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Sons of tbe IRevolution, 
 
 NEW YORK. 
 
 ornceRS anp MANAGeRS 
 
 ^^ 
 
 IpreslDcnt. 
 
 FREDERICK SAMUEL TALLMADGE, 
 
 165 Broadway, New York. 
 
 Dtce^iPresiOcnt. 
 
 FLOYD CLARKSON, 
 
 39 Broadway, New York. 
 
 Secretary. 
 
 JAMES MORTIMER MONTGOMERY, 
 
 III Wall Street, New York 
 
 Q;rea9urer. 
 
 ARTHUR MELVIN HATCH, 
 
 14 Nassau Street, New York. 
 
 JSoarD of Managers. 
 
 JOHN B. IRELAND, 
 •CEORGE CLINTON GENET, 
 HENRY WYCKOFF LE ROY, 
 JOHN CLARKSON JAY, Jr., M.D., 
 REV. BROCKHOLST MORGAN, 
 WILLIAM GASTON HAMILTON, 
 ASA BIRD GARDINER, LL.D., 
 JOHN JACKSON RIKER, 
 FRANCIS LATHROP. 
 WILLIAM GORDON VER PLANCK, 
 !BRADISH JOHNSON, Jr. 
 
 IReglstrar. 
 
 ASA COOLIDGE WARREN. 
 
 239 West 2 1 St Street, New York. 
 
 1bi0torian. 
 
 AUSTIN HUNTINGTON. 
 
 Cbaplatn. 
 
 -REV. DANIEL CONEY WESTON, D.D. 
 
 Gift 
 
 Mrs. Julian James 
 
 1912 
 
f mc ve^.iti-F-'-^v, ^Ew York, April 7th, 1890. 
 
 (^o tl^e " i^ons of tpe l\evomtion 
 
 For many months your Officers and yourselves have been 
 subjected to a fusilade of attacks in the form of letters, anony- 
 mous communications and articles in the public prints, some 
 of them having a foundation in fact, but all of them mislead- 
 ing and many of them untrue. 
 
 In the belief that a reply in any form would but lead to 
 controversy and fresh attack, it has been deemed best to 
 wholly abstain from any public notice of them or any attempt 
 to controvert their statements or aspersions. 
 
 Recent events, and particularly the endorsement by the 
 Societies of Pennsylvania, District of Columbia, and New 
 York of the policy heretofore adopted, have, in the judg- 
 ment of your Officers, made the time ripe for a full state- 
 ment to the individual members of the Society of its origin, 
 history and claims, and its attitude towards the " Society 
 of the Sons of the American Revolution," with the reasons 
 therefor. 
 
 We have therefore had printed, and herewith send to you : 
 A letter from Mr. John Austin Stevens, the founder of the 
 " Sons of the Revolution," recently addressed to your Presi- 
 dent, giving succinctly the history of our organization from 
 its inception in 1876 to the present day ; an epitome of the 
 object and proceedings of the meeting at Masonic Temple on 
 the evening of March 8th last, covering the compact then 
 entered into with the Pennsylvania Society, the proposition 
 then made for a Committee of Conference with the " Society 
 of the Sons of the American Revolution," and the action of 
 this Society thereon ; supplemented by the speeches of Mr. 
 
. f\(oZ 
 
 Woodruff and Mr. Tomlinson, there delivered, defining the 
 attitude of this Society upon the matters at issue and the 
 reason for its action. 
 
 It is hardly necessary to say that this communication is 
 in no wise intended as a challenge to any other organization, 
 or as a reply to them to any public or private attack upon us, 
 or as inviting from them any response or controversy, but is 
 simply a private circular addressed to you individually as 
 members of the ' ' Society of the Sons of the Revolution " by 
 your Officers for your information and enlightenment. 
 
 We also take this means of informing you that the ''Sons 
 of the Revolution " of the District of Columbia have joined 
 hands with their brothers in Pennsylvania and New York 
 by unanimously adopting the compact of union. 
 
 (Signed,) FREDERICK S. TALLMADGE, 
 
 President. 
 
LETTER OF MR. JOHN AUSTIN STEVENS. 
 
 New York, March 21, 1890. 
 F. S. Tallmadge, Esq., 
 
 President of the Society of the 
 
 Sons of the Revolution. 
 
 Dear Sir: With the dawn of the year 1876, after a long 
 slumber, public interest was awakened to the memories 
 of the Revolutionary struggles for independence — in the 
 country at large by the projected Philadelphia Centennial, 
 and in the city of New York by the arrangements of the 
 New York Historical Society for the field celebration of the 
 hundredth anniversary of the Battle of Harlem. Being then 
 engaged in these arrangements, and recognizing this feeling, 
 I addressed a letter to the Hon. Hamilton Fish, President of 
 the General Society of the Cincinnati, requesting informa- 
 tion as to the intentions of that organization with regard to 
 membership in the future. At one period it will be remem- 
 bered the New York branch of that society opened its doors 
 to descendants of original founders other than those in the 
 direct line of primogeniture, as originally ordered in its con- 
 stitution. To this communication the Hon. Mr. Fish replied 
 that it was deemed inexpedient to again depart from the 
 original rule. 
 
 Thereupon, in the month of January, 1876, a plan of 
 organization of a society, under the name of " Sons of the 
 Revolution," was drawn up by me, to which some gentle- 
 men set their names. Its purpose was dual: First, to revive 
 and maintain the American spirit of our forefathers; Second, 
 to promote the collection and preservation of historical 
 papers of the Revolutionary period. 
 
