no domain of nature is 
 now left outside of the range of evolutionary forces. The argument which 
 makes man himself a result of evolution, and not a product of special creation, 
 was the final one presented by Darwin, and has given point to a multitude 
 of observations in the science of anthropology made since his day. 
 
CHAPTER XL. 
 
 Literature ami Art in the Nineteenth Century. 
 
 FOR ajjjes the world has swarmed witli writers. Almost since man first 
 he^ran to think he has been actively engaged in literary labor ; long, 
 indeed, before he had learned the art of writing, and when the work 
 of his mind could be preserved only in his memory and that of his fellows. 
 And the progress of man down the ages is starred with names that gleam 
 like suns in the firmament of thought, those of such great magicians of the 
 intellect as Homer, Virgil, Dante, Chaucer, Shakespeare, Milton, and a 
 host besides. In this field of human effort, therefore, the The literary 
 nineteenth century has nothing peculiar to show. Its finest OiantsofFor. 
 labors are surpassed by those of others who lived centuries or '"^'" ""^* 
 ages ago. Here, almost alone in the circle of human k.l.^rs, the century 
 we deal with stands on the level of many of its predecessors and below 
 tliat of others. Its single claim to distinction is an extraordinary activity 
 ill literary production, and especially in the field of novelistic fiction, v.-hich 
 it may in great measure claim as its own. The novel before the nineteenth 
 century was a crude pioneer; within the century it has grown into a product 
 of the most advanced culture. 
 
 What has been said about literature may be repeated aliout art. 
 That, too, seemingljf reached its culmination in tiie past, and the artists of 
 to-day can merely seek to emulate, they cannot hope to surpass, those of 
 
 former centuries. Sculpture, for instance, reached its highest 
 
 - - . . „ .... i- 1 The Standing 
 
 Stage of peri(;ction in Greece, and painting in mediaeval of the Fine 
 
 Europe ; and strive as our artists may, they seem incapable Arts in the 
 of producing ^vorks of superior beauty and charm to those of p"^'. *" ' *■ 
 the long ago. The architecture of to-day is largely a rescript 
 of that of the past, the original ideas are few, nobler and more beautiful 
 conceptions are wanting. Of the remaining fine arts, music and poetry — 
 if we may class the latter in this category — the work of former centuries re- 
 mains unsurpassed, and the best that can be done with the nineteenth century 
 authors and artists is to mention their works and speak of their styles : it is 
 impossible to place them on a pedestal overlooking that of their predecessors 
 
 591 
 
593 LITERATVRF AND ART IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 
 
 Yet while what has been said is true as a whole, the hterature of at least 
 one country is almost wholly a product of the nineteenth century. This 
 is the United States, which had writers, but little which fairly deserves the 
 name of literature, prior to 1800. Aside from the famous papers of the 
 Federalist, the work of the great statesmen of the Constitutional Convention, 
 
 the writings of one or two authors of the Revolutionary period, 
 Early American ^^^ some of those of Benjamin Franklin, this country possessed 
 Writers . -J n 1 r ' 
 
 hardly any literature, truly so-called, before the days of Wash- 
 ington Irving, whose polished " Sketch Book" essays, popular histories of 
 Columbus and Mahomet, and humorous " History of New York," first taught 
 the English critics that Americans could write as well as fight and work, and 
 that a new world of thought was likely to arise beyond the waters. Irving was 
 not alone. Contemporary with him were a number of graceful poets, chief 
 among them being William Cullen Bryant, whose " Thanatopsis," still an 
 American classic, is perhaps unequalled in depth of reflection and grandeur 
 of thought by the work of any other author of nineteen years of age. 
 
 Bryant, however, did not rise above this early cfTort, but rather declined, 
 and he has been far surpassed in poetic fervor and richness of diction and 
 conception by a number of his successors, notably Whittier, Longfellow and 
 Lowell, men worthy to occup)' a place beside the famous English poets of 
 the century. Of these, Longfellow has gained the widest reputation, not, 
 however, through force of superior genius, but from the sweetness, grace 
 
 and ease of his diction and the popular character of his themes 
 The Poets of the ^^^^ handling, which have fitted his verse to touch the heart of 
 United States , ? „ 1 , t n 1 r 
 
 the people m all lands, Lowell was not only a poet 01 rare 
 
 depth of thought, but stands as the first of American satirists, his '' Biglow 
 Papers" being among the keenest and most humorous works of satire of 
 the century, while they rank with the most purely national of American 
 works. Of other American poets, of whom many of fine powers might 
 be named, we shall mention only Edgar Allan Poe, the most original in style 
 and musical in tone of all our writers of verse ; the witty and genial Oliver 
 Wendell Holmes ; and Ralph Waldo Emerson, whose verse, while lacking 
 polish and smoothness, is rich in poetic thought. 
 
 It was rather in his philosophy than in his poetry that the rich 
 imagination and fine powers of reflection of Emerson made themselves 
 manifest, and his essays stand prominent among the finest thought products 
 of the century. They are expressed in telling apothems, of which many 
 are little poems in themselves, while his works are instinct with the finest 
 spirit of altruism and optimism, taking the most hopeful and cheerful views 
 of the future of man and his institutions. 
 
LITl-.RATURE AXD ART IK TlIE NnVJ-TK/uXT/f Cf-NTCRV 593 
 
 AmonjT popular American novelists lames Fonimore Cooper stands as 
 the pioneer, his tales of ocean and Indian life, while of no superior merit as 
 literature, holdintj a wide audience by their spirit of adventure and care- 
 ful elaboration. Most original of our writers is Nathaniel Hawthorne, 
 whose "Scarlet Letter,', "Marble F"aun," and other novels stand in a field of 
 their own among the productions of the century, and take rank with the best 
 of European productions. For the .sensational and lurid tale Poe stands first, 
 and his genius in this direction still brings him readers, despite the impossible 
 incidents of many of his plots. Of other novelists we may 
 
 name Harriet Beecher Stowe. with her famous "Uncle Tom's '^"'^'■"=^" 
 
 I- ■ 1- T- Novelists 
 
 Cabin ;" Howells, our leading naturalistic novelist ; Edward 
 
 Everett Hale, made famous by his "Man Without a Country;" Edward 
 Eggleston, with the flavor of frontier life in his " Hoosier Schoolmaster," 
 Lew Wallace, who touched a deep vein of popular approval in his " Ben 
 Hur ;" Henry James, too scholarly perhaps to be highly popular, but of the 
 finest literary skill ; Helen Hunt Jackson, whose " Ramona" depicts in thrill- 
 ing idealism the wrongs of the Indians; and — but we must stop here, for as 
 we approach the present day novelists of merit so throng the field of view 
 that we cannot venture even to name them. 
 
 Not the least notable field of American literature lies in the domain of 
 history, in which the authors of our country hold their own with the best of 
 those abroad. Irving's graceful, though not critical, works of Historians of 
 history we have mentioned. Greatest in this field stands the United 
 Bancroft, whose history of our country is a classic of world- •States 
 wide fame. Close beside him may be placed Prescott, with his glowing 
 pictures of Spanish and Spanish-American life ; Motley, the skilled and 
 popular historian of the Netherlands ; Parkman, who brilliantly pictures for 
 us the romance of French enterprise in America; McMaster, who may fairly 
 pose as the historian of the American people ; and Parton, whose historical 
 biographies are among the most readable of American books of this 
 character. 
 
 Our greatest orators, men whose speeches have become literature, liold 
 I place in the history of our country. The famous Webster and Clay and 
 Calhoun we have already described. Close after those come .Sumner, 
 Seward and others who stood high in the stirring period of the 
 Civil W^ar and of reconstruction. Aside from public speakers tors*^ 
 devoted to statesmanship are many others of fame, including 
 the eloquent Edward Everett ; the daring anti-slavery orator, Wendell 
 Phillips; the earnest platform apostle of temperance, John B. Gough ; the 
 gre.itcst of our pulpit orators, 1 Icnry Ward Beecher; the advocate of the 
 
594 LITERATURE AND ART IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 
 
 " New South, Henry W. Grady ; the most amusing of our recent orators, 
 Chauncey M. Depew, and others of fine powers whom the need of brevity 
 forbids our naming. The mention of Depew's vein of liumor calls to mind 
 this domain of literature, of which our country has had many popular repre- 
 sentatives, chief among whom stands the rollicking and favorite Samuel L. 
 Clemens (Mark Twain). 
 
 It has not been proposed here to present more than a passing review of 
 the authors of the United States, or to attempt to name all those of 
 leading merit. We might have named in political economy Henry C.Carey ; 
 in American history, John Fiske ; in European church history, Henry C. 
 Lea ; and, in addition, eminent authors in legal lore, in science, in philos- 
 ophy, in theology, and in other fields, all aiding to show the vast advance 
 our people have made in this important direction since their feeble begin- 
 nings in the early days of the century. 
 
 Unlike the United States, Great Britain came to the nineteenth century 
 
 with a great galaxy of famous writers, leading back through many centuries. 
 
 The eighteenth century is rich in gfreat names, includino- 
 
 The Poets of "? ti r, ,^ r- j tu 
 
 Great Britain among its poets rope, burns, Lowper, Uray and 1 nompson ; 
 among its essayists, Addison, Swift and Johnson ; among its 
 novelists, Richardson, Fielding, Smollet, Sterne, and Goldsmith ; among its 
 historians Gibbon, Hume and Robertson. It crossed the portals of the 
 nineteenth century with a galaxy of poets more brilliant than has appeared 
 in any equal period of English literature, including the world-famous Byron, 
 Wordsworth, Coleridge, Shelley, Moore, Keats, Scott and Campbell, a 
 group of writers which, taken as a whole, it would be difficult to match in 
 any age. These sweet singers have been followed by others who have kept 
 up the standard of British poetry, including Tennyson, one of the rarest of 
 artists in words, the two Brownings, Matthew and Edwin Arnold, William 
 Morris, Swinburne, the Rossettis, and various others of lesser note, among 
 whom we must include Alfred Austin, the latest though not the most 
 admired poet-laureate. These are but the elder flight of singing birds 
 of the century, many younger ones being on the wing, among whom at 
 present Rudyard Kipling leads the way. 
 
 In the second field of imaginative literature, that of the novel, the 
 British isles are abundantly represented, and by some of the most famous 
 British Novel- names anywhere existing in this domain of intellectual activity. 
 istsand The names alone of these writers form a catalogue rarely 
 
 Historians equalled in the world's literature. It will suffice to name Scott, 
 Thackeray, Dickens, Bulwer, Charlotte Bronte and Marion Evans as the 
 most prominent among a multitude of able writers, containing many names 
 
LITERATURE AND ART IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 595 
 
 high in nn;rit and rich in variety of style. At the end of the century the 
 field was crowded with writers of conspicuous skill. 
 
 History has reached a high level in the hands of some of the ablest 
 writers in this field known in any age, including Macaulay, Freeman, 
 Froude, Grote, Thirwall, Hallam, Merivale, Buckle, Leckey, Carlyle and 
 Green. Two of these, Carlyle and Macaulay, have won as high a place in 
 the field of criticism and biography as in that of history. In art criticism 
 Ruskin occupies a unique position, while theological subjects and religious 
 thought are represented by such able e.xponcnts as Cardinal Newman, 
 Dean Stanley, Canon Liddon, Dean Farrar, Martineau, Whatcly, Drummond, 
 Spurgeon and many others. The great reviewers include Jef- 
 frey, Lydrely, Smith. Hazlitt, De Quincey, Foster; the wits ^^^J^^u'^'^'"*'" 
 Sheridan, Hook, Jerrold, Smith and Hood ; the philosophers 
 Stewart, Bentham, Brown, Hamilton, Spencer and Stuart Mill ; and the scien- 
 tists Owen, Faraday, Murchison, Darwin, Huxley, Tyndall and various others. 
 
 The above named are merely some of the best known English writers of 
 the century. If it were attempted to name all those of merit the list would be 
 wearisomely long. The same may be said of the literary men of France, of 
 whom many of world-wide fame flourished during the nineteenth century. At 
 the beginning of the new age appeared the versatile Madame de Stael, and 
 Chateaubriand with his famous " Genius of Christianity.'" These ushered 
 in a host of able writers, of whom the leading lyric poets were Victor 
 Hugo, Beranger, Lamartine and Alfred de Musset, and the most prom- 
 inent novelists Hugo, Dumas, Sue, Balzac, Dudevant (George French Novel- 
 Sand^, succeeded in later years by the younger Dumas, istsand 
 Feuillet, Murger, Zola, About and a iiost besides. Dra- "'«»<"■>*"« 
 matic writers have been little less numerous, and essayists and literary 
 critics of merit might be named by the dozen, among them the well-known 
 names of Renan, St. Beuve, Gautier, Taine, Girardin and Rcmusat. 
 
 Perhaps the most successful branch of recent French literature is his- 
 tory, around which a brilliant galaxy of great names has gathered. Prom- 
 inent among these are Guizot, Thierry and Thiers, to whom may be added, 
 as able writers of the history of their country, Sismondi, Michelet, Martin, 
 Barante and Mignet. Other workers in this field are Lamartine and Ville- 
 main, while in philosophy, sociology and the various branches of science 
 the writers have been numerous, and many of them of high ability. 
 
 The writers of Germany have been as prolific as those of England and 
 France, though the greatest names of that country, such giants of thought 
 as GtKthe, Schiller, and Kant, belong to the closing period of the eighteenth 
 century, and have found no equals in the nineteenth. Kant was succeeded 
 33 
 
596 LITERATURE AND ART IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 
 
 by three other great metaphysical philosophers, Fichte, Schelling, and 
 
 Hegel, the four forming a group nowhere matched for depth of thought In 
 
 any similar period of time. In poetry, Gcethe and Schiller 
 
 J VI ,-\ were succeeded by the sonof writers Korner, Arndt, Riickert, 
 and Novelists _ •' ^ _ ' 
 
 and Uhland, while of the poets of later date Heine undoubtedly 
 ranks first. Fiction was enormously developed during the century, Gustav 
 Freytag being one of the most eminent novelists, while others of note were 
 Hacklander, Spielhagen, Heyse, Ebers, Auerbach, and of women writers 
 Ida von Hahn-Hahn, Fanny Lewald, Schopenhauer, and Marlitt. Famous 
 authors who have dealt with the mysterious agencies of nature are De la 
 Motte Fouque, the author of the charming " Undine," Chamisso, with his 
 fantastic " Peter Schleniihl," and Hoffmann, whose tales of wonder and 
 fantasy are of the first merit. Best known among fantastic and imaginative 
 writers is Jean Paul Richter, whose satirical and humorous novels had a 
 striking effect upon German thought at the beginning of the century. Of 
 German humorists, P'ritz Renter occupies perhaps the highest rank. 
 
 In the field of science and exploration the literature of Germany is rich. 
 
 German Scien- Scientific travel was given a great impetus by the famous 
 
 tistsand works of Alexander von Humboldt, — "Cosmos," " Views of 
 
 Nature," etc., — and his example has been abundantly followed. 
 Among his more famous successors are Martins, the learned traveler in 
 Brazil ; Tschudi, in Peru ; Lepsius and Brugsch, in Egypt ; Giitzlaff, in 
 China ; Barth, Vogel, and Schweinfurth, in Africa ; and Leichhardt, in 
 Australia. 
 