6 
 
 The plan of this society provided for the admission of 
 any and all male applicants of good standing who could 
 show descent from a person in public service — civil, military, 
 or naval — of the General or State Governments during the 
 period of hostilities. 
 
 Thus the Society was inaugurated, but lack of public 
 interest held it dormant for several years. In the progres- 
 sion of Centennial anniversaries which ensued, the American 
 spirit was gradually aroused, and that sentiment of pride in 
 a Revolutionary descent, which was before modestly con- 
 cealed, was openly avowed. 
 
 This honorable pride led to the magnificent entertain- 
 ment by the State of New York to the French delegation to 
 the Yorktown celebration in 1881, and to the extraordinary 
 display of public interest and patriotic spirit by this com- 
 munity, under the most untoward circumstances, on the 
 anniversary of the Evacuation of the City of New York by 
 the British in 1783, the final act of the American Revolu- 
 tion, This anniversary, which fell on the 25th of November, 
 1883, was the last of the Revolutionary commemorations. 
 
 This last remarkable manifestation, as unexpected as it 
 was welcome, showed how deeply engraved in the hearts of 
 our people were the memories of the Revolution, and advan- 
 tage was then taken of the enthusiasm to carry out the long 
 cherished plan. 
 
 Among the events of that memorable celebration was 
 the dinner at Fraunce's Tavern on the evening of the 4th of 
 December, the anniversary of Washington's farewell to his 
 officers. Here in the very Long Room where occurred that 
 touching historic scene, the plan of the proposed Society 
 was submitted, and the gentlemen adjourned to meet on the 
 same spot on the following New Year's Eve, when it was 
 agreed to, signed, and an organization effected under the 
 name of "Sons of the Revolution." 
 
 This is the Society which to-day invites the cordial co- 
 operation of all bodies or individuals who, actuated by the 
 same spirit, adopt its name, its principles and its insignia. 
 It has only words and feelings of good-will for each and 
 every Society, of whatever name, which proposes to reach 
 
the same results by other methods and under other titles ; 
 but it protests against the assumption of its name, with or 
 without qualifying adjectives, by any body whatsoever. 
 This has already been attempted. During the Centennial ex- 
 citement of 1889, the anniversary of the inauguration of the 
 Government, an attempt was made to undermine the So- 
 ciety, by the organization in various States of a general 
 society, under the style of "Sons of the America7i Revolu- 
 tion." What the precise measure of their success has been 
 I am not informed. I have abstained from any comment on 
 this extraordinary proceeding ; such is not the purpose of 
 this letter, but simply to acquaint you with some facts 
 within my own knowledge which answer a few of the mis- 
 takes or misrepresentations concerning our Society and its 
 polity. 
 
 I am, sir. with great respect, 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 John Austin Stevens. 
 
 Abstract of the Proceedings at a Meeting of the Sons of 
 the Revolution, held in the Masonic Temple, 23rd Street 
 and Sixth Avenue, New York City, on March Sth, 1890. 
 
 The President stated the object of the meeting as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 Gentlemen and Sons of the Revolution: The call of the 
 meeting is to consider the question of the adoption of a form 
 of compact with the Pennsylvania Society of the Sons of 
 the Revolution (applause). I may congratulate myself 
 upon the honor which I feel in presiding at a meeting called 
 for that purpose. That compact originated with the Sons of 
 the Revolution of the District of Columbia. It has been 
 accepted by the Sons of the Revolution of the State of 
 Pennsylvania. It has been chiefly prepared by Mr. Clifford 
 Stanley Sims, the presiding officer of the Cincinnati Society 
 of the State of New Jersey (applause). The reason that it 
 
gives me very great pleasure to preside at the meeting for 
 the purpose of adopting that compact is that as Pennsyl- 
 vania has been the first Society to ratify it, its President^ 
 William Wayne (Applause), has been very enthusiastic 
 upon the subject. He is the presiding officer of the Cincin- 
 nati Society of the State of Pennsylvania, and his ancestor 
 and mine fought shoulder to shoulder at the fight and mas- 
 sacre of Peoli in the State of Pennsylvania. The matter 
 came up before the Board of Managers of this Society some 
 few weeks since. Some other gentlemen were called in to 
 give their opinions upon the subject. It was unanimously 
 approved. It went back to Pennsylvania, where a Committee 
 consisting of Mr. Genet, Mr. Woodruff, Mr. Hiker and my- 
 self attended and went over it and approved of it. One 
 week since the Pennsylvania Society of the Sons of the Rev- 
 olution adopted it but with one dissenting voice. That ques- 
 tion comes before you now for ratification. Mr. Genet, the 
 Chairman of the Committee, will state to you its object, read 
 it, and ask your approval of it. 
 
 Mr. Genet then presented the principal business, in 
 brief, as follows : 
 
 Mr. President, Gentlemen: It has happened, gentlemen, 
 that in the absence of our friend. Major Gardiner, who was 
 Chairman of this Committee, and who I am sorry to say has 
 been very ill for a long time, it fell to my lot to become the 
 Chairman of this Committee to meet a similar Committee 
 from the Society of the Sons of the Revolution of Pennsyl- 
 vania in Philadelphia to form some kind of a compact under 
 which we could live in happiness, and which would be pleas- 
 ing to both societies. Now there are many members of this 
 Society who do not know the history of our Constitution, and 
 therefore I am authorized by our Committee to make a few 
 explanatory remarks of how this Constitution that we have 
 formed with the Sons of the Revolution in Philadelphia 
 came to be brought about and the necessity for it. I will be 
 very brief. 
 