 In scientific literature of high value Germany is strong, its writers 
 including Bessel, Encke, Madler, and Struve, in astronomy ; Miiller, Ehren- 
 berg, Liebig, Virchow, Vogel, Helmholtz, Haeckel, Kirchhoff, von Baer, 
 and many others in natural science. The historians are of unsurpassed 
 critical excellence, and embrace Von Ranke, Curtius, Mommsen, von Miiller, 
 Heeren, Niebuhr, Neander, Menzel, and many more. In philology and 
 critical study may be named Wolf, Hermann, the brothers Grimm, Bopp, 
 Benecke, and Haupt. Critical essayists include the two Schlegels, von 
 Hardenberg (Novalis), Tieck, Schelling, and Wilhelm von Humboldt. 
 
 This is by no means an exhaustive list of the prominent German 
 authors of the nineteenth century, and we must deal still more briefly with 
 the other nations of Europe. Russia may fairly be ranked with the United 
 
 States, as being, in a literary sense, largely confined to the 
 
 e I era ure nineteenth century. It had some writers of merit of earlier 
 oi Kussia -' 
 
 date, largely poets and fabulists, but the first prose writer of 
 
 excellence of style was Nicholas Karamzin, whose famous " History of the; 
 
UTr.RATURE AND ART IN THE NlNEriiENTH CENTURY 595 
 
 Russian Kmpire " Ijegan to ai)jjear in 1815. l'o<,-try also bc-caim.- more mcril- 
 orioiis in this period, Alexander Pushkin, the i^reatest of Russian poets, giv- 
 ing to tilt; world some charminy narratives in verse. Ivan Kriloff won fame 
 as a writer of fables, while other poets of merit appeared, among them 
 Kiilisov, the writer (jf Russian national songs. 
 
 In the field of fiction the fu'st of special merit was Nicholai Gogol, 
 )ne of the most powerful of Russian novelists ; but the first to gain a 
 I'.uropean fame was Ivan Turgeneff. Greatest among his successors is 
 Count Leo Tolstoi, who entered this field with " War and Peace," the record 
 of his experience in the Crimean war. His radical studies of the problems 
 of social life have since led to a number of works of striking character, 
 which have won him a world-wide fame. In romantic fiction Russian writers 
 have gained much celebrity, and they incluile able authors in history, science 
 ai'l other fields. 
 
 The three .Scandinavian nations, Denmark, Sweden and Norway, have 
 been active in literary production, and possess many authors of national 
 fame, and several who are read and admired throughout the world. Of 
 high standing among the poets of Sweden is the popular poet Runeberg, 
 born in I'inland in 1S04, who possessed a poetic genius of the highest 
 quality. But the most celebrated poet of Sweden is Esaias Tegner, whose 
 '■ 1' riihiiif's Saga" has won him a world-wide fame, it having been translated in- 
 to the principal modern languages, though with great loss of the 
 
 beauty of the oriijinal. Almquist, a man of fine genius and ""he Authors 
 •' * 1 ^01 Sweden 
 
 wide knowledge, was a poet and novelist of the romantic 
 
 school, his novels including "Book of the Rose," "The Palace," etc. 
 Stagnelius, another poet of eminence, obtained fame by his epic of 
 "W'ladimir the Great." The novelists include several well-known women 
 writers, ilu- [iroductions of P'redrika Bremer and PLmilie Carlen having 
 gained popularity in PLnglish translations. PVedrika Runeberg, wife of 
 the poet, was also a popular novelist, while favorite male writers of histori- 
 cal novels include Mellin, Sparre, Topelius, and Rydberg, the last also a 
 popular poet. Wetterbergh (Uncle Adam) gained reputation by his 
 humorous tales of Swedish home life. 
 
 Most famous of the poets af Norway is Wergeland, the Schiller of his 
 country, his works including tragedies, poems and satires. Various later 
 writers followed in his line, including Moe. Jensen, Kjerulf and Thomsen. 
 Chief among Norwegian novelists is Bjornson, the author of a series 
 of charming studies of the peasant life of his country, all which are popular 
 in English speaking countries. Others who have wrought in the same field 
 are Thoresen and Lie. But most famous of the recent writers of Norway 
 
598 LITERATURE AND ART IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 
 
 is the dramatist Ibsen, a tliorough playwriglit on historical and romantic 
 Literarureof themes, and on social problems. It is the striking and radical 
 Sweden and character of his productions in the last named field, including 
 Norway <, p^ Doll's House" and various others, to which he owes his 
 
 widespread fame, and the severe criticism with which his works have 
 been assailed. 
 
 The Danish literature of the nineteenth century opened .with Jens 
 Baggesen, whose lyrics, mock-heroic poems, and " Comic Tales " are much 
 admired. The great poet of Denmark, however, is Oehlenschlager, who 
 produced tragedies of the highest merit, while his splendid epic poem, 
 "The Gods of the North," is one of the noblest modern works of this 
 character. Of the many other Danish writers of the century we shall name 
 only the famous Hans Christian Andersen, whose folk-tales are household 
 words throughout the world. 
 
 The literary fame of Spain rests with its authors of the past, there 
 being few of notable merit of recent date. Much the same must be said in 
 regard to Italy, the latest of its great poets and dramatists, Alfieri, dying in 
 1803. One of its most famous nineteenth century writers was Ugo Foscolo, 
 whose political romance, " Letters of Jacopo Ortis," published about 1800, 
 became immensely popular. His finest work is considered to be " The 
 Monuments," an admirable lyric poem. Count Leopardi also attained to 
 high eminence as a poet, and Manzoni as a novelist and 
 dramatist, his " Betrothed Lovers " (" I Promessi Sposi "), 
 having' a wide reputation as a vivid picture of Italian society of the seven- 
 teenth century. We shall speak of only one other, Silvio Pellico, whose 
 work, " My Prisons," descriptive of his own sufferings in Austrian prisons, is 
 a classic of its kind and has been widely translated. 
 
 This rapid review by no means e.\hausts the meritorious ninetenth 
 century authors of Europe, whose smaller countries possess their writers of 
 fame. Hungary, for instance, presents to us the prolific novelist Jokai, whose 
 works are read in all civilized lands. Poland, no longer a country, merely a 
 people, has its famous novelists, chief among them being H. Sienkiewiez, 
 author of the popular " Quo Vadis." The same may be said of the Nether- 
 lands and of Switzerland, to the latter of which the United States was 
 Other Cele- indebted for one of its most eloquent scientific writers, the 
 
 brated celebrated Louis Agassiz. Of course, the literature of merit 
 
 Authors jj^ j,j^g nineteenth century has not been confined to Europe and 
 
 the United States. Canada, for instance, has produced able writers, and the 
 same may be said of the British colonies of Australia and South Africa, 
 while the nations of Spanish-America have also produced noted authors. 
 
LITERATURE AND ART IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 599 
 
 Wc have said in the beginnini,' of this chapter that Hteraturc has made 
 no recent advance, writers of conspicuous merit reachinij far hack into the 
 past. T he " Iliad " of Homer, for example, dates back some three thousand 
 years, and Dante belongs to an early era of mediaeval Europe, neritof the 
 Yet this assertion is true only in a general sense, that of the Literature of 
 comparative merit of authors in style and depth of thought, the Past 
 without regard to the character of their works. In a more special sense, 
 that of the distinctive varieties of literature, we may credit the nineteenth 
 centiir\- with several marked steps of progress. The most meritorious 
 works of tlie past ages were in the fields of poetry, drama, philosophy, 
 oratory, and other branches of imaginative and metaphysical thought. The 
 practice of accurate observation and the literature arising from it arc very 
 largely of nineteenth century development. The literature of travel, for 
 instance, is confined in great measure to the past century, and the same may 
 be said of that of science, the comparatively few sceintific treatises of the 
 past having been replaced by a vast multitude of scientific works. These are 
 in great measure confined to records of scientific observation and discovery. 
 Theoretical science, while very active in the past century, has scientific and 
 yielded no works of higher merit than those of such older Historical 
 writers as Aristotle, Copernicus, Kepler, Galileo, Newton and ' '^^^ ""^^ 
 others of the older worthies. But the gathering of facts has been enor- 
 mous, and great libraries of works of science to-day replace the scanty 
 volumes of a century ago. 
 
 A second field of nineteenth century advance is in the domain of his- 
 tory. The history of the past is largely the annals of kings and the story 
 of wars. Thucydides, the philosophical historian of Greece, had few suc- 
 cessors before the century in question, within which written history has 
 greatly broadened its scope, reaching to heights and descending to depths 
 unattempted before. Histories of the people have for the first time been 
 written, and tht: outreach of historical research has been made to cover 
 institutions, manners and customs, morals and superstitions, and a thousand 
 things neglected by older authors. History, in short, has at once become 
 philosophical and scientific, efforts being made in th , latter direction to 
 sweep into its net everything relating to man, and in the former to discover 
 the forces underlying the downward How through time of the human race, 
 and to trace the inlluences which have given rise to the political, social and 
 other institutions of mankind. 
 
 A still more special field of nineteenth century literary development is 
 that of the novel. Imaginative thought has existed for long ages, and 
 fictitious tales are as old as civilization, but in the ancient world these were 
 
6oo LITERATURE AND ART IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 
 
 couched in the form of poetic and dramatic literature, of fable, fairy tale, and 
 the like. The first steps of approach towards the modern novel began in 
 late Greek times, and the development of the tale continued through the 
 The Novel and Middle Ages, though it failed to reach the level of what may- 
 its Develop, be distinctively called the novel until the middle of the eight- 
 '"®"* eenth century. The novel, specially so called, is the character 
 
 tale, the development of human personality under the guise of fiction. 
 This was scarcely attempted in the prose works of the past, character draw- 
 ing being then confined to the drama. Abundant works of romance and 
 adventure were written, but it was left to Richardson, Fielding, and the 
 contemporary French authors to produce character novels, works of fiction 
 peopled by individual men and women, instead of by speaking puppets, 
 shows of man in the abstract, as in earlier years. 
 
 The novel attained some promising development in the latter part of 
 the eighteenth century, but was still in a crude state at the opening of the 
 nineteenth, when it was taken up by the powerful hand of Scott, whose 
 remarkable works first fairly opened this new domain of intellectual enjoy- 
 ment to mankind. Since his time the literature of the novel has grown stupen- 
 dous in quantity and remarkable in quality, reaching from the most worthless 
 and degraded forms of literary production to the highest regions of human 
 thoucrht. The novel, as now developed, covers almost the entire domain of 
 intellectual production, embracing works of adventure, romance, literal and 
 ideal pictures of life, humor, philosophy, religion, science, — forming indeed 
 a great drag-net that sweeps up everything that comes in its way. 
 
 There is another field of literary production, more humble but not less 
 useful than those named, which has had an immense development in the 
 past century, that of the school text-book. The text-books of earlier periods 
 The Text-Book were of the crudest and most imperfect character as compared 
 and Progress with the multitude of works, admirably designed to smooth 
 in Education |^|^^ pathway to knowledge, which now crowd our schools. In 
 connection with these may be named the great development in methods of 
 education, and the spread of educational facilities, whose effect has been 
 such that, whereas a century ago education was confined to the few, it now 
 belongs to the many, and ignorance is being almost driven beyond the 
 borders of civilized nations. These who cannot read and write are becom- 
 ing a degraded minority, while a multitude of colleges and universities are 
 yielding the advantages of the higher education to a constantly increasing 
 multitude. 
 
 By no means the least among the triumphs of the nineteenth century 
 has been the enormous development of book-making. The wide-spread 
 
LITERATURE AND ART L\' THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 6oi 
 
 education of the people in recent times has created an extraordinary de- 
 mand for books, there being a thousand readers now to the one of a century 
 or two as^o. This demand has given rise to as extraordinary a supply, which 
 is not offered in books alone, but in periodicals of the most varied character 
 and scope, including a multitude of newspapers almost beyond vast increase in 
 comprehension. The United States alone, in addition to its Books and 
 numerous magazines, issues more than twenty thousand dif- ewspapers 
 ferent newspapers, of which the aggregate circulation reaches daily far up 
 into the millions. 
 
 The demand for reading matter could not have been a tenth part supplied 
 with the facilities of a century ago, but man's powers in this direction have 
 steadily increased. From the intellectual side, the advance in education has 
 provided a great number of men competent to cater to the multitude of 
 readers, as authors in various fields, editors, reporters, etc., an army of able 
 men and women being enlisted in this work. From the mechanical side, 
 invention has served a similar purpose ; the paper-making machinery, with 
 the use of wood as raw material, the mechanical type-setters, the rapid print- 
 ing-presses, and other inventions having not only enormously increased the 
 aljility to jjroduce books and newspapers, but cheapened them to such an 
 extent that they are now within the reach of the poorest. A century ago 
 such a thing as an one-cent newspaper was not known. Now a daily that 
 sells for more than a cent is growing rare. A century ago only a few dic- 
 tionaries, encyclopedias, and other works of reference were 
 in existence, and those were within the reach only of the well- tise'of'Books 
 to-do. Now works of this kind are very numerous, and they 
 are being sold so cheaply and on such easy terms of payment, that they are 
 wiilely spread through the families of artisans and farmers. 
 
 In trutli, tile number of books possessed by wage-earners and agricul- 
 turists to-tlay is very much greater than those classes could possess a 
 century ago, and the character of these works has improved so greatly that 
 they serve a highly useful purpose in the advancement of popular education. 
 In addition to the actual ownership of books, there has been so great an 
 increase in libraries, and such an improvement in methods of distribution, 
 that books of all kinds are within the reach of the poorest of city people, 
 and measures arc being taken to place them at the disposal of country 
 people as well. 
 
 At the opening of the century the free library was almost unknown. 
 At its close there was not a large city in the United States without its free 
 library, and many small ones were similarly provided. In truth, the great 
 library development in this country has been within the latter half of the 
 
6o2 LITERATURE AND ART IN NINETEENTH CENTURY 
 
 century. In 1S50 there were only eighty-one libraries in the United 
 States that contained over 5,000 volumes, and the total number of books 
 in them was less than a million, a much smaller number than could be found 
 The Develop- '" '^^''^ libraries of Paris alone. No single American library 
 ment of at that date contained over 75,000 volumes. In 1900 there 
 
 Libraries were more than a dozen with over 100,000 volumes each, some 
 
 of these possessing considerably over half a million books. Thus the Boston 
 Public Library contained over 600,000 volumes, while a still larger number 
 was housed within the Congressional Library at Washington, in what is the 
 finest and most magnificently decorated library building in the world, with 
 room to accommodate as many as 4,000,000 volumes. The great libraries 
 of the United States are far surpassed in number of books by those of the 
 leading capitals of Europe, and particularly by that of Paris, which con- 
 tains the enormous number of more than 2,500,000 volumes. 
 
 What has been said about literature can scarcely be repeated about art. 
 The nineteenth century has developed no new species of fine art, and in its 
 productions in sculpture, painting, architecture and music has 
 Centuries given US no works superior to those of the earlier centuries. 
 
 Many names of artists of genius in this century could be 
 given, if necessary, but as these names indicate nothing original in style or 
 superior in merit there is no call to present them. The advance of the 
 nineteenth century has been rather in the cheap production and wide dis- 
 semination of works of art than in any originality of conception. 
 