 The Society was inaugurated in 1876 by Mr. John Austin 
 Stevens, its first President, who named it the "Society of 
 
9 
 
 the Sons of the Revolution." It admitted to membership^ 
 descendants of all those who had participated in the War of 
 the Rev^olution on the side of the Patriots, whether as offi- 
 cers, privates or civilians. 
 
 The object of the Society is to recall and celebrate by 
 social gatherings upon the anniversaries of great events in 
 the history of the country, not only the events themselves 
 but the memory of those who achieved them, and to culti- 
 vate sentiments of friendship among the descendants of 
 those men, which can only lead to love of our country and 
 its institutions of freedom and equality. It was not a New 
 York Society except so far as its location made it such. Its 
 design was a National Society, It received into membership 
 residents of any of the States. None were refused when 
 they could show descent from any of the Patriots of 1776. 
 It had members from all the States adjoining New York. 
 
 It was not long, however, before dissatisfaction seemed to- 
 arise among some of its members residing in other States. 
 They claimed they had the same right to organize a society 
 in their own States that New York had — and so they had, if 
 they chose to do so ; but they could not very well carry off 
 the origin, the insignia and the accompanying sentiment 
 that belonged to our Society, for this had already taken its 
 place among events that had happened. 
 
 The Society, as I have said, did not claim to be an exclu- 
 sively New York Society. It did claim, however, that there 
 was but one Society, in which each member was equal w^ith- 
 out regard to residence. This claim was also attacked, not 
 only by some of the non-resident members, but by some of 
 our own dissatisfied resident members. 
 
 To pacify this faction the Society amended its Constitu- 
 tion and gave leave to its non-resident members to form 
 themselves into State Societies as auxiliary to this Society.. 
 The faction seized upon the word " auxiliary ^^ and claimed 
 it to be insulting to those who had or should form State 
 Societies. To silence this clamor the Society again con- 
 sented to smooth the ruffled plumage of these few malcon- 
 tents and substituted the words "co-ordinate and co- 
 equal" for "auxiliary." This did not satisfy them; they 
 
10 
 
 did not want to be co-ordinate or co-equal, they sought to 
 crush this Society and to seat themselves upon its prostrate 
 body. 
 
 At the time of the Centennial celebration of the adoption 
 -^of the Constitution, this Society had increased to upwards 
 of four hundred members, and the material of which this 
 membership was composed was of such substantial and 
 good standing in the community that when a Committee of 
 Two Hundred was appointed by the Mayor from among the 
 citizens of New York to take the management of that mag- 
 nificent celebration, thirty-six of its members were found to 
 be members of the Society of the Sons of the Revolution. 
 A number of them were again placed upon the most import- 
 ant sub-committees and were instrusted with the most re- 
 sponsible and laborious duties. The Society itself was given 
 the highest place of honor next to the Society of the Cincin- 
 nati, and paraded as an escort to the President to their full 
 number. 
 
 We had members from Pennsylvania, mostly residing in 
 the city of Philadelphia. These have always acted towards 
 us with the utmost sincerity, good faith and respect. In 
 honoring our Society they have honored themselves. Those 
 of our members have formed themselves into a State Society 
 of the Sons of the Revolution. They have added largely to 
 their numbers and are so strong and so eminent in material, 
 that upon any occasion of public national celebration man- 
 aged by representative men of that great State and city, 
 a large number would certainly be found to be the Sons of 
 the Revolution. 
 
 Acting in union and accord with that Society, and ad- 
 vised by its wisdom and good sense, and to establish and set 
 forth beyond doubt our position towards brothers in other 
 States, there has been formed by a Committee from each 
 Society, a Constitution which is so wisely worded that any 
 ;State Society of the Sons of the Revolution can adopt it and 
 occupy a position of absolute equality with every other 
 State. 
 
 The General Council is to be composed of five delegates 
 from each State. This Constitution has already been unan- 
 
11 
 
 imoiisly adopted by that Society. It does not m any 
 way interfere with our own government of our own Society, 
 or the internal government of any State Society uniting 
 with us. 
 
 I propose now to read the Constitution we have adopted, 
 section by section, and submit it to the consideration of you 
 gentlemen. It is headed 
 
 THE CONSTITUTION OF THE SOCIETY OF THE 
 SONS OF THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 It being evident, from a steady decline of a proper cele- 
 bration of the National holidays of the United States of 
 America, that popular concern in the events and men of the 
 war of the Revolution is gradually declining, and that such 
 lack of interest is attributable, not so much to the lapse of 
 time and the rapidly increasing flood of immigration from 
 foreign countries, as to the neglect, on the part of descend- 
 ants of Revolutionary heroes, to perform their duty in keep- 
 ing before the public mind the memory of the services of 
 their ancestors and of the times in which they lived ; there- 
 fore, the Society of the Sons of the Revolution has been in- 
 stituted to perpetuate the memory of the men who, in the 
 military, naval and civil service of the Colonies and of the 
 Continental Congress, by their acts or counsel, achieved the 
 Independence of the country, and to further the proper cele- 
 bration of the anniversaries of the birthday of Washington, 
 and of prominent events connected with the war of the 
 Revolution ; to collect and secure for preservation the rolls, 
 records and other documents relating to that period ; to in- 
 spire the members of the Society with the patriotic spirit of 
 their forefathers ; and to promote the feehng of friendship 
 among them. 
 
 The General Society shall be divided into State Soci- 
 eties, which shall meet annually on the day appointed 
 therefor in their respective by-laws, and oftener if found 
 expedient ; and at such annual meeting the reasons for the 
 institution of the Society shall be considered, and the best 
 measures for carrying them into effect adopted. 
 
13 
 
 The State Societies, at each annual meeting, shall choose, 
 "by a majority of the votes present, a president, a vice-pres- 
 ident, a secretary, a registrar, a treasurer, a chaplain, and 
 such other officers as may by them respectively be deemed 
 necessary, together with a board of managers consisting 
 of these officers and of nine other members, all of whom 
 shall retain their respective positions until their successors 
 .are duly chosen. 
 
 Each State Society shall cause to be transmitted annu- 
 ally, or oftener, to the other State Societies, a circular let- 
 ter calling attention to whatever may be thought worthy 
 of observation respecting the welfare of the Society or of 
 the general union of the States, and giving information of 
 the officers chosen for the year ; and copies of these letters 
 shall also be submitted to the General Secretary, to be pre- 
 served among the records of the General Society. 
 
 The State Societies shall regulate all matters respecting 
 their own affairs, consistent with the general good of the 
 Society ; judge of the qualification of their members or of 
 those proposed for membership, subject, however, to the 
 provisions of this Constitution ; and expel any member 
 who. by conduct unbecoming a gentleman or a man of 
 honor, or by any opposition to the interests of the com- 
 munity in general or of the Society in particular, may 
 render himself unworthy to continue in membership. 
 
 In order to form funds that may be respectable, each 
 member shall contribute, upon his admission to the Society 
 and annually thereafter, such sums as the by-laws of the 
 respective State Societies may require ; but any of such 
 State Societies may provide for the endowment of mem- 
 berships by the payment of proper sums in capitalization, 
 which sums shall be properly invested as a permanent fund, 
 the income only of which shall be expended. 
 
 The regular meeting of the General Society shall be held 
 every three years, and special meetings may be held upon 
 the order of the General President or upon the request of 
 two of the State Societies ; and such meetings shall consist 
 of the General Officers and a representation not exceeding 
 five deputies from each State Society, and the necessary 
 
13 
 
 -expenses of such meeting shall be borne by the State So- 
 cieties. 
 
 At the regular meeting, a General President, Vice-Presi- 
 dent, Secretary, Assistant Secretary, Treasurer, Assistant 
 Treasurer and Chaplain shall be chosen by a majority of 
 the votes present, to serve until the next regular general 
 meeting, or until their successors are duly chosen. 
 
 At each general meeting the circular letters which have 
 been transmitted by the several State Societies shall be 
 considered, and all measures taken which shall conduce to 
 the general welfare of the Society. 
 
 The General Society shall have power, at any meeting, 
 to admit State Societies thereto, and to entertain and de- 
 termine all questions affecting the qualifications for mem- 
 bership in or the welfare of any State Society, as may, by 
 proper memorial, be presented by such State Society for 
 consideration. 
 
 Any male person above the age of twenty-one years, of 
 good character, and a descendant of one who, as a military, 
 naval or marine officer, soldier, sailor or marine, in actual 
 service under the authority of any of the thirteen Colonies or 
 States or of the Continental Congress, and remaining always 
 loyal to such authority; or a descendant of one who signed 
 the Declaration of Independence; or of one who, as a member 
 of the Continental Congress or of the Congress of any of the 
 <Jolonies or States, or as an official appointed by or under the 
 -authority of any such legislative bodies, actually assisted in 
 the establishment of American Independence by services 
 rendered during the war of the Revolution, becoming there- 
 by liable to conviction of treason against the govenrment of 
 Great Britain, but remaining always loyal to the authority 
 of the Colonies or States, shall be eligible to membership in 
 ihe Society. 
 
 The secretary of each State Society shall transmit to the 
 General Secretary a list of the members thereof, together 
 with the names and official designations of those from whom 
 such members derive claim to membership; and thereafter 
 upon the admission of members in each State Society, the 
 secretary thereof shall transmit to the General Secretary 
 
14 
 
 information respecting such members similiar to that herein 
 required. 
 
 The society shall have an insignia, which shall be a 
 badge suspended from a ribbon by a ring of gold; the badge 
 to be elliptical in form, with escaloped edges, one and one- 
 quarter inches in length, and one and one-eighth inches in 
 width; the whole surmounted with a gold eagle, with wings 
 displayed, inverted; on the obverse side a medallion of gold 
 in the centre, elliptical in form, bearing on its face the 
 figure of a soldier in Continental uniform, with musket slung; 
 beneath, the figures 1775; the medallion surrounded by thir- 
 teen raised gold stars of five points each upon a border of 
 dark blue enamel. On the reverse side, in the centre, a 
 medallion corresponding in form to that on the obverse, and 
 also in gold, bearing on its face the Houdon portrait of 
 Washington in bas-relief, encircled by the legend, ' ' Sons of 
 the Revolution"; beneath, the figures 1883; and upon the re- 
 verse of the eagle the number of the badge to be engraved ; 
 the medallion to be surrounded by a plain gold border, con- 
 forming in dimensions to the obverse ; the ribbon shall be 
 dark blue, ribbed and watered, edged with buff, one and one- 
 quarter inches wide, and one and one-half inches in dis- 
 played length. 
 
 The insignia of the Society shall be worn by the members 
 on all occasions when they assemble as such for any stated 
 purpose or celebration, and may be worn on any occasion of 
 ceremony ; it shall be carried conspicuously on the left 
 breast, but members who are or have been officers of the 
 Society may wear the insignia suspended from the ribbon 
 around the neck. 
 
 The custodian of the insignia shall be the General Secre- 
 tary, who shall issue them to members of the Society, under 
 such proper rules as may be formulated by the General So- 
 ciety, and he shall keep a register of such issues wherein 
 each insignia issued may be identified by the number 
 thereof. 
 