 In this direction the greatest advance has been made in pictorial art. 
 Methods of engraving have been very greatly cheapened, and the photograph 
 has supplied the world with an enormous multitude of faithful counterparts 
 of nature. Among the many ways in which this form of art has been 
 applied, one of the most useful is that of book illustration. The ordinary 
 "picture-book" of the beginning of the century was an eye-sore of frightful 
 Great Proo-ress character, its only alleviation being that the cost of illustra- 
 in Pictorial tions prevented many of them being given. The "half-tone" 
 ^^^ method of reproduction of photographs has made a wonder- 
 
 ful development in this direction, pictures that faithfully reproduce in black 
 and white scenes of nature or works of art being now made with such 
 cheapness that book illustrations of superior character have grown very 
 abundant, and it has become possible to illustrate effectively the daily news- 
 paper, laying before us in pictorial form the scenes of events that hap- 
 pened only a few hours before. 
 
CHAPTER XLI. 
 
 The American Church and the Spirit of Human 
 Brotherhood. 
 
 As the century draws toward its end. and men make careful survey of 
 the work it has wrought in the many and varied fields of human 
 activity, it is natural that each observer should take a special interest 
 in the (le])artment which constitutes his specialty. The statesman studies 
 tlu; social and political phenomena and forces of the age. The scientist, 
 the educator, the manufacturer, the financier, the merchant, find in their 
 respective spheres problems to be taken in hand and carefully investigated, 
 that the experience of the past may become wisdom for the future. While 
 this division of labor may tend to develop one-sidedness in the individual, it 
 provides ample material for the true student of history, who, by collecting 
 the data furnished by these various investigators, may make 
 
 wide and wise szeneralizations, and thus contribute to a more •'^'s on o 
 
 •^ . , , Labor 
 
 complete study of human nature and human history. The 
 
 increase of general interest among special observers and students will ensure 
 
 in due time co-operation, increased intelligence, and enthusiasm in the 
 
 promotion of the highest civilization. 
 
 As the procession of the years which form the most wonderful century 
 of human history closes its solemn march, those who look on time as 
 deriving its chief worth from its relations to eternity, and who estimate 
 civilization as it bears upon the immortal character of man, Avill of necessity 
 judge a century by its religious quality and results, asking : What place has 
 religion held, what work has it wrought, what errors have weakened it, what 
 are the tendencies which now dominate it, what are the opportunities which 
 open before it ? 
 
 The American type of Christianity is in advance of all other Cliristian 
 types, since it grows among and permeates political anil American 
 social ideas and institutions which give it larger and fuller oppor- Type of 
 tunities than it has ever before known, opportunities to nstiamty 
 
 develop humanity on all sides and in all relations. The American Church 
 is made up of all individuals, classes, societies, and agencies which bear the 
 Christian name or hold the Christian thought. It is not a "State Church." 
 
 C05 
 
Co6 THE AMERICAN CHURCH 
 
 It is not a " union Church" — constituted by the formal unification of diverse 
 sects or denominations. It embraces all believers (and in a sense all 
 citizens) without visible consolidation ; it favors all without legislative 
 interference ; it gives freedom to all without partiality or discrimination. 
 
 The distinguishing feature of American life — which makes what we 
 call "freedom" mean more and promise more than does the civil, political, 
 and religious freedom of any other land, and which therefore gives a dis- 
 tinctive character to the American Church — is that the liberty of the 
 individual has large and unhampered, opportunity for growth and action. 
 Individual liberty here is actual liberty ; unhindered by governmental pro- 
 visions for privileged classes, who, by the accident of birth, leap into place 
 and prerogative without merit of their own, and whose unearned advantage 
 is detrimental to the well-being of the multitude. It is liberty which carries 
 with it opportunity, — the liberty of the lowest in the nation to reach the 
 rank of the highest ; of the poorest to become the richest ; of the most 
 ignorant to become the most learned ; of the most despised to become the 
 Distinguishing niost honored ; the liberty of every man to know all that he 
 Feature of can know, to be all that he can be, and do all that he pleases 
 American i e ^^ j^^ ^^ long as he does not interfere with the right of any 
 other man to know all that he can know, to be all that he can be, and to do 
 all that he pleases to do. It is the liberty among brothers, who, with all the 
 prerogatives of individuality, need not forget the brotherhood of man, and 
 who have every inducement not merely to guarantee to each other this 
 regal right of full personal development, but who easily learn how to render 
 mutual aid — every man helping every other man to know all that he can 
 know, be all that he can be, and to do all that he pleases to do. 
 
 This, then, is the ideal of American civilization : A nation of equals, 
 who are brothers. This is the doctrine of the closing American century; 
 the root of the goodly tree that covers such ample area with its fruitful and 
 bending branches ; the vine which the right hand of the Lord our God hath 
 planted ; this the lesson running along the bars and shining out of the stars 
 of our national flag. It is necessary that the race experiment with this great 
 idea of freedom and fraternity. It is an idea that sounds well in rhyme and 
 song, but it must stand the test of practice as well ; and is it capable of this? 
 May this large Gospel of the Christ be realized by a nation, and this nation 
 become in spirit and fact a church ? This is the glorious thought running 
 through the civilization of our century, and this we believe to be the pur- 
 pose of the God of nations. 
 
 The distinctive feature of the nineteenth century in America is the 
 struggle for the recognition of these two noble ideas : The freedom of the 
 
TIIF. AMI-IRICAN CinJRCH 607 
 
 Iii(li\iilii;il and tlic bnithcrliood of the race. And tills th()iiL,dit is thoroii(,dily 
 r<li<;ioiis. It is prc-emiiiciitly Christian. It was taiii,dit, enforced, and illus- 
 trated by the Nazarenc. It is asscrtino; itself in our civilization. The work 
 is now .y^oin-^r on. It has not gone far, but it is bound to go on to the blessed 
 tznC^. The leaven is working every day. We are in tlv miil^.t f)f the great 
 ■xperinicnt. 
 
 The American Cluircli is not a State Church. It is supported not bv 
 law, but by love. No large subsidies corrupt it. No political complications 
 weaken it. Church and State serve each other best when the only bond be- 
 tween thiMii is one of individual conviction and mutual confi- Dcvefonment 
 deuce. The beginnings of the Republic were made by religi- of the Ameri- 
 ous men, who organized religious communities. Th<;\' sought can Church 
 our shores to secure religious lil^ert)-. Some of lluni may havi: lieen nar- 
 row, but they were true and brave. Some of the fetters that bound them 
 had been severed, but some still remained. They had not yet conceived the 
 idea of an emancii)ated and responsible individuality. Protestants fled from 
 the severities of Roman rule, and Romans from the oppressions of Protest- 
 ants. .\nd it took a long time for Protestants to become free. Hut the 
 founders and fathers of the Republic were religious and God-fearing men 
 
 They were simply pupils ("primary pujjils " at that) in the school of human 
 rights and human brotherhood. The lessons were long and hard. It has 
 taken more than a century to get half through the "first reader," .and there 
 is ample work for the century ahead, but as a people we are coming to see 
 the life of the Church in the aims antl order of the State, and to learn that 
 God is in all history, that 1 lis claims upon men extend to all .social relations, 
 sanctifying all secular and i)olitical life, and embracing charity, sympathy, 
 and justice in the minutest details of life, as well as awe, reverence and 
 worship. 
 
 Simultaneously witii tlie rise of the Republic began tin; great Sunday- 
 
 chool system, which went everywhere with the open I5il)le ;uul tin: living 
 
 u-acher, with inspiring Christian sonys, attractive books for 
 
 , , ,..*., . . , . 1 , ■ The5undav- 
 
 .veek-tlay reading, juvenile pictorial papers, .social gatherings, school System 
 
 and the stimulating power of friendly fellowship in religious 
 life. It brought the peoi)le together, old and young, learned and unlearned, 
 rich and poor. It did more to " level up" society than any other agency in 
 the Republic. It made the adult who taught susceptible and affectionate 
 ( hildhood abetter citizen. It prepared the children to be wiser, more con- 
 scientious, and more loyal citizens in the next generation. In the widely ex- 
 tended Methodist revival, and in the all-embracing Sunday-school movement, 
 we T<ee the hand of God fashioning the Nation and the Church, tliat they 
 
6oS THE AMERICAN CHURCH 
 
 might be one in aim and spirit, and that through them might he promoted 
 liberty, equality, and fraternity. 
 
 The various branches or denominations of the American Church are 
 influenced by these ruling ideas of the century ; the freedom and unre- 
 stricted opportunity of the individual and the spirit of generous fraternity. 
 The old warfare between the Protestant denominations has virtually ceased. 
 Co-operation in religious and reformatory effort — the Young Men's Christian 
 Association, the Women's Christian Temperance Union, the 
 
 Union Church ,. i-i i > r^ • r r^^ • • t- i it 
 
 Associations i oung reople s bociety oi Christian Jtndeavor, the Inter- 
 national Lesson system, the State and International Sunday- 
 school Conventions, the Evangelical Alliance, the Chautauqua Assemblies, 
 the exchange of pulpits, the frequent union revival meetings held by repre- 
 sentative evangelists, the ease with which ministers pass from one denomina- 
 tion to another, the warm, personal friendships between representative 
 leaders of the several Churches, the growth and enrichment of non-denom- 
 inational periodical literature — these are some of the signs of the larger 
 thought now controlling our people. 
 
 The American Church, which imposes no creed but the creed of the 
 Republic, which knows no lines of division — sectarian, political, or ter- 
 
 .^. ,, , , ritorial — but which seeks the well-beine of the individual and 
 The Value of . ..... 
 
 Religion in the fellowship of all true citizens, will soon Avield an immense 
 
 Politics influence in matters political. It will discuss great ethical 
 
 questions ; it will carry conscientiousness and independence into political 
 action ; it will dissipate the weak heresy that Christians are not to take part 
 in national affairs. In the days of Christ and the Apostles, the governing 
 powers, the rulers of this world, were beyond the touch and control of the 
 people. It was for them humbly to serve and uncomplainingly to suffer. 
 But now all this has been changed. The people to-day stand where Csesar 
 used to stand ; and to be a thoughtful, conscientious, active, consistent 
 politician, is to be doing God's service. The church member who neglects 
 political duty is guilty of sin against both God and the neighbor. The 
 ;iower of the people will be felt for good when the people begin to know 
 and to defend the true and the good. They have during the century ex- 
 pressed the purpose of the American Church on the subject of slavery. At 
 its declaration the shackles have fallen. They pronounced against and 
 destroyed the Louisiana Lottery. Through the press, the ballot, and the 
 authority of law, the moral force of the nation expresses itself and the 
 base conspirators surrender. So must it be with the saloon, and with all 
 political evil. If politicians carry moral questions into the political arena, 
 the pulpit and all other agencies of the church must go with the question 
 
THE AMERICAN CHURCH 609 
 
 before the people, and K:ad them to consider it 110 less from the moral than 
 from the political point of view. 
 
 Aside from the development of the Cliristian religion as distinctively 
 displayed in the United States, its progress in the world at lar<^e has been 
 L^reat and encouraging. Particularly has the spirit of sectarianism, strongly 
 manifested a century ago, decreased in force and fanaticism diminished, 
 while the sentiment of union and brotherhood between churches of different 
 sects has developed to a highly encouraging degree. 
 
 Outside of Christendom the influences of the religion of Christ 
 have been widely spread by the active and enthusiastic labors of mis- 
 sionaries, who have carried the lessons of the Gospels to all lands, and 
 established Christianity among numerous tribes formerly in the lowest stages 
 of heathenism and idolatry. The success of these devoted men has been 
 much less among peoples possessed of a religious faith of a higher grade, as 
 the Mohammedans, Hindoos, and Chinese, and perhaps the 
 most important results of their labors everywhere have been 'f*'?"."'^*' 
 
 . .... Activity 
 
 those of education and civilization, necessary preliminaries, 
 
 in the case of ignorant and undeveloped peoples, to a just comprehension 
 
 of the principles of Christianity and the inculcation of advanced moral 
 
 sentiments and the high standard of the Golden Rule. 
 
 The religious history of the century does not end with the relation of 
 
 the progress of Christianity. There has indeed been some degree of 
 
 reaction of heathenism upon Christian countries, particularly in the case of 
 
 Buddhism, whose doctrines have made their way into Europe and America, 
 
 and gained there a considerable body of adherents. This infiltration from 
 
 without has developed into what is known as the Theosophical 
 
 Society, which claims over 100,000 members in the United ew Re ikious 
 •" _ _ _ Movements 
 
 States alone. In addition may be named various new religious 
 
 outgrowths of home origin, including the Mormons, the Spiritualists, the 
 
 Christian Scientists, and others of less prominence. Similar new sects have 
 
 arisen in Mohammedan and Hindoo countries, such as the Babists in Persia 
 
 and the Brahmo Somaj In India, these latter being distinctive reforms on 
 
 the more ancient religious creeds and practices. 
 
 What has been said above does not show the full extent of the religious 
 
 movement within the century. There has been an active spirit of progress 
 
 within the lines of denominational religion itself, and liberal sentiment has 
 
 made a marked and promising advance. The former insistance upon creed 
 
 as the essential factor in religion has greatly weakened in favor of its ethical 
 
 element, and the supremacy of conduct over creed is openly taught. Again, 
 
 the old religion of fear is irivin^j- wav Ix'fore a new relitrion of love. The 
 
6io THE AMERICAN CHURCH 
 
 doctrine of future punishment, and the attempt to swell the lists of church 
 members by insistence upon the horrors of Hades, are rarely heard in 
 The Religion of ^'^^ pulpits of to-day, the old Hell-fire conception having be- 
 Fearand of come at once too preposterous and too alien to the character of 
 ''"^^ the All Wise and All Good to be any longer entertained except 
 
 by the most ignorant of pulpit orators. In truth, the doctrines of the 
 modern pulpit are rapidly rising towards the level of Christ's elevated teai:h- 
 mgs, and inculcating love and human brotherhood as the essential elements 
 of the Christian faith. 
 
 The growing spirit of liberalism has given rise to a large body of 
 moralists who repudiate the idea that faith in a creed is essential to salva- 
 tion, and claim that moral conduct is the sole religious element that is 
 likely to inHuence the future destiny of mankind. Persons of this class 
 are specially numerous in the ranks of the scientists, whose habit of close 
 observation, and rigorous demand for established facts as the 
 
 e Spirit o basis of all theoretical views, unfit them for acceptance of any 
 Liberalism _ , . . . ^ _ ■' 
 
 doctrines insusceptible of rigid demonstration from the scien- 
 tific standpoint. This requirement of hard and fast evidence, appealing 
 directly to the senses, and discarding all reliance upon the ideal or upon the 
 broad consensus of ancient belief, has no doubt been carried too far, and 
 has yielded a narrowness of outlook which will be replaced by broader con- 
 ceptions as psychological science develops. That it exists now, however, 
 cannot be denied, and its adherents constitute a very large and influential 
 body. Yet it must be said that science and religion, for a time widely 
 separated, are growing together, and that in all probability the final outcome 
 of modern thought and research will be an alliance between these two great 
 forces, a religion which science can accept and a science in full accord with 
 religious views and principles. 
 
 If we now turn aside from religion as a whole, and consider only its 
 ethical side, it is to find an immense advance within the nineteenth century. 
 
 The standard of right conduct may not have risen, but the 
 
 The Movement geiitiment of human sympathy and of the brotherhood of man- 
 in Ethics . J TT J 
 
 kind has very greatly developed, and human charity and 
 
 fellow feeling, a century or two ago largely confined within the limits of a 
 
 nation or a city, are now coming to embrace all mankind. 
 
 There has been a great amelioration in manners and customs within 
 
 the century, a great decrease in barbarity and cruelty. A few examples will 
 
 suffice to point this out. The barbarous practices in regard to child labor which 
 
 existed in 1800 and much later have often been depicted in lurid colors, the 
 
 selfish greed of employers giving rise to a " massacre of the innocents " as 
 
rilE AMERICAN CHURCH fin 
 
 declared and evon inort: cruel in its methods than that of the time of Christ. 
 