 The seal of the Society shall be one and seven-eighths 
 inches in diameter, and shall consist of the figure of a Min- 
 ute-man in Continental uniform, standing on a ladder lead- 
 
15 
 
 ing to a belfry ; in his left hand he holds a musket and an 
 olive branch, whilst his right grasps a bell-rope ; above, the 
 cracked Liberty Bell ; issuing therefrom a ribbon bearing 
 the motto of the Society, Exegi monumentum cere peren- 
 nius ; across the top of the ladder, on a ribbon, the figures 
 1776 ; and on the left of the Minute-man, and also on a rib- 
 bon, the figures 1883, the year of the formation of the So- 
 ciety; the whole encircled by a band three-eighths of one 
 inch wide'; thereon at the top thirteen stars of five points 
 each ; at the bottom the name of the General Society, or of 
 the State Society to which the seal belongs. 
 
 The undersigned representatives from the several State 
 Societies of the Sons of the Revolution do hereby express 
 their approval of the foregoing Constitution. 
 
 Done at the City of Philadelphia, on the twelfth day of 
 February, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hun- 
 dred and ninety, and of the Independence of the United 
 Stales of America the one hundred and fourteenth. 
 (Signed) 
 
 Frederick S. Tallmadge, 
 
 President of the Convention. 
 
 George Clinton Genet, "j 
 
 Chairman, Representatives from 
 Charles H. Woodruff, ■. the New York Socie- 
 
 JoHN J. Riker, j ty of the Sons of the 
 
 John G. Floyd, | Revolution. 
 
 Alexander R. Thompson, Jr., J 
 
 RiCHD. McCall Cadwalader, ^ 
 
 Chairman, | Representatives from 
 
 J. Edward Carpenter, ■' the Pennsylvania So- 
 
 J. Granville Leach, ( ciety of the Sons of 
 
 Clifford Stanley Sims, | the Revolution. 
 
 Herman Burgin, j 
 
 It was moved and seconded that the Constitution be 
 adopted as read. 
 
IG 
 
 Mr. Henry Hall thereupon offered the following reso- 
 lutions : 
 
 Resolved, That a special Committee of eleven be ap- 
 pointed, to which the President of this Society shall be 
 added as Chairman, of which Committee five members shall 
 be known to favor aflEiliation with the Sons of the American 
 Ee volution, which Committee shall consider the whole sub- 
 ject of affiliation and report a plan of action to an adjourned 
 meeting of this Society. 
 
 Resolved, further, That it is the sense of this meeting 
 that before final action is taken upon the important subject 
 of affiliation, the whole Society should be asked to vote upon 
 it, by mail or otherwise, and that the approval of the pro- 
 posed plan by a majority of the Society is desirable before 
 any action is taken. 
 
 After speeches by Mr. Hall, Gen. King, Mr. Thompson, 
 Mr, Short, Mr. Barnard, Gen. Schuyler Hamilton, Col. 
 Clarkson, Mr. Crosby, and Mr. Belknap, 
 
 Mr. Charles H. Woodruff addressed the meeting as 
 follows : 
 
 Mr. President and Gentlemen : For a long time I felt 
 great sympathy with many members, some of whom have 
 expressed themselves here this evening, over the unfortu- 
 nate fact of the existence in this city and in this country of 
 two Societies occupying substantially the same grounds, 
 and felt with them the hope that some means might be de- 
 vised by which these Societies could be consolidated. In the 
 effort to ascertain the truth of the various stories and state- 
 ments which were so industriously circulated by the Sons 
 of the American Revolution, I interviewed the officers of our 
 own Society, and they have kindly put me in possession of 
 many facts, which, if known, I think are a complete an- 
 swer to much that has been printed against this Society and 
 its action in the past. They also inform me why no answer 
 had been made to those facts ; it was in the pursuit of a 
 policy of silence. As to their wisdom in that regard I have 
 nothing to say, but I am satisfied that the time has come 
 
17 
 
 "when the members of our own Society have a right to know 
 what the truth is in regard to the charges that have been 
 made against us, and I have been kindly permitted by the 
 officers to state what some of those facts are. 
 
 In the first instance I desire to read to you the full cor- 
 respondence which has taken place between the Society of 
 the Sons of the American Revolution and the Society of the 
 Sons of the Revolution, our own Society, garbled portions 
 only of which have appeared in the public press. That cor- 
 respondence consists of a letter addressed by Judge Doming, 
 President of the National Society of the Sons of the Amer- 
 ican Revolution, to our President, as President of the New 
 York Society of the Sons of the Revolution. I have that 
 letter and the answer to it. They are as follows : 
 
 New Haven, Conn., Oct. 8th, 1889. 
 
 My Dear Sir : Your note of the 4th instant was 
 duly received, and I regret the delay in replying, but 
 my court duties have kept me so busy that I have not 
 found a moment until now. 
 
 I have examined the amended copy of your Consti- 
 tution, received by mail soine days after I saw you, 
 with a great deal of care. In it you provide for 
 the organization of societies in other States and the 
 granting of charters by the New York Society. This 
 is of course upon the proposition that New York has 
 the right to grant such charters. 
 
 The only right which can be claimed for New York 
 is the right of priority of organization. But Cali- 
 fornia was the first State to organize a society of this 
 kind, and if the claim of priority was to control, the 
 right would belong to that State. 
 