 Thousands of children in tii(; ilays of our grandfathers were 
 
 simply tortured to death in dark and dank mines or gloomy ^'"'J '^h"'- '" 
 
 lactones 
 
 and unliealthy workshops, at an ai^e when thity should have 
 been alternating; between the useful confinement of the schools and the 
 healthful freedom of the playgrounds and the fields. This state of affairs 
 liaijpily no longer exists, and in the present condition of public sentiment 
 Muld not be reproduced. The world has grown decidedly beyond the level 
 of such heartless cruelty. 
 
 The development of sympathy has not confined itself to a redress of 
 the wrongs of children, but has made itself manifest in attention to the 
 wrongs of workmen as a whole, factory inspection having put an end to 
 many unhealthful and oppressive conditions formerly prevailing, and saved 
 thousands of workmen from being poisoned in the midst of their daily 
 labors. And not only human beings, but dumb animals, have been reached 
 b)- the awakened sympathy of modern communities. A century ago the 
 noble antl patient horse was frequently treated with the prevention of 
 utmost brutality, without a hand or a voice being raised in its Cruelty to 
 defence. This barbarity was accepted as a part of the estab- Amma s 
 lished and necessary order of things, and dismissed with a shrug or ptirhaps 
 without a thought. To-day, in the more enlightened nations, this state of 
 things has ceased to exist. Societies for the prevention of cruelty to 
 animals keep a close watch upon the brutally inclined, and have almost 
 put an end to cruel practices which formerly prevailed without a word of pro- 
 test, domestic animals being now protected as carefully as human beings. 
 
 In no direction did the lack of kindly sentiment of a century ago 
 show itself more decisively than in prison management. We do not mean 
 to say that philanthropy did not then exist, but that it was far from being 
 the active sentiment it has become to-day, and was largely without effect 
 upon legislators ; the condition alike of convicted criminals of debtors, and 
 of those held for trial being in many cases almost indescribably horrible. 
 The first effective movement towards prison reform was made by John 
 Howard, in the latter part of the eighteenth century, but 
 
 ... . 1 11 1 11 J- ■' f ''rison Reform 
 
 pubwc sentmient was so dulled towards the condition ot 
 prisoners that the horrors painted out by him were in great measure per- 
 mitted to continue. The legislators of Englaml could not be awakened to 
 any active interest in the inmates of the gaols. 
 
 When Elizabeth Fry made her first visit to the female department of 
 Newgate, the city prison of London, in 1813, she found a state of affairs 
 whose horrors, words are weak to convey. The women inmates " were limited 
 
6i2 THE AMERICAN CHURCH 
 
 to two wards and two yards, an area of about one hundred and nmety-two 
 superficial yards in all, into which some three hundred women with their chil- 
 dren were crowded, all classes together, felon and misdemeanant, tried and 
 untried ; the whole under the superintendence of an old man and his son. 
 They slept on the floor, without so much as a mat for bedding. Many were 
 very nearly naked, others were in rags ; some desperate from 
 Prison Lie a want of food, some savasfe from drink, foul in language, still 
 
 Century ago '^. . . . 
 
 more recklessly depraved in their habits and behavior. Every- 
 thing was filthy beyond description. The smell of the place was quite dis- 
 gusting." 
 
 The condition of affairs on the men's side, unless they were able to pay 
 for better accommodations, was similar to that here described. Their treat- 
 ment, indeed, depended largely on the amount of money they could pay the 
 jail officials and they were fleeced without mercy. The practice of fettering 
 them was so common that nearly every one wore irons, even the untried 
 being often laden with fetters, while their limbs were chafed into sores by 
 the weight of these useless instruments of torture. 
 
 The report of the Prison Discipline Improvement Society, at as late a 
 date as 1818, shows the existence of an almost incredible state of things in 
 English prisons. Many of the gaols were in the most deplorable condition, 
 and crowded far beyond their powers of accommodation. All prisoners 
 passed their time in absolute idleness, or spent it in gambling and loose 
 conversation. The debtors were crowded into the narrowest quarters con- 
 ceivable. Twenty men were forced to sleep in a space twenty feet long 
 by six wide — accomplishing this seemingly impossible feat by "sleeping 
 edgeways." In the morning the stench and heat were something terrible ; 
 "the smell on first opening the door was enough to knock down a horse." 
 The jail hospitals were filled with infectious cases, and in one room, sever 
 feet by nine, with closed windows, where a boy lay ill with fever, three other 
 prisoners, at first perfectly healthy, were found lodged. It is no wonder 
 that the deadly jail fever raged as an epidemic in such pest holes, and even 
 communicated itself to the judges before whom these wretches were brought 
 for trial. 
 
 We have by no means told all the horrors of prison life at that period, 
 but will desist from giving any more of its painful details. It need scarcely 
 be said that an utterly different state of affairs now exists in 
 "prison'ufe '" '^'^ civilized lands, prisoners being treated as human beings in- 
 stead of wild beasts ; and so warm is the feeling of public sym- 
 pathy with the wretched that any of the horrors here depicted would raise 
 a universal cry of deprecation in the land. Kindness is now the rule 
 
Capital Punish- 
 ment in iSoo 
 
 THE AMERICAN CHURCH 613 
 
 In dealing with criminals of all grades, and every effort is made to supply 
 ihcm with employment, and to attend to the requirements of comfort and 
 cleanliness. Prisons are rapidly developing into schools for reform, and 
 with remarkable success where systems of this kind have been fully 
 developed. 
 
 The laws of a century ago were barbarous almost beyond conception 
 at the present day. Capital punishment, now confined to murderers, was 
 then inflicted for some twenty-five separate crimes, including forgery, coining, 
 sheep or horse stealing, burglary, cutting and maiming, rick-burning, robbery, 
 arson, etc. There were, in fact some two hundred capital crimes on the 
 statute books, but most of these had grown obsolete. Yet such 
 a minor offence as stealing in a dwelling house was a crime 
 punishable by hanging, and men were occasionally executed on 
 the gallows for a small theft that would now subject them to only a few 
 months of imprisonment. It was not until after 1830 that an amelioration 
 in these severe laws began, and with such effect that the number of persons 
 sentenced to death in England decreased from 458 in 1837 to fifty-six in 
 1839. After 1 84 1 the death penalty was inflicted only for murder, though 
 seven other crimes remained capital by law until 1861. 
 
 The practice of public executions was another barbarous feature of the 
 code, and the scenes around the gallows at Tyburn, on the occasion of the 
 execution of any criminal of note, were so disgraceful that it seems in- 
 credible that they could exist in any civilized land. Other 
 
 Public Kxccu* 
 
 relics of the dark ages were the public exhibition of the w^ns 
 bodies of the executed, and hanging in chains on a gibbet, a 
 practice in vogue until 1832. In one case mentioned, at that late date, "a 
 sort of fair was held, gaming tables were .set up, and cards were played 
 under the gibbet, to the disturbance of the public peace and the annoyance 
 of all decent people." 
 
 It will sufifice to say here that this state of affairs has been reformed 
 out of existence. Executions, restricted solely to murderers, now take place 
 wholly in private, and so great is the public desire to prevent suffering to 
 the condemned that the first electrical execution in New York raised a cry 
 of horror when it was announced that life did not cease within the few 
 seconds expected, but that the power of sensation continued for perhaps a 
 minute. In truth, in this instance, there was something of a hyper-sensibility 
 manifested, but one of a kind creditable to human nature. 
 
 The development of the spirit of sympathy with the poor and suffering 
 is by no means confined to the instances stated, but has gained an extra- 
 ordinary extension. The rapid progress of railroad and steamship com- 
 34 
 
6i4 THE AMERICAN CHURCH 
 
 municat on, the enormous increase in travel, and the bringing of tlie ends of 
 the earth together by means of the telegraph wire have made of ail manlcind 
 
 one great family, and the instinct of charity and benevolence 
 The Spirit of reaches to the most remote quarters of the globe. Notable 
 Sympathy ^ , . r i- r i i i i n- 
 
 results oi this leehng, oi recent date, nave been the ertorts to 
 
 ameliorate the suffering in India during the late famine, the w^ar instigated 
 by sympathy in Cuba, the earnest efforts to supply food to the starving in 
 Porto Rico, and the fervent feeling aroused in favor of the unjustly punished 
 Dreyfus. 
 
 In regard to charity at home, the instances of it are voluminous beyond 
 our power to record. Hospitals, asylums, institutions of benevolence 
 of the most varied character, have been everywhere instituted, alike in Europe 
 and America, mainly through public donations, and there is no form of 
 want or suffering which is not met by some attempt at allevia- 
 The Growth of i-Iq]-, Homes for the afflicted of every kind are rising in all 
 
 Charity . ... . , , "^ . , '^ 
 
 directions ; charity is organized and active to a degree never 
 before seen ; the bettering of the condition of the poor by improved resi- 
 dences, methods of recreation and instruction, and other acts of aid and 
 kindness is actively going on, and in a hundred ways benevolence is striving 
 to lift man from want and degradation into comfort and advanced conditions. 
 What is known as altruism, the sentiment of fellow feeling, is, 
 in part, coming to be one of the active conditions of the age, and 
 is among the most promising signs of the times. Selfishness, indeed, is 
 abundantly prevalent still, yet altruistic feeling is rapidly on the increase, and 
 gifts for benevolent purposes of all kinds are becoming remarkably abundant. 
 Hundreds of instances might be named, but we shall confine ourselves to 
 one, Andrew Carnegie's wise and kindly devotion of the income of his great 
 fortune to the founding of public libraries, than which nothing could serve 
 better to bring man into a condition of mind which will prevent him from 
 becoming a willing object of charity. 
 
 Certainly the Golden Rule is bearing fruit in these later days, and men 
 
 are widely doing unto others as they would wish to be done by. The old, 
 
 An Advanced '''arrow idea of patriotism is being replaced by a growing senti- 
 
 Spiritof ment of the brotherhood of all mankind, and altruism is mak- 
 
 Benevo ence j^^^ jj.^ ^^^ upward through the dense mass of selfism which 
 
 has so lo'ng dominated the world. It is still only in its pioneer stage, but the 
 
 indications of its growth are encouraging, and we may look forward with 
 
 hope to a day in which it will become the leading influence in the social 
 
 world, and .selfishness lose its long and strong hold upon the heart of man. 
 
CHARLES HADDON SPURGEON FREDERICK W. FARRAR 
 
 WRITERS OF RELIGIOUS CLASSICS 
 
CHAPTER XLII. 
 
 The Dawn of the Twentieth Century. 
 
 TIIE nineteenth century saw the modern world in its making. At its 
 opening' the long media.'val era was just ceasing to exist. The 
 French Revolution had brought it to a sudden and violent termina- 
 tion in Trance, and had sown the seeds of the new ideas of equality and 
 fraternity and the rights of man widely over PZurope. In the new world a 
 
 pfrcat modern nation, instinct with the most advanced ideas _. .,. ^ 
 
 = _ ... . . . The Nineteenth 
 
 of liberty and justice, had just sprung into existence, a nation Century and 
 
 without royalty or nobility, and whose leaders were the the Era of 
 
 , , . ., , r 1 1 Media-'valism 
 
 chosen servants, not the privileged masters, ot the people. 
 
 This grand political revolution, with which the century began, was 
 paralleled with as notable an industrial revolution. The invention of the 
 steam engine had brought to an end the mediaeval system of industry. 
 The old, individual, household era of labor, where every man could be his 
 own master and supply his own capital, ceased to exist ; costly labor-saving 
 machines, needing large accumulations of capital, came into use ; great 
 buildings and the centralization of labor became necessary; and the factor)' 
 system, which has had such an immense development in the nineteenth 
 century, began its remarkable career. 
 
 With the opening and progress of the nineteenth century came other 
 
 conditions of prime importance. Invention, which first became active near 
 
 the end of the preceding century, now flourished until its _. ^ , 
 
 » & •' ' _ _ The Century s 
 
 results seemed rather the work of magic than of plain human Wonderful 
 
 thought and work. Science, which already had made some Stages of 
 
 Hrojrrcss 
 notable triumphs, gained an undreamed-of activity and hun- 
 dreds of the deep secrets of the universe were unfolded. Discovery and 
 exploration achieved surprising results. At the beginning of the century 
 half the world was unknown. .\t its end only the frozen realms of the 
 poles remained unexplored, and civilization was making its way into a hun- 
 tlred haunts of ancient savagery. Literature and art, while they can claim 
 no works of acknowledged superiority as compared with the master pieces 
 of past centuries, have displayed a remarkable activity, and the number of 
 meritorious books now annually issued is one of the most extraordinary 
 
 events of the century. 
 
 617 
 
6i8 THE DAWN OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 
 
 Not less important is the immense progress m education. The school- 
 house forms the great mile-post on the highway of progress. It is every- 
 where in evidence. F"ree schools extend throughout the civilized world, 
 and reach upward to a plane far beyond the highest level of public educa- 
 tion a century ago, linking the common school with the college, and forming 
 a direct stepping stone to university education, which has widened out. 
 with similar activity. In methods of education a marked 
 
 Progress in advance has been made, while the text-books of to-day are 
 
 Education _ ^ ■ i a j 
 
 almost infinitely superior to those of the earlier period. And 
 
 education is turning its attention in a highly encouraging degree towards 
 practical subjects and away from that incubus of the dead languages 
 which was so strenuously insisted upon in the past. Man is going back to 
 nature in education, observation is supplementing book knowledge, and 
 experiment taking the place of authority. In short, education, with its 
 handmaids, the book and the newspaper, is making its way into the 
 humblest of homes, and man is everywhere fitting himself for an intelligent 
 discharge of his social, industrial and political duties. 
 
 As regards the development of the spirit of charity and human brother- 
 hood, it has been spoken of in the preceding chapter and does not need 
 recapitulation here. Yet there is one stage of advance of which nothing has 
 so far been said, but which is of high and significant importance, namely, 
 the great progress made in the educational industrial and political position 
 of woman. 
 
 In the beginning of the nineteenth century education, except of the 
 
 most elementary character, was in great measure confined to boys. In 1788 
 
 the village fathers of Northampton, Mass., where Smith's 
 
 The Education (^Qjigog for women is now situated, voted "not to be at the 
 of Women -^ 
 
 expense of schooling girls;" and in 1792 the selectment of 
 
 Newburyport decided that "during the summer months, when the boys 
 have diminished, the Master shall receive girls for instruction in grammar 
 and reading, after the dismission of the boys in the afternoon, for an hour 
 and a half." The site of this schoolhouse, to which, as is believed, women 
 ■were first admitted on this continent to an education at public expense, is 
 still shown with pride to visitors. The same town established in 180^ four 
 girls' schools, the first on record, to be kept six months in the year, from 
 six to eight in the morning and on Thursday afternoon. 
 
 Step by step the free school was opened to girls, and gradually institu- 
 tions for the higher education of women were established, the pioneer 
 college which opened its doors to the fair se.x being Oberlin, in Ohio, in 
 1833. The advance since then has been great, and at the opening of the 
 
THE DAWN or THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 619 
 
 twentieth century there was not a colleij^e west of the Allc^^Mianies which 
 denied to woman tlie full advantages of education, while the same was the 
 case in many of the older collej^^cs of the East. In 1865 Matthew Vassar 
 founded in Poughkeepsie, N. Y., the first college exclusively 
 for women. To this is now added Smith, Wellesley and Wo>nen'sCol. 
 Bryn Mawr Colleges, within wiiose doors the highest advan- 
 tages of education are to be ol)tained. The tlistinction ht!twecn l)f)ys and 
 girls in education, in short, has nearly ceased to e.xist in this country, and is 
 in a fair way of vanishing in ICurope. 
 
 In industrial occupation the advance of woman has been as great. A 
 century ago few avenues of labor were open to them outside the household, 
 and such work, as was performed was miserably paid for. .\t present there 
 is not an industry which they desire or are suited to follow from which they 
 are debarred, and the last census enumerated four thousand different 
 branches of employment in wiiich women were engaged. This was not only 
 in the lower, but in many of the higher employments. Women physicians 
 are numerous, women lawyers and preachers are coming into the field, 
 women professors teach in schools and colleges, and women authors have 
 given us some of the best books of the century. 
 
 Politically the progress, while not so great, has been encouraging. In 
 the middle of the nineteenth century no woman hatl a right to vote, and the 
 tiiought of woman suffrage was just being evolved. .\t the end of the 
 century women possessed the fullest privileges of the suffrage in the four 
 states of Colorado, Idaho, Wyoming and Utah, and partial suffrage in many 
 other states, while a mucii wider extension of this privilege occupation and 
 seemed not far distant. In many European countries, and Suffrage for 
 in the British colonies of .Australia, New Zealand, Cape Colony, ^^'i^cn 
 Canada, and parts of India, woman had won the right to vote, under various 
 restrictions, for municipal and school officers. Such has been the progress 
 in this direction of a half century. 
 
 What else shall be said of the stale of affairs at the dawn of the 
 
 twentieth century ? Perhaps one of the most significant and promising 
 
 movements of the time is that taken with the object of bringing war, whicli 
 
 has raged upon the earth since the primitive days of mankind, ^^^^^ p^^ ^^j_ 
 
 to an end. The movement in this direction, singularly tion.-; of the 
 
 enou^^h, emanated from the monarch of the most unpro- Hmperorof 
 
 .,..,.,,,, , • , Russia 
 
 gressive of civilized lands, but one whose size and power give 
 
 prominence and influence to any proposition coming from its court. On 
 
 August 24, 1S98, Count Muravieff, Foreign Minister of Russia, by order of 
 
620 THE DAWN OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 
 
 the Emperor Nicholas II., handed to the representatives of foreign govern- 
 ments at St. Petersburg copies of a proposition of such importance, that we 
 give it below in full : 
 
 " The maintenance of general peace and the possible reduction of the 
 excessive armaments which weigh upon ail nations present themselves in 
 existing conditions to the whole world as an ideal toward which the en- 
 deavors of all governments should be directed. The humanitarian and 
 magnanimous ideas of His Majesty the Emperor, my august master, have. 
 been won over to this view in the conviction that this lofty aim is in con- 
 formity with the most essential interests and legitimate views of all the 
 powers ; and the Imperial Government thinks the present moment would be 
 favorable to seeking the means. 
 
 " International discussion is the most effectual means of insuring all 
 pe(.>ple's benefit — a real durable peace, above all, putting an end to the 
 progressive development of the present armaments. 
 
 " In the course of the last twenty years the longing for general appease- 
 ment has grown especially pronounced in the consciences of civilized nations ; 
 and the preservation of peace has been put forward as an object of inter- 
 national polic)'. It is in its name that great states have concluded between 
 themselves powerful alliances. 
 
 " It is the better to guarantee peace that they have developed in pro- 
 partions hitherto unprecedented their military forces, and still continue to 
 increase them, without shrinking from any sacrifice. 
 
 " Nevertheless, all these efforts have not yet been able to bring about 
 the beneficient result desired — pacification. 
 
 "The financial charges following the upward march strike at the very 
 root of public prosperity. The intellectual and physical strength of the 
 nations' labor and capital are mostly diverted from the natural application, 
 and are unproductively consumed. Hundreds of millions are devoted to 
 acquiring terrible engines of destruction, which, though to-day regarded as 
 the last work of science, are destined to-morrow to lose ciU their value in 
 consequence of some fresh discovery in the same field. National culture, 
 economic progress, and the production of wealth are either paralyzed or 
 checked in development. Moreover, in proportion as the armaments of 
 each power increase, they less and less fulfil the object the governments 
 have set before themselves. 
 
 " The ecomomic crisis, due in a great part to the system of armaments 
 a Foiitrance, and the continual danger which lies in this massing of war 
 material, are transforming the armed peace of our days into a crushing 
 burden which the peoples have more and more difficulty in bearing. 
 
THE DAWN Of THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 621 
 
 " It appears evident that if this state of things were to be prolonged it 
 would inevitably lead to the very cataclysm it is desired to avert, and the 
 horrors whereof make every thinking being shudder in advance. 
 
 " To put an end to these incessant armaments and to seek the means of 
 warding off the calamities which are tlireatening the whole world — such is 
 the supreme duty to-tlay imposed upon all states. 
 
 " Filled with this idea, His Majesty has been pleased to commanil me to 
 propose to all the governments whose representatives are accredited to the 
 Imperial Court the assembling of a conference which shall occupy itself 
 with this grave problem. 
 
 "This conference will be. by the help of God, a happy presage for the 
 century which is about to open. It would converge into one powerful focus 
 the efforts of all states sincerely seeking to make the great conception of 
 universal peace triumph over the elements of trouble and discord, and it 
 would, at the .same time, cement their agreement by a corporate consecration 
 of the principles of equit)- and right whereon rest the security of states and 
 the welfare of peoples." 
 
 This hopeful proposal did not, unfortunately, produce the result hoped 
 for by its distinguished promulgator. Doubt of the honesty of the czar 
 and his advisers, and mutual jealousies of the powers of Europe, stood 
 in the way of an acceptance of the proposition to reduce The r^cace Con- 
 ihe enormous armaments of the great nations. Yet, despite fercnceat 
 this, it was not without important results in the direction ^^^ Hague 
 of doing away with the horrors of war and bringing about the reign of 
 peace upon the earth. A peace conference of representatives of the 
 nations, in accordance with the suggestion of the czar, was held at The 
 Hague, the capital of the Netherlands, in the spring of 1899, and resulted 
 in the adoption of a scheme of international arbitration which is full of 
 promise for the future, as an important step in the direction of settling 
 international disputes in the high courts of the nations instead of on the 
 bloody field of war. It proposes to adopt in regard to the nations the prin- 
 ciple long since in vogue in regard to their people, that of the legal in 
 
 place of the violent redress of wrongs and settlement of dis- 
 
 , ^ , . . . , 1 !• 1 1 The Court <if 
 
 putes. A permanent court of arbitration is to be estabhshed. Arbitration 
 
 composed of men amply competent to deal with the questions 
 likely to come before them, and enjoying the public confidence, to deal with 
 national disputes which previously had no other ready arbiter but the sword. 
 Ihere is. it is true, no legal obligations upon nations to submit their differ- 
 ences of opinion to this tribunal, but there is a high moral obligation. 
 
622 THE DAWN OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 
 
 whose force is sure to grow as the years pass on, and in the establishment 
 of this court we have the most promising step yet taken towards the aboli- 
 tion of the barbaric custom of war. 
 
 With the question of the development of the peace sentiment comes 
 that of the advance of industry, which has been one of the most important 
 results of nineteenth century progress. This, as already indicated in these 
 pages, has made an enormous advance within the .century, the invention of 
 labor-saving machinery having so enhanced man's powers of production that 
 the results of each person's labor is very much greater than that of a cen- 
 tury ago. Where slow hand processes then widely prevailed, now the whirr of 
 wheels, the intricate play of almost human-like machines, 
 
 ^..°''^-*^'"^ which need the eve rather than the hand of the mechanic. 
 Machines -' 
 
 turn out products in astonishing profusion and phenomenal 
 cheapness, while the "man with the hoe" of the past is everywhere making 
 way for the man with the machine. 
 
 The rate of progress in this direction has been well shown in the suc- 
 cessive fairs of the nations, of which, as we have already stated, the first was 
 held in Paris in the first year of the century, while the last was held in 1900, 
 the closing year of the century. Between these two dates a large number of 
 fairs, international and national, have been held in Europe and America, each 
 surpassing its predecessor in size and in the variety and originality of its 
 exhibits, and each showing new and important steps of advance. It was the 
 middle of the century before the ideas of mankind expanded to the concep- 
 tion of an international exhibition, or "world's fair," the first of which was 
 
 held in London in 1851. Since then many others on this 
 
 Industrial Ex= extended scale have been held, the first in the United States 
 positions , ' 
 
 being the Centennial Exposition at Philadelphia in 1876. The 
 
 Columbian Exposition, which followed at Chicago In 1893, was full of 
 indications of great progress in the intervening seventeen years, especially 
 in the department of electricity, which had made a remarkable advance in 
 the interval. Still more significant, as showing the vast industrial progress 
 of the United States, was the National Export Exposition at Philadelphia 
 in 1S99, 3- display of commercial products significant of the great develop- 
 ment of American commerce in the final decade of the century, and justly 
 held in the city which had established the first great commercial museum in 
 the world. 
 
 As indicative of the progress in American commerce, a few statistics 
 may be of importance. In 1873 the exports of the United States amounted 
 to $522,479,922, a sum surpassed by that of the imports, which reached 
 $642, 136.2 !o. In 1892 the exports had increased to $1,030,278,148; the 
 
THE DAWN OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 623 
 
 imports reaching $827,402,462. In 1898 the total exports agcrregated the 
 great S';«ti of $1,231,482,330; while the imports fell to a lower figure than 
 in 187;, the total being $616,050,654, almost exactly one half the sum of 
 the exports. It must further be said that these exports are Develo mcntof 
 no longer predominately agricultural, as in the earlier period, American 
 hut that the mechanical products of the United States are being Commerce 
 s<;nt abroad in a constantly increasing ratio. And a significant fact in this 
 relation is that oi our growing sum of exports to England herself, long the 
 dominant lord of manufacture and commerce. This is strikingly indicated 
 in llu; shipment of locomotives for use on English railroads, and of iron 
 bridges for English use by the British authorities in Egypt, the rapidity and 
 cheapness with which American workshops can turn out their products 
 being the ruling elements in this remarkable diversion of trade. 
 
 The progress in other fields of human endeavor, as indicated at the 
 dawn of the twentieth century, has been ecpially pronounced. Science, for 
 example, manifests a wonderful activity, and displays results 
 of bewildering variety and great importance ; while the P^s/'ess in 
 rapid and varied applications of scientific discoveries to 
 useful purposes is one of the most significant signs of the age. Striking 
 recent examples of this have been the Rontgen ray and wireless telegraphy. 
 
 Politically the world has been by no means at rest during the century. 
 In 1800 despotisms, of greater or less rigidness, controlled most of the 
 countries of the world. The republic of the United Netherlands had been 
 overthrown, that recently established in France was sinking under tiie 
 autocracy of Napoleon, and the small mountain-girdled republic of Switzer- 
 land alone remained. Beyond the seas this was matciied by a new republic, 
 that of the United States, at tiiat time small and of little importance in the 
 councils of the world. In 1900 a vast change manifested itself. The whole 
 double continent of America was occupied by rejjublics. 
 
 Canada being practically one under distant supervision, "!!"'",. 
 
 ^ ' •' . . . ^ Evolution 
 
 }• ranee had regained its republican institutions, and Great 
 
 Britain IkuI all the freedom of a republican form of government. Through 
 
 all Western Europe autocracy had vanished, constitutional governments 
 
 having succeeded the absolutism of the past, and the only strongholds of 
 
 autocracy remaining in Europe were Russia and Turkey, in both of which 
 
 the embers of revolution were smouldering, and might at any moment burst 
 
 into flame. 
 
 These are not the only significant signs of progress which jjresent 
 
 themselves to us at the dawn of the twentieth century. In truth, in a 
 
 hundred directions the world has been equipping itself for the new century, 
 
624 THE DAWN OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 
 
 which seems to have before it a destiny unequalled in the history of the 
 world. It is of special importance to observe how prominent the Anglo- 
 Saxon peoples have been in the great advance which we have chronicled. 
 Great Britain, and, following in her footsteps, the United States, have 
 occupied the position ot the leading manufacturing and commercial nations 
 of the world. The contracted boundaries of the British Islands long since 
 proved too narrow to contain a people of such expanding enterprise, and 
 they have gone forth, " conquering and to conquer," settling and developing, 
 Qreat Develop^ until, at the beginning of the twentieth century, the empire of 
 ment of Great Great Britain and its colonies covered an area of 11,336,806 
 " ^'" square miles, inhabited by 381,037,374 human beings. This 
 
 area is nearly one fourth that of the habitable land surface of the earth, 
 and its population quite one fourth of all mankind. The East Indian 
 possessions of this great empire are larger than all Europe without Russia, 
 and the North American ones, if their water surface be included, are larger 
 ^han the whole of Europe. 
 
 The other nations which have made' a great advance in territory are 
 Russia, with its 8,644,100 square miles of territory, and the United States 
 with its 3,602,990. But in both the latter cases these are compact terri- 
 Territorial tories, held not as colonies, which at any time may break 
 
 Progress of loose, but as integral parts of the national domain. This is 
 t e attons particularly the case in the United States, whose territory 
 is inhabited by a patriotic and largely homogenous population, and is not 
 made up of a congeries of varied and dissatisfied tribes like those of Russia. 
 The remaining great territorial nation is France, which, with its colonial 
 acquisitions, covers 3,357,856 square miles of territory. But France her- 
 self is only 204,177 square miles in extent, and her immense colonial 
 dominions in Africa are held by so weak and uncertain a tenure as to count 
 for little at present in the strength of the nation. 
 
 A significant fact, in respect to the recent proposition to establish a 
 universal language, is that the English form of speech, spoken in 1801 by 
 20,000,000 people, is now used by 125,000,000. Russian comes next, with 
 Probable Future 90,000,000, German with 75,000,000, French with 55,000,000, 
 of English Spanish with 45,000,000, and Italian with 35,000,000. The 
 ^^'^ rate of increase in the use of English has far surpassed that 
 
 of any other language, and it is said that two-thirds of the letters that pass 
 through the post-offices of the world are written and sent by people who 
 speak this cosmopolitan tongue. 
 
 This immense advance of the English form of speech is full of signifi- 
 cance. If it goes on, the question as to which is to become the dominant 
 
THE DAWN OF THF TWKNTIETir CKNTURY 625 
 
 languayc uf the. workl will settle itself by a natural process, and the neces- 
 sity of invcntiiiij a special form of speech will be obviated. Mnylish is 
 to-day the chief commercial language of the world, and is fast becoming 
 the polite tongue of luirope, a position luld a century ago by French. By 
 the end of the twentieth century it may well have become the only language 
 besides their own which the peoples of the earth will find it necessary to 
 learn. And its marked simplicity of grammatical form adapts it to this 
 destiny beyond any other of the prominent languages of mankind. 
 