 But is the Society of such a character that any State 
 can legally, or equitably, or properly, claim to grant 
 charters for another State ? There are no benefits, 
 or emoluments, or possible gain to be derived from 
 membership in it. It is really a social historical 
 society, limiting its membership to a certain class 
 of persons, and wherever a sufficient number of this 
 
18 
 
 class can be found they can organize and become a 
 Society. By doing so they do not interfere with the 
 rights of any body or person. 
 
 Now, in a number of States certain ^gentlemen, 
 quahfied in every respect, have gotten together and 
 organized Societies just as New York organized its 
 Society, and for the same objects as the New York 
 Society had in view. Afterwards, i. e., on the 30th of 
 April last, delegates from these Societies met by ap- 
 pointment in New York and agreed to organize a 
 National Society. 
 
 The. work of the National Society is a missionary 
 work — a work of propaganda ; and an indirect benefit 
 is the annual meeting which it is intended shall be 
 held in the various States, where the delegates from 
 the State Societies shall get together and compare 
 notes, when there shall be speeches, poems, etc.. all 
 of which will tend to stimulate a love of country and 
 direct interest in the objects of the State societies. 
 No arrangements have been made for the National 
 Society to issue charters, but it is intended that the 
 National Society shall issue the certificate of mem- 
 bership and the badge. 
 
 You will see that the National Society is formed by 
 the free action of the State Societies, that it claims na 
 authority except delegated authority over the State 
 Societies ; that the State Societies have absolute au- 
 thority in their State or Territory, and that the 
 National Society is mostly ornamental and advisory. 
 It is important, however, as being the centre and re- 
 cognized head of the State Societies, and as giving 
 them a National instead of a State organization. 
 
 In all that has been done care has been taken not 
 to offend the New York Society. Being the largest 
 Society, the oldest society in the Eastern States, and 
 counting among its members gentlemen of national 
 reputation, it was and is admitted that New York 
 should take the lead in this movement. Not that New 
 York should be recognized as the National Society, 
 and grant charters, but that her influence should be 
 
19 
 
 recognized as leading and directing the movement. 
 It is not too late now, but if your Society will act 
 with us you will at once take the position as leader. 
 
 If you can simply drop out of your Constitution 
 articles 6 and 7, your Society will then stand upon a 
 level and equal with all other Societies, your delega- 
 tion would, without any action, take part in the 
 meeting of the National Society, simply by having 
 credentials from your Society. I have called a meet- 
 ing of the Board of Managers of the Nationl Society 
 to meet in New York on the 23d inst., and if a dele- 
 gate from your Society could be there, the work of 
 reconciliation would be complete. If that can be done 
 I shall resign as President, and a new President from 
 your Society could be elected at once. 
 
 I enclose you a copy of the Constitution of the Na- 
 tional Society. If it is best, the Constitution can be 
 amended in conformity to the views of the delegates. 
 It was prepared hurriedly and some things should be 
 changed. If thought best an article could be added 
 providing for charters from the National Society. 
 
 I cannot see how the action I suggest can be detri- 
 mental to your Society, or in the least derogatory to 
 its interests. On the contrary, I am of the opinion 
 that such action would increase the interest of all the 
 present Societies, and tend to the establishment of 
 new Societies at once. 
 
 The National Society should adopt a Constitution 
 for all State Societies, so as to insure uniformity ; 
 should provide a certificate of membership for all 
 State Societies, and should provide a uniform badge 
 for all members of the organization. 
 
 With great respect, I remain. 
 
 Yours truly, 
 
 Lucius P. Deming, 
 
 President National Society Sons of 
 
 American Revolution. 
 
 F. S. Tallmadge, 
 
 President New York Society Sons 
 
 of the Revolution. 
 
20 
 
 New York, October 11, 1889. 
 Hon. Lucius P. Deming. 
 
 My Dear Sir : I thank you for your letter, and for 
 the interest you evince in the organization of the So- 
 ciety of the Sons of the Revolution. Your letter also 
 develops to me for the first time the aims and objects 
 of the so-called National Society of the Sons of the 
 American Revolution, and I answer it individually 
 and not officially. The Society of the Sons of the 
 Reovlution has labored very zealously and very patri- 
 otically for six years. The Managing Committee has 
 held fifty meetings and the Society has met twenty 
 times to celebrate various anniversaries, and spent a 
 considerable sum of money to build up a National 
 reputation and create an interest in Revolutionary 
 subjects, and I think it has been very successful. 
 The Society numbers nearly five hundred members, 
 taken from various and many States, and an amount 
 of enthusiasm and patriotic ardor has been developed 
 unapproached and unrivalled by any society in the 
 country. While the Society was diligently laboring 
 to extend its usefulness into the several States, and 
 always extending invitations to the meetings to dis- 
 tinguished and representative gentlemen from Penn- 
 sylvania, New Jersey, Connecticut, Massachusetts, 
 Vermont, Ohio, Rhode Island, and the District of Col- 
 umbia, many of whom were members of the Society, 
 and present and acquiesced in its deliberations, an 
 attempt has been made without us to organize similar 
 associations under an apparently different name, but 
 so closely to resemble ours as to mislead, and your 
 good name and that of other gentlemen has been 
 drawn into the scheme, which really has for its object 
 the building up of rival societies upon our reputation. 
 
 This was not fair or courteous to us. But we had 
 been acting the part of host a good while and our 
 guests appeared satisfied with our entertainment, and 
 if any change was desired do you think it unreason- 
 able in us to wish to be consulted, especially as any 
 
31 
 
 change could always be effected under our Constitu- 
 tion ? 
 