 To return to the subject under consideration, that of nineteenth cen- 
 tury progress, it may be claimed as due to several influences, materially to 
 the extended use of the forces of nature in mechanical processes, in which 
 it went far beyond any of the earlier centuries ; scientifically to the rapid 
 extension of observation and the vast collection of facts. While influences Aid- 
 there was no superior faculty of generalization, this accumula- ing Develop- 
 tion of scientific facts added greatly to the probability of the """^"^ 
 theoretical conclusions thence derived. Again, this activity in investigation, 
 and the great increase of the numbers engaged in it, are legitimate results 
 of the e.xtension of education, and in a large measure of the replacement of 
 classical by scientific instruction. The progress in ethical sentiment is doubt- 
 less largely due to the same cause, that of educational development. This 
 has gone far to dispel the cloud of ignorance which formerly hung heavily 
 over the nations, to ripen human intelligence, to broaden man's outlook, 
 to extend his interest far beyond the range of his immediate surroundings, 
 and, by increasing his information and widening his mental grasp, to 
 develop his sympathies and enhance in him the sentiment of the universal 
 brotherhood of mankind. 
 
 The intense activity of the human mind in those late days, and the 
 quickness with which men take practical advantage of any new suggestion 
 of workable character, are strikingly exemplified in an example that is well 
 worth relating. In the famous sociological novel by Edward Bellamy, 
 entitled " Looking Backward," in which the author describes an ideal 
 community placed at a date near the end of the twentieth century, he 
 pictures a number of advanced conditions which he evidently hopes will 
 exist at that coming period. One of these is a newspaper on a new type, 
 a spoken instead of a written paper. By aid of telephone connections 
 running in all directions, the events of the day in all parts of the world 
 are to be " phoned " to subscribers in their homes, while great orations, 
 theatrical entertainments, concerts, etc.. may be enjoyed without leaving 
 their rooms. 
 
626 THE DAWN OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 
 
 Whether suggested by this imaginative picture or not, it is said that 
 sometliing of tliis kind has been already introduced, a century in advance 
 of its appointed time. We are told that the city of Budapest, Hungary, 
 has had for several years a spoken newspaper named the Telephone Gazette, 
 in which all the news of the day are transmitted by telephone to the 
 subscribers, who are constantly growing in numbers. It has a corps of forty 
 reporters and literary men for the collecting and preparing of material, and 
 sends its news to clubs, restaurants, cafes, public and private residences, the 
 hours of publication beginning at 8.30 a.m., and continuing without interrup- 
 tion until II r.M. Each hour is devoted to some special 
 
 A Telephone d^^gg of news, beeinninof with telecrraphic dispatches from 
 Newspaper ... .. 
 
 abroad, following with local and provincial news, etc., while 
 
 at 8 r.M. there are given concerts, lectures, recitations, or other forms of 
 
 instruction or entertainment. 
 
 We have hitherto dealt solely with the progress of the nineteenth 
 
 century. Now, standing like Bellamy at the dawn of the twentieth, it may 
 
 be well to take a long look ahead, and strive to trace some stages of the 
 
 probable progress of the coming time, looking forward from this summit 
 
 of the ages and stating what this outlook into the dim and distant future 
 
 brings to our eyes. 
 
 Before making this effort there is one thing that needs to be said. 
 
 The progress of the nineteenth century, great as it has been in various 
 
 directions, must be considered as confined within corhparatively narrow limits 
 
 of space, its effects rapidly diminishing as we pass into the remoter lands 
 
 of semi-civilization and barbarism. The United States, Western Europe, 
 
 Limits of Nine- '^"'^ such British colonies as Canada, Australia, and Cape 
 
 teenth Cen- Colony have been the seats of most active progress ; Span- 
 
 tury Progress j^]^ America, Russia, and Southeastern Europe have played 
 
 secondary parts in this movement ; Asia, with the exception of Japan, has 
 
 taken very little part in it ; and Africa almost no part at all, except in a 
 
 few of its European settlements. 
 
 This is one of the important directions in which we may look for a 
 
 declared exercise of twentieth century activity, that of the planting of the 
 
 results of recent civilization in all the regions of the earth. This work, as 
 
 above said, has been done in Japan, whose people have responded with 
 
 Progress in wonderful alacrity to the touch of the new civilization. In the 
 
 China and great empire of China the response has been much less en- 
 
 Hindostan couraging, not from lack of intellectual activity in its people, 
 
 but from self-satisfaction in their existing institutions and culture. At the 
 
 close of the nineteenth century, however, this resistance to the thought 
 
THE DAWN OF THE Tll'ENT/ETH CENTURY 627 
 
 and mechanical inventions of the W(-st was rapidly s^ivinj^^ way, and doubt- 
 less one of the trinm[)hs of the twentieth century will be the rejuvenation of 
 China, which we may look to see rivalling Japan on the path of progress. 
 
 Of the other great centre of intellectual activity in Asia, the populous 
 land of llindostan, its progress is likely to depend far more on its British 
 overlortls than on the people themselves. While as mentally active as the 
 Chinese, the Hindoos are far less practical. The Chinaman is natively a 
 man of business, and needs only to be convinced that some new method is 
 to his advantage to take active hold of it. The Hindoo is a dreamer, 
 remarkably lacking in the business instinct, and is so deeply imbued with the 
 ancient religious culture of his land that it will not be easy to rouse him 
 from the fatalistic tiieories in which his whole nature is steeped. National 
 progress in that land must be the work of British energy. But it has already 
 made such marked advance that Intlia may be trusteil to wlieel into line 
 with the West in the new century. 
 
 The future of the remainder of the world is less assured. The slow 
 thinking peoples of the remainder of Asia, the fanatical populations of 
 Mohammedan lands, the negroes of Africa, the natives of Brazil and Pata- 
 gonia, the inhabitants of the islands of the Pacific, the peoples Amonj; the 
 of the tropics in general, all are likely to act as brakes upon Dull -.Minded 
 the wheels of progress, and the " white man's burden " with '"'"'' "^^^ 
 these tribes and races during the twentieth century is certain to prove an 
 arduous one. 
 
 Yet it is not well to be too pessimistic in regard to this problem. It 
 must be remembered that the work of the nineteenth century in these lands 
 has been largely one of discovery. The labor of settlement and develop- 
 ment has only fairly begun ; what the results will be it is not safe to predict. 
 To make thinkers of these dull-minded savages and barbarians will perhaps 
 be the work of many centuries. To make workers of them is a far easier 
 task, and civilized processes may be active in all these lands long before the 
 nations are in condition to appreciate them. One method of solving the 
 problem is already under way. In the Hawaiian Islands the native population 
 is rapidly disappearing and being replaced by a new one. In New Zealaml 
 it has in great measure disappeared and British immigrants have taken its 
 place. The natives are diminishing in numbers elsewhere, as in Australia. 
 Tile problem of civilization in many of the new lands is likely to be solved 
 ill this easy way. But in the thickly settled countries this radical solu- 
 tion of the problem is not to be looked for, and the white man has be- 
 fore him the burden of lifting these unprogressive populations into a 
 higher state. 
 
638 THE DAWN OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 
 
 To come back to the question of the general advance of the world 
 during the twentieth century, we find ourselves facing a difficult and 
 varied problem. That the great progress of the nineteenth century- 
 will be continued cannot well be questioned, but the directions this 
 
 _ ..^. , prog-ress will take is far from easy to decide. In some of its 
 Conditions of r & ..... 
 
 Twentieth phases progress seems approaching its limiting point, in others 
 Century j(-g rapidity is likely to decrease, while in still others it may 
 
 be enormously enhanced. It is by no means improbable that 
 the development of human institutions during the century at hand will be 
 in quite different lines from those of the century just closed, less mechan- 
 ical perhaps and more moral, less scientific and more philosophical, less 
 political and more industrial, less laborious and more artistic. 
 
 In some branches of invention and discovery we seem approaching a 
 termination. It is not easy to see, for instance, how telegraphy can advance 
 in the future as it has in the past. Its powers seem nearing their 
 ultimate measure of ease and rapidity. Yet it is dangerous to predict. 
 Here at the end of the century comes wireless telegraphy, with untold 
 powers. And by its side appears telepathy, mental telegraphy, — the direct 
 action of mind upon mind in a manner analogous to that of telegraphing 
 without wires — of which as yet we know little, yet which may have in it 
 great possibilites of development. 
 
 Other discoveries which seem approaching their ultimate condition are 
 telephony, photography, illumination, and apparently labor-saving machinery 
 in some of its fields, since the performance of some machines 
 imi a ions o appears to have practically reached perfection. Transporta- 
 tion may well be one of these. The rapidity of railroad 
 travel will, no doubt, be increased, yet natural limitations must check its 
 indefinite increase. The same may be said in regard to steamship travel, it 
 appearing that any great future increase of speed must be at an increased 
 ratio of cost so considerable as to bring development in this direction to a 
 speedy termination. 
 
 Of course, we are speaking only from our present point of view. It is 
 quite possible that some new and luminous conceptions may break down 
 the bars which now appear to be erected and open the way for new progress 
 in all these directions. Yet it seems safe to assert, as a general principle, 
 that development in any one direction can go on only unto a certain point, 
 and that the limitations of nature must check it at that point. 
 
 We cannot, indeed, well conceive of a greater activity of invention 
 and a more rapid unfoldment of new processes than we have had before us 
 in the nineteenth centuiy. But an equal activity may long continue. While 
 

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632 THE DAWN OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 
 
 invention appears to have yielded practically perfect results in some fields, 
 great imperfection exists in others, and in these the minds of inventors 
 Probable Lines h^ve still abundant room fortxercise. Thus while the bicycle 
 of Future seems almost to have attained perfection, the automobile is 
 
 '^ '^' ^ only in its pioneer stage and may be capable of extraordinary 
 
 inii)rovement. It is quite possible that the horse may in the near future 
 end his long career as man's chief instrument of carriage and traction 
 Navigation of the air is still in embryo, but it may in time supplant travel 
 on land and sea. 
 
 The possibilities in these and some other directions seem immense. At 
 the beginning of the nineteenth century wood was the chief fuel, and had 
 in great measure to serve the needs of household and workshop. At the 
 dawn of the twentieth century coal had taken its place, and the forest had 
 been replaced by the mine. We look back with pity, not unmixed with con- 
 tempt, on the slowness of our ancestors, slaves to the axe and the firebrand. 
 Our descendants of a century hence may look back with like feelmgs upon 
 us, and marvel how we could content ourselves with delving in the deep 
 rocks of the earth's crust for fuel when far more abundant and useful 
 resources lay everywhere about us. 
 
 We are beginning to perceive, somewhat dimly still, the immensity and 
 inexhaustibility of these powers and are prospecting among them with the 
 footsteps of pioneers. The powers of falling water have long been em- 
 Employment of ployed, but only recently has it been discovered that they 
 the Forces of could be conveyed to a distance by means of the electric con- 
 ature ductor and applied to motors for the movement of machinery. 
 
 The electric plant at Niagara Falls is the greatest nineteenth century instal- 
 lation in this direction. Thousands of such plants may be installed in the 
 near future, and the flowing currents of electricity yield light, heat and 
 power in a profusion and with a cheapness that will quite throw coal out of 
 the race, and release the slaves of the mine from their age-old fetters. 
 
 Falling water is only one of these sources of natural power. The 
 tidal rise and fall of the seas is another. The movement of the winds is a 
 third. The vast heat contents of the sunlight is a fourth. The variable 
 and periodical character of these is capable of being overcome by methods 
 of storing energy, electrical or other, already somewhat developed and 
 doubtless capable of much further development. 
 
 This is one of the most promising directions that appear before us for 
 the exercise of twentieth century invention. Yet, despite this and other 
 fields of inventive activity, what we have said appears to hold good, that 
 one by one each of the varied lines of invention will reach its ultimatum, 
 
THE DAWX OF THE rWENTIETH CENTURY 633 
 
 and gradually the activity of man in this direction decrease. While the 
 twentieth century may be as active in the development of mechanism as the 
 nineteenth has been, it seems unlikely to be more so, and in succeeding 
 centuries, inventive activity must decline for want of lields in which to exer- 
 cise itself. 
 
 In some other fields of mental activity a similar slackening of energy 
 may appear. Science has been as active as mechanics in the century just 
 closed, but in some of its fields of exercise an approach towards 
 
 !••• ■ ^ ■, r\\ -I- 1 Possible De- 
 
 a Imiitmg point seems evident. Observational science has j.|j„^. j„ y^^^ 
 
 been phenomenally busy, and the multitude of facts collected chanicaiand 
 
 has been extraordinarily great ; so crreat indeed that in some Scientific 
 
 Projrrcss 
 
 lines the facts remaining to be observed have become limited. 
 Such is the case in zoology and botany. The species of animals ami plants 
 are by no means all known, but only the inconspicuous and those existing in 
 lands yet unexplored remain to be discovered. There is much room for 
 work still in this field, but future labors must be more difficult and results 
 less abundant. The same can be said of several other fields of scientific 
 observation, such as chemistry, mineralogy, anatomy and physiology, and 
 others that could be named. Doubtless there is still large room for obser- 
 vation, but it must be in the finer and less evident domains of science, the 
 surface facts having been largely gathered in. In theoretical science great 
 progress has also been made by such men as Copernicus, Kepler, Newton, 
 Young, Darwin and a host of others. But many important problems remain 
 to be solved, and human thought may profitably be exercised in this direction 
 for a long time to come. 
 
 Yet it may be that the progress of the twentieth century will be 
 directed most largely towards fields of research or improvement which have 
 been secondary considerations, or have made only partial advance, in the 
 century we have been considering. These will perhaps be intellectual 
 rather than physical in character, and the advance social rather than material. 
 Man has been struggling actively with inanimate substances New Lines of 
 and physical forces and adapting them to his ends. There Mental 
 lie before him the world of the animate and the forces of society ctivity 
 and the intellect, to be treated with similar activity. The political, moral, 
 educational, and industrial problems of the day need to be taken hold of 
 more decisively than ever before, and the reign of fraud, injustice, auto- 
 cratic power, unnatural inequality, ignorance, unnecessary want and suffering, 
 etc., brought to an end. 
 
 There has been, as above stated, very considerable political evolution 
 during the recent centur\', but the political condition of the world remains 
 
634 THE DAWN OF THE TWENTIETH CENTUAY 
 
 very far from satisfactory, even in civilized lands, and there is abundant 
 
 room for progress in this field. Man will not be satisfied until every 
 
 vestige of autocratic power and hereditary rank is swept away and the 
 
 rulers of the nations have become the chosen servants of the people, as in 
 
 the republic of the United States, and what we may call the prime-ministry 
 
 of Great Britain — for the so-called monarchy of that kingdom has sunk to 
 
 a title without power. Nor will man be satisfied until the rule of the 
 
 ^ .^ ■ ^ ..^. political boss is similarly swept aside and honesty in office and 
 Purity in Politics f . -^ ^ . •'. 
 
 in elective methods secured. This state of affairs cannot be 
 reached under the present condition of public opinion. In the educational 
 activities of the age political instruction is sadly needed. The masses need 
 to be taught their duties and their rights. If they can once be brought to 
 act together for their own interests and their own ideas of right and wrong, 
 and cease to be led astray by the shibboleth of party or partisanship, there 
 will be a rapid change in the state of public affairs, and men be chosen for 
 official positions who can be trusted to act for the good of those who sent 
 them there. 
 
 Advance in education is not alone needed for this, but its accompani- 
 ment, advance in moral standards, is equally requisite. The moral progress 
 of mankind, which has been so marked during the past century, is sure to 
 go on to higher levels, and with every step upwards there will doubtless be 
 demanded a higher standard of action in those who are called upon to act 
 as servants of the public. We have not mentioned in this work one of the 
 great evils of the age, the vice of intoxication, whi.ch has done so much to 
 degrade and pauperize mankind, and has been one of the leading influences 
 in the retention of the unworthy in power. Legal enactments have failed 
 to put an end to this indulgence in a debased appetite, but 
 
 e ice o public opinion is beginning to succeed where law has failed. 
 
 Intemperance i r & & 
 
 Drunkenness has ceased to be respectable, and as a result 
 
 open intoxication among respectable people is growing more and more rare. 
 
 At the same time the desire to be considered respectable is making its way 
 
 downward among the people, and widening the field of its effect. Drinking 
 
 in moderation is prevalent still. Drinking in excess is plainly on the 
 
 decrease. And with every step in this direction the self-respect of the 
 
 people must grow, pauperism decrease, and an enlightened conception of 
 
 public duty develop. Whatever else the twentieth century brings about, 
 
 we may reasonably look for a great revolution in the political status of the 
 
 world. 
 
 There is one farther field of twentieth century progress to be reviewed, 
 
 the industrial. The nineteenth century has reached its end leaving this 
 
THE DAWN OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 635 
 
 great domain of human interests in a highly unsatisfactory condition. 
 The progress of labor during the cf. .itury under review has been considered 
 in a preceding chapter, and brought down to its existing state, industry in the 
 What the character of its progress will be in the twentieth Twentieth 
 century is open to conjecture. While nothing concerning it Century 
 can be stated positively, some deductions from the present condition of 
 things may be made. 
 
 Mankind for some thousands of years past has been subjected to 
 tyrannies of various kinds, and in particular to those of physical force, of 
 mental influence, and of material possessions ; the first controlling him by 
 the power of the sword, the second by that of superstition, the third by that 
 of his daily needs. The control of the first two of these has ph-sicar Force, 
 long been rapidly slipping away. That of the autocrat of Superstition 
 the sword has vanished in the most advanced lands, and the """^ Money 
 political equality of all men is there assured. That of the tyrant of the mind 
 has similarly vanished in these lands and is diminishing everywhere, liberty 
 of thought being made secure. The autocratic dominion of wealth, on the 
 contrary, has grown as the authority of its rivals has decreased, and it stands 
 to-day as the great power in the most advanced communities, it being par- 
 ticularly dominant in the United States. 
 
 Shall this third of the great tyrants of the world retain its supremacy ? 
 Shall it not in its turn be overthrown, and liberty and equality in this direc- 
 tion be also attained? Certainly great progress is likely to be made in this 
 direction, whatever the final outcome may be. For ages a state of protest 
 against the control of the tyrants of man's body and mind prevailed. This 
 state now exists in regard to the money power, the industrial classes of all 
 lands struggling bitterly against it, and combining with a view to its over- 
 throw. Such a state of revolt, bitter, persistent, unrelenting, indicates 
 something innately wrong in the industrial situation, and cannot fail in the 
 end to have its effect. We may safely look forward to an amelioration in 
 the situation, even though we cannot tell how it is to be brought about. 
 
 The extraordinary activity of productive industry within the century 
 is the cause of the state of affairs which now exists. The wealth of the 
 world has increased enormously, and has fallen largely into the hands of 
 individuals. A century ago there was not a millionaire in our land, and few 
 in any land. Now they exist by the thousands, and million- The Va*t 
 aires two hundred fold multiplied are not unknown. This vast Orowthof 
 accumulation of wealth in single hands does not satisfy its " 
 
 owners. 1 ney are eager for more, and capital is widely combining into 
 great corporations for the purpose of reducing expenses, so that the cost 
 
636 THE DAWN OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 
 
 of manufacture may be decreased, and doing away with competition, so that 
 prices of goods may be augmented. This is but one result of the trust 
 combination. A second and highly important one is a great reduction of 
 the opportunity for individual business operations, the tendency being to 
 reduce the great mass of the community to the position of employees. 
 
 This problem has been already considered in Chapter xxxviii., with the 
 suggestion there made that it is apt to strengthen the force of Socialism, 
 the purpose of which, as there indicated, is to put an end to individualism 
 in productive enterprises, and place all workshops, stores, railroads, etc., 
 under government control, to be conducted for the good of the people as a 
 whole, not for that of individual capitalists. A step in this direction some- 
 what widely taken in Europe, is the control of railroads and telegraphs by 
 National and ^^^ government. Another step is the control of all municipal 
 Municipal functions, including street railways, electric lights, etc., by 
 
 Ownership ^.j^^ ^j^.^ authorities. The latter system, adopted by many 
 European cities, is being actively advocated in the United States, and is 
 gathering to its support a vigorous public opinion which promises to be 
 strong enough in the end to achieve its purpose. 
 
 Abroad the forces of Socialism are organizing themselves actively, and 
 are eaininof a political strengfth vis:orous enouofh to create much alarm in 
 the ruling powers. Whether this cult of Socialism has come to stay, and 
 has in it sufficient force of growth to give it an eventual supremacy, or 
 whether it is to be classed with the many popular movements which have 
 played their parts for a time and passed away, is not for us to say, only the 
 arbitrament of time can decide. 
 
 We might consider the question of the twentieth century progress from 
 other points of view, such as agriculture, architecture, household art, litera- 
 ture, medicine, surgery, social relations, etc., though in doing so we should 
 be considering simply developments of existing conditions. Perhaps the 
 most promising line of progress is in experimental psychology, the study 
 of the brain and nervous system, the instruments of the mind from 
 the scientific point of view, in distinction from the old, theoretical psy- 
 chology. This, the latest of the sciences, has recently 
 
 X ^^ , be^un its development, and is full of promise of important 
 
 Psychology & . ^ . , ... \ , , ^ 
 
 discoveries concerning the conditions 01 mental phenomena. 
 
 It must suffice here, however, to refer to it as one of the lines in which 
 
 science has before it a broad field of research, and with this mention we shall 
 
 bring to an end the long journey we have made in this work through the 
 
 stirring history and marvelous events and discoveries of the wonderful 
 
 nineteenth centurv. 
 
CHAPTHR XLIII. 
 
 The End of the Century and Its Events 
 
 As the nineteenth century came in to the roll of the drum and the roar 
 of the cannon, so it is going out to the same terror-inspiring sounds. 
 People have dreamed of a coming time in which the war drum shall 
 beat no longer and the banner of battle shall be furled. No doubt this 
 happy time is coming, but it is still afar, and the Peace Conference of 1899 
 seems almost to have let loose the dogs of war. There is fighting in South 
 Africa, fighting on the Guinea coast, fighting in the Philippines, fighting in 
 Colombia, fighting in China, and threats of war in nearer quarters still ; 
 war vessels are building, armies drilling, workshops busy in making imple- 
 ments of war, and the labors of death tread close on the heels of the 
 labors of life. 
 
 So swift has been the march of events that we could not keep pace with 
 it in the foregoing chapters; momentous things happening even while we 
 were writing, and it has become necessary to take up the 
 ends of these dropped threads and carry them forward to the ^^^^ '^^'^J^*^ °* 
 century's end. Here we can only offer the hope that the war 
 flag may be furled before the twentieth century comes in, and peace smile 
 propitious upon its advent. 
 
 The war of 1S9S with Spain left the United States with several 
 unsettled affairs upon its hands. Porto Rico and Hawaii had to be brought 
 under the sheltering folds of the flag and a system of government given 
 them, Cuba had to be launched on the waters of independence, and, most 
 momentous of all, the war in the Philippines had to be fought out to the 
 bitter end and peace restored to that populous and fertile group of islands. 
 Great Britain had her household affair to settle by stretching the blanket of 
 Cape Colony over the Boer states and getting full possession of the mines 
 of diamonds and gold. And all the great civilized powers of the earth were 
 concerned in the attempt of China to get rid of foreigners by the summary 
 process of assassination and to close once more its doors against the world 
 of the whites. These are the events with which we have now to deal, in 
 order to round out the cycle of nineteenth century events. 
 
 Of the new possessions of the United States, the Hawaiian Islands were 
 the most easily dealt witli. These islands were already under American 
 control, and the affairs went on tliere without a break. They were given the 
 
 637 
 
638 THE END OE THE CENTURY AND ITS EVENTS 
 
 government of a Territory of the United States, with no tariff fence to keep 
 
 out their sugar and other products. This was not the case with Porto Rico. 
 
 This island was taken in but its products were kept out, with the result that 
 
 the people sank into destitution and misery, and many of them grew to hate 
 
 the dominion they had at first warmly welcomed. In the end the tariff" wall 
 
 was partly broken down and prosperity showed some signs of 
 
 Hawaii, Porto cominof back, but the people were far from content, to be left 
 Rico and Cuba _ •^ '^ ' . 
 
 half in and half out of the United States. As for Cuba, it 
 
 remained for a time a military ward of the United States, but that country 
 
 kept its pledge of honor by inviting the Cubans to adopt a constitution for 
 
 themselves, under which they could be safely launched upon the deep 
 
 waters of self-government. 
 
 At the end of 1899 an old dispute was amicably settled. For years the 
 Samoan Islands had been under the joint control of Germany, Great Britain, 
 and the United States, and there had been no small amount of intrigue and 
 controversy. The difficulty was now settled. Germany got the islands of 
 Apolu and Savaii, and the United States fell heir to Tutuila. This is a 
 small island, but it contains the splendid harbor of Pago-Pago, the finest in 
 the South Pacific, if not in the whole Pacific Ocean. Two other islands 
 were obtained by the United States, the small island of Guam, in the 
 Ladrones, which was ceded by Spain, and Wake Island, a lonely spot in the 
 open ocean, which was taken in 1899 by hoisting the flag over it. Those 
 three small islands, far removed from each other, give the United States 
 valuable places of call at points thousands of miles apart in that mighty 
 ocean of the East. 
 
 Far the most valuable of all these new possessions of the great republic 
 
 was the archipelago of the Philippines. But this multitude of rich islands 
 
 was not to be had for the asking. Of its 8,000,000 of people, a host of those 
 
 who had been in arms against Spain demanded their inde- 
 
 I ppine pendence, and the United States had not long held possession 
 
 of Manila before it had a new war on its hands. Emilio 
 
 Aguinaldo, the general in command of the Filipino army demanded more 
 
 than the government at Washington was ready to grant, and as a result 
 
 hostilities began. 
 
 Aguinaldo had been brought from Hong Kong to Manila in an 
 American vessel. On reaching there he called his old followers to arms, and 
 besieged Manila on the land side while Dewey's fleet threatened it from the 
 bay. After the fall of Manila Aguinaldo became hostile to the Americans. 
 He said that he had been promised independence as the price of his aid. 
 When he found that the United States intended to take possession of the 
 
THE END OF THE CEXTURY AXD ITS ElENTS 639 
 
 islands, in accordance witii tlicir treaty witii Spain, iiis hostility increased, 
 
 and led him, in Fehruary, 1S99, to make a fierce attack on the American 
 
 outposts at Manila. 
 
 This affair ended in the repulse of the native forces, which were driven 
 
 back for several miles and suffered severe loss. But they were not to be 
 
 subdued by a single defeat. Aguinaldo, who had been made president of the 
 
 republic proclaimed by the Philippine leaders, now issued a declaration of 
 
 war, and both sides prepared for an active campaign. This began, on the 
 
 part of the F"ilipinos, in an attempt to burn the city of Manila, with the 
 
 hope of driving out its garrison, but in which the natives were the principal 
 
 sufferers, the fire sweeping wid^'y over their residence quarter. Vigilant 
 
 precautions were taken by the American leaders to prevent a renewal of this 
 
 ilangerous enterprise. 
 
 General Elwcll S. Otis, then commander-in-chief in the Philippines, 
 
 lost no time in putting an army of invasion in the field. The advance of 
 
 the American forces began on March 25, 1S99, 'i"^' ^n the 31st Malolos, 
 
 Aguinaldo's capital, was occupied. This was not accomplished without 
 
 sharp fighting. The Filipinos had thrown up earthworks at every defensible 
 
 point, and resisted the advance with some stubbornness, though 
 
 in every instance without effect. The Americans pushed ^^^'"^."*^. 
 
 . . Campaign in 
 
 Steadily forward, driving the natives from their works with the Philippines 
 resistless charges, swimming rivers in the face of a sharp 
 rirte fire, and carrying everything before them. Calumpit, the second 
 Filipino stronghold, was reached and carried near the end of April ; San 
 Fernando fell soon after, and General Lawton, whose long experience in 
 Indian warfare admirably adapted him to this work, made his way northward 
 through the foothills and occupied San Isidro, the second Filipino capital. 
 
 These and other successes were not gained without much hardship and 
 loss of life. Marching through swampy rice-fields and thorny chapparal, 
 facing well-built earthworks at every few miles, and at a hundred points 
 encountering an active and persistent enemy, the soldiers of the States found 
 their task a severe and annoying one, and their ranks were considerably 
 depleted when the coming on of the rainy season, at the beginning of July, 
 put an end to active operations for several months. 
 
 Meanwhile an effort had been made to bring the insurrectionists to 
 terms by peaceful measures. A Philippine Commission, consisting of Admi- 
 ral Dewey and General Otis, and the civilians Jacob G. Schurman, Dean 
 Worcester, and Charles Denb, was appointed to consider and report on 
 the situation, and began operations by issuing a proclamation in which the 
 supremacy of the United States was declared, but the natives were offered 
 
640 THE END OF THE CENTURY AND ITS EVENTS 
 
 a lar^'c meat;ure of civil rights and local self-rule. This proclamation proved 
 of no avail, so far as the insurgent forces were concerned, Aguinaldo issuing 
 counter-proclamations and calling on the people to accept no terms short of 
 full independence. 
 
 In the summer of 1899 Admiral Dewey returned home. On the 3d 
 
 of March he had been promoted to the grade of full admiral, an exalted 
 
 rank which before him had been borne only by Farragut and Porter; and 
 
 during his journey home the whole world seemed eager to do him honor. 
 
 In his own country he met with an enthusiastic reception, the 
 
 Dewey s people everywhere yreetincr him as the most heroic ficjure of 
 
 Return Home '^ •' » S". ..,* 
 
 the recent war. As a testimony of appreciation they pur- 
 chased him a beautiful home in the city of Washington, in which, taking 
 to himself a wife, the grateful recipient settled down to rest and comfort 
 after his arduous labors. 
 
 With the close of the rainy season in Luzon the war began again, now 
 with a larger army on the part of the Americans, who were also pro- 
 vided with a much-needed force of cavalry. The Filipinos seemed to have 
 lost heart through their reverses in the spring campaign, and fought with 
 less courage than before, so that by the ist of December they were in full 
 flight for the mountains, pursued by Generals Lawton and Young with cav- 
 alry and scouts. Alter this date the natives had nothing that could be 
 called an army in the field. The forces under Aguinaldo were broken and 
 dispersed, and were capable only of guerilla warfare, which, though annoy- 
 ing, seemed likely only to delay the period of complete pacification. During- 
 the succeeding period there were frequent collisions with detached bands, In 
 one of which the brave Lawton was shot dead. In the summer of igoo 
 President McKinley issued a proclamation of amnesty, of which many of the 
 natives in arms took advantage. Aguinaldo, however, refused 
 
 t . "^^^.L to submit, and the costly guerilla warfare went on. Hope- 
 
 of Lawton ... 
 
 less as the cause of the Filipinos was held to be, they were 
 
 not yet ready to submit, and the affair seemed as if it might be protracted 
 for months to come. 
 