 In your letter you first propose that the so-called 
 National Society shall be mostly ' ' ornamental and 
 advisory," and then you propose to give it power " to 
 form a Constitution in the State Societies and to pro- 
 vide a certificate of membership and a badge." What 
 privileges are left to the State Societies ? I think the 
 State Societies should first be formed, and a National 
 Society, if one be desirable, spring from them, to be 
 created by a convention of delegates from the State 
 Societies previously organized ; but the right to form 
 the State Societies and the selection of proper repre- 
 sentatives to that convention must emanate from some- 
 body so as to discriminate as to who are the proper 
 parties to form such a Society and so as to limit the 
 number of Societies in each State, otherwise you may 
 have any number in every State wherever a disappoint- 
 ed and tumultuous man became disappointed in the 
 proper recognition of his own peculiar virtues. He 
 will immediately form a new Society with himself at 
 the head of it. Somebody must have the power at the 
 start to say who are the proper organizers as to blood, 
 pedigree, and, I may add after our recent experience, 
 as to decency. As the oldest and largest Society, 
 duly incorporated by the laws of the State of New 
 York, and after years of experience, hard work, and 
 generous treatment of others, I think we should wield 
 that power only in the inception of the undertaking. 
 Our name, our insignia, and our Constitution are the 
 results of deliberations and approval of the several 
 States I have mentioned, through their representatives 
 duly notified. Take all that away from us and we 
 may well invite you all to our funeral at once. 
 
 As Shylock puts it, 
 
 " You take my life 
 When you do take the means whereby I live." 
 
 I do not think our members or those in other States 
 would consent, and yet that is what the National 
 
23 
 
 Society proposes to do, or at least, would assume the 
 power to do. Besides, there should be the same Con- 
 stitution for all the States, and if ours, adopted by 
 some of them, is imperfect in any respect, then let it 
 be amended in the proper way proposed by the Con- 
 stitution itself. 
 
 The Society will be glad to receive amendments, 
 and we intend on the second of December to discuss 
 them and to adopt a new Constitution, or such amend- 
 ments to the old one as may, we hope and trust, be 
 acceptable without compromising us who have thus 
 far done all the work, and assumed all the responsi- 
 bilities. At that time, gentlemen from different States, 
 actuated by the spirit of '76, will be invited to be pre- 
 sent and consult with us. But our name, our insignia, 
 the very banner under which we fight, we claim as 
 our own, and that we are entitled to some power or 
 privilege to select in the beginning the people who are 
 to enlist under our flag, and who are to share honors 
 of the conflict 
 
 Please understand exactly what I mean. I fully 
 appreciate the benefit of harmonious action so that we 
 may be a unit, but our Society may well object after 
 six years of hard work to being merged into a National 
 Society where their individuality shall be surrendered 
 and lost, where their insignia, their ' ' muniments of 
 title " be lost, or at least shall be at the mercy of men 
 who may not appreciate what they have done. They 
 would prefer, I think, to adopt as their motto, the 
 request of Mr. Jefi:"erson Davis at the beginning of the 
 rebellion, " Let us alone." 
 
 With great respect, 
 
 I am, yours very truly, 
 
 Fkederick S. Tallmadge. 
 
 Now, "gentlemen, I am authorized to say that this is 
 the only official communication, and that only semi-official, 
 that has ever been addressed to the Society of the Sons of 
 the Revolution by the Sons of the American Revolution ; 
 
23 
 
 the only proposition that has ever been made to us from 
 them to unite with them. And on what terms ? That we 
 surrender our name, and surrender at the same time the 
 right to them to prescribe for us a Constitution, for us a 
 badge, and to issue to us certificates of membership. This 
 has been reiterated, and is a necessary consequence of the 
 subordination of our Society to theirs, existing as it does, 
 under a different name and different organization. 
 
 I say, and I say it advisedly, that this is the only 
 official communication. It is true Judge Deming addressed 
 a letter to our Secretary requesting him or inviting him 
 and others to attend a meeting of their Board of Managers. 
 It is true that there have been personal interviews, at which 
 even the Presidency of the National Society has been sug- 
 gested to the President of this Society as an inducement for 
 him to surrender us to their arms. But, I repeat, aside from 
 the letters that I have read, there has been no invitation or 
 offer or request for us to unite with them, no assurance of 
 any union with them which should save us our name or our 
 insignia, which are so dear to us, and may well be so. In 
 the report of the Committee of the Sons of the American 
 Revolution, dated November 27th, 1889, which is published 
 in the Republic of December 11th, it was said, at the end of 
 that report, in commenting upon the failure as they stated 
 it to bring about a reconciliation, that the New York Society 
 "may retain its name, insignia and seal." It is enough to 
 say that no such proposition has ever been made. 
 
 Now, gentlemen, I ask, what is this National Society ? 
 Our President has stated, and so well stated in the letter I 
 have read, how a National Society should be formed, that 
 is, by delegates of existing State Societies meeting in con- 
 vention for that purpose. Was such the organization of 
 this National Society ? 
 
 I am informed that on the 30th of April, 1889, six years 
 after the founding of this Society, and while there were 
 also in existence two other Societies of the Sons of the Revo- 
 lution in open, avowed brotherhood with us, a few indi- 
 viduals, led by one, a member of this Society, but then 
 estranged and hostile to us, met at Fraunce's Tavern, and 
 as they say, "organized" a National Society. A National 
 
24 
 
 Society of what ? Of Sons of the Revolution ? No ; a new 
 Society, by a new name, and claiming the right to prescribe 
 for us and other Societies of the Sons of the Revolution, our 
 Constitution and our insignia. And this babe, of at least, 
 according to my information, questionable legitimacy, not 
 yet a year old, we are asked to call " Father," and wear 
 its clothes. 
 