 A somewhat similar state of affairs existed in South Africa, where the 
 British-Boer war appeared likely to outlive the century. Here, too, organized 
 resistance had largely degenerated into guerilla warfare, which was greatly 
 aided by the broken and hilly character of the country. Lord Roberts, 
 after establishing himself in Pretoria, had spread his forces widely out, with 
 the hope of taking in a net the scattered commandos still in arms in the 
 Orange River Free State, before devoting himself to Paul Kruger and his 
 fellows in the northern Transvaal. But he found it much easier to set his 
 
THE END OF THE CENTURY AND ITS EVENTS 641 
 
 net than to catch his fish. The Boers proved extraordinarily mobile. 
 Though some of them surrendered, a strong force continued in the field, and 
 not only defied the British but succeeded in capturing detached bodies of 
 them. General De Wet, their leader, showed a remarkable ability in this 
 kind of warfare, and escaped with ease and alertness every trap set for him, 
 while striking his foes at unexpected points. 
 
 Meanwhile, Kruger and the Transvaal forces remained in the hill coun- 
 try to the north, still defiant, and likely to give Lord Roberts no small 
 trouble when he should be at liberty to attend to them. Though it was 
 announced to the world that the struggle was practically at an end and the 
 South African republics had ceased to exist, the indications 
 were that the British empire had a costly and troublesome war Oueriiia w ar 
 still before it, and that the twentieth century would dawn before Transvaal 
 the Boers were subdued. The situations in the Transvaal and 
 the Philippines were thus closely analogous, and the Anglo-Saxons of the East 
 and the West alike were ending the century with an annoying and protracted 
 guerilla war on hand, the final outcome of which could not be foreseen. 
 
 As the summer of 1900 approached there appeared indications of 
 trouble in a new quarter, which threatened to overshadow these minor oper- 
 ations and involve the whole civilized world in a conflict which might 
 assume gigantic proportions. The vast empire of China, with its 400,000,- 
 000 of population, suddenly showed a violent hostility to foreigners, which 
 endangered the lives not only of the missionaries scattered far and wide 
 throughout the land, but even of the representatives of the Powers at Pekin — 
 high dignitaries whose lives and liberty are held sacred by all civilized 
 nations alike in peace and war. 
 
 We must go back and trace the course of events leading to this lament- 
 able state of affairs. For many years Europe had been heaping up "vials 
 of wrath " in China. In the " opium war," the French and „ ^ , ^ 
 
 ■ . now England 
 
 English advance on Peking, and otiicr hostile relations of and i-rance 
 
 China with the powers, that ancient nation had been Treated 
 treated with an injustice and a supercilious disregard of its 
 rights and susceptibilities which could not fail to produce a widespread 
 feeling of indignation. The pride of China lay in its ancient learning, 
 it had never been a military nation and it was quite incapable of main- 
 taining itself against these fighting foreigners, but it was abundantly capable 
 of indignation for affronts to its dignity, and it was growing evident to far- 
 seeing critics of world afifairs that the time might come when the densely 
 peopled old nation would turn on its enemies and exact ample retribution 
 for its insults and injuries. 
 
642 THE END OF THE CENTURY AND ITS EVENTS 
 
 The turn in the tide came with the Japano-Chinese war. This had the 
 double effect of showing the incapacity of the Chinese to cope in war with 
 modern powers, and of vividly demonstrating to themselves these defects. 
 The logical result followed. The nations of Europe, perceiving the weak- 
 ness of the ancient empire, began to descend upon it like wolves upon their 
 prey. What they did has been stated in an earlier chapter. Russia, Eng- 
 land, Germany, and France alike took forcible possession of ports and terri- 
 tory of the feeble old Oriental realm, and the newspapers were full of threats 
 of a partition of the whole empire between the land-hungry nations, in utter 
 disregard of the ethical aspect of the question. 
 
 While this spirit of greed was displayed by the European nations, the 
 statesmen of China were awakening to a perception of the urgency of the 
 situation and the need of taking radical steps if they wished to save their 
 empire from a total collapse. A spirit of reform began to show itself. 
 Railroads had long been practically forbidden, but now concessions for the 
 building of hundreds of miles of railroad were granted. Modern imple- 
 ments and munitions of war were purchased in great quanti 
 Reform in the tigg ^ncl European ofificers were engaged to drill and dis- 
 Empire cipline the imperial army. European books were eagerly 
 
 sought for, perhaps with the sentiment that they might contain 
 the secret of European strength. The great nation was stirring in its sleep 
 of centuries and beginning to awake. 
 
 The reformers gained the ear of the youthful emperor and infected him 
 with their new ideas, with the result that radical changes were ordered in 
 the administration — revolutionary ones, indeed, when attempted in a so strin- 
 gently conservative nation as China. The result was one that might have 
 been expected. The party of ancient prejudice and conservatism — a power- 
 ful party in China — took the alarm. The empress-dowager, who had recently 
 laid down the reins of power as regent, took them up again, under the sup- 
 port of this dominant party, seized and practically dethroned the emperor, 
 e.xecuted all his advisers upon whom she could lay hands, and restored the 
 methods of the old administration in every respect except that of military 
 discipline. 
 
 This palace reaction made itself felt throughout the country. Hatred 
 of foreigners, which had been growing for years in the Chinese populace, 
 reached a perilous climax under this seeming sanction from the palace 
 authorities in Peking, and in the spring of 1900 a murderous attack against 
 the missionaries began. A secret society of Chinese athletes, known in 
 English phrase as "The Boxers," rose in arms and made an onslaught upon 
 the missionaries, a class of foreigners who were immediately exposed to 
 
THE END OF THE CENTURY AND /VS E TENTS 643 
 
 their attacks, and whom they seem to have hated as virulently as the Filipinos 
 hated the Spanish friars. The insurrection spread witii extraordinary 
 rapidit}', many of the missionaries were murdered, and tlie Boxers quickly 
 appeared in multitudes in the capital, where, joined by many of the soldiers, 
 they made a violent assault on the foreign legations and put tlie lives of the 
 ministers and their attendants in imminent peril. 
 
 When tidings of this state of affairs reached the Western world there 
 was a wide-spread alarm. The ministers were cut off from all communica- 
 tion with their governments; stories of their massacre, with 
 details of terrible tortures, were sent abroad; the murder of T'*^ '^"'"■''" 
 
 . -- • 1 - Outbreak 
 
 the German Mmister and a Japanese omcial was confirmed ; 
 there was much reason to believe that the government favored and its 
 soldiers aided the Boxer hosts, and for the first time in history the great 
 nations of Europe and America joined their forces in an attempt to avert 
 a common danger. The United States had kept apart from all seizure of 
 Chinese territory- and all schemes of partition of China. It contented it- 
 self with demanding freedom of commerce — an " open door " to the Chinese 
 market — and sedulously avoided interference with the national affairs of 
 the empire. But its minister, Edwin H. Conger, was in equal peril with those 
 of other nations, and in this critical exigency it sent a hasty contingent of 
 troops to China and joined the European powers in the work of rescue. 
 
 We can give only an epitome of the events that followed. A small 
 force, made up of marines and soldiers of various nations, under Admiral 
 .Seymour of the British navy, made a hasty advance upon Peking. But they 
 found the railroad torn up, and their route invested with an overwhelming 
 force of enemies, and were forced to retreat, barely escaping entire destruc- 
 tion. About the same time the allied fleets made an attack on the Chinese 
 forts at Taku. In this the I'nited States vessels took no 
 part. Admiral Remey declaring it to be uncalled for and un- •j-aku'i-'orts 
 wise, an opinion which the succeeding events appeared to sul)- 
 stantiate, since the Chinese government made this assault a pretext lor active 
 war against the allied forces. 
 
 As aa act of reprisal, a strong force of Boxers and soldiers made an 
 attack on the foreign quarter of the city of Tien Tsin, fighting with a skill, 
 courage and persistence which they had never shown before. They were 
 well armed with rifles and cannon of the best types, which they used with 
 effect, while they stubbornly resisted the elTorts of the foreign forces to dislodge 
 them. It needed a fierce struggle to effect this and give the allies control of 
 the city. Never before, had the Chinese fought the Europeans with such 
 -uihborn couratre. and serious doubts of the final result began to be felt. 
 
644 THE END OF THE CENTURY AND ITS EVENTS 
 
 The nations hurried troops to the point of danger as rapidly as possible, 
 Japan, which was in full accord with the Western powers, sending the largest 
 force. The United States sent troops from the Philippines, Great Britain 
 from India, and Russia from her posts to the north; but all this took time, 
 and the month of July passed before there was a sufficient force to justify a 
 second advance. Meanwhile the danger of the ministers in Peking was daily 
 growing more imminent and the mystery that surrounded them more pro- 
 nounced. Gathered within the stout walls of the British legation, they 
 fouc^ht off the ravening multitudes that clamored for their blood, while for 
 weeks their people at home were in distressing doubt as to whether they 
 were alive or dead. 
 
 At length, early in August, the advance began, the army, about 16,000 
 strong made up of Japanese, Russians, British, and Americans. The French 
 and Germans, who were as yet in small numbers, were left on guard at Tien 
 Tsin. What degree of opposition would be encountered was not known. 
 There were several strongly fortified towns on the way, and there was reason 
 to believe that the lowlands would be flooded from the Peiho River, along 
 whose banks the march took place. The midsummer heat of the climate 
 added to the difficulties of the way, and the ability of the small army to 
 reach Pekin was far from assured. 
 
 As it proved, the Chinese had shown their greatest courage at Tien Tsin, 
 and their opposition to the advance of the allies was half-hearted and ineffec- 
 tive. They made a strong stand at Peitsang, a native town 
 
 The Rescue of on the Peiho, but were driven from their works, and from that 
 the Ministers ,1 , • • , 1 r 1 r re 
 
 pomt the allies marched to Pekmg with only feeble enorts to 
 
 check their advance. The triple-walled city was reached on the 14th of August. 
 On the 15th an assault was made on several of its gates. Here there was a 
 resistance, but not a very vigorous one, and before nightfall the foreign 
 forces were in the streets of the populous Chinese capital, the Americans 
 and British the first. Marching in haste to the legations, they had the high 
 gratification of finding the beleaguered officials alive, aud of rescuing them 
 from a siege which had lasted for weeks, and which, in a few days more, 
 would probably have ended in assassination, as their powers of resistance 
 were almost at an end. 
 
 The joy of the wearied and almost hopeless men and women of the 
 legations on seeing the stars and stripes and the union jack borne side by 
 side to their rescue, can be better imagined than described. There soon 
 followed the banners of Russia and Japan, and as the allied troops marched 
 in triumph into the legation the cheers of the troops woke a responsive 
 throb in the hearts of those whose hands they clasped and drew tears of joy 
 
THE EXD OF THE CENTURY AXD ITS EVENTS 645 
 
 to eyes that had h)ng^ looked only on the dread form of fear and tlie 
 threatened horror of death by torture. The situation, thus happily ended, 
 was one that had rarely, if ever, presented itself before in the history of the 
 world. 
 
 The rescue of the ministers at Pekini^ ended ail the concern of the 
 United States in the issue. The government had practically pledged itself 
 to withdraw its troops as soon as its embassy was safe and its relations with 
 China properly adjusted, whatever course the other nations might pursue. 
 It had no land hunger to gratify, like its European allies, and had no 
 ends to gain by remaining. In fact, it had quite a surfeit of new 
 possessions in the Philippines. These distant islands were proving a 
 serious trouble not only abroad but at home. A party in opposition to the 
 polic)' of the administration iuul arisen, wiiich accused the government of 
 imperialistic purposes, and called upon it to abandon the Philippines and 
 permit their people to govern themselves. 
 
 This party grew in strength as the war dragged on into its second year 
 at a serious cost in money and lives, and by the summer of 1900 it had 
 gained such [xnver as to make its demand the dominant issue in the 
 Presidential campaign of that \ear. Of all the home affairs of the nations 
 in the closing year of the century this campaign was the most prominent 
 and important event, and the only one which here calls for 
 attention at our hands. It is true, a startling affair had ^ ?'^'* °',,!^^ 
 
 » Anarchists 
 
 taken place in Europe. King Humbert of Italy had been 
 shot dead by an assassin, and his son, X'ictor Emanuel III., was now 
 king of that disturbed land. An attempt had also been made to assas- 
 sinate the Shah of Persia, during his visit to the Paris Exposition of 
 the closing centurj-. The Anarchists were abroad, Europe seemed seething 
 with plots of royal murder, and the monarchs trembled on their thrones. 
 But in the broad United States the one great question at issue was that of 
 obtaining a new ruler by ballot instead of by bullet, or of reseating Presi- 
 dent McKinley for another four years. 
 
 The Republican National Convention met at Philadelphia in June, and 
 nominated as its candidate for President the ruling incumbent of the ofifice. 
 W'illliam McKinley, and for Vice-President Theodore Roosevelt, the 
 governor of New York, and the hero of the battle of San Juan. The 
 Democratic National Convention met at Kansas City in July, and 
 nominated for President its standard bearer of four years before. William 
 Jennings Bryan, and for \'ice-President, Adlai E. Stevenson, who has 
 already served one term in this honorable office. So far as the presidential 
 nominees were concerned, it was a renewal of the contest of 1896, McKinley 
 
646 THE END OF THE CENTURY AND ITS EVENTS 
 
 being again pitted against Bryan. But as regards tlie principles to be fought 
 for, the war cries of the campaign, there was a radical change, the old issues 
 of the parties largely vanishing, and new issues being presented to the alert 
 minded people of the United States. 
 
 One old issue was revived, that of the Republican insistence on the 
 gold standard of coinage and the Democratic demand for " the free and 
 
 unlimited coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to i." But this 
 
 The Political issue sank in great part out of sight in the campaign, as did 
 
 of 1900 '^'^^'^ °^ '^he tariff, which had been the bone of contention 
 
 between the parties during many preceding campaigns. In 
 this last year of the century two distinctly new questions were presented ; 
 that of the Trust, the monopolistic combination of great business concerns; 
 and that ot Imperialism, the Republican administration being accused of 
 the purpose of converting the republic into an empire, so far as the control 
 of its new possessions were concerned. The question of the Trusts was 
 only a minor issue. Both parties condemned them in their platforms. 
 The great question at issue, however, was that of Imperialism versus Anti- 
 imperialism, and on this the result of the campaign seemed to depend, the 
 orators speaking in ringing tones in favor or denunciation of the policy of 
 the McKinley administration in this regard. 
 
 William McKinley had come to the helm of the ship of state in 1897 in 
 a period of profound peace and advancing prosperity. But his whole term 
 had been one of war and turmoil, not only in the United States but in 
 various other parts of the world. The war with Spain in 1898 had been 
 followed by the acquisition of new territory and the development of new 
 problems. Then in 1899 and 1900 came the insurrection of the Philippines 
 and the British-Boer war in South Africa ; to be followed in 1900 by the 
 outbreak against foreigners in China, and the invasion of that ancient realm 
 by the allied forces of all the great powers. Such a turmoil of the nations 
 could not fail to bring important political questions to the front, and of these 
 
 the great problem in America was that of Imperialism. Anti- 
 War m the imperialism expanded from the war-cry of a minor faction to 
 HcKinleyAd- , , , , ,• r r i v • i 
 
 ministration "^'^^ declared policy oi one 01 the two great pohtical parties 
 of the country, and the main question at issue in the Presi- 
 dential campaign of 1900 was whether the United States should continue 
 its work of subduing the Philippine insurgents, or should be withdrawn from 
 the islands and leave the natives free to govern and control themselves. 
 With this issue inscribed on their banners the two parties marched for- 
 ward to the great war of the ballots at the end of the nineteenth century. 
 
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