 But we are asked to appoint a Committee of Conference. 
 Can we do this consistently with our own self-respect? Can 
 we make overtures to them — we, full-grown, six hundred 
 strong, make overtures to this stripling, conceived to be a 
 thorn in our sides, which has already thrown at our feet the 
 gauntlet of defiance, which, m the only proposition ever made 
 to us, proposes terms we cannot accept ? I submit, gentle- 
 men, that such committee must knock at our doors, and not 
 we at theirs. 
 
 But why should we confer? Why ask to join their 
 Society ? Is it that there is no room for two societies ? 
 Then let them come to us. Our doors are open, our Consti- 
 tution is broad enough for any gentleman of good moral 
 character, who can show a descent from a revolutionary 
 sire, to become a member. But it is said that they have a 
 National organization. That is precisely, Mr. President, 
 what we have met here to-night to offer them, a truly Na- 
 tional organization, formed by existing Societies entering 
 into a compact of union. To this we will invite them. 
 And in such a Society, and in such a union, and in such a 
 union alone, I submit, Mr. President and gentlemen, can we 
 be truly co-ordinate and co-equal, and be at peace. 
 
 Mr. John C. Tomlinson then addressed the meeting as 
 follows : 
 
 Mr. President and Gentlemen : I am glad of the dis- 
 cussion that has taken place to-night, and glad that the 
 attitude to be taken by this Society with reference to the 
 Society of the Sons of the American Revolution has been 
 presented for formal action. With General King, I should 
 regret seeing rival organizations bearing our name, or one 
 closely resembling it, formed in the different States, but 
 hostile, jealous, and unfriendly. And because I should de- 
 
25 
 
 plore this — differing from him — I feel constrained to oppose 
 the resolution. 
 
 This Society is of no sudden or rapid growth. Its posi- 
 tion of honor and respect is due to the untiring devotion of 
 its officers and managers, to their firm adherence to the 
 principles upon which it was founded, and, more than all, 
 to the fact that it has never been made to serve any per- 
 sonal ambition or used as an implement in furthering any 
 ulterior object. Having been true to itself, its name has 
 become one of repute and strength, and its insignia an hon- 
 orable distinction to its members. For its organizers no 
 more gratifying reward of their service could be asked, and 
 because of these many gentlemen have sought to be enrolled 
 among its members. The laurels we possess we have earned, 
 our good repute is our own, and strong should be the reason 
 that should lead us to part with or even share them with 
 others. A name, a motto, an escutcheon are the symbols 
 to which men's affections cling Abolish them and the 
 sentiment they typify falls too — and it must be remem- 
 bered that this Society has its foundation in sentiment. It 
 is the very rock upon which it stands. 
 
 The existence of this so-called rival Society and the sug- 
 gestion that is made to-night should excite neither surprise 
 nor apprehension. For just in proportion as we possess 
 credit and reputation we must expect that many who 
 ignored us in our weakness would be but too willing to 
 absorb us in our strength. The form this attempt may 
 assume is of no moment. When the attempt becomes ap- 
 parent the duty of this Society seems clear. It should make 
 its fight upon the threshold, and resist the first suggestion 
 of its dissolution whether it came in the form of an invita- 
 tion or a menace. 
 
 I should not attempt, sir, to detail the history of this So- 
 ciety, nor will I speak unkindly of what has been dignified 
 by the term of an opposition. But I cannot refrain from 
 one word as to the name of our alleged rival. Can any one 
 doubt the object of its selection ? Could it have been dic- 
 tated by any motive other than a desire to appropriate the 
 reputation belonging to us, and which attached to our name? 
 The very insertion of the word '' American " shows both the 
 
26 
 
 guilty intent and the apologetic consciousness of that guilt 
 on the part of the gentlemen responsible for it. 
 
 Then we are told, and it is urged as a forcible reason for 
 the adoption of the resolution, that it numbers some five 
 thousand members acquired within a few months. This 
 feverish energy, this startling growth, suggests, and more 
 than suggests, that some other motive than the celebration 
 of the deeds of the Revolution by the descendants of those 
 who participated in it has been at work. 
 
 It is not for me to discuss the causes of this activity. 
 Whether they be due to some personal ambition or private 
 disappointment is alike immaterial. The welfare of this 
 Society is all with which we have to do. As we were formed 
 so let us remain, extending our arms to all actuated by the 
 same motives as we, and exacting the same qualifications 
 for membership. We have claimed and do claim no su- 
 premacy over sister States. On the contrary, gladly do we 
 offer them our hand in fellowship. But let them be of one 
 with us, bearing the same name, honestly acquired, wearing 
 the same escutcheon, and loyal to the same colors. Let 
 each State have the same Society and all form a harmo- 
 nious union. 
 
 But let us stand firm and resent any suggestion of con- 
 solidation with or absorption by any Society which first 
 seeks to appropriate what is ours, and then, half in threat 
 and half in invitation, offers to share what they have thus 
 appropriated. If our insignia, our motto, our very name is 
 to be lost, let them perish in honor by our death as a Society, 
 not be surrendered to a sporadic growth which first mis- 
 interprets, then threatens, and finally invites us. 
 
 After a further desultory discussion, on call of the pre- 
 vious question, Mr. Hall's resolutions were rejected, receiv- 
 ing only sixteen votes in their favor. 
 
 The vote then being taken on the adoption of the com- 
 pact, it was carried unanimously. 
 
 The meeting then adjourned. 
 
 By order of the Board of Managers. 
 
 JAMES M. MONTGOMERY, 
 ^ Secretary. 
 
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